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(a.d. 1627— 1680) 

\/'roii/i.-;/>iccf. J 




Author of ' The Tale of the Tuisi Plant,' ' The Indian 

Heroes,' ' Deccan Nursery Tales.' ' Tales from the Indian 

Epics-' ' Ishtur Phakde,' etc 


Rao Bahadur D. B. PARASNIS 

Author of 'The Rani of Jhansi,' ' Mahabaleshwar ' etc. 
Editor, ' Itihas Sangraha.' ' 











Shivdigvijaya, the Chitnis, the Shedgavhir and the Sahhasad 
BaJchars, Mr. Rajwade's pubHcations, E-anade's Rise of the 
Marailia Power, Orme's Fragments and the vast store of original 
Maratha papers which Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis was able to 
place at my disposal. I have also studied deeply the poetry 
of Tukaram, Ramdas, Namdev and Mahipati, and the life of 
Ramdas by Hanmant Swami. 

This first volume ends with the death of Shivaji. The second 
volume will, if I am spared to continue the work, end with the 
coup d'etat of A.D. 1750. The third volume will bring the 
narrative down to A.D. 1818. It will also contain appendices, 
giving a short account of the Maratha States between 1818 and 
the present day. 

I have done my utmost to avoid giving offence to my Indian 
readers. If by inadvertence I have done so, I trust that they 
will extend me their forgiveness. 





II. Thk Satavahana or Andhea Kings 

III. The Early Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas 

IV. The Later Chalukyas 

V. The Yadavas of Devagiri . . 

VI. The Afghan Conquest of the Deccan . . 





VII. The Deccan under Delhi and the Eise of Vijayanagar 48 

VIII. The Bahmani Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . 60 

IX. Moghuls and Portuguese . . . . . . . . . . 80 

X. The Ahmadnagar Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . 87 

XI. The Pandhaepur Movement . . . . . . . . . . 103 

XII. The Rise op the Bhosles . . . . . . . . . . 109 

XIII. Shivaji's Birth and Boyhood . . . . . . . . 123 

XIV. The Rise of Shivaji . . ... 133 

XV. Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira and Peatapgad . . . . 150 

XVI. Mudhol, Panhala and Savantvadi 1G5 


XVIII. The Moghul War 195 

XIX. Shivaji AT Agra 215 

XX. Sinhgad, Sueat and Salhee 226 

XXI. The Ceowning of Shivaji 236 

XXII. The Geeat Southern Campaign 249 

XXIII. The Last Days of the Geeat Kino 261 

Index . . . . . . • • ^^^ 


Eaja Shivaji, Founder of the Maratha Empire 

Adilsliahi Kings of Bijapur 

Slialiaji, Father of Shivaji 

Goddess Bhavani of Pratapgad 


Spot at Raygad where Shivaji was burnt 

Lake and Temple at Raygad 

Raja Sambhaji 



. 92 

. 112 

. 152 

. 200 

. '246 

. 2i(i 

. 270 


Sketch Maji to illustrate the Early Period . . 

Sketch Map showing places mentioned in the account of Shivaji's 
Campaigns . . .... 







In the ensuing pages it will be the writer's aim to tell the story 
of the country known as Maharashtra. It lies on the western 
shore of middle India and is in shape a triangle* Its base is 
the sea from Daman to Karwar. The perpendicular side is 
formed by a line running from Daman beyond Nagpur. The 
hypotenuse is formed by an irregular line from beyond Nagpur 
to Karwar, The area of this tract is over 100,000 square miles 
and its population exceeds thirty millions. The race that 
inhabits it varies just as Frenchmen of different provinces vary. 
But it has distinct characteristics, which differentiate it from 
other Indian races. The people of Maharashtra as a rule lack 
the regular features of the Northern Indian. Their tempers, 
too, are usually less under control than those of the dwellers in 
the Gangetic plain. But their courage is at least as high as that 
of any other Indian nation, while their exquisitely keen sense of 
humour, the lofty intelligence of their educated classes, their 
blimt speech and frank bearing rarely fail to win the love and 
admiration of those Englishmen whose lot it is to serve among 
them the Indian Government. 

Maharashtra has three distinct divisions. Of these, the 
seaboard below the Sahyadri Mountains is known as the Konkan ; 
the tract occupied by the Sahyadris is known as the Mawal ; 
while the wide, rolling plains to the east are known as the Desh. 
Maharashtra receives from the monsoon a rainfall that varies 

* Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power, p. 20. 

2 A History of the Maeatha People* 

greatly. In many parts of the Konkan 100 inches in a single 
year are not unusual. In the Sahyadris as many as 400 inches 
have been recorded. In the eastern parts of the Desh a fall of 
20 inches is welcomed with the utmost gratitude. The Konkan 
is, owing to its low level, hotter than the other two divisions. 
It is, however, in parts extremely fertile. The Mawal is cool 
and eminently healthy for Europeans, but, except for its rice- 
fields, of httle value for cultivation. The Desh is barren to the 
west, but grows richer to the east, where the deep black soil 
needs only rain to produce crops in abundance. The climate of 
the Desh, while hotter than that of the Mawal, is still pleasant 
and salubrious. 

In the earliest period of Indian History on which light has 
yet been thrown, we find the Aryan people established only in 
eastern Afghanistan and the western Punjab. To this tract 
they were long confined either by the forests that grew along 
the Ganges Eiver or by the valour of the tribes that dwelt close 
to their borders. In course of time, however, they subdued 
the forests and the tribes that blocked their path, and by the 
8th century B.C. were in complete control of the vast territory 
between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas. This immense 
tract, watered by the Ganges, the Indus, the Jamna, and a host 
of minor rivers and visited by the yearly monsoon rains, should, 
it might have seemed, have sufficed for the needs of the conquer- 
ing race. But the 7th century B.C. saw a great activity among 
the nations along the Mediterranean seaboard. The Eternal 
City had been founded on the banks of the Tiber, and the 
' Wolves of Italy ' had begun to peep from their Roman 
stronghold at the world, which in the course of eight centuries 
they were to subdue from the highlands of Britain to the fast- 
nesses of Judea. In Greece the old civilization of Homer had 
been followed by another, far more daring and not less pictur- 
esque. Dorians and lonians had planted their colonies from the 
Gulf of Tarentum to the south of Sicily. Their triremes and 
penteconters fought battles for the trade of the Adriatic* Their 
mercenary soldiers helped Gyges and Ardys of Lydia to check, 

* See Bury's Greece. 

Inteoductory 3 

and then to drive back, the Cimmerian hosts to the Crimea. 
In- return they learnt the art of coinage from the Lydians, and 
letters from the Phoenicians. But it was in the valley of the 
Nile that civilization made her greatest advance. The conquest 
of Egypt in 672 B.C. by King Assar-haddon was Assyria's 
proudest exploit. For twenty-five years the slavery of the 
Egyptians endured. Then Psammetichus of Sais, of the dark 
Libyan stock, raised the standard of revolt. To his banner 
flocked not only natives of Egypt but mail-clad mercenaries 
from Lydia and Caria. The Assyrian troops were driven from 
the Nile valley. The old exclusive policy of the ancient 
Pharaohs disappeared for ever. Greek settlers brought trade 
and art to the shores of Egypt. A canal cut by Psammetichus' 
son Necho anticipated the w^ork of De Lesseps by over 200C> 
years and joined the waters of the Mediterranean to the Gulf 
of Suez. Not many years afterwards a fleet of Phoenician 
ships equipped by Necho sailed forth from Suez to circum- 
navigate Africa. They passed through the Red Sea with a skill 
which showed long acquaintance with its inhospitable coasts. 
They waited on the Somali shore until the monsoon storms had 
passed away. Then doubling the Cape of Good Hope, they 
returned triumphantly through the Pillars of Hercules and, 
within two years of their departure, anchored amid the applause 
of three continents ofl the mouths of the Nile. 

It was hardly possible that such a hiunan ferment should 
produce no effect in India. Actually the effect was immense. 
In the 7th century B.C. a great forward movement carried the 
Aryan race over the Vindhyas, until it died away at the extreme 
south of the Peninsula. The progress of this movement may 
be discerned from the two great Sanskrit epics. The first, the 
Ramayana, tells the story of King Rama of Ayodhya. His 
father, King Dasharatha, one of a race sprung from the loins of 
the Sun God, ruled over the country now known as Oudh. 
When King Dasharatha's eldest son Rama grew to manhood, 
the king was induced by Rama's stepmother, Queen Kaikeyi, 
to disinherit him in favour of her own son, Prince Bharata, and 
to banish Rama for fourteen years into the forest. In obedience 


to this sentence the prince, his wife Sita, and his brother Laxmau '; 

wandered southwards until they reached the forest of Dandaka, 
beyond the Vindhyas. There King Ravana of Ceylon carried - 

off Sita to his island kingdom. Rama and Laxman followed 
to win her back. From this point onwards the Ramayana ' 

becomes a fairy tale. The princes' wanderings brought them 
to the abodes of monkeys, apes and bears. And aided by a host I 

of warlike animals. Prince Rama crossed the Palk Straits and '■ 

recovered his bride. It may thus be surmised that when the \ 

Ramayana was written the Aryans had not yet gone farther \ 

south than the Vindhyas. In the Mahabharata we find a differ- \ 

ent state of things. Its heroes are the race of the Bharatas, i 

sprung from the loins of the Moon God. Their capital was at 
Hastinapura, not far from Delhi. But a quarrel took place ^ 

between two families of Bharata princes, the sons of the dead \ 

KingPandu and those of his brother the blind King Dhritarashtra. 
The gambling instincts of King Pandu's eldest son, Yudhishthira, ; 

gave for thirteen years the victory to the sons of King Dhrita- i 

rashtra. But in the end Yudhishthira and his brothers triumph- i 

ed. Now the youngest of Yudhishthira's brothers, Sahadeva, j 

is said in the course of his adventures to have subdued the \ 

Pandyas, Keralas, and Andhras, who all lived south of the | 

Vindhyas. It seems, therefore, certain that when the Maha- 
bharata had reached its present form, the Aryans had explored : 
the whole sub-continent from the Himalayas to the Palk Straits. 
In the epics, Maharashtra bore the name of the Dandakaranya 
or Dandaka Forest. That is clear from the mention of the 
Godavari, one of the most important rivers in Maharashtra. 
Indeed, even to-day, when the Marathi-speaking Brahmans in 
the course of sacrifices refer to their country, they call it not 
Maharashtra but Dandakaranya. Strangely enough it was one 
of the last parts of India conquered by the Aryan invaders. 
It was long protected by the peaks and forests of the Vindhyas 
and Satpuras. The Aryans overran the Ganges valley from west 
to east, and it was not until they reached the eastern shores 
of India that they were able to turn the Vindhya Mountains. 
They then conquered southern India frorn east to west. In the 

Introductory 5 

extreme south the Aryans were unable to impose their language 
on the already highly civilized Cholas, Pandyas and Keralas. 
But although the Dandakaranya was one of the last of their 
conquests, the triumph in it of the Aryans was as complete as 
in northern India. The Rakshasas or aboriginal tribes were 
soon absorbed or driven from the valleys to the hills. A race 
sprung from the union of Aryan invaders and captive women 
took their place, and Marathi, the tongue which the descendants 
of that race speak to-day, is as closely alUed to the ancient 
Sanskrit as any of her elder sisters in the northern plains. 

Another question remains to be solved. How did the Danda- 
karanya come to be called Maharashtra ? Its inhabitants, 
proud of their history and of the hundred victories of their 
forefathers, proclaim that Maharashtra nieans the great country. 
The ensuing pages will indeed show how great it became. But 
it bore the name of Maharashtra when it was still an unknown 
province. Mr. Molesworth, the well-known Marathi scholar, 
hinted that the name might mean the country of the Mhars ; 
but there are numerous grounds for rejecting this surmise. 
The Mhars are not a people. They are merely a debased section. 
Nor is their name an ancient one. It is a corruption of the 
word Mrityuhar or ' remover of the dead.' It must therefore 
have come into existence, not before the Aryan invasion, but 
after the Mhars had been reduced to their present miserable 
condition. From so abject a community no country would 
take its name. Lastly, the words Mrityuhar Rashtra would 
not, according to the ordinary laws of linguistic corruption, 
become Maharashtra. To ascertain the true origin of the name 
let us revert for a moment to the poHtical history of eastern 
Europe and northern India. 

To the north-west of the Aegean Sea lay the country of 
Macedonia. Its kings were Hellenic. This circimistance pre- 
served for the Macedonian kings the royal dignities which in 
Homer's time had been held by kings in every Grecian State. 
But the strength of the non-Hellenic feudatories and vassals 
in the western hills rendered the king powerless to meddle in 
affairs outside his own kingdom. In the Persian War the 

6 A History of the Maratha People 

Macedonian king Alexander had intrigued with both Greeks 
and barbarians. In the war between Sparta and Athens, 
King Perdiccas had followed similar tactics. But in the year 
359 B.C. there came to this impotent dominion a man with an 
idea. He was Philip, the son of Amyntas, and uncle of the 
infant king. In his boyhood he had been seized as a hostage 
by the Theban government and had spent his youth in the mili- 
tary school of Bceotia. There he had watched the work of 
Epaminondas and had seen how a flank attack made by picked 
infantry, combined with a frontal advance, was irresistible 
even to the Spartan hoplite. It occurred to Philip that an 
attack on both flanks by picked cavalry combined with a frontal 
advance by infantry would be more decisive still. This was his 
idea and it was destined to change the face of the civiUzed globe. 
At the age of twenty-four he returned to his native country 
and assumed, as regent for his nephew, the Macedonian govern- 
ment. By the aid of the gold mines of Mount Pangaeus, he 
equipped picked cavalry and stimulated their pride by the name 
of Hetairoi, or companions of the king. The new miUtary 
tactics obtained successes even greater than those of Epaminon- 
das. The armies of the vassals, of lUyrians, Thebans, Athenians 
and Spartans, proved alike unable to resist them. In 336 B.C. 
PhiHp fell beneath an assassin's knife. To PhiUp succeeded 
his son Alexander. But the idea lived on and each year brought 
it fresh successes. By 335 B.C. all Greece was humbled. The 
fate of Asia Minor was decided on the Granicus, that of Syria 
and Egypt on the Issus, that of Persia on the plain of Gauga- 
mela. Yet another victory on the Jhelum placed the Macedon- 
ian king in the possession of the western Punjab. To the 
conqueror's camp there came about this time one Chandragupta 
Maurya. He was a humble kinsman of the Nanda Idng who 
ruled at Magadha. For political reasons he had fled his coimtry 
and he now tried to tempt Alexander to the conquest of 
Magadha. The revolt of his troops forced the king to turn a 
deaf ear to Chandragupta. But if the exile had failed in his 
chief aim, his visit to Alexander's camp had not been fruitless. 
His natural abilities had been improved by travel and by contact 

Introductory 7 

with a western people. He had learnt the value of discipline 
and a new system of tactics. When the Macedonian king left 
India, Chandragupta, thrown on his own resources, organised 
a revolt, attacked the Macedonian garrisons, drove them out, 
and fixing his capital at PataHputra or Patna, founded a dynasty 
which was to last for 137 years. On Chandragupta's death his 
son, Bindusara, succeeded him, and he in turn was followed 
by the great Buddhist emperor, Asoka, Instead of armies, 
Asoka sent forth in every direction ministers of rehgion to preach 
the teachings of Buddha. These missions he recorded in in- 
scriptions carved in rocks all over northern India. On no less 
than four of those which still survive, Asoka inscribed that he 
had sent missionaries to the Rastikas. These Rastikas or 
Rashtrikas were the dwellers in the Dandaka Forest. Proud 
of their independence, or for some kindred reason, they came 
in later years to call themselves Maharashtrikas, and so the 
country which they occupied came to be known as Maharashtra 
and its people as Marathas.* 

* Bhandarkar, Deccan, p. 9. But see the article on the Ancient Geography 
and Civilization of Maharashtra by Mr. Kane. He interprets Maharashtra 
to mean 'the great country,' i.e., the great forest country south of theVindhyas. 
Per contra see Mr. Rajwade's Maharashtracha Vasahat Kal (The Colonization 
of Maharashtra), wherein he lays down that Maharashtra comes from 
Rashtrikas, i.e., the leading men of the rashtra, or country Maharashtrikas 
meant chiefs among the leading men. 



CmcA 185 B.C. to A.D. 250 

The empire founded by Chandragupta began to crumble away- 
after the death of Asoka. It terminated in 185 B.C. by the 
assassination of the last Maurya king, Brihadratha, by his 
chief general, Pushpamitra, the founder of the Sunga Une. Like 
most Indian usurpers Pushpamitra was a man of talents and 
vigom\ He soon extended the boimdaries of the shrunken 
empire, until in the south they reached the Narbada River and 
in the west the frontiers of the Punjab. The Sunga dynasty 
endured for 112 years, but of Pushpamitra's successors little 
is known. His grandson Sumitra was assassinated on the boards 
of the royal theatre, to which he was inordinately attached. 
The last Sunga king, Devabhuti or Devabhumi, lost his life 
while engaged in a licentious intrigue. The murderer was 
the dissolute king's prime muiister. His name was Vasudeva 
Kanva and he and his descendants ruled for 45 years, till 
they in turn were swept away by the rise of the Andhras. 

Hitherto the paramount rulers of India had been northern 
kings. But the new dynasty, as powerful as any that preceded 
it, came from the south. On the shores of the Bay of Bengal, 
between the mouths of the Krishna and Godavari Rivers, dwelt 
the Andhra people. Of the Dravidian race, they spoke the 
musical Telegu. Their wealth and power had been renowned 
from ancient times. Megasthenes, a Greek envoy at the 
court of Chandragupta, wrote with admiration of their 
thirty walled cities, their countless villages, their 100,000 foot 
soldiers, their 2000 horsemen and their 1000 war elephants.* 
They appear in edicts, dated 206 B.C., as tributaries of Asoka. 

* See Vincent Smith, Early History of India, p, 206. 

The Satavahana or Andhra Kings 9 

But when the strong hand of the great Buddhist emperor was 
removed by death, the Andhras speedily recovered their inde- 
pendence. From being vassals they became rivals and in the 
end destroyed the Kanva kings and overran Maharashtra. The 
Andhra djmasty lasted for about 300 years.* But for a time its 
rule over Maharashtra was interrupted by a foreign tribe named 
the Sakas. The discovery of this fact forms one of the romances 
of epigraphy. 

In a small cave at Nasik was found an inscription which 
recorded that it had been scooped out by a lieutenant of King 
Krishna of the Satavahana race. In a cave close to Nanaghat, the 
precipitous pass which near Junnar leads from the Mawal to the 
Konkan seaboard, is a similar inscription. Close by are human 
figures. One bears the name of King Simuka Satavahana, another 
that of King Shri Satakarni. There is a second set of inscrip- 
tions in caves at Nasik, Karli and Junnar. Four of them speak 
of the generosity and charities of a certain Ushvadata, the son- 
in-law of King Nahapana, the great Kshatrapa. Lastly there is 
a third set of inscriptions at Nasik, which praise the feats of 
arms of King Grautamiputra Satakarni, who restored the glories 
of the Satavahana race. One of these records that the cave was 
constructed in the 19th year of the reign of King Pulumayi 
and describes Gautamiputra as having ' destroyed the Sakas, 
the Yavanas and Pallavas, left no trace or remnant of the 
race of Khagarata and re-established the glory of the Satavahana 
family'. The names in the first and third sets of inscriptions, 
Krishna, Simuka, Shri Satakarni, Gautamiputra are all to be 
found in certain ancient documents called the Puranas as the 
names of the Andhra kings. This led Sir K. Bhandarkar to the 
now universally accepted conclusion that the Andhra and the 
Satavahana kings were identical. The second set of inscriptions 
led him to a still more important discovery. The name of King 
Nahapana, the great Kshatrapa, was a strange one for an Indian 
king. But if he was not an Indian king, what was he ? Now 
King Gautamiputra is said in the third set of inscriptions to 
have destroyed Sakas, Yavanas and Pall avas. Now Pallavas 

* Bhandarkar, Deccan, p. 29. 

10 A History of the Maratha People 

were Indians, Yavanas were Greeks, but Nahapana is not a 
Grieek name. It is, as I have said, not an Indian one. Nalia- 
pana, therefore, was probably a Saka. 

About 170 B.C. certain Chinese hordes known as the Yueh-chi 
driven from China by the Hiungnu, a tribe of nomads, came 
into contact with another horde called the Sakas and drove 
them southwards. The fugitive Sakas forced their way into 
India and made themselves masters of Mathura and Taxila, 
Kathiawar and Ujjain. But in earlier times the Sakas had 
acknowledged the Parthian kings as overlords and had them- 
selves borne the title, not of king, but of satrap. To this latter 
title they clung long after they had become independent. Thus 
Nahapana the great Kshatrapa was a descendant of some Saka 
chief who had forced his way into Maharashtra. Once satisfied 
that Nahapana was a Saka, Dr. Bhandarkar made another 
surmise. The resemblance between the w^ord Saka and the 
Sake or Shake* era which prevails south of the Narmada could 
hardly be fortuitous. Now if the Shake era was founded by the 
Sakas, they did it in all probabiUty to celebrate some great 
achievement. Thus the Sakas probably conquered the Deccan 
when the Shake era began, that is to say in A.D. 78. 

The dominion, however, of these foreign kings did not long 
vex Maharashtra. About A.D. 150 an Alexandrian Greek, 
called Ptolemy, wrote a book on geography. Therein he has 
recorded that a certain Polemics ruled at Baithan. Now Baithan 
is clearly Paithan on the Godavari, then the capital of the 
Andhra viceroyalty of Maharashtra. Sirios Polemics can be 
identified with King Pulumayi in the third set of inscriptions. 
Therefore before A.D. 150 Saka rule in Maharashtra had vanish- 
ed. It is easy now to reconstruct the story. In A.D. 78 the 
Saka chief forced his way either through the Vindhyas or along 
the Konkan seaboard. For some fifty years he and his des- 
cendants occupied Maharashtra. The Andhras fell back on their 
other provinces. Then led by a capable and active prince, 
King Gautamiputra, they drove out the Sakas. The third 
inscription, however, mentions Pulumayi as king. But the 

* The Shake era is commonty known as the Shalivahan era. 

The Satavahana or Andhra Kings 11 

Puranas show that Piilumayi was the son of King Gautainiputra. 
It seems therefore probable that after the re-conquest of Maha- 
rashtra, Gautamiputra made his son Pulumayi either viceroy or 
joint Idng. Nor was this the only victory of Gautamiputra. • 
In the inscription quoted above he is said to have left no trace 
of the race of Khagarata. Dr. Bhandarkar has conjectured 
that the Saka king of Ujjain, whose ancestor was Khagarata 
or K^haharata, indignant at the fate of his southern brethren, 
tried to help them. He shared their defeat and lost his life. 
This conjecture finds support in a charming legend still current 
in Poona. It is as follows. In Paithan on the banks of the 
Godavari there dwelt in the house of a potter a Brahman girl 
who had two brothers. One day the Brahman girl went to 
bathe in the Godavari. But as she bathed, her beauty won 
the heart of no less a lover than Shesha, the great serpent king, 
upon whose coils the god Vishnu takes his rest in the centre 
of the milky ocean. To refuse such a wooer was impossible. 
The serpent king changed himself into a man and became the 
lover of the Brahman girl. The child born of this romance was 
brought up by its mother in the house of her landlord, the 
potter. At this time there reigned in Ujjain a mighty king called 
Vikramaditya, or the Sun of Valour. To him one day the sage 
Narada foretold that death would come to him from the hands 
of a boy aged two, whose mother was still unwed. It was now 
a matter of life and death to Vikramaditya to discover the boy 
and to destroy him. The royal messengers and spies searched 
in vain for the king's foe. At last Vikramaditya called to his 
aid Vetal, the great ghost king.* On Vetal's arrival, Vikrama- 
ditya told him of Narada 's prophecy and begged liim to find 
out where the murderous infant lived. Away on the search 
went Vetal and his troopers until at last the ghost Icing saw 
playing at Paithan a boy of two, near whom stood an unmarried 
girl who seemed to be his mother. Vetal guessed that this was 
the infant for whom he sought, and told Vikramaditya. The 
latter led out his whole army to destroy the two-year-old boy. 

* Rings of white stones representing Vetal, the ghost king, and his troopers 
are often to bo scon outside Deccan villages. 

12 A History of the Maratha People 

But even so Narada's propliecy came true. The tiny child had 
learnt in the potter's house to make clay images of men, elephants 
and horses. His father, the serpent king, taught him a charm 
by which to make them live ; and vast though Vikramaditya's 
army was, it was soon overwhelmed by the still greater host 
that sprang from the clay to meet it. The child afterwards 
became king and ruled with such good fortune that he founded 
the Shalivahan era to commemorate his glory. Now Shalivahan 
is merely another way of pronouncing Satavahan. Therefore, 
the king of the legend, who defeated the lord of Ujjain, was no 
doubt the great Satavahana king, Gautamiputra. But the era 
which he is said to have founded was the Shake era, which he 
inherited from the conquered Sakas. 

The Andhras did not long retain their conquests north of the 
Vindhyas. A capable Saka leader, named Rudradaman, arose 
in Kathiawar and drove the Andhras out of the country. King 
Pulumayi, Gautamiputra's son, took his daughter in marriage : 
but the alliance did not stay the arms of Rudradaman. About 
A.D. 150 * Rudl^daman had recovered all the provinces in 
northern India which Gautamiputra had taken from the Sakas. 
Pulumayi died, according to Dr. Bhandarkar, in A.D. 150 or 
according to Mr. Vincent Smith in A.D. 163. His immediate 
successor was his brother Sivasri. But the only notable Andhra 
king after the death of Pulumayi was Gautamiputra Yajnasri. 
He appears partially to have avenged the defeats of Pulmnayi. 
The dynasty finally passed away in the early part of the 3rd 
century A. D.f 

Nevertheless, in spite of our ignorance of the personal achieve 
ments of most of the Andhra rulers, there are many indications 
that the dynasty synchronized with a time of great prosperity 
in Maharashtra. The hills of the Deccan and the Konkan 
abound with caves excavated about this time by rich merchants, 
goldsmiths, carpenters, corn-dealers and even by druggists. 
The fortune of a single banker enabled him to make the great 
central cave at Karli. Interest, as one of Ushvadata's inscrip- 

* Vincent Smith, Early History of India, pp. 210-11. 
t A. D. 218, according to Dr. Bhandarkar. 

The Satavahana or Andhra Kings 13 

tions show, varied form 5 to 7| per cent., rates which compare 
favourably with those of modern times. Nor is this a cause for 
wonder. The treatment of Egypt by her Roman conquerors 
had been pecuHarly favourable to the Hellenic genius. Mace- 
donia and Syria were crushed and plundered until they came 
to resemble other provinces of the empire. But the danger 
which Rome had incurred from Antony's infatuation for 
Cleopatra had led Augustus to treat Egypt in a different way. 
His court poet Virgil wrote twelve books of immortal verse to 
warn his countrymen against the dangerous beauties who haun- 
ted the northern shores of Africa. The emperor made the 
administration his own peculiar care and forbade Italians of 
senatorial rank to visit Egypt without his special leave. Pro- 
tected from internal disturbance and foreign attack, yet not 
interfered with by the Roman administrators, the talented 
Greeks of Alexandria obtained a full scope for their develop- 
ment. Systems of philosophy founded in Attica reached per- 
fection in Egypt. Astronomy and mathematics made amazing 
progress. But it was in geography that human Imowledge 
made its greatest advances. Seamanship was peculiarly the 
gift of the Hellene. From every village on the Erythrean coast, 
Greek sailors fitted out ships to explore the eastern seas. The 
Gulf of Oman, the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, the western 
shores of India, became intimately known to them. They 
ventured as far as the Malay Peninsula and brought back such 
stores of precious metal that it acquired the name of the Golden 
Chersonese. Other Greek fleets, more audacious still, disdained 
the confines of the Indian Seas. Heading resolutely east, 
they emerged into the Pacific and sold the products of Europe 
in the emporiums of China.* Nor was this all. In A.D. 116 
Trajan pushed the Roman frontier to the Persian Gulf. The 
caravan routes of Arabia were guarded by Roman fortresses and 
Roman legions. Thus the mighty empire of Europe was at 
beveral points along its frontier Hnked by sea to the vast penin- 
sula of India. Year by year ships from Egypt brought to India 
the commodities of the West. In exchange they took back 
* See article on Ptolemy's geography in the Encyclopaedia Britannic*. 

14 A History of the Maratha People 

her onyx, cotton and muslins. The coast line of Maharashtra, 
then as now, offered the most convenient anchorages to foreign 
ships. And it requires no great flight of fancy to imagine how, 
to the great profit of the Maratha people, the trade of southern 
India passed through the Western Ghats to be shipped to Meso- 
potamia, Arabia and Egypt, just as to-day it roars through the 
Bhor and Nasik Ghats on its way to Basra and Genoa, to Mar- 
seilles, Liverpool and London. 

A legend exists which shows that the Andhra period was one 
not only of military and mercantile, but also of literary, activity. 
A certain ghost known as Kanabhuti brought to one Gunadhya, 
a minister of King Shalivahan, seven volumes of stories, all 
^vritten in blood. Gunadhya accepted them and offered them as 
a gift to his royal master. Disgusted with the strange language 
and the stranger script, King Shalivahan returned the books to 
Gunadhya. The latter, furious at the failure of his present, burnt 
six of the seven volumes. The remaining volume fell into the 
hands of Gunadhya's pupils or clerks. They were acquainted 
with the ghost language and pronounced the book charming. 
Their verdict came to King Shalivahan's ear and he made a 
further effort to read Kanabhuti's stories ; and once he had 
mastered the difficulties of Kanabhuti's literary medium, he 
was as charmed with the tales as Gunadhya's pupils. Now the 
ghost language of Kanabhuti was no doubt the Maharashtri 
dialect, born of the attempts of the Rashtrikas to speak Sanskrit; 
and the reign of Shalivahan, that is to say the years when 
the Andhra kings held sway,first saw the use for literary purposes 
of that vigorous, supple, graceful and copious tongue, Marathi. 


CiECA A.D. 500 TO 973 

The efforts of Oriental scholars to peep into the history of 
Maharashtra between the death of the last Andhra king, 
Pulumayi IV, about A.D. 218* and the rise of the Chalukyas 
has not hitherto been crowned with any great success. It seems 
however that for about seventy years a dynasty of Abhiras or 
cowherds were in power and that they were driven out by 
a branch of the Eashtrikas, the people to whom Maharashtra 
owed its name. A kula or family of the Rashtrikas made 
themselves masters of the Deccan and are known in history 
as Rashtrakutas.f In the sixth century they were driven from 
power by a new dynasty, that of the Chalukyas. Several 
graceful legends have been woven round the origin of these 
vigorous princes. One tells how on a certain morning the god 
Brahmadeva was engaged in his devotions. The god Indra 
approached him and bewailed the sinfulness of the earth. No 
living man, so said Indra, ever performed sacrifices or offered 
libations to the gods. Brahmadeva looked angrily at his hand, 
which was then hollowed, that it might hold the water needed 
in his ceremonial. Instantly there sprang from the great god's 
hand two heroes by name Harita and Manavya. They founded 
a family destined to achieve great glory, and because they 
were sprung from Brahmadeva's hollow hand or Chaluka, they 
became known as Chalukyas. Another talej relates that Harita 
and Manavya were the sons of the sage Manu.§ One day Harita 
was pouring out a libation to the gods, when from the spray 

* Bhandarkar, Deccan, p. 29. Mr. Vincent Smith gives the date as A.D. i'lr^. 

j Bhandarkar, Deccan, p. 36. 

% Fleet, Deccan, p. 17. 

§]^Manu was the son of the god Brahmadeva, 

16 A History of the Maratha People 

of his waterpot sprang the founder of the new djniasty. All 
the legends agree that the Chalukya kings first ruled at Ayodhya, 
the capital of the divine Ramchandra. The god Vishnu gave 
them a banner on which was displayed a wild boar. This 
denoted not only the impetuous valour of the Chalukya armies 
but indicated that they were under the god Vishnu's special 
protection.* Nor was the god Vishnu the only divine friend 
of the Chalukyas. The god Kartikeya or Kartikswami, born 
to Shiva by the daughters of the Fire-god, Agni, himself led 
to battle the hero-kings of Ayodhya. And with his and 
Vishnu's help, they forced their triumphant way to the 
southern shores of India. 

The first prince whose name survives in the inscriptions is 
one Jayasinha, which being interpreted means ' the lion of 
victory.' It seems probable that he was a military adventurer 
from the north, who conquered Maharashtra from its native 
princes, the Rashtrakutas. His grandson Pulakesi I made 
Vatapipura, the modern Badami, his capital, and assumed the 
titles of Prithvi Vallabha or ' Husband of the Earth' and Satya- 
sraya or the ' Support of Truth.' Kirtivarman, the son and 
successor of Pulakesi I, was also a capable prince. He added to 
his father's kingdom the northern Konkan and northern Canara. 
An inscription in a cave temple at Badami has enabled Sir R. 
Bhandarkarf to fix the date of his accession in A.D. 566 or 567. 
After a reign of twenty-four years Kirtivarman died leaving 
three young sons and a brother Mangalisa. It was the 
continuous aim of Mangalisa to secure for himself and his son the 
throne of Vatapipura. But the talents and vigour of Kirti- 
varman's eldest son Pulakesi II rendered MangaUsa's efforts vain. 
In A.D. 611 Pulakesi II defeated decisively his uncle MangaHsa, 
who with his son fell on the field of battle. These civil troubles 
led the Rashtrakutas under a chief called Govinda to attempt 
the recovery of their former power. A rebellion, too, broke out 
in the provinces subdued by Puliikesi's father. But no diffi- 

* Vishnu in his third incarnation took the form of a boar to raise the earth 
from the bottom of the sea whither a demon called Hiranyaksha had dragged 

■)• Bhandarkar, Deccan, p. 38 

The Early Chalukyas and Eashtrakutas 17 

culties proved too great for the new sovereign. The rebels, 
defeated in the field, soon abandoned the Rashtrakutas. The 
latter surrendered to Pulakesi and, graciously treated, became 
his faithful alhes. But of all Pulakesi's victories none brought 
him more honour than his repulse of King Harsha Siladitya. 
This powerful monarch was the son of a chief named Prabhakar, 
who rose to power in the Punjab by a succession of victories 
over the White Huns. After a short reign Prabhakar *s elder son 
Rajyavardhan was assassinated and in A.D. 606 Harsha mounted 
the throne that he was to fill gloriously for fifty years.* A 
Persian saying has it that while there is room for seven beggars 
under one blanket, there is no room for more than one king in 
seven climes. And Harsha, having made himself master of the 
greater part of Hindustan, found it intolerable that south of the 
Vindhyas Pulakesi should still retain his independence. In 
A.D. 620 he collected together troops from every country which 
owned his authority. Harsha's successes had been largely 
due to his twenty thousand cavalry and the mobile 
character of his infantry. But in the Vindhya forests the 
cavalry proved useless and, mobile as Harsha's foot soldiera 
were, they were slow compared with the fleet-footed 
Maratha hillmen in the service of Pulakesi II, Harsha 
repeatedly attacked and was as often defeated. At last, 
weary of a campaign in which his army had all but 
perished, he made peace and accepted the Narbada River as 
his southern frontier. 

A contemporary account of Pulakesi and his people has in a 
strange manner survived to modern times. In the sixth century 
B.C. about fifty miles south of the Himalayas and a hundred 
miles north of Benares city, there stood upon the banks of the 
Kohana River a town called Kapilavastu, the capital of a petty 
tribe called the Sakyas. The king's name was Suddhoddana 
and his chief troubles were the frequent droughts and the absence 
of a royal heir. At last, when he was forty-five years old and 
his hopes had almost died, his chief queen Mahamaya bore her 
husband a son. To the child was given the name of Siddhartha. 

* Vincent Smith, Early History of India, p. 338. 

18 A History of the Maratha People 

He grew to manhood and, when nineteen years old, was married 
to his cbusin Yasodhara. He at first gave himself wholly to 
a life of pleasure. But in his twenty-ninth year such a life 
began to pall. As he one day drove through his pleasure ground, 
the sight of a broken down old man turned his mind to serious 
thoughts. These thoughts became graver still when he saw one 
day a leper and another day a dead body. One night, as the well- 
known story tells us, he left his wife and child and went out into 
the wilderness a penniless wanderer. He sought at first, so we 
are told, to learn wisdom from the Brahman sages, but they did 
not satisfy him. At last prolonged meditation under the Bodhi 
tree led him to found a faith known as Buddhism. In most 
essentials, it differed little from Hinduism. But it denied the 
existence of the gods and the existence of caste. The new 
doctrines made at first slow progress, but the conversion of 
Asoka spread them all over India. From India they extended 
in the reign of the Kushan king Kanishka to China. 
The Hun invasion broke off intercourse between China and 
India and certain religious difficulties induced in A.D. 400 
one Fa Hien and five companions to visit India. Two 
centuries later another pilgrim named Hiuen Tsang made 
the arduous pilgrimage. He travelled widely through India 
and made admirable notes on what he heard and saw in 
his travels. And no part of his book is so interesting 
as that in which he has related his visit to the Maharashtra 
country and the court of Pulakesi II. I quote the following 
passage : — ■ 

" The kingdom of Moholatcha (Maharashtra) has a cir- 
cumference of 6000 li. To the west of the capital runs a 
big river ; the circumference of the town is thirty li. The 
soil is rich and fertile and yields a great harvest of com. 
The climate is hot. The manners of the people are simple 
and honest. They are tall and proud and distant. Whoever 
does them a kindness can count on their gratitude. But 
he who does them an injury never escapes their vengeance. 
If anyone insults them, they risk their life to wash out the 
affront. If anyone in distress begs their help, they forget 


The Early Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas 21 

their own safety in their efforts to help him. When they 
have an insult to avenge, they never fail to warn their 
enemy beforehand. This done, they don their armour 
and fight lance in hand. In battle they pursue the fugitives 
but never kill those who surrender. When a general has 
lost a battle they do not inflict on him corporal punishment. 
They make him dress in women's clothes and thus force 
him to commit suicide. The state keeps a body of several 
hundred fearless champions. Every time they get ready 
for a fight, they get drunk, and once drunk, a single cham- 
pion lance in hand will challenge ten thousand foes. If he 
kills anyone as he goes to battle, the law does not punish 
him. Every time the army sets out on a campaign, this 
chosen body leads the way with drums beating. Besides 
these picked troops, there are hundreds of fierce war ele- 
phants. When the battle is about to open, the elephants 
are given strong liquor to drink. They then rush forward 
and trample everything underfoot. The king, proud of his 
soldiers and his war elephants, despises and insults the 
neighbouring kingdoms. He is of Tsatili (Kshatriya) 
stock ; his name is Poulokiche (Pulakesi). His views are 
broad and profound and he dispenses as far as the most 
distant spots his kindhness and his favours. His subjects 
serve him with absolute devotion. To-day the great king 
Siladitya (Harsha) bears from the east to the west his 
victorious arms ; he conquers distant races and makes the 
nations near him tremble. But those of his (Pulakesi's) 
kingdom are the only men who have never yielded to him. 
Although several times he has put himself at the head of 
all the forces of the five Indies, although he has called to his 
aid the bravest generals of all countries, although he has 
himself marched to punish the men of Maharashtra, he has 
not yet overcome their resistance. From this fact alone 
it is possible to judge their warlike habits and customs. 
The men love study and practise at the same time heresy 
and truth. There are a hundred monasteries, which contain 
about five thousand monks. There are a hundred temples 

22 A History of the Maratha People 

to tlie gods. The heretics of the different sects are very 

The fame of Pulakesi was not confined to India. It reached 
the ears of Chosroes II, king of Persia. In A.D. 625 he not 
only received but returned a complimentary embassy from the 
Chalukya king. And a large fresco painting at Ajanta still 
portrays for the benefit of the learned the reception of the 
Persian envoys by the great Pulakesi. 

Unhappily the Chalukya king outlived his good fortune. To 
understand how disaster overtook him, we must turn to the 
early history of southern India. When the Aryans penetrated 
the extreme south, they found there three highly civilized 
Dravidian nations, the Cheras (or Keralas), the Cholas and the 
Pandyas. Of these the Cheras lived on the south-west coast 
from Cannanore to Trivendram. The Cholas occupied the 
Madras districts to the south of the Mysore State. The Pandyas 
dwelt in the extreme south from Travancore to Ramnad. The 
governments of these nations, the Aryans humbled but did not 
destroy. They imposed on them their religion but not their 
language nor their script. Thus the Cheras, the Cholas and the 
Pandyas recovered from the Aryan invasion and in course of 
time began to prosper. During the Andhra domination they 
actively helped that warlike people to substitute a southern 
for a northern overlordship. From time to time also they fought 
among themselves. When history begins the Cholas are the 
most powerful of the three nations. About the end of the second 
century A.D,, the Cheras are the strongest. During the darkness 
which fell over India after the fall of the Andhras they allowed 
a fourth power to dominate them. This power was that of the 
Pallavas. They lived at first between the Caveri and the 
South Pennar Rivers on the south-east coast. They extended 
their possessions northwards across the South Pennar and made 
Kanchi, the modern Kanjeveram, their capital. A further 
movement carried them across the North Pennar River to the 
southern banks of the Krishna. This brought them into coUision 

* I have translated this from M. Julien's French translation of Hiuen 
Tsang's travels. 

The Early Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas 23 

mth the Chalukyas. A long and indecisive warfare followed. 
But at last King Narsinhavarman, the greatest of the Pallava 
monarchs, mounted the throne. He drove the Chalukya forces 
back along the Krishna. Finally he stormed the Chalukya 
capital Badami and in this overwhelming calamity Pulakesi 
perished. * 

For thirteen years after Pulakesi's death the Chalukya power 
remained broken. His eldest son Chandraditya fell back on 
Vengi, the ancient home of the Andhras, between the Krishna 
and the Godavari. Nevertheless Pulakesi's second son, Vikram- 
aditya I, succeeded after a long struggle in restoring the great- 
ness of the Chalukya empire (A.D. 653). 

The Chalukya dynasty endured for about seventy years after 
the death of Vikramaditya I, when it was overthrown by two 
successive kings of the indigenous Rashtrakuta stock, Danti- 
durga and Krishnaraja (circa A.D. 753). 

As I have already mentioned, the Rashtrakutas were a power- 
ful family of Rashtrikas,who, before the coming of the Chalukyas 
from the north, ruled over Maharashtra. During the early 
troubles of the reign of Pulakesi II, they sought vainly to re- 
cover their independence. The vast abihties of that monarch 
rendered the effort vain. But what was impossible in the 
seventh century A.D. became possible in the eighth. The 
new Rashtrakuta dynasty began with King Dantidurga. He 
was the great-grandson of Govinda, the Rashtrakuta chief who 
had rebelled against Pulakesi II. Beaten and pardoned, he 
became one of the great king's trusted allies. His son Karka 
and his grandson Indra inherited in turn Govinda's fief. But 
although vassals, their power was continually on the increase, 
and from time to time the Chalukyas deigned to give to the 
Rashtrakutas their own daughters in wedlock. Indra received 
the hand of a Chalukya princess, who was herself descended 
from a previous union between the two families. From this 
union sprang Dantidurga. He rebelled against Kirtivarman 
II, the last Chalukya king of the early dynasty. Somewhere 
in southern India, Dantidurga defeated the Chalukya army of 
* See Aiyangar, Ancient India, Chapter I. 

24 A History of the Maratha People 

occupation. Swiftly following up his success, Dantidurga 
attacked and took Badami. He died childless and was succeeded 
about A.D. 753 by his paternal uncle Krishnaraja. This prince 
completed the work of Dantidurga and utterly destroyed the 
Chalukya power. To use the picturesque language of the 
inscriptions, " He churned the Ocean of the Chalukya race and 
drew from it the Laxmi of paramount sovereignty." Having 
thus rid himself of his former overlord, he caused to be made a 
thank-offering to the god Shiva. He had carved out of the 
solid rock a temple so beautiful that the gods, so it is affirmed, 
could hardly believe it to be the product of human hands. And 
even the architect who designed it asked himself how he had 
been able to do it. For more than a thousand years this work 
has attracted pilgrims from all parts of India and to-day English 
and American tourists, to whom the very name of Kashtrakuta 
is unknown, gape at it every winter with awed wonder. For the 
work of Krishnaraja is none other than the matchless temple of 
Kailas at EUora. Krishnaraja »reigned some time betWeen 
A.D. 753 and 775. His eldest son Govinda II succeeded him but 
his throne was soon usurped by his younger brother. This 
warlike prince bore the name of Dhruva, that of the legendary 
child who worshipped the god Krishna with such fervour that 
he at last won an immortal throne in heaven, whence he still 
looks down as the pole star on the earth. But the new monarch's 
admiring subjects called him Nirupama, or the Incomparable 

The rise of the Kashtrakutas had been almost as fatal to the 
Pallavas as to the Chalukyas. The Pallava empire was now 
divided into three parts. One branch, known as the Gangas,* 
•ruled over the western portion. Another branch, known as 
the Ganga Banas, ruled the centre. The kingdom of the main 
branch of the Pallavas was reduced to the districts on the eastern 
coast. Upon this disorganised dominion Dhruva fell. He led 
into captivity the Ganga prince and capturing Kanchi from the 
Pallavas forced them to pay a yearly tribute of elephants. 

* The Gangas' country was called Gangavasi or Gangavadi. The country of 
the Ganga Banas was known as Banavasi. 

The Early Chalukyas and Eashtrakutas 25 

The reign of Dhruva's tenth successor Krishna III was note- 
worthy from his successful struggle against the Cholas. Forced 
by the rise of the Pallavas to become their vassals, the Cholas 
and the Pandyas upon their overlords' dechne began once again 
to struggle for the overlordship of the extreme south. A series 
of able kings extended the Chola frontier until it marched with 
that of the Eashtrakutas. In A.D. 947 the Chola king 
Rajaditya invaded the Ganga kingdom to drive out the 
Chalukya prince Perumanadi, who had established himself 
there. To the latter's relief marched Krishna III. A bloody 
battle was fought at Takkolam, in which Rajaditya was 
defeated and slain. Krishna III took full advantage of his 
victory. The Rashtrakuta army occupied Kanchi, now a 
Chola town, and besieged Tanjore. But Rajaditya's brother 
Gandaradittan succeeded in saving the Chola country from 
complete annexation. 

The last Rashtrakuta king was Kakkala, the great-nephew 
of Krishna III. Brave though he was, he was unfortunate. 
Harsha and Munja, the Parmara kings of Malwa, invaded 
Maharashtra and carried their arms up to Malkhed, the Rashtra- 
kuta capital, now in the dominions of H. E. H. the Nizam. 
Weakened by this attack, Kakkala was overthrown by a 
Chalukya hero named Tailapa. The latter, sprung from an 
insignificant collateral branch, ousted the Rashtrakutas in 
A.D. 973 after they had ruled Maharashtra for over two hundred 

The fame of these powerful princes has long perished in India. 
But it has in a curious way been preserved by Arabian writers. 
Early in the eighth century the Arabs had established themselves 
firmly in Sind. Their nearest neighbours and therefore their 
enemies were the Gurjara kings of North Guzarat and Rajputana. 
The latter were also the enemies of the Rashtrakutas. A common 
interest united the Arab and the Rashtrakuta rulers ; and 
a friendly commerce developed between Arabia and Mahara- 
shtra. Musulman merchants visited the court of a certain 
Balhara of Mankir and described him in their books of travel 
as the greatest sovereign in India. The learning of Dr. Bhandar- 

26 A History op the Maratha People j 

kar discovered that they thereby meant the Rashtrakuta ] 

sovereigns. ManMr was a corruption of Malkhed or Many a- • 

kheta their capital. Balhara was a corruption of Vallabharai, '^ 

or the well-beloved sovereign, a title which they had borrowed ; 
from the early Chalukyas. 


Circa A.D. 973 to 1189 

The first duty of Tailapa after his overtlirow of the Rashtrakutas 
was to secure his northern frontier from the Parmara danger. 
He conciliated his new subjects by marrying Jakkaba, the 
daughter of Kakkala, and then set forth to attack Malwa. For 
a number of years the honours of war were fairly divided. Indeed 
King Munja's inscriptions claim for him victory in no less than 
six campaigns. But in A.D. 995 fortune at last inclined deci- 
sively in favour of Tailapa. King Munja crossed the Godavari, 
hoping no doubt to repeat his successful invasion in the reign 
of the last Rashtrakuta. But Tailapa attacked the Parmaras 
with their backs to the great river. Unable to recross it they 
were all but exterminated. King Munja was taken prisoner. 
At first Tailapa treated with consideration his royal captive. 
But Munja returned Tailapa 's courtesy by an attempt to escape. 
It failed, and Mimja felt the full weight of the Chalukya's dis- 
pleasure. He was put in prison and taken out daily to beg 
the food denied him by his jailor. At last, probably to his relief, 
he was beheaded. 

In A.D. 997 Tailapa's eldest son Satyasraya succeeded his 
father. The northern frontier had been pacified by the vigorous 
action of Tailapa. But a danger no less great now threatened 
Maharashtra from the south. As I have mentioned, Gandara- 
dittan, the brother of Rajaditya, saved after his brother's defeat 
and death the Chola country. During the decline of the Rashtra- 
kutas the Cholas recovered their power, and after conquering 
the extreme south resolved to carry through Rajaditya's plan 
and drive from the Ganga country the family of Penimanadi. 
Satyasraya marched south to meet them, but was completely 

28 A History of the Maeatha People 

defeated by the great Chola king Rajraja I, the great-nephew 
of Gandaradittan. The Cholas then overran Maharashtra, 
pillaged it, and spared neither women, children nor Brahmans * 
(A.D. 1000). 

In A.D. 1008 Satyasraya died and left his shattered kingdom 
to his nephew Vikramaditya I. The latter enjoyed power for 
only a few months, when King Mmija's nephew, King Bhoja, 
the legendary hero of Central India, avenged his uncle's death 
by defeating and killing Vikramaditya I (A.D. 1019). The 
latter's brother, Jayasinha, in turn avenged Vikramaditya's 
death. For to use the picturesque words of an inscription, 
" he was the moonf of the lotus which was King Bhoja,"or in 
other words humbled him. Jayasinha was less successful against 
the Cholas, then in the zenith of their power. Rajraja the 
Great, after overrunning Maharashtra annexed Gangavadi 
or the Ganga country and established his frontier along the 
Tungabhadra and the Krishna. All India south of those rivers 
was his. Between the Krishna and the Godavari, the Eastern 
Chalukyas still ruled in Vengi. But by conquest and the 
marriage of his daughter Kundawaiyar to the Eastern Chalukya 
Idng, Vimaladitya, % he had bulbed and bribed the latter to be 
his subordinate vassal. To the north of Vengi, as far as the 
Mahanadi River, Rajraja had conquered all Kalingam. And he 
was master also of the Maldives and the Laccadives. In A.D. 
1012 Rajendra, Rajraja's capable son, succeeded his father. 
He made an expedition into Orissa and brought back as captives 
the king and his younger brother. While Rajendra was absent, 
Jayasinha thought the time favourable for an attack on his 
line of communication. He was, however, severely defeated, 
and Rajendra carried his victorious armies as far as the Ganges ; 
and his inscriptions relate that he made his subject kings carry 
its sacred waters back with their own hands to Kanchi.§ 

In A.D. 1040 Jayasinha died and his son Someshwara I suc- 
ceeded him. The new king, better known perhaps by his title 

* Vincent Smith, Early History of India, p. 431 

t This is Dr. Bhandarkar's surmise {Deccan, p. 61). 

j Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 114. 

§ To commemorate this feat he assumed the title of Gangai Konda. 

The^^Later Chalukyas 29 

Ahavamala, or the great in war, spent his reign in a ceaseless 
struggle against Chola aggression. The Chola empire now- 
extended in a half circle round the Chalukya kingdom. Ahava- 
mala therefore moved his capital from Yatagiri (30 miles south 
of Malkhed) to Kalyan, the modern Kalyani in the Nizam's 
dominions. Kalyan was a more central spot and the change 
on the whole was justified by success. In A.D. 1052 he fought 
against Rajendra's son and successor, Eajadhiraja, the great 
battle of Koppam. Both sides claimed the victory. But 
Rajadhiraja fell in the battle. And as we find later Ahavamala's 
sons viceroys of Banavasi (the country of the Ganga Banas) 
and of Gangavadi * (the country of the Gangas), it is only fair 
to assume that the fruits of the battle were the conquest of these 
two provinces from the Cholas. The close of Ahavamala's 
reign was not so fortunate. 

In A.D. 1052, on the death of Rajadhiraja, his brother 
Rajendra II was crowned king of the Cholas. Ten years later 
he died and was succeeded by a third brother Virarajendra. 
The chronic hostihties between the Cholas and Chalukyas 
became once more acute on account of a disputed succession 
in Vengi. The son of Vimaladitya, the Eastern Chalukya, 
and of Raj raj a the Great's daughter, Kundavvaiyar, 
took in marriage Ammanga Devi, the daughter of Rajendra 
I, Rajraja's son. The offspring of this marriage was 
Prince Kullottunga.f He claimed to succeed his father on the 
Eastern Chalukya throne. It suited his overlord, the 
Chola king, to set aside Kullottimga's claims in favour 
of the latter's uncle Vijayaditya, The boy appealed to Ahava- 
mala, who went to his help, but was defeated first at Bejwada 
and afterwards at Kudal Sangam, the junction of the Krishna 
and the Tungabhadra. Ahavamala would not accept either 
defeat as final. In A.D. 1069 he sent an autogi'aph letter to 
the Chola king inviting him to meet him again at Kudal Sangam 
and try once more the fortune of battle. In the true spirit of 

* Ancient India, ji. lis. 

t Ancient India, p. 115. The Prince's real name was also Rajendra, but 
I shall throughout call him by his title Kullottunga, b\' which he is remem- 


chivalry, Virarajendra accepted the cliallenge. He gathered 
his army on the southern banks of the Tungabhadra and Krishna 
and waited. But Ahavamala never came to make good his 
challenge. He had been attacked by a maUgnant fever and 
in despair resolved to drown himself. He caused himself to be 
carried on a throne to the banks of the Timgabhadra at some 
distance from the spot where he had meant to meet King Vira- 
rajendra. There in the presence of a vast multitude he bathed 
in the river's sacred waters. He distributed, although faint 
with age and sickness, a large sum of money in charity. His 
life-work now done, he walked back into the water until it 
reached his lips. The royal bands then crashed out a farewell 
salute. Ere the music had ended, the Chalukya king had sunk 
beneath the waves. 

On Ahavamala's death, his eldest son Someshwara II suc- 
ceeded. The story of the prince's reign and of his deposition 
by his yomiger brother Vikramaditya II has been told by a 
Kashmirian court poet named Bilhana. This story has been 
accepted by both Dr. Bhandarkar and Mr. Fleet. It requires, 
however, to be modified in the Ught of the later information 
collected by Mr. Aiyangar. Bilhana has said nothing but 
good of Vikramaditya. But he really was by no means the 
model prince portrayed by his biographer. During Ahavamala's 
lifetime, Vikramaditya's courage and capacity had all but induced 
the king to nominate him, and not Someshwara. He, however, 
forbore from doing so. On his death a bitter rivalry broke out 
between the two brothers, and Vikramaditya repaired to Vira- 
rajendra's camp at Kudal Sangam and obtained his promise 
of help against Someshwara. To seal the promise Virarajendra 
gave Vikramaditya his daughter in marriage. At the same 
time he invaded the Chalukya country and burnt Kampih, 
But before he could achieve any decisive success, Virarajendra 
fell ill and died. Prince Vikramaditya, having lost his father- 
in-law, comited on the support of Virarajendra's son Adhiraja, 
his own brother-in-law. But there now appeared as the latter's 
rival Prince Kullottunga. He had, as I have said, been forced 
by Virarajendra to give up his throne to his imcle Vijayaditya. 

The Later Chalukyas 31 

But tlie liour of his revenge had now struck and he pretended to 
the Chola throne as the grandson of Rajraja the Great. He 
had behind him an army with which he had recently harried 
Malwa. With its help, and in spite of Vikramaditya, Kullot- 
tunga deposed his cousin Adhiraja. At the same time he 
deposed Vijayaditya, and at one time became king both of the 
Cholas and of the Eastern Chalukyas. Vikramaditya was 
now in dire peril. He extricated himself with skill. He 
afEected to be reconciled to his brother Someshwara II and 
for some time he hved with him on the best of terms. 
But Someshwara's incapacity aUenated the governors of several 
of his provinces, and these Vikramaditya won over to his 
side. Among them were Seuna Chandra Yadava, the 
governor of north-west Maharashtra, Achugi II, the Sinda 
chief of Yelburga, and Ereyanga Hoysala, the viceroy of 

In A.D. 1076 KuUottunga invaded the Chalukya kingdom. 
When Someshwara II marched to meet him, the Chalukya 
army revolted to Vikramaditya. The latter then deposed his 
elder brother, and as Vikramaditya II became king in his stead. 
He proved a most capable monarch and at once took steps to 
repulse KuUottunga's invasion. The war lasted for four years 
without any decisive result. In A.D. 1080, the two kings made 
peace, but some years later the successful treason of Vikrama- 
ditya II tempted his younger brother Jayasinha to rebel in his 
turn. Jayasinha was at the time viceroy of Banavasi and 
received support from the Chola king. But Vikramaditya II 
attacked and defeated Jayasinha on the banks of the Krishna. 
Jayasinha fled but was afterwards caught skulking in a forest. 
He was brought to Vikramaditya II, who spared his life but 
no doubt imprisoned him. Vikramaditya II had thereafter 
a long and prosperous reign, which in all lasted fifty years. 
At his court lived the renowned Vidnyaneshwara, the author 
of the Mitakshara, still the chief authority on Hindu law in 
Maharashtra. When he had completed his work he sang in 
several stanzas the splendour of the town where he had worked , 
the glory of the king whose bomity had fed him and above all 

32 A History of the Maratha People 

his own transcendent merits. I quote the following stanza 
as a sample : — 

" On the surface of the Earth there was not, there is not 
and there never will be a town Uke Kalyana ; never was a 
monarch hke the prosperous Vikramarka (Vikramaditya) 
seen or heard of and what more ? Vidnyaneshwara, the 
Pandit, does not bear comparison with any other. May 
this triad which is hke a celestial creeper exist to the end 
of this Kalpa." 
Kullottunga died in A.D. 1118. It is probable that his end 
was hastened by the severe defeat of his army by the Chalukya 
viceroy of Gangavadi, Bitti Deva Hoysala. During the early 
troubles of Vikramaditya's reign, the Cholas had gained a firm 
footing in Gangavadi. But in A.D. 1116, Bitti Deva Hoysala 
attacked them and drove them to the east of the Kaveri. 
Vikramaditya II survived his great rival more than eight years, 
dying in A.D. 1127. He was succeeded by his son Someshwara 
III, who assumed the title of Bhulokamala, or Lord of the 
dwellers upon the earth. He reigned only eleven years, but 
in that time he won a reputation for learning not wholly un- 
deserved. A work of the royal author, Abhilashitartha Chinta- 
mani, has survived to the present day. In five parts are described 
the tasks and duties of kingship. The first part instructs the 
pretender how to acquire a kingdom. The second part teaches 
him how to keep it. The third, fourth and fiith parts indicate 
the pleasures in which a king may indulge without detriment 
to himself or his Idngdom. Under cover of these themes the 
learned author touched on astronomy, astrology, rhetoric, 
poetry, music, painting, architecture and medicine. And his 
wondering subjects gave him yet another title, that of Sarvadnya 
Bhupa, or the king who knows everything. 

Someshwara III died in A.D. 1138. His son Jagadekamala 
succeeded him and reigned for twelve years. He was followed 
on the throne by his brother Tailapa II. In the reign of this 
king the power of the later Chalukyas fell to pieces. The cause 
of the decay can be traced to the treason of Vikramaditya II. 
Having made the viceroys of Someshwara II his fellow conspi- 

The Later Chalukyas 33 

rators, he suffered them to become all but independent chiefs. 
After Vikramaditya's death they paid merely a nominal homage 
to his successors. But even that was now denied by one Vijjala, 
the viceroy of Banavasi. Profiting by a success gained against 
a frontier tribe, the Kakatiyas of Warangal, Vijjala made himself 
war-minister and commander-in-chief. He next imprisoned 
his master. Tailapa 11 escaped and took shelter with the chief 
of the Sindas (A.D. 1150).* 

Vijjala then proclaimed himself king of the Chalukya domi- 
nions. But his rule was not destined to endure. It fell to 
a religious revolution. A certain Brahman called Basava 
Madhiraja attracted Vijjala's notice through the beauty of his 
sister Padmavati. Vijjala appointed him his first minister. 
But Basava gave offence to his master, who was a Jain, by 
founding the Lingayat religion. Eventually Vijjala dismissed 
his minister ; but the latter took up arms and supported by his 
followers defeated Vijjala and put him to death. Vijjala's 
son Sovideva avenged his father : having routed Basava, he 
pursued him to a place called Ulavi on the Malabar coast. 
There Basava committed suicide. His nephew Chenna Basava 
came to terms with Sovideva, but the revolt gave an opportimity 
to Someshwara IV, the son of Tailapa II, to restore the 
Chalukya power. 

Someshwara IV striking northwards with the aid of a skilful 
general named Bomma recovered the southern part of his 
father's kingdom. Over this he ruled until A.D. 1189, when a 
fresh revolution drove him to take shelter somewhere on the 
south-western frontier of his father's dominions. Thereafter 
he disappeared. A general scramble for the Chalukya empire 
ensued. From this confusion merged the two great viceregal 
families, the Yadavas and the Hoysalas. To the Kakatiyas 
of Warangal fell also a certain share of the spoils. 

* Ancient India, p. 248. 


A.D. 1189 TO 1294 

Both Yadavas and Hoysalas claimed most ancient pedigrees. 
The Yadavas asserted their descent from no less an ancestor 
than Vishnu's eighth incarnation. King Krishna of Dwarka. 
The Hoysalas maintained that the founder of their line was one 
Sala, who saved a Jain saint from a tiger. The Jain was sitting 
in a village temple, when a tiger rushed at him. In despair 
the saint called to Sala, who was standing by, " Poy, Sala" 
(Strike, Sala). Sala ran to his help, and killing the monster 
with a single blow of his walking-stick, assumed the name' of 
Poysala to commemorate the event. In course of time Poysala 
was corrupted into Hoysala.* The historian, however, wiU be 
content to trace both famiUes to the two great viceroys who 
assisted Vikramaditya II to usurp the Chalukya throne. At 
that time the governor of the districts between the upper reaches 
of the Krishna and the lower course of the Tapti was Seuna 
Chandra Yadava. The governor of Gangavadi, taken by 
Ahavamala from the Cholas, was Ereyanga Hoysala. Their 
defection ensured Vikramaditya's success. During the long 
reign of Vikramaditya II, the Hoysalas rose rapidly to power 
and Ereyanga's grandson Bitti Devaf actually rebelled against 
Vikramaditya II. He suffered defeat but found compensation 
in the victorious campaign against KuUottunga already mention- 
ed. By A.D. 1130 he had made himself master of all modern 
Mysore and of Hangal and Lakshmeshwar in the Dharwar 
district. In A.D. 1138 upon the death of Someshwara III, he 
again rebelled, but was foiled by the loyalty of .the other great 
viceroys. In A.D. 1141 Bitti Deva died and was succeeded 

• Ancient India, p. 228. 

I He is also known as Vishnu Vardan : Ancient India, p. 235. 

The Yadavas of Devagiri 35 

by his son Narsinha, who held his own against the usurper 
Vijjala. Narsinha died in A.D. 1173 and was followed by his 
son Vira Ballala. This vigorous prince ruled until A.D. 1220. 
He was at first defeated by Bomma when that general in A.D. 
1 183 restored Someshwara IV to the Chalukya throne. But 
when the revolution of A.D. 1189 broke out, Vira Ballala had 
his tevenge. He defeated Bomma and drove his army across 
the Kjrishna. 

While the power of the Hoysalas was growing in the south, 
that of the Yadavas was rising with equal rapidity in the north. 
Seima Chandra Yadava was the life-long and trusted friend of 
Vilcramaditya II and left to his son Parammadeva an hereditary 
viceroyalty. Parammadeva and his successors remained loyal 
to the Chalukya kings until the usurpation of Vijjala (A.D. 
1187). They then began to regard themselves as independent, 
and when Someshwara IV tried to recover the Chalukya kingdom 
Billama Yadava, the then chief of the Yadavas, successfully 
opposed him. When Vira Ballala finally defeated the Chalukya 
general Bomma, Billama Yadava seized the whole country north 
of the Krishna and had himself formally crowned king in his 
capital town Devagiri (A.D. 1191). 

The frontiers of the rival viceroys now met, and a struggle 
between them was inevitable. At first the Hoysalas were 
successful. In A.D. 1192 Vira Ballala won a decisive victory 
at Lakhundi in Dharwar. Billama was succeeded by his son, 
Jaitrapala, who won some petty campaigns against the Kakatiyas 
of Warangal. But it was Singhana, Jaitrapala's* son and 
successor, who raised the Yadava dynasty to its greatest power 
{A.D. 1210). He successfully invaded Malwa and Guzarat and 
conquered all the lower Konkan and the South Maratha country 
from the Hoysala chiefs ; and European ofiicials will read with 
interest that he was one of the first patrons of their health 
resort Mahableshwar. Singhana'sf long and successful reign 

* Mukandraj, the first Maratlii poet, lived in the reign of Jaitrapala I. 

t Singhana founded Shingnapur, the famous shrine of Maliadova, a 
family god of the Bhosles. In his reign, Sarangdhar wrote the Sanskrit 
work on music Sangitratnakar. The country of the Yadavas was known as 
Seuna Dosh, from the founder of the dynasty, Seuna Chandra. 

36 A History of the Maratha People 

lasted until A.D. 1247, when lie was followed by his grandson 
Krishna II. The inscriptions claim for him that he defeated 
the Hoysalas, the Gurjaras and the king of Malwa. He died in 
A.D. 1260, leaving the throne to his brother Mahadeva. The 
latter's greatest success was his reduction of the northern 
Konkan, where a chief named Someshwara had made himself 
independent. Mahadeva invaded his country with a large 
force of elephants. His tactics were successful, and Someshwara, 
driven from the land sought refuge in his fleet. But Mahadeva's 
navy pursued him and destroyed his ships. In this disastrous 
naval action Someshwara was drowned. 

In A.D. 1271, there ascended to the Yadava throne Rama- 
dev, the son of Krishna, and the nephew of Mahadeva. A melan- 
choly interest attaches to his name as the last great chief of the 
Yadava dynasty. His early years were prosperous enough. 
His armies invaded both Malwa and Mysore and he was un- 
questionably the greatest king in Peninsular India. A hectic 
splendour, too, illuminated his reign. In it flourished the 
minister Hemadri or Hemadpant. In it also appeared Dnyan- 
dev, the first of the great Maratha poets of the Pandharpur 
school. The former of these is the hero of many stories still 
current among the Marathas. One legend relates that Bibhishan, 
a demon subject of King Havana of Ceylon, the ravisher of Sita, 
had flown over to India. In order to rest himself, he took off 
his turban and placed it by his side. Soon afterwards Hemad- 
pant chanced to pass by. He saw. the demon's gigantic turban 
and thinking it a couch flung himself upon it and was soon 
asleep also. The demon rose first and without noticing the 
slumbering Hemadpant replaced the turban on his own head. 
Then soaring in the air, he flew back to Ceylon to report Ids 
observations to his royal master. When the unhappy Hemad- 
pant awoke, he found himself travelling through the air at a 
prodigious speed. He wisely held his tongue and tightened 
his grip on the turban. When the demon reached the shore 
of the great southern island he again removed his turban to cool 
himself after his long flight. As he laid it down he noticed the 
cowering Hemadpant. The demon asked his unwilUng pri-soner 

The Yadavas of Devagiri 37 

bow he had come there. Hemadpant explained and prayed 
for mercy. The demon granted Hemadpant his hfe. Hemad- 
pant, growing bolder, asked for a parting present. The demon 
gave him a seed of jowari or Indian corn. From this one seed 
were to spring the mighty jowari harvests that are gathered by 
milhons of peasants every Indian winter. Hemadpant, however, 
did not appreciate its value and asked for further gifts. The 
demon gave him two more. The first was a bug, the progenitor 
of the countless myriads that have ever since been the plague 
of Indian beds. The second was the Modi alphabet. From 
this legend we can, I think, surmise that Hemadpant encouraged 
to the utmost of his powers Deccan agriculture. He may pos- 
sibly have cleared tracts of forest land to widen its area. We 
may also perhaps guess that about this time Modi writing began 
to be used in Marathi correspondence. Hemadpant's fame 
does not rest on this single voyage. He is supposed to have 
invented the style of architecture known as the Hemadpanti ; 
and many a ruined temple in country villages is said to have 
been built under the great minister's superintendence. Archi- 
tect, traveller and counsellor of King Ramadeva,* Hemadpant 
still found time to reduce to writing the ancient religious practices 
and ceremonials that had been handed down by countless 
generations and the principles of medicine as then understood. 
The CJiaturvarga-chintamani and the Ayurveda-rasmjana 
survive to-day to prove how the busiest of men occupied his 

For twenty-three years Ramadeva had ruled prosperously. 
The valour of his armies guarded his far-flimg frontier. The 
wisdom of Hemadpant secured the prosperity of his subjects and 
filled the treasury of the monarch. The poet Dnyandev wrote 
of King Ramadeva as the 'dispenser of justice' and the ' abode 
of all arts.' But the time was at hand when he and his people 
were to drink to the dregs the cup of defeat and humiUation. 

* In A. i). 1271 Ramadeva gave 3 villages to 71 Brahmans. The conditions 
of the gift were that the Brahmans must live in the villages, must not mortgage 
them, must not entertain concubines, nor gamble, nor carry arms. They 
.«hould spend their whole time in religious duties. 

t Hemadri also wrote tlie RajaprasJiashti, a history of tho Yadava family: 
Sardcsai, Marathi Riyasal. 

38 A History of the Maratha People 

In the year A.D. 1294 amid a profound peace a mob of terrified 
peasants brought word to the king, as he sat* in his doomed 
city, that an Afghan army was advancing towards it by forced 
marches. At its head rode Ala-ud-din, the nephew of 
Jalal-ud-din Firoz Khilji, emperor of Delhi. 




According to Ferishta, the KMlji Afghans were descended 
from Kalij Khan, the son-in-law of Jenghiz Khan, the Moghul 
conqueror. The author of the Seljuknama traces their descent 
from one Khuhch, the son of Turk, the grandson of Japhet and 
the great-grandson of Noah. Whatever his descent, Jalal- 
ud-din Firoz was early in the Emperor Kaikobad's reign made 
governor of Samana. Summoned by Kaikobad to help him 
overthrow his minister, Jalal-ud-din by a succession of skilful 
villainies made himself supreme ; he had Kaikobad removed 
and in A.D. 1288 mounted in his master's stead the throne of 
Delhi. The new emperor had two sons and two nephews. 
All were able, daring men. But the ablest and the most daring 
was the emperor's elder nephew Ala-ud-din. And Jalal-ud-din 
regarded this resolute prince as the main support of the new 
monarchy. He bestowed on Ala-ud-din the hand of his daughter 
and the governments of Bengal and of Oudh. But if Ala-ud-din 
won the favour of his uncle, he failed completely to win the love 
of his wife. The quarrels of the princess with her husband 
were artfully fomented by the Empress Malika Jehan, who had 
guessed the treacherous and ambitious aims of her nephew. 
At last Ala-ud-din resolved to rid himself by one stroke of all 
his enemies. He asked for and obtained leave to attack Chanderi. 
a Rajput fortress to the west of Central India, and about lOo 
miles north of the Vindhya Momitains, His real design was to 
attack Ramadeva Yadava. In the course of a Central Indian 
campaign, Ala-ud-din had heard stories of the great wealth 
accumulated at Devagiri. If he could but seize it, he could 
return to Delhi as a pretender to his uncle's throne. With 

40 A History of the Maeatha People 

8000 horse Ala-ud-din at first marched west towards Chanderi. 
When he had nearly reached it, he suddenly changed his direction 
and marched southwards through the Vindhyas and the Satpuras 
until he reached ElHchpur, the largest northern town in the 
Yadava dominion. There he lulled all suspicions by declaring 
that he had quarrelled with his uncle and meant to ofier his 
sword to the Raja of Rajamandri, that is to say to the Eastern 
Chalukya prince, who still ruled at Vengi as a vassal of the 
Yadava kings. The credulous Hindus believed Ala-ud-din and 
let him rest his troops close to their city. After a few days 
Ala-ud-din struck his tents and pressed on by forced marches 
towards Devagiri. 

It was the news of this advance that the terrified 
peasants announced to Ramadeva. The Yadava king 
was taken completely by surprise. Ramadeva's 'eldest son 
Shankardeva was with his mother on a pilgrimage. The king, 
however, did not despair. He gathered together 3000 or 4O0O 
men and occupied a position four miles in front of the capital. 
Here he was defeated and driven with his troops into the citadel 
inside the town. Ala-ud-din now entered Devagiri. Delighted 
Avith the success of his first stratagem, he tried a second one. He 
had only 8000 men, he said, but close behind him was following 
the main army of Jalal-ud-"din. It was 20,000 strong and 
would overwhelm the whole country. The Marathas were again 
deceived. The king's vassals, instead of obeying Ramadeva's 
summons for help, fled to fortify their own strongholds against 
Jalal-ud-din's arrival. Ramadeva in despair offered Ala-ud-din 
fifty maunds of gold and a quantity of pearls and jewels if he 
Avould return to Delhi. The prince, aware that his conmiuni- 
cations were long and perilous, agreed to the ransom and pre- 
pared to retrace his steps. But the king's son Shankardeva, 
anxious to help his father, added to his misfortunes. He col- 
lected a large Maratha force and led it to Devagiri. A battle 
took place a few miles from the city. The Hindus outnumbered 
the Afghans by three to one, but Ala-ud-din's stratagem won him 
the day. He had left 1000 troops under one Malik Nasrat 
to attack Ramadeva if he sallied from Devagiri. At a critical 

The Afghan Conquest op the Deccan 41 

moment Malik Nasrat left his post and advanced to Ala-ud-din's 
help. With great presence of mind, Ala-ud-din ordered his 
men to call out that the Delhi army had arrived. The dust 
hid the smallness of Malik Nasrat's force. A panic seized the 
Maratha army. It fled in every direction, leaving the unhappy 
king to defend as best he could his invested stronghold. At 
first Ramadeva hoped to hold it until help came from his 
southern feudatories and allies. His garrison, when retreating, 
had taken with them a vast quantity of bags and stored them 
in the citadel. Some Konkan traders had brought them into 
Devagiri and the garrison beUeved them to contain grain. 
Ramadeva relying on this great store of provisions sentmessen- 
geiB to all parts of southern India asking for help. After they 
had left, Ramadeva opened the bags to make an inventory 
of their contents. Then for the first time he learnt that they 
were filled with salt. The situation was now hopeless and 
Ramadeva reopened negotiations with Ala-ud-din. The prince 
was shrewd enough to guess that the garrison were hard preyed 
and put every obstacle in the way of a settlement. At last, 
'when the garrison were almost starved to death, he demanded 
as his peace terms the cession of Ellichpur and its dependencies 
and a ransom of 600 maunds of gold, 2 maunds of dianaonds, 
rubies, pearls, emeralds and sapphires, 1000 maunds of silver, 
and 4000 pieces of silk. The king had no alternative but to 
comply; and on the twenty-fifth day after Ala-ud-din's arrival 
at Devagiri, he started homewards, taking with him the accu- 
mulated treasures of the Yadavas. 

With incomparable skill, the prince retreated through 
Central India to Bengal. He had been absent from his 
government for six months and had ceased t,o correspond 
with the Delhi secretariat. At first Jalal-ud-din suspected 
treason. But when news reached him from private sources 
that his nephew had seized at Devagiri a fabulous treasure, 
the emperor passed from suspicion to transports of de- 
light. He regarded the spoils of the campaign as already his. 
Ala-ud-din, however, had now in his hands the weapon which he 
had set forth to seek. With all speed he made himself secure 

42 A History of the Maratha People 

in his provinces of Oudh and Bengal. Next lie sent his younger 
brother, Almas Beg, to remove, if he could, all doubts from his 
uncle's mind. Almas Beg had talents but little inferior to 
those of Ala-ud-din. He depicted his brother as torn by remorse;. 
He had been guilty of disobedience- Without the emperor's 
leave he had raided Devagiri. And nothing less than the sight 
of his uncle's face and the sound of his beloved voice conferring 
pardon would save Ala-ud-din from the crime of self-destruc- 
tion. The emperor bade Almas Beg invite Ala-ud-din to court 
with every assurance of his forgiveness. Almas Beg pleaded 
that his brother dared not go to Delhi. His enemies at comt 
had his uncle's ear and his arrival would be followed at once 
by his execution. Let the emperor come himself to Karra, 
the capital of the Oudh province, and there comfort and forgive 
his unworthy nephew. The emperor's household warned him 
against the folly of such a course. But the ready wit and the 
silver speech of Almas Beg baffled the friends of Jalal-ud-din. 
The credulous old man went with Almas Beg to the Oudli 
frontier. There he was induced to go imarmed and unescorted 
to meet Ala-ud-din. The uncle embraced his nephew and 
freely pardoned him. A moment later Jalal-ud-din was stabbetl 
and his head struck off. Malika Jehan, on the news of hei 
husband's death, tried to oppose the accession of his murderei'. 
But Ala-ud-din distributed a share of his treasures among 
his soldiers and slung gold balls among the villagers, as hr 
advanced on Delhi. A few weeks later Ala-ud-din was empero] 
and with the exception of Almas Beg the whole household of 
Jalal-ud-din Khilji had been confined or assassinated {A.D.1296). 
Upon the retreat of Ala-ud-din, Ramadeva set himself to 
restore, as best he could, prosperity to his ruined capital. It was 
not, however, Ukely that the new emperor would forget the adveii - 
ture of the prince. In A.D. 1306, ten years after his accession, 
he determined to reduce Devagiri to vassalage. The ostensible 
motive of the expedition was the failure of Ramadeva to pay 
tribute. But to it was added another and a more romantic 
one. At the beginning of Ala-ud-din's reign there ruled in 
Guzarat a Waghela Rajput called Karan, but nicknamed Ghelo, 

The Afghan Conquest of the Deccan 43 

or the Rash.* He had a prime minister called Madhava, whose 
talents, indeed, had raised Karan to the throne. Unhappily 
for both king and people Madhava had a beautiful wife, Rup- 
sundari. Karan fell in love with her, and taking advantage 
of Madhava's momentary absence from Anhilwad Patan, the 
capital, sent an armed force to seize her.f A fight ensued and 
in it the minister's brother fell. His widow thereupon resolved 
to die a sati. Before she entered the flames she called down 
a fearful curse on the king and on the city. The king, so 
prophesied the sati, would be driven from his kingdom 
by the barbarian. His wdfe and his daughter would be toni 
from him and he himself would die a homeless wanderer. When 
Madhava came back to Anhilwad Patan he found his home 
ruined. Hearing of the saWs curse he fled to Delhi, that he 
might secure its fulfilment. He obtained an interview with 
Ala-ud-din and told his tale. The emperor, dehghted with the 
pretext, sent his brother Almas Beg, now exalted by the title 
of Alaf Khan, to subdue Guzarat. The duty was well performed. 
Karan Ghelo was defeated. Anhilwad Patan fell. The chief 
queen, Kamaladevi, was taken and was sent to Delhi to be the 
concubine of Ala-ud-din. Karan Ghelo fled with his daughter 
to the court of Ramadeva Yadava, who gave him for his resi- 
dence Baglan, a fort in the Nasik district. The beauty and birth 
of Kamaladevi won her the favour of Ala-ud-din and in course 
of time she grew reconciled to her lot. One thing, however, 
was needed to make her happiness complete and that was the 
company of her daughter. She told this to the emperor, who 
had also learnt with indignation that Ramadeva had sheltered 
Karan Ghelo. He equipped an army of 100,000 men, over 
which he placed a favourite eunuch named Malik Kafir. At 
the same time he issued orders to Alaf Khan to advance on 
Devagiri from Guzarat. On the way he was to take Baglan 
and to secure if possible Karan Ghelo's daughter. The latter, 
Devaldevi by name, was four years old at the time of her father's 

* The literal moaning of Ghelu is mad. But Karan was rash rather than 

t The full story is admirably told in the famous Cuzarati novol Karan GJiel" 
by the late Mr. Nanda Sliaiikar. 

44 A History of the Maratha People 

flight and had now grown into a beautiful maid of fourteen. 
Eamadeva had asked Karan Ghelo to give her in marriage 
to Shankardeva his son. But the Rajput king, although in 
exile, had yet deemed his lineage too high to give his daughter 
to a Yadava of Devagiri. An envoy sent by Alaf Khan, who 
demanded the surrender of Devaldevi for Ala-ud-din's harem, 
caused Karan to change his mind. And he resolved to marry 
her to a Maratha prince, rather than prostitute her to a barbarian 
emperor. He refused Alaf Khan's demand and held Baglan 
as long as he could against the Afghan army. For two months 
his resistance was successful. Famine at last forced him to 
leave his stronghold. He fell back with his troops on Devagiri, 
followed by Alaf Khan. As he retreated, Karan sent a body 
of horse by a separate route to convey Devaldevi to the arms 
of the young Maratha. The plan would have succeeded but 
for unforeseen ill fortune. Alaf Khan pursued Karan's troops 
to a day's march from Devagiri, when in despair at Devaldevi's 
escape he called a two days' halt. During the halt three hundred 
Afghans, imknown to Alaf Khan, slipped out of camp to visit 
the EUora caves. As they started homewards, they saw some 
Hindu cavalry across their way. The Afghans, flushed with 
success, attacked and soon dispersed them. As the conquerors 
fought over the women whom the fugitives had left behind, 
they learnt that one was no other than the beautiful Devaldevi. 
Overjoyed they took her to Alaf Khan, who at once took her 
to Delhi. A few weeks after her arrival, the emperor's son 
Khizr Kian, won by her beauty, obtained her in marriage, and 
the devotion of her husband and the triumph of her own charms 
led her to forget the absence of her father and the miseries of 
her country. 

Malik Kafir with the main Afghan army drove back the 
Maratha forces until he reached Devagiri. Ramadeva saw that 
further resistance was hopeless. He beat a parley, and present- 
ing himself at Malik Kafir's camp, offered to pay full arrears 
of tribute and an ample indemnity. The offer was accepted 
and Kamadeva not long afterwards visited Ala-ud-din at Delhi. 
There the new vassal was received with great honour. The 

The Afghan Conquest op the Deccan 45 

title of Ray-i-Rayan or Hindu King of Kings was conferred on 
him, and in return for his homage, he was permitted not only 
to retain Devagiri but to govern Navasari, a district on the 
seacoast of Guzarat (A.D. 1308). The following year Malik 
Kafir passed by Devagiri to plunder the Kakatiyas of Warangal. 
Ala-ud-din had already tried to reduce them from a base in 
Bengal. But the expedition had failed, and to Malik Kafir was 
committed the task of retrieving the glory of the Delhi arms. 
Ramadeva received and obeyed the command to aid MaHk 
Kafir as a subordinate ally. Attacked both by the Musulman 
general and the Yadava king, the Raja of Warangal yet made a 
stout defence. It was only after a siege of several months that 
he opened negotiations. MaUk Kafir was not imwilling to 
accept terms. His losses had been severe ; Ramadeva's loyalty 
hung on events ; and accepting 300 elephants, 7000 horses and 
a large store of money and jewels Malik Kafir returned in 
triumph to Delhi. 

The year A.D. 1310 saw the downfall of the Hoysalas. They 
had been pressed southwards by the later Yadava kings but 
they still ruled the larger portion of the present Mysore State, 
and their capital was Dwara Samudra.* Legends of their 
wealth were current in Delhi and Ala-ud-din bade Mahk Kafir 
plunder them as he had plundered the Yadavas. On the way 
from Delhi Malik Kafir again halted at Devagiri. But in the 
course of the preceding year (A.D. 1309) Ramadeva had died 
and his son Shankardeva sat on the throne of the Yadavas. The 
memory of Devaldevi made him less phant than his father. 
He refused either help or supplies. Nevertheless he did not 
openly attack Malik Kafir. The latter, leaving a force to watch 
Devagiri, attacked with his main army the Hoysalas. They 
offered a poor resistance, and with a vast store of fresh booty 
MaUk Kafir returned northwards. The news however of 
Shankardeva's conduct kindled resentment in Ala-ud-din, 
which was heightened by his subsequent behaviour. After the 
Delhi army had retired, Shankardeva withheld his tribute. 
MaUk Kafir once more invaded the Deccan, stormed Devagiri 

* The modern Halebid. 

46 A History of the Maratha People 

and beheaded Shankardeva (A.D. 1312). Then laying waste 
Maharashtra he swept through the whole of southern India. 
All the old southern thrones, those of the Pallavas, Cholas, 
Pandyas and Cheras toppled over one after the other until at 
last the triumphant general rested to erect a mosque at Ramesh- 
waram. With the booty of the conquered peoples MaUk Kafir 
was returning to Delhi, when he received an urgent summons 
from Ala-ud-din. Drink and lust, war and intrigue had worn 
out the iron constitution of the great emperor. Khizr Khan, 
on whom he had bestowed Devaldevi, neglected his father. In 
the loneliness of age and ill-health, Ala-ud-din summoned Malik 
Kafir to his side. He was the one person whom the emperor 
trusted and he betrayed the trust with the basest ingratitude. 
On reaching Delhi, he at once began to plot the extermination 
of the whole Khilji house. Alaf Khan, the brother who had 
helped Ala-ud-din to the throne, was long dead ; and the arts 
of Malik Kafir led Ala-ud-din to beheve that his sons, Khizr 
Khan and Shadi Khan, were concerned with the queen's rela- 
tives in a treasonable scheme. At the same tinae news came that 
Guzarat, Rajputana and the Deccan had revolted. Malik Kafir 
laid the blame on the conspirators. The queen and her sons 
were arrested. Her kinsmen were beheaded and the emperor, 
isolated from his kinsmen, soon died of a poisoned meal prepared 
for him by Malik Kafir (A.D. 1316). On the emperor's death 
Malik Kafir put out the eyes of Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan, 
arrested Ala-ud-din's fourth son Mubarak Khan, and placing 
Ala-ud-din's youngest son Umar Khan, then aged seven, on the 
throne, began to govern in his name. It now seemed that the 
new Sejanus, more fortunate than his Roman prototype, had 
brought his schemes to a happy issue. But at the very moment 
of success, his good fortune left him. One night he sent a band 
of assassins to kill Mubarak Khan. The latter happened to 
wear round his neck a string of jewels. With it he ransomed 
his life. The assassins, fearing punishment for their neglect 
of duty, sought out Malik Mashir, the captain of the guards and 
a devoted servant of the dead emperor. Prompt in action, 
Malik Mashir rushed with his men into MaHk Kafir's room, and 

The Afghan Conquest of the Degcan 47 

killing Mm together with a number of other eunuchs privy to 
his schemes, placed Mubarak Khan on the throne of Delhi. 

The new emperor, who was not without abihty, at once plan- 
ned the subjugation of the revolted provinces. In A.D. 1317 
Mubarak's general Ain-ul-Mulk reduced Rajputana and Guzarat. 
In A.D. 1318 Mubarak himself imdertook the recovery of the 
Deccan. Upon Malik Kafir's departure, Harpaldeva, a Yadava 
noble, who had married Ramadeva's daughter, led on her behalf 
a rebellion. With the aid of the neighbouring chiefs, he over- 
came most of the Musulman garrisons and for over a year ruled 
Maharashtra. But on Mubarak's advance Harpaldeva's allies 
deserted him. He himself fled, panic-stricken towards the 
western hills. Before he could reach them, a body of Musu l man 
horse overtook him and brought him into Mubarak's presence. 
He ordered Harpaldeva to be flayed aUve. After death his 
head was cut off and fixed over the main gate of Devagiri. The 
rebellion once crushed, the emperor took steps to prevent its 
recurrence. He built a chain of forts from the Vindhya 
Mountains to Dwara Samudra. And for more than three hund- 
red years the Maratha people dwelt beneath the rule of Musul- 
man kings. 



A.D. 1316 TO 1351 

The history of Maliarashtra from the time of its conquest 
to that of the Bahmani revolution is the history of the Delhi 
empire of which it formed a part. The Emperor Mubarak, after 
he had reduced the Deccan, believed that his duties were over 
and that he might pass the rest of his life in vice and pleasure. 
His natural ability was soon extinguished, and misgovernment 
produced rebellion. His cousin Malik Asad Uddin was the 
first to plot against the throne. The plot was discovered and 
Asad Uddin executed. With him perished the emperor's blind 
brothers, Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan, as well as Umar Khan, 
the unhappy child on whose head Malik Kafir's treason had for 
a moment placed a crown. The beautiful Devaldevi was torn 
from Khizr Khan and carried to Mubarak's harem. Disgusted 
with the treachery of his relatives, Mubarak gave his entire 
confidence to one Hasan, a converted sweeper, on whom he 
bestowed the title of Malik Khusru. The new favourite re- 
peated the tactics of Malik Kafir and penetrating to the extreme 
south brought back 120 elephants and a great store of jewels 
and gold. His success led Malik Khusru to plan a rebeUion in 
the Deccan. Failing to W'in over the other imperial officers, 
he tried to destroy them. The scheme failed and Malik Kiusru 
was sent in chains to Delhi. But such was the dexterity of the 
low-born adventurer, that he turned the tables on his accusers 
and induced the emperor to believe that they and not he were 
guilty. The imperial officers were disgraced and their estates 
confiscated. The graceless low-caste now persuaded Mubarak 
that the sweeper caste was the only one in which trust could be 
placed. With the emperor's leave he summoned twenty thousand 

The Deccan Under Delhi 49 

of them to Delhi. With their aid MaHk Khusru plotted his 
master's destruction. It was in vain that Mubarak's tutor 
Zia-ud-din warned his former pupil. Mubarak's ears were 
deaf to all remonstrances. The same night both tutor and 
emperor were assassinated by Malik Khusru and for the first 
and last time in history the crown of Delhi was worn by a 
sweeper. The new sovereign distributed the ladies of Mubarak's 
harem among his fellow caste-men, reserving Devaldevi for 
himself. The mere touch of such a wretch was worse than death 
to a high-born Rajput lady. And in MaUk Khusru's embraces 
the unhappy princess more than expiated her father's crime 
and fulfilled to the uttermost the curse of the sati. 

The rule of the new emperor, detested as a traitor by Miisul- 

mans and as a low-caste by Hindus, was not destined to endure. 

On the marches of Afghanistan lived a veteran named Ghazi 

Beg Tughlak. His father was a Turkish slave of the Emperor 

Ghyas-ud-din Balban. His mother was a Jat woman of Lahore. 

From early youth to mature manhood the life of Ghazi Beg 

Tughlak had been spent in the camp and on the battlefield. 

His courage and talents had raised him from the rank of sepoy 

to that of warden of the marches. In this high office he fought 

and won twenty-nine pitched battles against the Tartar hordes,^ 

who looked longingly towards the rich plains of India. And 

with a just pride he raised at Multan a mosque on which he 

inscribed the tale of his triumphs. When the news of Mubarak's 

death reached Ghazi Beg, he struck his camp and set out at once 

for Delhi. Malik Khusru and his caste-men defended the ap^ 

proaches of the capital with the courage of despair. But the 

skill of Ghazi Beg and the valour of his veterans overcame their 

resistance. Mahk Khusru fled the field only to be taken and 

slaughtered ; and Ghazi Beg entered Delhi in triumph. WTien 

he reached the gate he asked, with feigned humility, whether 

any yet lived of the house of Ala-ud-din. If any such stiU 

survived, let him be brought forward and placed on the throne. 

The crowd shouted that all had perished. Even yet the conqueror 

feigned aversion from the crown. " Then, people of Delhi," 

he cried, "choose ye among the nobles of the empire the most 


50 A History of the Maratha People 

worthy to succeed and I swear that I shall abide by your choice." 
The mob thundered in answer the name of Grhazi Beg Tughlak, 
and lifting him in their arms, they hailed him as Shah Jehan, 
or sovereign of the universe. Ghazi Beg accepted the crown 
but refused the title. Custam, however, required some change 
of name. In memory possibly of his father's master, Ghyas-ud- 
din Balbam, he called himself Ghyas-ud-din Tughlak. And on 
August 23, A.D. 1321 he became emperor of Delhi. 

The new monarch's vigour soon restored order in Hindustan. 
Near Kabul he built a chain of forts which dming his reign 
closed firmly the northern passes. He sent his eldest son Alaf 
Khan to subdue the Raja of Warangal, who in the recent 
tumults had withheld his tribute. Alaf Khan attacked Warangal 
from Devagiri. But the campaign failed. The Kakatiya Raja, 
Pratap Rudradeva II, defended his town with spirit. The hot 
winds destroyed the health of the besiegers. At last a report 
spread that the emperor was dead and that a revolution had 
broken out at the capital. Believing the report true, several 
officers deserted with their commands. The prince took alarm 
and retreated with all haste. Bitt so severe were the losses 
in the attack and retreat that of the whole army only 3000 
returned to Devagiri. There Alaf Khan found the report to be 
false and enquired into the conduct of his faithless officers. 
Two alone survived. The rest had been killed or taken by the 
Hindus ; and the two survivors had soon reason to envy the fate 
of their comrades. The prince sent them to Delhi. There 
Ghyas-ud-din had them buried alive, observing with grim wit 
that as they had buried him alive in jest he would bury them 
ahve in earnest. The emperor placed Alaf Khan in command 
of a fresh army. This time the prince took great pains to secure 
his communications. Crossing the Godavari at Rakshasabhuvan, 
he advanced south-south-east to Bedar. Taking it by storm, 
he made it his base and then marched due east on Warangal. 
After a prolonged defence Pratap Rudradeva surrendered. He 
and his family were sent as prisoners to the emperor and the 
Kakatiya country was added to the provinces of Delhi. Ghyas- 
ud-din Tughlak now marched in person to subdue Bengal. 

The Deccan Under Delhi 51 

There Kana Khan, the nominal viceroy but actual ruler, has^- 
tened to submit, and after a short campaign in Tirhut to the 
south of Nepal, Ghyas-ud-din turned his face homewards. As 
he neared the capital he met Alaf Khan, who, surrounded by 
a brilliant array of nobles, waited to congratulate his father. 
In a handsome wooden structure specially erected by the prince, 
Ghyas-ud-din held a reception and received the felicitations 
of his courtiers. When the ceremony was over, the emperor 
sent for his carriage. The prince and the nobles hastened 
to leave the building, for it was their duty to guard on horse- 
back Ghyas-ud-din as he entered his vehicle. At last only 
Ghyas-ud-din Tughlak, his infant son, and five attendants 
remained inside the temporary palace. The roof suddenly 
collapsed, destroying in its fall every one beneath it. The 
emperor died as became the former warden of the marches. 
His body was found arched across his son's body, whose life 
he had vainly tried to save. The vulgar invented many causes 
for the calamity. Elephants, so some said, had pushed down 
the building from without. Others asserted that the lightning 
had struck it. Others more ingenious still maintained that 
Alaf Khan had erected the building by magic and that when 
he left it, the magic that had supported it left also, and thus it 
collapsed. But all, save a very few, beheved that whatever 
the immediate cause, the mishap had been contrived by the 
treachery of iVlaf Khan. At one stroke he thus removed the 
occupant of the throne and his favourite son. And as Mahomed 
Tughlak, the prince, in A.D. 1325, became emperor of Delhi. 

Upon the new sovereign nature had showered with both 
hands her choicest gifts. In the course of a long reign he met 
no equal as a captain in the field. But generalship was but 
one of the varied talents of Mahomed Tughlak. He was deeply 
versed in Greek logic and Greek philosophy. He had studied 
profoundly astronomy and mathematics. He knew intimately 
the Arabic and Persian languages. His speeches and letters were 
for centmies the wonder and the model of the Delhi secretariat. 
His Persian verses have been preserved and are still read with 
pleasure by Persian scholars. Anticipating by 500 years the 

52 A History of the Maeatha People 

British Government, he built hospitals for the sick and alma- 
houses for widows and orphans. When he mounted the throne 
the highest hopes were formed of this most eloquent and 
accomplished prince. But when he died, he had fully earned the 
name of the most blood-thirsty despot in Indian history. 

In the second year of Mahomed Tughlak's reign, he was 
threatened by a Moghul invasion. But buying it off, he devoted 
his attention to the subjugation of southern India. And to 
use Ferishta's phrase, he so subdued Tailangana (another name 
for Warangal), the southern Konkan and Dwara Samudra, 
or Mysore, that they might have been villages near Delhi. After 
this campaign, the emperor subdued eastern Bengal to its 
farthest frontiers and Oudh to the foot-hjlls of the Himalayas. 
But the cost of these wars and the lavish gifts which Mahomed 
Tughlak bestowed on the learned men of his time exhausted 
his treasury, already depleted by the ransom paid to the Moghul 
invaders. The fertile mind of the emperor then conceived a 
scheme as ingenious and disastrous as any projected by Law or 
Patterson. He had heard that the Chinese government had 
from early times issued paper money. He resolved, instead of 
bank-notes to issue copper coins with the nominal value of gold 
pieces. But he failed to grasp that the Chinese bank-notes 
were issued only by the emperor and were really but promissory 
notes signed by him. Mahomed Tughlak allowed, or at any 
rate failed to prevent, the bankers of all India from issuing 
copper tokens as fast as the Delhi mint. The result may easily 
be imagined. Every tax-payer hastened to pay taxes in the 
new coinage. Foreign merchants paid their debts with tokens 
but demanded their dues in gold. At last, when the country 
was exhausted by this absurd scheme, the emperor conceived 
another hardly less so. China was a rich country. Its over- 
flowing treasmies would soon refill his. He must, therefore, 
conquer it. To realize this wild project 100,000 horse under 
Khusru Malik, the emperor's nephew, advanced into Nepal. 
The hardy Nepalese resisted their progress step by step. Never- 
theless after desperate fighting Khusru Malik reached the fron- 
tiers of China. There a mighty Chinese force awaited the 

The Deccan Under Delhi 53 

attack of Ms attenuated squadrons. The general in despair 
ordered his troops to retreat. But neither in attack nor in 
flight was there any safety. The rainy season began. The 
mountain paths became torrents and swept away the Indians' 
supplies and baggage trains. The Chinese harried their rear- 
guards. The mountaineers renewed their attacks and, at last, 
of all that host but a few stragglers from the lines of communi- 
cation returned to tell Mahomed Tughlak the fate of his army. 
He at once ordered their execution. 

Disgusted with Delhi as the scene of his failures, Mahomed 
Tughlak resolved to move the capital thence to Devagiri, From 
this new metropohs he hoped to subdue India as far as Cape 
Comorin and with the spoils of his foes to restore his own bank- 
rupt finances. The migration of the court and of the public 
offices did not content him. He ordered the whole Delhi 
population to move to Devagiri. Nor was one single person 
permitted to evade the command. According to the graphic 
story of Ibn Batuta, the Imperial police found,on searching Delhi, 
but two solitary recusants. The one was blind and the other 
bedridden. Mahomed Tughlak directed that the former should 
be shot to Devagiri by a catapult and that the bedridden man 
should be dragged thither by the leg. A few pieces of the blind 
man's flesh and one leg of the bedridden man eventually reached 
the new capital. The emperor built a road from Delhi to Devagiri 
and endeavoured to distribute food to the travellers on the 
way. Yet even so, half the population died on the road and many 
more died on reaching Devagiri. Nor did the Marathas gain 
what the inhabitants of Delhi lost. The tyrant resolved to make 
Devagiri worthy of an emperor's residence ; and as he had no 
funds with which to pay workmen he achieved his aim by 
forced labour. By the weary arms of suffering Marathas he built 
the fort of Daulatabad on a mass of rock not far from the city. 
The perimAer of the fort was 5000 yards. Galleries ran inside 
the stronghold. It was abundantly supplied with water. And 
the engineers of the time declared it impregnable. The new 
capital completed, Mahomed Tughlak set out to enslave what 
still remained free in southern India. Before he could do so he 

54 A HiSTOKY OF THE Maratha People 

had to occupy the great fortress of Kondana, twelve miles from 
Poona, of which a romantic tale will be told hereafter. It was 
defended for eight months by a Koli chief named Nagnak, who 
repulsed all the assaults of the imperial troops. When famine 
overcame his resistance, he skilfully evacuated the stronghold. 
The emperor returned to Devagiri to recruit his war-worn army. 
While they rested he received news that Malik Bairam, viceroy 
of the Punjab, had rebelled. The emperor had come to see 
that while Devagiri was a good base for the conquest of southern 
India, it was dangerously far from his northern possessions. 
He therefore bade all his chief officers send as hostages their 
famihes to Devagiri. Malik Bairam hesitated. The imperial 
messenger charged him with treason. The indignant viceroy 
struck off his accuser's head and then sought safety in the crime 
which he had so hotly repudiated. The emperor hastened 
to the Punjab and soon defeated and slew his turbulent servant. 
He now tried fresh means to replenish his coffers. He incHfeased 
so largely the taxes on the fertile tract between the Ganges and 
the Jamna that the ruined population burnt their houses and 
fled into the woods. Enraged at yet another financial failiiie, 
Mahomed Tughlak organized a hunting party. Surrounding 
the woods, he and his guests shot down in hundreds the wretched 
tax-payers, as his beaters drove them out of the coverts. Uni- 
versal terror now led to universal rebellion. The viceroys of 
eastern Bengal and the southern Konkan revolted. The 
emperor returned to Devagiri and imposed so large a levy on the 
surrounding provinces that it also rebelled. His army, how- 
ever, soon reduced Devagiri to its former slavery and he set out 
to restore order in the southern Konkan. On the road a pesti- 
lence attacked his troops. Numbers perished and the emperor 
himself almost died. On his recovery he gave up the expedition, 
and on returning to Delhi he authorised the city's former in- 
habitants to return there also. A great migration from Devagiri 
ensued. But very few of the emigrants reached the land of 
their desire. A famine broke out in Central India and as they 
passed through the stricken province, they also suffered and fell 
by the way-side. 

The Deccan Under Delhi 55 

Mahomed Tughlak's mind now conceived a strange explanation 
of the continual troubles of his reign. They were not, as one or 
two presumptuous advisers had insinuated, due to his financial 
schemes or to his cruelties. The real cause was the wrath of 
God. Although assiduous in his prayers and the builder of 
many mosques, Mahomed Tughlak had not had his accession 
confirmed by the Arabian Caliph. A stately embassy, laden 
with presents, made its way to Arabia and begged that the 
Cahph would condescend to forgive the past and now proclaim 
the emperor's accession as lawful and proper. The CaUph 
graciously consented and sent an envoy with a letter conferring 
on the emperor what he already possessed. Mahomed Tughlak 
met the envoy on foot twelve miles from Delhi, placed the CaUph's 
letter on his head and had it opened and read with the greatest 
solemnity. He ordered his mosques pubUcly to degrade all 
previous emperors (including his own father) who had not 
received the confirmation of the CaUph. Then he awaited with 
confidence the dawn of happier times. His hopes were vain 
and his calamities grew more numerous than ever. About this 
time K^rishnadeva, a relative of Pratap Eudradeva II, the 
imprisoned Raja of Warangal, escaped captivity and plotted 
rebellion. To his plot he won over the Raja of Vijayanagar. 

The rise of this kingdom is the most interesting and important 
event of the fourteenth century. To the north of the Timga- 
bhadra River stood the fort of Anegundi. Its rulers were the 
petty chiefs qf Kampila, or KampiH, eight miles to the east, who 
were vassals first of the Chalukyas and then of the Yadavas. 
In A.D. 1336 Mahomed Tughlak's nephew Bahauddin rebelled, 
and being defeated, fled from the terrible emperor to the 
court of Kampila. The Hindu chief received the high-born 
fugitive with chivalrous courtesy. He entertained him hospi- 
tably and refused to surrender him. This brought on the chief 
the Delhi army. Undaunted, the chief sent Bahauddin under 
an escort to a neighbouring kingdom and took refuge in his 
stronghold at Anegundi. Surrounded and famine-stricken, 
the Raja resolved to die Hke a Rajput king. He caused a huge 
fire to be ht. In it his wives and those of his garrison threw 

56 A History of the Maeatha People 

themselves. Their honour safe, the Kaja and his nobles opened 
wide the gates and rushing on the besiegers died fighting. The 
emperor placed as viceroy over Anegundi a Musulman noble 
named Malik. 

But although the prince and his kinsmen had perished, 
their spirit had survived. Two brothers named Harihar 
and Bukka, who had served Pratap Rudradeva II, fled 
when Warangal fell in A.D. 1323 and entered the 
Kampila service. Their talents attracted the notice of the 
prince and they respectively rose to be his minister and his 
treasurer. They survived the sack of Anegundi and afterwards 
fomented the opposition to Malik's rule, while artfully pretend- 
ing to be his friends. Through their ingenuity Malik was de- 
graded from the viceregal throne and in his stead Mahomed 
Tughlak raised Harihar* to be Raja of Kampila. Wisely he 
withdrew his capital to the southern bank of the Tungabhadra 
and founded a new city, to which he gave the inspiring name of 
Vijayanagar, or the city of victory. To it flocked all the brave 
or broken men of the Deccan, rajas who had lost their kingdoms, 
barons who had lost their fiefs, devout men who fled from the 
pollution of the foreigner, fighting men who wished to cross 
swords once again with the hated invader. The ancient king- 
doms of the Cholas and the Pandyas, of the Cheras and of the 
Pallavas, acknowledged the new king as their suzerain and soon 
became absorbed in his dominion. Within its frontiers the 
Hindu races of southern India stood for two and a half centuries 
heroically at bay. In A.D, 1342 Harihar died. His reign had 
been peaceful. But his brother and successor Bukka, hence- 
forth known as Bukka Raya, was of a more warlike mould. 
He seized the chance of using the resources of Vijayanagar on 
behalf of a kinsman of his former master. He entrusted a force 
to Krishnadeva, who retook Warangal. Upon this success, the 
rebellion spread through the entire Deccan ; and in a few months 
the emperor's sole possession south of the Vindhyas was Devagiri, 
overawed by the great stronghold of Daulatabad. He sent 
Kutlugh Khan, his one-time tutor, to recover the Deccan. 

* See Sewell, A ForgoUen Empire, Chap. II. 

The Deccan Under Delhi 57 

Kutlugh Khan had partially succeeded, when he was recalled to 
make way for Ain-ul-mulk, the governor of Oiidh. The latter 
was a smooth-tongued courtier and a great favourite of the 
emperor. He had hoped to secure a high office at Delhi, and 
furious at his banishment to a distant province, he rebelled. 
A great battle took place on the banks of the Ganges in which 
Mahomed Tughlak's valour won the day. Nevertheless he 
persisted in his resolve to recall Kutlugh Khan. The latter 
dutifully obeyed the order. But directly he had left the Deccan, 
rebellion broke out afresh and the emperor's southern dominion 
was once more limited to a single city. 

He now conceived a new financial scheme. The miseries and 
above all the poverty of India were, according to his latest 
theory, due to the small area of her cultivation. If this were 
extended, the emperor would soon possess a brimming treasury 
and rule over a prosperous and obedient people. He, therefore, 
chose 100 officers and entrusted to each 60 square miles of 
country and bade them cover it with intensive cultivation. He 
made large advances to enable them to carry through the plan. 
The officers, many of whom knew nothing of farming, failed 
completely, and most fled with what remained of their advances. 
Their conduct led the emperor to assign another cause to his 
troubles. It was not the wrath of God which pursued him. 
Misfortunes came because he elevated nobles to high commands. 
Born amid wealth and honour, they appreciated but little the 
emperor's favours. In future he would bestow the great offices 
of state on the low-born only and supported by their gratitude 
he would end his days in peace and comfort. In pursuance 
of this new plan he appointed Aziz, a liquor seller, to govern 
Malwa, The latter began the tenure of his office by treacher- 
ously assassinating seventy Musulman nobles at a dinner party. 
This act so pleased the emperor that he distributed his govern- 
ments between Lacchena, a singer, two gardeners named Peru 
and Munga, Balu, a weaver and Makhil, a slave. They saw that 
Aziz had won his master's approv^al by assassinating the nobles 
in his province. They followed his example ; the result was that 
those nobles who escaped summoned their kinsmen, who every- 

58 A History of the Maratha People 

where revolted. The first to rise were those of Guzarat, where 
Makhil the slave had been appointed viceroy. Aziz went to 
Makhil's help, but was defeated and slain. The emperor hast- 
ened to Guzarat and, as usual, his talents and vigour crushed 
the rebellion. He now resolved to assassinate all the leading 
Musulmans in Devagiri. Makhil the slave was sent to seize 
them. He did so. On the way northwards they guessed the fate 
that awaited them and overpowered their guards. Eeturning to 
Devagiri they renounced their fealty to Delhi. The emperor 
marched as was his wont to the storm centre. He defeated the 
nobles and besieged them in Daulatabad. But in the absence 
of Mahomed Tughlak, the Guzarat nobles once more took up 
arms. Almost insane with rage, he raised the siege of Daulata- 
bad and returned to Guzarat. As he did so the peasantry and 
hillmen harassed severely his retreat. Nothing, however, 
daunted the courage of the furious emperor. He forced his way 
into Guzarat, defeated the nobles and drove them into Sind. 
He followed them across the Indus, determined to extirpate 
their whole race even if his absence from India cost him his 
empire. On the way a heavy meal of Indus fish brought on an 
attack of fever. But even fever failed to stay Mahomed 
Tughlak. He still pressed on in pursuit of his enemies. But 
the very violence of his pursuit proved their salvation. The 
fever, which careful treatment might have cured, rose with 
neglect. And on March 20, A.D. 1351, Mahomed Tughlak 
died some 30 miles from Thatta in Sind. 

On the emperor's retirement from the Deccan the rebellion 
of the nobles spread until its repression would have taxed the 
entire strength of the Delhi empire. Joined by the forces of 
Warangal and Vijayanagar, they defeated at Bedar the imperial 
troops marching mider Imad-ul-mulk, his son-in-law, to restore 
order. Imad-ul-mulk perished on the field. The imperial 
authority gone and the emperor's army destroyed, it only 
remained for the Deccan nobles to choose a king to reign over 
them. Their first leader was one Ismail Afghan, who mounted 
the throne under the title of Nasaruddin. But in the defeat 
of Imad-ul-mulk a certain Hasan had greatly distinguished 

The Deccan Under Delhi 59 

himself. Seeing that his courtiers turned to Hasan rather than 
to himself Nasaruddin prudently abdicated in his favour. The 
new king had begun hfe as the servant of one Gangadhar or 
Gangu, a Brahman by caste and an astrologer by profession. 
The story runs that when Hasan was one day ploughing a piece 
of land, lent to him as a reward for good service by his master, 
he unearthed a copper vessel containing some gold coins. He 
took them to Gangadhar, who, delighted with his servant's 
honesty, brought it to the notice of Mahomed Tughlak, then 
still Prince Alaf Khan. The latter told his father, who summoned 
Hasan to his presence and gave him the command of 100 horse. 
Gangadhar then drew Hasan's horoscope and learning from it 
his future rise to greatness, made him promise that if ever he 
became a king, he would assume the name of Gangu and employ 
his former master as his minister of finance. ^Mien Mahomed 
Tughlak sent Kutlugh Khan to be viceroy of the Deccan, the 
latter took Hasan as an officer of his suite. At Devagiri he won 
the viceroy's confidence and was one of the leading Deccan nobles 
when they renounced their loyalty to Delhi. AVhen Imad-ul- 
mulk tried to recover the Deccan, Nasaruddin appointed 
Hasan to command the rebel forces. They won the day but 
the victory of his commander proved Nasaruddin's ruin. On 
his abdication Hasan mounted the vacant throne. In the hour 
of his prosperity he remembered his promise to Gangadhar. 
He sent for him and gave him the keys of his treasury, and he 
had himself crowned under the title of Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu 
BgHlimani, thus founding what is known in history as the 
Bahmani empire. 


A.D. 1347 TO 1526 

The new king of the Deccan was as able a monarcli as he had 
been a subject. His vigorous rule soon restored Musulman 
authority in the country round Devagiri. Then, finding Devagiri 
not sufficiently central, he removed his capital to Gulbarga, 
a town some 20 miles north of the Bhima ; and from that base 
he reduced the whole country from the Bhima River in the 
north to the Tungabhadra in the south, and from the fort of 
Choul in the west to the town of Bedar in the east. Gangadhar, 
the former master of the new king, proved as capable a treasurer 
as Hasan proved a sovereign and at no previous time was the 
Musulman yoke more firmly fastened on Maharashtra than 
during the reign of this fortmiate slave. The latter, however, 
did not live long to enjoy the fruits of his skill and prudence. 
In August, 1357, he received an invitation from Prem Rai, a 
descendant of Karan Ghelo to help him conquer Guzarat. Hasan 
accepted the invitation. He sent ahead the vanguard of his 
army under his eldest son, Prince Mahomed. The prince advan- 
ced with expedition until he reached the beautiful wooded valley 
through which winds the Tapti River. An ardent sportsman, 
he soon forgot in the pursuit of tiger the object of his campaign. 
He sent such glowing accounts of his trophies that the king 
pressed forward to join him in the chase. But its fatigues proved 
too great for a frame exhausted by war, intrigue and government. 
He contracted malaria and returned to Gulbarga, where he 
lingered for six months. At last on the point of death he sent 
for his youngest son Mahmud and asked him to read a passage 
from the book before him. It was the Bostan, and without 

The Bahmani Kingdom 61 

design the boy read from it the words written by Sadi of the 
Persian King, Jamshed : 

" I conquered the world by valour and independence, but 
was unable to subdue the power of the grave." 

The dying king recognized in the words of the dead poet his 
own approaching end. He nominated his eldest son as his 
successor, bade his children farewell and a few minutes later 
died. He left behind him the name of a loyal friend and a 
generous enemy, and the long endurance of Musulman rule in 
southern India was due to the care with which Hasan Gangu 
laid its foundations (A.D. 1358). 

To Hasan succeeded his eldest son Mahomed, who assumed 
the title of Mahomed Shah Bahmani I. The beginning of the 
new king's reign was troubled by the threats of the Rajas of 
Warangal and Vijayanagar, Krishnadeva and Bukka Raya. 
They demanded upon pain of war the restitution of all lands 
taken from them by Hasan Gangu. Mahomed Shah acted with 
prudence. For eighteen months he amused the Hindu ambas- 
sadors with promises and negotiations and secretly prepared 
his army. When it was ready, he dismissed the envoys, attacked 
the allies, and defeating them, forced Bukka Raya to fall back 
within his frontiers and Krishnadeva to pay a large ransom 
in gold and jewels. A peace ensued which lasted for twelve 
years, when it was again disturbed by the Hindus. Vinayak- 
deva, the son of Krishnadeva, seized some horses destined for 
the Bahmani king. The latter with 4000 cavalry hastened 
towards Vailam Pillam,* the scene of the offence. He sent on a 
few of his troopers disguised as traders, who declared that they 
had been pillaged by robbers^.-. The town guards gathered 
round them and became so abalrrbed in the tale, that they did 
not observe until too late the advance of the rest of the army. 
They then in vain tried to shut the gates. They were cut down, 
and in the ensuing confusion the Bahmani troopers took the 
town. Vinayakdeva retreated into the citadel. The same 
night he fled, but was overtaken and brought before Mahomed 
Shah. The king, pleased with his success, had no wish to kill 

* Haig, Historical Landmarks of the Dcccan, p. 7. 

62 A History of the Maratha People 

the prince. But the latter abused his captor with such ob- 
scenity that Mahomed Shah's good humour vanished. He had 
Vinayakdeva's tongue cut out and had him shot from a catapult 
into a vast bonfire, wherein he was instantly consumed. 

For two years Krishnadeva continued the war. Then, unable 
further to resist, he made a humiliating peace. He ceded 
Golconda, and a number of elephants and horses, and paid a 
ransom of 33 lakhs of rupees. When the treaty was signed, 
the Hindu ambassadors informed the conqueror that if he 
would bind himself and his successors to respect for ever the 
frontiers of Warangal, the Raja could make Mahomed Shah a 
present worthy not only of a king but of an emperor. Mahomed 
Shah, devoured with curiosity, agreed to a perpetual peace and 
received his reward. Pratap Rudradeva II had prepared for 
Mahomed Tughlak a beautiful throne known as the Takhti 
Firoz, or the throne of azure. It was of solid gold studded with 
precious gems. Pratap Kudradeva had died before its comple- 
tion. His kinsman Krishnadeva, a rebel against the emperor, 
had retained it. He now presented it with all humility to the 
new suzerain of the south. 

The king's next campaign was against Vijayanagar. One 
evening he sat in his pleasure gardens, listening to a band of 
musicians as they sang the couplets of Amir Khusru. Pleased 
with the song and intoxicated with forbidden liquor, he ordered 
his minister to prepare for the singers a draft on the Vijayanagar 
treasury. The minister, thinking the order but a drunken 
man's whim, wrote the draft but did not send it. Next morning, 
however, the king compelled him to do so. The ^aja of 
Vijayanagar seated the messenger who brought the draft on 
an ass and sent him home. Knowing that war was now im- 
minent, Bukka Raya made a surprise attack on the fortress of 
Mudkal in the Doab, the land between the Krishna and Tungab- 
hadra Eivers, and put the garrison to the sword. The Bahmani 
king, on hearing the news, vowed that he would avenge the 
disaster by killing 100,000 Hindus. Nor did he fail to keep his 
vow. The Raja fell back on Adoni, a fortress south of the 
Tungabhadra. Near that stronghold a battle took place in 

The Bahmani Kingdom 63 

which the Hindus were completely defeated. The Musulmans 
ravaged the country-side, killing its entire population. Bukka 
Raya retreated to Vijayanagar. Mahomed Shah laid siege 
to it. But the main Hindu army so harassed his force and 
its communications that he had recourse to a stratagem. He 
feigned a serious illness and struck his camp. Bukka Raya, 
overjoyed, followed him, harassed his retreat and fell into the 
Bahmani king's trap. The latter recrossed the Tungabhadra 
and halted in a spacious plain. The same night he made a 
daring attack on Bukka Raya's camp and killed 10,000 of the 
Raja's troops. The latter then sued for peace. It was granted, 
but by one of the articles the Raja had to honour the king's 
draft and pay the musicians. Except for the revolt of a certain 
Bairam Khan which Mahomed Shah suppressed without difficul- 
ty, the rest of the king's reign passed in peace. He died in 
A.D. 1375 and left behind him the name of a valiant soldier 
and a vigorous administrator. But to the Musulman historian* 
his chief glory lay in his having killed within 17 years no less 
than 500,000 Hindus. 

Mahomed Shah's son, Mujahid Shah, followed his father on 
the throne of Gulbarga. The new king had all the qualities of 
a great prince, except the power to control his temper. His 
mind was vigorous and highly cultivated. His person was 
majestic. And such was his strength that when but fourteen 
years old he overcame the greatest wrestlers in his father's 
dominions. At his accession he was only nineteen years old 
and not unnaturally looked to win glory at the expense of his 
neighbours. The Doab served as a pretext. The bulk of it 
had been annexed by Mahomed Shah Bahmani. But a few 
towns here and there remained in the joint possession of Hindus 
and Musulmans. Mujahid Shah sent an envoy to Vijayanagar 
with a haughty message. "Joint possession," said the Musul- 
man envoy, " is the fruitful cause of dispute. Let the Raja 
of Vijayanagar withdraw his troops to the south of the Tungab- 
hadra, and the two powers will in future live together in amity." 
" The whole Doab," replied the indignant chief, "is the country 

* Ferishta. 

64 A History of the Maratha People 

of my ancestors. If the barbarian wants peace let him withdraw 
his pretensions to all lands south of the Krishna." The envoy 
returned to Gulbarga and war ensued. Bukka Raya camped 
on the southern bank of the Tmigabhadra, intending to await 
there the attack of Mujahid Shah. Suddenly a panic spread 
among the Hindus. They learnt that Mujahid Shah had in a 
recent hunt slain single-handed a tiger. Bukka Raya withdrew 
his army into the woods for six months. Mujahid Shah pursued 
him and guerilla warfare raged through the Western Ghats and 
Kanara jungles. At last Bukka Raya's health suffered so much 
that he fell back on Vijayanagar. A battle took place near the 
city. Mujahid Shah was victorious but his losses had been so 
heavy that he resolved to retreat. He then learnt that his 
uncle Daud Shah, whom he had posted on a narrow neck to 
guard his rear, had left his post to join in the battle. The safety 
of the Musulman army was now gravely imperilled. Neverthe- 
less the discipline of the Bahmani troops and the courage and the 
endurance of Mujahid Shah enabled him to withdraw without 
disaster. He vented, however, so vehemently his wrath on Daud 
Shah that the latter, brooding over the reprimand, plotted the 
king's murder. A year later chance favoured him. The king 
had been fishing and had gone to rest with only a single slave to 
guard him. While the king slept Daud Shah and three assassins 
entered his room. The glare on the water had hurt the king's 
eyes, so that he could not see his enemies. Daud Shah stabbed 
his nephew through the body. His companions killed the slave 
and then cut in pieces the dying monarch. 

Daud Shah, his revenge gratified, aspired to moimt the throne 
of his murdered nephew. But his aims were baffled by the 
courage of Ruh Parva Agha, the dead king's sister. One month 
and five days after Mujahid Shah's death, an assassin procured 
by her stabbed Daud Shah, as he prayed in the great mosque 
at Gulbarga. Daud Shah removed, the princess proclaimed 
that none of the traitor's stock should profit by his villainy. 
Blinding his son, Mahomed Sangam, she placed on the throne 
Mahmud Shah the youngest son of Hasan Gangu, the boy who 
had read the fines of Sadi to his dying father (A.D. 1378). In 

The Bahmani Kingdom 65 

the disorders that followed the murder of Mujahid Shah, Bukka 
Raya of Vijayanagar overran the Doab. But upon the accession 
of Hasan Gangu's son, he withdrew his armies, offered his con- 
gratulations and promised tribute. The new king, who had 
never expected the good fortune of a throne, had passed his 
youth and manhood in the study of Persian and Arabic. His 
private munificence had supported a number of poets and 
-writers. And he wished his court to be adorned by the greatest 
Persian poet of the time, the renowned Khwaja Hafiz of Shiraz. 
He sent a brother poet Mir Faiz Ulla with an ode and a sum of 
money to invite Hafiz to Gulbarga. The great poet, flattered 
by the king's condescension, embarked at Ormuz. His ship 
had hardly weighed anchor, when a great storm forced it back 
to port. Hafiz had suffered so terribly from sea-sickness that 
he insisted on landing and gave up the voyage. And instead 
of his company, Mahmud Shah was forced to be content with 
six stanzas in which the poet extolled the beauties of Shiraz, 
as an excuse for not leaving it. 

Mahmud Shah reigned for nineteen years in perfect peace 
with his Hindu neighbours. No wars added to his dominions 
nor emptied his treasury. But when famine broke out, his 
husbanded resources enabled him to feed his people with grain 
brought at his expense from Malwa and Guzarat. Ala-ud-din 
Khilji, to boast of his victories, gave himself the name of the 
second Alexander. Mahmud Shah's subjects, proud of his 
learning and moderation, conferred on him the nobler title of 
the second Aristotle. On April 25, A.D. 1397, the wise and just 
king died of fever, leaving to succeed him his eldest son Ghyas-ud- 
din. This unhappy prince was only seventeen at his accession 
and at once plunged into the wildest excesses. Among his 
Turkish slaves was one Lalchin, who had a beautiful and accom- 
plished daughter. The prince demanded her for his harem. 
The hot blood of Turkestan boiled at the insult. Luring 
Ghyas-ud-din to his house by a promise to gratify his desire, 
the slave flmig his master on his back and blinded him with a 
dagger. Lalchin then assassinated the twenty-four principal 
nobles of the court and placing Shamsuddin, Ghyas-ud-din's 

66 A History of the Maratha People 

brotlier, on the throne, hoped to govern the Deccan in his name. 
The daughters, however, of Mahmud Shah were married to 
Firoz Khan and Ahmad Khan, the two yomiger sons of Daud 
Shah ; and they instigated their husbands to avenge their 
brother. Lalchin tried to setze them but thev fled to Sagar. 
There they gathered round them a considerable force and risked 
a battle with the royal army. Defeated, they disguised their 
aims by treachery. They affected submission, prayed for, and 
obtained pardon. A fortnight later they skilfully seized the 
persons of Lalchin and Shamsuddin. Lalchin they handed over to 
the vengeance of Ghyas-ud-din, who although blind cut him to 
pieces with a sabre. Shamsuddin's eyes were put out and he 
j)assed from a throne to a dungeon. And Firoz Khan, under the 
title of Firoz Shah Bahmani, assumed the crown which his father 
Daud Shah had vainly sought to wear (November 15, 1397). 

The talents of the new king distinguished him even among 
the gifted princes of the Bahmani line. He was a consummate 
linguist. He had studied deeply such varied sciences as botany, 
geometry, and logic. He conducted twenty-four campaigns 
against the Hindus and extended th6 frontiers of the Bahmani 
empire further than any previous king. But his most extra- 
ordinary quality was his love of female beauty. Li this he 
equalled, if he did not surpass, King Augustus I of Poland and 
Saxony. At first he felt some doubts whether Islam permitted 
more than four wives. But convinced by the Shia doctors 
that the Prophet had approved temporary imions, he on a 
single day received 300 women into his zanana. From that 
day onwards his agents continually brought to his seragUo the 
fairest faces of Greece and Italy, Russia and Tibet, Afghanistan 
and India. Within its walls the polyglot king conversed with 
every inmate in her own language ; and according to Ferishta, 
he bestowed on each of his mistresses such attention that she 
thought herself the sole object of the royal affections. There 
seems, however, no doubt that in the end his excesses weakened 
his mind and led to his downfall. 

Of Firoz Shah's twenty-four campaigns, two deserve special 
mention. In A.D. 1379 Bukka Raya of Vijayanagar had 

The Bahmani Kingdom 67 

passed away, leaving to his son a mighty kingdom defended 
hy a large and well-disciplined army. His son, Harihar II, was 
as peaceful as his Musulman contemporary, Mahmud Shah. 
In A.D. 1398 he was advanced in years, and his son, afterwards 
Bukka II, had already usurped most of his father's powers. 
AVith or without the king's leave, the prince set in 
motion the armies of Vijayanagar and overran the Doab. He 
reached the southern banks of the Krislnia before the Bahmani 
forces had time to mobiUze. The Krishna was in high flood 
and Firoz Shah saw no way to cross it. At this moment one 
Kazi Shiraz offered his services to the king. He would assassi- 
nate Prince Bukka or his son, and in the alarm thereby caused, 
Firoz Shah could cross the Krishna and destroy the enemy. 
Firoz Shah agreed and collected a number of rafts for his army. 
Kazi Shiraz, with seven friends, went disguised as beggars to 
the harlots' quarters of the Hindu camp. There the Kozi 
affected to fall in love with a pretty courtezan, who accepted 
his attentions. One evening, however, his mistress told him 
that she was engaged to dance and sing before the prince's son. 
The Kazi, like a distracted lover, begged her to take him with 
her. The girl objected that the prince would only admit 
musicians. " But I too am a musician," pleaded the Kazi, 
and taking from his mistress her rebek, he played and sang and, 
calling his companions, danced with such skill that she gladly 
took with her the whole party. After the dancing-girl had 
displayed her art and charms, she begged the prince to let the 
Kazi and his companions dance also. Leave was given and the 
Kazi and his friends began a dagger dance. So brilliant was 
their execution that the prince let them draw closer and closer. 
Suddenly they plunged their daggers into the hearts of the 
prince and his courtiers. The assassins then ran out, and cut 
the ropes of the tent, so that it fell upon the party inside. 
Minghng with the crowd they spread every kind of alarming 
report. In the ensuing confusion 4000 Musulmans crossed 
the river and slaughtered the Vijayanagar troops hke sheep. 
Prince Bukka, distracted by the loss of his son and the defeat 
of his army, fell back on his father's capital, where the aged 

68 A History of the Maratha People 

Eaja, who had all his life loved peace, gladly paid Firoz Shah 
£ 400,000 in order again to obtain it. 

Another of Firoz Shah's campaigns contained an equally 
romantic episode. In Mudkal, one of two great strongholds 
in the Doab, dwelt a beautiful girl named Nihal. Her family 
were sona/rs or goldsmiths and her parents wished to wed her 
to a boy of her own caste. But she pleaded so earnestly for a 
respite that the marriage was postponed. An old Brahman who 
happened to visit her parents was so struck with her beauty 
that he spent eighteen months in teaching her to dance and sing. 
The teacher was an expert but so apt was the pupil that she 
at length surpassed her master. The delighted Brahman went 
to Vijayanagar. There Harihar II had died the year after the 
loss of his grandson. His son Bukka II had succeeded and had 
died early in A.D. 1406. In his place there now reigned his 
younger brother Deva Ray a I, To him the Brahman sang so 
fervently the praises of the maid Nihal, that at last the Idng felt 
that life would be worthless unless he possessed her. He sent 
back by the Brahman rich presents for the girl's parents and 
promised to make her his queen. But again Nihal begged that 
her parents would not part her from them. The Brahman 
returned to Vijayanagar and told the Raja the failure of his 
mission. Deva Raya I, furious with disappointment, sent 
5000 cavalry to take her. But ignorant of their object the 
parents and their daughter fled. At the same time Firoz Shah, 
indignant at the unprovoked invasion, attacked the cavalry, 
routed it and in turn invaded Vijayanagar, The Raja's troops 
were everywhere defeated. His great fortress of Bankapur 
fell and in the end he was forced to give his own daughter in 
marriage to Firoz Shah with the town of Bankapur as her wed- 
ding dowry. It then transpired that the goldsmith's daughter 
had from the first believed that her fated husband was a Musul- 
man prince. For this reason she had rejected a marriage with 
a sonar boy and the embraces of a Hindu sovereign. On learn- 
ing this, Firoz Shah had her brought to court, and finding that 
her beauty exceeded all description, he gave her in marriage 
to his eldest son Hasan Khan. 

The Bahmani Kingdom 69 

In A.D. 1417 Firoz Shah, in spite of Mahomed Shah's treaty 
of perpetual peace with Warangal, tried to seize Pangal, a strong- 
hold to the north of the Krishna and within the frontiers of the 
Warangal Kaja. Now for the first time good fortune left him. 
The garrison defended the fortress so resolutely that after two 
years their defence was unshaken, while the besieger's army 
had dwindled to almost nothing. Changes too had occmTed 
at Vijayanagar. Deva Raya I had died in A.D. 1412. His 
grandson Deva Raya II was now on the throne. The new king 
was in the flower of his age. Vigorous in body, ambitious 
of glory, surrounded by the fiery chivalry of the south, he led 
his army northwards to help his Hindu brother. Firoz Shah 
should have raised the siege and fallen back on Gulbarga. His 
pride forbade him. He faced the enemy and lost his entire 
army. He himself escaped with the greatest difficulty from 
the battlefield. Deva Raya II overran the Doab, but he was 
eventually driven out by the vigour of Firoz Shah's brother, 
Ahmad Khan. His brother's victory w^as more fatal to the 
king than his own defeat. The king's son Hasan Khan, naturally 
a weak prince, had become so enamoitted of the lovely Nihal 
that, abandoning all business, he had given up his entire time 
to his wife. The disgusted nobles turned their eyes to Ahmad 
Khan. Civil war broke out. The royal forces were overthrown 
and the king was besieged in Bedar. In despair he opened the 
gate of the town and abdicated in his brother's favour. Ten 
days later Firoz Shah died and his brother, under the title of 
Ahmad Shah Bahmani, reigned in his stead (March 1422). 

The new king's abilities were equal to those of Firoz Shah 
and he had not dissipated his vigour in the royal zanana. He 
treated Prince Hasan with great kindness and gave him a beauti- 
ful palace in which to enjoy the company and the charms of 
the goldsmith's daughter. He also took steps to meet the 
attacks of the Rajas of Warangal and Vijayanagar, Avho had 
gained confidence during the civil strife. The hostile forces 
neared each other until they were only divided by the Tunga- 
bhadra. Alarmed by the sight of the Musulman army, the Raja 
of Warangal deserted his ally. Nevertheless Deva Raya held 

70 A History of the Maratha People 

his ground and defied Ahmad Shah to cross the river. Under 
cover of a dark night Ahmad Shah did so, and one of his patrols 
sm'prised Deva Raya as he lay asleep in a sugar-cane plantation. 
He was clad in scanty attire and the Musulman soldiers took 
the half-naked man to be a common villager. They made 
him carry for them a bundle of sugar-cane. As the fight devel- 
oped, the patrol left Deva Raya to join their comrades, and 
miwounded, the Raja returned safely to his army. His narrow 
escape, however, afiected his nerves, and with all haste he broke 
off the action and retreated to Vijayanagar. Ahmad Shah now 
overran the country round the capital, slaughtered the "^Tetched 
villagers with their women and children and defiled their most 
sacred temples. Exasperated at the king's inhumanity, five 
thousand Hindus swore to kill him. Closely their spies watched 
his movements. One day they brought word that the king, 
accompanied by only two hundred guardsmen, was hunting 
twelve miles from his camp. The five thousand Hindus galloped 
with all haste to the spot. Fortunately for the king a body 
of archers joined him at this moment and by sacrificing them- 
selves enabled their master to reach a mud fort not far away. 
There the arrival of a large body of troops drove off the Hindus. 
The king now blockaded Vijayanagar so closely that Deva Raya 
was glad to offer peace. The king, sobered by his recent danger, 
was glad to accept it. The Raja paid a large sum as tribute 
and the king marched northwards to pmiish the Raja of Waran- 
gal. That unlucky prince paid to the full the penalty of his 
faithlessness. His army was destroyed. His capital was 
stormed. He lost at once his country and his life. Henceforth 
Warangal, under the name of Telingana or Tailangaua, became 
a province of the Bahmani kingdom. 

In 1429 Ahmad Shah after a successful campaign in Malwa 
suffered a severe reverse at the hands of the Musulman monarch 
of Guzarat. Ahmad Shah had sent his general Malik-ul-Tujar, 
a Persian adventurer, to reduce the lower Konkan. When 
this feat had been accomplished, the general in an excess of zeal 
took the island of Bombay, now the capital of the Enghsh, 
then the property of the king of Guzarat. The latter protested. 

The Bahmani Kingdom 71 

"but Ahmad Shah endorsed his general's act. A battle followed 
in winch the Deccan army suffered a complete defeat. And 
Bombay Island was again occupied by the troops of Guzarat. 
After a reign of 12 years and 11 months Ahmad Shah died. His 
reign was on the whole successful. He left his kingdom larger 
than he had fomid it. But a deep stain of cruelty rests upon 
his fame. Yet in spite of it he is the only Musulman king of 
India on whom his people conferred the title of " Wall " or 
saint. And if the tale be true, it must be conceded that he 
fully earned it. For once, after a two years' famine, he obtained 
by his prayers and intercessions a bountiful monsoon (February 
24, 1435). 

The early reign of the new king Ala-ud-din Shah, the son of 
Ahmad Shah, was troubled by domestic disturbances. In spite 
<jf his kindness to his younger brother, Mahomed Khan, the 
latter attempted with the aid of Vijayanagar to usurp the throne. 
After a fiercely contested action near Bedar the royal troops 
won the day and Mahomed Khan fled. The generous king, 
however, forgave his brother, and recalling him to the capital 
made him governor of Raichur. His next trouble came from 
his wife. He had been married in youth to Malika Jehan, 
daughter of Nassir Khan, King of Khandesh. She had retained 
her husband's affection mitil his general, Dilavar Khan, brought 
him from a western campaign the lovely daughter of a Konkan 
baron. Skilled in music, witty, amiable and beautiful, she 
at once effaced from the king's heart the picture of ]Malika 
Jehan. The neglected wife appealed to her father. He raised 
a large army and allied himself to the King of Guzarat, and a 
number of Deccan nobles invaded Berar. Ala-ud-din Shah, 
fearing treason, dared neither leave his capital nor entrust 
liis army to any of his nobles. At last he thought of Malik-ul- 
Tujar, whose capture of Bombay had led to his severe defeat. 
Malik-ul-Tujar accepted the command of his army but dismissed 
all the Deccan officers, alleging that his former disaster had been 
due to their treachery. Success justified his act. With a 
force only 7000 strong he defeated Nassir Khan, ravaged 
Khandesh and effectually crushed both the rebels within and the 

72 A History of the Maratha People 

invaders without. Returning in triumph to Bedar, now the 
capital of the Bahmanis, MaUk-ul-Tujar was received out- 
side the city by tSh king's eldest son. Honours were now 
showered on him by his grateful master, who went so far as to 
give to all Persian* and foreign officers precedence over all 
Deccanis and Abyssinians. This unfortunate act created an 
enmity between the two classes of officials, which in the end 
destroyed the Musulman power in the Deccan. 

About this time Deva Raya II of Vijayanagar, depressed 
by continual defeat, called upon his priests and nobles to explam 
the frequent successes of the Bahmani kings. " Their territory," 
said Deva Raya, " is smaller than my own ; their courage is no 
greater than ours and their rehgion is barbarous." The 
Brahmans replied that heaven had ordained that for 30,000 years 
the Musulmans should oppress the Hindus. The nobles gave 
a more manly answer. " The Musuhnans," they replied, 
" are better mounted and more skilled as archers. Let the Raja 
keep a large force of trained bowmen and victory will once 
more return to his banners." Deva Raya accepted the advice 
of his nobles and enlisted not only Hindu archers but also several 
thousand Musulman mercenaries. After training the new 
levies, Deva Raya set forth to conquer the Bahmani kingdom. 
He at first met with some success. He surprised Mudkal and 
advanced to the southern bank of the Krishna. There, however, 
he met the fate which awaits mere imitators. In a series of 
actions the copy proved unequal to the original. The Raja's 
troops were defeated. The Raja himself was invested in 
Mudkal. Now convinced that to overthrow the Bahmani 
kingdom was beyond his power, he, for the rest of his life, 
acknowledged the Bahmani king as his overlord and paid him 

After the defeat of Vijayanagar, Ala-ud-din Shah resolved 
to seize and garrison all the Konkan fortresses. The Konkan 
plains had long been in the hands of the Bahmanis. But the 
giant strongholds of the Western Ghats were still the refuge 
of robber barons. They paid or withheld tribute as it suited 

* Malik-ul-Tujar was a Persian. 

The Bahmani Kingdom 73 

themselves and preyed continually upon the merchants and 
cultivators who owed allegiance to the Bahmani power. The 
mightiest of these mountain forts was the great hill of Khelna, 
nqw known as Vishalgad. Surrounded on the east, north 
and south by dense forests, it drops on the western side a sheer 
2000 feet. To reduce Khelna was the king's ambition. He 
again gave the command to Malik-ul-Tujar. The royal army 
descended into the Konkan from Junnar, and the general took 
several small hill forts as he advanced south. Among the 
chiefs whom he overthrew was a Maratha baron named Shirke, 
whom Malik-ul-Tujar forced mider pain of death to turn 
Mahomedan, Shirke plotted a signal revenge. He affected 
to become a loyal subject and a true beUever and offered to 
guide Malik-ul-Tujar's army through the Khelna forests. The 
few Deccani ojSicers whom the general had still with him 
distrusted Shirke and deserted. But Malik-ul-Tujar trusted 
blindly his mortal enemy and let him guide the army to the 
spot where the undergrowth was thickest. There Shirke 
escaped and made his way to Shankar Rai, the baron of Khelna. 
The tAvo returned with a large Maratha force, surprised the weary 
Musulmans, and slew 7000 of them, including their general. 
The few foreign officers who survived wished to report at head- 
quarters the treachery of the Deccanis. But the latter were 
beforehand with the king and induced him by their arts to 
order the massacre of their traducers. The mifortunate foreign- 
ers fled to Chakan, where the Deccanis treacherously took 
and killed a large number. A handful however escaped to 
Bedar and told Ala-ud-din Shah the truth. The latter, doubly 
enraged at his defeat and his foolishness, restored the foreign 
oflEicers to favour and executed the deserters. 

The last three years of Ala-ud-din's reign were darkened 
by illness and rebellion. An eruption on his foot confined 
him to his room and gave rise to the report of his death. The 
report induced his nephew Sikandar Khan to rebel. He obtained 
the support of the kings of Malwa and Khandesh. But in the 
hour of peril rose the high spirit of Ala-ud-din Shah, and he 
took the field at the head of his armv. The invaders retreated ; 

74 A History op the Maratha People 

Sikandar Khan submitted ; and Ala-ud-din Shah returned to 
Bedar, where he died happy in his final triumph (April 3, 

To the wise and capable Ala-ud-din Shah succeeded- his son^ 
Prince Humayun, to whom his subjects rightly gave the name 
of Zalim or the Tyrant. His accession was followed by a fresh 
revolt of Sikandar Khan, who now, as the king's cousin, claimed 
a share in the kingdom. At the same time the king's younger 
brother Hassan Khan tried to usurp the throne. Resolutely 
Humayun met both dangers. He crushed the palace conspiracy 
and Winded Hassan. He defeated and slew Sikandar Khan in a 
hard-fought battle. But while Humayun was absent from his 
capital he received news of a fresh disturbance. Hassan Ivhan's 
friends managed by a forged order to enter his prison and to 
release him and a number of those imprisoned with him. The 
blind prince then raised an army and at first defeated the royal 
troops. But when Humayun returned with his main forces he 
gained a complete victory. Hassan Khan fled, but was seized by 
the governor of Bijapur and handed over to the royal mercy. 
But the anxieties which he had undergone had unsettled the 
king's mind. From the date of his victory to the end of 
his reign his conduct was that of a raving madman. He prepared 
an arena in Bedar. And there in the presence of the whole 
city, he gave a free rein to his cruel temper. First Hassan 
Khan was thrown to and devoured by a man-eating tiger. His 
companions were beheaded one after the other, and then the 
mihappy women of their households were publicly violated 
by the lowest scum from the Bedar prisons. The spectacle 
ended with the torture and massacre of 7000 persons, most 
of whom had little or no concern with the prince's rebelHon. 
Nor did this revenge satisfy the king. Thenceforward he 
acted towards his loyal subjects as he had acted towards 
the rebels. To gratify a passing whim he would execute 
or torture them or violate their women. At last after a reign 
of three and a half years a just fate overtook him. His 
servants fell upon him when drunk and tore him to pieces. 
(September 4, 1461). , 

The Bahmani Kingdom 75 

The tyrant left a son, Nizam Sliah, but nine years old, to 
succeed him ; but the king's infancy gave ample scope to the 
abilities of the queen mother. They were at once fully tested. 
The Hindu chief of Orissa, descended from the ancient house 
of Warangal, marched southwards to place a kinsman on its 
throne. The invasion was checked and the Hindu army retreat- 
ed. A second attempt in the following year was even more 
disastrous. The Orissa chief's whole army perished and he him- 
self barely escaped with his life. To celebrate the victory 
the queen mother resolved to marry her son and chose for his 
bride one of her own relatives. Unhappily the excitement of 
the ceremonial proved too much for the boy king. His head 
suddenly sank forward on his breast. His body fell to one 
side ; and when the courtiers rushed to support him he was 
already dead of heart failure (July 30, 1463). 

To the dead king succeeded his still younger brother Mahomed 
Shah Bahmani II. The twenty years during which the prince 
reigned saw the Bahmani power reach its greatest height and 
then crumble almost to pieces. Its rise and its collapse had a 
common cause in Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, the king's minister. 
This loyal and gifted man was connected with the royal house 
of Persia. His ancestors had for several generations been 
hereditary Vazirs to the Persian princes of Jhilan. The enmity 
of Shah Tamasp forced the young Mahmud to leave his country. 
He became a merchant and in the course of his travels came 
to Bedar, intending to journey thence to Delhi. Ala-ud-din 
met him, was attracted by his qualities and made him a noble 
of his court. In the reign of Humayun Shah he rose to be first 
minister. This office he filled with great distinction during 
the minorities of Nizam Shah and Mahomed Shah II ; and after 
the latter came of age, he yet remained in favour. So long 
as his master hand guided the Bahmani affairs, the state 
prospered. He first dictated peace to the king of Malwa and 
then marched against Shankar Kai of Khelna. After two 
campaigns he captured the great Maratha stronghold and 
ravaged all Shankar Kai's lands, thus avenging the defeat of 
MaUk-ul-Tujar. He then made a surprise attack both by land 

76 A History of the Maratha People 

and sea on the Vijayanagar fortress of Goa. The Hindu kingdom 
had recently passed through troubled times. Deva Raya had 
died of wounds inflicted by his own brother. To him succeeded 
his son Deva Kaya III, and then his grandson Virupaksha I. 
Ever since the reign of Deva Raya II, the Vijayanagar cavahy 
had been mounted on imported horses. The importers were 
the Musulman traders of Bhatkal. In A.D. 1469, either on 
religious or commercial grounds, they began to sell their animals 
to the Bahmani monarch. Virupaksha I, furious with the 
merchants, ordered their massacre. Ten thousand Musulmans 
perished. The rest fled to Goa, where they founded a city, 
which now yielded gladly to the arms of Mahmud Gawan. Two 
years later Virupaksha I tried to retake it. He was aided by 
Vikrama Rai, the chief of Belgaum. But the Bahmani king 
forestalled their offensive by storming Belgaum. And soon all 
Vikrama Rai's lands were added to the Bahmani dominion. 

In A.D. 1475 a great famine devastated the Deccan. This 
tempted the Raja of Orissa once again to invade Telingana. 
But a good monsoon restored Mahomed Shah's prosperity and 
his minister equipped so efficient an army that not only w^as the 
Raja driven from Telingana but he soon had lost Orissa also. 
Forced to sue for peace he obtained it by surrendering his 
elephants and abandoning all claims to Telingana. Several, 
however, of the Hindu barons had revolted to aid the Raja. 
The leader of these was one Bhim Raja, the feudal lord of 
Kondapalli, a large town some 20 miles from the mouth of the 
Krishna. On the defeat of the Orissa forces, the unfortunate 
chief was cut off from all hope of success. After six months' 
siege he prayed for and obtained pardon. But although the 
king forgave the noble, he vented his anger on the priests. And 
to AAdn the title of Ghazi, or holy one, he destroyed the largest 
temple in the town and with his own hand slaughtered the 
attendants. The sacrilege alienated his Hindu subjects and must 
have disgusted the broader-minded among his Musulman 
followers. Both remembered that through a Brahman's 
kindness Hasan Gangu had risen to a throne and in the calamities 
that followed both saw divine retribution for the cruel deed. 

The Bahmani Kingdom 77 

Nevertlieless so long as Malimud Gawaii remained the king's 
minister, no evil befell his master. Shortly after the fall 
of Kondapalli, Mahmud Gawan reduced Masulipatam, held 
for Vijayanagar by the Raja's relative Narsinha Raya, 
who some years later was to usurp the southern throne. 
But the continual successes of Mahmud Gawan excited the envy 
of his fellow nobles. They forged a letter purporting to be 
written by the great minister to the Raja of Orissa offering to 
share with him the Bahmani kingdom. They next induced a 
drunken slave to seal this paper with Mahmud's seal. Then they 
showed it to the king. The latter, intoxicated at the time, 
would hear no explanation nor hold any inquiry. An Abyssi- 
nian slave cut off Mahmud Gawan's head in his master's presence 
and the same blow severed the sinews of the Bahmani empire. 

One Yusuf Adil Khan had been adopted as a son by Mahmud 
Gawan. The romance of his career might have been a tale told 
by Shaharazadi. He was the younger brother of Mahomed 
II, the sultan who stormed Constantinople. While Yusuf was 
still a child the sultan had ordered his execution. His mother 
substituted for her son a Georgian slave and sent Yusuf to 
Alexandria. AVhen he was sixteen years old his muse divulged 
his secret. To escape his brother's vengeance, he fled to Shiraz. 
There he dreamt that a divine form bade him go to India, where 
a throne awaited him. He reached India in 1459, was entrapped 
by a merchant and sold at Bedar as a Georgian slave. The 
purchaser was Mahmud Gawan. The slave of the great minister 
soon rose to power. On the murder of his patron, he and two 
other high officers, Imad-ul-mulk and Khudavand Khan, re- 
volted and extorted from the king the government of Bijapur 
for Yusuf Adil Khan and the two viceroyalties of Berar for his 
two confederates. The Bahmani king then enquired into the 
charge against Mahmud Gawan, and finding that he had been 
duped did his utmost to repair the wrong. But the rebel nobles 
had gone too far to retrace their steps. They refused to appear 
at court and became independent in all but name. Their 
conduct so preyed on the king's mind that he became a slave 
to drink. At last on March 2G, 1482, he died in a fit of deliriiun 

78 A History of the Maratha People 

tremens, exclaiming that the ghost of Mahmud Gawan was 
tearing out his entrails. 

After the murder of Mahmud Gawan, the dead king had 
appomted one Nizam-ul-Mulk as his minister. He was by birth 
a Brahman and the son of one Bahiru of the Kulkarni family of 
Pathri in Berar. Captured in infancy by some troopers of 
Nizam Shah Bahmani, he was brought up as a Musulman and 
made the companion of the youthful Mahomed Shah. His keen 
Brahman brain soon mastered Persian and Arabic, and winning 
the favour of Mahmud Gawan he became viceroy of Telingana. 
As a converted Hindu his inclination led him to join the Deccan 
party, who hated Mahmud Gawan as a Persian and a foreigner. 
With his own hand he forged the letter which caused the minis- 
ter's ruin. When Mahomed Shah's twelve-year-old son Mah- 
Tnud Shah succeeded his father, Nizam-ul-Mulk continued to 
be his minister. He at first sought to destroy Yusuf Adil Khan ; 
he induced him to enter Bedar with a small escort and then fell 
upon him with the royal forces. But the gallant Turk defended 
himself long enough for his own troops and those of his ally 
Imad-ul-Mulk to break open the gates and enter the city. A 
street fight ensued in which 8000 men lost their lives. At last 
Yusuf Adil Khan and Imad-ul-Mulk extricated themselves and 
retreated, the former to Bijapur, the latter to Berar. Nizam-ul- 
Mulk now foresaw the break-up of the empire and bestowed all 
the western provinces in fief to his son Malik Ahmad. The king 
retaliated by plotting his assassination. The minister fled and 
sought to seize the royal treasure. The attempt failed and 
Nizam-ul-Mulk perished. But on his death, the Bahmani 
empire, shattered by Mahmud Gawan's murder, fell to pieces. 
Malik Ahmad declared himself independent as Ahmad Nizam 
Shah, king of Ahmadnagar. Subduing the whole country 
from Bid to the sea-coast and from the Khandesh frontier 
to the south of Poona, he established what is known in history 
as the Nizam Shahi dynasty. About the same time Yusuf Adil 
Khan had liimself crowned in Bijapur as Yusuf Adil Shah, thus 
foimding the Adil Shahi dynasty. His action was copied by 
Imad-ul-Mulk, one of the two viceroys of Berar. Making him- 

The Bahmani Kingdom 79 

self master of the wliole province and renouncing his allegiance, 
he founded the dpiasty known as Imad Shahi. To the Bahmani 
king there now remained merely the territory round Bedar 
and the province of Telingana. Soon one of the remaining 
pieces fell away. The governor of Telingana, Kutb-ul-Mulk, a 
Persian adventurer, usurped his trust and founded the Kutb 
Shahi line of Golconda. Only Bedar now remained. But even 
at the capital the king's wealmess enabled his minister Kasim 
Barid to become all-powerful and to bequeath his power to his 
son Amir Barid. The latter imprisoned his unfortunate master, 
who died on December 26, 1518, after an inglorious reign of 
37 years. Ahmad Shah, Mahmud Shah's son, died of want 
two years after his nominal accession. His cousin, Ala-ud-din II, 
was assassinated in A.D. 1521 by Amir Barid, who shortly 
afterwards poisoned Ala-ud-din the Second's successor, Wali 
Ulla. Ahmad Shah's son, Kalim Ulla, was now the sole survivor 
of the Bahmani house. He mounted the pageant throne in 
A.D. 1526, the year in which the Emperor Babar won the 
field of Panipat. He in vain begged the conqueror to pity his 
fate. But Babar's task was already great enough for his 
strength. Kalim Ulla then fled from Bedar to Bijapur. But 
finding that he had exchanged but one state prison for another, 
he fled to Ahmadnagar. There the Nizam Shahi king treated 
him with the respect due to fallen greatness. And in some 
measure of dignity and comfort the last Bahmani king passed 
the remainder of his life. His death left the throne of Bedar 
vacant. Amir Barid's son, Ali Barid, ascended it and founded 
ihe Barid Shahi dynasty of Bedar (A.D. 1539). 



In the preceding cliapter a reference has been made to the 
Emperor Babar. AVe must, therefore, return for a moment to 
the history of northern India. After the death of Mahomed 
Tughlak in A.D. 1351 the Delhi empire fell slowly to pieces. 
In 1354 one Haji Elias founded what is known as the Purbhia 
dynasty of eastern Bengal. In 1387* Dilavar Khan, the imperial 
viceroy, made himself king of Malwa. In 1388 Malik Raja, once a 
trooper, declared himself king of Khandesh. In 1390 a menial 
of the imperial household named MuzafEar Khan founded the 
kingdom of Guzarat. Four years later a fifth province fell 
away and became the prey of a eunuch called MaUk Surviir. 
At last Delhi became the scene of disorders as violent as any 
that had raged in its dependencies. While the streets of the 
capital ran with the blood of contending partisans, the news 
spread that the Amir Timur with 100,000 men had crossed the 
Indus and was advancing by forced marches through upper 

Although Timur claimed to be the descendant of Jenghiz 
Khan, he was actually a Berlas Turk. He had, however, after 
years of hard fighting subdued the inheritance of Jagatai,t 
one of Jenghiz Khan's sons, and in 1369 he had himself crowned 
in Samarkand as sole king of the Jagatai Moghuls. The next 
30 years he spent in reducing the Moghuls of the Caspian and the 
vast lands between the Ural and the Volga. To the south he 
conquered Persia from Khorasan to Kerbela. And in 1398, 
when in his sixtieth year, the troubles at Delhi drew his restless 

* This is the date given by Ferishta. The Imperial Gazetteer gives the date 
as 1401. 

t The word is sometimes spelt Chagatai and the Marathas corrupted it 
into Chahxiyachi badshahi. 


spirit to conquer Hindustan. As Timur advanced through 
northern India, the grass, so his troops boasted, ceased to grow 
and behind them no eye remained open to weep for the dead. 
After a feeble resistance the Delhi government was overthrown, 
Delhi fell and its entire population was butchered. Its vast 
wealth was either plimdered or destroyed. Having thus undone 
in a few days the labour of centuries, Timur and his barbarians 
retired to Samarkand, leaving Delhi to anarchy and famine. 
The anarchy endured for over 100 years. At last Ibrahim Lodi 
made himself midisputed master of what remained of the Delhi 
empire, only to learn that Babar, king of Ferghana, had entered 
India to claim the inheritance of Timur (A.D. 1526). 

It was written of Lauzun that his life resembled the dreams 
of ordinary persons. With even more truth, the same can be 
said of the Emperor Babar. He is the darling of India's his- 
torians. But in a book where the history of northern India 
is sketched merely to make that of the Deccan intelligible, it 
is impossible to give to this valiant adventurer the place which 
he deserves. His father Umar Sheikh Mirza was the great- 
great-grandson of Timur, and his share of the conqueror's 
empire was the beautiful country of Ferghana now known as 
Kokan, on the upper reaches of the Syr Daria. When Sheikh 
Mirza died in A.D. 1499 Babar was only 12 years old and his 
infancy tempted his micles to despoil him of his rights. Thirty 
years the heroic youth spent in losing and in retaking Ferghana. 
In the course of these wars he became king of Kabul and from 
Kabul he set forth for the last time to win back his'o'uii. Defeated 
by the Uzbeg Turks, he at length gave up the hopeless quest 
and turned to one more arduous still, the conquest of India. 
With only 12,000 men he entered it by way of Lahore and met 
Ibrahim Lodi on the field of Panipat. The imperial forces 
outnumbered Babar's by ten to one ; nevertheless Babar stretch- 
ed out his lines until they outflanked those of Ibrahim. He 
then harassed the enemy's flanks with bodies of mounted archers. 
The emperor tried to force Babar's centre but was repulsed by 
salvoes of massed artillery. The imperial army then fell into 
disorder. Babar led a counter-attack and completed the rout. 

82 A History of the Maeatha People 

Ibrahim Lodi was slain and Babar proclaimed Mmself Emperor 
of India. His next great battle was with the Rana Sanga of 
Chitor, whom he decisively defeated at Sikri. But nothing in 
Babar's life became him like the leavmg of it. His eldest son 
Humayun was stricken with a violent fever. The court doctors 
had pronounced his case hopeless, when Babar resolved to ofier 
his life to the Most High instead of that of his child. Three 
times the emperor walked round the prostrate prince, his lips 
moving in silent prayer. Then staggering back^'^ards he cried 
in a loud firm voice, " I have borne it away." Instantly the 
fever left Humayun and struck down Babar in his place. Faith 
had made the one whole and had killed the other. The war-worn 
foimder of the Moghul empire died on December 26, 1530, and 
his body was borne far away to the north and buried amid the 
flowers and the cool running streams of Kabul. 

He was followed on the throne by the son whose hfe he had 
saved. Twenty years afterwards Humayim fell, as he walked 
down the stairs of his library, and died a few hours later. His 
son Akbar, the greatest prince -but one who ever occupied an 
Indian throne, succeeded him. In the course of his reign he 
reunited to the Delhi empire most of the kingdoms which had 
come into being after the death of Mahomed Tughlak. In 
1564 he annexed Malwa. In 1572 he conquered Guzarat. In 
1599 he reduced Khandesh. The sovereignties of Jamipur and 
Bengal had already vanished. In them Akbar firmly estab- 
Ushed the imperial authority. And now, master of all northern 
India, Akbar began to meditate the conquest of the Deccan. 

At this point the history of Maharashtra from the fall of the 
Bahmani kingdom demands our attention. But before return- 
ing to it I wish to sketch shortly an event of the first importance, 
the arrival of the Portuguese. For not only did they conquer 
a portion of Maharashtra but they showed the way round the 
Cape to other European peoples. And to-day the sovereign of 
one of them bears the proud title not only of King of England 
but of Emperor of India. 

The founder of the Portuguese kingdom was a Frenchman. 
In.A.D. 1086, Alfonso, the Spanish king of Leon, suffered a 


complete reverse in the battle of Zalaca and lost all Spain 
to the south of the Ebro. In despair King Alfonso summoned 
to his aid the chivalry of northern Europe. Among the gallant 
knights who flocked to his banners was one Henry, Count of 
Burgundy. To him King Alfonso gave in marriage his illegiti- 
mate daughter Theresa, with the counties of Coimbra and 
Oporto and the title of Count of Portugal. Their son was the 
famous Alfonso Enriquez, the fomider of Portuguese indepen- 
dence. His greatness, so the legend runs, displayed itself from 
infancy. Fiie played round his cradle without hmting the god- 
like child. Attacked when a boy by a pack of mountain wolves, 
he slew them all single-handed and returned home without a 
scratch. He passed his manhood in fights against the Moors 
and the Spaniards. The former he routed on the field of Ourique 
and by the walls of Santarem. The latter he overcame in the 
famous Tourney of Valdevez, and thus secured the independence 
of Portugal. Ninth in descent from Alfonso Enriquez was King 
John the Great, renowned both as soldier and administrator, 
but greater still as the father of Prince Henry the Navigator. 
This pre-eminent prince is the common glory of Portugal and 
England. He was the third son of King John and of Queen 
PhiHppa, daughter of John of Gaunt, the founder of the House 
of Lancaster. At the siege of Ceuta his bravery had been con- 
spicuous even among the gallant nobles of Portugal. At the 
disaster of Tangier his fortitude was proof against the darkest 
frowns of fortune. But his mind turned rather to study than to 
war. In Herodotus he read that Necho's fleet had circumnavi- 
gated Africa. He too, he thought, would circumnavigate it, and 
bringing back from India boundless wealth, would make Portugal 
first among the nations. Prince Henry settled at Sagre near 
Cape St. Vincent and thence sent forth every year Portuguese 
captains to explore the north-west shores of Africa. Year by 
year the daring seamen crept further and further along the coast 
of the great continent. As they went they found the Azores, 
St. Michael, Madeira, the Canaries and the Cape Verde Islands 
The prince, however, never let his thoughts wander fr<>m the 
Indian route. One by one Cape Bojador, Cape Blanco, Cape 

84 A History of the Maratha People 

Verde, and the Rio de Oro yielded tlieir secrets to the bold 
explorers. Prince Henry died in 1460, thirty-six years before the 
final triumph. But his spirit never ceased to fire his countrymen. 
In 1471, Fernando Bom crossed the equator and discovered Cape 
Catherine. Next Diego Cam discovered the Congo, and in 
1486, Bartholomew Diaz doubled the southern point of Africa. To 
it he gave the name of Cabo Tormentoso, or the Cape of Storms. 
But King John I, more far-seeing than his captain, saw in the 
discovery the dawn of success. He therefore named it the Cape 
of Good Hope. Three years later the dreams of Prince Henry 
became realities. In the household of King Emmanuel was a 
gentleman called Vasco Da Gama, who was the son of an experi- 
-enced sailor named Estavao Da Gama and had himself served 
at sea with distinction. Him King Emmanuel chose for the 
final effort. His brother Paul Da Gama and one Nicholas 
Coelho, both tried captains, volunteered to go with him, and on 
the July 3, 1497, a fleet of four ships weighed anchor on the most 
memorable enterprise that the world had seen. Of these one 
was a store ship and the total equipage of the fleet numbered but 
160. The voyage has been described by Camoens in an epic poem 
based on the Mneid and equal, if not superior, to its model. 
According to the author of the Lusiad, the old gods fought for 
and against Da Gama. Bacchus, jealous of his ancient renown 
as the conqueror of India, did his best to thwart the heroes who 
would eclipse his fame. Venus, who saw in them the quahties 
that had made the sons of her darhng -^neas masters of the 
world, worked for them and at last brought them safe to their 

At first, fair weather smiled on the Portuguese. They passed 
with a favouring wind the Canary and Cape Verde Islands. 
Then they encountered heavy storms and were driven as far 
west as St. Helena. At last able to head once more for Africa, 
they touched at St. Helena's Bay on the western coast of Cape 
Colony. They landed, but, miable to converse with the negroes, 
they again weighed anchor and headed for the Cape. A storm 
now overtook them, w^hich was to try to the utmost Da Gama's 
resolution. The sailors mutinied and demanded the return of 


the fleet.. Da Gama and his brother Paul put them in irons and 
stood by the helm night and day. At last after many days of 
little food and less sleep, they guided the fleet safely to Table 
Bay. With danger passed away the mutinous spirit of the 
crews ; and in dehghtful weather they coasted along the south- 
ern and then the eastern shores of Africa. But their trials 
were by no means over. A violent current carried them south- 
wards from Cape Corrientes, which thereby earned its name. 
But the tempests again caught them and drove them out of the 
current. On January 10, 1498, they neared the shore and 
finding the natives friendly they christened the country Terra di 
Natal. On March 1, they saw four islands off the coast of 
Mozambique. Shortly afterwards seven ships sailed out to 
meet thom. At first all went well. The strange squadron was 
that of the viceroy of the Arab king of Quilon. The captains 
hailed Da Gama in Arabic, to which the interpreter, taken by 
him on board before he left the Tagus, replied. Fancying the 
strangers to be Musulmans from Morocco, the Mozambique 
ships supplied all their wants. But the viceroy soon learnt 
that Da Gama and his men were Christians and he plotted their 
'destruction. Their superior artillery saved them, and still 
heading northwards they reached Mombasa. It also belonged 
to the king of Quilon, and here a treacherous pilot tried to run 
them aground. But with Venus' help and their own adroitness 
they once more escaped, and a day or two later reached Melinda 
in the modern province of British East Africa. Here the king 
was as kind as the Arabs of Mozambique and Mombasa had been 
inhospitable. On April 22, with a trusty pilot and a favouring 
wind, the Portuguese sailed north until they crossed the line 
and with a passion of joy saw Orion and the Great Bear shine 
on them, as they had seen them shine in their far ofi homes in 

The fleet headed now eastwards and three weelcs later 
the sailors saw on the eastern sky the mountains above 
CaUcut. Two leagues from shore the Portuguese squadron 
anchored and was soon surrounded by a great number of boats. 
In one of them Da Gama sent a messenger ashore. A vast 

86 A History of the Maratha People 

crowd welcomed him in the most friendly way. But, imable 
to talk to them, the messenger was at a loss what to do. At 
last a voice greeted him in excellent Spanish. By an incredible 
chance a Tunis Moor, who had often undertaken contracts for 
the Portuguese government, happened to be at Calicut and he 
gladly offered himself as interpreter. The ruler of CaUcut was 
a Hindu prince called the Samuri, and his chief revenues were 
derived from the Mopla or Arab traders established on his 
coasts. Acting on their counsel he induced Da Gama to land, 
imprisoned him and then tried to destroy his fleet. But the 
bearing of Da Gama and the vigilance of his officers defeated 
the Arab intrigue. The Samuri, struck with Da Gama's courage, 
ordered his release. He returned to his ships, but the Arabs, 
furious at his escape, attacked his little squadron with twenty 
barges filled with armed men. The Portuguese cannon and a 
fortunate storm dispersed his assailants, and Vasco Da Gama 
headed once more for the Tagus. But further troubles and 
dangers awaited him. Arabs and pirates attacked him. One 
of his ships grounded on a sand bank. His heroic brother 
Paul Da Gama died on the homeward journey. Nevertheless 
the dauntless courage of the Admiral bore him through every 
trial and at last amid the frantic enthusiasm of the Portuguese 
nation Vasco Da Gama landed at Lisbcn. He had brought 
home neither gold nor spices, neither cargoes nor plunder. Of his 
160 men only 55 hved to return. But he had discovered 
a secret by which the Portuguese were to reach the height of 
glory. After Da Gama, went out Cabral, and after Cabral, 
Da Gama again, the Almeidas and the Albuquerques ; 
but they went no longer as curious explorers or peaceful traders. 
Their warships darkened the seas ; their transports carried 
battalions across half a world. They built fortresses in Cochin 
and Cannanore, Quilon and Div. At last in 1510 Alfonso Da 
Albuquerque took, lost and retook Goa from the king of Bijapur 
and made it the capital of the eastern empire of the Portuguese. 
Thus again after 1800 years Europe forced open one of the 
gates of India. 


A.D. 1490 TO 1600 

In my eighth chapter, I sketched the history of the Bahmani 
empire until the death in A.D. 1549 of Kalim Ulla. That 
empire had in reahty ceased to exist since A.D. 1490 when 
Ahmad Nizam Shah first declared his independence. Of the five 
principaUties formed from the Bahmani empire that of Grolconda 
was the ancient Warangal peopled by Telegus. The kingdom of 
Bijapmr was in the main peopled by Canarese ; Berar and Bedar 
were peopled partly by Marathi and partly by Hindi speaking 
races. On the other hand Ahmadnagar state was, apart from 
the Musulmans, peopled entirely by Marathas. Within its 
frontier the great Maratha revolution had its birth. At Junnar, 
one of its fortresses, Shivaji was born. At Poona, one of its 
towns, Shivaji passed his boyhood. His grandfather Maloji 
and his father Shahaji were nobles in the Ahmadnagar king's 
employment. I shall therefore continue at this stage the history 
of the Marathas, by relating the rise and the fall of the Ahmad- 
nagar kingdom. 

The first king of Ahmadnagar, Ahmad Nizam Shah, was the 
son o| the minister Nizam-ul~Mulk, whose death has been de- 
scribed towards the close of Chapter VIII. Nizam-ul-Mulk, 
to prepare for himself either a secure retreat or an independent 
kingdom, bestowed the country from the fort of Shivner to 
Daulatabad as a fief on his son. The latter, was one of the first 
soldiers of the age. Under cover of his father's authority, he 
subdued not only the fief bestowed on him, but the whole line 
of the Sahyadris from Shivner to Purandar. Thence he descended 
into the Konkan and was engaged in reducing it, when he heard 
of his father's assassination. He at once returned to Shivner, 

B8 A History of the Maratha People 

renounced Ms allegiance to tlie Balimani kingdom, and prepared 
to resist to tlie utmost the attacks of the royal troops. Such, 
was the rebel's repute as a soldier, that Mahmud Shah Bahmani 
found no officer willing to meet him. Mahmud Shah first 
offered the command to Yusuf Adil Khan ; but that aspiring 
Turk was in no mood to fight one whose conduct was similar 
to his own. At last one Sheikh MuwaUd, an Arab, volmiteered 
to ovei*throw Ahmad Nizam Shah. At the same time he won 
over to the royal cause one Zainuddin, thejaghirdar of Chakan, 
an officer on whose help Ahmad Nizam Shah had counted. The 
latter showed himself equal to the danger. In a surprise attack 
on Chakan he destroyed the entire force of Zainuddin. Then re- 
turning with his victorious troops, he fell upon Sheildi Muwalid's 
army, slew the general and captured his camp and baggage. 
If it had been difficult before to find a commander to face Ahmad 
Nizam Shah, it became still more so now. At last Mahmud 
Shah found in one Jehangir Khan an obedient if not an efficient 
officer. With eight thousand men he set forth to reduce the 
redoubtable insurgent. Ahmad Nizam Shah fell back into the 
western hills, securing his supplies • through the Konkan passes. 
There fortifying himself he awaited Jehangir Khan's attack. 
The royalist general was loth to risk such reputation as he had 
gained from Ahmad Shah's retreat. He did not assault the 
rebel position but encamped twelve miles away. Not long 
afterwards the rains broke. Jehangir Khan's vigilance and the 
discipline of his troops insensibly relaxed. But in Ahmad 
Nizam Shah's camp the quahties of the general sustained those 
of the soldiers ; and everywhere reigned good order and pru- 
dence. On the night of the May 28, 1490, Ahmad Nizam Shah 
with a picked force set out towards Jehangir Khan's camp. 
The sodden roads deadened the noise of the advance and the 
heavy clouds hid everything in darkness. As Jehangir Khaji's 
sentries slept, they were stabbed silently at their posts ; and 
a few minutes later Ahmad Nizam Shah overwhelmed the royal 
forces. Jehangir Khan and his staff fell fighting. Such officers 
as surrendered were mounted on buffaloes and paraded in 
derision before the army. Freed by this last victory from fur_ 

The AmiADNAGiVR Kixgdom 89 

ther Bahmani attack, Alimad Nizam Shall built a palace on the 
banks of the Sena Eiver and called it Bagh Nizam. Round it 
grew a great city, which is now the headquarters of a BritLsh 
district. It is still called Ahmadnagar, or the town of Ahmad, 
and thus perpetuates the name of the great soldier who 
founded it. 

Ahmad Nizam Shah fell ill and died in 1508. It is impossible 
not to admire the great talents and high character of the founder 
of the house of Ahmadnagar. Although of Brahman descent, he 
yet proved himself superior to every Musulman general against 
whom he fought. Although an absolute despot, he was con- 
tinent and modest. Although himself the bravest of the brave, 
no king was ever more indulgent to the errors and even to the 
cowardice of his subordinates. It may be added that no Indian 
king, save Shivaji alone, was ever better served by his officers. 
The late king's son, Burhan Nizam Shah, mounted the throne 
in hia seventh year. Mukamil Khan, the prime minister of Ahmad 
Nizam Shah, became regent of the kingdom. He was a wise 
and capable man. Unhappily the vanity and insolence of his 
son Aziz-ul-Mulk led a body of Ahmadnagar nobles to conspire 
against the infant king. The king's nurse, Bibi Ayesha, a party 
to the plot, dressed her charge in a girl's clothes and carried 
him to the city where the conspirators awaited her. She was 
detected as she went. The boy king was recovered ; and the 
disaffected nobles sought refuge with the king of Berar. They 
instigated him to attack the Ahmadnagar kingdom, which, 
so they urged, he would easily conquer from an infant monarch. 
But if the monarch was an infant, the regent was in the fulness 
of his powers, and completely overthro^\ing the Berar army 
near Eanuri forced the king to sue for peace (A.D. 1510). 
In a few years Burhan Nizam Shah grew to manhood. He 
fell in love with and married a dancing girl named Amina and 
made her his chief queen. The marriage proved imfortunatc 
for the kingdom. She taught the young king to drink wine 
and to regard with ill favour the rule of the regent. The latter 
resigned his office and left his master to manage his own affairs 
(A.D. 152.3). Not many years later Burhan Nizam Shah con- 

90 A History of the Maratha People 

tracted a maniage with Bibi Miriam, the daughter of Yusuf Adil 
Shah, the founder of the Bijapur dynasty, and sister of the reign- 
ing king, Ismail Adil Shah. The Bijapur envoy promised to give 
as her dowry the town of Sholapur and five and a half districts. 
The promise however was repudiated by Ismail Adil Shah and 
proved a constant source of enmity between the two kingdoms. 
Burhan Nizam Shah revenged himxself for the loss of Miriam's 
dowry by neglecting her and by retaining Amina as his chief 
queen. The princess complained to her brother, whose ambas- 
sador remonstrated strongly with the king of Ahmadnagar. 
The latter 's fury then knew no bounds. He declared war 
against Bijapur. But in the absence of Mukamil Khan, the 
Ahmadnagar troops proved unequal to their foes ; Burhan 
Nizam Shah was completely defeated and suffering from 
sunstroke was carried insensible from the field (A.D. 1524). 

In 1537, one Shah Tahir induced Burhan Nizam Shah to become 
a Shia. His change of religion nearly lost him his kingdom. 
With difficulty he quelled a furious Sunni tumult in Ahmadnagar, 
only to learn that the kings of Guzarat, Bijapur and Khandesh 
had decided to divide his kingdom between them. Burhan 
Nizam Shah extricated himself skiKully from the danger. He 
bought ofi the kings of Khandesh and Guzarat by some trifling 
concessions and then drew to his standard a number of Shia 
soldiers whom the king of Bijapur, a fanatical Sunni, had dis- 
missed. He next induced the Idngs of Berar, Golconda and 
Bedar to join vnih Ramraj, king of Vijayanagar, and himself 
in an attempt to destroy Bijapur. 

Since I last mentioned Vijayanagar that state had passed 
through many vicissitudes. In 1490, one Narsinha Eaya, a 
kinsman of the reigning house, had usurped the throne. He was 
a man of ability and he and his successors increased the great- 
ness of the Vijayanagar kingdom. They were much helped by 
the dissolution of the Bahmani empire and by the coming of 
the Portuguese. The latter, at enmity with the Musulmans, 
gladly accepted the friendship of Vijayanagar. They sold to 
its king horses from Persia and powder from Portugal, and 
from time to time aided him in battle. With their help. King 

The Ahmadnagae Kingdom 91 

Krishna Deva Raya recovered from Bijapur, in the year 1520, 
the fortresses of Raichur and Mudkal together with the Doab 
or the lands between the Krishna and the Tiingabhadra. At 
this time Vijayanagar reached the smnmit of its glory. The 
Portuguese chroniclers have exhausted their vocabularies in 
describing the splendours of the capital. The streets, according 
to Paes,* were as wide as a tournament arena. Wall within 
wall guarded the citadel from hostile attack. Numerous lakes 
supplied the garrison with water. The shops overflowed with 
diamonds, sapphires and rubies. Its stores of provisions exceeded 
those of any other town in the world and its extent rivalled that 
of the city of the seven hills in the days of the JuUan Caesars. 
Upon Krishna Deva's death the royal power was usurped by the 
king's minister Timma, who ruled the country for forty years. 
On Timma's d«ath his son Rama Raya, commonly known as 
Ramraj, married the daughter of Krishna Deva, imprisoned 
the lav/ful heir, Sadashiva, and in his stead proclaimed himself 
king of Vijayanagar. It was this sovereign whom the king of 
Ahmadnagar called to his aid. In 1548, Burhan Nizam Shah 
at the head of an alHed army advanced to besiege Kalyani. 
As he besieged it, great bodies of Bijapur cavalry so harassed 
his communications, that in the quaint words of Ferishta, true 
believers and Hindus alike fasted in the month of Ramzan. In 
despair Burhan Nizam Shah made a dawn attack on the main 
Bijapur force. The hazard succeeded. The Bijapur army 
were so completely surprised that they lost all their guns ; while 
their king, who was at the time enjoying a warm bath, had to 
flee naked from the pcene of his defeat. Kalyani afterwards 
capitulated, and so great was the demoralization of the Bijapur 
officers that the general who held Parenda suddenly deserted 
it. He had mistaken the buzzing of a mosquito in his bedroom 
for the trumpets of the Ahmadnagar troops, who were still forty 
miles distant. Burhan Nizam Shah recovered Sholapur and its 
five and a half districts. The allies then besieged Bijapur; 
and it seemed likely that the Adil Shahi kmgdom would be 
divided between Ahmadnagar and Vijaya nagar, when Burhan 

* See Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, p. 98. 

92 A History of the Maratha People 

Shall fell seriously ill. He withdrew with his troops to his 
capital, where he died. His body was embalmed and sent for 
burial to Karbela, the holy place of the faith to which he had 
been converted {A.D. 1553). 

Hussein Nizam Shah, the eldest son of the dancing girl Amina, 
succeeded his father Burhan Nizam Shah at the age of only 
thirteen. The chief event of his reign was the destruction of 
Vijayanagar by a confederacy of four of the Musulman kings 
of the Deccan. Burhan Shah had left by his queen Miriam 
Bibi, princess of Bijapur, two sons, Ali and Miran Mahomed. 
On their father's death they fled to their uncle Ibrahim Adil 
Shah, Idng of Bijapur. He espoused their cause but suffered 
two reverses. He then implored the aid of King Kamraj of 
Vijayanagar, The Hindu king sent a large army under his 
brother Venkatadri, who soon severely defeated the enemy. 
Unhappily Ibrahim Adil Shah celebrated the victory with so 
many bumpers of country liquor that he fell ill. And as he put 
to death all the court physicians whose prescriptions did not 
instantly cure him, the survivors fled the country and left 
Ibrahim Adil Shah to die without their assistance (1558). His 
son Ali Adil Shah renewed the treaty with Ramraj. The two 
allies induced the king of Golconda to join them, and invading 
Ahmadnagar, laid siege to the capital. At last Hussein Nizam 
Shah was reduced to such straits that he was forced to order 
the execution of his best general, Jehangir Khan, to cede the 
fortress of Kalyani to Bijapur and to receive fan as an inferior 
from the hand of Ramraj . Hussein Nizam Shah's pride especially 
resented this last clause. After Ramraj had touched his hand, 
Hussein Nizam Shah called out in a loud voice for a basin of 
water. He then washed his hands in the most offensive manner 
possible. The generous Hindu would not avenge himself on 
one who Avas in his power. But the incident made any later 
recoucihation between the two impossible. 

Five years later Hussein Nizam Shah, allying himself to the 
kuig of Golconda, tried to retake Kalyani. But Ramraj and Ali 
Adil Shah, joined by the kings of Bedar and Berar, attacked 
the besiegers, defeated them and again besieged Ahmadnagar. 

'A . 

a- ^ 

< ■^ 

pa I 

o ^ 

I— I -* 


•S B o ■< 
■S "^ . ^ 

« ? i g 

The Ahmadxagar Kingdom 93 

It would certainly have fallen, liad not a quarrel broken out 
among the allies. The HindiLs, finding themselves in Musulman 
territory, threw down the mosques and defiled the holy places. 
Ah Adil Shah, scandalized at the insult to his faith, begged 
Ramraj to raise the siege. Ramraj comphed but vented his 
ill will upon all the Musuhnan kings alike. He forced Ali Adil 
Shah to cede him the districts of Etgir and Bagrakot. He took 
Kowilconda, Pangal and Guntur from the king of Golconda. And 
he showed his contempt for the kings of Bedar and Berar by 
pubUcly slighting them and encouraging his officers to do the 
same. Ali Adil Shah, who had long fretted at the insolence of 
his Hindu ally, resolved to lay aside his quarrel with Ahmadnagar 
and destroy Ramraj. Hussein Nizam Shah's hatred of Ramraj 
proved stronger than his rivalry with Bijapur. He gave his 
daughter Chand Bibi in marriage to AH Adil Shah vfith Sholapur 
and its five and a half districts as her dowry. Ali Adil Shah 
gave his daughter Huddea Sultana to Hussein's son Murtaza. The 
reconciled rivals alhed themselves to the kings of Golconda 
and Bedar, and all four declared war upon Ramraj (1564). 
The latter regarded the hostile alliance with contempt. He 
posted his army on the southern bank of the Krishna and defied 
his enemies to enter the Doab. One night, however, the allies 
skilfully crossed the great river. Next morning the armies 
engaged. Ramraj, who was over seventy, would not ride, 
but commanded the centre of his army from a raised throne. 
His brother Venkatadri, who commanded the left whig, drove 
back the Bijapur forces. His other brother Tirumal, commander 
of the right wing, also drove back the army of Golconda. But 
Hussein Nizam Shah, impelled by a furious hatred of the king 
to whom he had humbled himself, cut his way through the 
Vijayanagar centre imtil he reached Ramraj 's throne and took 
him prisoner. With malignant joy he had his captive's head cut 
off and placed on a spear. A panic seized the Hindus. Ramraj's 
brother Venkatadri fell on the field. Tirumal made no effort 
to hold Vijayanagar, but retired south to the great fortress of 
Pennakonda. Then alas for the great city with its mighty walls 
and its sparkling lakes ; with its stone-paved streets and its 

94 A History of the Maratha People 

markets glittering with jewels and precious stones ! Hordes of 
robber clans rushed into the city to plunder the shops, the store- 
houses, the dwellings and the palaces. On the third day the 
Musulman armies arrived and completed the ruin. Street 
by street they slaughtered the inhabitants, broke in pieces the 
idols and desecrated the temples. When their work M^as done, 
Vijayanagar was a scene of utter desolation and such it has 
remained to this day. 

Hussein Nizam Shah did not long survive the victory of 
Talikota, the name by which the great battle is known. Eetum- 
ing to Ahmadnagar he, as Ibraliim Adil Shah had done, killed 
himself by the excesses with which he celebrated his triumph 
(A.D. 1565). 

The reign of his son Murtaza Nizam Shah is famous for his 
conquest of Berar. Early in his reign a treaty was concluded 
between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur. The principal articles were 
that Ali Adil Shah should be free to complete the conquest of 
Vijayanagar and that Murtaza Nizam Shah should be at liberty 
to conquer Berar, recently usujped by one Tufal Khan from 
the infant king, Burhan Imad Shah. Immediately upon the 
conclusion of the treaty, the Ahmadnagar army invaded Berar 
under the command of one Jenghiz Khan. He defeated Tufal 
Khan and took him and Burhan Imad Shah prisoners. Instead 
of placing the latter on the throne, Murtaza confined him and 
Tufal Khan and their families and dependants in a fort. But 
the prisons of princes are nigh to their graves. Shortly after- 
wards all the captives died suddenly, and Berar became a pro- 
vince of Ahmadnagar (A.D. 1575). The last years of Murtaza 
Nizam Shah were darkened by madness. He attempted the Ufe 
of his son Miran Hussein. His brother Burhan conspired against 
him and then fled to Akbar's court. At last Prince Miran 
Hussein, who had hidden in Daulatabad, was recalled to 
Ahmadnagar by the nobles. He murdered his father and seated 
himself upon the throne (A.D. 1588). 

This parricide profited the new king but Uttle. His chief 
confederate in the late revolution had been the first minister, 
a Persian by name Mirza Khan. A conflict soon broke out 

The Ahmadnagar Kingdom 95 

between the new king, who desired to wield power, and the 
minister, who wished to retain it. Each tried every device to 
seize the person of the other. At last the king gave a banquet 
at the house of one of his favourites. To it he invited Mirza 
Khan, meaning to assassinate him. Mirza Khan excused 
himself on the ground of sickness but sent one Agha Mir to take 
his place. Agha Mir dined with the king, but rose during the meal 
complaining of internal pains and crying out that he had been 
poisoned. The king was deeply concerned and let him depart. 
An hour later a messenger came from Mirza Khan. He told 
the king that Agha Mir was dying and wished to see his master 
before he expired. The king with a few attendants went to the 
dying man's house to express his regret and protest his innocence. 
As he entered the house he was promptly captured by Agha 
Mir, supported by a body of troops. The king's plot had been 
met by a skilful counterplot. He was now in Mirza Khan's 
power and was thrown into a dungeon (A.D. 1589). Burhan 
Nizam Shah, the brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah, had, when 
fleeing to Akbar's court, left behind him his two sons Ibrahim 
and Ismail. Murtaza Nizam Shah had confined them in the foit 
of Lohgad to the west of Poona. The younger son Ismail 
was only in his twelfth year and, therefore, a suitable puppet 
for an aspiring minister. But as he was being crowned, there 
broke out a serious tumult caused by the hatred which the 
Deccan, or native-born, Musulmans had always borne to the 
foreign officials and mercenaries, ever since Ala-ud-din Shah 
Bahmani had pronounced the former to be perpetually inferior. 
The Deccani leader Jamal Khan demanded the release of Miran 
Hussein. Mirza Khan repUed that he was unworthy to rule 
and had been deposed. The reply excited the Deccan Musulmans 
to fever pitch. " Are we the slaves of foreigners ?" cried Jamal 
KJian. " Are our kings to be deposed at their lightest whim ?" 
To the Deccan soldiers joined the Hindu mob. For they favour- 
ed the country-bom Musulmans rather than foreigners from 
beyond the sea. Mirza Khan then had his wretched captive's 
head struck off and fastened to a pole. At this the mob began 
to dissolve. But Jamal Khan art^fully fomented their fury. 

96 A History of the Maratha People 

" Will you," he cried, " men of Alimadnagar, pardon your 
king's murder when you resented his deposition V The mob 
rallied and set fire to the gates of Ahmadnagar fort. Mirza 
Khan sought to escape, but was taken. He was mounted on 
an ass, paraded through Ahmadnagar city, and then beheaded. 
Jamal Khan next ordered a general massacre of the foreign 
soldiers, of whom a thousand were murdered in seven days. 
The rest fled to Bijapur (A. D. 1589). 

The confusion into which the Ahmadnagar kingdom had 
fallen gave Akbar the chance 'of interference which he had long 
desired. He had sheltered Burhan Nizam Shah, the exiled 
brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah. He now helped Burhan Nizam 
Shah to defeat and slay Jamal Khan, depose his own son Ismail, 
and mount the throne with the title of Burhan Nizam Shah II. 

The new monarch's reign was short, but in it he suffered tvro 
reverses. He tried to reduce the Portuguese fortress of Reva- 
danda. The attack w^as skilfully planned. The harbour vcas 
blocked to prevent any help from the sea, while the siege was 
pressed from the land side. The mutinous spirit, however, 
of the Deccan officers, who since the new king's reign had been 
out of favour, aided the besieged ; and when the Portuguese 
garrison were at the last extremity, sixty Portuguese ships, 
forcing by night the boom across the harbour, landed four thou- 
sand men with abundant arms and supplies. Next morning 
the initiative passed to the besieged. They attacked the besiegers, 
and although only half their number, Idlled twelve thousand 
of them and put the rest to flight. The Idng consoled himself 
by the thought that the fallen were mostly Deccan Musulmans 
and sought to re-establish his prestige by recovering Sholapur. 
This adventure also failed, and retiring to Ahmadnagar he died 
soon afterwards of dysentery (April 30, 1595). 

Burhan Nizam Shah's eldest son Ibrahim Nizam Shah succeed- 
ed to the throne and appointed his father's former tutor, Mia 
Manju, his minister. The choice was wise, for the minister 
had capacity, but the disorder into which the state had fallen 
nullified his efforts. A turbulent Deccan noble named Yeklas 
Khan sought to revive the Deccan party and gathered round 

The Ahmadnagar Kingdom 97 

him the native-born Musulman soldiery. The minister retaUat- 
ed by forming a body-guard of foreign mercenaries. Faction 
fights broke out in all parts of the city and the unhappy king's 
authority vanished. The Bijapur king, on the pretext of 
restoring order, invaded the Ahmadnagar territory. Mia ' 
Manju endeavoured to persuade the Bijapur general Hamid 
Khan that the time had come to make up the quarrels of the 
two states, that they might better ward off the Moghul danger. 
But Mia Manju's wise endeavours were frustrated by his own 
king. The wretched boy had found consolation for the loss 
of his power in ardent spirits, and in a drunken fit called on his 
army to attack Hamid Khan. His troops obeyed. As he 
charged at their head he fell struck by a cannon ball. Thus 
after a reign of only four months the throne of Ahmadnagar 
again became vacant (September, 1595). 

Mia Manju, Yeklas Khan and some other leading nobles 
now held coimcil how the government of Ahmadnagar should 
be carried on. It was at first suggested that the late king's 
infant son Bahadur should be crowned and his amit Chand 
Bibi declared regent. This illustrious lady was the daughter 
of Hussein Nizam Shah and had^ while still a child, been married 
to Ali Adil Shah, king of Bijapur. The daughter, wife and 
sister of kings, she united in her person the highest quaUties 
of both the Bijapur and Ahmadnagar houses. When her 
husband was killed in 1580, his nephew Ibrahim Adil Shah was 
raised to the throne of Bijapur. To Chand Bibi was entrusted 
the care of his person. The care of the state was entrusted to 
a certain Kamil Khan. In no long time Kamil Khan aspired 
to usurp the throne, and to seduce Chand Bibi. She scornfully 
rejected her wooer's suit and planned his destruction. With 
the aid of a certain Kishwar Khan, she overthrew the regency of 
Kamil Khan. But Kishwar Khan had no sooner displaced 
Kamil Khan than he began to follow his example. He assumed 
the government of the state ; and when Chand Bibi opposed 
his ambition, he had her driven from the royal harem and con- 
fined in the fortress of Satara, destined long afterwards to be 
the hereditary prison of Shivaji's descendants. But tho power 

98 A History of the Maratha Peoplb 

of Chand Bibi made itself felt through the stone walls of a dis- 
tant stronghold. The mob rose against Kishwar Khan as tho 
jailer of their beloved queen and drove him from the city. They 
then released Chand Bibi, brought her back in triumph and once 
more entrusted to her care the person of the young king. In 
1584, the widowed queen, disgusted at the turbulence of the 
Bijapur nobles, left that city to visit her brother Murtaza Nizam 
Shah. For ten years she resided at Ahmadnagar and her name 
was now put forward to conduct the administration. Mia 
Manju, however, desired supreme power and insisted that a 
certain Ahmad, the son of an impostor named Shah Tahir, 
should be placed upon the throne. Yeklas Khan met this in- 
trigue by taking a beggar boy named Moti from the streets and 
declaring him to be the son of the late king. A fight ensued, 
in which the beggar boy's adherents won the day. Mia Manju 
then appealed to Prince Murad, the son of Akbar, to invade the 
country. On the appearance, however, of the Moghul vanguard, 
all Ahmadnagar called with one voice for Chand Bibi to defend 
them. Mia Manju fled and Chand Bibi, declaring her nephew, 
Bahadur, king, assumed the government on his behalf. Order 
now appeared where all had been disorder. The masculine 
queen with veiled face but sword in hand appeared everywhere 
to direct and to cheer the garrison. Pruice Murad sought to 
mine the walls. Chand Bibi showed her troops how to counter- 
mine and with her own hands removed the powder from two 
of the mines. At last a third mine exploded and several yards 
of the fort wall fell. The chief officers sought to flee, but Chand 
Bibi, taking their place, shamed her generals into resolution. 
From four in the afternoon Moghul storming parties tried to 
force their way through the breach. But fired by the spirit 
of the gallant lady the Ahmadnagar garrison was invincible. 
At last the breach was choked with the corpses of the assail- 
ants. Night fell. The Moghul army withdrew to their camp 
and next morning saw to their wonder a new wall which the 
unconquerable queen had built during the night. The gallantry 
of Chand Bibi was now the theme of Prince Murad's camp and 
the chivalrous Moghul conferred on her the title of Chand 

The Ahmadnagar Kingdom 99 

Sultana, or Queen in her own right. He also offered to withdraw 
his troops in return for the cession of Berar. Chand Sultana, 
a^ modest in success as she had been superb in danger, made 
the cession and the Moghul army retreated (1596). 

The malady, however, of Ahmadnagar was beyond her cure. 
She appointed one Mahomed Khan as her Peshwa. In a few 
months he also sought to usurp the throne. The queen in 
despair wrote to her nephew Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur to 
send to her some troops with which to reorganize the kingdom. 
Mahomed Khan in revenge begged the new governor of Berar, 
Khan Khanan, to come to his aid, promising to hold Ahmad- 
nagar as the vassal of the Delhi emperor. Khan Khanan 
agreed. The Moghul horse neared the city. Then once again 
the mob rose, confined the usurper and restored the government 
to the dauntless lady. With her return to power the affairs of 
Ahmadnagar took a favourable turn (1599). In reply to her 
appeals armies came from Bijapur and Golconda. And although 
Prince Murad won against them a victory on the Godavari, 
dissensions in his own camp prevented him from turning it to 
advantage. In the following year an Ahmadnagar army actually 
penetrated Berar. But once more the factious spirit of the 
Ahmadnagar nobles thwarted the wisdom of the queen, Nehung 
Khan, an Abyssinian soldier of fortune, tried to overthrow the 
government. Faction fights broke out again in Ahmadnagar city. 
The Emperor Akbar, grasping the opportmiity, took the field 
in person. Nehung Khan sought to oppose the Moghuls but 
was defeated and fled. And now for the last time the great 
queen sought to save her country. Besieged by the emperor, 
she for some weeks conducted the defence with all her former 
daring. At last she resolved to evacuate Ahmadnagar and 
retreat southwards with the young Bahadur Shah to the fort 
of Junnar among the western hills. The plan, if adopted, 
might have preserved the Ahmadnagar state intact for another 
forty years. But a eunuch named Hamid Khan, out of temper 
with Chand Sultana for disregarding his counsel, ran into the 
streets shouting to the garrison that the queen had betrayed 
them to the Moghuls. The credulous garrison rushed into the 

100 A History of the Maratha People 

palace and killed her whose only wish was to serve their interests. 
With the heroic queen died the spirit of her soldiers. A few 
days later the Moghul army stormed the fort, put its defenders 
to the sword and carried off Bahadur Shah to Grwalior fort, 
where he died in captivity ( A.D. 1600 ). Khandesh, which 
had fallen in 1599, was with Ahmadnagar made into a governor- 
ship for Akbar's youngest son Prince Daniyal. Although, as 
we shall see in a later chapter, the entire province did not submit 
until 1636, yet the fall of the Ahmadnagar fort may be deemed 
to mark the end of the Ahmadnagar kingdom. 

A pathetic story still exists which shows how deep was the 
love which Chand Sultana inspired. The peasants of the western 
hills refused for many years to believe that she was dead. She 
had escaped, they said, through an underground passage and was 
hiding in some deep fold of the Sahyadri Mountains. When 
the time came she would again reveal herself, drive the Moghuls 
across the Vindhyas, and bring back once more the golden 
years of Ahmadnagar. 

A History of the Maratha People 



It may assist the reader if he refers from time to time to the following 
table of the five Deccan dynasties : — 


1. Ahmad Nizam Shah (d. 1508). 

2. Burhan Nizam Shah (d. 1553). 

3. Hussein Nizam Shah (d. 1565). 


4. Murtaza Nizam 

(d. July 6, 1588). 


5. Miran Hussein 

Nizam Shah 
(deposed April 30, 

Chand Bibi 

7. Burhan 

Nizam Shah II 

(d. April 30, 1595). 

8. Ibrahim 

Nizam Shah 

(d. September 



9. Bahadur Nizam Shah 
(deposed 1600). 

10. Murtaza Nizam Shah II 

(d. 1631). 

11. Hussein Nizam Shah 

(imprisoned 1633). 

6. Ismail Nizam 


(deposed Mav 

26, 1591). ' 


1. Yusuf Adil Shah I (d. 1510). 

2. Ismail Adil Shah (d. 1534). 

3. Mallu Adil Shah (deposed 1535). 

4. Ibrahim Adil Shah I (d. 1558). 

5. Ali Adil Shah (d. 1580). 

6. Ibrahim Adil Shah II (d. 1626). 

7. Mahomed Adil Shah (d. 1656). 

8. Ali Adil Shah (d. 1672). 

9. Sikandar Adil Shah (deposed 1086). 

102 A History of the Maratha People ; 



1. Sultan KuU Kutb Shah (d. November 21, 1543). " 

r ' 1 ; 

4 Ibrahim Kutb Shah (d. 1580). 2. Jamshed Kutb Shah (d. 1550^. 

1 I 

5. Mahomed Kutb Shah (d. 1612). 3. Subhan Kutb Shah (d. 15.50). , : 

6. Mahomed Kutb Shah (d. 1635). j 

7. Abdul Kutb Shah (d. 1672). j 

1 } 

8. Abu Hussein Kutb Shah (captured 1687). ; 


1. Kasim Barid (d. 1504). i 

2. Amir Barid (d. 1539). ! 

3. Ali Barid Shah (d. 1582). 

4. Ibrahim Barid Shah (d, 1589). \ 

5. Kasim Barid Shah I (d. 1592). ;: 

6. Mirza Ali Barid Shah (expelled 1599). 

7. Amir Barid Shah II (died 1609). .! 


1. Fateh Ulla Imad Shah (Imad-ul-Mulk) (d. 15)tl . 

2. Alla-ud-din Imad Shah (d. 1527). i 

3. Daria Imad Shah (d. 1562), i 

4. Burhan Imad Shah (deposed 1568). ; 

5. Tufal Khan (imprisoned 1575). i 


A.D. 1271 TO 1640 

No history of the Maratha people would be complete without 
a notice, however short, of the great religious movement of 
Pandharpur, a town on the lower reaches of the Bhima River. 
The story runs that Pandharpur was founded by one Pundalik. 
He was the son of a certain Janudev and his wife Satyavati. 
The parents lived at Pandharpm-, which was then a thick forest 
called Dandirvan. After his marriage, PundaUk began to 
illtreat his parents, until to escape their torments they joined 
a body of pilgrims who were going to Benares. 

When PundaUk's wife heard of this, she decided to go also ; 
and she and her husband joined the pilgrims on horseback 
while the old couple walked. At the end of each day's march, 
Pundalik forced his parents to groom the two horses. Thus 
Janudev and Satyavati came bitterly to regret that they had 
ever gone on a pilgrimage. At last the pilgrims reached the 
hermitage of a great sage named Kukutswami. There they 
resolved to spend the night. Soon all, wearied with the march, 
fell asleep, save only PundaHk. At dawn, as he still lay awake, 
he saw a company of beautiful women, clad in dirty raiment, 
enter Kukutswami's hermitage, clean the floor, fetch water 
and wash the sage's clothes. They then entered Kukutswami's 
inner room ; and after a short interval they came out again in 
beautifully clean clothes and, passing near PundaUk, vanished. 

The following night PundaHk again saw the beautiful women 
enter the hermitage and act as before. He threw himself at 
their feet and asked them who they were. They repUed that 
they were the Ganges, the Yamuna and the other sacred rivers 
of India in which pilgrims were wont to bathe. Their garments 

104 A History or the Maratha People 

were soiled because of the sins of which the pilgrims washed 
themselves clean. They then tmrned on Pundalik and told him 
that because of his treatment of his parents he was the worst 
sinner of them all. They rated him so soundly that they effected 
• a complete cure. From the most cruel he became the most 
devoted of sons. He made his wife walk by his side while his 
parents rode. By his filial conduct, he induced them to give 
up the pilgrimage and return to Dandirvan. There no parents 
were ever better served than Janudev and Satyavati were served 
by Pundalik and his wife. 

One day it fell out that the god Krishna, then king of Dwarka, 
sat thinking of his early days on the banks of the Yamuna. He 
remembered his sports with the milkmaids and how they, and 
especially Radha, had wept when he had left Mathura. He so 
longed to see Radha again that, although she was dead, he by 
his divine powers brought her back to sit upon his lap. Just 
then his queen, the stately Rukhmini, entered the room. Radha 
should at once have risen to do her honour. She remained seated. 
Rukhmini in a fury left, and fleeing to the Deccan, hid herself 
in the Dandirvan forest. As she did not return to Dwarka, King 
Krishna went to Mathura, thinking that she had fled thither. 
From Mathura he went to Gokula. There he once more assumed 
the form of a child, and round him began to play once more 
the cows and the herdboys, the calves and the milkmaids. 
They too joined in the search, and even Mount Govardhan 
freed itself from its foundations and set forth with the gay 
company to look for Rukhmini. At last they reached the banks 
of the Bhima. Krishna left his attendants at a spot outside 
the Dandirvan forest known as Gopalpura. Wandering alone 
through the woods, he at last foimd Rukhmini. The queen's 
celestial anger yielded to the endearments of the king. Recon- 
ciled, they walked together until they came to PimdaUk's 
hermitage. At this time PundaHk was busily engaged in attend- 
ing to his parent's wants. Although he learnt that Krishna 
had come to see him, he refused to do the god homage until 
his filial task was done. But he threw a brick outside for his 
visitor to stand upon. Krishna, pleased with PundaUk's 

The Pandharpur Movement 105 

devotion to his parents, overlooked the slight to himself and 
standing on the brick awaited PundaUk's leisure. When 
PnndaUk was free he excused himself to the god. The latter 
repUed that, so far from being angry, he was pleased with Punda- 
lik ; and he ordered him to worship him as Vithoba, or him 
who stood upon a brick. A stately fane arose at the scene of 
the meeting of Krishna and Pundalik (A.D. 1228). In its 
holiest recess the god Krishna's image stands on the brick 
thrown to him by Pundalik. Close to his side stands an 
image of Rukhmini, whose flight was the cause of his visit to 

It was at this sacred place that the poet Dnyandev, the 
first of a long line of famous saints, took up his abode. 
According to the poet Mahipati, the world had become so 
sinful that the gods Brahmadeva and Shiva sought out Vishnu 
to devise some plan by which to purify it. They decided that 
all three gods together with Vishnu's queen Laxmi should 
take human forms. The parents whom they honoured by be- 
coming their children were Vithoba, a Brahman from Apegaon, 
and his wife Rakhmai, the daughter of a Brahman of Alandi, 
a small town on the Indrayani River about twelve miles north 
of Poona. Vithoba and Rakhmai settled at Alandi. But 
although the union was in other respects happy enough, it 
was not blessed with children. In a fit of melancholy, caused 
by the death of his parents, Vithoba went to Benares and became 
a sanyasi or anchorite. This was a sin on his part, for no one 
who has a childless wife should take sanyas. Eventually his 
preceptor Ramanand happened to go to Alandi and met the 
unhappy Rakhmai. From her lips he learnt the true facts. He 
returned to Benares, drove Vithoba out of his hermitage and 
forced him to live with his wife at Alandi. Rakhmai welcomed 
him home and their reunion was blessed with the birth of four 
children — Nivratti, Dnyandev, Sopana and Muktabai, who were 
respectively the incarnations of Shiva, Vishnu, Brahmadeva 
and Laxmi. 

The return of Vithoba to a married householder's life after 
he had taken a vow of asceticism deeply offended the l^rahmans 

106 A History of the Maratha People 

of Alandi. They outcasted him. And when he wished to have 
his eldest son invested with the sacred thread, they refused to 
perform the ceremony unless he could get the Brahmans of 
Paithan, a holy place on the Godavari, to give him a letter of 
purification. Nivratti with his two brothers and his sister 
went to Paithan. There the Brahmans heard their case and 
decided that there was only one penance for such a crime as the 
return of the anchorite to married Ufe. The penitent must 
prostrate himself before every dog, pig, hare, ass or cow that he 
met, thinking all the time of the god Brahmadeva. Nivratti and 
his brothers annoyed the Brahmans by receiving the sentence 
cheerfully. The Brahmans asked Dnyandev what right he had 
to a name which being interpreted meant "the god of wisdom." 
Just then a buffalo passed, carrying a skin of water. "Let us 
call this buffalo Dnyandev," said the Brahmans ; "he is every 
bit as wise as the real owner of the name." Dnyandev replied 
readily that they were welcome to call it by his name. For in 
the sight of Krishna men and animals were alike. The Brahmans 
retorted, " If the buffalo is your equal and you are really a 
learned man, let it recite the Vedas." Dnyandev rose and placed 
his hand on the buffalo's head. Straightway it recited all four 
Vedas without an error. 

This miracle, followed by others, convinced the Brahmans 
of the saintly character of Nivratti and his family. They gave 
Nivratti a letter of purification and the Brahmans of Alandi 
had perforce to accept it. Investing Nivratti and his two 
brothers with the sacred thread they admitted him into the Brah- 
man caste. At Alandi Dnyandev wrought many other miracles. 
At Newasa he wrote the Dnyaneshwari or Marathi commentary 
on the Bhagwat Gita, thus disclosing the teaching of Krishna 
to the humblest of the Maratha people. Besides the Dnyanesh- 
wari Dnyandev wrote the Amritanubhau and the Dnyaneshwar 

When his life-work was done, he wished to take samadlii, 
or in other words be buried aUve at Pandharpur. The poet* 
Namdev has told the story of Dnyandev's end in beautiful and 

* Namdev's Charitra, p. 198. 

The Pandharpur Movement 107 

touching verses. One morning when Dnyandev and his brothers 
and sister were sitting in the temple of Krishna* at Pandharpur, 
he expressed the wish to be buried at the feet of Krishna's image. 
The god answered that if Dnyandev were buried at Pandharpur, 
his fame would be overshadowed by Krishna's. He must 
therefore be buried at Alandi. Dnyandev demurred. But 
Krishna reassured him that Alandi too was a holy place. Re- 
assured by Krishna, Dnyandev consented to take samadhi at 
Alandi. There amid a rain of heavenly flowers, Dnyandev 
entered a grave that had been dug for him. A deer-sldn was 
spread for him to sit upon. A wood-fire was Ut in a fire-place 
made for the purpose. Inhaling the wood smoke, Dnyandev 
became slowly unconscious. While he lay in a stupor, his dis- 
ciples closed the mouth of the grave and sealed him in his hving 
tomb. Not long afterwards, his brother Sopana imitated, at 
Saswad, to the east of Poona, Dnyandev's act of self-immolation. 
Then Muktabai vanished in a lightning flash on the banfe of 
the Tapti. Nivratti, the last left, took samadhi at Trimbakeshwar 
in the Nasik district. 

Now Dnyandev was an outcaste Brahman. By his devotion 
to God he won his way to the caste and in the end became a 
saint. It therefore followed, so men said, that in the eyes 
of God caste must be as nothing and that all earthly disabihties 
could be overcome by the love and worship of Krishna. Thus 
Pandharpur came to attract pious men of all castes. The next 
great saint of Pandharpur was Chokhamela, a Mhar. Savata 
was of the mali or gardener caste. Raka and Gora were kum- 
bhars or potters. Rohidas was a chambhar or leather worker. 
Narhari was a soimr or goldsmith. Kabir was actually a Musul- 
man attracted from the north by the fame of Pandharpur. 
Namdev, the greatest of all, was a shimpi or tailor. They were 
all men of holy and austere lives. Their worship of Krishna 
was eminently pure and sane. Their preaching and their 
poems stimulated men's minds and led them to seek 
a refuge from their sorrows at Krishna's shrine. The spots 

* Krishna is always worshipped at Pandharpur under tho name Vithol)a. 
But to avoid confusing my English readers I have retained tho name of 

108 A History of the Maratha People 

where Dnyandev and his brothers and sister died became cen- 
tres from which the Pandharpur tenets were promulgated from 
the Bhima to the Tapti and from Alandi to Saswad. Men who 
made pilgrimages to these shrines were drawn to each other 
by their common knowledge of the Marathi speech and of the 
doctrines of the Pandharpur saints. In this way there came 
into existence the beginnings of a national feeling. In course 
of time the Deccan governments, cut off from the recruiting 
grounds of Afghanistan and Central Asia, began to employ 
Maratha clerks, Maratha soldiers and Maratha financiers. 
The Marathi language came to be the language not only of the 
Ahmadnagar offices but of the Ahmadnagar court. But while 
the Musulman officials dissipated their vigour in vice and riot, 
the Hindus, owing to the teachings of the saints of Pandharpur, 
led clean and manly lives. So it came about that the religious 
movement made ready the path for the national hero who was to 
free Maharashtra from the foreign yoke. When he appeared, 
great beyond human anticipation, religion gave to his genius a 
fervour which he was able to impart to the comrades of his 
youth and the peasants of his father's villages. Thus inspired, 
his half-trained levies fought with the valour of Cortez' com- 
panions or of Cromwell's cuirassiers. 


A.D. 1600 TO 1637 

We must now return once more to the unhappy kingdom of 
Ahmadnagar. The fall of the city built round the palace of 
the great Ahmad Nizam Shah did not lead to the entire sub- 
jection of the kingdom. An Abyssinian named Malik Ambar, 
who had been a dependant of Jenghiz Khan, the conqueror 
of Berar, raised to the throne another descendant of Ahmad 
Nizam Shah and conferred on him the title of Murtaza Nizam 
Shah II. As Ahmadnagar could no longer serve as a capital, 
Malik Ambar made the head-quarters of his government at 
Khadki, or the Rocky Town, built by him under the shadow 
of the great fortress of Daulatabad. The Emperor Aurangzib 
in after years changed the name of Khadki to Aurangabad, by 
which appellation it is Imown to-day. Somewhat earlier, Prince 
Sehm, the son of Akbar and afterwards the Emperor Jehangir, 
rebelled against his father. When the rebel had been won 
back by his father's clemency and patience. Prince Daniyal, 
Akbar's third son, to whom he had entrusted the government 
of Ahmadnagar and Khandesh, died of intemperance. These 
calamities broke the health of the great emperor and on October 
5, 1605, Akbar passed away, leaving Prince Sehm to succeed 
him. The new emperor mounted the throne with less difficulty 
than his successors. Nevertheless his eldest son Khusru rebelled 
and had to be defeated before Jehangir could feel himself master 
of upper India (1606). 

The six years which had passed between the fall of Ahmad- 
nagar and the defeat of Khusru had been most usefully spent 
by Mahk Ambar, a man of consummate talents and energy. 
He mtroduced a new revenue system which made his government 

110 A History of the Maratha People 

at once ricli and popular, and althougli he retained all the 
power in his own hands, he yet won the love and esteem of 
the young king. In A.D. 1610 he beUeved himself strong 
enough to attempt the conquest of the entire Ahmadnagar 
state. From 1610 to 1615 he was almost continuously successful. 
He retook Ahmadnagar fort and not only recovered all the 
Ahmadnagar kingdom except one or two districts in the extreme 
north but also retook a large part of Berar. 

The loss of territory and the defeats of his generals led 
the emperor to appoint his eldest son Shah Jehan* to conduct 
the campaign against Malik Ambar. Shah Jehan had already 
won great distinction by his reduction of Udaipur and, now in 
command of a numerous army, he soon inflicted a series of 
reverses on Malik Ambar and drove him from Ahmadnagar 
fort. The victorious course of the Moghul armies was then 
checked by a curious intrigue at Delhi (A.D. 1621). Nur Jehan, 
the all-powerful empress, had hitherto been a warm friend and 
supporter of her stepson Shah Jehan. But having married 
her daughter by her former husband to Prince Shahriyar, the 
emperor's youngest son, she transferred her support to her 
son-in-law.f She induced Jehangir to recall Shah Jehan from the 
Deccan and to entrust to him an expedition against Kandahar, 
recently taken by the Persians. Shah Jehan suspected an 
intrigue and refused to leave the Deccan until some guarantee 
of the emperor's good faith was given him. Nur Jehan artfully 
inflamed her husband's mind against the insubordinate prince, 
whose fiefs were confiscated and given to Shahriyar. At the 
same time, several of Shah Jehan's friends were executed as 
his fellow conspirators. Shah Jehan had now no hope save in 
rebeUion. He withdrew his army from the Deccan and marching 
towards Agra fought an indecisive action with the royal troops 
in Central India. Failing to obtain the first victory essential 
to an insurgent, Shah Jehan retreated through Guzarat into 
Khandesh, from Khandesh to Bengal and from Bengal back 
into the Deccan. There he threw himself on the mercy of his 

* Theu knoTS n as Prince Kharram. 
■)• Elphinstone's History, p. 563. 

The Rise of the Bhosles 111 

old foe Malik Ambar. The latter received him with open arms 
and bade him besiege Burhanpur in Khandesh while MaUk 
Ambar reduced the northern districts of Ahmadnagar, But 
the new allies could not make head against the imperial forces 
led by the emperor in person. Shah Jehan implored his father's 
forgiveness and would no doubt have been readmitted to favour 
had not the emperor himseK been rendered powerless by the 
conspiracy of one of his nobles Mahabat Khan.* 

The latter was the son of one Ghor Beg and had risen from a 
subaltern's post to be the first soldier in the empire. His rise 
excited the jealousy of Nur Jehan. Learning that the emperor 
was planning his ruin, he skilfully seized, by the aid of a small 
body of Rajputs devoted to his service, the emperor's person in 
the very midst of his army. The army, which respected Mahabat 
Khan as a vahant soldier, made no effort to save the emperor. 
He was at last rescued by the skill and courage of Nur Jehan. 
Gathering round her a loyal contingent, she, during a review, 
attacked and cut to pieces Mahabat Khan's Rajputs. She then 
released the emperor and restored his authority. Mahabat Khan 
fled to join Shah Jehan. The latter 's fortimes were at their lowest 
ebb. He had quarrelled with Malik Ambar in order to win 
back his father's favour ; but he was unable to join Jehangir 
because of Mahabat Khan's conspiracy. He was contemplat- 
ing a flight to Persia when Mahabat Khan with his remaining 
adherents reached his camp. Their coming did not at first 
much advance the prince's fortunes. But in the following 
year the death of his father from asthma enabled him to use 
Mahabat Khan's contingent and estabUsh himself firmly on the 
Delhi throne. 

In 1626 MaUk Ambar had died, leaving to his son Fateh 
Khan the regency of Murtaza Nizam Shah's kingdom. The 
latter, owing to the troubles of Jehangir's reign, effected 
a favourable peace with the Moghul general Khan Jehan 
Lodi.t B^i^t Fateh Khan's power was soon overthrown 

* Memoirs of Jehangir, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI, p. 30. 

t The MuBulraan historians charge Khan Jehan Lodi with having accepted 
a bribe. But the condition of the empire justified the treaty. 

112 A History of the Maratha People 

by the prince for whom Malik Ambar bad created a king- 
dom. Murtaza Nizam Sbab II bad reached manhood and 
resented the authority of one whose abiUties were of the 
commonest order. With the aid of an officer called Tukarrib 
Khan he ended the regency and imprisoned Fateh Khan. But 
the prince's abilities were even feebler than those of the fallen 
regent and he was soon involved in troubles, which lasted until 
his death. Khan Jehan Lodi, the Moghul commander with 
whom Fateh Khan had made peace, was a personal foe of Shah 
Jehan. Shortly after the latter's accession (A.D. 1628) he 
openly rebelled, and after evading the royal pursuit made his 
way to Daulatabad. Murtaza Nizam Shah in an evil moment 
made the fugitive's cause his own and thus brought on himself 
another Moghul War. Shah Jehan took the field in person, 
defeated Murtaza Nizam Shah's army in front of Daulatabad, 
and driving Khan Jehan Lodi out of the Deccan defeated and 
slew him in Central India (1630). The death of Khan Jehan 
Lodi did not end the troubles of Ahmadnagar. The Moghuls 
continued their efforts against Murtaza Nizam Shah and the 
horrors of war were doubled by the accident of a famine. At 
last Murtaza Nizam Shah in despair turned to his former regent 
Fateh Khan, and releasing him from prison placed him once more 
in authority. This act completed the king's ruin. Fateh 
Khan on reassumirig power threw his master into prison. He 
then put him to death, and placing Murtaza Nizam Shah's 
infant son Hussein* on the throne, declared himself to be once 
more regent on the child's behalf (1631). 

At this point I must introduce to my readers a Maratha 
noble named Shahaji Bhosle, famous both for his own merits 
and as the father of Shivaji, the liberator of the Maratha nation. 
His family claimed descent from Sajana Sing, the grandson of 
Lakshman Sing, the ancestor of the house of Udaipur. One 
of the family, Devrajji by name,t after a quarrel with the Rana 
of Udaipur fled to the Deccan. There he and his descendants 

• Badshah Nama, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 27. 

•f In the Shivdigvijaya Bakhar his name is given as Kakaji, a name not 
to be found in the Kolhapur genealogical tree. 

[7^0 It., t finite 1 iJ.] 


The Rise of the Bhosles 113 

assumed the name of Bhosle * from the family fief of Bhosavat 
in Udaipur. Another story is that two brothers, Khelkamaji oi' 
Kheloji and Malkamaji or Maloji, came together from Udaipui- 
to offer their services as free lances to the king of Ahmadnagar. 
Khelkamaji or Kheloji died in battle. Malkamaji was drowned 
while bathing in a river. Malkamaji's son Babaji purchased 
the Patilki or headship of the village of Verul near Daulatabad. 
Babaji had two sons, Maloji t and Vithoji, who were the real 
founders of the greatness of the Bhosle family. One evening 
during the harvest time, Vithoji had gone early and tarried late 
in his fields. Darkness had fallen, and his elder brother Maloji 
went to call him. As he went a black peacock and a bharadwaja 
bird crossed his path from left to right, | and, cheered by the 
happy omens, he entered a deep wood. The night was dark but 
as he stumbled through the undergrowth he suddenly saw in 
front of him the divine figure of Bhavani or Parvati, the consort 
of Shiva. Maloji was about to faint with fright, but the goddess 
reassured him. She told him that in his house would be bom an 
incarnation of the god Shiva her husband. He would restore 
the Hindu faith, drive the Musulmans from the land, and 
found a kingdom which would endure for twenty-seven gene- 
rations. The twenty-seventh king would be bom bhnd and 
would lose his kingdom. She then pointed to an ant-heap and 
bade him dig in it. He would by doing so unearth a hidden 
treasure. At first Maloji was loth to obey her command. " The 
treasure," said the youth to himself, " must belong to some 
evil spirit. When he finds it gone, he will haunt me, or else 
our Musulman rulers will hear of my good fortune and rob m 
of my gold and my life as well." The goddess bade him fear 
nothing. " Go to Shrigonda," she said, " and deposit the 
money with Sheshaji Naik." The goddess disappeared and 
Maloji fainted. 

• Other explanations are that Bhosle is derived from Ghoslah "a plao3" 
(Khafi Khan, p. 235) and " gharte " a bird's nest. The derivation given by 
me is to be found in the SMvdiijvijaya Bakhar. 

t Maloji was bom, according to the Shodgavkar genealogical tree, in A.D. 

% These are both fortimate omens. 

114 A History of the Maratha People 

In the meantime Vithoji had retm-ned home, and missing 
Maloji went to look for him and found him in a swoon. 
Vithoji roused his brother, from whom he learnt what had 
occurred. They went home and next morning the two 
brothers went to the ant-heap, dug there, found the treasure 
and took it to Sheshaji Naik at Shrigonda. To him also had been 
vouchsafed a vision of Bhavani. She had revealed herself to 
him and had bidden him keep faithfully the money entrusted 
to him by Maloji. With it Maloji built a temple at Verul known 
as Ghrishneshwar, and a temple and a tank at Shingnapur. In 
1577 Maloji and Vithoji entered the service of a Maratha baron 
named Jagpatrao or Vanangpal Nimbalkar, * the ancestor of 
the present chief of Phaltan. They rose rapidly to the command 
of several thousand horse, with which they harried Bijapur 
territory. One day as they were bathing, they were surprised 
by a Bijapur force. But with cool daring they ralUed their 
horsemen and routed their opponents. The fame of their success 
reached the ears of Murtaza Nizam Shah I, then king of Ahmad- 
gar. He summoned the two brothers, and gave them employ- 
ment in his army, where they attracted the notice of the leading 
Maratha noble at the Ahmadnagar court, Lakhoji Jadhavrao. 
Through his influence Maloji obtained as a bride Dipabai, the 
sister of Vanangpal Nimbalkar, his former master. For 
many years the union was not blessed by any children. 
Maloji built tanks, founded temples to the gods, and made 
pilgrimages to the famous temple of Bhavani at Tuljapur, 
but to no purpose. He visited the shrine of a Musuhnan 
saint named Shah Sharif, f Then at last his piety and 
patience were rewarded. In 1594 Dipabai bore her husband 
a son, whom in grateful recollection of Shah Sharif they 
named Shahaji. In 1597 a second son was bom whom they 
called Sharifji. 

* This Vanangpal Nimbalkar had a great reputation for bravery, as may 
be gathered from th3 Marathi proverb which is still current : " Rao Vanang- 
pal, bara Vaziranchi kal," Rao Vanangpal is a match for 12 vazirs. 

■ t Shedgavkar Bakhar. Grant Duff says that Shahaji engaged the prayers 
of Shah Sharif. But both the Shivdigvijnya and the Shedgavkar Bakhara 
say that Maloji and his wife prayed at the tomb of the saint. He had long 
been dead and buried. 

The Kise of the Bhosles 115 

Connected by marriage with an ancient Maratha house, 
fortunate in the possession of heaven-sent treasure, and now 
father of two sons, Maloji had reason to hope that Bhavani's 
prophecy to him might be fulfilled. He conceived the design 
of uniting his eldest son Shahaji to the daughter of Lakhoji 
Jadhavrao, his powerful patron. 

The de3ign seemed at first hopeless. Lakhoji Jadhavrao claimed 
descent from the ancient Yadava kings of Devagiri. He was 
deshmukh of Sinikhed and commanded in the Ahmadnagar 
service a division of 10,000 horse. In A.D. 1599 fortune favoured 
the aspiring adventurer. Shahaji was a very fine Uttle boy, sturdy 
and intellectual above the ordinary. He became the inseparable 
companion of his father. One day, while still a child,* he went 
with his father to the house of his patron Lakhoji to celebrate 
the Holi festival. Present also was Jijabai, the daughter of 
Lakhoji, a littlg girl one year younger than Shahaji. It is 
usual at the HoH festival for guests and hosts to amuse themselves 
by squirting red-coloured water over each other's clothes and 
faces. The children mimicked the action of their parents. 
Lakhoji, his heart softened by the gay scene and attracted by 
Shahaji's beauty, exclaimed : " What a fine pair they will 
make !" Maloji at once drew the attention of the guests to 
the remark and called upon them to note that Lakhoji had 
betrothed his daughter Jijabai to Shahaji. Lakhoji appears 
at first to have been taken aback. But pressed by the other 
guests, he seems afterwards to have promised Maloji that his son 
Shahaji should have Jijabai as his bride. f The same evening 
Lakhoji told his wife Mhalsabai what he had done. The proud 
woman deeply resented the betrothal of her daughter 
to the son of one whom she remembered as her hus- 
band's client. She pressed Lakhon strongly to break off the 

* Grant Duff writes thit Shahaji was th^n in h's oth year. Thi Shivdigvijaya 
Bakhar gives h s age as 9 or 10. According to Marathi authorities Jijabai 
was born in 1595. 

■f Grant Duff insists that Lakhoji never consented then. But both the 
Shivdidulju'/a and thi Shzdjavk'ir B.zkhnrs say thit ho consented the saino 
evening. I th'nk thvt ho must have done so. Otherwise Maloji would hardljr 
have been able to keep him to his promise. 

116 A History of the Maratha People 

marriage. Next day Lakhoji invited Maloji to a dinner-party, 
making no reference to the engagement of their children. Maloji 
declined the invitation unless Laldioji imdertook publicly to 
recognize Shahaji as his future son-in-law. Lakhoji, smarting 
from Mhalsabai's reproaches, refused to do so. Maloji then 
left Ahmadnagar on a pilgrimage to Tuljapur, where, prostrate 
at the feet of Bhavani's image, he implored her divine assistance. 
The same night he had a dream in which she appeared before 
him. She promised him her constant help and assured him that 
he would come by the desire of his heart. Returning to Ahmad- 
nagar, he challenged Jadhavrao to a duel.* Murtaza Nizam 
Shah II heard of the dispute and summoned both to attend his 
court and explain their conduct. Maloji stated his case, pleading 
that Jadhavrao had promised his daughter Jijabai to Shahaji, 
but now refused to keep his word. Lakhoji admitted that he 
had said something of the sort, but maintained that he had 
spoken in jest only. Murtaza Nizam Shah II, who liked Maloji 
and had no wish to drive a gallant soldier to take service else- 
where, pressed the match on Jadhavrao, and, to overcome the 
objections of his wife, promoted Maloji to the command of 5000 
horse, gave him Poona and Supa in fief to support them, and 
further made him commandant of the fortresses of Shivner and 
Chakan with the title of Raja.f Jadhavrao could no longer 
withhold his consent and the marriage of Shahaji and Jijabai 
in 1604 was celebrated with great ceremonial and was honoured 
by the presence of the king in person. From this time until 
his death in 1619 Maloji increased in the favour of Malik Ambar. 
When he died, his son Shahaji, who had grown up a gallant and 
capable soldier, succeeded to his estate. The next year Shahaji 
greatly distinguished himself in the fighting against the Moghuls. 
But in spite of his gallantry Mahk Ambar was defeated. Lakhoji 

*Duelling, according to Ferisl.ta, was extremely common in the Ahmadnagar 
kingdom from the time of the first king. The story of Maloji's challenge to 
Jadhavrao will be found in the Shivdigvljaya Bakhar. The Shedgavkar Bakhar 
relates that Maloji attracted the attention of the king by throwing two dead 
boars into a mosque. There is nothing impossible in this tale either : I have 
myself known a man place a boulder on a railway track in Kathiawar and risk 
derailing a train simply to call attention to a private grievance, nam* It 
that his wife had run away. 

t Grant Ouff, Vol. 1, p. 92. 

The Rise of the Bhosles 117 

Jadhavrao and many otter highly placed Maratha nobles deserted 
to Shah Jehan. Shahaji, however, remained faithful to MaUk 
Ambar mitil the latter's death in 1626, and for three years after- 
wards continued in the employ of Murtaza Nizam Shah II. ' He 
vigorously supported the cause of Khan Jehan Lodi , but when 
the latter had been defeated and destroyed (1630) Shahaji 
deemed it prudent to make his submission to the emperor. 
He was summoned to Shah Jehan's presence, was graciously 
received and was not only confirmed in his fief of Poona and 
Supa but was given also some districts which were the private 
property of the regent Fateh Khan. When the latter in A.D. 
1631 murdered his master, he at first set up Murtaza Nizam 
Shah's infant son Hussein as a pageant king and proclaimed 
himself regent on his behalf. But finding himself universally 
detested and his authority precarious, he sent his son Abdul 
Rasul to the emperor, Fateh Khan, so Abdul Rasul was in- 
structed to say, had acted solely in the interests of Delhi. Murtaza 
Nizam Shah II had died suddenly and his son Hussein had, 
pending the emperor's pleasure, been seated on the throne. The 
emperor received the messenger with condescension. In return 
for the large present which accompanied Abdul Rasul, Shah 
Jehan accepted Fateh Khan's submission, confirmed his measures 
and restored to him the districts which had previously been 
taken from him and conferred on Shahaji. The latter was 
incensed at this treatment, and resigning the Moghul service, 
entered, with the help of Murar Jagdev, then minister, the 
service of the king of Bijapur. 

Ibrahim Adil Shah II had died in 1626, in the same year as 
Majik Ambar. His successor was his son Mahomed Adil Shah. 
Ibrahim Adil Shah II had been an ally of the Moghuls and had 
in the hfetime of Mahk Ambar agreed to divide with them what 
remained of the Ahmadnagar kingdom. Mahomed Adil Shah, 
either because* he had come under the influence of a certain 
slave Khavas Khan, or because he feared the immediate vicinity 
of so powerful a neighbour as the Delhi emperor, sent mider 
his general Randulla Khan an army ostensibly to help the 
* Badshah Namu, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI 1. p. 28. 

118 A History op the Maratha People 

Moghuls, who were then fighting against Murtaza Nizam Shah 
II. But after making extravagant demands from their general 
Azim Khan, Randulla Khan, acting on instructions from Bija- 
pur, entered into negotiations with Murtaza Nizam Shah II. 
Before the plot could mature, Azim Khan heard of it, and 
making a surprise attack on the Bijapur army severely defeated 
it. It was his despair at this defeat which prompted Murtaza 
Nizam Shah II to call Fateh Khan to his aid, with the results 
that have been already related. 

When Shahaji entered the Bijapur service that kingdom was 
still at war with the Moghuls. He pressed on Mahomed Adil 
Shah an immediate attack on Daulatabad. The king agreed 
and placed Shahaji in command of a large Bijapur force. Fateh 
Khan in alarm wrote to Mahabat Khan the Moghul general* 
and begged for his help. He, in return, undertook to surrender 
Daulatabad and hold the rest of the kingdom as a vassal of 
Delhi. Mahabat Khan willingly agreed and sent a picked force 
under Khan Jaman his son* to throw themselves into Daulatabad 
while he came afterwards with the main army. But quickly 
as the Moghul cavalry rode, ShahajiJ and his Bijapur troops 
rode faster still, and reaching Daulatabad first, succeeded in 
convincing Fateh Khan that his real interest lay in deserting 
his Moghul allies and in making common cause with Bijapur. 
If Fateh Khan resigned all claims to Sholapur and its five and a 
half districts, Mahomed Adil Shah would let him retain Daulata- 
bad and all that still remained of the Alimadnagar state. Fateh 
Khan, attracted by the offer, accepted it. And Shahaji at 
once threw a garrison and provisions into the fortress. When 
the Moghul advance guard reached its walls, they were greeted 
with a salvo of artillery. Mahabat Khan was naturally enraged 
at the treachery. He attacked Shahaji 's troops, drove them 
away, and getting between them and Daulatabad, regularly 
invested it. Ever since its construction by Mahomed Tughlak 

* Badshah Nama, p. 37. 

i Badshah Nama, p. 38. Before starting on this expedition Shahaji 
and Miirar Jagdev weighed themselves against gold in a village called Nagargaon 
on the banks of the Bhima. This incident has caused it to be known as 
Tulapur to this day. 

The Rise of the Bhosles 119 

it had been regarded as impregnable, and Malik Ambar had 
greatly increased its strength. Nevertheless the imperial army, 
in which were large bodies of Rajputs, stormed its nine bastions 
one after the other and at the same time repulsed all Shahaji's 
efforts to reUeve it. At last Fat(^ Khan, foreseeing the imminent 
fall of his stronghold, sued for, and was granted, terms. In 
return for a payment of ten lakhs of rupees he surrendered 
Daulatabad and the person of Hussein Nizam Shah, the son 
of Murtaza Nizam Shah II. Both were sent to Delhi. The 
property of the unhappy Hussein was wholly confiscated and 
he was imprisoned with Bahadur Shah in Grwalior fort. The 
traitor Fateh Khan received a grant of land valued at Rs. 20,000 
per annum (1633). 

Shahaji made one last desperate attempt to retrieve the 
fortunes of the campaign. When the Moghul general Mahabat 
Kian withdrew with his spoils and captives, he left a garrison 
in Daulatabad. The army was no sooner out of sight than 
Shahaji's troops occupied the besieger's entrenchments and 
tried to take the fortress by storm. But the commandant, 
Khan Dauran* was a veteran soldier. He fought several 
victorious actions against Shahaji and driving him back, succeed- 
ed in sending messengers to Mahabat Khan. The latter at once 
returned with all speed to Daulatabad, and Shahaji retreated 
towards Bijapur. He was however not yet at the end of his 
resources. Somewhere or other he discovered another infant 
descendant of Ahmad Nizam Shah and proclaiming him king, 
declared himself regent during the child's minority. At first 
he met with some success and with the help of the Bijapur 
troops defeated the Moghuls at Parenda and drove them out of 
Ahmadnagar into Khandesh.f There Mahabat Khan died 
of fistula and Shah Jehan resolved once more to take the field 
in person. So long as Bijapur was not crushed there would be, 
so the emperor felt, continued insurrections in the Ahmadnagar 
provinces. He therefore entered on a campaign against both 

* Badahah Nama, p. 42. 
t Do. p. 44, 

120 A History of the Mahatha People 

Shahaji and the Bijapur king with an army of 40,000 men. 
Of these, 20,000*men imder Khan Dauran, the late commandant 
of Daulatabad, were to attack and overrun the Bijapur kingdom, 
20,000 men under Khan Zaman, the son of Mahabat Khan, 
were to overwhelm Shahaji and then join forces with Khan 
Dauran.f Shahaji, however, proved too skilful for his opponent. 
Employing the same tactics for which Shivaji afterwards became 
famous, Shahaji evaded pitched battles, but constantly out- 
marching the imperial troops, inflicted repeated reverses on 
their rearguard. At last Shah Jehan ordered Khan Zaman to 
leave the pursuit of Shahaji and to join Khan Dauran in the 
attack on Bijapur, Several indecisive engagements followed 
between the Moghuls and the army of Mahomed Adil Shah. 
At last both sides, weary of the war, came to terms. On May 
6, 1636, Mahomed Adil Shah agreed to abandon Shahaji and 
to help in his reduction. In return, he received Parenda, 
Sholapur with its five and a half districts^, the Ahmadnagar 
Konkan as far north as Bassein, the country between the Bhima 
and the Nira Kivers as far north as Chakan and also the 
districts of Naldurga, Kalyani and Bedar in the Central Deccan.§ 

Shahaji had now to face both the Moghuls and the Bijapur 
army. Nevertheless he conducted a most gallant defence. Khan 
Zaman invested Junnar, the fort wherein Shahaji had made his 
capital. Shahaji, leaving a garrison there, so harassed the 
communications of the Moghuls, that had they been unaided 
they would have had to raise the siege. To Khan Zaman's aid, 
however, went Kandulla Khan with the Bijapur troops. 
Attacked both from north and south, Shahaji retreated skilfuUy 
through the Sahyadris into the Konkan. There doubling on 
his track, he retired through the same passes and reached the 
Desh, while his pursuers still sought for him to the west of the 
Sahyadris. When they learnt of his escape the combined 
armies followed him with great expedition and at last brought 

^Badshah Natna, p. 52 

t Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 115. 

t Sholapur and 5| districts had been ceded to Bijapur as Chand Bibi b 
dowry on her marriage to Ali Adil Shah. Malik Ambar retook them in 1624 
from Bijapur after his victory of Bhatvadi (Shivdigvijaya BakMr). 

% For text of treaty, see Appendix, p. 122. 

The Kise of the Bhosles 121 

him to bay at Mahuli near Kalyan in the Konkan. There Khan 
Zaman and RanduUa Khan besieged him. After a prolonged 
resistance Shahaji asked for terms (October, 1636). He was 
granted them on condition that he surrendered the unfortmiate 
prince for whom he called himself regent and the six fortresses 
still in his possession. He was then allowed to enter the service 
of Bijapur and received back from that state the fiefs of Poona 
and Supa, included by the late treaty within Bijapur. Upon 
the surrender of Shahaji followed the complete subjugation of 
Ahmadnagar. Berar had already been ceded by Chand Bibi 
to Delhi. Bedar had been conquered by Bijapur. There thus 
remained of the five kingdoms into which the Bahmani empire 
had broken, only Golconda and Bijapur. 

122 A History of the Maratha People 



(1) Adil Shah, the king of Bijapur, must acknowledge the overlordship 
of the emperor and promise to obey his orders in future. 

(2) The pretence of a Nizam Shahi kingdom must be ended and all its 
territories divided between the emperor and the Bijapur king. Adil Shah 
must not violate the new imperial frontier nor let his servants hinder the 
Moghul officers in occupying and settling the newly annexed districts. 

(3) The king of Bijapur was to retain all his ancestral territory with the 
following additions from the Ahmadnagar kingdom in the west, the Sholapur 
and Wangi Mahals, between the Bhima and the Sina Rivers, including the forts 
of Sholapur and Parenda ; in the northeast tl.e parganas of Bhalki and 
Chidgupa ; and that portion of the Konkan which had once belonged to the 
Nizam Shahi s, including the Poena and Chakan districts. These acquisitions 
comprised 59 parganas and yielded a revenue of 20 lakhs of huns or 80 lakhs 
of rupees. The rest of the Nizam Shahi kingdom was to be recognised as 
annexed to the empire beyond question or doubt. 

(4) Adil Shah must pay the emperor a peace offering of twenty lakhs of 
rupees in cash and kind. But no annual tribute was imposed. 

(5) Golconda being now a state under imperial protection, Adil Shah must 
in future treat it with friendship, respect its frontier, and never demand costly 
presents from the king, to whom he must behave like an elder brother. 

(6) Each side undertook not to seduce the officers of the other from their 
master's service, nor to entertain deserters, and Shah Jehan promised for him- 
self and his sons that the Bijapur king would never be called upon to transfer 
any of his officers to the imperial service. 

(7) Shahaji Bhosle, who had set up a princeling of the house of Nizam 
Shah, should not be admitted to office under Bijapur, unless he ceded Junnar, 
Trimbak and the other forts still in his hands to Shah Jehan. If he declined 
he was not to be harboured in Bijapur territory nor even allowed to enter it. 


A.D. 1627 TO 1645 

The marriage of Sliahaji to Jijabai appears, in spite of the 
differences between Maloji Bhosle and Lakhoji Jadhavrao, to 
have been for the first few years happy enough. In 1623, Jijabai 
bore her lord a son, three years after their marriage. He was 
called Sambhaji and became a great favourite of his father, 
just as Shahaji had been of Maloji. On April 10, 1627,* after 
an interval of four years, she bore Shahaji a second son. Several 
stories are told in support of the general belief that the baby 
boy was an incarnation of the god Shiva. A charming one is 
to be found in the Shedgavkar Bakhar. During the stormy years 
that followed the birth of Sambhaji, Shshxji, engaged in the 
warlike enterprises entrusted to him by Mahk Ambar, found 
no time to pay his wife conjugal attentions. One night he 
dreamt that he saw a Gosavi or Hindu anchorite, clad in rags 
and smeared with yellow ashes, stand by his bedside and put a 
mango in his hand. " Share the fruit with your wife," said 
the anchorite, " and you will become the father of a son who will 
be an incarnation of the god Shiva. You must never force him 
to salute a Musulman and after his twelfth year you must leave 
him free to act as he pleases." When Shahaji awoke from his 
dream, he found a mango in his hand, visited his wife and shared 
it with her. The offspring of this reunion was the boy Shivaji, 
bom on April 10, 1627. Convinced that the anchorite whom he 
had seen in his dream was the god Shiva, Shahaji gave the new- 
bom child the name of Shivaji, just as Maloji had called Shahaji 
after the Musulman saint Shah Sharif. According to another 
story, Shahaji had a vision of Shiva after Shivaji's birth and was 

* Marathi Itihasanchi Sadhane, pp. 42-43. 

124 A History of the Maratha People 

then told by the god that the new-born boy was his own in- 
carnation.* When Shivaji was born, his mother Jijabai was living 
in a house on the top of the Shivner fort close to Junnar. A 
ruined wall still stands on the site where the house stood and a 
marble tablet, inserted in it under the orders of the Bombay 
Government by the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, keeps aUve the 
memory of the greatest of Indian kings and of one of the wisest 
and best of modern Englishmen. 

Even Shivaji's early days were not free from peril and 
adventure. Before his birth, his grandfather Lakhoji Jadhavrao 
had joined the Moghuls, and Shahaji by refusing to follow his 
example had incurred his bitter enmity. The quarrel was taken 
up by the other nobles in the Moghul service. And although 
Lakhoji Jadhavrao died in 1629, treacherously assassinated at 
Daulatabad by Murtaza Nizam Shah II, the hatred borne by the 
Moghuls to Shahaji survived Lakhoji Jadhavrao's death. A 
certain Mhaldar Khan, originally appointed by Murtaza Nizam 
Shah II to be governor of Trimbak, deserted to Shah Jehan. 
Wishing to secure the favour of the emperor, he arrested Shahaji's 
wife (A.D. 1633). Jijabai succeeded in hiding Shivaji but she 
herself was confined in the fort of Kondana. During the three 
years, 1633 to 1636, in which Shahaji defied the Moghuls, they 
made every effort to find out Shivaji's hiding place, that they 
might hold him as a hostage for his father. But Jijabai's wit 
baffled them, and Shivaji remained safe until Shahaji's final 
surrender. Even then Shivaji could not enjoy his father's 
protection. In 1630 Shahaji had contracted a second marriage 
with Tukabai, a girl of the Mohite family. This family, although 
of ancient descent, was inferior in rank to that of Lakhoji 
Jadhavrao, and after his second marriage, Jijabai seems to 
have broken off all but formal relations with her husband. 

When Shivaji was ten years old (1637), it became time accord- 
ing to the custom of the day to arrange his marriage ; for that 
purpose Jijabai took her son to Bijapur. There he was wedded 
to one Saibai, t the daughter of Vithoji Mohite Newaskar, 

* Sabhasad Bakhar, p. 2. 

t Another account makes Saibai daughter of Jagdevrao Nimbalkar. 

Shivaji's Birth akd Boyhood 125 

Even at this early age the boy is said to have shown symptoms 
of what his future career was to be. He made a public protest 
when he saw some Musulman butchers driving cattle to the 
slaughter house and he refused to bow to the king of Bijapur 
in the manner required by the etiquette of the court. Fearing 
that the unruly boy might injure his o-^ti prospects of advance- 
ment, Shahaji was glad to send Shivaji with his mother out of 
Bijapur (A.D. 1638). He ordered Jijabai to reside at his fief 
of Poona and Supa. To assist her in its management he appoint- 
ed a trusted Brahman officer named Dadoji Kondadev. 

It is hardly necessary to mention that Poona then had no 
resemblance to what it now is. To-day two great rival cities 
jostle each other on the banks of the two rivers, the Muta and 
the Mula. A mighty cantonment seven miles in length stretches 
from the cavalry lines at Ghorpuri to the artillery lines at Kirkee, 
and, six miles in breadth, stretches from East Kirkee to the bar- 
racks at Vanavdi. To the west, overlooking the plain on which 
fell the Maratha Empire, rises the beautiful palace erected by Sir 
Bartle Frere. Through the whole length of the cantonment runs 
the broad-gauge track of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway, 
joining Poona on the west to Bombay and on the east to Calcutta 
and all Central India. Wide roads shaded by gigantic banian 
trees and bordered by riding paths are daily crowded with motor 
vehicles and horsemen. In the heart of the cantonment are the 
grounds and buildings of the Poona Gymkhana, famous for a 
long series of struggles between the cricketers of Asia and Europe. 
Directly to the north of the Gymlvhana is the stone pile known 
as the Council Hall, where the executive Government meet and 
where the King's representatives hold their annual levees. 
Opposite, to the east of the Council Hall is a gloomy building 
in which the records of the Peshwas have lain for a hundred 
years, wrapped in a sleep which is slowly yielding to the industry 
of modern scholars. But the chief marvel and beauty of the 
Poona cantonment is the great dam built in 1860 by the liberality 
of Sir Jamsetji Jijibhai. The waters of the Mula, pent up by 
a stone masoniy wall, flow level with its banks throughout the 
year. Fine trees fringe its borders for many miles up stream. 

126 A History op the Maratha People 

Along its course rise stately villas and over its waters flit boats 
•plied by English and Indian rowers. To the north of the river 
may be seen the vast front of the Deccan College, of which the 
wide court-yards and red roofs bring back to memory the names 
of many famous men. To the south of the cantonment hes the 
city of Poona, a spot more interesting even than its rival to the 
passing traveller. In its very heart rise the giant bastions 
of the Shanwar Wada, which to-day overawe the spectator as 
they did in the days of Bajirao II. To the north of it stands the 
ancient palace of the Purandares, a noble family who boast 
with pride that the first Chitpawan Peshwa was once a petty 
clerk in their ancestor's office. To the east stands the home 
of the Rastes, which like the ancient dwellings of the Italian 
nobles is half a house and half a fortified castle. Behind the 
Shanwar Wada once stood the palace of Nana Phadnavis. 
Its site is now occupied by the buildings of the New English 
School. To the west the mighty temple of Onkareshwar 
looks down in its austere beauty on the last resting place of 
the Brahman caste of Poona. 

In Shivaji's youth the scene was very different. Poona was 
then a cluster of tiny huts on the right bank of the Muta. It 
derived its name of " the meritorious town " from the sanctity 
which in India attaches to the confluences of rivers. About 
half a mile from the Httle hamlet, the Muta joined the Mula. 
But no dam then kept the Mula full. In the rainy season a 
vast volume of water due to the heavy rains in the western 
hiUs poured to waste down the Muta from Sinhgad and down 
the Mula from the Sahyadris. The two streams after joining 
flowed, often half a mile wide, into the Bhima, the Krishna, and 
lastly into the Bay of Bengal. Directly the rains ceased the Mula 
and Muta, from great rivers, dwindled to petty streams, which in 
April and early May almost wholly disappeared. Where the 
roads ani the railways now run along the river's bank, there 
grew then a thick belt of undergrowth infested by wolves and 
panthers. To-day a canal system and a number of artificial 
reservoirs have turned the country round Poona into a smiling 
plain. In Shivaji's childhood it was a barren wilderness. 

Shivaji's Birth and Boyhood 127 

The wars between Alimadnagar and Bijapur, between Bijapur 
and the Moghuls, and those of Malik Ambar and Shahaji 
against both had ruined the entire Deccan.* To grow a crop 
was merely to invite a troop of hostile cavalry to cut it and 
probably kill its owner. Nor was this the only danger. The 
invaders usually carried away with them the children of both 
sexes and the yomig women and forcibly converted them. The 
father of the foimder of Ahmadnagar and the first king of 
Golconda were thus carried into captivity and made Maho- 
medans. Hamdas in his well-known sketch of a Hindu's life 
mentions, evidently as a most ordinary event, that the 
Hindu's yomig wife is carried away and married to a Musul- 
manf. As Poona and Supa were Shahaji's private fief, 
the malignity of his enemies applied itself deliberately to 
their destruction. The rustic population had either fled 
or perished. Wild beasts of all kinds took their place and 
the few men who peopled the huts on the bank of the 
Muta were fishermen, who lived by catching the fish in the 
two rivers. 

Such was the estate from which Jijabai, her son, and her 
clerk, had to obtain their living. Ordinary persons would have 
given up the attempt in despair. But Jijabai and Dadoji 
Kondadev were not ordinary persons. Sooner than share with 
a. younger wife the affections of Shahaji, the proud lady was 
ready, if need be, to starve. Dadoji Kondadev was a very 
able man. A Deshasth Brahman, born in Malthan in the Poona 
district,^ he had, somehow, in the course of a varied service, 
acquired a perfect knowledge of revenue administration. This 
he now applied with signal success to the ruined fief. He 
attracted cultivators from the hilly tracts and the neighbouring 
districts by offering them rent-free lands. He kept down the 
wild beasts by giving huntsmen rewards, probably from his 
own savings. But when crops once more began to appear on 
the barren plains, robbers and free lances began to carry off the 

* In the last war between Bijapur and the Moghuls Mahon :od Adil Shah 
devastated all the country within 20 miles of his capital. Tho Mogiiuls to 
punisli him devastated as much again. 

t Dashodh. 

X Ranade, p. 63. 

128 A History of the Maratha People 

harvests and enslave the villagers. Dadoji Kondadev met the 
danger by arming bands of hillmen from the Sahyadris, who, 
with a little training, soon made a raid on Poona a perilous 
undertaking. His success attracted Shahaji's notice and he 
added to Dadoji's charge two new estates recently given him by 
the Bijapur government. They are now known as the Indapui 
and Baramati talulcas of the Poona collectorat'e. The 
Englishman who to-day visits Baramati will see along the banks 
of the Karha River, as far as the horizon, field after field of 
gigantic sugar-cane. In Shivaji's time no canals carried water 
to all parts of the taluka. Nevertheless, then as now, the soil 
was black and rich, and in good years yielded an abundant 
harvest. Of the resources of his new trust Dadoji made the 
fullest use. With the surplus revenue he planted mango and 
other fruit trees. Between Shirwal and Poona, where the mango 
orchards throve better than in other places, he founded a village 
and named it after his master's son. It is kno^Ti as Shivapur 
to this day. To great energy, thrift and experience, Dadoji 
added what was rarer still in those times, namely, perfect honesty. 
A charming tale has been handed down which illustrates this. 
One day as Dadoji strolled through one of the shady groves at 
Shivapur, a large and luscious mango caught his eye. The day 
was hot ; he was tired and thirsty with labour. Unconsciously he 
stretched out his hand and plucked it. Then he reahzed too late 
that he had stolen fruit which belonged to his master. In 
an agony of remorse he begged his companions to cut off the 
offending right hand that had made him sin. They very properly 
refused and bade him think no more of the matter. Nevertheless 
it still so weighed on his mind that for many months he 
wore coats without a sleeve for his right arm. " For," 
so he would say, " if my right arm had had its deserts, it 
would have been cut off as a punishment." At last the 
story reached Shahaji's ears. He, not without difficulty, 
persuaded his retainer to forget his trifling fault and wear coats 
like other people. 

Shivaji was between ten and eleven years old * when he first 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

Shivaji's Birth and Boyhood 129 

went to Poona with his mother Jijabai. Unhappily no portrait 
survives of the great king when he was still a boy. But he had 
suffered troubles early. He had long been separated from his 
father and to avoid captivity he had hved for years hidden 
in woods and caves. It is possible, therefore, that, although 
his cheeks were rounder and his skin smoother, he did not much 
differ in boyhood from the pictures which still exist of Shivaji 
in manhood. The brow is wrinkled as if with grave and constant 
thought. The cheeks are burnt with long exposure to sun and 
rain and deeply furrowed as if with anxiety and care. But 
the nose is curved Hke a falcon's beak. The eyes are large 
and bold. The thin lips are compressed with inflexible resolu- 
tion. The whole face speaks eloquently of trouble bravely 
borne and dangers triumphantly surmounted. Shivaji's body was 
short but broad and strongly built. And a legend survives that, 
like those of Arjmia, the epic archer, the fingers of his long sinewy 
arms reached below his knees. Dadoji Kondadev had the good 
sense to imderstand that he owed a duty to his master's son as 
well as to his master's lands. He collected round Shivaji other 
boys of his own age. The best known were Tanaji Malusare, 
a petty baron of Umrathe village in the Konkan, Baji Phasalkar, 
the deshmukh of the valley of Muse, and Yesaji Kank, a small 
land-holder in the Sahyadris. Dadoji had Shivaji and his com- 
panions instructed in all the warlike exercises of the time. He had 
himself seen a good deal of fighting and no doubt supplemented 
the teaching of the paid instructors by tales of his own experiences 
in the field. He also realized that an exact knowledge of the 
wild lands in the Mawal, of the passes to the Konkan and of the 
folds in the Sahyadri hills was at least as valuable as skill in 
martial exercises or an acquaintance with the tactics of the day. 
Encouraged by Dadoji Kondadev, Shivaji and his companions 
wandered for days together through the Krishna valley, through 
the forests on the banks of the Koyna, along the winding course 
of the Indrayani, or followed the Bhima River to its source upon 
the shaggy sides of mighty Bhimashankar. But Dadoji Konda- 
dev was not only an efficient land agent and a veteran of Shahaji's 

130 A History of the Maratha People 

wars ; lie was also, as became a Brahman, a profomid scholar. 
He had built a roomy house for Jijabai and Shivaji, which he 
named the Raj Mahal, close to the right bank of the Muta, 
where stretches now the Municipal Garden to the east of the 
Shan war Wada. There on winter evenings he would gather 
round him Shivaji and his friends and expound to them the 
teachings of Dnyandev and of the other saints of Pandharpur. 
When they grew weary of abstruse doctrines, he would take up 
the Sanskrit scrolls and by the smoky hght of a wick soaked in 
oil, he would first read and then translate to them tales of Bhima 
the strong, of the archery of Arjuna, of the chivalrous courage 
of Yudhishthira. Or he would repeat to them the wise sayings 
of Bhishma, in which are contained the experience and wisdom 
of two thousand years of Indian war, statesmanship and govern- 

There were other influences too at work on Shivaji's character. 
The scenery round Poona is of the most inspiring kind. To 
the west are the tremendous barrier ranges of the Sahyadris. 
Only twelve miles to the south stands out the colossal fortress 
of Sinhgad. To the south-west may be dimly seen the peaks 
of Rajgad and Torna, which, when oiiitlined against the setting 
sun, arouse even to-day emotion in the phlegmatic Englishman. 
But thirteen miles to the north of Poona lies Alandi, the spot 
where Dnyandev entered his living tomb and to which, now, 
as in Shivaji's time, thousands of pilgrims bearing yellow flags 
make their way from Pandharpur. But there was yet another 
influence more powerful than either Dadoji Kondadev's teachings 
or the grandeur of the landscape. Jijabai, fatherless, deserted 
by her husband and by her eldest son fomid a solace for her 
grief in Shivaji, the one possession left her. She lavished on her 
son aU and more than all a mother's love. At the same time she 
bade him never forget that he was descended both from the 
Yadavas of Devagiri and the Ranas of Udaipur. She recited 
to him the Puranas with their marvellous feats of war and daring. 
But she wished to see him pious as well as brave. She made 
him pray constantly at the httle village shrine which still may 
be seen in Poona not far from the site of Jijabai's home. There 

Shivaji's Birth and Boyhood 131 

too she welcomed Kathekaris or religious preachers to translate 
and expound to him, better than even Dadoji could do, the 
various virtues and merits of Krishna. ' Thus grew Etruria 
strong ' ; and Shivaji at eighteen was a man tireless, fearless 
and deeply devout. 

It was now time for Shivaji to choose a career. As the son 
of the former regent of Ahmadnagar, as the grandson of Lakhoji 
Jadhavrao, as a near kinsman of the ancient house of Phaltan, 
Shivaji was one of the natural leaders of the Maratha people. 
There were several courses open to him. Like some of the 
barons of the time he could live on Shahaji's estate, amuse his 
leisure with strong drink, fill his zanana with the rustic beauties 
of the neighbourhood and perform just as httle miUtary ser- 
vice as would enable him to retain such fiefs as he might inherit 
from his father. But to the son of Shahaji and the grandson 
of Maloji such a life probably never ofEered much temptation. 
The second course was that favoured by Dadoji Kondadev. 
He could go to Bijapur, join the king's service as a subordinate 
of Shahaji, as Sambhaji had done, and with him rise to a high 
place among the factious nobles who surrounded Mahomed Adil 
Shah. But Shivaji was well aware of the weakness of the Bijapur 
government. He knew that behind the gUtter of the court 
there were waste, mismanagement and incapacity. At Bijapur, 
just as there had been at Ahmadnagar, there was a constant 
and furious rivalry between the Deccan and the foreign parties. 
Either faction, in order to gratify private spite, were prepared 
to call in the Moghuls and ruin their country. Shivaji realized 
that sooner or later a house so divided must fall a prey to the 
discipHned Moghuls, whose forces were led by royal princes who 
were among the first captains of the time. A third course open 
to Shivaji was to seek his fortune at Delhi. The son of Shahaji 
Bhosle would no doubt have received a high post in the Moghul 
army. There his natural gifts would certainly have won him 
most honourable distinction. But to adopt this course would 
have been to desert his country and to stand by while Aurangzib's 
armies enslaved the Indian peoples and insulted their religion 
from the Bhima to Rameshwaram. There was yet another 

132 A History of the Maratha People 

course open to the young noble and that was to attempt the 
liberation of the Maratha race. It was a well-nigh hopeless 
task. After three centuries of slavery the wish for freedom 
was all but dead and hved, if at all, in a few hill tracts in the 
Mawal and the Konkan. He could expect no aid from other 
Maratha nobles. All that the Ghorpades, the Mores, the Manes, 
the Savants and others aspired to was their own advancement 
at court or the enlargement of their fiefs at the expense of their 
neighbours. Without resources he must raise an army. He 
must inspire it by his own words and acts with high ideals. He 
must fight against his own relatives and countrymen. He must 
incur charges of treason and charges of unfilial conduct. In 
the end, he would most Ukely see his hopes shattered, his friends 
butchered, and himself condemned to a cruel and a lingering 
death. Yet this was the course which Shivaji resolved to adopt. 
He did so, not with the rash presumption of youth, but after 
deep dehberate thought, after long discussion with the friends 
of his boyhood, with Dadoji Kondadev and with his mother 
Jijabai. Having once adopted it he never swerved from it 
until his work was done. More than 2500 years before, three 
immortal goddesses had called on another eastern prince to 
decide questions very similar to those which now confronted 
Shivaji. But far other than that of Paris was the judgment 
of Shahaji's son. He turned aside from the rich promises of 
Hera and the voluptuous smiles of Aphrodite and without 
a single backward glance placed the golden fruit in the hands 
of Pallas Athene. 


A.D. 1645 TO 1654 

As early as 1643 Shivaji, then only sixteen years old, had 
begun the work of preparation.* In that year he appointed his 
own nominee as priest in the temple of Rohideshwar near the 
fort of Rohida in the Mawal, and won over to his side the affec- 
tions not only of the hillmen of the neighbouring valleys but also 
of the Bijapuri officer Dadaji Deshpande.f By the year 1645, 
Shivaji's conduct led the Bijapur vazir to write a sharp letter to 
Dadaji Deshpande warning him against associating with Shivaji. 
This letter caused serious alarm to Dadaji's father Narsu, and 
Dadaji mentioned this in a letter to Shivaji. The latter in re- 
ply disclaimed all disloyalty to Bijapur but announced that the 
god Shiva, who resided in Rohideshwar, had promised him his 
help and that with it he would found an independent Hindu 

It was however in the monsoon of 1646 that Shivaji first ser- 
iously put his hand to his life work by the seizure of Torna.§ 
His choice no doubt fell upon Torna because it lay on the south- 
em frontier of his father's fief. Attack would come probably 
from that direction. To the north the fief bordered on the 
Moghul province of Ahmadnagar. The western frontier was 
guarded by the forests and mountains of the Sahyadri range, 
through which no army would pass if it could help it. The 

* As early as 1639 Shivaji had had a seal prepared with the inscription, 
" Although the first moon is small, men Bee that it will grow gradually. This 
seal befita Shivaji the son of Shahaji." Rajwade, Marathi Itiliasanchi 
Sadhane, Vol, 15, p. 437. 

t He took an oath to serve Shivaji. Rajwade, Marathi Itihasanchi Sadhane^ 
Vol. 15, p. 269. 

% Rajwade, ibid, p. 267. 

§ Rajwade, ibid, p. 269. 

134 A History of the Maeatha People 

eastern frontier was no doubt exposed, but to come by an east- 
em route from Bijapur to Poona was a long way round. The 
fort of Torna had a commandant and a small garrison. But 
during the heavy monsoon rains, when no military operation was 
conducted, it was the custom of the Torna garrison to leave 
the hill-top and live in the valley. Taking advantage of this 
circumstance, Shivaji and his three chief companions Yesaji 
Kank, Tanaji Malusare and Baji Phasalkar, wdth a following of 
about a thousand men occupied Torna without bloodshed. 
There, with the same good fortune that had attended his grand- 
father Maloji, he found, while digging in the fortij&cation, which 
had fallen into disrepair, a large hidden treasure. The Torna 
commandant indignantly reported Shivaji's conduct to the 
Bijapur government. But Shivaji had already made a comiter- 
charge. He complained to the king's ministers that the com- 
mandant had without leave deserted his post and that they had 
far better entrust the fort to one as vigilant in the king's interest 
as Shivaji was. He supported his complaint by a distribution 
among the ministers of part of the Torna treasure. The com- 
mandant's report fell upon deaf ears and instead of satisfaction 
he received a reprimand*. When Shivaji offered to pay a larger 
rent than had ever been previously paid for the lands round 
Torna, it was added to his father's fief. With the remaining 
treasure Shivaji bought arms, cannon and ammunition, raised a 
force of hilbnen on the same lines as those upon which Dadoji 
had raised his guards, and fortified another hill about six miles 
away from Torna. It was then known as Morbad but he changed 
its name to Rajgad or the king's fort, the name by which it is 
known to-day. 

The boldness of this act attracted all the youth of Poona 
and the neighbourhood. Among those who now ardently 
embraced Shivaji's cause were Moro Pingle, Annaji Datto, 
Niraji Pandit, Raoji Somnath, Dattaji Gopinath, Raghunath 
Pant and Gangaji Mangaji. They were aU Brahmans and were 
most of them sons of clerks appointed by Dadoji to help him 
in the management of the estate. But Dadoji Kondadev, whose 

* Khafi Khan, Elliot and Doweon, Vol. 7, p. 257. 

The Rise of Shivaji 135 

ambition was that Shivaji should rise to distinction in the 
Bijapur service and who was at once a loyal servant of Shahaji 
and a loyal subject of Mahomed Adil Shah, protested vigorously. 
He maintained that he, and not Shivaji, was the manager of the 
fief, that Shivaji had acted without his sanction. Had Shivaji 
sent a written request for leave to occupy Morbad, his father's 
influence would possibly have secured it. As it was, the king 
would not fail to pimish Shahaji and Dadoji as well. But 
Shivaji had already considered fully his acts. He believed 
himself the trustee of a divine task. He had his mother's full 
support. He bore patiently Dadoji's reproaches. But at the 
same time he directed Moro Pingle to complete as rapidly as 
possible the fortifications of Rajgad. Dadoji, finding his own 
protests unavailing, called round him all the old clerks and 
servants of the fief and bade them address Shivaji. He paid 
as little attention to them as to Dadoji. At last the old man 
wrote a formal letter of complaint to Shahaji at Bijapur. 

The latter for the last ten years had troubled Httle or nothing 
about his first wife and her son. In 1637, the year after he joined 
the service of Bijapur, he was appointed under Randulla Khan 
second in command of an army collected to subdue the south- 
eastern coast of India. Ever since the battle of Tahkota the 
Golconda and Bijapur kings had tried to extend their power over 
the territories of Vijayanagar and reduce the petty chiefs and 
land-holders, who on its destruction had made themselves in- 
dependent. But the wars with Ahmadnagar had diverted the 
attention of Bijapur, and the kingdom of Golconda had so far 
profited most by the fall of Ramraj. In 1637 Bijapur, freed 
by the destruction of its ancient rival, resolved to conquer 
as much as it could of southern India. Shahaji and Randulla 
Khan spent the year 1637 in overcoming the resistance of a 
powerful chief named Kemp Gauda, whose capital was Bengrul or 
Bangalore. At the close of the year Randulla Khan was recalled 
and Shahaji succeeded to the supreme command. The capacity 
of the veteran general soon made itself felt and tho Bijapm- 
army overran Kolar, Dood, Balapur and Sira. These districts 
were conferred on Shahaji as mihtary fiefs. After he had 

136 A History of the Maratha People 

conquered the whole plateau round Bangalore, he descended the 
Eastern Ghats to subdue the ancient country of the Cholas. 

As already related the invasion of Mahk Kafir overthrew all 
the dynasties of southern India. From this invasion Tan j ore 
never recovered. The rise of Vijayanagar was more fatal to 
it even than the assaults of MaUk Kafir. It Ungered on, however, 
in name until A.D. 1530. At that time the prince of Tanjore, 
Vir Shekhar, was the deadly enemy of Chandra Shekhar, the 
prince of Madura. After various turns of fortune Vir Shekhar 
overthrew his foe and took Madura. Chandra Shekhar, to recover 
it, called to his help Krishna Raya, king of Vijayanagar. The 
result was the usual one in such cases. The Vijayanagar army 
overthrew Vir Shekhar. The king annexed Tanjore and gave 
it in fief to one Shivappa Naik, one of the royal princes. Chandra 
Shekhar was for some time allowed to reign in Madura as a puppet 
king. But before his death Madura had become the fief of a 
certain Vishvanath Naik, a general of Vijayanagar. After TaUkota, 
Tanjore and Madura again became independent principahties. 
In Shahaji's time Raghunath Naik was chief of Tanjore. He 
passed his time in fighting with Vyankat Naik, the lord of the 
great fortress of Jinji, and Trimal Naik, who owned the large 
town of Trichinopoh to the south of the Coleroon River, the 
name given to the Caveri before it reaches the sea. Shahaji, 
taking advantage of their quarrel, reduced all three disputants 
to a common obedience to the Bijapur government. 

Shahaji, busy in the work of conquest and administration, 
paid little attention to Dadoji Kondadev's complaint and does 
not appear to have answered his letter. But the Bijapur govern- 
ment now began to look askance at Shivaji's conduct and called 
on Shahaji for an explanation of it. Shahaji even then did not 
treat the matter seriously. He wrote a soothing reply to 
Bijapur and sent a letter to Shivaji in which he suggested that 
he had better not fortify Rajgad. The evident indifference 
of Shahaji, the obstinacy of Shivaji, and the fears which Dadoji 
felt for the future of both preyed on his mind. He fell ill. 
Shivaji, greatly attached to him, nursed him with filial devotion. 
He sent for the best available doctors to treat him. But care 

The Rise of Shivaji 137 

undid the work of their medicines. In a few weeks the old 
man reached the threshold of death (A.D. 1647). He sent 
for Shivaji and told him that his remonstrances had all been 
in what he had thought to be Shivaji's interest. He then 
summoned his principal subordinates. In their presence he 
handed over the keys of the treasury to Shivaji and bade them 
regard him as their master. Having thus indirectly given his ap- 
proval to Shivaji's acts, he commended his family to the young 
man's care and shortly afterwards breathed his last.* Dadoji's 
dying words made a deep impression on those who were present 
to hear them. But two of his chief subordinates were absent. 
These were Phirangoji Narsala, the commandant of Chakan, 
a fortified town to the north of Poona, and Sambhaji Mohite, 
the brother of Tukabai Mohite, Shahaji's second wife, and com- 
mandant of Supa, a similar town to the south-east of Poona. 
Phirangoji Narsala, on hearing that Dadoji Kondadev had 
resigned his trust into Shivaji's hands, agreed readily to do the 
same. Shivaji confirmed Phirangoji Narsala in his post and 
increased his charge by adding to it some of the villages in the 
neighbourhood. Sambhaji Mohite, however, was proof against 
all persuasions. When Shahaji and Jijabai quarrelled on 
Tukabai 's accoimt, Sambhaji Mohite took his sister's side and 
bore no friendly feelings to Jijabai's son. He informed Shivaji 
poUtely that the trust conferred on Dadoji Kondadev lapsed 
on the latter's death to the trustor. He (Sambhaji Mohite) 
must therefore await Shahaji's orders before he could acknow- 
ledge Shivaji as his superior. Argument was useless, so Shivaji 
used force. With 300 picked men he made a sudden night 
march to Supa, surprised Sambhaji Mohite in his bed, took his 
guards prisoners and after enhsting in his own service those 
who were wilHng, sent the rest together with Sambhaji 
Mohite to Bangalore, the headquarters of Shahaji's government. 
As it did not occur to the officers in charge of Indapur and 

* Grant Duff, (Vol. I, p. 133), writes that Dadoji advised Shivaji to prosecute 
his plans of independence, to protect Brahmans, cows and cultivators, to 
preserve the temples of the Hindus from violation and to follow the fortune 
which lay before him. But there is nothing so direct as this in the CJdlnie 
Bakhar. Ranade (p. 66), merely states, "The old man yielded and blessed 
Shivaji before he died." 

138 A History of the Maratha People 

Baramati to dispute Shivaji's authority, Shivaji had. now 
acquired complete control of his father's Poona estates. He 
was, therefore, at liberty to resume his former scheme and pro- 
tect himself against attack from the Bijapur government. He 
had already, by the occupation of Torna and Raj gad, secured 
his south-western frontier. But twelve miles immediately 
south of Poona was the great fortress of Kondana. Whoever 
held it dominated not only the Muta valley but the Poona 
plain as far as Chakan. It was in charge of a Musulman com- 
mandant whose name has not survived. For a sum of money 
he consented to surrender it, and Shivaji after entering it changed 
its name to Sinhgad or the Lion's fort. 

To the south-east of Sinhgad was, if possible, a still more 
stupendous natural stronghold. Its name was Purandar, 
another name for the god Indra, and it overlooked the plateau 
above the Sinhgad hills, in which lies Saswad, the burial place 
of Sopana. If it could be taken the whole of Shivaji's southern 
frontier would be safe. The Bijapur government had entrusted 
Purandar to a Brahman called Nilkanth Naik*. All that is 
recorded of him is that he had an ungovernable temper. On 
one occasion his wife objected to his conduct. He had her 
promptly blown from the mouth of a cannon. In youth he 
had been a great friend of Shahaji and his sons knew Shivaji 
well. The fiery old commandant died about the same time as 
Dadoji Kondadev ; and the eldest son Pilo, without orders from 
Bijapur, not only assumed command of the fort, but usurped 
all the lands and revenues allotted to the commandant. The 
younger brothers claimed that they, as sons of the same father, 
had equal rights with Pilo. \^Tiether the plea was good law 
in the case of a mihtary fief may be doubted. But in any case 
they were entitled to a hearing, and as the Bijapur govermnent 
was too slothful to grant them one, they appealed to Shivaji. 
What happened afterwards has been variously related. Accord- 
ing to one authorityt the garrison sent Shivaji a message 
advising him to seize the place himself and so end the quarrel. 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar ; see also Ranade, p. 30. 
t Eanade, p. 91. 

The Eise of Shiva ji 139 

According to a second authority* the brothers called in Shivaji 
as an arbitrator. He, under pretence of examining the pro- 
perty in dispute, seized it. According to a third authority ,t 
Shivaji, hearing of their differences, gave out that he was going 
to attack the Nimbalkars of Phaltan. As he went he halted 
at Saswad some six miles from Purandar. It was the DivaU, 
or the feast of lamps, and Pilo and his two brothers begged him 
to join them in the festival. He accepted the invitation and 
took part in the merry-making. Next day he proposed that he 
and his hosts should bathe in the stream which flows through 
Saswad. The brothers agreed and the young men spent the 
morning bathing. When they returned to Pm-andar, Shivaji's 
ensign flew from the battlements. His soldiers, in the absence 
of the brothers, and with the connivance of the garrison, had 
seized the fortress. But whatever the true story may be, we 
need waste no pity on the brothers. The fortress, as such, was 
worthless to them. They prized it merely for the salary which 
the commandant drew. After its capture Shivaji ofiered them, 
and they accepted, compensation elsewhere of greater value. 
To Pilo Nilkanth he gave a wide tract of land below the fort 
and round Purandar village and had a house built there for him. 
Shankarraoji Nilkanth, the second brother, Shivaji made superin- 
tendent of his artillery, elephants and camels. The yoimgest 
brother also entered Shivaji's service. Moro Pingle, whose 
skill in fortification had recently been shown at Torna and 
Raj gad, was appointed governor of Purandar. 

Shivaji's southern frontier was now safe. But he had exhaus- 
ted the Torna treasure and the revenues of his father's fief. 
It was therefore absolutely necessary for him to obtain money. 
Shortly after the capture of Purandar, chance enabled him to 
supply this need. In the centre of one of the most fertile tracts 
of the Thana collectorate is the rich town of Kalyan. It was 
then the capital of a province entrusted to the care of a Musul- 
man named Mulana Ahmad. Completely ignorant of Shivaji's 
designs, he had collected the government rents of his charge 

* Shedgavkar Bakhar. 
t Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

140 A History of the Maratha People 

and had sent the money to Bijapur. With it went an escort 
large enough to guard it against an attack by a band of hill 
robbers. As the carts with their escort were winding their 
way through the Konkan, Shivaji, with a body of 300 horse, 
part of the former garrison of Supa, descended the Bhor pass 
west of Poona and surprised them. The guards could make no 
effective resistance and Shivaji made himself master of the 
treasure. Such an act meant, of course, open war with Bijapur. 
So Shivaji followed it up by a surprise attack on the neighbour- 
ing forts.* He took no less than nine. Of these the most 
important were Lohgad, Rajmachi and Raiii. Rajmachi is a 
stupendous hill at the foot of the Bhor pass. Rairi, which 
afterwards became Shivaji's capital, will be described in a later 
page, Lohgad stands above the Bhor pass and, with its twin 
fortress Visapur,f is a famihar object to travellers from Poona 
to Bombay. Strange legends are still told of this ancient 
fort. The best-known is the following. In early days, before 
the Bahmani kingdom had arisen and before Islam had become 
the state reUgion, six Musulman saints came to convert the 
Deccan. One of these was named Umar Khan, and his mission 
led him into the Indrayani valley. There, however, the fame 
of a Hindu anchorite who Uved on the top of Lohgad hampered 
his missionary efforts. The Musulman resolved to remove his 
Hindu rival. He rode up the path until he reached a spot 
where the paths to Lohgad and Visapur bifurcate. He then 
ahghted, and roaring a warning to the anchorite to depart, 
enforced his words by a violent blow of his spear against the hiU 
side. Driven by the saint's muscular arm the spear passed 
through the edge of the cUff, leaving a gigantic window or flying 
buttress against its side. The anchorite, however, paid no 
attention. Umar Khan then cUmbed Lohgad, and on its 
smnmit found his enemy absorbed in beatific contemplation. 
Still louder Umar Khan bade him begone. Again the anchorite 
heeded him not. Umar Khan, exasperated, seized him by the 

* Grant DufiE gives the names of the forts as Kangooree, Toong, Tikona, 
Bhoorup, Koaree, Lohgad and Rajmachi. 
t Visapur was not fortified until the time of Balaji Vishvanath. 

The Rise of Shivaji 141 

leg and with superlmman force hurled him over the half mile 
which separates Lohgad from Visapur. Even then the anchorite 
did not fall to earth, but borne on by the prodigious power of 
Umar Khan's right arm, he fell at last in the very centre of the 
Visapur plateau. There a small temple was erected over his 
body by his Hindu followers. At the foot of Lohgad a number 
of clay horses mark where the Musulman saint aUghted. Both 
temple and horses may still be seen by the curious. 

While Shivaji took the forts, Abaji Sondev, one of Shahaji's 
old clerks, now a trusted officer of the young adventurer, rode 
with a body of horse to Kalyan, entered it without resistance, 
and made prisoner Mulana Ahmad. Shivaji, delighted with this 
success, followed Abaji to Kalyan, treated the captive governor 
with the utmost respect and sent him back honourably to Bija- 
pur. Before he arrived there the news of Shivaji's conduct 
had reached the city. The king was naturally incensed at the 
rebelhon of one whose father had risen high in the Bijapur 
service. A royal letter* was despatched to Shivaji censuring 
his conduct and ordering him to Bijapur. The king also directed 
Shahaji to use his influence with his son. To the former letter 
Shivaji repUed curtly that he would go to Bijapur provided 
that all the territory in his possession should be confen-ed on 
him in fief. To his father Shivaji replied that he was no longer 
a child, but a man and master of his own destiny. He had 
now become an independent chief and regarded as his own 
both Shahaji's Poona estates and his recent conquests from 

The Idng naturally refused to accept Shivaji's proposals. 
They were impossible in themselves ; and Shivaji's letter to his 
father showed that he did not expect their acceptance. Mahomed 
Adil Shah, instead of acting on Shahaji's advice and sending 
a force at once to overthrow the rebel, conceived the idea that 
Shivaji was really acting imder his father's orders. This idea 
was fostered by the Musuhnans at coiu-t, jealous of the position 
which Shahaji had reached by his industry and talents. The 
king resolved to seize Shahaji's person. It was, however, 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

142 A History of the Maratha People 

necessary to proceed cautiously. An unsuccessful attempt 
would merely drive him into open rebellion. In the royal service 
was an ambitious Maratha noble called Baji Ghorpade. The 
family had once been known as Bhosle and were probably 
connected although remotely with that of Shahaji. They had 
later taken the name of Ghorpade after an ancestor who had 
first used the ghorpad or large lizard for the capture of forts. 
He had observed that the animal could not only cHmb a perpendi- 
cular rock, but could chng to it even if pulled with great violence. 
The Maratha, acting on his observation, trained a ghorpad to run 
up a wall in a given direction. Its training complete, he fastened 
a rope ladder to its tail and made it run up the wall of a fort 
which he wished to escalade. AVhen the ghorpad had reached 
the summit, a small boy was sent up the ladder. The ghorpad, 
feehng the strain, dug its claws firmly into the earth. When 
the boy reached the top, he released the ghorpad and fastened 
the rope ladder to the groimd with iron pegs. By means of a 
ladder the storming party reached the top and overpowered 
the garrison. This device was afterwards used extensively 
by both the Ahmadnagar and Bijapur governments. The king 
had recently conferred the fief of Mudhol on Baji Ghorpade and 
he was now expected to show that he had deserved his promotion. 
He was told treacherously to seize Shahaji's person and hand 
him over as prisoner to the king. A few days later, Baji Ghor- 
pade visited Shahaji and begged him to be present at a dinner- 
party given in his honour. Shahaji accepted the invitation and 
came on the appointed day. When Shahaji reached the outer 
door Ghorpade's servants bade him dofi his sword and shield and 
dismiss his attendants. Shahaji, possibly suspecting danger, 
refused to do so. Ghorpade then offered courteously to show 
his guest over the house. Shahaji followed him until they 
reached the most distant part of it. Suddenly Ghorpade shut 
and bolted a door behind him, thus separating Shahaji's atten- 
dants from their master. At the same time a body of Ghorpade's 
men hidden in the back of the house rushed on Shahaji and 
took him prisoner. He was put in chains and sent to Mahomed 
Adil Shah. 

The Eise of Shivaji 143 

In the royal presence the unfortunate noble vainly- 
protested his innocence. The king refused to believe him and 
ordered him to be bricked up in a wall. Masons were sent for. 
A niche large enough to admit a man was made. Into it Shahaji 
was placed and in front of him the masons began to build a 
fresh wall. As each layer added to its height the Idng shouted 
at his victim : " Confess your guilt and save your Ufe !" At 
last the layers of bricks reached as high as Shahaji 's chin, leaving 
only his face visible. As Shahaji still asserted that his son 
Shivaji had acted entirely without his authority, the king stopped 
the masons and left Shahaji as he was. But he told him to 
write to his son and threatened, in case Shivaji did not soon come 
to Bijapur, to close the small aperture that stiU remained. On 
receiving his father's letter Shivaji was in a cruel dilemma. 
If he went to Bijapur, he would almost certainly be executed. 
If he did not, his father would die in his place. A third course 
was, so it is said, suggested to him by his wife Saibai. He sent 
one of Dadoji's old clerks, Raghunath Pant, to Delhi to invoke 
the aid of Shah Jehan. That emperor had no love for Shahaji, 
who had so long defied his efforts to conquer Ahmadnagar. 
But the chance of picking a quarrel with Bijapur and above 
all of annexing that part of Ahmadnagar which had been resigned 
to Bijapur by the recent treaty was too good to be lost. The 
emperor sent direct to Shahaji a letter* dated November 30, 
1649. In it he wrote that he overlooked the past and that he 
had sent word to his ambassadors to secure Shahaji's release 
and that he accepted him as a noble of the Delhi empire. He 
also conferred a dress of honour on Shahaji and gave a command 
in the imperial service to Sambhaji. The arrival of the letter 
at Bijapur must have caused Mahomed Adil Shah some hours 
of anxious thought. If he killed Shahaji, Shivaji would do 
homage for his recent conquests to Shah Jehan. The latter 
would gladly hold them as security for the Bijapur arrears of 
tribute and would further demand satisfaction for the death of 
Shahaji, now a subject of Delhi. Shahaji's friends Murar 
Jagdev, the first minister, and Randulla Khan, Sh ahaji's old 

* See Appendix A, p. 149. 

144 A History of the Maratha People 

comrade in arms, interceded for him. The king relented, and 
releasing Shahaji from his brick coffin allowed him to move 
about in Bijapur city but forbade him to leave it. As Shivaji 
had achieved his object, he no longer wished to become a feuda- 
tory of Delhi. He begged that before he did so the emperor 
would graciously confer on him the deshmukhi revenue or tithes 
of Junnar and Ahmadnagar, which were his by ancient right. 
The emperor repUed* courteously that he would attend to the 
matter when he returned to Court. Shivaji should then have 
his agent ready and fully instructed to argue his case. 

The position now between Shivaji and the Bijapur government 
was one of stalemate. If Shivaji committed further aggressions 
they would certainly kill Shahaji. If Mahomed Adil Shah 
harmed Shahaji, Shivaji would call in Moghul aid. In the 
circumstances neither party wished to begin overt hostilities. 
But the Bijapur government made a secret attempt to capture 
their enemy, f Among the latter's conquests was the town of 
Mahad in the Konkan about 50 miles as the crow flies to the 
south-west of Poona. It is now the head-quarters of a taluka 
in the Ratnagiri district. It was even then an important place 
and Shivaji used often to visit it. This was known to the Bija- 
pur government, and one Baji Shamraj was ordered to surprise 
him there and take him dead or alive. As the country immedi- 
ately to the east of Mahad was a fief of a certain Chandra Rao 
More, Raja of JaoU, he was made privy to the plot and he agreed 
to let Baji Shamraj conceal himself within his estates. 

Chandra Rao More was one of the most important Hindu 
nobles imder the Bijapur government. His chief town JaoU, 
now a petty village, lay in the valley of the Koyna River, 
immediately below Mahableshwar, to-day the summer capital 
of the Bombay government. That plateau, which extends 
from the head of the Krishna valley to Panchgani, a distance 
of nearly 20 miles, is now intersected in every direction by 
broad red roads and by shady riding paths that lead the 
visitor to points and clearings, from which can be seen views 

* See Appendix B, p. 149. 

t Grant Duff, Vol. 1, p. 145. See also Ranade. 

The Eise of Shivaji 145 

of unimagined splendour. In the summer months the chief 
officers of the executive government and hundreds of visitors 
from all parts of the Presidency come by motor car or 
carriage to enjoy the cool breezes that blow amid scenes which 
no other spot in the Bombay Presidency can rival. In May 
and early June when the fierce heat of the plains can hardly 
be borne by Europeans, the days in Mahableshwar are pleasant 
and the evenings chilly. In the morning heavy mists obscure 
the sun, ward off its rays and he hke coverlets of down upon 
the sleeping mountains. In the time of Shivaji the plateau 
was a trackless jungle laiown as the Nahar Forest. Its one 
inhabited spot was a village now called Old Mahableshwar. 
It lies on a narrow neck of land where five rivers are supposed 
to rise. The chief of these is the Krishna, which after a course 
of many hundreds of miles throws itself at length into the Bay of 
Bengal. Next to it in importance is the Venna or Yenna, a 
beautiful stream which, dammed up in the centre of the plateau, 
makes the Mahableshwar lake. The banks of the lake are 
covered with vegetable gardens and strawberry beds. From 
its south-eastern end the river issues again and a mile or two 
further on falls suddenly, at Lingmala, 1000 feet into the plain 
below, thus forming, especially after the monsoon rains, a water- 
fall of extraordinary beauty. The third is the Koyna River, 
the banks of which are still covered with dense forest and give 
shelter to sambhar and wild dog, panther and tiger. The 
Yenna joins the Krishna at Mahuli near Satara. The Koyna 
joins it at Karad. The Krishna, the Yenna and the Koyna 
flow eastward. The remaining two, the Gayatri and the Savitri, 
flow westward and mingle their waters with the Arabian Sea. 
According to local belief a sixth river may from time to time 
be seen by devout Hindu pilgrims. When every twelfth year* 
the planet Jupiter enters the sign of Virgo, the stately Ganges 
pays to her lowlier sisters a visit and for twelve months flows 
by their side in Old Mahableshwar. The sources of rivers are 
sacred in India as in many ancient coim tries, and Mahableshwar, 
* This period is called the Kanyagat. 

146 A History of the Maratha People 

the source of no less than five, has been sacred from remote 
times. Amongst the earliest known pilgrims was Singhana, 
one of the greatest of the Yadava kings. In 1215 he built at the 
sources of the Krishna a small temple and dug a pond in honour 
of the god Shiva, who here is worshipped under the title of 
Maha-Bal-Ishwar, or god the mightiest. 

The Yadava kings gave the Mahableshwar plateau and neigh- 
bouring valleys to the Shirkes, the family renowned by the defeat 
of MaUk-ul-Tujar near Vishalgad. After their conquest by the 
Bahmani kings, the Shirkes held Mahableshwar as vassals. With 
the downfall of the Bahmani kingdom the Shirkes fell also. Yusuf 
Adil Shah, the founder of the Bijapur kingdom, offered the Shirkes' 
fief to Parsoji Bajirao More, one of his Maratha captains, and 
gave him 12,000 troops with which to conquer it. More was com- 
pletely victorious. After a series of fights he drove the Shirkes 
from the lands which they had held for so many years. Besides 
the fief, Yusuf Adil Shah conferred on More the title of Chandra 
Rao, or Moon-lord, to be held by him in perpetuity. Parsoji's 
son, Yeshwant Rao, added fresh glory to the family fame. In 
the great defeat inflicted in 1524 on Burhan Nizam Shah I by 
Ismail Adil Shah, Yeshwant Rao captured the green standard 
of the Ahmadnagar army. For this feat More received the 
perpetual title of Raja and leave to keep the royal standard as 
a trophy. For seven generations the Mores governed Jaoli 
without leaving any enduring trace of their rule. The eighth 
in descent from Parsoji was one Krishnaji, called like his 
forbears Chandra Rao More. When harassed by a rising of the 
Kolis or the wild tribes of the valleys he vowed that he would, if 
successful, give the god Mahableshwar a silver image weighing 
half a maund. Either by the god's help or his own skill, he 
put down the rising, and in his gratitude he more than kept 
his promise. He not only had the silver image prepared 
but had a stately temple built, which stands to this day. Inside 
it is a pool into which the waters of the five rivers continuously 
flow. Beside them is a sixth channel reserved for the waters 
of the Ganges. Krishnaji had five sons, Balaji, Daulat, Hanmant, 
Govind and Yeshwant. The eldest, Balaji, succeeded to the 

The Rise or Shivaji 147 

title of Raja and Chandra Rao. The younger sons received a 
village each. To Daulat went the village of Shivthar ; Hanmant 
inherited Jor ; Govind, Jambli ; and Yeshwant, Bahuli. In 
Shivaji's youth Jijabai had taken him on a pilgrimage to 
Mahableshwar. While there she was attracted by the beauty of 
Balaji More's three daughters.* She asked for one of them as a 
bride for Shivaji. But Balaji More, who regarded the Bhosles 
as inferior to his own ancient house, declmed the offer. When 
Shivaji later pressed More to join in the revolt against the 
Bijapur government. More again refused, pleading this time 
his loyalty to Mahomed Adil Shah. At the suggestion of the 
Bijapur government. More now allowed Baji Shamraj to use his 
fief as a base from which to surprise and kill Shivaji. The 
attempt failed as it deserved. Shivaji's spies were as well 
informed as those of Bijapur. He learnt of Baji Shamraj's 
design, and moving secretly from Mahad, fell upon his band as 
they lay in wait and drove them with considerable loss into 

In 1653 Shahaji, after four years of restraint, was permitted 
to return to Bangalore. There he found everything in disorder. 
The chiefs whom his armies had subdued had revolted during his 
absence, and in one of the fights which ensued, his favourite 
son Sambhaji had fallen. A Musulman named Mustafa Khan 
claimed to have certain rights in the fortress of Kanakgiri, which 
had been conferred by the Bijapur government on Shahaji 
Bhosle. Instigated, if not actually aided, by a member of the 
royal household named Afzul Khan, Mustafa Khan overpowered 
Shahaji's garrison and occupied Kanakgiri. Sambhaji went 
there with a force but found Mustafa Khan prepared to resist. 
Sambhaji sent a letter to Mustafa Khan, urging him to refer the 
dispute to the king at Bijapur. While negotiations were pro- 
ceeding, Mustafa Khan treacherously ordered his artillery-men 
to hit, if they could, Sambhaji and the knot of officers round him. 
The batteries opened fire and a cannon-ball, hitting Samb];aji, 
killed him instantly. The treachery profited Mustafa Klian 
but little. When Shahaji once more reached Bangalore he led 
another body of troops to Kanakgiri and stormed it. With 

* Parasnis MSS. See also Mahableshwar by Rao Bahadur Parasnia, 

148 A History of the Haratha People 

superb generosity he spared the life of his son's assassins. To- 
wards Ghorpade of Mudhol, Shahaji displayed a different* spirit. 
The king of Bijapur, anxious to protect Ghorpade from his 
victim's vengeance, made both pai-ties swear in his presence 
never to molest each other and made them as a proof of friend- 
ship exchange with each other portions of their lands. Shahaji 
kept his promise in the letter but not in the spirit. He sent 
to Shivaji an epistle * in which he wrote, " Be careful to 
complete the work which you have undertaken. By the grace 
of the Most High may the wives of your enemies ever bathe in 
their own warm tears. May God crown your hopes with success 
and increase your prosperity. You will not fail to be courteous 
always to Baji Ghorpade, for you know the great obligations 
imder which he has laid me." 

Shivaji prized highly the words of approval contained in the 
missive. He also grasped the real meaning of the last sentence. 
And he resolved, when a fitting chance came, to comply with 
Shahaji's wishes and exact full vengeance from Baji Ghorpade 
of Mudhol. 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

The Eise of Shivaji 149 



After compliments, Shahaji Bhosle, be it known that the application sent 
by your son Shivaji has come before us. Since it contained expressions of 
sincerity and homage we bestowed upon it our royal favour. He made a 
representation to us in the matter of your offences and your release. Our 
victorious and world-protecting standards are now successfully turned towards 
our Imperial Court. We assure you of our favour and we order that your 
faithful heart should be at ease in all matters. When we reach the Imperial 
Court we will bring to our sacred notice aU your requests and desires and wiU 
bring them to success. But the proper way of service and devotion is to send 
your own trusted servant, so that the world-compelling order guaranteed and 
adorned with the royal signature may be issued and sent with him. 

Your son Sambhaji and others have also obtained royal favour. They will be 
gratified by their former appointments and favours. They should strive in 
all good faith and true servitude, which will secure them all objects and re- 
quests. Be free from anxiety. A dress of honour has been sent to you as a 
mark of our complete favour and approval. We hope that by its good- 
omened arrival you will become fortunate and you will understand from it 
that you are the object of the imperial condescension. 

Written 5th Jilkad, 23rd year of the reign (1049). Seal of Morad Baksh, son 
of Shah Jehan. 



November 30th, 1649. 

Deserving every kind of friendly feeling, recipient of great favour, worthy 
of magnanimous treatment, Shivaji Bhosle, imploring for imperial favour, 
be it understood, that your letter with Ragho Pandit has been received and 
has satisfied us. There appears in it a reference to Junnar and Ahmadnagar 
Deshmukhi, to which we have to say that you should bo at ease about tliis. 
When we reach the royal camp in person, everything wiU be arranged satis- 



A.D. 1655 TO 1659 

Before carrying out Shahaji's injunction to punish Baji 
Ghorpade, Shivaji had his own quarrel to settle with Balaji 
More. He was, however, loth to destroy one whom he had known 
in boyhood and he resolved to make an effort to win over More 
by personal influence. He visited Jaoli himself and in an 
interview with Balaji More did his utmost by appeals to his 
religion and patriotism to gain to his side the reluctant noble. 
He merely wasted his breath. Balaji during the interview 
tried to secure * his visitor's person in order to hand him over, 
just as Ghorpade had handed over Shahaji, to the Bijapur 
government. But Shivaji, who had come prepared for treachery, 
broke loose from his assailants and made his escape. Shivaji 
now despaired of winning More's alliance. Nevertheless he did 
not at once declare war. He sent to Jaoh two envoys, Ragho 
Ballal Atre, a Brahman, and Sambhaji Kavaji, a Maratha, to 
lay before Balaji an ultimatum. Its terms were that he should 
at once join Shivaji and give him his daughter in marriage or 
take the full consequences of refusal. More at first affected 
to grant Shivaji's demands. Several interviews took place, 
but Balaji evaded a definite answer. At last it became clear 
that More was but amusing the envoys in order to gain time. 
On receiving their report, Shivaji with his army started as if 
to go to Purandar. By night he changed his direction and 
occupied Mahableshwar. Ragho Ballal Atre now demanded 
and obtained one more interview with More. What happened 
is obscure. It is probable that Shivaji's envoys charged Balaji 

* The ' Mahableshwar Account,' Parasnis MSS. See also Rao Bahadur 
D. B. Parasnis, MahableshvMr, p. 19. 

Eaely Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 151 

with double dealing and that the latter complained of Shivaji's 
invasion. High words were exchanged, swords were drawn 
and Ragho Ballal Atre and Sambhaji Kavaji Idlled More and his 
brother (1655). Then fleeing into the jungle they escaped to 
Shivaji. The latter had not authorized his envoy's acts. But 
as More's non-acceptance of the ultimatum was tantamount 
to a declaration of war, Shivaji determined to profit by them. 
He and his troops pushed on at once to Jaoli. They were joined 
by Balaji's brothers, who had long been on bad terms* with him 
because he had confiscated their villages. Balaji's minister 
Hanmantrao and Balaji's sons offered a gallant resistance. But 
their men lacked the discipHne of Shivaji's force and the skill 
of his leadership. Hanmantrao fell lighting and Balaji's sons 
were overpowered and taken prisoners. Shivaji improved the 
victory to the utmost. He enUsted in his service More's own 
troops, and with their aid and that of the brothers, to whom he 
restored their villages, he overran in a few days the entire fief. 
In a remote part of it was the strong fort of Wasota, destined 
many years afterwards to be an English prison. It fell at the first 
assault and after its fall Shivaji met \vith no further resistance. 
He could now consohdate his conquest. He fomid at Jaoli 
a large treasure accumulated by successive generations of Mores. 
With part of it he improved the temple at Old Mahableshwar. 
The remainder he put to a more practical use, namely the fortifi- 
cation of Pratapgadf. 

* The rhyme ' Milale barabhai ani budali Chandra Rai ' will be found i ii 
the Shedgavkar Bakhar. 

t I have followed the Shedgavkar Bakhar here. Grant Duff makes Shivaji 
build Pratapgad temple later, see Grant Duff, Vol. 1 , p. 204. I think that the 
former is right ; otherwise Shivaji could not have worshipped Bhavani before 
the battle of Pratapgad. 

A tiny portion of More's treasure escaped Shivaji's observation. A number 
of gold coins had been concealed in an earthen pot and buried in a field in the 
Krishna valley. More than 250 years afterwards a cultivator accidentally 
unearthed the pot as he ploughed the field. He and his neighbours shared 
the coins among themselves. The find reached the ears of the Musulman 
chief constable of Panchgani. Unhappily for him he fell a victim to his own 
coyetousness. Instead of reporting the matter to his superiors, ho forced 
the villagers to surrender the treasure and thus misappropriated it to his 
own use. He was arrested. By a curious chance ho was tried and convicted 
by the writer of these pages, then Sessions Judge of Satara, and sentenced to 
a long term of imprisonment. 

152 ^ A History of the Maratha People 

A charming story has been preserved which explains his 
selection of Pratapgad rather than any of the other hills in 
the neighbourhood. It had been the practice of the Bhosle 
family to visit at least once a year the temple of Bhavani, 
or Parwati, at Tuljapur. After the vision in which she 
pointed out to Maloji the treasure from which the Bhosles' 
fortunes rose, she had become the special object of the family 
worship. But after Shivaji's rebellion it was no longer safe 
for him to make a pilgrimage to Tuljapur. For it lay far to 
the east of his territories. He therefore decided to build a 
temple at Rairi. For this purpose he sent all over India for a 
suitable piece of marble for the goddess' image. But one night 
he saw Bhavani in a %dsion. She told him that her wish was 
not to have a temple at Rairi but to live close to jMahableshwar. 
ShSvaji should search until he foimd a hill known as the Bhorapya 
Hill. On its summit he should build a temple for her and a 
fort for himself. Next morning Shivaji searched for the Bhorapya 
Hill. A herdsman pointed it out to him about twelve miles to 
the west of the Mahableshwar plateau. \Vhen he reached it 
his vision was confirmed by the discovery of a stone on which 
was marked a ' ling,' the special mark of Shiva. Shivaji no 
longer doubted that his dream had come through the gates of 
horn and building a temple to Bhavani placed in it the marble 
idol prepared by him for Rairi. Round the temple More Pingle, 
at his master's orders, built a fortress. To it Shivaji gave the 
name of Pratapgad or " the Fort of Glory." The spot chosen 
by Bhavani did infinite credit to her judgment. From the 
Koyna valley Pratapgad rises over 1000 feet. But on the 
western side it drops yet another 1000 feet into the Konkan, 
and to him who looks at it from the Mahad road it offers a 
spectacle of the most imposing kind. At the same time it 
commands what is now known as the Mahad Ghat, the only 
pass by which the traveller can descend from the Krishna or the 
Koyna valley into the Konkan. The possession of this pass 
was of the utmost value to Shivaji, for it joined up his new 
conquest of JaoH with his former conquests along the western 


r To face page 152.] 

Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 153 

Not long after the fall of Jaoli an incident happened which 
showed clearly the course which Shivaji had chosen for himself. 
In a village named Golewadi, not far from Wai but in JaoU terri- 
tory, hved a Maratha named Gole, who on Chandra Kao's death 
tried to make himself independent. Shivaji put dowTi the 
rising and took Golewadi by storm. In the course of the 
fighting, Gole's daughter-in-law, a beautiful yomig woman, was 
taken prisoner and brought to Shivaji by one of his Brahman 
officers. Shivaji could have placed her in his zanana without 
incurring any reproach. Nevertheless, after praising the girl's 
beauty, he turned to his officer and said, " So fair is she that 
were it in my power, I should wish to be born as her son *." 
He then gave the lady presents such as she would have received 
had she visited her father or her brother and sent her back pro- 
perly attended to her husband. To him he also wrote an assur- 
ance that the young woman was leaving his custody as pure 
as when she had entered it. 

In 1656 a fresh war broke out between Bijapur and the 
Moghuls. Shah Jehan"s third son Aurangzib had treacherously 
attacked and defeated the king of Golconda and forced on him 
a humiliating peace. The prince then turned his eyes towards 
Bijapur. He had long dishked the king, Mahomed Adil Shah, 
who had been on friendly terms with his eldest brother and rival 
Dara Shukoh. In November, 1656, Mahomed Adil Shah died, 
leaving as his successor his son Ali Adil Shah. The latter was 
only nineteen years of age and Aurangzib saw in the weakness 
of the young king a chance of revenging himself upon a dead 
enemy. He insinuated to the emperor that AH Adil Shah was 
illegitimate. Bijapur was a tributary state. The succession, 
argued the prince, depended on the approval of Delhi. As AU 
Adil Shah had without rights of inheritance and without the 
emperor's permission usurped the throne, he should be at once 
deposed. Shah Jehan yielded to this reasoning and ordered 
Aurangzib to attack Bijapur. The unhappy young king sued 
for peace in the himiblest terms and offered to pay as ransom 

♦ Shedgavkar Bakhar. A similar story is told in tho Bombay Gazetteer 
of Shivaji and Mulana Ahmad's daughter-in-law. Both are probably variants 
of the same tale. 

154 A History of the Maratha People 

a crore of rupees. But Aurangzib's aim was to subvert the 
kingdom. He refused all terms, and overrunning Bijapur, 
pressed the siege of the capital with the utmost vigour. The 
king gave himself up for lost, when an event at Delhi completely 
changed his situation. 

On September 8, 1657, the Emperor Shah Jehan fell 
seriously ill. His eldest son Dara Shukoh, who was at 
Agra with his father, assumed the government. Prince 
Shuja, Dara's second brother, was governor of Bengal. 
Prince Murad Baksh, his fourth brother, was governor of 
Ahmadabad. Both Shuja and Murad Baksh rebelled. Aurang- 
zib, enriched by the wealth taken from the Golconda king, 
and general of the Deccan army, raised the siege of Bijapur and 
joined in the rising. What followed is too well-known to be 
related in detail. The emperor recovered from his illness and 
ordered his sons to return to their duties. They paid no heed 
to his orders, but attacking the imperial army under Dara 
Shukoh completely defeated it at Samaghar, one day's march 
from Agra. After the victory of the allies Am-angzib imprisoned 
Murad Baksh, defeated Shuja and beheaded Dara Shukoh 
(A.D. 1658). Then deposing Shah Jehan, he mounted the 
throne in his place. When Aurangzib first marched upon 
Bijapur, Shivaji welcomed him as an ally. He wrote a letter 
to the prince in which he begged that Aurangzib would, on the 
emperor's behalf, acknowledge his rights over the forts and 
territories conquered by him from Bijapur. Aurangzib, in a 
letter* dated April 23, 1657, replied in the most gracious terms. 
He recognized Shivaji as the lord of all the territories in his 
occupation and he called upon him as an ally to rejoice in his 
recent successes. "Day by day," wrote the jubilant Moghul, 
" we are becoming more victorious. See ! the impregnable 
Bedar fort, never before taken, and Kalyani, never stormed 
even in men's dreams, have fallen in a day. Others 
would have tried for days together to take them, but 
would have tried in vain." But the victories which so 
gratified Aurangzib gave little pleasure to Shivaji. He had 
* Original letter in Parasnis Collection. 

Eaely Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 155 

resolved to free his countrymen from the Musulman yoke, 
and the Moghuls, as the stronger, were more noxious to him 
even than the troops of Bijapur. He tried to make a diversion 
in favour of Ali Adil Shah by invading the Moghul provinces. 
In May 1657 he attacked and plundered Jimnar and Ahmadnagar. 
But Aurangzib's close investment of Bijapur and the distress 
of the king's government made Shivaji's raids of little import- 
ance. Believing that the Adil Shahi dynasty was on the verge 
of extinction, Shivaji tried to make his peace with Delhi. He 
wrote in a humble strain to Aurangzib. He admitted that he 
had acted improperly, but craved the prince's pardon. If it 
were granted, Shivaji would never again be false to his ally. 
The letter appears to have reached Aurangzib shortly after 
he had raised the siege of Bijapur and when about to enter on 
his conflict with Dara Shukoh. The greatness of his new task 
made him think but little of the raids on Junnar and Ahmednagar. 
On February 24, 1658, he replied * that although Shivaji's 
past misdeeds could hardly be forgotten, yet, since he had 
repented of them, Aurangzib, as Shivaji w^ould be pleased to 
learn, would overlook his past misconduct. Provided that he 
kept true to the alHance, Aurangzib would confirm to him not 
only all that he had conquered, but all that in the future he 
would conquer from Bijapur. 

The departm'e of the Moghuls and the contest of the princes 
for the imperial crown left Shivaji free to renew his campaign 
against Bijapur. The boy Iring, saved almost by a miracle 
from Prince Aurangzib, should at once have applied himself 
to the reduction of Shivaji. But directly the Moghul peril 
abated, the quarrels between the foreign and the Deccan nobles 
rendered the government impotent. In Shivaji's territory 
reigned everywhere energy and order. He noAv prepared for 
an attack on Janjira (A.D. 1659), 

Malik Ambar, when regent of Ahmadnagar, had seen the 
advantages of a strong fleet with which to protect his commerce 
with the Persian Gulf. He made a naval base on a rocky 
island off the Konkan coast about twenty miles due west of 

* Original letter in Parasnis Collection. 

156 A History of the Maratha People 

Raj gad ; and in command of his war-ships lie placed a nmnber 
of his countrymen. These Abyssinians were wont to assume 
the title of Syad and to claim a descent from the Prophet. This 
title the Marathas corrupted into Sidi. Upon the partition of 
the Ahmadnagar kingdom the rocky island passed with the 
mainland to Bijapur. But it never received a name. It was 
simply kno\\Ti as Jazira, or the Island. This Arabic word the 
Marathas corrupted into Janjira, which serves it as a name to 
this day. The Bijapur government retained the Abyssinian 
sailors in their service, but placed over them their own officers, 
to whom were also entrusted several forts on the mainland. At 
the time of Shivaji the Bijapur governor was an Afghan called 
Fatih Khan * and it was from his subordinates that Shivaji 
had in his first direct attack on Bijapur taken the forts of Sala 
Gossala and Rairi. Since that reverse Fatih Khaii had shown 
more alertness and his spies had carefully watched Shivaji's 
movements. The latter nevertheless was confident of success. 
He equipped an efficient force, into which he admitted 800 
Afghan mercenaries, and defended the act by telling his some- 
what scandahzed followers that those who sought to found an 
empire must have the sympathy and the help of all classes and 
all creeds. He increased his cavalry out of the spoils of Jumiar 
and Ahmadnagar and appointed to command them Netoji 
Palka,r, a brave and enterprising officer. Shivaji had by this 
time appointed, after the manner of the Bijapur and Ahmad- 
nagar governments, a Peshwa or foreign minister. The holder 
of the office was a Brahman called Shamraj Nilkant Ranjekar 
and to him was entrusted the task of overthrowing Fatih Khan. 
The appointment was a mistake. Shivaji should himself have 
led the army in an undertaking so arduous. Shamraj proved 
unequal to it. He was surprised and defeated by Fatih Khan 
and his army dispersed. Shivaji strained every nerve to repair 
the disaster. He sent a large body of fresh troops and ordered 
Ragho Ballal Atre to assume the command in place of the 
beaten general. Ragho Ballal Atre not only checked the pursuit 

* Both Grant Duff and Ranade call Fatih Khan a Sidi. But this is incorrect. 
He was an Afghan officer of Bijapur (Khafi Khan, Elliot and DowBon, Vol. 
VII, p. 289). 

Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 157 

but soon forced Fatih Khan to act on the defensive. Moro 
Pmgle succeeded Shamraj as Peshwa, and Shivaji, Pingle and 
Netoji Palkar spent the monsoon of 1659 in equipping a force 
large enough to overwhelm Fatih Khan in the following winter 
and seize Janjira. 

Shivaji however w^as forced to change his plans to meet a new 

and formidable danger. Shamraj's repulse before Janjira had 

put fresh heart into the Bijapur government. The young 

king at his mother's suggestion called on the nobles of his court 

to volun'teer for the command of an army destined to destroy 

Shivaji and his followers. The first to step forward was one 

Afzul Khan, a man of great stature and strength. He was the 

son of the dowager queen's brother, who was superintendent 

of the royal kitchen. He was the same man who, as I have 

already mentioned, instigated Mustafa Khan's rebelhon, in 

the course of which Shivaji's elder brother Sambhaji fell. Afzul 

Khan had also been governor of Wai on the upper reaches of 

the Krishna and he knew well the country round Jaoli. The 

king gladly accepted his services and placed him at the head of 

a fine army composed of 12,000* horse and well equipped with 

cannon, stores and ammunition. His instructions were to take 

Shivaji dead or alive. Failing that, he was to recover Shivaji's 

recent conquests from Bijapur. Afzul Khan made the boastful 

reply that he would not only take Shivaji prisoner, but would 

make him ride on his own horse back to Bijapur. 

In spite of these brave words, evil omens, so the Maratha 
chroniclers love to relate, repeatedly warned Afzul Khan against 
the enterprise. As he reviewed his army before the first march, 
Fatih Lashkar, the picked elephant of the Bijapur stables, diedj. 
AVTien Afzul Khan went to say good-bye to his priest J, the 
latter recoiled in horror, for he could see in front of him only a 
headless figure. Nothing daunted by these omens, Afzul Khan 
set out in September 1659 from Bijapur. He seems to have first 

* Grant Duff estimates the force at 5,000 horse and 7,000 foot ; all the 
Hindu writers estimate it at 12,000 horse. 

t Ballad of Afzul Khan. 

J Shedgavkar Bakhar 

158 A History of the Maeatha People 

intended to turn Shivaji's southern fortresses by a wide flanking 
march. He, therefore, marched almost due north from Bijapur to 
Tuljapur. This was, and is still, a favourite shrine of Bhavani 
and was, as I have said, especially dear to the Bhosle family. 
Knowing this, Af zul Khan resolved to desecrate it. The priests 
suspected his intentions and before his arrival moved the 
goddess' image to a place of safety. Unable to destroy the 
image, Afzul Khan had a cow killed and its blood sprinkled 
throughout the temple.* In the meanwhile Shivaji, hearing of 
Afzul Khan's advance, had retired with his troops from Raj gad 
to Jaoli, where the difficulties of the country would enable him 
better to meet the Bijapur army. Afzul Khan at once altered 
his line of march and turned south-west, crossing the Bhima 
River at Pandharpur. Here also he desecrated the temples and 
threw the image of Pundalik into the water. The idol of Krishna 
standing on a brick was saved from his fury by the vigilance of 
the Brahmans. From Pandharpur, Afzul Khan marched 
through Rahimatpur to AVai, where he amused himself by pre- 
paring a cage for Shivaji's confinement. At the same time 
he sent a messenger to Shivaji inviting him to a conference at 
Wai. But Shivaji by now had had some experience of Bijapur 
ways. VishvasTao,t a Prabhu by caste and the chief of 
Shivaji's secret service, had already made his way dressed in 
a fakir's garb into Afzul Khan's camp and had heard him boast 
that he meant to entrap Shivaji and take him prisoner to 
Bijapur, This information Vishvasrao at once communicated to 
his master. When Afzul Khan's envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar, J 
reached Pratapgad, Shivaji affected to believe his words and 
expressed himself as anxious to meet the Khan as the latter 
was to meet him. " The Khan," said Krishnaji, " will use his 
influence with the Bijapur government to obtain not only 
forgiveness but formal cessions of all lands in your occupation." 
" If that is so," rephed Shivaji, "and the Khan is really well- 
affected towards me, I shall gladly meet him at Jaoh. But I 

* Ballad of Afziil Khan. 

t Shedgavkar Bakhar. His full name was Vishvasrao Nanaji Muse Khorekar. 
X Krishnaji Bhaskar was Kulkarni of Wai and Diwan of Afzid Khan. 
He sent him to Shivaji. 

Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 159 

fear to go as far as Wai. Here I can make every preparation 
for his reception." 

Krishnaji Bhaskar spent the night at Pratapgad. In the 
course of it Shivaji managed to have a secret interview 
with him. Shivaji told Krishnaji his suspicions and implored 
him to swear by all that a Hindu held holy and to disclose on 
oath what the Khan's real intentions were. Did he mean, 
as Shivaji's spies had warned him, to entrap him, or did Afzul 
Khan mean really to befriend him at the court ? Krishnaji 
confessed that Shivaji's suspicions were well-founded and that 
Afzul Khan intended treachery and nothing else. Shivaji 
retired to his own quarters and the same night he saw in a vision 
the goddess Bhavani. She complained to him of the desecra- 
tion of the temple at Tuljapur and as her champion, she called 
upon him to avenge her. By next morning Shivaji had made 
up his mind. He knew now what Afzul Khan had really planned 
and he resolved that if Afzul Khan attempted treachery he alone 
should suffer. He publicly sent by his own officer, Pantoji 
Gopinath, a formal invitation to Afzul Khan to meet him at 
Pratapgad a fortnight later. This would give him the time 
needed to prepare a road along which the Bijapur general and 
his army should pass. After the envoy had left, Shivaji impressed 
all the villagers and cut through the forest a wide road over 
the Radtondi pass. It was then a tree-clad shoulder of the 
Mahableshwar plateau. It is now the daily meeting place of 
scores of carriages and is known as Bombay Point. All along 
the road Shivaji had stores of food placed, so that the Khan and 
his army should want nothing. At the same time he posted 
men throughout the jungle off the road, so that no movement 
of Afzul Khan should pass unnoticed. In the meanwhile 
Afzul Khan's envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar,* together with Shivaji's 
agent, Pantoji Gopinath, had reached Wai and had given 
Shivaji's message. Krishnaji Bhaskar added to it, " The king 
is timid. He dare not come to you for the interview. If you 
but go to Jaoli and assure him of your protection you will easily 

* Grant Duff calls the envoy Pantoji Gopinath. This is incorrect. He. 
was Shivaji's officer. {IShivdigvijaya and Shedgavkar Bakhars ) 

160 A History of the Maratha People 

induce liini to return with you to Bijapur." Afzul Khan, 
confident in his troops and in his own personal strength, sent 
back a message to Shivaji accepting his invitation. 

When the fortnight had elapsed, Afzul Khan struck his camp 
and marched over the Mahableshwar plateau. At each halting 
place he found ample provisions for his troops, who marched 
gaily along, ignorant that thousands of hostile eyes watched them 
from the neighbouring thickets. They descended the Kadtondi 
pass, but as they went, yet another ill omen warned Afzul Khan 
of approaching disaster. The elephant which carried the royal 
standard stopped dead and refused to move.* But the Bijapur 
general was as blind to omens as the Greek warriprs who 
marched against Thebes. The standard was placed on another 
elephant's back and the army, reaching the Koyna valley, en- 
camped at Par, a small village at the foot of Pratapgad. 

The interview was fixed for the following evening and 
the place chosen was a spot about a quarter of a mile from 
the fort walls. Shivaji had a shamiana erected and furnished 
with rich carpets and costly hangings. In the morning he 
bathed and ate his breakfast as usual. In the afternoon he lay 
down and slept, as if no danger awaited him. After rising he 
visited the temple of Bhavani and implored her help. Next 
he took into his confidence his comrade Tanaji Malusare, the 
Peshwa Moro Pingle and Netoji Palkar. They were ordered to 
post troops round the flanks and rear of the Bijapur army so as 
to cut off all possibihty of retreat in case Afzul Khan attempted 
treachery. The signal for their attack was to be a blast on a 
horn. Shivaji then called a council and named in the event 
of his death his young son Sambhaji as his heir and Netoji 
Palkar as regent. Last of all he visited his mother Jijabai. 
She begged him not to meet Afzul Khan. Shivaji, however, 
stood firm in his resolve. " The Hindu gods," he said, " angered 
with Afzul Khan, will, if need be, fight on my side." At length 
Jijabai gave way, blessed him, and as he left her said, " Be 
careful, my son, be careful and take vengeance for Sambhaji 
your brother." 

* Afzul Khan BaUad. 

Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 161 

Shivaji then prepared himself to meet the treachery 
which he anticipated. He put on a coat of chain armour. 
Over it he put on a gold-embroidered coat. On his 
head he fastened a steel cap and wound over and round it a 
long cloth turban. Into his left hand he fitted the steel points 
known as waghnakh or tiger claws. He concealed a small dagger 
known as a vinchu or scorpion in his right sleeve. Then fully 
equipped he began to descend the hill accompanied by Jivba 
Mahala, Sambhaji Kavaji and a third whose name has not 
survived. In the meantime Afzul Khan was being carried up 
Pratapgad in a palanquin. At his side went Krishnaji Bhaskar. 
Behind them followed a large body of armed men. Krishnaji 
pointed out that if the Khan hoped to dupe Shivaji, he had 
better leave his soldiers behind. Afzul Khan agreed and reduced 
his escort to the same number as Shivaji's. One of these, 
however, was a famous swordsman named Sayad Banda. 
Shivaji, seeing Sayad Banda, sent a messenger to say that he 
feared his presence and offered to dismiss one of his attendant*, 
if Afzul Khan left Sayad Banda behind. Afzul Khan con- 
sented and Sayad Banda halted. Shivaji then sent away his, 
third attendant and accompanied only by Jivba Mahala and 
Sambhaji Kavaji advanced to greet the Khan, who had now 
entered the shamiana. Shivaji appeared to be unarmed and 
Afzul Khan, who carried a sword, thought that the moment 
had come to seize him. He addressed Shivaji in insulting tones 
and asked how a common peasant like him came to have the 
riches displayed in the shamiana. Shivaji replied hotly that that 
was his business, and not Afzul Khan's, whose father was nothing 
but a cook.* The Khan, enraged at the taunt, seized with 
the left arm Shivaji by the neck, forcing his head under his 
armpit. At the same time the Khan with his sword tried to 
stab him in the stomach. The coat of mail turned the point. 
Nevertheless Shivaji was in great peril. Although expecting 
treachery he had yet been taken unawares. To use a term from 
the prize ring, he was in chancery ; and by a common trick of 

* Afzul Khan Ballad. Shivaji's taunt referred to the post of snporijitcn- 
dent of the royal kitchen held by Afzul Khan'e father. 

1 1 

162 A History of the Maratha People 

Indiau wrestlers Afzul Klian was trying to dislocate Shivaji's 
neck by twisting his head. As lie afterwards said when relating 
the scene to a friend,* he was on the point of fainting. Had 
he done so he would have been lost. Suddenly he thought of 
his divine mission. Hope and courage returned. He swung 
his left arm round the Khan's waist as he raised his right arm 
for a second blow. The steel claws bit deeply into the Khan's 
stomach and as he winced with the pain, Shivaji freed his right 
arm and drove the dagger into his enemy's back. Afzul Khan 
broke away and aimed a mighty blow at Shivaji's head, which 
cut through the turban and the steel cap, inflicting a slight 
scalp wound. Shivaji snatched a sword from Jivba Mahala, who 
carried two, and struck the Khan through his left shoulder. He 
fell, calUng for help. Sayad Banda and his other attendants 
rushed up. They placed Afzul Khan in a palanquin and tried 
to carry him back to Par. But Shivaji and Jivba Mahala 
overcame Sayad Banda ; and Sambhaji Kavaji, running after 
the palki bearers slashed at their legs until they dropped their 
burden. Sambhaji then cut of! the dying man's head and 
brought it back to Shivaji. The latter blew his horn. 
From every corner of the thick jungle poured out bodies of 
foot-soldiers and squadrons of cavalry. The battle was ended 
in a few seconds. The Bijapur horsemen, completely sur- 
prised, were ridden over by Netoji Palkar before they had 
time to mount. Those who tried to escape on foot were cut 
off by Shivaji's infantry. Numbers fell ; but at Shivaji's 
orders all who surrendered were spared. The Maratha 
prisoners were allowed to enlist in Shivaji's service. A body 
of 300 cavalry, including Fazal Mahomed, Afzul Khan's 
son, managed with the help of one Khandoji Khopade to 
escape to Karad. But the entire camp, treasury, stores, 
horses, elephants and cannon of the Bijapur force fell into 
Shivaji's hands. Much of this booty he distributed as re- 
ward's among his troops. On Panto ji Gopinath he bestowed 
the village of Hivare. To Vishvasrao, the spy who had first 

* Ramdas. Shivaji said that his courage returned when he thought of 
Ramdas ; but I take it that he meant that he thought of Ramdas and all that 
Ramdas stood for — the Hindu temples, gods and castes. 

Early Successes : Jaoli, Janjira, and Pratapgad 163 

warned Mm against Afziil Khan's treachery, he gave a 
large sum in gold. Then carrying in one hand Afzul Khan's 
bleeding head, he went to see his mother. She had watched 
the scene from the top of Pratapgad and when he came with 
the ghastly trophy, she blessed him and thanked him for 
avenging Sambhaji's death. The dead man's head Shivaji 
buried on the top of the hill as an offer to Bhavani and built 
over it a tower which he called the Afzul Buruj or tower 
of Afzul Khan. The general's sword is still preserved as 
a trophy by Shivaji's descendant. The gold-headed pole 
which supported his tent was given by the conqueror to the 
Mahableshwar temple, which it yet adorns. And the tomb 
erected by Shivaji, where the dead man's body was reve- 
rently buried, may be seen to-day on the slopes of Pratapgad.* 

* For a further discussion of the Afzul Khan incident, .see Appendix, 
p. 164. 

164 A History of the Maratha Peoplf 


The account given by me of the Pratapgad battle differs so widely from 
that given by Grant Duff, that I think it necessary to go into the matter more 
carefully than I could do in the previous chapter, for fear of spoiling the nar- 

In Grant Duff's story, Shivaji is made to bribe Afzul Khan's envoy, Pantoji 
Gopinath, and with his help to lead Afzul Khan into a trap deliberately laid 
for him and treacherously to murder him. With all deference to that learned 
and eminent writer, I cannot but think that on this occasion ho has been less 
than fair to Shivaji. Pantoji Gopinath was Shivaji's officer and not Afzul 
Khan's. The bestowal therefore on him of Hivare village was not a bribe at 
all and could not have influenced the real envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar. The 
story of Shivaji's treachery was taken by Grant Duff from Khafi Khan. 
Now Kiafi Khan's account should in my opinion be wholly discarded. Hie 
bias against Shivaji is such that he never speaks of him except as " that vile 
infidel " or "that hell dog." His description of the scene too is ridiculous. 
According to him, Shivaji begged forgiveness in abject terms and " with limbs 
trembling and crouching." If Shivaji had thus overacted his part, he would 
certainly have roused suspicion in the Khan's mind. Again Khafi Khan's 
story could not have been based on any eye-witness's evidence. AU the Mxisul- 
mans near enough to see what happened died with Afziil Khan. It may be 
of course said that if Khafi Khan's account should be rejected on account of 
his bias, so also should the Bakhars. But this is not so. Owing to a curious 
mental attitude of the writers of the Bakhars, they have gone out of their 
way to impute unscrupulous acts to Shivaji in the belief that thereby they 
proved his cleverness and subtlety. It is certain that if Khriehnaji Anant 
Sabhasad, the author of the Sabhasad Bakhar, had believed that Shivaji had 
begiui the attack on Afzul Khan, he would have gloried in the act. Now both 
this Bakhar and the Shivdigvijaya Bakhar agree that it was Afzul Khan who 
was guilty of the first treacherous attack. In this they are supported by the 
Shedgavkar and Chitnis Bakhars and by the Afzul Khan Ballad. Indeed 
Grant Duff has later admitted that aU the Hindu authorities lay the blame of 
the attack on Afzul Khan. But he has not given any reasons for rejecting 
them in favour of KJiafi Khan's account. To my mind, however, there is 
one conclusive ground for preferring them to the Musulman historian. There 
is a passage in the life of Ramdas by his pupil Hanmant in which the latter, 
a contemporary of Shivaji, writes that at their first meeting after the death of 
Afzul Khan, the king spoke to Ramdas as follows : — " When at owe interview 
Abdulla {i.e. Afzul Khan) caught me under his arm, I was not in my senses 
and but for the Swami's blessing I could not have escaped from his grip." 
Now had Shivaji torn Afzul Khan's stomach open with his rvaghiiakh and 
stabbed him with his dagger, he would have been in no danger and would hav« 
needed no blessing. A man as badly woimded as Afzul Khan had been was 
boimd to collapse in a minute or two. From this it follows that Afzul Khan 
must have seized Shivaji when unwounded. It was, therefore, ^Afzul Khan 
and not Shivaji who was guilty of treachery 


A.D. 1660 TO 1662 

The news of Afzul Khan's death and the complete destruction 
of hia army produced the wildest consternation in Bijapur. 
The dead general was the first cousin of Ali Adil Shah ; and the 
queen mother, at whose suggestion Afzul Khan had been appoint- 
ed to the command, felt her nephew's death most deeply. She 
refused for several days to eat or drink. And not only she, 
but the king and the whole Bijapur court, put on mourning 
robes for Afzul Khan.* Nor were the tidings that daily reached 
the capital calculated to allay their grief. Shivaji's army, swollen 
by the enlistment of the Bijapur Hindus, spread over all the 
Bijapur districts in the neighbourhood of Jaoli and over the 
southern Konkan. The Dalvis, an ancient Maratha family 
in the Bijapur service, were driven from Shingarpur. Panhala, 
a great fort near Kolhapur, sm-rendered without a siege to Annaji 
Datto. Pavangad and Wassantgad fell immediately after- 
wards. Rangna and Khelna were carried by assault Shivaji 
changed the name of the latter place to Vishalgad, by which 
name I shall hereafter call it. The Bijapur government, in 
the hope of checking Shivaji's triumphant progress, ordered 
Rastam Jaman, the commandant of Miraj, at once to move 
towards Kolhapur and drive the rebel back to JaoU. It was 
a counsel of despair, because Rastam Khan's striking force 
numbered only 3000 men. Shivaji allowed him to come close 
to Panhala and then fell upon him with a greatly superior army. 
Rastam Jaman was completely defeatedf and he had consider- 
able difficulty in escaping back to Miraj. Shivaji, after the 
victory, rallied his cavalry and leading them to Bijapur plundered 

* Sabhasad Bakluxr, 

t Khafi Khan, EUiot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 260, 

166 A History of the Maratha People 

the royal territory up to the very gates of the city. Retreating 
with his plunder to Vishalgad he deposited it there and descended 
into the Konkan (January, 1660). There he levied a heavy 
contribution from the town of Rajapur, captured the fort of 
Dabhol, which had been conceded to him by Aurangzib and 
returned in triumph to Rajgad. 

Ali Adil Shah now resolved to stake the whole resources of 
his kingdom on an attempt to avenge the disaster of Pratapgad. 
He felt it useless to entrust the duty to any of his hereditary 
nobles. Intrigue, jealousy and evil-living had rendered them 
incapable of acting vigorously. The king therefore selected 
Sidi Johar, an Abyssinian mercenary, and conferred on him 
the title of Salabat Jang. As his second in command, he named 
Afzul Khan's son Fazal Mahomed, a high-spirited young man 
who had escaped from Pratapgad and who longed to retrieve 
his own honour and his father's death. The king collected an 
army of 10,000 horse, 14,000 foot and efficient artillery. He 
instructed Sidi Johar to recover Panhala. At the same time 
he ordered Fatih Khan to issue from Janjira and retake the Kon- 
kan. The Savants of Savantvadi undertook to harass Shivaji 
by an attack on his south-western frontier. 

The little country of Savantvadi, or the home of the Savants, 
lies along the Sahyadris. It is bomided on the north by the 
Malwan taluka and on the south and west by the Portuguese 
districts. During the greatness of the Vijayanagar kingdom, 
Savantvadi had been governed by the Vijayanagar viceroy of 
Goa. At the close of the fifteenth century Savantvadi fell to 
the arms of Bijapur, but a local dynasty known as the Desais 
of Kudal were allowed to continue as governors. In 1 554 a 
national hero of great talents, named Mang Savant, revolted 
against Bijapur, and driving out the Musulman garrisons 
remained independent until his death. His son was over- 
thrown ; but the family retained a large part of the district 
as Jaghir until 1627, when Khem Savant, a descendant 
of Mang Savant, once more made himself independent. In 
1640 he was succeeded by his son Som Savant, and 
Som Savant, eighteen months later, by his brother Lakham 

MuDHOL, Panhala AND Savantvadi 167 

Savant, The latter, to make himself secure, murdered the 
Desai of Kudal, who still retained a part of Savantvadi. But 
the outcry against the slayer of a Brahman was so terrible, 
that in A. D. 1650 he tendered his allegiance to Shivaji. Under 
the title of Sardesai, Shivaji confirmed to him as his vassal 
the possession of the whole South Konkan. After the defeat 
of Shamraj by Fatih Khan of Janjira, Lakham Savant 
had wavered in his allegiance ; but upon seeing the sldll with 
which the disaster had been repaired, he executed a fresh instru- 
ment, by which he bound himself to pay half the revenues of 
the South Konkan and Savantvadi to Shivaji, and to maintain 
for his use a force of 3000 infantry. But Lakham Savant was 
a faithless ally. He now tried to secure the king of Bijapur's 
pardon by attacking his overlord when defending himself against 
Bijapur and Janjira.* 

Assailed from three sides, Shivaji skilfully distributed his 
forces. Ragho Ballal was sent to keep in check Fatih 
Khan. Baji Phasalkar marched with an infantry force to 
repell the invasion of Lakham Savant. Shivaji threw himself 
with a strong garrison into Panhala and ordered Netoji 
Palkar to harass Sidi Johar until the monsoon burst. Then 
Shivaji hoped the Bijapur army would retire. At first Shivaji's 
arrangements proved successful. Neither Fatih Khan nor 
Lakham Savant was able to effect anything against the troops 
opposed to them. Sidi Johar invested Panhala, but Netoji 
Palkar's cavalry cut his communications incessantly, while the 
garrison made repeated sorties. Picked bodies of Mawal infantry 
crept along ravines round Panhala and nightW rushed the 
besiegers, causing them heavy losses. But the investing army 
was large and Sidi Johar a veteran commander. He drove 
in the outposts of the garrison until he commanded and blocked 
all the ravines. At the same time his own light horse operated 
vigorously against Netoji Palkar, Fatih Khan, by a skilful 
use of his fleet, won some successes against Ragho Ballal, while 
Savant Kaya, a relative of Lakham Savant, fought a drawn 
battle against Baji Phasalkar, in which both commanders lost 

* Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. X, p. 440. 

168 A History of the Maratha People 

their lives*. The monsoon, during which Shivaji had expected 
Sidi Johar's retirement, burst, but the stout old Abyssinian 
paid no heed to the teeming rain and he pressed the siege with 
unremitting energy. Shivaji's situation was now extremely 
serious. Famine was beginning to make itself felt among the 
garrison. September had come and the dry season would soon 
be at hand. The fall of Panhala would then be certain, and 
its fall meant his capture and the ruin of all his hopes. 

But if his situation was grave, never was his mind 
more resourceful or his courage higher. He sent a messenger 
to Sidi Johar, informing him that he was anxious to 
surrender and proposing a personal interview. The Abys- 
sinian, who was a man of honour, granted it. He received 
Shivaji with all courtesy and the two leaders spent the day 
negotiating for the suiTender of Panhala. In the evening some 
points remained unsettled. They were reserved for the follow- 
ing morning. Shivaji was permitted to return unmolested to 
Panhala. The besiegers were convinced that next day would 
see the fall of the great fortress and considered themselves 
entitled to a little relaxation after months of toil and exposure. 
The sentries slept at their posts. The dinners of the ofl&cers 
were more convivial than usual. About midnight Shivaji and 
a body of chosen troops left Panhala. They descended, not 
by any of the regular roads, but by a different path known as 
" Shivaji's Window." In perfect silence they picked their way 
through the sleej)ing enemy and taking a westerly direction 
began to march,as only Maratha hillmen can,to wards Vishalgad.f 
It was impossible long to conceal the flight of a large body of 

* Sabhasad Bakhar. 

t I have already (see Tale of the Tulsi Plant, 2nd edition, p. 29) express- 
ed the opinion that Shivaji fled to Vishalgad and not to Rangna. I rely 
chiefly on (1) local tradition, (2) the Vishalgad Bakhar, (3) the greater 
distance of Rangna from Panhala. As regards (3) it is reasonable to sup- 
pose that Shivaji, other things equal, would have fled to the nearest 
fortress. Now Vishalgad is 40 miles from Panhala, while Rangna by the 
shortest road is over 60. Nor is Vishalgad any less strong than Rangna. 
Both descend into the Konkan. Thus neither can he starved out. Again 
the road to Vishalgad is through a dense forest, through which infantry can 
move as quickly as cavalry. The road to Rangna lies through open country. 
Had Shivaji taken it, he would have soon been overtaken by the Bijapur 
horse. It is no doubt true that both Grant Duff and Ranade mention 

MuDHOL, Panhala AND Savantvadi 169 

troops. Before it dawned, Shivaji's escape had been discovered 
and Fazal Mahomed begged and obtained leave to pursue him 
with a force of cavalry. Sidi Johar promised to follow him with 
a large body of infantry. In the wooded country through 
which Shivaji led his force, men on foot can move as quickly 
as men on horseback. Nevertheless desire for revenge lent 
wings to Fazal Mahomed. About noon his leading squadron 
sighted Shivaji's foot soldiers. The position was critical. 
Vishalgad was yet six miles oflt and his men were worn with want 
of sleep and fatigue. But the great king's coolness did not desert 
him. He detached half his troops to form a rearguard and 
placed it under the command of one Baji Deshpande with 
orders to resist to the last at a place called Pandhar Pani, or 
the White Water. In the meantime Shivaji with the main 
body of his troops would make for Vishalgad with all expedition. 
When he had reached it, he would fire five guns as a signal. 
Baji Deshpande was then to break off the fight and retire as 
best as he could to Vishalgad. The officer to whom the perilous 
post of rearguard commander was entrusted had recently been 
in arms against Shivaji. He was of the same family as the 
Deshpandes of Kohida, who had helped him in his early days. 
But Baji Deshpande had served Chandra Rao More ; and in the 
contest between him and Shivaji, Baji had stood by his master 
even after his death. Eventually Baji had joined Shivaji's 
service. He was a Kayastha Prabhu and a few words about 
that most attractive and lovable caste may not be out 
of place. 

Rangna as the place to which Shrvaji fled. But both these eminent 
writers appear to have relied on the Chitnis Bakhar. On the other hand 
the Shivdigvijaya Bakhar is curiously ambiguous. It says that Shivaji 
first wont to Vishalgad and then to Rangna. But Shivaji could not have 
started before 11 p.m., and according to Grant Duff he was overtaken before 
noon. In other words he would have had to cover a hundred miles in 
thirteen hours, marching continuously at a rate of nearly eight miles an 
hour. This was an impossible speed even for Mawal infantry. It is 
further noteworthy that the Shivdigvijaya Bakluir says (1) that Deshpande 
fought his rearguard action at Pandhare Jalav, clearly the same place as 
Pandhar Pani, which is only six miles from Vishalgad, and (2) that 
afterwards the Musulmans encamped at Gajapuri and besieged Shivaji at 
Vishalgad. Lastly it must not be forgotten that Shivaji had stored his 
recent booty at Vishalgad. Ho would naturally fall back there so as to 
protect it. In these circumstances, I think, there is good reason for 
affirming that Shivaji escaped to Vishalgad and not to Rangna. 

170 A History of the Maratha People 

Its members account for their origin by the following tale. 
A certain Sahasrarjuna, otherwise known as Kritavirj'^a, was 
once Idng of the Haihiyas and had a thousand arms. In his 
kingdom hved a sage called Jamadagni, who, wishing to attain 
perfect freedom from all human passions, cast them from him. 
Among them was Anger. Before leaving Jamadagni, Anger 
warned him that he was making a mistake, for without anger 
man could achieve nothing. Jamadagni, however, intent 
only on attaining complete sanyas, heeded not the warning 
and bade Anger depart with the other passions. Some days 
later king Sahasrarjuna came to Jamadagni's hermitage. The 
sage was out. But his wife bade the king welcome. He 
repaid her hospitality in churlish fashion by stealing her sacred 
calf. This act led to a dispute between the sage and the king. 
But as Jamadagni had lost all power to get angry, he was unable 
to lift his hand against his royal foe. The latter gave him 
twenty-one wounds on the head and killed him. Now among 
Jamadagni's sons was one Rama, called Parashurama, or Rama 
with the axe, a weapon given him by the god Shiva. He was 
the sixth incarnation of the god Vishnu and when he heard of 
his father's death he took a fearful vengeance. For each 
wound that Jamadagni had received, he cleared the earth once 
of the Kshatriyas or warrior class to which Sahasrarjuna 
belonged. Among his victims was Sahasrarjuna's son 
Chandrasena. His wife, who was pregnant, fled to the hermit- 
age of the sage Dalabhya. Parashurama heard of the flight and 
following her demanded her of the sage. The latter complied so 
readily that Parashurama promised to give him any boon for 
which he *asked. The sage at once asked for the life of the 
child still in the princess' womb. Parashurama granted the 
boon but stipulated that the child, if a boy, should become a 
^vriter and not a warrior, and that instead of Kshatriya he 
should call himself Kayastha, as he had been spared in his 
mother's kaya or body. Whatever truth may underlie this 
legend, it is certain that Kayastha Prabhus unite the qualities 
both of warriors and writers. They are brave and loyal, 
laborious and intelligent. 


On this occasion Baji Deshpande proved himself worthy of 
his caste. He gladly accepted the post of honour and occupying 
a height near Pandhar Pani awaited the attack of the Musulman 
cavalry. These Baji Deshpande, favoured by the precipitous 
ground, repulsed without difficulty. After some delay some 
Musulman infantry came up and relieved the cavalry. Neverthe- 
less Baji Deshpande and the rearguard successively repulsed 
two attacks. At noon a still larger contingent of infantry 
arrived. Fazal Mahomed led it up the slope in person. The 
rearguard began to give ground, but the gallant Deshpande 
rallied them until he fell, covered with wounds.* Just then the 
boom of five guns was heard from Vishalgad and the dying hero 
knew that his task was over. His men lifted his body and 
retiring in good order bore it safely to Vishalgad. 

Sidi Johar, disheartened at Shivaji's escape, encamped at 
Gajapuri, a village near Vishalgad. After some delay, due to 
uncertainty as to what course to pursue, he resolved to besiege 
Vishalgad. That fort, however, cannot be invested from the 
western side. For it falls 2000 feet sheer into the Konkan, 
whence Shivaji could easily obtain provisions. Sidi Johar 
tried to mine the eastern fortifications, but Shivaji detecting 
the mine countermined and destroyed the Bijapur sappers. At 
last Ali Adil Shah, furious at this second failure, relieved Sidi 
Johar of his command and assumed it himself. The royal army, 
inspirited by the king's presence, achieved several successes. 
He renewed the siege of Panhala, Avhich fell, together with all 
the other forts recently captured by Shivaji except Raugna and 
Vishalgad. These two on the very edge of the Sahyadris are 
exposed to an intensely heavy rainfall. Ali Adil Shah therefore 
resolved to leave them until the following dry season. When 
the monsoon broke he withdrew to a town called Chimulgi 
on the banks of the Krishna. Shivaji to compensate himscl 
for the loss of his fortresses attacked Danda Rajpuri, a port a 
few miles to the north-west of Janjira. Two reasons jjrompted 
his action. The first was the wealth of the port, from which 
he exacted a large contribution. The second was the presence 

* Shivdicjvijaya Bakhar. 

172 A History of the Maratha People 

of some English factors, whom he rightly or wrongly suspected 
of helping Fatih Khan to defend Janjira. He took them pri 
soners and did not release them until he had obtained a consider- 
able ransom. During the monsoon Shivaji laid, siege to Janjira. 
This time he led the besieging force in person. Nevertheless he 
was unable to effect his purpose. Fatih Khan's ships held the 
sea and the island was too far from the mainland for Shivaji's 
artillery to produce any effect. At last Shivaji, so the story 
runs,* had a dream in which he saw Varuna. The Sea-god 
spoke to him and said, " Janjira will never fall into your hands. 
To take it is beyond your strength. I shall give you another 
island on which to erect a fortress equal to Janjira." When 
Shivaji awoke he resolved to raise the siege and, believing an 
island off Malwan, known as Sindhu Durg, to be the island of 
which the Sea-god had spoken, fortified it and made it a 
naval base. 

Shivaji had another and perhaps a better reason for raising 
the siege. The Savants of Savantvadi proposed to the court 
of Bijapur a further plan of campaign. If they were supported 
by the Bijapur army and by Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol, they 
undertook to engage Shivaji with success. The king agreed and 
sent oneBahlol Khan with a force to co-operate with the Savants 
and Baji Ghorpade. Had Shivaji waited until the confederates 
had completed their preparations, the Savants' scheme might 
have succeeded. But that was not Shivaji's way. He went 
back to Vishalgad, which is about equidistant from Mudhol 
in the Doab and Savantvadi in the southern Konkan. There, 
in the winter of 1661-62, he learnt from his father that Baji 
Ghorpade was at Mudhol with only a small force.* Instantly 
Shivaji with 3000 horse stole forth from Vishalgad. With 
extraordinary swiftness he reached Mudhol, completely surpris- 
ing his father's enemy. Now was the time to take vengeance, and 
he took it to the full. Baji Ghorpade fought bravely, but he, 
his followers and his sons were all killed. Shivaji marched 
through the fief stripping it of everything portable and destroying 
the rest. As he wrote in a letterf to his father informing him 

* Shivdigvijaya BakJiar. -j- See Appendix, p. 178. 

MuDHOL, Panhala AND Savantvadi 173 

of his victory, the booty was enormous. The king of Bijapur 
sent a reinforcement under one Khawas Khan to replace the loss 
of Baji Ghorpade and his troops. But Shivaji intercepted 
Khawas Khan and to use his own words drove him back " sad 
and despondent " to Bijapur. 

That government had at this time to suffer further ill fortune. 
Sidi Johar, who had so nearly succeeded in ending the war 
by the capture of Shivaji, deeply resented his supersession and 
disgrace. He at first retired to his own estate and then began 
to intrigue with the Hindu nobles of the Doab, who, fired by the 
example of Shivaji, had risen against Ali Adil Shah. That 
king, unaware of Sidi Johar's treachery, appointed him to 
command an army to suppress the rising. This gave the angry 
general the chance which he sought. So far from acting against 
the Doab nobles, he not only helped them as far as he could, 
but entered into a correspondence with Shivaji himself. The 
prince, however, was too prudent to be drawn into a distant 
expedition. Nevertheless Sidi Johar thought the time fitting for 
rebellion and attacked the Phaltan contingent, when separated 
from the main Bijapur army by the Tungabhadra River. 
The treachery failed. The Phaltan chief rallied his men and 
eventually repulsed Sidi Johar, who not long afterwards was 
assassinated by his own soldiers. But although his rebellion 
was unsuccessful, it yet caused the rising in the Doab to spread 
in every direction. The great stronghold of Eaichur, so often 
lost and retaken by the troops of Vi jayanagar, defied the king's 
authority. So, too, did the lesser fortress of Torgal. Ali 
Adil Shah was forced to recall the army sent to co-operate with 
the Savants of Savantvadi. Those unhappy chiefs were now 
left to bear the full weight of Shivaji's anger. In vain they 
called in the aid of the Portuguese. The latter sent them a 
force too small to be of any use.* And Shivaji, falling upon 
the allies, dispersed their army and overran the whole fief of 
the Savants. They fell back on the fort of Phonda to the 
south-east of Goa. But Shivaji blew up one of the bastions 
and the fort became untenable. The unhappy Savants had now 

* Shivaji's letter, sec Appendix, p. 178. 

174 A History of the Maratha People 

no hope save in the clemency of the conqueror. " We are 
Bhosles like yourself," they pleaded ;* " extend to us therefore 
your protection. Take half our revenue and leave to us the 
other half. If you do so, we shall equip three thousand men 
and serve always as your allies." Shivaji accepted the terms 
but insisted on the surrender of Phonda fort, and from that 
day forward Savant vadi was his vassal state. The Portuguese, 
however, had incurred Shivaji's wrath by aiding the Savants. 
He invaded the country round Goa, and forced the Governor- 
Greneral to sue for peace and to supply him with muskets, 
ammunition and cannon (A.D. 1662). 

The king of Bijapur, with the Doab unsubdued, his ally the 
chief of Mudhol dead, the Savants in Shivaji's power, was in 
no state to renew the war. Nor had Shivaji any wish to prolong 
it. He had throughout his life but one aim and that was to 
free the Maratha race from Musulman rule.f The portion 
subject to Bijapur he had freed. He now wished to keep it 
free from the Moghuls by forming a triple alliance between him- 
self and the states of Bijapur and Golconda, which might defy 
Moghul aggression and enable him to liberate that portion of 
Maharashtra which had been conquered by the Delhi emperors. 
When both sides are anxious to end a war, peace usually comes 
without much difficulty. A convenient mediator was at hand 
in Shahaji. He had neglected his son in his youth but now 
felt intensely proud of him. And nothing delighted him more 
than the successful attack on Mudhol and the fall of Baji Ghor- 
pade. On the other hand Shivaji also felt proud of his distin- 
guished father and on hearing th^t the Bijapur government 
had appointed Shahaji as their envoy, sent him by a messenger 
a cordial welcome. 

Shahaji set out on his journey with no less pomp and circum- 
stance than if he had been about to visit Delhi. He first con- 
sulted a-strologers, and learning that the stars were propitious, 
he took with him his second wife Tukabai and her son Vyankoji. 

* Shivaji's letter, see Appendix. 

t Ranade, pp. 87, 88. So long as we bear this aim- in mind, Shivaji's 
conduct with regard to both the Delhi and Bijapur governments is cloay. 
If not, it ie difficult, if not impossible, to understand it. 

MuDHOL, Panhala AND Savantvadi 175 

Shaliaji first journeyed to Tuljapiir, where he did homage to 
Bhavani for the favours which she had lavished on her son. 
From Tuljapur he visited Shingnapur, where he worshipped 
at the family shrine of the Bhosles and the tomb of his father 
Maloji. Next he went to Pandharpur and prostrated himself 
before the image of Vithoba, which had, by the vigilance of the 
priests, escaped the destructive fury of Afzul Khan. Thence 
he travelled to Jejuri, a famous shrine of the god Khandoba in 
the Poona district. 

By arrangement with his father, Shivaji was to await him at 
Jejuri. On hearing of Shahaji's near approach, Shivaji sent 
his Peshwa, Moro Pingle, to meet him. After an interval 
he set out himself, accompanied by his mother Jijabai and 
his two wives Saibai and Soyarabai. But while Moro Pingle 
rode on until he met Shaliaji, Shivaji and the ladies with him 
halted at the temple and there awaited Shahaji's cavalcade. 
He made fitting offerings to the gods, and when Shaliaji arrived 
he prostrated himself at full length and laid his head upon his 
father's feet. Shivaji's tw^o wives next greeted with profound 
respect their father-in-law ; and Jijabai greeted her husband. 
The salutations over, Shahaji entered his palanquin, but 
Shivaji would neither enter one nor mount his horse. He 
walked back to Jejuri village, barefoot to do his father honour. 
WTien father and son reached the paviUon erected for Shahaji's 
reception, Shivaji refused to sit down in his father's presence. 
But standing in front of him with hands across his breast he 
repeatedly implored Shahaji's pardon for the youthful disobe- 
dience which had led to his father's imprisonment. Shahaji, 
deeply touched, embraced his son and said that all was forgiven 
to one who sought to free his countrymen. He pressed his 
son to continue in his appointed task and begged him after 
he had himself passed away to extend to Vyankoji his love and 
protection. From Jejuri father and son went to Poona. There 
the terms of a treaty between Shivaji and Bijapurw^ere settled. 
The Bijapur government granted all Shivaji's demands (A.D. 
1662). He w-as left in possession of his conquests from Kaljan 

176 A History of the Maratha People 

in the north to Phonda in the south, and from Dabhol in the 
west to Indapur in the east, and his complete independence 
was acknowledged. Both parties undertook to defend the 
other from foreign aggression. And Shivaji took a solemn 
oath not to molest Bijapur during Shahaji'a lifetime. 

Shivaji entertained in royal style Shahaji's party during the 
rainy season. When the monsoon had abated Shivaji took 
Shahaji with him to Kajgad and Purandar, Lohgad and Eairi. 
When they reached Rairi, Shahaji's experienced eye took in 
its extraordinary strength. Lying to the west of the Sahyadris, 
it is surrounded on every side by a sea of mountains. It rises, 
however, higher than anj^ of its neighbours. To climb it to-day, 
when undefended, is a most arduous task. To storm it, if 
properly fortified and garrisoned, was to Shivaji's contempor- 
aries an absolute impossibility. Shahaji urged his son to change 
his chief stronghold from Rajgad to Rairi. Shivaji, convinced 
by his father's reasoning, agreed. He changed the name of 
the great hill from Rairi to Raygad and appointed Abaji Sondev 
to fortify it and to build on its summit public buildings and a 
palace for himself. At its base, but elevated some hundred 
feet above the plain, he was to erect a dwelling place for Jijabai. 
When the work of fortification was complete Shivaji issued a 
proclamation. By it he offered a bag of gold and a gold bracelet 
worth 100 pagodas to anyone who would ascend the fort by any 
other path than those which passed through the fort gates.* 
A man of the Mhar caste came forward and undertook with 
Shivaji's permission to try. If he succeeded, he would plant 
a flag at the top. Shivaji smiled and bade him try. But the 
Mhar proved equal to the task. Climbing by a path known to 
him from boyhood he disappeared from Shivaji's view. Not 
long afterwards the watchers saw the Mhar's flag fluttering 
on the summit. He then descended, prostrated himself at his 
prince's feet and received the promised reward. Shivaji closed 
the path by a gate still known as Chor Darwaja or the thief's 
door. Not long afterwards another event occurred which 
showed that Abaji Sondev's work was not yet complete. A 

Kftafi Khan, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 288. 

MuDHOL, Panhala AND Savantvadi 177 

cowherd's wife named Hirakani or Diamond had entered Eaygad 
fort to sell milk to the garrison. Engaged in the task, she had 
not noticed that night was falling. When she tried to leave, 
she found the gates closed and the guards obdurate. In her 
house below she had a child and a mother-in-law. Sooner 
than neglect the one or incur the wrath of the other, she scrambled 
down the hill side at the risk of her life and reached home the 
same night. Shivaji heard of the feat and built a bastion to 
close the path which she had taken. The bastion he called the 
Hirakani Tower, thus immortalizing the name of the venturous 
herdswoman. All ways to the fortress closed, Shivaji moved 
his treasures and state papers to Eaygad and from this date it 
became the seat of his government. In the meantime Shahaji, 
■ after an affectionate parting with his son, and laden with 
presents, had returned by Bijapur to the headquarters of his 
own fief. 

178 A History of the Maratha People 



In j'our last letter you wrote to me as follows : — 

" Far from helping the cause of his faith, Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol became 
party to the insidious schemes of the Mahomedans and Turks, and by foul 
and treacherous means he brought us to Bijapur. What terrible danger 
faced us there you well know. It seems that the Almighty has in his infinite 
wisdom decided to carrj^ out your aspirations, to establish the Maratha power 
and protect the Hindu religion. Therefore it was that the peril was averted. 

At present, inspired by malignant motives, Khawas Khan has marched 
against you, and readj^ to serve him Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol and Lakham 
Savant and Khem Savant are with him. May God Shankar (Shiva) and 
Goddess Bhavani grant success to you. 

Now it is our desire that we should be fully revenged upon them and as 
we are fortunate to have such an obedient son, ready to carry out the wishes 
of his father, we command you to do this work. Baji Ghorpade has gone 
ahead to Mudhol with his men." 

On hearing this from you, we went with an armj^ to Mudhol, left the territory 
in ruin and took his thanas (garrisons). On learning this, Baji Ghorpade gave 
battle to us, in which he with other notable men fell. It was a great battle. 
We marched up and down the country and plundered it. Our gain on this 
occasion was enormous. We then proclaimed peace and brought the territory 
under our control. At this time Khawas Khan was coming upon us. With 
our army we fell upon him, defeating him and turning him back sad and despon- 
dent to Bijapur. Our next work was to crush the Savants. Fort after fort 
came into our possession. On wo went, completely devastating their territory. 
They ceased to receive help from Goa, but the killedars of Phonda fought for 
them. By means of explosives, we blew up one of the bastions of the fort. 
Thus we became masters of their territory. 

We next turned our arms against the Portuguese and took a part of their 
territory. They sued for peace and presented us with guns. The Savants 
could no longer consider themselves safe in Portuguese territory. For they sent 
one Pitambar as their Vakil to us. "We are," they pleaded "likewise the 
descendants of the house of Bhosle and you ought to care for our interest. 
You should take half the revenue of our possessions and the other half we shall 
devote to the expenses of our troops with which we shall serve you." Their 
requests are granted. Thus it is by your blessings that everything ended as 
you desired and I have great pleasure in submitting this account to you. 



x4.T tHs point it wdll not be out of place to sketcli the lives of 
two men who eacli in his own w^ay exercised an influence upon 
the Maratha prince. I have in an earUer chapter endeavoured 
to show how the religious movement of Pandharpur helped the 
military movement headed by Shivaji. The two saints who 
were at this time the chief vehicles of that teaching were 
Tukaram More and Ramdas. 

Tukaram More was a vani or grocer by caste and came of a 
family of petty traders, who lived at Dehu, a beautiful little 
village fourteen miles to the north-east of Poona. The earliest 
known ancestor of Tukaram was one Vishvambar, who is said 
to have erected a temple to Krishna and Rukhmini on the banks 
of the Indrayani. He left two sons. They abandoned the 
family business, took service in the Ahmadnagar army and 
fell in action. This unfortunate mishap stamped itself on the 
family. For six generations afterwards, the Mores were deeply 
reUgious and closely attached to the worship of the god Vithoba 
of Pandharpur. Tukaram's father was one Boloji and his 
mother was named Kankai. Their eldest son was Savji, their 
second son was Tukaram. Their third son was Kanhoba. 
The date of Tukaram's birth is uncertain. According to Mr. 
Rajwade he was born in Shake 1490 (A.D. 1568-1569). Accord- 
ing to Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar he was born in Shake 1530 
(A. D. 1607-1608). His eldest brother Savji developed from 
earUest youth so strong a taste for the ascetic life that Boloji 
found it impossible to take him into his shop as an assistant. 
So when Tukaram was only thirteen years old, his father initiated 
him into the secrets of the grocery trade. For the next five 
years Tukaram helped to keep the accounts. When he grew 

180 A History of the Maratha People 

older lie received as a bride a girl called Rakma. His vrife 
however grew delicate. Boloji therefore married Tiikaram to a 
girl called Jijabai, the daughter of one Appaji Giilve, a Poena 
money-lender. On her marriage, Tukaram gave her the name 
of Avalai. When Tukaram was eighteen years old, his father 
Boloji died. Kankai died soon afterwards. The unhappy 
Tukaram was left to carry on the family business, to support 
his two wives, his eldest brother Savji, whose ascetic life rendered 
him useless as a bread-winner, and his youngest brotherKanhoba, 
who was still a child. Tukaram's gentle nature proved unequal 
to the task. He was too soft-hearted to take rigorous measures 
against his debtors. So they one after another repudiated 
their debts. Before the shop could recover from this shock, 
there came a famine. Tukaram became a bankrupt. His 
•delicate wife Rakma died of privation. Her little son 
Shivaji did not long survive her. Savji left Dehu to go to 
some distant shrine and was never heard of again. 

These calamities completely changed Tukaram's life. From 
being an active although a too kind-hearted business man, his 
thoughts turned, as Savji's had done, to religion and he became a 
whole-hearted devotee of Vithoba of Pandharpur. Indeed, but 
for his wife Avalai's influence, he would have disappeared like his 
elder brother. Her name has become equivalent to a scold 
or termagant, the Maratha synonym of Xanthippe. Yet there 
is no doubt that she saved Tukaram. For him and for their 
children she worked like a common labourer. She begged 
food and money for them from her parent's house. And if 
she at times lost her temper, this is not surprising. She was 
never sure that her husband would not give what she had begged 
to a passing tramp. One day indeed while she was bathing, 
he gave away her clothes. But Tukaram's devotion to the god 
Vithoba came, in course of time, to have its reward. Once a 
farmer employed him to drive the birds away from his crop. 
Tukaram, however, soon became lost in his dreams of the 
Pandharpur god. And when the farmer returned he fomid 
that the birds had eaten up almost his entire crop. He dragged 
Tukaram to the village headman and made him execute a bond 


for two khandis of grain, that is to say a bumper crop, and in 
return to take over the produce of the ruined field. The trans- 
action over, Avalai made Tukaram reap what remained. He 
did so and to the amazement of the villagers and the disgust of 
the farmer, the reaped crop amounted to eighteen khandis. 
The god had worked a miracle on his worshipper's behalf. 
Avalai was overjoyed. But her joy was shortlived. Her 
husband resolved to return to Vithoba what Vithoba had given 
and devoted the proceeds of the crops to repairing the temple 
which his ancestor Vishvambar had built many years before. 
Avalai made a last effort to give her husband a fresh start 
in business. She borrowed Rs. 200 from her father and sent 
Tukaram with a party of hawkers to sell the goods bought by 
her with, the money. All went well until the hawkers reached 
Supa. There Tukaram witnessed the eviction of a poor indebt- 
ed Brahman. Tukaram gave at once his goods to satisfy the 
Brahman's creditors. Then slipping away from his companions, 
he walked to Pandharpur, where he joined the crowd of devotees 
who worshipped before Vithoba's image. The villagers of 
Dehu were now satisfied that Tukaram was a lunatic. When 
he returned home, they put a necklace of onions round his neck, 
mounted him on a donkey and paraded him through the streets 
to be mocked at by the crowd. The unhappy Tukaram fled 
from the village and hid in the Bhambunath hills. His brother 
Kanhoba went in search of him and having found him begged 
him either to return to Dehu and manage the family business 
or to let him do it. Tukaram went back with him. The 
brothers agreed to divide the bonds passed to their father by 
his debtors. The division complete, Tukaram flung his share 
of the bonds into the Indrayani. He then went back to his 
former hiding place in the Bhambunath hills. His wife Avalai 
tracked him out and daily brought him his dinner. One day a 
thorn entered her foot and made her faint with the pain. Touched 
with Avalai's devotion he returned home with her. But it was 
impossible for him to take up again the petty cares and duties 
of a grocer. In the silence of the hills there had come to him 
the poet's inspiration, and from the day of his return to that of 

182 A History of the Maratha People 

his death, he never ceased to write poems either in praise of 
Vithoba or narrating incidents in his own life. They are written 
in the Ahhang metre. They are rudely constructed, but full 
of force, and above all they embody to the fullest extent the 
pure teaching of the doctrines of Pandharpur. 

Kamdas was a later contemporary of Tukaram.* He was 
the son of a certain Suryajipant and his wife Ranubai. For 
a long time they had no children. But they prayed diligently 
to the Sun-god for offspring. At last he appeared to them and 
promised that they should have two sons. One of them would 
be an incarnation of himself, the other of Maruti the Monkey- 
god, who helped the divine hero Eamchandra. A year after- 
wards Ranubai gave birth to a son, whom she named Ganga- 
dhar, and three years later she gave birth to a second son, whom 
she called Narayan in honour of the Sun-god. From their 
earliest years both children showed a taste for religion and it 
is said that to Narayan, when only five years old, was vouchsafed 
a vision of Maruti. According to the custom of the time Ganga- 
dhar was married when seven years old. A year or two later 
Narayan's marriage was arranged. But from his earliest years 
Narayan showed an intense dislike for the married state. At 
last he compromised by promising his mother that he would do 
or say nothing until he came to that part of the ceremony 
when the cloth which separates the married pair is withdrawn. 
She hoped that then Narayan would feel it too late to go back. 
When the priests however were about to repeat the verses that 
complete the ceremony, they as usual cried out to the audience 
*Savadhan,' 'Be on your guard.' Narayan instantly fled from the 
room and was not found for some days afterwards. Suryajipant 
and Ranubai now gave up the idea of marrying their son, and 
let him wander about the various shrines of India. Numerous 
stories exist of the miracles performed by him while yet a child„ 
Of these the most interesting is the following, for it shows 
the great capacity of him with whom Shivaji was so much 

* The account of Eamdas is taken from his life by his disciple, Hanmant 


One clay Narayan went to beg at the house of the Kulkarni 
of Shahapur near Karad. He found the ladies in a state of 
great perplexity. A Musulman officer from Bijapur had just 
arrested the Kulkarni on a charge of misappropriation and had 
taken him away to the capital. Narayan overtook the officer 
and his victim and went with him. At Bijapur he posed as the 
Kulkarni's clerk and so perfect was his knowledge of accounts, 
that he was able to convince the authorities that the charge was 

When Narayan grew to manhood he established himself at 
Chaphal in the Satara district. There he built a temple to the 
hero-god Eamchandra, and believing himself to be an incarna- 
tion of the Monkey-god Maruti, he changed his name from 
Narayan to Ramdas, which, being interpreted, means ' the 
slave of Rama.' Gradually the fame of the new saint spread 
over Maharashtra and attracted to Chaphal a number of dis- 
ciples. In course of time it reached the ears of Shivaji. The 
latter had just started his wonderful career. One day a Hindu 
gosavi or mendicant advised him to take a guru or spiritual 
preceptor, as that was the surest way to obtain salvation. The 
young hero consulted Bhavani and from her learnt that Ramdas 
was his destined guru. Shivaji at once went to Chaphal. Ram- 
das was not there when Shivaji reached it ; so he had to return 
home with his wish ungratified. Not long afterwards he again 
went to Chaphal. Once more Ramdas was absent. But the 
prince wandered in search of him to Mahableshwar, Wai and 
Mahuli. At last Ramdas, who knew that Shivaji sought to 
find him,* wrote him a letter. It was in verse and may be 
translated as follows : — 

" Meru of Resolution, Helper of many, of unchanged 
resolve, rich and master of your passions ! thou who 
pourest benefits on others, whose qualities are incom- 
parable ; Lord of men, horses and elephants ! Lord of 
forts, earth and ocean ! Leader and king, who art strong 
always. King triumphant and famous, powerful and 

* The date of Shivaji's meeting with Ramdas is the subject of much con- 
troversy. It seems to have occurred in 1649 {Itihas Sangraha). 

184 A HiSTOEY OF THE Maeatha People 

generous, meritorious, virtuous and wise. Possessed ever 
of conduct and judgment, generosity and faith, knowledge 
and character. Bold and generous, grave and daring, 
swift to execute. Thou who by thy vigilance didst spurn 
kings. The holy places were broken. The abodes of 
Brahmans were polluted. All earth was shaken. Religion 
had fled. Narayan resolved to protect the gods, the faith, 
the cows, the Brahmans and inspired thee to do so. Near 
thee are many wise pandits, great poets, men skilled in 
sacrifice and learned in the Vedas ; men quick and shrewd 
and fitted to lead assemblies. None of this earth protects 
the faith as thou dost. Because of thee some of it has 
lingered in Maharashtra. A few have sheltered themselves 
with thee and still some holy acts are done. Honour to 
thy glory ! It has spread all over the earth. Some evil 
men thou hast killed. Some have fled in terror. Some 
thou hast pardoned. King Shiva the fortunate ! I have 
lived in thy country. But thou didst never ask for me. 
Thou didst forget me ; why, I do not know. Thy councillors 
are all wise, the faith incarnate. What can I say to thee ? 
It behoves thee to keep alive thy fame as the establisher 
of religion. Many are the affairs of state in which thou 
art busied. If I have written unreasonably, may I be 
pardoned !" 
Shivaji's desire to see the saint was stimulated by the praises 
contained in his letter. He again went to Chaphal and not 
finding him, pressed one of his female disciples to disclose the 
saint's hiding place. She at last told the king that Ramdas 
was at Shringanwadi. She then offered her visitor food. 
But Shivaji vowed that he would eat nothing until he had seen 
the object of his search. He procured a guide and at last found 
Eamdas. He was sitting under a tree and was composing 
verses for his famous DasbodJi. The king begged his pardon 
for his remissness in the past. In return the saint blessed the 
king. Shivaji then asked Ramdas to give him advice on the 
art of government, and after some little time he received a 
second metrical letter which may be translated as follows : — 


" I bow to Ganpati the remover of obstacles. I bow to 
Saraswati, to the virtuous, to the saints, to the family 
gods, to Rama. If my hearers so wish, let them profit. 
If not, let them disregard my Avriting ; I have written for 
the sake of your government. He who governs wisely 
obtains happiness. If your labours are untiring, you win 
in the end. 

'■ First learn to know men. If you find a man is a 
worker, give him work to do. If he is useless, put him 
aside. To see, to understand, to labour, in this there 
is nothing amiss. Achievement depends on the quality 
of the worker. If he be industrious but at the same time 
obstinate, still be in your greatness indulgent. But if he 
be indolent and treacherous, then execute him. Learn 
correctly the thoughts of all. To keep men pleased, to 
keep the wicked sternly at a distance, these are the signs 
of good fortune. If a man has helped you reasonably, 
suffer him a little but not so that wrong may follow. Trans- 
gress not the bounds of justice. If they be transgressed, 
evil ensues. If there is no justice, there is no remedy. He 
who has wearied in ill fortune, he whose head has been 
turned by good fortune, he who has proved coward in the 
hour of need, such are not true men. In evil times be not 
despondent. Try every remedy ; in the end all will be 
well. Keep all men under proper control. Then the 
wise will value your rule. If there be no proper control, 
the government grows weak. Do not go in the van of the 
battle. Such is not true statecraft. There are many 
whom you can send as generals. Have many officers. 
Do not appoint all to one task. Give them in your wisdom 
separate tasks. If a leader's pride is fired, he will not 
look to his life. Gather together many leaders and then 
strike. When the sheep see the tiger's claw, they flee 
on all sides. What can the proud buffalo do, big though 
he be ? Let kings observe the religion of kings. Let 
Kshatriyas observe the religion of Kshatriyas. Let your 
horses, weapons and horsemen be ever your first thought ; 

186 A History of the Haratha People 

so that when your picked troops approach, your enemies, 
' great though they be, shall flee away. 

" Thus I have spoken a few words on the art of govern- 
ment. When the minds of lords and servants are one it 
is good." 
When Shivaji wished to return home, he presented the saint 
with a large sum of money, but Ramdas distributed it among 
his cowherds. The prince urged Eamdas to live with him. 
Ramdas declined but he gave him as a farewell gift a cocoanut, 
water, earth, a few pebbles and some horse dung. These Shivaji 
took with him to his mother. Jijabai asked scornfully the 
meaning of such a present. Her son with rare insight had 
penetrated the sage's meaning. The water and the earth 
meant that Shivaji would conciuer Maharashtra. The pebbles 
meant that he would hold it by means of his fortresses. The 
horse dung meant that he would win his greatest victories by 
means of his cavalry. 

Unable to induce Ramdas permanently to live with him, 
Shivaji looked about for a more pliant saint. He heard of 
Tukaram. That holy man, after his return to his village, had 
again suffered persecution, but had overcome it. The verses 
which he had composed on the Bambhunath hills were eagerly 
read and learned by the peasantry and petty traders. But the 
Brahmans who lived on the alms of pilgrims to the various 
shrines resented the competition of one who was of a Sudra 
caste. One day, as Tukaram sat on the banks of the Indrayani 
composing verses, some Brahman mendicants seized his books 
and flung them into the river. But the god whom he loved 
saved them and restored them, dry and uninjured after thirteen 
days of immersion. Another time when Tukaram went to 
a village called Vagholi, a learned Brahman scholar, named 
Rameshwar, induced the herdsmen to drive Tukaram away. 
Not long afterwards the same Rameshwar was attacked by some 
ailment. He went to Alandi and prayed at Dnyandev's shrine 
that he might be cured. One night he saw in a dream the great 
teacher. He told Rameshwar that this ailment had come to 
him as a punishment for his treatment of Tukaram. Let 


Rameshwar ask Tukaram's pardon and treat him with honour 
instead of contumely and the ailment would go. Eameshwar 
obeyed the saint's command and was cured of his illness. In 
his gratitude he sang far and wide the praises of Tukaram. 
In this way Shivaji came to hear of him. He sent a messenger 
and a body of horse to convey Tukaram to him. But the saint 
felt that the camp of a high-spirited and warlike prince was 
no place for him. He declined the invitation in a metrical 
letter, of which I give the first five stanzas* : — 

" Torches, umbrellas, and horses, these are not among 
things good for me. Why, lord of Pandhari, dost thou 
entangle me among such ? Honour, ostentation, and aping 
other men's ways, I court as the dung of swine. God, 
says Tuka, run to set me free from this ! 

" Thou providest me the very things that I dislike ; why 
dost thou persecute me when I have surrendered my soul 
to thee ? I feel that I should avoid society and keep the 
world far from me. I should seek a solitary place and 
utter no sound. I should look on mankind, wealth and my 
body as though they were vomit. Yet it rests with thee, 
Lord of Pandhari, says Tuka. 

'' The creator has founded the universe, therein are 
various designs and diversions afoot. A child of one 
design, you are devoted to Brahma and knowledge of 
Brahma ; you are faithfully loyal to your teacher. Part 
of your love I learnt when I saw the writing in your letter. 
. Shiva is your name, the sacred name that has been given 
to you ; you have the right of the umbrella, you are one 
of the threads that keep the world together. Vows, rites, 
austerities, contemplation, mystic arts ; all these you have 
studied and dispensed with. Your mind is bent on meeting 
me ; this is the chief import of your letter. Listen, 
Lord of the earth, to this my answer ; I have written out 
my prayer and purpose. Let me wander in the forest 
indifferent to all things. Let the sight of me be vile and 

* The translation is taken from the adniiraLle work of Mossre. XelBon 
Fraser and Mara the. 

188 A History of the Maratha People 

inauspicious. My unclad person is covered witli dust ; 
I live on fruit, for I have no food to eat. My hands and 
feet are emaciated ; my skin is pallid ; what comfort could 
there be in looking on me ? It is my pressing request that 
you will not even talk of seeing me. 

" See how humble my speech is ; this is a boon from him 
who dwells in my heart. Yet I am not a wretch who need 
seek a boon from you ; I have a refuge in Pandharpur. 
Pandurang watches over me and feeds me ; since that is 
so, why need I care about others ? You wish to see me : 
what matters this request ? I have turned to nothingness 
all desires. Freedom from desire has been bestowed on 
me ; I have renounced every impulse of activity. As a 
chaste wife longs to meet her husband, so let me live 
joyously in Vithal (Krishna). The universe to me is 
Vithal and nothing else ; in you too I see him. I looked 
upon you as Vithal (Krishna) but one difficulty keeps me 
from you. Fix your thoughts on the good teacher, Ramdas ; 
he truly is an ornament of the world ; do not swerve from 
him. If your impulse carry you in many directions how 
can you serve Ramdas ? Tuka says, Father, sea of 
wisdom, faith and love are the vessel that carry the faithful 
across the stream of life. 

" What would it profit me to enter your presence ? The 
fatigue of the journey would be wasted. If I must needs beg 
my food, there are many whom I may ask for alms. In 
the lanes are rags to furnish me with shelter. The rock 
is an excellent bed to sleep on. I have the sky above me 
for a cloak. With such a provision made, why need I 
fix my hopes on anyone ? It would be a waste of my days. 
Should I come to your palace seeking honour, what peace 
of mind should I find there ? In a king's palace the wealthy 
are respected ; the common herd meet with no respect. 
If I saw there fine apparel and men wearing jewels, it would 
at once be the death of me. If you are disgusted when you 
hear this, still, God will not scorn me. Let me tell you 
this surprising news, there is no happiness like the beggar's. 


Austerity and renunciation are the greatest things ; wealthy 

men fettered by desire live miserably. Tuka says you are 

opulent and honoured but the devotees of Hari (Krishna) 

are more fortunate." 

This refusal only whetted Shivaji's Avish to see Tukaram. 

He left his camp, and joining Tukaram led with him for several 

days the life of a religious devotee. From this condition he was 

rescued by the influence of his mother Jijabai. The blood 

of ancient kings boiled in the proud woman's veins at 

the thought that her son should give up a hero's life for that 

of a wandering beggar ; and her entreaties, joined to those of 

Tukaram, induced Shivaji to return to his duties as a warrior 

and a prince. 

Yet although both Tukaram and Ramdas refused to live 
as religious preceptors with Shivaji, he never lost touch with 
them. Several times afterwards he attended Kirtans or re- 
ligious recitations given by Tukaram. This on one occasion 
nearly cost the king his life. He had invited Tukaram to visit 
Poona and recite a KatJia, or sacred story, at the temple where 
Shivaji as a child so often worshipped. Somehow the news 
of his design reached the ears of his enemies. A body of Afghans 
stole forth with orders to take Shivaji as he listened to Tukaram. 
The Afghans surrounded the temple and searched for the prince 
among the audience. With admirable coolness the saint con- 
tinued his recitation and Shivaji sat perfectly still listening to 
it. Nevertheless he would surely have been taken, but for what 
is believed to have been the divine interposition of the god 
Krishna. As the Afghans searched, a man in face and in 
clothes closely resembling Shivaji rose and slipping through the 
guards ran out of the door. The Afghans rushed out of the 
temple to seize him. But he ran with incredible swiftness 
towards Sinhgad. And although mounted Afghans ran close 
to his heels, they never could quite catch him. On reaching 
the forest at the base of the great fort he dived into a thicket 
and disappeared. In the meantime Tukaram continued his 
story. When it was over Shivaji and the rest of the audience 
returned home unmolested. 

190 A History of the Maratha People 

But it was to Ramdas tliat Shivaji was peculiarly associated. 
Tukaram indeed did not long survive his meeting with Shivaji. 
One day as he was leaving his home he told his wife Avalai that 
he was going to Vaikuntha, the god Krishna's heaven. He 
went to the banks of the Indrayani and, so it is believed, flung 
himself into the river either in a state of religious excitement 
or because he suffered from some incurable disease. At any 
rate he never returned home again. His followers believed — 
and the belief still finds in the Deccan wide acceptance — that the 
chariot of the hero-god Ramchandra descended from heaven 
and bore Tukaram back in it to the skies (A.D. 1649). Ramdas, 
on the other hand, outlived Shivaji and whenever the busy 
monarch could spare a few moments, he loved to visit the 
saint and hear from his lips sacred verses and religious discourses. 
Many touching stories exist which show how close was the 
friendship which the prince and the saint bore each other. 
One day, it is said, Shivaji, then at Pratapgad, heard that 
Ramdas was at Mahableshwar, He at once rode off to see 
him. On reaching Mahableshwar he learnt that Ramdas was 
no longer there. Shivaji plunged into the woods to overtake 
him. All day the king wandered vainly through the wild hill 
country. Night fell but still he searched for Ramdas by torch 
light. At last when the eastern sky began to pale, Shivaji came 
upon Ramdas in a tiny cave. He lay there groaning and seemed 
to be in great pain and sick unto death. Shivaji in great dis- 
tress asked Ramdas how he might help his suffering friend. 
The saint replied that there was but one cure in the world for 
such a malady as his. " Tell me what it is," said Shivaji, "and 
I will get it for you." "Nay," replied Ramdas, "to get it 
for me might cost you your life." " No matter," cried the 
generous hero. " Gladly would I give my life to save yours." 
" Then," said Ramdas, " the medicine which alone can save 
me is the milk of a tigress." Sword in hand went forth into the 
jungle the dauntless prince. In a short time he saw some tiger 
cubs in a thicket. He entered it, and catching them, sat down 
by them to await their mother's return. An hour later the 
tigress came, and seeing her cubs in Shivaji's hands, sprang 


upon him. The prince boldly faced the raging beast and told 
her that he but wished to give the dying saint a draught of her 
milk. The saint's name cowed the tigress. She let Shivaji 
go and allowed him to draw some of her milk and take it away 
to Ramdas' cave. There he gave some of it to Ramdas. His 
pain instantly left him. Then Ramdas in turn made Shivaji 
drink the rest of the milk. At once the scratches inflict'Cd by 
the tigress when she first sprang on Shivaji healed. And the 
king and his retinue rode back with Ramdas to the temple at 

Another time, so it is said, Shivaji was at Satara. Ramdas, 

who was at Mahuli at the confluence of the Krishna and the 

Yenna, went to beg upon Jaranda Hill, a holy spot a few miles 

to the east of Mahuli. The king was also visiting the Jaranda 

temple and met Ramdas. The saint asked for alms. Shivaji 

wrote some words on a piece of paper and dropped it into the 

Swami's lap. Ramdas picked it up and read in it a grant by 

Shivaji of his entire kingdom. The saint affected to accept 

the grant and for the whole day Shivaji, having no longer any 

property, acted as his servant. At the close of the day Ramdas 

asked Shivaji how he liked the change from kingship to service. 

Shivaji replied that he was quite happy, no matter what his 

state, provided that he was near his preceptor. Ramdas then 

returned the grant and said, " Take back your kingdom. It is 

for kings to rule and for Brahmans to do worship." Nevertheless 

Shivaji insisted that the saint should bestow on him his sandals 

as Rama had done to his brother Bharata, so that the 

world might know that Ramdas and not he was the true 

king. He also chose for his flag the orange brown banner 

which the pilgrims carry when they go to Avorship Krishna 

at Pandharpur.* 

Another time, so it is said, Shivaji begged Ramdas to live 
with him always and let him serve him as he had done for a 
single day at Jaranda. Ramdas asked him in return whether, 
instead of serving him, Shivaji would grant him three boons. 

Shivaji said that he wo uld do so gladly. 

* This in known in history as the Bhagva Zenda. 

192 A History of the Maratha People 

Tte boons asked for were : — 

(1) Shivaji should in the montli of Sliravan, or August, 

honour Shiva by giving feasts to Brahmans and by- 
distributing images of the great god, whose incarna- 
tion he was deemed to be ; 

(2) He should distribute dakshina, or gifts of money, 

to Brahmans in Shravan ; 

(3) He should honour the hero-god Ramchandra by 

ordering his subjects when they met to say to each 
other by way of greeting, " Ram Ram." 
Shivaji granted all these boons and " Ram Ram " are still the 
words of greeting used by Deccan Hindus when they meet.* 

Yet another time Shivaji was building a fort at Samangad 
in Kolhapur territory. As he watched it, he felt a natural 
pride that he should be able to support all the workmen that 
the work needed. Just then Ramdas came up. Shivaji, after 
saluting him, walked with him round the base of the fortress. 
On their way they passed a boulder. Ramdas called to some 
stone-cutters and bade them break it in pieces. The stone-cutters 
did so. In the heart of it was a cavity half filled with water. 
Out of the water jumped a frog. Ramdas turned to Shivaji 
and said, " King, who but you could have placed water in the 
middle of the stone and thus saved the frog ?" Shivaji dis- 
claimed any connexion with the matter. But when Ramdas 
insisted, he guessed that the saint was rebuking him for his 
vanity. He at once acknowledged his fault and admitted that it 
was god who had alike provided for the needs of the frog and 
for those of the workmen at Samangad. 

But if Ramdas dared to rebuke the great king to his face, 
he refused always to go beyond his own sphere of action. Peter 
the Hermit, having inspired a crusade, aspired afterwards to 
lead it. The foolish Scotch ministers led their countrymen to 
ruin on the field of Dunbar. But when Shivaji, on hearing of 
Afzul Khan's march from Bijapur, asked for Ramdas' advice, 
the wise Brahman bade the king pray for counsel to Bhavani. 

* The old form of salutation was the " Johar." It is still u«ed by the Mhars 
and depressed castes. 


He knew that if God had given him power to move men's hearts 
by verse and prayer, God had given to Shivaji other and greater 
powers, and that his resourceful mind, if left to itself, would 
find a key to every difficulty.* 

Ramdas would have liked always to lead the wandering life, 
such as had been his before Shivaji first sought him. But the 
king insisted that he should make his head-quarters at some 
easily accessible spot. He bestowed on the saint the fortress 
of Parali, a wild hill some six miles south-west of Satara. Ramdas 
reluctantly accepted the gift and built there a temple to Maruti. 
For the use of the temple the king assigned to Ramdas the 
revenue of Chaphal and 32 other villages. As he grew older, 
Ramdas came to spend more and more of his time at Parali. 
It was there that Shivaji paid him his last visit. It was there 
that Sambhaji, reeking with the blood of Rajaram's friends, 
sought but was denied an interview. At last the wise old 
Brahman felt his end approaching. His disciples felt it also 
and gave way to grief. But Ramdas' courage never forsook 
him. He rebuked their tears and composed for them the follow- 
ing verses : — 

" Although my body has gone I shall still live in spirit. 

Grieve not. Read my books. They will show you the way 

to salvation. Heed not unduly the wants of the body. 

Fall not into evil ways, and to you the doors of salvation 

will open. Keep ever in your heart the image of the god 


A few minutes later the dying saint called out the words 

" Har ! Har ! " t twenty-one times. Then his lips whispered 

the words " Ram ! Ram ! " His eyes sought the image of the 

hero-god, and a flame, so it seemed to the onlookers, left his 

mouth and entered that of the image. His disciples called to 

* Ramdas' words were : — " You are a king and control the affairs of you» 
Htato. I dwell in the forest and (in fetate matters) you cannot depend upon 
nie. Set your hand to the task and act as you think you should act. 1 have 
already told j^ou how to obtain the guidance of the goddess (Bhavani). Bear 
my words in mind. The goddess cares for you. By her blessing you have 
attained the kingship. Consult her before you act, tell her your troubles 
and act on her advice." — Hanmant's Ramdas Chariira. 

I A name of Shiva. 

194 A History of the Haratha People 

him, but he was dead.* He had survived Shivaji less than 
a year. Ramdas' body was burnt to the north of Parali upon 
a pyre of bel and tulsi wood. His ashes were then gathered 
and taken to Chaphal, and after some interval were, at Sambhaji's 
cost, conveyed northward and cast reverently into the Ganges 

* Ramdas died at 12 noon on Magh Vadya 9 in Shake 1603 f A.D. 1681). 


A.D. 1662 TO 1665 

Shivaji, allied to the Bijapur king, in whose plighted word he 
trusted, thought himself strong enough to attempt the liberation 
of the Marathi-speaking subjects of the emperor. Nor was 
a good ground for hostilities lacking. In May, 1661, theMoghuls 
had occupied Kalyan in the Konkan, the town which Shivaji 
had taken from Mulana Ahmad. He had been unable to re- 
cover it at the time. He now sent Netoji Palkar with a force 
of cavalry and Moro Pingle with a strong body of infantry to 
plunder the Moghul territories from Ahmadnagar to Aurangabad. 
A curious story exists* that the imperial officers complained 
to Shaistekhan, the governor of the Moghul Deccan, that they 
were unable through fear of the Marathas to send to Aurangabad, 
the provincial capital, their revenue collections. In reply the 
governor sent them a sarcastic letter. " Although you are men," 
he wrote, " you fear to meet the Marathas. I am sending you 
a woman who will not fear to do so." At the same time he 
collected troops and placed over them a certain Rai Bagin t» 
the wife of one Udaram Deshmukh. In spite of her sex she was 
a skilful and daring soldier. Nevertheless Shivaji attacked her, 
took her prisoner and dispersed her army. Shortly afterwards 
Shivaji defeated near Ahmadnagar another force sent from 
Aurangabad under a Rajput officer. J He then swept the 
Moghul Deccan as far as its capital and levied contributions 
from every town of importance. 

Aurangzib, on hearing of Shivaji's successes, urged Shais- 
tekhan, who was his own maternal uncle, not to stand on the 

* Shedgavkar Bakhar. 

t Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. The Sabhasad Bakhar, which Grant Duff ha« 
followed, makes Rai Bagin take part in the fight at Khadase. 

X Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

196 A History of the Maratha People 

defensive but to invade and conquer the territories which 
Shivaji had taken from Bijapur. Shaistekhan, agreeably to 
these orders, collected such Moghul forces as were then in the 
Deccan. He left one Mumtaz Khan at Aurangabad and placed 
his second in command Jaswant Sing, Maharaja of Jodhpur, 
in charge of his reserves. He himself marched to Ahmadnagar 
and after a short halt marched thence due south to Pedgaon.* 
From Pedgaon he sent Jadhavrao of Sindkhed,t a Maratha 
noble, ahead with his cavalry. Several sharp skirmishes took 
place between him and Shivaji's horse. The imperial cavalry 
were in the main successful. And as Shivaji fell back on Raj gad, 
they occupied first Supa and then Poona. Shivaji as a counter- 
move threw himself into Sinhgad, only thirteen miles away. 
It was no doubt Shaistekhan's intention eventually to invest 
Sinhgad. But before doing so he wished to clear his communi- 
cations. Chakan lay on the high road between him and Junnar, 
the nearest town large enough to furnish him with suppUes. 
The commandant of Chakan was still that Phirangoji Narsala 
who had, on Dadoji Kondadev's death, acknowledged Shivaji 
as his master. He now proved himself a gallant soldier. His 
defence was favoured by the heavy rains of the Sahyadris, 
which were then falling, and by the efforts of Netoji Palkar's 
cavalry to harass the besiegers. Nevertheless the conduct of 
the garrison and of Phirangoji Narsala deserves all praise. On 
dark, rainy nights they made desperate sallies and frequently 
rushed the Moghul trenches. In the end, however, the garrison 
were driven back into Chakan and after a siege of 50 or 60 days 
the Moghuls exploded a mine which carried away a bastion and 
the men defending it.{ The Moghuls placed their shields in 
front of their faces and tried to cut their way through the breach. 
Phirangoji, however, was not yet willing to surrender. He had 
prepared an earthwork inside the fort wall and there he and 
his men stood desperately at bay. All that day the Moghuls 

* In Ahmadnagar district, 
t Khafi Khan, 

I " Stones, bricks and men flew into the air like pigeons." Khafi Khan, 
Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII, p. 262. 

The Moghul Wae 197 

assaulted the work in vain. And during the following night 
both the besiegers and the besieged slept close to each other 
among the ruins of the bastion. Next morning the Moghuls re- 
ceived reinforcements and drove the garrison back from the 
trenches into the citadel. Invested there and without supplies, 
Phirangoji Narsala capitulated. Shaistekhan received him 
with all honour and offered him a post in his own service. 
Phirangoji Narsala declined, and Shaistekhan suffered him and 
the remnant of his garrison to return to Shiva ji. As the brave 
commandant bade Shaistekhan farewell the latter told him 
that if ever he wished to join the Moghul service, an honourable 
post awaited him. Phirangoji returned to Shivaji. The latter, 
received his lieutenant cordially, and made him commandant 
of Bhupalgad.f 

By this time Shivaji had withdrawn from Sinhgad to Rajgad. 
There he received a letter from Shaistekhan. It contained a 
Persian stanza in which Shivaji was derided as a monkey, whose 
only safety lay in his mountain forests. In return Shivaji sent 
Shaistekhan a Sanskrit couplet. J Therein he asserted that he 
was not only a monkey but Hanuman himself — the prince of 
monkeys ; and he vowed that he would destroy Shaistekhan 
just as the monkeys had helped king Rama to destroy the demon 
Ravan. Shaistekhan after this exchange of compliments 
returned from Chakan to Poona, where he occupied Shivaji's 
old house, the Raj Mahal. He was however well aware of 
Shivaji's resourcefulness and courage and posted a ring of patrols 
all round Poona. He then dismissed every Maratha horse 
soldier from his cavalry and forbade all Hindus,whether civilians 
or soldiers, to enter or leave Poona without a pass. He did not 
venture to dismiss his Maratha infantry for fear of reducing 
too greatly his army. His neglect to do so proved his undoing. 
In April, 1663,§ vShivaji, Yesaji Kank, Tanaji Malusare || 

t In Satara district. 
J Skivdigvijaya Balhar. 

§ Grant Duff fixes the date by a letter from the English factors imprisoned 
in Rajapur, dated March 12, 1CG3. 

II These were the two friends of his carlv manhood. 

198 A History of the Maratha People 

and 200 picked men disguised themselves as foot 
soldiers in the Imperial service and obtained permission 
from the Kotwal for a marriage party to enter the town. In 
front went a boy dressed as a bridegroom.* Behind him 
walked Shivaji and his companions, beating drums and playing 
sannais | to keep up the disguise. About the same time 
another band of Shivaji'smen, dressed as foot soldiers, entered by 
another gate of the town dragging with them a number of their 
comrades, whom they declared to be prisoners of war and whom 
they beat unmercifully. Outside, but at some distance from 
Poona, several thousands of Shivaji's infantry concealed 
themselves, so as to cover his retreat in case of mishap. The 
two bands that entered the town met at a given spot and changed 
their garments. About midnight Shivaji posted the bulk of 
his men, about 500 in number, at various points in the 
city. He himself, with Tanaji Malusare, Yesaji Kank and 
some 20 others, went to the Raj Mahal. They tried first 
to pass through the main entrance.^ But it was well lit 
and some watchful eunuchs guarded it. Shivaji therefore 
turned back and entered the cook-house. There some of the 
cooks were at work ; others lay asleep. Shivaji and his 
men noiselessly strangled the former and stabbed the latter 
to the heart in their sleep. 

Itwas all done so skilfully that no alarm was raised. With 
pickaxes Shivaji's men next removed some mud and bricks 
which blocked a window opening into the women's apartments. 
A servant, whose bed was against the wall, awoke and roused 
Shaistekhan. The general, too drowsy to hear anything, swore 
at the servant for awaking him unnecessarily and again went 
to sleep. A minute or two later some of his maids ran in to say 
that a hole was being made in the wall of their room. Shaiste- 
khan, awake at last, sprang from his bed and seized a spear 
and his bow and arrows. But by this time Shivaji's party had 
opened the window and were pouring through it. Shaistekhan 

"" Khafi Khan. 

■f A kind of life. 

% Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

The Moghul War 199 

shot the first man through the body with an arrow. But the 
Maratha, before he fell, slashed off Shaistekhan's thumb. The 
next Shaistekhan killed with his spear. But another party 
of Shivaji's men had by now overpowered the eunuchs and had 
forced their way through other doors. In vain Shaistekhan's 
servants beat drums for help. Shivaji's men bolted the doors 
behind them. Shaistekhan's son, Abdul Fatih Khan, rushed 
at the Marathas, but after killing two or three was himself cut 
down. His gallantry, however, enabled two maid-servants 
to drag Shaistekhan, faint with pain, to a place of safety. An 
unfortunate nobleman in his train and similar to him in age and 
appearance tried to escape by a rope ladder. But the Marathas 
saw him, and believing him to be Shaistekhan, killed him and 
cut off his head. Shivaji, thinking the Moghul general dead, 
opened the doors and after collecting all his men. fled as fast 
as possible out of Poona. Before they could be overtaken, 
they had joined the main body of infantry left as supports, 
and with them Shivaji retreated to the Katraj Ghat, the pass 
which crosses the range of hills of which the fort of Sinhgad 
forms the western extremity. To the trees that grew along the 
top of the Katraj hill the Marathas fastened blazing torches, 
so that the Moghuls might believe that a large army was encamp- 
ed upon its summit. Shivaji then led his men due west and went 
back as swiftly as he could to Sinhgad. The Moghuls had by 
this time heard of the raid and seeing the lights on the Katraj 
pass marched there with all expedition. On reaching the foot 
of it they made a careful disposition of their force and with 
barren valour stormed the empty summit, thus giving Shivaji 
and his men the necessary time to reach their stronghold. 
Shaistekhan some hours later followed them to the fort of 
Sinhgad. This however was mere bravado. He had no siege 
guns with him. The rainy season was close at hand, when the 
rise of the Muta River, which has its source near Sinhgad, would 
make siege operations extremely difficult. The Khan's folly was 
duly punished. Shivaji allowed the Moghul army to come close 
to the fortress and then fired into them point blank with his 
heavy artillery. Numbers fell, and Shaistekhan 's riding elephan t 

200 A History op the Maratha Peoplb 

was killed by a cannon-ball.* The Mogbul general had no 
alternative but to order a retreat to Poona. But even so he 
did not escape from his difficulties. As the Moghuls retired, 
their cavalry were ambushed by a party of Maratha horse 
under Kadtoji Guzar,f Netoji Palkar's most brilliant lieutenant, 
and were driven back with great loss upon the main body. J 

On Shaistekhan's return to Poona, Jaswant Sing, his second 
in command, called on his chief to express his regret. Shaiste- 
khan was now beside himself with pain and vexation. Instead 
of accepting the Maharaja's condolences with courtesy, he 
remained for some moments silent and then said,§ " I thought 
the Maharaja was in His Majesty's service when this evil befell 
me." The Rajput prince, who commanded the reserves and 
was therefore in no way responsible for the mishap, left the Raj 
Mahal in a fury. Shaistekhan reported his conduct to Aurangzib 
and declared that all his Hindu subordinates were in league 
with Shivaji. After sending this letter, Shaistekhan, in a fit 
of childish temper, evacuated Poona and marched with most 
of his troops back to Aurangabad, exclaiming that he would 
trust no one and that, if he stayed, the loss of his head would 
soon follow the loss of his thumb. He, however, ordered Jaswant 
Sing to hold Junnar and Chakan. The Maharaja did his best 
to repair the effect of his superior's imbecility, by attempting 
when the rains ceased to invest Sinhgad. But his forces were 
inadequate. He therefore raised the siege and fell back on 
Chakan. On receiving Shaistekhan's letter the emperor censured 
both him and Jaswant Sing. But he recalled the former and 
gave the command of the Deccan army to his son, Prince 
Muazzim (July 15, 1663). 

After his failure to take Sinhgad, Jaswant Sing remained 
inactive. His enemy, however, was planning a counter-attack 
on one of the richest possessions of Aurangzib. In South Guzarat, 
near the mouth of the Tapti River is the town of Surat. Unlike 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

t Better known as Prataprao Guzar. 

X Grant Duff, p. 197. 

§ Khafi Khan, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. YIT, p. 271. 


\ Tn /iire'/iafe 2o-.'.J 

The Moghul War 801 

most of the great cities of the East it has no very ancient history. 
It was sacked by Mahomed Ghori, the conqueror of De'hi, and 
by Mahomed Tugh^ak while engaged with the rebellious nobles 
of Guzarat. But its inhabitants trace its prosperity to a certain 
Gopi, either a Nagar or Anavala Brahman. He was the son 
of a poor Brahman widow who lived in the latter half of the 
15th century. While still a lad, he resolved to leave his native 
town and boldly to seek his fortunes at De'hi. Although a 
Hindu, he was an accomplished Persian scholar and he hoped 
to get a clerkship in one of the imperial offices. For some 
days he sought employment in vain. Nevertheless he continued 
to frequent the public buildings on the chance of a vacancy. 
One evening the chance came. A high official brought for 
perusal an important Persian letter. It was so late that the 
expert Persian readers had all left and the script was so crabbed 
that the official could not himself decipher it. Nevertheless 
he sat by a candle vainly trying to master its contents. At last 
he saw Gopi sitting near him and in despair he asked his help. 
Without even taking the letter in his hand, Gopi, to the official's 
astonishment, told him at once its full purport. While the 
other was trying to spell out word by word the baffling hierogly- 
phics, Gopi had read them through the paper held up against 
the light. The official at once appointed Gopi to a high and well- 
paid post, wherein he soon accumulated a respectable fortune. 
Taking it with him, he returned to his native town and induced 
other rich merchants to settle there also. The place grew beyond 
all recognition, until at last Gopi, now its first citizen, asked the 
leave of the king of Guzarat to call it Suraj , after his wife, who 
had stood by him through both ill fortune and prosperity. The 
king agreed, but changed Suraj into Surat so that the lady's name 
might agree with the heading of certain chapters in the Koran. 
In A.D. 1512, the Portuguese, jealous of the trade and wealth 
of the new emporium, took and sacked it. Thereupon the king 
of Guzarat ordered a fort to be built. But the fort was badly 
constructed and in A.D. 1530 and 1531 the Portuguese ships 
again entered the Tapti and plundered the town. The king of 
Guzarat then resolved to build a castle on the banks of the 

2G2 A History or the Maratha People 

river and entrusted the work to a Turk called Safi Agha. The 
Portuguese bribed him to delay the work. Nevertheless he 
completed it about 1546. It was strongly fortified on the river 
side, and on the land side it was protected by a ditch six feet 
wide, and had a rampart 35 yards wide. In 1573, Akbar con^ 
quered Surat and in the same year made a treaty with the 
Portuguese, who soon became the chief merchants of Surat 
and the masters of the Arabian Sea. But in 1580, an irreparable 
calamity overtook the little country, whose innumerable heroes 
had spread her fame .to the farthest corners of the civilized 
world. Phihjj II inherited the crown of Portugal, and as the 
appanage of the Castilian kings, Portugal shared in their mis- 
fortunes. In 1579, Holland had revolted and soon every 
Portuguese jjossession was either conquered or threatened by 
hardy sailors from the mouth of the Scheldt or from the shores 
of the Zuyder Zee. In 1616, a Dutch merchant, Van den Broeck, 
came to Surat. Two years later the Moghul emperor gave the 
Dutch the right to build there a small permanent settlement, 
known in the parlance of the time as a factory. 

About the same time as the Dutch, came another race from 
the fog-wrapped islands that divide the North Sea from the 
Eastern Atlantic. On December 31, 1600, the EngUsh 
queen Elizabeth granted a charter to a number of London 
merchants, who had associated themselves together under the 
title of the East India Company. In 1612, Mr. Kerridge, in the 
Hoseander, arrived at Surat. He was well received by the 
inhabitants, but was attacked by the Portuguese. The EngHsh 
repulsed the attack, and in 1612 the Emperor Shah Jehai^ gave 
them leave to build a factory. On the heels of the English and 
, the Dutch followed the French. In 1620, the French Admiral 
Beaulieu dropped anchor in the Tapti, anxious to buy Surat 
cloth and sell it to the natives of Sumatra. And in 1 6 12 a French 
factory rose in Surat similar to those built by the English and 
the Dutch. The enterprise of the foreign merchants and the 
shiploads of European commodities which every year they 
brought to the Tapti soon made Surat the richest emporium 
in the Moghul Empire. 

Dharanipur .. 

\ •Chendvad J < 





/3 \ Thana 

BasseinW^alyan , 
> BOMBAY»',P6nvel •Ahmadnagar^ 

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The Moghul War 205 

Shivaji's plan was, as usual, a masterpiece both of daring and 
foresight. He gave out that he intended an attack on the 
Portuguese at Bassein and erected two camps between that 
port and Choul. While he gathered there a large army, his 
chief spy, Bahirji Naik, made his way to Surat and brought 
back a full report of the condition and geography of the town. 
At the same time Shivaji, disguised as a mendicant, explored 
the roads that led from the Northern Konkan through the 
Dharampur State into South Guzarat. He then returned to 
the two camps, and taking from them 4000 picked cavalry, he 
left them again so secretly that none outside his stafi knew of 
his departure. Passing through the territories of the Dharampur 
chief, whom he had won to his cause, he suddenly appeared on 
January 5, 1664, some 10 or 12 miles from Surat. The Governor 
timidly sent a messenger to inquire what Shivaji's intentions 
were. He also called on the Dutch and English merchants 
to assist in the defence of the town.f Both, however, 
refused to do more than defend their own factories. But the 
Dutch sent two messengers to watch the movements of the 
invading army. They were caught and detained, as was the 
Governor's messenger, while Shivaji and his cavalry rapidly 
approached the mud walls of the cit)^ The Governor and the 
garrison made no efforts to man them but v/ithdrew into the 
castle. The inhabitants, deserted by their ruler, took to the 
river boats or fled into the open country. Shivaji then sent a 
message to the Governor, summoning him and Haji Sayad, 
Viraji Bohri and Haji Kasim, the three richest merchants in 
the town, to attend his camp and to ransom Surat ; otherwise 
he would burn it down. J The cowardly Governor refused 
to leave the shelter of the castle walls. So after some time 
had elapsed, Shivaji ordered his troops to plimder the empty 
city. A body of Marathas tried to storm the English factory 
but were gallantly repulsed. The same night a Mr. Anthony 
Smith, unaware of Shivaji's arrival, rode into Surat from Suvali. 

t Dutch account iu \'alLntyn's Lives of the Moghule. 

X English factor's letter in Forrest's Selections, Vol. I, p. 24. 

206 A HisTOKY OF THE Maratha People 

He was seized and taken to the king. Shivaji sent him as a 
messenger to the English and about the same time he sent a 
Greek merchant named Nicholas Kolostra* to the Dutch, to 
demand ransoms for their factories. The Dutch repUed that 
they had no money. The English sent back a haughty refusal 
denouncing Shivaji as a rebel. With the small force that the 
king had at his disposal, he very wisely did not attempt the reduc- 
tion of the two strongholds, defended as they were by resolute 
men and containing little or no treasure. He also received 
kindly a French Capuchin monk named Father Ambroise, 
who bravely went to the Maratha camp and implored the king's 
protection for the members of his flock. But the Marathas 
collected or dug up without interruption the property left 
behind by the rich and timid Surat merchants.f On January 
10, after he had gathered property worth several thousand 
pounds, the king received news that a Moghul army was advan- 
cing to relieve the city. He at once rallied his troops, loaded 
the plunder of Surat on the horses of the unfortunate inhabitants 
and vanishing as swiftly as he had appeared,brought the treasure 
of the great town to store it safely in the fort of Raygad. 

On the return from the Surat expedition, Shivaji heard of 
his father's death. After peace had been made with Shivaji, 
the Bijapur government were free to devote their whole strength 
to the task of stamping out the rebellion of the Doab nobles. A 
number were forced to capitulate. But the chiefs of Bednur and 
of several other places along the Tungabhadra offered a stout 
resistance. At last the Bijapur government directed Shahaji 
to undertake the reduction of the insurgents. The gallant 
old soldier readily complied. He defeated them in a pitched 
battle, and investing Bednur, forced the chief to surrender all his 
lands except Bednur itself and the district round it. Having 
crushed the rebel leader, Shahaji marched along the north bank of 
the Tungabhadra overcoming all resistance. At last he reached 

* Dutch account. 

t Aurangzib was so pleased with the conduct of the Dutch and English 
that he reduced the customs duties payable by them from 3^ to 2 per cent. 
According to Bemier {Travels, pp. 188-9), Shivaji spared the home of a Hindu 
broker because he had been very charitable. 

The Moghul War 207 

the village of Yergatanhalli in Basavapatan and there pitched 
his camp. The country round swarmed with game and Shahaji 
thought that his recent efforts had earned him some relaxation. 
He left his camp for a day's black buck hunting. Having 
wounded a buck, he galloped after it at full speed. As he rode, 
a creeper caught his horse's foreleg. It fell, and Shahaji, thrown 
violently, broke his neck. His attendants galloped up on seeing 
the accident, but life was extinct before they reached their 
master (January, 1664). They at once sent word to his son Vyan- 
koji, who hastened to the Doab from Tanjore, cremated Shahaji's 
body and performed his funeral rites. The Bijapur government 
expressed most handsomely their appreciation * of the dead 
man's services and bestowed his fiefs of Bangalore and Tanjore 
on Vyankoji. When the news reached Shivaji, both he and 
Jijabai were deeply affected. The latter indeed was with 
difiiculty restrained from committing sati.'f And only Shivaji's 
entreaties that she should remain with him a little longer and 
help him in his holy work induced her to alter her resolve. 
Shivaji found a different solace for his grief. He resolved to 
avenge Shahaji's death by attacking the Doab nobles, whose 
rebellion had indirectly caused it.* He sent into the Doab a 
force of cavalry and gmis and levied a large contribution. The 
Bijapur government, to whom the rebels had for several years 
caused continuous trouble, in no way resented the invasion. 
On the contrary they granted the village wherein Shahaji had 
fallen as an inam % to his son. Thither Shivaji went and 
after distributing large sums in charity erected a building over 
the spot where Shahaji had fallen. And for many years lamps 
burnt in it day and night to honour and to comfort the dead 
man's spirit. § 

Shahaji's renown has like Hamilcar's been overshadowed 
by that of his more famous son. Nevertheless the achievements 
neither of Hannibal nor of Shivaji could well have been accom- 
plished but for the work done by their fathers before them. 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

f Ranado, p. 63. 

% Shivaji collected the revenue. Bijapur retained the jurisdiction. 

§ See ktter in Parasnis MSS. The tomb is now in ruins. 

208 A History of the Maratha People 

Hamilcar, from his Sicilian stronghold, first showed his country- 
men that with mobility and good generalship, the Carthaginian 
army could hold its own against the superior discipUne of the 
Koman legion. Shahaji first showed the Deccan that Hindu 
troops under a Hindu leader could with rapid movements and 
local knowledge prove a match for the picked forces of Delhi 
or Bijapur. Indeed, had Shahaji been opposed to only one 
of these two powers, he w^ould most likely have re-established 
the kingdom of Ahmadnagar and have governed it through a 
puppet king. This, however, would have been but a doubtful 
blessing to the Maratha people. Shahaji's kingdom would have 
inherited the Nizam Shahi traditions of cruelty, treachery and 
murder. His failure enabled Shivaji to found a government 
entirely new and, if it be regarded as a whole, singularly free 
from the political crimes which mar the histories of most Indian 
states and which were not infrequent among the early kings 
of Scotland and of England.* 

On Shahaji's death, Shivaji assumed the hereditary title of 
Raja granted by the king of Ahmadnagar to Maloji. He 
established a mint at Raygad to show his complete independence 
of Bijapur and struck, in his own name, both gold and copper 
coins.f He also began to make use of the fleet which he had 
built or collected at Malwan to plunder all ships issuing from the 
imperial ports. Unfortunately some of these were ships filled 
with Mecca pilgrims. This brought on him the wrath of both 
Delhi and Bijapur. A large Bijapur force debouched from 
Panhala and invaded the Konkan. It at first gained some 
successes but was eventually defeated and driven back into 
Bijapur territory. Shivaji, fearing Moghul invasion from the 
north, did not pursue the beaten army. He had recourse to 
his fleet and plundered the whole Bijapur coast as far as Gokama 
and returned to Raygad to await the expected Moghul attack. 

Aurangzib recalled Jaswant Sing of Jodhpur and sent in his 
place Jai Sing, a Rajput veteran who at one time had fought 

* The only royal murder in Maratha History was that of Narayan Rao 
Peshwa by his uncle Raghunath Rao. 

t Shedgavlcar Bakhar. See also Khafi Khan, Elliott and Dowson, Vol. 
Vn, p. 271. 

The Moghul War 209 

for Prince Dara, and Diler Khan, an Afghan soldier of eminent 
merit (March, 1665). Aurangzib entrusted a large army to 
each of the generals and they worked together in perfect harmony. 
Diler Khan invested Purandar while Jai Sing blockaded Sinh- 
gad* and raided with his cavalry the country between it and 
Raj gad. 

Before the present European war, Purandar was a charming 
little hill station. It stood over 4000 feet above the sea and, 
lying well to the east of the Sahyadris, did not suffer from 
such heavy rains as most of the mountain forts of Maharashtra. 
Neat bungalows built by enterprising merchants of Poona could 
be leased at far lower rents than those demanded in more lordly 
Mahableshwar. The presence of a garrison ensured a constant 
supply of stores and a small but pleasant society. A broad 
road 28 miles long took the visitor from Poona over the Sinhgad 
range through Saswad to the foot of Indra's Hill.f Thence 
a wide bridle path enabled him to walk or ride comfortably to 
a narrow plateau some 1300 feet above the plain. A carriage 
road led round the hill, past the barracks and hospital, the 
bungalows and offices. A little church embowered in roses 
gave the English stranger a surprise, so closely did it resemble 
a house of prayer in some far off Surrey village. From the south 
a path climbed 400 feet to the summit of Purandar, whence 
could be seen the entire Saswad plateau. To the north-east 
stood a peak half a mile, as the crow flies, from the top of 
Purandar. It was easily accessible and formed a convenient 
spot for teas or picnic parties. 

In Shivaji's time the ledge on which to-day stand bungalows 
and barracks was the lower fort. On the summit of Purandar 
was the upper fort or citadel. The peak to the north-east was 
knc wn as Rudra Mai or the Rosary of Shiva and formed a separate 
fort. It added nothing to the strength of Purandar. 
But as it completely commanded the lower fort and partly 
commanded the upper fort, it had to be defended. It was 
strongly fortified and long walls enabled the garrison to retire 

* Sabhasad Bakha r. 

t Purandar, as I have said, is another name for Indra. 

210 A History of the Maratha People 

on Purandar, if too hardly pressed. In 1665, Shivaji had 
appointed as commandant of Purandar one Murar Baji, a 
Prabhu and therefore of the same caste as Baji Deshpande, the 
hero of the rearguard action near Vishalgad. He had with him 
a force of 1000 men, but a great number of peasants from the 
surrounding districts had fled to the fort for refuge. A separate 
force garrisoned Rudra Mai. The defenders, animated by 
Murar 's spirit, offered a most stout resistance. Diler Khan, 
however, exploded a mine mider one of the bastions of the 
lower fort and carried it immediately afterwards. The stoiming 
party, led away by their success, attempted in their onset to 
rush the upper fort also. Murar Baji instantly counter-attacked . 
With 700 men he charged down the hill side, killing no less than 
500 Afghan infantry, and drove the besiegers in headlong flight 
to the foot of the hill, where Diler Khan from the back of an 
elephant was watching the attack. The latter with great 
coolness shot Murar Baji through the body. Thereupon, the 
garrison, after a loss of 300 men, retreated to the upper fort. 
Not long afterwards, Diler Khan obtained a further success 
by scaUng Rudra Mai. 

Shivaji now became seriously alarmed. He had long been 
accustomed to consult Bhavani, the patron goddess of his house. 
And lately he had employed one Balaji Abaji, a Prabhu 
refugee from Janjira, to record words which he spoke when, as 
he beUeved, he was inspired by the divinity. On this 
momentous occasion he again asked the advice of Bhavani, 
and passing into a trance spoke as if repeating her instruc- 
tions. Balaji Abaji recorded the divine message. Its 
tenour* was that Jai Sing was a Hindu Prince and that he 
could not be overthrown like Afzul Khan or Shaistekhan. Shi- 
vaji should therefore make terms with him. Though danger 
might await him, yet he should fear nothing, for through it 
all Bhavani would protect him. Shivaji, after waking from the 
trance and consulting with his councillors and his mother, 
resolved to send an envoy to Jai Sing and sue for peace. Shi- 
vaji's conduct on this occasion has been discussed both by 

* Sabluisad Bakhar. 

The Moghul War 211 

Grant Duf£ and by Mr. Ranade. The former has surmised that 
he was actuated by superstition. Mr. Ranade attributes it 
to some deep-laid scheme still undiscovered. The real reason 
was, I think, the following. Shivaji remembered that his 
father Shahaji had separately fought with success both Moghuls 
and Bijapur. Combined they had overthrown him. Shivaji 
had for this reason avoided hostility with Delhi- until he had 
made terms with Bijapur. Trusting in Ali Adil Shah's honour, 
he had then attacked the Moghuls. But as the recent invasion 
of the Konkan showed, the Bijapur king was not to be trusted. 
He was now in league with Aurangzib and was endeavouring 
to recover his lost possessions. Shivaji therefore resolved to 
make peace with the Moghuls, and with their help so to reduce 
the power of Bijapur that never again would its intervention 
against him be of any consequence. 

Shivaji sent messengers to Raja Jai Sing as a brother Hindu, 
asking for terms. But the Rajput chief had no intention of 
being tricked as Sidi Johar had been. He therefore answered 
Shivaji's message with civility but never ceased to press the 
siege of Purandar or to devastate the enemy's possessions. At 
last Shivaji sent to Jai Sing his confidential minister, Raghunath 
Pant, who swore by the most binding oaths that this time 
his master really was in earnest (June 9, 1665). Jai Sing in 
the end believed him and desired that Shivaji should visit him. 
On his part he swore by the sacred tidsi plant that if Shivaji 
did 80, not a hair of his head would be harmed. Shivaji w^as 
at this time at Raygad. On receiving Jai Sing's message he set 
out with 1000 horse.* When he reached Jai Sing's tents, 
the latter sent a clerk with a body of armed Rajputs to inform 
him that if he was serious in his intention to surrender, he should 
enter ; if not, he had better go back as he had come. Shivaji 
assured the clerk that he was really in earnest and the clerk 
conveyed his assurance to Jai Sing. Jai Sing accepted it and 
sent a messenger of suitable rank to receive his visitor. When 

* Grant Duff says that Shivaji was accompanied by a slender retinue. 
But both the Shedgavkar and Sabhasad Bakhars say that he took 1000 men. 
It would have been dangerous to have taken les8. 

212 A History of the Maratha People 

Shivaji entered Jai Sing's tent, the Rajput chief rose and em- 
braced him. He seated Shivaji on his right hand and repeatedly 
promised that he would not only guarantee his safety, but 
would win for him the emperor's pardon and favour. Shivaji 
on his part assured the Rajput that he had no other wish than 
to become an ally of the emperor. After some further conversa- 
tion, it was agreed that Shivaji should at once visit Diler Khan, 
who was still trying hard to take Purandar. Indeed, he had 
lost all patience at the length and difficulties of the siege. He 
had torn off his turban and had sworn not to wear it again 
until the place fell.* Nevertheless, on hearing that Shivaji had 
opened with Jai Sing negotiations to which he had not been 
a party, Diler Khan, so the Marathi chroniclers maintain, flew 
into such a passion that he tore his own wrist with his teeth.f 
He, however, received Shivaji with courtesy and soon fell under 
the charm of his address. Diler Khan presented Shivaji with a 
sword, J which the latter with ready tact at once fastened round 
his waist. The interview closed with an exchange of compliments 
and an immediate truce. Purandar fort was surrendered to 
Diler Khan but the garrison and the refugees were permitted 
to depart. The terms of the peace had still to be considered. 
What Jai Sing demanded was the surrender of all Shivaji's 
recent conquests from the Moghuls, all the territory which 
had once belonged to the Ahmadnagar kingdom, and Shi- 
vaji's homage to the emperor for the rest of his estate. On the 
other hand Shivaji, although not ready to surrender all demanded 
of him, was yet willing to make great sacrifices, provided that 
he might have a free hand against Bijapur. Eventually it was 
agreed that Shivaji should evacuate his recent gains in Moghul 
territory and all the ancient Ahmadnagar forts and districts 
except twelve. Included in his cession were Purandar and 
Sinhgad. He was to retain all his other conquests from Bijapur.§ 
In return for a large sum in cash payable in three instalments, 
he was permitted to collect the cluiuth and sardeshmukhi, that 

* Sabhasad Bakliar. 

■j" Sabhasad Bakhar, SJiedgavkar Bakhar. 

X Khafi Khau. § The sum of money amomited to 40,00,000 pagodas. 

The Moghul War 213 

is to say, a f ourtli plus a tenth share of the government revenue 
of certain territories in Bijapur. Shivaji was in addition to 
assist Jai Sing in reducing Bijapur, and his son Sambhaji 
was to accept a command of 5000 horse in the imperial service. 
These terms were submitted to Aurangzib for approval. 
And the emperor, after some harsh reflections on Shivaji's past 
conduct, graciously condescended to confirm them.* 

*' Aurangzib's letter, Appendix, p. 214. There is great confusion about the 
number of forts surrendered. Grant Duff writes that Shivaji surrendered 20. 
Khafi Khan's number is 23. The Sabhasad, Shedgavkar and Shivdi-gvijaya 
Baklmrs mention that he surrendered 27. All authorities agree that he re- 
tained 12 forts. But there is a slight difference as regards the names between 
Grant Duff and Aurangzib's letter. The chatUh and sardeshmukhi are not 
mentioned by the emperor. He probably did not miderstand their meaning. 
The terms occur in the Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

214 A History of the Maratha People 



After compliments, 

Your present letter, couched in very humble strain, stating that account 
of your interview with Raja Jai Sing had been received. 

We are glad to note that you desire a general pardon for j^our conduct. 
Your wishes had already been communicated to us by your officers, viz., that 
you repent for your past deeds and that you surrender thirty (30) forts to them 
and would retain twelve (12) forts only with the adjoining territory, yielding 
in revenue 1 lakh of pagodas. In addition to these twelve (12) forts which 
formerly belonged to the Nizam Shahi government, you wish to retain another 
tract in the Konkan with a revenue of four (4) lakhs of pagodas, that j'ou have 
taken from the Bijapur government and another tract under Bale Ghat in 
Bijapur territory with a revenue of iive (5) lakhs of pagodas. You want a 
Charter from us to this effect and you agree to pay to us fortj^ (40) lakhs of 
pagodas in annual instalments of three (3) lakhs. 

Our reply is that the policy pursued by you has been so unscrupulous that 
it does not deserve forgiveness. Nevertheless at Raja Jai Sing's recommenda- 
tion we extend to you a general pardon and aUow you to retain, as you wish, 
twelve (12) forts detailed below. 

The adjoining territory has also been granted to you. But out of the nine 
(9) lakhs of territory, that part which is in the Konkan and yields four (4) 
lakhs and is at present in your possession has been annexed to our empire. 
As for the other, with a revenue of five (5) lakhs, it wiU be given you subject 
to two conditions. 

(1) You must recover it from the Bijapur 'government before Bijapur 
falls into our hands. 

(2) You must join Jai Sing with a well-equipped army and discharge the 
imperial work to his satisfaction and pay the stipulated ransom after the 
Bijapur conquest. 

At present a mansah of 5000 horse has been offered to your son. Every 
horseman will have 2 or 3 horses. A dress also has been sent to you. This 
mandate bears our testimony and our seal. 

Details about the forts according to Raja Jai Sing's letter. 


























A.D. 1665 TO 1668 

The folly of whicli the Bijapur king liacl been guilty in breaking 
his treaty with Shivaji now became apparent. Aiirangzib 
regarded Shivaji as little better than a hill bandit, who was 
never likely to be formidable beyond the foothills of the Sahya- 
dris. But the reduction of Bijapur and Golconda was the 
darling wish of his life. It had throughout been the policy 
of the Moghui emperors to destroy the Musulman kingdoms 
which had risen upon the ruin of the Afghan empire. They 
had previously been provinces of Delhi, They had revolted 
when the central power was weak. They should be recovered 
when the central power was once more strong. Akbar, with 
far smaller resources than Aurangzib, had overthrown the 
kingdoms of Guzarat, Khandesh and Bengal. Shah Jehan had 
conquered Ahmadnagar. The conquest of Bijapur and Golconda 
would enable Aurangzib to overrun all southern India, until 
his frontiers everywhere reached the sea. He would then be 
free to guard with the whole strength of the empire the north- 
western passes against the barbarians of Central Asia. 

In spite, therefore, of the aid given by Ali Adil Shah to the 
Moghuls in their attack on Shivaji, Aurangzib ordered Jai 
Sing and Diler Khan at once to invade Bijapur territory and if 
possible to storm the capital. Shivaji, with 2000 horse and 
8000 or 9000 infantry, joined the Moghui army (November, 
1665). Considerable success at first attended the expedition. 
Shivaji attacked Phaltan, the fief of the Nimbalkars, his relatives, 
and soon reduced it as well as the fort of Tathwada about 10 
miles to the south-east. He also made a successful night attack 
on the Bijapur forces in the Konkan. In the meantime, Jai 
Sing and Diler Khan moved on Bijapur itself. They met with 

216 A History of the Maratha People 

no serious resistance until they came to Mangalveda, a strong 
place about 60 miles north of Bijapur. It was gallantly defended 
but fell after a week's siege.* 

Diler Khan and Jai Sing now began to draw their troops 
round Bijapur and to hold high hopes that it would soon capitu- 
late. But Ali Adil Shah rose to the height of the danger. His 
light horse spread out in every direction to invade the Moghul 
territories and to cut the communications of the besiegers. 
He had the wells for miles round Bijapur poisoned and all stores 
and food suppUes likely to fall into Moghul hands destroyed. 
At the same time he appealed to the king of Golconda to send 
him reinforcements. 

Shivaji, after the fall of Phaltan and Tathwada, moved south- 
wards and took a number of minor forts. "While so engaged, 
he received from the emperor a letterf in which he expressed 
his appreciation of Shivaji's gallantry and informed Shivaji 
that he had sent him a jewelleds word. Encouraged by this 
praise and his own recent successes, Shivaji invested Panhala. 
But the investment proved a failure. The garrison inflicted 
on the besiegers such a serious check that they raised the siege 
and fell back upon Vishalgad. While there, Shivaji received 
a second letter from the emperor. In it Aurangzib invited the 
Maratha prince to court, promising him leave to return home 
when he wished. At the same time Aurangzib again expressed 
his appreciation of his recent services and informed Shivaji 
that he had sent him a dress of honour. J 

Shivaji sought the advice of Bhavani, and again the words 
spoken by her through Shivaji's mouth and recorded by Balaji 
Abaji were favourable. Ramdas§ also advised Shivaji to go to 
court and thus to remove all suspicions from Aurangzib's mind, 
Shivaji, after some further consideration, decided that he would 
accept the emperor's invitation. He left his state in the hands 
of his mother Jijabai, Moro Pingle the Peshwa, Nilopant Sondev 
and Annaji Datto. § To Jijabai was also entrusted the care 

* Khafi Khan. 

t Original letter from Aurangzib ; see Appendix A, p. 225. 

% See Appendix B, p. 225. 

§ Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

Shivaji at Agra 217 

of Shivaji's wives and of his second son B-ajaram. Sambhaji 
was to go with his father, and among Shivaji's attendants were 
Raghunathpant Koide, Kadtoji Guzar, Trimbakpant Dabir, 
Hiraji Pharzand, Balaji Abaji, Yesaji Kank and Tanaji Malusare. 
Shivaji took with him also 1000 infantry and 3000 horse. He 
first went to Jai Sing's camp near Bijapur.| The Eajput 
general received him cordially and when bidding him goodbye 
sent with him his own son Eamsing. Jai Sing told Ramsing 
that he had guaranteed Shivaji's safety and that as Ramsing 
valued his father's word, he was to help Shivaji to the utmost if 
he fell into any kind of danger. On the journey north, Shivaji 
was constantly thrown into the young prince's company, 
and long before it had ended, Ramsing was Shivaji's devoted 

Some weeks of travel brought the party to the neigh- 
bourhood of Agra. There Shivaji halted and despatched 
Ramsing to inform the emperor that Shivaji was awaiting his 
pleasure. "When Ramsing returned, he conveyed to Shivaji 
Aurangzib's wish that his guest should at once proceed to court. 
Shivaji had been led by the Raja Jai Sing to expect that an 
officer of high rank would be sent to invite him to Agra. But 
the only officer who accompanied Ramsing on his return was 
one Mukhlis Khan, a court official of little or no standing. 
Nevertheless Shivaji said nothing but started with his escort. 
On reaching Agra he was given an audience (May 12, 1666). J 

t Shedgavkar Bakhar. 

% Grant Duff and Ranade following the Marathi bakhars place the scene 
of Shivaji's detention at Delhi. With the utmost deference to these eminent 
writers, I think that they are wrong. Khafi Khan, who is fairly reliable as 
regards Moghul matters, places the scene at Agra. He is strongly supported 
by the original order of Shivaji in the Parasnis MSS by which he rewarded 
Kashi Trimal and the mother of Krishna ji Vishvanath. It runs as follows : 

" On leaving Agra, we left behind young Sambhaji, under the protection 
of Krishnaji Visvanath. 

The said gentleman had brought him safe to Raygad and his mother and 
Kashi Trimal have accompanied Sambhaji to this place. We have therefore 
been pleased to pass an order to offer fifty thousand rupees as reward for the 

Rs. 25,000 to Kashi Trimal. 
„ 25,000 to the mother of Krishnaji X'islivanath. 

Rs. 50,000" 

218 A History of the Maratha People 

He presented a nazar or offering of Rs. 30,000. The emperor 
then ordered him to take his place among commanders of 5000 
horse. This was a deUberate insult. Shivaji had recently 
taken the field with 10,000 men and commands of 5000 horse 
had already been conferred on his son Sambhaji and on his 
subordinate Netoji Palkar. The Maratha prince saw that he 
was being maliciously flouted and, unable to control himself, 
turned to Ramsing and spoke frankly his resentment. The 
young Raj j)ut did his best to pacify him but in vain. Aurangzib, 
who had no doubt hoped for some such incident, at once took 
advantage of it. He dismissed Shivaji without ceremony or 
return presents. He ordered him to be conducted to a house 
prepared for him near the Taj Mahal outside the city and to be 
informed that the emperor had reported Shivaji's conduct to 
Jai Sing. Until Jai Sing's reply arrived, he was not to present 
himself at court. Shivaji's son Sambhaji, however, should 
do so, but as a retainer of Ramsing. After Shivaji had reached 
his house, a strong guard under a Musulman officer named 
Polad Khan* was placed round it. 

Shivaji was now in imminent peril. Any attempt to escape 
would give the emperor the desired excuse to behead him. On 
the other hand, if Shivaji made no such attempt, he would 
probably remain a state prisoner for the rest of his life. Shivaji 
first resolved to appeal to Aurangzib's honour. He sent Raghu- 
nathpant Korde with a petition to the emperor. Therein he 
reminded Aurangzib of the safe conduct promised him and of 
the assurances of Raja Jai Sing. In return for freedom Shivaji 
undertook to assist in the conquest either of Golconda or Bijapur. 
Raghunathpant Korde was given an audience and supported 
his master's letter with such eloquence as he could himself 
command. But a certain Jaffar Khan, whose wife was 
Shaistekhan's sister and who was therefore connected by 
marriage with the emperor's family, had in the interval made 
every endeavour to poison Aurangzib's mind against Shivaji 
by distorted stories of his encounters with Afzul Khan and 
Shaistekhan. Aurangzib dismissed Raghunathpant Korde with 

* He was a kotwal of Agra. 

Shivaji at Agra 219 

the cold answer that the matter would receive consideration. 
With a heavy heart Eaghunathpant repeated the reply to his 
imprisoned master. The latter then wrote to his friend Eamsing 
and begged him to intervene on his behalf.* Kamsing gene- 
rously undertook the dangerous duty but met with no better 
success. The emperor told the Eajput that the matter was no 
longer any concern of hisf. Eventually Aurangzib sent a 
messenger to Shivaji to say that he could return to the Deccan, 
provided he left behind him his son Sambhaji as a hostage. 
Had Shivaji accepted this condition, he would have had either 
to^ sacrifice his eldest son, or to betray his countrymen. He 
declined it and began at once to consider all possible methods 
of escape. The same night he saw in a dream Bhavani, who, so 
he fancied, told him that he need fear nothing. f She would 
provide not only for his safety but for that of his son. Comforted 
by this vision, Shivaji's resourceful mind soon evolved a plan 
which for ingenuity and daring has rarely been equalled. In 
pursuance of it, he sent a further petition to Aurangzib, in which 
he begged that he might at least send his troops back to the 
Deccan. The emperor was only too glad to consent to a proposal 
which robbed Shivaji of his only protectors. And if he felt 
any suspicions, they were skilfully soothed by Shivaji's conduct. 
After his troops had departed, Shivaji repeatedly said to Polad 
Khan that he now no longer wished to depart. The emperor 
provided for his comfort on a liberal scale. His residence at 
Agra enabled him to save money, and if he could obtain the 
emperor's leave he would send for his wives and mother to Agra 
also. These words were reported to Aurangzib by Polad Khan 
and the emperor smiled indulgently at what he deemed the petty 
avarice and mean spirit of the Deccan chief. Shivaji next 
asked leave to send his friends in Agra sweetmeats and choice 
dishes prepared in the Deccan manner. J The leave was given 
and Shivaji's friends gladly received the presents and sent him 
similar gifts in return. Shivaji sent further presents and received 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 
t Sabhasad Bakhar. 
X Khafi Khan, 

220 A History of the Maratha People 

further return gifts. Thus hardly a day passed without a stream 
of wicker-work baskets passing into or going out of the prisoner's 
door. At first Polad Khan had them all carefully examined. 
But gradually his vigilance relaxed and the guards daily let the 
baskets pass without troubling to examine them. Suddenly 
Shivaji announced himself ill. He complained of acute pain 
in the liver and spleen. He sent for the best doctors in Agra 
and they prescribed for him various remedies. At first they 
seemed to do the patient but little good. Butr in a few days 
Shivaji declared himself better and ordered that m.ore baskets 
of sweetmeats should be prepared and sent to his friends, that 
they might rejoice with him at his recovery. He also bought 
three horses,* which he sent with some of his attendants along 
the Mathura road. They were, he gave out, to be given as pre- 
sents to the Brahmans there, whose prayers to Krishna had 
won his recovery. That evening Shivaji and his son got each 
into a sweetmeat basket and their remaining followers, dis- 
guised as porters, carried them out. One only of his retinue, 
the faithful Hiraji Pharzand stayed behind.f He entered 
Shivaji's bed, and covered his head with muslin, but left exposed 
one of his hands upon which Shivaji had placed his own signet 

Next morning Shivaji did not rise, and as there seemed 
a strange stillness about the house the guards entered it. They 
saw, so they thought, Shivaji lying on his bed ill with fever, 
while a boy massaged his legs. They went away satisfied that 
Shivaji had had a relapse. In the meantime Shivaji, Sambhaji 
and their attendants had made their way to the spot where 
the horses awaited them, and had ridden as fast as possible 
to Mathura. There they changed their dresses and assumed the 
garb of religious mendicants, with whom Mathura is at all times 
crowded. They sought shelter of three brothers Aimaji, Kashiji, 
and Visaji Trimal, who were brothers by marriage of Moro 
Pingle, Shivaji's Peshwa. They willingly agreed to take the 
fugitives to their house until such time as it might be convenient 
for them to continue their flight. By now, however, Shivaji's 

* Khafi Khan. -j- Sabhasad Bakhar. 

Shiyaji at Agra 221 

escape had become known. About midday Hiraji Pliarzand 
had left Shivaji's bed, had dressed himself and, on the pretext 
of going shopping, had left the house with the boy who had 
massaged his legs. They went to Ramsing's dwelHng, informed 
him of what had happened and then started on foot to return to 
the Deccan.* Shivaji's house was now completely deserted 
and when the guards paid it another visit to satisfy themselves 
that he still lay on the cot, they found it empty. Polad Khan 
reported the escape to Aurangzib, who instantly sent orders to 
local officers everywhere to search for the missing prince. Once 
in Mathura he was all but caught. A Brahman priest overheard 
Shivaji,! as he sat with his companions on the banks of the 
Jamna, discuss with them the various roads that led to the 
Deccan and give them instructions as regards present expen- 
diture. The priest addressed the little group, observing that 
their talk was strangely out of keeping with their ascetic dress. 
Fortunately a friendly priest named Krishnaji Vishvanath, 
whom the three brothers had won to Shivaji's service, silenced 
the curious c^uestioner with a handsome present. And he, too, 
became a devoted adherent of the prince. 

The emperor failing to find Shivaji elsewhere had given 
orders that a close search should be made for him among the 
mendicants of Mathura. For the garb of the mendicant has 
always been, and still is, the favourite disguise of the fugitive, 
whether criminal or political. It was, therefore, necessary for 
Shivaji to leave Mathura. But Sambhaji was too young to 
stand the fatigues of the journey. His presence, also, would 
add to the risk of detection. Shivaji left him behind with 
Krishnaji Vishvanath's mother. J He himself, with Krishnaji 
as his guide, started on his homeward journey. It was 
unsafe to take a direct route. So Shivaji and his guide 
made for Benares and went through the usual routine of 
worship followed by pilgrims to that famous shrine. From 
Benares tl^ey went to Allahabad and Gaya and thence to 

* Sabhasad Bakhar. 
I Shivdigvijaya Bakhnr. 
% See Shivaji's letter ayite. 

222 A History of the Maratha People 

Bengal.* Then they turned back and journeyed to Indore. From 
Indore they went southwards until at last they came to a village 
which Shivaji's troops, enraged at his detention, had recently 
raided and sacked. They asked shelter of a farmer. He had 
suffered with the other villagers and had lost his crops and live 
stock. Nevertheless he shared what he had with the travel-worn 
mendicants. Next morning they left him and a few days 
later they were in Poona. It was free from Moghul troops. So 
Shivaji threw off his disguise and publicly announced his return. 
The welcome which he received resembled that which six years 
before had awaited Charles II when he landed at Dover. The 
guns in every fortress of the Sahyadris boomed greeting to the 
well-loved leader. The common soldiers went mad with delight. 
The officers hastened in thousands to pay their respects and to 
hear from Shivaji's own lips his romantic story. From Poona, 
Shivaji rode in state to Raygad (December, 1666). There his 
mother clasped him to her bosom and resigned back to him the 
power entrusted to her and the other regents when he left for 
Agra. One thing was wanting to the joy of Jijabai and her son. 
Sambhaji was still exposed to danger. But not many weeks 
passed before he too reached home safe and well. After securely 
guiding Shivaji to Poona, Krishna ji Vishvanath returned to 
Mathura. Then taking with him his mother, Kashiji Trimal 
and Sambhaji, he once again began the long journey to Poona. 
The party journeyed without incident until they reached Ujjain. 
There a Musulman officer suspected that the handsome, highbred 
lad might be Sambhaji and addressed him. He was baffled by 
Kashiji's coolness and devotion. " The boy," he said, "is my 
son. But a short time ago my mother, my wife, my son and 
I started together on a pilgrimage to Allahabad. My mother 
died on the way, my wife fell ill at Allahabad and died also. 
I am now taking my orphan son back to my own village." " In 
that case," retorted the Musulman, " you will have no objection 
to eat with your son of the same plate." Although for a Brahman 
to eat with a Maratha, no matter how highly born, was to break 
the caste law and to incur a costly penance, Kashiji did not 
hesitat-e. He and Sambhaji shared the same dish. And the 

* Shifdigvijaya Bakhar. 

Shivaji at Agra 223 

Musulman officer, satisfied with the test, let the prisoner go. 
The party continued on foot as far as Rakshasabhuvan, a village 
on the banks of the Godavari. There they hired horses and 
rode with all speed to Raygad. Shivaji, overjoyed at his son's 
return, gave to each of the three brothers the title of Vishvasrao. 
He gave in addition to Kashiji Trimal an order for Rs. 25,000 
and a similar order to Krishnaji Vishvanath's mother. Nor 
did he fail to reward the hospitable villager of Malwa, who, in 
spite of his own misfortunes, had yet extended a welcome to 
two wandering beggars. 

Sambhaji safe, Shivaji was free to take revenge on the Moghuls. 
Their affairs in the Deccan had lately been going none too well. 
All Adil Shah's defence of Bijapur had roused the sympathy 
of the king of Golconda. And in answer to his rival's appeal 
for help, he had sent 6000 cavalry and 25,000 infantry. They, 
with the Bijapur horse, so harassed the besiegers that they were 
soon in a worse j)Hght than the BijajDur garrison. At last Jai 
Sing reported to the emperor that he could no longer continue 
the investment. At the same time he fell back on Dharur and 
awaited orders.* But Shivaji now entered the field. He recap- 
tm'ed the Konkan surrendered by him, and then began to overrun 
the Desh. Jai Sing saw his retreat threatened. He abandoned 
all the forts in the Desh except Lohgad, Sinhgad and Purandar 
and retreated to Aurangabad. The failure of Jai Sing's expedi- 
tion and Ramsing's suspected connivance with Shivaji's escape 
led the emperor to recall him. But the war-worn Rajput did not 
live to regain the capital. Death overtook him at Burhanpur 
as he travelled back to Delhi (July 12, 1667). In place of the 
dead officer Aurangzib re-appointed his son. Prince Muazzim, 
as Governor of the Deccan, and Jaswant Sing, Maharaja of 
Jodhpur, as his second in command. The new viceroy had but 
little capacity and no liking for war. Jaswant Sing had made 
Shivaji's acquaintance at Delhi, and like all those who passed 
under the wand of the magician, became the prince's enthusiastic 
admirer. Shivaji on his part was wilUng to make peace provided 

* Khafi Khan. 

224 A History of the Maratha People 

that liis old possessions were restored to him and that, as before, 
he was given a free hand against Bijapur. A treaty ensued 
very favourable to the Maratha leader (A.D. 1668). The enaperor 
conferred on him the title of Eaja, thus confirming the honour 
granted to Maloji by the Ahmadnagar king, and continued 
the mansah or command of 5000 horse to Sambhaji. He re- 
stored to Shivaji his father's old fief of Poona, Chakan and 
Supa,* and the neighbouring forts except Sinhgadand Purandar. 
In lieu of his other claims on the old Ahmadnagar kingdom, 
Shivaji received a fief in Eerar and, so it would seem, was 
allowed to retain the Konkan which he had recently reconcjuered, 
Shivaji on the other hand undertook to aid the Moghuls in a fresh 
attack upon Bijapur. In pursuance of their agreement Shivaji 
sent a fine body of horse under Kadtoji Guzar, now ennobled 
by the title Prataprao Guzar,! to join Prince Muazzim's army 
at Aurangabad. It does not, however, appear to have seen 
service. The Bijapur king, although he had forced Jai Sing 
to raise the siege, was heartily sick of the war, and with Shivaji 
once more an ally of the emperor, could hardly hope to repeat 
his recent successes. He sued for peace and obtained it by 
giving up the fort of Sholapur and other territory yielding 
180,000 pagodas. But he had also to satisfy the claims of 
Shivaji to sardeshmukhi and cliaiith which had been granted 
to him by Aurangzib in their first treaty. Ali Adii Shah 
commuted them for payment of 3| lakhs of rupees. Shivaji was 
now more powerful than he had ever been. For a whole year 
he remained at peace with his neighbours and absorbed in the 
task of restoring order to his kingdom. Nor did he provoke 
the war that afterwards broke out. The cause was the fresh 
treachery of Aurangzib. 

* Ranade, p. 108. See also Aurangzib's original letter. Appendix C, p. 225. 

I Shivaji at this period reduced Netoji Palkar and appointed Kadtoji 

Guzar as the commander of his cavalry. The reason is obscure. The Sabhasad 

Bakhar, p. 57, says the king, finding fault with him (Netoji Palkar) for not 

javing attended his call in time, removed him from his office as Sarnobat 

cavalry commander). 

A History of the Maratha People 225 



August, 1665 

After compliments. 

You are at present with your forces in the imperial camp. You reduced the 
forts of Phaltan and Tathwada which had belonged to the Bijapur govern- 
ment and you led the forces in the night attack in the Konkan, where the 
enemy had pitched his camp. 

This we learn from Raja Jai Sing's letter and it is the cause of our warm 

In recognition of your services a handsome dress and a pretty little jewelled 
sword are sent you. You will like it and the more hereafter you exert yourself 
in this campaign the greater will be our regard for you. 



March 5, 1666 

After compliments. 

Your letter sent to us together with Mirza Raja Jai Sing's opinion has been 
favourably considered by us. 

We have a great regard for you and therefore desire you to come here quickly 
and without further loss of time. 

When we grant you audience we shall receive you with great hospitality 
and soon grant you leave to return. A present of a dress has been sent you, 
which you wiU accept. 



February 24, 1668 

After compliments, 

We hold you in high esteem. On hearing the contents of your letter we have 
dignified you with the title of Raja. You will receive this distinction and show 
greater capacity for work. Your wishes will then be fulfilled. 

You have spoken to us about your achievements. Everything will be set 
right. Be free from anxiety and understand that you are in favour. 



A. D. 1668 TO 1672 

AuRANGZiB, whose besetting sin was mistrust of his 
subordinates, refused them his confidence either in war or in 
peace. He had never given Diler Khan or Raja Jai Sing 
sufl&cient troops either to destroy Shivaji or to take Bijapur. 
And now that Prince Muazzim and Shivaji Uved on amicable 
terms, the jealous emperor came to suspect that they were 
plotting his overthrow. The suspicion had no foundation. 
Prince Muazzim hated war and Shivaji had no wish to attack 
the Moghuls until he had secured his southern frontier from 
the assaults of Bijapur. Nevertheless Aurangzib sent Prince 
Muazzim an order directing him to seize at once the persons of 
Shivaji and Prataprao Guzar. Prince Muazzim, before the 
order arrived, heard of it from his confidential agent at Delhi. 
He sent for Niraji Ravji, Shivaji's legate at Aurangabad, and 
advised him to leave with Prataprao Guzar before the order 
came. Niraji Ravji at once conveyed the warning to Pratap- 
rao Guzar, and the same night the latter led his contingent 
out of Aurangabad and by forced marches reached Raygad in 
a few days. When the official letter of the emperor arrived, 
Prince Muazzim was with perfect truth able to answer 
that it was impossible to seize either Shivaji or Prataprao 
Guzar, as there was no longer a single Maratha at Aurangabad. 
Shivaji could hardly have been otherwise than angry at the 
news conveyed to him by Prataprao Guzar, but he concealed 
his anger under a show of satisfaction. " The Moghuls," he 
said laughing, " have maintained my cavalry for two years 
at their own expense. I shall now show them how much my 
horses have profited by their care."* 
* Rhedgavkar Bakhar. 


The Moghul garrisons at Sinhgad and Purandar had long 
been an eyesore to Shivaji and to his mother. The recent treach- 
ery of Aurangzib showed him that it was impossible to remain 
at peace with the Moghuls. He therefore resolved to reduce 
the two great forts without further delay. A lively ballad* 
has preserved a fantastic but most interesting account of the 
attack on Sinhgad. One Monday morning, according to the 
ballad writer, Shivaji was at Raygad.f His mother Jijabai 
was at Pratapgad. The latter was combing her hair with an 
ivory comb. As she looked eastwards, her eyes fell on Sinhgad. 
It was shining in the sun like a new-laid egg. The sight goaded 
her to fury. She told one of her servants to ride to Raygad and 
call Shivaji to her, even if he had to get up from his dinner 
without washing his hands. Shivaji at once obeyed his mother's 
summons, donned his armour, took his sword and shield and 
tiger claws, mounted his black mare Krishna and, riding as 
fast as he could to Pratapgad, announced his arrival to Jijabai. 
When they met he asked her the cause of her urgent message. 
She gave him no direct answer, but challenged him to a game 
of dice. Shivaji at first declined, saying that it was not right 
for a son to oppose his mother even in a game. But Jijabai 
overcame his scruples and then prayed to Ehavani for help. 
With the goddess' aid she won the match. Shivaji then begged 
his mother to take as a forfeit any one of the fortresses in his 
possession. She refused them all, but demanded Sinhgad. 

The king protested that the renowned Ude Bhan defended it 
and that it was impregnable. But Jijabai insisted and threatened 
to burn up his kingdom with her curses unless he gave her 
Sinhgad. Shivaji perforce consented and told her to go with 
him to Raj gad. There he spent several hours thinking whom he 
should appoint to capture the fortress. At last the name of 
his old comrade Tanaji Malusare, subhedar of Umrathe, occurred 
to him. He sent a written message to Tanaji, ordering him to 
be present at Raj gad within three days and accompanied by 

* Shalegram Collection, p. 21. The writer was Talsidas Shikhir. 

t In the ballad he is declared to be at Rajgad. But, as the commentator 
rightly observes, the route followed by the messenger shows that he musfc 
have been at Raygad. 

228 A History of the Maratha People 

12,000 men. Tlie messenger found Tanaji engaged in preparing 
for the marriage of his son Kayaba. But the wedding was put 
off and with 12,000 men carrying clubs and sickles Tanaji started 
for Raj gad. As he went, a coppersmith bird flew across his 
path. His uncle Shelar urged him to return as the sight of such 
a bird was an evil omen. But Tanaji laughed at the old man's 
fears and continued his march. As they neared Rajgad, Jijabai 
thought that they were Moghuls and begged Shivaji to fire on 
them. But the king recognised his own banners and guessed 
that the troops were Tanaji's . Shivaji greeted Tanaji warmly. 
But the subhedar, with the freedom of an old friend, scolded 
the king for disturbing him in the middle of his son's marriage 
festivities. Shivaji excused himself, pleading that it was not 
really he but Jijabai who had sent for Tanaji. As her son spoke, 
Jijabai rose. She first thanked Bhavani for Tanaji's coming, 
then waved a lamp round Tanaji's head and cracked her fingers 
on her temple so as to take to herself all his cares.* Tanaji, 
completely won by the queen's acts, took off his turban, placed 
it at her feet, and promised to give her anything she wanted. 
She told him to give her Sinhgad and assured him that if he did 
so, she would regard him as Shivaji's younger brother and her 
own son. Tanaji gladly agreed to go forth on the perilous 
quest. Jijabai gave a feast of which his whole force partook, 
and as they ate, Bhavani herself came and helped to serve 
them. After the feast was over, Jijabai gave to Tanaji's soldiers 
clothes and weapons, and they started for Sinhgad. On reaching 
a spot called Anandi Bari, Tanaji assumed the dress of a village 
headman and stole through the jungle until he reached the 
enemy's outposts. They were Hindus of the Koli caste and 
seized him. He gave out that he was patil, or headman, of 
Sakhara and that he had just met a tiger and had fled to them 
for shelter. This satisfied the Kolis, whose hearts Tanaji soon 
won by presents of betelnut and opium. Lastly he distributed 
pieces of jewellery amongst them and confided to them that he 
was one of Shivaji's nobles and sought information about the 
fort. They readily told him all that they knew and a great deal 

• Ala bala. This is a very common practice among Indian ladies. 


more. Sinhgad, they said, had a perimeter of six miles.* It was 
defended by Ude Bhan and 1800 Pathans and a number of 
Arabs. Ude Bhan was a tremendous warrior. He had no less 
than eighteen wives and ate at each meal one and a half cows, one 
and a half sheep and one and a quarter maunds of rice. He had a 
man-slaying elephant called Chandra vali and a lieutenant called 
Sidi Hillal. The latter had nine wives and ate at each meal one 
sheep, half a cow and half a maund of rice. There were also Ude 
Bhan's twelve sons, all stronger than he himself was. Lastly, the 
Kolis gave Tanaji Malusare a really valuable piece of informa- 
tion, namely that the right side of a cliff known as the Dongri 
Cliff could be escaladed. When Tanaji heard this, he rose, and 
promising handsome gifts to the Kolis if the fort were taken, 
he returned to his men. The same night Tanaji and the army 
went to the gate known as the Kalyan Gate. There Tanaji 
took out of a box Shivaji's famous gliorjpad Yeshwant, which 
had already scaled 27 forts. He smeared its head with red lead, 
put a pearl ornament on its forehead and worshipped it as a god. 
He then tied a cord to its waist and bade it run up the Dongri 
CUff. Half way the ghorpad turned back. Shelar thought 
this an evil omen and urged Tanaji to abandon the enterprise. 
But Tanaji threatened to kill and eat the ghorpad if it did not 
do his bidding. Thereupon Yeshwant climbed to the top of 
the cliff and fastened its claws in the ground. Tanaji then led 
the escalade. With their swords in their teeth, he and fifty 
men after him climbed up the rope. When these had reached 
the summit, so great was the rush of their comrades to chmb 
up also, that the rope broke. The fifty men on the top of the 
fort were now in a desperate position and would have tried to 
jump down its sides. But Tanaji kept his head and bade them 
follow him and surprise the guards. The party crawled to 
the Kalyan gate and noiselessly killed the Arabs guarding it. 
They then crawled to the second gate, where they killed 300 
Pathans, and a third gate where they killed 400 Pathans. One, 
however, escaped and told Ude Bhan. The latter had just 
drunk eighteen cups of wine, had eaten several balls of opium 
* The perimeter is really under two miles. 

230 A History of the Maratha People 

and was about to seek tlie embraces of his wives. In spite of 
the urgency of the occasion, he refused to go himself, but ordered 
that his elephant Chandravali should be sent against the enemy. 
Its mahout gave the monster an incredible quantity of bJiang 
and opium and drove it against Tanaji. The latter, however, 
evaded its charge and springing on its back killed it by cutting 
off its trunk with a single sword stroke. Ude Bhan next sent 
Sidi Hillal to meet the enemy. Sidi Hillal donned his armour, 
and killing his nine wivep,* marked his forehead with their 
blood and then sought out Tanaji. On meeting him Sidi Hillal 
bade him take grass in his mouth, put his sandals on his head, 
and beg for mercy. Tanaji refused, and after warding off 
eighteen successive sword cuts, clove the Sidi open from the 
turban to the navel. Ude Ehan, however, still refused to leave 
his wives. He ordered his twelve sons to go forth to battle. 
But they were no more fortunate than their forerunners. Twelve 
strokes of Tanaji's sword cut them into twenty-four pieces. 
His sons' death at last roused Ude Ehan. He cut down his 
wives just as Sidi Hillal had done and rallying the rest of the 
garrison he went towards the Kalyan Gate. Seeing that the 
storming party only numbered fifty Ude Ehan and his Pathans 
rushed at them. Ude Ehan cut down Tanaji. But Shelar 
avenged his death by instantly killing Ude Ehan. Nevertheless 
the small Maratha force would soon have been overpov7ered, 
had not Ehavani of Pratapgad flung open with her own hand 
the Kalyan Gate, thus enabling Suryaji, Tanaji's brother, and 
the rest of the 12,000 men to enter the fort. The fight 
was then soon over. The garrison was killed. The imperial 
standard was torn down. Shivaji's banner was hoisted 
in its place. Five cannons were fired and some buildings 
set alight to announce to Shivaji that Sinhgad was his. 
Shivaji hastened from Eajgad and mounted the steep path 
that leads up Sinhgad. He entered the fort through the 
Kalyan Gate and rode until he saw the corpse of his 
gallant comrade Tanaji Malusare. As the king stopped to 
gaze at it, his soldiers crowded round him to congratu- 

* He killed his wives to safeguard his honour in case he did not return. 


late him on the capture of the Lion's fort.* But he silenced 
them with a bitter laconism such as Julius would have envied. 
" I have got the Fort," he said, " but I have lost the hon " 
(Feb uary 17, 1670).t 

The fall of Sinhgad was followed by that of Purandar, escaladed 
by Suryaji Malusare ; and between February and June, 1670, 
the Peshwa, aided by Nilopant Sondev and Annaji Datto, 
had removed every trace of the Moghul occupation from Shiva ji's 
tenitories. The king next tried to surprise Shivner, the great 
fort near Junnar. He had been born there and he had long 
desired to win it, that he might thereby secure his northern 
frontier. In this enterprise his good fortune deserted him. 
When the leader of the storming party reached the summit 
of the fort, he was seen by one of the wives of the garrison.J 
She flung a stone at him which knocked him over backwards. 
As he fell he overturned those who followed him. And the 
noise of their fall roused the garrison, who cut the ropes to which 
the storming party clung and thus repulsed the attack with 
heavy loss. 

After this failure Shivaji turned once more to Janjira. He 
took all the bridge-heads which Fatih Khan had established 
on the mainland and drove him and such forces as he still had 
with him back into the island. These defeats weighed heavily 
on Fatih Khan's mind. It was hopeless for him to expect aid 
from Bijapur, separated as it and Janjira were by Shivaji's 
possessions. Shivaji's fleet too was by now more than a match 
for Fatih Khan's ships and, attacked by land and sea, he despaired 
of a successful defence. He therefore opened negotiations with 
Shivaji, offering to surrender Janjira, provided that he and his 
garrison were allowed to go free. Shivaji wished at any cost to 

* "Sinh" means lion and " gad " fort. The Marathi words of Shivaji 
were, " Gad ala, pan Sinh gela." 

I A less romantic but more probable story is to be found in the SabJiasad 
Bakhar. According to the author of that chronicle, Tanaji and his brother 
Suryaji surprised Sinhgad without divine assistance and with a force of only 
a thousand Mawal infantry. The garrison coi.sisted of seven hundred Rajputs, 
who defended themselves gallantly until over five hundred had been killed 
or wounded in the attack. 

X Fryer, Eastern Travels. 

232 A History of the Maratha People 

secure this powerful naval base and lie readily agreed to Fatih 
Khan's terms. But the latter's design was frustrated when on 
the very point of execution. As I have previously related, 
the governors of the island, when it was under the kings of 
Ahmadnagar, were Abyssinian Idnsmen or friends of Malik 
Ambar. Upon its transfer to Bijapur they became Fatih IGian's 
subordinates. Hearing of his treason, they resolved both to 
save Janjira from the infidel and to rid themselves of their 
Afghan superior. Their three leaders were named Sidi Sambal, 
Sidi Yakut and Sidi Khairyat. They suddenly seized Fatih 
Khan and put him in chains. They sent a despatch explaining 
to the Bijapur king their conduct. At the same time they sent 
another despatch to Aurangabad offering in return for aid from 
the Moghul fleet to hold Janjira as a dependency of Delhi. The 
Moghuls gladly consented and the Surat fleet relieved Janjira 
by joining the Sidi's fleet, which thus recovered command of 
the sea. 

It was characteristic of Shivaji that adversity seemed to 
stimulate his mind and that brilliant successes closely followed 
his gravest disasters. During the last six years the town of 
Surat had recovered its prosperity. Yet in spite of the Maratha 
raid of 1664, the Moghul government had taken no steps to 
prevent its repetition. Shivaji resolved to profit by their 
negligence and to make Surat pay for the aid given to Janjira 
by the Moghul fleet that had sailed from the Tapti. On October 1 , 
1670, news reached Surat that a Maratha army 15,000 strong 
had entered Guzarat, and two days later its vanguard was seen 
to approach the mud walls. The inhabitants fled, as before, 
to the surrounding villages and the governor and his garrison 
repeated their former cowardice by at once retiring to the castle. 
The English, Dutch and French merchants got ready to defend 
their factories, and the guards of two seragUos, one maintained 
by Persian and Turkish merchants and another by a fugitive 
prince from Kashgar,* resolutely prepared to protect their 

* This account is taken from the English letter of November 20 preserved 
jn Hedge's Diary, Vol. II, p. 226. The prince of Kashgar is said to have been 
connected with Aurangzib and to have been dethroned by his own son. 


charges. The rest of the city was abandoned as before to 
Maratha plunderers. Shiva ji, however, thought that the 
Kashgar prince's seraglio would be worth capture. As it stood 
close to the French factory, the Marathas made a continued 
attack on both. The French resisted gallantly for some time, 
but learning that the Marathas chiefly desired a passage to the 
prince's harem, they agreed to allow it in return for their own 
safety. Shivaji now attacked the seraglio from all sides until 
dark, but without carrying it. During the night the Kashgar 
prince took fright and fled with his servants, women and 
portable treasure to the castle. But he was forced to leave 
behind a vast store of gold and silver plate and handsome 
furnituie, which next day was taken by the Marathas. A body 
of troops had tried on the previous day to storm the English 
factory, but had been repulsed by the gallantry of the factors 
led by Mr. Streinsham Master. A fresh attempt was made 
by the Marathas on October 4, but again without result. The 
Marathas then proceeded to pillage the town, while the garrison 
did nothing but fire into it from the castle, setting fire to a 
number of houses. On October 5 a Maratha force for a third 
time appeared before the English factory and warned Streinsham 
Master that unless the garrison made their submission by sending 
Shivaji a present, the king ^^ ould consider it incumbent on his 
honour to storm the place. The EngHsh, who had no wish 
to drive the king to extremities, gladly agreed to send him a 
peace offering. The two Englishmen entrusted with it were led to 
Shivaji's tent outside the town. The king received them, accord- 
ing to their own account, with the greatest courtesy. He took 
their hands in his and told them that he regarded the English as 
his best friends and that he would never do them any harm.* 
The same evening Shivaji withdrew his army laden with booty. 
But before he left he sent a letter to the principal merchants, 
in which he informed them that unless they paid him an annual 
tribute of 12 lakhs he would return and burn Surat to the ground. 
At the time of his first raid Shivaji had returned to the Konkan 

* The Company were so pleased with Master's daring and prudence that 
they struck a medal to commemorate the incident. 

234 A History op the Maeatha People 

through Dharampur, This time, confident in the numher of 
his troops, he followed the main road from Surat to Am-angabad, 
which passed by Salher fort and Chandwad town. At Chandwad 
he proposed to leave the main road and return* through the 
Nasik pass to the Konkan. But the news of his raid on Surat and 
of his line of retreat had reached Aurangabad. A body of Moghul 
cavalry under Daud Khan set out to harass his rearguard, while 
a large Moghul army marched to the Sahyadris and blocked the 
Nasik pass. The plan, both well-conceived and well-executed, 
failed through the excellence of Shivaji's information. He sent his 
plunder through other passes in the mountains, and then turning 
with a body of horse on Daud Khan's cavalry overwhelmed it at 
Khadase. Returning swiftly, he charged with his whole army 
the Moghuls who held the Nasik pass and completely routed 
them. He then led his troops and treasure safely to Raygad. 

With the spoil of Surat Shivaji equipped 30,000 fresh troops 
and a powerful fleet. With the latter he made a demonstration 
along the Guzarat coast as far as Broach. The Moghuls, antici- 
pating a raid on Broach similar to that twice made on Surat, 
sent all their available reinforcements into Guzarat. This was 
what Shivaji had desired and he now led an army into Ehandesh. 
The garrisons of the Khandesh towns fought with great courage 
but they were separately defeated. The forts of Aundha, 
Patta, Trimbak and Salher fell and Shivaji laid waste the whole 
of the fertile province as far as Burhanpur on its north-eastern 
frontier. While Shivaji overran Khandesh, Moro Pingle descend- 
ed through the Nasik pass, reduced the Jawhar State and 
exacted contributions from the Kolwan, now the northern part 
of the Thana district (January, 1671). Shivaji then fell back 
upon the Sahyadri Mountains. But as he did so, he made the 
headman of every village undertake to pay him a fourth of the 
revenue as a safeguard against further attack. Thus v/as the 
chauth imposed for the first time on a Moghul province. These 
disasters to the Moghul arms led to a change in the Aurangabad 
government. The emperor recalled Jaswant Sing and in his 
place he sent Mahabat Khan, the veteran ofiicer who had 

* See Sabhasad and Shedgavkar Bakhara and Scott, Deccan, Vol. II, p. 25. 


conquered Daulatabad for the Emperor Shall Jehan, together 
with a new army of 40,000 men. The Moghiils now re-assumed 
the offensive. They at first met with some successes. They 
re-captured Aundha and Patta before the monsoon broke, and 
early in the next year (1672) they invested Salher and cut to 
pieces a body of horse* sent by Moropant Pingle to reinforce 
the garrison. Shivaji ordered Moropant Pingle and Prataprao 
Guzar to proceed in person with all their available troops 
to relieve Salher. Mahabat Khan sent the greater part of his 
army under one Iklas Khan to attack the relieving force as it 
approached the fort. The Marathas were advancing in two 
columns, Prataprao Guzar on the west, and Moropant Pingle 
on the east, of Salher. Iklas Khan tried to prevent their junction 
by throwing himself between them and destroying them one 
after the other. The plan failed. But the Moghuls with the 
utmost courage fought a confused running battle of which the 
result was long doubtful. After twelve hours the superior 
mobility and numbers of the Maratha horse prevailed. They 
joined in the centre, and there holding Iklas Khan, turned both 
his flanks. A last vigorous charge completed the Moghul defeat. 
Only 2000 men, with Iklas Khan and his lieutenant Bahlol 
Khan, escaped from the rout. The rest of the Moghul army, 
about 20,000 strong, either fell on the field or surrendered. 
6000 horses, 125 elephants and a vast spoil of jewels and treasure 
became the prize of the conquerors, j But the gain in prestige 
was greater still. For the first time the Marathas had won a 
pitched battle against a disciplined Moghul army, led by a soldier 
trained in the school of Akbar and Shah Jehan. Deserters from 
Bijapur and Delhi and recruits from all parts of the country 
flocked in thousands to the standard of the king. To continue 
the siege of Salher was now hopeless and Mahabat Khan retired 
with his shattered army behind the bastions of Aurangabad. 

* Sabhasad Bakhar. The Bakhar gives the number ae 1000. Grant 
DufE estimates it at 2000. 

t I have based my account of the battle of Salher on the Sabhasad BakJiar. 
Grant DufV'e account is somewhat different. On Shivaji's side Suryajirao 
Kakde, a distinguif hed soldier, fell To the wounded prisoners Shivaji behaved 
with great humanity. He tended their wounds and, when well, dismissed 
them with presents. 


A.D. 1672 TO 1674 

Aftee Sixty years of miserable servitude to Castile, the Portuguese 
nation rallied round the Duke of Braganza and with French aid 
and their own courage achieved their independence. To secure 
it they entered into a marriage connexion with the royal house 
of Stuart. In 1661, Charles II, who had just won back the 
throne of England, married Princess Catherine of Portugal. 
As a dowry to his daughter, the Portuguese king gave Tangier 
on the north-west coast of Africa and the fort and island of 
Bombay on the west coast of India. To the Lisbon government 
the dowry seemed a small one. Tangier proved a death trap to 
the English soldiers who guarded it. The island of Bombay was 
a low-lying group of rocks off the Konkan coast. Only eleven 
Portuguese families resided there* and seventy " Mosquiteers " 
or armed Indian Police were deemed a sufficient garrison. But 
it formed a magnificent refuge for ships, by affording them a 
shelter from the fury of the south-west monsoon. And the 
Portuguese viceroy, De la Costa, with prophetic truth WTfote 
to his king that the Indian empire would be lost to his nation 
from the day that the English landed on the island. At first, 
it is true, the cession did England but little good and the quarrels 
between the English governor and the Portuguese viceroy as 
to the interpretation of the grant caused Charles II in a fit of 
vexation to transfer on March 27, 1668, Bombay to the East 
India Company. 

Although it was not until 1674 that the wise and chivalrous 
Gerald Aungier transferred the head-quarters of the Company 
from Surat to Bombay, the acquisition of the island drew the 

* See Malabari, Bombay in the Making, p. 93. 

The Crowning of Shivaji 237 

English, almost at once, into the sphere of Indian politics. At 
Surat they had wasted little thought on matters other than 
bills of lading or books of accounts. Even the seizure of their 
factors at Rajapur and Shivaji's two attacks on Surat disturbed 
but for the moment the even tenour of their lives. Now the 
possession of the Bombay harbour with its great advantages 
as a naval base made their alliance desirable both to 
the Moghuls and to Shivaji. Shivaji passed the monsoon 
of 1672 in improving his conquests in the Kolwan and 
in forcing the Koli chiefs to pass treaties and to promise 
contingents when needed. He also demanded tribute from 
the Portuguese settlements at Daman and Salsette. The 
Portuguese refused, and a body of Marathas tried to surprise 
the fort of Ghodbunder on Salsette Island, still a Portuguese 
possession. The Portuguese repulsed them. But the attack 
alarmed the English factors, who began to fortify their new 
acquisition and to beg Shivaji to enter into a treaty with them. 
Shivaji in reply pressed them to join him against Janjira and 
with their ships to help him destroy the Sidi's fleet. The English 
explained that the presence of their factory at Surat forced them 
to keep neutral. Shivaji then bade them return to Rajapur 
and re-establish their settlement there. But the English insisted 
that, before they did so, he should indemnify them for their 
previous losses there. This Shivaji refused to do, and for the 
time the negotiations fell through. 

The disaster of Salher had caused intense irritation to Aurang- 
zib. He at once recalled Mahabat Khan and Prince Muazzim 
and appointed Bahadur Khan Koka, afterwards known as Khan 
Jahan Bahadur, and then governor of Guzarat, to be viceroy 
of the Deccan with Diler Khan as his second in command. 
The new governor soon proved himself quite unfit for the post. 
In spite of Diler Khan's advice, he gave up all offensive opera- 
tions against the Marathas and tried to bar their entrance into 
Khandesh by a chain of blockhouses along the Western Ghats.* 
The Marathas, however, turned aside from Khandesh and overran 

* Scott, Deccan, Vol. II, p. 33. The Persian author gives the names of the 
l)laces where Bahadur Khan built blockhouBes. 

238 A History of the Maratha People 

the country between Ahmadnagar and Aurangabad. The 
viceroy pursued them from place to place, but was always too late 
to catch them. In fact so imbecile was his conduct that Shivaji 
was led to disregard him entirely. And while part of his army 
plundered the Moghul territories, he engaged with the rest in 
a distant and profitable expedition. 

While the English and the Dutch merchants at Surat had 
worked up their trade on business Unes and had thereby made 
considerable profits, the French had not been so successful. 
Their factory, founded in 1642, was equipped on too lavish a 
scale to yield any return. At last M. de la Haye thought that 
an establishment on the Coromandel Coast might bring him more 
profit. Close to the site of modern Madras was the little town of 
St. Thom6. It had once been a Portuguese settlement, but 
in 1669 the king of Golconda had taken it by storm. De la 
Haye raided it from the sea and drove out the Golconda garrison. 
The Golconda king equipped an army and sent it to recover the 
little fort. When his forces were well on the way to the Coro- 
mandel Coast, Shivaji appeared with a large Maratha force at 
the gates of Hyderabad. Resistance was useless and the Gol- 
conda king was obliged to ransom his chief town by the im- 
mediate payment of two million pagodas. Shivaji then returned 
with his usual expedition to Eaygad. In his absence, however, 
another mishap had befallen him at Janjira. 

Sidi Sambal had died shortly after the overthrow of Fatih 
Khan* and been succeeded as governor by Sidi Yakut (A.D. 
1672). The new governor was a man of enterprise and ability and 
his ships constantly captured Maratha vessels and sent the 
heads of their sailors to Aurangabad. Hearing of Shivaji's 
absence, he again asked Bahadur Khan for the aid of the Moghul 
fleet. The latter consented and begged leave of the Englishf to 
let his fleet drop anchor in Bombay so that the Moghul troops 
might land and attack Shivaji's neighbouring possessions. 
The king's agent warned the English that if they consented, 
it would mean war with his master and the certain loss of Bombay. 

• KhafiKhan. 

t Orme, Eietorical Fragments , pp. 30-31. 

The Crowning of Shivaji 239 

The English placed their difficulties before Bahadur Khan 
and informed him that they were but merchants and could not 
take sides with either of the contending governments. The 
Moghuls then pretended to give up their project in disgust. But 
a little time after returning to Surat, they set out for a cruise. 
Suddenly altering their course they entered the port of Danda 
Rajpuri. There they destroyed a number of Shivaji's ships 
and took 200 Maratha sailors. These Sidi Yakut tied to stones 
and flung overboard. He then attacked Danda Rajpuri itself. 
This fortress, which Shivaji had conquered from Fatih Khan, 
was of the utmost value to the garrison of Janjira. Without 
it the garrison ran a great risk of being starved out. With it 
as a bridge-head, they commanded a large stretch of fertile 
country. One night Sidi Yakut sent Sidi Khairyat, his second 
in command, to attack Danda Rajpuri from the land side, 
while he himself led a force in boats to attack it from the sea. 
The commandant was the Ragho Ballal Atre who had killed 
Chandra Rao More at Jaoli. Usually an efficient soldier, he 
allowed his vigilance to relax in the celebration of the Holi.* 
Surprised by Sidi Khairyat's party, he summoned the whole 
garrison to repel it. Sidi Yakut in the meantime swiftly 
climbed the unprotected western wall of the fortress. The garri- 
son, taken between two fires, were overpow^ered and mercilessly 
massacred. Following up this success Sidi Yakut attacked 
six or seven minor forts in the neighbourhood. All but one 
succumbed to the first assault. One held out for a few days in 
hope of succour. At last, greatly distressed and tempted by Sidi 
Yakut's oath that he would spare the garrison, the commandant 
surrendered. Sidi Yakut then did what Shivaji would never 
have done. He broke his w^ord and inhumanly put to death 
every male in the place, whether armed or not. Forcibly 
converting the young women and the children to Islam he 
reduced them to slavery. Only the old women were permitted 
to return to their homes. 

On December 15, 1672, Ali Adil Shah, the king of Bijapur, 
died. Ihe state had suffered greatly during his reign. The 

* Khafi Khan, Elliot and DowBon, Vol. VII, p. 290. 

240 A History of the Mabatha People 

Moghiils had taken all its territories nortli of the Bhima Kiver. 
Shivaji had conquered the Konkan as far south as Phonda and 
the western desh or plateau to the east of the Sahyadris. AH 
Adil Shah had, it is true, reduced a number of petty chiefs, 
who had made themselves independent upon the fall of Vijaya- 
nagar, and had pushed his frontier far to the south. But these 
conquests, in the decaying condition of the central government, 
weakened rather than strengthened its power. Latterly Shivaji 
in return for an annual payment of three lakhs had abstain- 
ed from invasion. But now that Ali Adil Shah, with whom he 
had made the treaty, was dead, the Maratha king held himself 
absolved from his engagements. In this view he was no doubt 
confirmed by his agents' reports of the state of Bijapur, where 
reigned faction and discord. In March, 1673, he collected a 
large force at Vishalgad and retook Panhala, which had been 
in the power of the Bijapur king ever since its capture by Sidi 
Johar. But the main object of the expedition was the plunder 
of the rich town of Hubli to the south-east of Dharwar. During 
the prosperous days of the Bijapur kingdom, Hubli had been 
a great mercantile emporium, and renowned for the manufacture 
of cloth. The English company had stationed a broker there 
in order to buy cloth specially intended for sale in England. 
The Maratha vanguard under Annaji Datto surprised and routed 
the Bijapur garrison and the plunder exceeded even that of 
Surat. From the English depot alone cloth worth nearly 
£3000 was taken, and when the Maratha army had left, the 
Bijapur garrison returning completed the ruin of the town. 
The English demanded compensation, but Shivaji maintained 
that his troops had spared their storehouse and assessed their 
losses at £70 only. The English at Bombay were naturally 
indignant and they soon had an opportunity of putting pressure 
on the king. In May, 1673, the Moghul fleet appeared off 
Bombay and again asked leave of the English to spend the 
monsoon in the harbour. Had the English consented, the 
Moghul fleet would have been in a position to raid any point 
it pleased on Shivaji 's coast. Gerald Aungier brought this to 
Shivaji's notice and pressed for compensation for the raids on 

The Crowning of Shivaji 241 

Kajapur and Hubli. But the damage done to the English at 
Hubli seems not to have been communicated by Annaji 
Datto, the Maratha commander, to his master ; for Shivaji 
maintained to the last that it did not exceed 200 pagodas. He 
declined, therefore, to settle the Hubli claim but promised to 
pay the Rajapur claim, provided that the Enghsh again settled 
at Rajapur. To this they agreed ; but they evaded the Maratha 
king's demand to furnish him with cannon. While thus negotiat- 
ing with Shivaji, Gerald Aungier managed with great dexterity 
not to offend the Moghuls. He allowed four of their frigates 
to take shelter in Bombay harbour, and the rest of the^Moghul 
fleet returned to Surat. 

During the monsoon of 1673,* the Bijapur governor of Karwar, 
the capital of the modern collectorate of Canara, revolted and 
plundered both the Portuguese and the English. This enabled 
the Maratha king to increase the confusion of the wretched 
Bijapur kingdom. He wished, however, to remain for the time 
being at peace with the Moghuls. He, therefore, sent large 
sums of money to Bahadur Khan to ensm'e his neutrality. He 
then attacked Bijapur by land and sea. His navy anchored 
ofE Karwar and landed a strong detachment of Maratha troops. 
They drove out the rebel governor, plundered Ankola and Karwar, 
and compelled the Raja of Bednur to bind himself to pay an 
annual tribute to Shivaji. At the same time a land force operat- 
ing from the Jaoli district surprised Parali, a fort six miles 
south-west of Satara, and c.fterwards took Satara, Chandan, 
Wandan, Pandavgad, Nandgiri, Tathwada, the line of forts be- 
tween Satara and Phaltan captured by Shivaji for Aurangzib 
and restored by him to Bijapur in the treaty of A.D. 1668. 
When the rains had ceased, Shivaji went in person to attack 
Phonda, which blocked his communications with Karwar and 
Ankola. Phonda had been the last refuge of the Savants and 
had again fallen into the hands of Bijapur. It was now stoutly 
defended by a Musulman garrison. While Shivaji was vainly 
trying to overcome their resistance, the Moghul fleet ventured 
out from the Surat harbour. On October 10,* the Sidi entered 

* Orme, Historical Fragments. 

242 A HiSTOEY OF THE Maratha People 

Bombay harbour, and disregarding the protests of Gerald 
Aungier, who drew his supplies from that part of the mainland, 
landed at the mouth of the Eiver Pen and laid waste the adjoining 
country. The Marathas, after expostulating with Aungier 
for allowing the Moghuls to land, first surprised and cut to pieces 
a detachment of Moghuls and afterwards defeated the main 
body in a pitched battle. The Abyssinian then withdrew his 
men and returned to Surat, where he gave so flowery an account 
of his feat of arms that he received a handsome money reward. 
The long defence of Phonda encouraged the Bijapur govern- 
ment to try by a counter-attack to regain Panhala, a most 
valuable bridge-head from which to make raids on Shivaji's 
territory. They ordered Abdul Karim, the viceroy of the 
western province of Bijapur, to advance on Panhala. Shivaji 
at once detached Prataprao Guzar to plunder the country on 
his line of communications. This Prataprao Guzar did so 
successfully that Abdul Karim fell back towards the capital. 
The two armies met at.Umbrani between Miraj and Bijapur. 
Prataprao's cavalry soon turned both of Abdul Karim's flanks. 
By sunset the latter was in so critical a position that he sent an 
envoy to Prataprao Guzar, undertaking to abstain absolutely 
from any hostilities against the Marathas and to permit them 
to plunder his viceroyalty at will, provided they allowed him 
now to retire unmolested. Prataprao Guzar, a gallant and enter- 
prising soldier, but not a diplomat, was fooled by the humble 
promises of his enemy. He should have guessed that it was 
not in Abdul Karim's power to keep them. If ordered to attack 
the Marathas, he would be bound to do so or resign his post. 
Nevertheless Prataprao allowed Abdul Karim and his army to 
escape. Shivaji, on hearing the news, grew extremely angry. 
He censured Prataprao Guzar severely. The latter, in a fit of 
insubordination,* led his cavalry on a raiding expedition through 
the heart of the Aurangabad provinces as far as the frontiers of 
Berar, thus breaking Shivaji's truce with the Moghul viceroy, 
Bahadur Khan. Nor did Abdul Karim keep his compact with 
Prataprao. He had no sooner reached Bijapur, than he recruited 

* ShedgavJcar Bakhar. 

The Crowning of Shivaji 243 

another army and again advanced on Panhala. So serious was 
the danger that Shivaji compounded with the commandant of 
Phonda, and raising the siege returned northwards through the 
Portuguese territories near Goa, plundering them as he went.* 
When Abdul Karim had almost reached Panhala, Prataprao 
Guzar returned from his raid.* The king sent him word that 
he should not show his face at court until he had destroyed 
Abdul Karim's army.f The message reached the Maratha 
general as the battle opened. Once again his temper got the 
mastery of his judgment. He made a headlong charge on Abdul 
Karim's army. The Bijapur troops were more heavily armed 
than the Marathas, whom they repulsed with great slaughter. 
Among those who fell was Prataprao Guzar himself. Abdul 
Karim pushed his advantage vigorously and the main Maratha 
army was soon fleeing wildly towards Panhala. At the most 
critical moment of the battle Hasaji Mohite, the commander of 
5000 horse kept as a reserve, fell on the flank of the Bijapur 
troops as they pressed on in the disorder of victory. Instant- 
ly the fate of the battle changed. The Marathas rallied, and 
inflicting a severe defeat upon Abdul Karim forced him to fall 
back once more on Bijapur. The king heard the news of the 
battle with sorrow. All satisfaction at the success was lost in 
grief at the death of Prataprao. He reviewed the victorious 
army at Chiplun and in its presence referred feelingly to its 
dead commander. He bestowed handsome estates on his 
relatives and chose Prataprao's daughter to be the bride of his 
second son Rajaram, To Mohite, whose skill and daring had 
won the losing battle, the king gave the title of Hambirrao and 
the vacant post of commander-in-chief of the royal cavalry. 

The anomalous position occupied by Shivaji had long exercised 
his mind. He enjoyed the hereditary title of Raja conferred 
on his family by the Ahmadnagar government. But the Nizam 
Sbahi dynasty had long ceased to exist. He had been confirmed 
in the title and created a noble of the Delhi empire. But since 
Aurangzib's last treachery, Shivaji had renounced his fealty 

* Orme, Historical Fragments, 
t Sabhasad Bakhar. 

244 A History of the Maratha People 

to tlie Moghul throne. It was, therefore, impossible to say- 
whence he derived his authority. Nor was this diflSculty merely 
academic. For although the high-spirited Deccan nobles gladly 
followed Shivaji in the field, they were unwilling in private life 
to concede to him any precedence. And at state dinners they 
resented that a Bhosle should sit on a seat raised above those 
assigned to Mohites, and Nimbalkars, Savants and Ghorpades. 
He spoke of the matter to his secretary, Balaji Abaji Chitnis, and 
the latter urged him to take the royal crown from the hands, 
not of a Moghul emperor, but of a Benares priest. The king 
consulted his mother Jijabai, the saintly Eamdas and his 
favourite goddess Bhavani and found them all favourable 
to his secretary's suggestion. The next difficulty was to induce 
a Brahman priest of sufficient standing to leave the banks of the 
Ganges, and undertake the long journey southward. It was 
soon overcome. It so happened that one of the leading Brah- 
mans of Benares, Gaga Bhat by name, was on a visit to Paithan 
on the Godavari, and Balaji Chitnis urged that he should be 
approached on the subject. The king agreed and sent his 
secretary on a confidential mission to Gaga Bhat. The secretary, 
on reaching Paithan, invited the holy stranger to come to Eaygad 
and there crown the king after the manner of the ancient Hindu 
Emperors. Gaga Bhat objected that Shivaji was a Maratha 
and that the ceremonies observed at Ayodhya and Hastinapura 
were reserved for Kshatriya or Eajput kings. Chitnis met the 
objection by obtaining from Eaygad a genealogical tree which 
showed the unbroken descent of Shivaji from Udesing, Maharana 
of Udaipur. Gaga Bhat asked for time to consult his brethren 
on the banks of the Ganges. From them he received a favour- 
able answer and agreed to comply with Shivaji's request. He 
however attached to his consent an important condition. The 
king was no doubt of Eajput origin. But of late years the 
Bhosle family had allowed the Eajput observances to lapse. 
Shivaji must therefore be invested with the sacred thread 
before he was anointed after the manner of the ancient Kshatriya 
kings. To this condition Shivaji consented. He sent a cavalcade 
headed by two saintly men, Bhalchandra Bhat Purchit and 

The Crowning of Shivaji 245 

Somuath Bhat Katre, to lead the liigli priest from Paithan. 
In the meantime he made every preparation to erect at Raygad 
buildings suitable to the tremendous ceremony. No less than 
seven new public rooms and a number of state reception rooms 
were built.* On completion they were consecrated by the 
singing of Vedic hymns, by sacrificial fires and holy 
oblations. Thereafter a new throne was erected in the 
audience hall. Round it were placed wooden figures of Hons, 
tigers and elephants and on its base were carved the 32 
points of the compass that the spectators might learn that the 
whole earth was the destined prey of the Maratha king's 
irresistible armies. 

As Gaga Bhat drew nearer, Shivaji and his ministers rode 
to Satara, where they met the sage in state and accompanied 
him by slow stages to Raygad. On May 21, 1674, the cere- 
monial began. Shivaji passed the day in worshipping the 
various Hindu gods and separately invoked their help to bring 
it to a successful conclasion. Three days later he was invested 
with the sacred thread. He first anointed himself with perfumed 
oil and prostrated himself before his mother. Gaga Bhat then 
flung over his head the silken thread that marks the three 
higher castes and whispered to him the Gayatri mantra- — the 
awful invocation to the Sun-god, which is reserved for their 
ears alone. This rite concluded, it had been intended to amuse 
the spectators by letting water into a little lake recently excavated 
and honoured by the name of Ganga Sagar. A magician struck 
the ground ; the sluice gate in the walls was drawn back and 
the water, as if obedient to the wizard's wand, poured into the 
artificial lake. A rough Mawali soldier, completely deceived 
by the pantomime, fancied that the magician had plotted to 
drown the king. He drew his sword and cut down the unhappy 
mummer. His widow and children rushed to Shivaji for justice 
and he soothed their grief by a grant of land close to Raygad 
valued at Rs. 200 annually. On May 31, 1674, Shivaji, now a 
Rajput beyond all dispute, worshipped Ganpati and implored 

* The account of the coronation is taken from the Shivdigvijaya BalJiar 
nd other manuscripts in the Parasnis collection. 

246 A History of the Maratha People 

that kindly god to bless his coronation. Between May 31 and 
June 6 tlie priests burnt sacrificial fires and purified themselves 
by fast and vigil. The king paid a visit to Pratapgad* and 
bestowed on the temple of his favourite goddess a massive 
gold lamp and other precious gifts. 

On June 6. the day found propitious by the wisest astrologers 
in all India, the coronation was held.f In one of the open court- 
yards was erected a mighty sliamiana or state tent. Inside 
it was a temporary throne raised upon a square dais. At the 
prescribed moment, the ministers appeared in procession leading 
Shivaji, clad in white, to the throne. Behind the king followed 
Jijabai, and behind her came the queens and the wives of the 
high officers of the kingdom. After Shivaji had seated himself, 
Moropant Pingle, the Peshwa, took his stand to the east of the 
throne holding in his hand a gold pot filled with gliee. To 
the south stood Hambirrao Mohite holding a silver vessel filled 
with milk. To the west stood Ramchandra Nilkant with a 
copper vessel filled with curds. To the north stood Raghunath 
Pant with a golden pot of honey in one hand and in the other 
an earthen pot of Ganges water. To the south-east stood 
Annaji Datto, who carried the state umbrella. To the south- 
west was Janardan Pandit, who held a fan. To the north-west 
and north-east Dattaji Pandit and Balaji Pandit pued fly-whisks. 
Ih front of Shivaji, and facing him, stood Balaji Abaji Chitnis, 
the private secretary, and to his left Chimnaji Avaji, the chief 
accountant. One after the other, those ministers who had 
vessels in their hands, sprinkled the contents over the king 
to the accompaniment of sacred hymns. After they had 
resumed their places, a married woman performed the arti 
by flashing a lamp in front of the king's eyes. He then gazed 
at his own reflection in a bronze pot filled with ghee and after- 
wards in a mirror. After a short pause he made some gifts to 
Brahmans, worshipped a small golden image of Vishnu and 
fastened it to his right hand. Lastly, he w^orshipped his sword 
and shield, his bow and his arrows. 

* Fryer, Travels, Vol. I, p. 202. 

t Shivaji's Rajshaka era commences from this day, June 6 ( Jeshta Shudlia 
13, Shake 1596). 



{To face fingf 246.] 

The Crowning of Shivaji 247 

The preliminary ceremonies were now over. The king took 
ofi the white dress in which he had entered the shamiana. 
Sixteen Brahman women and sixteen Brahman girls were placed 
in front of him. They anointed him with perfumed oil, pom'ed 
warm water over his back and shoulders and waved tiny lamps 
around his head. Shi\aji was now pure enough to mount 
the permanent throne in the audience hall. He put on his 
royal robes and covered himself with jewelry. Gaga Bhat 
then stepped forward, and taking him by the hand, led him 
out of the shamiana to the foot of the throne. Over it had 
been placed a tiger skin, a velvet bag stuffed with cotton and 
over it again a piece of transparent muslin. Shivaji knelt 
for a moment in front of the kingly chair and then took his 
seat upon it. Instantly every gun in the fortress boomed a 
royal salute. As the sound reached the neighbouring forts, 
they one after the other fired their homage, until, from Kalyan 
in the north to Savantvadi in the south, every stronghold in 
the Sahyadris had proclaimed the accession of the new Rama- 

After Shivaji had been duly installed, he had himself weighed 
against gold coins.* These he distributed among the Brahmans 
who had flocked to see the great king's coronation. Dresses 
of honour and new titles were conferred on the eight chief 
ministers and the rites ended with an elephant procession round 
Raygad. On the following day Shivaji received an embassy 
from Bombay. The English had never ceased to press their 
claims for losses suffered at Rajapur and Hubli and to ask 
that their rights should be defined by a regular treaty. The 
king had after some delay announced that he would receive 
the embassy at Raygad after his coronation Durbar. Mr. 
Oxenden together with two English factors started from Bombay 
and travelled through Chaul, Ashtami, Nizampur and Gangavli, 
and after an uneventful journey reached Pachad at the foot 
of Raygad. They stayed at Pachad as the king's guests until 
he could receive them, which he did on the day after he was 

* He weighed 16,000 hons or pagodas. His total weight was 140 lbs., 
i.e., 10 stone. 

248 A History of the Maratha People 

crowned. Some twenty requests liad been made by tbe East 
India Company. Of these the most important were :■ — 

(1) The English should be permitted freely to trade in 

the king's dominions on paying an import duty 
of 2|- per cent. 

(2) The English should be permitted to build permanent 

factories at Kajapur, Dabhol, Chaul and Kalyan. 

(3) English coins should be allowed to circulate freely 

throughout the king's territories, 

(4) All English ships wrecked on the king's shores should 

be restored to them. 

(5) The king should compensate the English for their 

losses at Hubli and Kajapur. 
The king received the embassy in state. The Enghshmen 
were permitted to advance to the foot of the throne. There 
Oxenden presented a diamond ring and received in return a 
robe of honour. Some days later, the king approved a treaty 
with the English. He refused to grant any compensation 
for the losses at Hubli but allowed them 10,000 pagodas for 
their losses at Eajapur. All the other requests presented by 
Oxenden were granted. Taking advantage of the king's urba- 
nity, Oxenden ventured to suggest that the Marathas should 
make peace with Janjira.* But his unsought mediation 
was poHtely rejected. As the English ambassadors were return- 
ing homewards, an amusing incident occurred. f The butcher 
who had under Shivaji's orders supplied them with meat begged 
for an audience with them. To obtain it he followed them 
up Raygad Hill. After gazing at the little party for some time 
he explained that he had wished to gratify his eyes by the sight 
of men who had in one month eaten more of his meat than the 
rest of his customers had eaten during years together. 

* Orme, Historical Fragments. 
t Fryer, Travels. 


A.D. 1674 TO 1678 

Shortly after Shivaji's coronation, his mother Jijabai died. 
Throughout his life she had been the counsellor to whom he had 
always turned in cases of doubt or difficulty. To his prayers 
alone she had renounced her resolve to follow, like a high-born 
Maratha lady, her husband through the flames. Possibly 
overfatigued by the excitement of the great ceremonial which 
she had witnessed and in which she had played a part, she was 
suddenly attacked by fever. In two or three days the violence 
of her fever was such that the doctors gave up hope. On the 
fourth day she resigned herself to her approaching fate and 
distributed much of her wealth among the Brahman community, 
especially the Brahman priests of Pratapgad. On the fifth 
day of her illness she died. Her body was burnt at Raygad. 
After the period of mourning* had elapsed her ashes were at 
Shivaji's command conveyed to Allahabad and there cast into 
the confluence of the Ganges and the Jamna. 

The king found solace for his grief in organizing a raid on the 
Portuguese districts round Bassein (1674). He sent Moro 
Pingle with 10,000 men to Kalyan.f Thence Pingle sent to 
the Portuguese a demand for chauth, giving as his reason the 
recent forcible conversion of Hindus to Christianity. The 
Portuguese, unwilling to bring on themselves the wrath of the 
king, seem, without admitting their liability to chauth, to 
have paid a sum of money and averted the danger.* In 1675 
a large body of.Kolis and other irregulars from the Dharampur 
state invaded the Kalyan district. They were no doubt insti- 

* Shivdigvijaya Balchar. 

f Orme, Historical Fragments. 

250 A History op the Maratha People 

gated by the Moghuls, Moro Pingle therefore retaliated by 
retaking the forts of Aundha and Patta in Khandesh. And 
Shivaji made a second attempt to surprise Shivner. It was 
more nearly successful than the first one had been. Three 
hundred Marathas had actually scaled the fort walls. But 
the governor, Abdul Aziz Khan, was a gallant and experienced 
officer. Although he had sent a part of his garrison to defend 
the town of Junnar, he yet managed to save the situation. 
With the remainder of his troops he attacked the storming 
party, captured their rope ladders and drove them into the 
interior of the fort. The next day the few survivors surrendered 
after a gallant resistance. With admirable bravado, Abdul 
Aziz Khan sent them back to Shivaji and invited him with their 
aid to retrieve his fortunes by another assault. The king, 
however, had other aims. He was determined to overcome 
the resistance of the Phonda fort. Raising the siege of Shivner, 
he marched south and invaded the open country round Phaltan, 
which Abdul Karim had recovered, during his advance on 
Pauhala two years before, for its chief the Naik Nimbalkar. 
He then marched into the Konkan to besiege Phonda. But 
as he marched westwards Nimbalkar re-entered Phaltan and 
drove out his garrisons. Shivaji, however, did not turn back. 
He once again sat down before Phonda. The commandant 
had gone to Bijapur during the rainy season. But hearing 
of Shivaji's return he hastened back to defend the fort. This 
he did most gallantly until the following April, when owing 
to the explosion of a mine under his walls he was forced to 
capitulate (1676). Shivaji had now an open road southAvards. 
He marched along the coast and levied large contributions 
from the Raja of Sonda, established several forts to overawe 
the district and again plundered the town of Karwar. 
During his absence Hambirrao Mohite, the new cavalry 
commander-in-chief, had raided the Moghul territories in 
Guzarat, as far as Broach and had after hard fighting 
brought his booty safe to Raygad. On the other hand the 
Sidi of Janjira had made a naval descent upon Shivaji's 
coast line. 

The Great Southern Campaign 251 

The rainy season of 1676 Shivaji spent at Raygad. But 
directly the monsoon had abated he turned his attention to the 
Phaltan country. He again drove out the Naik Nimbalkar 
and built four forts between Tathwada and Panhala, named 
Wardhangad, Bhushangad, Sadashivagad, and Machendragad. 
By this means he made himself permanent master of Nimbalkar's 
country. The fatigue, however, of the recent Konkan campaign 
had been too much even for Shivaji's iron frame. For some 
months he was confined to bed at Satara by intermittent fever 
and so grave was his illness that a baseless rumour spread 
that his son Sambhaji had poisoned him. Yet never had the 
great king's intellect been clearer than during this enforced 
idleness. As he lay in bed he planned an expedition, which 
by its boldness in design and skill in execution sufiiced by itself 
to place Shivaji in the front rank of the world's greatest generals. 

Fully to understand the grandiose character of the king's 
new campaign, we must return to events at Bijapur.* Upon 
the death of Ali Adil Shah, two leading Bijapur nobles struggled 
for power. They were Khavas Khan and Abdul Karim, the 
general who had twice fought battles with Prataprao Guzar. 
Khavas Khan was an Abyssinian and headed the combined 
African and Deccan party. Abdul Karim was an Afghan 
adventurer, who had followed the fortunes of Khan Jehan 
Lodi and had after his death entered the Bijapur service. During 
the reign of Ali Adil Shah, Abdul Karim had been appointed 
viceroy of Miraj, the southern Maratha country and the Konkan. 
Khavas Khan had been appointed regent by the dying king. 
To secure himself in favour he made overtures to Bahadur 
Khan the Moghul viceroy of the Deccan. The viceroy gladly 
accepted them and betrothed his second son to Khavas Khan's 
daughter. In return Khavas Khan agreed to hold Bijapur as a 
Moghul fief and to marry the late king's daughter Padshah Bibi 
to one of the emperor's sons. The alliance between the Abyssini- 
an regent and the Moghul viceroy spelt ruin for Abdul Karim 
and the Afghan party of which he was the leader. He therefore 
had recourse to treachery. He affected to desire a reconciliation 

* The following account I have taken from Scott's Deccan, Vol. II. 

252 A History of the Maeatha People 

for the good of tlie common weal and thus induced the slow- 
witted African to visit him at his house at Bijapur. There 
at a private interview Khavas Khan was seized and shortly 
afterwards murdered. The Moghul viceroy, who had reported 
to the emperor his negotiations with Khavas Khan, received 
immediate orders to attack Bijapur and punish Abdul Karim's 
perfidy. Bahadur Khan collected his troops near Sholapur. 
An indecisive battle took place between him and Abdul Karim 
on the banks of the Bhima and both armies entrenched them- 
selves. But during the night some Bijapur troops rushed the 
imperial camp and inflicted such loss that Bahadur Khan re- 
treated to the north of the Bhima. There he received reinforce- 
ments and began to resume the offensive. In the meantime, 
however, Diler Khan had joined Bahadur Khan's army and, 
as an Afghan, was favourably disposed towards Abdul Karim. 
The two leaders called a truce and entered into a formal offensive 
and defensive alliance for the subjugation of the Golconda 

That kingdom had also been torn by internal strife. 
The last king, Abdul Kutb Shah, had been completely sub- 
servient to Moghul policy. In 1672 he died and his son-in-law 
Abu Hussein succeeded him. The idleness of Abu Hussein's 
youth had led him into dissipation, and his succession was 
approved by Aurangzib, who looked forward eagerly to the 
disruption of Golconda and its easy conquest by Moghul arms. 
But work and responsibility reclaimed Abu Hussein and, to 
the surprise of Aurangzib, a wise and vigorous king began to 
direct the affairs of Golconda. He soon showed himself hostile 
to the Moghuls and raised two Brahman brothers, Madannapant 
and Akannapant, to the highest posts in the state. His policy 
brought on him the combined hostility of Diler Khan and Abdul 
Karim. But Abu Hussein's ruin would have exposed Shivaji 
to a similar fate. He, therefore, resolved to ally himself to 
Golconda. At the same time his fertile brain conceived another 
and a far more imposing design. He knew the history of the 
Vijayanagar state and the gallant resistance which it had for 
centuries offered to the Musulman invaders. He also had no 

The Great Southern Campaign 253 

illusions as to the precarious tenure by which he held his own 
kingdom, fortunately Aurangzib still regarded him as little 
more than a rebellious zamindar. But the day that the emperor 
considered him a real danger, he would mobihze against the 
king the entire military resources of Hindustan. Nothing 
then would save Shivaji unless he could with his army fall 
back to some refuge in Southern India. Shivaji's design, there- 
fore, was to win a new kingdom which would stretch right 
across Southern India from Bednur to Tanjore. Having won 
it he would guard its northern frontier from Moghul attack by 
a line of forts and extend his conquests as far south as possible. 
He might then defy the armies of Delhi by retreating before 
them, until they were so weakened by their endless line of 
communications that he might attack them in the field with 
some prospect of success.* 

It was necessary that this plan should be concealed from 
the Moghuls. So Shivaji announced that he wished to go 
to Tanjore and recover from his brother Vyankoji his half 
share in Shahaji's jahgir. This fief included Bangalore, Kolar, 
Uscotta and a number of places in Mysore. By taking advan- 
tage of quarrels between the rulers of Tanjore and Madura, 
Shahaji had forced them to pay tribute. And Vyankoji had, 
on succeeding to his father's inheritance, made himself master 
of all Tanjore. In 1675 he moved his capital there from Banga- 
lore. Shivaji now gave out that he was entitled to half of 
Shahaji's inheritance and that if necessary he meant by arms to 
enforce his claims. He could not, however, leave his kingdom 
while the Moghuls were actively hostile. He therefore induced 
the Moghul viceroy Bahadur Khan, whose besetting sin was 
avarice, to accept tribute on behalf of the emperor and a large 
bribe on his own account. He entrusted the general care of the 
kingdom to Moro Pingle and the defence of the southern frontier 
to Annaji Datto. Then, with a force of 70,000 men, he boldly 
marched through Bijapur territory until he reached the borders 
of the Golconda state. The assurances of Bahadur Khan to 

* Ranade, p. 89. This eminent writer was the first to discover the profound 
policy which underlay Shivaji's Carnatic expedition. 

254 A History of the Maratha People 

Abdul Kaiim that Shivaji wished merely to secure his share 
in his father's inheritance were supported by recent events 
in Tanjore. Shahaji's old minister Kaghunathpant Hanmante 
had recently quarrelled with Vyankoji. With the familiarity 
of an old servant he had openly lectured him on his failings 
and had laid stress on the inferiority of his character compared 
with that of his famous brother. Vyankoji resented the lecture 
and rebuked the minister. Hanmante, losing his temper, 
in his turn resigned his office and, threatening that Vyankoji 
would soon regret his conduct, left Tanjore for Hyderabad. 
These circumstances, together with the severe discipline in 
Shivaji's army and the regularity with which he paid for all 
supplies, induced Abdul Karim to allow it to pass through 
Bijapur territory unmolested. When Shivaji reached the 
Golconda frontier, he sent word to Hanmante, begging him 
to convince the king that he meant no harm and to urge on 
him the advantages of an alliance between Abu Hussein and the 
Marathas. Both Hanmante and Madannapant happened to be 
eminent students of Sanskrit metaphysics and their common 
studies enabled Hanmante to secure the ear of Madannapant. 
Through him he obtained an interview with Abu Hussein, whom 
he completely won by the fluency with which he spoke Persian.* 
The Golkonda king sent to Shivaji a form^al invitation to 
Hyderabad. Shivaji accepted it gladly and continued his 
march until twelve miles from Hyderabad. There Madannapant 
and the leading nobles awaited him. After the usual state 
visits, negotiations were begun and after a month the two 
kings contracted an offensive and defensive alliance. Shivaji 
was to guarantee the safety of Golconda in case of aggression 
from Bijapur or Delhi. In return Shivaji was to receive a sum 
of money and a park of artillery and to have a free 
hand against Bijapur and the Hindu chiefs of the south. 
After the treaty had been signed, Shivaji struck his camp 
and headed due south. He crossed the Krishna at its junction 
with the Tungabhadra. There he directed his army to 
march southwards towards Cuddapah, while he visited the 

* Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

The Great Southern Campaign 255 

shrine of Shri Mallikarjun at Parvatam, about 50 miles lower 
down the Krishna. 

The temple is a famous one and stands on a hill overlooking 
the Krishna. There Shivaji fasted for nine days and at last, 
influenced by his penance and devotion, conceived the idea of 
offering his life as a sacrifice to the deity.* From this purpose 
he was dissuaded by a vision of Bhavani, who told him that 
she still had work which he alone could accomplish. Bhavani's 
commands were supported by the advice of Hanmante, who 
urged the king to display his piety in a more practical manner. 
Instead of offering to the shrine a life of priceless value to the 
Maratha nation, let him honour the shrine by building ac- 
commodation for the pilgrims, who at recurring seasons flocked 
there to worship. Shivaji consented. Before leaving Par- 
vatam, he gave a large sum to the priests. Some of it was 
to be distributed among the poor. The rest was to be spent 
in building bathing places and rest houses along the banks of 
the Krishna. Shivaji then visited several other sacred 
spots in the neighbourhood and eventually rejoined his army 
at Cuddapah. His first objective was Jinji,t a fortress to the 
north-west of Pondicherry and destined afterwards to become 
doubly famous from Aurangzib's siege and De Bussy's escalade. 
The country through which Shivaji now marched belonged 
nominally to Bijapur. But owing to the decay of the govern- 
ment, it had passed into the hands of local chiefs, who were 
in no condition to oppose the Maratha army. The only resist- 
ance with which Shivaji met came from a Bijapur officer named 
Sher Khan, who held the important town of Trimali Mahal, 
corrupted by the English into Trinomali (May, 1677). 

With 5000 horse, Sher Khan made a gallant eft'ort to stem 
the invasion. He attacked Shivaji's vanguard. But he was 
routed, enveloped and captured with his entire force. Shivaji 
occupied Trinomali and prepared to besiege Jinji. The fall 
however of Trinomali so dispirited the Bijapur commandant 
Ambar Khan, that he went in person to Shivaji's camp and 

* Sabkasad Bakhar. 

t The Maratha name is Chandi. 

256 A History of the Maratha People 

handed him the keys of the fortress. Ambar Khan's eight 
sons, whom he had left at Jinji, showed a higher sense of duty. 
They did their best to defend their father's charge ; but after 
a vigorous attack their courage gave way. In return for a 
grant of land they capitulated and the king entered Jinji in 

While Shivaji was advancing southwards, he left a part of 
his force to attack Vellore, a large town on the Palar River, some 
fifty miles due north of Jinji. The commandant, being sum- 
moned to surrender, returned an insulting answer and defended 
the town with resolution and success. The fall of Jinji, however, 
enabled Shivaji to return to Vellore. His experienced eyes 
noticed that two hills in the neighbourhood commanded 
the defence of the town.* Posting batteries on the hills, which 
he named Sajara and Gojara, he overcame the commandant's 
resistance, and in September, 1676, Vellore surrendered. Shivaji 
did not await its fall but after erecting his batteries he w^ent 
with his mounted troops to Trivadi, a town some forty miles 
south of Jinji and on the road to Tan j ore. Thence he sent a 
letter to his brother Vyankoji. It recited that ever since their 
father Shahaji's death, his estate had been in the hands of 
Vyankoji to the exclusion of his own rights. He now called 
upon Vyankoji to submit his accounts and hand over half the 
hereditary estate together with mesne profits from the date 
on which it came into his possession. The close however of his 
letter showed that he was unwilling to exact his claims to the 
uttermost. He begged Vyankoji to send to his camp a certain 
Govind Bhat with four other men, whom he named, f to settle 
the dispute amicably. 

It must be admitted that Vyankoji 's case was not without 
its strong points. The estate to which Shivaji laid claims waS 
not an ordinary inheritance. It was a fief granted to Shahaji 
by the Bijapur government and upon Shahaji's death had been 
regranted in its entirety to Vyankoji. Shivaji, however, met this 
argument by pointing out that, although Shahaji's possessions 

* Shivdigvajaya Bakliar. 

t The names of the four other men were Kakajipant, Nilo Naik, Raghunath 
Naik, and Tomaj' Naik^ 

The Great Southern Campaign 257 

were nominally held in fief, he was really an independent ruler. 
Bijapur had in its turn regranted them to Vyankoji. But the 
grant had been made ex parte and Shivaji's case had received no 
hearing. After discussing the matter through his agents, Vyankoji 
decided to visit Shivaji himself, and to try to induce him to see the 
dispute with his eyes. He wrote to his brother of his intention 
and in reply received a cordial invitation to the royal camp. 
Vyankoji thereupon set out for Trivadi, where Shivaji received 
him with every honour. He stayed at the king's camp for 
over two months and the two brothers repeatedly discussed 
Shivaji's claims on his father's inheritance. Shivaji was wiUing 
to compromise the dispute. But Vyankoji, whose understanding 
was narrow, refused to recede from his position that it was 
not undivided property governed by Hindu laws of inheritance, 
but a fief granted to him alone. The king bore his brother's 
obstinacy with exemplary patience. And when the fall of 
Vellore required his presence there, he dismissed Vyankoji 
with the same honours that had greeted his arrival. But that 
Vyankoji should not fancy that the king had abandoned his 
claims, Shivaji a few days later sent him a letter in which he 
restated them and warned his brother that he meant to enforce 
them, unless he made a reasonable compromise with the three 
agents, Shamaji Naik, Konherpant and Shivajipant, whom 
he was sending to Tan j ore. Their arguments fell on deaf 
ears. Shivaji's army had returned to Vellore, and Vyankoji 
may have hoped that the move was the beginning of a retreat 
to Maharashtra. He therefore referred the matter to the 
Bijapur government. It gave an unexpected reply. Far too 
frightened of Shivaji to give him a pretext for a direct attack 
on the capital, it begged Vyankoji to give his elder brother 
all he asked for and let him depart in peace. Vyankoji, dis- 
gusted with the answer, resolved to defend by force what he 
believed to be his by right. In this resolve he was supported 
by the Musulman soldiers who had served Shahaji and had 
continued in Vyankoji's service. Hastily gathering a con- 
siderable force, he sought to surprise a Maratha detachment 
which Hambirrao Mohite commanded not far from the Tanjore 


258 A History of the Maratha People 

frontier. The attack was badly executed and easily repelled. 
In the pursuit a large number of Vyankoji's soldiers were 
slain and the remainder fell back upon Tanjore. In the 
meantime Shivaji, despairing of an amicable settlement to 
the dispute, had taken the most effective means of ending it. 
He invaded all the fiefs which Vyankoji had inherited 
outside Tanjore. Arni, Kolar, Bangalore, Balapur and Sira 
all fell in 1677. 

The defeated Vyankoji could do nothing to help the garrisons 
and after their surrender Shivaji, his communications secure, 
was free to carry out his design and conquer a kingdom that 
stretched from sea to sea (1678). He marched northwards 
from Sira along the banks of the Velavati River, until he reached 
the town of Bellari, a corruption of Belvadi, or the orchard 
of the sacred bel tree. The commandant had attacked one 
of his patrols and had carried off their carts and horses to 
Bellari. The king first attempted to blockade it. But Bellari 
was so well supplied with food that the king resolved to take 
it by assault. He set fire to some houses not far from the fort 
walls, which caused considerable confusion among the out- 
posts. Taking advantage of it, he drove them back on the fort 
with great loss. The commandant, trying to rally his men, 
fell. But his widoAV Savitribai* acted with admirable courage. 
She mounted one of her husband's chargers, checked the fleeing 
garrison and repulsed the Marathas. For twenty-six days of 
hard fighting she kept the great king and his troops at bay. 
On the twenty-seventh day, the Marathas carried by assault 
the main defences and forced the garrison back into the citadel. 
Then only the gallant lady surrendered. Shivaji received 
her with chivalrous courtesy. All the districts south of the 
Tungabhadra now submitted, and Shivaji crossing that river 
near Vijayanagar entered the Doab, the strip of land for which 
the chivalry of Islam and of Vijayanagar had so often fought 
and died. Before advancing further he decided to settle if 
possible his dispute with Vyankoji. 

* Shivdigvijaya BakJmr. The SJiedgavkar Balchar gives her name as 

The Great Southern Campaign 259 

That unhappy prince had been deeply depressed by the 
defeat of his entire army by Hambirrao Mohite's single detach- 
ment. His Hindu officers became mutinous and openly expressed 
their wish to fight under Shivaji's banner. While in this melan- 
choly condition, he received a sharp letter from his brother. In 
it, Shivaji reproached him both with his treachery and with his 
stupidity in taking the advice of his Musulman courtiers. The 
king then restated his case and warned him that unless he at 
once submitted his accounts and peacefully resigned his rights 
to half Shivaji's inheritance, Shivaji would remove him from 
Tanjore by force and give him for his support some lands near 
Panhala, thus reducing him to the state of an ordinary Maratha 
noble in his train. In despair, Vyankoji sought the advice of 
his wife Dipabai. She, with the abiUty and prudence often 
possessed by Maratha ladies, urged him to abase himself before 
Raghunath Hanmante and to obtain his intercession. Vyankoji 
had no alternative but to follow this unpleasant advice. He 
sent a humble letter to Hanmante. At first the latter could not 
resist humiliating his former master. He wrote back that he was 
Shivaji's servant and could not comply with Vyankoji's request. 
The unhappy prince wrote again in even more slavish terms, beg- 
ging Hanmante to return to Tanjore. After the latter's vanity had 
been sufficiently gratified, he consented to visit Vyankoji. The 
prince received him in state, placed him on the throne by his 
side and did all that humility could effect to win his former minis- 
ter's good graces. Hanmante, touched by his master's abasement, 
wrote to Shivaji. He described eloquently the pitiable state of 
Vyankoji and begged Shivaji to show him the consideration due 
from an elder to a younger brother. Now that Vyankoji was 
anxious to be reconciled, it befitted the great king to treat him 
with generosity equal to his power. Shivaji received the letter 
gladly. He replied to Hanmante that with all his heart he 
forgave his brother. Provided Vyankoji entered into an alliance 
with Shivaji, the latter would permit him to retain Tanjore and 
would give him in addition adjacent lands valued at seven lakhs 
a year. The hereditary fiefs in Bangalore and elsewhere he 
would bestow as gifts on his sister-in-law Dipabai, whose adniir- 

260 A History of the Maratha People 

able advice tad influenced her husband. At the same time 
Shivaji wrote to Vyankoji. His words were few and to the point. 
The terms which he had granted to his brother would continue 
only so long as Vyankoji remained a true ally. To ensure that 
he did so, Shivaji imposed on his brother Hanmante as his first 
minister. The alliance offered by Shivaji to Vyankoji was 
worthy both of a brother and of a king. And Vyankoji gladly 
accepted it. The ki ng's line of communications was now perfectly 
safe and he could turn again to the conquest of the Doab. 

The Bijapur government did its utmost to save this last 
fragment torn by it from the Vijayanagar kingdom. The 
governor Yusuf Khan Mayna received strong reinforcements 
and strict orders to hold the Doab at all costs. Agreeably 
to these orders, Yusuf Khan decided to attack Shivaji's troops 
near Torgal, while Nimbalkar, chief of Phaltan, supported the 
governor by a raid into the territory round Panhala. But 
the great king was more than a match for any armies which 
Bijapur, shorn of its strength, could raise. A body of horse* 
under Niloji Katkar attacked and defeated Nimbalkar. 
Hambirrao Mohite, no longer needed at Tanjore, joined the 
king with his detachment. The combined forces won a signal 
victory over Yusuf Khan. Repelling his attack with great 
slaughter, they continued their pursuit until he retired north- 
wards across the Krishna, leaving the entire Doab in the king's 
hands. Shivaji had now successfully concluded his campaign. 
With two enemies, one on either flank, and a doubtful ally on his 
line of communications, he had crossed India from west to east 
and back again from east to west. In the course of eighteen 
months, at a distance of 700 miles from his base, he had con- 
quered a territory as large as his former kingdom. While a single 
reverse would have been fatal, he had not suffered even a single 
check. Victory had succeeded victory ; town had fallen after town. 
As he went, he organized his conquests ; and when he returned 
to Raygad, as he now did, his new possessions were securely bound 
together from sea to sea, by a line of fortified strongholds held 
by garrisons brave to the death and devoted to his cause. 

* Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 285. 


A.D. 1678 TO 1680 

In spite of Shivaji's presents to Bahadur Khan, the Moghuls 
had not remained idle during the great king's southern 
campaign. Diler Khan and Abdul Karim disapproved of the 
truce with the Marathas. The latter had allied themselves 
to the Golconda king, whose destruction Diler Khan and Abdul 
Karim had planned. Indeed Shivaji was actually plundering 
Bijapur territory. The two Afghan chiefs pressed their views 
on the emperor and urged him to sanction an attack by them 
upon Golconda as Shivaji's ally. The fall of Golconda would 
cut the communications of Shivaji and stop his supplies. He 
might then be overtaken and defeated. The emperor, con- 
vinced of Bahadur Khan's treachery and incapacity, recalled 
him to Delhi. In his place the emperor appointed Diler Khan 
as Moghul viceroy. He and Abdul Karim now united their 
forces at Gulbarga and attacked Malkhed, the frontier fortress 
of Golconda (A.D. 1677). After a defence long enough to 
enable the Golconda troops to march towards their relief, the 
garrison evacuated Malkhed and joined the main army. The 
Golconda forces, reorganized by Abu Hussein and his two 
Brahman ministers Madannapant and Akannapant, soon proved 
their metal. They successfully resisted Diler Khan's attack 
until the monsoon of 1677 burst. The rains fell with unusual 
force. The supplies in the Moghul camp rotted and the activity 
of the Golconda cavalry prevented their renewal. The Moghul 
troops maintained their discipline. But the troops of Bijapur, 
long unpaid, lost heart. They deserted in such large numbers 
that the Bijapur army soon ceased to exist. Abdul Karim 
fell ill and Diler Khan, unable single-handed to cope with Abu 

262 A History of the Maeatha People 

Hussein's army, decided to retreat to Gulbarga. He first asked 
for and obtained an armistice from Abu Hussein, promising 
bim to grant peace. He really intended to obtain reinforce- 
ments from Gulbarga and renew tbe attack. Abu Hussein 
first allowed him to retire unmolested but, learning bis treachery 
from deserters, he overtook Diler Khan and with continued 
fury attacked his rearguard. After a most arduous retreat of 
twelve days, in which the Moghul army suffered immense losses, 
Diler Khan reached the shelter of Gulbarga. There the valour 
of the Rajput contingent enabled the army to rally and Abu 
Hussein fell back within his own frontiers. Abdul Karim never 
recovered from his illness. An empty treasury and a phantom 
army made it impossible for him either to avenge his recent 
defeat or to remain regent. Diler Khan visited the dying 
man and induced him to resign the regency in favour of an 
Abyssinian leader named Sidi Musaud, who undertook to pay 
the Bijapur army their arrears. Once, however, Sidi Musaud 
had obtained power, he refused the troops their dues. They 
mutinied and besieged the house of Abdul Karim. Death 
released him from his troubles. But the mutineers forced 
their way into his house and plundered his women and his son 
of every thing they possessed. They then entered the service 
either of Diler Khan, who had fallen back on Aurangabad, or 
of Shivaji's Peshwa, Moropant Pingle. 

The emperor was incensed at the result of the last campaign 
and again reduced Diler Khan to the post of second in com- 
mand, reinstating Prince Muazzim as viceroy of the Deccan. 
It was now useless to attack Golconda. But some compensation 
for the late disasters might be extorted from the unhappy state 
of Bijapur. To effect this, Diler Khan received orders to press 
all Afghans still in the service of Bijapur to enrol in the imperial 
service. All who did so Avere to receive their arrears of pay 
and regular salary. His army thus reinforced, Diler Khan was 
at once to march against his unfortunate ally and his capital. 
Diler Khan obeyed Aurangzib's order and detached the Afghans 
who still remained in the service of the minor king, Sikandar 
Adil Shah, He then marched against Bijapur, advancing as a 

The Last Days of the Great King 263 

pretext that lie wished to take away the king's sister Padshah 
Bibi, whom the former regent Khavas Khan had betrothed 
to one of Aurangzib's sons. Sidi Mnsaud Khan, the regent to 
whom Abdul Karim had resigned his oflSce, refused to surrender 
her and in this refusal he was supported by the populace of the 
capital. Diler Khan declared war and marched upon Bijapur, 
In despair Padshah Bibi* resolved, by sacrificing herself, to 
save her country. Accompanied by the court physician 
Shamsuddin and an ample escort, she rode out to meet the 
Moghul general. "j" He received her with all consideration and 
sent her with a body of Moghul horse to the emperor at Delhi. 
Then with shameless inconsistency he continued his advance 
against Bijapur. The spirit of the populace burnt to a white 
heat of fury. So valiant was the defence that Diler Khan 
never succeeded in establishing a blockade. In revenge he 
began to destroy the canals and gardens that stretched for 
some miles outside the city. But the villagers fought like 
veterans and after a fearful slaughter drove Diler Khan back 
for some distance from the city. Large reinforcements, how- 
ever, came from Delhi and Musaud Khan, the regent, turned 
in his despair to Shivaji. In a touching letter he referred to 
the many services which Shahaji had rendered to the late king 
and now implored his son to forget recent animosities and 
remember only ancient friendship. With Shivaji's help, he 
wrote, Bijapur could be saved. Without it Bijapur must 
capitulate and its fall would shortly be followed by that of 

The king had already wished to send help to the 
tottering kingdom. He had so shaken its foundations that it 
could no longer harm him. And he had no desire that its 
treasure should go to strengthen the Delhi government. Issuing 
from the neighbourhood of Panhala, he advanced close to 
Bijapur. There he left a large body of horse to cut the Moghul 
communications. Then with the rest of the troops he crossed 
the Bhima and made his way due north into Khandesh. There 

* Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 189. 
t Scott, Deccan, Vol. II, p. 52. 

264 A History of the Maratha People 

he plundered Dharangaon and Chopra, two towns to the north 
of Aurangabad and between it and Burhanpur. He hoped by 
severing the connection between Aurangabad and Delhi to in- 
duce Prince Muazzim to recall Diler Khan's army from Bijapur. 
He then turned south-east and attacked Jalna, a prosperous 
town to the east of Aurangabad. Jalna was barely more than 
50 miles from the Moghul capital of the Deccan. There Shivaji 
remained for three days. Every act that might rouse the 
prince to fury he committed. But no act could sting the heavy, 
thick-skinned prince to action. He waited until Shivaji loaded 
his booty in carts ^nd began his return journey. Then he sent 
10,000 men under one Ranmast Khan to harass Shivaji's retire- 
ment. The Musulman officer did his duty with skill and courage. 
He overtook Shivaji near Sangamner and fought with him a 
drawn battle until darkness fell. Next morning Shivaji made 
a counter-attack. Although outnumbered, the Musulmans 
fought with great bravery. On the Maratha side Hambirrao 
Mohite fell wounded. On the Moghul side Ranmast Khan 
was unhorsed and taken prisoner. At last the desperate valour 
of the king himself turned the drawn fight into a brilliant victory. 
But the battle was hardly over when another Moghul force 
tried to cut him off from the passes. He received information 
of the Moghul intention from a Maratha ofiicer in the Delhi 
force.* Happily the king's spy Bahirji Naik chanced to be 
with him and he offered to save the royal troops by leading 
them through a passage in the hills known to him alone. The 
king accepted the ofEer and after a long and difiicult march 
brought his army and his booty in safety to Patta in 
Khandesh. V 

This fortress had recently been strengthened by Moro Pingle. 
It was impossible for the Moghuls to take it defended, as it 
now was, not only by a garrison but by Shivaji's whole army. 
They therefore fell back on Aurangabad. Shivaji did not pursue 
them but reduced all the forts near Patta which Bahadur Khan 
had built to guard the passes into Khandesh. He had hardly 
made himself master of these valuable bridge-heads, when he 

* ShedgavJcar Bakhar. 

The Last Days of the Geeat King 265 

received a despairing letter from Musaud Khan.* In it he 
thanked Shivaji for his efforts to cut the Moghul communications. 
In spite however of those efforts, he added, Diler Khan was 
vigorously conducting the siege and had reached the main 
fortifications of the capital. Nothing could save it except 
direct aid from Shivaji. The great king, who in his life never 
betrayed either a woman or a friend, resolved at once to send 
an army to attack the Moghuls outside Bijapur. He placed 
Moro Pingle in command of the infantry and entrusted the 
cavalry to Hambirrao Mohite who had speedily recovered from 
his wound. Shivaji himself returned to Panhala. Before he 
reached it, he learnt that his eldest son Sambhaji had deserted 
to Diler Khan's camp. 

The young prince had all his father's bravery and a large 
share of his ability. But he had been born in the purple 
and had in idleness acquired vices from which his 
father's strenuous life had kept him free. Sambhaji had 
been attracted by the courtly Afghan,"}" whom he seems to 
have met at Aurangabad. He had recently quarrelled with 
his father and had been confined in Panhala. He now broke 
loose and sought a refuge with his Aurangabad acquaintance. 
Directly Shivaji heard of his son's flight he sent Maratha horse 
in pursuit. But Sambhaji managed to get a message through 
to Diler Khan, who sent his own nephew Aklas Khan with a 
strong force to meet him. Sambhaji with their help eluded the 
Maratha horse and was received by Diler Khan with every 
honour. His coming was reported to the emperor, who bestowed 
on him the command of 7000 horse and a riding elephant. 
Diler Khan also bestowed on the prince dresses of honour and 
similar gifts. He then directed him to storm Bhupalgad, 
a fort w^hich Shivaji had taken from the Bijapur king and which 
was situated about half way between the latter's capital and 
Satara. The commandant of Bhupalgad was that Phirangoji 
Narsala who had so gallantly defended Chakan. Phirangoji now 
found himself in a somewhat delicate position. Nevertheless his 

* SJiivdigvijaya BalJiar. 
t Shedgavkar Bakhar. 

266 A History of the Maeatha People 

duty was clear. The king was his master. Sambhaji, although 
Shivaji's son, was a rebel and should have been treated according- 
ly. Phirangoji tried a middle course. He sent to Sambhaji 
'a Brahman agent, who implored the prince not to attack the 
fort. Sambhaji lost his temper, drew his sword and cut down 
the unfortunate agent. The same night the prince drove in 
the outposts of the garrison and appeared at dawn before the 
main defences of Bhupalgad. At this point Phirangoji Narsala 
completely lost his head. He handed over his command to one 
of his subordinates and fled to Panhala to lay his difficulties 
before the king. Deserted by their commandant, the garrison 
still made a gallant defence. But Sambhaji's impetuous attack 
carried everjrthing before it. And long before Shivaji could 
send succour to Bhupalgad the place had fallen. Not 
unnaturally the king was incensed against Phirangoji Narsala, 
to whose indecision and cowardice he ascribed the loss of the 
fortress. He ordered his execution and had him blown to 
pieces from a cannon's mouth. 

In the meantime, however, Aurangzib had changed his 
mind about Sambhaji. * Diler Khan had in a letter recommended 
that the emperor should recognize Sambhaji as king of the 
Marathas. This, he hoped, would create two factions among 
that nation, who would then destroy each other to the emperor's 
profit. Aurangzib at first approved of, but afterwards rejected, 
Diler Khan's recommendation. He conceived the fear that 
Sambhaji, instead of helping the Moghuls, might seduce the 
Hindu officers in the Moghul army to Shivaji's cause. He 
therefore bade Diler Khan arrest Sambhaji and bring him to 
Delhi. Diler Khan, Afghan though he was, would not stoop 
to such treachery. He informed Sambhaji of the emperor's 
orders and advised him to return to his father. To avert 
suspicion Diler Khan openly insulted Sambhaji, reduced his 
troops and left his allowance unpaid. t Sambhaji pretended to 
be much displeased at his treatment and after communicating 
with Shivaji, was helped by Mar at ha agents to escape from 
Diler Khan's camp and return to Panhala. There his father 

* Sabhasad Bal'har. f Shivdigvijaya Bahhar. 

The Last Days of the Great King 267 

received him cordially, but refused Wm a command and confined 
him in the fortress.* 

In the meantime, Hambirrao Mohite and Moro Pingle had 
made their way to the neighbourhood of Bijapur. As they 
went they met some 10,000 Moghul horse, sent under Ranmast 
Khan to reinforce Diler Khan. A long running fight took 
place (1679). In the course of it, Ranmast Khan strove to 
retire to Aurangabad. Before he could reach that city he 
was brought to bay and completely defeated. t This victory 
encouraged Hambirrao Mohite and Moro Pingle to change 
their plans. Moro Pingle with half the army blockaded Auranga- 
bad. Hambirrao Mohite and his cavalry established them- 
selves firmly on Diler Khan's lines of conmiunication. Diler 
Khan was now completely cut off from all help from Aurangabad. 
It was useless to continue the siege of Bijapur. But he would 
not raise it without one last desperate assault. It was repulsed 
with enormous losses. Next day Diler Khan struck his camp 
and retreated northwards. Even so he did not escape from 
his difiiculties. Near the Bhima, Hambirrao Mohite furiously 
attacked the rearguard commanded by Diler Khan in person. 
After cutting in pieces several bodies of Afghan horse, Hambirrao 
drove the rest in confusion back upon the main army, which 
after great hardships succeeded in reaching Aurangabad. 

Bijapur had, for the time being, been saved from Delhi. 
The regent and the nobles celebrated Diler Khan's defeat by a 
series of brilliant festivities. They invited Shivaji to be present. 
The king's practical mind cared little or nothing for their merry- 
making. He knew that without his aid Bijapur must have 
fallen. And he was determined to obtain a full cession of all his 
recent conquests. He therefore demanded as a condition of 
his acceptance that the regent should cede to him the whole 
line of conquered territory from the Krishna River to Tanjore 
and that Vyankoji should no longer be recognized as a feoffee 
of the Bijapur king, but of Shivaji. Musaud KhanJ had no 

* Sabhasad Bakhar. 

t Shivdigvijaya Bakhar, This was not the same Ranmast Khan as the 
one taken prisoner at Sangamner. 
X Shivdigvijaya Bakhar. 

268 A History of the Maratha People 

alternative but to comply. He informed Shivaji that on his 
arrival at Bijapur, a sanad granting all his demands would 
be handed to him by the minor king, Sikandar Adil Shah. 
Upon the receipt of this reply Shivaji went in state to Bijapur. 
His arrival became a triumphal progress. The populace forgot 
the provinces which he had torn from the ancient kingdom. 
They only saw in him the soldier who had saved their beloved 
city from the clutches of the Moghuls. The young king, 
the regent and the courtiers vied with each other in the magni- 
ficence with which they entertained their Maratha guests. But 
Shivaji soon wearied of what he deemed a childish waste of 
time. He longed to return to his own country and to strive 
once again to reduce Janjira (A.D. 1680). 

Although Shivaji had everywhere triumphed on land, he had 
not had similar success at sea. Anxious as he was to remain 
friends with the English, he had for some years looked askance 
at their compliance with the demands of the Moghul fleet. 
In July, 1676, Sidi Kasim, who had succeeded Sidi Sambal 
as admiral of the imperial navy, had entered Bombay harbour 
and had received permission to anchor off Mazagaon.* It 
cannot be denied that such a concession amounted to a breach 
of neutrality. Indeed the English, with their factory at Surat, 
hardly could be really neutral. Shivaji therefore resolved to 
attack and burn the English fleet in Bombay. He ordered 
his admirals Daulat Khan and Darya Sarang to sail thither 
(A.D. 1678). But the monsoon burst earlier than usual and 
the Maratha fleet was forced to take shelter in the Panvel creek 
almost exactly opposite Bombay island. Thence they made 
occasional raids on Portuguese territory. In 1679 Shivaji 
largely increased his fleet and seized two islands, Khanderi 
and Underi, known to the English as Kenery and Henery, 
about 16 miles due south of the island of Bombay. The English 
resented this and on October 15 an action took place between 
the EngUsh fleet and Daulat Khan's vessels. The Marathas 
attacked with great vigour. In a short time an English ship 
named the Dove hauled down its colours and five other English 

* Orme, Historical Fragments. 

The Last Days of the Great King 269 

ships fell out of the line. But a powerful 16 gun frigate named 
the Revenge changed the fortunes of the day. Its guns were 
heavier than any of the Maratha artillery, and, well-handled 
by its commander, Captain Minchin, it sank five Maratha 
ships in succession. Daulat Khan then withdrew to Khanderi. 
On November 10 the Sidi's fleet appeared. It numbered 
two large battle-ships, three three-masted frigates and fifteen 
stout gallivats. On board were 700 excellent soldiers. But 
although the Sidi came ostensibly as an ally of the English, 
he was, if possible, more unwelcome than Daulat Khan. For 
he gave out that he intended to take Khanderi and convert 
it into a Moghul naval base. The English at once tried to open 
negotiations with Shivaji. But the latter was too concerned 
at Sambhaji's defection to answer their message and shortly 
afterwards Sidi Kasim, professing to act on behalf of the English, 
landed on Shivaji's coast and carried off a number of slaves. 
This made all negotiations impossible. The Sidi, emboldened 
by his success, attacked Underi and drove out the Maratha 
garrison. A naval engagement ensued between the Moghul and 
the Maratha fleets. The Maratha sailors fought their ships 
bravely ; but the superior build of the Moghul ships enabled 
Sidi Kasim to win a decisive victory. The Marathas lost several 
vessels and some 500 killed and wounded besides prisoners. 
At last they fled in great disorder back to Rajapur creek. 
Early in March, 1680, the English again opened negotiations 
with Shivaji. He was now free from anxiety as regards 
Sambhaji. Bijapur had been saved. His recent ill success at 
sea had shown him the value of an English alliance. He made 
peace with the English and he agreed that they might, if 
thereto compelled, shelter the Moghul fleet during the monsoon. 
The English on their part undertook to prevent the Sidi from 
using Bombay as a naval base against the Marathas. 

Shivaji at this time had reached the zenith of his power. 
He had freed the bulk of the Marathi-speaking people. By his 
new alliance with Bijapur and Golconda and still more by the 
chain of fortresses which he had built from Bednur to Tanjore, 
he had secured his conquests. Nevertheless he was not without 

270 A History of the Maratha People 

grave anxieties. His eldest wife Saibai was dead and her son 
Sambhaji had shown himself unfit for the throne. His third 
wife Soyarabai, the mother of his second son Eajaram, pressed 
the latter's claims as superior to those of Sambhaji. The 
king, distracted by her importunity, conceived the idea of 
dividing his kingdom between his two sons.* At the same time 
he was grieved by the attitude of Vyankoji, his brother. In 
his first feelings of gratitude, the latter had acted with courtesy 
tow^ards Hanmante.f But the declaration by the Bijapur 
government that Vyankoji was Shivaji's vassel preyed on his 
mind. He refused to see Hanmante or to dispose of any 
administrative work. And gradually he adopted the habits 
of a religious recluse. Hanmante reported Vyankoji's conduct 
to Shivaji, who sent to him an admirable letter. J In it he 
encouraged his brother, urged him to accept his present situation 
and bade him use his army to conquer fresh lands for himself. 

Shortly after writing this letter, Shivaji seems to have had a 
premonition that his end was approaching. He visited Eamdas 
at Parali and spoke to him sadly of the rivalry of Eajaram and 
Sambhaji. The saint bade him do his utmost to reconcile them 
and to pray to the god Eama for guidance. Shivaji then asked 
Eamdas to pardon him for any faults that he might unwittingly 
have committed. Eamdas noticed the gravity with which 
Shivaji spoke and asked him what ailed him. Shivaji embraced 
Eamdas and told him that this was their last meeting. Eamdas 
tried to cheer the king and asked him gently whether such 
thoughts were the fruits of his teaching. Shivaji did not reply, 
but bidding the saint farewell made his way to Eaygad.§ 
On March 28, 1680, after his return from a raiding expedition, || 
a painful swelling appeared on his knee-joint. In spite of 
medical aid it grew^ worse. Fever intervened and after a seven 
days' illness the great king, on April 3, 1680, died at Eaygad. 
His son Sambhaji, deeply affected by the news of his father's 

* Shedgavkar and Sabhasad Bakhars. 

t Shedgavkar BakJmr. 

X Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 294. 

§ Ranidas Charitra. 

II Maasuri L'alamgiri, Elliott and Dowson, Vol. VII., p. 305. 

r:}- «-■"*»*> - .'»*>;,-;«■ ,10*-^^-. 


\Tofi(ce lya\ic ■^^o,\ 

The Last Days of the Great King 271 

illness, made a desperate effort to see him before his death. 
Setting out from Panhala on a camel he rode night and day, 
but he came too late. His father's spirit left his war-worn 
frame as Sambhaji reached the foot of the hill. Furious with 
grief and disappointment, the prince drew his sword and with 
a single stroke decapitated the camel. Not satisfied with this, 
he ordered the image of a headless camel to be erected at the 
outer gate of the fort, as a warning to other beasts of the same 
species. It stands to this day, a monument of the prince's 
childish folly.* 

Shivaji has by a curious fate suffered more at the hands of 
historians than any other character in history. They have one 
and allf accepted as final the opinion of Grant Duff, which 
again was based on that of Khafi Khan. They have at the 
same time rejected Orme's far more accurate conclusions. 
And while judging Shivaji with the utmost harshness, they 
have been singularly indulgent to his enemies. The thousand 
basenesses of Auraugzib, the appalling villainies of the Bijapur 
and the Ahmadnagar nobles, have been passed over with a 
tolerant smile. The cruel trick by which Ghorpade betrayed 
Shahaji has provoked no comment. Shivaji, however, is 
depicted as the incarnation of successful perfidy, a Caesar 
Borgia to whom there came no ill fortune, a more faithless 
and more daring Francesco Sforza. Nor can it be denied that 
the authors of the Hindu Bakhars are in some way responsible 
for this absurd and inaccurate legend. Hating the Musulmans 
with the fiercest of passions, they deemed no trap too inhuman 
provided that it brought about their enemies' downfall. It 
was reserved for an Indian of modern times, Mr. Justice Ranade, 
a man truly great, judged by no matter what standard, to see 
correctly the deep religious feeling, the many virtues, the chival- 
rous temper and the vast ability of the great Maratha king. 
If Shivaji had been a treacherous assassin, such as he has 
been commonly portrayed, he would never have achieved 

* I have seen the image and been told the story at Raygad. 
t From this statement I gladly except Mr. Rawlinson's admiraLlo mono- 
graph on Shivaji. For Orme's character, see Appendix, p. 278. 

272 A History of the Maratha People 

what lie did. The high-born, high-spirited Deccan nobles would 
never have accepted his leadership ; or if they had, they would 
have copied their leader and become as treacherous as he. 
The fact that no one ever betrayed Shivaji is strong evidence 
that he himself was not a betrayer. Starting with this premise, 
Mr. Ranade next examined the evidence and pointed out that 
with one exception the instances of treachery mentioned by 
Grant Duff were all capable of innocent interpretation. The 
capture of Purandar w^as effected by the consent of the garrison 
and the subsequent acquiescence of the commandants. The 
killing of Afzul Khan was an act of self-defence. The one 
exception was the attack on Chandra Rao More. Later in- 
vestigation, however, has shown that even this instance had 
not the sinister character usually attributed to it. From the 
recently discovered Mahableshwar account, it is clear that 
Shivaji repeatedly strove to win More to his side, that More 
as often tried treacherously to take Shivaji prisoner and that 
he eventually fell in a quarrel between him and Ragho 
Ballal Atre, while the latter was delivering him an ultimatum. 
Shivaji was thus clearly innocent of More's death. The most that 
can be said against him is that he did not punish Ragho 
Ballal as he should have done. But the same charge can be 
brought against William III. His most ardent admirers have 
been forced to admit that he punished neither the murderers 
of the De Witts nor those guilty of the slaughter of the 
Macdonalds of Glencoe. 

It is difficult, without writing in a strain that may seem 
exaggerated to English readers, to give to Shivaji the place 
in history to which he is rightly entitled. He has been compared 
not unhappily with Bruce. Nevertheless the comparison does 
the Eastern prince less than justice. Bruce had, it is true, 
to cheer the spirit of the Scottish nation, depressed by the defeat 
of Falkirk and the capture and death of Wallace. But the 
Scottish people had been free for centuries. Naturally high- 
spirited and brave, they were eager to gather round anyone 
who would help them drive out the hated English. Shivaji 
had to create his victorious army from the half savage hillmen 

The Last Days of the Great King 273 

of the Western Ghats, wholly ignorant of war, and from the 
Marathas of the plains, broken by three hundred years of 
servitude. To Shivaji's warlike genius were joined civil talents 
of the highest order. While training troops, devising strategy, 
inventing tactics, scouring the Deccan in every direction, he 
yet found time to think out a system of administration which, 
as Mr. Ranade has pointed out, is the basis of British success. 
The curse of Indian governments had always been the power 
of the feudal nobility, which grew dangerous directly the central 
authority weakened. Shivaji was wise enough not only to 
see the disease but to invent a remedy. He refused to make 
grants of land to his nobles. He governed his territories by 
means of paid agents, Kamavisdars, Mahalkaris and Subhedars. 
They could be dismissed at will and were so dismissed on proof 
of incapacity or insubordination. They collected the assess- 
ment due from the peasants and paid it into the royal treasury. 
From the treasury Shivaji paid his soldiers and officers regular 
salaries. It was not, however, possible for a single man, 
however able, to check all the accounts which such payments 
and receipts involved. Shivaji therefore created two ministers. 
The first was the Pant Amatya or Finance Minister. The 
second was the Pant Sachiv or, as we should call him, the 
Accountant General. 

Besides these two ministers Shivaji nominated six others, 
who helped him in his general administration. They also, 
curiously enough, had duties similar to modern members of the 
Indian government. The Peshwa was the President of the 
Council. The Mantri was th Home Member. The Senapati 
was the Commander-in-Chief. The Sumant* was the Foreign 
Minister. Besides the above, there were the Pandit Rao, 
who was in charge of ecclesiastical matters, and the Sir Nyaya- 
dhish or Chief Justice. To-day no merit, however great, enables 
a man to bequeath his charge to his son. In the same way 
Shivaji would not permit sons to succeed their fathers in office, 
unless themselves fully qualified. Nor would he allow men to 

* To-day the Viceroy combines the offices of President of the Council 
and Foreign Minister. 


274 A History of the Maratha People 

retain posts whicli they were incompetent to fill. So wise 
indeed were these provisions, that they were beyond the grasp 
of Shivaji's successors. They once more let office become 
hereditary. They granted great landed fiefs to which in- 
competent men succeeded because they were their father's 
sons. Their folly had its reward and in the end Shivaji's 
kingdom went the way of other Eastern empires. 

Shivaji was also shrewd enough to see that light assessments 
were the secret of large revenues. While in the neighbouring 
states the peasant was lucky if he escaped with an assessment 
of 50 per cent., Shivaji never demanded more than two-fifths 
of the gross yield. Tagai, or advances by the government 
to the cultivators, often wrongly believed to be a modern insti- 
tution, were freely granted, and their repayment was extended 
over several years. While taxing the peasantry, Shivaji, unlike 
his neighbours, realized that in return for taxes they were 
entitled to protection. He divided his kingdom into 15 districts, 
all amply provided with great fortresses. They were close 
enough together for their garrisons to assist each other and 
drive away marauding bands. They also afforded shelter to 
which the cultivators could take their cattle or their crops 
upon the first appearance of the enemy. 

The government of these forts was admirably conceived. 
The commandant was a Maratha. Under him was a Brahman 
Subhedar or Sabnis, who kept the accounts and had civil and 
revenue charge of the villages assigned to the upkeep of the 
fort, and a Prabhu Karkhanis, who was responsible that the 
garrison had ample military supplies and food stores. Thus, 
although the garrison was under the orders of the commandant, 
any treachery on his part would at once have become known 
to his chief subordinates. The soldiers of the garrison were 
paid regular salaries and every tenth man was a Naik or corporal, 
who received a slightly higher emolument. Where villages 
were not assigned to the upkeep of any fort, Shivaji for ad- 
ministrative purposes arranged them much as the British since 
have done. The unit was the Mahal or Taluka, of which the 
revenue varied from Ks. 75,000 to Rs. 1,25,000. Three Mahals 

The Last Days op the Great King 275 


made a Subha or District. Each District was in charge of a 
Subhedar, whose pay was 400 hons a year, or about Rs. 100 
a month. 

Shivaji's mihtary establishment was organized with the 
same care and skill as the garrisons of his fortresses. A bat- 
talion of 1000 men under a Hazari was the infantry unit.* 
This was divided into ten companies, called Jumalas, each 
under a Jumaledar. Each company was divided into half 
companies of fifty men, each under a Havildar or sergeant. 
Each half company was divided into five bodies of ten sepoys, of 
which the chief was the Naik or corporal. Seven such battahons 
formed a brigade, under a Sarnobat or brigadier. The cavalry 
system was slightly different. The unit was a cavalry regiment 
1250 strong. Its commander was, like the infantry commander, 
called a Hazari. The regiment was divided into ten Jumalas, 
or squadrons of 125 troopers. Each Jumala was subdivided 
into five sections or Havalas consisting of 25 bargirs or troopers. 
Each such section had its own farrier and water carrier. Five 
Hazaris formed a cavalry brigade, under a brigadier known as 
the Panch Hazari. The pay of these officers was carefully 
regulated. The brigadiers received 2000 hons a year, or 
Rs. 500 a month. In the cavalry the regimental commander's 
pay was 1000 hons a year, or Rs. 250 a month. In the infantry 
the battalion commander received 500 hons, or Rs. 125 a month. 
The pay of the company commander and his subordinates 
varied from Rs. 9 to Rs. 3 a month. The pay of the squadron 
commanders and their subordinates varied from Rs. 20 to Rs. 6. 
During the rainy season the troops and horses were fed at the 
king's expense in large barracks. In the fair season they were 
expected to live on the enemy's country. But no private 
looting was allowed. All prize money or other plunder had, 
under pain of the forfeiture of his surety bonds, to be paid by its 
captor into the regimental treasury. From it the commanders 
fed and furnished their troops. 

But, great organizer and military genius that Shivaji was, 
it is in far-seeing statesmanship that he stands supreme. In 

* Ranade. 

276 A History of the Maratha People 

all history there is no such example of modesty in the face of 
continued success. The insolent, overweening vanity which 
has proved the ruin of so many commanders, both in ancient 
and modern times, found no place in Shivaji's admirably 
balanced mind. He won victory after victory against Bijapur 
and the Moghuls, yet his head was never turned. He realized 
always that he had yet to meet the full power of the Moghul 
empire. His one aim was to secure the freedom of his country- 
men. That he might do so, he sought to win the friendship 
of Aurangzib. When that proved impossible, he resolved 
to secure a place of shelter against the coming peril, which he 
so clearly foresaw. At last there came a time when his genius 
bore fruit. Four years after Shivaji's death, the emperor 
realised that the Marathas were a serious danger. He ceased 
to send a succession of small armies to Aurangabad. He 
mobilized the whole military resources of northern India and 
an army several hundred thousand strong, led by the emperor 
in person, poured through the Vindhya passes to the conquest 
of the South. Within three years both Golconda and Bijapur 
had fallen. Within five years all Maharashtra was overrun. 
Sambhaji had been taken and executed. Shahu and his mother 
were prisoners in Aurangzib's camp. But the Maratha generals, 
headed by Rajaram, adhered to the strategy laid down by the 
great king. Falling behind the southern line of fortresses, 
built by Shivaji from Bednur to Tanjore, they held the South 
against the might of all Hindustan. At length the great offensive 
weakened. The Maratha captains in their turn began to attack. 
Slowly but surely they drove the Delhi forces back again across 
the frontier of the old imperial possessions. At last Aurangzib, 
his treasury empty, his grand army destroyed, died a broken 
man in his camp at Ahmadnagar. Maharashtra was free. 
Southern India was safe. The single wisdom of the great 
king, dead twenty-seven years before, had supplied the place 
of two hundred battalions. 

But there was yet another side to the character of this 
versatile prince. In an earlier chapter I have sketched his 
relations with Ramdas and Tukaram. But they were not the 

The Last Days of the Great King 277 

only wise and pious men to whom Shivaji was drawn. The 
poet Mahipati has in the Bhahtivijaya told the story how the 
great king went from Pandharpur into the woods to visit an 
Ujjain mendicant called Ganeshnath. Sliivaji made Ganeshnath 
return with him to his camp and gave him a soft bed with rich 
coverlets to sleep upon. But the mendicant shamed the king 

. strewing pebbles over the downy mattress. Shivaji took 
the lesson so to heart that he sold the couch and gave its price 
in charity, sleeping ever afterwards on a village cot. Other 
friends of Shivaji were Keval Bharati of Kenjal, Taponidhi 
Devbharati of Khandesh and Siddheshwarbhat of Chakan. 
He even extended" his favour to a Musulman fakir named Bava 
Yakub. Such was the liberator of the Maratha nation, a man 
of talents so varied, of Ufe so regular, of disposition so tolerant, 
that it is little wonder that his countrymen came to regard 
him not as one of themselves but as the incarnation of a god. 
His kingdom has long passed away ; but the Maratha people 
still worship his image at Kaygad and Malwan, just as the 
Athenians, long after their empire had ceased to exist, continued 
to worship with pathetic devotion the memory of Theseus, 

Shivaji was in all married seven times. His first wife, Saibai, 
was the daughter of Vithoji Mohite Newaskar. An affec- 
tionate and charming lady, she became by a curious freak of 
fortune, the mother of the headstrong and wayward Sambhaji. 
Happily for her, she died too soon to see her baby grow into 
a vicious and headstrong man. She bore also to Shivaji a 
daughter named Ambikabai, who was given in marriage to 
Harji Raje Mahadik of Tarale, appointed by the king to be 
governor of Jinji. Shivaji's second wife was Putalibai. She bore 
him no children and, faithful unto death, committed sati upon 
her husband's funeral pyre. Shivaji's third wife was Soyarabai, 
a girl of the Shirke family. Beautiful, talented and politic, 
she was the mother of the brave and chivalrous Kajaram, the 
second founder of the Maratha empire. She had a daughter 
named Dipabai, who married a Maratha noble named Visajirao. 
Shivaji's fourth wife was Sakwarbai, whose only daughter 
Kamaljabai became the wife of Janoji Palkar. Shivaji's fifth 

278 A History of the Maratha People 

wife, Lakslimibai, had no issue. Shivaji's sixth wife, Sagunabai, 
bore him a single daughter Nanibai, whom he gave in marriage 
to Ganoji Kaje Shirke Malekar. His seventh wife Gunvantabai 
was childless.* 

The great king's body was cremated at Raygad, which, 
looking down on a hundred lesser peaks, formed a fitting 
resting place for that commanding spirit. His death is a 
convenient point at which to end this first volume. In the 
succeeding volumes it will be my task to narrate how the great 
edifice founded by his genius prospered or decayed with the 
various fortunes of his successors. 

* This passage is based upon the genealogical tree of the ShedgavJcar 
Bhosles. The Phaltan State records refer to yet another daughter, Sakhubai, 
married to Mahadji Naik Nimbalkar (Itihas Sangraha, Vol. VIII). 


Orme, in his Histwical Fragments, p. 94, thus sums up Shivaji : — 

" In personal activity he exceeded all generals of whom there is record. 
For no partizan appropriated to service of detachment alone ever 
traversed as much ground as he at the head of armies. He met every 
emergency of peril, however sudden or extreme, with instant discern- 
ment and unshaken fortitude ; the ablest of his officers acquiesced 
to the imminent superiority of his genius, and the boast of the soldier 
was to have seen Shivaji charging sword in hand." 


Abaji Sondev, takes Kalyan, 141 ; 
fortifies Raygad, 176. 

Abdul Aziz Khan of Shivner, 250. 

Abdul Fatih Khan, 199. 

Abdul Karim, Afghan adventurer, 
250, 251, 254, 261 ; advances on 
Panhala, 242; defeated, 243; 
death, 262. 

Abdul Kutb Shah of Golconda, 102, 

Abdul Rasul, 117. 

Abhilashitartha Chintamani, 32. 

Abhiras dynasty, 15. 

Abu Hussein of Golconda, 252, 254, 
261; dynasty, 102. 

Abyssinians, 156. 

Achuji II of Yelburga, 31. 

Adhiraja, king, 30 ; deposed, 31. 

Adil Shahi dynasty, 78, 101. 

Adoni fortress, battle near, 62. 

Aegean Sea, 5. 

Afghanistan, 2. 

Afghan, conquest, 38, 39. 

Africa, circumnavigation, 3. 

Afzul Buruj, tower, 163. 

Afzul Khan, 147, 175, 192, 218; 
campaign against Shivaji, 157-9 ; 
at Pratapgad, 161 ; struggle with 
Shivaji, 161 ; killed, 162-5, 272. 

Agha Mir, 95. 

Agra, Shivaji at, 217. 

Ahavamala, 29, 30 ; see also Somesh- 
wara I. 

Ahmad, son of Shah Tahir, 98. 

Ahmad Nizam Shah, of Ahmadnagar, 
78, 87, 109; victories, 88 ; death, 
89; dynasty, 101. 

Ahmad Shah Bahmani (Ahmad 
Khan); 66, 69, 71. 

Ahmad Shah, son of Mahmud Shah, 

Ahmadnagar, 78, 195; Kalim Ulla 
retires to, 79; population, 87; 
founded Vy Ahmad, 89 ; treaty 
with Bijapur , 94 ; fail, 100 ; re- 
taken, 110 ; subjugation, 121 ; and 
Shah Jehan, 143 ; revenue, 144 ; 
raided by Shivaji, 155; conquest by 
Shah Jehan, 215 ; dynasty, 101. 

Ain-ul-Mulk, 47, 57. 

Ajanta, frescoes, 22. 

Akannapant of Golconda, 252, 261. 

Akbar, Emperor, conquests, 82, 96, 
99, 202, 215; death, 109. 

Aklas Khan, 265. 

Alaf Khan, 50, 51 ; see aUo Mahomed 

Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, 
59, 61. 

Ala-ud-din Khilji, 38, 39, 4?, 65; 
strategy, 41 ; poisoned, 46. 

Ala-ud-din Shah II, 71,75, 79, 95; 
and Konkan fortresses, 72 ; rebel- 
lion against, 73 ; death, 74. 

Alandi, in legend, 105, 107 ; pilgri- 
mages to, 130, 186. 

Albuquerque, Alfonso Da, 86. 

Alexander the Great, 6. 

Alexandria, 77. 

Ali Adil Shah, of Bijapur, 92, 93, 94, 
97 ; dynasty, 101. 

Ali Adil Shah II, 153 ; war against 
Shivaji, 171, 215 ; defends Bijapur, 
216, 223 ; death, 239, 251 ; dynasty, 

Ali Barid Shah, 79 ; dynasty, 102. 

Alfonso, King of Leon, 82. 

Alfonso Enriquez, 83. 

Allahabad, 222. 

Alla-ud-din Imad Shah, dj-nasty, 102, 

Almas Beg, 42, 43. 

Almeidas, the, 86. 

Ambar Khan, of Jinji, 255. 

Ambikabai, Shivaji's daughter, 277. 

Ambroise, Father, of Surat, 206. 

Amina, wife of Burhan Nizam Shah, 

Amir Barid, 79 ; dynasty, 102. 

Amir Khusru, songs of, 62. 

Ammanga Devi, 29. 

Amritanubhau, 106. 

Amyntas of Macedonia, 6. 

Anandi Bari, 228. 

Anegundi, fort, 55, 56. 

Andhras, the, 4 ; rise, 8 ; dynasty, 9, 
12; in S. India, 22; legend, 14. 

Anhilwad Patan, 43. 

Ankola, 241. 

Annaji Datto, 134, 21 G, 231, 253; 
takes Panhala, 165; takes Hubli, 
240 ; at Shivaji's coronation, 246. 

Annaji Trimal, 220. 



Appaji Gulve, 180, 
Arabia, trade with, 13, 14, 25; Ma- 
homed Tughlak's embassy to, 55. 
Arabian Sea, 13. 
Arabs, in Sind, 25. 
Ardys of Lydia, 2. 
Arjuna, archery of, 130. 
Ami, 258. 

Aryans, the, 2, 4, 22 ; language, 5. 
Ashtami, 247. 

Asoka, Emperor, missions of, 7, 8, 18. 
Assar-haddon, King; 3. 
Assyria, 3. 
Athens, 6. 
Attica, 13. 
Augustus Csesar, 13. 
Augustus I of Poland & Saxony, 66. 
Aundha, fort, taken by Shivaji, 234, 

250; by Moghuls, 235. 
Aungier, Gerald, 236, 240, 241, 242. 
Aurangabad, 195, 196; Shivaji's forces 
leave, 226; Moghul Army retires 
to, 234; blockaded by Moro 
.Pingle, 267. 
Aurangzeb, Emperor, 109, 195, 223, 
252, 253 ; victory over Golconda, 
153; rebellion, 154; his generals, 
208; letters to Shivaji, 214, 216, 
225; plans to conquer Bijapur, 
215; insults Shivaji, 217; treaty 
with Shivaji, 224 ; treachery, 226, 
262 ; failure in the Deccan, 234, 
237 ; siege of Jinji, 255 ; and Sam- 
bhaji, 265, 266 ; death, 276. 
Avalai, 181, 190. 
Ayodhya, in legend, 16, 244. 
Ayurveda-rasayana, the, 37. 
Azim Khan, 118. 
Aziz, governor of Malwa, 57, 58. 
Aziz-ul-Mulk, 89. 
Azores, the, 83. 


Babaji (Bhosle), 113. 

Babar, Emperor, conquests, 79 ; early 

life, 81; death, 82. 
Badami, 16; stormed by the Pallavas, 

23, 24. 
Bagh Nizam, palace, 89. 
Baglan, fort, 43 ; siege of, 44. 
Bagrakot, 93. 
Bahadur, Nizam Shah, of Ahmad - 

nagar, 97, 98, 99 ; death, 100 ; 

dynasty, 101. 

Bahadur Khan and Moghul fleet, 238 ; 
bribed by Shivaji, 241 ; truce bro- 
ken, 242 ; viceroy in the Deccan, 
251, 253 ; recall to Delhi, 261. 

Bahadur Khan Koka {Khan Jahan 
Bahadur), 237. 

Bahauddin, Mahomed Tughlak's 
nephew, 55. 

Bahirji Naik, spy of Shivaji, 205, 

Bahiru, father of Nizam-ul-Mulk, 78. 

Bahlol Khan, Bijapur general, 172, 

Bahmani empire, revolution, 48 ; fall 
of, 78. 

Bahuli, 147. 

Bairam Eian, 63. 

Baithan, 10. 

Baji Deshpande, 169, 171, 210. 

Baji Ghorpade, of Mudhol, 142, 148 ; 
killed by Shivaji, 172, 174. 

Baji Phasalkar, 129, 134, 167. 

Bajirao II, 126. 

Baji Shamraj, 144, 147. 

Balaji Abaji Chitnis, Shivaji's secre- 
tary, 210, 216, 217, 244, 246. 

Balaji More, 146, 147 ; enmity with 
Shivaji, 150, killed, 151 ; see also 
Chandra Rao More. 

Balaji Pandit, 246. 

Balapur, 135; taken by Shivaji, 258. 

Balhara of Mankir, 25. 

Balu, a weaver, made governor, 57. 

Banavasi, 29, 31, 33. 

Bangalore, (Bengrul), 135, 253 ; Sam- 
bhaji Mohite sent to, 137 ; disorder 
in, 147 ; bestowed on Vyankoji, 
207 ; taken by Shivaji, 258 ; given 
to Dipabai, 259. 

Bankapur, fortress, 68. 

Baramati, 128, 138. 

Barid Shahi dynasty, 79, 102. 

Bartle Erere, Sir, 125. 

Basava Madhiraja, 33. 

Bassein, 205, 249. 

Bava-Yakub, Musulman fakir, 277. 

Beaulieu, Admiral, 202. 

Bedar, 58, 60, 72, 73, 77 ; siege of, 
69; Humayun's cruelties in, 74; 
Mahmud Gawan comes to, 75; 
fight in, 78 ; people of, 87 ; combines 
against Vijayanagar, 93 ; ceded to 
Bijapur, 120, 121 ; taken by 
Aurangzeb, 154 ; dynasty, 79, 102. 

Bednur, 206, 241, 253, 269, 276. 

Bejwada, 29. 

Belgaum, 76. 

Bellari, 258. 

Benares, 221. 



Bengal, Ala-ud-din, governor of, 39, 
42 ; Ghazi Beg's campaign in, 50 ; 
conquered by Akbar, 215; Shivaji 
in, 222. 

Bengal, Eastern, and Mahomed Tu- 
ghlak, 52, 54. 

Bengrul, see Bangalore. 

Berar, invasion of, 71 ; people of, 87 ; 
defeated by Ahmadnagar, 89 ; 
conquest of, 94 ; ceded to Delhi, 
99, 121 ; Shivaji's fief in, 224, 
dynastj-, 102. 

Bhaktivijaya , the, 277. 

Bhalchandra Bhat Purohit, 244. 

Bhambunath hills, 181. 

Bharata, Prince, 3. 

Bharatas, the, 4. 

Bhatkal, 76. 

Bhavani, helps Jijibai, 227, 228 ; and 
Shivaji, 152, 159, 175, 183, 210, 
216, 219, 244, 255 ; and Maloji, 113, 
116; in legend, 113; temple, 152; 
shrine at Tuljapur, 158. 

Bhim Raja, 76. 

Bhima the hero, 130. 

Bhima river, 60. 

Bhishma, sayings of, 130. 

Bhoja, King, 28. 

Bhor Ghat, 14. 

Bhorapya Hill, temple, 152. 

Bhosavat, 113. 

Bhulokamala (Someshwara III), 32. 

Bhupalgad, 265, 266. 

Bhushangad, fort, 25, 

Bibhishan, in legend, 36. 

Bibi Ayesha, 89. 

Bibi Miriam, 90. 

Bid, 78. 

Bijapur, Yusuf Adil Khan, governor 
of, 77 ; king of, 78 ; Kallim Ulla 
at, 79 ; Goa taken from, 86 ; Canar- 
ese in, 87 ; war with Ahmadnagar, 
90, 91, 97; treaties, 94, 122,175, 
224 ; helps Ahmadnagar, 99 ; 
Shahaji's service, 117 ; Shivaji at, 
124, 268 ; misgovemment, 131 ; 
and Vijayanagar, 135 ; Moghul 
attacks, 153, 154, 215, 223, 263, 
267, 276 ; defeated by Shivaji, 162, 
165,260; invades the Konkan, 
208 ; in Ali Adil Shah's reign, 240 ; 
history, 251 ; alliance with Shivaji, 
269; dynasty, 101. 

Bilhana, Kashmirian poet, 30. 

Billama Yadava, 35. 

Bindusara, 7. 

Bitti Deva Hoysala, 32, 34. 

Blanco, Cape, 83. 

Bceotia, 6. 

Bojador, Cape, 83. 

Boloji More, 179, 180. 

Bom, Fernando, 84. 

Bombay, Island, taken by Bahmani 
forces, 70 ; retaken by Guzarat, 
71 ; dowry of Catherine of Portu- 
gal, 236 ; Enghsh in, 238, 240, 268. 

Eomma, Chalukya general, 33, 35. 

Bostan, the, 60. 

Brahmadeva, 15, 105. 

Brihadratha, 8. 

Buddhism, 7, 18. 

Bug, the, legend of, 37. 

Bukka Raya of Vijayanagar, 56, 61, 

Bukka II, 67, 68. 

Burgundy, Henry, Count of, 83. 

Burhan Imad Shah of Berar, 94 ; 
djmasty, 102. 

Burhan Nizam Shah, 89, 146; 
becomes a Shia, 90 ; besieges Kal- 
yani, 91 ; death, 92 ; dynasty, 101. 

Burhan Nizam Shah II, at Akbar's 
court, 94, 95, 96; dynasty, 101. 

Burhan pur. 111, 223, 234. 

Cabral, 86. 

Calicut, 86. 

Cam, Diego, 84. 

Camoens, 84. 

Canara, jungles, 64. 

Canarese, the, 87. 

Canaries, the, 83, 84. 

Cannanore, 22, 86. 

Cape Colony, 84. 

Cape Verde Islands, 83, 84. 

Caria, 3. 

Catherine, Cape, 84. 

Catherine of Portugal, 236. 

Caveri, the, 22, 136. 

Ceuta, 83. 

Ceylon, Ravana of, in legend, 36. 

Chakan, 73, 137 ; attack on, 88 ; Ma- 
loji, governor of, 116; besieged by 
Moghuls, 196; Jaswant Singh sent 
to, 200 ; restored to Shivaji, 224 ; 
defence of, 265 ; Siddheshwarbhat 
of, 277. 

Chalukyas, the rise of, 15, 16 ; war 
with the Pallavas, 23; rule in Vengi, 
28 ; invaded, 30, 31; decay of 
power, 32, 33. 

Chandan, 241. 



Chand Bibi, 93, 97 ; defends Ahmad - 
nagar, 98 ; cedes Berar to Delhi, 
99, 121 ; slain, 100 ; dynasty of, 101. 

Chanderi, 39, 40. 

Chandraditya, King, 23. 

Chandragupta Maurya, 6, 7. 

Chandra Rao More, Raja of Jaoli, 
144, 239, 272. 

Chandra Shekhar, prince of Madura, 

Chandrasena, in legend, 170. 

Chandwad, 234. 

Chaphal, 183, 193. 

Charles II of England, 236. 

Chaturvarga-chintamani, the, 37. 

Chaul, 247. 

Chenna Basava, 33. 

Cheras, the (Keralas), 22, defeated 
by Malik Kafir, 46 ; Harihar as 
suzerain, 56. 

Chimnaji Avaji, 246. 

Chimulgi, 171. 

China, Greek trade with, 13 ; Bud- 
dhism spreads to, 18 ; attempted 
invasion of, 52. 

Chiplun, Shivaji at, 243. 

Chokhamela, saint of Pandharpur, 

Cholas, the, 5, 22, 25, 136 ; attack 
Maharashtra, 27, 28 ; extent of 
Empire, 29; defeated by Malik 
Kafir, 46; Harihar as suzerain, 56. 

Chopra, 264. 

Chosroes II, King of Persia, 22. 

Choul, fort, 60, 205. 

Cimmerians, 3. 

Cleopatra, 13. 

Cochin, 86. 

Coelho, Nicholas, 84. 

Coimbra, 83. 

Coinage of Shivaji, 208. 

Coleroon river, 136. 

Congo, the, 84. 

Constantinople, 77. 

Coromandel Coast, 238. 

Corrientes, Cape, 85. 

Cuddapah, 254, 255. 


Dabhol, 166, 176. 

j)adaji Deshpande, 133. 

j)adoji Kondadev, 125, 196 ; work in 
Poona, 127 ; his education of Shi- 
vaji, 130, 132 ; complaint to Sha- 
haji, 135, 136; death, 137. 

Da Gamas, the, 84, 86. 

Dalabhya, in legend, 170. 

Dalvis, the, 165. 

Daman, 1, 237. 

Dandaka forest, 4, 7. 

Dandakaranya (Maharashtra,, 4, 5. 

Danda Rajpuri, 171, 239. 

Dandirvan, (Pandharpur), 103. 

Daniyal, Prince, 100, 109. 

Dantidurga, King, 23. 

Dara Shukoh, 153, 154,209. 

Daria Imad Shah, dynasty, 102. 

Darya Sarang, 268. 

Dasbodh, 184. 

Dasharatha, King, 3. 

Dattaji Gopinath, 134. 

Dattaji Pandit, 246. 

Daud Khan, 234. 

Daud Shah, 64, 66. 

Daulatabad fort, 53, 56, 87, 109, 112 ; 
siege of, 58, 118 ; Lakhoji Jadhav- 
rao at, 124 ; conquered by Mahabat 
Khan, 235. 

Daulat Khan, 268. 

Daulat More, 146. 

De Bussy, 255. 

Deccan, the, conquered by the Sakas, 
10 ; caves, 12 ; revolt, 46, 56, 58 ; 
Malik Khusru's plot, 48 ; famine, 
76 ; Prince Muazzim. governor, 223. 

Dehu, 179, 181. 

De la Costa, 236. 

De la Haye, M., 238. 

De Lesseps canal, 3. 

Delhi, 39, 47 ; Malik Kafir's plot, 46 ; 
Ghazi Beg in, 49, 50 ; removal of 
capital, 53, 54 ; fall of, 80 ; devast- 
ated by Timur, 81 ; treaty with 
Bijapur, 122. 

Desais of Kudal, 16G, 167. 

Desh, the, 1, 2. 

Devabhuti, 8. 

Devagiri, 35; occupied by AUa-ud- 
din, 39, 40 ; Karan retreats to, 
44 ; taken by Malik Kafir, 45 ; by 
Mubarak, 47 ; Alaf Khan at, 50 ; 
rebellion, 54; capital removed 
from, 60. 

Devaldevi, daughter of Karan Ghelo, 
43, 44, 46 ; taken by Mubarak, 48 ; 
by Malik Khusru, 49. 

Deva Raya I, of Vijavanagar, 68, 69. 

Deva Raya II, 69 ; defeat, 70, 72 ; 
killed, 76. 

Deva Raya III, 76. 

Devrajji of Udaipur, 112. , 

Dharampur, 234. 

Dharangaon, 264. 

Dharur, 223. 



Dhritarashtra, King, 4. 
Dhruva, King, 24. 
Diaz, Bartholomew, 84. 
Dilavar Khan of Malwa, 71, 80. 
Diler Khan, 209, 210, 226 ; meeting 

with Shivaji, 212 ; in Deccan, 237; 

joins Bahadur Khan's army, 252 ; 

made Moghul viceroy, 261 ; mar- 
ches against Bijapur, 262, 263 ; 

and Sambhaji, 265, 266. 
Dipabai, wife of Maloji, 114. 
Dipabai, wife of Vyankoji, 259. 
Dipabai, Shivaji's daughter, 277. 
Div, 86. 
Dnyandev, poet of Pandharpur, 36, 

37, 105, 107 ; teachings, 130 ; 

shrine at Alandi, 186. 
Dnyaneshwari, the, 106. 
Doab, the, 63 ; overrun by Bukka 

Raya, 65 ; by Vijayanagar, 67 ; 

fight for, 69 ; rising of nobles, 173 ; 

Shivaji in, 258. 
Dood, 135. 

Dutch, merchants at Surat, 238. 
Dwara Samudra (Hale bid), 45, 47, 52. 

East India Company, 202, 236. 

Egypt, 3, 13, 14. 

Elizabeth of England, 202. 

Ellichpur, 40, 41. 

Ellora, 24, 44. 

Emmanuel of Portugal, 84. 

English in Surat, 233, 238 ; in Bom- 
bay, 238, 240, 247, 268, 269. 

Epaminondas, 6. 

Ereyanga Hoysala, of Gangavadi, 
31, 34. 

Erythrean coast, 13. 

Etgir, 93. 

Fa Hien, visit to India, 18. 

Fateh Khan, 111, 118 ; surrenders 

Daulatabad, 119. 
Fateh Ulla Imad Shah, dynasty, 102. 
Fatih Khan, Bijapur governor, 156, 

166, 167; defeat, 231. 
Fazal Mahomed, 162, 166, 169. 
Ferghana (Kokan), 81. 
Ferishta, Persian historian, 39, 60, 


Firoz Shah Bahmani, 66, 69. 
French, in Surat, 233. 


Gaga Bhat, crowns Shivaji, 244. 

Gajapuri, 171. 

Gandaradittan, King of the Cholas, 
25, 27. 

Ganeshnath, 277. 

Gangadhar, brother of Ramdas, 182. 

Gangadhar (Gangu), astrologer, 59. 

Gangaji Mangaji, 134. 

Gangas, the, 24, 25. 

Gangavadi, 28, 32, 34. 

Gangavli, 247. 

Ganges river, 2, 28, 145. 

Ganoji Raje Shirke Malekar, 278. 

Gaugamela, battle of, 6. 

Gaunt, John of, 83. 

Gautamiputra Satakarni, King, 9-12. 

Gautamiputra Yajnasri, 12. 

Gaya, 221. 

Gayatri river, 145. 

Ghazi Beg Tughlak, 49, 50. 

Ghodbunder, 237. 

Ghor Beg, 111. 

Ghorpades, the, 132, 244 ; betrayal of 
Shahaji, 271. 

Ghorpad, used for capture of forts, 

Ghorpuri, 125. 

Ghrishneshwar, temple, 114. 

Ghyas-ud-din, Bahmani King, 65, 66. 

Ghyas-ud-din Balban, 49. 

Goa, 76 ; taken by Portuguese, 86 ; 
invaded by Shivaji, 174. 

Godavari river, 4, 8, 11,23. 

Gojara hill, 256. 

Gokama, 208. 

Golconda, 62 ; and Vijayanagar, 93, 
135; helps Ahmadnagar, 99; de- 
feated by Aurangzeb, 153 ; joins 
Bijapur against Moghuls, 223, 238 ; 
history, 252 ; alliance with Shivaji, 
254, 269 ; falls to Moghul forces, 
276 ; dynasty, 87, 102. 

Gole, 153. 

Golewadi, 153. 

Good Hope, Cape of, 3, 84. 

Gopalpura, in legend, 104. 

Gopi, of Surat, 201. 

Gora, saint of Pandharpur, 107. 

Govardhan, in legend, 104. 

Govind More, 146. 

Govinda, Rashtrakuta chief, 16, 23. 



Govinda II, 24. 

Granicus, battle of the, 6. 

Greeks, the, 2, 6, 13. 

Gulbarga, 60 ; Moghul forces at, 261, 

Gunadhya, in legend, 14. 

Guntur, 93. 

Gunvantabai, Shivaji's wife, 278. 

Gurjara kings, 25. 

Gurjars, the, 36. 

Guzarat, 35 ; Karan, ruler of, 42 ; 
revolt against Afghans, 46, 47, 
58 ; Bahmani campaign in, 70, 71 ; 
kingdom founded, 80 ; plot against 
Ahmadnagar, 90 ; conquered by 
Akbar, 215. 

Gyges of.Lydia, 2. 

Gwalior fort, 100. 


Haihiyas, in legend, 170. 

Haji Elias, 80. 

Haji Kasim, 205. 

Haji Sayad, 205. 

Hambirrao Mohite, 246, 257 ; raid 
on Moghul territory, 250 ; defeats 
Vyankoji, 258, 259 ; wounded, 264 ; 
at Bijapur, 265, 267. 

Hamid Khan, Bijapur general, 97, 99. 

Hamilcar, 208. 

Hangal, 34. 

Hanmante, see Raghunathpant. 

Hanmant More, 146. 

Hanmantrao, 151. 

Harihar, of Kampila, 56. 

Harihar II, of Vijayanagar, 67, 68. 

Harita, in legend, 15. 

Harji Raje Mahadik, of Tarale, 277. 

Harpaldeva, Yadava noble, 47. 

Harsha Siladitya, King, 17, 21. 

Hasaji Mohite, 243. 

Hasan Gangu, 58-61, 76. 

Hassan Khan, 74. 

Hastinapura, 4, 244. 

Hemadpant, 36, 37. 

Hemadpanti architecture, 37. 

Henery (Underi) island, 268. 

Henry the Navigator, 83, 84. 

Henry, Count of Burgundy, 83. 

Hetairoi, 6. 

Himalayas, 2. 

Hindu law, the Mitakshara, 31. 

Hiraji Pharzand, 217, 220. 

Hirakani tower, 177. 

Hiuen Tsang, 18. 

Hivare, 162. 

Hoysalas, growth of power, 33-35; 
defeated by Krishna II, 36 ; down- 
fall, 45, ^'. • 

Hubli,240, 248. Li ^'iSJi 

Huddea Sultana, 93. S* 

Humayun (Zalim), Bahmani king, 74. 

Humayun (Emperor), 82. 

Humayun Shah, 75. 

Hun invasion, 18. 

Hussein Nizam Shah, 92, 93; death, 
94; dynasty, 101. 

Hussein,sonof Murtaza Nizam Shah 
II, 112,117,119. 

Hyderabad, 238, 254. 


Ibn Batuta, 53. 

Ibrahim Adil Shah, of Bijapur, 92, 

97, 99; dynasty, 101. 
Ibrahim Adil Shah II, 117. 
Ibrahim Barid Shah, dynasty, 102. 
Ibrahim Kutb Shah, dynasty, 102. 
Ibrahim Lodi, 81, 82. 
• Ibrahim Nizam Shah, 95, 96; dynasty, 

Iklas Khan, 235. 
Illyrians, the, 6. 
Imad Shahi dynasty, 79, 102. 
Imad-ul-Mulk, founder of Imad Shahi 

dynasty, 77-8, 102. 
Imad-ul-Mulk, son-in-law of Mahomed 

Tughlak, 58, 59. 
Indapur, 128, 137, 176. 
India, trade with Egypt, 13. 
India, southern invasion by Aryans, 

Indore, 222. 
Indra, in legend, 15. 
Indra, grandson of Govinda, 23. 
Indrayani, temple, 179. 
Indus, 2. 
Inscriptions concerning Krishna II, 

Ismail Adil Shah, 90, 146 ; dynasty, 

Ismail Afghan (Nasaruddin), 58, 
Ismail Nizam Shah, 95, 101. 
Issus, battle of the, 6. 

Jackson, Mr. A. M. T., 124. 



Jadhavrao of Sindkhed, 196. 

Jaffar Khan, 218. 

Jagadekamala, King, 32. 

Jagatai Moghuls, 80. 

Jagpatrao (Vanangpal Nimbalkar), 

Jahangir Khan, general, 92. 
Jai Sing, 208, 209 ; peace terms with 

Shivaji, 210, 213 ; attacks Bijapur, 

215 ; death, 223. 
Jaitrapala, 35. 
Jakkaba, 27. 
Jalal-ud-din Feroz Khilji, 38, 39, 

41, 42. 
Jalna, 264. 

Jamadagni, in legend, 170. 
Jamal Khan, 95, 96. 
Jambli, 147. 
Janma, 2. 

Jamsetji Jijibhai, Sir, 125. 
Jamshed, King of Persia, 61. 
Jamshed Kutb Shah, dynasty, 102. 
Janardan Pandit, 246. 
Janjira, 155, 172, 231. 
Janoji Palkar, 277. 
Janudev, 103. 
Jaoli, 144, 150, 151, 158. 
Japhet, legendary ancestor of 

Afghans, 39. 
Jaranda Hill, 191. 
Jaswant Sing, of Jodhpur, 196, 200 ; 

appointment by Aurangzeb, 223 ; 

recalled, 208, 234. 
Jaunpur, 82. 
Jawhar State, 234. 
Jayasinha in inscriptions, 16. 
Jayasinha, king, 28. 
Jayasinha, viceroy of Banavasi, 31. 
Jehangir Khan, 88. 
Jejuri, 175. 
Jenghiz Khan, 39,80. 
Jenghiz Khan, Ahmadnagar general, 

94, 109. 
Jhelum, the, 6. 
Jhilan, 75. 
Jijabai, betrothed to Shahaji, 115 ; 

married, 116; impris6ned at 

Kondana, 124 ; at Poena, 125, 127 ; 

and Shivaji, 130, 132, 189, 244, 246 ; 

at Pratapgad, 160 ; and Shahaji, 

175, 207; at Raygad, 176; in 

charge of state, 217; demands 

Sinhgad, 227; death, 249. 
Jijabai, wife of Tukaram, 180. 
Jinji, fortress of, 136, 255. 
Jivba Mahala, 161. 
Jodhpur, 196. 

John the Great, of Portugal, 83, 84. 
Jor, 147. 

Jowari, legend of, 37. 

Junnar, 9, 73, 99, 200, 250 ; Shivaji 
bom at, 87 ; siege of, 120 ; Shivaji 
and revenues of, 144 ; raided by 
Shivaji, 155. 


Kabir, saint of Pandharpur, 107. 
Kabul, 50 ; Babar, king of, 81. 
Kadtoji Guzar, 200, 217, 224; see 

also Prataprao Guzar. 
Kaikeyi, Queen, 3. 
Kaikobad, Emperor, 39. 
Kailas temple, 24. 
Kakatiyas of Warangal, 33, 35; 

attacked by Afghans, 45. 
Kakkala, Rashtrakuta king, 25. 
Kalij Khan, 39. 
Kalim Ulla, 79, 87. 
Kalingam, 28, 
Kalyan (Konkan), 139, 175 ; occupied 

by the Moghuls, 195 ; Moro Pingle 

at, 249. 
Kalyan Gate, of Sinhgad, 229. 
Kalyani, 29, 32 ; siege of, 91 ; ceded 

to Bijapur, 92, 120 ; taken by 

Aurangzeb, 154. 
Kamaladevi, 43. 

Kamaljabai, Shivaji's daughter, 277. 
Kamil Khan, 97. 
Kampil-, 30, 55. 
Kanabhuti, in legend, 14. 
Kanakgiri fortress, 147. 
Kana Khan, viceroy of Bengal, 51. 
Kanchi, 22, 24, 25, 28. 
K^andahar, 110. 
Kanhoba More, 179, 181. 
lianishka, Kushan king, 18. 
Kanjeveram, see Kanchi, 22. 
Kankai, mother of Tukaram, 179. 
Kanva kings, 9. 
Kapilavastu, 17. 
Karad, 145, 162. 

Karan Ghelo, of Guzarat, 42, 43, 60. 
Karha river, 128. 
Karka, son of Govinda, 23. 
Karli, caves, 9, 12. 
Karra, 42. 
Kartikeya, (Kartikswami), in legend, 

Karwar, 1 ; revolt at, 241 ; plundered 

by Shivaji, 250. 
Kashiji Trimal, 220, 222. 
Kasim Ririd, minister of Mahmud 

Shah, 79, 102. 



Kasim Barid Shah I, dynasty, 102. 
Kathiawar, 10, 12. 
Katraj Ghat, 199. 
Kayastha Prabhus, 169, 170. 

Kazi Shiraz, 67. 

Kemp Gauda, 135. 

Kenery (Khanderi) island, 268, 

Kenjal, Keval Bharati of, 277. 

Keralas, the, see also Cheras, 4, 5. 

Kerbela, 80. 

Kemdge, Mr., at Surat, 202. 

Keval Bharati, of Kenjal, 277. 

Khadki (Aurangabad), 109. 

Khafi Khan, 271. 

Khagarata, 9, 11. 

Khan Dauran, Moghul general, 119, 

Khan Jahan Bahadur, 237. 

Khan Jaman, 118. 

Khan Jehan Lodi, 111, 251 ; rebel- 
lion, 112, 117. 

Khan Khanan, of Berar, 99. 

Khan Zaman, Moghul general, 120, 

Khanderi (Keneiy), 268. 

Khandesh, 71, 78, 119; revolt, 73; 
Malik Raja, king of, 80; plot against 
Ahmadnagar, 90 ; fall, 100 ; con- 
quered by Akbar, 215 ; raided bv 
Shivaji, 234. 

Khandoba, shrine, 175. 

Khandoji Khopade, 162. 

Khavas Khan, of Bijapur, 251, 252. 

Khavas Khan, the slave, 117. 

Khawas Khan, Bijapur general, 1 73, 

IQielkamaji (Kheloji), 113. 

Khelna (Vishalgad), 73, 75, 165. 

Khem Savant, 166. 

Khizr Khan, 44, 46, 48. 


Khudavand Khan, 77. 

Khulich, 39. 

Khusru, 109. 

Khusru Malik, 52. 

Khwaja Hafiz of Shiraz, 65. 

Khwaia Mahmud Gawan, 75. 

Kirkee, 125. 

Kishwar Khan, 97, 98. 

liirtivarman, Chalukya king, 16. 

Kirtivarman II, 23. 

Kohana river, 17. 

Kolar, 135, 253, 258. 

Kolastra, Nicholas, 206. 

Koli chiefs, 237. 

Kolis, the, 228, 229, 249. 

Kolwan, the, 234. 

Kondana fortress, see also Sinhgad, 
54, 124. 

Kondapalli, fall, 76, 77. 
Konherpant, Shivaji's agent, 257. 
Konkan, the, 1,2; caves, 12 ; invad- 
ed, 208. 
Konkan, Northern, 16, 36. 
Konkan, Southern, 35, 52, 54. 
Koppam, battle of, 29. 
Kowilconda, 93. 

Koyna river, 145; valley, 160. 
Krishna, in legend, 24, 104 ; temple, 

Krishna, King of the Satavahana 

race, 9. 
Krishna, King of Dwarka, 34. 
Krishna II, Yadava King, 36. 
Krishna III, Rashtrakuta King, 25. 
Krishna, river, 8, 22, 23, 145 : Chola 

frontier, 28 ; battle near, 31 ; in 

flood, 67. 
ELrishna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, 

91, 136. 
Krishnadeva, 55 ; retakes Warangal, 

56 ; revolt against Bahmani King, 

61 ; defeat, 62. 
Krishnaji Bhaskar, 158, 159; at 

Pratapgad, 161. 
Krishnaji Vishvanath, 221, 222. 
Krishnaraja, king, 23, 24. 
Kritavirya, see Sahasrarjuna. 
Kshatriya kings, 244. 
Kudal Sangam, 29. 
Kukutswami, sage, 103. 
Kulkarni family, of Pathri, 78. 
Kulkarni of Shahpur, 183. 
Kullottunga, 29-32, 34. 
Kundavvaiyar, wife of Vimaladitya, 

28, 29. 
Kutlugh Kian, 56, 57, 59. 
Kutb-ul-mulk, 79. 
Kutb Shahiline of Golconda, 79,102. 

Laccadives, the, 28. 

Lacchena, appointed governor, 57. 

Lakham Savant, 166. 

Lakhoji Jadhavrao, 114, 117 123 

124, 131. 
Lakhundi, battle at, 35. 
Lakshman Sing, 112. 
Lakshmeshwar, 34. 
Lakshmibai, Shivaji's wife, 278. 
Lalchin, Turkish slave, 65, 66. 
Laxman, 4. 
Laxmi, in legend, 105. 
Legend, of the Andhra period, 14 ; 

the Shaka era, 11 ; the Chalukyas, 



15 ; Hoysala ancestry, 34 ; He- 
madpant, 36 ; Pandharpur move- 
ment, 103; Shivaji's birth, 123; 
Lohgad, 140 ; purification of the 
world, 105 ; Kayastha Prabhu 
caste, 170 ; sun god, 182. 

Leon, Alfonso, king of, 82. 

Lingayat religion, 33. 

Lingmala, 145. 

Lohgad, fort, 95, 140, 176. 

Lusiad, the, 84. 

Lydia, mercenaries of, 3. 


Macedonia, 5, 13. 

Machendragad, fort, 251. 

Madannapant, of Golconda, 252, 261. 

Madeira, 83. 

Madhava, of Guzarat, 43. 

Madura, 253. 

Maghada, 6. 

Maha-Bal-Ishwar (Shiva), 146. 

Mahabat Khan, 111, 118,119,234; 

and Salher, 235; recalled, 237. 
Mahabharata, 4. 
Mahableshwar, 35, 144, 145, 272; 

Shivaji at, 150, 183. 
Mahad, 144. 
Mahadeva, 36. 
Mahad Ghat, 152. 
Mahamaya, queen, 17. 
Mahanadi River, 28. 
Maharashtra, 1 ; origin of name, 5; 

overrun by Andhras, 9 ; by Sakas, 

10 ; by Cholas, 28 ; conquered by 

Jayasinha, 16; by Malik Kafir, 

46 ; by Mubarak, 47 ; trade with 

Europe, 14 ; with Arabia, 25 ; 

visited by Hiuen Tsang, 18. 
Mahipati, poet, 105, 277. 
Mahmud Gawan, 77, 78. 
Mahmud Shah, son of Hasan Gangu, 

64, 65, 67. 
Mahmud Shah, son of Mahomed Shah, 

78, 79, 88. 
Mahomed, Prince, 60, see Mahomed 

Shah Bahmini I. 
Mahomed II, Sultan, 77. 
Mahomed Adil Shah, 117, 131; and 

Shivaji, 141 ; death, 153 ; dynasty, 

Mahomed Ghori, 201. 
Mahomed Khan of Ahmadnagar, 99. 
Mahomed Khan of Raichur, 71. 
Mahomed Kutb Shah, dynasty, 102. 

Mahomed Sangam, 64. 

Mahomed Shah Bahmani I, 61, 62, 

Mahomed Shah Bahmani II, 75 — 78. 

Mahomed Tughlak (Alaf Khan), 51, 
59, 62, 80, 82, 119, 201 ; financial 
schemes, 52, 54, 57; from Delhi 
to Devagiri, 53 ; embassy to Ara- 
bian Caliph, 55; death, 58. 

Mahuli, 121, 145, 183, 191. 

Makhil, a slave, appointed governor, 
57, 58. 

Malay Peninsula, 13. 

Maldives, the, 28. 

Malik, Musulman noble, 56. 

Malik Ahmad, 78 ; see Ahmad Nizam 

Malika Jehan, Empress, wife of 
Jalal-ud-din, 39, 42. 

Malika Jehan, wife of Ala-ud-di 
Shah, 71. 

Malik Ambar, of Ahmadnagar, 
109,111,117, 123,155. 

Malik Asad Uddin, 48. 

Malik Bairam, 54. 

Malik Kafir, 43, 136 ; defeats Maratha 
forces, 44 ; the Hoysalas and 
Warangal, 45 ; machinations, 46, 
48 ; death, 47. 

Malik Khusru (Hasan), 48, 49. 

Malik Mashir, 46. 

Malik Nasrat, Afghan general, 40. 

Malik, Raja of Khandesh, 80. 

Malik Surrur, 80. 

Malik-ul-Tujar, takes Bombay, 70, 
71 ; defeat, 73, 75, 146. 

Malkarnaji (Maloji), 113. 

Malkhed, Mogbul attack on, 261. 

Mallu Adil Shah, dynasrv, 101. 

Maloji Bhosle, 87, 113," 114, 116, 
123, 152, 175, 224. 

Malwa, 27 ; invadei by Yadavas, 35, 
36; defeated by Krishna II, 30; 
Ahmad Shah's campaign, 70 ; re- 
volt against Aia-ud-din Shah, 73; 
peace with Bahmani king, ~io , 
Dilavar Khan, king, 80 ; annexed 
by Akbar, 82. 

Malwan, 208, 277. 

Manavya, in legend, 15. 

Manes, the, 132. 

Mangalisa, 16. 

Mangalveda, 216. 

Mang Savant, 166. 

Manu, in legend, 15. 

Marathi language, 5; legend, 14. 

Maniti, in legend, 182 ; temple, 193, 

Master, Mr. Streinsham, of Surat, 



Masulipatam, 77. 

Mathura, 10, 220, 

Maurya dynasty, 7. 

Mawal, the, 1, 2, 9, 129. 

Mazagaon, 268. 

Mediterranean seaboard, 2. 

Megasthenes, 8. 

Melinda, 85. 

Mesopotamia, 14. 

Mhaldar Khan, of Trimbak, 124. 

Mhalsabai, wife of Lakhoji Jadhav- 
rao, 115. 

Mhars, the, 5. 

Mia Manju, of Ahmadnagar, 96, 98. 

Minchin, Capt.,269. 

Miraj, 165, 251. 

Miran Hussein, of Ahmadnagar, 94, 
95 ; dynasty, 101. 

Miran Mahomed, 92. 

Mir Faiz Ulla, poet, 65. 

Miriam Bibi, 92. 

Mirza Ali Barid Shah, dynasty, 102. 

Mirza Khan, 94, 96. 

Mitakshara, the, 31. 

Modi alphabet, legend, 37. 

Moghuls, invasion, 52 ; defeated by 
Timur, 80 ; provinces raided by 
Shiva ji, 155 -, war, 195 ; defeat, 

Mohites, the, 244. 

Molesworth, Mr., 5. 

Mombasa, 85. 

Moors, the, 83. 

Morbad, see Bajgad, 134, 135. 

Mores, the, 132. 

Moro Pingle, 134, 135, 152, 157, 175, 
216, 253, 262, 264 ; Governor of 
Purandar, 139 ; at Pratapgad, 160 ; 
sent agg,inst Moghuls,195 ; successes 
of, 234 ; relief of Salher, 235 ; raid 
on Portuguese, 249 ; at Shivaji's 
coronation, 246 ; aids Bijapur, 
265, 267. 

Moti, beggar, 98. 

Mozambique, 85. 

Muazzim Prince, 200 ; governor of 
the Deccan, 223 ; Moghul vice- 
roy, 262. 

Mubarak, Emperor, 46, 47 ; mis- 
government, 48 ; assassinated, 49. 

Mudhol, 142, 148 ; attacked by Shiva- 
ji, 172, 174. 

Mudkal, fortress, 62, 68 ; taken by 
Deva Raya II, 72 ; retaken by 
Vijayanagar, 91. 

Mujahid Shah, Bahmani king, 63, 64. 

MukamilKhan,89, 90j 

MukhilsKhan, 317. 

Muktabai, saint of Pandharpur,107. 

Mukundraj poet, 35. 

Mula, river, 125, 126. 

Mulana Ahmad of Kalyan, 139, 141, 

Multan, 49. 

Mumtaz Khan, Moghul officer, 196. 

Munga, a gardener, appointed gover- 
nor, 57. 

Munja, king of Malwa, 25, 27. 

Murad, Prince, son of Akbar, 98, 154. 

Murar Baji, commandant of Puran- 
dar, 210. 

Murar Jagdev, of Bijapur, 117, 143. 

Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, 
93, 94, 98, 114 ; dynasty, 101. 

Murtaza Nizam Shah II, 109, 118 ; 
career, 112 ;and the Bhosle's, 114, 
116; assassinates Lakhoji, 124; 
dynasty, 101. 

Musaud Khan, 262-5. 

Mustafa Khan, 147, 157. 

Musulmans,in Maharashtra, 25, 60,72. 

Muta, river, 125, 126. 

Muzafiar Khan, of Guzarat, 80. 

Mysore, 34, 36. 


Nagnak, defence of Kondana, 54. 

Nagpur, 1. 

Nahapana, king, 9. 

Nahar, forest, 145. 

Naik Nimbalker, 250, 251. 

Naldurga, district, 120. 

Namdev's Charitra, 106 ; saint aad 

poet, 107. 
Nanaghat, 9. 
Nandgiri, 241. 

Nanibai, Shivaji's daughter, 278. 
Narada, the sage, legend, 11. 
Narayan, 182 ; see Ramdas. 
Narbada river, 8, 10, 17. 
Narhari, saint of Pandharpur, 107. 
Narsinha, king, 35. 
Narsinha Raya of Vijayanagar, 77,90. 
Narsinhavarman, king, 23. 
Narsu, 133. 

Nasaruddin (Ismail Afghan), 58, 59. 
Nasik, inscriptions, 9; ghat, 14, 

Shivaji defeats Moghuls at, 234. 
Nassir Khan, of Khandesh, 71. 
Natal, 85. 
Navsari, 45. 
Navy, base of Ahmadnagar, 155 ; of 

Shivaji, 172, 234 ; Moghul fleet in 

Bombay, 240, 241, 242 ; Marathas 

and Moghuls. 269. 



Necho, canal cut by, 3. 

Nehung Khan, 99. 


Netoji Palkar, 156; at Pratapgad, 

160; defeats Bijapur, 162; sent 

against Moghuls, 195, 196. 
Newasa, legend, 106. 
Nihal, wife of Hasan KLhan, 68, 69. 
Nilkanth Naik, of Purandar, 138. 
Niloji Katkar, 260. 
Nilopant Sondes, 216, 231. 
Nimbalkars of Phaltan, 139, 215, 244, 

Niraji Pandit, 134. 
Niraji Ravji, 226. 
Nirupema, see Dhruva. 
Nivxatti, saint of Pandharpur, 105. 

Nizam Shah Bahmani^ 75, 78. 
Nizam Shahi dynasty, 78, 101. 
Nizam-ul-mulk, 78 ; assassination, 87. 
Nizampur, 247. 
Noah, legend, 39. 
North Pennar river, 22. 
Nur Jehan, empress of Delhi, HO, 



Oman, Gulf of, 13. 

Onkareshwar temple, 126. 

Oporto, 83. 

Orissa, Raja of, 75, 76, 77. 

Orme, estimate of Shivaji, 271. 

Ormuz, 65. 

Oudh, 3; Ala-ud-din, governor, 39, 

42 ; subdued by Mahomed Tugh- 

lak, 52. 
Ouriquo, battle, 83. 
Oxenden, Mr., of Bombay, 247. 

Pacific, the, 13. 

Padmavati, sister of Basava Madhi- 
raja, 33. 

Padshah Bibi, of Bijapur, 251, 263. 

Paes, description of Vijayanagar, 91. 

Paithan, in legend, 11, 106; Gaga 
Bhat at, 244. 

Palk Straits, 4. 

Pallavas, the, 9 ; in S. India, 22 , 
divisions of Empire, 24 ; and their 
vassals, 25 ; defeated by Malik 
Kafir, 46 ; Harihar as suzerain, 56. 

Panehgani, 144., 241. 


Pandliar Pani, 169, 171. 
Pandharpur, school, 36 ; movement; 

103, 179; pilgrims, 130, 191; 

Afzul Khan at, 158 ; Shahaji at, 

175 ; Vithoba, god of, 179. 
Pandu, king, 4. 
Pandyas, the, 4, 5, 22, 25 ; struggle 

for power, 25 ; defeated by Malik 

Kafir, 46 ; acknowledge Harihar 

as suzerain, 56. 
Pangal,69, 93. 

Pangaeus, Mount, gold mines, 6. 
Panhala, 243, 251, 260 ; and Shivaji, 

165, 167, 240, 265; fall of, 171 ; 

siege, 216 ; Abdul Karim's advance 

on, 250. 
Panipat, 79, 81. 
Pantoji Gopinath, 159, 162. 
Panvel Creek. 268. 
Par, 160. 
Parali, Ramdas and Shivaji at, 193, 

Parammadeva, 35. 
Parenda, 91; battle of, 119; ceded 

to Bijapur, 120. 
Parmaras, the, 27. 
Parsoji Bajirao More, 146. 
Parthian Kings, 10. 
Parvatam, shrine, 255. 
Parvati, see BJuxvani. 
Pataliputra (Patna), 7. 
Patna, 7. 
Patta, foit, 234, 235 ; retaken by 

Shivaji, 250 ; Shivaji in, 264. 
Pavangad, 165. 
Pedgaon, 196. 
Pennakonda, fortress, 93. 
Perdiccas, King of Macedonia, 0. 
Persia, 22, 80. 
Persian Gulf, 13. 
Persian war, 5. 
Persians, in the Deccan, 72. 
Peru, gardener, appointed governor, 

Perumanadi, Chalukya prince, 25, 

Phaltan, 114 ; attacked by Shivaji, 

215, 250 ; Nimbalkar, chief of, 

Pharoahs, ancient, 3. 
Philip of Maccdon, 6. 
Philip II of Portugal, 202. 
Philippa, Queen, 83. 
Phirangoji Narsala of C'liakan, 137, 

196, 197; deserts Bhupalgad, 265, 

execution, 266. 
Phoenicians, tlu;, 3. 
Phonda, fort, 173, 174, 176 ; attacked 

by Shivaji, 241, 243, 250. 



Pilo Nilkanth, 138, 139. 
Polad Khan, 218. 

Polemios, Sirios, 10 ; see Pulumayi. 
Poona, legends, 11 ; Shivaji at, 87 ; 
in fief to Maloji, 116 ; to Shahaji, 
121 ; in Shivaji's time and to-day, 
126; Tukaram visits, 189; Mo- 
ghul occupation, 196; Shivaji 
raids, 198, 199 ; evacuated by Mo- 
ghuls, 200 : Shivaji's return to, 
222 ; restored to Shivaji, 224. 
Portuguese, the, 82 ; take Goa, 86 ; 
at Revadanda, 96; and Vijaya- 
nagar, 90 ; and Savants of Savant- 
vadi, 173 ; sack Surat, 201 ; dowry 
to England, 236 ; raided by Shivaji, 
243, 249, 268. 
Poysala, 34 ; see Hoysala. 
Prabhakar, 17. 

Pratapgad, fortification, 151, 152; 
battle, 161-164 ; Jijabai at, 227 ; 
Shivaji at, 152, 161, 246. 
Prataprao Guzar (Kadtoji Guzar), 
200, 217, 224, 235; leaves Auranga- 
bad, 226; censured by Shivaji, 242; 
killed, 243. 
Pratap . Rudradev II of Waraugal, 
50, 55, 56 ; and the Takhti Firoz, 
Prem Rai, 60. 
Psammetichus of Sais, 3. 
Ptolemy, 10. 

Pulakesi I, Chalukya king, 16. 
Pulakesi II, 16 ; victories, 17 ; Hiuen 
Tsang on, 18 ; and Chosroes II of 
Persia, 22 ; death, 23. 
■ Pulumayi, king, 9, 12. 
Pulumayi IV, last Andhra king, 15. 
Pundalik, founds Pandharpur, 103. 
Punjab, the, 2. 
Puranas, the, 9, 11, 130, 
Purandar, 87, 138, 224 ; occupied by 
Shivaji, 139 ; Shahaji and Shivaji 
at, 176 ; to-day and in time of 
Shivaji, 209 ; siege of, 210, 211 ; 
ceded. to Moghuls, 212 ; retaken by 
Shivaji, 231, 272. 
Purandares, the, 126. 
Purbhia dynasty, 80. 
Pushpamitra, 8. 
Putalibai, Shivaji's wife, 277. 

Quilon, Arab king of, 85; Portu- 
guese in, 86. 


Radha,in legend, 104. 
Radtondi pass, 159, 160. 
Ragho Ballal Atre, 150, 151, 167, 
272 ; sent against Fatih KJian, 
156 ; defeated by Sidi Yakut, 239. 
Raghimath Hanmante, 254 ; and 

Vyankoji, 259, 260, 270. 
Raghunath Naik of Tanjore, 136. 
Raghunathpant Korde, 217-219. 
Raghunath Pant, 134, 143, 149; 
mission to Jai Sing, 211; at Shi- 
vaji's coronation, 246. 
Rahimatpur, 158. 
Rai Bagin, 195. 
Raichur fort, 71, 91, 173. 
Rain fort, 140, 152, 156, 176; see 

Rajadhiraja, king, 29. 
Rajaditya, king, 25. 
Rajamandri, Raja of, 40. 
Rajaprashashti, the, 37 footnote. 
Rajapur, 166; English losses at, 237, 

248 ; Maratha fleet at, 269. 
Rajaram, son of Shivaji, 193, 217, 
243; second founder of Maratha 
empire, 276, 277. 
Rajendra, king, 28. 
Rajendra II, 29. 

Rajgad, 130, 134, 156; fortification 
of, 135, 136, 138 ; Shivaji at, 166, 
176, 197. 
Rajmachi, fort, 140. 
Rajputana, 46, 47. 
Rajraja the Great, 28. 
Rajyavardhan, 17. 
Raj Mahal, 130, 197. 
Raka, saint of Pandharpur, 107. 
Rakhmai, in legend, 105. 
Rakma, wife of Tukaram, 180. 
Rakshasabhuvan, 50, 223. 
Rakshasas, 5. 
Rama of Ayodhya, 3. 
Rama Parashurama, in legend, 170. 
Ramadeva, Yadava king, 36, 37; Ala- 
-ud-din's attack, 39 ; shelters Karan 
of Guzarat, 43; vassal of Ala-ud-din, 
44, 46. 
Ramanand, in legend, 105. 
Ramayana, the, 3. 
Ramchandra, hero god, 16, 182, 183, 

Ramchandra Niikant, 246. 
Ramdas, saint, 179; letters to Shi- 
vaji, 183, 185; his family, 182; 
and Shivaji, 190-192, 216, 244, 
270, 276 ; death and burial, 193, 
194; see Narayan. 



Rameshwar, 186, 187. 

Rameshwaram, 46. 

Ramnad, 22. 

Ramraj, of Vijayanagar, 90-93, 135. 

Ramsing, son of Jai Sing, 217. 

Rana Sanga of Chitor, 82. 

Ranade, Mr. Justice, estimate of 

Shivaji, 271. 
Randulla Khan, Bijapur genera], 117, 

118, 120, 121, 135, 143'^ 
Rangna, 165. 

Ranmast Khan, 264, 267. 
Ranubai, 182. 
Ranuri, 89. 
Raoji Somnath, 134. 
Rashtrakutas, 15, 16, 23-25. 
Rashtrikas, 7, 15. 
Rastam Jamari of Miraj, 165. 
Ravana of Ceylon, in legend, 4, 36. 
Rayaba, son of Tanaji, 228. 
Raygad, 176; mint at, 208 ; Shivaji 

at, 222, 245, 251, 270, 277, 278. 
Red Sea, 3. 
Revadanda, 96. 
Rio de Oro, 84. 
Rohida, fort, 133. 
Rohidas, saint of Pandharpur, 107. 
Rohideshwar, temple, 133. 
Roman empire, 2, 13. 
Rudradaman, Saka leader, 12. 
Rudra Mai, 209. 
Ruh Parva Agha, 64. 
Ruklimini, in legend, 104; temple, 

Rupsimdari, wife of Madhava, 43. 

Sadashiva, 91. 

Sadashivagad, fort, 251. 

Sadi, writings of, 61. 

Safi Agha, Turkish architect, 202. 

Sagar, 66. 

Sagre, 83. 

Sagunabai, Shivaji's wife, 278. 

Sahadeva, Prince, 4. 

Sahasrarjuna, king, in legend, 170. 

Sahyadris, 1, 2, 87, 130. 

Saibai, wife of Shivaji, 124, 277; 

plan to save Shahaji, 143 ; at 

Jejuri, 175; death, 270. 
St. Helena, 84. 
St. Michael, 83. 
St. Thome, 238. 
Sajana Sing, 112. 
Sajara hill, 256. 
Sakas, the, 9, 10. 

Sakwarbai, Shivaji's wife, 277. 

Sakyas, tribe, 17. 

Sala, legend, 34. 

Sala Gossala, 156. 

Salherfort, 234, 235. 

Salsette, 237, 

Samaghar, 154. 

Samana, 39. 

Samangad, 192. 

Samarkand, 80, 81. 

Sambhaji, son of Shivaji, 160, 277 ; 
at Parali, 193 ; command in Mor 
ghul army, 213, 218, 224 ; accom- 
panies Shivaji to Agra, 217 ; 
return to Raygad, 222, 223 ; deserts 
to Moghul army, 265 ; journey to 
Raygad, 270, 271 ; executed, 276. 

Sambhaji, son of Shahaji, 123 ; at 
Bijapur, 131 ; given command bj' 
Shah Jehan, 143; killed, 147, 157. 

Sambhaji Kavaji, 150, 151 ; at Pra- 
tapgad, 161, 162. 

Sambhaji Mohite of Supa, 137. 

Samuri, the, of Calicut, 86. 

Sangamner, 264. 

Sangitratnakar, 35 footnote. 

Sanskrit, epics, 3 ; relation to Mara- 
thi, 14. 

Santarem, 83. 

Sarvadnya Bhupa, 32 ; see Some- 
shwara III. 

Saswad, 138. 

Satara, 97 ; Shivaji at, 191, 241, 245, 

Satavahana, race, 9. 

Satpura Mountains, 4. 

Satyasraya, Chakikya king, 27, 28. 

Satyavati, 103. 

Savants of Savantvadi, 132, 166, 244 ; 
fight against Shivaji, 172 ; at Phon- 
da, 241. 

Savant Kaya, 167. 

Savantvadi, 166; becomes vassal 
state, 174. 

Savitri river, 145. 

Savitribai, 258. 

Savji More, 179, 180. 

Sayad Banda, 161, 162. 

Selim, prince, (Jehangir), 109. 

Seljuknama, the, 39. 

Seuna Cliandra Yadava, 31, 34, 35. 

Seuna Desh, country of the Vaihivas, 
35 footnote. 

Shadi Khan, 40, 48. 

Shahaji, son of Maloji, 87, 112, 114; 
and Jijabai, 115, 116. 175, 207; 
enters Bijapur's ser%nce, 117, 121; 
campaigns of, 118-121, 135, 136; 
marries Tukabai, 124 ; at Bijapur, 



131, 177; and Shivaji, 123, 141, 
174, 175; taken prisoner, 141-143 ; 
betrayed by Ghorpade; 142, 271 ; 
at Bangalore, 147 ; quells Doab 
nobles, 206 ; death, 207. 

Shahapur, the Kulkarni of, 183. 

Shah Jehan, 110, 215, 235; and 
Shahaji, 119-121, 143; letters, 149; 
deposed, 154. 

Shahriyar, Prince, 110. 

Shah Sharif, saint, 114. 

Shah Tahir, 90, 98. 

Shah Tamasp, 75. 

Shahu, 276. 

Shaistekhan, 195, 218; at Poona, 
197 ; evacuates Poona, 200. 

Shake era, 10. 

Shalivahan era, in legend, 12, 14. 

Shamaji Naik, 257. 

Shamraj Nilkant Ranjekar, 156. 

Shamraj Pant, 167. 

Shamsuddin, king, 65, 66. 

Shamsuddin, court physician, 263. 

Shankardeva, son of Ramadeva 
Yadava, 40, 44, 46. 

Shankar Rai, of Khelna, 73, 75. 

Shankarraoji Nilkanth, 139. 

Shanwar Wada, the, 126. 

Sharifji, son of Maloji, 114. 

Sheikh Muwalid, 88. 

Shelar, imcle of Tanaji, 22S. 

Sher Khan, 255. 

Shesha, legend, 11. 

Shesliaji Naik, legend, 114. 

Shingarpur, 165. 

Shingnapur, 35 footnote, 114, 175. 

Shiraz, 77. 

Shirkes, the, 73, 146. 

Shirwal, 128. 

Shiva, in legend. 16, 105, 123, 

Shivaji, birth and boyhood, 87, 
married to Saibai, 124 ; at Poona, 
129 ; choice of a career, 131, 132 ; 
rise of, 133; war against Bija- 
pur, 140 ; takes Jaoli, 151 ; 
attacks Janjira, 156, 172 ; victory 
over Afzul Khan, 162 ; in Southern 
Konkan, 165 ; flight from Panhala, 
169 ; takes Mudhol, 172 ; overruns 
Savantvadi, 173 ; his friends, 179 ; 
meeting with Shahaji, 175 ; 
Moghul War, 195; sues Jai Sing 
for peace, 210-213; goes to 
Agra, 216 ; treaty with Aurang- j 
zeb, 224 ; at Salher, 235 ; crowning, 
236,244; alliance with Golconda, 
254 ; territories conquered by, 260 ; 
death, 270; character, 271; 

administration, 273-276 ; wives 

and children, 277. 
Shivaji More, 180. 
Shivajipant, 257. 
Shivappa Naik, 136. 
Shivapur, 128. 
Shivner, fort, 87 ; Maloji, governor, 

116 ; Shivaji's birth place, 124; 

attack on, 231, 250. 
Shivthar, 147. 
Sholapur, 90, 91, 96; ceded to Bija- 

pur, 118, 120; ceded to Moghuls, 

224; battle near, 252. 
Shrigonda, in legend, 113. 
Shri Mallikarjun, shrine, 255. 
Shringanwadi, 184. 
Shri Satakarni, King, 9. 
Shuja, governor of Bengal, 154. 
Siddhartha, 17. 

Siddheshwarbhat of Chakan, 277. 
Sidi of Janjira, 250. 
Sidi Hillal, 229, 230. 
Sidi Johar, 166 ; siege of Panhala, 

167-9 ; siege of the Vishalgad, 171 ; 

treachery of, 173. 
Sidi Kasim, admiral, 268, 269. 
Sidi Khairyat, 232, 239. 
Sidi Musaud Khan, 262-5. 
Sidi Sambal, admiral, 232, 238, 268. 
Sidi Yakut, of Janjira, 232, 238, 239. 
Sikandar Khan, 73, 74. 
Sikandar Adil Shah, of Bijapur, 268 ; 

dynasty, 101. 
Sikri, 82. 

Simuka Satavahana, king, 9. 
Sind, 25, 58. 
Sindhu Durg, 172. 
Singhana, Yadava king, 35, 146. 
Sinhgad, Shivaji at, 138, 196, 199; 

ceded to Moghuls, 212, 224 ; Jijabai 

demands, 227 ; taken by Shivaji, 

Sira, 135, 258. 
Sita, legend, 4, 36. 
Smith, Mr. Anthony, 205. 
Somaliland, 3. 
Someshwara I, 28. 
Someshwara II, 30, 31. 
Someshwara III, (Bhulokamala), 32, 

Someshwara IV, 33, 35. 
Someshwara, chief of Northern Kon- 
kan, 36. 
Somnath Bhat Katre, 245. 
Som Savant, 166. 
Sonda, Raja of, 250. 
Sopana, saint of Pandharpur, 105, 

107, 138. 
South Pennar river, 22. 



Sovideva, 33. 

Soyarabai, wife of Shivaji, 175, 270, 

Spaniards, the, 83. 
Sparta, 6. 

Subhan Kutb Shah, dynasty, 102. 
Suddhoddana, King, 17. 
Suez Canal, 3. 
Sultan Kuli Kutb Shah, dynasty, 

Sumitra, 8. 
Sunga dynasty, 8. 
Sun god, legend, 182. 
Supa, 116, 121, 137 ; Tukaram More, 

at, 181 ; occupied by Moghuls, 

196; restored to Shivaji, 224. 
Surat, history, 200-2, plundered, 205, 

206, 233 ; aids Janjira, 232 ; foreign 

merchants of, 238. 
Suryaji Malusare, 230, 231. 
Suryajipant, 182. 
SyrDaria. 81. 
Syria, 13. 

Table B/iy, 85. 

Tailangana, 52 ; see Warangal. 

Tailapa, conquests of, 25, 27. 

Tailapa II, 32, 33. 

Takhti Firoz, 62. 

Takkolam, 25. 

Tcilikota, battle of, 94, 135, 136. 

Tanaji Malusare 129, 134, 217, 227; 

at Pratapgad, 160 ; raid on Poona, 

197-9; killed, 230. 
Tangier, 83, 236. 

Tanjore, 25, 136, 207, 253, 269, 276. 
Taponhidi Devbharati. of Khandesh, 

Tapti river, 60. 
Tartar hordes, 49. 
Tathwada, fort, 215, 241, 251. 
Taxila, 10. 

Telingana (Tailangana), 70, 76, 78, 79. 
Telegu, language, 8. 
Telegus, in Golconda, 87. 
Thebans, 6. 
Theresa, married to Henry, Count 

of Burgundy, 83. 
Timma of Vijayanagar, 91. 
Timur, Amir, 80, 81. 
Tirhut, 51. 
Tirumal, 93. 
Toigal fortress, 173, 260. 

Torna, fort, 1,30. fSS ; Shivaji at, 134, 

Trajan, 13. 
Travancore, 22. 
Trichinopoli, 136. 
Trimal Naik of Trichinopoli, 136. 
Trimbak, fort, 234. 
Trimbakeshwar, in legend, 107. 
Trimbakpant Dabir, 217. 
Trinomali, (Trimali Mahal), 255. 
Trivadi, 256. 
Trivendram, 22. 
Tufal Khan of Berar, 94 ; dynasty, 

Tukabai, wife of Shahaji, 124, 174. 
Tukaram, 179-181, 276; his poems, 

182 ; letter to Shivaji, 187 ; death, 

Tukarrib Khan, 112. 
Tuljapur, 116, 152, 158, 175. 
Tungabhadra river, 28, 30, 55, 60, 

Turk, in legend, 39. 


Udaipur, 110, 112. 

Udaram Deshmukh, 195. 

Ude Bhan, 227-230. 

Ujjain, 10, 222. 

Umar Khan, saint, 140. 

Umar Khan, son of Ala-ud-din, 46, 

Umar Sheikh Mirza, 81. 
Umbrani, 242. 
Umrathe, 227. 
Underi, (Henery), 268. 269. 
Uscotta, 253. 
Ushvadata, 9, 12. 
Uzbeg Turks, 81. 

Vagholi, 186. 

Vailam Piilam, battle at, 61. 

Valdevez, journey of. 83. 

Vanavdi, 125. 

Van don Brocck, at Surnt, 202. 

Vasudeva Kanva, 8. 

Vatapipura, sec Bndanii. 

Vellore, Shivaji takes. 256. 

Vengi, 23, 28, 29, 40. 

Venkatadri, 92, 93. 

Venna (Yenna) river, 145. 



Verde, Cape, 84. 
Verul, 113, 114. 
Vetal, in legend, 11. 
Vidnyaneshwara, 31. 
Vijayaditya, Icing, 29-31. 
Vijayanagar, Raja of, 55. 
Vijayanagar, 56, 71, 76, 135, 252; 

rebellion, 58, 61 ; siege, 63 ; 

quarrel with Mujahid Shah, 63 ; 

attacks Ahmad Shah, 69 ; defeat, 

72 ; friendship with Portuguese, 

90; destroyed, 92-94. 
Vijjala of Banavase, 33, 35. 
Vikrama Rai, of Belgaum, 76. 
Vikramaditya, in legend, 11. 
Vikramaditya I, 23, 28. 
Vikramaditya II, 30, 31-35. 
Vimaladitya, Chalukya king, 28, 

Vinayakdeva of Warangal, 61. 
Vindhya forests, 17. 
Vindhyas, the, 2, 3, 4, 47. 
VirShekhar of Tanjore, 136. 
Vira Ballala, 35. 
Viraji Bohri of Surat, 205. 
Virarajendra, king, 29, 30. 
Virgil, works of, 13. 
Virupaksha I of Vijayanagar, 76. 
Visaji Trimal, 220. 
Visajirao, 277. 
Visapur, fort, 140. 
Vishalgad (Khehia), 146, 166; and 

Shivaji, 165, 169, 172, 240; be- 

seiged by Sidi Johar, 171. 
Vishnu, in legend, 11, 16, 34, 105. 
Vishvambar, ancestor of Tukaram 

More, 179. 
Vishvanath Naik, general, 136. 
Vishvasrao, 158, 164. 
Vithoba, god, of Pandharpur, 105, 

175, 179, 181. 
Vithoji, son of Babaji, 113. 
Vithoji Mohite Newaskar, 124. 
Vyankat Naik of Jinji, 136. 
Vyankoji, son of Shahaji, 174, 175, 
207, 253; Shivaji's letters, 256, 270 ; 
war with Shivaji, 257 ; alliance 
with, 259; fief of, 267. 


Wai, 153, 157, 158, 183. 

Wall UUa, Bahmani king, 79. 

Wandan, 241. 

Warangal, campaign against, 50 ; 
becomes a province of Delhi, 50; of 
Bahmani kingdom, 70; subdued, 52, 
56; rebellion, 58, 61; attacks Ahmad 
Shah, 69 ; Golconda dynast3% 87 ; 
the Kakatiyas of, 33, 35, 45. 

Wardhangad, fort, 251. 

Wasota, fort, 151. 

Wassantgad, 165. 

Western Ghats, 64, 72. 

Yadavas, the, 33-35, 55. 

Yasodhara, 18. 

Yatagiri, 29. 

Yavanas, the, 9. 

Yeklas Khan, 96, 98. 

Yenna (Venna), river, 145. 

Yergatanhalli, 207. 

Yesaji Kank, 129, 134, 217; raid 

on Poena, 197-9. 
Yeshwant More, 146. 
Yeshwant Rao, 146. 
Yudhishthira, Prince, tales of, 4, 

Yueh-chi, Chinese hordes, 10. 
Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur, 77-79, 

88, 146; dynasty, 101. 
Yusuf Khan Mayna, 260. 

Zainuddin of Chakan, 88. 
Zalaca, battle, 83. 
Zia-ud-din, 49. 


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