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iJAHMADSHAH    DURANI 


J  ■*-• 


<5\^>W 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE 
MARATHA   PEOPLE 


BY 
C.  A.  KINCAID,  C.V.O.,  I.C.S. 

Officler  de  I'lastruction  Publlque 
AND 

Rao  Bahadur  D.  B.  PARASNIS 


VOL.  Ill 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  SHAHU  TO 
THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC 


\* 


V 


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HUMPHREY    MILFORD 
OXFORD    UNIVERSITY    PRESS 
LONDON      BOMBAY      CALCUTTA     MADRAS 

1925 


OTHER  BOOKS  BY  C.  A.  KINCAID 

Published  by  the  Oxford  University  Press 

THE  ANCHORITE,  TALES  OF  OLD  SIND,  THE  INDIAN  HEROES, 
TALES  FROM  THE  INDIAN  EPICS,  TALES  FROM  THE  INDIAN  DRAMA, 
TALES  OF  KING  VIKRAMA,  TALES  OF  THE  SAINTS  OF  PANDHARPUR. 


Published  by  Messrs.   Macmillan  &  Co. 

DECCAN  NURSERY  TALES. 

Published  by  the  '  Times  of  India  ' 

HINDU    GODS    AND    HOW     TO     RECOGNIZE      THEM,      OUR     PARS1 
FRIENDS. 

Published  by  Messrs.   Taraporevala  &  Co. 

THE  TALE  OF  THE  TULSI  PLANT.    SHRIKRISHNA  OF  DWARKA. 

Published  by  the  '  Daily  Gazette  '  Press 

FOLK   TALES    OF    SIND    AND    GUZARAT. 


OTHER  BOOKS  BY  P.  B.  PARASNIS 

THE   RAM  OF   JHANSI,  MAHAHLESHWAR,    PANHALA.     POONA,  THK 
SANGLI  STATE,    Etc.,  Etc. 


TO  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

THIS  WORK 

IS 

RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED 


PREFACE  TO  THIRD  VOLUME 

I  now  offer  to  the  public  the  third  volume  of  A  History 
of  the  Marat  ha  People,  which  I  have  dedicated  like  the  others 
to  the  Maratha  People.  I  decided  to  write  the  book  as  far 
back  as  1913,  after  assuring  myself  of  the  collaboration  of 
Rao  Bahadur  D.  B.  Parasnis.  I  owe  him  a  deep  debt  of 
thanks  for  the  help  which  he  has  given  me,  and  for  the  infinite 
courtesy  with  which  he  has  always  soothed  my  impatience. 
He  is  solely  responsible  for  Appendix  B,  Chapter  LXVII1 
on  Ram  Shastri  and  the  Peshwa's  justice.  I  have  also  re- 
ceived the  greatest  help  from  Mr.  Sardesai's  admirable 
Riyasat,  a  copy  of  which  he  very  kindly  sent  me.  The  Chief 
of  Ichalkaranji  has  been  throughout  most  sympathetic,  and 
has  often  lent  me  books  that  without  his  help  I  could  not 
have  obtained.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Rao  Bahadur 
Sane,  who  has  laid  all  students  of  Indian  history  under  a 
great  obligation  by  the  publication  of  the  Peshwa's  Bakhar  and 
other  ancient  Maratha  chronicles.  Lastly,  my  most  grateful 
thanks  are  due  to  the  Government  of  H.  H.  The  Maharaja  of 
Baroda,  the  Government  of  H.  H.  The  Maharaja  of  Kolhapur, 
and  to  the  Chiefs  of  Sangli,  Ichalkaranji,  Bhor,  Aundh,  and 
Miraj  senior,  for  their  generous  support. 

As  regards  the  arrangement  of  the  third  volume,  it  may  be 
objected  that  I  have  compressed  into  too  small  a  space  the 
reign  of  Bajirao  II.  This  I  have  done  deliberately.  My 
work  is  primarily  for  Indian  readers,  and  to  them  the  glorious 
period  of  the  Maratha  kingdom  will,  I  think,  prove  more 
interesting  than  its  decline  and  fall.  Maratha  pre-eminence 
ended  with  the  death  of  Madhavrao  II.  After  the  treaty  of 
Bassein  the  Peshwa  became  a  subordinate  ally  of  the  English. 
English  readers  who  wish  to  read  in  more  detail  the  events 
of  Bajirao's  reign  will  find  them  described  at  great  length  in 
Grant  Duff.  His  immortal  History  of  the  Mahrattas,  admirably 
edited  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Edwardes,  c.s.i.,  c.v.o.,  has  recently 
been  republished  by  the  Oxford  University  Press, 


vi  PREFACE 

One  of  my  critics  complained  that  I  had  not  given  a  full 
list  of  the  authorities  consulted  by  me  at  the  end  of  each 
volume.  I  have  tried  to  meet  his  wishes  by  giving  a  list  of 
authorities  consulted  (so  far  as  it  is  possible  in  view  of  the 
wide  reading  involved  in  such  a  work)  at  the  beginning  of 
this  volume. 

In  the  preface  to  my  first  volume  I  promised  to  include 
in  the  third  volume  a  short  account  of  the  Maratha  states 
between  1818  and  the  present  day.  This  promise,  I  regret 
to  say,  I  have  been  unable  to  keep.  The  publishers,  for 
whose  generous  co-operation  I  am  deeply  grateful,  think  that 
the  work  is  already  long  enough.  I  fear  too,  that,  to  use 
Michelet's  words,  L'dge  me  presse.  I  must  leave  to  some 
other  pen  the  task  of  writing  the  history  of  the  Maratha  states 
during  the  last  hundred  years. 

I  conclude  by  repeating  what  I  said  in  the  last  paragraph  of 
the  preface  to  the  first  volume,  and  by  assuring  my  Indian 
readers,  that  I  have  done  my  best  to  avoid  giving  them  offence. 
If  by  inadvertence  I  have  done  so,  I  trust  that, they  will  extend 
to  me  their  forgiveness. 

C.  A.  K. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

XLVIII.    The  Women's  War   and  the  Triumph  of  Balaji 

Peshvva     ...           ...           ...           ...           ...           ...  1 

XL1X.     The  War  against  the  Nizam          ...            ...            ...  12 

L.    The  Rise  of  the  English  and  the  Fall  of  Angre.  20 

LI.     Balaji  Triumphs  over  de  Bussy  ...            ...            ...  29 

LII.     Events  at  Delhi  from  1748  to  1760           ...            ...  52 

LIII.     Panipat  and  the  Death  of  Balaji  Peshwa            ...  62 

LIV.    The  Accession  of  Madhavrao  Ballal      ...           ...  80 

LV.    Madhavrao's  First  and  Second  Mysore  Wars,  and 

Second  Civil  War            ...           ...           ...           ...  89 

LVI.    Madhavrao's  Third   Mysore  War  and  Progress 

of  Affairs  at  Delhi       ...           ...           ...           ...  96 

LVII.     Narayanrao  and  Raghunathrao  ...            ...            ...  102 

LVIII.    Raghunathrao  and  the  English  ...           ...           ...  112 

LIX.    The  Pretender  and  the  English  War    ...           ...  117 

LX.    Moroba  Phadnavis'  Conspiracy  and  the  English 

Invasion  ...           ...           ...           ...           ...           ...  124 

LXI.     Renewal  of  the  English  War      ...            ...            ...  132 

LXII.     Wars  against  Tipu              ...           ...           ...           ...  147 

LXIII.     Career  and  Death  of  Madhavrao  Sindia             ...  159 
LXIV.    War  against  Nizam  All     Death  of  Savai  Madhav- 
rao          ...            ...           ...           ...           ...           ...  170 

LXV.    The  Accession  of  Bajirao  II          ...           ...           ...  183 

L.XVI.     Civil  Wars  and  Wars  against  the  English         ...  191 

LXVII.    The  Reign  of  Bajirao  II  ...           ...           ...           ...  207 

LXVII1.     The  End  of  the  Chitpavan  Epic...            ...            ...  218 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Ahmadshah  Durani Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

Sadashivrao  Bhau 16 

Surajmal,  King  of  the  Jats  63 

Madhavrao  Peshwa  81 

Narayanrao  Peshwa  104 

Raghunathrao   Balaji,  Pandit  Pradhan,  Peshwa  of  the  Maratha 
Empire 139 

Madhavrao  Sindia , 168 

Balaji  Pandit  Nana  Phaduavis 168 

Tippoo  Sultan  188 


LIST  OF  THE  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES 
CONSULTED— ENGLISH 

Acworth,  H.  A.,  Ballads  of  the  Mar  at  has,  Longmans,  1894. 

Anderson,  P.,  The  English  in  Western  hidia,  London,  1856. 

Ayangar's  Ancietit  India,  Madras. 

Bernier's  Travels,  Constable,  London,  1891. 

Betham,  R.  M.,  Marat  has  and  Dekhani  Musulmans,  Calcutta, 

1908. 
Bhandarkar,    Deccan,    Bombay  ;     Vaishnavism,     Saivism     and 

Minor  Religious  Systems,  Strassburg,  1913. 
Bowring,  Haidar  Ali  and  Tippu  Sultan,   Oxford  University 

Press. 
Briggs,    Ferishta,    Calcutta,  1908;    The  Siyar  id  Mutakherin 

vol.  1,  Murray,  London. 
Broughton,  T.  D.,  Letters  written  in  a  Maratha  Camp  during 

1809,  Constable,  London. 
Bruce,  Annals  of  the  East  India  Company,  1600—1707,  London. 
Bury,  History  of  Greece,  London. 
Campbell,  Sir  James,  Bombay  Presidency  Gazetteer. 
Compton,     European     Military    Adventurers     in     Hindostan, 

London,  1892. 
Cunningham,  History  of  the  Sikhs,  Oxford  University  Press. 
Da  Cunha,  Antiquities  of  Bassein,  Bombay. 
Dan  vers,  F.  C,  The  Portuguese  in  hidia,  London,  1894. 
Delia  Valle,  P.,  Travels  i?i  India  (Hakluyt),  2  vols.,  London, 

1892. 
Dosabhai    Framji    Karaka,    History    of    the  Parsis,    2   vols., 

London,  1884. 
Douglas,  J.,  Bombay  and  Western  India,  London,  1893. 
Downing,  Clement,  History  of  the  Indian  Wars,  London,  1737. 
Dubois,    Hindu    Manners,    Customs    and    Ceremonies,    Oxford 

University  Press,  1899. 
Edwardes,  S.  M.,  The  Rise  of  Bo?nbay,  Bombay,  1902;    Gazet- 
teer of  Bombay  Town  and  Island,  Bombay,  1909. 
Elliot   and    Dowson,    History    of  India   as   told    by   her  own 

Historians,  London,  1867. 


X  LIST  OF  THE  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES 

Elphinstone,  M.,  History  of  India,  London,  1874. 

Forbes,  A.  K.,  Rasmala,  London,  1878. 

Forbes,  J.,  Oriental  Memoirs,  London,  1834. 

Forrest,  G.  W.,    Selections  from  Bombay  State  Papers  :  Home 

Series,  Bombay,  1887  ;  Maratha  Series,  Bombay,  1885. 
Fryer,  John,  A  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  London, 

1698. 
Grant  Duff,    History  of  the  Marathas,  Oxford  University  Press 

(edited  by  Edwardes),  1921. 
Gwalior  State  Gazetteer,  1908. 
Haig,    Historical  Landmarks   of  the   Decca?i,    Pioneer   Press, 

Allahabad,  1907. 
Hamilton,  A  New  Account  of  the  East  Indies,  London,  1744. 
Hamilton,  History  of  the  Rohilla  Afghans,  London. 
Heber,    R.,   Narrative  of  a  Journey  through  the  Upper  Pro- 
vinces of  India,  London,  1861. 
Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  Clarendon  Press,  1907,  1908. 
Irvine's  History  of  the  Nazvabs  of  Farrukabad,  London. 
Julien,  Voyages  de  Hiuen  Tsang,  Paris. 
Keene,  H.  G.,   The  Fall  of  the  Moghul  Empire,  London,  1887  ; 

The  Great  Anarchy,  Thacker  &  Co.,  London,  1901  ;  Life  of 

Madhavrao  Sindia,  Oxford  University  Press,  1911. 
Kincaid,  C.  A.,  Ishtur  Phakde,  '  Times  of  India  Press  '  ;    Tales 

of  the  Saints  of  Pandharpur,  Oxford  University  Press. 
Lane  Poole,  S.,  History  of  the  Moghul  Emperors  of  Hindustan, 

London,  1892  ;  Aurangzib,  Clarendon  Press,  1893. 
Low,  History  of  the  Indian  Navy,  London,  1877. 
Macauliffe,  M.  A.,  The  Sikh  Religion,  Clarendon  Press,  1909. 
Maclean,  J.  M.,  Guide  to  Bombay,  1875. 
Macnicol,  N.,  Indian  Theism,  Clarendon  Press,  1915. 
Malabari,  P.  B.,  Bombay  in  the  Making,  Unwin,  1910. 
Malcolm,  Sir  J.,  Memoir  of  Central  India,  London,  1832. 
Malleson,  G.  B.,  History  of  the  French  in  India,  London. 
Manucci,  N.-,  Storia  do  Mogor,  London,  1907-1908. 
Orme,  R.,  Historical  Fragments  of  the  Moghul  Empire,  London, 

1782  ;  History  of  Hindustan,  London,  1783. 
Owen,  S.  J.,  Moghul  Empire,  London,  1912. 
Parasnis,  D.  B.,  Mahableshwar,  Bombay,  1916 ;  The Sangli  State, 

Bombay,  1917  ;  Panhala,  Bombay,   1923  ;  Poona  in  Bygone 

days,  1921,  Bombay. 


LIST  OF  THE  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES  xi 

Ranade,  Rise  of  the  Marat  ha  Power,  Bombay,  1900. 

Rice,  B.  L.,  Gazetteer  of  Mysore,  Westminster,  1897. 

Sarkar  Jadtmath,  History  of  Aurangzib,  Calcutta,  1912-1916, 

4  vols.  ;  Shivaji  and  his  Times,  Calcutta,  1919. 
Scott,  J.,  Deccan,  London,  1784. 

Sewell,  R.  A.,  Forgotten  Empire,  Sonnenschein,  1900. 
Sleeman,  Sir  W.  H.,  Rambles  and  Recollections  of  an  Indian 

Official,  Oxford  University  Press,  1915. 
Smith,  V.  A.,   The  Early  History  of  India,  Clarendon  Press, 

1914;  Akbar,  Clarendon  Press,  1917;   The  Oxford  History 

of  India,  Clarendon  Press,  1919. 
Strachey,  Sir  J.,    Hastings  and  the  Rohilla  War,   Clarendon 

Press. 
Tavernier,  J.  B.,  Travels  in  India,  London,  1889. 
Tod,  J.,  Annals  and  Antiquities  of  Rajasihan,  Oxford  Univer- 
sity Press,  1919. 
Valentia's  Voyages,  London. 

Waring,  E.  S.  A.,  History  of  the  Marat  has,  London,  1810. 
Wilks,  Lt.-Col.  M.,  Historical  Sketches  of  the  South  of  India, 

Madras,  1869. 

PRINCIPAL  MARATHI   AUTHORITIES 

Atre,  M.  M.,  Malharrao  Holkar  yanche  Charilra,  Poona,  1893, 
Bakhars  : — 

Bakhar  of  Pilaji  Gaikvad. 

Bakhar  of  the  Dabhades. 

Chitnis  Bakhar. 

Shivdigvijaya  Bakhar. 

Sabhasad  Bakhar. 

Panipat  Bakhar. 

Bhavsahib 's  Bakhar. 

Harivanshanchi  Bakhar. 

Shedgaonkar  Bakhar. 

Bakhar  of  the  Nagpurkar  Bhosles. 
Khare,  V.  V.,  Itihasik  Lekh  Sangraha,  Kurundwad  Bhavnana 
Press,  5  volumes,  1908. 

Nana  Phadnavisanche  Charilra,  Maharashtra  Book  Depot, 
Poona,  1902. 

Adhikar  Yog,  Maharashtra  Book  Depot,  Poona,  1908. 


xii  LIST  OF  THE  CHIEF  AUTHORITIES 

Parasnis,  D.  B.,  Brahmendraswami  yanche  Charitra,  Bombay; 
Marathyanche  Armar,  Bombay,  1904  ;  Marat hyanche  Para- 
kram,  Bombay,  1895.     Itihas  Sangraha,  vols,  i-vii. 

Rajwade  Marathi,  Itihasachin  Sadhane. 

Sardesai,  G.  S.,  Marathi  Riyasat,  vols.  4,  Indu-Prakash  Press, 
Bombay. 

Namdev's  Charitra. 

Ramdas1  Dasbodh. 

Ramdas'  Charitra,  by  Hanmant  Swami. 

PRINCIPAL  PORTUGUESE  AUTHORITIES 

Ismail  Gracias :  Uma  Dona  Portugueza  na  corte  do  grao  Mogol ; 
Os  ultimos  cinco  generaes  do  norte  ;  O  Oriente  Portuguese. 

GUZARATI   AUTHORITY 

Karan  Ghelo,  by  Mr.  Nandashankar. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII 

THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  THE  TRIUMPH  OF 
BALAJI  PESHWA 

A.  D.  1750  to  1751 

In  the  late  monsoon  of  1750  the  Peshwa  with  a  large  force 
entered  the  territories  of  the  Nizam.  Ostensibly  he  was 
acting  as  the  ally  of  Nasir  Jang.  His  real  aim  was  to  reduce 
the  Nizam's  territories  to  Maratha  rule.  In  September  1750 
Raghuji  Bhosle  received  from  the  Peshwa  a  robe  of  honour 
and  sent  his  son  Janoji  with  the  vanguard  of  the  Maratha 
army  to  Nasir  Jang's  assistance.  The  combined  force  de- 
feated Muzaffir  Jang  and  took  him  prisoner.  Then  the  tide 
turned.  On  the  5th  December,  1750,  Nasir  Jang  was  killed 
in  battle  against  the  French,  whose  rapid  rise  the  Peshwa  had 
observed  with  growing  resentment.  Through  a  Krikakolam 
Brahman  named  Ramdas,  in  high  office  at  the  Nizam's  court, 
he  entered  into  negotiations  with  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan,  the 
Governor  of  Aurangabad.  The  Peshwa  was  willing  to  support 
either  a  brother  or  son  of  Nasir  Jang,  as  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan 
might  wish.  The  Sayad  chose  Ghazi-ud-din,  the  eldest  son 
of  Nizam-ul-Mulk,  who,  in  view  of  his  own  prospects  at  the 
imperial  court,  had  not  actively  opposed  the  succession  of 
Nasir  Jang.  He  now,  in  return  for  Maratha  support,  offered 
to  cede  to  them  the  subhas  of  Aurangabad  and  Burhanpur. 
On  receiving  Lashkar  Khan's  reply,  the  Peshwa  prepared  to 
march.  On  the  29th  January,  1751,  he  left  Poona,  and  on  the 
12th  February  he  was  before  Aurangabad,  which  he  invested. 
Sayad  Lashkar  Khan  paid  him  seventeen  lakhs  of  rupees, 
ostensibly  to  raise  the  siege,  but  really  to  assist  his  enter- 
prise. The  Maratha  army  then  spread  over  the  country  and 
effectively  occupied  the  two  districts,  Aurangabad  and  Burhan- 
pur, offered  by  Ghazi-ud-din.  Salabat  Jang,  who  was  still 
with  de  Bussy  in  the  Carnatic,  marched  northwards  to  oppose 
the  Peshwa.  On  hearing  of  his  advance,  the  Marathas  con- 
centrated on  the  Krishna  and  thence  moved  on  Haidarabad. 


2  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

But  while  Balaji  was  still  at  Pangal,  seven  marches  from 
Haidarabad,  he  received  the  most  alarming  news  from  Satara. 
He  had  recently  attached  but  little  importance  to  the  conduct 
of  Tarabai.  He  was  not  unwilling  that  Ramraja  should  remain 
for  some  little  time  in  custody  in  Satara  fort,  if  only  to  make 
him  appreciate  more  highly  his  release.  But  he  now  learnt 
that  Tarabai,  in  league  with  Uamaji  Gaikvad,  was  threatening 
the  whole  fabric  of  the  power  bequeathed  to  him  by  Shahu. 
He  resolved  to  desert  the  cause  of  Ghazi-ud-din  and  to  return 
to  Poona.  With  his  usual  address  he  hid  his  anxiety  from 
his  comrades  in  the  field  ;  but  he  directed  Janoji  Nimbalkar 
to  make  the  best  terms  he  could  with  the  enemy.  Salabat 
Jang,  who  was  ignorant  of  Balaji's  fears,  offered,  to  secure  the 
Peshwa's  departure,  seventeen  lakhs,  two  in  cash  and  the  rest 
in  bills  on  bankers  in  Haidarabad,  Aurangabad  and  Burhanpur. 
To  his  surprise  and  joy,  Balaji  accepted  his  offer  and  evacuated 
his  dominions. 

The  events  that  had  occurred  in  the  Peshwa's  absence  on 
field  service  resembled  the  war  known  in  French  history  as 
the  Fronde.  The  plot  was  woven  and  the  rebel  armies  were 
organised  and  equipped  by  women,  although  it  must  be 
conceded  that  the  characters  of  the  Maratha  ladies  differed 
widely  from  those  of  Mme  de  Chevreuse  or  Mme  de  Longue- 
ville.  Umabai,  the  widow  of  Khanderao  Dabhade  had,  in  spite 
of  her  pretended  reconciliation  with  the  Peshwa,  never  for- 
given Bajirao  or  his  son  Balaji  for  the  defeat  of  Dabhai  or 
the  death  of  her  eldest  son,  the  gallant  Trimbakrao.  She  had 
openly  disregarded  the  terms  on  which  Shahu  had  pardoned 
her  family  and  had  continuously  withheld  the  half  share  of 
the  royal  revenues  due  to  the  royal  treasury.  So  long  as 
Shahu  lived,  he  would  permit  no  extreme  measures  ;  but  on 
the  king's  death,  Balaji,  faced  with  an  empty  treasury  and 
a  foreign  war,  determined  to  reduce  to  obedience  the  house 
of  Dabhade.  Umabai  made  public  complaints  against  the 
Peshwa's  demands  and  affected  incurable  grief  at  the  loss 
of  her  protector,  the  Maratha  king.  Tarabai  saw  in  Umabai 
a  ready  ally.  She  planned  a  meeting  with  her  and  in  the  rainy 
season  of  1750  the  two  women  met.  Umabai  agreed  to  put 
the  forces  of  Guzarat  at  the  disposal  of  Tarabai,  provided  her 
final  appeals  to  Balaji   to  release  the   Dabhades   from  their 


THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  TRIUMPH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA     3 

covenant  failed.  On  the  1st  October,  1750,  the  Maratha 
kdies  met  again  at  the  temple  of  Shambhu  Mahadev.  The 
power  of  the  Pant  Sachiv  and  the  Pratinidhi  had  been  broken, 
and  it  is  possible  that  at  this  interview  the  plot  against 
Ramraja's  person  was  hatched.  On  the  20th  October,  1750 
Umabai  instructed  her  agent,  Yado  Mahadev  Nirgude,  to  ask 
the  Peshwa  to  reconsider  his  claim.  Balaji  haughtily  replied 
that,  so  far  from  reconsidering  the  covenant  of  the  Dabhades, 
he  meant  at  once  to  enforce  it.  In  the  agent's  presence  he 
formally  invested  his  kamavisdars  with  powers  to  collect  half 
the  revenues  of  Guzarat  and  bade  them  leave  immediately  for 
that  province.  Directly  they  had  left  the  audience  chamber, 
Yado  Mahadev  angrily  withdrew,  rudely  refusing  the  formal 
present  of  clothes  usually  offered  and  accepted  on  such 
occasions.  Umabai,  unwilling  to  rebel,  if  she  could  attain  her 
ends  by  other  means,  demanded  and  obtained  a  personal 
interview.  On  the  22nd  November,  the  great  Maratha  lady 
met  the  Chitpavan  minister  at  Alandi.  After  the  preliminary 
civilities,  Umabai  pleaded  her  son's  rights  and  repudiated  the 
terms  imposed  on  them  after  Dabhai.  Extorted  by  force,  so 
she  contended,  they  were  not  binding.  The  Peshwa  was  more 
polite  to  her  than  to  Yado  Mahadev,  but  the  gist  of  his  answer 
was  the  same.  Nothing  would  alter  his  resolve  to  divert  into 
the  royal  coffers  half  the  income  of  Guzarat.  Umabai  bade 
the  Peshwa  a  dignified  farewell.  Two  days  later  Tarabai  at 
Satara  seized  the  person  of  Ramraja. 

On  the  assassination  of  Pilaji  Gaikvad,  his  son  Damaji,  who 
early  shewed  great  promise,  was  confirmed  in  his  father's 
offices.  As  Yashwantrao  Dabhade  yielded  more  and  more 
to  the  use  of  drink  and  opium,  Damaji' s  power  grew.  To 
him  was  now  given  the  command  of  an  army  equipped  by 
Umabai  to  effect  a  junction  with  Tarabai  and  to  break  the 
power  of  the  Peshwa.  On  her  side  Tarabai  was  not  inactive. 
She  increased  the  garrison  of  Satara  by  five  thousand  men, 
placed  a  strong  contingent  on  the  summit  of  Yeoteshwar  hill, 
and  garrisoned  other  strong  places  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
fort.  She  implored  help  from  the  Pratinidhi  and  the  Pant 
vSachiv,  and  sent  emissaries  to  Ramdas,  the  Brahman  in  Salabat 
Jang's  service,  offering  him  the  office  of  Peshwa  if  he  would 
advance  with  the  Nizam's  army  to  her  help.     Unfortunately 


4  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

for  her  plot,  the  Pratinidhi  and  the  Pant   Sachiv  thought  that 
they  had  suffered  enough  in  her  cause,   while  the  Peshwa's 
treaty  with  the  Nizam  stopped  the  advance  of  troops  from  the 
Moghul  Deccan.    DamajiGaikvad  advanced  with  great  speed  at 
the  head  of  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand  Maratha  and  Guzarati 
troops.     His  first  intention  seems  to  have  been  to  march  on 
Poona.     On  the  7th  March,  he  encamped  with  his  army  at  the 
village  of  Asbota.     A  wild  panic  seized  the  inhabitants  of  the 
capital.     At   early    dawn   on  the    8th   March,    Radhabai    and 
Kashibai,  the  Peshwa's  grandmother  and  mother,  fled  from 
Poona  to  Sinhgad.      On  the  same  day  the  Guzarat  army  halted 
at  Kendur,  a  large  market  town  twenty  miles  south-west  of 
Sirur.     It  was  once  given  by   Bajirao   Balaji  to  his  beloved 
Mastani.     Here  Yashwantrao  Dabhade  joined  the  force  and 
stimulated  it  by  his  presence,  although  he  left  the  command 
with    Damaji    Gaikvad.     On    the    10th,  the    army    halted    at 
Nimbgaon,   six  miles    south-east  of  Khed.     On  the  11th   it 
encamped  at  Pargaon,  some  thirty  miles  east  of  Poona.     Here 
the    Guzarat    general   received   a    letter    signed   by    Mahadji 
Purandare,    who   denounced   him    as    a    traitor.     Thereupon 
Damaji  Gaikvad  changed  his  course  and  marched  straight  on 
Satara.      On  the  13th  March,  Mahadji  Purandare's  brother, 
Trimbakrao  1  led  a  strong  force  out  of  Poona  to  intercept  him. 
Purandare  came  up  with  Damaji  Gaikvad  on  the  Salpa  pass. 
He  had  by  this  time  been  joined  by  contingents  under  Balwant- 
rao  Mehendale  and  Bapuji  Retharekar  and  his  troops  numbered 
twenty  thousand.     He  attacked  Damaji  Gaikvad  in  irresolute 
fashion   and  was  repulsed.2     He  retired  on  Nimb,   a  small 
town    some  eight  miles   north   of    Satara.      Thither    Damaji 
Gaikvad  followed  and  defeated  him.     From  the  scene  of  the 
victory,    the  Guzarat  army  marched    in   triumph   to    Satara. 
Damaji  Gaikvad  was  received  in  state  by  Tarabai  and  several 
of   the   neighbouring   forts   declared    for  her.      The   rebel's 
triumph,  however,  was  short-lived.     Trimbakrao  re-formed  his 
army  and  on  the  15th  March,  led  it  once  more  to  the  attack. 
The  Gaikvad's  troops  met  Purandare's    on  the  banks   of  the 


T  Usually  called  Nana  Sahib  Purandare  in  the  Maratha  chronicles. 

2  Grant  Duff.  In  this  chapter  I  have  followed  in  the  main  the 
Riyasat  ;  but  as  regards  the  scenes  of  the  fighting,  Grant  Duff  is,  I 
think,  to  be  preferred. 


THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  TRIUMPH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA    5 

Yenna.  This  time  the  larger  numbers  of  the  royal  army 
prevailed.  The  Gaikvacl  was  forced  to  retreat  with  the  loss 
of  most  of  his  transport  and  camp  equipage.  He  retreated 
towards  the  Krishna  valley.1  At  its  mouth  stands  Wai. 
This  picturesque  township  is  built  on  both  sides  of  the 
Krishna  river,  which  swells  during  the  rainy  season  into  a 
mighty  stream.  Even  in  the  hot  weather  the  Krishna  never 
wholly  dries  up,  and  year  in  and  year  out  the  score  of  temples 
that  stand  on  its  banks  are  mirrored  in  its  clear  and  brimming 
pools.  The  polished  Brahmans  have  a  tradition  that  their 
town  is  none  other  than  the  ancient  Viratnagar,  the  city 
famous  in  the  Mahabharata  as  the  hiding-place  of  Yudh- 
ishthira,  his  four  brothers  and  his  wife  Draupadi.  The  ancient 
palace  of  king  Virata,  so  they  will  tell  the  curious  visitor, 
stood  on  the  top  of  Pandugad,  a  great  fortress  close  to  Wai. 
On  its  eastern  slopes  a  small  temple  marks  the  spot  where 
the  evil  prince  Kichaka,  lured  to  his  doom  by  the  lovely  and 
virtuous  Draupadi,  went  to  meet  her  at  a  spot  chosen  by 
herself.  He  found  awaiting  him,  not  the  princess  whom  he 
expected,  but  her  terrible  husband,  Bhima.  It  was  also  from 
Viratnagar  that  Yudhishthira  and  his  brothers  set  forth  to  the 
stricken  field  of  Kurukshetra,  whereon  India's  chivalry  all  but 
perished  for  ever.  As  the  traveller  advances  westward  up  the 
valley,  it  narrows  ;  the  river  grows  smaller  and  the  hills  on 
either  side  become  wilder  and  the  forests  on  them  thicker. 
At  last  the  gorge  ends  in  a  blind  alley,  blocked  by  a  ridge 
a  thousand  feet  high,  which  divides  the  Konkan  from  the 
Deccan  plateau.  The  ridge  is  covered  with  dense  jungle, 
even  now  the  haunt  of  sambhar  and  panther,  wild  dog  and 
wolf ;  and  in  its  depths  are  to  be  found  the  true  sources  of 
the  Krishna  river. 


1  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  the  line  of  the  Gaikvad's  retreat.  I  have 
followed  the  Chitnis  Bakhar,  which  says  that  he  retreated  to  the  Jor 
Khora,  i.e.  the  Krishna  valley.  Grant  Duff  has  done  the  same  and  so 
has  Sir  James  Campbell  in  his  Imperial  Gazetteer.  Mr.  Sar  Desai  says 
in  his  Riyasat  that  Damaji  retreated  up  the  Mahadara  valley,  which  lies 
to  the  south  of  Satara.  The  Indore  copy  of  the  Chitnis  Bakhar  men- 
tions the  Medha  Khora,  i.e.  the  Yenna  valley,  as  the  scene  of  his  flight 
and  surrender. 


6  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

By  a  series  of  skilful  actions  the  unhappy  Gaikvad  was 
driven  further  and  further  up-stream,  until  at  last  he  could 
retreat  no  more.  The  narrow  gorge  furnished  him  with  no 
supplies.  Beyond  it  the  Sarsubha,  or  governor  of  the 
Konkan,  Ramaji  Mahadev  Biwalkar  held  the  country  in  the 
Peshwa's  interest.  Damaji  still  communicated  across  the  Maha- 
bleshwar  plateau  with  Tarabai's  garrison  at  Yeoteshwar.  At 
last  even  this  narrow  door  was  closed.  The  Peshwa  advanced 
with  lightning  speed  from  the  Moghul  frontier.  In  thirteen 
days  he  covered  four  hundred  miles.  The  news  of  Purandare's 
victory  reached  him  at  Nizamkonda.  On  the  24th  April,  he 
was  at  Satara.  He  at  once  stormed  Yeoteshwar,  and  killed  or 
took  the  garrison.  He  then  drove  in  Tarabai's  outposts, 
recaptured  the  lost  forts  and  joined  Purandare  in  the  Krishna 
valley.  Damaji  Gaikvad  gave  way  to  despair.  His  Maratha 
soldiers  deserted  and  fled  as  best  they  could  over  the  wild 
hills ;  the  Guzarat  troops,  ignorant  of  the  locality,  lost 
all  heart.  He  sent  to  the  Peshwa  a  messenger  begging  for 
terms  of  peace.  Balaji  affected  to  welcome  the  messenger 
and  sent  as  his  envoys  Trimbakrao,  Purandare  and 
Ram chandra  Shenvi.1  They  invited  Damaji  to  return  with 
them  to  the  Peshwa's  camp  and  he  did  so.  The  Peshwa  bade 
Damaji  pitch  his  tents  close  to  his  own,  that  they  might 
amicably  discuss  the  terms  of  peace.  When  Damaji  had 
obeyed,  the  Peshwa  demanded  the  definite  cession  of  half 
Guzarat  and  an  indemnity  of  twenty-five  lakhs.  Damaji 
refused,  pleading  that  he  was  a  mere  subordinate,  and  referred 
Balaji  to  Umabai.  As  nothing  would  move  Damaji  from  this 
position,  the  Peshwa  changed  his  tactics.  On  the  30th  April 
he  attacked,  in  spite  of  the  armistice,  the  Gaikvad's  camp, 
shortly  before  the  dinner  hour.  The  Guzarat  troops, 
completely  surprised,  offered  no  resistance. 

Damaji  was  captured  in  his  bath.  With  him  were  taken 
his  brother  Khanderao,  his  eldest  son  Sayaji,  his  minister 
Ramchandra  Baswant,  Yashwantrao  and  Umabai  Dabhade. 
Damaji's  three  youngest  sons,  Govindrao,  Manaji  and 
Fatehsing,  fortunately  for  them,  were  staying  with  Tarabai  in 


See  chapter  xlix. 


THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  TRIUMPH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA    7 

Satara.  The  prisoners  were  sent  ahead  to  Poona,  while  the 
Peshwa  invested  Satara  fort  and  vainly  pressed  the  old  queen 
to  release  Ramraja.  That  unfortunate  prince's  condition  had 
grown  worse  with  the  failure  of  Tarabai's  plans.  Unable  to 
induce  him  publicly  to  remove  Balaji  from  his  office,  she 
confined  him  in  a  damp,  cold  dungeon.  After  the  defeat  of 
the  Gaikvad,  she  vented  her  full  spite  on  the  wretched  prince. 
She  fed  him  with  the  coarsest  grain,  insulted  him  daily  and 
openly  spoke  of  him  as  an  impostor — a  mere  gondhali  whom 
she  had  in  a  foolish  moment  presented  to  Shahu  as  her 
grandson.  Ramraja's  spirit,  never  of  the  highest,  drooped 
under  this  treatment.  His  health  and  mind  suffered  and  he 
soon  became  (what  Tarabai  wanted  him  to  become)  unfit  to 
sit  on  the  throne  of  his  forefathers. 

Satara  was  well  provisioned  and  of  great  strength.  A 
siege  would  have  lasted  for  months  and  could  hardly  have 
ended  before  the  monsoon,  which  in  Satara  bursts  in  the  first 
week  of  June.  Balaji  therefore  turned  his  face  northwards  and 
marched  to  Poona.  During  the  rainy  season  of  1751,  he  tried 
to  induce  Damaji  Gaikvad  to  cede  on  behalf  of  Yashwantrao 
Dabhade  half  the  lands  of  Guzarat.  This  Damaji,  as  often  as 
asked,  refused  to  do,  and  counter-intrigued  with  Dabhade  and 
Tarabai  to  compass  the  Peshwa' s  destruction.  At  last  Balaji 
lost  patience.  On  the  19th  July,  1751,  he  placed  Damaji  and  his 
Diwan,  Ramchandra  Baswant,  in  strict  confinement.  On  the 
14th  November,  he  sent  them  to  Lohgad  and  Khanderao 
Gaikvad  to  Sinhgad.  Some  weeks  later  Ramchandra  Baswant 
escaped  in  disguise  and  made  his  way  to  Guzarat.  His 
presence  there  revived  the  hopes  of  the  Gaikvad  family.  He 
and  his  cousin,  Balaji  Yamaji  met  the  Gaikvad's  relatives, 
agents  and  servants  at  the  great  fort  of  Songad.  In 
the  cold  weather  Balaji  sent  his  brother  Raghunathrao,  a 
brave  and  skilful  captain,  to  reduce  Guzarat  to  obedience. 
Raghunathrao  recovered  the  revenues  of  Surat,  but  he  could 
not  penetrate  north  of  the  Tapti;  while  the  Governor  of  Bassein, 
Shankarji  Keshav  Phadke  was,  on  laying  siege  to  Parner, 
attacked,  routed  and  driven  from  the  province.  These  mishaps 
made  the  Peshwa  still  more  anxious  to  come  to  terms.  On 
the  other  hand  confinement  was  preying  on  Damaji.  He  had 
been  put  in  irons  since  Ramchandra  Baswant's  escape.     His 


8  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

sons,  at  first  safe  with  Tarabai,  were  afterwards  barely  saved 
from  her  venomous  temper  by  Govindrao  Chitnis  ;  while 
Balaji  was  successfully  tempting  Khanderao  Gaikvad  from  his 
allegiance  to  Damaji.  In  these  circumstances  both  parties 
sought  a  means  of  reconciliation.  They  found  a  mediator  in 
Ramchandra  Shenvi.  In  March,  1752,  Damaji,  yielding  to 
his  instance,  abandoned  the  cause  of  the  Dabhades,  his 
masters.  He  consented  to  cede  a  half  of  Guzarat  and  of  all 
his  future  conquests,  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute  of  Rs.  5,25,000 
and  as  arrears  Rs.  15,00,000,  to  maintain  for  the  Peshwa's 
service  ten  thousand  horses  and  to  send  to  the  Dabhade  family  a 
yearly  sum  sufficient  to  maintain  them  in  dignified  comfort. 
On  his  side  the  Peshwa  promised  to  aid  in  the  capture  of 
Ahmadabad  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Moghuls  from  Guzarat. 
He  also  conferred  on  Damaji  Gaikvad  the  title  of  Sena  Khas 
Khel,  to  which  the  Maharajas  of  Baroda  still  attach  great 
value. 

On  the  10th  December,  1752,  an  army  commanded  by 
Raghunathrao  set  out  for  Guzarat.  With  him  went  Vithal 
Shivdev,  the  founder  of  the  Vinchurkar  family,  while  Malharrao 
Holkar,  Jayappa  Sindia,  a  son  of  Ranoji,  and  Powar  led  con- 
tingents in  the  field.  Forming  a  junction  with  Damaji  Gaikvad, 
the  combined  forces,  at  least  fifty  thousand  strong,  invested 
Ahmadabad.  The  Moghul  commander,  Jawan  Mard  Khan  Babi, 
was  absent  at  Palanpur.  He  skilfully  passed  through  the 
Maratha  lines  and  threw  himself  into  Ahmadabad.  His 
defence  of  the  town  was  loyal  and  resolute.  At  one  time  the 
Marathas  mined  the  fortifications,  but  without  result.  At 
another  they  smuggled  into  the  town  seven  hundred  soldiers. 
These  were  discovered  and  slaughtered.  At  last,  in  March, 
1753,  Jawan  Mard  Khan  Babi  surrendered  Ahmadabad.  In 
exchange  he  and  his  brothers  were  confirmed  in  their  posses- 
sions in  Kathiawar,  Balasinor  and  Radhanpur.  Shripatrao 
Bapuji  was  appointed  by  the  Peshwa  Governor  of  Ahmadabad  ; 
but  one  gate  of  the  city  was  entrusted  to  the  keeping  of  the 
Gaikvad.  In  July,  1756,  Momin  Khan,  Nawab  of  Cambay, 
with  a  body  of  Moghul  troops  occupied  Ahmadabad  in  the 
absence  of  Shripatrao  Bapuji  at  the  Poona  court.  But  Sadashiv, 
the  son  of  Ramchandra  Shenvi,  sent  by  the  Peshwa,  was  in 
October,  1757,  with  Damaji  Gaikvad's  help,  able  to  dislodge 


THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  TRIUMPH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA     9 

him.      Thereafter  the    town    remained    in    the    undisturbed 
keeping  of  the  Marathas.  * 

Thus  agreeably  to  the  Peshwa's  good  fortune  ended  the 
Women's  War.  Umabai2  and  the  Dabhades  were  reduced  to 
impotence  and  poverty.  Even  Tarabai  was  not  unaffected. 
She  felt  that  she  could  not  indefinitely  defy  the  Peshwa.  She 
had  quelled  a  rising  of  the  garrison  by  seizing  and  beheading 
their  leader,  Anandrao  Jadhav.  Such  were  her  superhuman 
strength  of  will  and  vigour,  that  his  fellow-conspirators,  think- 
ing her  an  evil  spirit  and  therefore  invincible,  let  themselves 
be  executed  without  resistance.  Having  thus  established  a 
reign  of  terror  in  Satara,  she  consented  to  meet  the  Peshwa  in 
Poona.  She  did  so  with  the  greater  confidence  in  that  Raghuji 
Bhosle's  son  Janoji,  who  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Poona 
with  a  powerful  army,  assured  Tarabai  of  his  support.  Trust- 
ing in  this  assurance,  the  old  queen  went  in  high  state  to 
Poona.  She  was  received  by  Balaji  with  the  utmost  deference, 
and,  after  a  show  of  reluctance,  she  made  her  submission  and 
agreed  to  dismiss  Baburao  Jadhav,  whom  she  had  left  in  com- 
mand behind  her,  and  whom  Balaji  disliked.  In  return,  Balaji 
left  in  her  care  her  unfortunate  grandson.  He  did,  indeed,  ask 
for  Ramraja's  release,  but  on  this  point  the  old  beldame  was 
obdurate  ;  and  in  the  end  the  Peshwa  decided,  perhaps  wisely, 
to  sacrifice  the  king  for  the  peace  of  the  kingdom.  Tarabai 
did  not  trust  Balaji' s  bare  word  and  demanded  that  he  should 
confirm  it  by  an  oath  in  the  temple  of  Jejuri.  That  temple  was 
not  then  the  stately  building,  approached  by  a  lofty  staircase 
and  adorned  with  shrines  and  parapets,  that  it  now  is.  But  it 
was  nevertheless  one  of  the  holiest  spots  in  the  Deccan.  It  is 
sacred  to  the  god  Khandoba,  of  whom  the  following  tale  is 
related.  Some  Brahmans  living  near  Jejuri  were  at  one  time 
tormented  by  a  demon  called  Malla  or  Mallasur.  In  answer  to 
their  prayers,  the  god  Shiva  took  shape  as  the  warrior  Khan- 
doba and  slew  Malla.     On  the  latter's  death  both  Khandoba 


1  Elliott,  p.  SO. 

2  Umabai  died  on  28th  November,  1753.  On  her  death  Balaji  took 
Yashwantrao  into  the  Carnatic.  The  fatigues  of  the  march  proved  too 
severe.  He  died  near  Miraj  on  18th  May,  1754,  leaving  a  son, 
Trimbakrao  Dabhade  (Riyasat). 

2 


10  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  Malla  were  absorbed  into  the  godhead.  It  was  at  this 
temple  that  Shivaji  had  met  his  father  Shahaji.  Aurangzib's 
men-at-arms  had  tried  to  plunder  it,  but  had  been  ignominiously 
driven  out  by  a  swarm  of  hornets  that  miraculously  issued 
forth  from  a  hole  in  the  temple  wall.  The  bigoted  emperor, 
convinced  against  his  reason  of  the  power  of  a  Hindu  idol, 
had  bestowed  on  it  a  diamond  worth  a  lakh  and  a  quarter. 
In  this  temple,  hallowed  by  the  reverence  of  millions,  Tarabai 
and  Balaji  met.  On  the  14th  September,  1752,  they  swore  that 
they  would  abide  by  their  mutual  promises,  and  Tarabai  further 
declared  on  oath  that  Ramraja  was  not  her  grandson,  but  a 
gondhali  and  a  common  impostor.  This  statement  Balaji 
affected  to  believe,  since  it  justified  him  in  taking  no  further 
steps  to  obtain  Ramraja's  freedom.  After  the  interview  the 
high  contracting  parties  returned  to  their  respective  strong- 
holds. Tarabai  had  indeed  secured  the  perpetual  custody  of 
the  king,  but  the  real  victory  lay  with  the  Peshwa.  By  a 
happy  combination  of  courage  and  resource,  skill  and  patience, 
he  had  defeated  or  disarmed  all  his  enemies.  The  Chitpavan 
statesman  was  henceforth  the  sole  ruler  of  the  Maratha 
empire. 


THE  WOMEN'S  WAR  AND  TRIUMPH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA  U 


APPENDIX  A 

Letter  from  Balaji  Peshwa  to  Nana  Sahib  Purandare 
giving  an  account  of  the  Battle  of  Satara 

{Petrositis  Collection) 
To  Rajeshri  Nana, 

With  love  and  blessings  from  Balaji  Bajirao.  Your  letter  of  the  28th 
Rabilakhar,  sent  with  a  messenger  on  camel,  duly  came  to  our  hands  on 
the  12th  Jamadilavel.  We  came  to  know  in  detail  the  account  of  your 
fight  with  the  Gaikvad  in  which  he  was  routed  and  made  to  retreat  to 
Gendya  Mai ;  and  the  capture  of  three-fourths  of  his  irregulars  together 
with  camels,  horses  and  palanquins.  The  contents  of  the  letter  greatly 
pleased  us.  The  messenger  told  us  that  the  Gaikvad 's  camp  was  on 
the  bank  of  the  Yenna.  Your  camp  is  near  the  bank  of  the  Krishna. 
Messrs.  Manaji  Paygude  and  Tatya  also  must  have  joined  you  in  your 
camp.     With  your  united  efforts,  do  not  allow  the  Gaikvad  to  escape. 

If  the  situation  favours  you,  crash  and  defeat  the  Gaikvad's  army  and 
plunder  him.  Do  not  demobilize  your  forces  till  the  Gaikvad  is  defeat- 
ed and  routed.  We  came  to  an  amicable  settlement  with  the  Moghuls. 
All  our  business  in  this  part  is  finished.  With  regular  marches,  we  have 
been  able  to  encamp  ourselves  at  Nizamkonda  on  the  12th  Jamadilavel. 
We  shall  expedite  our  march  and  come  there  soon.  Do  not  allow  the 
Gaikvad  to  escape.  It  is  no  surprise  to  us,  that  while  the  battle  was 
being  fought,  Sonji  Bhaskar  and  men  in  the  service  of  the  Huzurat  and 
Raja  Huzurat  showed  wonderful  bravery ;  that  Bapuji  Baba  was 
wounded  with  a  sword,  that  Nagoram  was  wounded  with  shot,  etc.  It 
was  in  the  fitness  of  things  that  these  worthy  soldiers  rose  to  the 
occasion.  For  further  conduct  of  the  war,  we  fully  rely  on  them.  You 
should  try  to  cheer  everyone  up.  You  won  the  victory  in  a  battle  which 
had  been  almost  lost.  You  acquitted  yourself  in  a  way  that  would  have 
befitted  your  ancestors.  Your  further  manoeuvres  to  paralyse  the  foe 
should  be  regulated  with  great  vigilance  and  caution.  Exert  yourselves 
to  the  utmost.     We  shall  be  coming  soon. 


CHAPTER  XLIX 

THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  NIZAM 

A.  D.  1751  to  1752 

While  Balaji  was  thus  meeting  with  undaunted  front  the 
intrigues  of  Umabai  and  Tarabai  and  the  army  of  Damaji 
Gaikvad,  he  was  at  the  same  time  threatened  by  a  domestic 
quarrel  and  a  foreign  war.  The  Peshwa  saw  that  the  feeling 
of  the  Maratha  leaders  opposed  his  reduction  of  Satara  by 
force  of  arms.  At  the  same  time  he  realized  more  clearly 
than  anyone  the  impossibility  of  ruling  in  harmony  with  the 
malignant  Tarabai ;  but  his  views  were  not  shared  by  his 
cousin  Sadashivrao.  The  latter  wished  for  himself  the  post 
of  Peshwa' s  diwan  and  the  ascendancy  enjoyed  in  public 
affairs  by  his  father,  Chimnaji  Appa.  On  the  other  hand, 
Balaji  was  unwilling  to  confer  power  on  one  who  had  so 
far  shewn  no  proof  of  signal  capacity.  He  had  appointed 
Mahadji  Purandare  as  his  diwan  and  desired  to  keep  him. 
His  wife,  Gopikabai,  too,  feared  that  the  interests  of  her  sons 
might  suffer,  if  Sadashivrao  obtained  an  undue  influence  over 
her  husband.  Thwarted  in  his  ambition,  Sadashivrao  pressed 
on  Balaji  a  further  public  reconciliation  with  Tarabai,  but 
Balaji  rejected  his  advice.  The  anger  of  the  young  Chit- 
pavan  was  fanned  by  the  malice  of  Ramchandra  Malhar  Shenvi. 
Ramchandra  had  been  Kulkarni  of  Aravali  in  Savantvadi,  but, 
unable  to  meet  his  ruler's  demands,  had  fled  to  Satara.  Under 
Bajirao  he  had  distinguished  himself  both  in  arms  and  in 
business  and  had  been  appointed  by  that  Peshwa  diwan  to 
Ranoji  Sindia.  While  the  latter  remained  poor,  Ramchandra 
Malhar  Shenvi  amassed  a  large  fortune.  On  Ranoji's  death, 
Ramchandra  wished  to  be  confirmed  in  his  post  ;  but 
Jayappa  Sindia  had  long  been  jealous  of  his  power  and  saw 
with  no  favourable  eye  the  splendour  of  his  mode  of  life.  At 
Poona  Ramchandra  lived  in  a  seven-storied  mansion  built  by 
himself,  and  his  fame  had  spread  throughout  India,  because 


THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  NIZAM  13 

of  his  donations  to  temples  and  public  charities,  and  especi- 
ally because  of  the  masonry  works  built  by  him  on  the  banks 
of  sacred  rivers.  The  money  that  increased  the  glory  of 
the  minister  had  been,  so  Jayappa  rightly  guessed,  pilfered 
from  his  master's  revenues.  Malharrao  Holkar,  the  ruler  of 
the  neighbouring  state,  feared  Ramchandra  and  also  desired, 
although  on  different  grounds,  his  removal.  After  his  dis- 
missal by  Sindia,  Ramchandra  was  appointed  diwan  to  Sada- 
shivrao.  To  his  new  master  Ramchandra  whispered  that 
Sadashivrao's  capacity  was  as  great  as  his  father's,  and,  sneer- 
ing at  his  cousinly  love  and  obedience,  urged  him  to  demand  his 
rightful  place  in  the  administration.  On  Balaji's  refusal  to 
dismiss  Purandare,  Ramchandra  Malhar  tempted  Sadashivrao 
to  secure  at  the  court  of  Kolhapur  a  position  equal  to  Balaji's 
at  the  court  of  Satara.  Thus,  urged  the  insinuating  diwan, 
would  Tarabai's  plots  be  set  at  nought.  Sambhaji  would  take 
the  place  of  Ramraja  and  once  more  a  Bhosle  would  rule  as 
king.  Mahadji  Purandare,  too,  favoured  the  scheme,  as  by 
Sadashivrao's  departure  for  Kolhapur  he  himself  would  re- 
main secure  in  his  office.  Behind  his  cousin's  back,  Sada- 
shivrao entered  into  a  correspondence  with  Sambhaji.  The 
king  readily  agreed  to  make  Sadashivrao  his  Peshwa  and  offered 
him  by  way  of  salary  a  jaghir  of  five  thousand  rupees  a  year 
and  the  three  forts  of  Pargad,  Bhimgad  and  Wallabhagad.1 
Jijabai,  Sambhaji's  queen,  bitterly  jealous  of  Tarabai,  already 
counted  on  her  rival's  downfall ;  but  the  clear  vision  of  the 
Peshwa  penetrated  the  schemes  of  the  conspirators.  He  so 
sternly  upbraided  Mahadji  Purandare,  that  the  latter  in  anger 
resigned  his  post,  which  the  Peshwa  at  once  bestowed  on 
Sadashivrao.  He  attached  Ramchandra  Shenvi  to  his  interest 
by  appointing  him  his  karbhari,  but  at  the  same  time  contrived 
to  extort  from  him  thirty-six  lakhs  of  rupees.  About  Mahadji 
Purandare's  future  conduct  the  Peshwa  felt  grave  doubts. 
But,  although  deeply  hurt  at  the  Peshwa's  reprimand  and  the 
loss  of  his  post,  Purandare  never  wavered  in  his  loyalty.  As  we 
have  seen,  he  denounced  as  a  traitor  Damaji  Gaikvad  and  sent 
his  brother   Trimbakrao    in  command  of   the  force,    that   so 


1  Riyasat.    Grant  Duff  gives  the  forts  as  Pargurh,  Kallanidhee  and 
Chundgurhee. 


14  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

signally  defeated  him.  On  the  Dasara  festival  following  the 
collapse  of  Damaji's  rebellion,  the  Peshwa  was  publicly  re- 
conciled to  the  Purandares  and  bestowed  on  them  grants  of 
land  not  inadequate  to  their  great  services.  Ramchandra 
Malhar  never  again  played  a  prominent  part  in  public  affairs. 
In  1752,  he  accompanied  Balaji  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Nasik  on 
the  Godavari  river.  The  occasion  was  the  Sinhast,  the  period 
when  at  the  end  of  every  twelve  years  the  planet  Jupiter 
enters  the  sign  of  the  zodiac  Leo.  Thousands  of  pilgrims 
flock  to  the  sacred  river ;  for  then,  so  it  is  believed,  the 
Ganges  pays  her  fairer  but  slighter  sister  a  visit  and  joins  her 
waters  to  those  of  the  Godavari.  Subsequently  Ramchandra 
was  entrusted  with  a  small  command,  but  achieved  nothing 
noteworthy.  At  last  the  Peshwa,  sure  of  Sadashivrao,  dis- 
missed from  his  service  the  unlucky  Shenvi.  In  July,  1754. 
Ramchandra  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Pandharpur,  but  at  the 
end  of  September  he  fell  ill.  On  the  1st  October,  he  was 
struck  down  by  paralysis.  Unconscious  for  three  days,  he 
died  on  the  4th  October,  1754.  He  was  burnt  at  Onkareshwar, 
the  great  burning-ghat  reserved  at  Poona  for  the  Brahman 
caste,  and  on  his  pyre  his  wife  Dwarkabai  burnt  herself  as 
a  sati. 

As  I  have  related,  the  Peshwa  had  undertaken,  in  return  for 
the  cession  of  the  districts  of  Aurangabad  and  Burhanpur,  the 
elevation  of  Ghazi-ud-din  to  the  throne  of  Asaf  Jah.1  '  The 
invasion  of  the  Deccan  by  Damaji  Gaikvad  had  forced  the 
Peshwa  to  retreat.  Once  Damaji  had  surrendered,  the  Peshwa 
resolved  to  renew  his  interrupted  campaign.     He  had  received, 


1  Asaf  Jah,  the  title  of  the  Nizam,  means  one  who  is  an  Asaf  in 
dignity.  According  to  an  old  Musulman  legend,  Asaf,  the  son  of 
Barachia,  was  the  vazir  of  King  Solomon  and  was  renowned  for  his 
prudence  and  wisdom.  Two  instances  are  given  in  the  Koran  of  his 
superhuman  intelligence.  On  one  occasion  he  contrived  to  bring 
underground  to  Jerusalem  the  throne  of  Balkis,  the  Queen  of  Sheba, 
by  pronouncing  the  ineffable  hundredth  name  of  God,  which  he  alone 
knew.  On  another  occasion  he  discovered  the  wickedness  of  Jerada, 
the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Sidon.  When  Solomon  had  slain  her 
father,  he  married  Jerada.  But  in  spite  of  her  wedlock  to  a  true 
believer,  she  and  her  maids  secretly  set  up  and  worshipped  the  image 
of  the  dead  king.  Her  wickedness  was  established  by  Asaf  and 
adequately  punished  by  King  Solomon. 


THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  NIZAM  15 

it  is  true,  from  Salabat  Jang  a  cash  payment  of  two 
lakhs  ;  but  the  bills  on  the  bankers  for  fifteen  lakhs  had  not 
been  honoured  and  Ramdas  had  put  Balaji  off  with  false 
excuses,  and,  to  make  matters  worse,  had  recently  plundered  a 
Maratha  convoy.  The  Peshwa  ordered  Holkar  and  Sindia  to 
join  Ghazi-ud-din  and  to  effect  a  junction  with  himself  near 
Aurangabad,  now  occupied  by  Salabat  Jang  and  his  French 
allies.  The  news  of  this  fresh  campaign  filled  the  Nizam  and 
his  advisers  with  consternation  and  dismay.  But  it  was  in 
the  hour  of  danger  that  the  courage  of  de  Bussy  rose  to  its 
greatest  height.  "  Care  nothing,"  he  said  to  his  trembling 
master,  "  care  nothing  for  the  invading  army  ;  you  will  best 
preserve  the  Deccan  by  marching  on  Poona."  With  cool 
audacity  the  French  general  unfolded  his  plan  and  such  was 
his  influence  that  he  overcame  the  fears  of  Salabat  Jang. 
Leaving  Aurangabad  to  its  fate,  the  Moghul  prince  moved 
on  to  Golconda,  and,  after  some  days  spent  there  in  prepara- 
tion, he  marched  through  Pabal,  Khedal  and  Ahmadnagar  to 
Bedar  on  the  road  to  Poona.  As  he  marched,  he  contrived  to 
send  messages  to  Tarabai  at  Satara  and  received  from  the 
treacherous  old  queen  favourable  and  encouraging  replies. 
Near  Parner  de  Bussy  learnt  of  the  approach  of  a  Maratha 
army.  Balaji,  angered  at  the  boldness  of  the  Nizam's  plan, 
had  been  sufficiently  affected  by  it  to  detach  forty  thousand 
picked  horsemen  from  the  main  army  and  lead  them  in 
pursuit.  The  Moghul  forces  consisted  of  large  irregular  levies, 
quite  unfit  to  meet  Balaji's  cavalry.  But  with  them  were  five 
hundred  French  infantry  and  five  thousand  highly  disciplined 
sepoys  led  by  French  officers.  On  the  news  of  the  enemy's 
vicinity  the  Musulmans  formed  up  to  await  the  Maratha  attack. 
De  Bussy  seized  some  heights  on  one  of  the  flanks  and  put 
his  field-pieces  on  them,  so  as  to  command  the  ground  across 
which  the  Peshwa  must  charge.  In  support  of  the  guns  he 
drew  up  his  disciplined  infantry.  Balaji  attacked  the  Moghuls 
in  the  usual  Maratha  fashion,  testing  the  whole  line  before 
charging  home.  But  these  proved  bad  tactics  in  face  of  the 
rapid  shooting  of  the  French  cannon  and  the  continuous  fire 
of  their  drilled  riflemen.  The  Maratha  army  after  suffering 
some  loss  disappeared.  De  Bussy  led  the  Moghuls  on  Poona, 
destroying  all  the  villages  through  which  they  passed.     The 


16  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Peshwa  retaliated  by  getting  his  agents  to  spread  among  the 
Moghuls  rumours  of  intended  French  treachery.     De  Bussy's 
answer  was  a  brilliant  coup  de  main.     On  the  22nd  November, 
the  Marathas  were  engaged  at  Kukadi   in  devotions  inspired 
by  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.     Balaji,  like  most  members  of  his 
family,  was  strict  in  his  religious  beliefs  and  encouraged  his 
soldiers  to  pray  to  the  Most  High,  to  secure  an  early  release 
of  the  moon  from  the  clutches  of  the  demon  Ketu.     While  so 
engaged,  they  were  surprised  by  de  Bussy's  trained  troops. 
The  Maratha  army  did  not  suffer  heavily,  but  they  abandoned 
their  camp,  from   which   the  plundering  Moghuls   secured   a 
considerable  booty.     Among  their  trophies  were  the  golden 
utensils  used  by   the  Peshwa  for   himself  and   for  his  gods. 
On  the  27th  November,  1751,  the  French  general  took  and 
sacked  Ranjangaon  and  utterly  destroyed  Talegaon  Damdhere. 
De  Bussy's  plan  of  campaign  had  succeeded.     So  far  from 
invading  the  Nizam's  dominions,  Balaji  was  perplexed  how 
to  save  Poona.     He  reinforced  his  army  by  summoning  to  it 
the  Sindia  contingent,  led  by  Dattaji  and  Madhavrao  Sindia, 
two  sons  of  Ranoji  Sindia  ;  and  on  the  27th  November,  1751, 
he  attacked  the  Moghul  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghodnadi 
river  with    the  utmost   determination.     The   Maratha   attack 
was    led    by    Mahadji    Purandare,     Dattaji    and    Madhavrao 
Sindia  and  Kanherrao  Trimbak  Ekbote,  a  native  of  Purandar. 
A  peculiar  interest  attaches  to  the  last-named  of  the  four  leaders. 
On  this  day  his  gallantry  was  so  splendid  that,  on  the  demand 
of  the  army,  the  Peshwa  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  "  Phakde  " 
or  "  the  brave  ".     This  title,  or  rather  nickname,  was  only  con- 
ferred three  times  by  the  Marathas   and  then  only   by   the 
unanimous  judgment  of  the  troops.     It  entitled  the  recipient 
to  wear  a  silver  bangle  on  his  horse's  foreleg.     The  other 
two  gallant  men,  who  were  similarly  honoured,  were  Manaji 
Sindia  and  Captain  James  Stewart,  still  known  to  Maratha 
writers   as   Ishtur   Phakde.     We   shall   hear    of  them    later. 
Kanherrao  Phakde,  as  he  was  always  known  after  the  battle  of 
Ghodnadi,  lived  for  five  years  to  enjoy  his  high  reputation. 
In  May,  1756,  he  was  killed  before  Savanur  by  the  side  of 
Sadashivrao,  the  Peshwa's  cousin. 

So  vigorous  was  the  Maratha  charge  that  Salabat  Jang's 
levies  were  completely  overwhelmed.     The  day  was  saved  by 


SADASHIVKAU    BHAU 


[To  fare  page  76.] 


THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  NIZAM  17 

de  Bussy.     Changing  his  front,  he  brought  his  guns  to  bear 
on  the  flank  of  the  charging  cavalry  with  such  effect  that  he 
enabled   the   Moghuls   to  rally  ;    and,  although  the   Maratha 
losses  were  far  less  than  those  of  their  enemies,  they  eventually 
withdrew   from  the  field,  taking   with  them  Salabat  Jang's 
howdah,  four  elephants  and  seven  hundred  horses.     The  next 
day  de  Bussy  pressed  on  to  Koregaon  on  the  river  Bhima,   a 
little  town  only  sixteen  miles  from  Poona.     Balaji  now  decided 
to  follow  his  foe's  example  and  save  his  capital  by  carrying  the 
war  into  his  enemy's  country.     He   directed   Sadashivrao  to 
enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Nizam's  Hindu  diwan,  Ramdas, 
to  whom  Dupleix  had  given  the  title  of  Raja  Raghunathdas. 
The  plenipotentiaries  met,  but  the  negotiations,  no  doubt  at 
Balaji' s   orders,   were  deliberately    drawn    out.     Before    any 
settlement  was  arrived  at,  the  Nizam  was  dismayed  to  hear 
that  the  fort  of  Trimbak  had  been  escaladed  by  a  Maratha 
officer.     While  the  Nizam  vainly  protested  against  the  outrage 
and  demanded  the  return  of  his  property,  news  reached  him 
that  Raghuji  Bhosle  was  overrunning,  on  his  eastern  frontier, 
the  whole  country  between  the  Penganga  and  the  Godavari. 
At  the   same   time   the  Peshwa's   agents  fomented  the  dis- 
content  of  the  Moghul  soldiery,  by  charging  de  Bussy  with 
embezzling  their  pay,  which  they  had  not  received  for  several 
months.     Salabat  Jang's  confidence  in  his  French  general  was 
shaken  and  he  ordered  a  retreat  to  Ahmadnagar.      Having 
reached  that  town  in  safety,   the  Nizam's  courage  returned. 
He  replenished  his  ammunition  and  collected  siege  guns  for 
the   recapture  of  Trimbak.     He  set  out  northwards,  but  he 
was  so  harassed  on  his  march  that  he  abandoned  his  enter- 
prise   and    once    again    sought    de   Bussy's   counsel.      That 
sagacious  soldier  saw  that   it   was   useless   to   continue   the 
march  on  Trimbak.     It  was  useless  also  to  march  on  Poona, 
for  the  Moghuls  had  turned  their  backs  on  it  and  were  now 
sixty   miles   away.     He   advised  his   master   to   ask   for   an 
armistice  and  thus  secure  his  retreat  to  his  own  dominions. 
The  Nizam  took  his  advice.     On  the  7th  January,  Balaji  at 
Shingwa  granted  an  armistice  in  return  for  a  promised  cession 
of  land.     Salabat  Jang  sent  some  cakes,  and  his  diwan,  Raja 
Raghunathdas,  sent  some  tulsi  leaves  as  a  proof  of  their  good 
faith ;    and  the  lately  victorious  army  retreated  across  their 
3 


18  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

own  frontier.  Salabat  Jang  was  still  in  grave  peril.  His 
army  was  mutinous  for  want  of  pay,  and  during  the  homeward 
march  Raja  Raghunathdas  was  assassinated  by  some  Afghan 
soldiers,  with  whose  commander  he  had  quarrelled.  On 
de  Bussy's  advice  the  Nizam  replaced  the  dead  diwan  by 
Sayad  Lashkar  Khan,  the  former  governor  of  Aurangabad  ; 
but  it  was  still  impossible  to  enter  that  city.  Ghazi-ud-din, 
supported  by  Holkar  and  the  main  Maratha  army,  had  occupied 
it  with  1,50,000  men.  To  his  cause  had  rallied  the  Moghul 
gentry  of  Aurangabad  and  Burhanpur  ;  and  even  Salabat  Jang 
felt  qualms  about  his  right  to  supersede  his  elder  brother. 
Indeed,  he  would  in  all  probability  have  yielded  to  the  persua- 
sion of  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan,  who  was  a  secret  adherent  of 
Ghazi-ud-din,  and  surrendered  his  throne  in  exchange  for  a 
landed  estate.  The  Marathas  would  have  acquired  Auranga- 
bad and  Burhanpur  under  their  agreement,  and  Ghazi-ud-din 
would  have  become  the  new  autocrat  of  the  Deccan.  But  this 
arrangement,  which  would  have  been  fatal  to  French  in- 
fluence, was  suddenly  rendered  impossible  by  the  death  of 
the  viceroy-designate.  At  Aurangabad  in  the  ancient  palace 
of  the  subhedars  lived  one  of  the  widows  of  the  great  Nizam- 
ul-Mulk.  She  had  borne  her  husband  one  son,  Nizam  Ali  ; 
and  it  was  the  darling  wish  of  her  heart  to  see  her  son  succeed 
to  his  father's  office.  Two  obstacles  stood  in  his  way.  One, 
Salabat  Jang,  was  safe  with  de  Bussy  and  the  army.  The 
other,  Ghazi-ud-din,  was  close  at  hand.  On  the  16th  October, 
1752,  she  invited  her  stepson  to  dinner  and  insisted  on  his 
partaking  of  one  dish,  which  she  said  with  truth  she  had 
prepared  herself.  The  unfortunate  claimant,  suspecting 
nothing,  ate  of  it  freely  ;  the  same  night  he  died  of  poison. 
Salabat  Jang  had  now  no  elder  brother  to  dispute  his  claim. 
But  the  Maratha  leaders  insisted  on  his  carrying  out  Ghazi- 
ud-din's  engagements.  In  this  they  were  supported  by  the 
Moghuls  of  Burhanpur,  who,  after  the  help  given  by  them 
to  Ghazi-ud-din,  were  afraid  to  remain  Salabat  Jang's  subjects. 
The  viceroy  left  the  decision  to  de  Bussy.  The  French 
general  preferred  a  solid  peace  to  a  doubtful  war  and  advised 
the  surrender  of  a  considerable  tract  of  land,  provided  Raghuji 
Bhosle  first  withdrew  from  the  eastern  provinces.  Balaji 
ordered    Raghuji   Bhosle    to    do    so.      He   complied.     Thus, 


THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  NIZAM  19 

in  spite  of  de  Bussy's  genius  and  of  French  valour,  the  Peshwa 
acquired  in  this  war  the  sacred  town  and  fort  of  Trimbak 
and  the  whole  country  west  of  Berar  from  the  Tapti  to  the 
Godavari. 1 


1  This  treaty  is  known  in  history  as  the  treaty  of  Bhalki.     It  was 
concluded  on  the  25th  November,  1752. 


CHAPTER  L 

THE  RISE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  AND  THE 
FALL  OF  ANGRE 

A.  D.  1751  to  1757 

Among  my  readers  there  must  be  many  who,  reading  of  the 
inability  of  the  English  to  take  Angre's  fortresses  and  of  their 
wavering  and  uncertain  conduct  during  the  siege  of  Bassein, 
have  wondered  how  they  came  by  their  Indian  Empire.  The 
answer  to  that  question  is  to  be  found  in  their  struggles  with 
the  French  in  Southern  India.  In  chapter  xlvi  I  described 
how  the  gallant  de  Bussy,  in  face  of  tremendous  odds,  stormed 
the  fortress  of  Jinji.  From  that  disaster  Mahomed  Ali  escap- 
ed ;  afterwards  he  took  shelter  in  Trichinopoli.  In  his  despair 
he  appealed  to  the  English  and  they,  correctly  judging  that  the 
further  growth  of  French  power  would  mean  their  own  expul- 
sion, resolved  to  answer  his  appeal.  Their  first  efforts  were 
not  successful.  A  relieving  force  under  Captain  Gingens  was 
defeated  at  Volkonda  and  in  several  subsequent  engagements. 
In  the  meantime  Chanda  Sahib  and  his  French  allies  closely 
besieged  Trichinopoli,  which,  so  far  as  man  could  foresee, 
was  a  doomed  city. 

It  was  at  this  point  that  there  appeared  in  the  ranks  of  the 
English  a  genius  of  the  first  order.  On  the  29th  September, 
1725,  in  the  small  Shropshire  town  of  Market  Drayton  was  born 
a  sickly  child,  to  whom  his  parents  gave  the  name  of  Robert 
Clive.  His  father  was  a  struggling  solicitor,  to  whom  the 
practice  of  the  law  had  brought  but  little  profit.  Unwilling  to 
condemn  his  son  to  a  profession  in  which  he  had  himself  earned 
so  little  wealth,  his  attention  was  drawn  to  the  East  by  the 
large  fortunes  brought  home  about  that  time  by  men  engaged 
in  Indian  trade.  He  obtained  for  his  son  a  writership  in  the 
service  of  the  East  India  Company  and  on  the  10th  March, 
1743,  the  Wi?ichester,  a  500-ton  ship  owned  by  the  Company  left 
the  Thames,  carrying  on  board  the  founder  of  the  English  em- 
pire in  India.     It  was  not  until  June,  1744,  more  than  a  year 


The  rise  of  the  English  and  the  fall  of  angre  21 

later,  that  dive,  a  boy  of  seventeen,  landed  in  Madras  to  begin 
his  career.  His  salary  was  five  pounds  a  year  and  his  work 
consisted  chiefly  of  trading  on  a  small  scale  with  Indian  mer- 
chants and  of  attending  long,  compulsory  services  in  church. 
A  year  or  two  of  such  a  life  would  probably  have  killed  Clive  ; 
but  on  the  24th  September,  1744,  its  monotony  was  broken  by 
the  news  that  France  and  England  were  again  at  war.1  The 
fall  of  Madras  and  the  siege  of  Pondicherry  have  already  been 
related.  It  was  at  that  siege  that  Clive,  who  had  volunteered 
for  active  service,  had  his  first  real  experience  of  war.  He 
was  present  at  the  capture  of  Devicottah,  stormed  by  the 
English  on  behalf  of  Shahaji,  the  Raja  of  Tanjore,  who  had  been 
driven  from  his  throne  by  his  half-brother  Pratapsing.  He 
subsequently  took  part  in  the  disastrous  fight  at  Volkonda  and 
barely  escaped  capture.  But  wherever  he  had  served,  his 
courage  and  resource  had  won  him  the  high  esteem  of  his 
commanding  officers.  So  great  was  now  his  reputation,  that 
he  could  without  presumption  submit  to  the  Governor  in 
Council  a  plan  to  restore  the  fallen  fortunes  of  his  country. 

Give's  plan  was  at  once  simple  and  daring.  It  was  to 
relieve  Trichinopoli  by  a  march  into  the  enemy's  country. 
Chanda  Sahib  in  his  anxiety  to  reduce  his  rival's  last  strong- 
hold had  denuded  his  own  capital,  Arcot.  Let  the  English 
take  Arcot,  said  Clive,  and  Chanda  Sahib  would,  to  recover  it, 
raise  the  siege  of  Trichinopoli.  The  Madras  Council,  domin- 
ated by  his  genius,  approved  his  plan.  On  the  6th  Septem- 
ber, 1751,  Clive  left  Madras.  On  the  11th,  he  entered  Arcot 
under  cover  of  a  thunderstorm,  and  the  reduced  garrison, 
terrified  alike  by  the  storm  and  the  suddenness  of  the  attack, 
fled  without  opposing  him.  The  fall  of  Arcot  had  no  effect  on 
the  serene  mind  of  Dupleix  and  he  ordered  the  siege  of  Trichi- 
nopoli to  be  pressed  with  greater  vigour  than  before.  But  he 
could  not  soothe  the  fears  of  his  ally.  Chanda  Sahib  detached 
his  son  Raju  Sahib  with  ten  thousand  men  to  win  back  the 
capital  of  the  Carnatic.  The  details  of  the  siege  of  Arcot  live 
for  ever  in  the  glowing  pages  of  Macaulay  and  need  not  be 
repeated  here.     It  began  on  the  4th  October,  and  on  the  25th 


1  War  was  actually  declared  in  March,  1744,   but  the  news  took  six 
months  to  reach  India. 


22  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

November  the  baffled  besiegers  retreated  to  Vellore.  The 
valour  of  the  defenders,  aided  by  a  body  of  Maratha  horse 
under  Murarirao  Ghorpade,  a  great  nephew  of  Santaji  Ghor- 
pade,  had  triumphantly  held  against  all  assaults  the  great  city. 
Clive  now  set  himself  to  imitate  the  French  methods  of  train- 
ing Indian  soldiers.  Fired  by  his  spirit  and  subjected  to  strict 
discipline,  the  English  sepoys  soon  became  the  equal  of  the 
French.  Reinforcements  came  from  England,  success  follow- 
ed success,  until  at  last,  on  the  13th  June,  1752,  not  Trichi- 
nopoli,  but  the  besieging  army  of  Chanda  Sahib,  surrendered 
to  the  English.  Chanda  Sahib  was  beheaded  and  Mahomed 
Ali  was  proclaimed  by  his  English  allies  Nawab  of  the  Carn- 
atic.  The  cost  of  this  disastrous  expedition  alienated  the 
sympathies  of  the  French  East  India  Company  from  Dupleix. 
They  wanted  not  glory,  but  dividends,  and,  impatient  at  his 
failure  to  provide  them,  they  resolved  to  recall  him.  They 
sent  in  his  place  a  Monsieur  Godeheu  ;  and  on  the  14th  October, 
1754,  the  greatest  Frenchman  of  his  time  left  India  for  ever. 
Anxious  to  secure  peace  at  any  price,  Godeheu  directed  his 
officers  to  act  strictly  on  the  defensive.  The  result  was  as 
might  have  been  anticipated.  The  moral  of  the  French  armies 
declined,  while  that  of  the  English  armies  rose.  On  the  13th 
December  Monsieur  Godeheu  obtained  from  the  Madras 
Government  a  contemptuous  peace,  by  which  he  sacrificed 
the  French  claims  in  the  Carnatic  and  recognized  Mahomed 
Ali  as  Nawab.  De  Bussy's  name  was  omitted  from  the  treaty 
and  he  still  remained  supreme  at  the  court  of  the  Nizam, 
Salabat  Jang. 

The  success  of  the  English  arms  against  the  French,  for  a 
short  time  deemed  invincible,  had  deeply  impressed  the 
discerning  mind  of  Balaji  Bajirao.  He  resolved  to  use  the 
English  to  remove  French  influence  from  the  dominions  of  the 
Nizam,  which  he  secretly  hoped  to  annex  to  his  own.  He 
cultivated  friendly  relations  with  Mr.  Bourchier,  the  Governor 
of  Bombay,  and  invited  him  to  join  the  Marathas  in  an  attack 
on  Janjira.  This  invitation  Mr.  Bourchier  declined,  pleading 
the  long  alliance  between  the  English  and  the  Sidis.  In  return 
he  invited  the  Peshwa  to  join  him  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Angres.  This  proposal  a  man  so  far-sighted  as  the  Peshwa 
would  certainly  not  have  accepted,  had  events  not  favoured  the 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  AND  THE  FALL  OF  ANGRE  23 

English.  The  quarrel  between  Sambhaji  Angre  and  Manaji 
Angre  had  caused  the  war  between  king  Shahu  and  the 
Portuguese,  and  had  ended  in  the  Maratha  conquest  of  Salsette 
and  Bassein.  Sambhaji  retained  the  fortresses  of  Suvarnadurg 
and  Vijayadurg  or  Gheria.  Kolaba  remained  with  Manaji. 
Sambhaji  had  always  kept  near  him  his  half-brother  Tulaji,  and 
on  Sambhaji's  death,  not  long  after  the  fall  of  Bassein,  Tulaji 
succeeded  to  Sambhaji's  share  of  the  great  Kanhoji  Angre's 
inheritance.  Tulaji  kept  alive  his  brother's  family  feuds  and 
added  to  them  other  feuds  of  his  own  making.  He  quarrelled 
with  Sadashivrao  and  carried  off  the  ladies  of  Manaji's  house- 
hold. So  outrageous  was  his  conduct  that  Brahmendraswami 
felt  constrained  to  write  him  a  reproachful  letter,  in  which  he 
implored  him  to  be  reconciled  with  Manaji  and  to  join  with 
him  in  the  destruction  of  the  Sidis.1  The  shameless  Tulaji, 
unmoved  by  this  saintly  epistle,  continued  to  plunder  the  ships 
of  all  nations  and  even  to  levy  contributions  from  the  Peshwa's 
own  territories.  He  affected  to  be  the  ally  of  Ramraja  and  of 
Tarabai,  and  defied  the  usurper,  as  he  styled  Balaji,  to  reduce 
him  to  obedience.  Nor  was  it  a  light  task  to  do  so.  Tulaji's 
infantry  numbered  thirty  thousand.  His  numerous  artillery 
was  served  by  European  gunners  and  his  sixty  war-ships  were 
the  terror  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  To  Ramaji  Mahadev  Biwalkar 
the  turbulence  of  Tulaji  Angre  was  particularly  obnoxious. 
As  Sarsubhadar  of  the  Konkan,  Ramaji  Mahadev  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  Salsette,  Bassein,  Thana  and  Kolaba.  At  Kalyan,  his 
neadquarters,  he  built  a  stately  mansion,  still  the  home  of  his 
descendants.  At  Thana  the  temple  of  Koupineshwar  still  per- 
petuates his  name,  and  in  his  house  in  that  city  British  judges 
to-day  dispense  law  and  justice.  It  was  Ramaji  Mahadev's 
duty  to  collect  the  Angre  tribute,  but,  so  far  from  paying  it, 
Angre  cut  off  the  noses  of  the  unfortunate  men  sent  to  collect 
it.  He  followed  up  this  insolence  by  storming  the  fort  of 
Ratnagiri,  held  by  Amatya  Bawadekar  in  the  Peshwa's  inter- 
est. To  punish  the  sea-rover  was  impossible,  so  long  as  he 
held  the  great  forts  of  Suvarnadurg  and  Vijayadurg  ;  so,  with 
a  skill  sharpened  by  hatred,  Ramaji  Mahadev  strove  to  unite  in 


1  See  Appendix  A. 


24  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

a  league  against  Tulaji,  his  brother  Manaji  Angre,  the  English 
and  the  Peshwa.  The  alliance  of  the  English  and  of  Manaji 
was  easily  obtained.  But  the  Peshwa  was  for  long  reluctant  to 
call  in  foreign  aid  against  a  Maratha  subject.  At  last  Tulaji's 
excesses  and  Ramaji's  instances  won  Balaji  over.  On  the  19th 
March,  1755,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  the  English  and  the  Marathas. 
The  English  were  to  command  the  allied  fleets.  Their  reward 
was  to  be  the  forts  of  Bankot  and  Himmatgad  together  with 
five  villages  and  also  half  the  ships  captured  by  the  allies. 
The  remaining  forts,  with  their  treasures  and  armament,  were 
to  become  the  property  of  the  Peshwa.  On  the  22nd  March, 
1755,  the  English  fleet  weighed  anchor.  Their  squadron  con- 
sisted of  the  Protector,  the  Bombay,  the  Swallow,  the  Trmmph 
and  the  Viper.  They  were  under  the  command  of  an  able  and 
skilful  sailor,  Commodore  James.  At  Chaul,  thirty  miles  from 
Bombay,  the  English  squadron  met  the  Maratha  fleet.  It 
numbered  sixty-seven  galleys  and  barges,  locally  known  as 
gallivats  and  grabs.  On  board  were  ten  thousand  Maratha 
troops.  On  the  2nd  April  the  allied  fleet  reached  Suvarna- 
durg.  Eighty  miles  south  of  Bombay,  Suvarnadurg  stood  on 
a  low  irregular  island  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  shore. 
The  fortifications  were  built  out  of  the  solid  rock  and  the 
channel  was  protected  by  three  forts  named  Goa,  Fatehdurg 
and  Connoidurg.  On  the  2nd  and  3rd  April,  Commodore 
James  bombarded  Angre's  fortresses  without  result.  On  the 
4th  April  the  outer  strongholds  struck  their  colours.  Only 
Suvarnadurg  remained.  But  for  months  past  Ramaji  Mahadev 
had  been  corrupting  its  garrison.  Thus,  when  a  landing  party 
from  the  ships  disembarked  to  carry  it  by  storm,  they  n  et 
with  little  or  no  resistance. 

On  the  fall  of  the  outer  forts,  Tulaji  had  fled  to  Vijayadurg, 
where  he  remained  in  safety  until  the  following  year.  The 
approach  of  the  monsoon  made  Commodore  James  anxious  to 
return  to  Bombay,  which  he  did  on  the  17th  May.  Ramaji 
Mahadev,  reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of  troops  under 
Shamsher  Bahadur,  the  son  of  Bajirao  and  Mastani,  took  all 
Tulaji's  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  conquered  fortress. 
Another  detachment  under  Khandoji  Mankar  drove  Tulaji's 
soldiers  from  the  villages  near  Vijayadurg.  The  attack  on 
Vijayadurg  itself  was  postponed  until  the  next  dry  season. 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  AND  THE  FALL  OF  ANGRE     25 

In  the  meantime  the  English  Government  had  decided  to 
drive  de  Bussy  from  the  Deccan.     Their  plan  was  to  invade, 
together  with  an  allied  Maratha  force,  the  Nizam's  dominions, 
and  force  him  to  dismiss  de  Bussy.     It  was  too  far  to  do  this 
from    the   Carnatic.      The    starting-point,    therefore,    of  the 
English    expedition    was    to    be  Bombay.     In  March,  1754, 
Admiral  Watson  sailed  for  the  East  Indies  with  six  ships  of 
the  line.     They  had  on  board  the  39th  regiment  of  700  men, 
and    some    240    gunners    and    recruits   for   the    Company's 
regiments.     On  the  23rd  April,  1755,  Clive,  who  had  been  to 
England   to    recruit  his   health,    sailed   for  Bombay  on    the 
Stretham,    one  of  a  squadron   of   ships   that   carried   several 
hundred  more  English  soldiers.     The  second  squadron  reached 
Bombay  in  October,  1755,  and  found  Admiral  Watson's  ships 
already  in  the  harbour.     Clive  was  the  senior  military  officer 
and  took  command  of  the  troops.     He  learnt  to  his  dismay 
that   the  Bombay  Government,  alarmed  at   the  cost   of   the 
expedition  to  the  Nizam's  dominions,  had  made  the  recent 
truce  with  Godeheu  an  excuse  for  abandoning  it.     They  decided 
instead  to  use  the  expeditionary  force  for  the  reduction  of 
Vijayadurg.     That  fortress    stands  about   a    hundred   miles 
lower  down  the  coast  than  Suvarnadurg.     On  the  7th  February, 
1756,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Bombay.     Khandoji  Mankar's  force 
had  been  camped  round  Vijayadurg  since  the  previous  Novem- 
ber and  was  engaged  with  Tulaji  Angre  in  negotiations  for  its 
surrender.     On    seeing    the   great   strength   of    the  English 
armada,  Tulaji  fled  in  terror  from  the  doomed  stronghold  and 
took  shelter  in  Khandoji  Mankar's  lines.     Neither  Khandoji 
Mankar   nor  Ramaji   Mahadev   wished   any  longer  to  storm 
Vijayadurg,  since  Tulaji  was  in  their  power  and  could  be  forced 
to  surrender  it  at  any  moment.     But  the  English  commanders 
resented  the  separate  negotiations  of  the  Marathas,  and  on  the 
12th  April,  1756,  their  attack  began.     By  6-36  p.m.  Angre's 
entire  fleet  had  been  destroyed  and  the  English  colours  flew 
over  Vijayadurg.     Tulaji  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  captivity, 
first  in  Chandan  Wandan  fort  near  Satara  and  afterwards  at 
Sholapur.     The  Peshwa  annexed  his  lands. 

After  this  brilliant  feat  of  arms  Watson  and  his  squadron 
sailed  for  Madras,  which  they  reached  on  the  14th  May,  1756. 
On  the  22nd  June,  Clive  was  appointed  Governor  of  Madras, 
4 


26  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATIIA  PEOPLE 

On  the  14th  July,  1756,  the  news  reached  him  that  the  Nawab  of 
Bengal,  Suraj-ud-Daulah  had  declared  war  on  the  English.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  in  1750  Alia  Vardi  Khan  ceded  to  the 
Marathas  the  province  of  Orissa  by  way  of  settlement  for 
the  chauth  of  Bengal.  He  lived  for  six  years  after  making 
this  cession,  dying  in  1756,  at  the  ripe  age  of  eighty.  To  his 
dying  day  he  remained  on  friendly  terms  with  the  English, 
whose  settlement,  founded  by  Job  Charnock  at  SatanathiHath, 
or  the  cotton  thread  market,  had  grown  into  the  rich  emporium 
of  Calcutta.  On  Alia  Vardi  Khan's  death  his  grandson 
Suraj-ud-Daulah  succeeded  him.  He  had  seen  with  apprehen- 
sion the  position  reached  by  the  English  in  the  Carnatic  and 
by  the  French  at  Aurangabad,  and  the  fall  of  Vijayadurg 
added  to  his  fears.  The  erection  of  fortifications  round 
Calcutta  and  the  refusal  of  the  English  merchants  to  surrender 
a  certain  Kishindas,  his  aunt's  lover  and  a  conspirator  against 
his  throne,  furnished  Suraj-ud-Daulah  with  an  excuse  ;  and  on 
the  28th  May,  1756,  he  marched  with  thirty  thousand  men 
against  Calcutta.1 

In  August  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  was  confirmed 
by  worse  news  still.  On  the  26th  June,  1756,  Calcutta  had  fallen 
after  a  three  days'  siege  and  the  survivors  of  the  garrison  had, 
all  save  a  handful,  perished  in  the  Black  Hole.  War  was 
imminent  between  France  and  England.  In  Chandanagore 
was  a  large  French  garrison  and  at  Aurangabad  was  de 
Bussy,  the  one  man  in  India  whose  talents  as  a  general 
equalled  those  of  Clive.  A  junction  between  the  French 
forces  and  the  Nawab's  army  meant  the  permanent  extinction 
of  the  English  settlements  in  Bengal.  The  Peshwa  seems  to 
have  been  deeply  shocked  at  the  misfortunes  of  his  allies. 
He  begged  Drake,  the  Governor  of  Calcutta,  not  to  make  peace 
with  the  Nawab,  and  offered  him  the  assistance  of  120,000 
horse.  The  offer  was  declined ;  but  Balaji  redoubled  his 
intrigues  at  Aurangabad,  with  the  result  that  de  Bussy,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  so  far  from  being  able  to  send  help  to 
Bengal,  was  forced  to  struggle  for  his  very  existence.  On  their 
side  the  English  acted  with  promptitude  and  vigour.     On  the 


1  Forest's  Life  of  Clive,  p.  429. 


The  rise  of  the  English  and  the  fall  of  angre  27 

9th  December,  Watson  and  Clive  with  an  English  army  sailed 
up  the  Hughli.  On  the  2nd  January,  they  retook  Calcutta. 
With  consummate  skill,  Clive  lulled  the  Nawab  with  hopes  of 
an  alliance,  while  he  prepared  for  an  attack  on  Chandanagore. 
On  the  23rd  March,  after  a  gallant  defence,  Chandanagore  fell, 
and  Clive  marched  against  the  Nawab.  On  the  23rd  June, 
1757,  was  fought  the  memorable  battle  of  Plassey.  In  a  single 
day  Clive  overthrew  the  great  structure  reared  by  Alia  Vardi 
Khan  ;  and  the  whole  vast  province  of  Bengal,  towards  which 
the  Marathas  had  often  cast  longing  eyes,  became  the  spoil  of 
the  English  merchants.  In  barely  ten  years  the  English  had 
risen  from  petty  traders  to  be  the  only  real  rivals  of  the 
Maratha  people. 


28  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  A 

Letter  from  Brahmendraswami  to  Tulaji  Angre 

To  Tulaji,  after  compliments,— You  have  committed  a  thousand 
crimes.  I  should  never  have  addressed  a  line  to  you  ;  but  I  am  writing 
this  letter  in  the  hope  that  you  may  be  reconciled  to  Manaji,  for,  if 
you  are,  I  shall  have  done  a  great  thing.  Send  back  to  Manaji  the 
ladies  of  his  household.  I  have  spoken  to  Manaji  too,  and  I  am  sure 
that  he  will  behave  well,  for  I  have  examined  his  inmost  heart.  You 
are  brothers  and  you  should  be  friends  and  join  in  some  great  work  ; 
and  this  we  urge  you  to  do. 

(Paras nis  Collection) 


CHAPTER  LI 

BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY 

A.  D.  1753  to  1757 

It  is  now  necessary  to  revert  to  affairs  in  the  Nizam's 
dominions  and  to  Southern  India.  In  the  troubled  times  that 
followed  the  return  of  Shahu,  the  Maratha  possessions  in  the 
south  of  India  fell  away  one  after  the  other.  At  first  so  large 
a  number  of  petty  chieftains  assumed  the  title  of  nawab  and 
established  themselves  at  various  spots,  that  the  great  Nizam- 
ul-Mulk  threatened  to  scourge  any  officer  who  dared  to  call 
himself  Nawab  without  the  Nizam's  permission.  This  drastic 
threat  reduced  the  number  of  nawabs  to  five.  Of  these  the 
greatest  was  the  Nawab  of  the  Carnatic ;  then  came  the 
Afghan  Nawabs  of  Kadapa,  Sira,  Kurnul  and  Savanur.  In 
addition  to  the  five  nawabs,  several  Hindu  rajas  had  made 
themselves  independent ;  of  these  the  most  important  were 
the  Rajas  of  Bednur  and  Tanjore.  Bednur,  according  to  local 
legend,  had  been  founded  in  1560  by  two  brothers  who  were 
known  as  Nayaks  or  headmen  of  the  petty  village  of  Kiladi, 
to  the  north-west  of  Maisur,  or,  as  the  English  call  it,  Mysore.1 
They  happened  to  find  a  vampire's  treasure  and  appeased  the 
vampire  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  human  victim.  By  means  of 
their  newly-gotten  wealth  they  were  able  to  conquer  a  strip  of 
territory,  for  which  they  got  a  grant  from  the  Raja  of  Vijaya- 
nagar.  Their  descendants  moved  to  Ikkeri,  where  the  Italian 
traveller  Pietro  della  Valle  met  them.  From  Ikkeri  Sivappa 
Nayak  moved  to  Bidururu  or  the  bamboo  town,  now  known 
as  Bednur.  So  great  was  the  fortune  of  Sivappa  Nayak  and 
his  descendants  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century 
the  Rajas  of  Bednur  ruled  over  ten  thousand  square  miles. 

On  Shahaji's  death,  as  already  related,  Vyankoji,  the  brother 
of   Shivaji,   became  Raja   of   Tanjore.     Vyankoji    had    three 

1  Maisur  takes  its  name  from  Mahishasura,  the  buffalo-headed  demon, 
slain  by  the  goddess  Parvati  or  Kali. 


30  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

sons,  of  whom  Tukoji  alone  had  issue.  Two  of  Tukoji's 
sons  survived  him.  One,  Sayaji  was  legitimate  ;  the  other, 
Pratapsing  was  the  son  of  a  concubine.  Tukoji  towards  the  end 
of  his  reign  fell  under  the  control  of  a  Musulman  officer.  On 
his  death  the  Musulman  officer  raised  Sayaji  to  the  throne, 
but  in  1741  dispossessed  him  in  favour  of  Pratapsing.  The 
new  prince  was  a  man  of  some  vigour  and  resource,  and  freed 
himself  from  his  protector  by  assassination.  Sayaji  escaped 
to  the  shelter  of  Madras. 

At  Gooti  were  established  the  family  of  Santaji  Ghorpade. 
Their  leader  was  the  gallant  Murarirao  Ghorpade,  Santaji's 
great  nephew,  by  whose  help  Clive  was  able  successfully  to 
defend  Arcot.  Lastly,  a  new  and  powerful  state  had  grown  up 
round  the  great  fort  of  Shrirangapatan  or  the  town  of  the  god 
Krishna,  known  to  English  writers  as  Seringapatam.  The 
tale  of  its  growth  is  shortly  as  follows  :  — 

At  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century  two  Rajputs,  Vijayaraj 
and  Krishnaraj,  who  claimed  descent  from  the  divine  Krishna, 
left  their  town,  Dwarka,  and  journeyed  south  in  search  of 
adventure,  romance  and  fortune.  In  the  course  of  their 
wanderings  they  reached  the  town  of  Hadinad  close  to 
Mysore.  At  Hadinad  they  found  what  they  had  been  seeking. 
The  local  Wadiar  or  prince  had  gone  mad  and  a  neighbouring 
chief  demanded  from  him  his  daughter's  hand  or  in  the  alter- 
native his  family  lands  and  possessions.  The  father's 
deranged  mind  was  incapable  either  of  consent  or  refusal. 
The  prince's  relatives  appealed  to  the  two  young  Rajputs, 
who  by  their  craft  slew  the  hateful  suitor  and  by  their  valour 
seized  his  estate.  As  a  reward  Vijayaraj  obtained  the  hand 
of  the  grateful  princess,  and  he  and  his  brother  adopted  the 
lingayat  faith  of  their  new  subjects.  For  two  hundred  years 
Vijayaraj' s  descendants  were  satisfied  with  their  small 
principality.  In  1565,  the  defeat  and  death  of  Ramraj,  King  of 
Vijayanagar,  to  whom  they  were  subject,  shook  his  kingdom 
to  its  foundations.  It  gradually  fell  to  pieces  and  the  former 
vassals  of  Vijayanagar  strove  with  each  other  for  the  frag- 
ments. In  1609,  Raj  Wodiar,  seventh  in  descent  from  Vijayaraj, 
seized  the  fortress  of  Shrirangapatan ;  to  celebrate  this 
event  he  renounced  the  lingayat  doctrines  and  he  and  his 
family  became  once   more  worshippers  of  the  god  Krishna. 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  31 

In  1699,  the  Emperor  Aurangzib  had  planned  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Mysore  ;  but  the  ruling  chief,  Chikka  Devaraj,  who 
had  skilfully  increased  his  territories  at  the  expense  of  his 
neighbours,  sent  the  Emperor  so  tactful  an  embassy  that 
Aurangzib  changed  his  mind  and,  receiving  the  chieftain's 
homage,  gave  him  the  title  of  Raja  Jaga  Deva  and  an  ivory 
throne.  Chikka  Devaraj's  successors  were  men  without 
capacity  and  their  power  fell  into  the  hands  of  their  ministers. 
In  1733,  the  direct  descent  ended  with  the  death  of  Dodda 
Krishnaraj,  and  thereafter  the  new  chiefs  were  elected  at  the 
pleasure  or  the  whim  of  their  commanders-in-chief,  best  known 
by  their  official  title  of  Dalwais.1 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  shortly  after  Bajirao's  appoint- 
ment as  Peshwa,  a  quarrel  arose  between  him  and  Shripatrao 
the  Pratinidhi  as  to  the  royal  policy.  The  latter  pressed  for 
the  consolidation  of  the  Maratha  possessions  and  then  a 
re-conquest  of  Shivaji's  southern  acquisitions.  Bajirao  had 
successfully  urged  a  direct  thrust  at  the  heart  of  the  Moghul 
Empire.  The  thrust  had  been  fatal.  To  use  Balaji's  own 
simile,  the  trunk  had  been  struck1  down  and  the  branches  had 
fallen  of  themselves.  It  only  remained  for  the  Marathas  to 
gather  them.  This  Balaji  resolved  to  do  and  '  We  must 
conquer  the  whole  Deccan  '  became  the  common  catchword  of 
the  court  and  the  army.  Had  Ghazi-ud-din  lived  and  mounted 
the  throne  by  the  aid  of  Maratha  arms,  Balaji  would  surely 
have  reached  his  goal.  But  behind  Salabat  Jang  stood 
de  Bussy  with  his  French  soldiers,  and  trained  artillery  and 
infantry,  whose  value  had  been  shewn  in  the  fighting  of  1751. 
To  the  riddance,  therefore,  of  de  Bussy  from  the  court  of 
the  Nizam,  the  Peshwa  devoted  all  the  resources  of  his  acute 
and  powerful  mind.  In  his  efforts  he  received  ample  help 
from  his  agent  at  the  Nizam's  court,  Shyamji  Govind  Dikshit. 
So  long  as  de  Bussy  remained  at  his  post,  Balaji's  schemes 
made  little  headway.  The  fort  at  Haidarabad  to  which 
Salabat  Jang  had  moved  was  at  a  safe  distance  from  the 
Maratha  frontier  and  was  garrisoned  by  de  Bussy's  troops. 
Their  cannon  threatened  the  town  ;  at  the  same  time,  so 
strict  was  their  discipline   and  so  exemplary  their  conduct, 


1  See  Appendix  A  for  the  genealogy  of  the  chiefs  of  Mysore. 


32  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

that  they  won  the  esteem  and  affection  of  the  townspeople.  In 
1753,  however,  de  Bussy  was  laid  low  by  an  illness  so  severe 
that  a  change  to  the  sea-coast  became  necessary  for  his  cure. 
He  was  carried  to  Machlipatan,  now  known  as  Masulipatam, 
a  town  near  the  mouth  of  the  Krishna  river,  and  his  illness 
and  departure  gave  his  enemies  their  chance.  On  the 
assassination  of  Raja  Raghunathdas,  the  post  of  Diwan  to  the 
Nizam  had,  as  already  related,  fallen  vacant  and  Salabat  Jang 
had,  on  de  Bussy's  advice,  appointed  to  it  Sayad  Lashkar 
Khan.  This  man's  affected  friendship  had  deceived  de  Bussy  ; 
but  he  really  detested  the  French  because  of  theii  overthrow 
of  Nasir  Jang,  for  whom  Lashkar  Khan  had  felt  a  deep 
affection.  He  was  in  constant  correspondence  with  Balaji,  and, 
as  soon  as  de  Bussy  had  left  for  the  sea-coast,  he  began  to 
work  in  the  Peshwa's  interest.  He  encouraged,  nay  pressed 
Goupil,  de  Bussy's  lieutenant,  to  relax  the  strictness  of  his 
discipline.  Drunkenness  and  disorder  took  the  place  of  order 
and  discipline,  and  the  French  soon  became  as  hateful 
as  formerly  they  had  been  popular.  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan 
declared  himself  unable  to  pay  the  troops,  and  advised  the 
officers  to  collect  their  pay  by  plundering  the  neighbouring 
districts.  Goupil,  deceived  by  his  enemy's  courtly  manners, 
divided  his  small  force  into  raiding  detachments.  Having 
thus  reduced  Goupil's  strength,  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan  per- 
suaded Salabat  Jang  to  return  to  Aurangabad,  a  spot  at  once 
nearer  to  Balaji  and  further  from  de  Bussy.  While  the 
French  cause  was  thus  tottering  to  its  fall,  de  Bussy  lay  sick 
at  Masulipatam.  But  at  the  news  of  danger  his  ardent 
spirit  triumphed  over  illness.  He  returned  at  full  speed  to 
Haidarabad,  recalled  his  detachments  and  forced  the  governor 
of  that  city  to  pay  his  troops.  Their  confidence  restored, 
de  Bussy  led  them  in  October,  1753,  against  Aurangabad. 
The  miserable  Sayad  lost  courage  as  soon  as  his  schemes 
were  penetrated.  He  made  no  effort  to  stop  the  march  of  the 
French  ;  and  on  the  4th  December  he  was  forced  to  sign  on 
behalf  of  Salabat  Jang  a  grant  to  de  Bussy  of  a  great  tract  of 
land  along  the  eastern  coast,  470  miles  long  and  from  thirty  to 
a  hundred  miles  wide.  It  was  watered  by  two  noble  rivers,  the 
Godavari  and  the  Krishna,  and  included  the  towns  of  Vizaga- 
patam,  Rajamundri  and  Ellore.     The  tract  was  known  as  the 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  33 

Northern  Sirkars,  a  name  that  it  still  bears.  De  Bussy  was 
now  independent  of  both  Salabat  Jang  and  his  minister,  and 
he  proceeded  to  raise  fresh  troops  and  to  govern  the  assigned 
lands  with  a  moderation  and  wisdom  that  did  him  the  greatest 
honour. 

Baffled  by  the  cowardice  of  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan,  Balaji 
did  not  despair.  He  urged  him  to  fresh  plots  ;  and,  when  the 
Nizam  replaced  the  Sayad  by  one  Shah  Nawaz  Khan,  Balaji 
entered  into  close  relations  with  him.  This  was  easily 
done ;  for  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  had  also  been  a  devoted 
adherent  of  Nasir  Jang  and  he  hated  the  French  as  cordially 
as  the  Sayad  did.  The  recall  of  Dupleix  by  the  French  East 
India  Company  and  the  recognition  of  Mahomed  AH  by 
Godeheu  also  aided  Balaji's  policy.  The  Nizam  was  vexed 
beyond  measure  at  the  French  recognition  of  his  enemy  as 
the  occupant  of  one  of  his  own  vassal  thrones,  without  his 
previous  consent.  De  Bussy  did  his  best  to  smooth  matters 
over,  but  his  position  at  the  Nizam's  court  was  greatly 
shaken.  To  complete  his  downfall  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  advised 
Salabat  Jang  to  demand  the  Moghul  tribute  from  Mysore. 
This  proposal  he  hoped  de  Bussy  would  oppose,  as  the 
Mysore  Government  were  then  actively  helping  the  French. 
De  Bussy  was,  however,  equal  to  the  occasion.  He  openly 
approved  the  advice  and  secretly  sent  a  warning  to  the 
Dalwai  or  commander-in-chief  of  Mysore.  Having  thus  done 
all  he  could  for  his  allies,  he  took  the  direction  of  the  in- 
vading army.  Three  days  after  crossing  the  Mysore  frontier, 
he  was  in  sight  of  Seringapatam.  The  unfortunate  Mysore 
Government  were  completely  paralysed  by  the  absence  of 
their  troops  and  the  celerity  of  de  Bussy's  movements. 
Worse  news,  however,  awaited  them.  A  great  Maratha  army 
under  Balaji's  own  leadership  now  invaded  Mysore  from  the 
west.  This  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  Marathas  had 
invaded  Southern  India.  As  I  have  related  in  the  first  volume 
of  this  history,  Shivaji  had  conquered  a  dominion  that 
stretched  south  of  the  Tungabhadra  from  sea  to  sea.  Bajirao 
had  again  penetrated  southward  in  1726.  In  1747  Sadashivrao 
had  led  thither  a  large  army  and  had  annexed  nearly  half  the 
lands  then  ruled  over  by  the  Nawab  of  Savanur.  The 
expedition  of  1754-1755  was  conducted  on  a  great  scale. 
5 


34  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

From  every  village  through  which  his  army  passed,   Balaji 
extorted  one-fourth  of  the  revenue,  either  in  cash  or  in  bills. 
Several  strong  places  were  stormed,  the  garrisons  killed  and 
the  treasure-chests  seized.     Among   them   was  the   fortress 
of  Hole  Honnur  on  the  river  Bhadra,  one  of  the  confluents  of 
the  Tungabhadra.     The  Peshwa  was  still  deeply  in  debt,   as 
the  result  of  the  extravagance  of  Shahu  and  of  his  own  father 
Bajirao.     He  was  determined  to  make  his  government  solvent 
at  the  expense  of  Mysore  and  he  was  merciless  in  his  ex- 
actions.    He  joined  Salabat  Jang's  army  beneath  the  walls  of 
Seringapatam.     In  the  meantime  the  Dalwai  had  been  forced 
to  promise  to  the  Nizam  a  ransom  of  fifty-two  lakhs  of  rupees. 
He  had   already   stripped  the   rich  jewels   from  the  temple 
images  of  Seringapatam  and  from  the  arms  and  wrists  of  the 
royal  ladies,  but  even  so  he  had  collected  only  one-third  of 
the  sum  claimed.     The  Peshwa  now  demanded  a  further  vast 
sum  as  arrears  of  his  tribute.     De  Bussy,  on  behalf  both  of 
the  Nizam    and    the  Dalwai,    obtained   an   audience    of   the 
Brahman  prince.     This  was   the   first   time   that  these   two 
eminent    men   had  met.     Balaji   was   deeply   impressed    by 
de  Bussy's  bearing,  his  studied  courtesy,  his  unruffled  temper, 
and   above    all   by    his    vast   capacity   for  military    and  civil 
affairs.     He    listened    attentively    to    the   French    general's 
address  and  was  led  to  the  view  that  it  was  useless  to  make 
further    demands    on    Mysore.     The    Peshwa    had    already 
obtained  by  plunder  on  the  march  more  than  enough  to  settle 
his  debts  and  with  this  he  agreed  to  remain  content.     He  did 
not,  however,  give  up  his  plan  of  removing  de  Bussy  from 
the    counsels    of    Salabat    Jang  ;    but    he    modified    it    and 
determined  after  removing  him  from  Aurangabad  to  employ 
him  in  his  own  service  at  Poona. 

The  Peshwa  withdrew  his  army  from  Seringapatam,  but 
he  overran  Jamkhandi  and  fought  a  series  of  actions  at 
Harihar,  Bagalkot  and  Mundlagi.  The  campaign  continued  all 
through  the  winter  and  summer  of  1755.  In  January,  1755, 
Mahadji  Purandare  was  given  a  separate  command  to  plunder 
Bednur.  This  duty  he  effectually  performed,  but  in  the  per- 
formance he  quarrelled  with  Muzaffar  Khan,  the  commandant 
of  the  Maratha  artillery.  The  latter  had  been  trained  by 
de  Bussy  and  had  left  his  service  for  that  of  the  Peshwa. 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  35 

He  now  deserted  the  Peshwa's  service  for  that  of  the  Nawab 
of  Savanur.  Early  in  April,  1755,  the  Peshwa  returned  to 
Poona  and,  as  already  related,  engaged  at  once  in  the  war 
against  Tulaji  Angre.  Immediately  the  monsoon  of  1755  had 
passed,  the  tireless  Peshwa  was  once  again  at  the  head  of  his 
southern  army.  He  had  apppointed  Panse  to  the  command  of 
his  artillery,  but  he  deeply  resented  the  desertion  of  Muzaffar 
Khan.  He  demanded  his  surrender  of  the  Nawab  of  Savanur. 
The  latter  returned  a  haughty  answer  and  leagued  himself 
with  the  Maratha  chief,  Murarirao  Ghorpade,  who  would  not 
acknowledge  the  Peshwa,  and  with  the  Nawabs  of  Kadapa 
and  Kurnul.  Against  this  formidable  league  the  Peshwa 
invoked  the  help  of  the  Nizam.  He  justly  represented  that  a 
league  of  Afghan  nawabs  supported  by  Murarirao  Ghorpade 
would,  after  defying  the  Peshwa,  repudiate  the  suzerainty  of 
the  Nizam.  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  supported  the  Peshwa's  agent, 
and  an  allied  Moghul  and  Maratha  force  marched  into  the 
country  of  Savanur.  In  the  forefront  of  the  Maratha 
army  were  many  famous  leaders — Mulharrao  Holkar,  Vithal 
Shivdev  Vinchurkar  and  Naro  Shankar.  Raghuji  Bhosle  was 
absent,  for  earlier  in  the  year,  on  the  14th  February,  1755, 
that  gallant  old  chief  had  died  of  dysentery,  and  thirteen 
Maratha  ladies  had,  in  his  honour,  thrown  themselves  on  his 
flaming  pyre.  He  had  tried  to  divide  his  state  among  his 
four  sons,  Janoji  and  Sabaji,  Mudhoji  and  Bimbaji ;  but  the 
brothers  quarrelled  and  the  Peshwa  turned  their  disputes  to 
his  own  advantage.  He  conferred  Raghuji' s  title  of  Sena 
Sahib  Subha  on  Janoji,  recognized  him  as  his  father's  heir  and 
obtained  from  him  a  nazar  of  seven  lakhs.  In  the  expedition 
against  Savanur  both  Janoji  and  Mudhoji  were  present. 

The  Peshwa  at  the  head  of  a  great  army  met  the  Pathan 
nawabs  and  Murarirao  Ghorpade  not  far  from  Savanur  and 
inflicted  on  them  so  severe  a  defeat,  that  they  were  forced  to 
take  shelter  in  the  fortress.  On  Salabat  Jang's  arrival  the 
siege  began.  De  Bussy  had  raised  his  artillery  to  the  highest 
pitch  of  efficiency,  and  the  tremendous  effect  of  his  cannon  at 
this  siege  has  passed  into  legend.1  Murarirao  Ghorpade,  see- 
ing the  confederates'  cause  hopeless,  entered  into  negotiations 

1  It  is  said  that  de  Bussy  fired  125,000  shells  into  Savanur  (Riyasat). 


36  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

with  de  Bussy  and  deserted  to  the  Peshwa.  Eventually 
the  Nawab  of  Savanur  sued  for  peace  and  obtained  it  in 
return  for  an  indemnity  of  eleven  lakhs,  large  cessions  of 
territory  and  the  surrender  of  Muzaffar  Khan,  who  once  more 
became  an  artillery  officer  of  the  Peshwa.  In  the  course  of 
this  expedition  the  Marathas  acquired  among  other  places 
Belgaum,  Sholapur  and  Hubli.  Peace  was  declared  in  May, 
1756  and  in  June,  1756,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  the 
Nawab  of  Bengal  stormed  Calcutta.  Balaji  feared  that  a 
junction  between  the  French  and  the  Nawab  of  Bengal  would 
be  fatal  to  the  English.  He  now  evolved  a  fresh  plan,  by 
which  he  hoped  to  paralyse  the  French,  drive  de  Bussy  from 
the  Nizam's  service,  and  employ  him  in  his  own.  In  the 
course  of  the  siege  of  Savanur,  Murarirao  Ghorpade  had,  to 
induce  de  Bussy  to  favour  his  negotiations,  returned  him 
a  bond  which  the  French  authorities  had  given  Murarirao  in 
recognition  of  his  services  against  the  English  at  Trichinopoli. 
The  French  authorities  since  Godeheu's  ignominious  peace 
were  no  longer  able  to  redeem  it.  De  Bussy  took  the  bond 
and  spoke  on  Murarirao's  behalf  both  to  the  Peshwa  and  the 
Nizam.  The  Peshwa  came  to  hear  of  the  bond  and  told  Shah 
Nawaz  Khan.  The  latter  told  the  Nizam,  at  the  same  time 
painting  de  Bussy's  conduct  in  the  blackest  colours.  While 
Salabat  Jang  had  received  nothing,  said  Shah  Nawaz  Khan, 
de  Bussy  had  behind  his  master's  back  received  a  rich  bribe 
from  Ghorpade.  Other  Musulman  nobles,  jealous  of  de 
Bussy's  power,  supported  Shah  Nawaz  Khan,  with  the  result 
that  the  Nizam  formally  dismissed  de  Bussy  from  his  service. 
Immediately  this  blow  had  been  struck,  Shah  Nawaz  Khan 
invited  the  English  to  attack  de  Bussy's  force  and  the  Peshwa 
to  have  him  assassinated.  Both  invitations  were  declined. 
The  English  had  no  troops  to  spare,  and  the  generous 
Brahman  not  only  scorned  to  assassinate  the  French  general 
but  sent  to  his  help  a  large  body  of  horse  under  Malharrao 
Holkar,  offering  him  the  same  pay  and  advantages  that  he 
had  enjoyed  at  Haidarabad.  De  Bussy,  however,  declined  the 
gracious  offer  and,  after  courteously  dismissing  the  Maratha 
escort,  marched  from  the  Nizam's  camp  to  Haidarabad.  With 
incomparable  skill  he  evaded  or  swept  aside  the  forces  sent  to 
attack  him,  and,  reaching  his  goal  in  safety,  established  himself 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  3^ 

in  a  garden  known  as  the  Char  Mahal  or  the  four  palaces. 
From  his  new  camp  he  sent  for  reinforcements  to  Pondicherry 
and  Masulipatam.  Moracin,  the  French  Governor  of  Masuli- 
patam,  sent  a  Scotch  officer  named  Law,  a  brother  of  the 
famous  speculator  of  the  d'Orleans  regency,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  one  hundred  and  sixty  Europeans,  seven  hundred 
sepoys  and  five  guns.  A  further  body  of  seven  hundred 
men  and  six  guns  was  sent  from  Pondicherry,  and  the 
two  forces,  having  met,  set  out  to  join  de  Bussy.  As 
they  advanced  their  difficulties  grew  and  enemies  sprang  up 
from  every  defile,  thicket  and  river  bed.  At  last,  when 
at  Meliapur,  only  seventeen  miles  from  Haidarabad,  Law 
took  post  and  sent  word  to  de  Bussy  that  he  could  advance  no 
farther.  Back  came  the  stern  answer,  "  I  bid  you  march 
forward  in  the  name  of  the  King."  Law  dared  not  disobey 
and  once  more  the  advance  began.  De  Bussy  did  all  that  he 
could  to  help  it.  He  had  induced  Ramchandra  Jadhav,  the  son 
of  the  rebel  Chandrasen  Jadhav  and  Rav  Rambha  Janoji 
Nimbalkar  of  Karmala,  two  of  the  three  Maratha  leaders  sent 
against  Law,  to  take  no  active  part  against  him.  He  also 
made  a  feigned  attack  on  the  Nizam's  troops  near  his  own 
camp,  and  simultaneously  sent  a  force  to  escort  Law  during 
the  last  few  miles  of  his  march.  Helped  in  this  way,  Law 
after  very  severe  fighting  succeeded  in  reaching  de  Bussy. 
An  hour  after  Law's  arrival  in  the  French  camp,  de  Bussy 
received  a  letter  from  Salabat  Jang  offering  to  reinstate  him. 
De  Bussy  accepted  the  offer  and  on  the  20th  August,  after 
passing  through  a  crisis  which  no  ordinary  man  would  have 
survived,  he  was  publicly  reinstated  by  the  Nizam  in  all  his 
titles,  lands  and  dignities. 

De  Bussy  was  now,  it  would  seem,  free  to  act  with  the 
Nawab  of  Bengal  ;  but  the  resources  of  the  Peshwa's  diplo- 
macy were  inexhaustible.  While  de  Bussy  was  surmounting 
insuperable  obstacles  in  and  near  Haidarabad,  the  agents  of 
Shah  Nawaz  Khan,  prompted  by  Balaji,  had  raised  a  revolt 
in  the  Northern  Sirkars.  Directly  the  rainy  season  permitted, 
de  Bussy  was  forced  to  proceed  there.  On  the  16th  November, 
the  French  general  with  five  hundred  Frenchmen  and  four 
thousand  sepoys  set  out  for  the  assigned  districts.  In  three 
months  he  had  reduced  them  to  obedience,  and  he  was  preparing 


38  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

to  march  northward  to  relieve  Chandanagore,  when  he  received 
the  fatal  news  that  the  city  had  fallen  on  the  23rd  March.  It 
was  useless  now  to  go  north,  but  vengeance  might  still  be 
exacted  from  the  English  settlements  in  the  east  and  south. 
He  took  successively  the  English  factories  at  Vizagapatam, 
Madapollam,  Bandarmalanka  and  Injiram,  and  was  getting 
ready  to  sweep  the  English  from  Southern  India  when  he  was 
again  stayed  by  news  from  Haidarabad.  In  his  absence 
Shah  Nawaz  Khan,  in  league  with  the  Peshwa,  had  woven 
a  most  formidable  plot  not  only  against  de  Bussy  but  against 
Salabat  Jang  himself  (May,  1757).  Their  intention  was  to 
confine  Salabat  Jang  and  to  declare  his  brother  Nizam  Ali 
Subhedar  of  the  Deccan.  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  seized  Daulata- 
bad,  pretending  to  be  afraid  of  his  own  troops.  He  invited 
Salabat  Jang  to  visit  him  there ;  but  from  this  folly  he  was 
dissuaded  by  the  French  officers  of  his  escort.  Shah  Nawaz 
Khan  then  refused  to  surrender  the  fortress.  Nizam  Ali, 
who  was  Governor  of  Berar,  pretended  to  be  shocked  at  the 
rebellion  against  his  brother  and  marched  with  all  speed  to 
Haidarabad,  really  intending  to  seize  Salabat  Jang  in  his  own 
camp.  At  the  same  time  a  Maratha  army  under  Janoji 
Bhosle  invaded  the  Nizam's  dominions  from  the  north  ;  and 
another  Maratha  army  under  the  Peshwa's  eldest  son  Vishvas- 
rao  concentrated  on  the  Godavari.  A  third  Maratha  force 
attacked  and  defeated  Ramchandra  Jadhav,  who  was  march- 
ing to  Salabat  Jang's  aid,  and  besieged  him  in  the  town  of 
Sindkhed.  The  leader  of  this  third  contingent  was  Madhav- 
rao  Sindia  and  against  him  Nizam  Ali  pretended  to  march. 
Madhavrao  Sindia,  acting  under  the  Peshwa's  instructions, 
allowed  Nizam  Ali  to  relieve  Sindkhed.  Nizam  Ali  offered 
the  Peshwa  the  price  agreed  on  secretly  for  his  assistance, 
namely,  the  cession  of  a  tract  of  land  producing  twenty-five 
lakhs  of  revenue,  together  with  the  fort  of  Naldurg.  Balaji 
and  Nizam  Ali  then  marched  as  friends  to  Aurangabad ;  and 
the  next  step  would  assuredly  have  been  the  deposition  of 
Salabat  Jang.  But,  before  this  could  be  achieved,  de  Bussy 
came  by  forced  marches  from  the  Northern  Sirkars.  His 
arrival  foiled  the  plot.  He  recovered  Daulatabad  and  over- 
awed the  conspirators.  Nizam  Ali,  in  his  rage  at  his  failure, 
murdered  Haidar  Jang,  de  Bussy's  confidential    agent.     He 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  39 

then  fled  for  his  life  to  Burhanpur  and  in  the  tumult  that 
followed  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  was  killed.  The  Marathas 
withdrew,  but  were  consoled  for  their  check  by  the  capture  of 
Shivner.  That  mighty  fortress  close  to  Junnar  had  long  been 
coveted  by  the  Maratha  Government.  It  was  the  birthplace 
of  the  great  king,  who  had  more  than  once  tried  to  take  it.  Its 
commandant,  Alamkhannow  surrendered  it,  induced  to  this  act 
of  treachery  by  the  handsome  bribe  offered  him  by  Uddhav 
Vireshwar  Chitale,  a  Maratha  officer.  De  Bussy,  for  the 
moment  master  of  the  situation,  made  Basalat  Jang,  Salabat 
Jang's  remaining  brother,  diwan,  and  proposed  through  him 
to  govern  the  entire  Deccan.  It  might  thus  seem  that  de 
Bussy  had  won  in  his  struggle  with  Balaji.  In  reality  the 
latter  had  reached  his  goal.  While  de  Bussy  was  struggling 
to  save  Salabat  Jang,  the  English  had  fought  and  won 
Plassey  and  conquered  Bengal.  Nothing  that  the  French 
could  now  do  was  of  any  use.  De  Lally,  the  new  French 
Governor-General,  anxious  to  concentrate  his  troops  for  an 
attack  on  Madras,  recalled  de  Bussy  ;  and  on  the  21st  July, 
1758,  the  great  soldier  said  good-bye  to  Salabat  Jang  for  ever. 
The  attack  on  Madras  failed.  The  Northern  Sirkars  were 
conquered  by  the  English  and  the  French  were  expelled  from 
the  Nizam's  dominions.  It  was  thus  Balaji  who  had  won  in 
the  contest  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  reaped  the  fruits  of 
his  victory. 

The  Peshwa's  plans  were  favoured  by  the  turbulence  and 
faithlessness  of  Nizam  Ali.  On  reaching  Burhanpur  the 
latter  levied  a  heavy  contribution  and  proceeded  to  raise 
troops.  He  was  soon  joined  by  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  with  a 
corps  of  artillery.  This  celebrated  individual  had  at  one 
time  been  a  favourite  officer  of  de  Bussy  and  had  become 
an  expert  in  the  French  method  of  serving  their  cannon. 
He  had  left  the  service  of  the  French  for  that  of  Nizam  Ali, 
had  rejoined  de  Bussy  at  Haidarabad,  and  on  his  recall  had 
once  more  thrown  in  his  lot  with  Nizam  Ali.  His  surname 
Gardi  was  a  corruption  of  the  French  word  "  Garde  ".  Basalat 
Jang  persuaded  Janoji  Bhosle  to  attack  the  rebel,  but  by  the 
aid  of  Ibrahim  Gardi's  artillery,  Nizam  Ali  defeated  the 
Maratha  leader.  Janoji  Bhosle,  thereafter,  on  instructions 
received   from   the   Peshwa,    joined    the    pretender's    cause. 


40  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Another  event  helped  Nizam  AH.  Salabat  Jang,  in  answer  to 
an  appeal  from  his  French  friends,  marched  to  relieve  Masuli- 
patam,  then  besieged  by  the  English.  In  his  absence  Nizam 
Ali  took  Aurangabad  and  marched  on  Haidarabad.  In  all 
haste  Salabat  Jang  patched  up  a  treaty  with  the  English  and 
returned  to  drive  away  his  brother.  But  Nizam  Ali's  position 
had  become  so  strong  that  Salabat  Jang  was  forced  to  accept 
him  as  his  diwan  and  to  dismiss  Basalat  Jang.  Nizam  Ali 
on  his  part  agreed  to  dismiss  Ibrahim  Gardi,  who  at  once 
entered  the  service  of  Sadashivrao. 

Nizam  Ali,  having  become  supreme  in  his  brother's  vice- 
royalty,  refused  to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  Sakhar  Khedale,1 
as  the  treaty  concluded  between  him  and  the  Peshwa  was 
called.  He  also  refused  to  become  the  subordinate  ally  of 
the  Peshwa,  as  Balaji  demanded.  In  spite  of  the  Peshwa's 
remonstrances,  he  allied  himself  to  the  English.  All  through 
1759,  therefore,  Balaji  and  Sadashivrao  made  extensive 
preparations  for  war.  On  the  9th  November,  1759,  the  Peshwa's 
officer,  Visaji  Krishna  Biniwale  induced  Kavijang,  the  Musul- 
man  governor  of  Ahmadnagar  to  surrender  it  in  return  for 
a  perpetual  jaghir  of  fifty  thousand  rupees.  This  act  led  to 
an  open  rupture  between  the  two  powers.  Some  delay  took 
place  in  the  Maratha  movements  by  reason  of  Muzaffar  Khan's 
attempt  on  the  life  of  Sadashivrao.  Muzaffar  Khan,  as  will 
be  remembered,  had  on  the  fall  of  Savanur  re-entered  the 
Maratha  service.  Sadashivrao,  who  disliked  him,  protested, 
but  was  overruled.  Afterwards  Sadashivrao  tried  to  get 
Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  appointed  in  Muzaffar  Khan's  place  as 
commandant  of  the  Peshwa's  artillery  corps.  Although  the  two 
Musulmans  were  kinsmen,  Muzaffar  Khan's  vanity  was  deeply 
wounded.  He  corrupted  his  son-in-law,  Haidar  Khan,  to 
assassinate  Sadashivrao.  On  the  25th  October  1759,  while 
Sadashivrao  was  sitting  in  his  tent  at  Garpir,  just  outside 
Poona  city,  Haidar  Khan  entered  it  and  struck  at  him  with 
a  dagger.  A  silledar  or  cavalry  officer  named  Nagoji  Guzar 
caught  the  assassin's  wrist  and  Sadashivrao  escaped  with  a 
slight  wound.  Haidar  Khan  was  seized,  and  implicated 
Muzaffar    Khan    and   a    Prabhu   officer    called    Ramchandra 

1  Sakhar  Khedale  was  the  village  where  the  treaty  was  signed. 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  41 

Narayan.     The  first  two  were  instantly  beheaded  ;  the  third 
was  imprisoned  for  life. 

Early  in  December  1759,  the  war  began  in  earnest.  Nizam 
Ali's  cause  was  hopeless  from  the  first.  His  finances  were  in 
disorder  and  his  army  were  in  arrears.  They  were  also 
outnumbered  by  the  Marathas,  who  were  superior  in  arms  and 
equipment  of  every  kind.  Still  Nizam  Ali  could  not  bring 
himself  either  to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  Sakhar  Khedale  or 
acquiesce  in  the  loss  of  Ahmadnagar,  a  spot  dear  to  all 
Deccan  Musulmans  as  the  capital  of  the  Nizamshahi  kings  and 
of  the  heroic  Chand  Sultana.  Nizam  Ali's  army  moved  first 
to  Bedar  and  then  to  Dharur.  Sadashivrao  took  by  storm 
Bahadurgad,  a  strong  fort  on  the  Bhima  river,  and,  hearing  of 
the  Moghul  movements,  sent  an  advance  party  to  harass  the 
main  body  and  so  prevent  their  junction  with  a  cavalry  corps  of 
seven  thousand  horse  under  Vyankatrao  Nimbalkar,  a  Maratha 
officer  in  the  Nizam's  service,  who  was  encamped  at  Dharur. 
The  advance  party  did  their  work  admirably  and  so  harassed  the 
Moghuls  that  they  never  reached  their  objective.  While  the 
Moghuls  were  skirmishing  with  the  advance  guard,  Sadashiv- 
rao and  Vishvasrao,  the  Peshwa's  eldest  son,  came  up  at  the 
head  of  forty  thousand  cavalry,  five  thousand  regular  infantry 
and  an  ample  park  of  light  artillery.  The  unfortunate  Moghuls 
were  attacked  near  Udgir  and  driven  into  the  fortress  of 
Ousha,  where  they  were  besieged  for  four  days  (January,  1760). 
On  the  fifth  day  the  two  brothers— for  Salabat  Jang  was  also 
in  the  field— sued  for  peace  and  were  only  granted  it  on  the 
most  humiliating  terms.  Sadashivrao  demanded  the  cession 
of  lands  that  yielded  annually  a  crore  of  rupees  ;  eventually 
he  accepted  an  assignment  of  land  worth  annually  sixty-two 
lakhs,  the  surrender  of  the  great  forts  of  Ashirgad,  Daulatabad, 
Bijapur,  Ahmadnagar  and  Burhanpur.  Nimbalkar  was  no 
longer  to  remain  in  the  Nizam's  service.  The  terms  of  peace 
were  promptly  executed,  save  only  the  surrender  of  Daulatabad. 
This  was  stubbornly  defended  by  the  commandant,  until  he, 
too,  was  won  over  by  the  payment  of  a  lakh  and  a 
half  and  a  jaghir  of  thirty-five  thousand  rupees  a  year. 
The  power  of  the  Nizam  was  now  almost  as  broken  as  the 
imperial  power  in  the  north.  In  two  or  three  years,  so 
the  Peshwa  expected  with  confidence,  the  entire  viceroyalty 
6 


42  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

of  the  Deccan  would  have  become  part  of  the  Maratha 
dominion. 

While  the  Peshwa  was  thus  vigorously  prosecuting  his 
designs  in  the  Deccan,  he  was  pressing  Maratha  interests 
with  hardly  less  energy  in  the  extreme  south.  In  January 
1757,  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men,  led  by  the  Peshwa  and 
Sadashivrao,  marched  through  southern  India,  collecting 
tribute.  All  the  petty  chiefs  save  only  the  Nawab  of  Kadapa 
paid  it  readily.  In  March  1757,  the  Marathas  were  under  the 
walls  of  Seringapatam  and  claimed  several  crores  of  rupees 
as  arrears  of  tribute.  The  Dalwai  Nandraj  pleaded  his  inabi- 
lity to  pay.  Sadashivrao  opened  fire  on  Seringapatam  with 
thirty  cannon.  Unfortunately  a  shot  from  one  of  his  guns 
struck  the  temple  of  Shri  Rang  or  Vishnu,  the  temple  from 
which  the  town  derives  its  name.  About  the  same  time 
another  gun  burst,  causing  considerable  loss  of  life.  A 
religious  panic  spread  through  both  armies  because  of  the  evil 
omen  and  they  hastened  to  come  to  terms.  Sadashivrao 
demanded  thirty-six  lakhs,  but  accepted  thirty-two.  Five 
lakhs  were  paid  in  cash ;  for  the  remaining  twenty-seven 
lakhs  fourteen  districts  were  mortgaged.  The  Peshwa  ap- 
pointed revenue  collectors  over  the  mortgaged  districts  and 
occupied  them  with  six  thousand  men.  On  the  16th  May,  he 
started  to  go  back  to  Poona.  The  Krishna  and  Tungabhadra 
were  already  in  flood  and  the  troops  despaired  of  crossing 
them.  The  Peshwa,  however,  worshipped  the  river  deities, 
the  floods  abated  and  the  main  army  reached  Poona  on  the 
16th  June.  A  considerable  force  remained  with  Balwantrao 
Mehendale  with  orders  to  recover  Sira,  Bangalore,  Ouscotta, 
Kolar  and  Balapur,  the  former  conquests  of  the  great  king. 
This  brought  him  again  into  conflict  with  the  Afghan  Nawabs 
of  Kadapa,  Savanur  and  Karnul.  On  the  24th  September, 
1757,  Balwantrao  Mehendale  won  a  great  victory  near  Kadapa. 
The  Nawab  of  Kadapa  was  killed  and  his  town  was  sacked. 
His  cousin  and  heir,  Abdul  Nabi  Khan  gallantly  defended  the 
rest  of  the  Kadapa  territory,  but  eventually  agreed  to  surren- 
der half  and  keep  the  rest.  Finally  Mehendale  levied  four 
and  a  half  lakhs  from  the  Nawab  of  Arcot,  and  returned  to 
Poona  in  February,  1758. 

The  Peshwa  spent   the  monsoon  of   1757  in   equipping   a 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY 


43 


force  to  reduce  Mysore  ;  for  on  the  departure  of  the  main 
Maratha  army  the  Dalwai  Nandraj  had  broken  the  treaty  and 
had  driven  the  Marathas  out  of  the  fourteen  ceded  districts. 
On  the  way  he  intended  to  reduce  Bednur.  But,  when  Shah 
Nawaz  Khan  made  his  attempt  to  depose  Salabat  Jang  in 
favour  of  Nizam  Ali,  the  Peshwa  ordered  the  expeditionary 
force  to  effect  a  junction  with  his  own  army  and  march  on 
Haidarabad.  The  expedition,  however,  against  Mysore  was 
only  postponed.  At  the  beginning  of  1759,  the  Peshwa 
despatched  a  Maratha  army  under  Gopalrao  Patwardhan  to 
recover  the  fourteen  districts. 

The  family  to  which  Gopalrao  Patwardhan  belonged  gave 
so  many  famous  men  to  the  Maratha  empire,  that  it  is  only 
fitting  that  we  should  enquire  into  their  origin.  They  claimed 
descent  from  one  Balambhat,  the  son  of  a  Chitpavan  Brahman, 
Haribhat,  who  lived  in  Kotawada,  a  village  in  the  Ratnagiri 
district.  Balambhat  had  three  sons,  of  whom  the  eldest, 
Haribhat  left  his  native  place  for  Pula,  a  famous  shrine  near 
Chiplun,  where  he  obtained  by  arduous  penances,  performed 
unremittingly  for  twelve  years,  the  favour  of  the  god  Ganpati. 
The  god's  favour  became  manifest  by  Haribhat's  appointment 
as  family   priest    to   Naropant    Joshi,    the    founder   of    the 


The  following  is  the  family  tree  of  the  Patwardhans 

Haribhat 

I 
Balambhat 


Haribhat 


Keshavbhat 
Shivaji 


Vithalbhat 


I 


Krishnabhat    Balambhat 

I  I 

Narayanrao    Moro  Ballal 


I  I  I 

Trimbak        Govind        Ramchandra 

I 
Parashurambhau 


Pandurangrao     Gopalrao 


Mahadev 


Bhaskar 


(Rao    Bahadur  Paraanis.     The  Sangli   State    and    the  Harivansha 
Bakhar.) 


44  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Ichalkaranji  State.  When  Balaji,  the  first  of  the  Bhat  Peshwas, 
married  his  daughter  Anubai  to  Naropant's  son,  Vyankatrao, 
Haribhat's  fortunes  rose  with  those  of  the  house  of  Ichalka- 
ranji. Haribhat  died  in  1750  at  Poona,  and  one  of  his 
sons,  Govind  founded  in  his  father's  honour  the  village  of 
Haripur,  on  the  banks  of  the  Krishna,  not  far  from  Sangli. 
Besides  Govind,  Haribhat  had  six  other  sons — Krishnabhat, 
Balambhat,  Trimbakpant,  Mahadevbhat,  Ramchandrapant  and 
Bhaskarpant.  Trimbak,  Govind  and  Ramchandra  rose  to 
high  military  office  and  from  them  are  descended  the  chiefs 
of  Sangli,  Jamkhandi,  Miraj,  and  Kurundwad.  Gopalrao 
Patwardhan  was  the  son  of  Govind  Patwardhan  and  although 
a  young  man  was  already  distinguished  as  a  soldier. 

At  first  all  went  well  with  the  expedition.  The  fourteen 
districts  fell  again  into  Maratha  hands  ;  and  the  main  army 
besieged  Bangalore,  while  a  detachment  took  by  storm  the 
fort  of  Chennapatam,  forty  miles  to  the  east  of  Seringapatam. 
It  was  then  that  the  Marathas  were  first  thwarted  by  the 
talents  of  Haidar  Ali.  This  extraordinary  man  claimed 
descent  from  the  race  of  the  Holy  Prophet  himself,  the  famous 
tribe  of  the  Koreish.  One  of  his  ancestors  named  Hasan, 
the  descendant  of  Yahya,  left  Baghdad  and  came  to  Ajmir. 
There  a  son,  Wali  Mahomed  was  born  to  him.  Wali  Mahomed 
had  a  son,  Ali  Mahomed,  who  migrated  to  Kolar  in  eastern 
Mysore,  where  he  died,  leaving  four  sons.  The  youngest  of 
these,  Fateh  Mahomed  was  a  soldier  of  fortune  and  was  killed 
in  fighting  for  the  imperial  cause  against  Sadat  Ulla  Khan,  the 
Nawab  of  Arcot.  The  latter  confiscated  the  fallen  soldier's 
wealth  and  turned  his  widow  and  two  sons  adrift.  The  elder, 
Shahbaz  became  an  officer  in  the  Mysore  service  and  was 
later  joined  by  his  younger  brother,  Haidar  Ali.  The  latter 
soon  attracted  the  attention  of  his  superiors  by  his  energy 
and  courage,  and  he  was  now  given  the  command  of  the 
Mysore  army.  By  skilfully  surprising  Chennapatam,  he 
forced  Patwardhan  to  raise  the  siege  of  Bangalore.  There- 
after he  so  harassed  the  Maratha  leader,  that  the  latter  was 
glad  to  come  to  terms.  Patwardhan  agreed  to  give  up  the 
fourteen  districts  for  a  sum  of  thirty-two  lakhs.  Half  was 
paid  in  cash  and  half  was  advanced  by  the  Maratha  bankers 
with  Patwardhan's  army   on  Haidar  Ali's  personal  security. 


J3ALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  45 

Early  in  1760,  Haidar  AH  returned  in  triumph  to  Seringapatam 
and  received  from  his  grateful  king  the  title  of  Fateh  Haidar 
Bahadur,  or  the  brave  and  victorious  lion.  Gopalrao  Patwar- 
dhan,  on  the  other  hand,  was  reprimanded  by  the  Peshwa. 
"  Haidar  ",  so  he  wrote  to  the  unfortunate  general,  "  has  des- 
troyed your  prestige."  After  making  peace  with  Mysore, 
Patwardhan  tried  to  take  advantage  of  the  struggle  then 
proceeding  between  the  English  and  French  round  Madras. 
As  neither  side  would  buy  his  support,  he  seized  the  rich 
temple  of  Tirupati,  proposing  to  appropriate  the  offerings 
due  to  the  gods  at  the  annual  festival  (January  1760).  Even 
this  he  failed  to  achieve.  During  the  rains  of  1760,  Patwardhan 
was  recalled  to  Poona ;  and,  before  the  detachment  which  he 
left  behind  could  plunder  the  pilgrims,  it  was  driven  out  by 
Mahomed  Ali,  Nawab  of  Arcot.1 

Thus  in  the  year  1760,  we  see  the  Peshwa  on  the  point  of 
overwhelming  the  last  fragments  of  Moghul  rule  in  the 
Deccan ;  and,  if  in  the  Carnatic  his  troops  were  not  so 
uniformly  victorious,  it  yet  seemed  certain  that  in  a  year  or 
two  it  also  must  succumb.  For,  on  the  disappearance  of  the 
Nizam's  dominions,  Mysore,  although  guarded  by  the  genius 
of  Haidar  Ali,  could  certainly  not  have  withstood  the  combin- 
ed attack  of  the  Peshwa's  armies.  That  these  glorious  hopes 
were  not  fulfilled  was  due  to  a  disaster  so  tremendous,  that 
from  it  the  Marathas  never  recovered.  It  eventually  led  to 
their  subjugation  by  a  foreign  power.  The  events  which  led 
to  that  disaster  will  be  narrated  in  the  next  chapter. 


1  Khare's  collection  of  historic  documents,  vol.  1,  para;  24. 


46  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  A 

Pedigree  of  the  Mysore  rulers 

Vijayaraj  (1399) 

Raj  Wodiar  (1577-1616) 

Chikka  Devraj  (1671-1704) 

Kanthi  Raj  (1704-1716) 

Dodda  Krishna  Raj  (1716-1733) 

(adopted)  Chamraj  (1733-1736)  died  in  prison 

(adopted)  Chikka  Krishnaraj  (1736-1766) 
j 

I  I  I 

Nanjraj  (1766-1771)  Chamraj  (1771-1776)  Chamraj  (1776-1796) 

strangled  chosen  by 

Haidar  Ali 
I 
Krishnaraj  the  third 

(1799-1868) 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  47 


APPENDIX  B 

Family  trees  of  the  Nawabs  of  Arcot 


(a)  Chanda  Sahib's  branch 


Sadat  Ulla  Khan  (1710-1732) 
Dost  Ali  Khan  (his  nephew)  1732-1740 


1 

Safdar  Ali  Khan 

daughter  « 

1 
Hussein  Dost  Khan 

assassinated 
i 

commonly  called  Chanda  Sahib 

Mahomed  Sayad  Khan 

(1742-1743) 

(6)  Mahomed  Ali's 

branch 

Anvar-ud-din 
1 

(1743-1749) 

I  I 

Mahfuz  Khan  Mahomed  Ali  (1749-1795) 

I 

Umdat-ul-Umar  (1795-1801) 


48  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  C 

Family  tree  of  the  Nizams  of  Haidarabad 
Nizam-ul-Mulk  (1713-1748) 


I  I  I  I  I 

Ghazi-ud-din      Nasir  Jang     Salabat  Jang      Basalat  Jang       Nizam  Ali 

(1761-1803) 


I 


I  I  I 

Mir  Ahmad  Khan        Sikaudar  Jah         Faridun  Jah 

(Ali  Jah)  (1803-1828)  and  5  other  sons 


I  I 

Mughal  Ali  Khan  daughter  of  Nizam-ul-Mulk 

son  of  Nizam-ul-Mulk  | 

Muzaffar  Jang  (1750-1751) 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY  49 


APPENDIX  D 

As  the  events  of  the  preceding  chapters  are  rather  confusing, 
I  have  prepared  the  following  synopsis  for  the  benefit  of  my 
readers,  of  those  events  from  1750  to  1760.  The  synopsis 
does  not  include  events  in  the  succeeding  chapters. 

1751,  Balaji  attacks  the  Nizam  in  January,  1751,  but  makes  peace 

on  hearing  of  Damaji  Gaikvad's  rebellion. 
March  and  April.     Damaji  Gaikvad's  rebellion. 
September.     Clive  takes  Arcot. 
November  and  December.     Balaji  renews  the  war  against  the 

Nizam.     Battles  of  Kukadi  and  Ghodnadi. 
Marathas  take  Trimbak. 

1752,  January.     Truce  of  Shingwa  with  the  Nizam. 

March.     Agreement  between  the  Peshwa  and  Damaji  Gaikvad. 

June.     Surrender  and  execution  of  Chanda  Sahib. 

September.  Tarabai  and  Balaji  take  mutual  oaths  of  friend- 
ship at  Jejuri. 

October.     Murder  of  Ghazi-ud-din. 

November.     Treaty  of  Bhalki  with  the  Nizam. 

December.  Raghunathrao  invades  Guzarat  and  besieges 
Jawan  Mard  Khan  Babi  in  Ahmadabad. 

1753,  March.     Capture  of  Ahmadabad  by  the  Marathas. 

October  to  December.  Sayad  Lashkar  Khan's  plot  against 
de  Bussy. 

1754,  October.     Dupleix  leaves  India. 

December.     Treaty  between  M.  Godeheu  and  the  English. 
December,  to  June  1755.     Balaji's  first  Carnatic  expedition. 

1755,  April.     Capture  of  Suvarnadurg  in  alliance  with  the  English. 
October  to  May,  1756.     Balaji's  second  Carnatic  expedition 

and  siege  of  Savanur. 

1756,  April.  Capture  of  Vijayadurg. 

June.    The  Nawab  of  Bengal  storms  Calcutta. 

July.     De  Bussy  dismissed  by  the  Nizam. 

July.     The    Moghuls    and    the    Nawab     of    Cambay    retake 

Ahmadabad. 
August.     Return  of  de  Bussy  to  the  service  of  the  Nizam. 

1757,  January  2nd.     Clive  retakes  Calcutta. 

January  to  June.     Balaji's  third  Carnatic  expedition.     Shri- 

Rang  temple  injured. 
March.     Fall  of  Chandanagore. 
7 


50  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

1757,  May.     Conspiracy  of  Shah  Nawaz  Khan  and  Nizam  Ali  against 

Salabat  Jang. 
June.    Carnatic  campaign  under  Balwantrao  Mehendale.     It 

lasted  until  February,  1758. 
June  23rd.  Battle  of  Plassey. 
August.   Battle  of  Sindkhed.   De  Bussy  foils  the  conspirators. 

Death  of  Shah  Nawaz  Khan. 
September.  Victory  of  Balwantrao  Mehendale  at  Kadapa  and 

death  of  the  Nawab. 
October.    Recapture  of  Ahmadabad  by  the  Marathas. 

1758,  July.  Recall  of  de  Bussy  from  Haidarabad.    Spread  of  Nizam 

Ali's  rebellion. 

1759,  January  to  June,   1760.     Carnatic  campaign  under  Gopalrao 

Govind  Patwardhan. 

1760,  January.     The  battle  of  Udgir. 


BALAJI  TRIUMPHS  OVER  DE  BUSSY 


51 


APPENDIX  E 

Genealogical  tree  of  the  Nagpur  Bhosles 
Mudhoji 


Baptiji 

I 
Bimbaji 

I 
3  Raghuji  (died  14-2-1755) 

I  


(by  elder  wife) 


Mudhoji 
(died  19-5-1788) 


I 


Bimbaji 


I 
5  Raghuji  (given 
in  adoption) 


Vyankoji 
(Manya  Bapu) 

I 

7  Mudhoji 

(Appa  Sahib) 


1  Parsoji 

I 

2  Kanhoji 


(by  younger  wife) 


4  Janoji 
(died  21-4-1771) 
adopted 

I 

— 5  Raghuji 

I 
6  Parsoji 

I 
8  Raghuji 


Sabaji 


Janoji  was  born  before  his  brothers,  but  his  mother  was  the  younger 
wife.  The  numbers  mark  the  members  of  the  family  who  succeeded  in 
that  order  to  the  Bhosle  estate. 


CHAPTER  LII 

EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760 

At  the  close  of  chapter  xlv  we  left  Ahmad  Shah  newly 
seated  on  the  throne  of  Delhi.  Of  the  few  provinces  that 
still  acknowledged  his  sovereignty,  Oudh  was  under  the 
government  of  Safdar  Jang,  the  nephew  of  Sadat  Khan.  The 
latter,  originally  a  merchant  from  Khorasan,  had  first  risen  to 
eminence  during  the  successful  plot  woven  by  Mahomed  Shah 
and  his  mother  against  the  Sayads.  In  1737  he  had,  as 
governor  of  Oudh,  defeated  Malharrao  Holkar  1  when  the 
latter  crossed  the  Jamna.  He  was  succeeded  in  his  office  by 
Safdar  Jang,  his  nephew.  The  country  round  Farrukabad 
was  in  the  hands  of  an  Afghan  jaghirdar,  Kaiam  Khan 
Bangash.  The  province,  known  now  as  Rohilkhand  and  then 
as  Kuttahir,  was  in  the  occupation  of  a  band  of  Afghan 
mercenary  soldiers  known  as  Rohels  or  Rohillas,  from  "  Roh", 
the  Pushtu  or  Afghan  word  for  mountain.  The  Whig  historians 
have  depicted  the  Rohillas  as  little,  if  at  all,  lower  than  the 
angels.  They  were  really  a  set  of  faithless  and  blood-thirsty 
mountaineers,  who  had  made  themselves  especially  hateful  to 
the  Hindus  by  their  plunder  of  the  holy  places  at  Allahabad 
and  Benares.  About  1673  two  brothers,  Shah  Alam  and 
Hussein  Khan,  left  their  native  hills  and  obtained  some  petty 
office  under  the  Moghuls.  Shah  Alam's  grandson,  Ali 
Mahomed,  a  man  of  resource  and  courage  and  quite  devoid  of 
scruple,  was  eventually  appointed  governor  of  Sirhind.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  invasion  of  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali,  he  added  in 
1748  to  the  lands  already  acquired  by  him  those  formerly 
owned  by  officers  absent  on  field  service.  In  this  way  he 
acquired  the  whole  of  Kuttahir  and  changed  its  name  to 
Rohilkhand.  The  provinces  of  Lahore  and  Multan  were  under 
the  government  of  Mir  Mannu,  the  son  of  the  vazir  Kamar-ud- 
din,  who  in  1748  had  been  killed  in  battle  against  Ahmad 
Shah  Abdali. 

1  See  vol.  2,  p.  222. 


EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760  53 

Upon  the  death  of  Kamar-ud-din  and  the  refusal  of  Nizam-ul- 
Mulk  to  be  vazir,  Ahmad  Shah  appointed  Safdar  Jang  as  his 
vazir.  The  first  aim  of  the  new  administration  was  the 
destruction  of  the  Rohilla  power.  Safdar  Jang  attempted 
nothing  until  the  death  of  Ali  Mahomed  in  1749.  He  then 
induced  Kaiam  Khan,  the  Jaghirdar  of  Farrukabad,  to  invade 
Rohilkhand,  but  the  Rohillas  defeated  and  slew  him.  Safdar 
Jang  found  consolation  in  seizing  the  lands  of  his  late  ally, 
Kaiam  Jang.  The  latter's  brother,  Ahmad  Khan  inflicted  two 
severe  defeats  on  Safdar  Jang,  who,  beside  himself  with  anger, 
called  in  the  help  of  Malharrao  Holkar  and  Jayappa  Sindia, 
the  eldest  son  of  Ranoji  Sindia,  who  had  died  in  1750. * 
Ahmad  Khan  in  vain  allied  himself  with  the  Rohillas.  The 
allies  were  defeated  and  the  Marathas  according  to  the  author 
of  the  Tarikh-i-Ahmad  Shah,  "  ransacked  the  whole  country, 
not  allowing  a  single  man  to  escape,  and  every  article  of 
money  they  carried  away  as  booty."  In  the  following  year, 
1752,  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  again  invaded  the  Punjab,  and  Safdar 
Jang  and  the  Marathas  agreed  to  evacuate  Rohilkhand  on  the 
condition  that  the  Rohillas  paid  five  lakhs  a  year  to  the 
emperor  and  signed  bonds  for  fifty  lakhs  payable  to  Safdar 
Jang.  These  bonds  Safdar  Jang  in  turn  handed  over  to 
Holkar  and  Sindia  in  part  payment  of  the  subsidies  due  by 
him.  As  these  bonds  were  never  honoured,  they  formed  the 
basis  of  future  Maratha  claims  on  Rohilkhand.2 

Early  in  1752  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  entered  the  Punjab  and 
sent  an  ambassador  demanding  the  formal  cession  of  that 
province.  Safdar  Jang,  who  might  have  induced  the  emperor 
to  resist  the  demand,  was  absent  in  Rohilkhand.  The 
emperor's  favourite,  a  eunuch  named  Jawid,  induced  him  to 
yield,  and  Ahmad  Shah  reappointed  as  the  governor  of  his 
new  possession  Mir  Mannu.  Safdar  Jang,  exasperated  at  the 
cession,  and  at  the  favourite's  influence,  had  Jawid  murdered. 
The  emperor  turned  for  help  to  Ghazi-ud-din,  the  son  and 
namesake  of  Ghazi-ud-din,  the  eldest  son  of  Nizam-ul-Mulk. 
The  father  was  at  the  time  aspiring  to  the  throne  of  the 
Deccan,  and  Safdar  Jang    got   rid  of  his    Maratha  allies  by 


1  See  Appendix  A,  pedigree  of  the  house  of  Sindia, 

2  Hamilton's  Rohillas,  p.  112. 


54  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

sending  them  with  the  elder  Ghazi-ud-din  to  Aurangabad. 
There,  as  we  have  seen,  Ghazi-ud-din  the  elder  was  poisoned 
by  the  mother  of  Nizam  Ali.  Ghazi-ud-din  the  younger  was 
only  eighteen  years  old,  but  he  was  capable  and  energetic. 
Safdar  Jang  had  secured  him  his  father's  titles  and  estates,  and 
he  repaid  his  benefactor  by  joining  the  emperor  against  him. 
Ahmad  Shah  supported  by  Ghazi-ud-din  dismissed  Safdar 
Jang  and  called  in  the  help  of  Surajmal,  the  chief  of  the  Jats. 

For  six  months  the  troops  of  the  contending  statesmen 
fought  daily  through  the  streets  of  Delhi.  At  last  Ghazi-ud- 
din  called  in  Malharrao  Holkar  and  Jayappa  Sindia.1  Fearing 
the  Maratha  leaders,  Safdar  Jang  made  his  peace  and  was 
formally  appointed  viceroy  of  Oudh  and  Allahabad.  Intizam- 
ud-Daula,  the  uncle  by  marriage  of  Ghazi-ud-din,  was  made 
vazir,  and  Ghazi-ud-din  marched  with  Holkar  and  Sindia 
against  Dig  and  Bharatpur,  the  fortresses  of  Surajmal.  The 
allies  failed  to  take  either  stronghold.  In  their  absence  the 
emperor,  who  had  grown  to  hate  and  fear  Ghazi-ud-din  worse 
than  he  had  hated  and  feared  Safdar  Jang,  began  to  plot  with 
Surajmal  against  his  young  supporter.  Surajmal  agreed  to 
help  the  emperor  with  an  army,  provided  he  would  leave  Delhi 
for  Sikandra  near  Agra.  The  emperor  foolishly  set  out 
without  either  informing  Safdar  Jang  or  providing  himself 
with  a  proper  escort.  Before  he  could  reach  Sikandra,  Malhar- 
rao Holkar  surprised  his  camp  and  plundered  it.  The  imperial 
insignia  and  baggage,  the  widow  of  Mahomed  Shah  and  several 
other  princesses  fell  into  the  hands  of  Holkar.  The  emperor 
and  a  few  attendants  escaped  back  to  Delhi.  There  worse 
befell  him.  Ghazi-ud-din  raised  the  siege  of  the  Jat  fort- 
resses, returned  to  the  capital,  made  himself  vazir  at  the  expense 
of  Intizam-ud-Daula,  and  blinded  and  deposed  the  emperor 
Ahmad  Shah.  In  his  place  he  raised  to  the  throne  a  son  of 
Jehandar  Shah  with  the  title  of  Alamgir  II  (May  1754). 
Shortly  afterwards  Safdar  Jang  died  and  was  buried  in  the 
beautiful  mausoleum  that  bears  his  name,  not  far  from  Delhi. 
His  son  Shuja-ud-Daula  became  in  his  father's  stead  viceroy 
of  Oudh  and  Allahabad. 

The  restless  Ghazi-ud-din,  having  provoked  a  mutiny  among 

1  For  the  family  tree  of  the  Sindias,  see  Appendix  A. 


EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760  55 

his  troops  and  quelled  it  with  reckless  daring,  planned  the 
recovery  of  the  ceded  provinces  of  Lahore  and  Multan.  The 
occasion  was  favourable.  Mir  Mannu  had  fallen  from  his 
horse  and  died.  His  son  had  predeceased  him  and  his  widow 
carried  on  the  government ;  her  daughter  was  betrothed  to 
Ghazi-ud-din.  The  young  vazir,  leaving  the  emperor  under 
a  guard  at  Delhi,  proceeded  to  Lahore  to  celebrate  his  wedding. 
The  widow  was  preparing  a  royal  welcome  for  Ghazi-ud-din, 
when  he  had  her  treacherously  seized  and  usurped  her  govern- 
ment. In  a  fury  of  rage  the  injured  matron  called  down 
curses  on  Ghazi-ud-din  and  contrived  to  communicate  with 
Ahmad  Shah  Abdali.  The  Afghan  king  flew  to  her  rescue. 
Ghazi-ud-din  threw  himself  at  the  invader's  feet  and  on  the 
widow's  intercession  obtained  a  pardon.  Ahmad  Shah, 
however,  demanded  money  as  a  salve  for  his  outraged  feelings. 
He  marched  first  to  Delhi,  where  he  repeated  the  atrocities  of 
Nadir  Shah.  From  Delhi  he  sent  detachments  into  Oudh,  and 
against  the  Jats.  But  it  was  at  Mathura  that  Afghan  cruelty 
reached  its  zenith.  This  holy  spot  attracts  pilgrims  from  all 
parts  of  India ;  for  there  the  divine  Krishna,  the  eighth 
incarnation  of  the  god  Vishnu,  was  born.  To  save  the  infant 
god  from  the  murderous  hatred  of  his  uncle  Kansa,  1  his 
earthly  father,  Vasudeva  carried  the  babe  across  the  river 
Jamna  ;  to  give  them  passage  the  waters  of  the  great  river 
parted,  and  Vasudeva  was  able  to  hide  the  child  in  the  waggon 
of  Nanda,  a  cowherd  of  Gokula.  Beyond  his  uncle's  reach, 
the  boy  grew  to  manhood  and  in  due  time  returned  to  Mathura 
and  slew  his  uncle.  At  the  time  of  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali' s 
invasion  the  town  was  crowded  with  harmless  pilgrims  of  both 
sexes  ;  the  Afghans  slaughtered  the  men,  outraged  the  women, 
and  sacked  the  holy  city  and  its  beautiful  temples.  Happily  a 
plague  broke  out  among  the  Afghan  soldiery,  which  forced 
Ahmad  Shah  to  return  to  Kabul.  Before  he  left,  he  married 
a  princess  of  the  house  of  Delhi  and  gave  another  in  marriage 
to  his  son,  afterwards  Timur  Shah.  To  protect  the  emperor 
from  Ghazi-ud-din,  Ahmad  Shah  appointed  Najib-ud-Daulat  as 
vazir.  The  latter  was  an  Afghan  of  the  Kamar  Kel  tribe, 
who  had  risen  to  eminence  under  Ali  Mahomed.     He  was  a 

1  Hamilton's  Rohillas,  p.  131. 


56  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

man  of  great  courage  and  capacity  and  was  eminently  fitted 
for  the  post.  But  as  soon  as  the  Afghan  king  had  left  India, 
Ghazi-ud-din  sent  an  appeal  to  Raghunathrao,  Balaji's  brother, 
who  in  1756  was  levying  contributions  from  the  chiefs 
of  Rajputana  and  Malwa.  Raghunathrao  at  once  joined 
Ghazi-ud-din  and  the  confederates  besieged  Delhi.  The  only 
thought  of  Alamgir  II  was  for  the  safety  of  his  son  Ali  Gohar, 
and  he  contrived  his  flight,  first  into  Rohilkhand  and  after- 
wards to  the  court  of  Shuja-ud-Daula,  the  viceroy  of  Oudh. 
Najib-ud-Daulat  effected  his  escape  by  giving  a  handsome 
present  to  Malharrao  Holkar,  and  he  fled  to  his  own  jaghir  at 
Saharanpur.  The  emperor  then  threw  open  the  gates  of  Delhi 
and  perforce  took  Ghazi-ud-din  back  as  his  vazir. 

Raghunathrao  now  cast  his  eyes  northward.  Ahmad  Shah 
Abdali  had  left  behind  him  as  governor  of  the  Punjab  his  son 
Timur.  Mir  Mannu's  deputy,  Adina  Beg,  resented  the  appoint- 
ment and  invited  Raghunathrao  to  Lahore.  In  May  1758, 
Raghunathrao  entered  Lahore,  driving  before  him  Timur's 
army  of  occupation.  A  second  army  of  thirty  thousand  men 
under  Dattaji  Sindia  and  Malharrao  Holkar  drove  Najib-ud- 
Daulat  to  take  post  at  Shukratal,  a  defensible  position  on  the 
Ganges.  A  third  army  under  Govindpant  Bandela  x  invaded 
Rohilkhand,  but  it  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss  by  Shuja-ud- 
Daula  and  driven  across  the  Ganges.  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali 
had  learnt  with  the  utmost  indignation  of  his  son's  expulsion 
from  the  Punjab.  He  could  not  act  as  soon  as  he  could  have 
wished  ;  for  he  was  engaged  in  quelling  the  revolt  of  Nasir 
Khan,  the  Khan  of  Khelat.  By  July  1759  the  Baluch  rebellion 
had  been  quelled,  and  Ahmad  Shah  took  the  road  to  Shikarpur 
in  Sind.  From  Upper  Sind  the  Afghan  army  marched  up  the 
right  bank  of  the  Indus  and  in  September  1759  crossed  that 
river  at  Peshawar  and  the  Jamna  opposite  Saharanpur.  From 
his  prison  at  Delhi,  the  unfortunate  Alamgir  II  sent  him  an 
appeal  for  help.  Unhappily  the  letter  fell  into  the  hands  of  Ghazi- 
ud-din,  who  at  once  had  the  emperor  murdered,  and  raised 
another  member  of  the  imperial  house,  Mohi-al-Sunnat,  a  son  of 
Kam  Baksh  and  a  grandson  of  Aurangzib,  to  the  Moghul  throne, 
with  the  empty  title  of  Shah  Jahan  or  Lord  of  the  Universe. 


1  For  an  account  of  Govindpant  Bandela  see  vol.  II,  p.  225. 


EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760  57 

In  the  meantime  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  reoccupied  Lahore, 
while  the  Maratha  army  under  Dattaji  Sindia  and  Malharrao 
Holkar  retired  before  him.  Malharrao  Holkar,  anxious  to 
win  Surajmal  to  the  Maratha  cause,  withdrew  his  contin- 
gent from  Sindia's  force  and  moved  southward.  Dattaji 
Sindia  retreated  to  Delhi,  but  refused  to  go  farther  in  spite  of 
the  prayers  of  his  wife  Bhagirthabai,  who  was  about  to  be 
confined.  He  posted  a  guard  under  Janrao  Vable  and  Maloji 
Sindia  at  the  crossing  of  the  Jamna  known  as  the  Badaon 
Ghat.  He  himself  with  the  bulk  of  his  army  cantoned  at 
Delhi  ;  but  he  sent  southward  the  ladies  of  his  family  under 
the  escort  of  Rupram  Katari,  one  of  his  officers.  On  the  10th 
January,  1760,  Dattaji  Sindia  celebrated  at  Delhi  the  festival  of 
the  Makar  Sankrant  with  prodigious  ceremony,  just  as  if  no 
active  and  resolute  foe  was  in  the  field  against  him.  The 
Makar  Sankrant  is  the  Hindu  equivalent  of  the  Christian 
Christmas.  On  that  day  is  celebrated  the  winter  solstice. 
The  sun  has  reached  the  southernmost  point  of  its  course. 
From  this  moment  begin  the  six  lucky  months,  known  as  the 
Uttarayan,  during  which  time  the  sun's  progress  is  northward. 
In  honour  of  this  fortunate  season,  Hindus  of  both  sexes  rise 
early,  worship  the  family  gods,  dress  in  holiday  attire,  and  visit 
their  friends.1  As  they  enter  a  friend's  house  they  present 
him  with  sugared  sesamum  and  repeat  the  rhyme,  "  Til  kha 
tilse  ya,  gul  kha  godse  bola  "  (Eat  the  sesamum  and  come 
towards  me  little  by  little  ;  eat  the  sugar  and  let  your 
words  be  sweet).2  The  smallness  of  the  sesamum  seed 
represents  the  tiny  changes  that  occur  in  the  length  of  the  day 
during  the  early  part  of  the  Uttarayan.  The  day,  so  the 
Hindus  say,  lengthens  only  "  til  til  ",  or  the  size  of  a  sesamum 
seed. 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  January  1760,  Dattaji  Sindia 
held  a  parade  of  his  forces  at  Delhi  and  distributed  sugared 
sesamum  to  his  higher  officers.  It  was  his  intention 
throughout  the  day  to  receive  and  to  pay  a  series  of  formal 
visits.     In  the  meantime  the  Abdali's  spies  had  brought  him 

1  The  Makar  Sankrant  now  falls  on  the  14th  January.  This  difference 
between  the  Christian  and  the  Hindu  calculations  is  due  to  the  dis- 
regard by  the  latter  in  modern  times  of  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes. 

8  The  present  practice  is  to  say  only,  "  Tilgul  ghya  aani  god  bola." 
8 


58  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

news  of  Dattaji  Sindia's  position  and  also  of  his  negligence. 
Effecting  a  junction  with  Najib-ud-Daulat,  the  Abdali  forced  the 
Jamna  river  at  the  Badaon  Ghat,  cut  to  pieces  Janrao  Vable  and 
his  men,  and  marched  on  Delhi.  Dattaji  Sindia,  on  hearing 
of  the  disaster,  led,  with  more  courage  than  prudence,  the  rest 
of  his  contingent  from  Delhi,  and  attacked  Ahmad  Shah.  His 
force  was  outnumbered  and  overwhelmed.  He  himself  and 
his  illegitimate  brother  Jyotaba  were  among  the  slain. 
Jankoji,  his  nephew  and  the  son  of  Jayappa  Sindia,  was 
wounded  but  escaped  with  two  or  three  thousand  men,  and 
was  hotly  pursued  by  the  Afghans  for  several  miles. 

Malharrao  Holkar  on  hearing  of  this  disaster  retreated 
towards  Sikandra,  forty  miles  east  of  Delhi  and  five  miles 
from  Agra.  He  had  heard  that  the  Rohilla  chiefs  had  stored 
grain  and  money  there  to  aid  Ahmad  Shah  in  his  eastward 
march,  and  he  hoped  to  seize  the  store.  He  found,  however, 
on  arrival  that  the  Rohillas  had  removed  their  granary  and 
money  ;  so  he  rested  his  troops  and  renewed  his  efforts  to  win 
over  Surajmal.  No  spot  could  be  found  more  suited  for 
repose  than  Sikandra  ;  for  there,  in  a  mausoleum  in  the  midst 
of  a  beautiful  park  thronged  with  deer  and  antelope,  rests  in 
an  endless  sleep  the  great  Akbar.  The  calm  of  his  surround- 
ings led  Holkar  to  neglect  his  usual  precautions.  The  Shah 
of  Afghanistan,  learning  his  whereabouts,  sent  against  him  an 
active  officer  called  Pasand  Khan  with  fifteen  thousand  horse. 
In  twenty-four  hours  this  mobile  body  marched  a  hundred  and 
forty  miles  to  Delhi.  Halting  at  the  capital  for  a  single  day, 
Pasand  Khan  marched  that  night  to  Sikandra,  which  he 
reached  just  before  dawn.  Malharrao  Holkar  was  taken 
completely  off  his  guard.  He  fled  almost  naked  from  his 
camp,  with  only  three  hundred  companions.  The  rest  of  his 
contingent  was  dispersed,  taken  or  slaughtered.  Ahmad  Shah 
followed  up  his  advantage  by  moving  his  main  army  to 
Sikandra,  where  he  prepared  to  pass  the  rainy  season. 

These  were  not  the  only  misfortunes  that  befell  the 
Maratha  leaders  about  this  time  in  Upper  India.  On  the 
death  of  Abhai  Sing,  Maharaja  of  Jodhpur,  his  son  Ramsing 
succeeded.  At  his  installation,  Abhai  Sing's  brother  Bakhta 
Sing,  although  first  prince  of  the  Rahtor  house,  absented 
himself  and  sent  by  way   of  proxy  his   aged  foster-mother 


EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760  59 

to  put  the  red  mark  of  Rajput  sovereignty  on  the  brow  of  the 
new  prince.  Ramsing  in  a  fury  drove  her  forth,  asking 
insolently  whether  his  uncle  took  him  for  an  ape,  that  he  had 
sent  a  female  monkey  to  present  him  with  the  tika.  l  This 
insult,  deeply  resented  by  Bakhta  Sing,  led  to  a  war  between 
uncle  and  nephew,  in  which  the  former  was  victorious. 
Ramsing  retaliated  by  poisoning  his  uncle,  and  the  dispute 
became  one  between  Ramsing  and  Bakhta  Sing's  son 
Vijayasing.  Ramsing  asked  for  and  obtained  the  help  of 
Jayappa  Sindia,  who  after  defeating  Vijayasing  besieged 
him  in  Nagore.  Unable  to  obtain  the  help  of  the  other 
Rajput  chiefs,  Vijayasing  stooped  to  assassination.  Two 
soldiers,  one  a  Rajput  and  the  other  an  Afghan,  disguised  as 
camp  followers,  contrived  to  get  close  to  Jayappa's  tent.  There 
they  feigned  a  violent  quarrel  and  implored  the  Maratha 
chief  to  decide  between  them.  Sindia,  interested  in  their 
concocted  story,  let  them  come  close  to  his  side.  Suddenly 
rushing  at  him,  they  drove  simultaneously  their  daggers  into 
his  body.  "  This  for  Jodhpur  !  This  for  Nagore  !  "  they 
cried  and  fled.  The  Afghan  was  killed,  but  the  Rajput,  by 
mingling  in  the  crowd  and  calling,  "Thief!  Thief!"  as  loud 
as  he  could,  diverted  attention  from  himself  and  escaped. 
Sindia's  army  raised  the  siege  ;  but  Raghunathrao  returned 
to  Jodhpur  to  avenge  Jayappa's  death.  Instead,  however,  of 
deposing  Vijayasing,2  he  deserted  the  cause  of  Ramsing  and 
acknowledged  Vijayasing  as  Maharaja,  accepting  by  way  of 
mund  kataiy  or  blood-money,  the  town  and  fort  of  Ajmir. 

The  news  of  these  calamities  reached  the  Peshwa  in  the 
Deccan  after  the  great  victory  of  Udgir.  Sadashivrao,  whose 
head  had  been  turned  by  recent  success,  begged  that  he 
and  Vishvasrao  might  be  given  the  command  of  an  army  to 
expel  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  and  establish  Maratha  rule  as  far 
as  Attock.  Raghunathrao's  experience  of  northern  warfare 
gave  him  the  better  claim.  But,  although  a  skilful  com- 
mander, he  was  profuse  and  unbusiness-like  ;  and  his  last 
campaigns  had  brought  nothing  but  debts  to  the  Maratha 
treasury,  whereas  the  expeditions  of  Balaji  and  Sadashivrao 


1  Tod's  Rajasthan,  vol.  2,  p.  944. 

2  The     name    of    Vijayasing    is    often    corrupted    to    Bijaysing    or 
Bijesing. 


60  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

had  filled  it  to  overflowing.  When  taunted  by  Sadashivrao 
with  his  extravagance,  Raghunathrao  bade  Sadashivrao  take 
the  command  and  do  better,  a  challenge  that  Sadashivrao 
readily  accepted  and  Balaji  unwisely  approved.  Having 
appointed  the  general,  the  Peshwa  spared  no  pains  to 
equip  the  army.  It  was  the  most  splendid  array  that  ever 
followed  a  Maratha  leader.  From  Poona,  Sadashivrao  and 
Vishvasrao  set  out  with  Balwantrao  Mehendale,  Shamsher 
Bahadur,  Naro  Shankar,  Vithal  Shivdev  Vinchurkar  and 
Trimbak  Purandare,  twenty  thousand  picked  cavalry,  ten 
thousand  disciplined  infantry  and  a  strong  corps  of  artillery 
under  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi.  At  various  points  along  the 
line  of  march  Malharrao  Holkar,  Jankoji  Sindia,  Damaji 
Gaikwad,  Jaswantrao  Powar  and  Govindpant  Bandela  joined 
them  with  strong  contingents.  The  Rajput  chiefs  sent  them 
irregular  horse  and  Surajmal  of  Bharatpur  met  them  with  thirty 
thousand  Jats.  The  tents  and  equipment  of  the  army  were  of 
the  most  splendid  kind  ;  for,  while  Sadashivrao  was  willing  to 
reprimand  his  cousin  Raghunathrao  for  his  reckless  expendi- 
ture, he  was  not  unwilling  to  profit  by  it  or  to  occupy  the 
gorgeous  tents  and  to  ride  the  noble  horses,  the  cost  of 
which  had  led  Raghunathrao  into  debt.  But,  in  spite  of  its 
great  size  and  its  glorious  record,  the  Maratha  army  had  one 
fatal  weakness.  It  was  suffering  from  a  change  in  its  tactics. 
It  was  forsaking  the  old  guerilla  tactics  that  had  won  the 
battles  of  Balaji  Vishvanath  and  his  son  Bajirao,  for  new 
methods  copied  from  the  French,  which  neither  the  generals 
nor  the  soldiers  properly  understood.  Such  a  situation 
proved  fatal  to  Soubise's  army  at  Rossbach  and  to  Mackay's 
army  at  Killiecrankie  ;  it  was  soon  to  prove  even  more  fatal 
to  the  grand  army  of  the  Marathas. 


EVENTS  AT  DELHI  FROM  1748  TO  1760 


61 


Jayappa 

(killed  at 

Nagore 

1759) 

I 

Jankoji 

(killed  at 

Panipat) 


APPENDIX  A 

Pedigree  of  the  Sindia  Family 
Ranoji  Sindia  (died  1750) 


Dattaji 

(killed  at 

Badaon 

Ghat) 


Tukoji 

(killed  at 

Panipat) 

illegitimate 


Madhavrao 
(died  1794) 


I 

Jyotaba 

(killed  at 

Badaon 

Ghat) 


Kedarji  Anandrao 

I 

Daulatrao 

=  Baizabai  Ghatge  (1794-1827) 

I 
Janakojirao  (adopted  1827-1843) 

I 
Jayajirao  (adopted  1843-1886) 

I 
Madhavrao  (1886) 


CHAPTER  LIII 

PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA 

Sadashivrao,   full    of   self-confidence,    led    the    confederate 
army  to  Delhi.     On  the  march  Surajmal  saw  with  the  eye  of 
an   experienced   soldier   the    confusion    and    disorganisation 
behind   the   splendid   appearance    of  the  Grand  Army.     He 
urged    Sadashivrao    to    leave    his    camp   followers   and   his 
trained  infantry  at  Bharatpur,  and  to  harass  the  Afghans  in 
the  old  Maratha  way,  until  they  started  to  retreat  towards 
their  native  mountains.     During   the   retreat  they  could  be 
easily   overwhelmed.     Surajmal's   advice   was   supported  by 
Malharrao  Holkar  and  the  older  captains.     But  Sadashivrao 
had  seen  the  effect  of  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi's  cannon  at  Udgir 
and  could  not  believe  that  against  another  enemy  different 
tactics   might  be  needed.     He  slighted  Surajmal  as  a  petty 
zamindar  and  taunted  Holkar  with  his  low  birth.     No   un- 
toward event,  however,  disturbed  the  Maratha  march  before 
they   reached   Delhi.      The   fort    was    held    in   the    Afghan 
interest  by  Yakub  Ali  Khan.     Ghazi-ud-din,  on  hearing  of  the 
Maratha   advance,   had   fled   to   the   camp   of  Surajmal    and 
disappeared  from  history.     After  the  battle  of  Buxar  in  1765, 
he  joined  Shuja-ud-Daula  with  a  handful  of  followers.      In 
1779,  he  was  found  at  Surat  in  the  garb  of  a  pilgrim   and 
ordered  to  quit  the  jurisdiction  of  the  East  India  Company. 

Yakub  Ali  Khan's  force  was  too  small  to  guard  the  vast  peri- 
meter of  the  Delhi  fort  effectively,  and  a  Maratha  leader 
named  Vithalrao  with  five  hundred  men  scaled  the  walls  near  the 
lion  bastion  and  forced  his  way  to  the  doors  of  the  imperial 
zanana.  Some  Afghans  rushed  up  and  shot  twelve  Marathas 
dead.  The  remaining  Marathas  were  seized  with  a  panic  and 
threw  themselves  over  the  walls.  The  siege  was  now  begun 
in  regular  form.  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  battered  the  fort  with 
his  cannon  for  several  days  ;  then  the  supplies  of  the  garrison 
failed  and  Yakub  Ali  Khan  offered  to  evacuate  the  fort,  if 
allowed  to  join  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali's  camp  across  the  Jamna. 


SUKAJMAL,    KING    OF    THE   JATS 


To  lace  page  63.1 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA         63 

His  offer  was  accepted  and  the  Marathas  entered  in  triumph 
the  palace  of  the  Moghul  emperors.  The  city  and  neighbour- 
hood of  Delhi  had  been  exhausted  by  a  succession  of  plunderers, 
and  Sadashivrao' s  army  soon  consumed  what  remained. 
Unable  to  raise  cash  levies  from  the  inhabitants,  the  Maratha 
general  stripped  the  tomb  of  Nizam-ud-din  of  its  treasure  and 
ornaments.  This  saint  was  the  contemporary  and  intimate 
friend  of  Mahomed  Tughlak  ;  and  his  sepulchre  is  still  venerated 
throughout  upper  India.  The  tombs  of  the  emperors  were 
next  plundered,  and  lastly  Sadashivrao  seized  their  golden 
and  silver  ornaments,  the  imperial  throne  and  the  gold  canopy 
above  it.  These  acts  procured  for  him  only  seventeen  lakhs 
of  rupees,  while  they  caused  the  greatest  scandal  among  the 
Rajput  and  Jat  princes.  Accustomed  as  they  were  to  regard 
the  empire,  even  in  its  humbled  state,  with  profound  venera- 
tion, they  protested  strongly  against  this  insult  to  fallen 
majesty.  Neither  to  protests  nor  entreaties  would  Sadashivrao 
pay  heed.  He  had  formed  the  design  of  declaring  Vishvasrao, 
on  his  father  Balaji's  behalf,  the  Hindu  emperor  of  India,  and 
he  had  only  postponed  its  execution  at  the  instance  of 
Malharrao  Holkar,  until  he  had  defeated  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali 
and  driven  him  out  of  India.  In  the  meantime  he  took  a 
pleasure  in  degrading  the  government  that  he  intended  to 
supersede.  Surajmal  had  indeed  offered  to  ransom  the  Moghul 
throne  and  canopy  for  five  lakhs  of  rupees,  but  this  had  only 
confirmed  Sadashivrao  in  the  belief  that  they  were  of  immense 
value.  Surajmal  and  his  Jat  officers,  deeply  hurt,  conferred 
with  the  commanders  of  the  Rajput  contingents  ;  and  one 
morning  Sadashivrao  learnt  that  in  the  night  the  Jat  and 
Rajput  forces  had  left  his  camp  and  were  marching  home. 
Sadashivrao  affected  indifference.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
monsoon  he  deposed  Ghazi-ud-din's  nominee,  Shah  Jahan,  and 
put  on  the  throne  Shah  Jawan  Bakht,  the  son  of  the  fugitive 
heir  Ali  Gohar.  He  appointed  as  the  emperor's  vazir  Shuja- 
ud-Daula,  whom  he  thus  hoped  to  detach  from  the  Afghan 
cause  and  with  whom  he  began  a  prolonged  correspondence. 

At  the  same  time  the  town  of  Kunjpura,  some  sixty  miles  up 
the  Jamna  from  Delhi,  offered  a  tempting  bait.  Kunjpura, 
being  interpreted,  means  the  crane's  nest.  It  had  been  built 
by   Najabat   Khan,    an    Afghan    soldier    of    fortune,    whom 


64  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Nadir  Shah  had  in  1739  created  Nawab  of  Kunjpura.1  He 
now  held  it  with  twenty  thousand  Afghans  in  the  interests  of  the 
Abdali,  and  the  latter  had  stored  there  a  large  treasure  and  a 
quantity  of  grain.  On  hearing  of  the  Maratha  advance,  the 
Shah  became  anxious  about  its  safety,  but  the  Jamna  in  flood 
prevented  him  from  relieving  the  garrison.  Sadashivrao  had 
been  anxious  to  plunder  Surajmal's  lands  as  a  punishment  for 
his  desertion  ;  but  Holkar  and  the  Sindias  pressed  on  his 
notice  the  unguarded  state  of  Kunjpura.  On  a  day  pronounced 
fortunate  by  the  Hindu  astrologers,  the  Maratha  army 
marched  against  the  doomed  fortress.  The  Afghans  made 
a  gallant  defence  ;  but  on  the  17th  October  1760  the  Marathas, 
attacking  in  three  divisions,  one  led  by  Sadashivrao,  one  by 
Shamsher  Bahadur  and  one  by  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi,  took  Kunj- 
pura by  storm.  The  garrison  were  put  to  the  sword,  except  two 
kinsmen  of  Najabat  Khan,  who  were  tortured  to  reveal  the 
secret  treasure-house  of  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali.  When  they 
had  shown  to  the  Marathas  fifteen  lakhs  of  rupees,  their  lives 
were  spared.  No  other  prisoners  were  taken,  Sadashivrao 
excusing  his  ferocity  on  the  ground  that  Najabat  Khan  had 
been  present  at  the  death  of  Dattaji  Sindia.  Indeed,  among 
the  spoils  of  the  capture  was  Javhergaj,  the  favourite  elephant 
of  Jankoji  Sindia,  which  had  been  taken  in  the  subsequent 
pursuit.  This  easy  success  so  increased  the  pride  of  the 
Brahman  general,  that  he  and  Balwantrao  Mehendale  taunted 
Malharrao  Holkar  with  his  defeat  at  Sikandra.  The  scarred 
old  warrior  was  deeply  incensed  and  left  Sadashivrao's  tent, 
muttering  that  jackals  roared  loudly  until  they  had  seen  the 
lion.2 

In  the  meantime  the  Abdali  had  helplessly  witnessed  the 
fall  of  Kunjpura  and  the  massacre  of  the  garrison.  A  fanatical 
Musulman,  he  now  regarded  the  approaching  struggle  with 
the  Marathas  as  a  holy  war,  and  sent  Najib-ud-Daulat  to  appeal 
to  Shuja-ud-Daula  to  join  his  ranks  and  to  fight  by  his  side 
in  the  sacred  cause  of  Islam.  Although  Najib-ud-Daulat  was 
a  Sunni  and  Shuja-ud-Daula  a  Shia,  the  latter  was  won  over, 
and  the  confederate  Musulman  and  Hindu  armies  faced  each 
other  across  the  swollen  waters  of  the  Jamna  river.     After  the 

1  Karnal  Gazetteer. 

2  Bhausahib's  Bakhar, 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OP  BALAJ1  PESHWA         65 

storm  of  Kunjpura  the  Marathas  camped  at  Pasina  Kalan,  some 
miles  to  the  south  and  the  scene  of  hard  fighting  during  the 
civil  wars  that  followed  the  death  of  the  emperor  Feroz  Shah. 
They  seem  to  have  expected  Ahmad  Shah  to  try  to  cross  the 
river  higher  up-stream,  but  after  a  brilliant  feint  he  crossed 
the  Jamna  at  Bhagpat,1  between  the  Maratha  camp  and 
Delhi.  He  lost  a  number  of  men  during  the  crossing  ;  but, 
to  make  the  waters  abate,  he  threw  into  the  stream  sheets 
of  silver  with  verses  of  the  Koran  engraved  on  them.  His 
guns  he  put  on  rafts  or  on  the  backs  of  elephants.  He  himself 
swam  his  horse  across,  and  by  the  25th  October  the  whole 
Afghan  army  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Jamna.  On  the  26th 
October,  the  Maratha  vanguard  attacked  the  Afghan  outposts, 
but  were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  twelve  hundred  men.2  At 
this  point  the  weakness  in  the  Maratha  high  command  showed 
itself.  If  Sadashivrao  intended  to  fight  in  the  European 
manner,  it  was  vital  to  him  to  keep  open  his  communications 
with  Delhi.  If  he  fought  in  the  old  Maratha  way,  he  needed 
no  line  of  communications  ;  but  he  could  not  fight  in  the  old 
Maratha  way  so  long  as  he  kept  with  him  Ibrahim  Khan 
Gardi's  trained  artillery  and  infantry.  Malharrao  Holkar 
begged  Sadashivrao  to  stick  to  Maratha  tactics,  but  that 
meant  the  sacrifice  of  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  and  his  men  ;  and 
that  soldier  of  fortune  threatened  to  fire  on  the  Maratha  army 
if  he  was  deserted.  Sadashivrao  rightly  refused  to  sacrifice 
Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi ;  but  he  did  not  grasp  the  difference 
between  the  two  systems  of  tactics.  Instead  of  retiring 
southward  past  Ahmad  Shah's  left  flank  and  thus  reopening 
his  line  of  communications,  he  marched  northward  towards 
the  town  of  Panipat,  Ahmad  Shah  following  him.  In  Panipat 
he  fortified  himself  ;  while  the  Afghans  established  themselves 
across  the  Delhi  road.  From  that  moment  the  Maratha  army 
was  in  the  gravest  danger.  Ahmad  Shah  was  between  them 
and  Delhi.  The  fertile  provinces  on  his  right  flank  were  in 
the  hands  of  his  allies,  Shuja-ud-Daula  and  Najib-ud-Daulat. 
Behind  the  Marathas  was  the  Punjab  held  by  Afghan 
governors    in    Ahmad    Shah's   interest.     For   a   short   time, 


1  Karnal  Gazetteer,  p.  20. 
*  Bhausahib's  Bakhar. 
9 


fcjti  A  H1STOKY  OF  THE  MAKATHA  PEOPLE 

however,  the  Maratha  army  suffered  no  privations.  The 
tourist  who  now  visits  Panipat  can  gaze  from  the  highest 
point  of  the  town  over  an  endless  succession  of  wheat-fields 
irrigated  by  the  Jamna  canals.  So  prosperous,  indeed,  are 
the  inhabitants  that  they  are  accused  by  their  neighbours  of 
unduly  wasting  their  time  in  pigeon  races  and  quail  fights.1 
Even  in  1760,  it  was  a  thriving  town  and  the  Marathas  found 
stores  of  grain  and  other  supplies,  which  they  promptly 
requisitioned.  Their  next  care  was  to  fortify  themselves. 
Under  Ibrahim  Khan's  supervision  they  built  an  immense 
ditch  fifty  feet  wide  and  twelve  feet  deep,  and  constructed 
ramparts  to  guard  the  Maratha  camp  and  the  town  :  of  this 
ditch  traces  are  still  visible.  Opposite  the  Maratha  camp  and 
barring  the  road  to  Delhi,  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  fortified 
himself.  Neither  side  was  willing  to  attack  the  other,  and 
both  sides  strove  to  obtain  a  superiority  in  light  cavalry 
actions.  It  was  clear  that,  so  long  as  the  main  armies  chose 
to  remain  stationary,  the  force  whose  light  cavalry  held 
the  command  of  the  open  country  would  starve  the  other 
force  out.  At  first  the  advantage  lay  with  the  Marathas. 
Govindpant  Bandela,2  who  was  in  charge  of  the  Maratha  light 
cavalry,  had  a  marked  advantage  over  the  Afghan  horse  by  his 
superior  mobility. 

On  the  22nd  November,  Jankoji  Sindia,  the  son  of  Jayappa 
Sindia,  made  a  brilliant  attack  on  the  Abdali' s  camp,  drove  in 
the  outposts,  inflicted  severe  loss  on  Najib-ud-Daulat's  Rohillas, 
and  captured  several  guns.  He  returned  to  Panipat,  his  war 
horns  sounding  a  paean  of  victory.  The  Abdali  moved  his 
camp  a  considerable  distance  back  and  seriously  thought  of 
withdrawing  altogether.  He  eventually  decided  to  stay,  and 
on  the  next  new  moon,  which  fell  on  the  7th  December  1760, 
he  sent  a  picked  body  of  Afghans  under  Najib-ud-Daulat  to 
make  an  attack  on  the  Maratha  centre.  Balwantrao  Mehendale 
surprised  the  Afghans  and  drove  them  back  with  great 
slaughter.  Unhappily  in  the  moment  of  victory  Balwantrao 
Mehendale  fell  shot  through  the  body.  His  fall  caused 
considerable  confusion  in  the   ranks,  and  a  band  of  Afghans 


1  I  heard  this  gossip  on  the  spot  when  inspecting  the  battle-field. 
8  For  an  account  of  Govindpant  Bandela  see  vol.  II,  p.  225. 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA        67 

rushed  up  to  cut  off  his  head.  His  body  was  saved  from 
mutilation  by  Kbanderao  Nimbalkar,  but  the  Marathas  with- 
drew. The  Afghans,  pursuing  their  advantage,  followed  them 
as  far  as  the  great  ditch.  There  they  were  counter-attacked 
by  both  Jankoji  Sindia  and  Malharrao  Holkar,  and  driven  back 
with  a  loss  of  three  thousand  men.  Although  the  Marathas  had 
thus  the  advantage,  Sadashivrao  felt  deeply  the  loss  of  Balwant- 
rao,  who  was  the  brother  of  his  first  wife  Umabai ;  and  the  army 
mourned  an  officer  distinguished  in  the  Carnatic  wars. 
Balwantrao's  widow  Laxmibai  committed  sati  and  was  burnt 
with  her  husband's  body. 

On  the  22nd  December,  a  far  graver  calamity  befell  the 
Marathas  in  the  death  of  Govindpant  Bandela.  This  enter- 
prising officer  had  cut  off  the  Abdali's  foraging  parties  with 
such  skill  that  there  was  a  famine  in  the  Afghan  camp.  Both 
Najib-ud-Daulat  and  Shuja-ud-Daula  pressed  the  Shah  either  to 
fight  the  Marathas  or  to  retreat  across  the  Jamna.  But  the 
Shah,  who,  although  a  ferocious  barbarian,  was  yet  a  great 
captain,  rejected  their  advice.  "  This  is  ",  he  said,  "  a  matter  of 
war  with  which  you  are  not  acquainted.  Do  you  sleep  ;  I  will 
take  care  that  no  harm  befalls  you."  At  the  same  time  he 
rode  about  fifty  or  sixty  miles  a  day,  constantly  visiting  his 
outposts  and  reconnoitring  the  enemy.  In  this  way  he 
ascertained  the  movements  of  Govindpant  Bandela.  On  the 
22nd  December,  he  sent  ten  thousand  Afghans  under  Atai  Khan, 
the  nephew  of  his  vazir,  Shah  Vali  Khan,  to  surprise  the  Maratha 
light  cavalry  camp.  The  Afghans  reached  Govindpant' s  camp 
just  after  sunset  and  as  they  approached  they  displayed 
striped  standards  copied  from  Holkar' s.  The  Marathas, 
thinking  the  newcomers  friends,  let  them  come  close  to 
the  camp.  The  Afghans  then  made  a  sudden  rush  and  cut 
Bandela's  force  to  pieces.  Three  thousand  Marathas  lay  dead 
on  the  field.  Many  more  died  in  the  pursuit.  Govindpant 
Bandela  escaped  on  horseback,  but,  falling  and  breaking  his 
leg,  was  taken  prisoner.  He  was  taken  to  Najib-ud-Daulat, 
who  had  him  beheaded  and  his  head  sent  to  the  Abdali.  The 
Abdali  in  turn  sent  it  to  Sadashivrao. 

The  destruction  of  the  Maratha  light  cavalry  division  was 
followed  by  the  worst  results.  The  Afghans  now  obtained 
command  of  the  open  country  and  drove  in  the  Maratha  outposts 


68  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  stopped  all  their  supplies.  The  two  armies  had  eaten  up  the 
entire  country-side  and  food  could  be  bought  in  Panipat  only  at 
famine  rates.  A  long  succession  of  easy  victories  had  led  the 
Peshwa  to  allow  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  take  their  wives 
with  them  on  field  service.  With  Sadashivrao  was  his  active 
and  daring  wife  Parvatibai,  a  daughter  of  the  house  of  Raste, 
and  Panipat  was  crowded  not  only  with  soldiers  and  their 
servants  but  with  thousands  of  soldiers'  wives  and  maid- 
servants. The  cold,  too,  became  intense.  The  horses  and 
cattle  died  in  hundreds,  reducing  the  efficiency  of  the  cavalry 
and  poisoning  the  air  of  the  town.  Sadashivrao  bore  himself 
with  calm  courage  ;  yet  he  clearly  saw  the  increasing  danger 
of  his  situation.  Through  his  agent  Kashirai,  a  Brahman  in 
Shuja-ud-Daula's  camp,  he  made  every  effort  to  secure  that 
general's  intervention.  But  Najib-ud-Daulat  would  not  hear 
of  any  treaty  with  the  Marathas.  His  country  had  suffered 
from  their  raids  and  he  feared  their  vengeance  when  the 
Abdali  had  departed.  The  high  price  of  food  exhausted  the 
money  in  Sadashivrao's  treasury,  so  he,  the  Sindias  and 
Holkar  erected  mints  in  the  camp  and,  melting  down  all  the 
men's  and  women's  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  they  coined  a 
quantity  of  rupees,  which  they  stamped  with  the  words 
"Bhaushahi",  "Jankoshahi"  and  "Malharshahi",  but  this  money 
lasted  for  only  fifteen  days.  Sadashivrao  organised  cavalry 
patrols  to  accompany  the  foragers,  and  used  to  offer  prizes 
and  rewards  for  good  work  ;  but,  as  the  forage  failed,  the 
cavalry  horses  were  too  weak  to  go  on  escort  duty.  When 
the  foragers  went  out  without  an  escort,  they  were  pitilessly 
massacred  by  the  Afghans. 

On  the  2nd  January  1761,  a  determined  attempt  was  made 
by  the  son  of  Govindpant  Bandela,  Balaji,  to  convey  treasure 
from  Delhi  to  Panipat.  He  took  with  him  three  hundred 
horsemen  and  tied  to  each  horseman  a  bag  containing  five 
hundred  rupees.  Another  body  of  five  hundred  horse 
were  sent  to  protect  those  who  carried  the  treasure.  Un- 
happily the  relief  party  wandered  by  mistake  into  the  camp 
of  a  strong  Afghan  patrol.  They  were  instantly  attacked  and 
only  a  few  made  their  way  to  Panipat.  Although  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Maratha  army  were  intense,  Sadashivrao  celebrated 
on  the  10th  January  the   Makar  Sankrant  with  such  pomp 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA         69 

and  circumstance  as  he  could.  Three  days  later,  namely,  on 
the  13th  January,1  the  Maratha  leaders  begged  to  be  led 
into  action.  They  were  ready,  they  said,  to  die  on  the  battle- 
field; but  they  could  no  longer  bear  to  starve  in  Panipat. 
Sadashivrao  agreed  and  a  council  of  war  was  held.  Jankoji 
Sindia  and  Holkar  urged  the  commander-in-chief  to  abandon 
his  guns,  his  followers  and  his  women,  and  under  cover  of  a 
feigned  attack  to  escape  as  best  he  could  to  Delhi,  where 
there  was  a  garrison  of  seven  or  eight  thousand  men  under 
the  command  of  Naro  Shankar.  The  other  Maratha  chiefs 
supported  Sindia  and  Holkar.  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  said 
nothing,  and  Sadashivrao,  assuming  his  consent  from  his 
silence,  ordered  that  all  the  leaders  should  make  their  way 
as  best  they  could  to  Delhi  and  re-form  there.  After  the 
council  of  war  had  broken  up,  Ibrahim  Khan  sought  an  inter- 
view with  Sadashivrao  and,  showing  him  letters  received  from 
Najib-ud-Daulat,  threatened  to  desert  to  the  enemy,  fire  on  the 
Marathas  and  disclose  their  plans,  unless  the  previous  orders 
were  countermanded  and  a  general  engagement  ordered  with 
the  object  of  driving  the  Abdaii  into  the  Jamna,  which  flowed 
at  the  back  of  his  camp.  Sadashivrao  was  overcome  by  the 
anxieties  of  his  situation  and  could  not  bear  deserting  the 
Hindu  women  to  be  a  prey  to  the  Afghan  barbarians.  He  can- 
celled his  previous  orders  and  directed  that  next  day,  the  14th 
January,  the  Marathas  should  make  a  general  assault  on  the 
Afghan  camp.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  Kashirai,  his 
agent  with  Shuja-ud-Daula,  "  The  cup  is  now  full  to  the  brim  ; 
it  cannot  hold  another  drop.  If  anything  can  be  done,  do  it 
or  answer  me  plainly  at  once.  Hereafter  there  will  be  no 
time  for  writing  or  speaking."  This  letter  betrayed  the 
Maratha  plans  ;  for  Kashirai  shewed  it  to  Shuja-ud-Daula, 
who  at  once  took  it  to  the  Abdaii.     That  evening  the   food 


1  The  dates  are  those  given  by  Mr.  Sar  Desai.  Grant  Duff  gives  the 
6th  January  as  the  date  of  Panipat  ;  but  the  celebration  of  the  Makar 
Sankrant  shews  the  6th  January  to  be  incorrect.  The  Musulman 
historians  give  the  date  as  the  12th.     Elliott  and  Dawson,  vol.  8,  p.  51. 

Indeed  Mr.  Sar  Desai  must  be  correct ;  for  in  a  letter  written  by 
Anupgir  Gosair  to  Balaji  Peshwa  (Parasnis  collection)  he  gives  the 
Hindu  date  as  Budhwar  Paush  Sud  Ashtami,  which  corresponds  with 
Wednesday,  the  14th  January. 


70  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

that  still  remained  in  his  granaries  was  distributed  by 
Sadashivrao  to  his  army.  Next  morning  his  troops,  as  a 
sign  that  they  would  conquer  or  die,  donned  the  saffron  robe 
that  Rajput  warriors  don  under  such  conditions.  They  had 
some  miles  to  go,  and  the  Abdali's  spies,  warned  of  their 
approach  by  Sadashivrao's  letter,  watched  their  movements 
all  the  way.  Neither  side  made  effective  use  of  its  artillery. 
Ibrahim  Khan  opened  the  action  on  the  left  wing,  where  he 
commanded,  by  attacking  together  with  Damaji  Gaikvad  the 
main  body  of  Rohillas  under  Ahmad  Khan  Bangash  that 
formed  the  Afghan  right  wing.  The  Abdali's  centre  was 
formed  by  the  Afghan  army  under  Shah  Vali  Khan,  the  vazir. 
On  his  left  were  Shuja-ud-Daula  with  the  Oudh  troops  and 
another  body  of  Rohillas  under  Najib-ud-Daulat.  A  picked 
body  of  Afghans  under  Shah  Pasand  Khan  held  the  post  of 
danger  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Afghan  line  and  barred  the 
route  to  Delhi.  In  the  Maratha  centre  were  Sadashivrao  and 
Jaswantrao  Powar  and  their  right  wing  was  formed  by  the 
Sindia  and  Holkar  contingents.  Everything  that  could  in- 
spire the  soldiers  of  the  two  armies  was  present  on  that  day. 
The  Musulmans  remembered  with  pride  that  on  that  very 
field  the  lion-hearted  Babar  had  won  the  empire  of  India. 
There,  too,  the  great  Akbar,  when  only  a  boy  of  fourteen,  had 
defeated  Hemo  and  had  seen  his  Hindu  rival  thrown  mortally 
wounded  at  his  feet.  On  the  other  hand  the  great  plain  was 
full  of  memories  of  Epic  India.  It  was  at  the  village  of 
Basthali  (Vyas  sthal)  that  the  sage  Vyas  had  lived  and  dictated 
to  the  god  Ganpati  the  myriad  lines  of  the  Mahabharata.  It 
was  at  Gondar  that  Gautama  rishi,  to  punish  them  for  seeking 
to  rob  him  of  his  bride  Ahalyabai,  had  sent  a  thousand  sores 
to  torment  the  god  Indra  and  had  darkened  for  ever  with  his 
curses  the  till  then  unsullied  beauty  of  the  moon.  Panipat, 
the  town  in  which  the  Marathas  had  lived  for  two  months, 
Sonpat,  a  village  visible  from  its  walls,  and  Bhagpat,  the  spot 
where  the  Abdali  had  forced  his  way  across  the  Jamna,  were 
three  of  the  five  villages  which  Yudhisthira,  rather  than 
plunge  all  Bharatvarsha  into  warfare,  had  asked  for  as  a 
meagre  fief  for  himself  and  his  four  brothers.  To  the  north 
stretched  the  field,  where  to  settle  the  claims  of  the  sons 
of  Pandu  and  Dritarashtra,  the  chivalry  of  India  had  fallen 


PAN1FAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJ1  FESHWA         71 

almost  to  a  man  in  the  slaughter  of  Kurukshetra.  There 
the  generous  Kama  had  died  at  the  hands  of  his  brother 
Arjun  the  archer.  There  Bhishma  had  lain  on  his  bed  of 
arrows  while  the  contending  chiefs  guarded  him  from  wild 
beasts  and  listened  reverently  to  the  wisdom  of  his  lips.  It 
was  in  the  Parasir  tank  at  Balapur  that  the  brave  but  wicked 
Duryodhan  had  hidden  from  the  wrath  of  Bhima  ;  and  it  was 
at  the  Phalgu  tank  at  Bharal  that  the  Pandavas  had  celebrated 
the  funeral  rites  of  the  warriors  who  had  fallen  in  the  most 
terrible  of  all  Indian  wars.  Nor  were  the  prizes  that  hung 
before  the  eyes  of  the  opposing  leaders  less  brilliant  than 
those  that  dazzled  the  eyes  of  Duryodhan  and  Yudhisthira. 
The  Musulman  armies  fought  to  retain  the  last  shreds  of 
the  Delhi  empire,  that  had  once  stretched  from  the  snow 
mountains  of  the  north  to  the  southern  seas  round  Ramesh- 
waram.  The  Hindu  warriors  fought  to  throw  off  now  and 
for  ever  the  foreign  yoke  that  had  pressed  on  them  since  the 
fall  of  Rai  Pithora,  and  to  seat  once  again  a  Hindu  prince  on 
the  throne  of  Dushyanta  and  Dasharatha,  of  Bharata  and 
Ramchandra. 

Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  had  said  to  Sadashivrao  before  the 
battle  joined  that,  although  the  latter  had  often  complained 
because  of  his  insistence  on  regular  pay  for  his  troops,  they 
would  now  prove  on  the  battle-field  that  they  were  worth  it. 
This  promise  he  nobly  fulfilled.  Charging  the  Rohillas  with 
the  bayonet,  his  disciplined  troops  destroyed  their  formation, 
killing  and  wounding  eight  thousand  of  them.  This  brilliant 
action  laid  bare  Shah  Vali  Khan's  right  flank,  and  Sadashivrao 
charged  the  Afghan  centre  with  the  flower  of  the  Maratha 
army.  The  Maratha  cavalry  broke  up  the  enemy's  centre  and 
it  seemed  as  if  the  day  was  lost  for  the  Afghans.  Ahmad 
Shah,  however,  had  in  hand  a  reserve  of  ten  thousand  heavy 
cavalry  and  these  he  now  sent  against  the  Maratha  left  wing. 
Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  had  turned  back  his  left  flank  to  meet 
such  a  manoeuvre  ;  but  in  the  fighting  the  left  flank  had 
moved  forward,  and  Ibrahim  Khan,  severely  wounded,  was  in 
no  state  to  restore  the  formation.  At  the  critical  moment  a 
bullet  struck  Vishvasrao  in  the  forehead  and  he  died  at  once. 
To  Vishvasrao  Sadashivrao  was  deeply  attached.  The  boy 
had  inherited  his  grandfather's  looks,  which  had  been  famous 


72  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

throughout  India ;  and  at  this  time  he  was  one  of  the  come- 
liest  of  the  children  of  men.  Sadashivrao  had  trained 
Vishvasrao  himself  and  had  been  his  constant  guardian  and 
companion  in  the  Carnatic  wars.  The  boy  had  returned  his 
uncle's  affection  and  seems  to  have  loved  him  more  deeply 
than  even  his  own  father.  The  sight  of  the  gallant  youth 
dead  beside  him  in  the  same  howdah  was  too  much  for  a  mind 
oppressed  by  the  unceasing  labours  and  anxieties  of  the 
preceding  three  months.  He  said  to  his  wife  Parvatibai  that 
he  could  never  again  face  his  cousin,  and,  leaving  her  in  the 
howdah,  he  mounted  his  favourite  charger,  a  splendid  Arab 
stallion.  He  sent  a  message  to  Malharrao  Holkar,  telling  him 
to  do  as  he  had  directed.  His  message  conveyed,  as  it  was 
probably  meant  to  convey,  the  meaning  to  Holkar  that  he 
should  revert  to  the  earlier  plan  of  battle  and  cut  his  way 
through  to  Delhi.  Holkar  rode  off  the  field  as  fast  as  he 
could.  Damaji  Gaikvad  followed.  A  body  of  Afghans  got 
in  among  the  camp  followers  and  cut  them  up.  A  sudden 
panic  spread  through  both  wings.  The  centre  still  stood  firm 
where  Sadashivrao  was  fighting.  He  disappeared  in  the 
melee,1  shot  through  the  side,  and  then  the  centre  broke  too. 
Except  the  Holkar  contingent,  which  followed  their  leader  to 
Delhi,  the  routed  army  took  the  wrong  direction  and  rushed 
back  to  Panipat,  the  spot  which  they  had  that  morning  meant 
to  leave  for  ever.  Behind  them  followed  the  Afghans,  cutting 
them  down  by  thousands.  Great  numbers  crushed  each  other 
to  death,  trying  to  scale  the  high  fortifications  which  they  had 
built  to  check  the  Afghans.  The  survivors  crowded  into 
Panipat,  round  which  the  Afghans  placed  an  investing  force. 
Next  morning  the  Afghans  entered  the  town  without  opposi- 
tion and  made  all  inside  prisoners.  They  took  the  men 
outside  the  town,  ranged  them  in  rows,  gave  each  one  a  few 
grains  of  parched  corn  and  a  drink  of  water,  and  then  slashed  off 
their  heads,  which  they  piled  in  heaps.  The  women  they 
reduced  to  slavery,  regardless  of  their  birth  or  rank.  In  this 
way  many  hundreds  of  high-born  southern  women  disappeared 
and  were  never  heard  of  again.    Jankoji  Sindia,  who  had  been 


1  The  spot  where  Sadashivrao  was  last  seen  is  marked  by  a  monumen 
•rected  by  the  Punjab  Government. 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OP  BALAJI  PESHWA         73 

held  to  ransom  by  an  Afghan,  was  killed  in  cold  blood,  and  the 
gallant  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi,  who  had  fallen  wounded  into  the 
hands  of  Shuja-ud-Daula,  was  demanded  by  the  Abdali  and  treat- 
ed so  evilly  that  he  soon  died.  Naro  Shankar,1  who  had  some 
seven  or  eight  thousand  men  at  Delhi,  on  hearing  the  news 
of  the  disaster,  should  have  done  his  best  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  the  remnants  of  the  army.  Unfortunately,  although 
an  officer  of  high  reputation,  he  seems  completely  to  have  lost 
his  head.  On  the  15th  January,  he  fled  from  Delhi  with 
such  precipitation  that  he  left  behind  some  forty  lakhs  of 
treasure.  Naro  Shankar' s  flight  added  to  the  sufferings  of 
the  Marathas.  The  stragglers  who  escaped  from  Panipat  had 
no  place  of  refuge.  When  they  wandered  starving  to  Delhi, 
they  were  robbed  by  the  mob.  When  they  fled  across  country 
they  were  attacked  by  the  peasantry  and  slaughtered.  Others 
were  stripped,  robbed  of  their  horses  and  plundered  by  the 
stalwart  northern  women,  and  sent  to  find  their  way  naked, 
penniless  and  on  foot  to  the  Deccan.  Malharrao  Holkar 
made  his  way  to  Mathura  and  thence  to  Bharatpur,  where 
he  was  hospitably  received  by  Surajmal.  In  time  some  three 
to  four  thousand  fugitives,  including  Shamsher  Bahadur, 
reached  the  Jat  country.  There  Shamsher  Bahadur  died  of 
his  wounds  at  Dig.  The  rest  were  hospitably  entertained  by 
Surajmal  for  eight  days  and  given  money  to  take  them  home.2 
Damaji  Gaikvad  and  Naro  Shankar  reached  Baroda  and  the 
Deccan  in  safety.  Parvatibai,  Sadashivrao's  wife,  and  Laxmi- 
bai,  the  wife  of  Vishvasrao,  were  taken  to  Gwalior  by  Janu 
Bhintade. 

The  corpse  of  Vishvasrao  was  easily  found  and  was  sent  for 
by  Ahmad  Shah.  The  Afghans  crowded  round  it  and  wished 
to  have  it  stuffed  with  straw  and  sent  to  Kabul.  This  inhuman 
proposal  did  not  commend  itself  to  the  Abdali.  Eventually 
Umravgir 3  Gosavi,  a  noble  in  the   train  of  Shuja-ud-Daula, 


1  Naro  Shankar's  family  name  was  Dani.  He  was  a  Deshasth  Brah- 
man and  the  first  Subhedar  of  Jhansi,  which  he  founded.  He  was 
given  the  title  of  Raja  Bahadur  by  the  emperor,  and  is  known  in  the 
chronicles  as  Raja  Bahadur  of  Malegaon. 

2  Surajmal  is  said  to  have  spent  ten  lakhs  in  helping  the  Marathas. 
Sardesai's  Panipal,  p.  205. 

3  Umravgir  was  the  Gosavi's  title.     His  real  name  was  Anupgir. 

10 


74  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

ransomed  the  bodies  of  Vishvasrao,  of  Tukoji  Sindia,  a 
full  brother  of  Madhavrao,  and  of  Santaji  Wagh  and  Jaswant- 
rao  Powar  for  three  lakhs  of  rupees  and  had  them  cremated 
according  to  the  Hindu  ritual.  For  the  body  of  Sadashivrao 
religious  mendicants,  sent  for  the  purpose  by  Trimbakrao 
Purandare,  searched  long  in  vain.  At  last  Ganesh  Pandit  saw 
beneath  a  heap  of  dead  a  corpse  on  which  were  some  precious 
jewels.  The  head  had  been  cut  off,  but  some  scars  on  the 
feet  and  back  enabled  Ganesh  Pandit  and  the  men  with  him  to 
identify  the  body  as  Sadashivrao's.  Thereupon  Kashirai, 
Sadashivrao's  agent  with  Shuja-ud-Daula,  obtained  leave  from 
the  Abdali  to  cremate  it. 

Sadashivrao  was  greatly  gifted  by  nature.  He  was  an 
admirable  financier,  an  able  administrator  and  within  certain 
limits  a  competent  general.  It  was  his  country's  misfortune 
that,  after  easy  successes  against  the  Nizam's  armies,  he  was 
pitted  against  the  warlike  highlanders  of  Afghanistan,  led  by 
a  skilful  and  experienced  captain.  His  judgment  was  disturb- 
ed by  the  new  tactics  introduced  by  the  French,  and  he  neither 
grasped  their  limitations  nor  understood  their  advantages. 
He  rejected  Holkar's  advice,  but  for  this  there  was  some 
excuse,  as  only  shortly  before  both  Dattaji  Sindia  and  Holkar 
had  been  well  beaten  while  following  the  tactics  the  latter 
advocated.  The  worst  fault  that  can  be  ascribed  to  Sadashiv- 
rao is  that  on  the  day  of  battle  he  allowed  his  sorrow  for 
Vishvasrao  to  overcome  his  sense  of  duty  as  a  general.  Had 
he  not  abandoned  his  elephant  to  fight  as  a  common  trooper, 
he  could,  if  he  had  not  won  the  day,  at  any  rate  have  saved  the 
army.  A  skilful  retirement  on  Delhi  would  have  enabled  him 
to  re-form  and  again  to  hazard  the  fortunes  of  battle.  By 
acting  as  he  did,  he  left  the  Marathas  without  a  commander 
either  to  direct  the  retreat  or  to  compel  Damaji  Gaikvad  and 
Malharrao  Holkar  to  share  with  their  comrades  the  full  burden 
of  the  day.  Sadashivrao  must  also  be  blamed  for  postpon- 
ing a  general  action  until  hunger  had  wasted  the  number 
and  strength  of  both  men  and  horses.  He  had,  it  is  true, 
sent  for  reinforcements  to  the  Deccan,  but  his  messages  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Abdali  and  his  letters  were  destroyed. 
He  waited  too  long  ;  he  should  at  once  on  the  death  of 
Govindpant  Bandela,  either  have  fought  an  action  or  retired 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA         75 

on  Delhi.  It  is,  however,  impossible  not  to  praise  as  well  as 
blame.  As  the  anxieties  and  the  dangers  of  the  siege  grew, 
so  grew  his  serene  fortitude.  Aware,  better  than  anyone 
else,  of  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  he  hid  his  fears  with  a 
resolution  so  stern  that  the  Abdali's  spies  never  reported  to 
their  master  the  real  misery  of  the  Maratha  camp.  If  he 
committed  mistakes,  he  at  least  feared  not  to  face  certain 
death ;  and  our  censure  of  the  general's  errors  must  be 
softened  by  our  admiration  for  his  endurance  in  adversity  and 
his  physical  courage  in  disaster. 

Most  of  the  letters  sent  by  Sadashivrao  and  Vishvasrao  to 
the  Peshwa  had  miscarried.  Nevertheless  sufficient  news 
came  through  to  warn  Balaji  to  send  help  to  Sadashivrao. 
Unhappily  he  was  engaged  in  the  arrangements  of  his  second 
marriage,1  which,  much  to  his  first  wife,  Gopikabai's  disgust, 
was  celebrated  early  in  December  1760.  This  delayed  the 
Peshwa ;  but  after  the  wedding  he  moved  northward  as  fast 
as  he  could.  When  he  reached  the  Narbada,  a  letter  was 
brought  him  by  a  banker.  It  contained  the  words,  "  Two 
pearls  have  been  dissolved,  twenty-seven  gold  mohurs  have 
been  lost,  and  of  the  silver  and  copper  the  total  cannot  be  cast 
up."  From  this  the  unhappy  prince  learnt  the  fate  of  his 
cousin,  his  son  and  his  army.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
fugitives  confirmed  the  news.  The  Peshwa  showed  his 
displeasure  to  those  leaders  who  had  escaped  the  slaughter. 
He  censured  Vinchurkar  and  Powar,  and  he  attached  Malhar- 
rao  Holkar's  jaghir,  which  remained  under  attachment  until 
after  Malharrao's  death.  Unhappily  Balaji  was  suffering 
from  consumption,  and  the  shock  added  to  the  disease  soon 
killed  him.  He  returned  to  Poona,  stopping  on  the  16th  May 
to  perform  on  the  banks  of  the  Godavari  the  shradh  or 
anniversary  ceremonies  of  his  father  Bajirao.  He  reached 
Poona  early  in  June,  and  built  the  first  bridge  across  the  Muta 
to  bear  the  name  of  Lakdi  Phul  2  or  wooden  bridge.     On  the 

1  Mr.  Sar  Desai's  Panipat,  p.  235. 

2  There  is  still  a  Lakdi  Phul  to  the  west  of  Poona  city,  but  it  is 
entirely  of  stone.  The  Peshwa's  family  were  short-lived.  Sadashivrao 
was  31  when  he  was  killed.  Chimnaji  Appa  died  at  42;  Madhavrao  I 
at  27  ;  Bajirao  I  died  at  43  ;  Raghunathrao  died  at  49  ;  Balaji  Vishwa- 
nath,  however,  lived  to  the  age  of  76  and  Bajirao  II  to  the  age  of  80. 


76  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

18th  June,  he  went  to  his  house  on  Parvati  Hill.  There  his 
mind  began  to  fail  and  he  became  thinner  daily.  In  a  few 
days,  although  barely  forty  years  old,  he  died  in  the  arms 
of  his  brother  Raghunathrao. 

English  historians  have  dealt  scant  justice  to  this  eminent 
prince.  And  yet  they  of  all  others  should  have  been  generous 
to  him ;  for,  by  helping  to  destroy  Tulaji  Angre  and  by 
paralysing  de  Bussy  in  the  Deccan  and  so  giving  Clive 
a  free  hand  in  Bengal,  Balaji  did  the  English  the  best  turn 
ever  done  them  by  a  foreigner.  Without  the  real  greatness 
of  Bajirao,  Balaji  was  a  wise  and  far-sighted  politician.  He 
met  with  rare  skill  and  firmness  the  crisis  caused  by  Tarabai's 
intrigues  and  Damaji's  rebellion.  He  reduced  to  a  shadow 
the  power  of  the  Nizam,  and,  but  for  Panipat,  would  have  added 
the  whole  of  Southern  India  to  the  Maratha  kingdom. 
Occupied  in  the  south,  he  never  found  time,  while  Peshwa,  to 
go  to  Delhi.  Had  he  done  so,  he  would  better  have  under- 
stood the  Afghan  menace.  Balaji's  name  was  long  cherished 
by  the  Maratha  peasants  for  his  success  in  improving  the 
revenue  system  and  the  administration  of  justice.  In  the 
former  he  was  aided  by  Sadashivrao  ;  in  the  latter  his  chief 
associate  was  Balshastri  Gadgil.  Balaji  was  an  untiring 
letter-writer  and  no  less  than  fifteen  hundred  of  his  letters  have 
survived.  In  every  campaign  he  sent  to  Poona  a  continuous 
stream  of  epistles,  which  show  his  unremitting  zeal  in  the 
public  service.  In  1750,  he  founded  in  Poona  an  institution 
for  the  training  of  revenue  clerks  and  officers.  He  made  great 
efforts  to  improve  the  food  and  the  transport  of  the  army, 
and  unquestionably  equipped  it  and  cared  for  it  better  than 
any  Maratha  ruler  since  the  days  of  the  great  king.  For  one 
innovation,  however,  he  must  be  blamed.  He  allowed,  even 
encouraged  officers  and  soldiers  to  take  with  them  on  active 
service  their  wives  and  families. 

Of  all  his  cities  Balaji  loved  Poona  best.  He  spent  vast 
sums  in  attracting  to  it  learned  scholars,  devout  Brahmans 
and  famous  poets.  He  encouraged  trade,  built  fountains, 
improved  roads,  and  created  fresh  peths  or  quarters.  To  one 
he  gave  the  name  of  his  cousin,  to  another  he  gave  the  name 
of  his  youngest  son  ;  and  Sadashivpeth  and  Narayanpeth  are 
still   populous   and   fashionable.     He   greatly   improved  the 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA         77 

lake  at  Katrej  and  planted  innumerable  trees  on  the  roads  to 
Theur,  Alandi,  and  Ganeshkhind.  But  the  monument  that 
to-day  most  vividly  recalls  to  the  visitor's  mind  this  magnifi- 
cent prince  is  Parvati  Hill.  Before  Balaji's  time  a  tiny  temple 
to  Parvati  crowned  its  summit  and  the  shrine  had  acquired  the 
reputation  of  curing  sick  people.  Once  Gopikabai,  suffering 
from  a  sore  heel,  went  to  see  the  hill  goddess  and  was  cured. 
Her  husband,  to  show  his  gratitude,  erected  the  noble  temple 
now  known  as  Devadeveshwar.  After  Shahu's  death  Balaji 
placed  in  it  Shahu's  padukas  or  sandals,  and  thus  the  hill 
became  a  monument  of  the  Maratha  king.  In  the  plain  to  the 
south  the  Peshwa  gave  great  feasts  and  distributed  charity  ; 
while  to  the  north  he  built  a  beautiful  lake  that  for  many 
years  was  one  of  the  chief  glories  of  Poona.  Not  only  did 
Balaji  honour  the  god  Shiva's  queen,  he  built  also  a  temple  on 
Parvati  Hill  to  the  god  Vishnu,  and  on  the  eleventh  of  every 
Hindu  month  he  went  regularly  to  worship  at  Vishnu's  shrine. 
Indeed,  he  so  loved  the  hill  that  he  built  a  palace  there  ;  and 
when  he  felt  death  coming  near,  it  was  to  Parvati  Hill  that  he 
went  to  die.  Nor  has  the  Peshwa's  choice  been  disapproved 
by  later  generations.  A  constant  stream  of  visitors  still  go 
up  and  down  the  stone  steps  that  lead  to  the  summit  of 
Parvati.  Thence  can  be  seen,  like  a  map  unrolled,  Poona  city, 
her  sister  rivers,  the  Muta  and  the  Mulla,  the  shrine  of  Alandi, 
and  the  silver  thread  of  Tukaram's  Indryani ;  while  far  away 
to  the  west  the  dark  hill  forts  of  the  Sahyadris  recall  the  days 
when  Maratha  armies  rode  forth  to  Delhi,  and  the  fame  of 
Balaji  the  Peshwa  resounded  from  the  Indus  river  to  the 
southern  seas. 


78  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  A 

Letter  from  Vithal  Shivdev  Vinchurkar  to  Raghunathrao, 

complaining  that  the  Peshwa  had  censured  him. 

To  Shrimant  Dadhasaheb,  with  respectful  compliments  from  Vithal 
Shivdev,  Camp  Gangruni,  District  Malwa,  where  the  undersigned  is 
doing  well.— Letters  from  you  are  received  by  Subhedar  Malharrao 
Holkar.  We  two  are  living  together  in  the  same  camp,  which  you 
must  have  learnt  from  other  sources.  The  reason  that  the  Peshwa  does 
not  write  to  us  seems  to  be  his  displeasure  that  we  did  not  die  on  the 
battle-field.  It  is  true  that  nobody  can  escape  death.  But  one  cannot 
help  escaping  it  during  the  fated  period  of  one's  life.  It  was  only  the 
mercy  of  Providence  that  we  recovered  when  severely  wounded.  How 
true  it  is  that  "  Life  means  duty  and  that  life  provides  for  food  ". 
Nevertheless  we  are  smarting  under  a  bitter  sense  of  mortification.  It 
is  not  that  we  have  forgotten  what  happened.  But  the  truth  is,  that  all 
our  efforts  in  the  battle-field,  good  or  bad,  proved  in  vain,  through  the 
wrath  of  the  Almighty. 

(Parasnis  Collection.) 


PANIPAT  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  BALAJI  PESHWA         79 


APPENDIX  B 

Letter  from  Holkar' s  diwan  complaining  of  the  attachment 
of  the  Holkar  estates. 

To  Shrimant  Dadasaheb  (Raghunathrao  Peshwa),  with  respectful 
compliments  from  Vinayakrao  and  Krishnarao  Gangadhar.— Your  Lord- 
ship's despatch  of  the  11th  to  Tatya  was  received  at  Gangruni  on  the 
9th  and  its  contents  greatly  delighted  us.  We  note  with  pleasure  Your 
Lordship's  several  directions  about  the  affairs  in  Hindustan.  The 
Subhedar  (Malharrao  Holkar)  has  sent  Gangadhar  Yashwant  to  Vazier 
Ghazi-ud-din  Khan  and  Thakur  Surajmal  with  a  view  to  restoring  peace 
and  order  in  Hindustan.  Your  Lordship's  observation  that  the 
Subhedar  is  the  backbone  of  our  policy  in  Northern  India,  is  quite  true. 
In  days  gone  by,  the  late  Peshwa  Bajirao  entrusted  his  interests  to 
Malharrao  Holkar.  But  this  year,  since  the  return  of  Shrimant  (the 
Peshwa)  from  Sironje,  it  appears  that  the  Subhedar  no  longer  enjoys 
his  confidence.  There  has  been  no  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of 
Malharrao  Holkar.  The  fugitives  that  took  part  in  the  Battle  of  Panipat 
must  have  seen  Your  Lordship  and  related  the  true  account.  What  is 
the  use  of  praising  a  defeat  ?  It  is  well  known  how  Scindia  and  Powar, 
the  old  servants  of  the  Sarkar,  fared  in  the  battle  !  The  news  com- 
municated by  Your  Lordship  about  the  confiscation  of  the  Subhedar's 
mahals  in  the  Deccan  has  brought  on  him  a  feeling  of  despair.  He 
often  complains  that,  if  this  be  the  fruit  of  his  past  services,  what  of  the 
future  ? 

{Paras nis  Collection.) 


CHAPTER  LIV 

THE  ACCESSION  OF  MADHAVRAO  BALLAL 

The  disaster  of  Panipat  and  the  death  of  the  Peshwa  were 
followed  by  a  series  of  plots  and  disturbances.  Tulaji  Angre, 
although  in  prison,  contrived  to  communicate  with  a  nephew 
of  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi  and  to  plot  a  rising  on  the  day  of  the 
Peshwa' s  death.  Some  eight  thousand  disciplined  infantry 
entered  Poona  unperceived  ;  but  at  the  last  moment  a  letter 
from  Angre  was  betrayed  into  Raghunathrao's  hands.  He 
acted  with  energy,  disarmed  the  conspirators  and  confined 
Tulaji  Angre  with  greater  strictness  than  ever. 

Although  the  unfortunate  Ramraja  had  for  ten  years  taken 
no  part  in  the  government,  such  was  his  prestige  as  the 
descendant  of  the  great  king,  that  it  was  felt  necessary  to 
obtain  his  investiture  for  the  new  Peshwa.  As  Vishvasrao 
was  dead,  the  next  heir  was  Balaji's  second  son  Madhavrao, 
known  in  history  as  Madhavrao  Ballal.  He  was  then  sixteen 
years  old,  and  nature  had  bestowed  on  him  a  ripe  judgment, 
a  high  spirit  and  the  talents  both  of  a  soldier  and  a  statesman. 
His  uncle  Raghunathrao  had  hoped  to  conduct  the  administra- 
tion in  Madhavrao's  name  until  his  nephew  reached  man's 
estate.  In  this  ambition  he  was  aided  and  abetted  by  two 
persons,  his  wife  Anandibai  and  his  friend  Sakharam  Bapu. 
Anandibai  was  a  beautiful  but  wicked  woman,  whom  Raghu- 
nathrao had  married  in  1755,  on  the  death  of  his  first  wife 
Jankibai.  Raghunathrao  remained  all  his  life  deeply  in  love 
with  her  and  still  more  deeply  in  fear  of  her.  Sakharam 
Bapu's  real  name  was  Sakharam  Bhagwant  Bokil  and  he  was 
Kulkarni  of  Hivare  ;  he  was  descended  from  Pantoji  Gopinath, 
who  had  helped  Shivaji  to  defeat  Afzul  Khan  at  Pratapgad. 
Madhavrao,  although  conscious  of  great  powers,  at  first 
acquiesced  in  his  uncle's  self-formed  regency.  Indeed,  the 
affairs  of  the  state  were  in  the  greatest  disorder.  There  was 
litttle  or  no  danger,  it  is  true,  from  the  north.  For  the 
Musulman  confederates  had  no  sooner  won  Panipat,  than  they 
began  to  quarrel  among  themselves.  Ahmad  Shah  Abdali  had 
taken  in  his  victory  all  Ibrahim  Khan  Gardi' s  artillery,  five 
hundred  elephants,  five  thousand  horses  and  twenty  thousand 


MADHAYRAQ    PESHWA 


\To  face  page  57.]; 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  MADHAVRAO  BALLAL  81 

bullocks ;  but  of  treasure  he  captured  little  or  none.  The 
result  was  that  when  he  reached  Delhi,  which  he  did  on  the 
21st  January  1761,  and  proposed  to  his  Afghans  that  he  should 
crown  himself  emperor,  they  broke  into  a  formidable  mutiny. 
They  demanded  their  arrears  of  pay,  which  had  accumulated 
during  the  previous  two  years.  He  contrived  to  appease  them 
for  a  time  by  a  forced  loan  of  forty  lakhs  from  Najib-ud- 
Daulat.  But  thereafter  he  confined  his  ambitions  to  the  pro- 
vinces of  Sind  and  the  Punjab.  He  acknowledged  the  fugitive 
prince  AH  Gohar  as  emperor  with  the  title  of  Shah  Alam  or 
"  Sovereign  of  the  Known  World",  appointed  Shuja-ud-Daula, 
who  had  gone  back  to  Oudh,  vazir  of  the  empire,  and  entrusted 
Delhi  and  the  royal  family  to  the  care  of  Najib-ud-Daulat.  On 
the  22nd  March  1761,  he  struck  his  camp  and  returned  to 
Afghanistan. 

But,  if  there  was  no  fear  from  the  conquerors  of  Panipat,  the 
gravest  danger  threatened  from  the  east.  Nizam  Ali,  who 
had  usurped  from  his  brother  Salabat  Jang  the  entire  admi- 
nistration of  the  Moghul  Deccan,  prepared  to  take  full  advan- 
tage of  the  situation.  In  his  design  he  was  favoured  by 
Tarabai,  who  openly  rejoiced  in  the  misfortunes  of  Balaji  and 
the  deaths  of  Sadashivrao  and  Vishvasrao.  The  Maratha 
chiefs  were  at  variance  with  the  Brahmans,  and  the  Brahmans 
from  above  the  Ghats  sided  with  the  Marathas  against  the 
Brahmans  of  the  Konkan.  Nizam  Ali  marched  with  all  speed 
towards  Poona,  destroying  and  defiling,  as  he  did  so,  the 
Hindu  temples  in  his  line  of  march.  This  conduct,  as  well  as 
the  judicious  offer  of  the  post  of  Senapati  or  commander-in- 
chief  in  the  Maratha  service,  induced  Ramchandra  Jadhav  to 
leave  Nizam  Ali  and  to  join  his  own  countrymen.  In  spite  of 
this  desertion,  Nizam  Ali  pressed  on  as  far  as  Urali,  a  few 
miles  from  Poona,  demanding  as  the  price  of  peace  the  can- 
cellation of  the  cessions  made  after  the  battle  of  Udgir. 
After  continuous  fighting  from  the  11th  November,  1761,  to 
the  8th  January  1762,  the  Nizam  was  glad  to  confirm  the 
treaty  of  Udgir  and  return  to  his  own  dominions.1 


1  Grant   Duff,  vol.    1,   p.  5,    says   that  Raghunathrao    relinquished 
27  lakhs  of  rupees  out  of  the  sixty-two  lakhs  granted  by  the  treaty  of 
Udgir ;  but  the  Bakhars  do  not  support  him.     Mr.  Sar  Desai  in  his 
11 


82  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

In  the  course    of    the   year   1762   Madhavrao    determined 
to  assert  his  rights.     He    was    now  seventeen  and  in  every 
way  fitted  to  conduct  successfully  the  administration.     Early 
in  the  year  he  had  been  as  far  as    Sira,   in  command  of  a 
Maratha  force,  to  collect  the  southern  tribute.     With  him  had 
gone  Trimbakrao  Vishvanath  Pethe,  the    maternal  uncle  of 
Sadashivrao,  affectionately  known  to  all  as  Trimbakrao  Mama, 
Baburao  Phadnis  and  Gopalrao  Govind  Patwardhan,  and  they 
had  urged  him  to  beware  of  his  aspiring  uncle.     Madhavrao 
now   demanded  a  fuller  share  in  the    government.     Raghu- 
nathrao  at  first  scorned,  and  afterwards  resented,  the  demand. 
On  the  advice  of  Sakharam  Bapu  he  resigned  his  office  as 
regent,  and  Sakharam  resigned  his  as  diwan,  confident  that 
without  them  Madhavrao  would  be  helpless  to  govern.     But 
they  entirely  misjudged  the  spirit  of  the  young  prince.     He  at 
once  assumed  the  supreme  control  of  the  government  in  place 
of  his  uncle,  gave  the  vacant  office  of  diwan  to  Trimbakrao 
Pethe,  and  appointed  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and  Balaji  Janardhan 
Bhanu  as  his  private  secretaries.     Balaji  Janardhan  Bhanu  is 
better  known  in  history  as  Nana  Phadnavis.     According  to 
the   Peshwa's  Bakhar,    his  grandfather  Balaji   and  his   great 
uncle  lived  at  Velas  in  the  Konkan,  and  gave  shelter  to  Balaji 
Vishvanath  when  he  fled  from  the  wrath  of  the  Sidis.     After- 
wards the  brothers  went  with  Balaji  Vishvanath  to  Shahu's 
court.     It  is,  in  any  case,  certain  that  for  three  generations  his 
family  had  held  high  office  ;  and  he  had  himself  been  brought 
up  in  the  companionship  both  of  Vishvasrao  and  of  Madhavrao. 
Although  only  nineteen,  he  had  seen  considerable  fighting  and 
had  been  on  field  service  both  in  the  Carnatic  and  Hindustan. 
He  had   taken  his  mother   north,    as   she  wished  to  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  Mathura  ;  and  in  this  way  both  had  been  caught 
up   in   Sadashivrao's   army.     Nana  Phadnavis    escaped  from 
Panipat  but  lost  his  mother  there.     He  made  every  effort  to 
recover  her,  meaning  to  take  her  back  if  pure,  or  to  drown 
her,  according  to  the  stern  Brahman  creed,  in  the  Ganges  if 
defiled.     At  last  he  learnt  from  her  servant  that  she  had  been 
killed  by  a  fall  from  her  horse,  as  she  strove  to  escape  from  the 


article  on  Madhavrao  in  the  July  number  of  the  Vividhdnan  Vistar  says 
that  Raghunathrao  granted  nothing.  This  seems  the  more  likely  in 
view  of  the  precarious  state  to  which  the  Moghuls  had  been  reduced. 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  MADHAVRAO  BALLAL  83 

mad  stream  of  fugitives  that  raced  back  to  Panipat.  Hari 
Ballal  Phadke  was  about  the  same  age  as  Nana  Phadnavis. 
He  was  the  son  of  a  poor  Brahman  called  Balambhat  Phadke, 
a  priest  in  the  household  of  Baburao  Bhanu,  Nana's  uncle. 
Nana  and  Hari  had  been  close  friends  from  childhood  and  this 
friendship  lasted  all  their  lives.  Besides  Nana  Phadnavis  and 
Hari  Phadke,  Madhavrao  appointed  Ramshastri  Prabhune, 
of  Mahuli  near  Satara,  head  of  his  judicial  department. 
Ramshastri's1  name  is  still  remembered  as  a  model  of  learning, 
uprightness  and  equity.  Lastly,  Gopalrao  Govind  Patwardhan 
promised  his  full  support  to  the  new  administration.  Raghu- 
nathrao  had  retired  to  Nasik  on  the  Godavari  and  was  hiding 
his  wrath  by  the  devoutness  of  his  worship  in  the  temple  of 
Kapileshwar.  That  temple  is  the  only  known  shrine  of  Shiva 
where  no  stone  image  of  the  bull  Nandikeshwar  will  be  found 
seated  opposite  the  mystic  sign  of  the  godhead.  The  bull's 
absence  is  explained  by  a  whimsical  and  charming  story.  On 
one  occasion  the  goddess  Parvati,  it  is  said,  put  her  hands 
over  her  husband  Shiva's  eyes  ;  but  the  great  god  was  in 
no  humour  for  fun.  He  opened  bis  third  eye  and  with  it 
burnt  up  the  sun,  the  earth,  and  last,  but  not  least,  the  god 
Brahmadev's  fifth  head.  When  Shiva  had  recovered  his 
temper,  he  restored  the  sun  and  the  earth,  but  he  was  not  able 
to  restore  the  fifth  head  of  Brahmadev.  As  a  punishment  for 
burning  off  another  god's  head,  he  was  condemned  always  to 
see  it  dancing  before  his  eyes.  The  punishment  was  a  very 
severe  one,  and,  to  rid  himself  of  the  vision,  Shiva  wandered 
all  over  India,  visiting  in  vain  shrine  after  shrine.  At  last  he 
came  to  the  banks  of  the  Godavari,  and  sat  down  to  rest  under 
a  tree.  As  he  sat,  he  overheard  a  conversation  between  a 
young  bull  and  a  staid  old  cow,  its  mother.  "  To-morrow  " 
said  the  old  cow  "  our  master  will  put  a  ring  through  your 
nose  and,  yoking  you  to  a  plough,  will  make  you  work  for  the 
rest  of  your  life  ".  The  young  bull  answered  scornfully  that,  if 
its  master  acted  so,  it  would  gore  him  to  death.  The  mother 
remonstrated  that  the  master  was  a  Brahman.  "  Never  mind," 
said  the  young  bull,  "  I  know  how  to  purify  myself  even  from 
the  deadly  sin   of  Brahman-murder ".     The  god  Shiva   was 


1  For  a  fuller  account  of  Ramshastri  see  appendix  B  to  chapter  68, 


84  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

deeply   interested.     He  thought  to  himself  that,  if  the  bull 
could  purify  itself  from  Brahman  murder,  he  (Shiva)  could,  by 
doing  what  it  did,  purify  himself  from  the  sin  of  having  burnt 
off  one  of  Brahmadev's  five  heads.     He  went  away,  but  next 
morning  returned  to  the  spot  where  he  had  heard  the  conver- 
sation.    In   a   little   time   the   Brahman   came  and    tried    to 
fasten  the  ring  in  the  young  bull's  nose.     The  graceless  beast 
threw  him  on  his  back  and  gored  him  to  death.     From  being 
pure  white,  it  became  black  with  sin.     Galloping  off  with  its 
tail  in  the  air,  it  plunged  into  the  pool  in  the  Godavari  river 
where  the  divine  hero  Ramchandra  had  performed  the  obse- 
quies of  his  dead  father.     Such  was  the  holiness  of  the  water 
that  the  bull  became  pure  white,  save  only  the  tip  of  its  tail. 
This  it  had  held  in  the  air  to  shew  its  defiant  spirit.     The  god 
Shiva  watched  the  incident  closely  and  immediately  afterwards 
plunged  into  the  same  pool.     The  same  moment  the  vision  that 
had  haunted  him  disappeared.     To  commemorate  the  punish- 
ment and  the  release  of  the  god  Shiva  there  was  built  close  to 
the  place  where  these  events  occurred  the  temple  of  Kapileshwar 
or  the  god  of  the  head.     It  is  the  only  temple  in  India,  as  I 
have  said,  where  no  bull  kneels  reverently  in  front  of  the  god. 
For,  whereas  in  other  spots  the  bull  is  regarded  as  Shiva's 
servant,  there  the  bull  is  regarded  as  the  great  god's  teacher. 
The  charm  of  this  delightful  legend  was,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
lost  on  the  Maratha  Achilles,   as  he  sulked  on  the  banks  of 
the  Godavari.     Less  fortunate  than  his  prototype,  he  found 
that  his  absence  produced  none  of  the  calamities  that  he  had 
anticipated.     Sakharam  Bapu  was  deeply  hurt   at  his  super- 
session by  Trimbakrao  Pethe.     Lastly,  the  beautiful  and  ambi- 
tious Anandibai  resented  her    husband's   descent  from  the 
regency  to  private  life.     Yielding  to  his  anger  and  the  counsels 
of  his  friend  and  his  wife,  Raghunathrao  sought  the  help  of 
the  Nizam  against  his  own  nephew.     Leaving  Nasik.  he  went 
to  Aurangabad,  where  the  governor,  Murad  Khan  received  him 
in  state  and  gave  him  a  large  contingent  of  Moghul  troops. 
A  treaty  known  as  the  treaty  of  Pedgaon  was  entered  into 
between  Raghunathrao,  and   Nizam   Ali,   who    in   1761   had 
deposed  his  brother  Salabat  Jang1  and  was  now   Nizam   of 


•  Nizam  Ali  murdered  Salabat  Jang  in  1763. 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  MADHAVRAO  BALLAL  85 

Haidarabad.  The  price  of  Moghul  help  was  the  reduction  by 
fifty-one  lakhs  annually  of  the  cessions  made  by  the  treaty  of 
Udgir,  and  the  surrender  of  Daulatabad,  Shivner,  Ahmadnagar 
and  Asirgad.  Many  Maratha  chiefs,  including  Janoji  Bhosle, 
despised  Madhavrao  as  a  child  and  supported  Raghunathrao. 
Madhavrao  equipped  such  forces  as  he  could,  and  the  two 
armies  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghodnadi  river  a  series  of 
actions  between  the  7th  and  12th  November  1762.  At  last 
Madhavrao,  despairing  of  successful  resistance,  went  unattend- 
ed to  his  uncle's  camp  and  gave  himself  into  his  uncle's  power, 
rather  than  continue  a  quarrel  profitable  to  his  country's 
enemies.  To  do  Raghunathrao  justice,  he  took  no  unfair 
advantage  of  his  nephew's  act.  He  put  him  under  surveil- 
lance, but  treated  him  with  every  courtesy.  He  made  no  effort 
to  depose  him,  but  took  over  the  administration  in  Madhav- 
rao's  name,  giving  out  that  his  young  nephew  had  been  misled 
by  the  advice  of  interested  intriguers.  He  displaced  Trimbak- 
rao  Pethe  and  restored  Sakharam  Bapu.  With  him  he  asso- 
ciated Balwantrao  Mahadev  Purandare,  to  whom  he  gave  back  the 
great  fort  of  Purandar.  He  degraded  Nana  Phadnavis'  cousin 
Moroba  from  the  family  office  of  the  Peshwa's  phadnavis  or 
chief  secretary,  and  gave  it  to  Chinto  Vithal  Rairikar.  He 
attached  the  estate  of  Bhavanrao  (also  known  as  Shrinivas) 
Pratinidhi,  who  had  succeeded  his  uncle  Jagjivan,  and  gave 
it  to  Naro  Shankar  Dani,  who  had  disgraced  himself  at  Delhi, 
to  manage  for  his  own  infant  son  Bhaskarrao,  born  to  him  and 
Anandibai  on  the  26th  February  1762.  Lastly,  he  took  Miraj 
by  storm  from  Gopalrao  Govind  Patwardhan  and  confiscated 
his  entire  estate. 

The  evil  example  set  by  Raghunathrao  was  now  followed 
by  his  opponents.  The  Nizam's  diwan  was  at  this  time  a 
singularly  astute  individual  named  Vithal  Sundar  Raje 
Pratapwant,  a  Yajurvedi  Deshasth  Brahman.1  He  invited  all 
the  discontented  Maratha  leaders  to  join  Nizam  Ali,  and 
Gopalrao  Patwardhan,  Bhavanrao  Pratinidhi,  the  Nimbalkars, 
Moroba  Phadnavis  and  his  father  Baburao,  Janoji  Bhosle  and 


1  He  was  one  of  the  3|  wise  men  of  the  Deccan.  Sakharam  Bapu 
was  another  and  Divaji  Pant  was  the  third.  Nana  Phadnavis  was  the 
half.     It  was  a  case  where  the  half  proved  greater  than  the  whole. 


86  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

a  host  of  others  accepted  the  invitation.  Indeed,  of  all  the 
recent  adherents  of  Madhavrao,  only  Nana  Phadnavis  and 
Hari  Phadke  remained  loyal  to  their  country.  With  this 
formidable  accession  of  strength,  the  Nizam  believed  himself 
capable  of  overthrowing  the  Maratha  state.  He  denounced 
the  treaties  of  Udgir  and  Pedgaon,  and  proclaimed  his  intention 
of  removing  from  the  regency  the  Chitpavan  Bhats  and  sub- 
stituting for  them  Janoji  Bhosle  of  Nagpur.  The  kingdom  of 
Shivaji  would  then  once  more  be  in  the  hands  of  a  Bhosle. 
The  Nizam  would  have  been  better  advised  had  he  declared 
himself  the  champion  of  Madhavrao  ;  for,  by  threatening  the 
removal  of  the  Chitpavan  Bhats,  he  drove  Madhavrao  into  his 
uncle's  arms,  who  then  had  the  help  of  his  nephew's  clear  and 
resolute  mind.  Raghunathrao  had  also  the  experienced  aid 
of  Damaji  Gaikvad  and  Malharrao  Holkar,  and  at  their  advice 
he  opposed  to  the  invasion  the  old  Maratha  tactics.  Evading 
a  general  action,  he  slipped  past  Nizam  Ali  and  besieged 
Aurangabad.  Failing  to  take  it,  he  led  his  army  into  Berar, 
where  they  plundered  the  estates  of  Janoji  Bhosle.  From 
Berar  they  roamed  up  and  down,  laying  waste  the  Moghul 
territories  and  extorting  contributions  of  grain  and  money. 
Nizam  Ali  at  first  pursued  them  in  vain.  He  then  changed 
his  tactics  and  marched  straight  for  Poona,  while  Raghunath- 
rao, in  turn,  marched  against  Haidarabad.  The  threat  did  not 
divert  the  Nizam  from  his  goal.  He  marched  unopposed  to 
the  Maratha  capital,  whose  inhabitants  fled  panic-stricken  to 
Sinhgad.  Camping  outside  Poona,  he  allowed  his  army  to 
plunder  it,  and  pulled  down  or  burnt  every  house  not  ransomed 
by  its  owner.  He  then  marched  eastward,  devastating  the 
country  between  Purandar  fort  and  the  Bhima  river.  In  the 
meantime  Raghunathrao  had  reached  Haidarabad,  but  had 
made  no  impression  on  its  fortifications.  After  levying  two 
lakhs  from  its  suburbs,  he  followed  Sakharam  Bapu's  advice 
and  entrusted  to  that  statesman  the  task  of  winning  back  to 
their  duty  the  Maratha  officers  in  the  Nizam's  army. 
Sakharam  Bapu  was  first  successful  with  Janoji  Bhosle,  to 
whom  he  disclosed  the  treachery  of  Nizam  Ali.  The  latter, 
while  Vithal  Sundar  had  promised  the  regency  to  Janoji 
Bhosle,  had  himself  offered  it  secretly  to  the  Raja  of 
Kolhapur. 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  MADHAVRAO  BALLAL  87 

Instead  of  a  doubtful  chance  of  the  regency,  Sakharam  Bapu 
offered  Janoji  Bhosle  an  estate  worth  thirty-two  lakhs  a  year 
out  of  the  territory  ceded  after  Udgir.  Janoji,  in  turn, 
corrupted  the  other  Maratha  leaders  with  the  Nizam  and  they 
agreed  to  desert  on  the  first  favourable  opportunity.  Elated 
by  the  success  of  Sakharam  Bapu's  negotiations,  Raghu- 
nathrao  hung  on  the  flank  of  the  Nizam's  army,  as  he  retired 
to  Aurangabad,  where  he  proposed  to  pass  the  monsoon.  On 
reaching  a  spot  calied  Rakshasabhavan,  or  demon  land,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Godavari  then  in  flood,  Nizam  Ali  crossed  with 
half  his  army,  leaving  his  diwan  on  the  other  bank  with  a 
considerable  force,  including  a  chosen  body  of  seven  thousand 
Afghans  and  all  the  Maratha  contingents.  At  this  point  Janoji 
Bhosle,  whose  troops  were  in  arrears,  picked  a  quarrel  with 
Vithal  Sundar  and  withdrew.  The  other  Maratha  leaders 
pleaded  the  monsoon  as  a  ground  for  returning  to  their  fiefs. 
These  desertions  were  the  signal  awaited  by  Raghunathrao. 
On  the  10th  August  1763,  he  attacked  Vithal  Sundar's  isolated 
force  with  the  utmost  fury.  The  Afghan  troops  defended  them- 
selves bravely,  and  Vithal  Sundar's  leadership  so  inspired  his 
men  that  they  repulsed  the  attack  and  surrounded  Raghu- 
nathrao and  his  favourite  officer,  a  Prabhu  called  Sakharam  Hari 
Gupte,  who  were  seated  on  the  same  elephant.  In  the  rear  of 
the  Maratha  army  was  Madhavrao  in  nominal  command,  but 
really  the  prisoner,  of  fifteen  hundred  household  troops.  At 
this  point  the  day  seemed  lost  and  the  battle  of  Rakshasabhavan 
a  mere  repetition  of  Panipat.  Malharrao  Holkar,  whose  corps 
was  in  flight,  came  up  to  Madhavrao,  who  asked  his  advice. 
"Come  with  me  to  Poona "  was  the  reply,  "there  a  throne 
awaits  you."  The  old  soldier  little  guessed  the  heroic  spirit  that 
flamed  within  the  breast  of  the  young  Peshwa.  Turning  furi- 
ously on  Holkar,  he  said  in  a  white  heat  of  passion,  "  They 
spoke  the  truth  then,  who  said  that  you  were  the  cause 
of  Sadashivrao's  defeat  and  death  at  Panipat."  Calling  on  his 
fifteen  hundred  men  to  follow  him,  and  rallying  every  fugitive 
he  met,  the  boy-prince  charged  Vithal  Sundar's  Afghans  ad- 
vancing in  the  disorder  of  victory.  Fortune  instantly  changed 
sides.  The  household  troops  cut  their  way  to  Raghunathrao's 
elephant  and  he  once  more  took  command  of  the  army.  Vithal 
Sundar,  trying  to  re-form  his  men,  fell  shot  through  the  chest. 


88  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Nizam  AH  tried  to  re-cross  the  Godavari,  but  in  vain ;  and 
half  his  army,  a  moment  before  victorious,  was  slain,  driven 
in  headlong  flight,  or  drowned  in  the  flood  of  the  swollen  river. 
Nizam  Ali  withdrew  to  Aurangabad,  which  Raghunathrao 
tried  unsuccessfully  to  storm,  and  then  besieged.  Nizam  Ali 
was  in  grave  peril.  At  any  moment  a  conspiracy  might  free 
his  elder  brother  Salabat  Jang  and  restore  him  to  the 
throne.  He  therefore  took  the  step  of  visiting  Raghunathrao 
in  person,  imploring  his  pardon  and  throwing  the  blame  of  his 
late  errors  on  the  unfortunate  Vithal  Sundar.  Rughunathrao, 
save  when  under  his  wife's  influence,  was  the  simplest  and 
best  natured  of  men.  He  was  completely  deceived  by  the 
feigned  penitence  of  Nizam  Ali,  forgave  him  everything  and 
was  still  willing  to  give  him  the  lands  ceded  by  the  treaty  of 
Pedgaon.  Of  these,  however,  lands  yielding  thirty-two  lakhs 
had  been  assigned  to  Janoji  Bhosle,  so  that  only  land  yielding 
nineteen  lakhs  remained  in  Raghunathrao's  gift.  These  he 
gave  ;  but  afterwards  he  was  induced  by  his  own  advisers 
to  limit  the  grant  to  one  of  only  ten  lakhs.1 

The  claims  of  Madhavrao,  whose  gallantry  had  changed  the 
battle  of  Rakshasabhavan  from  a  defeat  into  a  victory,  could 
no  longer  be  ignored.  Raghunathrao,  genuinely  grateful, 
freed  his  nephew  from  surveillance  and  accorded  him  a 
large  share  of  power.  Madhavrao's  first  step  was  to  correct 
the  errors  that  had  estranged  so  many  Marathas  from  the 
Peshwa's  cause.  He  restored  Miraj  to  Gopalrao  Patwardhan 
and,  on  Bhaskarrao's  death  later  in  the  year,  the  office  of 
prathinidhi  to  Bhavanrao.  The  post  of  phadnavis  was  not 
given  back  to  Moroba,  but  it  was  bestowed  on  Nana  Phad- 
navis, his  undivided  cousin.  As  head  of  the  state,  it  fell  to 
Madhavrao  to  bestow  on  Janoji  Bhosle  the  title-deeds  for 
thirty-five  lakhs'  worth  of  territory.  As  he  did  so,  he  openly 
and  vehemently  upbraided  the  recreant  Maratha,  and  con- 
demned in  the  harshest  terms  the  recent  treacheries  of  Bhosle 
and  his  accomplices.  Having  thus  in  no  uncertain  way  in- 
augurated his  accession  to  power,  he  proceeded  to  exercise 
it  with  a  genius  and  vigour  that  placed  him  in  the  affections 
of  his  countrymen  only  second  to  the  great  king  himself. 

1  This  is  known  as  the  treaty  of  Aurangabad. 


CHAPTER  LV 

MADHAVRAO'S  FIRST  AND  SECOND  MYSORE 
WARS,  AND  SECOND  CIVIL  WAR 

While  the  Maratha  power  had  been  reduced  by  the  defeat  of 
Panipat,  the  war  with  Nizam  Ali  and  internal  dissensions, 
Haidar  Ali's  power  had  grown  in  the  most  extraordinary 
manner.  We  have  seen  how  in  1760  he  returned  to  Seringa- 
patam  after  the  not  unsuccessful  contest  withGopalrao  Govind 
Patwardhan.  After  his  return  the  young  raja,  Chikka  Krishna- 
raj  of  Mysore  and  his  mother  sought  to  use  Haidar  Ali  to 
displace  Nandraj,  the  all-powerful  Dalwai.  This  difficult  task, 
Haidar  Ali,  aided  by  an  able  Deccan  Brahman  called  Khande- 
rao,  successfully  accomplished.  But,  having  seized  the  power, 
he  declined  to  relinquish  it  and  kept  the  raja  as  dependent  as 
before.  The  king  and  his  mother  then  won  over  Khanderao, 
who  allied  himself  with  Visaji  Krishna  Biniwala  (commonly 
known  as  Visaji  Pandit),  the  commander  of  the  Maratha  troops 
in  the  fourteen  districts.  But  in  1761,  the  disaster  of  Panipat 
led  to  Visaji  Pandit's  recall,  and  thereafter  Haidar  Ali,  by  a 
combination  of  trickery  and  military  skill  probably  never 
equalled,  overcame  Khanderao1  and,  confining  him  in  a  cage, 
became  sole  master  of  the  Mysore  kingdom.  Subsequently 
he  seized  Bednur  and,  in  consideration  of  a  payment  of  three 
lakhs,  induced  Basalat  Jang,  the  brother  of  Salabat  Jang,  to 


1  Khanderao  proved  Haidar  Ali's  equal  in  the  field,  but  he  was 
overcome  by  a  strategy  worthy  of  Aurangzib.  Haidar  Ali  first  won 
over  to  his  cause  Nandraj,  the  displaced  minister,  and  then  fabricated 
letters  in  Nandraj's  name  to  Khanderao's  officers,  desiring  them  to 
surrender  Khanderao  in  accordance  with  the  pre-arranged  agreement. 
The  bearer  of  these  letters  let  himself  be  caught.  When  Khanderao 
read  the  letters  he  fled  in  terror  to  the  raja,  leaving  the  army  to  shift  for 
itself.  Haidar  Ali  then  attacked  it  and  won  an  easy  victory.  The  raja 
surrendered  Khanderao  on  Haidar  Ali's  promise  to  care  for  him  as  he 
would  a  pet  parrot.  This  promise  Haidar  Ali  kept.  On  his  surrender 
Khanderao  was  confined  in  a  cage  and  fed  on  rice  and  water  until  his 
death.  Bowring's  Haidar  Ali,  p.  33, 
12 


90  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

confer  on  him  the  Nawabship  of  Sira,  which  had  become  a 
Maratha  dependency.  In  1762,  Haidar  Ali  on  the  strength  of 
this  grant  drove  the  Maratha  garrison  out  and  installed  himself 
as  Nawab  of  Sira  with  the  title  of  Haidar  Ali  Khan  Bahadur. 
He  had  also  tried  to  win  to  his  alliance  the  Nawab  of  Savanur. 
On  the  latter' s  refusal  to  break  his  treaty  with  the  Marathas, 
Haidar  Ali  laid  waste  his  lands  and  drove  the  Maratha  garrison 
from  Dharwar.  In  the  end  Haidar  Ali's  lieutenant,  Fazl  Ali 
Khan  extended  his  frontier  as  far  as  the  Krishna  river.  These 
continual  insults  to  the  Maratha  flag  forced  Madhavrao  to  make 
his  first  campaign  in  the  Carnatic. 

Madhavrao  ordered   Gopalrao  Patwardhan,  whose   frontier 
as  chief  of  Miraj  extended  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  Krishna 
river,  to  check  Fazl  Ali  Khan's  advance  ;  and  for  this  purpose 
sent  him  a  strong  reinforcement  from  Poona.     Patwardhan' s 
army  was  superior  to  Fazl  Ali  Khan's  in  numbers,  although 
not  in  quality  ;  and  in  April  1764  he  was  tempted  to  engage 
Fazl  Ali  Khan  in  a  general  action  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Peshwa,  and  was    severely  defeated.     Madhavrao   had  been 
delayed  by   Raghunathrao's  insistent  claim  to  command  the 
army.     This  claim  Madhavrao  with  the  utmost  courtesy  heard 
and  rejected.     In  this  difference  Sakharam  Bapu  supported 
the  nephew  against  the  uncle,  and  Raghunathrao,  overruled, 
again  left  Poona  in  disgust  and  went  back  to  Nasik.    Madhav- 
rao was  now  free  to  lead  the  army  of  the  Carnatic.     Early  in 
May  1764,   the  gallant   young    Peshwa   with   thirty  to   forty 
thousand  horse,  an  equal  number  of  infantry  and  a  great  train 
of  artillery,  crossed  the  Krishna.     Fazl  Ali  Khan  fell  back  on 
Haidar  Ali's  main  army,  which  lay  in  an  entrenched  camp 
between   Savanur   and   Bednur.     Haidar   Ali's   force,    which 
consisted  of  twenty  thousand  cavalry,  twenty  thousand  discip- 
lined infantry   and  twenty  thousand  irregulars,  was  greatly 
outnumbered.     But  Haidar  Ali  hoped  that  his  enemy  might  be 
induced  to  attack  his  entrenchments,  and  concentrated  his  men 
within  his  camp.     Madhavrao  wisely  declined  to  send  his  men 
against  a  fortified  position,   and,  by  sending  his  cavalry  in 
every  direction,  soon  cut  Haidar  Ali's  communications.     At 
the  same  time  he  sent  detachments  which  rapidly  recovered 
the  Maratha  districts  seized  by  Haidar  Ali  Khan.     Haidar  Ali 
then  changed  his  tactics  and  led  out  in  person  twenty  thousand 


SECOND  MYSORE  WAR,  AND  SECOND  CIVIL  WAR       91 

men,  intending  by  a  feigned  retreat  to  lead  his  enemy  to 
attack  his  camp.  Madhavrao  used  Haidar  Ali's  own  ruse  to 
compass  his  defeat.  Swarms  of  Maratha  cavalry  led  Haidar 
Ali  several  miles  from  his  camp,  while  the  main  Maratha 
army  closed  in  on  his  flanks  and  rear.  Only  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  and  after  suffering  immense  losses  did  Haidar  Ali 
succeed  in  extricating  himself.  He  fell  back  on  his  camp, 
which  Madhavrao  invested.  A  few  days  later  Haidar  Ali,  in 
the  hope  of  cutting  off  one  of  Madhavrao's  detachments, 
moved  out  with  a  thousand  cavalry,  two  thousand  picked 
infantry  and  four  light  guns.  He  was  attacked  and  so  severely 
defeated  that  of  his  force  only  he  and  fifty  cavalry  escaped. 

The  investment  of  the  camp  continued  until  the  middle  of 
June  1764,  when  the  violence  of  the  monsoon  forced  Madhav- 
rao to  raise  the  siege  and  to  canton  his  troops  to  the  east  of 
Savanur.  But  before  the  monsoon  ended,  Madhavrao  passed 
large  detachments  over  the  Tungabhadra  river  and  reduced 
the  eastern  districts  of  Bednur  and  the  western  districts  of 
Mysore,  while  the  dispirited  army  of  Haidar  Ali  helplessly 
watched  his  operations  from  their  camp.  Early  in  1765, 
Madhavrao  renewed  the  investment  with  such  vigour  that 
Haidar  Ali  abandoned  his  camp  and  retreated  on  Mysore.  He 
experienced  the  usual  fate  of  those  who  have  retreated  before 
a  Maratha  army.  Three  days  after  the  retreat  had  begun 
Madhavrao  intercepted  it  and  forced  Haidar  Ali  to  a  general 
action.  The  result  was  a  great  Maratha  victory.  In  killed 
alone  Haidar  Ali  lost  three  thousand  cavalry  and  six  thousand 
infantry,  and  the  shattered  remnants  of  his  army  fled  in  the 
utmost  disorder  to  the  woods.  The  garrisons  of  the  Bednur 
fortresses,  Ikkeri  and  Anantpur  surrendered  after  a  feeble 
resistance,  and  Haidar  Ali  with  such  troops  as  he  could  rally 
took  refuge  in  Bednur.  By  this  time  Raghunathrao  had  on 
Madhavrao's  invitation  taken  over  the  command  of  the  army, 
and  to  him  the  desperate  adventurer  made  overtures  of  peace. 
Now,  if  ever,  was  the  time  to  have  destroyed  this  formidable 
foe.  But  the  treacherous  Raghunathrao  was  anxious  to  secure 
a  retreat  for  himself,  should  his  ambitious  spirit  find  no  scope 
in  his  own  country.  He  therefore  granted  a  most  favoura- 
ble peace.  All  that  Haidar  Ali  was  required  to  do  was  to 
restore  to  Murarirao  the  fortress  of  Gooti  and  the  surrounding 


92  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

districts,  which  he  had  taken  from  him  on  Murarirao's  recent 
desertion  to  the  Peshwa  ;  to  give  up  all  claims  on  Savanur, 
and  to  pay  thirty-two  lakhs  of  rupees  by  way  of  indemnity. 
On  Murarirao  the  Peshwa  was  to  confer  the  title  of  Senapati 
or  commander-in-chief,  in  honour  of  his  gallant  kinsman 
Santaji  Ghorpade.  Madhavrao  was  not  consulted  as  to  the 
terms  of  peace,  which  were  conveyed  by  Naro  Shankar  Dani, 
who  at  the  same  time  entered  on  Raghunathrao's  behalf  into 
a  secret  understanding  with  Haidar  Ali.  Nevertheless  the 
honourable  boy,  although  rightly  incensed,  would  not  repudiate 
the  treaty  ;  and  in  February  1765,  upon  receipt  of  the  thirty- 
five  lakhs,  he  began  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  the  frontiers 
of  Mysore.     By  June  1765  he  was  back  in  Poona. 

Madhavrao  had  acquiesced  in  the  grant  of  lands  worth 
thirty-two  lakhs  a  year  to  Janoji  Bhosle  ;  but  he  had  not 
forgiven  the  treachery  by  which  it  had  been  acquired.  Nor 
had  Janoji' s  subsequent  conduct  been  such  as  to  merit  for- 
giveness. Resenting  the  public  rebuke  given  him  by  the 
young  Peshwa,  he  had  been  in  constant  communication  with 
Raghunathrao's  wife  Anandibai  in  the  hope  of  instigating  her 
husband  to  a  fresh  rebellion.  The  secret  service  of  Madhav- 
rao was  excellent  and  he  was  fully  aware  of  Janoji  Bhosle's 
seditious  correspondence.  Determined  to  punish  him,  he 
found  an  ally  ready  to  hand  in  Nizam  Ali,  who  felt  justly 
indignant  at  the  perfidy  that  had  cost  him  the  defeat  of 
Rakshasabhavan.  Nizam  Ali,  too,  was  free  to  act  with 
vigour.  He  had  murdered  one  brother,  Salabat  Jang,  and  had 
reduced  to  obedience  his  other  brother,  Basalat  Jang,  who, 
after  his  dismissal  from  the  post  of  diwan,  had  tried  to  carve 
out  for  himself  a  kingdom  in  the  Carnatic.  He  readily  listen- 
ed to  Madhavrao's  proposals,  and  in  the  cold  weather  of 
1765-1766.  a  combined  army  of  Marathas  and  Moghuls 
invaded  Berar,  and  on  the  4th  January  1766  forced  Janoji  to 
surrender  three-quarters  of  the  grants  of  thirty-two  lakhs  given 
him  for  his  desertion.  Of  the  twenty-four  lakhs  thus  sur- 
rendered, Nizam  Alisecured  fifteen  lakhs  in  return  for  a  secret 
understanding  to  help  Madhavrao  in  a  campaign  against  Haidar 
Ali.  Nizam  Ali,  however,  was  a  broken  reed.  So  far  from 
giving  Madhavrao  any  assistance,  he  entered  into  a  secret 
understanding   with   Lord   Clive    to   compass   not  only   the 


SECOND  MYSORE  WAR,  AND  SECOND  CIVIL  WAR       93 

downfall  of  Haidar  Ali  but  the  defeat  of  the  Marathas.  Nor 
was  this  all.  Nizam  Ali,  at  the  same  time,  allied  himself  with 
Haidar  Ali  to  conquer  Arcot  from  Mahomed  Ali.  These 
facts  were  soon  known  to  Madhavrao,  and  in  the  cold  weather 
of  1766  he  determined  to  act  without  his  perfidious  con- 
federate. Haidar  Ali  feared  to  meet  the  Marathas  in  the 
field,  and  tried  to  stay  their  advance  by  destroying  the 
reservoirs,  poisoning  the  wells,  and  laying  waste  the  country. 
But  his  orders  were  not  properly  carried  out.  Madhavrao's 
force,  hardly  distressed  by  Haidar  Ali's  measures,  overran 
the  countryside,  and  by  the  end  of  March  took  Sira,  Ouscotta 
and  Mudgiri.  At  the  same  time  Nizam  Ali  and  the  English 
threatened  to  cross  Haidar  Ali's  northern  and  southern  front- 
iers. Haidar  Ali  sent  a  Brahman  called  Appaji  Ram  to  throw 
himself  on  Madhavrao's  mercy.  The  envoy's  ready  wit  and 
diplomatic  skill  won  the  fancy  of  the  young  prince  and  he 
agreed  to  evacuate  the  occupied  districts  on  payment  of 
thirty-five  lakhs  of  rupees.  Half  was  paid  in  March  1767. 
For  the  remaining  seventeen  and  a  half  lakhs  the  district  of 
Kolar  was  pledged.  The  balance  was  duly  paid  in  May  1767, 
and  Madhavrao  returned  in  triumph  to  Poona.  The  demands 
of  the  English  and  Nizam  Ali  to  share  in  the  spoils  were  very 
properly  rejected. 

While  Madhavrao  had  thus  been  heightening  in  the  Carnatic 
his  reputation  as  a  skilful  commander,  Raghunathrao  had  met 
with  misfortune  in  the  north.  It  was  the  young  Peshwa's 
ambition  to  avenge  Panipat  and  recover  Delhi.  But  he  held 
the  wise  view  that  he  should  finish  his  work  in  the  Carnatic 
before  attempting  another  more  arduous  task  in  the  north. 
Raghunathrao,  however,  urged  an  immediate  advance  north- 
ward, and  obtained  from  his  nephew  the  command  of  a 
considerable  force.  In  January  1766,  he  marched  for  Delhi, 
accompanied  by  Malharrao  Holkar.  Unhappily  for  the  success 
of  the  expedition,  the  latter,  wise  and  experienced  in  northern 
warfare,  died  on  the  10th  May  1766,  at  Alampur,  leaving 
behind  him  the  reputation  of  a  dashing,  and  above  all  an  open- 
handed,  generous,  leader. 

Deprived  of  his  counsels,  Raghunathrao  failed  to  achieve 
anything.  The  Jats  successfully  disputed  the  crossing  of  the 
Chambal  river.     Raghunathrao,  to  punish  the  Jats,  turned  from 


94  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

the  north  and  invested  Gohad.     It  was  successfully  defended 
by  the  Rana,  who  from  an  obscure  landholder  had  risen  after 
Panipat  to  considerable  power.     At  last,  after  a  lengthy  siege, 
in  the  course  of  which  the  lives  of  his  men  and  the  contents  of 
his  treasure-chest  were  alike  squandered,  Raghunathrao  was 
glad   to   accept   three  lakhs   of   rupees  as   the    price   of  his 
departure.     He  reached  the   Deccan  in  June   1767,   after  an 
improvident  and  futile  campaign  of  eighteen  months,  shortly 
after  his  victorious  nephew.     Angry  alike  at  his  own  failure 
and  at  Madhavrao's  success,  he  again  turned  a  willing  ear  to 
the  poisonous  counsels  of  Anandibai.     He  talked  openly  of 
becoming  a  religious  ascetic  and  of   retiring  to  Benares  or 
Nasik,  that  he  might  pass  his  remaining  years  in  penances 
and  austerities  ;  at  the  same  time  he  entered  into  correspond- 
ence with  Janoji  Bhosle.     Madhavrao,  aware  of  his  uncle's 
treasonable  activity,  offered  him  a  jaghir  round  Trimbak  worth 
twelve  lakhs  a  year,  and  the  forts  of  Aundhe  and  Trimbak  ; 
but  nothing  would  satisfy  Raghunathrao    short   of   half   the 
Maratha  empire.     This  ridiculous  demand  Madhavrao  sternly 
rejected  and  he  watched  his  uncle's  movements  closely.     Un- 
aware or  disdainful  of  his  nephew's  observation,   Raghunath- 
rao raised  fifteen  thousand  men  and  obtained  contingents  from 
Damaji  Gaikvad  and  Holkar's  diwan,  Gangadhar  Yashwant. 
He  also  received  promises  of  powerful  support  from  Janoji 
Bhosle.     Long   before   the  latter   could   give    Raghunathrao 
substantial  aid,  Madhavrao    was    on    the    march    northward 
with  a  numerous  army.     On  the  10th  June  1768,  he  surprised 
his  uncle's  force  in  an  open  plain  near  Dhodap  fort  close   to 
Nasik.    Raghunathrao' s  levies,  outnumbered  and  outgeneraled, 
were    driven   into   the   fort   and  there   forced   to   capitulate. 
Raghunathrao  was  taken  prisoner  and   sent   to  the  Shanwar 
palace    at    Poona.      He   was   allowed   to   see  his   wife,    and 
his  recently-adopted  son  Amritrao  ;  but  he  was  not  permitted 
to  leave  the  precincts  of  the  palace  or  without  permission  to 
see  other  visitors.     The  charge   of  the   state   prisoner  was 
entrusted  to  Nana  Phadnavis. 

Having  crushed  Raghunathrao,  it  remained  for  the  Peshwa 
to  reduce  Janoji  Bhosle  to  complete  obedience.  He  first 
renewed  his  alliance  with  Nizam  Ali  and,  skilfully  masking  his 
real  intention  both  from  Haidar  Ali  and  the  English,  suddenly 


SECOND  MYSORE  WAR,  AND  SECOND  CIVIL  WAR       95 

led  a  combined  Maratha  and  Moghul  army  into  Berar  by 
the  road  that  leads  past  Basim  and  Karanja.  Janoji  Bhosle  at 
first  ordered  his  subhedar  to  oppose  them,  but  his  troops  were 
beaten  and  their  commander  killed.  Janoji  then  adopted 
different  tactics.  He  conducted  a  guerilla  warfare  for  some 
time  with  success,  but  came  to  realize  that  it  was  impossible 
for  him  to  fight  for  ever  against  the  immense  resources  of  his 
enemies.     He  sued  for,  and  was  granted,  peace. 

On  the  23rd  March  1769,  Janoji  Bhosle  signed  an  agreement 
at  Kankapur,  by  which  he  abandoned  the  remainder  of  the 
lands  assigned  to  him  as  a  return  for  his  desertion  at  Rakh- 
shasabhavan.  His  military  establishment  was  fixed  at  a  cer- 
tain figure  and  could  not  be  increased  without  the  Peshwa's 
leave  ;  he  was  forbidden  to  correspond  with  the  Nizam,  the 
English,  the  emperor,  or  the  Nawab  of  Oudh,  and  he  was 
required  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  five  lakhs  and  one  rupee  in 
five  annual  instalments.  He  was  in  fact  reduced  to  the  condi- 
tion of  a  subordinate  ally,  who  could  claim  help  if  his  terri- 
tories were  invaded  but  to  whom  no  independent  relations 
with  foreign  powers  were  permitted.  The  Peshwa  had  now 
humbled  his  enemies  at  home  and  he  was  once  more  at  liberty 
to  consider  Maratha  affairs  abroad. 


CHAPTER  LVI 

MADHAVRAO'S  THIRD  MYSORE  WAR  AND 
PROGRESS  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  DELHI 

While  Madhavrao  had  been  engaged  in  reducing  to  obedience 
Raghunathrao  and  Janoji  Bhosle,  Haidar  Ali  had  resumed  his 
activities.      By  a  series  of  skilfully-fought  actions  he  forced 
the  English  at  Madras  to  enter  with  him  into  a  defensive 
alliance  aimed  directly  against  the  Marathas,  although  their 
name  did   not   appear    in    the   treaty.     Encouraged  by   this 
success,  Haidar  resumed  offensive  action  against  the  Peshwa. 
Regardless  of  his  previous   engagements,    he   withheld    the 
promised  tribute  and  marched  on  Savanur,  levying  contribu- 
tions as  he  went.     The  Peshwa's  fortunate  campaign  against 
Janoji  Bhosle  left  him  free  in  the  cold  weather  of  1769,  to 
chastise  the  faithless  invader.     Directly  Haidar  Ali  heard  that 
the  Maratha  armies  were  in  motion,   he  retired  southwards 
towards  Seringapatam.     As   he   retired,    he   sent    an   urgent 
demand   for   English   help.      That  help,    however,    was   not 
forthcoming.     Haidar   Ali,    left   to   his   own   resources,    sent 
Appaji  Ram  to  treat.     The  Peshwa,  who  wished  entirely  to 
destroy  Haidar  Ali's  power,  demanded  a  crore  of  rupees  as 
indemnity  and  twelve  lakhs  as  arrears  of  tribute.      He  further 
asserted  that,   as   the  successor  of   the   Adil  Shahi   king   of 
Bijapur,  he  was  entitled  to  the  undisputed  possession  of  the 
whole  Mysore  State.     As  Appaji  Ram  was  empowered  only  to 
offer  a  payment  of  twelve  lakhs,  the  negotiations  broke  down 
and  the  Maratha  advance  continued.     It  assumed  no  longer 
the  character  of  a  raid  for  levying  contribution,  but  with  the 
army   went   experienced   civil    officers,    who   took    over   the 
administration  of  each  district  as  it  was  occupied.     Without 
opposition  Madhavrao  reached  Bangalore.     Masking  it  by  an 
investing    force,   he   pressed  on   to    Kolar,    Nandidurg    and 
Mulwagar,   all  of  which  he  took  by  assault.     At  Nijagal,  an 
inaccessible  fortress  thirty  miles  north-west  of  Bangalore,  he 
was  for  some  months  checked  by  the  skill  of  the  commandant, 


THIRD  MYSORE  WAR  97 

Sardar  Khan  ;  but  on  the  first  of  May  1770  it  was  stormed  by 
the  Polygar  or  robber  baron  of  Chitaldurg  at  the  head  of  a 
body  of  Berads.  At  the  beginning  of  June  1770,  Madhavrao 
in  the  full  tide  of  success  was  struck  down  by  illness  and  com- 
pelled to  return  to  Poona.  With  him  returned  his  brother 
Narayanrao,  who  had  been  wounded  in  the  hand  at  the  siege 
of  Nijagal.  The  campaign  was  continued  by  Trimbakrao 
Pethe,  who  added  to  Madhavrao's  successes  the  capture,  after 
a  two  months'  siege,  of  Gurramkonda,  a  great  fortress 
securely  situated  among  the  Eastern  Ghats. 

Madhavrao  had  intended  to  resume  command  of  the  Maratha 
field  force  in  October,  but  the  state  of  his  health  prevented 
him.  He,  therefore,  sent  Appa  Balwant  Mehendale,  the  son 
of  the  gallant  Balwantrao  Mehendale,  with  a  considerable  rein- 
forcement to  serve  with  Trimbakrao  Pethe.  Haidar  AH  had 
avoided  the  Marathas  in  the  field,  but  had  several  times  raided 
their  camps  and  once  or  twice  driven  them  from  their  new 
conquests.  At  the  end  of  January  1771,  Haidar  Ali, 
learning  that  Madhavrao  was  not  likely  to  rejoin  the  army, 
sent  a  strong  detachment  from  Bangalore  to  recover  Balapur, 
a  strong  place  twenty-four  miles  distant,  which  the  Marathas 
had  occupied.  Trimbakrao  Pethe  learnt  of  the  enterprise  and, 
overtaking  the  detachment,  cut  it  to  pieces.  This  defeat 
roused  the  indignant  Haidar  Ali  to  try  a  general  action  against 
Trimbakrao.  He  took  up  a  strong  position  near  Mailghat, 
hoping  that  Trimbakrao,  relying  on  his  superior  numbers, 
would  be  tempted  to  attack  him.  But  Trimbakrao,  as 
Madhavrao  had  done,  declined  an  engagement  and  overran 
district  after  district  of  Mysore.  Haidar  Ali  was  forced  to 
retreat  towards  Seringapatam.  At  9  p.m.  on  the  fifth  of 
March  1771,  while  Haidar  was  still  under  the  effects  of  a 
carouse,  Trimbakrao  surprised  and  completely  dispersed  the 
retreating  army  in  the  Cherkoli  Hills,  taking  its  entire 
artillery,  all  its  elephants  and  most  of  its  horses.  Haidar  Ali 
with  a  few  well-mounted  attendants  escaped  at  full  gallop  to 
his  capital.  There  he  formed  a  small  corps  for  its  defence. 
Trimbakrao  besieged,  but  was  unable  to  take,  Seringapatam, 
and  in  June  1772  Haidar  Ali  sued  for  and  was  granted  peace. 
The  conditions  were  severe.  He  was  forced  to  surrender  all 
Shivaji's  former  conquests,  including  Kolar,  Bangalore, 
13 


98  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Ouscotta,  Balapur  and  Sira,  as  well  as  the  fortresses  of  Mud- 
giri  and  Gurramkonda.  He  agreed  also  to  pay  thirty-six 
lakhs  as  indemnity  and  fourteen  lakhs  as  annual  tribute.  The 
Mysore  kingdom  was  now  reduced  to  a  smaller  area  than 
before  Haidar  Ali's  advent  to  power,  and  Madhavrao  could  in 
future  disregard  him.  But  the  vindictive  adventurer  vented 
his  spite  on  Nandraj,  the  helpless  Raja  of  Mysore,  who  had 
hoped  to  improve  his  condition  by  appealing  to  Trimbakrao 
Pethe.  Haidar  Ali  had  him  strangled  in  his  bath,  and  sub- 
stituted for  him  his  brother  Chamraj. 

At  this  point  we  must  return  to  affairs  at  Delhi.  The 
Abdali  had,  as  I  have  already  related,  left  Delhi  for 
Afghanistan  on  the  22nd  March  1761.  Before  leaving,  he  had 
acknowledged  Ali  Gohar  as  the  emperor  Shah  Alam,  and  had 
entrusted  the  capital  and  the  royal  family  to  the  care  of  Najib- 
ud-Daulat.  Shah  Alam  had  fled  first  to  the  court  of  Shuja-ud- 
Daula,  the  Nawab  of  Oudh,  and,  after  the  latter's  defeat  by  the 
English  at  Buxar  on  the  23rd  October  1764,  had  escaped  to 
Allahabad,  where  he  lived  under  English  protection  ;  so  the 
emperor's  government  was  conducted  in  his  absence  by  Najib- 
ud-Daulat.  When  Surajmal,  the  Jat  chief,  tried  to  remove  him, 
Najib-ud-Daulat  defeated  him  in  an  action,  wherein  the  Jat 
chief  was  himself  killed.  Afterwards  Najib-ud-Daulat  success- 
fully defended  Delhi  against  Surajmal's  son,  Jawahir  Mai. 
In  1769  the  Peshwa,  freed  from  the  menace  of  Raghunathrao's 
ambitions,  was  able  to  devote  himself  to  affairs  on  his 
northern  frontier.  Late  in  1769  a  Maratha  army  crossed  the 
Chambal  river.  The  Poona  troops  were  under  the  command 
of  Visaji  Krishna  Biniwala,  who  had  had  considerable  ex- 
perience of  warfare  in  the  Carnatic.  He  was  joined  by  a 
large  contingent  under  Tukoji  Holkar  and  another  under 
Madhavrao  Sindia,  the  only  surviving  son  of  Ranoji  Sindia. 
Jayappa  had  been  murdered  at  Nagore  ;  Dattaji  and  Jyotaba 
had  fallen  at  the  Badaon  Ghat.  Tukoji,  as  well  as  Jayappa's 
son  Jankoji,  had  been  killed  at  Panipat.  Madhavrao,  although 
illegitimate,  was  clearly  entitled  to  succeed  to  the  Sindia 
jaghir.  He  had  been  severely  wounded  at  Panipat  but  had 
recovered,  except  for  a  lameness  that  lasted  all  his  life.  He 
had  eminent  courage  and  rare  capacity  ;  nevertheless  Raghu- 
nathrao,  who  disliked  him,  tried  to  obtain  a  grant  of  the  Sindia 


THIRD  MYSORE  WAR  99 

jaghir  for  Manaji  Sindia  Phakde,  a  distant  connection.  But 
the  Peshwa  Madhavrao  overruled  his  uncle  and  in  1769 
Madhavrao  Sindia  was  firmly  established  in  power. 

Tukoji  Holkar,  who  commanded  the  Holkar  contingent,  was 
no  relation  to  Malharrao.  The  latter,  as  I  have  mentioned, 
had  died  in  1766.  His  son  Khanderao  had  predeceased  his 
father,  having  been  killed  at  Kumbher,  eleven  miles  north- 
east of  Bharatpur.  On  Malharrao  Holkar's  death  his  estates 
passed  to  Khanderao's  son  Malerao  Holkar.  But  the  latter 
did  not  long  survive  his  grandfather,  and  Khanderao's  widow 
Ahalyabai  became  head  of  the  administration.  She  appointed 
Tukoji  Holkar,  a  trusted  officer  of  Malharrao,  to  the  command 
of  the  army. 

The  combined  Maratha  forces  first  entered  Rajputana, 
where  they  levied  ten  lakhs  as  arrears  of  tribute.  They  next 
invaded  the  Jat  country,  won  a  victory  near  Bharatpur  and 
extorted  a  payment  of  sixty-five  lakhs.  The  approach  of  the 
victorious  Maratha  army  induced  Najib-ud-Daulat  to  offer 
terms  of  peace.  Madhavrao  Sindia  wished,  in  revenge  for 
his  wound  at  Panipat,  to  exterminate  the  Rohillas  ;  but  Visaji 
Krishna  Biniwala  advised  acceptance  of  Najib-ud-Daulat's 
offer,  and  his  advice  was  followed  by  the  Peshwa.  The 
adhesion  of  Najib-ud-Daulat  to  the  Maratha  cause  saved  for 
the  time  his  own  possessions  ;  but  Madhavrao  Sindia  was 
given  a  free  hand  against  the  other  Rohilla  chiefs,  Hafiz 
Rahmat  and  Dhundi  Khan,  who  had  large  fiefs  in  the  Doab, 
the  land  between  the  Jamna  and  the  Ganges.  In  1769,  he 
and  Tukoji  Holkar  crossed  the  Jamna,  drove  the  Rohillas 
across  the  Ganges  and  occupied  the  fortress  of  Etawah,  by 
which  they  overawed  the  entire  Doab.  They  now  conceived 
the  brilliant  idea  of  inducing  Shah  Alam  to  leave  Allahabad 
and  to  exchange  the  protection  of  the  English  for  that  of  the 
Marathas.  They  held  out  glowing  hopes  to  the  vain  and 
foolish  prince,  and  dazzled  his  eyes  with  the  promised  glories 
of  an  empire  swayed  by  him  and  protected  from  foreign 
aggression  by  Maratha  swords  and  Maratha  valour.  Shah 
Alam  yielded  to  the  lure  of  a  pageant  throne,  and,  leaving  his 
English  protectors,  joined  the  camp  of  Madhavrao  Sindia.  In 
December  1771,  the  emperor,  escorted  by  Visaji  Krishna 
Biniwala  and  a  great  Maratha  army  entered  his  capital.     On 


100  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARAT  HA  PEOPLE 

Shah  Alam  Madhavrao  Sindia  pressed  the  conquest  of  Rohil- 
khand.  In  October  1769,  Najib-ud-Daulat  died  and  his  son 
Zabita  Khan  succeeded  to  his  territories.  To  Zabita  Khan 
the  emperor  bore  an  intense  enmity,  as  he  suspected  the 
young  Rohilla  of  having  debauched  his  sister  Kherunnissa  as 
well  as  other  ladies  of  the  imperial  household.  He  readily 
accepted  Madhavrao  Sindia's  view  ;  and  in  January  1772,  an 
army  of  ninety  thousand  men  invaded  the  fief  of  Zabita  Khan. 
The  Maratha  cavalry  was  commanded  by  Madhavrao  Sindia. 
The  small  Moghul  force  was  led  by  Najib  Khan,  an  officer 
in  the  imperial  service.  Zabita  Khan  tried  to  hold  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Ganges  ;  but  the  imperial  army  crossed 
the  river  with  ease.  The  Rohillas  lost  all  courage.  Zabita 
Khan  and  the  other  chiefs  fled  to  the  hills,  and  the  Marathas 
plundered  the  whole  of  Rohilkhand  and  captured  the  ladies  of 
Zabita  Khan's  household,  whom  they  held  to  ransom  for  one 
and  a  half  lakhs.  Afterwards  they  resold  Rohilkhand  to 
Zabita  Khan,  and  made  the  emperor  grant  to  them  in  return 
for  their  protection  the  districts  of  Kora  and  Allahabad,  which 
were  in  the  respective  possession  of  Shuja-ud-Daula  and  the 
English.  The  emperor's  dominions  were  by  these  means 
reduced  to  the  single  town  of  Delhi,  and  he  bitterly  regretted 
the  step  he  had  taken.  In  a  fit  of  despair,  he  directed 
Najib  Khan  to  drive  the  Maratha  army  from  Delhi.  Visaji 
Krishna  Biniwala  had  not  expected  this  step  on  the  part  of 
Shah  Alam,  and  perhaps  felt  some  remorse  for  the  scant 
courtesy  with  which  he  had  treated  the  emperor.  He  withdrew 
his  troops  and  sent  to  Poona  for  orders.  To  this  despatch  he 
received  no  immediate  reply.  For  on  the  18th  November 
1772,  the  greatest  of  the  Peshwas  had  died  in  his  twenty- 
eighth  year. 

In  June  1770,  Madhavrao  had  been  forced,  as  already 
mentioned,  to  abandon  to  Trimbakrao  the  command  of  the 
army  of  the  Carnatic ;  and,  although  his  health  improved 
during  the  monsoon  of  1770,  directly  he  got  ready  to  leave 
Poona  on  field  service  he  had  a  relapse.  He  had  an  inherited 
tendency  to  consumption  ;  for  from  that  disease  both  Chim- 
naji  Appa  and  Balaji  had  fallen  victims.  Gradually  it 
took  a  firmer  hold  of  the  young  prince's  frame.  A 
ballad  in  the  Shaligram  collection  declares  that,  finding  his 


THIRD  MYSORE  WAR  101 

end  near,  he  went  in  state  with  his  beautiful  young  wife 
Ramabai  to  Theur,  a  favourite  spot  of  his,  some  thirteen  miles 
from  Poona.  There  Ramabai  poured  out  continuous  prayers 
to  the  family  god  Ganpati.  But  the  latter  appeared  to  her  in 
a  vision  and  told  her  that  the  matter  was  not  in  his  but  in 
Vishnu's  hands.  Ramabai  then  made  her  prayers  to  Laxmi's 
spouse,  but  to  no  purpose.  Finding  that  nothing  she  could 
do  would  save  her  husband,  she  resolved  to  face  death  beside 
him.  On  the  demise  of  the  gallant  young  prince,  she  burnt 
herself  on  the  same  pyre,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  her 
family  to  dissuade  her.1 

The  youth  and  early  manhood  of  Madhavrao  had  been 
spent  in  the  service  of  his  country.  While  still  a  child  he  had 
assumed  the  vast  burden  of  the  Maratha  empire.  Threatened 
both  by  domestic  and  foreign  enemies,  he  had  triumphed 
signally  over  all.  Yet  his  triumphs  had  brought  him  no  rest. 
For,  victorious  over  his  foes,  he  had  spent  his  remaining  years 
in  tireless  labour  to  better  the  condition  of  his  people. 
Every  department  was  quickened  by  his  supervision,  his 
industry  and  his  example.  His  secret  intelligence  was  fault- 
less, and,  no  matter  how  remote  the  officer  guilty  of  acts  of 
tyranny,  he  rarely  escaped  punishment.  The  Peshwa's  armies 
went  well  equipped  on  service,  for  the  entire  military  organi- 
sation was  under  his  direct  control.  Quick  to  anger,  he  was 
no  less  quick  to  forgive.  And  the  only  fault  that  the  harshest 
critic  can  find  in  this  admirable  ruler  is  that  he  shortened  a 
life,  precious  to  his  people,  by  his  arduous  and  unceasing  toil. 


1  The  writer  had  the  signal  honour  of  unveiling  a  vrindavan  erected 
by  the  Chinchwad  vSansthan  at  Theur  in  honour  of  this  heroic  princess. 


CHAPTER  LVII 

NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO 

The  last  days  of  the  dead  Peshwa  had  been  embittered  by 
fears  for  his   brother  Narayanrao,  who,  since  Madhavrao  had 
no  issue,  was  his   natural   heir   and   successor.     Narayanrao 
lacked  the   eminent   qualities   of  Madhavrao.     He  was  only 
seventeen  at  his  accession,  and  was  a  heedless  and  somewhat 
mischievous   boy.     Madhavrao   indeed   exclaimed  once  with 
prophetic    insight   that   the    word   rajya    or    rule    was  not 
written  on  his  brother's  forehead.1     He  endeavoured  to  train 
Narayanrao  according  to  his  own  stern  ideals.     He  took  him 
to  the  Carnatic,  where,  as  already  related,  Narayanrao  received 
a  wound  in  the  hand.     By  his  example  and  precept  he  tried  to 
plant  in  his  younger  brother's  heart  his  own  serene  courage. 
In  this  connection  a  well-known  story  is  related  in  the  Peshwa's 
bakhar.     Once  Madhavrao  and  Narayanrao,  Khanderao  Dare- 
kar   and   Hiraji  Patankar   were   seated    together   in   a    tent, 
when    a   mast  elephant  broke  loose  and   rushed  towards  the 
Peshwa's  tent.     Narayanrao  was  frightened  and  would  have 
run  away.     But  the  Peshwa  put  his  hand  on  the  boy's  arm 
and  checked  him,  saying,  "  No  harm  can  come  to  us  if  we  are 
not  destined  to  be  killed  by  the  elephant  ".     Narayanrao  sat 
down  again,  but  the  danger  had  not  passed  ;  for  the  elephant 
broke  into  the   tent.     There,    however,   it   was   attacked  by 
Khanderao  Darekar  and  Hiraji  Patankar  with  daggers    and 
lances.     They  stopped  it  until  its  mahout  came  up  and  mount- 
ed  it.     When    Madhavrao's    health   no    longer   allowed   his 
personal  supervision,   he,   for  six  months  before  his  death, 
made  Sakharam  Bapu  instruct  Narayanarao  in  administrative 
duties.     In  this  way  Narayanrao  improved  considerably.     But 
the   real   danger,    as   Madhavrao   foresaw,   was   the   restless 
ambition  of  Raghunathrao,  and  above  all  of  his  wife  Anandi- 
bai.     They    both   had    fretted   greatly   at  his   imprisonment 
and   in   1772  Raghunathrao    had    corrupted  his    guards    and 

1  Adhikar  Yog  by  Mr.  Khare,  p.  7. 


NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO  103 

escaped  from  the  Shanwar  palace  and  fled  to  Tuljapur.     He 
was  retaken  and  imprisoned  with  greater  severity.    Neverthe- 
less,   what   he    had   done  before,    he    could   do   again ;    and 
Madhavrao   feared   that   upon   his  own  death    Raghunathrao 
would  break  his  bonds  and  seize  the  throne.     There  were  only 
two  sure  methods  of  dealing  with  him.     The  first  was  by  his 
execution  and  the  second  was  by  reconciliation.     The  kindly 
spirit   of   the  Peshwa   recoiled   from   the   first  ;  he  therefore 
adopted  the  second   method.      On    the   16th   October  17721 
Madhavrao  sent  for  his  uncle  from  Poona  to  Theur,  and  in  the 
presence  of  Sakharam  Bapu  was  solemnly  reconciled  to  him. 
He  obtained  from  Raghunathrao  a   promise   that  he  would 
act  rightly  by   his  nephew  Narayanrao,  and  thereafter  he  set 
Raghunathrao  at  liberty.     After  Madhavrao's  death  and  the 
completion  of   his  funeral  ceremonies,   Narayanrao  went  to 
Satara  fort,  where  the  pageant  king  Ramraja  formally  invest- 
ed him  with  the  office  of  Peshwa.    He  then  returned  to  Poona. 
Raghunathrao  at  first  kept  his  promise,  and  for  a  month  or  six 
weeks  uncle  and  nephew  were  on  the  most  amicable  terms. 
But  the  former  was  wholly  under  the  influence  of  his  wife 
Anandibai ;  while   the    latter   was  equally   submissive  to   his 
mother    Gopikabai.      And    the    contending    passions    of   two 
jealous  and  ambitious  women  set  at  nought  the  hopes  and 
intentions  of  the  dead  Peshwa.     Gopikabai  urged  on  her  son 
that  it  was  impossible  that  Raghunathrao  could  forgive  the 
past,  and  begged  Narayanrao  to  confine  him  as  before.     On 
the   11th  April   1773,   in  spite  of  the  protests  of   Sakharam 
Bapu  and  Nana  Phadnavis,  Narayanrao  had  his  uncle  arrested 
and  confined  in  the  Shanwar  palace,  close  to  the  Peshwa's  own 
apartments.     Narayanrao  continued  Sakharam  Bapu  in  office 
as  diwan,  but   he  placed  his   chief  confidence   in  Hari  Ballal 
Phadke  and  a  certain  Babaji  Barve.     He  also  relied  on  the 
wisdom  of  Nana  Phadnavis  and  of  the  latter's  cousin,  Moroba 
Baburao  Phadnavis.     Confident  that  he  had  effectually  check- 
ed Raghunathrao" s  designs,  Narayanrao  left  Poona  to  receive 
the  congratulations  of  his  mother  Gopikabai,  then  at  Ganga- 
pur.     Raghunathrao,  however,  had  still  many  supporters,  and 
in   the   Peshwa's    absence   Anandibai    tried    to    secure    her 


1  Mr.   Sar  Desai's  article  in   the  July   number  of   the  Vivid hdnyan 
Vistar,  p.  292. 


104  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

husband's  escape  to  Haidar  Ali  at  Mysore.  The  plot  was 
discovered  and  Raghunathrao  was  confined  more  strictly  than 
ever.  This  exasperated  Anandibai  and  she  wove  a  far-reaching 
plot  to  destroy  Narayanrao  and  to  put  her  husband  on  the 
throne  in  his  place.  In  this  plot  she  was  aided  by  a  number 
of  Kayastha  Prabhus,  the  agents  of  Mudhoji  Bhosle.  Janoji 
Bhosle  had  been  present  at  Theur  when  Madhavrao  died,  and 
before  the  Peshwa's  death  had  obtained  leave  to  adopt 
Raghuji  Bhosle,  the  eldest  son  of  his  brother  Mudhoji.  In 
May  1772  Janoji  Bhosle  died,  and  a  quarrel  arose  between 
his  brothers  Mudhoji  and  Sabaji  as  to  the  guardianship  of  the 
adopted  boy,  who  was  still  a  minor.  The  brothers  flew  to 
arms  and  both  appealed  to  the  Peshwa.  Narayanrao  favoured 
Sabaji,  while  Raghunathrao  favoured  Mudhoji.  When  the 
latter  sent  his  Prabhu  agents  to  confer  with  Raghunathrao, 
they  found  him  in  prison  ;  and  they  readily  agreed  to  help 
Anandibai  to  compass  his  release  from  confinement  and  his 
accession  to  power.  They  found  tools  in  the  regular  infantry 
known  as  Gardis,  who  were  discontented  at  the  stricter 
discipline  recently  introduced  by  Narayanrao,  who  longed  for 
military  glory  in  the  Carnatic.  Their  leaders  were  Sumersing 
Kharaksing  and  Mahomed  Yusuf,  and  they  willingly  promised 
to  restore  to  power  Raghunathrao,  from  whose  easy-going 
and  generous  nature  they  expected  ample  concessions.  The 
plot  was  so  widespread  that  it  was  impossible  wholly  to 
conceal  it,  and  it  came  to  the  ears  of  Raghuji  Angre,  who  on 
the  morning  of  the  30th  August  warned  the  Peshwa.  The 
latter  repeated  the  warning  to  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and  thought 
no  more  of  the  matter.  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  treated  it  as  idle 
gossip,  and,  taking  no  steps  whatever,  actually  left  the  palace 
to  have  breakfast  with  a  friend.  The  young  Peshwa,  who  had 
been  to  Parvati  Hill,  breakfasted  late  and  then  went  to  rest. 

In  the  meantime  Sumersing  had  secured  from  Raghunath- 
rao a  paper  which  contained  a  promise  to  distribute  nine 
lakhs  among  the  regular  infantry,  provided  they  seized 
Narayanrao.  The  paper  had  passed  through  Anandibai's 
hands  and  she  had  changed  the  word  dharave  (seize)  into 
marave  (kill).  Sumersing  had  now  in  his  possession  written 
orders  to  murder  the  Peshwa.  At  2  p.m.  he  collected  some 
two   thousand   men    and   massed    them    at  the    northern    or 


NARAYANRAO    P£SHWA 


[To  face  page  204.  j 


NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO  105 

Delhi  gate  of  the  Shanwar  Palace.  The  regular  infantry  on 
duty  there  under  Kharaksing  joined  Sumersing,  and  the 
combined  force,  overpowering  the  loyal  troops,  forced  their 
way  into  the  upper  rooms  and  began  to  kill  every  one  whom 
they  met.  Icharam  Dhere,  the  head  of  the  household 
cavalry,1  fled  into  a  cowshed,  but  the  Musulman  sepoys,  drunk 
with  blood,  followed  him  and  killed  every  man  and  beast 
in  the  place.  Narayanrao,  who  was  sleeping  heavily,  did 
not  wake  up  until  the  rebels  were  actually  in  his  apartments. 
He  fled  to  the  rooms  where  his  uncle  was  confined,  and  begged 
him  to  save  him.  Raghunathrao,  who  had  never  ordered  his 
murder,  would  willingly  have  done  so  ;  but  Sumersing,  who 
knew  nothing  of  Anandibai's  forgery,  would  not  listen.  He, 
Kharaksing,  Mahomed  Yusuf  and  one  Tulaji  Powar,  a 
personal  servant  of  Raghunathrao,  tore  Narayanrao  from 
Raghunathrao' s  arms.  The  Peshwa's  two  servants,  Naroba 
Phatak  and  Chaphaji  Tilekar  threw  themselves  unarmed 
between  their  master  and  his  murderers  ;  but  their  sacrifice 
was  in  vain.  In  a  few  seconds  all  three  were  dead.  The 
regular  infantry  then  plundered  the  palace  ;  and  it  was  not  till 
they  had  stripped  it  of  everything  valuable,  that  they  returned 
to  Raghunathrao  and  saluted  him  as  Peshwa. 

Raghunathrao,  genuinely  alarmed  at  what  had  happened, 
pretended  that  he  was  entirely  guiltless  in  the  matter 
and  that  Narayanrao  had  fallen  the  victim  of  a  military 
tumult.  At  the  same  time  he  took  steps  to  secure  his 
nephew's  inheritance.  He  sent  for  Maloji  Ghorpade,  Bajaba 
Purandare  and  Bhavanrao  Pratinidhi,  and  tried  to  convince 
them  of  his  innocence.  He  also  ordered  Sakharam  Bapu, 
Trimbakrao  Pethe,  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and  the  other  promi- 
nent figures  at  the  Peshwa's  court  to  arrange  for  Narayanrao's 
funeral  ceremonies.  Gangabai,  Narayanrao's  widow  was 
anxious  to  commit  sati ;  but  Anandibai,  who  feared  the 
effect  of  a  sati's  curse,  locked  her  in  her  room.  In  spite  of 
Raghunathrao's  protests  and  precautions,  the  conviction  of  his 
guilt  rapidly  gained  ground.  On  the  "  Tilanjali  "  or  the  tenth 
day  after  Narayanrao's  murder,  when  sesamum  seed  soaked 
in   water    was  poured  out  as  a   libation    to   the   dead   man's 


1  Peshwa's  Bakhar. 
14 


106  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

spirit,  Trimbakrao  Pethe,  Nana  Phadnavis,  Hari  Ballal  Phadke 
and  nine  others  known  in  history  as  the  Barabhai  or  twelve 
brothers  bound  themselves  by  an  oath  to  frustrate  Raghunath- 
rao's  ambitions.  For  a  time  Raghunathrao's  cause  seemed  to 
prosper.  He  obtained  clothes  of  investiture  from  Ramraja 
at  Satara,  and  began  to  form  an  administration.  He  confirmed 
Sakharam  Bapu  as  diwan,  but  he  gave  his  chief  confidence  to 
Chinto  Vithal  Rairikar  and  Sakharam  Hari  Gupte.  The 
latter,  as  a  leader  of  the  Prabhu  caste  in  Poona  and  also 
because  of  his  distinguished  gallantry  at  Rakshasabhavan, 
was  a  particular  friend  of  the  new  Peshwa. 

The  foreign  affairs  of  the  state,  indeed,  required  the  closest 
attention.     Narayanrao  on  becoming  Peshwa  had  replied  to 
Visaji  Krishna  Biniwala's  despatch  by  ordering  him  to  drive 
Najaf  Khan  from    Delhi.     Lack   of   funds   had   reduced   the 
latter's  forces  to  five  thousand  cavalry  and  four  battalions  of 
infantry,  two  of  which  were  disciplined  and  commanded  by  a 
Frenchman   called    Medoc.     Nevertheless   Najaf    Khan    with 
undaunted  spirit  drew  up  his  small  force  two  miles  outside 
the  city,  his  rear  being  protected  by  the  guns  of  Delhi.     He 
repulsed  a  general  attack  of  the  Maratha  horse,  but,  foolishly 
pursuing   them   too   far,   was  surrounded  and   escaped    with 
difficulty.     The    two    disciplined     battalions    sustained    the 
weight  of  the  Maratha  attack  all  day  and  retired  into  the  city 
under   cover   of   night.     Next   day   the   Marathas   encamped 
under  the  walls.     Shah  Alam  had  no  longer  any  hope  of  a 
successful  defence.    He  admitted  the  Marathas  into  the  capital 
and  accepted  their  terms.     They    were    not    severe.     Najaf 
Khan  was  dismissed  from  the  emperor's  service  and  Zabita 
Khan  was  appointed  the  imperial  commander-in-chief,  nomi- 
nally as  the  deputy  of  the  Peshwa.     Shah  Alam  also  formally 
granted  to  the  Marathas  the  two  provinces  of  Allahabad  and 
Kora.     But  the  English  refused  to  permit  the  Maratha  occu- 
pation, and  in  May  1773  Narayanrao,  who  was  proposing  to 
lead  in  person  the  entire  military  forces  of  the  kingdom  to  the 
conquest  of  the  Carnatic,  recalled  Visaji  Krishna  and  his  army. 
After  Visaji's  recall  the  Maratha   power   in   northern   India 
declined.     Najaf  Khan  returned  to  Delhi  and  Shuja-ud-Daula 
drove  the  Marathas  from  Etawah,    their   stronghold   in   the 
Doab. 


NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO       107 

On  the  eastern  frontier  Nizam  Ali  was  again  actively  offen- 
sive. He  had  allied  himself  to  Sabaji  Bhosle  and  had  helped 
to  establish  him  as  ruler  of  Berar.  In  the  south  Haidar  Ali 
was  still  more  aggressive.  Aware  of  the  disputes  between 
Narayanrao  and  Raghunathrao,  he  had  through  1773  carefully 
equipped  his  army  to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  notice.  On 
hearing  of  Narayanrao's  murder,  he  at  once  despatched  his 
son  Tipu  with  a  large  force  to  recover  the  country  taken  from 
him  by  Madhavrao.  In  a  short  and  brilliant  campaign  he  won 
back  all  his  lost  possessions. 

It  was  against  Nizam  Ali  that  Raghunathrao  first  decided 
to  move.  Early  in  November  1773,  before  the  rains  had 
ceased  and  before  Nizam  Ali  had  mobilised  his  troops  or 
could  effect  a  junction  with  Sabaji  Bhosle,  Raghunathrao 
had  crossed  the  frontier.  Nizam  Ali  collected  what  troops  he 
could  and  hastened  to  meet  the  invaders.  He  was  beaten  in 
the  field  and  forced  to  take  shelter  in  the  great  fort  of  Bedar, 
where  he  was  soon  closely  invested.  In  despair  he  sued  for 
peace  and  offered  to  cede  lands  worth  twenty  lakhs  a  year. 
Raghunathrao  refused  the  offer.  Nizam  Ali  obtained  an 
armistice  and  then  took  a  step  which  showed  how  accurately 
he  gauged  his  opponent's  character.1  Without  informing  his 
staff,  and  accompanied  only  by  two  hundred  troopers  and  his 
minister,  Rukn-ud-Daula,  he  rode  into  the  Maratha  camp  and 
up  to  the  door  of  Raghunathrao 's  tent.  The  latter  received 
his  visitor  courteously  and  led  him  inside.  There  the  Nizam 
stripped  from  his  neck  his  ornaments  and  threw  them,  as  well 
as  his  sword  and  shield,  at  Raghunathrao's  feet,  and  implored 
his  conqueror  to  take  such  of  his  possessions  as  he  needed. 
Raghunathrao's  vanity  and  generosity  were  alike  touched,  and 
in  a  foolish  moment  he  gave  back  to  the  Nizam  his  jewels 
and  his  arms  and  refused  to  take  any  ransom  from  his 
suppliant.  Not  content  with  this,  he  bestowed  on  the  Nizam 
handsome  robes  and  gave  several  banquets  in  his  honour. 
Having  thus  lost  by  his  weakness  not  only  the  prizes  but  the 
cost  of  the  war,  he  bade  the  Nizam  good-bye  and  turned 
southwards  towards  the  Carnatic. 

1  Chitnis  Bakhar.  p.  40.    The  incident  is  related  somewhat  differently 
in  Grant  Duff,  vol.  2,  p.  10. 


108  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Raghunathrao  had  always  been  on  friendly  terms  with 
Haidar  Ali,  regarding  him  no  doubt  as  a  possible  ally.  He 
would,  therefore,  in  any  case  have  been  satisfied  with  the 
return  of  the  districts  ceded  to  Madhavrao,  but,  by  the  time 
he  had  reached  Bellari,  he  had  received  news  of  so  grave  a 
character  that  he  was  glad  to  accept  a  cash  payment  of  six 
lakhs,  and  a  promise  from  Haidar  Ali  to  pay  an  annual  tribute 
of  six  lakhs  to  Raghunathrao  personally,  and  to  support  him 
against  all  other  claimants  to  the  office  of  Peshwa.  Having 
thus  failed  to  achieve  anything  substantial  against  either 
of  the  Musulman  powers,  Raghunathrao  took  the  direction  of 
Poona. 

The    news    that    had     alarmed    Raghunathrao     was     the 
growth  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Barabhai  or  twelve  brothers, 
set  on  foot  by  Nana  Phadnavis  and  the  other  takers  of  the 
Tilanjali   oath.     They   had    first    secured    the    adhesion    of 
Sakharam  Bapu,  whose  judgment  was  growing  clouded  with 
age,  and  who  resented  the  peculiar  favour  shown  by  Raghu- 
nathrao  to    his    Prabhu   namesake,    Sakharam    Hari    Gupte. 
Gradually  the  plot   came  to  include  most  of  the  prominent 
officers  of  the  state,  and  to  them  were  joined  three  ladies  of 
the  Peshwa's   family — Parvatibai,  the  widow  of  Sadashivrao, 
Gopikabai,   the  widow  of  Balaji  Bajirao,  and  Gangabai,  the 
widow  of  Narayanrao  Ballal.     A  day  or  two  before  Narayan- 
rao's  death,  he  had  informed  his  intimates  that  Gangabai  was 
enceinte.     The  conspirators  thus   hoped    to   displace  Raghu- 
nathrao by  a  son  of  Narayanrao.     Anandibai  was  aware  that 
Gangabai  had  hopes  of  issue,   and  had  forced  her   to  take 
drugs,   so   as  to  procure  a  miscarriage.     But  the  drugs  had 
been  without  effect,  and  as  time  passed  it  became  certain  that 
Gangabai  was  about  to  become  a  mother.     Had  Anandibai 
been  in  Poona,  she  would  assuredly  have  killed  Gangabai ; 
but  she  had  gone  on  field  service  with  Raghunathrao  and  the 
army.     In  January  1774  Nana  Phadnavis,  who  had  charge  of 
Gangabai's  affairs,  arrested  some  armed  men,   who  confessed 
that  they  were  assassins  sent  by  Anandibai  to  murder  Ganga- 
bai.    This  gave  the  desired  excuse.     On  the  30th  February, 
Parvatibai  was  sent  in  charge  of  Gangabai  to  Purandar  fort ; 
and   with   them   was    made    to    go    Durgabai,    Anandibai's 
daughter,    so  that   she   might   be   a   witness   of   Gangabai's 


NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO  109 

confinement.1  Having  done  this,  the  conspirators  openly 
formed  themselves  into  a  regency  to  govern  the  country  for 
Narayanrao's  widow  and  unborn  son.  At  the  same  time  they 
arrested  all  Raghunathrao's  adherents,  and  entered  into  a 
correspondence  with  Sabaji  Bhosle  and  Nizam  Ali,  both  of 
whom — in  spite  of  Raghunathrao's  generous  weakness — 
agreed  to  support  the  regency.  Raghunathrao  acted  as  became 
an  experienced  soldier.  He  had  detached  Trimbakrao  Pethe 
to  watch  Sabaji  Bhosle,  while  he  himself  invaded  Mysore. 
Afterwards  he  learnt  that  Trimbakrao  Pethe  was  one  of  the 
leading  conspirators  and  he  determined  to  overwhelm  him 
before  he  could  form  a  junction  with  the  Moghul,  Poona 
or  Berar  troops.  Trimbakrao,  elated  by  his  signal  victory 
over  Haidar  Ali,  accepted  battle  on  the  4th  March  1774  at 
Kasegaon  near  Pandharpur.  In  twenty  minutes  he  was  com- 
pletely defeated.  His  army  was  destroyed,  and  he  himself  was 
taken  prisoner  and  so  outrageously  insulted  by  Anandibai, 
that  he  soon  died  of  wounds  and  vexation.2  Raghunathrao's 
cause  prospered  on  account  of  his  victory  and  he  now  marched 
on  Poona.  Had  he  entered  it,  he  would  have  recovered  his 
former  supremacy  ;  for  the  ministers  in  their  despair  were 
reduced  to  the  expedient  of  releasing  Ramraja  and  setting 
him  up  as  a  rival  to  their  enemy.  But  on  the  road  he  learnt 
of  so  many  ramifications  of  the  plot  against  him  that  his 
heart  failed  him,  and,  turning  from  Poona,  he  marched  to 
Burhanpur.  The  retreat  nullified  his  previous  success,  and 
on  the  18th  April  1774  his  hopes  were  shattered  by  the  birth 
of  Gangabai's  son,  known  in  history  as  Savai  Madhav- 
rao.  Forty  days  later  Sakharam  Bapu  and  Nana  Phadnavis 
obtained  from  Ramraja  the  child's  investiture  as  Peshwa. 

Raghunathrao's  affairs  were  now  going  from  bad  to  worse. 
He  had  hoped  that  Holkar  and  Sindia  would  send  him  troops 
to  Burhanpur,  and  crossed  the  Narbada.  Thereupon  Mudhoji 
Bhosle,  who  was  unwilling  to  follow  him  farther  north,  left 
him  with  all  his  contingent  save  seven  thousand  men. 
Holkar  and  Sindia  welcomed  Raghunathrao,  as  they  wished 
his   support   in   an   advance   into   Guzarat.     But  in   his  rear 


1  Khare's  Life  of  Nana  Phadnavis. 

2  Anandibai  sent  a  maidservant  to  wave  round  Trimbakrao's  head 
lamps  made  of  cow-dung,  a  coarse  way  of  insulting  him. 


lio  a  history  of  the  maratha  people 

followed  a  large  army  under  Hari  Ballal  Phadke,  who, 
although  still  quite  young,  had  already  shown  proofs  of  great 
capacity.  Raghunathrao  did  not  wish  to  take  arms  against 
the  son  of  Narayanrao,  as  that  course  would  have  been 
unpopular.  His  plan  was  to  seize  Gangabai  and  Savai  Madhav- 
rao  and  return  to  Poona  as  regent  on  the  latter's  behalf.  To 
achieve  this  end,  he  entered  into  correspondence  with  Moroba 
Phadnavis,  now  bitterly  jealous  of  his  cousin  Nana,  and  with 
Bajaba  Purandare,  and  Babaji  Naik,  the  grandson  of  the  creditor 
of  Bajirao  Balaji.  It  was  agreed  that  these  three  should  seize 
Parvatibai,  Gangabai,  Savai  Madhavrao,  Sakharam  Bapu  and 
Nana  Phadnavis,  who  had,  early  in  June,  taken  shelter  from 
the  heavy  rainfall  of  Purandar  in  Saswad.  The  plot  leaked  out, 
and  on  the  night  of  the  30th  June  Gangabai  and  the  young 
prince  were  carried  back  through  pouring  rain  to  Purandar 
fort.  A  second  attempt  was  made  in  November,  by  Moroba 
Phadnavis,  to  seize  the  fort  by  corrupting  the  Musulman 
soldiers  of  the  garrison.  They  in  turn  tried  to  corrupt  the 
Maratha  soldiers,  but  in  vain.  The  matter  was  reported  by 
them  to  the  commandant,  who  cut  off  the  heads  of  the  disloyal 
Musulmans.  No  evidence  was  obtainable  against  Moroba 
Phadnavis  and  he  remained  unpunished.  In  the  meantime 
the  cash  payments  made  by  Haidar  Ali  to  Raghunathrao  had 
been  exhausted,  and  the  pretender  had  no  other  source  of 
revenue  but  the  plunder  of  villages  in  the  domains  of  Holkar 
and  Sindia,  a  course  which  soon  rendered  his  presence 
distasteful  to  his  hosts  ;  and  they  readily  listened  to  proposals 
from  Nana  Phadnavis  to  make  Raghunathrao  their  prisoner. 
At  the  same  time  the  conduct  of  Raghunathrao's  allies 
alienated  many  of  his  warmest  adherents.  Basalat  Jang,  the 
younger  brother  of  Nizam  Ali,  laid  waste  the  country  round 
Miraj,  while  Haidar  Ali  overran  once  more  the  Maratha 
districts  south  of  the  Tungabhadra  river.  In  December 
Raghunathrao  learnt  of  the  intended  treachery  of  Madhavrao 
Sindia  and  Tukoji  Holkar.  He  left  his  wife  Anandibai  in 
Dhar,  where  she  gave  birth  to  a  son,  named  Bajirao,  the  last 
independent  prince  of  Poona  ;  and  he  himself  with  the  remains 
of  his  army  retreated  towards  Baroda,  where  he  sought  the 
alliance  of  Govindrao  Gaikvad.  Damaji  Gaikvad  had  during 
his  lifetime,  put   Govindrao  in   command  of  the  contingent 


NARAYANRAO  AND  RAGHUNATHRAO  HI 

sent  in  1758  to  Raghunathrao's  help.  Damaji  died  in  1770, 
leaving  four  sons,  Sayaji,  Govindrao,  Manikji  and  Fatehsing. 
The  two  eldest  sons  claimed  their  father's  inheritance,  each 
with  a  show  of  right.  Sayaji  was  the  older  in  years,  but  the 
son  of  the  second  wife.  Govindrao  was  younger  than  Sayaji, 
but  the  son  of  the  Patrani  or  chief  wife.  He  was  moreover 
a  man  of  some  intelligence,  while  Sayaji  was  an  imbecile. 
Manikji  and  Fatehsing  were  younger  than  the  other  two,  and 
were  the  sons  of  the  third  wife  ;  but  Fatehsing  tried  to  make 
up  for  the  weakness  of  his  own  title  by  vigorously  supporting 
Sayaji,  in  whose  name  he  hoped  to  govern.  Govindrao  had 
been  taken  prisoner  with  Raghunathrao  after  the  battle  of 
Dhodap  ;  but,  after  paying  as  fines  and  fees  a  sum  of  fifty 
lakhs,  he  was  declared  to  be  Damaji  Gaikvad's  lawful  heir. 
In  1771,  Madhavrao  reconsidered  this  decision  and  at  Fateh- 
sing's  instance  appointed  Sayaji  to  be  the  heir.  This  order 
was  once  more  reversed  by  Raghunathrao  after  the  murder 
of  Narayanrao  ;  and,  when  Raghunathrao  entered  Guzarat,  the 
two  brothers  were  at  open  war  and  Govindrao  was  besieging 
Baroda.  Govindrao  cordially  welcomed  his  new  ally,  espe- 
cially as,  by  a  treaty  signed  on  the  7th  March  1775, 
Raghunathrao  had  secured  the  active  aid  of  the  Bombay 
Government. 


CHAPTER  LVIII 

RAGHUNATHRAO  AND  THE  ENGLISH 

As  early  as  April  1774,  Raghunathrao,  as  he  retreated  from 
Poona,  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  Bombay  Govern- 
ment. The  latter,  whose  heads  had  been  turned  by  Clive's 
victories  in  Bengal,  readily  agreed  to  support  the  pretender, 
believing,  it  would  seem,  that  by  their  unaided  efforts  they 
could  overthrow  the  Maratha  power.  They  offered  to  assist 
Raghunathrao  with  two  thousand  men,  provided  that  he 
advanced  fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  rupees  in  cash,  and  that,  on 
his  restoration  as  Peshwa,  he  ceded  Bassein  and  Salsette  and 
the  neighbouring  islands.  Raghunathrao  had  some  spark  of 
patriotic  feeling  left  and  refused  to  cede  the  scene  of 
Chimnaji  Appa's  toil  and  glory.  Instead  he  offered  to  sur- 
render districts  in  Guzarat  worth  eleven  lakhs  a  year,  and  to 
pay  six  lakhs  at  once  and  a  lakh  and  a  half  monthly  in 
return  for  a  contingent  of  2,500  men  and  fifteen  guns.  While 
the  negotiations  were  still  proceeding,  the  English  learnt  that 
a  great  Portuguese  fleet  and  army  had  reached  Goa  for  the 
purpose  of  recovering  Bassein  and  Salsette.  The  prospect  of 
being  again  cut  off  by  the  Portuguese  from  the  rich  trade  of 
the  interior  proved  too  much  for  the  consciences  of  the 
English  factors.  On  the  12th  December  1774,  without  any 
declaration  of  war,  they  invaded  the  Maratha  territory.  On 
the  28th  December,  they  stormed  Thana,  and  by  the  1st 
January  1775,  they  had  reduced  the  whole  island  of  Salsette. 
On  the  6th  March  1775,  Raghunathrao  accepted  what  had 
happened,  and  entered  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance, 
agreeing  to  a  number  of  cessions,  including  Salsette  and 
Bassein,  in  return  for  a  contingent  of  three  thousand  men, 
including  seven  hundred  European  soldiers.  The  chief  reason 
for  Raghunathrao's  acquiescence  in  the  action  of  the  Bombay 
Government  was  his  own  defeat  by  Hari  Ballal  Phadke.  The 
latter  had  effected  a  junction  with  Holkar  and  Sindia,  who 
were  now  as  anxious  to  destroy  Raghunathrao's  army  as  they 


RAGHUNATHRAO  AND  THE  ENGLISH  113 

formerly  had  been  to  help  him,  and  had  followed  closely  the 
pretender's  retreat  into  Guzarat.  Govindrao,  threatened  by  a 
superior  army,  raised  the  siege  of  Baroda  and  fell  back 
beyond  the  river  Mahi.  Fatehsing  Gaikvad,  however,  knew 
the  country  well,  and  under  his  guidance  Hari  Phadke  crossed 
the  river  in  three  divisions  and,  attacking  Raghunathrao  and 
his  ally  Govindrao  in  centre,  flank  and  rear,  utterly  defeated 
them.  Raghunathrao  himself,  with  a  thousand  horse,  fled  from 
the  field  and  took  shelter  with  Charles  Malet,  the  head  of  the 
English  factory  in  Cambay.  Sakharam  Hari  Gupte  took 
command  of  the  beaten  army  and,  with  Govindrao  Gaikvad,  led 
it  to  Kapadwanj  on  the  frontiers  of  Kathiawar. 

From  Cambay  Raghunathrao  made  his  way  to  Bhavnagar, 
on  the  sea-coast  of  Kathiawar,  and  thence  sailed  to  Surat, 
where  he  met  the  transports  that  conveyed  the  English  relief 
column  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Keating.  On  the  11th 
April  1775,  Colonel  Keating  effected  a  junction  with  Sakha- 
ram Gupte  and  Govindrao  Gaikvad  eleven  miles  north-east  of 
Cambay.  Their  army  amounted  now  to  seven  or  eight 
thousand  men  and  these  were  mutinous  for  want  of  pay. 
Colonel  Keating  stayed  their  clamours  as  best  he  could  from 
his  own  treasure-chest,  and  then  without  any  apparent  plans 
wandered  up  and  down  South  Guzarat,  twice  engaging  Hari 
Phadke's  force  on  the  way  without  serious  loss  to  either  side. 
On  the  5th  May,  Colonel  Keating,  who  had  halted  at  Matar  in 
the  Kaira  district,  received  from  the  Bombay  Government, 
who  firmly  believed  in  the  invincibility  of  their  tiny  army, 
positive  orders  to  march  southwards  on  Poona.  Raghunathrao, 
who  knew  the  hopelessness  of  such  a  course,  demurred,  but 
finally  consented.  By  the  17th  May,  the  allied  army  had 
reached  Napa  in  the  Anand  taluka  of  the  Kaira  district.  On 
the  18th,  they  debouched  on  the  plains  of  Adas,  the  spot  where 
in  1725  Pilaji  Gaikvad' s  treachery  had  enabled  Hamid  Khan  to 
defeat  Rustom  AH.  When  they  were  one  and  a  half  miles  from 
Napa,  Hari  Phadke,  supported  by  six  guns,  suddenly  attacked 
their  rear.  The  attack  was  for  a  long  time  successful. 
Eventually  the  English  line  rallied  and  the  Marathas  withdrew, 
leaving  their  enemies  in  possession  of  the  battle-field.  The 
loss  of  the  English  contingent  was  222  and  that  of  the  allied 
army  probably  exceeded  that  of  Hari  Phadke's  force.  Both 
15 


114  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

sides  claimed  the  victory.1  From  Adas  Colonel  Keating 
continued  his  southward  march,  reaching  Broach  on  the 
29th  May.  On  the  8th  June,  he  tried  in  vain  to  cross  the 
Narbada  river,  which  was  in  flood.  Hearing  that  Hari 
Phadke's  force  was  at  some  distance,  he  resolved  to  surprise 
it ;  but  the  news  of  his  intention  reached  Hari  Phadke  and  he 
retreated  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Narbada.  It  was  now 
clear,  even  to  Colonel  Keating,  that  to  march  on  Poona 
during  the  full  fury  of  the  monsoon  was  to  court  ruin.  He 
and  Raghunathrao  agreed  to  retreat  to  Dabhai,  the  scene  of 
Bajirao's  victory  over  Trimbakrao  Dabhade,  with  the  intention 
of  laying  siege  in  the  winter  to  Baroda.  Fatehsing  on  his 
brother  Sayaji's  behalf  now  became  anxious  to  negotiate  and 
an  agreement  was  entered  into,  by  which  Sayaji  was  left 
in  possession  of  Baroda  on  condition  of  joining  Raghunathrao. 
The  latter  bound  himself  to  bestow  on  Govindrao  a  fief  of 
ten  lakhs. 

On  the  whole  Raghunathrao' s  cause  had  prospered  by  land 
and  to  this  partial  advantage  was  added  a  considerable  victory 
of  his  allies  at  sea.  Commodore  John  Moore,  in  command  of 
a  frigate  2  called  the  "  Revenge  "  and  a  grab  or  sailing  barge 
called  the  "Bombay"  met  at  sea  a  fleet  of  sixMaratha  warships 
all  in  the  interest  of  Nana  Phadnavis.  The  English  com- 
modore at  once  attacked  the  hostile  squadron,  which  tried  to  sail 
away.  He  succeeded  in  bringing  to  action  the  "  Shamsher 
Jang  ",  a  ship  of  forty-six  guns.  After  a  fight  of  three  hours 
she  blew  up  with  all  on  board. 

Suddenly  the  hopes  of  Raghunathrao,  who  had  made  sure 
of  ultimate  success,  were  dashed  to  the  ground. 

On  the  19th  October  1774,  three  Englishmen,  whose 
names  have  been  immortalized  in*  Macaulay's  essay  on 
Warren  Hastings,  arrived  in  Calcutta.  They  were  Colonel 
Clavering,  Colonel  Monson  and  Philip  Francis.  A  fourth, 
Richard  Barwell  joined  them  a  few  days  later.  The  four 
together  with  Warren  Hastings  formed  the  new  Supreme 
Council  to  which  the  English  Parliament  had  entrusted  the 
control  of  the  English  dominions  in  India.     These  gentlemen 


1  This  battle  is  known  as  the  battle  of  Adas  or  Aras. 

2  Low's  History  of  the  Indian  Navy,  vol.  I,  p.  156. 


RAGHUNATHRAO  AND  THE  ENGLISH  115 

were  soon  at  variance  on  almost  every  conceivable  subject,  but 
on  one  they  were  united.  They  were  resolved  at  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  assert  their  superiority  over  the  Governments 
of  Madras  and  Bombay.  The  recent  conduct  of  the  Bombay 
Government,  who,  without  the  leave  of  the  Supreme  Council, 
had  engaged  in  a  foreign  war,  stormed  fortresses  and  fought 
battles,  offered  the  Supreme  Council  the  opportunity  they 
desired.  They  declared  the  treaty  with  Raghunathrao  invalid, 
and  the  war  on  his  behalf  "  impolitic,  dangerous,  unauthorized 
and  unjust."  They  directed  the  immediate  cessation  of 
hostilities  and  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the  Bombay  Govern- 
ment adhered  to  their  view.  The  Bombay  Government  had 
no  alternative  but  to  repeat  these  orders  to  Colonel  Keating, 
who  on  receiving  them  fell  back  towards  Surat,  encamping 
at  Karod,  some  twenty  miles  east  of  that  city.  Having  thus 
reduced  to  obedience  the  Bombay  Government,  the  Supreme 
Council  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  ministers  of  the  infant 
Peshwa  their  own  envoy,  Colonel  Upton,  who  reached 
Purandar  on  the  28th  December,  1775.  The  ministers  received 
him  courteously,  but  complained  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Bombay  administration.  They  offered  to  pay  the  East  India 
Company  twelve  lakhs  of  rupees  to  cover  the  cost  of 
their  recent  campaigns  in  Salsette  and  Guzarat.  In  return 
they  demanded  the  surrender  of  Raghunathrao,  and  the  evacua- 
tion of  Salsette  and  other  districts  occupied  by  the  Bombay 
troops.  On  the  other  hand,  Colonel  Upton  demanded  the 
cession  of  Bassein,  Salsette  and  of  the  revenues  of  Broach 
town  and  district.  To  this  the  ministers  replied  with  some 
justice  that  they  could  not  understand  how  the  Bengal  Govern- 
ment could  seek  to  derive  advantages  from  a  war  which  they 
admitted  was  unjust.  This  view  did  not  commend  itself  to 
Colonel  Upton  or  the  Supreme  Council  ;  and  the  Calcutta 
Government  began  to  make  preparations  for  a  vigorous 
renewal  of  the  war.  Sooner  than  face  the  united  onslaught 
of  the  English  and  Raghunathrao,  the  ministers,  threatened 
as  they  were  by  treason  at  home,  agreed  to  the  cession  of 
Salsette  and  the  revenues  of  Broach  city  and  of  some  of  the 
lands  in  its  neighbourhood.  On  the  1st  March  1770,  Colonel 
Upton  on  behalf  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  Sakharam 
Bapu,  Nana  Phadnavis  and  Sakharam  Hari  Gupte  on  behalf  of 


116  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARAT  HA  PEOPLE 

the  ministry,  signed  the  treaty  of  Purandar.  In  addition  to  the 
aforesaid  concessions,  the  ministry  paid  twelve  lakhs  of  rupees 
to  the  Bombay  Government.  The  treaty  of  Surat  between 
Raghunathrao  and  the  English  was  formally  repudiated. 
Raghunathrao  was  to  disband  his  army  and  was  to  reside  at 
Kopargaon,  a  town  on  the  Godavari  river.  There  he  was  to 
receive  twenty-five  thousand  rupees  a  month  for  his  personal 
expenses  and  he  was  to  be  allowed  a  household  of  a  thousand 
troopers  and  two  hundred  private  servants.  The  last  clause 
of  the  treaty  was  never  carried  out ;  for  the  Bombay  Govern- 
ment refused  to  surrender  Raghunathrao,  and  continued  to 
give  him  an  asylum  at  Surat  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the 
ministers  and  the  orders  of  the  Supreme  Council.  In  other 
respects  the  treaty  was  observed. 


CHAPTER  LIX 

THE  PRETENDER  AND  THE  ENGLISH  WAR 

In  England,  during  the  wars  between  the  Houses  of  York 
and  Lancaster,  the  weakness  of  the  central  government 
tempted  adventurous  spirits  to  assume  the  part  of  claimants 
to  the  throne.  In  the  Deccan  the  Perkin  Warbecks  and 
Lambert  Simnels  cropped  up  by  scores.  All  the  prominent 
leaders  who  had  fallen  at  Panipat  reappeared  in  various  parts 
of  the  kingdom.  Jankoji  Sindia  and  the  brother  of  Hari 
Ballal  Phadke  were  both  popular  roles  ;  but  the  most  popular 
role  of  all  was  that  of  Sadashivrao,  the  son  of  Chimnaji  Appa. 
Several  impostors  assumed  his  name  and  they  obtained 
credence  the  more  readily  that  his  widow  Parvatibai  maintain- 
ed to  her  death  that  the  body  found  on  the  field  of  Panipat 
was  not  her  husband's  and  that  he  had  escaped  and  was  living 
somewhere  in  hiding.  She  continued  to  call  herself  "  Saubha- 
gyavati  ",  a  title  only  used  by  ladies  whose  husbands  are  still 
living.  The  pretenders  were  one  after  the  other  proved  to  be 
impudent  impostors,  and  executed  ;  yet  their  failures  never 
deterred  others  from  imitating  them.  The  most  successful  was 
undoubtedly  a  Kanoja  Brahman,  a  man  of  the  same  caste  as 
Kalasha,  the  evil  genius  of  Sambhaji.  His  name  was  Sukhni- 
dhan,  or  the  "  Treasure  of  happiness  ",  and  he  had  proclaimed 
himself  to  be  Sadashivrao  during  the  reign  of  Madhavrao 
Ballal.  That  energetic  prince  promptly  confined  him  in  Miraj. 
He  remained  in  prison  until  1775,  when  Gopalrao  Patwardhan 
begged  the  ministry  to  relieve  him  of  his  unpleasant  charge, 
as  he  seemed  likely  to  corrupt  the  guards  and  make  himself 
master  of  the  fortress.  Sukhnidhan  was  then  taken  to 
Ratnagiri  and  handed  over  to  the  care  of  Ramchandra  Naik 
Paranjpe,  the  subhedar. 

There  must  have  been  something  uncommon  in  the  pretender 
Sukhnidhan,  for  he  now  won  adherents  from  among  the  chief 
officers  of  the  state.  The  first  to  acknowledge  him  was  the 
very  subhedar  Paranjpe  to  whose  care  he  had  been  entrusted 


118  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  he  was  soon  in  possession  of  the  entire  district  of  Ratna- 
giri.  Soon  his  followers  included  Vyankatrao  Ghorpade,  the 
chief  of  Inchalkaranji,  Raghunathrao  Kolatkar,  the  real 
Sadashivrao's  brother-in-law,  and  Naro  Shankar,  the  maternal 
uncle  of  the  Peshwa's  mother,  Gangabai.  Encouraged  by  his 
early  successes,  the  pretender  acted  with  the  greatest  energy. 
He  seized  the  fleet  and  with  its  aid  carried  all  the  great  forts 
along  the  coast,  including  Vijayadurg,  Anjanvel  and  Suvarna- 
durg.  He  was  soon  master  of  the  entire  Konkan  and  at  the 
head  of  twenty  thousand  men  he  carried  the  Bhor  pass  and  the 
fort  of  Rajmachi.  The  ministry,  distracted  by  other  troubles, 
kept  hoping  that  the  imposture  would  be  discovered  and  the 
pretender  discredited.  They  were  now  forced  to  action  by  the 
prospect  of  his  immediate  march  on  Poona.  Unable  any  longer 
to  temporize,  they  appealed  to  Sindia  for  help  and  sent  Bhivrao 
Panse  to  delay  the  pretender's  advance  as  long  as  he  could. 
Bhivrao  Panse  engaged  him  in  minor  actions  and  harassed  his 
march  so  successfully,  that  Madhavrao  Sindia  was  able  to 
join  Panse  with  a  large  army.  The  allied  forces  now  attacked 
the  pretender  and  completely  defeated  him.  The  unhappy 
Sukhnidhan  fled  to  Bombay  but  did  not  land.  From  Bombay 
he  went  to  Kolaba,  where  he  was  arrested  by  Raghuji  Angre. 
The  latter  handed  him  over  to  the  ministry  on  condition  that 
he  should  not  be  punished  without  a  full  enquiry.  The 
ministry  accordingly  appointed  a  commission  of  twenty-seven 
persons  presided  over  by  Ramshastri.  Other  members  were 
Gopinath  Dikshit,  Dhondaba  Purandare,  Hari  Ballal  Phadke 
and  Babaji  Naik  Baramatikar,  all  men  personally  acquainted 
with  the  gallant  Sadashivrao.  After  a  most  careful  enquiry 
the  commission  pronounced  the  prisoner  to  be  an  impostor. 
He  was  driven  in  a  bullock  cart  through  Poona.  He  was  then 
taken  through  it  on  the  back  of  a  camel  ;  at  last,  on  the  18th 
December  1776,  he  was  executed  by  having  iron  pegs  ham- 
mered into  his  skull.  The  ministry  next  dealt  severely  with 
the  pretender's  followers.  Vyankatrao  was  fined  heavily  but 
escaped  with  his  life.  The  ministers  attached  his  entire 
property  and  only  returned  it  on  payment  of  sixty  thousand 
rupees  by  way  of  nazar  and  a  fine  of  twenty-five  thousand 
rupees.  Kolatkar  was  pardoned  on  the  insistent  prayers  of 
Parvatibai,     his    sister.      Ramchandra    Naik    Paranjpe    was 


THE  PRETENDER  AND  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  119 

stripped  of  all  his  wealth  and  he  and  his  family  were  imprisoned 
in  different  hill  fortresses.  Lesser  offenders  of  the  Brahman 
caste  were  punished,  not  for  their  rebellion,  but  for  dining 
with  one  not  of  their  own  community.  In  hundreds  of  villages 
throughout  the  Konkan  they  were  forced  in  the  presence  of 
officers  of  the  government  to  undergo  strict  and  unpleasant 
penances.  Those  Brahmans  who  had  assisted  the  pretender 
in  his  religious  or  ceremonial  observances  were  excommuni- 
cated and  were  not  re-admitted  to  caste  until  many  months 
afterwards.  Raghuji  Angre  received  as  his  reward  a  taluka 
worth  annually  a  lakh  of  rupees. 

Having  disposed  of  Raghunathrao,  his  English  allies  and 
the  pretender  Sukhnidhan,  the  harassed  ministers  turned  to 
face  other  enemies.  The  chief  of  these  was  Haidar  Ali,  but 
Mudhoji  Bhosle  and  the  Raja  of  Kolhapur  had  also  taken 
advantage  of  the  dissensions  at  Poona,  and  Nizam  Ali  was 
merely  waiting  on  events.  In  1776,  Haidar  Ali  reduced  the 
strong  fort  of  Gooti,  the  fief  of  Murarirao  Ghorpade.  On  the 
fall  of  his  fortress,  Murarirao  Ghorpade  became  the  prisoner 
of  Haidar  Ali  and  soon  ended  his  days  in  the  fort  of  Kabal- 
durg.  After  his  success  at  Gooti,  Haidar  Ali  openly  espoused 
Raghunathrao's  cause,  and,  crossing  the  Tungabhadra,  ravaged 
the  Maratha  possessions  between  that  river  and  the  Krishna. 
To  meet  this  southern  invader  the  ministers  sought  the 
alliance  of  the  treacherous  Nizam  Ali.  The  allies  agreed  to 
invade  Mysore  with  a  considerable  army,  while  a  force  was 
sent  under  Konherrao  Patwardhan  to  relieve  Savanur,  then 
beleaguered  by  Haidar  Ali.  But  Mahomed  Ali,  in  command 
of  Haidar  Ali's  advance  troops,  met  the  relieving  force  at 
Sansi.  He  adopted  a  plan  of  battle  that  the  Marathas  had 
themselves  often  practised  with  success.  He  made  a  re- 
connaissance in  force,  followed  by  a  pretended  flight.  This 
simple  ruse  led  the  Marathas  to  pursue  him  until  they  fell  into 
an  ambush  and  were  shot  down  with  great  slaughter  by  con- 
cealed cannon.  A  vigorous  charge  by  Mahomed  Ali  completed 
the  rout,  and  Pandurangrao  Patwardhan,  the  second  in  com- 
mand fell  into  the  hands  of  Mahomed  Ali.  In  the  cold 
weather  of  1776  and  1777  a  Maratha  army  thirty  thousand 
strong  under  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  assembled  at  Miraj. 
An  even  larger  force,  estimated  at  forty  thousand  men  and 


120  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

commanded  by  Ibrahim  Beg  Dhonsa,  was  sent  by  Nizam  Ali. 
The   plan  of   the  allied   governments  was  that  they  should 
converge  on  Mysore  and  effect  a  junction  within  the  frontiers 
of  that  kingdom.     But  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan,  who  was 
made  over-cautious  by  the  memory  of  Konherrao's  defeat  and 
by  the  condition  of  his  army,  whose  pay  was  several  months 
in  arrears,   retired  behind  the  Krishna  without  engaging  the 
enemy.     Ibrahim    Beg,   deserted  by  his  allies,  was   glad   to 
accept  a   present  from   Haidar  :Ali's  agent,  and  also   retired 
behind  his  master's  frontier.     The  ministers  determined  to 
make  a  fresh  effort  during  the  cold  weather  of  1777,  and  sent 
an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men  under  the  joint  command  of 
Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan.     They 
had    reached    the    Tungabhadra   when    they   were    rendered 
powerless  by  the  same  weapon  that  had  secured  the  retreat  of 
Ibrahim    Khan.      With    Haidar    Ali    was    Bajirao   Barve,     a 
Konkanasth  Brahman,  a  connexion  of  Raghunathrao's  first  wife. 
Barve    succeeded    in    corrupting    Manaji     Sindia,    surnamed 
Phakde,  with  a  bribe  of  six  lakhs  of  rupees.     Manaji  agreed  to 
desert  with  ten  thousand  men  during  the  first  general  action. 
As  soon  as  they  had  crossed  the  Tungabhadra,    Haidar  Ali 
attacked  the   Marathas.     Manaji  Phakde's   treachery  was  dis- 
covered  too   soon   to  be   effective,    and  his   force,    with  the 
exception  of  the  traitor   himself  and  thirty  horsemen,   were 
surrounded  and  cut  to  pieces,  before  it  could  desert.     Hari 
Phadke  no  longer  felt  strong  enough  to  engage  Haidar  Ali ; 
for,  the  more  he  enquired,  the  wider  proved  to  be  the  ramifi- 
cations of  Manaji  Sindia's  treason.     Even  his  own  personal 
servants  had  been  bribed  to  seize  their  master  during  the 
confusion  of  the  battle.     He  arrested  several  of  his  leading 
officers  and  blew  from  a  gun  one  of  the  most  deeply  impli- 
cated, Yashwantrao  Mane  of  Mhaswad.     He  then  withdrew, 
harassed  all  the  way,  across  the  Krishna.     Haidar  Ali  reduced 
Kopal    and   invested    Dharwar ;    but   in    May   1778,    artfully 
deceived  by  rumours  spread  by  Hari  Phadke  as  to  the  arrival 
of  another  great  army  from  Poona,  he  paid  Hari  Phadke  a 
sum  of  money  to  obtain  an  armistice. 

The  submission  of  Kolhapur  and  Mudhoji  Bhosle  was 
obtained  with  less  difficulty.  Ever  since  the  death  of  Sam- 
bhaji,  the  policy  of  the  Kolhapur  state  had  been  to  annoy  its 


THE  PRETENDER  AND  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  121 

suzerain  by  plundering  expeditions  on  land  and  piracy  at  sea, 
and  by  an  alliance  with  Nizam  Ali  when  at  war  with  Poona. 
The  author  of  this  policy  was  the  imperious  Jijibai,  Sambhaji's 
widow.  In  1762,  two  years  after  her  husband's  death  she 
adopted  Shivaji  Bhosle,  the  son  of  Shahaji  Bhosle,  Patil  of 
Khanwat  village  in  the  Indapur  taluka,  and  carried  on  the 
government  in  his  name.  She  was  alike  jealous  of  Tarabai 
and  hostile  to  Balaji  Bajirao,  and  she  showed  her  displeasure 
in  the  manner  described.  Madhavrao  had  punished  her  by 
taking  from  the  Kolhapur  state  several  districts  and  giving 
them  to  the  Patwardhan  family.  On  the  murder  of  Narayan- 
rao,  Jijibai  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  Raghunathrao, 
and  not  only  recovered  the  forfeited  lands,  but  stripped 
the  Patwardhans  of  others  also.  The  ministers  asked  for 
help  from  Tukoji  Holkar,  which  he  refused.  At  last  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  and  by  offers  of  large  grants  of  land  in 
Central  India,  Madhavrao  Sindia  was  induced  to  march  against 
Kolhapur.  Before  his  arrival,  however,  Ramchandra  Ganesh 
Kanade,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  Poona  troops,  had  won  at 
Hingangaon  a  signal  victory  over  the  Kolhapur  army,  com- 
manded by  Yesaji  Sindia.  On  Madhavrao  Sindia's  arrival, 
the  Peshwa's  troops  overran  the  raja's  territory  and  then 
besieged  Kolhapur.  At  last  the  pride  of  Jijibai  was  broken. 
She  agreed  to  restore  her  conquests,  to  break  her  alliance 
with  Haidar  Ali  and  Raghunathrao,  and  to  pay  twenty  lakhs 
by  way  of  indemnity  to  the  Peshwa  (January  1778). 

Mudhoji  Bhosle  was  easily  dealt  with.  Janoji  Bhosle  had 
been  present  at  Theur  when  Madhavrao  died  ;  and,  shortly 
before  the  great  Peshwa's  death,  he  obtained  leave  to  adopt 
Raghuji,  his  brother  Mudhoji's  eldest  son.  After  performing 
this  important  act,  he  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Tuljapur, 
where  he  died  in  May  1773.  *  On  his  death,  Mudhoji,  as  the 
natural  father  of  Raghuji,  and  Sabaji  as  the  full  brother  of 
Janoji,  claimed,  both  with  some  show  of  right,  the  guardian- 
ship of  the  newly  adopted  boy.  Mudhoji  Bhosle  after  the 
murder   of    Narayanrao    took    the    side    of    Raghunathrao. 


1  Grant  Duff,  vol,  II,  p.  9.     Mr.  Sar  Desai  gives  the  date  of   Janoji 
Bhosle's  death  as  29th  April,  1771  ;  but  that  date  does  not  seem  to  tit 
in  with  the  rest  of  the  story. 
16 


122  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Sabaji  took  the  side  of  the  ministers  and  on  their  victory  they 
appointed  him  regent  of  the  Nagpur  state.  On  the  26th 
February,  1775,  Mudhoji  and  Sabaji  Bhosle  fought  a  pitched 
battle.  Mudhoji's  troops  were  already  in  full  flight,  when 
their  leader  was  so  fortunate  as  to  shoot  his  brother  Sabaji 
dead.  Instantly  victory  changed  sides  and  the  ministry 
hastened  to  recognize  Mudhoji  Bhosle  as  regent.  On  Raghu- 
nathrao's  flight  into  Guzarat  Mudhoji  professed  himself  an 
adherent  of  the  ministry  ;  but,  when  the  English  allied  them- 
selves to  Raghunathrao,  Mudhoji  again  favoured  his  cause. 
The  ministry  called  upon  Nizam  Ali  to  punish  this  unstable 
feudatory.  Nizam  Ali  readily  agreed  and  sent  Ibrahim  Beg 
Dhansa,  the  commander  bribed  by  Haidar  Ali,  to  invade 
Berar.  This  he  did  and  reduced  it  with  little  or  no  opposition. 
At  first  Mudhoji  was  required  to  surrender  his  principal 
fortresses,  but  afterwards,  on  Mudhoji's  abject  submission  and 
payment  of  a  fine  of  ten  lakhs  to  the  Poona  Government,  his 
many  treacheries  were  forgiven  him. 

The  question  of  the  Gaikvad's  succession  was  settled  by 
the  nomination  of  Fatehsing  on  payment  of  ten  and  a  half 
lakhs  of  arrears  of  tribute  and  a  present  of  six  lakhs.  Of  the 
six  lakhs  one  lakh  went  to  Sakharam  Bapu  and  to  Nana 
Phadnavis.  The  remaining  five  lakhs  went  into  the  state 
treasuries  (February  1778). 

While  the  ministers  were  thus  struggling  successfully  to 
restore  order  throughout  the  Maratha  state,  several  deaths 
occurred  too  important  to  be  omitted.  In  July  1777,  Ganga- 
bai,  widow  of  the  ill-starred  Narayanrao,  died  of  a  malignant 
fever. 1     Her  last  act  was  to  plead  successfully  for  the  release 


1  Grant  Duff  asserts  (vol.  2,  p.  70)  that  she  died  of  a  miscarriage 
wilfully  brought  about  to  conceal  the  effects  of  her  intimacy  with  Nana 
Phadnavis.  This  assertion  has  been  hotly  traversed  by  modern  Indian 
writers.  Grant  Duff  does  not  quote  any  authority  for  it  and  I  have  not 
been  able  to  find  any.  On  the  other  hand  Mr.  Khare,  (Adhikar  Yog, 
p.  70)  quotes  a  contemporary  letter  to  the  following  effect  :— 

"  The  Peshwa's  mother  Gangabai  contracted  navajwar  (nine  days 
fever).  On  the  eighth  day  of  the  attack,  namely,  Ashad  Sud  7,  a  little 
before  noon  she  died.  It  is  a  terrible  calamity.  The  Peshwa  is  very 
young.  His  mother  was  his  protector.  It  is  a  most  terrible  thing  to 
have  happened." 


THE  PRETENDER  AND  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  123 

of  Ramchandra  Naik  from  prison.  A  hardly  less  important 
death  was  that  of  the  unhappy  Ramraja  on  the  12th  December 
1778.  So  long  as  Tarabai  lived,  his  life,  at  one  time  so  full 
of  fair  promise,  had  been  rendered  miserable  ;  but  the 
generous-hearted  Madhavrao  had  softened  the  rigours  of  his 
captivity  and  allowed  him  to  move  freely  all  over  Satara 
fortress.  He  also  permitted  him  to  manage  his  private 
estates  in  the  Poona  district.  Indeed  he  would  probably  have 
given  him  wider  powers,  had  he  not  found  Ramraja's  mind 
no  longer  fit  to  do  more  than  play  at  administration.  At 
Madhavrao's  death,  Ramraja  seems  to  have  shown  a  moment- 
ary energy.  The  commandant  of  Raygad  had  betrayed  his 
charge  to  the  Sidi  of  Janjira.  Ramraja,  stirred  by  the  insult 
to  his  heroic  ancestor,  cancelled  the  appointment  of  the 
commandant  and  pressed  on  the  new  Peshwa  Narayanrao  its 
recovery.  This  was  soon  effected  and  the  garrison  of  the 
Sidi  put  to  the  sword.  Ramraja  had  two  daughters,  who 
were  respectively  married  to  Madhavji  Naik  Nimbalkar 
and  Durgaji  Mahadik  Taralekar.1  In  1777,  Ramraja  fell  ill 
and  he  was  pressed  to  adopt  a  son  as  he  had  no  male  issue. 
His  choice  fell  on  Trimbakji  Bhosle,  Patil  of  Vavi,  a  village  in 
Nasik  district,  which  formed  part  of  the  Bhosles'  private 
domain.  Trimbakji  Bhosle  was  descended  from  Vithoji,  the 
brother  of  Maloji  Bhosle  and  uncle  of  Shahaji,  the  great  king's 
father.  On  the  boy's  adoption,  his  name  was  changed  to  that 
of  Shahu  Maharaj.  He  is  known  in  Maratha  history  as 
Dakhte  Shahu  or  Shahu  the  Younger. 


la  this  connexion  too,  the  following  extract  from  Grant  Duff's  letter 
to  General  Briggs,  dated  28th  February  1854,  is  interesting:— 

"  I  could  not  now  lay  ray  hand  on  the  notes  of  evidence  as  to  the 
matter  you  mention.  .  .  .  That  the  ministers  had  several  women 
carried  up,  to  make  sure  of  a  successor  somehow,  was  also  generally 
believed,  and  that  Nana  Phadnavis  was  much  too  intimate  with 
Narayanrao's  widow  ;  but  nevertheless  no  one  of  any  consequence 
expressed  any  suspicion  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  the  child  born  at 
Poorundhar  (sic)." 

Grant  Duff's  authority  seems  to  have  been  the  gossip  of  Poona,  not 
always  a  trustworthy  source. 

1  Chitnis  Bakhar,  p.  32. 


CHAPTER  LX 

MOROBA  PHADNAVIS'  CONSPIRACY  AND  THE 
ENGLISH  INVASION 

In  Chapter  lvii,  I  have  related  how  Moroba  Phadnavis 
tried  unsuccessfully  to  seize  in  Raghunathrao's  interest  the 
persons  of  Parvatibai,  Gangabai,  the  young  Peshwa,  Sakharam 
Bapu  and  Nana  Phadnavis.  Moroba  remained  unpunished  and, 
jealous  of  his  cousin  Nana  Phadnavis,  continued  to  plot  for 
Raghunathrao's  return.  He  was  closely  in  touch  with  all 
Raghunathrao's  avowed  well-wishers,  Bajaba  Purandare, 
Sakharam  Hari  Gupte  and  Chinto  Vithal  Rairikar.  Tukoji 
Holkar  was  won  over  to  Raghunathrao's  cause  because  of  his 
jealousy  of  Madhavrao  Sindia,  and  Sakharam  Bapu  because  of 
his  dislike  for  Nana  Phadnavis.  In  1778,  the  conspirators 
approached  the  Bombay  Government  and  invited  them  to 
march  on  Poona  and  restore  Raghunathrao.  The  Bombay 
Government,  smarting  under  the  treaty  of  Purandar,  and 
indignant  at  the  deference  paid  by  Nana  Phadnavis  to 
St.  Lubin,  a  French  adventurer  who  posed  as  an  envoy  of  the 
French  king,  were  ready  and  willing  to  comply.  The  English, 
however,  asked  for  a  written  invitation  from  Sakharam  Bapu, 
which  he  was  too  wary  to  send.  While  the  negotiations  were 
proceeding,  Nana  Phadnavis,  who  was  fully  aware  of  them, 
tried  to  seize  Moroba  Phadnavis,  who  escaped  arrest  and  took 
refuge  in  the  camp  of  Tukoji  Holkar.  It  was  now  Moroba's 
turn.  Secure  in  the  midst  of  Holkar's  soldiery,  he  conspired 
with  Sakharam  Bapu  to  arrest  Nana  Phadnavis  ;  but  the  latter 
artfully  eluded  his  enemies  and  fled  to  Purandar.1     Thence  he 


1  One  tale  of  the  attempted  arrest  of  Nana  Phadnavis  is  as  follows  : 
Sakharam  Bapu  and  Moroba  Phadnavis  had  concentrated  troops  round 
Poona,  intending  to  arrest  Nana  Phadnavis  directly  the  evening  gun  was 
fired.  Sakharam  Bapu  was  to  keep  Nana  Phadnavis  engaged  in 
conversation  until  a  few  minutes  before.  Nana  knew  of  the  plot  and 
warned  the  officer  on  duty  not  to  fire  the  evening  gun  until  he  heard 
the  report  of  five  guns  fired  from  Purandar.     The  result  was  that,  after 


CONSPIRACY  AND  THE  ENGLISH  INVASION  125 

sent  urgent  letters  to  Madhavrao  Sindia  in  front  of  Kolhapur, 
and  to  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  in  the  Carnatic,  to  bring  their 
armies  to  his  assistance.  Some  delay  ensued,  for  directly 
Sindia  struck  his  camp  the  Raja  of  Kolhapur  showed  signs  of 
disavowing  his  recent  treaty,  and  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  could  not 
leave  the  Carnatic  until  he  had  tricked  Haidar  Ali  into  asking 
for  an  armistice.  In  the  meantime  Nana  Phadnavis  success- 
fully cajoled  Moroba.  He  proposed  that  Moroba  should  be 
minister-in-chief  and  that  the  other  ministers  should  be 
Sakharam  Bapu,  Bajaba  Purandare  and  Nana  Phadnavis. 
The  latter's  powers  were  to  be  greatly  curtailed  and  he  was 
to  remain  at  Purandar  in  charge  of  the  young  Peshwa. 
Moroba  accepted  the  proposal  and  assumed  supreme  power. 
But  since  his  liking  for  Raghunathrao  only  grew  out  of 
his  envy  of  Nana  Phadnavis,  he  no  sooner  became  chief 
minister  than,  as  his  astute  cousin  had  foreseen,  he  lost  all 
enthusiasm  for  the  return  of  Raghunathrao.  He  broke  off 
negotiations  with  the  English  and  proceeded  to  rule  the  state 
himself  and  enjoy  to  the  full  all  the  fruits  of  office.  His 
pleasant  dream  was  soon  disturbed.  When  Hari  Ballal  Phadke 
was  free  to  leave  the  Carnatic,  he  joined  Madhavrao  Sindia  at 
Miraj.  Then,  leaving  Miraj  by  separate  routes,  they  joined 
each  other  again  at  Purandar  on  the  6th  June,  1778.  Nana 
Phadnavis  with  their  help  was  once  again  master  of  the 
situation ;  and  on  the  22nd  June,  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and 
Parashram  Chate  Patwardhan  surrounded  Moroba' s  house  and 
arrested  him.  He  was  ordered  to  resign  all  his  offices,  to 
disband  his  troops  and  to  retire  into  private  life  ;  but  he  did 
not  observe  the  terms  imposed  on  him.  As  he  was  again 
found  engaged  in  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  English, 
he  was  on  the  22nd  July,  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Ahmad- 
nagar  fort.  There  he  remained  for  twenty-two  years.  Two 
of  the  other  ministers  were  treated  with  similar  severity. 
Bajaba  Purandare  was  imprisoned  in  Wandan  fort,  close  to 


Sakharam  Bapu  had  left,  so  as  to  allow  the  troops  to  seize  Nana 
Phadnavis,  the  latter  rode  as  fast  as  he  could  out  of  the  city.  The 
officer  on  duty  did  not  fire  the  evening  gun  until  Nana  Phadnavis  had 
reached  Purandar  and  had  fired  five  guns  from  there.  The  soldiers 
then  rushed  in,  but  their  prey  had  escaped.  (Khare's  Life  of  Nana 
Phadnavis,  chapter  vii.) 


126  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Satara.  Sakharam  Hari  Gupte,  one  of  the  heroes  of  Rakhshasa- 
bhavan,  was  thrown  heavily  chained  into  Rudramal  and 
afterwards  removed  to  Ghangad,  where  he  died  fourteen 
months  later  staunch  in  his  fidelity  to  his  unworthy  master. x 

Raghunathrao  and  his  English  allies  in  Bombay  heard  with 
dismay  of  the  return  of  Nana  Phadnavis  to  power  ;  but  they 
did  not  abandon  their  intention  to  march  on  Poona.  Raghu- 
nathrao was  anxious  to  recover  the  Peshwa's  office,  and  the 
Bombay  Government  feared  Nana  Phadnavis'  designs  on  the 
island  of  Salsette.  In  August,  the  Bombay  Government 
received  a  direct  order  from  the  Supreme  Council  that  they 
were  not  to  engage  in  war  with  the  Marathas  unless  as  a 
defensive  measure.  As  the  Governor-General  was  negotiat- 
ing with  Mudhoji  Bhosle,  the  Bombay  Government  resolved 
to  ignore  the  order,  but,  while  determined  to  march  eastwards 
directly  the  weather  permitted,  they  made  little  or  no  prepara- 
tions for  the  invasion  that  they  contemplated.  They  obtained 
from  Raghunathrao  a  renewal  of  the  offers  made  by  him  at 
Surat,  2  and  on  the  22nd  November,  1778,  sent  six  companies 
of  sepoys  and  some  light  artillery  to  seize  the  Bhor  Ghat. 
This  operation  was  successfully  effected  by  the  officer  in 
command,  Captain  James  Stewart. 

It  is  a  matter  of  great  regret  that  so  little  is  known  of  this 
remarkable  man.  Yet  such  had  been  his  gallantry  on  various 
occasions  of  field  service,  that  his  own  men  had  nicknamed 
him  Ishtur  Phakde  or  the  Heroic  Stewart.  This  honourable 
title  had  been  accepted  by  the  Peshwa's  army  and  the  Peshwa's 
government ;  and  to-day  no  Englishman's  name  is  so  well 
known  to  the  ordinary  Brahman  of  the  Deccan  or  the  Konkan 


1  I  cannot  resist   quoting  the  fine  passage   from  Grant  Duff,    vol.    2, 
p.  77,  which  describes  the  end  of  this  brave  man  : 

"  He  (Sakharam  Hari)  was  chained  in  irons  so  heavy  that  although 
a  very  powerful  man,  he  could  scarcely  lift  them  ;  his  food  and  water 
were  insufficient  to  allay  his  hunger  or  quench  his  thirst  ;  but  he 
survived  fourteen  months  ;  and,  when  so  emaciated  that  he  could  not 
rise.  '  My  strength  is  gone  and  my  life  is  going  '  cried  the  dying  enthu- 
siast ;  '  but  when  voice  and  breath  fail  my  fleshless  bones  shall  still 
shout  '  Raghunathrao  !  Raghunathrao  !  '  " 

2  The    new  treaty    was    dated    24th   November,    1778.      See   Forest 
Selections  (Maratha  Series)  i.  334-8. 


CONSPIRACY  AND  THE  ENGLISH  INVASION  127 

as  Ishtur  Phakde.  Indeed  his  presence  with  the  attacking 
force  was  regarded  by  them  as  a  presage  of  victory  and  by 
the  Maratha  forces  as  an  omen  of  defeat.  It  was  his  duty  to 
hold  Khandala  at  the  head  of  the  pass  until  the  arrival  of  the 
main  army,  and  this  he  performed  with  great  skill,  successfully 
defeating  Maratha  detachments  sent  to  dislodge  him.  On  the 
23rd  December,  1778,  the  English  army  arrived,  three  thousand, 
nine  hundred  strong,  accompanied  by  Raghnnathrao,  his 
adopted  son  Amratrao,  and  Chinto  Vithal  Rairikar,  who  had 
fled  to  Bombay  and  had  been  appointed  Raghunathrao's 
diwan.  With  Raghunathrao  were  two  thousand  cavalry,  and 
an  equal  body  of  disciplined  infantry.  The  English  com- 
mander, Colonel  Egerton,  who  had  as  yet  met  no  serious 
resistance,  was  confident  of  a  rapid  and  successful  end  to  the 
campaign.  He  was  quite  unaware  of  the  vast  preparations, 
that  had  been  made  for  his  reception.  Nana  Phadnavis  had 
for  months  past  known  the  intentions  of  the  English,  and  so 
admirable  was  his  system  of  espionage  that  the  most  secret 
debates  of  the  Bombay  Council  were  accurately  reported  to 
him.  While  the  Bombay  Government  organized  their  tiny 
army,  Nana  Phadnavis  had  from  every  quarter  received  large 
contingents.  Tukoji  Holkar  was  present  at  Poona  with  6,000 
men  ;  Sindia  with  1,500  men  ;  Bhivrao  Panse  with  3,000,  and 
other  feudatories  with  between  5,000  and  6,000.  These  con- 
tingents together  with  the  Peshwa's  army  enabled  him  to  send 
forty  thousand  men  against  the  invaders.  At  the  same  time 
he  removed  Sakharam  Bapu  from  office  and  placed  him  under 
a  guard  of  Sindia's  troops.  He  ordered  Balaji  Govind 
Bandela,1  commandant  of  Sagar  in  Central  India,  to  resist  all 
attempts  of  the  Supreme  Council  to  send  reinforcements  over- 
land from  Bengal.  This  order  was  so  well  obeyed  that 
Colonel  Leslie,  who  was  leading  an  army  from  Bengal,  was 
never  able  to  pass  through  Central  India,  and,  after  several 
months  of  useless  fighting  there,  died  of  fever  on  the  23rd 
October,  1778. 

Colonel  Egerton  advanced  so  slowly  that  he  spent  eleven 
days  in  marching  the  eight  miles  that  separate  Khandala 
from  Karli,  the  little  village  known  to  residents  of  Bombay 

1  A  son  of  Govind  Bandela  killed  in  the  Panipat  campaign. 


128  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  Poona  because  of  its  wonderful  Buddhist  caves.  On  the 
4th  January,  1779,  the  English  army  lost  its  most  daring 
spirit.  According  to  the  Peshwa's  Bakhar,  Captain  Stewart 
climbed  a  tree  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  position.  His 
commanding  figure  was  recognized  and  the  entire  Maratha 
front  resounded  with  the  cry  of  "  Shabash,  Ishtur  Phakde." 
At  the  same  time  the  Maratha  batteries  concentrated  on  the 
tree  which  sheltered  Stewart,  and  a  moment  later  the  tree  and 
its  burden  were  swept  away  in  a  storm  of  cannon  shot.  The 
same  chronicle  relates  a  curious  tale  how  the  death  of  the 
gallant  Stewart  was  announced  to  the  Poona  ministers. 
While  Nana  Phadnavis  and  other  ministers  were  seated 
anxiously  in  the  little  Peshwa's  room,  awaiting  news  from 
the  front,  the  boy  prince  started  from  his  seat  and  asked 
them  why  they  looked  so  careworn.  "  The  English  will  not 
give  way  ",  was  the  reply.  The  little  boy  sent  for  his  toy 
sword,  fastened  it  on,  and  said,  "  The  Englishman  is  dead." 
There  was  only  one  Englishman  who  mattered  and  a  few 
hours  later  a  messenger  brought  the  news  that  Ishtur  Phakde 
was  no  more.  By  some  strange  telepathy  the  death  of  the 
English  hero  had  reached  the  Brahman  prince  faster  than  the 
steed  of  the  galloping  messenger.  Captain  Stewart's  com- 
mand devolved  on  Captain  Hartley,  a  brave  and  skilful  officer 
but  without  the  inspiring  qualities  of  the  dead  soldier ;  and 
the  latter's  death  greatly  depressed  the  invaders  and  cheered 
the  defending  army.  On  the  9th  January,  the  English  reached 
Talegaon  Dabhade,  the  beautiful  spot  which  the  gallant 
Khanderao  Dabhade  loved  above  all  his  other  possessions. 
They  found  it  in  flames  and  they  learnt  that  Nana  Phadnavis 
had  ordered  the  destruction  of  Chinchvad  and  other  townships 
on  the  road  to  Poona  and,  should  the  English  reach  so  far, 
the  destruction  of  Poona  itself.  For  this  purpose,  indeed,  he 
had  filled  the  rooms  of  the  Shanwar  Wada  with  masses  of 
straw  and  hay.  The  English  had  counted  on  finding  supplies 
at  Talegaon,  more  especially  since  they  learnt  that  a  Maratha 
force  had  swept  the  Konkan  as  far  as  Panwel,  cutting  their 
communications  with  Bombay.  Their  commanders  should 
have  advanced  by  forced  marches  on  Poona  to  prevent  its 
destruction  ;  for  they  had  with  them  several  days'  supply  of 
food   and  the  capital  was  only   eighteen   miles   away.     No 


CONSPIRACY'  AN  I")  THE  ENGLISH  INVASION  129 

steps  taken  by  Nana  could  in  so  short  a  time  have  stripped 
Poona  bare.  The  English  would  have  found  supplies  there 
and  Raghunathrao  numerous  adherents.  But  from  undue 
elation  the  invaders  fell  into  uncalled-for  despair.  They 
contrasted  their  present  situation  with  the  easier  conditions 
of  Guzarat,  and  they  fretfully  complained  to  Raghunathrao 
and  Chinto  Vithal  that  they  had  falsely  promised  the  adhesion 
of  Tukoji  Holkar  and  other  allies.  Holkar  had  sent  word 
that  he  had  no  intention  of  deserting  to  a  force  so  small  that 
its  defeat  was  certain  ;  and  this  message  increased  the  gloom 
of  the  English  high  command.  In  spite  of  the  protests  of 
Raghunathrao  and  the  advice  of  Captain  Hartley,  the  English 
resolved  to  retire;  At  11  p.m.  on  the  night  of  the  11th 
January,  the  army  that  was  to  have  forced  Raghunathrao  on 
an  unwilling  people  began  its  retreat.  The  heavy  guns 
were  thrown  into  the  tank  at  Talegaon,  whence  they  were 
afterwards  recovered  by  the  Marathas.1  All  around  the 
English  army  had  been  stationed  patrols,  who  at  once  reported 
the  retreat  of  the  invaders.  The  Marathas  attacked  them 
from  all  sides  with  greater  vigour  and  fuller  confidence. 
On  the  12th  and  13th,  the  English  army  struggled  back 
the  way  it  had  come  ;  but  on  the  13th,  it  was  hemmed  in  at 
the  village  of  Wadgaon,  some  five  miles  from  Talegaon. 
The  English  sent  a  Mr.  Farmer  to  negotiate.  The  Maratha 
Government  demanded  as  a  preliminary  to  negotiations  the 
surrender  of  Raghunathrao ;  but  the  latter,  grasping  the 
hopeless  situation  of  the  English,  had  already  deserted  to 
Sindia's  camp  together  with  Chinto  Vithal  Rairikar  and 
Kharaksing,  one  of  Narayanrao's  murderers,  and  three  hundred 
cavalry,  some  fifteen  hundred  disciplined  infantry  and  thirteen 
pieces  of  artillery.  Sindia  received  Raghunathrao  with 
courtesy,  but  arrested  Chinto  Vithal  and  Kharaksing.  The 
Maratha  Government  next  demanded  the  cession  of  Salsette 
and  the  acquisitions  of  the  East  India  Company  in  Surat  and 
Broach.     The  English  commanders  at  first  demurred  on  the 


1  A  letter  from   Shivajipaut   quoted   by   Mr.    Khare   (Adhikar  Yog, 
p.  125)  runs  as  follows  : 

The  English  have  been  beaten.     They  have  lost  from  400  to  500  men 
killed.    Seven  cannon  have  been  taken  and  two  thousand  muskets,  etc., 
are  included  in  the  booty. 
17 


130  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

ground  that  they  had  no  authority  to  make  such  cessions  ; 
but  afterwards  they  sent  Mr.  Holmes,  a  junior  member  of' 
the  Civil  Service,  with  full  power  to  agree  to  their  enemies' 
demands.  He  ceded  all  that  the  East  India  Company  had 
acquired  in  the  Konkan  since  1773,  bestowed  privately  the 
English  share  in  Broach  on  Madhavrao  Sindia,  and  promised 
Rs.  41,000  to  various  members  of  his  staff.  At  the  same 
time  he  undertook  to  countermand  the  advance  of  reinforce- 
ments from  Bengal.  The  English  army  was  then  allowed 
to  return  unmolested  to  Bombay  ;  but  Mr.  Farmer  and 
Lieutenant  Charles  Stewart,  a  nephew  of  the  gallant  Ishtur 
Phakde,  remained  behind  as  hostages. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  troops  at  Bombay,  the  Bombay 
Government  repudiated  the  convention  of  Wadgaon  as  made 
wholly  without  authority,  and  dismissed  the  officers  who  were 
parties  to  it.  The  Bengal  Supreme  Council  directed  General 
Goddard,  the  successor  of  Colonel  Leslie,  to  march  with  all 
speed  to  the  western  coast.  This  duty  General  Goddard  per- 
formed with  consummate  skill,  disregarding  the  countermand 
received  from  Bombay.  On  the  26th  February,  1780,  he 
reached  Surat,  evading  twenty  thousand  Maratha  horse  sent 
to  intercept  him.     From  Surat  he  took  ship  to  Bombay. 

The  Maratha  army  remained  encamped  at  Talegaon  for  a 
month,  and  the  Maratha  Government  were  extremely  annoyed 
at  the  repudiation  by  the  Bombay  Government  of  the  conven- 
tion of  Wadgaon,  a  repudiation  which  robbed  them  of  the 
fruits  of  their  victory.  Nevertheless  they  treated  Messrs. 
Farmer  and  Stewart,  with  kindness  and  courtesy,  probably  out 
of  affectionate  admiration  for  Ishtur  Phakde,  and  devoted 
themselves  to  the  uprooting  of  sedition  at  home.  Sakharam 
Bapu  had  been  allowed  to  go  to  Wai  to  celebrate  the  marriage 
of  his  daughter  with  the  Pant  Sachiv  ;  in  his  absence  Sindia 
extorted  from  Chinto  Vithal  two  similarly  worded  letters 
written  by  Sakharam  Bapu  to  Chinto  Vithal  and  Raghunath- 
rao.1     They  clearly  proved  his   treachery   and  on  his  return 


1  The  letters  ran  as  follows  :  "  This  is  my  request.  I  have  made  the 
suggestion  to  the  South  (i.e.  to  Haidar  Ali).  I  am  now  sitting  down  and 
waiting  on  events.  In  these  circumstances  the  sooner  you  act  the 
better."     (Adhikar  Yog,  p.  128.) 


CONSPIRACY  AND  THE  ENGLISH  INVASION  131 

from  Wai  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Sinhgad. 
Kharaksing  was  executed,  and  Chinto  Vithal  ended  his  days 
in  a  hill  fortress.     The  real  culprit,  however,  escaped. 

After  some  sharp  discussion  between  Sindia  and  Nana 
Phadnavis,  the  Maratha  Government  agreed  to  let  the  former 
keep  Raghunathrao  in  his  custody  at  Jhansi,  and  to  allot  to 
Madhavrao  Sindia  lands  worth  four  to  five  lakhs  a  year,  so 
that  the  pretender  might  be  suitably  lodged  and  attended. 
Raghunathrao  was  allowed  to  march  towards  Jhansi  with  the 
cavalry  and  infantry  that  had  gone  over  with  him  to  Sindia' s 
camp.  To  watch  his  movements  Sindia  detailed  one  of  his 
staff,  Hari  Babaji  with  two  thousand  men.  On  the  road 
Raghunathrao  learnt  that  Sindia  had  no  intention  of  spending 
the  revenues  allotted  to  him  to  enhance  Raghunathrao 's 
dignity  and  comfort.  He  meant  on  arrival  at  Jhansi  to  shut 
up  the  fugitive  in  Jhansi  fort  and  to  brigade  his  troops  with 
his  own  army.  To  this  fate  Raghunathrao  was  determined 
not  to  submit.  In  the  confusion  of  crossing  the  Narbada, 
he  attacked  Hari  Babaji' s  two  thousand  men,  cut  them  to 
pieces,  and  escaped  to  Broach,  where  he  was  received  with 
honour  by  his  English  friends. 

The  victory  over  the  English  was  deemed  a  fitting  occasion 
for  the  Peshwa's  Munj  or  thread-girding  ceremony.1  The 
Peshwa  was  now  in  his  sixth  year  and  on  the  12th  May  the 
ceremonial  festivities  began.  Hitherto  Madhavrao  through 
fear  of  Raghunathrao's  various  plots  had  always  been  kept  in 
Purandar  or  Sasvad.  He  was  now  taken  to  Poona  and  he 
was  admitted  to  the  dignity  of  the  twice-born.  All  the 
feudatories  including  Sindia  and  Holkar  were  present  and  the 
whole  countryside  was  white  with  the  tents  of  the  visitors  and 
of  their  military  escorts.  The  ceremonies  were  splendid,  but 
were  not  unduly  prolonged,  as  Nana  Phadnavis  guessed  that 
in  no  long  time  the  Marathas  and  English  would  be  again 
at  war. 


1  See  vol.  II,  p.  135. 


CHAPTER  LXI 

RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR 

Warren  Hastings,  the  Governor-General  of  Bengal,  was 
determined  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  of  Wadgaon.  He 
directed  Goddard  to  take  supreme  command  of  all  troops 
in  Bombay  and  if  possible  to  restore  the  credit  of  the 
English  arms.  On  [the  other  hand,  Nana  Phadnavis  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  Haidar  Ali  and  Nizam  Ali.  After  some 
fruitless  negotiations  General  Goddard  resolved  to  conduct 
the  war  in  Guzarat  rather  than  in  Maharashtra.  In  Guzarat 
he  hoped  to  receive  help  from  Fatehsing  Gaikvad  ;  Surat, 
too,  formed  a  convenient  base,  while  the  Maratha  armies 
would  necessarily  be  hampered  by  long  and  arduous  land 
communications.  In  January,  1780,  Goddard's  army  moved 
from  Surat.  On  the  20th  January,  1780,  he  took  by  storm 
Dabhai  and  occupied  other  towns  garrisoned  in  the  Peshwa's 
interest.  On  the  26th  January,  he  signed  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  with  Fatehsing.  Agreeably  to  the  treaty, 
he  laid  siege  to  Ahmadabad,  which  he  took  by  storm  on 
the  15th  February,  1780.  The  Maratha  Government  had 
called  on  Sindia  and  Holkar  to  drive  out  the  invaders,  and, 
crossing  the  Narbada  on  the  29th  February,  they  halted  near 
Baroda  with  twenty  thousand  cavalry.  On  the  6th  March, 
Goddard  crossed  the  Mahi  river  and  offered  them  battle  ;  but 
the  Marathas  retreated  after  chivalrously  releasing  Messrs. 
Farmer  and  Stewart.  Some  time  passed  in  idle  negotiations  ; 
at  last  Goddard,  on  the  night  of  the  2nd  April,  surprised 
Sindia's  camp,  without,  however,  inflicting  on  him  any 
serious  loss. 

Madhavrao  Sindia's  strategy  in  refusing  a  general  action 
was  essentially  sound.  He  wished  to  draw  Goddard  farther 
and  farther  from  his  base,  while  the  Poona  Government  acted 
against  Surat  and  Bombay.  In  March,  1780,  Ganeshpant 
Behare,  the  Peshwa's  commander  in  the  northern  Konkan, 
invaded  Guzarat,  intending  to  cut  Goddard's  communications 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  133 

with  Surat.  Goddard  was  forced  to  send  a  detachment  under 
Lieutenant  Welsh,  who  surprised,  defeated  and  wounded 
Ganeshpant  Behare, *  and  thereupon  reduced  the  three  forts 
of  Parner,  Bagwada  and  Indragad.  About  the  same  time 
one  of  Sindia's  detachments  was  surprised  on  the  banks 
of  the  Narbada.  Nevertheless  Sindia's  strategy  was  justified 
elsewhere  ;  for  in  the  Konkan  the  Marathas  won  an  import- 
ant success.  An  English  detachment,  which  under  Ensign 
Fyfe  had  pushed  rather  rashly  as  far  as  the  Ghats,  was  cut  off 
and  its  guns  taken  ;  and  a  Maratha  assault  on  an  English 
post  at  Kalyan  on  the  24th  May,  1780,  was  only  just  frustrated 
by  the  arrival  of  a  relief  force  under  Colonel  Hartley. 

In  the  meantime  the  skill  of  Nana  Phadnavis'  diplomacy 
was  soon  to  become  manifest  to  the  English  of  Madras.  The 
Government  of  that  city  had  succeeded  in  estranging  at  the 
same  time  Haidar  Ali  and  the  Nizam.  In  spite  of  their 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  the  former,  the  Madras 
Government  had  refused  to  send  him  any  help  against  the 
Marathas,  and  had  without  his  permission  recently  marched  an 


1  Grant  Duff  writes  that  Ganeshpant  Behare  was  mortally  wounded. 
This  is  not  correct.  Four  years  later  Ganeshpant  Behare  was  fighting 
against  Tipu  Sultan.  It  is  interesting  to  contrast  the  English  and 
Maratha  accounts  of  this  action. 

The  following  is  Mr.  Welsh's  account  : 

Dear  Sir, 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  I  rode  on  at  the  head  of  the 
regiment  and  Candahars  and  reached  Gane  Pant's  camp  at  four 
o'clock  this  morning,  when  I  took  his  camp  standing,  bazar  and  three 
guns,  killed  ninety  and  wounded  fifteen.  I  have  only  lost  one  daffedar 
and  two  troopers  wounded,  one  Candahar  killed.  In  short  there  was 
nothing  wanting  to  complete  this  matter,  but  sending  you  in  Gunnesh 
Punt's  head.  I  don't  think  he  has  much  to  brag  of  now.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  village  seem  exceedingly  happy  and  are  coming  in  from  all 

quarters. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir, 

Your  very  obedient  humble  servant, 
Thomas  Welsh. 
The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Nana  Phadnavis  : 
The  English  surprised  Ganeshpant  Behare.  A  slight  action  followed. 
The  said   officer  received  two  or  three  wounds.     He   made  a  careful 
retreat  to  Hatgad. 

{Parasnis  Collection) . 


134  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

armed  force  through  his  territories.  They  had  enraged 
Nizam  AH  by  occupying  his  district,  Guntur,  and  by  binding 
themselves  to  support  against  him  his  brother  Basalat  Jang. 
Both  princes,  therefore,  listened  readily  to  Nana  Phadnavis' 
overtures.  To  Haidar  Ali  Nana  Phadnavis  offered  to  cede 
all  the  lands  actually  occupied  by  his  troops  between  the 
Krishna  and  Tungabhadra  rivers.  To  Nizam  Ali  he  offered 
important  tracts  of  land  between  Daulatabad  and  Ahmadnagar. 
Nana  Phadnavis'  offers  were  accepted,  and  both  Haidar  Ali 
and  Nizam  Ali  allied  themselves  with  the  Marathas  against 
the  English.  Nizam  Ali's  help  was  of  little  value,  for  on  the 
restitution  of  Guntur  he  refused  to  move  a  man  ;  but  Haidar 
Ali's  attack  on  the  English  was  of  the  most  formidable  kind. 
In  July,  1780,  eighty-three  thousand  disciplined  troops,  led  in 
many  cases  by  gallant  French  adventurers,  assembled  sudden- 
ly at  Bangalore.  Without  a  word  of  warning  this  mighty 
force  poured  through  the  southern  passes  into  the  English 
possessions.  The  first  news  of  the  invasion  was  conveyed  to 
the  Madras  Government  by  the  sight  of  flaming  villages  nine 
miles  from  Madras.  Isolating  that  capital,  Haidar  Ali  sought 
out  the  English  armed  forces.  On  the  10th  September  he  fell 
upon  a  body  of  3,700  men  under  Colonel  Baillie,  and  destroyed 
or  captured  the  entire  detachment. 

Fortunately  for  English  dominion  in  India,  Warren  Hastings 
was  Governor-General  in  Calcutta.  He  heard  of  the  disasters 
with  unruffled  calm  and  met  the  confederacy  with  its  own 
weapons.  He  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Rana  of  Gohad  in 
Central  India,  who  was  a  subject  ally  of  the  Peshwa.  The 
Rana  of  Gohad  declared  himself  independent  and  received 
Captain  Popham  with  three  thousand  men,  horse  and  guns. 
The  combined  forces  crossed  the  Jamna  and,  routing  the 
Maratha  covering  troops,  took  successively  the  forts  of  Lahar 
and  Gwalior  (4th  August,  1780),  thus  seriously  disquieting 
Madhavrao  Sindia,  to  whom  Gwalior  belonged.  To  meet  the 
dangers  that  threatened  Madras,  Warren  Hastings  despatched 
Sir  Eyre  Coote,  who,  although  sixty  years  of  age,  proved 
able  to  check  the  impetuous  advance  of  Haidar  Ali. 

The  monsoon,  which  falls  with  intense  violence  in  the 
Konkan,  checked  operations  until  October,  when  Colonel 
Goddard,   leaving  a  considerable  garrison  in  Surat,   Broach 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  135 

and  Ahmadabad,  began  to  march  southwards  from  Surat  to 
invest  Bassein.  On  the  1st  October,  Colonel  Hartley,  who  had 
been  sent  from  Bombay  to  prepare  for  the  arrival  of  the  main 
army,  took  by  storm  Bawa  Malang,  known  familiarly  as  the 
Cathedral  Rock,  ten  miles  south  of  Kalyan.  It  had  been 
unsuccessfully  attacked  on  the  4th  of  August,  but  now  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  English.  On  the  13th  November, 
General  Goddard  arrived  before  Bassein  and  carefully  re- 
connoitred it.  On  the  28th  November,  the  siege  began. 
The  Maratha  Government  strained  every  nerve  to  relieve 
Bassein,  but  the  invasion  of  Central  India  partially  paralysed 
Sindia,  whose  guns  failed  to  arrive  in  time.  On  the  other 
hand,  contingents  under  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  and 
Anandrao  Raste  *  were  at  once  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
Ramchandra  Ganesh.  He  successfully  harassed  Colonel 
Hartley's  covering  force  and  compelled  it  to  move  from  its 
advanced  post  and  to  fall  back  on  Goddard's  besieging  army. 
On  the  10th  December,  Ramchandra  Ganesh  made  a  most 
resolute  attempt  to  destroy  Hartley's  corps.  Throughout  the 
10th  and  11th  his  attacks  continued  without  abating.  At  last, 
at  9  a.m.  on  the  12th  December,  1780,  Ramchandra  Ganesh, 
taking  advantage  of  a  thick  fog,  tried  to  surprise  an  eminence 
on  Hartley's  right  flank.  Had  he  carried  it,  he  would  probably 
have  been  able  to  drive  Hartley  from  his  camp.  The  scheme 
failed  through  no  fault  of  the  Maratha  captain.  As  the 
Maratha  vanguard  neared  the  English  outposts,  the  fog 
suddenly  cleared  away,  destroying  all  hopes  of  a  surprise. 
The  outposts  fired  rapidly  and  were  so  fortunate  as  to  kill 
Ramchandra  Ganesh  and  to  wound  his  second  in  command,  a 
Portuguese  mercenary  officer  named  Noronha.  The  Maratha 
troops,  dispirited  at  the  loss  of  their  leaders,  broke  off  the 


1  The  original  family  name  of  the  Rastes  was  Gokhale,  and  the 
founder  of  the  family  was  Gangadharpant  Gokhale,  a  money-lender  of 
Velneshwar  in  the  Ratnagiri  District.  He  and  his  descendants  earned 
the  name  of  "  Rasade  "  through  furnishing  "  Rasad  "  or  supplies  to  the 
Bijapur  troops.  The  family  had  a  great  reputation  for  honest  dealing, 
and  Shamji  Rasade  was  invited  by  king  Shahu  to  settle  at  Satara  as  an 
army  contractor.  There,  the  king,  highly  pleased  with  him,  changed  his 
name  from  "  Rasade"  to  Raste  or  the  honest  man  Shamji  Raste's  grand- 
daughter was  Gopikabai,  the  wife  of  the  third  Peshwa,  Balaji  Bajirao. 


136  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MAKATHA  PEOPLE 

action  and  retired.  In  the  meantime  Bassein  had  surrendered. 
The  siege  had  not  been  a  long  one.  Early  on  the  9th  December, 
the  English  had  opened  fire  from  their  batteries  and  had 
continued  it  without  intermission  during  the  9th  and  10th 
December.  At  10  a.m.  on  the  11th  a  message  came  from  the 
garrison  offering  its  surrender,  but  the  city  held  out  until  the 
following  day,  when  the  garrison,  four  thousand  in  number, 
marched  out,  laid  down  their  arms  and  were  allowed  to 
depart  unmolested.  The  inhabitants  were  allowed  to  retain 
their  private  property,  but  all  public  property  was  appropriated 
by  the  English.  The  rapidity  with  which  they  took  the  famous 
stronghold  was  due  to  two  causes,  namely,  the  excellence 
of  their  artillery,  which  not  only  destroyed  the  Maratha 
defences,  but  blew  up  their  powder  magazines,  and  the  skilful 
dispositions  of  their  engineer,  Captain  Theobald.  *  The 
English  losses  were  only  twelve  killed  and  wounded. 

The  fall  of  Bassein  and  the  repulse  and  death  of  the  gallant 
Ramchandra  Ganesh  were  deeply  felt  by  Nana  Phadnavis. 
Bassein  was  highly  prized  by  the  Maratha  Government  in 
memory  of  the  great  siege  and  of  the  gallant  exploits  of  the 
noble  Chimnaji  Appa.  Kalyan  and  the  surrounding  country 
were  the  scenes  of  the  earliest  deeds  of  an  even  more  splendid 
hero,  the  great  king  himself.  Nevertheless  the  minister's 
lofty  mind  learnt  the  disasters  without  dismay  ;  and  he  and 
Hari  Ballal  Phadke  employed  every  means  to  raise  funds  and 
to  increase  their  armies.  Warren  Hastings  begged  Mudhoji 
Bhosle  to  forward  to  the  Poona  Government  terms  of  peace, 
but  to  Mudhoji's  letter  Nana  Phadnavis  returned  no  answer. 
On  the  18th  January,  1781,  General  Goddard  took  the  fort 
of  Arnala,  a  small  island  off  Bassein,  together  with  the  garri- 
son of  five  hundred  men.  General  Goddard  then  sent  direct 
to  Nana  Phadnavis  Warren  Hastings'  offer  of  peace,  which  the 
minister  firmly  declined.  At  the  same  time  he  took  steps  for 
the  destruction  of  the  English  army.  He  sent  the  Peshwa  to 
Purandar  and  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  into  the  Konkan  to 
cut   the   English   lines   of   communication.     At  the   head  of 


1  A  full  account  of  the  capture  of  Bassein  is  given  in  General  Goddard 's 
despatch  of  12th  December,  1780,  printed  in  Forest's  Selections  (Maratha 
series),  vol.  1,  pp.  430-2, 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  137 

a  great  army  and  accompanied  by  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  and  Tukoji 
Holkar,  he  marched  up  the  Indryani  valley  to  meet  Goddard. 
The  calm  energy  of  the  minister  soon  obtained  the  desired 
result.  On  the  16th  March,  Parashrambhau  at  Chauk,  a 
village  immediately  below  Matheran,  fell  suddenly  on  a 
detachment  under  Mackay,  that  was  returning  from  Panwel, 
and  inflicted  on  it  heavy  loss.  Mackay  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  main  army,  but  the  gravity  of  the  danger  determined 
Goddard  to  fall  back  from  the  Sahyadris  to  Panwel.  Before 
he  could  effect  this  manoeuvre,  a  second  detachment  under 
Colonel  Browne  was  fiercely  attacked  by  Parashrambhau.1  On 
the  1st  April,  three  battalions  of  sepoys,  ten  guns  and 
a  large  body  of  horse  left  the  main  army  for  Panwel  to  bring 
back  a  big  convoy  of  grain  and  stores.  On  the  journey  they 
were  repeatedly  attacked,  and  lost  one  hundred  and  six  men 
killed  and  wounded,  several  thousand  bullocks,  several  hundred 
muskets,  and  quantities  of  stores.  They  were  indeed  only 
saved  from  annihilation  by  the  garrison  of  Bombay,  who 
hastened  to  their  relief  and  succeeded  in  bringing  them  in 
safe.  On  the  19th  April,  General  Goddard,  finding  his  position 
no-  longer  tenable,  decided  to  retreat.  From  that  moment  his 
misfortunes  began.  On  the  20th  April,  Hari  Ballal  Phadke, 
swooping  down  from  the  heights  of  the  Sahyadris,  carried  off 
a  quantity  of  his  baggage  and  ammunition.  The  English 
camped  at  Chauk  and  on  the  21st  April   fought  their  way  to 


1  Nana  Phadnavis  thus  describes  this  action  : 

"On  the  night  of  the  third  Rabilakar,  four  battalions  with  guns 
and  other  warlike  material  started  well-armed  for  Panwel  to  bring 
supplies.  Parashrambhau,  who  had  received  information,  attacked  the 
same  night  and  immediately  an  action  followed.  The  Pindharis  were 
close  by.  About  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  enemy  were 
killed  and  about  two  hundred  wounded.  From  three  hundred  to  four 
hundred  muskets,  ten  to  twelve  camel  cartloads  of  ammunition,  tents 
of  various  kinds,  and  four  thousand  to  five  thousand  bullocks,  were 
carried  off.  At  daybreak  they  (the  English)  halted  near  Barwai  in  a 
difficult  position.  On  the  following  night,  when  they  commenced  to 
march,  they  were  again  attacked  by  Parashrambhau  and  from  fifty 
to  a  hundred  were  killed.  A  thousand  bullocks  were  captured.  We 
fired  rockets  which  exploded  their  ammunition  and  burnt  several  of 
their  men.     That  very  night  they  retreated  to  Panwel." 

(Parasnis  Co/lection), 

18 


138  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Khalapur.  On  the  22nd,  the  dispirited  army  rested  and  on  the 
23rd  renewed  the  march.  Harassed  all  day,  they  contrived 
that  evening  to  reach  Panwel  after  losing  four  hundred  and 
fifty-six  in  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  eighteen  were 
English  officers.  The  Maratha  Government  had  thus  cleared 
the  Konkan  of  the  English,  and  by  a  series  of  successes  had 
restored  the  moral  of  their  own  army.  Nana  Phadnavis  had 
every  ground  to  hope  that  in  the  following  cold  weather  a 
combined  attack  on  the  English,  both  in  Bombay  and  Bengal, 
would  compel  them  to  accept  peace  on  his  terms.  Unhappily 
for  the  Maratha  cause,  before  the  monsoon  of  1781  had  passed, 
both  Madhavrao  Sindia  and  Mudhoji  Bhosle,  on  whose  active 
aid  the  minister  counted,  had  made  separate  treaties  with  the 
English. 

The  reason  for  Madhavrao  Sindia's  defection  was  due  to 
the  defeats  suffered  by  him  in  Central  India.  Captain  Popham 
after  taking  Gwalior  cleared  the  Gohad  territories  of  the 
Marathas.  At  the  same  time  another  force  under  Colonel 
Carnac  took  Sipri  and  on  the  16th  February,  1781,  appeared 
before  Seronj.  Here  Colonel  Carnac  was  heavily  attacked 
and  surrounded  by  Sindia.  He  managed  to  extricate  himself, 
and  on  the  24th  March  surprised  and  defeated  Sindia's 
army  by  a  skilfully  prepared  night  attack.  Thereafter  during 
the  rainy  season  he  occupied  Sindia's  lands  and  so  wasted 
them  that  on  the  13th  October,  1781,  Sindia  bound  himself 
not  only  to  remain  neutral,  but  also  to  negotiate,  if  possible, 
a  peace  between  the  English  and  the  Poona  Government. 
About  the  same  time  Mudhoji  Bhosle  was  detached  from  the 
Maratha  confederacy  by  the  promise  of  a  considerable  sum  in 
cash  and  of  assistance  in  acquiring  the  districts  of  Karra  and 
Mandela,  which  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Peshwa's 
officers  since  the  campaign  of  Balaji  Bajirao  in  1742.  After 
these  diplomatic  achievements,  the  English  deputed  first 
Captain  Weatherstone  and  afterwards  Mr.  David  Anderson  to 
negotiate  a  peace  with  the  Poona  Government.  Sindia  press- 
ed also  on  Nana  Phadnavis  the  advantage  of  accepting  the 
English  offers.  The  news,  too,  from  his  ally  in  the  south 
was  not  such  as  to  encourage  the  minister.  During  the 
monsoon  of  1781,  Haidar  AH  had  been  repeatedly  beaten  by 
Sir  Eyre  Coote — at  Porto  Novo  in  July,  at  Pollilore  in  August, 


i 

&J; 

v,il-'. 

fKSHWi  OF  THE  Ma.:      «    '     ■ 


tJl-MAM", 


RAGHUNATHRAO    BALAJI,    PANDIT    PRADHAN, 
PESHWA    OF    THE    MARATHA    EMPIRE 


[To  face  page  139.1 


RENEWAL  OP  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  139 

and  at  Sholingur  in  September.  At  last  on  the  17th  May, 
1782,  was  concluded  the  treaty  of  Salbai.  By  its  terms  the 
English  undertook  no  longer  to  support  Raghunathrao,  who 
was  to  reside  in  Sindia's  dominions  and  to  receive  a  mainten- 
ance of  twenty-five  thousand  rupees  a  month.  The  Peshwa 
was  to  form  no  alliance  with  the  French  or  any  other  Europ- 
ean nation,  hostile  to  the  English.  He  was  also  to  compel 
Haidar  Ali  to  restore  his  conquests  from  the  English  and  the 
Nawab  of  Arcot.  The  English  were  to  retain  Salsette,  but  to 
restore  all  other  conquests  since  the  treaty  of  Purandar. 
Ahmadabad  and  other  possessions  of  the  Gaikvad  were  to  be 
restored  to  Fatehsing,  who  was  to  pay  the  usual  tribute  to 
Poona.  Lastly,  Broach  was  bestowed  on  Madhavrao  Sindia  as 
a  reward  for  his  conduct  at  Wadgaon  and  for  his  treatment  of 
Farmer  and  Stewart.1  The  treaty  of  Salbai  extinguished  the 
last  hopes  of  Raghunathrao.  That  unfortunate  pretender 
accepted,  because  he  could  do  nothing  else,  the  terms  of  the 
treaty.  He  chose,  as  the  spot  wherein  to  end  his  days, 
Kopargaon  on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Godavari  river. 
Thither  he  went  accompanied  by  his  wife,  Anandibai,  to  whose 
furious  ambition  he  owed  his  many  misfortunes.  With  them 
went  also  their  adopted  son  Amratrao  and  their  real  son 
Bajirao,  for  whom  fate  was  preparing  adventures  hardly  less 
romantic  than  those  of  his  father.  By  the  sacred  stream 
Raghunathrao  affected  to  become  a  sanyasi.  But  the  son  of 
the  great  Bajirao  could  not  control  his  thoughts.  They 
strayed  from  battle-fields   by   the   Indus  to  leaguers    in  the 


1  The  treaty  of  Salbai  was  concluded  on  the  17th  May,  1782,  was 
ratified  on  the  6th  June,  1782,  and  was  formally  exchanged  on  the  24th 
February,  1783. 

The  following  letter  from  Tukoji  Holkar  to  Nana  Phadnavis  mentions 
the  death  of  Raghunathrao:  "After  compliments— Please  continue 
to  communicate  your  news  and  be  so  good  as  to  receive  mine.  I 
received  your  letter  and  was  deeply  grieved  to  hear  the  news  of 
Shrimant  Dada  Sahib's  (i.e.  Raghunathrao's)  death  on  Thursday  the 
3rd  of  the  dark  half  of  Margshirsh  at  about  six  '  ghattis  '  after  sunset. 
He  was  ill  for  some  time.  But  he  had  recovered  his  strength.  None 
can  go  against  destiny.  The  will  of  God  prevails.  We  were  glad  to 
hear  that  you  have  sent  Visaji  Appaji  to  condole  with  Anandibai  and 
her  son  Shrimant  Bajirao.    What  more  shall  I  say?     Be  kind." 

(Parasnis  Collection) . 


140  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Carnatic  ;  and  his  enforced  idleness  sapped  his  strength.  On 
the  24th  February,  1784,  eleven  months  after  the  formal 
exchange  of  the  treaty  of  Salbai,  Raghunathrao  died.  In 
the  course  of  the  year  1784,  his  widow  gave  birth  to  a 
posthumous  son,  Chimnaji  Appa.  Nana  Phadnavis  treated  the 
family  with  kindness,  but  the  beautiful  widow  never  forgave 
one  whom  she  regarded  as  the  cause  of  her  husband's  failures  ; 
and  she  brought  up  her  son  Bajirao  to  look  upon  Nana 
Phadnavis  with  a  hatred  so  malignant,  that  to  avenge  his 
father  he  was  ready  to  ruin  his  country. 

English  historians,  notably  Mr.  Vincent  Smith,  have  written 
of  the  treaty  of  Salbai  with  well-founded  pride  ;  for  on  three 
fronts  against  superior  forces  the  genius  of  Warren  Hastings 
and  the  valour  of  his  soldiers  yielded  nothing  to  the  enemy. 
Nevertheless  the  real  honours  of  the  war  lay,  not  with  the 
English,  but  with  the  great  man  who  controlled  the  Maratha 
Empire.  The  war  was  waged  to  decide  whether  Raghunath- 
rao or  Savai  Madhavrao  should  sit  in  the  seat  of  the  Peshwas. 

The  treaty  of  Salbai  not  only  settled  the  succession  in 
favour  of  Savai  Madhavrao,  but  yielded  Raghunathrao  into 
the  hands  of  his  rival.  Thus  in  spite  of  dissensions  at  home, 
faithless  friends  and  treacherous  allies,  Nana  Phadnavis  reach- 
ed his  goal.  His  serene  but  enduring  spirit  accepted  victory 
without  insolence  and  defeat  without  despair ;  from  the 
barren  plains  of  the  Deccan  and  the  wild  hills  of  the  Konkan 
his  tireless  energy  raised  ever  new  armies  and  fresh  resources, 
until  at  last  he  wore  out  the  patience  of  the  English,  led  them 
to  surrender  their  conquests  and  won  the  strategic  victory, 
which  alone  he  sought,  namely,  the  throne  of  Poona  for  the 
boy-prince  entrusted  to  his  devoted  care. 


kENEWAL  OP  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  i41 


APPENDIX  A 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  from  Nana 
Phadnavis  to  Madhavrao  Sindia.  It  shews  with  what  feelings 
he  regarded  the  English. 

"  We  were  never  ambitious  to  conquer  the  Company's  lands.  We 
never  did  them  any  harm.  It  was  they  who  declared  war  against  us 
and  caused  us  heavy  losses  for  six  whole  years.  They  have  attempted 
to  weaken  the  framework  of  our  empire  by  trying  to  win  over  the 
Gaikvad  and  Bhosle,  two  pillars  of  our  state.  If  we  let  them  act  as 
they  wish,  we  shall  only  bring  calamity  on  ourselves  and  subvert  our 
empire.  We  shall  neither  give  nor  ask  for  favours,  but  make  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  the  greatest  caution  and  care.  We  must  not  only  insist 
on  the  reparation  of  our  wrongs,  but  we  must  try  to  recover  that  part  of 
the  Carnatic  conquests  of  the  great  Shivaji  which  is  now  occupied  by 
the  English.  We  shall  certainly  achieve  our  aims  at  Delhi  without 
sacrificing  our  interests  to  the  English.  They  can  never  establish  their 
supremacy  at  Delhi,  if  the  Marathas  act  vigorously  and  in  union." 


142  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

APPENDIX  B 

TREATY   OF    SALBAI 

TREATY    OF    PEACE    WITH   THE    MARATHAS,    1782 

Treaty  of  perpetual  friendship  and  alliance  between  the  Hon'ble  the 
English  East  India  Company  and  the  Peshwa  Madhavrav  Pandit 
Pradhan,  settled  by  Mr.  David  Anderson,  on  the  part  of  the  Hon'ble 
Company,  in  virtue  of  the  powers  delegated  to  him  for  that  purpose  by 
the  Hon'ble  the  Governor-General  and  Council,  appointed  by  the  King 
and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  direct  and  control  all  political  affairs 
of  the  Hon'ble  English  East  India  Company  in  India  ;  and  by  Maharaja 
Soubahdar  Madhavrav  Sindia,  as  plenipotentiary  on  the  part  of  the 
Peshwa  Madhavrav  Pandit  Pradhan,  Ballaji  Pandit..  Nana  Fadanavis, 
and  the  whole  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Maratha  nation,  agreeably  to  the 
following  articles,  which  shall  be  ever  binding  on  their  heirs  and 
successors,  and  the  conditions  of  them  to  be  invariably  observed  by 
both  parties. 

Article  I 

It  is  stipulated  and  agreed  to  between  the  Hon'ble  the  English  East 
India  Company  and  the  Peshwa,  through  the  mediation  of  Madhavrav 
Sindia,  that  all  countries,  places,  cities,  and  forts,  including  Bassein, 
etc.,  which  have  been  taken  from  the  Peshwa  during  the  War  that  has 
arisen  since  the  treaty  settled  by  Colonel  Upton,  and  have  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  English,  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  Peshwa  ;  the 
territories,  ports,  cities,  etc.,  to  be  restored,  shall  be  delivered 
within  the  space  of  two  months  from  the  period  when  this  treaty  shall 
become  complete  (as  hereinafter  described),  to  such  persons  as  the 
Peshwa,  or  his  Minister  Nana  Fadanavis  shall  appoint. 

Article  II 
It  is  agreed  between  the  English  Company  and  the  Peshwa,  that 
Salsette  and  three  other  islands,  viz.,  Elephanta,  Karanja  and  Hog, 
which  are  included  in  the  treaty  of  Colonel  Upton,  shall  continue  for 
ever  in  possession  of  the  English.  If  any  other  islands  have  been  taken 
in  the  course  of  the  present  war,  they  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the 

Peshwa. 

Article  III 

Whereas  it  was  stipulated  in  the  fourth  article  of  the  treaty  of  Colonel 
Upton,  "  that  the  Peshwa  and  all  the  Chiefs  of  the  Maratha  State  to 
agree  to  give  the  English  Company,  for  ever,  all  right  and  title  to  the 
city  of  Broach,  as  full  and  complete  as  ever  they  collected  from  the 
Mogals  or  otherwise,  without  retaining  any  claim  of  chauth,  or  any  other 
claims  whatsoever,  so  that  the  English  Company  shall  possess  it  without 
participation  or  claim  of  any  kind "  ;  this  article  is  accordingly 
continued  in  full  force  and  effect. 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  143 

Article  IV 

The  Peshwa  having  formerly,  in  the  treaty  of  Colonel  Upton,  agreed 
by  way  of  friendship  to  give  up  to  the  English  a  country  of  three  lakhs 
of  rupees,  near  Broach,  the  English  do  now,  at  the  request  of 
Madhavrav  Sindia,  consent  to  relinquish  their  claim  to  the  said  country 
in  favour  of  the  Peshwa. 

Article  V 

The  country  which  Sayaji  and  Fattesing  Gaikawar  gave  to  the 
English,  and  which  is  mentioned  in  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  of 
Colonel  Upton,  being  therein  left  in  a  state  of  suspense,  the  English, 
with  a  view  to  obviate  all  future  disputes,  now  agree  that  it  shall  be 
restored  ;  and  it  is  hereby  settled  that,  if  the  said  country  be  a  part  of 
the  established  territory  of  the  Gaikawar,  it  shall  be  restored  to  the 
Gaikawar  ;  and  if  it  shall  be  a  part  of  the  Peshwa's  territories  it  shall  be 
restored  to  the  Peshwa. 

Article  VI 

The  English  engage  that,  having  allowed  Raghunathrav  a  period  of 
four  months  from  the  time  when  this  treaty  shall  become  complete  to 
fix  on  a  place  of  residence,  they  will  not,  after  the  expiration  of  the  said 
period,  afford  him  any  support,  protection,  or  assistance,  nor  supply 
him  with  money  for  his  expenses  :  and  the  Peshwa  on  his  part  engages, 
that  if  Raghunathrav  will  voluntarily  and  of  his  own  accord  repair  to 
Maharaja  Madhavrav  Sindia,  and  quietly  reside  with  him,  the  sum  of 
Rs.  25,000  per  month  shall  be  paid  him  for  his  maintenance,  and  no 
injury  whatever  shall  be  offered  to  him  by  the  Peshwa,  or  any  of  his 
people. 

Article  VII 

The  Hon'ble  English  East  India  Company  and  the  Peshwa  being 
desirous  that  their  respective  allies  shall  be  included  in  this  peace,  it  is 
hereby  mutually  stipulated  that  each  party  shall  make  peace  with  the 
allies  of  the  other,  in  the  manner  hereinafter  specified. 

Article  VIII 

The  territory  which  has  long  been  the  established  jaghir  of  Sayaji 
Gaikawar  and  Fattesing  Gaikawar,  that  is  to  say,  whatever  territory 
Fattesing  Gaikawar  possessed  at  the  commencement  of  the  present  war, 
shall  hereafter  for  ever  remain  on  the  usual  footing  in  his  possession  ; 
and  the  said  Fattesing  shall,  from  the  date  of  this  treaty  being  complete, 
pay  for  the  future  to  the  Peshwa  the  tribute  as  usual  previous  to  the 
present  war,  and  shall  perform  such  services  and  be  subject  to  such 
obedience,  as  have  long  been  established  and  customary.  No  claim 
shall  be  made  on  the  said  Fattesing  by  the  Peshwa  for  the  period  that 
is  past. 

Article  IX 

The  Peshwa  engages,  that  whereas  the  Navab  Hyder  Alii  Khan, 
having  concluded  a  treaty  with  him,  hath  disturbed  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  territories  belonging  to  the  English  and  their  allies,  he  shall   be 


144  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

made  to  relinquish  them  ;  and  they  shall  be  restored  to  the  Company 
and  the  Navab  Mahomed  Alii  Khan.  All  prisoners  that  have  been 
taken  on  either  side  during  the  war  shall  be  released,  and  Hyder  Alii 
Khan  shall  be  made  to  relinquish  all  such  territories  belonging  to  the 
English  Company  and  their  allies,  as  he  may  have  taken  possession  of, 
since  the  ninth  of  Ramzan  in  the  year  1181,  being  the  date  of  his  treaty 
with  the  Peshwa  ;  and  the  said  territories  shall  be  delivered  over  to  the 
English  and  the  Nawab  Mahomed  Alii  Khan  within  six  months  after 
this  treaty  being  complete  ;  and  the  English,  in  such  case,  agree  that,  so 
long  as  Hyder  Alii  Khan  shall  afterwards  abstain  from  hostilities 
against  them,  and  their  allies,  and  so  long  as  he  shall  continue  in 
friendship  with  the  Peshwa,  they  will  in  no  respect  act  hostilely  towards 
him. 

Article  X 
The  Peshwa  engages,  on  his  own  behalf  as  well  as  on  behalf  of  his 
allies,  the  Navab  Nizam  Alii  Khan,  Raghoji  Bhonsla,  Syna  Saheb 
Soubah,  and  the  Navab  Hyder  Alii  Khan,  that  they  shall,  in  every 
respect,  maintain  peace  towards  the  English  and  their  allies,  the 
Navab  Asoph-ul-Dowlah  Bahadur,  and  the  Navab  Mahomed  Alii 
Khan  Bahadur,  and  shall  in  no  respect  whatever  give  them  any  distur- 
bance. The  English  engage  on  their  own  behalf,  as  well  as  on  behalf 
of  their  allies,  the  Nawab  Asoph-ul-Dowlah,  and  the  Navab  Mahomed 
Alii  Khan,  that  they  shall  in  every  respect  maintain  peace  towards  the 
Peshwa  and  his  allies,  the  Nawab  Nizam  Alii  Khan  and  Raghoji 
Bhonsla,  Syna  Saheb  :  and  the  English  further  engage  on  their  own 
behalf,  as  well  as  on  behalf  of  their  allies,  that  they  will  maintain  peace 
also  towards  the  Navab  Hyder  Alii  Khan  under  the  conditions  specified 
in  the  9th  Article  of  this  treaty. 

Article  XI 
The  Hon'ble  East  India  Company  and  the  Peshwa  mutually  agree 
that  the  vessels  of  each  shall  afford  no  disturbance  to  the  navigation  of 
the  vessels  of  the  other  ;  and  the  vessels  of  each  shall  be  allowed  access 
to  the  ports  of  the  other,  where  they  shall  meet  with  no  molestation, 
and  the  fullest  protection  shall  be  reciprocally  afforded. 

Article  XII 
The  Peshwa  and  the  Chiefs  of  the  Maratha  State  hereby  agree  that 
the  English  shall  enjoy  the  privilege  of  trade,  as  formerly,  in  the 
Maratha  territories,  and  shall  meet  with  no  kind  of  interruption  ;  and, 
in  the  same  manner,  the  Hon'ble  East  India  Company  agree  that  the 
subjects  of  the  Peshwa  shall  be  allowed  the  privilege  of  trade,  without 
interruption,  in  the  territories  of  the  English. 

Article  XIII 
The  Peshwa  hereby  engages  that  he  will  not  suffer  any  factories  of 
other  European  nations  to  be  established  in  his  territories,  or  those  of 
the  chiefs  dependant   on    him,    excepting    only    such   as  are  already 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH  WAR  145 

established  by  the  Portuguese  ;  and  he  will  hold  uo  intercourse  of 
friendship  with  any  other  European  nations  :  and  the  English  on  their 
part  agree  that  they  will  not  afford  assistance  to  any  nation  of  Deccan 
or  Hindustan  at  enmity  with  the  Peshwa. 

Article  XIV 

The  English  and  the  Peshwa  mutually  agree  that  neither  will  afford 
any  kind  of  assistance  to  the  enemies  of  the  other. 

Article  XV 

The  Hon'ble  the  Governor-General  and  Council  of  Fort  William 
engage  that  they  will  not  permit  any  of  the  chiefs,  dependants  or 
subjects  of  the  English,  the  gentlemen  of  Bombay,  Surat  or  Madras,  to 
act  contrary  at  any  place  to  the  terms  of  this  treaty.  In  the  same 
manner,  the  Peshwa  Madhavrav  Pandit  Pradhan  engages  that  none  of 
the  chiefs  or  subjects  of  the  Maratha  State  shall  act  contrary  to  them. 

Article  XVI 

The  Hon'ble  East  India  Company,  and  the  Peshwa  Madhavrav  Pandit 
Pradhan  having  the  fullest  confidence  in  Maharaja  Soubahdar  Madhav- 
rav Sindia  Bahadur,  they  have  both  requested  the  said  Maharaja  to  be 
the  mutual  guarantee  for  the  perpetual  and  invariable  adherence  to 
both  parties  to  the  conditions  of  this  treaty  ;  and  the  said  Madhavrav 
Sindia,  from  a  regard  to  the  welfare  of  both  States,  hath  accordingly 
taken  upon  himself  the  mutual  guarantee.  If  either  of  the  parties  shall 
deviate  from  the  conditions  of  this  treaty,  the  said  Maharaja  will  join 
the  other  party  and  will,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  endeavour  to  bring 
the  aggressor  to  a  proper  understanding. 

Article  XVII 

It  is  hereby  agreed  that  whatever  territories,  forts,  or  cities,  in  Gujrat 
were  granted  by  Raghunathrav  to  the  English,  previous  to  the  treaty  of 
Colonel  Upton,  and  have  come  into  their  possession,  the  restitution  of 
which  was  stipulated  in  the  7th  Article  to  the  said  treaty,  shall  be 
restored,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  the  said  article. 

This  treaty  consisting  of  17  articles  is  settled  at  Salbai,  in  the  Camp 
of  Maharaja  Soubhadar  Madhavrav  Sindia,  on  the  4th  of  the  month  of 
Jammadul  Saany,  in  the  year  1197  of  the  Hygera,  corresponding  with 
the  17th  of  March,  1782,  of  the  Christian  era,  by  the  said  Maharaja  and 
Mr.  David  Anderson  :  a  copy  hereof  shall  be  sent  by  each  of  the  above 
named  persons  to  their  respective  principals  at  Fort  William  and  Poona 
and,  when  both  copies  being  returned,  the  one  under  the  seal  of  the 
Hon'ble  East  India  Company  and  signature  of  the  Hon'ble  the 
Governor-General  and  Council  of  Fort  William  shall  be  delivered  to 
Maharaja  Madhavrav  Sindia  Bahadur,  and  the  other  under  the  seal  of 
the  Peshwa  Madhavrav  Pandit  Pradhan,  and  the  signature  of  Ballaji 
Pandit,  Nana  Fadanavis,  shall  be  delivered  to  Mr.  David  Anderson, 
19 


146 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


this  treaty  shall  be  deemed  complete  and  ratified  and  the  articles  herein 
contained  shall  become  binding  on  both  the  contracting  parties. 

(Written  in  the  Marathi  character  of  Ragubhau  Divan).  "  In  all 
17  articles  on  the  fourth  of  Jemmad-ul-Akher  or  fifth  of  Jesht  Adhik, 
in  the  Shuklapaksh,  in  the  year  118...  (torn)." 

(Subscribed  in  the  Marathi  character  of  Mahadji  Sindia).    "  Agreed 
to  what  is  above  written  in  Persian." 
Witnesses  :  — 


(Sd.)     JAMES  ANDERSON. 
(Sd.)     W.  BLAINE. 


(Sd.)     DAVID  ANDERSON. 


CHAPTER  LXII 

WARS  AGAINST  TIPU 

Before  the  treaty  of  Salbai  had  been  finally  exchanged 
between  the  contracting  parties,  the  great  Haidar  Ali  had 
died  of  cancer  in  the  back  on  the  7th  December,  1782.  His 
son  and  successor  Tipu  had  inherited  some  of  his  splendid 
talents  and  all  his  savage  qualities.  He  derived  his  unusual 
name  from  the  shrine  of  Tipu  Mastan  Auliah,  whither  his 
mother  Fakrunnissa  had,  to  obtain  a  blessing,  gone  shortly 
before  her  delivery.  He  was  now  in  the  full  vigour  of  his 
faculties,  and  one  of  his  first  acts  was,  in  March,  1784,  to  outwit 
the  English  of  Madras  and  to  obtain  from  them  the  treaty  of 
Mangalore.  Thereby  the  English  agreed  to  restore  to  Tipu 
all  the  places  they  had  recently  conquered,  thus  nullifying  the 
clause  in  the  treaty  of  Salbai  which  bound  the  Marathas  to 
help  to  recover  the  provinces  seized  by  Haidar  Ali  from  the 
Nawab  of  Arcot.  Another  cause  of  war,  however,  between 
the  Marathas  and  Tipu,  was  soon  forthcoming. 

Among  the  Maratha  chiefs  who  held  lands  between  the 
Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra  rivers  was  a  Chitpavan  Brahman 
named  Bhave,  who  was  Desai  of  Nargund.  As  the  price  of 
his  alliance,  Haidar  Ali  had  asked  for  and  obtained  from  the 
Marathas  the  cession  of  all  the  territories  between  the  two 
rivers.  He  thus  included  Nargund  in  his  dominions.  The 
Desai  had  submitted  and  Haidar  Ali  had  fixed  his  dues  at  the 
same  figure  as  those  paid  by  him  to  the  Peshwa.  Tipu,  who 
wished  to  confiscate  the  Chitpavan' s  holding,  raised  his  tribute 
to  a  larger  sum  than  he  could  pay.  Bhave  appealed  to  Nana 
Phadnavis,  who  represented  with  justice  to  Tipu  that  the 
transfer  of  the  Peshwa's  rights  between  the  two  rivers  left  all 
other  rights  unaffected.  The  Desai,  therefore,  was  not  bound 
to  pay  more  to  Tipu  than  he  had  paid  to  Poona.  Tipu  replied 
discourteously  that  from  his  own  subjects  he  could  levy  what 
he  chose.  And  in  March,  1785,  he  sent  a  force  to  reduce 
Nargund.     Nana  Phadnavis  sent  to  the  relief   of  Nargund  a 


148  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

body  of  troops  under  Ganeshpant  Behare  and  Parashrambhau 
Patwardhan.  But  Burhan-ud-din,  the  officer  in  command  of 
the  besieging  army,  raised  the  siege  and  advanced  to  meet  the 
Marathas.  After  some  desultory  fighting  in  which  the  Mysore 
troops  had  the  advantage,  Burhan-ud-din,  on  the  5th  May,  1785, 
carried  the  fort  of  Ramdurg,  a  position  of  great  importance 
for  the  continuance  of  the  siege  of  Nargund.  Nana  Phadnavis 
ordered  Tukoji  Holkar  to  march  at  once  to  reinforce  Parash- 
rambhau. Tipu  had  resort  to  artifice  and  expressed  himself 
anxious  for  peace.  Nana  was  for  once  deceived.  On  the 
promise  of  two  years'  tribute  he  made  peace  with  Tipu,  who 
bound  himself  to  accept  from  the  Desai  of  Nargund  the  same 
tribute  as  Haidar  Ali  had  done.  But  as  soon  as  the  Maratha 
armies  had  re-crossed  the  Krishna,  Tipu  renewed  his  pre- 
posterous demands  on  the  Desai,  and  his  siege  operations.  The 
unfortunate  Desai  resisted  as  best  he  could,  but  he  was  soon 
reduced  to  despair.  Before  he  surrendered  he  asked  for 
Tipu's  personal  guarantee  that  no  harm  would  come  to  him  ; 
which  was  readily  granted.  When  Bhave  descended  from  the 
fort,  the  unprincipled  adventurer  denied  his  oath  and  seized 
him  and  his  family.  One  daughter  he  selected  for  his  harem. 
The  rest  he  sent  to  the  fort  of  Kabaldurg,  where  they  died  in 
prison.  Shortly  afterwards  Tipu  by  similar  treachery  made 
himself  master  of  Kittur,  a  town  26  miles  south-east  of 
Belgaum  ;  and  to  crown  his  iniquities  he  failed  to  pay  the 
promised  tribute  and  circumcized  large  numbers  of  the  Hindu 
population  between  the  Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra.  Nana 
Phadnavis  was  alike  angry  at  the  faithlessness  of  Tipu  and 
shocked  at  his  treatment  of  the  Hindus,  two  thousand  of 
whom  committed  suicide  to  escape  conversion  to  Islam.  At 
the  same  time  he  was  aware  of  the  excellent  discipline  of 
Tipu's  battalions,  often  commanded  by  French  officers,  and  he 
hesitated  to  attack  him  until  reinforced  by  English  and 
Moghul  contingents.  The  English  declined  the  alliance. 
Nizam  Ali,  who  was  deeply  offended  at  Tipu's  recent  assump- 
tion of  the  title  of  Sultan,  promised  his  support.  And  the 
allies  undertook  to  reduce  Tipu's  kingdom  entirely  and  divide 
it  between  Nizam  Ali,  the  Peshwa,  Sindia  and  Holkar.  In 
April,  1786,  the  confederate  army  converged  on  Badami,  now  a 
village  in  the  Bijapur  district.     On  the  20th  May,  Badami  was 


WARS  AGAINST  TIPU  149 

brilliantly  carried  by  assault.     In  the  meantime  Tipu  had  laid 
siege  to  Adoni,  wherein  lived  the  ladies  of  the  seraglio  of 
Basalat  Jang,  who  had  died  in  1782.     He  failed,  however,  to 
carry  it,  and  the  garrison  was  relieved  and  the  fort  evacuated. 
Tipu  razed  it  to  the  ground.     Hari  Ballal  Phadke,  in  command 
of  the  Poona  corps,   obtained  possession  of  the  fort  of  Gajen- 
dragad,   now  a  town  in  the  Ron  taluka  of  Dharwar,  by  bribing 
the  commandant,  and  shortly  afterwards  took  Bahadur  Benda. 
This,  however,  was  his  last  success.     Tipu,  who  was  a  skilful 
general  and  enjoyed  the  immense  advantage  of  an  undivided 
command,  crossed  the  Tungabhadra  and  threatened  Phadke' s 
communications.     In  this  way  he  forced  the  Maratha  army  to 
retire,  and  recovered  Bahadur  Benda  and  seized  Savanur,  the 
Nawab   of   which   had  joined   the   Marathas.     Cholera,    too, 
broke  out  in  the  Maratha  army  and  their  supplies  ran  short. 
On  the  whole  the  advantages  of  the  campaign  of  1786  rested 
with  Tipu.     Nevertheless,  early  in  1787,   the   Sultan  offered 
terms  of  peace,  and  in  April,  1787,  he  agreed  to  cede  to  the 
Marathas  Badami,  Kittur  and  Nargund,  and  to  restore  Adoni 
to  the  Nizam.     He  also  paid  to  the  Marathas  thirty  lakhs  in 
cash  and  promised  to  pay  fifteen  lakhs  more.     The  motive  for 
conduct   so   unexpected   was   to   be   found   in   certain   other 
designs  of  the  Sultan  of  Mysore.     The  Marathas  he  disliked 
as   rivals,   but   he   neither   feared    them   nor   the   Nizam   of 
Haidarabad.     There  was,  however,  one  power  that  he  both 
hated  and  feared,   namely  the  English  ;   and  for  some  time 
past  he  had  been  engaged  in  diplomatic  schemes  to  bring 
about  their  downfall.     He  had  extorted  from  the  foolishness 
of  the  Madras  Government  the  peace  of  Mangalore  in  1784  ; 
but  he  was  too  sensible  not  to  realize  that  its  favourable  terms 
did  not  represent  the  real  situation  of  the  parties.     In  1785,  he 
sent  an  embassy  to  Constantinople  to  induce  the  Sultan  of 
Turkey  to  join  him  and  the  French,  in  a  league  against  the 
English.     As  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  had  never  even  heard  of 
Mysore,  his  reception  of  the  envoys  was  more  than  chilling 
and  they  returned  to  India  in  a  fury.     Nothing  daunted,  Tipu 
sent  an  embassy  under  one  Mahomed  Darwash  Khan  to  the 
court   of   Louis   XVI.     That    unfortunate    monarch    had    so 
many  troubles  of  his  own,  that  he   could   do  no   more   than 
give  the  ambassadors  a  few  excellent  dinners  and  a  few  vague 


150  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

but  gracious  promises.  The  envoys,  however,  returned 
dazzled  by  the  splendours  of  Versailles  and  assured  the 
Sultan  that  troops  and  supplies  would  soon  reach  him  from 
France.  Tipu  believed  their  assurances  and  looked  about  for 
the  most  convenient  spot  at  which  to  receive  the  French 
transports.  This  was  unquestionably  the  extreme  south-west 
of  India.  It  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Raja  of  Travancore, 
and  Travancore  was  under  the  protection  of  the  Madras 
Government ;  but  Tipu  hoped  to  be  able  to  subdue  Travancore 
and  at  the  same  time  cajole  the  members  of  the  Madras 
Council,  of  whose  weakness  and  timidity  he  had  already  had  a 
gratifying  experience.  On  the  28th  December,  1789,  Tipu  with 
fourteen  thousand  men  appeared  before  the  Travancore  lines, 
a  series  of  fortifications  thirty  miles  long  erected  originally 
to  protect  Travancore  from  the  Zamorin  of  Calicut.  Tipu 
hoped  to  carry  them  by  a  sudden  assault  and  to  overrun  all 
Travancore  before  the  English  could  intervene  to  save  their 
feudatory.  Unhappily  for  his  schemes,  his  assault  was 
repulsed  with  a  loss  of  two  thousand  men.  The  news 
reached  Calcutta  and  the  Governor  treated  the  unprovoked 
attack  on  his  ally  as  an  act  of  war. 

In  December,  1787,  Nana  Phadnavis  had  proposed,  through 
Malet,  the  English  ambassador,  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  against  Tipu  ;  but  at  that  time,  as  I  have  said,  Lord 
Cornwallis  was  not  disposed  to  accept  the  offer.  Nana  Phad- 
navis, on  hearing  of  Tipu's  attack  on  the  Travancore  lines, 
renewed  his  proposal  and  undertook  to  obtain  Nizam  Ali's 
adhesion  to  a  triple  alliance.  On  the  1st  June,  1790,  Mr.  Malet, 
on  behalf  of  the  Company,  and  Nana  Phadnavis,  both  on  behalf 
of  the  Peshwa  and  Nizam  Ali,  signed  an  offensive  and  defensive 
treaty  of  alliance  in  the  Shanwar  palace.1  A  painting  in  the 
Ganeshkhind  palace  of  the  Governor  of  Bombay  still  com- 
memorates this  brilliant  scene.  It  is  by  the  artist  Wales,  and 
portrays  the  signing  of  the  treaty  by  the  British  Envoy. 

In  the  meantime,  Tipu  had  been  continuing  his  attacks  on 
Travancore.  Smarting  from  his  repulse  before  the  Travancore 
lines,  he  sent  for  a  train  of  siege  guns  from  Seringapatam,  and 
recommenced    the   campaign.     The    batteries   were    erected 

1  For  the  terms  of  the  treaty  see  Appendix  A. 


WARS  AGAINST  TIPU  151 

in  March,  1790,  and  a  month  later  the  Mysore  armies,  having 
breached  the  lines,  poured  through  the  breach  and  carried  fire 
and  sword  through  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  Near 
Alwai,  however,  Tipu  was  checked  by  the  skill  of  the  Diwan 
Kasava  Pillai,  who  kept  the  Sultan  at  bay  until  the  monsoon 
broke  with  the  severity  usual  on  the  Malabar  coast.  Tipu 
had  failed  in  his  object,  which  was  to  overrun  Travancore 
and  get  a  firm  hold  on  the  south-western  coast  before  the  rainy 
season  ;  and,  realizing  that  he  must  soon  face  a  combined 
attack  from  the  Moghuls,  Marathas  and  English,  he  withdrew 
his  army  northwards,  losing  heavily  in  his  retreat.  He  thus 
had  lost  the  prize  and  had  now  to  suffer  the  punishment  of 
his  unprincipled  policy  (June,  1790). 

The  object  of  the  Maratha  Government  was  to  recover  their 
former  possessions  between  the  Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra 
rivers,  which  Haidar  Ali  had  occupied.  The  capital  of  the 
province  was  Dharwar,  and  to  take  that  city  was  the  first 
object  of  the  Marathas.  On  the  11th  August,  the  Maratha 
army  under  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  crossed  the  Krishna. 
When  the  various  contingents  had  reported  their  arrival,  their 
numbers  rose  to  twenty  thousand  men,  of  which  half  were 
cavalry.  With  them  were  an  English  corps  consisting  of  the 
8th  and  11th  native  infantry  and  one  company  of  European 
artillery  under  the  command  of  Captain  Little.  On  the  18th 
September,  1790,  Parashrambhau  reached  Dharwar.  It  was 
strongly  held  by  an  experienced  officer  of  Tipu,  named  Badar- 
ul-zaman,  and  a  garrison  of  ten  thousand  men,  and  its  defences 
were  of  the  strongest.  Two  ditches,  each  twenty-five  to  thirty 
feet  wide,  encircled  it,  and  a  minor  fort  known  as  the  Peta 
enfiladed  the  approaches.  On  the  30th  October,  1790,  Captain 
Little  stormed  the  Peta,  but  it  was  afterwards  retaken  by 
a  sally  of  the  garrison.  Finally,  on  the  15th  December,  it 
was  taken  and  held  by  a  Maratha  storming  party.  Neverthe- 
less the  main  fortress  defied  the  besiegers  for  twenty-nine 
weeks  and  it  was  not  until  the  4th  April,  1791,  that  the 
gallant  Badar-ul-zaman  capitulated.  He  was  allowed  to  march 
out  with  the  honours  of  war,  but  was  subsequently  taken 
prisoner  with  his  men  for  having  broken  the  terms  of  his 
capitulation.  After  the  fall  of  Dharwar  the  Maratha  army 
rapidly  overran  the  province  of  which  it  was  the  chief  town, 


152  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  on  the  22nd  April,  1791,  crossed  the  Tungabhadra. 
Another  Maratha  army  thirty  thousand  strong  had  on  the  1st 
January,  1791,  left  Poona  under  the  command  of  Hari  Ballal 
Phadke.  This  force  took  the  fortress  of  Sira  and  marched 
south-west  into  Tipu's  country,  while  Parashrambhau  marched 
south-east.  On  the  24th  May,  1791,  they  united  and  marched 
to  Mailghat. 

In  the  meantime   the  English  had  been  heavily  engaged 
with  Tipu.     In  December,  1790,  General  Medows  had  reduced 
Coimbatore,  but  had  been  foiled  by  the  Sultan's  military  skill 
and  had  advanced   no  farther.     On  the  other  hand  Colonel 
Hartley  and  General  Abercromby   defeated   Tipu's  general, 
Hussein  Ali,  and  drove  his  troops   from   the  entire  Malabar 
Coast.     In  January,   1791,    Lord   Cornwallis,    the   Governor- 
General,  personally  relieved  General  Medows  of  his  command, 
and,  taking  Kolar  and  Hosakot,  marched  on  Bangalore.     This 
city  has  now  a  population  of  180,000  and  is  the  second  city  in 
the  Mysore  State  ;  while  owing  to  the  salubrity  of  its  climate 
it   is   a   great  favourite   with   European   residents.      It   was 
originally  a  mud  fortress  built  by  Kempe  Gauda  or  the  Red 
Chief ;  but  in  1761,  it  was  by  order  of  Haidar  Ali  enlarged 
and  strongly  rebuilt  in  stone.     After  a  stubborn  defence  by 
the  commandant,  Bahadur  Khan,  the  town  fell  on  the  night  of 
the   20th  March,    1791.     From   Bangalore,    Lord   Cornwallis 
marched  to  Seringapatam.     After  a  successful  action  outside 
the  great  fortress,  fortune  turned  against  the  English  general. 
His  cattle  died  for  want  of  fodder ;  his  communications  had 
been  cut  and  his  starving  troops  were  unable  to  haul  the  guns 
of  which  the  bullocks  had   died.     At   last   Lord   Cornwallis 
abandoned  all  hope  of  a  successful  siege.     He  destroyed  his 
siege  train,  threw  his  shot  into  the  Cauveri  river  and  on  the 
26th  May,   1791,  retreated  towards  Bangalore.      As  his  army 
marched,  the  monsoon  burst,  and,  harassed  as  they  were  by 
Tipu's  irregulars,  their  situation  grew  worse  and  worse.     At 
last  they  came  in  sight  of  Mailghat.     As  they  drew  near  to 
the   town  swarms  of  light  cavalry   poured  from  the  gates. 
Thinking  that  they  had  fallen  into  an  ambush,  the  English 
stood  to  their  arms,  resolved,  if  they  could  not  cut  their  way 
through,  to  die  where  they  stood.     When  the  leading   squad- 
rons came  within  gunshot,  they  declared  themselves  to  be 


WARS  AGAINST  TIPU  153 

friends  and  allies.  They  were  the  cavalry  of  the  two  Maratha 
armies,  of  whose  vicinity — such  was  the  activity  of  the  Mysore 
light  horse— Lord  Cornwallis  had  been  unaware.  The  English 
army  were  now  as  elated  as  they  had  a  few  minutes  before 
been  dispirited ;  and  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  did  all  in  his  power 
to  alleviate  the  distress  of  his  allies.1 

The  united  armies  halted  for  ten  days  to  allow  the  English 
soldiers  to  recover  their  health  and  strength,  and  then  again 
moved  in  different  directions.  The  Marathas  besieged  Chital- 
durg  and  Madgiri,  without  success  but  in  December  reduced 
Simoga.  The  English  joined  the  Moghul  army,  that  was  in 
vain  besieging  Garramkonda  and  took  all  the  strong  places 
between  that  fortress  and  Bangalore.  In  February,  1792, 
the  armies  of  the  three  allies  concentrated  in  front  of  Seringa- 
patam.  On  the  6th  February,  the  allies  carried  the  out- 
works and  prepared  to  bombard  the  capital.  At  this  point 
Tipu  made  overtures  for  peace.  There  were  several  conflict- 
ing interests  in  the  councils  of  the  allies.  The  English 
wished  to  destroy  Tipu's  power,  which  had  been  usurped  by 
his  father  and  had  been  a  constant  menace  to  the  Madras 
Government.  Nana  Phadnavis  desired  to  reduce  Tipu's 
power,  but  at  the  same  time  to  maintain  him  at  Seringapatam. 
Hari  Ballal  Phadke  wished  to  finish  the  war  before  the  arrival 
of  Madhavrao  Sindia,  who  was  advancing  south  to  join  the 
allied  confederate  forces.  Eventually  Lord  Cornwallis  was 
induced  to  accept  the  terms  offered  by  Tipu,  who  ceded  half 
his  territories,  and  agreed  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  three  crores 
and  thirty  thousand  rupees  and  to  release  all  prisoners.  The 
ceded  territories  included  the  province  of  Coorg.  The  allies 
divided  the  spoils.  To  the  Marathas  fell  the  western  towns 
and  districts  between  the  Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra,  and 
also  Bellari,  south  of  the  Tungabhadra.  To  the  Nizam  were 
allotted  Gooti  and  Kadapa  and  the  eastern  towns  and  districts 
between  the  Tungabhadra  and  the  Krishna,  including  Mudkal 
and  Kopal.  Coorg,  Malabar,  Dindigul,  now  included  in  the 
Madura   district,  and  Baramahal,  the  north-eastern  portion  of 


1  The  distress  must  have  been  considerable  ;  for  the  author  of  the 
Peshwa's   bakhar  observes    "Such  was  the  scarcity  of  food   that   the 
English  had  been  forced  to  eat  cattle  and,  so  it  is  said,  even  children." 
20 


154  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

the  Salem  district,  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  By 
the  end  of  March,  1792,  the  allied  armies  struck  their  camps 
and  started  separately  for  their  frontiers.  Hari  Ballal  Phadke 
reached  Poona  on  the  25th  May.  But  Tipu  shewed  his 
ingratitude  by  harassing  Parashrambhau  all  the  way  from 
Seringapatam  to  the  Tungabhadra. 


WARS  AGAINST  TIPU  155 


APPENDIX  A 

TREATY    BETWEEN   THE    MARATHAS  AND    ENGLISH 
AGAINST  TIPU 

Treaty  of  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  between  the  Honourable 
United  English  East  India  Company,  the  Peshwa  Savai  Madhavrav 
Narayan  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  and  the  Navab  Nazim  Alii  Khan 
Asof  Jah  Bahadur,  against  Fatte  Alii  Khan,  known  by  the  denomination 
of  Tipu  Sultan,  settled  by  Mr.  Charles  Warre  Malet,  on  the  part  of  the 
said  Honourable  Company,  with  the  said  Pandit  Pradhan,  by  virtue  of 
the  powers  delegated  to  him  by  the  Right  Honourable  Charles,  Earl 
Cornwallis,  K.G.,  Governor-General  in  Council,  appointed  by  the 
Honourable  the  Court  of  Directors  of  the  said  Honourable  Company  to 
direct  and  control  all  their  affairs  in  the  East  Indies. 

Article  I 

The  friendship  subsisting  between  the  States  agreeable  to  former 
treaties  shall  be  increased  by  this. 

Article  II 

Tipu  Sultan,  having  engagements  with  the  contracting  parties,  has, 
notwithstanding,  acted  with  infidelity  to  them  all,  for  which  reason 
they  have  united  in  a  league  that  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  they  may 
punish  him  and  deprive  him  of  the  means  of  disturbing  the  general 
tranquillity  in  future.  » 

Article  III 

This  undertaking  being  resolved  on,  it  is  agreed  that,  on  Mr.  Malet's 
annunciation  to  Pandit  Pradhan  of  the  actual  commencement  of 
hostilities  between  the  Honourable  Company's  forces  and  the  said 
Tipu,  and  on  Captain  Kennaway's  announcing  the  same  to  the  Navab 
Asof  Jah,  the  forces  of  the  said  Pandit  Pradhan  and  Navab  Asof  Jah, 
in  number  not  less  than  25,000  but  as  many  more  and  as  much  greater 
an  equipment  as  may  be,  shall  immediately  invade  the  territories  of  the 
said  Tipu,  and  reduce  as  much  of  his  dominions  as  possible  before  and 
during  the  rains  ;  and  after  that  -season  the  said  Pandit  Pradhan  and 
Navab  will  seriously  and  vigorously  prosecute  the  war  with  a  potent 
army,  well  appointed  and  equipped  with  the  requisite  warlike 
apparatus. 

Article  IV 
The  Navab  Asof  Jah  being  furnished  with    two   battalions  of   the 
Honourable  Company's  forces,  Pandit  Pradhan  shall  have  an  option  of 
being  joined  by  equal  force,  on  the  same  terms,  during  the  present  war 


156  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

against  Tipu.  The  pay  of  the  said  battalions  to  be  made  good  by 
Pandit  Pradhan  to  the  Honourable  Company,  in  like  manner  as  settled 
with  the  Navab  Asof  Jah. 

Article  V 

On  the  said  two  battalions  joining  the  Maratha  army,  Pandit  Pradhan 
agrees  to  allot  2,000  horse  to  remain  and  act  in  concert  with  them.  But, 
in  the  event  of  urgent  service  on  which  cavalry  alone  can  be  employed, 
1,000  of  the  said  cavalry  may  be  detached  thereon,  1,000  remaining 
constantly  with  the  battalions,  whose  pay  shall  be  defrayed  regularly, 
in  ready  money,  every  month  in  the  army  or  in  Poona,  at  the  option  of 
Mr.  Malet. 

Article  VI 

From  the  time  of  the  said  battalions  entering  Pandit  Pradhan's 
territories,  an  Agent  on  the  part  of  the  said  Pandit  Pradhan  shall  be 
ordered  to  attend  the  Commander  to  execute  such  service  as  may  occur. 

Article  VII 

If  the  Right  Honourable  the  Governor-General  should  require  a  body 
of  cavalry  to  join  the  English  forces,  Pandit  Pradhan  and  the  Navab 
Asof  Jah  shall  furnish  to  the  number  of  10,000,  to  march  in  one  month 
from  the  time  of  their  being  demanded  by  the  shortest  and  safest  route, 
with  all  possible  expedition  to  the  place  of  their  destination,  to  act  with 
the  Company's  forces  ;  but,  should  any  service  occur  practicable  only 
by  cavalry,  they  shall  execute  it  nor  cavil  on  the  clause,  "  To  act  with  the 
Company's  forces."  The  pay  of  the  said  cavalry  to  be  defrayed 
monthly  by  the  Honourable  Company,  at  the  rate  and  on  the  conditions 
hereafter  to  be  settled. 

Article  VIII 
If  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  by  the  three  allies,  the  enemy  should 
gain  a  superiority  over  either,  the  others  shall,  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power,    exert   themselves    to   relieve   the  said    party  and   distress   the 
enemy. 

Article  IX 

The  three  contracting  powers  having  agreed  to  enter  into  the  present 
war,  should  their  arms  be  crowned  with  success  in  the  joint  prosecution 
of  it,  an  equal  division  shall  be  made  of  the  acquisition  of  territory, 
forts,  and  whatever  each  Sirkar  or  Government  may  become  possessed 
of,  from  the  time  of  each  party  commencing  hostilities  ;  but,  should  the 
Honourable  Company's  forces  make  any  acquisitions  of  territory  from 
the  enemy  previous  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities  by  the  other 
parties,  those  parties  shall  not  be  entitled  to  any  share  thereof.  In  the 
general  partition  of  territory,  forts,  etc.,  due  attention  shall  be  paid 
to  the  wishes  and  convenience  of  the  parties,  relatively  to  their 
respective  frontiers. 


WARS  AGAINST  TIPU  157 

Article  X 

The  underwritten  Polygars  and  Zamindars  being  dependent  on 
Pandit  Pradhan  and  the  Navab  Asof  Jah,  it  is  agreed  that,  on  their 
territories,  forts,  etc.,  falling  into  the  hands  of  any  of  the  allies,  they 
shall  be  re-established  therein,  and  the  Nazarana  that  shall  be  fixed  on 
that  occasion  shall  be  equally  divided  amongst  the  allies,  but  in  future 
Pandit  Pradhan  and  the  Navab  Asof  Jah  shall  collect  from  them  the 
usual  Khandani  and  Peshkush  which  have  been  heretofore  annually 
collected.  And,  should  the  said  Polygars  and  Zamindars  act  unfaith- 
fully towards  Pandit  Pradhan  or  the  Navab,  or  prove  refractory,  in  the 
discharge  of  their  Khandani  and  Peshkush,  the  said  Pandit  Pradhan  and 
Navab  are  to  be  at  liberty  to  treat  them  as  may  be  judged  proper.  The 
Chief  of  Savnur  is  to  be  subject  to  service  with  both  Pandit  Pradhan 
and  the  Navab,  and,  should  he  fail  in  the  usual  conditions  thereof, 
Pandit  Pradhan  and  the  Navab  will  act  as  they  think  proper. 
List  of  Polygars  and  Zamindars 
Chittledurg  Keychungunde 

Annagundy  Cunnaghwarry 

Harponelly  Kittur 

Bellari  Hannur 

Rodurg 
The  district  of  Abdul  Hakim  Khan,  the  Chief  of  Savnur. 

Article  XI 

To  preserve,  as  far  as  possible,  consistency  and  concert  in  the  con- 
duct of  this  important  undertaking,  a  Vakil  from  each  party  shall  be 
permitted  to  reside  in  the  army  of  the  others,  for  the  purpose  of 
communicating  to  each  other  their  respective  views  and  circumstances  ; 
and  the  representations  of  the  contracting  parties  to  each  other  shall 
be  duly  attended  to  consistent  with  the  circumstances  and  stipulations 
of  this  treaty. 

Article  XII 

After  this  treaty  is  signed  and  sealed,  it  will  become  incumbent  on 
the  parties  not  to  swerve  from  its  conditions  at  the  verbal  or  written 
instance  of  any  person  or  persons  whatever,  or  on  any  other  pretence. 
And,  in  the  event  of  a  peace  being  judged  expedient,  it  shall  be  made 
by  mutual  consent,  no  party  introducing  unreasonable  objections  ;  nor 
shall  either  of  the  parties  enter  into  any  separate  negotiations  with 
Tipu,  but  on  the  receipt  of  any  advance  or  message  from  him,  by  either 
party,  it  shall  be  communicated  to  the  others. 

Article  XIII 

If,  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Tipu,  he  should  molest  or  attack 
either  of  the  contracting  parties,  the  others  shall  join  to  punish  him  ; 
the  mode  and  conditions  of  effecting  which  shall  be  hereafter  settled  by 
the  three  contracting  powers. 


158 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


Article  XIV 

This  treaty  consisting  of  fourteen  articles,  being  this  day  settled  and 
concluded  by  Mr.  Malet,  with  the  Peshwa  Savai  Madhavrav  Narayan 
Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  Mr.  Malet  has  delivered  to  Pandit  Pradhan 
one  copy  of  the  same,  in  English  and  Persian,  signed  and  sealed  by 
himself,  and  Pandit  Pradhan  has  delivered  to  Mr.  Malet  another  copy  in 
Marathi  and  Persian  executed  by  himself  ;  and  Mr.  Malet  has  engaged 
to  procure  and  deliver  to  Pandit  Pradhan  in  seventy-five  days  a  ratified 
copy  from  the  Governor,  on  the  delivery  of  which  the  treaty  executed 
by  Mr.  Malet  shall  be  returned. 


POONA , 

1st  June,  1799. 


(Sd.)  C.  W. 


MALET, 
President. 


True  Copy. 

Sd.  C.  W.  MALET. 

Ratified   by  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  at  Fort  William   in 
Bengal,  the  5th  day  of  July,  1790. 


(Sd.)  CORNWALLIS. 
(Sd.)  CHARLES  STUART. 
(Sd.)  PETER  SPEKE. 


CHAPTER  LXIII 

CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  SINDIA 

From  the  treaty  of  Salbai  onwards,  the  ruling  house  of 
Sindia  have  been  independent  princes.  Nevertheless,  for  the 
proper  grasp  of  subsequent  events,  it  is  necessary  briefly  to 
sketch  the  story  of  Madhavrao  Sindia  from  the  point  where 
we  left  the  affairs  of  Delhi  in  chapter  lvii. 

On  the  recall  of  Visaji  Krishna  and  the  Maratha  army  in 
1773,  by  Narayanrao  for  the  conquest  of  Mysore,  Najaf  Khan 
regained  his  supreme  position  in  the  emperor's  councils  and 
with  occasional  intervals  retained  it  until  his  death  on  the 
22nd  April,  1782.  His  adopted  son  Afrasiab  Khan  succeed- 
ed him  as  Amir-ul-Umra,  the  premier  noble  ;  but  from  this 
favoured  position  he  was  ousted  by  one  Mahomed  Beg  Hama- 
dani,  the  Governor  of  the  Agra  province.  Afrasiab  Khan 
invited  the  help  of  Madhavrao  Sindia.  The  latter  accepted 
the  invitation  and  joined  Afrasiab  Khan  at  Agra.  There 
Afrasiab  Khan  was  assassinated,  and  Madhavrao  Sindia  re- 
moved Mahomed  Beg  Hamadani  by  sending  him  to  reduce 
the  fortress  of  Raghogad  in  Khechiwara.  It  belonged  to  the 
Kechi  clan  of  the  Chauhan  Rajputs,  who  claimed  descent  from 
the  immortal  Prithvi  Raj,  and  it  blocked  the  way  from  Gwalior 
to  Delhi.  In  this  way  the  Maratha  chief  became  the  first 
power  in  the  imperial  city.  He  refused  the  title  of  Amir-ul- 
Umra,  but  accepted  on  the  Peshwa's  behalf  that  of  Vakil-ul- 
Mutalik  or  sole  director  of  the  empire.  Shah  Alam  resigned 
into  his  hands  the  command  of  his  army  and  all  his  territories, 
namely,  the  district  and  town  of  Delhi.  In  return  Sindia 
settled  sixty-five  thousand  rupees  a  month  on  the  emperor, 
over  whom  he  stationed  a  Maratha  guard. 

Unhappily  Sindia' s  resources  were  not  equal  to  his  ambi- 
tions. He  soon  found  that  he  could  pay  regularly  neither  the 
emperor  nor  his  own  troops.  To  find  money  he  confiscated 
the  feudal  estates  of  a  number  of  Musulman  feudatories  and 


160  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

tried  to  exact  tribute  in  the  emperor's  name  from  the  chiefs  of 
Rajputana.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining;  in  person  a  considera- 
ble sum  from  the  Raja  of  Jaipur  ;  but  when  in  1787  he  sent  a 
Maratha  officer,  known  as  Rayaji  Patil,  to  collect  a  further 
sum,  the  latter  was  attacked  and  defeated.  Madhavrao  Sindia 
marched  in  person  against  Jaipur,  but  the  Raja  of  Jodhpur 
hastened  to  his  brother  Rajput's  help.  Next  Mahomed  Beg 
Hamadani,  who  had  joined  Sindia  after  the  capture  of  Ragho- 
gad,  deserted  to  the  enemy  and  in  the  severe  action  that 
followed,  Sindia  was  overwhelmed  and  eventually  pursued  as 
far  as  Gwalior.  Sindia's  defeat  freed  Shah  Alam  from  the 
Maratha  chief's  tutelage  ;  but  it  also  robbed  the  emperor  of 
Maratha  protection,  as  he  was  soon  to  learn  by  the  most 
bitter  experience.  In  January,  1785,  Zabita  Khan,  the  son  of 
Najib-ud-Daula,  the  Rohilla  chief,  died,  leaving  a  son  called 
Ghulam  Kadir,  a  young  man  of  ability  and  energy.  Seeing 
Shah  Alam  unprotected  at  Delhi,  he  determined  to  march  on 
the  capital  and  by  seizing  the  emperor's  person  to  extort  from 
him  the  office  of  Amir-ul-Umra.  To  his  aid  he  invited  Ismail 
Beg,  the  nephew  of  Mahomed  Beg  Hamadani.  The  small 
Maratha  garrison  left  there  by  Sindia  evacuated  Delhi  at  his 
approach.  Shah  Alam  after  a  show  of  resistance  invested 
Ghulam  Kadir  with  the  desired  office.  The  latter  then,  after 
taking  Aligarh  from  the  Marathas,  joined  Ismail  Beg,  who 
was  besieging  Agra,  held  in  the  Maratha  interest  by  Lakhwa 
Dada,  an  experienced  Shenvi  officer.  Sindia  tried  to  relieve 
the  city  by  sending  a  force  under  his  officer  Rana  Khan,1  but 
the  relieving  force  was  defeated.  A  second  attempt  was  more 
successful.  On  the  18th  June,  1788,  Rana  Khan  with  his 
army  strongly  reinforced  again  advanced.  Ghulam  Kadir, 
whose  skill  and  daring  had  won  the  former  battle,  had  left 
Agra  to  defend  his  own  dominions  from  a  Sikh  incursion. 
Ismail  Beg,  deprived  of  the  Rohilla  soldier's  help,  fought  a 
gallant  battle  among  the  ruins  of  Fatehpur  Sikri.  He  charged 
the  Marathas  with  the  utmost  fury,  but  was  completely 
defeated  ;  and,  severely  wounded  and  almost  alone,  he  made 


1  Rana  Khan  was  at  one  time  a  bhisti  or  water  carrier,  and  was  said 
to  have  saved  Madhavrao  Sindia  when  wounded  in  the  flight  from 
Panipat. 


CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  SINDIA         161 

his  way  to  the  camp  of  Ghulam  Kadir.  The  officer  who  bore 
the  chief  part  in  this  great  Maratha  victory  was  a  Frenchman 
named  Benoit  de  Boigne. 

The  story  of  this  Frenchman  might  well  have  been  told  of 
one  of  the  paladins  of  Charlemagne.  Born  in  Chambery  in 
Savoy  in  1751,  he  was  forced  when  still  a  lad,  to  flee  the 
country,  because  of  a  duel  with  a  Sardinian  officer.  The  year 
1768  saw  him  an  ensign  in  the  Irish  brigade  of  the  French 
king,  a  corps  open  to  adventurers  of  all  nations  and  famed 
throughout  Europe  for  its  discipline  and  valour.  Not  finding 
there  the  promotion  which  he  desired,  he  resigned  in  1774  the 
French  service  and  obtained  a  captaincy  in  a  Greek  regiment 
in  the  pay  of  the  Empress  Catherine.  Taken  prisoner  by  the 
Turks  in  an  attack  on  Tenedos,  he  was  sent  to  Constantinople 
and  sold  as  a  slave  ;  but  he  succeeded  in  communicating 
with  his  parents,  who  ransomed  him.  Returning  to  the 
Empress  Catherine,  he  won  that  amorous  lady's  transient 
affections  and  was  made  a  major.  When  his  volatile  mistress 
tired  of  the  young  Savoyard,  she  sent  him  on  a  cruise 
among  the  islands  of  the  Grecian  archipelago.  There  he  met 
some  European  merchants  just  returned  from  India,  whose 
descriptions  of  the  country  so  fired  his  imagination,  that  he  at 
once  resolved  to  go  there.  He  tried  to  reach  his  destination 
overland,  but  failed  owing  to  a  war  between  Turkey  and 
Persia.  From  Aleppo  he  set  sail  for  Alexandria.  There  his 
ship  was  wrecked  off  the  mouth  of  the  Nile  and  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  some  Arabs.  He  expected  to  be  sold  again  as 
a  slave,  but  the  kind-hearted  nomads,  instead  of  selling  him, 
helped  him  with  their  own  money  to  reach  Cairo.  There  he 
met  friends,  who  enabled  him  to  take  ship  for  Madras. 
Sorely  reduced  in  circumstances,  he  accepted  an  ensign's 
commission  in  the  6th  Regiment  of  Madras  Native  Infantry. 
Wearying  of  the  English  army  and  not  over  well  treated,  he 
offered  his  services  in  turn  to  the  Rana  of  Gohad  and  the 
Raja  of  Jaipur.  Eventually  he  accepted  the  pay  of  Madhav- 
rao  Sindia,  who  had  learnt  from  the  fighting  against  General 
Goddard  and  the  loss  of  Gwalior  the  immense  value  of 
European  discipline  and  European  tactics. 

After  the  battle  of  Fatehpur  Sikri,  de  Boigne  left  the  service 
of  Sindia  and  became  a  business  man  in  Lucknow.     Sindia, 
21 


162  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

satisfied  with  his  victory  over  Ismail  Beg  and  possibly  render- 
ed irresolute  by  the  departure  of  de  Boigne,  did  not  march 
on  Delhi,  but  stopped  at  Mathura.  This  gave  Ghulam  Kadir 
and  Ismail  Beg  an  opportunity  of  immortalizing  themselves 
by  their  wickedness  and  cruelty — an  opportunity  of  which  they 
fully  availed  themselves.  Collecting  the  fugitives  from 
Fatehpur  Sikri,  the  two  confederates  marched  on  Delhi.  The 
emperor  refused  them  admittance,  but  Ismail  Beg  won  over 
the  garrison  and  he  and  Ghulam  Kadir  entered  the  citadel. 
They  first  pretended  to  have  come  as  partisans  of  Shah  Alam, 
but,  once  masters  of  the  palace,  they  resolved  to  plunder  both 
the  emperor  and  his  capital.  The  former  task  was  assigned 
to  Ghulam  Kadir  and  the  latter  to  Ismail  Beg.  Ghulam  Kadir 
had,  it  would  seem,  been  told  by  the  emperor's  nazir,  a  eunuch 
in  charge  of  the  household  expenditure,  that  Shah  Alam  had  a 
hidden  treasure.  As  the  emperor  would  not  or  could  not 
surrender  it,  Ghulam  Kadir  deposed  him  and  enthroned  in  his 
place  Bedar  Bakht,  a  son  of  the  Emperor  Ahmad  Shah.  He 
then  starved  and  flogged  the  inmates  of  the  palace,  of  both 
sexes,  in  order  to  secure  the  phantom  millions  of  the  emperor. 
As  this  procedure  effected  nothing,  he  flogged  and  blinded 
Shah  Alam  by  digging  the  emperor's  eyes  out  with  his  own 
dagger,  and  caused  to  be  outraged  in  his  presence  the  ladies  of 
the  imperial  family.1  These  excesses  lasted  for  some  weeks, 
until  at  last  Ismail  Beg,  thoroughly  disgusted  with  his  accom- 
plice, called  in  the  help  of  Madhavrao  Sindia.  The  Maratha 
army  at  once  marched  from  Mathura  to  Delhi.  Ghulam  Kadir 
on  learning  of  Ismail  Beg's  defection  evacuated  the  palace 
and  took  refuge  in  Meerut,  which  Sindia  at  once  invested. 
After  a  two  months'  siege  Ghulam  Kadir  fled  from  Meerut ; 
but,  falling  from  his  horse,  he  was  captured  by  some  peasants 
and  brought  to  Sindia.  Ghulam  Kadir's  punishment  did  not 
err  on  the  side  of  undue  leniency.  With  blackened  face  he 
was  sent  round  Mathura  on  a  jackass.     He  was  then  blinded, 

1  Ghulam  Kadir  was  a  typical  Rohilla,  After  reading  of  his  atroci- 
ties, one  turns  with  some  amusement  to  Macaulay's  remark  in  his 
essay  on  Warren  Hastings,  "  The  only  natives  of  India  to  whom  the 
word  '  Gentleman  '  can  with  perfect  propriety  be  applied  are  to  be 
found  among  the  Rohillas."  The  historian  Keene  has  described  Ghulam 
Kadir  as  a  "  harem  page  ",  but  this  is  doubtful. 


CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  S1NDIA        163 

mutilated   and   hanged    and   his    lands   were   occupied  by   a 
Maratha  force. 

Sindia  had  regretted  the  departure  of  de  Boigne  ;  and  his 
regrets  were  heightened  by  the  departure  of  two  other  officers 
about  the  same  time — Medoc,  who  went  back  to  France,  where 
he  was  killed  in  a  duel,  and  Lestineaux,  who  vanished  with  the 
jewellery  found  on  Ghulam  Kadir.  He  now  begged  de  Boigne 
to  return  ;  this  de  Boigne  did,  finding  soldiering  more  to  his 
taste  than  business.  Sindia  authorized  him  to  raise  three 
brigades  of  disciplined  infantry,  some  field  artillery  and  a  few 
squadrons  of  horse.  This  force  was  fit  for  service  by  1790, 
and  Sindia  sent  it  against  Ismail  Beg,  who,  tired  of  inaction, 
had  become  the  ally  of  the  Jaipur  and  Jodhpur  Rajputs.  On 
the  19th  June,  1790,  was  fought  the  bloody  battle  of  Patan, 
when  de  Boigne,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  realized  all  the 
expectations  of  Sindia  ".  After  resisting  throughout  the  day 
the  tremendous  charges  of  the  Rathor  cavalry,  he  led  his  men 
to  the  assault  of  the  batteries.  Before  night  fell  Ismail  Beg 
had  lost  his  guns,  his  elephants  and  his  baggage.  Next  day 
his  army  deserted  in  a  mass  to  the  Marathas. 

On  the  21st  August,  1790,  de  Boigne  entered  Ajmir,  the 
town  which  Bijaysing  had  ceded  to  Raghunathrao  but  had 
retaken  during  the  subsequent  disorders  in  the  Maratha  state. 
Near  Ajmir  is  the  great  stronghold  of  Taragad  or  the  star 
fortress.  De  Boigne  invested  it ;  but  before  he  could  take  it, 
the  Maharaja  of  Jodhpur  marched  to  its  relief  with  thirty 
thousand  men.  On  the  10th  September,  de  Boigne  attacked 
the  Maharaja  near  the  town  of  Merta.  In  spite  of  the  most 
reckless  gallantry  on  the  part  of  the  Rathors,  and  their  com- 
plete defeat  of  the  Maratha  horse,  de  Boigne  had  by  10  a.m. 
stormed  the  Rajputs'  camp  and  dispersed  their  army.  Merta 
surrendered  next  day  and  Taragad  shortly  afterwards. 

On  the  18th  November,  1790,  the  Maharaja  Bijaysing  of 
Jodhpur,  the  murderer  of  Jayappa  Sindia,  opened  the  gates  of 
Jodhpur  to  the  general  of  Jayappa's  kinsman.  Partabsing  the 
Maharaja  of  Jaipur,  after  a  feeble  resistance,  followed  the 
example  of  Bijaysing  and  submitted.  So,  too,  did  the  lordly 
chief  of  Mewar,  the  Maharana  of  Udaipur. 

Madhavrao  Sindia  was  delighted  with  his  general's  successes 
and    bade   him    increase    his    regular    infantry    to    eighteen 


164  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

thousand  men,  to  raise  bodies  of  light  troops,  and  to  add  to 
the  number  of  his  field-pieces.  The  reorganization  was 
complete  by  1791,  and  this  was  the  army  that  Sindia 
wished  to  send  against  Seringapatam.  Nana  Phadnavis, 
jealous  of  Sindia's  power,  declined  his  assistance,  and  Hari 
Ballal  Phadke  induced  Lord  Cornwallis  to  make  peace  with 
Tipu  before  de  Boigne's  arrival. 

Outwitted  by  Nana  Phadnavis,  Madhavrao  Sindia  determined 
to  go  to  the  Deccan  and,  if  possible,  substitute  himself  for  the 
Brahman  minister  in  the  favour  of  the  young  Peshwa.  On  the 
expulsion  of  Ghulam  Kadir,  the  unfortunate  Shah  Alam  had 
been  restored  to  the  throne  of  Delhi.  He  renewed  the 
Peshwa's  patent  of  Vakil-i-Mutalik  and  in  1790,  after  the 
battle  of  Patan,  made  it  an  inalienable,  hereditary  office.  In 
June,  1792,  Sindia  made  this  a  pretext  for  a  visit  to  Poona. 
As  deputy  Vakil-i-Mutalik  it  was  his  duty  to  convey  to  his 
master's  own  hands  the  emperor's  sign-manual.  Nana  Phad- 
navis urged  the  Peshwa  to  refuse  the  title  ;  but  the  young 
prince  was  attracted  by  the  honour  and  formally  obtained  from 
the  Raja  of  Satara  leave  to  accept  it.  Nana  Phadnavis  on  this 
changed  his  tactics.  He  arranged  that  the  ceremony  should 
be  held  with  the  greatest  pomp  and  circumstance.  He  called 
on  Sindia,  who  received  him  with  magnificent  courtesy  in  what 
is  now  the  Sangam  garden,  the  official  residence  of  the  judge 
of  Poona.  On  the  following  day  the  Peshwa  received  Sindia, 
who  affected  a  calculated  humility.  On  approaching  the 
Peshwa's  tent,  he  descended  from  his  elephant  and,  leaving  his 
bodyguard  behind,  walked  alone  to  the  tent  and  took  his 
station  below  all  the  other  officials.  When  the  Peshwa 
entered,  Sindia  refused  to  be  seated  and  from  a  bundle 
produced  a  pair  of  new  slippers.  "  This  "  he  murmured  "  was 
my  father's  occupation  and  it  must  also  be  mine  ".  Reverently 
removing  the  Peshwa's  slippers,  he  put  on  his  feet  the  new 
ones  from  the  bundle.  Having  thus  shown  his  gratitude  and 
loyalty  to  the  heir  of  his  benefactor,  he  showed  his  own 
wealth  and  power  by  bestowing  on  the  prince  the  richest  and 
rarest  gifts  of  Hindustan. 

Next  day  the  ceremony  took  place  of  handing  to  the  Peshwa 
the  imperial  patent.  Within  a  splendid  tent  Sindia  had 
erected  a  throne,  the  emblem  of  the  absent  emperor.     On  it 


CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  SINDIA        i65 

lay  the  imperial  orders,  the  dresses  of  honour  and  the  insignia 
of  the  new  office.  The  Peshwa  approached  the  throne,  bowed 
three  times  before  it,  offered  to  it  a  hundred  gold  mohurs  and 
then  seated  himself  to  its  left.  A  Persian  on  Sindia's  staff 
asked  permission  of  the  Peshwa  to  read  aloud  the  imperial 
grant  as  well  as  a  decree  highly  gratifying  to  the  Hindus 
present.  By  it  Shah  Alam  forbade  throughout  India  the 
slaughter  of  cows  and  bullocks.  After  the  documents  had 
been  read,  Sindia  bestowed  on  the  prince  the  nine  robes  of 
honour,  the  jewels,  the  sword  and  shield,  the  seal,  the  pen-case, 
the  inkstand,  the  fan  of  peacock  feathers,  the  gilded  sedan 
chair,  the  palanquin,  the  horses,  the  elephants,  the  imperial 
standard,  the  crescents,  the  stars,  and  the  orders  of  the  Fish 
and  the  Sun,  bestowed  by  the  emperor  on  his  perpetual 
viceregent.  The  Peshwa  donned  the  robes  of  honour,  receiv- 
ed the  nazars  or  offerings  of  the  high  officers  of  state,  and 
returned  to  Poona  seated  in  the  gilded  sedan-chair.  As  he 
went,  Madhavrao  Sindia  and  Hari  Ballal  Phadke  fanned  him 
with  the  imperial  peacock  fans.  In  the  palace  at  Poona,  the 
second  part  of  the  ceremony  was  enacted,  and  the  Peshwa  as 
Vakil-i-Mutalik  bestowed  on  his  deputy,  Madhavrao  Sindia,  the 
robes  of  honour  and  gifts  due  to  him  on  his  investiture.  The 
whole  ceremonial  was  most  carefully  organized  by  Nana  Phad- 
navis  and  Madhavrao  Sindia,  and  was  the  most  splendid  that 
Poona  had  ever  seen.  It  completely  captivated  the  imagina- 
tion of  Madhavrao  the  Peshwa.  Nevertheless  it  was  only 
preliminary  to  a  sustained  effort  on  Sindia's  part  to  oust 
Nana  Phadnavis.  Hunting,  hawking,  sports  of  every  kind, 
were  arranged  to  gratify  the  prince's  boyish  tastes,  and  Sindia 
beguiled  the  tedium  of  the  hours  between  by  tales  of  fights 
on  the  Jamna  and  the  Ganges,  and  of  cavalry  actions  among 
the  wild  valleys  of  Rajasthan  and  the  broad  plains  round 
Delhi. 

Nana  Phadnavis  saw  clearly  the  aims  of  Madhavrao  Sindia 
and  sought  for  a  suitable  weapon  with  which  to  drive  him 
from  Poona.  This  he  found  ready  to  his  hand  in  Tukoji 
Holkar.  As  his  mistress  Ahalyabai  grew  old,  she  spent  more 
and  more  time  in  the  building  of  temples,  the  repetition  of 
prayers  and  the  practice  of  penances  ;  and  she  left  the  work 
of  administration  almost  wholly  to  her  adopted   son  Tukoji. 


166  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

That  distinguished  soldier  had  seen  with  bitter  jealousy  the 
victories   of    de    Boigne   and    he   resolved   to   hire   another 
Frenchman  to  raise  a  similarly  disciplined  army.     The  man 
on  whom  his  choice  fell  was  a  Breton  gentleman  known  as 
the  Chevalier  du  Drenec.     Du  Drenec  was  a  native  of  Brest 
and  came  of  a  good  family,  his  father  being  a  commodore  in 
the  French  navy.     He  ran  away  from  his  ship,  took  service 
with  Medoc's  corps  at  Delhi,  left  Medoc  for  Reinhardt,  and  now 
accepted   Tukoji's  offer  and  a  monthly  salary  of   Rs.   3,000. 
Du    Drenec   did   his   work   well   and   had  soon  trained  four 
battalions  of  infantry  and  a  small  body  of  artillery.     While 
thus  preparing  himself  for  war,  Tukoji  Holkar  secretly  allied 
himself  to  Ismail  Beg,  who  had  taken  refuge  with  the  widow 
of  Najaf  Khan,  Ghulam  Kadir's  sister.     That  turbulent  lady 
had   established   herself   in   Kannad,    a   strong   place  on  the 
borders   of   Bikanir.     It   was   surrounded  by  sandhills,    and 
tamarisk  scrub,  which  afforded  neither  food  nor  water  to  a 
besieging  army  and  was  almost  impassable  for  siege-guns. 
Before  Ismail  Beg  could  take  any  definite  course,  de  Boigne 
sent  against  him  his  second  in  command,  another  Frenchman, 
named  Perron,  who  had  come  to  India  as  a  common  sailor  but 
had  joined  the  corps  of  Sangster,  a  mercenary  officer  in  the  pay 
of  the   Rana  of  Gohad.     Afterwards  he   took  service  under 
Sindia,  and  when  Lestineaux  vanished  with  Ghulam  Kadir's 
jewellery,  he  was  given  the  command  of  a  battalion  and  after 
the  defeat  of  Ismail  Beg  the  command  of  a  brigade. 

This  capable  officer  made  his  way  through  the  dry  and 
difficult  country  round  Kannad,  defeated  Ismail  Beg  in  an 
action  outside  the  fortress  and  in  a  short  time  forced  him  to 
surrender.  Having  despatched  Ismail  Beg  to  a  prison  in  the 
Agra  fort,  de  Boigne  was  able  to  give  his  full  attention  to 
Tukoji  Holkar.  He  took  the  field  with  nine  thousand  infantry, 
on  whose  banners  danced  the  emblem  of  his  own  native  country, 
the  white  cross  of  Savoy.  He  effected  a  junction  with  Lakwa 
Dada,  another  general  of  Sindia,  who  commanded  a  large 
body  of  Maratha  cavalry.  On  the  20th  September,  1792, 
de  Boigne  came  upon  Tukoji  Holkar  at  the  Lakheri  pass  in 
the  territory  of  the  Kotah  state,  on  the  road  from  Kannad  to 
Ajmir.  The  battle  was  obstinately  disputed.  Du  Drenec  did 
for  his  master  all  that  a  gallant  and  experienced  French  officer 


CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  SINDIA        167 

could  do.  Indeed,  fortune  seemed  at  first  to  smile  on 
Holkar.  As  de  Boigne  advanced,  his  columns,  unprotected 
by  his  own  fire,  were  mown  down  by  Holkar's  batteries. 
When  he  hastened  up  his  guns  to  protect  his  infantry,  a  lucky 
shell  blew  up  a  dozen  carts  of  ammunition.  In  the  midst  of 
the  ensuing  confusion,  great  masses  of  Holkar's  cavalry 
charged  de  Boigne's  wavering  infantry.  An  ordinary  man 
might  have  thought  that  by  a  retirement  alone  could  the  army 
be  saved.  But  de  Boigne  was  no  ordinary  man.  Cool  and 
collected  in  the  midst  of  danger,  he  re-formed  his  regiments 
under  cover  of  a  wood  and  poured  volley  after  volley 
into  Holkar's  squadrons.  As  they  paused,  he  charged  them 
with  his  small  body  of  disciplined  cavalry,  and  followed  the 
charge  with  a  general  advance  up  the  Lakheri  pass.  Du 
Drenec  with  one  thousand,  five  hundred  men  held  the  pass 
bravely  and  well ;  and  it  was  not  until  nearly  all  the  officers 
and  men  of  his  newly  formed  battalions  had  fallen  side  by 
side,  that  de  Boigne  captured  the  pass  and  thirty-eight  guns. 
Holkar's  routed  army  fled  the  field  and  revenged  themselves 
by  sacking  Sindia's  capital,  Ujjain. 

The  failure  of  Holkar  rendered  Nana  Phadnavis  impotent  ; 
and  the  arrival  of  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  with  two  thousand 
horse  in  the  minister's  interest  only  furnished  Madhavrao 
Sindia  with  an  excuse  for  summoning  M.  Perron  with  a 
brigade  of  disciplined  infantry.  At  the  same  time  Sindia 
began  to  interfere  openly  in  the  administration.  When  Nana 
Phadnavis  on  behalf  of  the  young  Peshwa  assumed  the  charge 
of  the  lands  of  the  Pant  Sachiv,  still  a  minor,  Sindia  drove 
out  Bajirao  Moreshwar,  Nana  Phadnavis'  agent,  and  restored 
his  possessions  to  the  young  noble.  At  last  the  situation 
became  so  acute  that  the  minister  made  a  personal  appeal  to 
his  master.  He  related  the  efforts  by  which  he  had  guarded 
the  young  prince's  throne,  how  he  had  fought  Raghunathrao, 
the  English,  the  Nizam  and  Tipu,  one  after  the  other  and  all 
successfully.  In  Sindia  he  saw  a  more  dangerous  and  insidi- 
ous enemy — one  who  would  not  only  remove  the  minister  but 
the  Peshwa  himself  from  his  office,  and,  in  the  name  of  the 
faineant  Raja  of  Satara,  govern  the  Maratha  Empire  in  his 
own  interests.  If,  however,  he  (Nana  Phadnavis)  no  longer 
retained  his  master's  confidence,  he  would  gladly  resign  his 


168  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

burden  and,  as  befitted  a  Brahman  in  the  decline  of  life,  would 
become  an  anchorite  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.  The 
eloquence  of  the  minister  and  the  recollection  of  his  many 
kindnesses  and  his  past  loyalty  moved  the  generous-hearted 
boy  to  tears.  He  begged  his  old  servant's  forgiveness  and 
promised  to  repay  his  services  by  unabated  trust.  Victorious 
for  the  moment,  Nana  Phadnavis  resumed  his  labours  ;  but 
Sindia  also  renewed  his  intrigues,  and  would  in  all  probability 
have  succeeded  in  his  aims,  had  he  not  succumbed  to  an 
enemy  more  formidable  even  than  Nana  Phadnavis.  Early  in 
February,  1794,  he  fell  suddenly  ill  of  fever.  After  a  few 
days'  illness  he  died  in  his  camp  at  Vanavdi,  a  spot  just  outside 
the  eastern  limits  of  Poona. 

The  author  of  the  Tarikh-i-Muzaffari  has  told  a  fantastic 
story  of  Sindia's  murder  by  the  agents  of  Nana  Phadnavis  ; 
but,  although  the  tale  has  found  credence  with  one  or  two 
English  writers,  it  is  quite  unfounded.  The  life  of  Madhav- 
rao  Sindia  had  been  spent  in  the  camp  and  the  field.  His 
brothers  had  fallen  one  by  one  in  action,  and  he  himself  had 
been  so  severely  wounded  at  Panipat  that,  but  for  timely  aid 
he  would  have  bled  to  death.  His  life  had  been  passed  in 
ambitious  schemes  and  arduous  labours.  He  had  recently 
suffered  a  diplomatic  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Nana  Phadnavis. 
There  was  nothing  strange  that  his  frame,  worn  out  by  toil  and 
cares,  should  have  proved  unable  to  throw  off  a  malignant 
fever. 

That  Madhavrao  Sindia  was  a  great  man  none  can  deny,  and 
in  the  wars  against  the  English  he  did  valuable  service  to  his 
country.  But  his  conduct  after  the  peace  of  Salbai  was  not  in 
the  interests  of  the  Poona  Government.  He  had  no  desires 
save  for  his  own  advancement ;  and  his  affected  humility  in 
the  Peshwa's  presence  merely  cloaked  his  designs  to  usurp 
the  Peshwa's  office  and  to  govern  in  his  place,  as  the 
viceregent  both  of  the  emperor  of  Delhi  and  of  the  Raja  of 
Satara. 


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CAREER  AND  DEATH  OF  MADHAVRAO  SINDIA        169 


APPENDIX  A 

Letter  from  the  Peshwa  Madhavrao  Narayan  to  the  Chhatra- 

pati  of  Satara,  asking  leave  to  invest  Sindia  with  the  office 

of  deputy  viceroy. 

To  Shrimant  Chhatrapati,  the  Ornament  of  the  Kshatriya  Race, 
with  respectful  compliments  from  Madhavrao  Narayan,  doing  well 
under  the  auspices  of  Your  Majesty.— While  Ghulam  Kadir  was 
in  the  service  of  the  Emperor  at  Delhi,  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  turbu- 
lence he  made  many  secret  plots  against  the  Emperor,  and  in  violation 
of  all  bonds  of  loyalty  he  even  went  to  the  length  of  incarcerating 
the  Emperor.  At  this  juncture  in  the  history  of  the  Empire,  Mahadaji 
Sindia  gave  a  strong  and  effective  rebuff  to  the  rebellious  spirit 
of  Ghulam  Kadir  and  his  accomplices,  and,  restoring  order  in  the 
kingdom,  and  liberty  to  the  Emperor,  reinstated  him  again  on  the 
throne.  Thereupon  the  Emperor,  being  greatly  gratified,  said  that 
Mahadaji  Sindia  had  taught  a  bitter  lesson  to  the  rebel  chieftain  for  his 
miscreant  spirit  and  had  restored  order  in  the  kingdom,  which  so  many 
of  His  Majesty's  servants  could  not  do.  This  is  a  service  unique  in 
itself.  In  appreciation  of  the  Pant  Pradhan's  services,  the  Emperor 
expressed  his  wish  to  confer  upon  Sindia  the  titles  of  Mutalik  and 
Mirbakshagiri.  After  the  Emperor's  talk  with  Mahadaji  Sindia  regard- 
ing this,  he  immediately  passed  orders  to  that  effect,  and  handed  over 
to  Sindia  the  robe  of  honour,  the  badge  of  distinction  and  a  significant 
reward.  These  Sindia  has  brought  with  him  here,  as  we  learned  from 
him  when  he  saw  us  very  recently.  But  we  solicit  orders  from  Your 
Lordship  in  this  connection,  without  which  we  cannot  invest  him  with 
the  new  honour.  — With  this  we  respectfully  subscribe, 

(Parasnis'  Collection). 


22 


CHAPTER  LXIV 

WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  ALL     DEATH  OF  SAVAI 

MADHAVRAO 

The  death  of  Madhavrao  Sindia  left  Nana  Phadnavis  without 
a  rival  in  the  Maratha  Empire.  The  Peshwa  fell  once  more 
under  the  dominion  of  his  commanding  mind,  and  a  success- 
ful foreign  war  raised  to  an  even  higher  point  the  minister's 
fortunes.  Nizam  Ali  had  for  many  years  taken  advantage 
of  the  disorders  at  Poona,  to  withhold  the  Maratha  dues  of 
chauth  and  sardeshmukhi.  In  1791,  Nana  Phadnavis  directed 
the  Maratha  envoys  at  the  Nizam's  court,  Govindrao  Kale  and 
Govindrao  Pingle,  to  demand  the  appointment  of  commis- 
sioners to  settle  the  Nizam's  debt.  The  Nizam  appointed 
commissioners ;  but  they  produced  a  set  of  figures  so 
ridiculously  inaccurate  as  to  show  the  Poona  Government 
to  be  in  debt  to  Nizam  Ali.  Nana  Phadnavis  examined 
them  carefully  and  refuted  them  item  by  item.  The  Nizam 
was  silenced  and  promised  to  settle  the  Maratha  claims 
on  the  close  of  the  war  against  Tipu.  On  the  conclu- 
sion of  that  war  the  Nizam  again  delayed  a  settlement 
and  rapidly  added  to  his  army.  To  effect  this  measure 
he  employed  a  French  officer  named  Francois  de  Raymond. 
This  gallant  adventurer  was  born  in  Gascony  in  1755.  In 
1775,  when  twenty  years  of  age  he  became  a  sub-lieutenant 
in  the  service  of  Haidar  Ali.  In  1783,  he  was  given  a 
commission  in  the  French  army  and  served  as  aide-de-camp 
to  de  Bussy.  In  1786  he  entered  the  service  of  Nizam  Ali 
and  raised  a  regiment,  first  three  hundred  and  afterwards  seven 
hundred  strong.  His  bravery  and  skill  in  the  war  against 
Tipu  caused  his  command  to  grow  to  five  thousand.  He  was 
now  ordered  to  increase  his  force  to  one  of  twenty-three 
battalions.  The  Nizam,  his  preparations  completed,  rejected 
contemptuously  the  Maratha  claims  and  informed  Govindrao 
Kale  that,  so  far  from  his  owing  anything  to  the  Marathas,  they 


WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  ALl  171 

owed  him  twenty-six  million  rupees.  The  Nizam's  diwan, 
Mashir-ul-Mulk,  added  that,  if  Nana  Phadnavis  wished  for 
further  explanations,  he  should  attend  the  Nizam's  court ;  and 
that  if  he  did  not  do  so  he  would  be  brought  there  by  force. 
Such  an  insult  was  one  that  no  ambassador  could  suffer,  and 
Govindrao  Kale  and  Govindrao  Pingle  left  Haidarabad  and 
returned  to  Poona.     Both  Governments  prepared  for  war. 

The  Nizam,  who  placed  the  utmost  confidence  in  Raymond's 
battalions,  expected  the  rapid  subjugation  of  the  Maratha 
Deccan.  His  confidence  spread  through  his  army,  which 
assembled  at  Bedar,  and  his  captains  talked  openly  of  sacking 
and  burning  Poona.  But  the  chief  braggart  was  the  diwan 
Mashir-ul-Mulk,  who,  with  a  fine  taste  in  rhetoric,  declared  in 
open  darbar  that  the  Moghuls  would  now  be  freed  from 
Maratha  encroachments  ;  that  they  would  recover  Bijapur  and 
Khandesh,  and  that  they  would  never  grant  the  Marathas 
peace  until  they  had  sent  the  Peshwa  off  to  Benares,  with  a 
cloth  about  his  loins  and  a  pot  of  water  in  his  hand,  to  mutter 
incantations  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.1 

The  preparations  of  Nana  Phadnavis  were  such  as  to 
cause  Nizam  Ali  to  reflect  gravely.  They  were  on  a 
gigantic  scale.  Daulatrao  Sindia,  Madhavrao's  great  nephew 
and  successor,  and  Tukoji  Holkar  were  already  in  Poona  and 
at  once  offered  contingents  ;  of  these  Sindia' s  numbered 
twenty-five  thousand  and  Holkar's  sixteen  thousand.  Govind- 
rao Gaikvad,  who,  on  the  successive  deaths  of  his  younger 
brothers,  Fatehsing  and  Manajirao,  had  on  the  19th  December, 
1793,  become  sole  ruler  of  Baroda,2  sent  a  large  force  from 
Guzarat.  Raghuji  Bhosle,  who  on  his  father  Mudhoji's  death 
in  1788  had  become  autocrat  of  Nagpur  and  Berar,  joined  in 
person  with  fifteen  thousand  horse  and  foot.  Besides  these 
great  Maratha  captains  there  were  present  other  lesser 
Maratha  feudatories.  Nimbalkar,  Ghatge,  Chavan,  Daphle, 
Powar,  Thorat  and  Patankar,  and  the  Brahman  chieftains, 
Malegaonkar,  Vinchurkar,  the  Pratinidhi,  the  Pant  Sachiv  and 
the  Rastes  were  all  fittingly  represented.  In  all,  the  Maratha 
army   numbered  no   less   than  130,000  cavalry   and   infantry 


1  Grant  Duff,  vol.  II,  p.  243. 

2  He  was  officially  regent  on  behalf  of  his  imbecile  brother  Sayaji. 


172  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  ten  thousand  Pindharis  or  irregular  horse.  The  Peshwa's 
household  troops  were  commanded  by  Ramchandra,  commonly 
called  Baburao  Phadke,  the  son  of  Hari  Ballal  Phadke. 
The  latter  fell  ill  of  dysentery  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Sindia,  and,  resigning  his  offices,  he  bade  the  Peshwa  farewell 
and  retired  to  Siddhatik,  at  which  holy  spot  he  devoted  his 
last  days  to  the  worship  of  Ganpati.  His  piety,  unhappily, 
did  not  cure  his  disease,  and  he  died  in  June,  1794,  leaving  a 
high  reputation  as  a  valiant  and  skilful  commander. 

The  Maratha  army  was   under  the   supreme  command  of 
Parashrambh.au    Patwardhan.      Hearing    on    the  10th  March 
that  Nizam  Ali  was  marching  towards  Kharda,  a  town  fifty-six 
miles  south-east  of  Ahmadnagar,  the  Maratha  generalissimo 
sent  Baburao  Phadke   ahead  to   attack  the   Moghuls   in   the 
Mohri    pass.     Baburao    had    neither    his   father's    skill   nor 
experience    and    was    driven    back    with   heavy    loss.     The 
Moghuls   camped   that  night   at   Kharda   and   next   morning 
marched  towards  Parinda.     On  the  march  they  met  a  recon- 
naissance   in    force    led    by   Parashrambh.au   Patwardhan   in 
person.     A  body  of  Afghans  in  the  Nizam's  service  charged 
the  Marathasand,  wounding  the  commander-in-chief ,  dispersed 
the  whole  Maratha  vanguard.     The  action  spread  to  the  main 
armies,  and  the   severest  fighting  took  place  between  Ray- 
mond's regular  battalions  and  those   of  Perron,  who  was  in 
command  of  Sindia' s  disciplined  troops.     Nizam  Ali  had  been 
in  his  youth  a  daring  man  ;  but  success  and  prosperity  seem 
to  have  sapped  his  courage.     Suddenly  and  for  no  apparent 
reason   he    ordered   a   general   retirement   on   Kharda.     The 
Moghul  retreat  filled  the  Marathas  with  confidence,  and  by  the 
time  the  Moghuls  had  reached  Kharda  they  were  a  beaten 
army.     During  the  night  their  depression  became  acute  and 
the  discharge  of  a  sentry's  musket  produced  a  universal  panic. 
The  Moghul  army  that  had  hardly  suffered  in  the  field  fled 
from  their  camp  in  terror  ;  and  morning  found  the  Nizam  with 
only  ten  thousand  men  cowering  inside  Kharda  fort,   round 
which  was  strewn  far  and  wide  the  wreckage  of  the  vanished 
army.     The  Marathas  without  delay  encircled  Kharda.     It  was 
but  a  little  fort  commanded  by  hills,  and  soon  a  glass  of  water 
was  selling   for  a  gold  mohur.     The  horses  and  cattle  all  died 
for  want  of  forage  and  in  a  few  days  the  Nizam  was  forced  to 


WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  ALI  173 

sue  for  peace  in  the  most  humiliating  fashion.1  He  sent  his 
envoy  with  his  seal  and  dagger  to  put  them  at  Nana 
Phadnavis'  feet  and  implored  him  to  name  his  own  terms  of 
peace.  Nana  Phadnavis  remembered  how  the  unscrupulous 
Nizam  had  cajoled  Raghunathrao  and  then  turned  his  enemy  ; 
and  the  terms  that  he  imposed  were  by  no  means  easy.  First 
and  foremost,  Nana  Phadnavis  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
vainglorious  Mashir-ul-Mulk,  who  had  so  grossly  insulted  the 
Peshwa.  To  this  the  Nizam  agreed,  although  with  great 
reluctance.  Mashir-ul-Mulk  was  handed  over  and  escorted  to 
the  Maratha  camp  by  two  hundred  Maratha  horse.  In 
addition  the  Nizam  ceded  :  — 

(1)  The  fort  of  Daulatabad  and  all  the  territory  from  the 
Tapti  river  to  the  fort  of  Parinda  to  the  Peshwa. 

(2)  Lands  worth  Rs.  3,18,000  annually  to  Raghuji 
Bhosle. 

(3)  The  Nizam  also  agreed  to  pay  Rs.  3,00,00,000  to  the 
Peshwa  by  way  of  indemnity  and  arrears  of  tribute,  and 
Rs.  29,00,000  by  way  of  arrears  to  Raghuji  Bhosle. 

This  victory  was  justly  prized  by  the  Marathas  as  one  of  the 
greatest  that  they  had  ever  gained.  With  a  loss  of  barely  a 
hundred  men,  they  had  defeated  and  dispersed  an  army  of 
over  a  hundred  thousand  men  ;  they  had  taken  vast  quantities 
of  plunder,  and,  besides  killing  and  wounding  fifteen  thousand 
of  the  enemy  in  the  pursuit,  they  had  extorted  from  the  Nizam 
concessions  of  the  greatest  value.  The  merit  of  the  achieve- 
ment rests  wholly  with  the  great  regent.  Pie  alone  had  the 
influence  that  could  overawe  and  control  the  Peshwa' s 
turbulent  feudatories.  Daulatrao  Sindia  was  his  subservient 
ally.  Tukoji  Holkar,  whose  mind  and  body  were  rapidly 
decaying,  was  the  minister's  creature.  Raghuji  Bhosle  was 
devoted  to  his  cause.  Govindrao  Gaikvad  had  suffered  too 
much  in  the  past  to  risk  a  quarrel  ;  and  the  Chitpavan  jaghir- 
dars  honoured  Nana  Phadnavis  as  a  caste-fellow.  For  a 
few  months  after  the  battle  of  Kharda  Nana  Phadnavis  was 
the  foremost  figure  in  India  ;  then  from  the  cloudless  sky  fell 
a  thunderbolt. 


1  Grant  Duff  says  the  siege  lasted  for  two  days.     The  Chitnis  Bakhar 
says  it  lasted  for  seventeen  days. 


174  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

The  cause  of  the  terrible  disaster  that  overtook  the  Maratha 
state  on  the  25th  October,  ]795,  must  be  traced  to  the  family 
of  Raghunathrao,  who  had  during  his  lifetime  brought  such 
misfortunes  on  his  country.  Raghunathrao  had  chosen,  as 
already  mentioned,  the  little  town  of  Kopargaon  on  the  Goda- 
vari,  some  miles  downstream  from  Nasik.  Some  time  after 
his  death  his  widow  asked  for  and  obtained  leave  to  move,  for 
reasons  of  health,  from  Kopargaon  to  a  small  village  nearer 
Nasik,  which,  called  after  her,  is  still  known  as  Anandvali.1 
Thither  she  took  her  two  sons  Bajirao  and  Chimnaji  Appa  and 
her  adopted  son  Amratrao.  The  change  did  her  health  no 
good  and  she  died  there  in  April,  1794.  When  war  broke  out 
between  the  Maratha  Government  and  the  Nizam,  Nana 
Phadnavis  had  the  three  boys  taken  from  Anandvali  to  the 
fort  of  Shivner,  where  the  Great  King  had  been  born.  This 
was  a  necessary  precaution  ;  for  Bajirao  was  on  the  threshold 
of  manhood  and  the  partisans  of  his  family,  although  long 
inactive,  were  still  numerous.  A  rising  headed  by  the  son  of 
Raghunathrao  at  a  time  when  the  Maratha  army  had  gone  on 
field  service  might  have  had  the  most  disastrous  results. 

The  war  concluded,  Nana  Phadnavis  kept  the  boys  prisoners 
at  Shivner.  This  was  really  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of 
vSalbai ;  but  in  the  minister's  opinion  state  reasons  justified 
his  action.  Raghunathrao's  partisans,  however,  made  much 
of  it  and  stigmatized  Nana  Phadnavis'  conduct  as  faithless 
and  unprincipled.  At  the  same  time  they  drew  a  glowing 
picture  of  Bajirao's  personal  attractions.  The  young  prince 
was  then  nineteen  years  of  age.  His  face  was  conspicuously 
handsome.  His  person  was  tall  and  pleasing  and  his  skill  as 
a  swordsman,  as  a  horseman,  and  as  an  archer  was  the  talk  of 
Poona.  Nor  was  his  mind  less  finely  formed  than  his  body. 
He  was  deeply  learned  in  the  Sanskrit  tongue,  and  his  address 
had  the  triple  charm  of  grace,  learning,  and  intelligence.  In 
1795,  the  Peshwa  Madhavrao  was  in  his  twenty -first  year  and 
his  wives  and  servants  had  long  been  urging  him  to  seize  the 


1  At  Anandvali  the  curious  visitor  will  still  be  shown  spots  where, 
according  to  the  local  legend,  Anandvali  tried  to  build  houses.  Un- 
fortunately her  wickedness  was  such  that  the  houses  all  fell  down 
before  completion. 


WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  AL1  175 

power  that  was  his  by  right.  Indeed,  Madhavrao  had  once  or 
twice  tried  to  assert  himself,  notably  in  the  matter  of 
Gashiram  Kotwal. 

This  man  was  a  Kanoja  Brahman  and  thus  of  the  same  caste 
as  the  depraved  Kalasha.  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and 
ability  and  had  thereby  won  the  good  will  of  Nana  Phadnavis, 
who  appointed  him  kotwal  or  superintendent  of  the  Poona 
Police.  Once  in  an  independent  post  he  took  advantage  of  it 
to  indulge  in  a  series  of  abominable  crimes.  His  practice 
was  to  seize  strangers  who  came  to  Poona  and  to  rob  and 
murder  them.  Nana  Phadnavis  heard  rumours  about  his 
conduct,  but  could  not  believe  that  a  man  whom  he  had  known 
personally  as  a  trustworthy  and  hardworking  public  servant 
could  so  misuse  his  position.  One  day  Ghashiram  Kotwal 
seized  some  Telangi  Brahmans  who  had  come  into  Poona  in 
the  hope  of  getting  dakshina  or  alms.  Why  he  should  have 
victimized  these  men  is  hard  to  understand,  for  as  religious 
beggars  they  could  hardly  have  had  much  money.  Neverthe- 
less he  threw  them  into  prison,  where  he  slowly  starved  them. 
Their  caste-fellows  in  Poona  came  to  hear  of  their  situation 
and  informed  Manaji  Sindia,  better  known  as  Manaji  Phakde. 
He  gathered  a  band  of  men,  broke  open  the  doors  of  Ghashiram 
Kotwal' s  dungeon  and  rescued  the  dying  Brahmans.  The 
mob  rushed  off  to  the  Peshwa's  palace,  where  the  minister  and 
the  prince  were  closeted  together.  Nana  Phadnavis  still 
refused  to  believe  that  Ghashiram  could  be  guilty,  and  would 
have  taken  no  action  ;  but  Madhavrao  insisted  that  the  proofs 
were  overwhelming,  and  ordered  Ghashiram  to  be  handed 
over  to  the  Telangis,  who  at  once  stoned  him  to  death.1 

Madhavrao  now  tried  to  assert  himself  on  behalf  of  his 
cousins,  in  whom  he  was  deeply  interested,  as  the  only- 
surviving  members  of  his  family. 

He  asked  Nana  Phadnavis  to  release  them,  but  the  minister 
knew  well  that  with  the  beautiful  face  and  personal  charm  of 


1  Grant  Duff.  Moor's  version  is  rather  different.  According  to  him 
Ghashiram  or  Ghyanshiram  was  a  Gor  Brahman  of  Aurangabad.  He 
arrested  thirty-four  Brahman  revellers  one  night  ;  but  unfortunately  the 
place  where  the  police  put  them  was  so  small  and  hot  that  twenty-one 
died  in  the  night  (see  Parasnis'  Poona  in  Bygone  Days,  p.  106). 


176  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Bajirao  went  a  nature  as  wicked  and  coldly  cruel  as  that  of 
his  mother  Anandibai.  He  dwelt  on  the  crimes  and  treachery 
of  Raghunathrao,  who  had  murdered  his  nephew,  Madhavrao's 
own  father,  and  had  called  in  the  English  to  drive  Madhavrao 
himself  from  the  throne.  Madhavrao  retorted  that  in  his 
father  Raghunathrao's  wickedness  Bajirao  had  had  no  share, 
and  that  the  friendship  of  Chimnaji  Appa  and  Bajirao  I  had 
been  marred  neither  by  jealousy  nor  ambition.  The  minister 
was  in  despair.  He  had  no  son  of  his  own  and  he  loved 
Madhavrao  better  than  anyone  else  in  the  world.  It  was  for 
him,  so  he  thought  in  his  paternal  affection,  to  stop  his 
beloved  ward  from  rushing  on  to  his  own  destruction.  Forget- 
ful that  the  years,  which  had  produced  but  little  change  in 
himself,  had  turned  Madhavrao  from  a  child  to  a  man,  the 
minister  treated  the  prince  as  if  he  had  been  a  naughty  boy. 
He  had  him  closely  watched,  and  confined  Bajirao  more  strictly 
than  before.  His  measures  proved  vain  against  the  malignant 
charm  of  the  captive  prince.  His  jailors  were  Raghopant 
Godbole  and  Balwantrao  Nagonath  and  the  latter  Bajirao  soon 
won  over  to  his  cause.  Balwantrao  Nagonath  contrived  to 
convey  to  the  Peshwa  a  message  full  of  respect  and  attach- 
ment, adding  that  he  was  in  confinement  at  Shivner,  and 
Madhavrao  under  the  control  of  his  minister  ;  that  their  con- 
dition as  prisoners  was  similar,  but  that  their  minds  and 
affections  were  free,  and  that  they  should  love  each  other  as 
cousins  should  ;  that,  just  as  their  ancestors  had  won  glory  in 
the  past,  he  (Bajirao)  hoped  they  also  would  together  win 
glory  in  the  future.  To  this  message  Madhavrao  sent  an 
affectionate  reply,  and  a  regular  correspondence  between  the 
cousins  ensued.  At  length  its  existence  was  betrayed  to  Nana 
Phadnavis.  For  once  the  minister  lost  his  self-command. 
He  upbraided  the  Peshwa  in  terms  quite  unsuited  to  their 
respective  positions.  Loading  Balwantrao  Nagonath  with 
chains,  he  threw  him  into  a  hill  fortress,  and  still  further 
increased  the  severity  of  Bajirao's  imprisonment.  The 
Peshwa  was  deeply  hurt  and  the  wound  to  his  feelings 
aggravated  a  malady,  which,  looking  to  his  family  history, 
must  have  been  consumption. 

He  suffered  from  a  fever,  which  legend  has  attributed  to  a 
magic  amulet  sent  him  by  his  cousin  Bajirao,  but  which  is  a 


WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  ALI  177 

common   symptom    of   tuberculosis.     He   grew  weaker   and 
weaker  and  had  frequent  fainting  fits,  especially  during  the 
month  of  Bhadrapad  or  September,  after  the  fatigues  of  the 
Ganpati  festival  of  the  4th  Bhadrapad.     Early  in  Ashwin  or 
October  he  often  lay  for  hours  unconscious  ;  but  on  the  10th 
of  the  bright  half   of  Ashwin  (the   22nd  October,    1895),  he 
roused  himself  for  the  arduous  task  of  celebrating  the  great 
national  festival  of  the  Dasara.     The  story  runs  that  at  one 
time  the  sage  Kautsa  came  to  the  court  of  King  Raghu  of 
Ayodhya,  the  great  grandfather  of  the  divine   Ramchandra. 
The  sage    begged   of  the  king    fourteen   crores   of  rupees, 
which  he   owed  to    his    teacher   Vartantu.     The    king,   who 
at  a  recent  sacrifice  had  given  away  all  his  wealth  to  Brahmans, 
could  bestow  nothing  on  Kautsa.     He  resolved  to  obtain  the 
money   by   raiding   Amraoti,  the  capital  of  the   god  Indra. 
When  the  news  of  the  intended  raid  reached  Indra,  he  called 
to  his  help  the  god  of  wealth,  Kubher.     The  latter  on  the 
night  of  the  9th  of  the  bright  half  of  Ashwin,  showered  gold 
for  some  hours  on  a  giant  shami *  tree  in  Raghu's  courtyard. 
In  this  way  Raghu  was  able  to  redeem  his  honour  and  give 
Kautsa  the  money  that  he  needed.     In  memory  of  this  event 
the  hero  Ramchandra  had  chosen  the  10th  of  the  bright  half  of 
Ashwin  for  the  day  on  which  to  set  out  for  the  conquest  of 
Lanka  ;  and  the  Rajput  princes  had  always  begun  on  that  day 
their  winter  campaigns.     By  Madhavrao  IPs  time  the  Dasara 
festival  had  become  the  occasion  of  a  great  ceremonial  display. 
On  the  22nd  October,  1795,  the  Peshwa  rose  early,  performed 
his   customary   worship,   reviewed  his   troops,    received   the 
ambassadors  of  foreign  powers,  distributed  robes  of  honour 
to  his  feudatories  and  nobles,  and  in  the  evening  set  out  on 
a  gorgeously  caparisoned  elephant  to  lead  a  procession  round 
Poona.     The   procession   was   not   expected   to  return  until 
after  dark  ;  but  the  young  prince  was  tired  out.     He  had  a 
high  fever  and  could  not  keep  his  seat  in  the  howdah  ;  indeed, 
he    was    only    prevented    from    falling    by    Appa    Balwant 
Mehendale,  who  tied  the  Peshwa  to  himself  with  a  scarf.     The 
procession  could  no  longer  go  on  ;  and,  instead  of  returning 

1  Mimosa  serma.     I  heard  this  tale  from  the  lips  of  an  old  Sanskrit 
scholar  of  Poona  many  years  ago. 
23 


178  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

by  torchlight,  it  came  back  before  the  sun  had  set.  The 
multitude  were  dismayed  at  the  untoward  end  to  the  Dasara 
celebrations.  Two  days  later  their  dismay  was  deepened  by 
the  terrible  calamity  that  overtook  the  unhappy  young  man. 
On  the  12th  of  the  bright  half  of  Ashwin  (the  25th  October, 
1795),  he  fell  from  the  balcony  of  the  Ganpati  hall  on  to 
a  fountain  in  the  courtyard  below.  The  fall  fractured  his 
thigh,  disfigured  his  face  and  caused  him  severe  internal 
injuries.  No  event  in  Maratha  history  has  in  recent  times 
been  more  discussed  than  this,  save  perhaps  the  death  of 
Afzul  Khan.  Grant  Duff  (vol.  II,  p.  254)  has  observed  "  He 
(Madhavrao)  deliberately  threw  himself  from  a  terrace  in  his 
palace  ",  and  on  the  authority  of  this  great  writer  English 
historians  have  without  exception  adopted  the  view  that  the 
prince  committed  suicide.  Even  some  Indian  writers  have 
accepted  it,  notably  Mr.  Khare  in  his  Life  of  Nana  Phadnavis 
and  Mr.  Khadilkar  in  his  powerful  drama,  "  The  death  of  Savai 
Madhavrao  "-1  The  latter,  indeed,  has  suggested  that  the 
prince  committed  suicide,  because  his  cousin  Bajirao's  agent 
poisoned  Madhavrao's  mind  by  making  him  believe  that  both 
he  and  his  wife  Yasodabai  were  the  offspring  of  Nana  Phad- 
navis' criminal  intrigues.  But  the  dramatist's  suggestion  has 
no  more  historical  basis  than  the  death  of  Schiller's  Joan  of 
Arc  in  battle.  In  spite  of  the  high  authority  of  Grant 
Duff,  there  is,  as  it  seems  to  me,  grave  reason  to  doubt 
the  theory  of  suicide.  The  boy  was  very  ill  and  could  easily 
have  thrown  himself  off  the  terrace  in  the  delirium  of  fever. 
This  is  the  view  both  of  the  author  of  the  Peshwa's  bakhar 
and  the  author  of  the  Chitnis  bakhar.  It  is  also  supported  by 
the  following  passage  from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Uhtoff,  the  Assis- 
tant Resident,  to  the  Governor-General,  dated  the  27th 
October,  1795  :— 

"  Reports  are  various  as  to  the  cause  of  this  melancholy 
affair  ;  scarce  one  even  of  the  most  moderate  considering  it 
merely  accidental,  but  at  least  originating  in  imprudence. 
Some  say  that  the  Peshwa  was  sitting  astride  on  the  balus- 


1  Madhavrao  II  was  called  Savai  Madhavrao  or  Madhavrao  and  a 
quarter,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  surpass  his  great  namesake  Madhav- 
rao the  Great, 


WAR  AGAINST  NIZAM  ALI  179 

trade,  a  parapet  wall  of  a  terrace  or  upper  room,  and,  losing 
his  balance,  fell  outwards  into  the  basin  of  a  stone  fountain. 
The  most  prevalent  account  is  that  the  Peshwa,  in  a  temporary 
fit  of  delirium  or  derangement,  jumped  or  fell  from  an  upper 
room  or  terrace  into  a  fountain  below.  However  strange  this 
may  appear,  I  assure  you,  Hon'ble  Sir,  that  I  do  not  trouble 
you  with  it  on  mere  vague  rumours,  but  from  accounts 
through  many  different  channels.  It  is  even  added  by  some 
that  the  Peshwa  had  been  out  of  order  for  two  or  three  days." 

On  the  other  hand  Tukoji  Holkar,  in  a  letter  to  his  son 
Kashirao,  discovered  by  Mr.  Vasudev  G.  Apte  and  quoted  at 
p.  222  of  Mr.  Burway's  Life  of  Ahalyabai  Holkar,  has  describ- 
ed the  death  of  the  Peshwa  as  due  to  an  accident.  He  was 
sitting  with  his  back  leaning  against  the  railing,  so  wrote 
Tukoji.  His  grandmother  Tai  Sathe  and  several  servants 
were  in  the  room,  when  the  Peshwa,  feeling  faint,  got  up 
suddenly.  Not  seeing  what  he  was  doing,  he  overbalanced 
and  fell  over  the  railing  upon  the  fountain  below.  Another 
letter  from  Jivaji  Baburao,  the  Poona  agent  of  Holkar  to 
Kashirao,  written  about  a  fortnight  after  the  occurrence,  as- 
cribed the  fall  to  a  sudden  stroke  {vayucha  upadrava  houri). 
Although  these  three  letters  differ  as  to  the  cause  of  the  fall, 
not  one  of  them  attributes  it  to  suicide.  It  is  also,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  unlikely  that,  if  the  Peshwa  had  in  his  right 
mind  wished  deliberately  to  kill  himself,  he  would  have  acted 
as  he  did.  He  could  easily  have  poisoned  himself  with 
opium,  a  pleasant  and  painless  death.  To  throw  himself  from 
the  terrace  was  the  act  of  a  man  not  in  his  proper  senses. 
The  probabilities  as  well  as  the  evidence  of  contemporary 
documents  point  to  accident  or  illness  rather  than  to  wilful 
suicide  as  the  cause  of  the  Peshwa's  death. 

The  fall  rendered  the  young  prince  unconscious  ;  but  a 
sweeper,  who  was  cleaning  the  courtyard,  raised  piercing 
shrieks,  which  brought  a  crowd  of  servants  to  the  spot,  and 
they  at  once  carried  the  injured  man  inside.  A  surgeon  was 
sent  for,  who  dressed  the  wounds.  In  the  meantime  the  news 
spread  like  wildfire  and  quickly  reached  Nana  Phadnavis,  who, 
in  his  hurry  to  rush  to  Madhavrao's  help,  stumbled  and  fell 
heavily  over  the  doorstep— a  fall  which,  so  it  was  said  after- 
wards,    presaged    his     own    subsequent    fall    from    power. 


ISO  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Everything  that  careful  treatment  and  nursing  could  do  was 
done  for  the  injured  prince,  but  he  was  beyond  human  aid. 
After  three  days,  spent  in  great  pain,  he  passed  away  on  the 
25th  October,  1795,  in  the  arms  of  Baburao  Phadke,  to  whom 
he  expressed  his  dying  wish  that  his  cousin  Bajirao  should 
succeed  him  as  Peshwa. 


War  against  nizam  al!  18  i 


APPENDIX  A 

Letter  from  Madhavrao  Narayan  in  the  handwriting  of  Nana 

Phadnavis  to  Chhatrapati  of  Satara,  describing  the  battle  of 

Kharda. 

To  Shrimant  Maharaj  Chhatrapati,  the  ornament  and  glory  of  the 
Kshatriya  Race,  with  respectful  compliments  from  Madhavrao  Narayan 
the  minister,  doing  well  under  the  auspices  of  Your  Lordship.— We  have 
already  written  in  our  last,  that  Nawab  Nizam  Ali  Khan  Bahadur  has  not 
been  regularly  and  properly  paying  our  claims  of  suzerainty,  and  that 
several  of  his  movements  and  designs  appear  to  be  intended  to  involve 
the  State  in  trouble.  To  meet  him  proper  steps  have  been  taken, 
prompt  measures  being  necessary.  We  sent  our  advice  to  the  Nawab  in 
a  formal  manner  and  begged  him  to  free  his  mind  from  prejudice,  to 
pay  off  the  outstanding  dues  to  the  State,  and  not  to  bring  matters  to  a 
crisis.  Notwithstanding  our  advice,  his  minister,  without  prudence  or 
forethought,  instigated  the  Nawab  and  with  regular  marches  commenced 
an  advance  from  Bidar  with  an  army  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  cavalry 
assisted  by  forty  thousand  disciplined  troops.  Being  thus  drawn  into  a 
situation  to  meet  the  advances  of  the  foe,  our  army  made  its  advance  and 
by  regular  marches  encamped  itself  at  the  Sein.  Even  thence,  we  urged 
the  Nawab  to  mend  matters,  with  which  injunction  "His  goodself  " 
was  not  pleased  to  comply.  Upon  this  his  army  crossed  the  Moharighat 
and  made  a  halt  at  the  river  Khar.  Observing  these  movements  of  the 
enemy,  with  a  view  to  give  battle,  we  sent  to  Ghodegaon  a  force,  com- 
posed of  the  Huzur  forces  under  Parashram  Ramchandra  and  Ram- 
chandra  Hari,  the  contingent  of  Vithal  Ballal  of  Raghoji  Bhosle 
Senasaheb  Subha,  and  the  army  of  Jivaji  Ballal  in  the  services  of 
Daulatrao  Sindia,  together  with  the  troops  drilled  and  trained  after 
the  Western  model  and  the  forces  of  Krishnarao  Holkar  and  Bapujirao 
Holkar  belonging  to  Tukoji  Holkar.  These  encamped  themselves  at  a 
distance  of  4  kos  from  the  Khar.  A  division  of  the  Nawab's  army 
advanced  to  attack.  Both  sides  exchanged  fire,  Thereupon  the  Nawab 
crossed  the  Khar  and  advanced  towards  Parande,  on  which  our  army 
got  ready  and  took  part  in  the  fight.  Seeing  this  the  Nawab's  army 
stopped  the  advance  towards  Parande  and  made  a  direct  attack  upon 
our  forces.  The  battle  began.  The  artillery  fire  continued  till  3  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  On  this  occasion  the  troops  of  the  Huzur  stayed  the 
Nawab's  onward  march  and  greatly  distinguished  themselves  in  hand 
to  hand  fighting  with  the  result  that  the  centre  of  Nawab's  army  was 
completely  routed.  The  Maharaja's  army  won  the  day.  The  number 
of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  men,  horses  and  elephants,  in  the  Nawab's 


182 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


army,  is  very  large.  Two  or  four  of  his  prominent  Sardars  are 
amongst  the  killed  and  wounded.  Guns,  drums,  and  camels,  have 
been  captured.  The  rabble  of  his  army  have  been  plundered.  Men 
and  horses  in  our  army  received  wounds  and  injuries.  Parashram 
Ramchandra  has  received  a  slight  sword  wound.  The  troops  of  the 
Huzur  and  Messrs.  Bhosle  and  Jivaji  Ballal  on  behalf  of  Sindia  and 
Holkar  cut  a  good  figure  in  the  battle.  After  this,  the  Nawab's  army 
betook  itself  to  the  fort  of  Kharda.  We  chased  them  immediately  to 
the  spot  and  besieged  the  army.  Thus  circumscribed,  they  were  unable 
to  hold  out  any  longer,  and  so  made  overtures  of  peace.  His  minister 
Mondoula  managed  somehow  to  insinuate  himself  into  our  favour,  and, 
leaving  the  Nawab's  camp,  joined  ours.  The  occasion  really  favoured 
us  for  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Nawab's  army.  But,  in  view  of 
our  long  friendship  with  him,  we  decided  to  make  a  treaty  with  him,  by 
which  he  agreed  to  give  to  us  a  jahagir  of  twenty  lakhs,  and  the  fort  of 
Daulatabad,  and  to  pay  off  all  the  outstanding  arrears  of  the  right  of 
suzerainty.  The  Nawab  returned  to  Bidar  by  regular  marches.  We 
your  humble  servants  returned  to  Poona  with  our  army,  in  regular 
marches.  We  have  written  this  for  Your  Majesty's  information.  With 
this  we  respectfully  subscribe, 

{Parasnis  Collection.) 


CHAPTER  LXV 

THE  ACCESSION  OF  BAJIRAO  II 

Although  Madhavrao's  dying  wish  had  been  that  his  cousin 
Bajirao  should  succeed  him,  Nana  Phadnavis  knew  well  the 
venomous  hatred  with  which  the  son  of  Anandibai  regarded 
him.  On  the  28th  October  he  summoned  to  Poona  Raghuji 
Bhosle  and  Daulatrao  Sindia,  and  proposed  to  them  the  adop- 
tion of  a  son  by  Yasodabai  the  child-widow  of  the  late 
Peshwa.  Baloba  Tatya  Pagnis,  Sindia's  minister  at  first 
demurred,  but  afterwards  consented,  and  they  drew  up  a  deed, 
in  which  they  recorded  and  approved  the  proposal.  The 
fortunes  of  Bajirao  now  seemed  desperate  ;  but  he  used  his 
charm  of  manner  on  Baloba  Tatya,  who  from  the  first  had 
been  disposed  in  his  favour,  and  soon  won  him  to  his  cause. 
Through  Baloba  Tatya' s  aid  and  an  offer  of  territory  worth 
four  lakhs  a  year,  he  secured  the  adhesion  of  Daulatrao 
Sindia.  It  was  agreed  that  the  latter  should  march  on 
Shivner  and  release  Bajirao.  But  the  agreement  was  no 
sooner  drawn  up  than  it  reached  the  ears  of  Nana  Phadnavis. 
He  sent  for  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan,  who,  marching  with 
the  greatest  expedition  from  Tasgaon  to  Poona,  saw  Nana 
Phadnavis.  The  soldier  and  the  statesman  decided  to  antici- 
pate Sindia  by  releasing  Bajirao  themselves.  Parashram- 
bhau made  a  forced  march  to  Shivner,  and  offered  the  throne 
to  Bajirao.  Amritrao  pressed  his  brother  to  stand  by  his 
promise  to  Sindia  ;  but  Bajirao  was  tempted  by  the  immediate 
chance  offered  to  him.  He  broke  his  agreement  to  Sindia  ; 
and,  after  making  Parashrambhau  go  to  the  little  temple 
erected  by  Jijibai  to  Parvati  under  the  name  of  Shivai  Devi, 
he  made  him  hold  a  cow's  tail  and  swear  by  the  holy  Godavari 
river  that  he  meant  no  treachery.  Thereafter  he  agreed  that 
he  and  his  brother  Chimnaji  Appa  should  go  back  with 
Parashrambhau  to  Poona.  Amritrao  was  kept  in  prison  at 
Shivner.     At  Poona  Nana  Phadnavis  waited  on  the  prince 


184  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  both  agreed  to  forget  past  enmities.  Bajirao  was  to  be 
made  Peshwa  and  was  to  appoint  Nana  Phadnavis  as  his  first 
minister. 

Baloba  Tatya  Pagnis,  who  had  looked  forward  to  governing 
the  Maratha  state  through  Sindia,  was  furiously  angry  at  the 
conduct  of  Bajirao.  He  induced  Sindia  to  march  on  Poona. 
Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  would  have  stood  his  ground 
and  fought  ;  but  Nana  Phadnavis  was  better  informed  as  to 
the  discipline  and  training  of  de  Boigne's  battalions,  and  knew 
that  a  battle  with  them  would  merely  make  Sindia  sole  master 
of  the  state.  Nana  Phadnavis  left  Poona  for  Purandar,  while 
Sindia's  troops  occupied  Poona.  Baloba  Pagnis,  to  punish 
Bajirao  for  his  treachery,  proposed  to  set  him  aside  in  favour 
of  his  younger  brother  Chimnaji  Appa.  To  make  the  latter's 
claims  superior  to  those  of  his  elder  brother,  he  was  to  be 
adopted  by  Yasodabai.  This  proposal  Parashrambhau  ap- 
proved after  consulting  Nana  Phadnavis.  The  latter,  although 
he  made  no  objection  to  it,  at  once  evolved  another  scheme  of 
his  own.  He  would  free  the  new  Raja  of  Satara,  Shahu  II, 
and,  restoring  him  to  the  throne  of  Shivaji,  would  govern  as 
his  first  minister.  The  Raja,  however,  made  difficulties,  and 
Nana  Phadnavis  at  last  abandoned  his  own  scheme  and  gave 
his  genuine  support  to  the  proposed  adoption  of  Chimnaji 
Appa.  He  received  from  the  Raja's  hands  the  state  robes  for 
Chimnaji  Appa's  investiture  as  Peshwa.  These  he  forwarded 
to  Poona  ;  but  he  did  not  go  there  himself  in  spite  of  a  press- 
ing invitation  from  Bahiropant  Mehendale,  as  he  had  grounds 
for  believing  that  Sindia  and  Baloba  Pagnis  intended  to 
imprison  him  if  a  favourable  opportunity  offered.  Bajirao 
was  unaware  of  the  proposal  to  depose  him  in  his  brother 
Chimnaji  Appa's  favour ;  and,  when  he  was  invited  by  Sindia 
to  visit  him,  he  unsuspectingly  went  to  his  camp  and  was  at 
once  secured.  Chimnaji  Appa  was  then  taken  from  Bajirao' s 
camp  to  the  city,  where  much  against  his  will  he  was  adopted 
as  Yasodabai's  son.  On  the  26th  May,  1796,  he  was  formally 
invested  as  Peshwa. 

Baloba  Pagnis  now  desired  above  everything  to  secure  Nana 
Phadnavis'  person.  But  that  astute  statesman  fully  realized 
his  danger.  He  fled  from  Wai  up  the  valley  of  the  Krishna, 
crossed   the   Mahableshwar  plateau  near  Old  Mahableshwar, 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  BAJIRAO  II  185 

and  went  down  what  is  now  known  as  the  Fitzgerald  ghat  to 
the  town  of  Mahad,  and  put  a  strong  garrison  into  the  great 
fort  of  Raygad.  After  his  flight  his  lands  were  seized  and 
his  house  sacked  ;  but  his  treasure  he  had  hidden  so  artfully 
that  to  the  present  day  its  hiding-place  is  unknown.  The 
common  misfortunes  of  Bajirao  and  Nana  Phadnavis  brought 
them  together.  A  certain  Balaji  Kunjar,  a  servant  of  Bajirao, 
acted  as  a  go-between  ;  at  the  same  time  Nana  Phadnavis  could 
count  on  the  support  of  Tukoji  Holkar,  while  he  used  one 
Sakharam  Ghatge  of  Kagal  to  win  over  Sindia,  behind  the 
back  of  Baloba  Pagnis.  The  bait  that  Sakharam  Ghatge  held 
out  was  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  whose  beauty  was  famous, 
and  whose  birth,  as  a  lady  of  the  house  of  Kagal,  was  superior 
to  that  of  Sindia  himself.  Nor  were  these  the  only  efforts  of 
Nana  Phadnavis.  He  promised  Mashir-ul-Mulk,  the  Nizam's 
diwan,  his  liberty  if  he  won  over  his  master  ;  and  he  promised 
to  the  Nizam  the  return  of  all  the  lands  ceded  after  the  battle 
of  Kharda.  In  this  way  he  secured  valuable  help  from  Nizam 
Ali.  Manaji  Phakde,  the  veteran  warrior  guilty  of  treachery 
in  the  Carnatic,  openly  adhered  to  the  cause  of  Bajirao  and 
raised  ten  thousand  men.  Lastly,  Raghuji  Bhosle  promised 
his  assistance.  So  skilfully  was  the  plot  concealed  that 
Daulatrao  Sindia  was  able  on  the  27th  October  to  arrest 
Baloba  Pagnis  without  difficulty,  and  Parashrambhau  Pat- 
wardhan,  after  escaping  from  Poona  was  captured  at  Shivner. 
On  the  4th  December  1796,  Bajirao,  released  from  confine- 
ment, was  once  more  invested  by  Raja  Shahu  with  the  office 
of  Peshwa.  The  adoption  of  Chimnaji  Appa  was  declared 
invalid,  as  being  that  of  an  uncle  by  his  nephew's  widow, 
and  Nana  Phadnavis  was  restored  to  his  office  as  first 
minister.1 

The  misfortunes  that  had  united  Bajirao  and  Nana  Phad- 
navis had  no  sooner  disappeared,  than  their  old  hatred  revived. 
Bajirao  refused  to  sanction  Nana  Phadnavis'  treaty  with 
Mashir-ul-Mulk  and  in  August  1797,  Nana  Phadnavis'  faithful 
friend  and  supporter,  Tukoji  Holkar  died.  He  left  two  legiti- 
mate sons,  Kashirao,  who  was  half-witted,  and  Malharrao,  a 

1  Chitnis  Bakhar,   p.  67.     The  relationship  was  really  that  of  first 
cousins  once  removed. 
24 


186  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

man  of  some  intelligence,  as  well  as  two  illegitimate  sons, 
Jaswantrao  and  Vithoji.  Their  quarrels  gave  Danlatrao 
Sindia  an  excuse  for  interference.  At  Kashirao's  request  he 
tried  to  arrest  Malharrao  Holkar,  who,  refusing  to  surrender, 
was  killed.  His  infant  son  Khanderao  was  taken  prisoner. 
Jaswantrao  Holkar  fled  to  Nagpur  and  Vithoji  Holkar  to 
Kolhapur.  Sindia,  as  champion  of  Kashirao  and  guardian  of 
Khanderao,  became  for  the  time  being  the  master  of  the 
Holkar  domain.  In  the  break-up  of  the  party  attached  to 
Nana  Phadnavis'  fortunes,  Bajirao  saw  the  opportunity  of 
revenge.  In  his  plot  against  his  minister,  Sindia,  Govindrao 
Kale,  Amritrao  the  Peshwa's  adopted  brother  and  Sakharam 
Ghatge  were  Bajirao's  accomplices.  Nana  Phadnavis  was 
induced  by  the  safe  conduct  of  Michael  Filoze,  a  Neapolitan 
muleteer  who  had  risen  to  the  command  of  eight  infantry 
battalions,  to  visit  Sindia's  camp.  There  he  was  at  once 
seized  by  Sakharam  Ghatge  together  with  his  retinue.  Ghatge 
took  the  opportunity  to  plunder  the  houses  of  Nana  Phadnavis' 
adherents,  and  Bajirao  imprisoned  his  friends,  of  whom  Baburao 
Phadke  and  Appa  Balwant  Mehendale  were  the  principal. 
Nana  Phadnavis  was  confined  at  Ahmadnagar. 

Bajirao  had  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  his  enemy,  but  in 
doing  so  had  made  Daulatrao  Sindia  all-powerful.  To  secure 
Sindia's  help  he  had  promised  him  twenty  million  rupees  ; 
but  he  was  quite  unable  to  make  good  his  promise.  Sindia, 
who  could  not  pay  his  troops,  would  take  no  denial ;  so  the 
prince  and  his  feudatory  deputed  Sakharam  Ghatge  to  extort 
it  from  the  citizens  of  Poona.  Sakharam  Ghatge's  informa- 
tion was  supplemented  by  that  of  Balaji  Kunjar,  and  for  several 
days  Poona  suffered  at  the  will  of  its  own  prince  horrors 
similar  to  those  suffered  by  Delhi  at  the  hands  of  Nadir 
Shah.  Every  one  suspected  of  wealth,  no  matter  what  his 
politics,  was  tortured  until  he  disgorged  it.  Amritrao,  in 
whose  nature  cruelty  found  no  place,  remonstrated  with 
Bajirao  and  begged  him  to  seize  Sindia,  on  whom  Bajirao 
threw  all  the  blame.  It  was  impossible  to  do  so  openly,  so  it 
was  proposed  to  invite  him  to  a  darbar,  and  then  detain  him, 
thus'paying  him  out  for  his  own  treachery  to  Bajirao.  The 
scheme  progressed  favourably  up  to  a  certain  point  and 
would   have   wholly   succeeded  but   for   Bajirao's  cowardice. 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  BAJIRAO  II  187 

Sindia  accepted  the  invitation  to  the  darbar.  When  he 
attended  it,  the  Peshwa  publicly  upbraided  him  for  the 
conduct  of  Sakharam  Ghatge,  and  ordered  him  to  withdraw  his 
troops  to  Jamgaon.  Sindia  courteously  answered  that  he 
would  do  so  as  soon  as  the  Peshwa  paid  him  his  debts.  Amrit- 
rao  at  this  point  wished  to  signal  to  Aba  Kale,  the  commander 
of  one  of  the  Peshwa' s  household  regiments,  to  arrest  Sindia  ; 
but,  although  there  would  have  been  no  difficulty  in  making 
the  arrest,  Bajirao's  heart  failed  him  and  he  let  Sindia  go 
unmolested. 

While  these  dissensions  prevailed  in  Poona,  the  Raja 
Shahu  resolved  to  make  a  bid  to  recover  the  empire  of  the 
Bhosles.  Indeed,  Bajirao,  when  struggling  against  Nana 
Phadnavis,  had  promised  to  restore  the  Raja  to  the  position 
of  Shahu  I.  This  promise  Bajirao  had  left  unfulfilled  and  the 
Raja  now  called  on  him  to  keep  his  word.  At  the  same  time 
he  collected  troops  and  successfully  attacked  Madhavrao 
Raste,  who  had  been  sent  to  Satara  with  such  forces  as  the 
Peshwa  could  spare  from  Poona.  At  this  point  Parashram- 
bhau  Patwardhan,  who  was  in  confinement  at  Wai,  offered  to 
reduce  the  Raja  to  submission.  Bajirao  gladly  accepted  his 
offer,  and  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan,  after  raising  a  large 
body  of  troops  and  joining  Raste,  successfully  forded  the 
Yenna,  then  in  high  flood,  and  surprised  the  Raja's  camp. 
The  Raja's  bands  were  dispersed  ;  his  brother  Chatursing 
escaped  to  Kolhapur,  and  the  Raja  took  refuge  in  Satara  fort. 
It  was  not  provisioned,  so  after  a  short  investment  it  had  to 
surrender.  The  Raja  was  reduced  to  his  former  subordinate 
place,  and  Parashrambhau  was  received  back  into  favour  on 
a  promise  to  pay  ten  lakhs  of  rupees. 

Sindia,  whom  we  left  all-powerful  in  the  Maratha  state, 
was  early  in  1798  brought  to  the  brink  of  ruin  by  a  quarrel 
with  the  widows  of  Madhavrao  Sindia.  Daulatrao  had  pro- 
mised to  look  after  Madhavrao' s  four  widows  and  he,  no  doubt, 
would  have  done  so  as  befitted  their  position,  but  for  his  vast 
military  expenditure.  As  it  was,  he  cut  down  the  ladies' 
allowances  to  the  lowest  point,  and  they  retaliated  by  charging 
him  with  an  incestuous  intrigue  with  Bhagirthabai,  the 
youngest  and  comeliest  of  the  four.  Sindia's  next  move 
was  to   try  treacherously  to   immure    them   in    Ahmadnagar 


188  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

fort ;  but  the  ladies,  informed  of  his  intention,  succeeded  in 
escaping  to  the  camp  of  Amritrao,  who  happened  to  be  march- 
ing to  Junnar.  They  sought  and  obtained  his  protection. 
Sakharam  Ghatge,  after  openly  attacking  Amritrao's  camp 
without  success,  surprised  and  plundered  it.  This  was  a 
direct  insult  to  the  Peshwa,  who  at  once  signed  with  Nizam 
Ali  a  defensive  and  offensive  alliance  for  Sindia's  overthrow. 
Sindia  had  but  one  resource  left,  namely  to  release  Nana 
Phadnavis.  Not  long  afterwards  Nizam  Ali  repudiated  his 
alliance  with  Bajirao  and  once  more  Sindia  was  in  the 
ascendant.  Bajirao  reconciled  himself  with  Sindia  and  Nana 
Phadnavis,  while  Sindia,  weary  of  Sakharam  Ghatge's  cruelty, 
put  him  under  arrest.  On  the  15th  October  1798,  Nana 
Phadnavis  assumed  again  the  office  of  first  minister,  but  he 
never  regained  his  confidence  in  Bajirao.  In  the  meantime 
events  of  the  highest  importance  were  happening  in  the  south 
of  India. 

Ever  since  the  disastrous  treaty  of  February  1792,  Tipu 
Sultan   had   thirsted   for   revenge   against  the   English.     To 
attain  his  vengeance  he  sought  allies.     In  1795,  he  induced 
Ali  Jah,  a  son  of  Nizam  Ali,  to  rebel  against  his  father,  hoping 
that  in  this  way  he  might  have  the  resources  of  the  Nizam's 
dominions  on  his  side  instead   of  against  him  ;  but  the  rebel- 
lion was  promptly  suppressed  by  M.  Raymond  and  his  French 
contingent.     In  1796,   Tipu  sent  an  embassy  to  the  court  of 
Zaman  Shah,  ruler  of  Afghanistan,   but  without  success.     In 
1797,  he  became,  as  a  desperate  measure,  a  French  citizen,  and 
sent  an  embassy  to  Mauritius,  asking  the  Governor  for  forty 
thousand  troops,  of  whom  ten  thousand  should  be  pure  French 
and  the  rest  negroes  commanded   by  French  officers.     The 
Governor  of  Mauritius  was  quite  unable   to  furnish  such   a 
force,   but   a   hundred    French   citizens   volunteered   for   the 
Sultan's    service.     The    despatch    of    these    embassies   was 
perfectly  well  known  to  the  English  Governor-General,   Lord 
Mornington,    afterwards  the   Marquess  of  Wellesley,  and  he 
determined  to  dispel  the  danger  of  further  trouble  in  the  south, 
by  destroying  Tipu's  power  once  and  for  all.     He  declared 
war  on  the  Sultan,  and  called  on  the  Nizam  and  the  Peshwa, 
as  his  allies,  to  send  contingents.     Bajirao  was  doubtful  what 
policy  to  pursue  and,  waiting  on  events,  did  nothing.     The 


SULTAN 


vv     r^:^^//^^-/-: 


I  To  face  page  288,~\ 


THE  ACCESSION  OF  BAJIRAO  II  ]89 

Nizam  sent  some  sixteen  thousand  men,  which   raised  the 
number  of  the  invading  army  to  thirty-seven  thousand  men. 
Tipu's  army  was  nearly  fifty  thousand  strong,  but  was  far 
inferior  in  quality  and  in  armament.     He  was  outgeneralled, 
beaten  in  the  field  and  on  the  2nd   May  1799,  killed  at  the 
storming    of  Seringapatam.     A   large  treasure  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors  and  the  state  was  at  their  mercy.     Its 
revenues  were  estimated  at  three  million  kantharai  pagodas 
or   nine   million   rupees.     It   was   resolved   to   partition   the 
conquered  country  as  follows  :  The  British  Government  and 
the    Nizam   were    each   to   receive   lands  yielding    annually 
5,37,000  pagodas  or  16,11,000  rupees.    To  the  Peshwa  were  to 
be  given  lands  worth  annually  2,64,000  pagodas  or  7,92,000 
rupees.     The   remainder,    after   the   deduction   of   a   certain 
portion  for  the  maintenance  of  the  family  of  Haidar  Ali,  was 
formed  into  a  kingdom  for  the  infant  son  of  Chamraj1  the 
last  Hindu  king  of  Mysore,  who  had  died  in  1796.    The  widow 
of  Chamraj  gratefully  accepted  the  offered  kingdom,  ceded  the 
island  of  Seringapatam  to  the  English,  and  bound  herself  and 
her  son's  descendants  to  consider  themselves  as  under  English 
protection,  "  while  the  sun  and  moon  continued  ". 

The  news  of  the  death  of  Tipu  and  the  conquest  of  Mysore 
fell  like  a  thunderbolt  on  the  court  of  Bajirao.  The  Nizam 
had  in  1798  dismissed  his  French  officers  and  converted  his 
French  contingent  into  an  English  subsidiary  force  of  six 
battalions.  He  now  ceded  all  the  lands  apportioned  to  him 
from  Mysore  to  pay  for  the  upkeep  of  the  former  six  batta- 
lions and  of  two  fresh  regiments.  The  Nizam  was  thus 
completely  under  English  influence.  Tipu,  on  whom  Bajirao 
had  counted  as  a  possible  ally  if  he  quarrelled  with  his 
English  friends,  was  dead  ;  and  the  Hindu  state  that  had 
arisen  on  the  ruins  of  his  government  was  bound  to  the 
English  by  the  strongest  ties  of  gratitude.  Even  the  territory 
that  had  been  set  aside  for  the  Peshwa  never  became  his. 
After  protracted  negotiations,  during  which  the  English  and  the 
Marathas  successively  rejected  each  other's  proposals,  it  was 
divided  between  the  English  and  the  Nizam  ;  but  the  Nizam 
gave  back  his  share  in  it  to  the  English  as  a  further  payment 

1  Bowring's  Haidar  Ali  and  Tipu  Sultan,  p.  202. 


190  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

towards  the  upkeep  of  the  subsidiary  force.  It  was  thus  clear 
to  every  far-sighted  observer  that  the  English,  at  once  lords 
of  the  rich  lands  of  Bengal  and  in  control  of  the  whole  vast 
country  from  the  Vindhyas  to  Rameshwaram,  would  in  no 
long  time  be  masters  of  the  whole  of  India. 


CHAPTER    LXVI 

CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE 

ENGLISH 

Affairs  in  the  Maratha  state  were  rapidly  drifting  from  bad 
to  worse.  The  quarrelsome  widows  of  Madhavrao  Sindia  had 
left  Amritrao's  camp  for  Kolhapur,  where  the  Raja  espoused 
their  cause.  Lakwa  Dada,  a  Shenvi  by  caste,  and  a  skilful 
general  in  Sindia's  service,  had  been  confined  by  Daulatrao 
and  had  made  his  escape.  He  was  now  ravaging  Sindia's 
provinces  in  Central  India.  Jaswantrao  Holkar  had  left 
Nagpur,  and,  collecting  a  band  of  freebooters,  was  sweeping 
through  Malwa.  De  Boigne  had  returned  to  France  in  1796, 
and  his  successor,  M.  Perron  was  quite  unable  to  drive  away 
the  invaders.  The  Raja  of  Kolhapur,  as  the  protector  of  the 
turbulent  widows,  was  at  open  war  with  the  Peshwa.  Chatur- 
sing,  brother  of  the  Raja  of  Satara,  successively  defeated  the 
Pratinidhi  and  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan,  mortally  wounding 
the  latter  in  a  fight  at  Pathankudi  in  the  Chikodi  taluka  ; 
although  the  legend  that  the  Raja  of  Kolhapur  cut  Parash- 
rambhau to  pieces  with  his  own  sword  seems  to  be  quite 
unfounded.  To  crown  the  misfortunes  of  the  Maratha  state, 
Nana  Phadnavis  died  on  the  13th  March  1800. 

Ever  since  his  confinement  at  Ahmadnagar,  his  health  had 
been  gradually  failing.  For  some  months  before  his  death, 
he  had  hardly  left  his  house  ;  nevertheless  his  dauntless  spirit 
enabled  him  still  to  attend  to  the  needs  of  the  administration. 
In  January  1800,  he  began  to  suffer  from  intermittent  attacks 
of  fever.  A  fortnight  before  his  death  the  Peshwa  himself 
came  to  see  him,  but  death  was  already  stamped  on  the 
minister's  countenance,  and  at  midnight  on  the  13th  March 
1800  he  died  amid  the  widespread  grief  of  the  Maratha 
people.  "With  him"  to  use  the  words  of  Colonel  Palmer, 
"  departed  all  the  wisdom  and  moderation  of  the  Maratha 
Government." 


192  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  Nana  Phadnavis  was  a  great  man, 
judged  by  almost  any  standard.  It  has  been  said  that  he 
lacked  physical  courage  ;  but  such  a  charge  is  easily  brought 
and  with  difficulty  refuted.  It  rests  chiefly  on  Nana  Phadna- 
vis' refusal  to  join  Parashrambhau  Patwardhan  in  an  attack 
on  Sindia's  army.  But  such  an  attack  would  have  ended  in 
certain  defeat  and  to  court  certain  defeat  is  not  true  valour. 
The  minister's  political  courage  and  foresight  have  rarely 
been  surpassed,  and  his  life  was  spent  in  guarding  the  throne 
of  his  young  master.  By  the  tragic  irony  of  fate,  he  overshot 
his  mark  and  by  excessive  care  brought  about  indirectly  the 
death  of  the  young  prince,  whom  he  loved  like  his  own  son. 
In  private  life  Nana  Phadnavis  was  truthful  and  kindly, 
frugal  and  generous.  His  time  was  regulated  with  the 
utmost  care,  and  the  amount  of  business,  both  public  and 
private,  transacted  by  him  far  surpassed  the  limits  of  ordinary 
human  capacity.  Like  Metternich,  Nana  Phadnavis  was 
fond  of  the  fair  sex  and  in  the  course  of  his  life  he  was  married 
no  less  than  nine  times.  On  his  death  he  left  two  widows, 
Bagabai  and  Jiubai ;  the  former  was  fourteen  years  old  and  the 
latter  only  nine.  He  left  no  children,  although  his  first  wife 
had  borne  him  a  son  and  his  third  and  his  sixth  wife  had  each 
borne  him  a  daughter ;  but  his  children  all  died  young. 
Bagabai  died  fourteen  days  after  her  husband's  death.  Thus 
all  that  survived  of  Nana  Phadnavis'  family  was  the  little 
Jiubai.  The  funeral  ceremonies  of  the  great  minister  were 
marred  by  an  untoward  incident.  The  pay  of  his  Arab 
guards  was  in  arrears,  so  they  manned  the  walls  of  his  house 
and  refused  to  allow  anyone  to  enter  or  leave  it.  The  Peshwa 
paid  them  off  and  discharged  them,  and  then  attached  Nana 
Phadnavis'  estates,  forcing  Jiubai  to  live  in  a  room  in  the 
Shanwar  palace.  There  she  remained  until  Jaswantrao 
Holkar  released  her  and  sent  her  to  Lohgad  fort,  which 
Dhondu  Ballal  Nitsure,  an  officer  of  Nana  Phadnavis,  con- 
tinued, in  defiance  of  Bajirao,  to  hold  in  the  interests  of  his 
dead  master.  Two  years  later  the  English  made  her 
surrender  Lohgad,  but  forced  Bajirao  to  settle  on  her  a  yearly 
pension  of  twelve  thousand  rupees.  She  lived  for  sixteen 
years  under  English  protection  at  Panvel.  On  the  fall  of 
Bajirao,   Mountstuart  Elphinstone  invited  her  to  Poona  and 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH      193 

gave  her  besides  her  pension  the  townships  of  Menvali  and 
Belbag.  In  1827,  she  adopted  the  youngest  son  of  Ramkrishna 
Gangadar  Bhanu  and  gave  him  on  adoption  the  name  of 
Madhavrao.  On  the  death  of  Jiubai  her  allowance  was 
stopped,  but  the  townships  of  Menvali  and  Belbag  were  con- 
tinued by  the  English  to  Madhavrao  and  his  descendants. 

Both  Sindia  and  Bajirao  wished  to  seize  the  treasures  of  the 
deceased  Nana  Phadnavis.  These,  however,  were  never  dis- 
covered. Mortified  at  his  failure,  Bajirao  imprisoned  Nana 
Phadnavis'  friends  and  resolved  to  plunder  the  Patwardhans. 
In  this  plan  the  Raja  of  Kolhapur  readily  joined,  and  the 
Patwardhan  estate  was  soon  stripped  of  everything  worth 
carrying  away,  and  their  houses  were  all  burnt.  But  the  death 
of  Nana  Phadnavis,  so  far  from  freeing  Bajirao  from  tutelage, 
only  delivered  him  again  into  the  bondage  of  Daulatrao 
Sindia.  The  Peshwa  turned  his  attention  to  Jaswantrao 
Holkar.  The  latter,  a  man  of  great  capacity,  had  contrived 
by  a  series  of  successes  to  raise  a  considerable  army.  The 
illegitimate  son  of  Tukoji  Holkar,  he  affected  to  be  acting 
solely  on  behalf  of  Khanderao  Holkar,  his  legitimate  nephew 
confined  in  Poona.  He  invaded  at  Bajirao' s  suggestion 
Sindia's  dominions,  defeated  and  then  bought  over  du  Drenec 
and  his  disciplined  regiments.  Sindia  was  unwilling  to  leave 
Poona  to  meet  this  formidable  adversary,  for  to  do  so  was  to 
give  up  his  favoured  position  at  the  Poona  court.  But  at 
last  the  situation  grew  so  serious  that  Sindia,  after  extracting 
forty-seven  lakhs  of  rupees  from  the  reluctant  Bajirao,  marched 
northward  to  meet  Jaswantrao.  The  latter  won  a  brilliant 
victory  near  Ujjein,  but  was  checked  near  Burhanpur  and 
severely  defeated  near  Indore. 

Rid  for  the  time  being  of  Sindia,  Bajirao  indulged  to  the 
full  in  the  pleasures  of  revenge.  His  victims  were  the 
families  who  had  opposed  his  father.  The  most  prominent 
were  the  Rastes.  Madhavrao  Raste  was  treacherously  seized 
and  imprisoned  in  Raygad  ;  others  less  important  were  killed 
or  thrown  into  dungeons.  Vithoji  Holkar,  the  other  illegiti- 
mate son  of  Tukoji  Holkar,  and  a  friend  of  Nana  Phadnavis, 
was  captured  near  Bhamburda  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  horse. 
He  was  tied  to  the  foot  of  an  elephant  and  dragged  about  the 
streets  of  Poona  until  he  died,  while  Bajirao  gloated  over  his 
25 


194  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

sufferings.1  This  act  was  not  only  a  crime  but  an  error. 
Jaswantrao,  who  had  been  deeply  attached  to  Vithoji,  aband- 
oned his  designs  against  Sindia  and,  vowing  revenge,  marched 
straight  on  Poona.  Sindia  sent  Sadashivrao  Bhaskar  after 
him  ;  but  Jaswantrao  Holkar  skilfully  evaded  Sindia's 
troops  and  on  the  23rd  October  1802,  encamped  between 
Loni  and  Hadapsar,  a  few  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Poona. 
Sadashivrao  effected  a  junction  with  such  troops  as  the  Peshwa 
could  muster,  and  on  the  25th  October  a  bloody  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  Jaswantrao  Holkar  was  completely  victor- 
ious. Sindia's  battalions  disappointed  their  master,  save  four 
who  had  been  once  commanded  by  de  Boigne.  The  spirit  of 
that  great  soldier  still  animated  them,  and,  just  as  they  would 
have  done  had  he  been  present  in  person,  they  stood  their 
ground  to  the  last,  until  cut  to  pieces  by  furious  charges  of 
cavalry  led  by  Jaswantrao  Holkar  in  person. 

The  Peshwa,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  battle,  fled  to 
Sinhgad  on  hearing  its  result,  and  thence  to  Raygad,  and 
finally  to  Mahad,  whence  he  wrote  to  the  English  imploring 
their  protection.  When  it  was  granted,  he  embarked  on  an 
English  ship  at  Rewadanda  and  sailed  to  Bassein,  which  he 
reached  on  the  6th  December.  The  flight  of  the  Peshwa 
left  the  government  of  the  Maratha  state  in  the  hands  of 
Jaswantrao  Holkar.  Wise  enough  to  know  that  a  bastard  of 
the  house  of  Holkar  could  never  hope  to  rule  it  in  permanency, 
he  sent  for  the  Peshwa's  adopted  brother  Amritrao  and  had 
him  appointed  Peshwa.  Having  settled  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, he  devoted  himself  to  the  plunder  of  Poona.  In  this  he 
shewed  such  zeal  that  the  inhabitants  looked  back  almost  with 
regret  to  the  days  of  Sakharam  Ghatge. 

In  the  meantime  Bajirao  had  resigned  his  independence  to 
the  English  by  a  document  known  as  the  treaty  of  Bassein.2 
On  the  25th  March  1803,  the  English,  led  by  the  greatest 
general  of  the  age,  Arthur  Wellesley,  assembled  ten  thousand 
strong  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Madras.     To  Wellesley's 


1  Vithoji's  widow  committed  sati  on  the  bank  of  the  Mulla  river.  A 
temple  has  been  erected  in  her  honour  and  has  given  her  name  to 
Holkar's  bridge. 

2  See  Appendix  A. 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH      195 

standard  flocked  the  troops  of  several  families  who  adhered 
to  Bajirao's  cause,  notably  the  Patwardhans,  Bapu  Ganesh 
Gokhale,  Appa  Desai  Nipanikar,  the  Patankars  and  Vinchurkar 
the  grandson  of  Vithal  Shivdev.  On  the  20th  April,  1803, 
General  Wellesley  entered  Poona.  It  had  been  previously 
evacuated  by  Amritrao,  to  whom  several  of  the  important 
Maratha  chiefs  rallied.  Sindia,  who  had  fought  for  the 
Peshwa,  deserted  him  now  that  he  had  sought  the  help  of  the 
English,  and  so,  too,  did  Raghuji  Bhosle.  Jaswantrao  Holkar, 
strangely  enough,  held  aloof.  He  hated  both  the  Peshwa  and 
Sindia  too  much  to  join  either  of  them. 

The  English  had  profited  enormously  by  the  conquest  of 
Bengal  and  Mysore.  Their  Governor-General,  Lord  Morning- 
ton,  had  abilities  hardly  less  inferior  to  those  of  his  brother 
Arthur.  The  two  brothers  seized  the  opportunity  and  devoted 
the  whole  of  their  vast  resources  to  make  the  English  power 
paramount.  The  English  field  force  was  raised  to  no  less 
than  fifty  thousand  men,  disciplined  and  led  by  English 
officers.  The  forces  of  Sindia  and  of  Raghuji  Bhosle  were 
double  that  number,  but  only  thirty  thousand  of  them  were 
regular  infantry.  The  Nizam  took  no  part  in  the  struggle. 
Ill  for  a  long  time,  he  died  on  the  6th  August,  1803,  three 
days  after  the  English  had  declared  war  on  the  Maratha  con- 
federacy ;  and  his  son  Mirza  Sikandar  Jah  was  too  busy  making 
good  his  claims  to  the  throne  to  take  any  part  in  the  impend- 
ing hostilities. 

On  the  10th  August  1803,  General  Wellesley  opened  the 
campaign  by  attacking  the  great  fort  of  Ahmadnagar,  and 
obtained  its  surrender  on  the  12th.  On  the  21st  September, 
1803,  General  Wellesley  with  a  force  of  eight  thousand  men,  of 
whom  four  thousand,  five  hundred  were  English,  came  up 
near  the  village  of  Assaye  with  the  forces  of  Sindia  and 
Raghuji  Bhosle,  fifty  thousand  strong.  Although  General 
Wellesley  was  expecting  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Stevenson 
with  seven  thousand  men,  he,  with  the  inspiration  of  a  great 
captain,  decided  to  attack  the  enemy  in  the  face  of  tenfold 
odds.  The  Maratha  troops  were  led  by  inexperienced  com- 
manders, who  fled  from  the  field  very  soon  after  the  battle 
had  joined.  The  cavalry  followed  the  example  of  the  com- 
manders ;    but  eight    of  de   Boigne's   old   battalions  and   the 


196  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Maratha  artillery  fought  well.  The  battle  of  Assaye  ended  in 
a  complete  victory  for  the  English,  who  took  ninety-eight 
guns  and  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  The  battle  of  Assaye 
was  followed  by  the  capture  of  Burhanpur  and  Asirgad,  one 
of  the  strongest  fortresses  in  India.  Raghuji  Bhosle  would 
not  accept  the  defeat  of  Assaye  as  conclusive,  and  encamped 
at  Argaon  together  with  a  body  of  Sindia's  cavalry,  in  the 
Akola  district  of  Berar.  On  the  29th  November  1803, 
General  Wellesley  attacked  Raghuji  Bhosle's  army  and  inflic- 
ted on  it  a  defeat  even  more  severe  than  Assaye.  The  fortress 
of  Gavalgad  in  the  Satpuras  surrendered,  and  news  reached 
Raghuji  Bhosle  that  he  had  lost  all  his  possessions  in  Bengal, 
which  had  been  conquered  by  Colonel  Harcourt  between  the 
14th  September  and  the  14th  of  October.  These  disasters 
convinced  Raghuji  Bhosle  of  the  hopelessness  of  continuing 
the  struggle  ;  and  on  the  17th  December  1803  he  signed 
the  treaty  of  Devgaon.  By  it  he  ceded  the  province  of  Cut- 
tack  in  Bengal  and  all  his  territories  and  revenues  to  the  west 
of  the  river  Wardha.  He  renounced  all  claims  of  chauth  and 
gha&dana  on  the  Nizam.  He  bound  himself  to  engage  no 
subject  of  any  European  or  American  country  at  war  with  the 
British,  without  the  British  consent. 

In  the  meantime  Sindia,  too,  had  been  suffering  other 
disasters  elsewhere.  On  the  29th  August  1803,  a  detach- 
ment under  Colonel  Woodington  stormed  Broach,  and  on  the 
17th  September  1803  took  Champanir  and  the  tremendous 
fortress  of  Pavangad.  About  the  same  time  General  Lake 
won  several  important  successes  in  Hindustan.  On  the  4th 
September,  he  stormed  with  ten  thousand  men  the  fortress  of 
Aligarh,  an  event  that  led  to  the  desertion  of  General  Perron 
and  several  other  French  officers  in  Sindia's  service.  The 
English  army  then  marched  on  Delhi,  where  they  came  up 
with  Sindia's  army  under  an  old  officer  of  de  Boigne  called 
Bourquin,  who  had  been  in  'turn  a  seaman,  a  cook,  a 
manufacturer  of  fireworks,  and  a  soldier.  The  Maratha  army 
was  totally  defeated.  The  French  officers  surrendered,  and 
among  the  spoils  of  victory  were  the  town  of  Delhi,  the 
person  of  the  poor,  blind,  old  emperor  Shah  Alam,  and  the 
town  and  fortress  of  Agra  with  its  treasure,  arsenal  and  162 
cannon.    There  still  remained  of  Sindia's  armies  a  considerable 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH     197 

fragment  under  du  Drenec.  General  Lake  sought  him  out ; 
and  on  the  1st  November,  1803,  was  fought  the  decisive  battle 
of  Laswari,  wherein  the  remainder  of  Sindia's  disciplined 
battalions  were  destroyed.  Bandelkhand,  too,  had  been 
invaded  by  Colonel  Powell  and  completely  reduced  by  the  13th 
October.  This  succession  of  calamities  convinced  Daulatrao 
Sindia  that  in  submission  lay  his  only  hope.  On  the  30th 
December  1803,  he  also  abandoned  the  war.  By  the  treaty 
of  Surji  Anjangaon  he  ceded  his  lands  between  the  Jamna  and 
the  Ganges,  and  nearly  all  his  territories  in  Rajputana.  He 
surrendered  the  fortresses  of  Ahmadnagar  and  Broach,  his 
claims  for  chauth  and  g/iasdana  on  the  emperor  and  the  Nizam, 
and  all  his  money  demands  on  the  Peshwa  and  the  Gaikvad. 
This  treaty  was  supplemented  by  the  further  treaty  of 
Burhanpur,  by  which  Sindia  became  a  subordinate  ally  of  the 
British  (27th  February  1804). 

Jaswantrao  Holkar  had  remained  neutral,  not  through  any 
kindly  feelings  for  the  combatants,  all  of  whom  he  disliked, 
but  in  the  hope  of  making  the  best  possible  bargain  by 
joining  one  side  or  the  other  at  the  most  critical  moment. 
His  plans  were  confounded  by  the  rapid  successes  of  the 
English  and,  so  far  from  making  a  profitable  bargain,  he 
began  to  fear  for  the  safety  of  his  own  possessions.  Never- 
theless, had  he  maintained  his  neutrality,  he  would  have 
survived  the  crisis.  Unfortunately  he  lost  his  head :  he 
executed  three  Englishmen  in  his  service,  Vickers,  Dodd  and 
Ryan,  because  they  were  unwilling  to  fight  against  their  own 
countrymen.  At  last  his  conduct  and  his  demands  became  so 
outrageous  that  the  Governor-General  ordered  Generals 
Wellesley  and  Lake  to  attack  him.  It  must  be  admitted  that, 
if  his  statesmanship  was  short-sighted,  his  generalship  was  of 
a  high  order.  Colonel  Monson,  who  commanded  five  batta- 
lions of  sepoys  and  three  thousand  irregular  horse,  had  been 
detached  to  keep  Jaswantrao  in  check,  while  General  Lake  in 
alliance  with  Daulatrao  Sindia  conquered  his  possessions  in 
Guzarat.  Colonel  Monson  ill-advisedly  exceeded  his  instruc- 
tions and  entered  Holkar's  territories  in  Central  India  by  the 
Mukund  Dara  pass  in  Rajputana,  some  thirty  miles  to  the 
south  of  Kotah.  Having  thus,  to  use  the  words  of  Arthur 
Wellesley,  advanced  without  reason,  he  retreated  in  the  same 


198  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

manner.  On  the  7th  July,  he  found  that  he  had  only  two 
days'  supplies  left,  and  he  started  to  go  back  the  way  he  came. 
On  the  8th  July,  he  sent  ahead  his  baggage  and  stores,  and 
followed  with  his  infantry,  leaving  the  irregular  horse  as  a 
rearguard.  When  the  infantry  were  ten  miles  distant  Jaswant- 
rao  Holkar  suddenly  fell  on  the  irregular  horse  and  destroyed 
them.  On  the  11th  July,  Colonel  Monson's  infantry  were 
vigorously  attacked  in  ihe  Mukund  Dara  pass.  Monson  re- 
pulsed the  attack  and  struggled  on  as  far  as  Kotah.  There 
he  was  refused  admittance,  but  managed  to  struggle  on  to 
Kushalgarh,  which  he  reached  on  the  25th  August.  There 
he  rested  for  a  night,  and  eventually  succeeded  in  fighting  his 
way  to  Agra  on  the  31st  August,  but  with  the  loss  of  his 
guns,  his  supplies  and  his  baggage.  General  Lake  with  the 
promptitude  of  a  skilful  general  sent  reinforcements  to  Agra 
without  delay.  Jaswantrao  Holkar,  unable  to  take  Agra, 
tried  to  seize  the  person  of  the  emperor.  Failing  in  this, 
he  attempted  to  raid  on  a  grand  scale  the  territories  of  the 
East  India  Company.  He  was  followed,  pursued  and  forced 
to  fight  at  Dig,  where  he  was  severely  defeated.  Some  of 
his  troops  took  refuge  in  Bharatpur,  where  they  successfully 
resisted  Lake's  attempt  to  storm  it. 

The  Jat  Raja,  however,  lost  heart  and  on  the  10th  April 
he  sued  for  peace.  Jaswantrao  Holkar  then,  after  an  ineffec- 
tual effort  to  win  Sindia  to  his  cause,  marched  in  September 
1805  to  the  Sikh  country,  hoping  to  rouse  them  against  the 
English.  The  Sikhs  gave  him  neither  men  nor  supplies,  and 
Lord  Lake  with  five  regiments  of  cavalry  and  four  battalions 
of  infantry  set  out  after  him  in  full  pursuit.  On  the  banks  of 
the  Bias  Jaswantrao  Holkar  sued  for  peace  and  on  the 
14th  December  1805  he  was  given  very  favourable  terms. 
Nevertheless  by  binding  himself  never  to  engage  Europeans 
in  his  service  without  the  Company's  leave,  he,  too,  became  a 
subordinate  ally  of  the  English.  Jaswantrao' s  end  is  one  that 
excites  compassion.  His  defeats  preyed  upon  his  mind,  and 
shortly  after  the  signature  of  the  treaty  symptoms  of  insanity 
showed  themselves.  He  murdered  his  nephew  Khanderao 
and  his  brother  Kashirao,  and  on  the  20th  October  1811 
died  a  raving  lunatic.  He  was  a  bold,  fearless  man  with  no 
small  capacity  as  a  general.     He  could  endure  severe  fatigue 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH      199 

and  great  pain.  In  the  hour  of  success  his  energy  was  bound- 
less, and  he  bore  adversity  with  no  little  fortitude.  On  his 
death  Malharrao  Holkar,  a  boy  four  years  old,  and  the  son  of 
Jaswantrao  by  a  concubine,  was  adopted  by  Tulsibai,  the 
deceased's  favourite  mistress  ;  and  in  the  child's  name  Amir 
Khan,  a  leader  of  Pindharis  or  irregulars,  and  ancestor  of  the 
present  chief  of  Tonk,  carried  on  the  Holkar  Government. 


200  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  A 

Treaty  with  the  Peshwa  commonly  called   the   Treaty  of 
Bassein,  31st  December,  1802. 

Treaty  of  perpetual  and  general  defensive  alliance  between  the 
Hon'ble  English  East  India  Company  and  His  Highness  the  Peshwa 
Bajirav  Raghunathrav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  his  children,  heirs, 
and  successors,  settled  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Barry  Close,  Resident  at 
the  Court  of  His  Highness,  by  virtue  of  the  powers  delegated  to  him 
by  His  Excellency  the  Most  Noble  Richard  Marquess  Wellesley,  Knight 
of  the  Most  Illustrious  Order  of  St.  Patrick,  one  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty's  Most  Hon'ble  Privy  Council,  Governor-General  in  Council, 
appointed  by  the  Hon'ble  Court  of  Directors  of  the  said  Hon'ble 
Company,  to  direct  and  control  all  their  affairs  in  the  East  Indies. 

Whereas,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  the  relations  of  peace  and  friend- 
ship have  uninterruptedly  subsisted,  for  a  length  of  time,  between  the 
Hon'ble  English  East  India  Company  and  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit 
Pradhan  Bahadur,  and  have  been  confirmed  at  different  periods  by 
treaties  of  amity  and  union,  the  powers  aforesaid,  adverting  to  the 
complexion  of  the  times,  have  determined,  with  a  view  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace  and  tranquillity,  to  enter  into  a  general  defensive  alliance, 
for  the  complete  and  reciprocal  protection  of  their  respective  territories, 
together  with  those  of  their  several  allies  and  dependants,  against  the 
unprovoked  aggressions  or  unjust  encroachments  of  all  or  any  enemies 
whatever. 

Article:  I 
The  peace,  union,  and  friendship,  so  long  subsisting  between  the 
two  states,  shall  be  promoted  and  increased  by  this  treaty  and  shall  be 
perpetual.  The  friends  and  enemies  of  either  shall  be  the  friends  and 
enemies  of  both  ;  and  the  contracting  parties  agree  that  all  the  former 
treaties  and  agreements  between  the  two  states,  now  in  force  and  not 
contrary  to  the  tenor  of  this  engagement,  shall  be  confirmed  by  it. 

Article  II 
If  any  power  or  state  whatever  shall  commit  any  act  of  unprovoked 
hostility  or  aggression  against  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  or 
against  their  respective  dependants  or  allies,  and  after  due  representa- 
tion shall  refuse  to  enter  into  amicable  explanation,  or  shall  deny  the 
just  satisfaction  or  indemnity  which  the  contracting  parties  shall  have 
required,  then  the  contracting  parties  will  proceed  to  concert  and 
prosecute  such  further  measures  as  the  case  shall  appear  to  demand. 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH      201 

For  the  more  distinct  explanation  of  the  true  intent  and  effect  of  this 
agreement,  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  on  behalf  of  the  Hon'ble 
Company,  hereby  declares  that  the  British  Government  will  never 
permit  any  power  or  state  whatever  to  commit  with  impunity  any  act  of 
unprovoked  hostility  or  aggression  against  the  rights  and  territories  of 
His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  but  will  at  all  times 
maintain  and  defend  the  same  in  the  same  manner  as  the  rights  and 
territories  of  the  Hon'ble  Company  are  now  maintained  and  defended. 

Article  III 
With  a  view  to  fulfil  this  treaty  of  general  defence  and  protection,  His 
Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  agrees  to  receive,  and  the 
Hon'ble  East  India  Company  to  furnish,  a  permanent  subsidiary  force 
of  not  less  than  six  thousand  regular  Native  Infantry,  with  the  usual 
proportion  of  field-pieces  and  European  artillerymen  attached,  and  with 
the  proper  equipment  of  warlike  stores  and  ammunition,  which  force 
is  to  be  accordingly  stationed,  in  perpetuity,  in  His  said  Highness's 
territories. 

Article  IV 

For  the  regular  payment  of  the  whole  expense  of  the  said  subsidiary 
force,  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  hereby  assigns  and 
cedes,  in  perpetuity,  ro  the  Hon'ble  East  India  Company,  all  the 
territories  detailed  in  the  schedule  annexed  to  this  treaty. 

Article  V 

As  it  may  be  found  that  certain  of  the  territories  ceded  by  the 
foregoing  article  to  the  Hon'ble  Company  may  be  inconvenient  from 
their  situation,  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  for  the 
purpose  of  rendering  the  boundary  line  of  the  Hon'ble  Company's 
possession  a  good  and  well-defended  one,  agrees  that  such  exchanges  of 
talukas  or  lands  shall  be  made  thereafter,  on  terms  of  a  fair  valuation 
of  their  respective  revenues,  as  the  completion  of  the  said  purpose  may 
require.  And  it  is  agreed  and  covenanted  that  the  territories  to  be 
assigned  and  ceded  to  the  Hon'ble  Company  by  the  4th  Article,  or  in 
consequence  of  the  exchange  stipulated  eventually  in  this  article,  shall  be 
subject  to  the  exclusive  management  and  authority  of  the  said  Company 
and  of  their  officers. 

Article  VI 

Notwithstanding  the  total  annual  expense  of  the  subsidiary  force  is 
estimated  at  twenty-five  lakhs  of  rupees,  His  said  Highness  hath  agreed 
to  cede,  by  Article  IV,  lands  estimated  to  yield  annually  the  sum  of 
twenty-six  lakhs  of  rupees,  the  additional  lakh  being  intended  to  meet 
possible  deficiencies  in  the  revenues  of  the  said  lands,  and  save  the 
Hon'ble  Company  from  loss. 

Article  VII 
After  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  and  as  soon  as  the  British  Resident 
shall  signify  to  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  that  the 
26 


202  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Hon'ble  Company's  officers  are  prepared  to  take  charge  of  the  districts 
ceded  by  Article  IV,  His  Highness  will  immediately  issue  the  necces- 
sary  parwanas  or  orders  to  his  officers,  to  deliver  over  charge  of  the 
same  to  the  officers  of  the  Hon'ble  Company.  And  it  is  hereby  agreed 
and  stipulated,  that  all  collections  made  by  His  Highness's  officers 
subsequently  to  the  date  of  this  treaty,  and  before  the  officers  of  the 
Hon'ble  Company  shall  have  taken  charge  of  the  said  districts,  shall 
be  carried  to  the  credit  of  the  Hon'ble  Company,  and  all  claims  to 
balances  from  the  said  districts,  referring  to  periods  antecedent  to 
the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  shall  be  considered  as  null  and  void. 

Article:  VIII 

All  forts  situated  within  the  districts  to  be  ceded  as  aforesaid  shall  be 
delivered  to  the  officers  of  the  Hon'ble  Company  with  the  said  districts  ; 
and  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  engages  that  the  said 
forts  shall  be  delivered  to  the  Hon'ble  Company  without  being  injured 
or  damaged,  and  with  their  equipment  of  ordnance,  stores  and 
provisions. 

Article  IX 

Grain  and  all  other  articles  of  consumption  and  provisions,  and  all 
sorts  of  materials  for  wearing  apparel,  together  with  the  necessary 
numbers  of  cattle,  horses  and  camels,  required  for  the  use  of  the 
subsidiary  force,  shall  be  entirely  exempted  from  duties  ;  and  the 
commanding  officer  and  officers  of  the  said  subsidiary  force  shall  be 
treated  in  all  respects  in  a  manner  suitable  to  the  dignity  and  greatness 
of  both  states.  The  subsidiary  force  will  at  all  times  be  ready  to 
execute  services  of  importance,  such  as  the  protection  of  the  person  of 
His  Highness,  his  heirs  and  successors,  the  overawing  and  chastise- 
ment of  rebels  or  exciters  of  disturbance  in  His  Highness's  dominions, 
and  the  due  correction  of  his  subjects  or  dependants  who  may  withhold 
the  payment  of  the  Sarkar's  just  claims  ;  but  it  is  not  to  be  employed 
on  trifling  occasions,  nor  like  Sibandi  to  be  stationed  in  the  country  to 
collect  the  revenues,  nor  against  any  of  the  principal  branches  of  the 
Maratha  Empire,  nor  in  levying  contributions  from  Maratha  dependants 
in  the  manner  of  Mulukgiri  (revenue  collection  by  armed  force). 

Article  X 

Whereas  much  inconvenience  has  arisen  from  certain  claims  and 
demands  of  the  Maratha  state  affecting  the  city  of  Surat,  it  is  agreed 
that  a  just  calculation  shall  be  made  of  the  value  of  the  said  claims  by 
His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  and  the  Government  of 
Bombay  ;  and  in  consequence  of  the  intimate  friendship  now  established 
between  the  contracting  parties,  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan 
Bahadur  agrees,  for  himself,  his  heirs  and  successors,  to  relinquish,  for 
ever,  all  the  rights,  claims  and  privileges  of  the  Maratha  state  affecting 
the  said  city  of  Surat,  and  all  collections  on  that  account  shall  cease  and 
determine  from  the  day  on  which  this  treaty  shall  be  concluded  ;  in  con- 
sideration of  which  act  of  friendship  the  Hon'ble  East  India  Company 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH      203 

agrees  that  a  piece  of  land,  yielding  a  sum  equal  to  the  estimated 
value  of  the  said  claims  of  the  Maratha  state,  shall  be  deducted  from 
the  districts  ceded  by  Article  IV  ;  and  on  the  same  principle,  and  from 
similar  considerations,  His  Highness  further  agrees,  that  the  amount  of 
the  collections  made  for  the  Poona  state,  under  the  title  of  Nagabandi, 
in  the  parganas  of  Chorrasi  and  Chickli,  shall  be  ascertained  by 
an  average  taken  from  the  receipts  for  a  certain  number  of  years,  or  by 
such  other  mode  of  calculation  as  may  be  determined  on,  and  His  said 
Highness  doth  further  agree,  for  himself,  his  heirs  and  successors,  to 
relinquish,  for  ever,  the  Nagabandi  collections  aforesaid,  and  they  shall 
accordingly  cease  from  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty.  And  it  is  agreed 
and  stipulated,  that  a  piece  of  land,  yielding  a  sum  equal  to  the  amount 
of  the  said  Nagabandi  collections,  shall  be  deducted  from  the  districts 
ceded  by  Article  IV,  in  the  same  manner  as  stipulated  in  regard  to  the 
Chauth  of  Surat. 

Article  XI 

Whereas  it  has  been  usual  for  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan 
Bahadur  to  enlist  and  retain  in  his  service  Europeans  of  different 
countries,  His  said  Highness  hereby  agrees  and  stipulates,  that  in  the 
event  of  war  breaking  out  between  the  English  and  any  European 
nation,  and  of  discovery  being  made  that  any  European  or  Europeans 
in  his  service,  belonging  to  such  nation  at  war  with  the  English,  shall 
have  meditated  injury  towards  the  English,  or  have  entered  into 
intrigues  hostile  to  their  interest,  such  European  or  Europeans,  so 
offending,  shall  be  discharged  by  His  said  Highness  and  not  suffered  to 
reside  in  his  dominions. 

Article  XII 

Inasmuch  as,  by  the  present  treaty,  the  contracting  parties  are  bound 
in  a  general  defensive  alliance,  for  mutual  defence  and  protection 
against  all  enemies,  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  con- 
sequently engages  never  to  commit  any  act  of  personal  hostility  and 
aggression  against  His  Highness  the  Navab  Asoph  Jah  Bahadur,  or  any 
of  the  Hon' ble  Company's  allies  or  dependants,  or  against  any  of  the 
principal  branches  of  the  Maratha  Empire,  or  against  any  power 
whatever,  and  in  the  event  of  differences  arising,  whatever  adjust- 
ment the  Company's  Government,  weighing  matters  in  the  scale  of 
truth  and  justice,  may  determine,  shall  meet  with  full  approbation 
and  acquiescence. 

Article  XIII 

And  whereas  certain  differences,  referring  past  transactions,  are 
known  to  subsist  between  the  Sarkar  of  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit 
Pradhan  Bahadur  and  the  .Sarkar  of  His  Highness  the  Navab  Asoph 
Jah  Bahadur,  and  whereas  an  amicable  adjustment  of  those  differences 
must  be  highly  desirable  for  the  welfare  and  benefit  of  both  the  said 
Sarkars,  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  with  a  view  to  the 
above  end,  agrees  and  accordingly  binds  himself,  his  heirs  and  successors, 


204  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

to  fulfil  and  conform  to  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty  of  Mahad  ; 
and  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  further  agrees,  that  on 
the  basis  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  said  treaty  of  Mahad,  and  of  the  claims 
of  His  Highness  the  Nawab  Asoph  Jah  Bahadur  to  be  totally  exempted 
from  the  payment  of  Chauth,  the  Hon'ble  Company's  Government  shall 
be  entitled  to  arbitrate  and  determine  all  such  points,  as  may  be  in  doubt 
or  difference  between  the  Sarkars  of  their  Highnesses  aforementioned  ; 
and  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  further  agrees,  that  in 
the  event  of  any  differences  arising  between  his  Government  and  that  of 
His  Highness  the  Navab  Asoph  Jah  Bahadur,  at  any  future  period,  the 
particulars  of  such  differences  shall  be  communicated  to  the  Hon'ble 
East  India  Company,  before  any  act  of  hostility  shall  be  committed  on 
either  side,  and  the  said  Hon'ble  Company,  interposing  their  mediation, 
in  a  way  suitable  to  rectitude,  friendship  and  union,  and  mindful  of 
justice  and  established  usage,  shall  apply  themselves  to  the  adjustment 
of  all  such  differences,  conformable  to  propriety  and  truth,  and  shall 
bring  the  parties  to  a  right  understanding.  And  it  is  further  agreed, 
that  whatever  adjustment  of  any  such  differences  the  Company's 
Government,  weighing  things  in  the  scale  of  truth  and  justice,  shall 
determine,  that  determination  shall,  without  hesitation  or  objection, 
meet  with  the  full  approbation  and  acquiescence  of  both  parties.  It  is 
however  agreed,  that  this  stipulation  shall  not  prevent  any  amicable 
negotiation  which  the  Hon'ble  Company  and  the  Courts  of  Poona  and 
Hyderabad,  respectively,  may  be  desirous  of  opening,  provided  no  such 
negotiation  shall  be  carried  on  between  any  of  the  three  parties  without 
full  communication  thereof  to  each  other. 

Article  XIV 

Whereas  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  has  been  concluded 
between  the  Hon'ble  Company  and  the  Raja  Anandrav  Gaikawar 
Bahadur,  and  whereas  the  said  treaty  was  meditated  and  executed, 
without  any  intention  that  it  should  infringe  any  of  the  just  rights  or 
claims  of  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  affecting  the 
Sarkars  of  the  said  Raja,  His  said  Highness  adverting  thereto,  and  also 
to  the  intimate  alliance  now  established  between  the  contracting  parties, 
doth  hereby  formally  acknowledge  the  existence  of  the  said  treaty 
between  the  Hon'ble  Company  and  Raja  Anandrav  Gaikawar  Bahadur, 
and  inasmuch  as,  by  reason  of  certain  unfinished  transactions,  the 
conclusion  of  which  has  been  suspended  from  time  to  time,  various 
demands  and  papers  of  accounts  are  found  to  subsist  between  the 
Government  of  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  and  the 
Sarkar  of  the  Raja  aforementioned,  His  said  Highness,  placing  full 
reliance  on  the  impartiality,  truth,  and  justice  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, doth  hereby  agree  that  the  said  Government  shall  examine  into 
and  finally  adjust  the  said  demands  and  papers  of  accounts,  and  His 
said  Highness  further  stipulates  and  binds  himself,  his  heirs  and 
successors,  to  abide  by  such  adjustment  as  the  British  Government 
shall  accordingly  determine. 


CIVIL  WARS  AND  WARS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH     205 

Article  XV 
The  contracting  parties  will  employ  all  practical  means  of  conciliation 
to  prevent  the  calamity  of  war,  and  for  that  purpose  will,  at  all  times, 
be  ready  to  enter  into  amicable  explanations  with  other  states,  and  to 
cultivate  and  improve  the  general  relations  of  peace  and  amity  with  all 
the  powers  of  India,  according  to  the  true  spirit  and  tenor  of  this 
defensive  treaty.  But  if  a  war  should  unfortunately  break  out  between 
the  contracting  parties  and  any  other  power  whatever,  then  His  High- 
ness Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  engages,  that  with  the  reserve  of 
two  battalions  of  sepoys,  which  are  to  remain  near  His  Highness's 
person,  the  residue  of  the  British  subsidiary  force,  consisting  of  four 
battalions  of  sepoys  with  their  artillery,  joined  by  six  thousand  infantry 
and  ten  thousand  horse  of  His  Highness's  own  troops,  and  making 
together  an  army  of  ten  thousand  infantry  and  ten  thousand  cavalry, 
with  the  requisite  train  of  artillery,  and  warlike  stores  of  every  kind, 
shall  be  immediately  put  in  motion,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the 
enemy  ;  and  His  Highness  likewise  engages  to  employ  every  further 
effort  in  his  power,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  into  the  field,  as  speedily 
as  possible,  the  whole  force  which  he  may  be  able  to  supply  from  his 
dominions,  with  a  view  to  the  effectual  prosecution  and  speedy  termi- 
nation of  the  said  war.  The  Hon'ble  Company  in  the  same  manner 
engage  on  their  parts,  in  this  case,  to  employ  in  active  operations 
against  the  enemy  the  largest  force  which  they  may  be  able  to  furnish 
over  and  above  the  said  subsidiary  force. 

Article  XVI 
Whenever  war  shall  appear  probable,    His    Highness  Rav  Pandit 
Pradhan  Bahadur  engages  to  collect  as  many  brinjaris  *  as  possible,  and 
to  store  as  much  grain  as  may  be  practicable  in  his  frontier  garrisons. 

Article  XVII 
As  by  the  present  treaty  the  union  and  friendship  of  the  two  states  is 
so  firmly  cemented  that  they  may  be  considered  as  one  and  the  same, 
His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  engages  neither  to  com- 
mence nor  to  pursue,  in  future,  any  negotiations  with  any  other  Power 
whatever  without  giving  previous  notice  and  entering  into  mutual 
consultation  with  the  Hon'ble  East  India  Company's  Government  ;  and 
the  Hon'ble  Company's  Government,  on  their  part,  hereby  declare  that 
they  have  no  manner  of  concern  with  any  of  His  Highness's  children, 
relations,  subjects,  or  servants,  with  respect  to  whom  His  Highness  is 

absolute. 

Article  XVIII 

Inasmuch  as,  by  the  present  treaty  of  general  defensive  alliance,  the 
ties  of  union  are,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  so  closely  drawn,  that  the 
interests  of  the  two  states  are  become  identified,  it  is  further  mutually 


A  caste  specially  skilled  in  army  transport. 


206  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATMA  PEOPLE 

agreed,  that  if  disturbances  shall  at  any  time  break  out  in  the  districts 
ceded  to  the  Hon'ble  Company  by  this  agreement,  His  Highness  Rav 
Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur  shall  permit  such  a  proportion  of  the  subsi- 
diary troops  as  may  be  requisite  to  be  employed  in  quelling  the  same 
within  the  said  districts.  If  disturbances  shall,  at  any  time,  break  out 
in  any  part  of  His  Highness's  dominions  contiguous  to  the  Company's 
frontier,  to  which  it  might  be  inconvenient  to  detach  any  proportion  of 
the  subsidiary  force,  the  British  Government,  in  like  manner,  if  required 
by  His  Highness  Rav  Pandit  Pradhan  Bahadur,  shall  direct  such  pro- 
portion of  the  troops  of  the  Company  as  may  be  most  conveniently 
stationed  for  the  purpose,  to  assist  in  quelling  the  said  disturbances 
within  His  Highness's  dominions. 

Article  XIX 

It  is  finally  declared  that  this  treaty,  which,  according  to  the  fore- 
going articles,  is  meant  for  the  support  and  credit  of  His  said  High- 
ness's Government,  and  to  preserve  it  from  loss  and  decline,  shall  last 
as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  shall  endure. 

Signed,  sealed,  and  exchanged  at  Bassein,  the  31st  of  December, 
Anno  Domini  1802,  or  the  5th  of  Ramzan,  Anno  Hijri  1217. 

(Sd.)   B.  CLOSE, 

Resident  at  Poona. 


The  Seal  of  Pradhan 


(The  Peshwa's  signature). 


CHAPTER  LXVII 

THE  REIGN  OF  BAJIRAO  II 

The  English  had  now  become  the  foremost  power  in  India, 
and,  had  Bajirao  been  wise,  he  would  have  acquiesced  in  the 
position  of  a  subordinate  ally.  After  all  they  had  high 
claims  on  his  gratitude.  But  for  them  he  would  never  have 
recovered  Poona  and  the  throne  ;  nevertheless,  his  feudatories 
had  no  sooner  been  reduced  by  the  English  than  he  began 
to  intrigue  with  his  feudatories  against  his  protectors.  At 
the  same  time  he  took  advantage  of  his  favoured  position  to 
concentrate  his  troops  and  to  sequestrate  the  estates  of  some 
of  the  Maratha  nobles.  The  first  estate  to  come  into  his 
hands  was  that  of  the  Pratinidhi,  then  quite  a  young  man. 
The  Peshwa  induced  the  Pratinidhi' s  mother  to  confine  her  son 
in  Mhaswad,  a  town  in  the  Satara  district.  The  young  man's 
mistress,  a  telin  or  oil-seller  and  a  woman  of  great  spirit, 
raised  a  band  of  followers  and  rescued  him.  The  Pratinidhi 
then  became  an  outlaw  but  was  reduced  by  Bapu  Gokhale,  a 
nephew  of  Dhondupant  Gokhale,  a  Chitpavan  Brahman  of 
Chiplun.  Dhondupant  had  joined  Parashurambhau  Patwardhan 
in  1791,  in  the  campaign  against  Tipu.  He  was  killed  in 
action  in  1799.  Of  his  two  nephews,  Appa  fell  beside  his 
uncle.  The  other,  Bapu  Gokhale  was  wounded,  but  served 
with  General  Wellesley  in  1803,  1804  and  1805.  He  was 
killed  at  Ashta  on  the  17th  February,  1818.  His  descendant, 
Sardar  Gokhale  resides  at  Poona.  The  Pratinidhi  was  strip- 
ped of  his  estate  save  a  small  portion  reserved  for  his  bare 
maintenance.  The  Peshwa  next  tried  to  secure  Savantvadi, 
which  was  at  war  with  Kolhapur,  but  in  this  he  was  unsuccess- 
ful. He  was  more  fortunate  in  securing  the  person  of  Baburao 
Phadke,  the  son  of  the  gallant  Hari  Ballal  Phadke.  He 
confined  Baburao  in  Bassein  fort,  where  he  died,  and  confiscated 
his  property.  Madhavrao  Raste  was  his  next  victim.  He 
was  bound  under  the  terms  of  his  fief  to  furnish  a  fixed 
number  of  cavalry.  He  failed  to  do  so  and  was  deprived  of 
his  entire  estate. 


208  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

The  Gaikvad's  domain  seemed  to  offer  a  fair  field  for  the 
Peshwa's  activities.  It  will  be  remembered  that,  on  Damaji 
Gaikvad's  death,  first  Govindrao  was  appointed  his  successor, 
an  appointment  that  was  subsequently  set  aside  in  favour  of 
Fatehsing  as  regent  for  the  imbecile  Sayaji,  who  of  all 
Damaji's  sons  had  the  best  claim.  On  the  21st  December, 
1789,  Fatehsing  Gaikvad,  a  ruler  of  considerable  talents,  fell 
from  the  upper  storey  of  his  palace  and  died.  Govindrao 
now  felt  certain  that  he  would  at  least  succeed  to  the  regency  ; 
but  he  was  once  more  disappointed  and  the  Poona  Govern- 
ment appointed  his  brother  Manaji.  The  latter  agreed,  as  the 
price  of  the  Peshwa's  favour,  to  pay  sixty  lakhs  in  instalments 
spread  over  four  years.  On  the  1st  August,  1793,  Manaji 
died  and  this  time  fortune  smiled  on  Govindrao.  Nana 
Phadnavis  demanded  as  the  price  of  his  recognition  the 
cession  of  all  the  Gaikvad's  estates  south  of  the  Tapti  river 
and  his  share  in  the  Surat  customs.  This  the  English  forbade, 
relying  on  the  Treaty  of  Salbai,  which  guaranteed  the  integrity 
of  the  Gaikvad's  territories.  On  the  other  hand,  the  minister 
demanded  Rs.  43,62,000  in  cash,  and  extorted  from  Govindrao 
all  the  money,  jewels  and  clothes  in  the  palace  of  Baroda. 

Govindrao  was  a  man  of  little  or  no  ability.  He  had  a 
temper  as  vindictive  as  Bajirao's,  and,  instead  of  governing 
his  little  principality  properly,  he  spent  his  time  paying  off 
old  scores.  He  turned  out  of  office  all  Fatehsing's  friends 
and  put  in  their  places  Prabhus  from  Poona,  of  whom  the 
most  conspicuous  were  his  new  diwan,  Ravaji  Appaji,  and  his 
brother  Babaji  Appaji.  Govindrao  Gaikvad  was  recognized 
as  Sena  Khas  Khel  and  ruler  of  Baroda  on  the  19th 
December,  1793 ;  but  in  the  meantime  his  own  illegitimate 
son  Kanhoji  had  thrown  himself  into  Baroda  with  two 
thousand  Arab  and  six  hundred  Pathan  mercenaries.  After  a 
short  siege  Kanhoji  Gaikvad  was  betrayed  by  his  own  men 
and  imprisoned.  On  Nana  Phadnavis'  death  the  Peshwa 
extended  to  Guzarat  his  vindictive  hatred  of  the  minister's 
agents.  He  deprived  Aba  Shelukar,  Nana  Phadnavis' 
nominee,  of  his  post  of  Deputy-Governor  of  the  Peshwa's 
lands  in  Guzarat,  and  appointed  in  his  place  Govindrao 
Gaikvad.  This  appointment  added  to  the  Gaikvad's  revenues, 
but  it    also   added    to    the   Peshwa's    claims    against    him. 


THE  REIGN  OF  BAJIRAO  II  209 

Govindrao  died  on  the  19th  September,  1800,  and  his 
state  was  once  more  plunged  into  disorder.  He  left  four 
legitimate  and  seven  illegitimate  sons.  His  eldest  legitimate 
son  Anandrao  succeeded,  with  Ravaji  Appaji  as  his  first 
minister.  Anandrao  was  a  man  of  feeble  intellect,  and,  to 
make  matters  worse,  Kanhoji  escaped  from  prison  and,  winning 
over  his  brother  Anandrao,  became  the  real  ruler  of  the  state. 
Ravaji  Appaji  appealed  to  the  English,  who  gave  him  their 
support  and  by  1803  had  restored  order.  These  civil  wars 
brought  the  finances,  of  Baroda  to  the  lowest  ebb.  The 
contending  parties  had  engaged  bands  of  Arab  and  Afghan 
mercenaries  ;  and  the  East  India  Company  required  a  sub- 
stantial reward.  They  paid  off  the  arrears  of  the  mercenaries 
but,  as  payment  for  their  services,  they  took  the  Gaikvad's 
share  of  the  Surat  chatith,  the  talukas  in  Surat  known 
respectively  as  the  Chaurasi  pargana  and  the  Athavisi ;  and 
they  required  the  Gaikvad  to  subsidize  in  lieu  of  Arab 
mercenaries  two  thousand  British  sepoys  and  a  battery  of 
English  artillery.  To  pay  for  the  subsidized  force,  Anandrao 
Gaikvad  on  the  18th  February,  1803,  ceded  Dholka,  Nadiad, 
Vijapur  and  Kadi,  lands  worth  annually  Rs.  7,80,000.  For 
the  arrears  paid  by  the  English  to  the  Arab  mercenaries, 
Anandrao  pledged  the  revenues  of  the  Baroda,  Koral,  Sinor, 
Petlad  and  Ahmadabad  parganas. 

Order  had  hardly  been  restored  when  a  new  personage 
appeared  on  the  scene.  Govindrao  Gaikvad  had  for  some 
reason  devoted  one  of  his  younger  sons,  Fatehsing  Gaikvad, 
to  the  service  of  the  god  Khandoba  of  Jejuri.  In  1802, 
Fatehsing  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  Jaswantrao  Holkar. 
In  August,  1803,  he  escaped  and  entered  Guzarat  at  the  head 
of  a  body  of  Pathans.  He  at  first  tried  to  seize  Baroda 
but  afterwards  confined  himself  to  a  demand  for  fifty 
thousand  rupees,  his  alleged  ransom  due  to  Jaswantrao 
Holkar. 

On  the  2nd  October,  1804,  the  Peshwa  had  renewed  the  lease 
of  his  Guzarat  estates  to  the  Gaikvad,  but  a  rising  of  Kolis 
in  February,  1805,  and  further  military  aid  from,  and  fresh 
cessions  to  the  English  rendered  the  Gaikvad  unable  to  pay 
Bajirao  anything.  To  make  matters  worse  Anandrao  became 
completely  unfit  for  the  administration,  and  Fatehsing  was 
27 


210  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

given  a  share  of  it.1  To  the  Peshwa' s  demands  he  merely 
made  frivolous  counter-claims.  The  Peshwa  thought  the 
opportunity  favourable  for  the  resumption  of  at  least  a  part  of 
the  Gaikvad's  fief.  The  English  had  indeed  previously 
objected,  relying  on  the  treaty  of  Salbai.  But  since  then 
they  had  themselves  occupied  large  tracts  of  the  Gaikvad  fief, 
so  they  would  hardly  press  that  objection  again.  As  a 
preliminary  he  called  on  the  Baroda  Government  to  send  an 
agent  to  settle  the  accounts.  Eventually  it  was  agreed  that 
the  Baroda  Government  should  send  as  their  envoy  Gangadhar 
Shastri,  an  able  man  who  had  a  large  share  of  power. 
The  English  Government,  anxious  that  the  dispute  should 
be  ended,  guaranteed  his  safety.  The  Peshwa  disliked 
Gangadhar  Shastri,  whom  he  believed  to  be  a  partisan 
of  the  English,  and  it  was  not  until  1814  that  the  Peshwa 
agreed  to  receive  him.  In  the  meantime  his  agents  were 
actively  engaged  in  increasing  the  disorders  of  the  Baroda 
state.  The  Peshwa  received  Gangadhar  Shastri  with  his 
usual  charm  of  manner  and  tried  to  win  him  to  his  cause,  but 
the  envoy  would  not  betray  his  master's  interests,  and,  after 
some  months  of  fruitless  negotiations,  Gangadhar  Shastri 
decided  to  return  to  Baroda  and  invite  the  arbitration  of  the 
English.  To  this  course  the  Peshwa  took  the  strongest 
exception,  for  the  East  India  Company,  already  in  occupation 
of  a  large  share  of  Guzarat,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  be 
impartial.  The  Peshwa,  as  his  last  throw,  offered  to  appoint 
Gangadhar  Shastri  as  his  own  minister  and  to  give  the  hand 
of  his  sister-in-law  to  Gangadhar's  son.  The  envoy  at  first 
gladly  accepted  the  proposed  marriage,  but  afterwards  he 
hesitated,  for  fear  it  might  be  thought  of  him  that  he  was 
neglecting  his  master's  interests  for  his  own.  This  conduct, 
highly  honourable  to  Gangadhar,  was  bitterly  resented  by  the 
prince,  who  determined  to  revenge  himself.  He  found  a 
ready  tool  in  one  Trimbakji  Dengle.  This  man  had  at  one 
time  been  a  common  despatch  runner,  and  had  succeeded  in 


1  Before  Fatehsing  could  be  given  a  share  of  the  administration  he 
had  to  be  ransomed  from  the  god  Khandoba.  He  was  weighed  against 
gold  and  silver  and  the  precious  metals  sent  to  the  god.  Elliott's 
Rulers  of  Baroda,  p.  82. 


THE  REIGN  OP  BAJIRAO  11  211 

attracting  the  Peshwa's  favour,  first  by  his  speed  as  a  runner 
and  afterwards  by  his  daring  and  ability.  He  disliked 
Gangadhar  Shastri  as  a  possible  rival  in  his  master's  affec- 
tions, and  he  devised  the  following  scheme  for  his  destruction. 
The  Peshwa  was  going  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Pandharpur,  to  be 
present  on  the  great  day  when  crowds  from  all  parts  of  the 
Deccan  go  carrying  orange-coloured  flags  and  on  foot  to  visit 
the  god  Krishna.1  Trimbakji  Dengle  with  the  assent  of 
Bajirao  pressed  Gangadhar  Shastri  to  join  the  party.  The 
flattered  ambassador  readily  accepted  the  invitation  and 
went  with  the  Peshwa  and  his  suite  to  the  holy  city.  On  the 
14th  July,  the  Peshwa  asked  Shastri  to  visit  with  him  the 
temple  of  the  god.  Such  an  invitation  it  was  impossible  to 
refuse,  for  the  14th  July  corresponded  with  the  11th  of  the 
bright  half  of  the  Hindu  month  of  Ashad,  the  holiest  day  in 
the  whole  year.  Gangadhar  Shastri  went  to  the  temple, 
worshipped  at  Krishna's  shrine,  paid  his  respects  to  the 
Peshwa,  and  started  homewards.  A  few  hundred  yards 
farther  on,  at  a  spot  still  pointed  out  to  the  curious  visitor,  a 
band  of  cut-throats,  hired  by  Trimbakji  Dengle,  fell  on  Shastri 
and  cut  him  to  pieces. 

The  British  Government,  who  had  guaranteed  the  safety  of 
the  envoy,  were  greatly  incensed  at  his  murder  and  demanded 
the  surrender  of  Trimbakji  Dengle.  The  Peshwa  with  great 
reluctance  gave  him  up,  and  the  miscreant  was  confined  in 
Thana  fort.  He  was  closely  guarded  by  English  soldiers, 
but  Trimbakji  was  a  bold,  active  man  ;  and,  with  the  Peshwa's 
secret  assistance  and  the  active  help  of  a  groom  of  one  of  the 
English  officers,  he  escaped  (12th  September,  1816). 

Having  broken  out  of  prison,  Trimbakji  Dengle  began  to 
collect  troops  under  the  orders  of  Bajirao,  who  was  by  now 
thoroughly  tired  of  his  English  friends.  With  the  Resident 
Bajirao  affected  to  be  on  the  best  of  terms  ;  but  he  was 
secretly  negotiating  with  Sindia,  the  Raja  of  Nagpur  and 
Amir  Khan,  the  Pindhari  chief,  who  controlled  the  Holkar 
Government.  The  English  Resident,  Mr.  Mountstuart  Elphin- 
stone  complained  about  Trimbakji  Dengle's  levies,  but  the 
Peshwa  pretended  to  ignore  all  his  doings.     The  Resident 

1  See  vol.  I,  p.  107. 


>\2  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

then  called  on  the  Peshwa  to  act  against  an  admitted  rebel. 
Bajirao  agreed,  but  did  nothing.  At  last  the  Resident 
formally  demanded  the  arrest  of  Trimbakji  Dengle  within  one 
month,  and  the  surrender  of  Sinhgad,  Purandar  and  Raygad 
as  pledges.  Bajirao  refused  to  comply  until  Elphinstone  on 
the  8th  May  surrounded  Poona  with  British  troops.  He 
then  made  a  virtue  of  necessity  and  signed  what  is  known  as 
the  treaty  of  Poona.  He  issued  a  proclamation  for  the  arrest 
of  Trimbakji  Dengle,  and  surrendered  the  forts  and  several 
members  of  Dengle's  family  as  hostages.  That  was  not  all. 
He  agreed  to  have  no  communication  with  any  foreign  power, 
limited  his  territorial  claims  to  the  country  between  the  Narbada 
and  the  Tungabhadra,  and  ceded  land  yielding  annually 
thirty-four  lakhs  of  rupees,  instead  of  the  military  contingent 
that  he  was  bound  to  furnish  by  the  treaty  of  Bassein.  The 
tract  of  ceded  land  included  Ahmadnagar,  Ahmadabad  and 
the  northern  Konkan.  He  restored  his  estate  to  Madhavrao 
Raste  and  Mailghat  to  the  Nizam.  He  resigned  all  his  claims 
on  the  Gaikvad  in  return  for  four  and  a  half  lakhs  a  year. 

Up  to  the  time  of  this  humiliating  treaty,  the  Peshwa  had 
felt  jealousy  of  and  dislike  for  the  English.  He  now  became 
consumed  with  hatred  against  them.  At  the  same  time  the 
English  Government  formed  the  resolve  to  establish  their 
supremacy  over  India,  if  only  to  suppress  the  anarchy  that 
was  spreading  like  a  cancer  over  the  whole  sub-continent. 
Thugs,  Pindharis,  bandits  of  every  description,  roamed  un- 
molested, save  by  the  English,  over  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the  country  ;  and  as  the  lands  became  depopulated  forests 
grew,  and  wild  dog,  tiger  and  panther  dwelt  in  the  fields  once 
cultivated  by  human  beings. 

Bajirao,  in  order  to  deceive  the  Resident,  had  pretended  to 
dismiss  his  troops  by  giving  all  of  them  leave  on  full  pay.  In 
July,  1817,  he  went  to  Mahuli,  the  spot  where  King  Shahu 
and  Sakhwarbai  had  been  burnt.  There  he  met  Sir  John 
Malcolm,  the  political  agent  to  the  Governor-General,  and 
completely  misled  him  by  his  professions  of  love  and  good- 
will towards  the  English.  Malcolm  obtained  for  Bajirao  the 
restoration  of  the  three  ceded  fortresses,  Sinhgad,  Purandar 
and  Raygad,  and  permission  to  raise  troops  and  join  in  the 
expedition  that  the   English  Government  were  contemplating 


THE  REIGN  OF  BAJIRAO  II  213 

against  the  Pindharis.  Having  obtained  these  indulgences, 
Bajirao  stayed  on  at  Mahuli  and  with  Bapu  Gokhale's  help 
organized  a  fresh  army.  At  the  same  time  he  tried  actively 
to  seduce  the  Indian  troops  of  the  English  Government,  and 
in  some  cases  the  English  officers.  His  conduct  was  soon 
known  to  Elphinstone,  whose  secret  service  was  excellent. 
On  the  19th  October,  the  Peshwa  celebrated  the  Dasara 
festival.  The  celebration  was  a  splendid  one  ;  but  the  attitude 
of  the  Maratha  troops  towards  the  English  was  so  threatening, 
and  the  reinforcements  that  the  Peshwa  called  in  so  large, 
that  on  the  30th  October,  1817,  the  Resident  withdrew  his 
troops  to  Khadki,  or  the  rocky  village,  now  known  as  the 
railway  station  of  Kirkee.  The  Resident  himself  stayed  on 
at  his  house,  the  Sangam,  with  a  guard  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  but  he  ordered  a  light  battalion  and  some  auxiliary 
horse  to  come  into  Poona  from  Sirur,  forty  miles  away.  The 
Peshwa  believed  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  English  troops  was 
due  to  fear,  and  resolved  to  overwhelm  them  before  the 
reinforcement  from  Sirur  could  reach  them.  On  the  5th 
November,  1817,  Bapu  Gokhale  moved  out  of  Poona  with 
twenty-six  thousand  men.  The  Resident,  seeing  the  Maratha 
advance,  crossed  the  Mulla  river  close  to  the  Residency,  and 
with  his  guard  joined  the  main  body  of  his  troops  at  Kirkee. 
Directly  Elphinstone  had  reached  Kirkee,  the  little  English 
army,  who  numbered  only  two  thousand,  eight  hundred  men, 
marched  under  Colonel  Burr  to  the  attack.  Bapu  Gokhale 
opened  the  battle  by  sending  six  thousand  cavalry  to  destroy 
the  1st  battalion  of  the  7th  Regiment,  who  in  their  eagerness 
to  engage  had  advanced  too  far.  Happily  for  the  sepoys  of 
the  7th,  a  deep  quagmire  unknown  to  either  side  protected 
their  front.  Just  as  the  French  cuirassiers  fell  headlong 
into  the  sunken  road  at  Ohain,  so  the  Maratha  horse  were 
hopelessly  entangled  in  the  swamp  between  them  and  their 
objective.  As  they  strove  to  ride  clear,  the  sepoys  of  the 
7th  Regiment  poured  volley  after  volley  into  them  with  appall- 
ing effect.  The  losses  incurred  were  so  heavy  that  Bapu 
Gokhale's  plans  were  entirely  upset.  His  army,  which  consisted 
largely  of  new  levies,  lost  all  spirit,  and  as  the  English 
advanced  the  Marathas  fell  back  on  Poona.  Colonel  Burr  in 
turn  fell  back  on  Kirkee  and  awaited  reinforcements.     That 


2i4  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

evening  the  light  battalion  and  the  light  horse  from  Sirur 
joined  him.  General  Smith,  who  with  the  4th  Division  had 
been  in  the  Chandor  Hills  near  Nasik,  arrived  on  the  evening 
of  the  13th  November,  and  on  the  17th  November  the 
English  entered  Poona  without  opposition,  for  Bajirao  had 
fled  to  Satara,  where  he  seized  Pratapsing  and  several  other 
members  of  the  Bhosle  family.  On  the  22nd  November, 
General  Smith  began  the  pursuit  of  the  Peshwa.  That 
unhappy  prince  now  doubled  back  to  join  Trimbakji  Dengle 
north  of  Junnar.  General  Smith  followed  him  ;  but,  fearing 
that  the  Maratha  army  might  slip  past  him  into  the  Konkan 
and  overwhelm  the  small  English  detachment  there  under 
Colonel  Prother,  he  directed  Colonel  Burr  to  send  reinforce- 
ments to  Colonel  Prother  and  to  call  in  from  Sirur  the  2nd 
Battalion  of  the  1st  Regiment.  Colonel  Burr  acted  on  these 
instructions,  and,  on  receiving  their  orders,  the  2nd  Battalion 
of  the  1st  Regiment,  five  hundred  strong,  and  three  hundred 
irregular  horse,  accompanied  by  two  guns  and  twenty-four 
English  artillerymen,  set  out  for  Poona  at  8  p.m.  on  the  31st 
December,  1817.  Their  commander  was  Captain  Francis 
Staunton.  The  troops  marched  all  night  and  reached  the 
high  ground  above  the  Bhima  river  about  10  a.m.  Across  its 
bed,  almost  dry  in  the  cold  weather,  they  saw  twenty-five 
thousand  Maratha  cavalry  awaiting  them.  Bajirao  advancing 
on  Poona  had  heard  of  the  near  approach  of  Staunton's 
detachment  and  had  determined  to  intercept  it.  Captain 
Staunton  made  a  skilful  feint,  as  if  about  to  cross  the  river, 
then  suddenly  turned  and  took  post  at  Koregaon,  a  little 
village  on  the  Bhima's  eastern  bank.  It  was  surrounded  by  a 
low  wall ;  and  two  temples,  of  Bahiroba  and  Maruti,  to  the 
west  and  a  large  house  from  the  north-west  formed  convenient 
spots  from  which  to  enfilade  an  attack  from  the  river.  Captain 
Staunton  posted  his  two  guns,  one  to  guard  the  road  from 
Sirur  and  the  other  to  guard  an  approach  from  the  Bhima  river. 
The  Peshwa  did  not  attack  at  once,  but  awaited  the  coming  of 
five  thousand  picked  infantry,  who  were  some  distance  ahead. 
On  the  arrival  of  the  infantry  the  attack  on  Koregaon 
began.  Three  bodies  of  Arab  and  Maratha  foot,  each  three 
hundred  strong,  crossed  the  Bhima  river  under  cover  of  a 
shower   of  rockets  and   a   vigorous  cannonade.     A   feigned 


THE  REIGN  OF  BAJIRAO  II  215 

attack  was  at  the  same  time  made  from  the  Sirur  road.  The 
Peshwa's  infantry  were  not  lacking  in  courage  and  by  noon 
they  had  carried  the  two  temples  that  were  the  main  out- 
works of  the  village.  The  attacking  columns  were  constantly 
reinforced  and  the  single  gun  on  the  riverside  was  captured, 
and  eleven  out  of  the  twenty-four  English  artillerymen  killed. 
The  detachment  fought  with  the  greatest  bravery,  but  the 
men  had  marched  all  night  and  were  wholly  without  food, 
while  four  of  their  English  officers — Wingate,  Swanston, 
Pattinson  and  Conellan — lay  dead  or  wounded  on  the  ground. 
It  seemed  as  if  nothing  could  save  the  survivors,  and  even  the 
English  artillerymen  appealed  to  Staunton  to  surrender  while 
they  still  could.  But  in  the  bosom  of  Staunton  beat  one  of  the 
bravest  hearts  that  ever  found  a  place  within  a  human  breast. 
While  he  lived,  he  said,  there  would  be  no  surrender.  His 
intrepid  spirit  fired  the  defenders  and  a  moment  later  help 
came  to  them,  as  it  were  from  beyond  the  grave.  Pattinson, 
the  adjutant  of  the  2nd  Battalion  of  the  1st  Regiment,  was  one 
of  those  who  lay  wounded  on  the  ground.  He  was  a  man  of 
gigantic  stature,  but,  mortally  stricken,  he  had  been  left  for 
dead.  At  this  supreme  crisis  his  heroic  spirit  returned  once 
more  to  its  earthly  tenement.  His  men,  who  idolized  him, 
fancied  that  to  save  them  he  had  come  back  from  another 
world,  and  followed  him  joyfully  to  the  counter-attack.  So 
inspired,  it  carried  everything  before  it.  In  vain  the  Arabs 
refused  to  quit  the  captured  gun.  They  were  bayoneted 
where  they  stood.  The  gun  was  retaken  and  fired  point 
blank  into  the  advancing  reinforcements.  Pattinson  was 
again  shot  down,  but  his  men,  uplifted  by  his  example  and  the 
dauntless  soul  of  their  commander,  successfully  defended  the 
hamlet  until  after  dark.  Next  morning  the  attack  was  not 
renewed,  and  Captain  Staunton  the  following  evening  marched 
back  with  his  wounded  and  with  his  weary  but  unbeaten 
detachment  to  Sirur.1     He  had  achieved  a  great  and  enduring 


1  When  Judge  of  Poona,  I  often  visited  Koregaon.  The  wall  which 
Staunton  defended  so  gallantly  has  disappeared,  but  the  two  temples, 
Maruti's  and  Bahiroba's  still  stand.  A  tomb  marks  the  spot  where  the 
English  officers  and  men  were  buried.  Across  the  Bhima,  where  the 
Peshwa  watched  the  battle,  the  Bombay  Government  have  erected  a 


216  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

success.  He  had  not  only  defended  himself  against  odds  of 
more  than  thirty  to  one  ;  but  he  had  broken  the  moral  of  the 
Maratha  army.  A  grateful  Government  showered  honours 
upon  him,  but  he  did  not  live  many  years  to  enjoy  them  ;  and 
on  the  25th  June,  1825,  Colonel  Staunton,  c.b.,  died  off  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  was  buried  at  sea.  As  their  reward 
the  2nd  Battalion  of  the  1st  Regiment  were  created  grenadiers, 
as  the  1st  Battalion  of  the  same  regiment  had  been  for  the 
defence  of  Mangalore.  They  still  bear  the  name  of  Koregaon 
on  their  banner,  and  they  still  celebrate  with  befitting  revelry 
the  immortal  anniversary. 


triumphal  column.  On  it  are  inscribed  both  in  English  and  Marathi 
the  names  of  the  officers  and  men  who  fell  in  the  action.  Besides  their 
names  are  also  inscribed  the  following  words  : 

This  Column 

is  erected  to  commemorate  the  defence  of  Koregaum 

by  a  detachment  commanded  by  Captain 

Staunton  of  the  Bombay  Establishment 

which  was  surrounded  on  the  1st  January,  1818, 

by  the  Peshwa's  whole  army  under  his 

personal  command, 

and  withstood  throughout  the  day  a  series  of 

the  most  obstinate 

and  sanguinary  assaults  of  his  best  troops. 

Captain  Staunton 

under  the  most  appalling  circumstances, 

persevered  in  his  desperate  resistance, 

and,  seconded  by  the  unconquerable  spirit  of 

his  detachment, 

at  length  achieved  the  signal  discomfiture  of 

the  Enemy, 

and  accomplished  one  of  the  proudest 

triumphs 

of  the  British  Army  in  the  East. 


THE  REIGN  OF  BAJIRAO  II 


217 


APPENDIX  A 

Genealogical  Tree  of  the  Gaikvads  of  Baroda 

Damaji 

I 

Pilaji 


I 

Govind- 

rao 

(1793- 

1800) 


Dan 
(1732- 

aa]i 
-1770) 

Khanderao 
(Jaghirdar  of  Kadi) 

1 
Malharrao 

Sayaji- 
rao 


I 
Fateh- 

sing 

(1778- 

1789) 


Manaji      Morari- 
(1789-  rao 

1793) 


I  I 

Ramrao     Jaysing- 

rao 


Kanhoji 
(illegitimate) 


Anandrao 
(1800-1819) 


I 
Fatehsing 

(regent) 


I 
Sayajirao 

(1819-1847) 


Ganpatrao  Khanderao 

(1847-1856)  (1856-1870) 

adopted 

H.H.  Maharaja  Sayajirao 

(1875  to  the  present  day) 


I 

Malharrao 

(1870-1874) 
deposed 


28 


CHAPTER  LXVIII 

THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC 

From  Koregaon  Bajirao,  deeply  mortified,  fled  towards  the 
south.  There  he  all  but  met  Monro.  Hearing  of  Monro's 
vicinity,  the  Peshwa  recrossed  the  Krishna,  evaded  General 
Smith  and  reached  Sholapur.  Generals  Smith  and  Pritzler 
now  met,  and  on  the  7th  February,  1818,  their  combined 
divisions  gave  up  the  pursuit  of  the  Peshwa,  and  reduced  the 
fort  of  Satara.  First  the  English  colours  were  hoisted  and 
then  the  Bhagwa  Jhenda,  as  it  was  intended  to  make  Satara 
the  capital  of  a  new  Bhosle  kingdom.  General  Smith  was 
then  directed  to  renew  the  pursuit  of  the  Peshwa  and 
General  Pritzler  was  appointed  to  reduce  the  Poona  forts. 
On  the  14th  February,  General  Pritzler  set  out  from  Satara 
for  Sinhgad.  It  resisted  stoutly  from  the  24th  February 
to  the  2nd  March,  when  it  surrendered.  On  the  11th  March, 
General  Pritzler  was  in  front  of  Purandar.  After  a  three  days' 
bombardment  Purandar  hoisted  the  white  flag.  In  the  mean- 
time Chakan  had  fallen  to  another  detachment  on  the  26th 
February,  Visapur  on  the  4th  March  and  Lohgad  on  the  5th 
March.  By  the  3rd  May,  General  Pritzler  had  made  himself 
master  of  every  fort  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Poona. 

While  his  fortresses  were  falling  one  after  another  into  the 
hands  of  General  Pritzler,  Bajirao  himself  was  fleeing,  without 
any  definite  plan,  from  General  Smith.  On  the  19th  Febru- 
ary, Smith  overtook  the  Maratha  army  at  Ashta,  a  village  in 
the  Sholapur  district,  fifteen  miles  from  Pandharpur.  Bapu 
Gokhale  was  by  this  time  sick  unto  death  at  the  loss  of  his 
son  in  action,1  at  his  master's  taunts  and  at  his  country's 
calamities.  He  charged  the  7th  Regiment  of  British  cavalry, 
as  they  were  crossing  a  dry  river-bed,  and,  although  he  caused 
some   disorder   in    their   ranks,    his    command   was   in   turn 


1  He  had  fallen  in  a  skirmish  in  the  hills  a  few  days  before  and  his 
wife  had  committed  sati  (Peshwa's  Bakhar). 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHlTPAVAN  EPIC  219 

attacked  by  the  22nd  Dragoons.  Bapu  met  a  soldier's  death, 
being  sabred  in  the  fighting,  while  the  unworthy  Peshwa 
galloped  off  the  field.  The  English  captured  a  quantity  of 
baggage  and  above  all  the  Raja  of  Satara,  Pratap  Sing,  with 
his  mother  and  brothers.  Shahu  II  had  died  on  the  3rd  May, 
1808,  and  his  eldest  son  Pratapsing  had  succeeded  him. 
Chatursing,  the  gallant  brother  of  Shahu  II  was  still  alive 
but  a  prisoner  in  Kanjuri  fortress,  eleven  miles  south-east  of 
the  town  of  Mahad.  In  1812  he  had  been  treacherously 
captured  by  Trimbakji  Dengle. 

The  capture  of  the  Raja  of  Satara  was  of  the  utmost  value 
to  the  English,  for  it  enabled  them  to  pose  as  fighting  on 
behalf  of  the  successor  of  the  great  king,  and  several  of 
Bajirao's  jaghirdars,  including  the  Patwardhans,  at  once  left 
his  standard.  Bajirao,  hopeless  of  success  and  tortured  by 
fears  for  his  own  safety,  sought  to  take  refuge  in  Nagpur.  But 
he  was  not  destined  to  find  a  shelter  there.  Mudhoji  Bhosle 
had  died  on  the  19th  May,  1788,  and  had  left,  besides  Raghuji, 
two  sons,  Khandoji  and  Vyankoji.1  Raghuji,  although  the 
adopted  son  of  Ranoji  did  not  become  the  ruler  of  Nagpur 
until  his  natural  father  Mudhoji's  death.  Khandoji 2  died 
shortly  after  his  father  and  Vyankoji  remained  loyal  to  his 
brother,  whom  he  predeceased.  Raghuji  died  on  the  22nd 
March,  1816,  leaving  an  idiot  son  called  Parsoji.  The  only 
possible  candidate  for  the  regency  was  Vyankoji' s  son 
Mudhoji,  whom  it  will  be  convenient  to  call  by  his  better 
known  name,  Appa  Sahib.  He  was  a  young  man  of  some 
capacity  and  had  commanded  the  Bhosle's  troops  at  the  battle 
of  Argaon.  To  secure  himself  as  regent  Appa  Sahib  on 
the  27th  May,  1816,  signed  a  treaty  with  the  English.  He 
undertook  to  pay  them  annually  Rs.  7,50,000,  as  the  cost  of  a 
regiment  of  cavalry  and  of  six  thousand  infantry  officered  by 
Englishmen.  Appa  Sahib  also  undertook  himself  to  keep  up 
three  thousand  cavalry  and  two  thousand  infantry.  After  the 
treaty  had  been  signed  Appa  Sahib  established  his  authority 


1  Panipat  Prakaran,  p.  282. 

2  Khandoji  was  also  called  Chimna  Bapu  and  Vyankoji  was  also 
called  Manya  Bapu.  Mudhoji  Vyankoji's  son  was  usually  known  as 
Appa  Sahib. 


220  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

over  the  Nagpur  dominion.  On  the  2nd  February,  1817,  he 
had  his  cousin  Parsoji  strangled  and  plunged  actively  into  the 
anti-English  intrigues  of  Bajirao.  He  concealed  his  treachery 
until  the  Peshwa's  rupture  with  the  English,  when  he  prepared 
to  destroy  the  Resident,  Mr.  Jenkins.  The  latter's  force  con- 
sisted of  two  and  a  half  battalions  of  Madras  infantry,  two 
English  regiments,  three  squadrons  of  Bengal  cavalry  and  four 
guns.  On  the  26th  November  was  fought  the  battle  of  Sitabaldi 
hill,  a  low  range,  which  separated  the  English  Residency  from 
Nagpur  town.  The  English,  although  outnumbered  by  at 
least  six  to  one,  repulsed  Appa  Sahib's  attack.  His  position 
was  now  hopeless,  for  English  reinforcements  kept  pouring 
into  Nagpur,  and  on  the  15th  December  the  unlucky  prince 
surrendered.  Appa  Sahib's  army  made  some  slight  resistance, 
but  by  the  24th  December  the  war  was  over.  Thus,  long 
before  Bajirao  could  have  reached  Nagpur,  his  hoped-for 
haven  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  English  enemies.1 

Baulked  of  a  shelter  in  Nagpur,  the  ill-fated  Peshwa  fled 
back  to  Kopargaon,  the  spot  where  he  had  passed  his  child- 
hood, and  thence  to  Chanda.  He  was  now  being  hunted  down 
from  all  sides.  Colonel  Adams  took  Chanda  by  storm,  and 
when  Bajirao  escaped  from  it  General  Doveton  took  up  the 
pursuit.  At  last,  on  the  3rd  June,  1818,  the  great  grandson  of 
Balaji  Vishvanath  surrendered  to  Sir  John  Malcolm  at  Mhow 
near  Indore. 

After  the  re-establishment  in  1802  of  Bajirao  II  at  Poona, 
Amritrao  had  tried  to  make  his  peace  with  his  adopted 
brother.  But  the  foolish  Peshwa  neither  forgot  nor  forgave, 
and  rejected  all  Amritrao's  overtures.  The  latter  then  joined 
General  Wellesley,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  from  the 
British  Government  a  pension  of  eight  lakhs  a  year.  He  went 
to  Benares,  where  he  lived  until  his  death  in  September,  1824. 
Bajirao   asked  for  and  obtained  from   Sir   John  Malcolm  a 


1  The  subsequent  treachery  of  Appa  Sahib  led  to  his  arrest  and 
imprisonment.  On  the  13th  May,  however,  he  escaped  from  prison  and 
joined  Chitu,  a  well-known  guerilla  leader.  After  carrying  on  a  guerilla 
warfare  for  some  months  he  sought  the  protection  of  the  Sikhs.  After 
his  flight  the  widow  of  Raghuji  was  allowed  to  adopt  Parsoji's  minor 
son,  who  on  adoption  took  the  name  of  Raghuji  also. 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  221 

promise  that  his  pension  should  not  be  less  than  Amritrao's, 
as  the  Company  had  proclaimed  their  intention  of  annexing 
his  kingdom.  The  prince  promised  in  return  to  help  in  the 
capture  of  Trimbakji  Dengle,  a  promise  that  he  did  not 
keep.  This,  however,  was  of  little  importance,  as  the  fugitive 
was  not  long  afterwards  seized  in  Khandesh.  Sir  John 
Malcolm's  promise  was  confirmed  by  the  Governor-General, 
Lord  Hastings,  and  Bajirao  was  asked  where  he  would  like  to 
reside,  as  he  could  not  be  permitted  to  live  in  any  part  of  his 
former  possessions.  The  prince  chose  Brahmavarta  or  Bithur 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  the  Company  bestowed  the 
town  on  him  in  jaghir.  A  beautiful  site  about  six  miles  in 
circumference  was  assigned  for  the  Peshwa's  residence,  and 
its  boundaries  were  marked  by  sixteen  stone  pillars.  The 
Company  appointed  a  special  Resident  to  his  court.  His 
name  was  Captain  Lowe.  He  was  thus  by  a  curious  coincid- 
ence the  namesake  of  the  officer  appointed  to  guard  the  far 
more  eminent  exile,  who  since  1815  had  been  eating  his  heart 
out  at  St.  Helena.  But  there  the  resemblance  ended.  At 
Longwood  petty  persecution,  hateful  surroundings,  an  in- 
commodious residence,  the  vicinity  of  an  odious  and  narrow- 
minded  jailor,  embittered  the  last  days  of  the  greatest  of 
Europe's  rulers.  At  Bithur  Bajirao  was  given  the  widest 
indulgence.  An  ample  pension,  a  vast  palace  surrounded  by 
a  gigantic  demesne  and  cooled  by  the  breeze  from  India's 
mightiest  river,  consoled  the  last  Peshwa  for  the  loss  of 
a  power  that  he  had  never  learnt  properly  to  wield.  It  is 
no  wonder  that  the  behaviour  of  the  captives  differed  as 
widely  as  the  manner  of  their  captivity.  For  six  years 
Europe  resounded  with  the  complaints  of  the  unfortunate 
Corsican.  But  so  happily  passed  the  years  of  the  Bithur  exile 
that  history,  English  and  Indian  alike,  has  entirely  forgotten 
the  last  part  of  his  existence.  Indeed  there  was  little  or 
nothing  to  record.  Day  after  day  of  the  exile's  life  glided  by 
in  a  luxurious  dream.  He  loved  women ;  and  on  his  palace 
walls  hung  vast  mirrors  framed  in  gold,  which  constantly 
reflected  the  rounded  and  charming  forms  of  the  most  beautiful 
dancing-girls  in  Asia.  His  tables  groaned  beneath  their 
massive  load  of  plate.  His  park  swarmed  with  every  kind  of 
deer  and  wild-fowl  that  India  could  furnish.     Singers,  cither 


222  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

players,  wrestlers,  jugglers,  strove  with  one  other  for  the 
privilege  of  soothing  the  tedium  of  the  most  urbane  of 
princes.  And  some  eight  thousand  guardsmen,  armed  with 
every  kind  of  useless  weapon,  recalled  to  Bajirao  the  days 
when  his  generals  could  lead  thirty  thousand  men  across  the 
Muta  river  towards  Kirkee. 

Such  was  the  curious  mental  standpoint  of  the  Peshwa  that, 
much  as  he  loved  pleasure,  he  yet  loved  religion  still  more. 
Bajirao  experienced  his  keenest  joy  when  he  distributed  gifts 
and  alms  to  pious  Brahmans.     From  the  Deccan  and  Benares, 
from  Allahabad  and  Gwalior,  indeed  from  every  spot  which 
on  one  ground   or   another  had   a   claim   to   sanctity,    there 
poured   into    Bithur   a  never-failing   stream    of    learned  but 
poverty-stricken   savants.      At    Bithur,   provided   they   knew 
Sanskrit — for  the  deposed  prince  was  an  excellent  scholar— 
they  were  certain  of  a  gift  and  a  welcome.     Much  as  Bajirao 
loved  the  society  of  his  dancing-girls,  he   was   even   more 
deeply   attached   to  the  married  state.     While  at  Poona  he 
married  no  less  than  six  young  ladies,  and  five  more  while  at 
Bithur  ;  but  his  many  marriages  did  not  bring  the  Peshwa 
what  he   most  desired,    a    son.     His   eldest  wife,  the  Lady 
Waranashibai  of  the  Phatak  family,  bore  him  a  boy,  but  the 
child  died  within   fifteen   or  twenty  days  of  its   birth.     His 
sixth  wife,  the  Lady  Saraswatibai  of  the  Pendse  family,  bore 
him   two  daughters.     One  of  these  two,   Bayabai  by   name, 
married  the  son  of  Sardar  Babasahib  Apte  of  Gwalior.     She 
outlived  her  husband,  was  made  a  sardar  of  the  Deccan  and 
was  alive  until  a  few  years  ago.     On  the  6th   June,   1827, 
Bajirao    adopted   Dhondupant,    the    son    of    one   Madhavrao 
Narayan  Bhat,  a  poor  priest  that  lived  at  Venegaon  near  the 
Bhor    Ghat.     Subsequently    he   adopted    Dhondupant' s   two 
brothers,    Sadashivrao  and  Gangadharrao.     Dhondupant  was 
the  notorious  Nana  Sahib  of  the  Mutiny    of  1857,     Bajirao 
himself  died  in  1851   at  the  ripe  age  of  eighty.     At  the  time 
of  his  death   he  was  on   the   most   friendly  terms  with  the 
English.     On  one  occasion  he  lent  the  Company  six  lakhs  of 
rupees.     During  the  Sikh  war  he  equipped  at  his  own  expense 
two  regiments — one  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry— for  the 
Company's   service.     In   fact,    the    life    that    the    Company 
compelled  him  to  lead  for  over  thirty  years  was  probably  the 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  223 

one  best  suited  to  his  pleasure-loving  nature.  Once  the  first 
shock  had  passed,  Bajirao  probably  regretted  rarely,  if  ever, 
the  loss  of  his  unstable  throne.  He  seems  to  have  had  none 
of  the  qualities  that  befit  a  ruler.  He  was  physically  timid, 
short-sighted  in  politics,  treacherous  and  vacillating.  His 
most  remarkable  quality  was  his  exquisite  charm  of  manner  ; 
and  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  at  one  time  Recorder  of  Bombay, 
has  left  on  record  that  he  had  met  three  sovereigns — George 
III,  Napoleon  I  and  Bajirao  II— and  of  the  three  he  far  preferred 
the  sovereign  of  Poona. 

In  the  meantime  the  reduction  of  Bajirao' s  other  strong 
places  had  progressed  rapidly.  Vasota  in  the  Koyna  valley  fell 
on  the  5th  April,  and  Badami  and  Sholapur  fell  in  the  same 
month.  Raygad  surrendered  on  the  7th  May.  The  most 
obstinately  defended  of  the  Maratha  forts  was  Malegaon  in 
Khandesh.     It  fell  on  the  13th  June. 

The  reduction  of  the  country  was  followed  by  its  settlement. 
To  the  old  Maratha  aristocracy,  the  contemporaries  of  the 
great  king,  the  Company  restored  their  lands  without  distinc- 
tion. We  have  thus  to  this  day  the  Nimbalkars  of  Phaltan, 
the  Daphles  of  Jath,  and  the  Ghorpades  of  Mudhol.  To  the 
Pant  Sachiv  of  Bhor,  the  Pratinidhi  of  Aundh,  and  the  Raja  of 
Akalkot,  all  of  whom  had  left  the  Peshwa's  cause  early,  their 
entire  jaghirs  were  given  back.  The  Patwardhans  were 
treated  with  similar  forbearance. 

Bajirao  had  made  every  effort  to  win  Daulatrao  Sindia 
to  his  cause.  He  went  even  so  far  as  to  write  him  the 
following  letter :  — 

"Your  father   Madhavrao    Sindia,  agreeably  to   the 

orders  of  the  Sarkar,  went  to  Delhi,  was  made  a  vazir  and 

acquired  a  high  reputation.     He  served  us  with  his  heart 

and  soul.     When  you  became  his  successor,  you  entered 

into  an  alliance  with  the  English :    thus   you  govern  in 

Hindustan  and  thus  you  show  us  your  gratitude.     In  thus 

serving  us,  it  befits  you  to  put  bangles  on  your  arms  and 

sit  down  like  a  woman.     After  my  power  is  destroyed,  is 

it  possible  that  yours  should  stand  ?  " 

Daulatrao   Sindia  felt  Bajirao's  reproaches  deeply,  but  he 

remained  loyal  to  the  English  alliance.     In  acting  thus   he 

shewed   the   truest  political  wisdom  and  preserved  his  state 


224  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

intact  for  his  successors.  He  died  without  either  natural  or 
adoptive  heirs,  and  his  widow,  the  famous  Baizibai,  the  daughter 
of  Sakharam  Ghatge,  adopted  with  the  leave  of  the  Governor- 
General  a  boy  called  Mugatrao  Sindia,  who  on  adoption  took 
the  name  of  Ali  Jah  Jankojirao  Sindia  (27th  June,  1827). 
Jankojirao  Sindia  died  on  the  7th  February,  1843.  His  widow 
Tarabai  adopted  Bhagirathrao  Sindia,  who  succeeded  as  Jayaji- 
rao.  In  the  Mutiny  Jayajirao  Sindia  remained  loyal  to  the 
English,  although  his  troops  revolted.  On  the  20th  June, 
1886,  Jayajirao  Sindia  died,  leaving  behind  him  a  son,  Madhav- 
rao  Sindia.  This  splendid  prince  still  rules  over  Sindia's 
dominions  and  the  honours  conferred  on  him  are  too  numerous 
to  record.1 

The  House  of  Holkar  was  not  so  fortunate  as  the  House  of 
Sindia.  Instead  of  an  experienced  chief,  the  boy  prince 
Malharrao  was  the  nominal  ruler,  while  the  regent  was  Tulsi- 
bai,  a  former  concubine  of  Jaswantrao,  and  the  mistress  and 
tool  of  Holkar's  hereditary  diwan,  Ganpatrao.  The  result 
was  that  the  Peshwa's  party  prevailed  and  war  ensued  with 
the  English.  On  the  28th  December,  1817,  the  army  of 
Holkar  attacked  the  English  at  Madhidpur  and  were  com- 
pletely defeated.  The  remains  of  Holkar's  army  were 
attacked  by  General  Browne  and  destroyed  on  the  10th  Janu- 
ary, 1818,  at  Rampur.  In  the  meantime  Tulsibai  had  been 
murdered  by  her  own  troops,  and  on  the  6th  January,  the 
young  Holkar  had  made  his  peace  with  the  English  by  the 
treaty  of  Mandasor  and  become  their  subordinate  ally. 

He  gave  up  his  lands  south  of  the  Narbada  and  abandoned 
all  his  claims  over  Rajputana,  while  the  English  undertook 
to  maintain  a  sufficient  field  force  to  protect  his  state.  This 
force  still  exists  and  is  the  Mhow  garrison. 

The  English  appointed  a  resident  at  Holkar's  court,  and 
Tatya  Jogh  became  the  boy  prince's  administrator.     By  1826, 

1  The  following  are  some  of  His  Highness'  titles  :  General  His  High- 
ness Mukhtar-ul-Mulk,  Azim-ul-Iktidar,  Rafi-ush-Shan,  Wala  Shikoh, 
Mohtar  Sham-i-Dauran,  Umdat-ul-Umara,  Maharaja  Adhiraj,  Ali 
Jah,  Hisam-us-Sultanat,  Maharaja  Shrinath,  Mansur-i-Zaman,  Fidivi- 
i-Hazrat-i-Malika-i-Muazzana-i-Rafi-ud-Din-Darja-i-Inglistan  G.c.s.i., 
G.c.v.o.,  ll.d.,  and  a.d.c  to  h.i.m.  the  King-Emperor,  (Gwalior 
Gazetteer). 


THE  END  OF  THE  CH1TPAVAN  EPIC  225 

when  Tatya  Jogh  died,  he  had  raised  the  state  revenues  to 
thirty  lakhs.  Malharrao  Holkar  died  in  1833,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-eight,  and  was  succeeded  by  Harirao,  who  died  in  1843. 
His  successor  was  Tukojirao  Holkar  II,  a  boy  adopted  by 
Ma  Sahiba  Kesaribai,  one  of  Jaswantrao's  widows.  Tukoji- 
rao II  remained  loyal  during  the  Mutiny,  although  his  troops 
revolted,  and  protected  at  his  own  risk  in  his  palace  a 
number  of  Christians,  English  and  Indian.  He  died  in 
1886,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Shivajirao.  The 
latter's  administration  had  little  merit.  In  1903,  he  abdicated 
in  favour  of  his  only  son,  H.H.  the  Maharajadhiraja  Raja 
Rajeshwar  Sawai  Tukoji  Holkar  Bahadur,  the  present 
ruler. 

The  great  state  of  Kolhapur  was  not  only  preserved  intact, 
but  increased  in  size.  In  1772,  Jijibai,  the  widow  of  Sambhaji 
of  Kolhapur,  died.  She  had  administered  the  state  since  her 
husband's  death  in  the  name  of  her  adopted  son  Shivaji.  She 
died  leaving  him  surrounded  by  enemies,  and  for  ten  years 
the  state,  attacked  from  all  quarters,  was  on  the  brink  of 
ruin.  During  the  dissensions  of  the  last  Peshwa's  court 
Shivaji,  Raja  of  Kolhapur,  offered  a  shelter  to  Chatursing  the 
brother  of  Shahu  II,  then  Raja  of  Satara.  In  1799,  Shivaji 
defeated  and  killed  Parashrambhau1  Patwardhan  at  Pattankudi. 
The  latter's  son  Ramchandra  retrieved  his  father's  defeat  and 
besieged  Kolhapur,  but  on  the  death  of  Nana  Phadnavis  he 
was  deserted  by  Bajirao,  and  forced  to  raise  the  siege  after 
suffering  heavy  losses. 

On  the  24th  April,  1812,  Shivaji,  Raja  of  Kolhapur,  died, 
leaving  two  sons,  Shambhu  and  Shahaji.  Shambhu  succeeded 
to  the  throne  and  in  1817  loyally  supported  the  English.  He 
received  in  return  for  his  help  the  districts  of  Chikodi  and 
Manoli,  for  which  he  and  the  Patwardhans  had  been  continu- 
ally fighting.  In  1821,  Shambhu  was  murdered.  He  left  an 
infant  son  who  died  soon  afterwards.  His  brother  Shivaji 
then  succeeded.  He  died  of  cholera  in  1837.  His  son  Shivaji 
succeeded  and  ruled  until  1866,  remaining  staunch  to  the 
English  all  through  the  Mutiny.  He  was  followed  on  the 
throne  by  his  adopted  son  Rajaram,  a  youth  of  rare  promise, 

1  See  Appendix  C  for  account  of  Parashrambhau's  death. 
29 


22U  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARAT  HA  PEOPLE 

who  unhappily  died  at  Florence  on  the  30th  November,  1870. 
His  widow  was  allowed  to  adopt  a  son,  who  also  took  the  name 
of  Shivaji.  Unhappily  his  mind  failed  and  he  died  at 
Ahmadnagar.  On  the  17th  March,  1884,  his  widow  adopted 
Yashwantrao,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Chief  of  Kagal.  After 
a  long  and  prosperous  reign,  Sir  Shahu  Chatrapati,  Maharaja 
of  Kolhapur,  died  loaded  with  every  honour  that  His  Majesty 
the  King-Emperor  could  bestow  on  a  loyal  ally. 

The  Company's  most  interesting  experiment  was  the 
creation  of  a  kingdom  for  the  heir  of  the  great  king.  Under 
a  treaty  dated  the  25th  September,  1818,  Pratapsing  was 
formally  installed  as  Maharaja  of  Satara  and  ruler  of  a  terri- 
tory that  included  the  whole  of  the  present  district  of  Satara 
except  the  sub-division  of  Tasgaom,  which  then  belonged  to  a 
branch  of  the  Patwardhans.  Besides  the  Satara  district  the 
Maharaja  received  the  sub-divisions  of  Sangoia,  Malsiras  and 
Pandharpur  in  Sholapur,  the  city  of  Bijapur  and  a  considerable 
tract  of  land  in  its  neighbourhood.  To  help  the  young  chief 
with  his  advice  the  Government  appointed  Captain  James 
Grant  Duff,  who  will  live  in  men's  minds  as  the  historian  of 
the  Marathas  rather  than  as  the  Political  Agent  of  Satara.  So 
long  as  that  able,  learned,  and  sympathetic  man  was  there  to 
guide  Pratapsing  all  went  well,  and  the  relations  between  the 
Maharaja  and  the  Bombay  Government  could  hardly  have 
been  better.  Grant  Duff's  successors  lacked  his  tact  and 
knowledge,  and  friction  ensued,  which  a  little  patience  and 
discretion  on  their  part  might  have  avoided.  At  last  the 
Maharaja  seems  to  have  been  led  by  his  attendants  and 
hangers-on  into  ridiculous  plots  against  the  English  Govern- 
ment. On  the  5th  September,  1839,  the  Court  of  Directors 
took  the  serious  step  of  deposing  Pratapsing  and  of  putting 
in  his  place  his  younger  brother  Shahaji.  Both  Pratapsing 
and  Shahaji  were  excellent  administrators  ;  and  probably  in 
all  India  the  English  had  no  truer  friend  than  the  Maharaja 
Shahaji.  During  the  Kabul  War  of  1841-42  Shahaji  offered 
his  troops  to  the  English,  and  during  the  insurrection  that 
spread  through  Kolhapur  in  1845  he  sent  a  contingent  to 
assist  the  English  to  put  it  down.  His  expenditure  on  public 
works  was  munificent,  and  the  bridges  built  by  him  across  the 
Yenna  and  the  Krishna  are  still  admired  by  engineers.     His 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHlTPAVAN  EPIC  227 

palace  is  now  the  court-house  of  the  Judge  of  Satara,  and  the 
present  writer,  who  for  some  time  officiated  in  that  office, 
can  himself  testify  to  the  noble  proportions  of  the  building. 
Had  the  Maharaja  asked  the  Governor-General  for  leave  to 
adopt,  his  request  could  hardly  have  been  refused.  Unhappily 
in  March,  1848,  he  was  suddenly  taken  ill.  There  was  no 
time  to  correspond  with  the  Governor-General,  and  in  the 
presence  of  Dr.  Murray,  the  Civil  Surgeon,  the  dying  Maha- 
raja adopted  a  boy  named  Vyankoji  Bhosle  of  the  house  of 
Shedgaon,  which  traced  its  origin  to  Sharif  ji,  the  uncle  of  the 
great  king.  The  Resident,  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  Bartle)  Frere 
strongly  pressed  on  the  Bombay  Government  the  recognition 
of  the  adoption.  Sir  George  Clerk,  the  Governor  of  Bombay, 
took  the  same  view  as  the  Resident.  Unfortunately  the 
Directors  ruled  otherwise  and  the  East  India  Company 
took  back  the  little  kingdom  that  they  had  made  over  in 
gift. 

While  the  Company  thus  regulated  the  future  of  the  Deccan 
nobles,  the  settlement  of  the  rest  of  the  conquered  territories 
engaged  still  more  anxiously  their  attention.  To  describe  in 
detail  the  administration  of  the  Peshwas  would  be  to  go  far 
beyond  the  scope  of  this  work  ;  but  a  sketch  of  its  more 
salient  features  may  not  prove  uninteresting.  The  base  on 
which  the  administrative  pyramid  rested  was  the  village 
system.  The  headman  of  the  village  was  called  the  patil. 
The  post  was  hereditary  and  could  be  sold.  But  such  was  the 
honour  in  which  it  was  held  that  no  family  sold  it  save  when 
in  the  direst  indigence.  The  patils  were  generally  of  ancient 
descent  and  could  point  to  vatanpatras  or  deeds  conferred  on 
them  by  the  emperors  of  Delhi  or  the  Rajas  of  Satara,  and 
confirmed  by  the  Peshwas.  The  patil' s  primary  duty  was  to 
ascertain  and  to  collect  the  Government  dues,  to  punish 
trifling  offences,  to  redress  wrongs,  to  maintain  order  and  to 
settle  the  villagers'  disputes.  The  more  serious  offences  he 
referred  to  his  superiors.  Civil  matters  he  referred  to  the 
panchayat  or  council  of  village  elders.  The  patil  received 
a  small  stipend,  but  paid  a  dahakpatti  or  tax  every  twelfth 
year,  equal  to  a  year's  salary  ;  and  the  dignity  that  attached 
to  his  office  was  his  real  reward.  Fined  and  imprisoned  he 
sometimes   was    for   neglect   of   duty  ;    but   he   was    seldom 


228  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

removed  from  his  office  save  for  treason  or  other   serious 
crime.1 

The  patil's  chief  assistant  was  the  village  accountant  or 
kulkarni.  He  was  a  Brahman,  who  could  write  up  the  village 
records  and  accounts.  The  most  important  state  account 
books  were  five  in  number :  (1)  the  general  measurement  and 
description  of  the  village  lands;  (2)  the  list  of  the  fields  with 
the  name,  size  and  quality  of  each,  the  terms  by  which  it  was 
held,  the  name  of  the  holder,  the  rent  to  which  he  had  agreed, 
and  the  highest  rent  ever  yielded  by  the  field ;  (3)  the  list  of 
all  the  villagers,  whether  cultivators  or  otherwise,  with  a 
statement  of  the  dues  from  each  to  Government,  and  the 
receipt  and  balance  in  the  account  of  each  ;  (4)  the  general 
statement  of  the  instalments  of  revenue ;  and  (5)  the  detailed 
account,  in  which  each  branch  of  revenue  was  shown  under  a 
separate  head,  with  the  receipts  and  balance  of  each.  The 
administration  paid  the  kulkarni  either  by  fees  or  by  a  grant 
of  land  ;  and  he  added  to  his  official  earnings  by  keeping  the 
landholders'  accounts,  drawing  up  their  agreements,  and  even 
writing  their  private  letters. 

Directly  under  the  patil  were  the  bara  balutas  or  twelve 
village  servants :  (1)  the  carpenter,  (2)  the  blacksmith,  (3)  the 
washerman,  (4)  the  barber,  (5)  the  potter,  (6)  the  silversmith, 
(7)  the  Gurav,  or  idol-dresser,  (8)  the  water-carrier,  (9)  the 
shoemaker,  (10)  the  ropemaker,  (11)  the  watchman,  (12)  the 
Musulman  mullah.  Besides  these  there  were  the  Brahman 
astrologer  and  the  Brahman  priest. 

(1)  The  carpenter  kept  in  repair  all  wooden  field  tools, 
the  landholder  supplying  the  wood.  He  furnished  the 
marriage  stools  on  which  the  village  bridegrooms  and  brides 
were  bathed.  He  supplied  travellers  with  pegs  for  their  tents 
and  for  picketing  their  horses.  His  annual  reward  was 
two  hundred  sheaves  of  corn  and  twenty-four  seers  of  grain  for 
every  thirty  bigas  2  under  tillage.  He  was  also  given  his 
food  while  engaged  in  mending  tools. 

(2)  The  blacksmith  made  and  mended  sickles,  hoes,  and 

1  My  authorities  for  this  passage  are  Part  2  of  the  Poona  Gazetteer, 
Chapter  8,  Forrest's  Elphinstone,  and  Colebrooke's  Life  of  Elphinstone. 
?  A  biga  is  rather  less  than  acre.     Thus  thirty  bigas =  22|  acres, 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  229 

other  iron  field  tools,  and  the  iron  locks  and  chains  with  which 
the  villagers  secured  their  doors.  He  put  tyres  on  cart-wheels 
and  shod  the  horses  of  villagers  and  travellers.  He  received 
in  lieu  of  salary  eighteen  seers  of  grain  out  of  every  thirty 
bigas. 

(3)  The  washerman  washed  the  clothes  of  male  villagers  ; 
the  women  washing  their  own.  He  spread  clothes  for  the 
bridegroom  to  walk  on  at  marriage  processions,  and  for 
parties  to  sit  on  at  marriages  and  other  festivals.  He 
received  no  grain  allowance,  but  was  paid  by  presents  of 
money. 

(4)  The  barber  shaved  the  villagers  once  a  fortnight  on  a 
lucky  day  and  cut  their  nails.  On  holidays  he  kneaded  the 
muscles  and  cracked  the  joints  of  the  patil  and  kulkarni.  He 
was  at  once  the  village  surgeon  and  the  village  musician, 
playing  on  the  fife  and  drum  at  weddings.  When  the  bride- 
groom came  to  the  village  to  take  away  the  bride,  the  barber 
led  his  horse,  and  received  a  turban  as  a  reward.  He  trimmed 
the  tails  of  oxen  before  the  sowing  season,  and  was  paid  by 
presents  of  grain. 

(5)  The  potter  supplied  the  villagers  with  all  their 
earthen  vessels,  their  tiles  and  their  bricks  in  return  for  their 
market  price.  At  weddings  he  beat  a  drum  and  recited 
verses  in  honour  of  the  goddess  Parvati.  At  harvest  festivals 
it  was  his  duty  to  prepare  a  huge  dish  of  barabat  or  stewed 
mutton. 

(6)  The  silversmith,  or  Potdar,  tested  the  coins  paid  in 
as  taxes.  For  this  duty  he  received  a  small  salary  from 
Government,  which  he  eked  out  by  fashioning  ornaments  out 
of  silver  supplied  by  the  villagers. 

(7)  The  Gurav  or  idol-dresser  was  the  attendant  of  the 
village  gods.  Every  morning  he  poured  water  over  the 
images  of  Hanuman  and  Bahiru,  marked  their  brows  with 
sandalwood  and  oil,  and  dressed  them  with  flowers.  He  swept 
the  temples,  neaped  them  with  cowdung  once  every  eight 
days,  and  lit  their  lamps  every  night. 

(8)  The  water-carrier,  a  Koli  by  caste,  had  to  keep  the 
drinking-vessels  at  the  village  office  always  full  of  water  for 
the  use  of  Hindus.  He  also  supplied  water  to  travellers  at 
marriages  and  festivals.     He  lit  the  lamps  every  night  at  the 


230  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

village  office,  and  every  eight  days  neaped  it  with  cowdung. 
If  the  village  was  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  he  pointed  out  the 
ford  to  travellers.  When  the  river  was  not  fordable,  he  took 
passengers  across  on  a  raft,  buoyed  up  by  gourds  and  earthen 
pots. 

(9)  The  shoemaker,  or  Chambhar,  made  water-bags,  and 
thongs  for  the  cartmen's  whips,  mended  shoes  and  bridles,  and 
each  year  supplied  the  patil  and  kulkarni  with  a  pair  of  new 
shoes.  The  skins  of  all  sheep  killed  in  the  village  were  his 
perquisite,  and  like  the  carpenter,  he  received  two  hundred 
sheaves  of  corn  and  twenty-four  seers  of  grain  for  every  thirty 
bigas  under  cultivation. 

(10)  The  ropemaker,  or  Mang,  made  hemp  ropes  and  hide 
ropes,  muzzles  for  oxen  treading  the  corn,  castrated  the  bulls, 
and  carried  out  death  sentences.  He  was  an  outcaste  and  was 
not  allowed  to  live  in  the  village. 

(11)  The  watchman  or  Mahar  was  also  an  outcaste, 
although  somewhat  higher  in  the  social  scale  than  a  Mang. 
He  lived  in  the  maharvada  outside  the  village.  He  ran  errands, 
kept  in  his  head  the  boundaries  of  fields,  so  that  he  might 
settle  boundary  disputes,  provided  firewood  on  Holi,  Dasara 
and  Diwali  festivals,  and  also  carried  at  funerals  the  firewood 
for  burning  the  dead.  He  had  other  duties  too  numerous  to 
mention.  In  return  the  village  Mahars  had  a  plot  of  land 
outside  the  village,  and  each  family  received  forty  sheaves  of 
corn  and  four  seers  of  grain  for  every  thirty  bigas.  It  was 
the  Mahars'  duty  to  remove  all  dead  animals  from  the  village, 
and  the  carcases  were  their  perquisite. 

(12)  The  mulla  killed  the  sheep  at  sacrifices  and  festivals. 
He  received  petty  allowances  of  grain  and  straw.  He  also 
enjoyed  the  plot  of  land  attached  to  the  village  mosque. 

The  Brahman  astrologer  cast  nativities,  and  the  Brahman 
priest  conducted  the  religious  ceremonies. 

Between  the  patil  or  headman  and  the  Government  were 
the  latter's  representatives— the  subhedar  or  collector  and  the 
sarsubhedar  or  commissioner.  The  land  revenue  taken  by 
Shivaji  from  Poona  and  its  vicinity  was  fixed  according  to  the 
tankha,  the  system  introduced  by  Malik  Ambar  into  the 
kingdom  of  Ahmadnagar.  It  was  a  low  permanent  settlement 
calculated  at  one-fourth  of  a  good  year's  produce,   and  was 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  231 

levied  by  way  of  a  lump  sum  on  the  whole  village.  As  the 
price  of  money  fell,  the  assessment  fixed  by  Malik  Ambar 
dropped  to  about  one-seventh  of  the  village  output  ;  and  the 
administration  imposed  a  variety  of  cesses,  so  as  to  increase 
the  revenue.  Balaji  Bajirao's  shrewd  mind  saw  the  wasteful- 
ness of  this  method  of  taxation,  and  he  made  a  new  settlement 
based  on  a  fresh  and  elaborate  measurement.  His  system 
was  known  as  the  ka?nal,  and  on  an  average  doubled  the 
contributions  assigned  to  each  village.  To  see  that  these 
contributions  were  not  evaded,  Balaji  Bajirao  created  the 
offices  of  subhedar  and  sarsubhedar.  As  is  still  the  case,  the 
subhedar's  office  was  harder  worked  and  more  responsible 
than  that  of  his  nominal  superior. 

The  subhedar's  salary  was  calculated  at  one  per  cent 
on  the  revenue  of  his  charge,  and  varied  from  five  to 
six  thousand  rupees  a  year.  He  was  appointed  from  year 
to  year,  and  he  had  to  pay  in  advance  to  Government 
the  kamal  assessment  due  from  the  villages  in  his  charge. 
Sometimes  he  appointed  subordinates  of  his  own,  known 
as  mamlatdars  ;  sometimes  he  himself  went  to  the  villages 
under  him  and  ascertained  how  much  land  was  likely  to 
be  cultivated  during  the  year.  To  watch  and  safeguard  his 
interests  he  appointed  kamavisdars  and  karkuns,  whose  duties 
corresponded  with  those  of  circle  inspectors  and  talatis.  In 
conjunction  with  the  patils  he  checked  the  sum  due  from  each 
village  and  left  its  collection  to  them.  The  revenue  was 
collected  sometimes  in  three,  sometimes  in  four  instalments  ; 
when  the  instalment  fell  due  the  subhedar  sent  a  messenger 
to  warn  the  headman.  The  latter  summoned  the  villagers, 
who  paid  in  their  dues  one  after  another.  As  they  did  so, 
the  village  silversmith  tested  their  coins  and  the  accountant 
granted  them  a  receipt.  When  the  total  had  been  collected, 
the  patil  sent  it  by  a  Mahar  and  the  chaughula  or  assistant 
patil,  together  with  a  letter,  to  the  subhedar.  The  interests  of 
the  Government  were  watched  by  a  set  of  hereditary  officials, 
known  as  the  diwan  or  minister,  the  phadnavis  or  registrar, 
and  the  potnis  or  treasurer.  They  were  expected  to  report 
any  evil  deeds  done  by  the  subhedar.  The  interests  of  the 
villagers  were  watched  by  the  deshmukh  and  deshpande, 
hereditary  officers  whose  original  duties  had  been  to  a  large 


232  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

extent  usurped  by  the  subhedar.  This  system  worked  at  its 
best  during  the  regency  of  Nana  Phadnavis,  whose  untiring 
brain  found  no  toil  too  arduous  and  no  detail  too  minute. 

After  the  treaty  of  Bassein,  Bajirao  II,  secured  from  foreign 
invasion  and  internal  disorders  by  British  protection,  found 
the  superintendence  of  the  state  revenues  too  serious  an 
encroachment  on  his  daily  pleasures.  For  Balaji's  kamal 
system  he  substituted  the  practice  of  farming  the  revenue  for 
short  terms  to  the  highest  bidder.  This  practice  was  not 
without  its  advantages.  It  relieved  the  central  Government 
of  a  vast  and  unceasing  labour,  and  it  shifted  on  to  the  revenue 
farmer  and  the  villagers  all  losses  caused  by  floods  or  drought. 
On  the  other  hand  all  intercourse  between  the  villagers  and 
Government  ceased,  and  the  former  became  the  victims  of 
greedy  and  unscrupulous  contractors.  In  their  anger  they 
were  loud  in  their  complaints  against  the  pleasure-loving 
prince,  who  no  longer  protected  them.  It  must  not,  however, 
be  supposed  that  the  English  found  the  Peshwa's  dominion  a 
waste  and  ruined  land.  In  spite  of  the  faulty  method  of 
taxation,  British  protection  and  uninterrupted  trade  with 
Bombay  had  enabled  the  cultivators  to  recover  from  Holkar's 
invasion,  and  the  Peshwa  before  his  downfall  had  accumulated 
more  than  five  crores  of  rupees.  The  English  had  the  double 
advantage  of  displacing  an  unpopular  Government  and  of 
assuming  charge  of  a  prosperous  country.1 

The  administration  of  the  conquered  provinces  was 
entrusted  to  Mountstuart  Elphinstone,  the  former  Resident  at 
Poona.  It  was  first  intended  that  the  new  acquisitions  should 
form  part  of  the  Presidency  of  Bengal ;  but  in  1819,  Lord 
Hastings,  upon  Elphinstone's  nomination  to  the  Governorship 
of  Bombay,  resolved  to  incorporate  them  in  that  presidency, 
the  size  and  dignity  of  which  were  thereby  greatly  increased.2 
The  decision  was  a  fortunate  one  not  only  for  Bombay  but 
for  the  Deccan,  which  thus  continued  under  the  wise  and 
sympathetic  rule  of  the  former  envoy. 


1  See  Elphinstone's  Proclamation  at  Satara  (Forrest's    Elphinstone, 
p.  53). 

2  See  Lord  Hasting's  letter  to  Mr.  Elphinstone,   dated  2nd  July,  1819, 
at  p.  102,  vol.  II,  Colebrooke's  Elphinstone. 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  233 

The  conquest  had  been  achieved  with  little  difficulty  because 
of  the  general  indifference  of  the  Maratha  population ;  but 
none  knew  better  than  Elphinstone  the  dangers  that  lay 
ahead.  It  was  unlikely  that  the  queenly  city  on  the  banks  of 
the  Muta  river  would  cease  to  brood  over  the  days  when  her 
victorious  armies  brought  back  in  triumph  through  her  gates 
the  captured  flags  of  Delhi,  of  Portugal  and  of  England  ;  and 
when  in  her  palaces  treaties  were  signed  that  shook  thrones 
on  the  Jamna  and  fortresses  on  the  Cauvery.  She  was  the 
capital  of  a  proud  and  warlike  people,  who,  if  by  any  cause 
united,  might  prolong  a  guerilla  war  of  independence  for  so 
many  years  that  the  East  India  Company  might  through 
sheer  weariness  return  to  them  their  freedom.  There  were 
two  innovations  that  Elphinstone  especially  dreaded — the 
establishment  of  English  law  courts,  and  the  attempt  to  spread 
Christianity.  It  is  difficult  at  the  present  time  fully  to 
understand  the  hatred  with  which  even  in  England  the 
English  law  courts  were  regarded ;  but  the  phrase  "  In 
Chancery",  still  applied  in  boxing  circles  to  the  worst  position 
in  which  a  pugilist  can  find  himself,  may  help  to  give  the 
modern  reader  some  idea  of  the  popular  antagonism.  The 
English  lawyers  had  evolved  so  intricate  and  unintelligible 
a  system  that  Bentham,  not  without  justice,  compared  the 
common  law  of  England  to  a  poisonous  parasite  fastened  to 
an  oak,  and  asserted  that  it  was  stifling  the  very  life  out  of  the 
country  to  which  it  clung.  By  the  exercise  of  caution  and  a 
determination  never  to  invoke  legal  aid,  an  Englishman 
might  hope  to  escape  the  perils  of  his  own  jurisprudence. 
But  the  unfortunate  Indian  had  no  such  safeguard.  He 
understood  far  less  of  English  law  than  the  Englishman,  and 
he  was  so  misguided  as  to  think  that  from  its  provisions  he 
might  obtain  justice.  He  was  soon  disillusioned  on  that 
score.  The  Company's  courts  in  Bengal,  partly  because  of 
the  laws  that  they  administered,  partly  also  because  of  the 
incompetence  of  the  judges  appointed  to  preside  over  them, 
became  mere  centres  of  chicane,  barratry,  and  corruption. 
The  Indian  who  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  get  entangled  in  a 
lawsuit  might  deem  himself  lucky  if,  with  a  single  rag  to 
cover  his  nakedness,  he  lived  long  enough  to  see  its  conclu- 
sion. The  popular  horror  of  this  terrible  legal  system 
30 


'>34  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

spread  from  Bengal  all  over  the  peninsula,  until  at  last  a 
traveller  in  Upper  India,  riding  through  a  village,  saw  its 
population  fleeing  panic-stricken  into  the  jungle.  He  assumed 
that  they  dreaded  the  expected  arrival  of  Lake's  forces.  The 
peasants  assured  him  that  it  was  not  so.  It  was  something 
much  worse.  It  was  the  "  Adalat  "  that  was  coming.  They 
could  have  borne  with  stoic  resignation  the  approach  of 
British  arms ;  but  they  were  fleeing,  shrieking  and  un- 
manned, at  the  rumoured  advent  of  British  justice.1 

Any  active  attempt  to  convert  the  Marathas  to  Christianity 
Elphinstone  feared  more.  It  was  not  that  he  doubted  its 
truths  ;  but  he  realized  that  any  effort  to  force  a  new  religion 
on  the  most  orthodox  among  Hindus  would  unite  the  entire 
nation  against  its  foreign  rulers.  It  is  impossible  to  state 
his  views  better  than  he  himself  has  done  in  a  passage 
quoted  by  his  biographer  Colebrooke  (vol.  II,  p.  95) : 

"  I  have  left  out  of  account  the  dangers  to  which  we  should 
be  exposed  by  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  the  religious 
prejudices  of  the  natives.  These  are  so  obvious  that  we 
may  hope  they  will  never  be  braved.  The  numbers  and 
physical  force  of  the  natives  are  evidently  incalculably 
greater  than  ours.  Our  strength  consists  in  the  want  of 
energy  and  the  disunion  of  our  enemies.  There  is  but  one 
talisman  that,  while  it  animated  and  united  them  all,  would 
leave  us  without  a  single  adherent :  this  talisman  is  the  name 
of  religion.  ...  I  do  not  point  out  the  danger  now  from 
any  apprehension  that  Government  will  ever  attempt  to 
convert  the  natives,  but  to  impress  upon  it  the  consequences 
that  would  result  from  any  suspicion  that  it  was  disposed  to 
encourage  such  a  project.  While  we  enjoy  the  confidence  of 
the  natives  our  boldest  innovations  are  safe  ;  but,  that  once 
lost,  our  most  cautious  measures  would  involve  us  in  danger. 
It  would  not  then  be  necessary  that  we  should  go  so  far  as 
we  do  now  ;  the  most  indifferent  action  would  suffice  to  excite 
that  fanatical  spirit,  the  springs  of  which  are  as  obscure  as  its 
effects  are  tremendous." 

Both  the  dangers  that  Elphinstone  dreaded  were  happily 
averted.     The    religious    danger    proved    illusory,    for    no 

1  See  Colebrooke's  Elphinstone,  vol.  II,  p.  131. 


THE  END  OP  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  235 

attempt  was  made  to  convert  the  Marathas.     The  legal  peril 
proved   more    real.     As   commissioner    for    the    conquered 
provinces  and  afterwards  as  Governor  of  Bombay,  Elphinstone 
retained  so  far  as  he  could  the  old  principles  of  administra- 
tion.     The    chiefs   and    principal    sardars   were    given   full 
criminal  and  civil  jurisdiction  over  their  estates.     Subhedars 
he  converted  into  collectors,  borrowing  the  name  from  Madras. 
He  made  them  not  only  revenue  officials,  but  gave  them  also 
jurisdiction  as  judges  and  control  over  the  police.     Subordi- 
nate to  the  collectors,  he  appointed  mamlatdars  in  charge  of 
subdivisions.     The   collectors  and  assistant  collectors  were 
Englishmen ;  the  mamlatdars  were  either  Deccan  Brahmans 
or  officials  from  Madras.     He  pressed  upon  the  collectors  to 
leave,  so  far  as  possible,  civil  litigation  to  the  panchayats  or 
councils  of  village   elders.     In  towns   the   arbitrators   were 
paid  officials  called  amins.     Important  questions  of  law  were 
referred  through  the  commissioner  to  expert  Hindu  scholars 
known  as  shastris.     This  system  worked  admirably,  but  was 
regarded  with  jealous  eyes  by  the  English  lawyers  of  Bombay. 
Matters  came  to  a  head  in  1823,  when  a  Supreme  Court  was 
created    to   take    the   place   of    the   old   Recorder's   Court. 
Almost  from  its  creation  it  sought  to  extend  its  jurisdiction. 
But  Elphinstone  steadfastly  resisted  its  encroachments,  and  his 
successor,  Sir  John  Malcolm,  after  a   long  and  acrimonious 
dispute  with  the  Chief  Justice,  Sir  Peter  Grant,  obtained  the 
approval  of  the  law  officers  of  the  Crown  to  his  predecessor's 
policy.     As  time  passed  the  evils  of  the  English  law  courts 
brought  about  their  own  remedy.    Even  the  insular  arrogance 
of  the  English  Bar  could  not  indefinitely  ignore  the  fact  that 
many  countries  on  the  Continent  enjoyed  an  admirable  juris- 
prudence, created  by  the  genius  and  industry  of  the  First 
Consul.     Indeed  it  became  clear  that  the  choice  lay  between 
a    reform    of    the    laws    and    the     adoption    of    the    Code 
Napoleon.     The  latter  alternative  was  so  repugnant  to    the 
jurists  of  England,  that  they  were  driven  to  adopt  the  former. 
To  do  them  credit,  they  were  equal  to  the  occasion  ;  and  the 
noble  labours   of  Eldon,    Brougham   and  a  host   of  fellow- 
workers   produced   the    still    imperfect,    yet    practical    and 
intelligible  system,  on  which  have  been  founded  the  Indian 
codes  of  to«day.    While  the  laws  became  simpler,  the  Maratha 


2.16  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

nation  became  more  accustomed  to  English  ways  of  thought. 
The  existing  courts  of  law  were  introduced  with  the  approval 
of   the   people  ;    and   the    strongest  proof  of   Elphinstone's 
wisdom  is  the  entire  absence  to-day   of  any  animosity  against 
either  the  established  law  courts  or  the  Christian  religion. 

It  was  impossible  to  continue  farming  the  land  as  Bajirao 
had  done  ;  so  it  was  decided  to  revert  to  the  old  method  in 
which  the  revenue  officers  of  the  Government  settled  the 
assessment  of  each  village  in  conclave  with  the  village  head- 
man. This  was  done  yearly  by  the  mamlatdars  in  conjunction 
with  or  under  the  supervision  of  the  collector.  But  the 
mamlatdars  were  often  venal,  and  the  collectors  had  not  the 
necessary  knowledge  or  time  to  check  their  frauds.  It  was, 
therefore,  decided  to  survey  and  assess  the  Deccan,  village 
by  village,  on  a  permanent  basis.  With  this  object  Mr.  Prin- 
gle,  Assistant  Collector  of  Poona,  was  in  1825  appointed 
to  survey  and  revise  the  assessment  of  Poona  district.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  the  first  great  survey  settlement,  still 
well  known  as  Pringle's  Survey. 

The  police  also  engaged  the  attention  of  this  great 
administrator.  In  the  Peshwa's  times  the  patil  was  the  unit  of 
the  police  force.  He  was  responsible  for  law  and  order  in 
his  village.  He  was  helped  by  the  chaughula,  the  kulkarni, 
and  generally  by  the  main  body  of  the  villagers.  But  his 
chief  resource  lay  in  the  village  watchman  or  Mahar.  It  was 
the  latter's  duty  to  keep  watch  at  night,  scrutinize  strangers, 
and  report  suspicious  individuals  to  the  patil.  When  a  theft 
was  committed,  it  was  the  Mahar's  duty  to  detect  the  thief. 
And,  as  he  was  always  moving  about  the  village  either  to 
collect  his  share  of  grain  or  his  fees,  there  was  little  therein 
that  escaped  his  observation.  He  was  also  a  skilled  tracker 
and  could  often  follow  the  footsteps  of  the  criminal  to  his 
home  or  hiding-place.  If  the  thief's  footprints  led  to  another 
village,  the  watchmen  of  that  village  had  to  take  up  the 
pursuit,  and  the  last  village  to  which  the  footprints  could  be 
traced  was  held  responsible  for  the  losses  caused  by  the  theft. 
Over  the  headman  was  the  subhedar,  who  kept  up  a  force  of 
sibbandis,  or  irregular  infantry,  and  a  small  body  of  irregular 
horse.  They  were,  however,  intended  to  oppose  violence 
rather  than  to  detect  crime.     This  system,  rudimentary  although 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  237 

it  seems,  worked  admirably  until  the  times  of  Bajirao  II, 
when  the  disorders  of  the  kingdom  strained  it  to  breaking 
point.  To  remedy  the  weakness  of  the  district  police,  Bajirao 
created  a  body  of  officials  known  as  tapasnavises,  who 
corresponded  with  the  modern  Criminal  Investigation  Depart- 
ment, and  whose  duty  was  not  only  to  detect  crime,  but  to 
prevent  it  by  superior  vigilance.  This  arrangement  worked 
well,  and,  as  Blphinstone  has  admitted,  violent  crimes  were 
rare  and  few  complaints  reached  him  of  the  insecurity  of 
property. 

For  the  Maratha  system,  Elphinstone  substituted  bodies  of 
district  police,  both  mounted  and  unmounted,  commanded  by 
English  officers  and  controlled  by  the  collector.  Out  of  these 
bodies  of  district  police  has  grown  the  admirable  and  loyal 
force  that  is  now  under  the  orders  of  the  Inspector-General. 
Yet  many  years  of  strenuous  toil  were  needed  before  the 
Superintendents  of  Police  appointed  by  Elphinstone  reached 
the  standard  of  efficiency  reached  in  the  days  of  the  Peshwas. 
The  result  of  Elphinstone's  reforms  cannot  be  better  appraised 
than  in  his  own  modest  language  : 

"  To  sum  up  the  effects  of  our  revenue,  police  and  judicial 
systems,  we  have  in  revenue  lighter  and  more  equal  and  more 
certain  assessment,  less  peculation  and  consequently  less 
profit  to  the  agents  of  Government.  In  police  more  attention 
and  more  vigour  and,  so  far,  less  efficiency.  In  civil  justice, 
the  great  change  is  that  Government  has  taken  on  itself  the 
whole  responsibility  of  protecting  people's  rights,  but  there  is 
more  form,  more  system,  more  scruples,  more  trials,  more 
acquittals,  more  certain  punishment  for  all  crimes  except 
robbery,  and  for  that  less  certain  and  severe."  * 

Just  as  the  roads  built  by  Marshal  Wade  to  connect  the 
lowlands  with  the  highlands  did  more  than  aught  else  to 
bring  together  the  plainsmen  and  hillmen  of  Scotland,  so 
perhaps  the  chief  factor  in  accustoming  the  Maratha  people  to 
the  rule  of  an  English  king  was  the  great  road  up  the  Bhor 
Ghat  from  Bombay  to  Poona.  It  was  projected  by  Elphin- 
stone, but  was  not  completed  during  his  governorship.  In 
course  of  time  the  railway  was  added  to  the  carriage  road  ; 

1  Forrest's  Elphinstone,  p,  372. 


238  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

and  the  passenger  who  now  travels  in  four  hours  from  Poona 
to  Bombay  or  from  Bombay  to  Poona  finds  it  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  to  believe  that  little  more  than  a  hundred 
years  ago  the  only  highway  between  the  English  and  the 
Maratha  capitals  was  a  steep  and  stony  cart  track,  soaked 
repeatedly  with  the  blood  of  contending  armies. 

This  brings  me,  somewhat  abruptly  perhaps,  to  the  end  of 
the  task  that  I  began  eleven  years  ago.  I  have  endeavoured, 
however  feebly,  to  trace  the  history  of  a  great  people  from 
the  earliest  times  to  their  conquest  by  a  foreign  power.  I 
have  shown  how,  largely  through  a  religious  movement,  they 
were  able,  while  under  the  yoke  of  Delhi,  to  maintain  their 
national  feeling  and  customs.  The  rise  of  an  almost  super 
human  genius  enabled  them  to  throw  off  the  Musulman  yoke 
and  become  aggressors  in  turn.  The  structure  erected  by 
Shivaji  was  shaken  to  the  ground,  not  by  the  arms  of  an 
invader  but  by  the  domestic  quarrels  of  his  successors.  But 
the  country  that  had  given  birth  to  the  great  king  was  not 
yet  exhausted ;  and  the  house  of  Bhat  rebuilt  on  its  old 
foundations  the  fallen  edifice.  As  time  passed,  the  Chitpavan 
prince-ministers  were  ruined  by  the  same  cause  as  the 
Maratha  kings  had  been,  namely,  their  own  family  disputes. 
As  the  power  of  their  rulers  waxed  or  waned  the  fortunes  of 
the  Maratha  people  rose  and  fell,  until  at  last  they  lost  their 
independence  ;  for,  as  it  was  once  said  in  the  greatest  of  all 
epic  poems  : 

"  It  is  the  king  that  createth  the  Krita,  the  Treta,  the 
Dwapara,  and  the  Kali  age  ;  for  it  is  the  king  who  is  the 
cause  of  the  era,  and  not  the  era  the  cause  of  the  king."  ' 

But  in  becoming  the  subjects  of  an  English  monarch,  the 
Maratha  people  did  not  lose  the  qualities  that  had  made  them 
the  foremost  nation  in  India.  Of  them  is  Sir  Ramkrishna 
Bhandharkar,  the  greatest  archaeologist  of  his  time.  Of  them 
also  were  Gokhale,  the  first  of  Indian  orators,  Telang,  the  most 
eloquent  of  Indian  advocates,  and  Apte,  the  most  charming  of 
Indian  novelists ;  so  too  were  Ranade  and  Chandavarkar, 
conspicuous  among  Indian  judges.  Under  English  officers 
the  Maratha  regiments  have  repeatedly  proved  their  worth. 


1  Mahabharata  :  Udhyogparva. 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  239 

They  stopped  the  rush  of  the  Soudanese  Arabs  at  MacNeill's 
zariba.  And,  so  long  as  the  Indian  army  endures,  its  officers 
will  remember  with  gratitude  the  valour  of  the  Maratha 
sepoys  in  the  many  battles,  fought  in  Irak  on  the  banks  of 
the  Tigris,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  In  commerce, 
it  must  be  admitted,  the  Marathas  have  not  prospered  as 
their  friends  could  have  wished.  The  trade  of  Bombay  is  in 
the  hands  of  Guzaratis,  once  the  spoil  of  their  bow  and  spear  ; 
and  thousands  of  Maratha  peasants  toil  daily  in  the  mills  to 
swell  the  profits  of  millionaires  from  Broach,  Ahmadabad  and 
Surat.  We  can  only  hope  that  in  no  distant  time  the  earnings 
of  Maratha  workers  may  go  into  Maratha  hands.  But  that 
is  in  the  future,  and  of  the  future  no  man  can  tell.  The  time 
has  come  for  me  to  lay  down  my  pen.  I  lay  it  down  with 
regret,  but  lay  it  down  I  must ;  for  alike  are  over  the  epic  of 
the  Bhosles  and  the  epic  of  the  Chitpavans. 

"  Stop  !— for  thy  tread  is  on  an  empire's  dust  ! 

An  Earthquake's  spoil  is  sepulchred  below  ! 
Is  the  spot  mark'd  with  no  colossal  bust  ? 

Nor  column  trophied  for  triumphal  show  ? 

None  ;  but  the  moral's  truth  tells  simpler  so, 
As  the  ground  was  before,  thus  let  it  be  ;— 

How  that  red  rain  hath  made  the  harvest  grow  !  "  l 


1  Childe  Harold. 


240 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  A 

Bhosle's  Family  Tree 

Maloji  Bhosle 

I 
Shahaji 

I 


Sambhaji 


Sambhaji 

I 
Shahu  1 

I 
Ramraja 

I  I 

Shahu  II 

I 
Pratapsing 

I 
Shahaji 


I 
Shivaji  the  Great 


Vyankoji  (Tanjore 
branch) 

I 

Rajaram  I  (Kolhapur  branch) 


Shivaji  II 
(1700-1712) 

I 
Ramraja 


Sambhaji  II 
(1712-1760) 

adopted 
Shivaji  III 
(1760-1812) 


Shambu 
(1812-1821) 


Shahaji 
(1812-1837) 

I 

Shivaji 

(1837-1866) 

I 
adopted 

Rajaram  II 

(1866-1870) 

I 
adopted 

Shivaji  V 

(1879-1833) 


Sir  Shahu  Chatrapati 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  241 


APPENDIX  B 

NOTE  ON  RAM  SHASTRI  AND  JUSTICE  UNDER  THE 

PESHWAS 

by  Rao  Bahadur  D.  B.  Parasnis 

Before  the  conquest  of  the  Deccan  by  the  Marathas  there  were  no 
regular  courts  of  justice  except  the  village  council  or  panchayat,  which 
was  the  most  ancient  and  time-honoured  institution  in  the  country  and 
worked  well  against  injustice  and  oppression  in  every  village.  This 
was  the  only  institution  that  survived  revolutions  and  disturbances  in 
the  country,  and  lived  through  all  the  changes  that  had  taken  place 
since  the  downfall  of  the  Hindu  kingdom  of  Vijayanagar.  It  was 
based  on  sound  principles  of  law  and  agreeable  to  the  religion, 
habits  and  customs  of  the  people.  An  English  authority  has  aptly 
remarked  that  the  panchayat  system  resembled  the  English  jury 
system,  which  survived  in  England  notwithstanding  all  the  violent 
efforts  of  the  Norman  conquerors  to  supersede  it  by  substituting  for  it 
trial  by  battle.  The  Mahomedan  rulers  of  the  Deccan  seem  to  have 
interfered  little  with  the  administration  of  justice  beyond  shifting  the 
seats  of  government.  Their  laws  and  regulations,  founded  on  the 
Koran,  referred  mainly  to  their  own  class.  The  village  council  or 
panchayat  continued  in  force,  except  that  the  names  of  the  village  and 
district  officers  were  changed  to  patil  and  deshmukh  respectively. 
Shivaji  established  his  rule  in  Maharashtra  about  the  middle  of  the 
17th  century,  and,  though  he  hardly  found  the  time  to  improve  the 
administration,  he  created  the  post  of  Nyayadhish  or  Chief  Justice  in 
1661,  and  bestowed  it  on  Niraji  Raoji.  The  Nyayadhish  was  a  member 
of  his  AshtaPradhan  or  Council  of  Eight,  and  the  office  was  continued 
till  the  death  of  Raja  Shahu  in  1749.  His  Prime  Minister,  or  Peshwa, 
Balaji  Bajirao,  introduced  several  changes  in  the  administration  at 
Poona  and  established  a  separate  department  for  justice  and  law,  and 
appointed  Balkrishna  Shastri  Gadgil  as  Nyayadhish  or  Chief  Judge. 
But  the  real  reform  in  the  judicial  department  was  introduced  in  the 
time  of  Madhavrao  I,  who  appointed  the  celebrated  Ram  Shastri  as 
Chief  Justice  of  Poona  and  gave  him  a  separate  establishment  and  full 
authority  to  frame  laws  and  regulations  for  the  better  administration  of 
justice. 

Ram  Shastri,  surnamed  Prabhune,  was  a  Deshastha  Brahmin  and 
hailed  from  Mahuli,  a  village  on  the  river  Krishna  near  Satara.  It  is 
said  that  he  served  first  as  a  shagirda  or  personal  attendant  to  the 
Peshwa  Balaji  Bajirao,  but  owing  to  a  sharp  rebuke  from  the  Peshwa  he 
(eft  his  service  and  went  to  study  at  Benares,  the  chief  seat  of  Sanskrit 
31 


242  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

learning.  There  he  spent  a  few  years,  and  returned  to  Poona  a  well 
versed  and  learned  shastri.  The  Peshwa  Balaji,  pleased  with  his 
high  spirit  and  superior  talents,  appointed  him  as  one  of  his  shastris  in 
1751,  on  a  pay  of  Rs.  40  per  month  and  half  a  dakshina  or  religious 
gift  of  Rs.  500  during  the  month  of  Shrawan,  and  a  dress  of  honour 
worth  Rs.  551.  Two  years  later  he  was  favoured  with  the  gift  of  a 
horse,  for  which  he  received  a  monthly  allowance  of  Rs.  15.  After  the 
death  of  Balkrishna  Shastri  in  1759  he  was  selected  as  Nyayadhish  or 
Chief  Justice  and  was  given  the  distinction  of  a  palanquin,  which 
brought  with  it  an  allowance  of  Rs.  1,000  a  year.  Ram  Shastri  earned  a 
great  reputation  for  his  learning,  character,  and  virtues  in  the  reign  of 
Madhavrao  I,  who  treated  him  with  great  respect  and  honour.  Ram 
Shastri  took  special  pains  to  instruct  the  Peshwa  in  law  as  well  as  in 
general  administration. 

The  following  anecdote  of  Ram  Shastri  is  most  instructive  and 
throws  light  on  the  admirable  characters  of  both  the  Peshwa  Madhav- 
rao and  the  learned  Ram  Shastri.  Madhavrao  was  once  so  much 
influenced  by  the  erudite  and  religious  discourses  of  some  learned 
Brahmans  that  for  a  time  he  began  to  perform  the  various  rites  and 
occupy  himself  with  the  meditations  that  the  Shastras  strictly  enjoin 
upon  devotees.  Ram  Shastri  saw  that  this  would  come  in  the  way  of 
his  duties  as  a  Peshwa  ;  but  he  saw  also  the  futility  of  dissuading  the 
Peshwa  by  arguments  which  might  perhaps  make  a  man  of  Madhav- 
rao's  character  more  firm  in  his  resolution.  One  day  Ram  Shastri 
happened  to  go  to  the  palace  to  attend  upon  the  Peshwa  when  the 
latter  was  engaged  in  meditation  ;  and  the  Shastri  had  to  return.  The 
next  day  the  Shastri  went  to  the  Peshwa  and  formally  resigned  his 
office,  expressing  his  desire  to  retire  to  Benares  to  lead  the  spiritual  life 
enjoined  by  the  Shastras.  Madhavrao  immediately  apologized  for  the 
apparent  impropriety  of  his  conduct  the  day  before  ;  but  excused 
himself  by  saying  that  he  was  engaged  in  meditations,  as  every  Brahman 
ought  to  be.  Ram  Shastri  replied  that  only  those  Brahmans  who 
renounced  all  worldly  advantages  could  afford  to  spend  long  hours  in 
thought.  Those  Brahmans  who  had  not  discarded  the  material  world 
for  the  spiritual  but  had  assumed  the  duties  of  kings  should  devote 
their  time  more  to  the  good  of  their  subjects.  That  was  the  only  way 
to  justify  their  changed  lives.  "  Your  duty,"  said  Ram  Shastri,  "  is  to 
attend  first  to  the  welfare  of  your  people  ;  but,  if  you  prefer  your  duties 
as  a  Brahman  to  those  of  a  king,  resign  your  throne  and  come  with  me 
and  pass  your  life  as  strictly  as  the  Shastras  enjoin  a  Brahman  to  do  ". 
Madhavrao,  fair-minded  as  he  was,  recognized  the  justice  of  the  rebuke 
and  gave  up  his  religious  exercises. 

.Soon  after  the  death  of  Madhavrao  I,  Ram  Shastri's  sterling  quali- 
ties as  a  judge  were  put  to  the  test  when  the  Peshwa  Narayanrao  was 
murdered  in  1774.  It  was  generally  suspected  that  Raghunathrao  was 
privy  to  the  murder  ;  and  he  asked  Ram  Shastri  what  was  the  penalty 
lor  the  act.  Ram  Shastri  not  only  declared  that  capital  punishment 
was    the  only    penalty  for    this    offence,    but    declined   to  serve  any 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  243 

longer  under  a  Peshwa  who  had  murdered  his  own  nephew.  He  left 
Poona  to  lead  a  retired  life  at  Pandav  Wadi  near  Wai.  Later  on,  in 
1777,  Nana  Phadnavis  induced  Ram  Shastri  to  return  to  Poona  to 
resume  his  work  as  Nyayadhish,  with  an  annual  salary  of  Rs.  2,000  and 
an  allowance  of  Rs.  1,000  for  his  palanquin. 

Mr.  Mountstuart  Elphinstone  has  given  an  elaborate  account  of  the 
judicial  system  of  the  Peshwas,  particularly  the  proceedings  before 
Ram  Shastri,  in  his  report  on  the  conquered  territories  of  the  Peshwas. 
Another  authority,  Dr.  Coates,  who  was  Residency  Surgeon  in  Poona, 
contributed  in  1819  some  valuable  notes  on  the  administration  of 
justice  in  Poona  to  the  Literary  Society  of  Bombay.    He  wrote  : 

"A  sort  of  ecclesiastical  court  and  one  for  the  administration  of 
criminal  justice  were  acknowledged  in  the  city.  A  learned  shastri, 
assisted  by  other  shastris  supposed  to  be  acquainted  with  Hindu 
law,  was  at  the  head  of  the  first.  It  took  cognizance  of  all  offences 
against  the  ordinances  of  religion,  and  breaches  of  rules  of  caste.  It 
was  also  referred  to  for  judgment  in  intricate  criminal  and  civil  cases, 
particularly  when  Brahmans  were  the  parties  concerned.  Disputes, 
etc.,  in  castes  were  permitted  to  be  settled  by  their  own  bodies: 
appeals,  however,  were  always  open  to  the  shastris,  and,  it  is  said, 
were  encouraged. 

"The  criminal  court  was  composed  of  a  Brahman  president,  some 
Brahman  clerks,  and  a  shastri.  Its  mode  of  proceeding,  if  the 
accused  were  professed  thieves  or  old  offenders,  was  summary,  and  had 
something  of  a  sanguinary  character.  It  was  always  essential  to 
conviction  that  the  offender  should  confess  his  guilt,  and  the  investiga- 
tion turned  much  on  this.  The  facts  and  evidence  were  all  taken  down 
in  writing  by  karkuns  (clerks),  and  persuasion  and  threats  were  used 
from  time  to  time  to  obtain  confession.  If  this  failed,  and  when  from 
the  evidence  recorded  there  appeared  little  doubt  of  the  fault  of  the 
accused,  torture  was  employed  and  he  was  flogged,  the  chilli  bag 
was  put  to  his  nose,  etc.  If  he  persevered  in  his  declaration  of 
innocence,  he  was  sent  back  to  prison,  put  in  the  stocks,  and 
allowed  only  a  very  scanty  subsistence  ;  and  after  an  interval  was 
brought  forward  again  and  again  to  try  to  get  him  to  confess. 
This  refers  chiefly' to  Ramoosis,  Mangs,  and  persons  of  bad  character. 
In  other  cases  the  proceedings  were  conducted  with  more  deliberation 
and  forbearance  ;  and  there  were  probably  few  instances  where  those 
entirely  innocent  were  made  to  suffer.  Persons  accused  of  robbery 
and  theft  were  readily  admitted  to  bail,  if  the  bondsman  made 
himself  responsible  for  the  lost  property  in  cases  of  conviction. 
Murder  was  not  bailable,  unless  a  compromise  was  made  with  the 
friends  of  the  deceased.  The  accused  might  summon  what  evidence 
they  pleased,  but  were  not  allowed  to  have  any  intercourse  with  them. 
When  the  offender  had  been  convicted  ou  his  own  confession,  the 
president,  the  shastri,  and  the  Brahmans  of  the  court,  in  ordinary 
cases,  awarded  the  sentence  ;  and  in  intricate  cases  this  was  done 
by    a    body    of  learned  shastris,    sometimes    in  the    presence    of  the 


244  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

Peshwa.  No  severe  punishment  was  inflicted  till  the  case  had  been 
submitted  to  the  Peshwa  for  his  approval.  Brahmans,  of  course,  what- 
ever their  crimes,  were  never  put  to  death,  or  subjected  to  any  punish- 
ment considered  ignominious.  For  small  crimes  they  were  often 
merely  reproved,  ordered  to  dispense  charities,  and  perform  religious 
penances  ;  or  were  subjected  to  slight  fines,  imprisonment,  or  flogging  ; 
for  those  of  a  deeper  die  they  were  heavily  fined,  or  confined  in  hill 
forts,  sometimes  in  irons,  where  the  climate  and  their  scanty  and 
unwholesome  food  commonly  soon  put  an  end  to  them  ;  and  their 
property  was  sequestrated,  and  their  sins  visited  on  the  children. 
Gangs  committing  murder,  highway  robbery,  and  house-breaking, 
were  punished  by  death,  and  their  bodies  hung  up  on  the  sides  of 
roads  ;  other  professed  incorrigible  thieves  were  punished,  according 
to  the  extent  of  their  crimes,  by  the  cutting  off  of  a  finger,  or  hand,  or 
foot,  or  both,  and  left  to  their  fate.  Perjury  was  punished  by  the  perjurer 
being  made  to  make  good  the  loss  that  depended  on  his  false  oath,  and 
paying  a  fine  to  Government.  Forgery,  by  the  Hindu  law,  ought  to  have 
been  punished  by  the  cutting  off  of  the  right  hand  ;  but  this,  like 
almost  every  crime  at  Poona,  was  commutable  for  money.  Women 
were  never  punished  by  death  for  any  crime.  Turning  them  out  of 
their  castes,  parading  them  on  an  ass  with  their  heads  shaved,  cutting 
off  their  noses,  etc.,  were  the  usual  punishments. 

"  Civil  causes  when  men  of  rank  were  the  suitors,  or  which  involved 
much  property,  were  generally  referred  to  the  ministers,  and  submitted 
to  their  arbitration,  or  tried  by  panchayat.  Small  crimes  and  disputes 
in  the  villages  were  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  patel,  who  punished 
the  former  by  reproof  or  stripes,  but  was  not  permitted  to  levy 
lines.  The  latter  were  settled  on  his  authority,  or,  if  the  parties 
demanded  it,  by  panchayat.  Disputes  of  greater  importance,  if  the 
parties  belonged  to  different  villages,  were  referred  to  the  revenue 
officer,  who  again  settled  them  on  his  authority,  or  by  a  panchayat 
constituted  of  members  from  the  neighbouring  villages.  The  shets 
and  mahajans,  and  the  civil  officers  of  trading  towns,  were  supposed  to 
have  the  same  authority  within  their  divisions  as  the  patels  had  in 
the  villages  ;  but  their  power  had  been  curtailed.  Sirdars  and  men  of 
rank,  besides  administering  justice  to  their  immediate  servants  and 
dependents,  were  often  called  on  by  their  neighbours  ;  and  many 
disputes  were  equitably  adjusted  in  this  way. 

"  Together  with  these  different  chances  that  the  people  had  of  getting 
justice,  custom  in  many  instances  allowed  them  to  take  the  law  iato 
their  own  hands.  This  was  especially  the  case  in  the  recovery  of  debts. 
Debtors  were  seldom  submitted  to  imprisonment,  but  the  modes  of 
annoyance  resorted  to  by  the  creditor  were  perhaps  more  effectual  in 
bringing  them  to  a  speedy  settlement. 

"  Causes  that  could  not  be  satisfactorily  settled  simply  by  the 
authority  they  were  referred  to  were  tried  by  panchayat.  A  panchayat 
assumes  in  the  eye  of  Hindu  law  a  sacred  character,  whence  it  is 
termed  also  pane//  permeswer,  or  the  god  of  five  persons.     No  oath  is 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHlTPAVAN  EPIC  245 

administered  to  the  members  of  a  panchayat  ;  but,  before  proceeding 
to  try  a  cause,  they  are  reminded  of  the  sacredness  of  the  character 
they  have  to  maintain,  and  the  punishment  that  awaits  them  in  the 
next  world  should  they  violate  it  by  acting  contrary  to  their  consciences. 
A  panchayat  may  consist  of  from  two  to  twelve  members  or  more  ;  but 
four  is  the  usual  number.  It  was  optional  with  the  disputants  to 
nominate  the  members  themselves,  or  to  leave  this  to  the  Government, 
but  even  in  the  latter  case  they  had  the  right  of  challenge.  These  public 
calls,  however,  seem  seldom  to  have  been  considered  a  hardship  :  custom 
had  rendered  them  familiar,  and  the  selection  was  thought  a  mark  of 
distinction.  The  trial  by  panchayat  was  pretty  uniform,  and  went  in 
a  great  measure  on  the  principle  of  deciding  on  the  case  as  represented 
by  the  parties  themselves  ' ' . 

"The  panchayats  "  writes  Elphinstone,  "were  more  frequently 
named  by  the  parties  than  the  judge,  but  Ram  Shastri  and  his  deputies 
seem  frequently  to  have  presided  at  the  trial,  the  panchayat  performing 
nearly  the  same  functions  as  a  jury  in  England.  A  good  deal  of 
the  investigation  seems  to  have  been  entrusted  to  Ram  Shastri's 
karkuns,  who  reported  to  him  and  the  panchayat,  and  in  the  decree 
the  names  of  the  members  of  the  panchayat  are  not  mentioned,  even 
when  it  is  merely  a  repetition  of  their  award.  The  decision  was  always 
in  the  Peshwa's  name,  and  in  all  cases  of  magnitude  required  his 
signature;  all  cases  relating  to  land  were  of  this  description,  and  the 
same  holds  good  all  over  the  country  where  claims  to  land  are  con- 
sidered more  immediately  under  the  superintendence  of  Government. 
It  was  not  unusual  in  the  country  as  well  as  in  Poona  for  a  Government 
officer  to  receive  the  complaint  and  answer,  with  the  documents  and  the 
written  evidence  of  witnesses,  and  lay  the  whole  in  this  shape  before 
the  panchayat,  who  could  call  for  more  evidence  if  they  required  it. 
Much  time  must  have  been  saved  by  this  arrangement ;  but  it  gave  the 
officer  of  Government  considerable  opportunities  of  imposing  on  the 
panchayat.  The  members  of  the  panchayat  received  no  fee,  but 
when  they  had  much  trouble  the  winner  of  the  suit  made  them  openly 
a  present  for  their  pains. 

"A  sum  of  money  was  likewise  levied  for  the  Government  from 
the  winner,  under  the  name  of  harki,  which  means  congratulatory 
offering,  and  from  the  loser  under  the  name  of  gunhegari  or  fine. 
These  gunhegaris  varied  with  the  means  of  litigants,  but  from  the 
revenue  accounts  I  observe  that  one-fourth  of  the  property  is  always 
put  down  as  the  price  paid  for  justice  by  the  plaintiff  when  he  wins  his 
cause.  The  plaintiff  losing  his  cause  was  obliged  to  pay  the  expenses  of 
the  defendant,  if  the  latter  were  poor." 

Such  was  the  judicial  system  that  prevailed  in  Poona  and  in  the 
country  at  the  time  of  the  Peshwas,  and,  though  there  was  no  regular 
procedure,  it  is  said  to  have  worked  very  well  in  those  days  ;  and  there 
were  far  less  acts  of  injustice  and  violence  under  this  irregular  system 
than  one  might  suppose.  The  reason  for  this,  according  to  Dr.  Coates, 
"  is  chiefly  to  be  looked  for  in  the  mildness  and  abhorrence  of  cruelty  in 


246  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 

the  dispositions  of  the  people  produced  by  many  of  their  religious 
maxims".  In  Poona  the  system  distributed  equal  justice  under  the 
able  judge  Ram  Shastri,  who  after  his  return  in  1777  held  the  post  of 
the  Nyayadhish  till  his  death  in  the  year  1789.  The  Government  of  the 
Peshwas  appreciated  the  services  of  this  eminent  judge  in  various  ways, 
and,  lastly,  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  bis  memory,  gave  a  donation  of 
Rs.  2,000  towards  his  funeral  expenses. 

Ram  Shastri  left  behind  him  a  son  named  Gopal  Shastri,  who  used  to 
get  Rs.  3,200  as  an  annual  grant  from  the  Peshwas'  Government.  His 
descendants  are  still  living  at  Mahuli,  and  are  well  known  for  their 
Vedic  learning. 

There  are  many  stories  still  current  about  Ram  Shastri's  skill  as  a 
judge,  his  fearless  independence,  and  his  upright  character,  his  extreme 
truthfulness  and  his  sound  knowledge.  Such  a  noble  character  as  his 
was  bound  to  make  a  mark,  and  few  people  equalled  Ram  Shastri  in  the 
influence  he  wielded  over  the  public  and  the  respect  he  received  from 
all.  For  weight  and  soundness  his  opinions  were  universally  admired 
and  his  learned  judgments  in  the  panchayat  were  considered  precedents 
for  future  guidance.  Grant  Duff  has  paid  a  glowing  tribute  to  Ram 
Shastri's  work,  and  the  estimate  which  the  great  historian  has  formed 
of  the  man  shows  how  much  of  the  good  in  the  administration  of  the 
Peshwas  was  due  to  Ram  Shastri.  "The  first  person"  writes  Grant 
Duff,  "  who  held  this  situation  of  Nyayadhish  was  Ram  Shastri. 
He  was,  I  believe,  appointed  by  the  First  Madhavrao,  whose  character 
as  an  upright  judge  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  other  Peshvva.  But 
even  after  the  death  of  his  patron,  Ram  Shastri  continued  to  uphold  the 
duties  of  this  situation  with  becoming  dignity  and  high  honour  ;  his 
memory  is  revered  throughout  the  country,  and  many  of  the  good  acts  of 
Nana  Phadnavis  are  believed  to  have  originated  in  the  weight  and 
respectability  of  Ram  Shastri's  opinions.  Such  a  public  character 
under  a  corrupt  Government  is  beyond  all  praise,  and  a  succession  of 
such  examples,  even  if  they  had  stood  alone  in  their  generation,  would 
have  prevented  the  general  debasement  of  morals  which  Bajirao  and 
his  court  effected  so  rapidly  in  Poona." 

On  the  death  of  Ram  Shastri,  his  right-hand  man,  Ayya  Shastri,  who 
was  equally  learned  and  upright  but  rather  weak,  was  appointed 
Nyayadhish  in  his  place.  He  conducted  the  duties,  until,  growing- 
disgusted  with  Bajirao's  interference  in  the  judicial  administra- 
tion, he  ran  away  from  Poona  and  then  became  a  sannyasi.  Bal 
Shastri  Tokekar  was  nominated  to  the  office,  but,  owing  to  the  inferior 
state  of  the  administration,  the  system,  which  till  then  with  all  its 
defects  had  proved  successful,  lost  its  prestige  and  importance. 

' '  The  late  Peshwa  ' '  writes  Grant  Duff,  ' '  had  a  better  opportunity 
than  any  of  his  predecessors  of  amending  laws  or  of  fixing  whatever  was 
considered  equitable  by  the  generality  of  his  subjects,  but  the  Prince 
possessed  neither  ability  nor  inclination  for  a  task  of  the  kind.  During 
the  last  twenty  years,  matters  in  this  respect  were  probably  worse  than 
at  any  former  period.     Bajirao  raised  mean  men  for  disgraceful  acts, 


THE  END  OF  THE  CHITPAVAN  EPIC  247 

and  ruined  respectable  persons  who  had  any  value  for  their  own  and 
the  fair  reputation  of  their  families.  Decisions,  therefore,  in  most  cases 
depended  on  the  will  of  unprincipled  individuals,  who  cared  little  for 
public  opinion  and  who  had  few  restraints  either  upon  their  caprice  or 
their  avarice.  Bajirao  listened  to  no  complaints,  much  less  redressed 
them.  Every  rich  man  and  every  man  in  office,  however  insignificant 
his  place,  assembled  panchayats  and  decided  civil  suits.  These  deci- 
sions, however,  were  often  reversed,  or  new  panchayats  ordered  at 
the  pleasure  of  any  greater  man.  The  Nyayadhish  (Bal  Shastri)  did 
uot  interfere  with  the  panchayat  convened  by  any  powerful  man, 
lest  a  superior  influence  to  his  own  should  occasion  the  loss  of  his 
situation.  The  duties  of  the  office  called  Nyayadhish  were  latterly 
exercised  in  Poona  by  a  shastri  who  was  appointed  by  Bajirao  with  a 
considerable  establishment.  This  establishment  cost  the  Government 
nothing  :  there  was  no  salary  and  the  whole  was  supported  by  enrolment 
neither  authorized  nor  forbidden.  To  remark  what  Bajirao  was  is 
superfluous,  but  the  course  of  events  affords  a  useful  lesson,  and  I 
cannot  help  thinking  that,  had  Bajirao  been  a  better  prince,  he  would 
have  never  dared  to  commit  in  any  case  acts  which  impunity  in  smaller 
crimes  led  him  to  perpetuate." 


248  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  MARATHA  PEOPLE 


APPENDIX  C 

Letter,  dated  22nd  September  1799,  giving  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Parashrambh.au  Patwardhan. 

To  Shriraant  Rajeshri  Dhanisaheb.  From  Bhaskar  Rao.  After  com- 
pliments :— The  news  from  this  side  is  as  follows  :  — The  Maharaja  of 
Kolhapur  with  his  army  crossing  the  Vedaganga,  encamped  near 
Hamadwada,  while  Shrimant  Bhausaheb  arrived  near  Pattan  Kudi  with 
his  infantry  and  artillery.  There  was  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles  be- 
tween the  two  camps  ;  and  every  day  there  was  reconnoitring.  On 
Tuesday,  the  4th  of  Bhadrapad  dark  fortnight  (September  18,  1799),  the 
Maharaja  of  Kolhapur  attacked  that  place.  Bhausaheb  was  prepared  to 
face  the  enemy.  Shrimant  Ramchandrapant  Appa,  the  eldest  son  of 
Bhausaheb,  made  an  assault  on  the  enemy.  In  the  beginning  a 
bombardment  of  guns  took  place,  after  which  there  was  a  hand-to- 
hand  fight  with  swords.  Ramchandrapant  Appa  showed  the  utmost 
bravery.  More  than  once  the  attacks  of  the  Kolhapur  army  were 
repulsed  and  they  had  to  retreat.  A  bullet,  passing  through  the  right 
arm  of  Ramchandrapant  Appa,  wounded  him.  The  fortune  of  battle 
took  a  sudden  unfavourable  turn.  Shrimant  Bhausaheb  received 
severe  wounds  and  departed  from  this  world,  while  performing  his 
duties  in  the  cause  of  his  master.  Divine  dispensations  could  not  be 
avoided, 

(Parasnis'  Collection.) 


INDEX 


Abdali,  see  Ahmad  Shah,  S3,  etc. 
Abhai  Sing,  Maharaja  of  Jodhpur, 

58. 
Adas,  battle  of,  113,  114. 
Adina  Beg,  56. 
Ahalyabai,  99. 
Ahmadabad,  S. 
Ahmad  Khan,  53. 
Ahmad  Khan  Bangash,  70. 
Ahmadnagar,  15. 
Ahmad   Shah,   King  of  Afghans, 
53,   57,    59,   62,   63,    64,  65,  66, 
68-71,  73,  74,  75,  80,  98. 
Ahmad   Shah,   Moghnl   Emperor, 

54. 
Alamgir  II,  54,  56. 
Alandi,  3. 
Aligohar,  56,  63,  81,  98 ;    see  Shah 

Alam. 
Alia  Vardi  Khan,  27. 
Amatya  Bawadekar,  23. 
Amir  Khan,  Chief  of  Tonk,  199. 
Amritrao,  adopted  son  of  Raghu- 
nathrao,  94,  127,   183,   188,  220, 
221. 
Anandibai,  80,  84,  85,  92,  94,  102, 

103,  104,  105,  108,  110. 
Anandrao  Jadhav,  9. 
Anandrao  Gaikvad,  209. 
Appa  Balwant  Mehendale,  97,  177, 

186. 
Appaji  Ram,  93,  96. 
Appa  Sahib  Bhosle,  219. 
Aravali,  12. 

Arcot,  21  (family  tree),  47. 
Argaon,  battle  of,  196. 
Asaf  Jah,  14. 
Asbota,  village  of,  4. 
Assaye,  battle  of,  195. 
Atai  Khan,  67. 
Aurangabad,  1,  2,  15,  16,  26. 
Aurangzib,  31. 


B 


Babaji  Barve,  103. 

Baburao  Jadhav,  9. 

Baburao  Phadke,  72,  180,  186,  207. 

32 


Baburao  Phadnis,  82,  83,  85. 

Badaon  Ghat,  57,  58,  98. 

Bagalkot,  34. 

Baillie,  Colonel,  134. 

Bajaba  Purandare,   105,   110,  124- 

125. 
Bajirao  I  Peshwa,  24,  31. 
Bajirao  II,  110,  174-233. 
Bakhta  Sing  of  Jodhpur,  58,  59. 
Balaji  Peshwa,  1,  2,  6,  7,  9,  10,  12, 

15,  18,  26,  29,  31. 
Balaji  Yamaji,  7. 
Balambhat  Haribhat,  44. 
Balasinor,  8. 

Baloba  Tatya  Pagnis,  183,  184. 
Balshastri  Gadgil,  76. 
Balwantrao  Mehendale,  4,  42,  60, 

64,  66,  67,  85,  97. 
Bankot,  port  of,  24. 
Bapu  Gokhale,  207,  213. 
Bapuji  Retharekar,  4. 
Barwell,  Richard,  114. 
Basalat  Jang,  39,  134. 
Bassein,  7,  20,  23,   112,   115,    135, 

136. 
Bassein,  treaty  of,  200,  206 
Bawa  Malang,  135. 
Bedar,  15,  41.  107. 
Bednur,  29. 
Bhagirthabai,  57. 
Bhalki,  treaty  of,  19. 
Bhaskarrao,  son  of  Raghunathrao, 

85  ;  dies,  88. 
Bhawanrao  Pratinidhi,  85,  88,  105. 
Bhima,  5. 
Bhimgad,  13. 
Bhivrao  Panse,  118,  127. 
Bhosle  family  tree,  240. 
Bimbaji  Bhosle,  35. 
Bithur,  221. 
Bourchier,  22. 
Brahmendra  Swami,  23,  28. 
Burhanpur,  1,  18,  39. 
Burr,  Colonel,  213. 
Buxar,  battle  of,  62. 


Calcutta,  26. 
Carnatic,  1. 


250 


INDEX 


Chanda  Sahib,  20,  21,  22. 
Chandanagore,  26,  27,  37. 
Chandan  Wandan,  25. 
Chaphaji  Tilekar,  105. 
Chatursing,  brother  of  Shahu  II, 

225. 
Chevreuse,  Mme  de,  2. 
Chikka  Devraj,  31. 
Chimnaji  Appa,  12,  75,   100,  112, 

117. 
Chimnaji  Appa,  brother  of  Bajirao 

II,  184. 
Chinto   Vithal  Rairikar,    85,    106, 

124,  127,  129,  130,  131. 
Clavering,  Colonel,  114. 
Clive,  20,  21,  25,  26,  27. 
Connoidurg,  fort  of,  24. 
Coote,  Sir  Eyre,  134. 


Dabhai,  battle  of,   2,  3,  114,  132. 

Dalwai,  31,  34. 

Damaji  Gaikvad,  2,  3,  4,  6,  8,  13, 

60,  74. 
Dattaji  Sindia,  16,  56,  57;  killed, 

58,  64,  98. 
Daulatrao   Sindia,     183-188,     197, 

223. 
De  Boigne,  161-167. 
De  Bussey,    1,   15,   16,   17-19,   20, 

22,  25,  26,  29,  31,  32,  33,  35,  36, 

37,  38,  39. 
De  Lally,  39. 
Delia  Valle,  Pietro,  29. 
Devadeveshwar,  77. 
Devicottah,  21. 
Dhodap  Fort,  94,  111. 
Dhondaba  Purandare,  118. 
Dhondupant  (alias  Nana  Sahib), 

222. 
Dig,  54,  73. 
Divaji  Pant,  85. 
Dodda  Krishnaraj,  31. 
Drake,  Governor  of  Calcutta,  26. 
Dupleix,  21,  22,  33. 
Durgabai.  daughter  of  Anandibai, 

108. 
Durgaji  Mahadik  Taralekar,  123. 
Dvvarkabai  Shenvi,  14. 


Egerton,  Colonel,  127. 
Elphinstone,      Mountstuart,     211, 
212-237,  243. 


Farmer,  Mr.,  129,  130,  132,  139. 

Fatehdurg,  24. 

Fatehpur   Sikri,    battle    of,    160, 

161. 
Fatehsing    Gaikvad,  6,    111,   113, 

114,  122,  132  ;  dies,  208. 
Fatehsing     Gaikvad,     sou      of 

Govindrao  Gaikvad,  209. 
FazlAli  Khan,  90. 
Francis,  Philip,  114. 
Fyfe,  Ensign,  133. 


0 


Gaikvad  of  Baroda    (genealogical 

tree),  217. 
Gangabai,  widow  of  Narayanrao, 

105,  108,  109,  110,  122,  124. 
Gangadhar  Yeshwant,  79,  94. 
Gangadhar  Shastri,  210,  211. 
Ghashiram  Kotwal,  175. 
Ghazi-ud-din,  (the elder),  2,  14, 15; 

poisoned,  18,  31,  53,  54. 
Ghazi-ud-din,    (the  younger),    53. 

54,  55,  62,  63,  79. 
Gheria,  23  see  Vijayadurg. 
Ghodnadi,  battle  of,  16,  85. 
Ghulam  Kadir,  160,  162,  163. 
Gingens,  Captain,  20. 
Goa,  24,  112. 
Goddard,   General,    130,    132-133, 

134-135,  137. 
Godeheu,  22,  25,  33,  36. 
Golconda,  15. 
Gopalrao  Patwardhan,  43,  44,  45, 

82,  85,  88,  90,  117. 
Gopikabai,  12,  74,  77. 
Gopinath  Dikshit,  118. 
Goupil,  32. 
Govindpant  Bandela,    56,  60,  66, 

67,  68,  74. 
Govindrao  Chitnis,  8. 
Govindrao  Gaikvad,  110,  111,  113, 

208  ;  dies,  209. 
Govindrao  Patwardhan,  44. 
Grant,    Sir  Peter,   Chief    Justice, 

235. 
Gurramkonda  Fort,  97,  98. 


H 


Hadinad,  30. 
Haidarabad,  1,  2. 
Haidar    Ali,    44,    45,     89,    92-94, 
96-97,  98,  104,  107,  108-110,  -119, 
120,  121,  125,  130,  132,  134. 


INDEX 


251 


Haidar  Jang,  38. 

Harcourt,  Colonel,  196. 

Had  Babaii,  131. 

Hari   Ballal  Phadke,    82,   83,    86, 

103-106,  110,  112,   113,   114,    117, 

118,  120,  125,  137. 
Harihar,  34. 

Hartley,  Captain,  128,  129,  133. 
Hastings,  Warren,  114,  132,  134. 
Himmatgad,  fort  of,  24. 
Hiraji  Patankar,  102. 
Hole  Honnur  fortress,  34. 
Holmes,  Mr.,  130. 


I 


Ibrahim  Beg  Dhansa,  120,  122. 
Ibrahim   Khan   Gardi,   39,   60,   62, 

64,  69,  70-73,  80. 
lchalkaranji  State,  44,  117. 
Icharam  Dhare,  105. 
Intizam-ud-Daula,  54. 
Ishtur  Phakde,  16. 
Ismail  Beg  Hamadani,  163,  166. 


Jagjiwan  Pratinidhi,  85. 
James,  Commodore,  24. 
Jamkhandi,  34,  44. 
Jankoji  Sindia,  58,  60,  64,  66,  67, 

69,  70,  72,  73,  98,  117. 
Janoji  Bhosle,  1,  9,  35,  38,  39,  85 

86,  87,  88,  92,  94-96,   104  ;  dies, 

121. 
Janoji  Nimbalkar,  2. 
Janrao  Vable,  57,  58. 
Janu  Bhimtade,  73. 
Jaswantrao     Holkar,      193,      194, 

197-199. 
Jaswantrao  Powar,  60,  70,  74,  75, 

79. 
Jawahir  Mai,  98. 
jawan  Mard  Khan  Babi,  8. 
Jawid,  53. 
Jayappa  Sindia,  8,  12,  54  ;  killed, 

59. 
Jejuri  Temple,  9. 
Jenkins,  Mr.,  220. 
Jijibai,  Queen    of   Sambhaji,   13; 

died,  225. 
Jyotiba  Sindia  killed,  58. 


Kaiam  Khan  Bangash,  52,  53. 
Kanade     Ramachandra     Ganesh, 
121. 


Kanherrao  Patwardhan,  119,  120. 
Kanherrao  Trimbak  Ekbote,  16. 
Kanhoji  Angre,  23. 
Kanhoji  Gaikvad,  208,  209. 
Kapileshwar,  Temple,  83,  84. 
tCasegaon,  battle  of,  109. 
Kashibai,  Peshwa's  mother,  4. 
Kashirai,  74. 

Kashirao  Holkar,  179,  185. 
Keating,  113.  114,  115. 
Khadilkar,  178. 
Khanderao,    Minister  of  Mysore 

89. 
Khanderao  Dabhade,  2,  128. 
Khanderao  Gaikvad,  6,  7,  8. 
Khanderao  Holkar,  99,  186. 
Khandoji  Mankar,  24,  25. 
Kharaksing,  104,  105,  129,  131. 
Khed,  4. 
Khedal,  15.   . 
Kherunissa,  sister  of  ZabitaKhan, 

100. 
Kirkee,  battle  of,  213. 
Koregaon,  17. 

Koregaon,  battle  of,  214-216. 
Koupineshwar,  23. 
Kukardi,  battle  of,  16. 
Kunipura,  63. 
Kivrundwad,  44. 


Lakdi,  Phul,  75. 

Lake,  General,  196,  198. 

Law,  37. 

Laxmibai  Mehendale,  67. 

Laxmibai,  wife  of  Vishvasrao,  73. 

Leslie,  Colonel,  127,  130. 

Lohgad  Fort,  7. 

Longueville,  Mme  de,  2. 

Lowe,  Captain,  221. 


M 


Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  223. 

Madhavji  Naik  Nimbalkar,  123. 

Madhavrao  Ballal  Peshwa,  80,  82, 
91,  92,  93,  94,  95,  97-99,  100,  104, 
108,  111,  117,  121,  123. 

Madhavrao  II,  see  Savai  Madhav- 
rao. 

Madhavrao  Raste,  193,  207. 

Madhavrao  Sindia,  16,  38,  74,  98, 
99,  100,  109,  110,  112,  118,  121, 
124,  125,  127,  129,  130,  132-134, 
138,    159-168. 


252 


INDEX 


Mahadji  Purandare,  4,  12,   13,   16, 

34. 
Mahomed  Ali,  22,  45,  93,  119. 
Mahomed   Shah,    Moghul   Empe- 
ror, 52,  54. 
Makar  Sankrant,  57. 
Malcolm,  Sir  John,  212,  220,  235. 
Malerao  Holkar,  99. 
Malet,  Charles,  113. 
Malharrao  Holkar,  8,  13,   35,   54, 

56,  57,  58,  60,  62,  63,  64,   65,  67, 

68,  69,  70,  72-74,  75,  87. 
Malharrao  Holkar,  son  of  Tukoji 

Holkar,  186,  187. 
Malharrao  Holkar,  son  of  Jaswant- 

rao  Holkar,  199. 
Maloji  Sindia,  57. 
Manaji  Angre,  23,  24,  28. 
Manaji  Gaikvad,  6,  111. 
Manaji  Sindia,  16,  99,  120. 
Market  Drayton,  20. 
Mastani,  4,  24. 
Medows,  General,  152. 
Michael  Filoze,  186. 
Mir  Mannu,  55. 
Mirza  Sikaudar  Jah,  son  of  Nizam 

Ali,  195. 
Momin  Khan,  Nawab  of  Cambay, 

8. 
Monro,  General,  218. 
Monson,  Colonel,  114,  197,  198. 
M.  Moracin,  Governor  of  Masuli- 

patam,  37. 
Mornington,  see  Wellesley. 
Moroba  Phadnavis  or  Bhanu,  85, 

88,  103,  110,  124,  125. 
Mudhoii  Bhosle,  35,  104,  109,  118, 

120-122,  126,  138. 
Murarirao  Ghorpade,    22,   30,   35, 

36,  91,  92,  118. 
Muzaffir  Jang,  1. 
Muzaffir  Khan,  34,  35. 
Mysore  (or  Maisur) ,  29,  45 ;  Mysore 

pedigree,  46. 


N 


Nagpur  Bhosles,    family  tree  of, 

51. 
Najabat  Khan,  63. 
Najib-ud-Daulat,  55,  56,  64,  81. 
Nana  Phadnavis,  82,  83,  85,  86,  88, 

94,   103,    106,   108-110,    114,   115, 

122-126,  128,   129,   131-140,    147- 

191,  192,  193. 
Nana  Sahib  Purandare,  4,  11. 


Narayanarao  Peshwa,  97,  102-110, 

121-123. 
Nargund,  siege  of,  147,  148. 
Naropant  Joshi,  43. 
Naro  Shankar  Dani,  35,  60,  73. 
Nasir  Jang,  1,  32,  33. 
Nawab  of  Carnatic,  29. 
Nawab  of  Kadapa,  29,  35,  42. 
Nawab  of  Kurnul,  29,  35. 
Nawab  of  Savanur,  29,  33,  35,  36, 

40,  42,  90,  91,  92,  86,  119. 
Nawab  of  Sira,  29,  42,    82,   90,   93, 

98. 
Nimb,  4. 
Nimbgaon,  4. 
Nizam's  family  tree,  48. 
Nizam  Ali,  18,  38,   39,  40,  41,   54, 

81,  84,  85-89.  92,   93,   107,   109, 

110,  119-121,  132,  170-180. 
Nizamkonda,  6,  11. 
Nizam-ud-din,  63. 
Northern  Sirkars,  33. 


0 


Ousha,  fort  of,  41. 


Pabal,  15. 

Pandharpur,  14. 

Pandurangrao  Patwardhan,  119. 

Pangal,  2. 

Panipat,   battle  of,   79-83,  87,  93, 

98,  99,  117,  127. 
Pant  Sachiv,  3. 
Parashrarnbhau  Patwardhan,  137, 

151-154,  187  ;  killed,  225,  248. 
Pargad, 13. 
Pargaon,  4. 
Parvatibai,  widow  of  Sadashivrao, 

117,  118,  124. 
Pasand  Khan,  58. 
Pattinson,  215. 
Patwardhan,  family  tree,  43. 
Pedgaon,  treaty  of,  84. 
Perron,  General,  196. 
Pilaji  Gaikvad,  3. 
Plassey,  battle  of,  27,  39. 
Poona,   1,  2,  4,  7,  8,  9,  14,  15,  17, 

34,  35,  40,  42,  45,  60,  75-77,  81, 

86,  87,  90,  93,  97,  100,  103,  106, 

108,  110,  114,  118,  119,  121-123, 

126-129,  132. 
Popham,  Captain,  134. 
Powar,  8. 
Pratapsing,  Raja  of  Satara,  219. 


INDEX 


253 


Pratapsing,  Raja  of  Tanjore,  30. 
Pratinidhi,  3,  207. 
Pringle,  Mr.,  236. 
Pritzler,  General,  218. 
Pula,  Shrine  of,  43. 


Radhabai,   (Madhavrao    II     Pesh- 

wa's  grandmother),  4. 
Raghuji  Angre,  118,  119. 
Raghuji  Bhosle,  1,  9,  IS,  35,  185. 
Raghunathrao   Peshwa,   7,   8,    56, 

59,  60,  75,   76,  80-82,  83-88,  90, 

110-115,    119,   121,   122,  124,  126, 

127,  129-131,  139,  140. 
Raghunathrao  Kolatkar,  118. 
Raja  Sahib,  21. 
Rakhshasabhavan,  87,  88,  92,  95, 

106,  126. 
Ramabai,    wife    of  Madhavrao  I, 

101. 
Ramaji  Mahadev  Biwalkar,  6,  23, 

24,  25. 
Ramchandra  Baswant,  6,  7. 
Ramchandra  Jadhav,  37,  81. 
Ramchandra  Shenvi,  6,  8,  12,  13, 

14. 
Ramdas,   1,    3,    15  ;  given  title  of 

Raja  Raghunathdas,   17  ;  killed, 

18,  32. 
Ramraja,  2,  3,  7,  9,  10,  23,  80,  103, 

109,  123. 
Ramshastri     Prabhune,     83,    118, 

241-247. 
Ramsing  of  Jodhpur,  58. 
Ranjangaon,  16. 
Ranoji  Sindia,  8,  12. 
Rav   Rambha  Janoji   Nimbalkar, 

37. 
Rukn-ud-Daula,  107. 


Sabaji   Bhosle,   35,   104,    107,    109, 

121,  122. 
Sadashivrao,     son     of     Chimnaji 

Appa,   II,  12,  13,  16,   33,  40,  41, 

59,  60,  63,  64,  65,  67-74,  75,  76, 

87,  108,  117,  118. 
Sadashivrao  Shenvi,  8. 
Safdarjang,  52,  53,  54. 
Sakharam  Bapu,  80,  84,  86,  87,  90, 

102,  103,  105-110,  130,  131. 
Sakharam  Ghatge,  185,  188. 
Sakharam    Hari   Gupte,    87,    106, 

108,  113,  115,  124-126. 


Sakhar  Khedale,  treaty  of,  40,  41. 
Salabat  Jang,   1,   2,  3,  15,  16,  17, 

18,  19,   22,  31,  33,   34,  38,  40,  41, 

84,  88,  89,  92. 
Salbai,  treaty  of,  139,  142. 
Salpa  pass,  4. 
Sambhaji  Angre,  23. 
Sambhaji  of  Kolhapur,  13, 120,121. 
Satara,  1,  2,  3,  4-9,   11,  12,  15,  25, 

83,  103,  106,  123,  126. 
Savai  Madhavrao,   109,    110,    124, 

128,  131,  140,  160-180. 
Sayad  Lashkar  Khan,  1,  32,  33. 
Sayaji  Gaikvad,  6,  111,  114. 
Sayaji  of  Tanjore,  30. 
Seringapatam  (Shrirangpatan),  30, 

33,  34,  45,  152,  158. 
Sena  Khas  Khel,  8. 
Sena  Sahib  Subha,  35. 
Shah  Alam,  Emperor,   81,  98,  99, 

100,  106,  160,  162,  196. 
Shah  Navaz  Khan,  33,  34,  37,  38  ; 

killed,  39. 
Shahaji,  father  of  Shivaji,  10,  29, 
Shahaji,  Raja  of  Tanjore,  21. 
Shahaji,  last  Maharaja  of  Satara, 

226,  227. 

Shah  Jahan,  63. 

Shah  Jahan  Bakht,  63. 

Shahu  I,  2,  29,  34. 

Shahu  II  (Dhakate  Shahu),  123. 

Shahu  (Sir  Shahu  Chatrapati), 
226. 

Shambhu  Mahadev,  Temple,  3. 

Shamsher  Bahadur,  24,  60,  64,  73. 

Shankarji  Keshav  Phadke,  7. 

Shingwa,  armistice  of,  17. 

Shiva,  9. 

Shivaji,  10,  29,  33. 

Shivaji  Bhosle  adopted  to  Kolha- 
pur, 121  ;  dies,  225. 

Shripatrao  Bapuji,  8. 

Shripatrao  Pratinidhi,  31. 

Shuja-ud-Daula,  56,  63,  64,  81. 

Shyamji  Govind  Dikshit,  31. 

Sidis  of  Janjira,  22,  23. 

Sikandra,  58. 

Sindia,  family  tree,  61. 

Sindkhed,  38. 

Sinhgad  Fort,  4,  7,  86,  131. 

Sinhast,  14. 

Sirur,  4. 

Sitabaldi  Hill,  battle  of ,  220. 

Smith,  General,  218. 

Songad  Fort,  7. 

Staunton,  Colonel,  214-216. 

Stevenson,  Colonel,  195. 

Stewart,  Lt.  Charles,  130,  132, 
139. 


254 


INDEX 


St.  Lubiu,  124. 

Surajmal,  54,  63. 

Suraj-ud-Daula,  26,  36. 

Surat,  7,  62,   113,    115,    116,   126, 

129,  130,  132-135. 
Suvarnadurg,  23,  24,  25,  118. 
Synopsis  of   events  from   1750  to 

1760,  49. 


Talegaon  Damdhere,  16. 

Tanjore,  29. 

Tarabai,   2,   3,  4,  6,  8,  10,  12,  13, 

15,  23,  76,  81,  121,  123. 
Timur  Shah,  son  of  Ahmad   Shah 

Abdali,  55,  56. 
Tipu    Sultan,  107,    133,    147-154  ; 

killed,  184. 
Tirupati,  temple  of,  45. 
Trichinopoli,  20,  22. 
Trimbak  Fort,  17,  19,  94. 
Trimbakji  Dengle,  210,  211,  221. 
Trimbakrao  Dabhade,  2,  9,  114. 
Trimbakrao  Pethe  (or  Mama),  82, 

84,  85,  97,  100,  106,  109. 
Trimbakrao  Purandare,  4,  5,   11, 

13,  60,  74. 
Tukoji  Holkar,  98,   99,   109,    110, 

112,  121,  124,  127,  129,  131 ;  dies, 

185. 
Tukoji  of  Tanjore,  30. 
Tukoji  Sindia,  74,  98. 
Tulaji  Angre,  23,  24,  28,  76,  80. 
Tulsibai,  mistress   of   Jaswantrao 

Holkar,  199  ;  killed,  224. 


U 


Uddhav  Vireshwar  Chitale,  39. 
Udgir,  41,  59,  62,  81,  82,  85,  86. 
Uhtoff,  Mr.,  178. 
Umabai  Dabhade,  2,  3,  6,  9,  12. 
Umabai,  wife  of  Sadashivrao,  67. 
Umravgir  (or     Anupgir    Gosavi), 

73. 
Upton,  Colonel,  115. 
Urali,  81. 


Vellore,  22. 

Vijayadurg,  23,  24,  25,  26,  118. 

Vijayanagar,  29,  30. 

Vijayasing  of  Jodhpur,  59. 

Virata,  5. 

Viratnagar,  5. 

Visaji    Krishna   Biniwale,  40,   89, 

98,  99,  100,  106. 
Vishvasrao,    son  of    Peshwa,     59, 

60,  63,  71,  72,  73,  74,  80-82. 
Vithal  Shivdev  Vinchurkar,  8,  35, 

60,  75,  78. 
Vithal   Sundar  Raje  Pratapwant, 

85,  87,  88. 
Vithoji  Holkar,  193. 
Volkonda,  20, 

Vyankoji,  Raja  of  Tanjore,  29. 
Vyankatrao   Ghorpade,     Chief   of 

Ichalkaranji,  118. 
Vyankatrao  Nimbalkar,  41. 


W 

Wai,  5. 

Wallabhgad,  13. 
Watson,  Admiral,  25,  27. 
Wellesley,  Arthur,  194. 
Wellesley,  Marquis  of,  188. 
Welsh,  Lieut.,  133. 
Winchester  (ship),  20. 
Women's  War,  2-9. 
Woodington,  Colonel,  196. 


Yado  Mahadev  Nirgude,  3. 
Yakub  Ali  Khan,  62. 
Yashwantrao  Dabhade  3,4,6,7,9. 
Yashwantrao  Mane,  120. 
Yashodabai,     wife      of      S  a  v  a  i 

Madhavrao,  178,  184. 
Yenna,  river,  5,  11. 
Yeoteshwar  Hill,  3,  6. 
Yesaji  Sindia,  121. 


Zabita  Khan,  100,  106. 


Printed  in  India  by  George  Kenneth  at  the  Diocesan  Press,  Madras— 1925.  C64U 


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