Full text of "The history of Martha's Vineyard, Dukes County, Massachusetts"

THE HISTORY

Martha's Vineyard

DUKES COUNTY

MASSACHUSETTS ,

IN THREE VOLUMES

VOLUME I

GENERAL HISTORY

CHARLES EDWARD BANKS. M. D.

SURGEON, U. S. MARINE HOSPITAL SERVICE

BOSTON

PUBLISHED BY GEORGE H. DEAN
191 1

\<\

PREFACE

The following pages represent the net results of twenty
years of constant accumulation of material which I have
collected to illustrate the history of the Island of Martha's
Vineyard and its dependencies, although it need not be said
that all of that time was actually employed in this task. Of-
ficial duties have been a constant obstacle to its rapid fulfill-
ment, and the prosecution of the work has been followed, at
times under the most discouraging circumstances. Since it
was begun, in 1890, when I first became interested in, and
connected with, the Vineyard, I have not had the advantages
of a continued residence on the Island, beyond a few weeks at
a time, and have served at six different posts elsewhere in the
meanwhile. This has entailed the transportation of my manu-
script material, arranged in half a hundred volumes, over the
entire eastern half of the country from time to time, and it can
be said, with truth, that this history has been written in Maine,
Canada, New York, Washington, Illinois, Florida, besides in
our own Commonwealth, under conditions not favorable for
systematic or continuous work. Being thus away from my
"base of supplies," much of the time has been consumed in
necessary correspondence connected with the records, in veri-
fication of data obtained therefrom, and the numerous other
incidental processes following this situation, all tending to
lengthen the period required for its completion.

These materials have been gathered from National, State
and local archives, in England and America. The principal
sources in England are the Public Record Office and the
Prerogative Court of Canterbury, both of which I visited,
together with some local depositaries examined by me in search
of special information. In our own country the State Archives
of New York and Massachusetts have yielded the greatest
stores of original material, much of which has never before
been published. The county archives at Edgartown have
been the foundation of this history as far as persons and
estates were involved, while the secular and church records
of the several towns afford material for the construction of a
narrative of these distinctive communities, as integral parts of

History of Martha's Vineyard

the whole. In addition to this there is in the Library of Con-
gress, at Washington, a considerable collection of valuable
original papers, of the date of the first quarter of the i8th
century, consisting of documents, and drafts of legal instru-
ments prepared by James and Jabez Athearn in their capacities
as officials and attorneys. These I have consulted and will
refer to as the "Athearn Mss." in my notes. In addition to
these public depositaries I have had the benefit of numerous
private papers held by families or collectors of ancient docu-
ments, particular reference to which must be made in the text.

Before making the customary acknowledgments of assist-
ance given to the author in the furtherance of his work, grate-
ful thanks should first be rendered to the "townsmen" of
Edgartown, Tisbur)^, Chilmark, Oak Bluffs, and West Tisbury
for their material aid in encouraging this undertaking, without
which it might never have been placed before the people for
whom it has been written.

I next owe to Mr. W^illiam J. Rotch of West Tisbury a
special debt of gratitude for his constant and hearty aid, and
valuable counsel in the development of the work. He has ever
been ready with his time and pen to procure material for me,
besides which I have profited by his long and intimate knowl-
edge of the island, its people and its traditions, when in need of
light on an obscure matter. His enthusiasm has kept me from
discouragement when others failed me.

Mr. Beriah T. Hillman, as Register of Probate, has not
only given me the usual facilities of his office, but has been a
frequent contributor to my store of material, always responding
to my requests for particular information. But for the special
privileges cheerfully granted to me by Mr. Littleton C. Wim-
penny, the Register of Deeds, much of my scant time for study-
ing the records under his control would have been lost, and I
refer to his courtesies with pleasure in acknowledging my
appreciation of his kindnesses. The same may be said in con-
nection with the Office of Clerk of Courts, where Mr. Samuel
Kenniston afforded me every facility for examining the judicial
records of the County.

Mrs. Fannie Deane, of Edgartown, has loaned to me
several historical papers prepared by her father, and Miss
Annie F. Mayhew has rendered me distinct service in many
ways, too numerous to mention. To these names I add that
of Hon. Howes Norris, who rendered me special aid in the
history of his native town.

Preface

The town clerks of Edgartown, Tisbury and Chilmark
have extended to me, or those acting for me, the privileges
necessary for copying the records in their custody, but fortun-
ately for my purposes the town records of Tisbury, and the
vital records of Chilmark, Tisbury and Edgartown have been
printed since I began my labors.

Mr. A. D, Hodges, Jr., of Boston, has been a valuable
coadjutor in solving knotty genealogical problems, furnishing
me with manuscript notes tending to their solution, at the
evident expense of much time and labor, but "without money
and without price." I hope he will find reward in the perusal
of these pages to follow.

To Judge Wm. Wallace Tooker, of Sag Harbor, L. I.,
the Indian place-names of the Vineyard were submitted for
the advantage of his authoritative knowledge of the Algon-
quian language, and he entered into the study of them with
an interest which was continuous for several years. His deep
learning and convincing logic in the rendition of these Amer-
indian terms will appear throughout the book, and our people
owe him a debt of gratitude for the time he has spent, as a
labor of love, in paraphrasing our place-names for the benefit
of the present and future generations. It affords me pleasure
to tender him thanks for his generous attention to our local
aboriginal nomenclature, which now, for the first time, becomes
a new inspiration to us.

In another place I shall consider the bibliography of this
island, but it seems not out of place to refer to those who have
gone before me in the same field. The late Richard L. Pease,
of Edgartown, had in contemplation, as early as 1850, the
preparation of a history of Martha's Vineyard, and for many
years preceding his death, collected with the zeal of a true
antiquary, everything of a manuscript nature which related to
the island and its people. It was generally supposed that he
was preparing such a work, but beyond writing occasional
contributions for the local papers on genealogical subjects it
is not known that he ever began the actual construction of a
chapter of a general history. His collection of old historical
manuscripts, which passed into the possession of his family
after his death, was said by those who had seen it to be very
valuable. It has recently been dispersed by the surviving heir
of the estate. The genealogical portion of his papers, became
the property of Prof. Alexander Graham Bell of Washington,
D. C, who had become interested in the study of deaf-mutism

History of Martha*s Vineyard

and its heredity on the island, and under his direction, Mrs.
Annie F. Pratt, of Chelsea, Mass. (the widow of one of my
old and highly esteemed professional friends, the late Dr.
John F. Pratt), began the arrangement of this material for
future publication. An enormous amount of work was done
by her, in person, and by the aid of others, notably the late
Miss Harriet Marshall Pease, here and elsewhere, in the
preparation of the genealogies of the Vineyard families, and
their descendants throughout the United States. The extent
of the task, and the vast quantity of material obtained through
the course of several years, apparently caused its abandon-
ment for other lines of research. With great liberality, char-
acteristic of the man, this mass of genealogies was placed at
my entire disposal for use in the preparation of my work. It
has only been possible to employ a part of it as there is enough
to fill a dozen volumes of printed matter in the manuscripts
which Professor Bell's assistants had accumulated.^

To Edward L. Smith, of Boston, I owe more than a
formal statement in acknowledging his ever-valuable assistance
extending over the last years of my labor. A stranger to me
personally, he tendered his aid freely while I was stationed at
a distant post, and I found him a skilful and zealous coadjutor
in solving many difficult historical and genealogical problems.
His readiness to assist me has been seemingly without a sense
of weariness in a work that had no special interest to him,
and it has continued to this writing. Since coming to a more
convenient location in the North I have had the opportunity of
making his acquaintance and now claim a personal friendship
begun under the above circumstances.

Mr. William W. Neifert has also been a valued contributor
to my store of material, and cordially responded to my frequent
appeals for his aid while I was beyond the reach of libraries
and records.

It was my fortune to have the co-operation of the late
Harriet Marshall Pease, during the last year of her life, and I
recall with satisfaction the days I spent with her in comparing
my notes with her ow^n in special lines. She freely opened up
the manuscript treasures of her father's collection as well as
her own and loaned me important papers for transcription.
I regret that her decease has deprived me of the pleasure of

'About 1890 the late Leander Butler, a native of Tisbury and resident of Boston,
announced that he was preparing a history of the island, but it is not known what
progress, if anv, he h;id made, before his death, which occurred soon after.

Preface

placing this finished work in her hands, a work that she an-
ticipated as a devoted daughter of her native isle.

Dr. Walter H. Chapin of Springfield, Mr. John Mcllvene
of Northampton and Mr. Fred S. Ferrey of Pittsfield have been
specially helpful to me in tracing Vineyard families who mi-
grated to that section of Massachusetts.

For the indexes and some original drawings my thanks
are due to Dr. M. M. Seiler, and the value of the work has
been enhanced by this important portion of every historical
and genealogical volume. The remainder of the original
drawings were all done by the author specially for this history.

Among the many friends interested in this work, either
from local or family reasons, I may record the names of
Miss M. B. Fairbanks of Farmington, Maine, and Boston,
an expert genealogist, who descends from Vineyard stock,
and has always been ready to give me the benefit of her
knowledge of those families who migrated to Maine; Mrs.
Annie Daggett Lord of Franklin, Penn., a loyal daughter of
the Vineyard, has helped me along the lines of island lore
gathered from her forbears ; while Mrs. Margaret N. Clag-
horn of Vineyard Haven has given me bountifully of her store
of the local traditions of Eastville.

In the course of a decade and a half it is probable that
some have aided me, whose names I do not now recall, but I
have not intentionally omitted them in this recital, and must
include them in a general expression of thanks to all who have
in any way furthered my efforts to prepare a full and accurate
history of the Vineyard. I should, however, be remiss if I
failed to mention the aid and encouragement given to me by
my daughters, who devoted many hours of their time to the
mechanical drudgery of copying from printed authorities, or
transcribing my field notes into permanent books of record.

While all the foregoing references allude to the contribu-
tory sources and responsibility for the literary material of
which this book is the finished product, it is incumbent on
the author to make a last expression of his acknowledgment
to the one who has made its presentation to the public an
assured fact — the publisher. Mr. George Hamilton Dean, a
son of Martha's Vineyard, and a successful printer in Boston,
has given his mercantile credit to the financing of the work
as it passed through the press, and shares with the author the
responsibility for it in its permanent dress. The durable paper,
new and large type used in the text, and other mechanical

History of Martha's Vineyard

features, which only a skilful printer can obtain in artistic
combination will be found in the pages that follow. If this
is not apparent to those who consult this work nothing further
that the author could say would help to such a conclusion.

The end is now reached, and the story ready for perusal.
A work of this kind has in it the countless sources of error in
dates, names, and events, and it would be folly for me to
assert for it more than a reasonable freedom from mistakes.
It may be that it is wanting in some materials here and there,
now in private hands, but with a knowledge that this work
was being prepared, criticisms for such omissions will not
have good standing. I have been diligent in gleaning materials,
but the last fact will never be found for many years to come.

CHAS. E. BANKS.
January i, 191 i.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. General and Statistical. page

Situation and Area. Geology. Meteorological Conditions.

Flora. Fauna. Population i7~3o

CHAPTER II. The Aboriginal Inhabitants.

Indian Name of the Vineyard. The Pokanauket Indians.
Tribal Government. The Four Sachemships. Manners and
Customs. Language. Myths and Traditions. Mythology.
Weapons and Utensils. Population 3i-S7

CHAPTER III. Early Voyages of Discovery.

Verrazano. Gosnold. Champlain. Block and Christiaensen.

Smith. Dermer. Pilgrim Period 58-72

CHAPTER IV. What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard ?

Documentary References. ''Martin's." "Martha's." Car-
tography 73-79

CHAPTER V. Purchase of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew.

Earl of Stirling. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Mayhew's Asso-
ciates. Date of Settlement by the Proprietors. . . . 80-88

CHAPTER VI. The Legendary Settlement before 1642.

The Pease Tradition. Alleged Landing of Pease, Vincent,
Norton and Trapp. The Internal Evidence. The "Black
Book" Incident. Character of the Tradition. Discrepancies
in the Legend. Probable Sources of the Tradition . . 89-103

CHAPTER VII. The English Family of Mayhew.

Early Records of Name. County Families. Pedigree of May-
hew of Dinton Co., Wilts. Parish Records of Tisbury Co.,
Wilts. Baptism of Thomas Mayhew. Will of Matthew
Mayhew, his father. Barter Family. Thomas Mayhew in
England 104-116

CHAPTER VIII. Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts.

Emigration. Representative of Matthew Cradock. Residence
at Medford. Removal to Watertown. Financial Reverses.
Purchases Martha's Vineyard. Removal to the Island. . 11 7-1 26

CHAPTER IX. Thomas Mayhew, Jr.

Birth. Early Education. Removal to Vineyard. Personal

Description of the Missionary. Family 127-130

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER X. Independence of the Vineyard, .1642-1665.

The First Government. Mayhew in Sole Authority. The
People Dissatisfied. The Province of Maine as Suzerain
Authority. The King Confirms Gorges' Title. . . . 131-138

CHAPTER XI. Sale of the Islands to the Duke of York.

The Gorges Title Ignored. Organization of the Dukes Prov-
ince. Col. Richard Nicolls. Francis Lovelace. Mayhew
Ignores New Authority 139-146

CHAPTER XII. The Conference at Fort James, 1671

Mayhew's Voyage to New York. Appointed Governor of the
Vineyard for Life. Provisions for Local Government. Re-
turns with the Charters for New Townships 147-153

CHAPTER XIII. The "Dutch" Rebellion, 1673.

Mutinous Vineyarders. The Rebels Demand Mayhew's Ab-
dication. They Appeal to Massachusetts. Massachusetts
DecUnes to Interfere. Independent Government Started.
Similar Conditions at Nantucket 154-163

CHAPTER XIV. Restoration of Mayhew's Authority, 1674-1682.

Governor Andros Deals with the Rebels. Governor Mayhew
Institutes Reprisals. Punishments Inflicted. Quiet Finally
Restored 164-171

CHAPTER XV. Administration of Matthew^ Mayhew, 1682-
1692
Appointment as Chief Magistrate. Manor of " Martins" Vine-
yard Created. Matthew Mayhew, Lord of the Manor. Sale
of Manor to Governor Dongan. Mayhew Family Nepotism.
New Protestant Regime in New York. The Vineyard An-
nexed to Massachusetts 17 2- 181

CHAPTER XVI. The Vineyard and the Charter of 1692.

Mayhew Element Opposes the Change. Simon Athearn courts
the New Authorities. Mayhew's Surrender to Massachusetts
Authority. The Paper "War" between Phips and Fletcher.
New York Officials Deny Legality of Change of Jurisdiction. 182-194

CHAPTER XVII. The Island Under Puritan Control.

Mayhew's Acquiescence Insincere. Final Acceptance of the
New Order. Rivalry of Athearn and Mayhew for Political
Supremacy. Taxation of the Vineyard Towns. . . . 195-204

CHAPTER XVIII. Political History of the Vineyard, 1700-
1900.

New York Again Asserts her Claims. John Butler Arrested in
New York. Micajah Mayhew Asserts his Lordship. The
Stamp Act. Later History. County Representation at
General Court 205-212

Table of Contents

CHAPTER XIX. The Missionary Mayhews.

Thomas Mayhew, Jr. His Work Among the Indians. Con-
temporary Accounts. Death at Sea. "Place on the Way-
side." Thomas Mayhew, Sr. His Long Services. Rev.
John Cotton. Death of Governor Mayhew. John Mayhew.
Experience Mayhew. Zachariah Mayhew. Frederick Bay-
lies 212-257

CHAPTER XX. County of Dukes County.

Organization and Jurisdiction. Origin of Name. Early
Judicial Affairs. Capital Trials. Attorneys. Shire Town.
Early Court Houses. Campaign for Removal of Shire Town
to Tisbury. New Court House at Tisbury. Later Court
Houses. Edgartown Finally made Sole Shire Town. County
Jail. Seal of the County 258-293

CHAPTER XXI. Military History, 1645-1775.

The Colonial Wars. The Puritan Militia. King Philip's War.
French and Indian Wars. The Louisburg Expedition.
Crown Point Campaign. Muster Rolls of Vineyard Troops.
The Siege of Quebec. Miscellaneous Service in Canadian
Garrisons. Island Militia 294-320

CHAPTER XXII. The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1774-
1778.

Pre-Revolution Sentiment. The Vineyard Joins the Move-
ment. County Congress Adopts Resolutions. Committees
of Safety Formed. The Vineyard Prepares for the Struggle.
Organization of the Sea Coast Defence Trooj^s. Conserv-
ative Element Betrays Timidity. Re-enlistment of the Vine-
yard Companies. Muster Rolls. Martha's Vineyard and
Nantucket Accused of Disloyalty. Petition for More Troops.
Sea Coast Defence in 1776. Additional Troops Sent to the
Island. Muster Rolls 321-354

CHAPTER XXIII. The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality.
Sea Coast Defence Abolished. One Company Retained at
Vineyard. The Vineyard Left to its Own Devices. Aban-
donment of the Island Considered. The Island Reduced to
a Neutral Zone 355-3^6

CHAPTER XXIV. Grey's Raid.

Commander of the Expedition. Staff and Regimental Officers.
The Fleet at Homes Hole. The Foraging Begins. Militia
Officers Arrested for Concealing Arms. Incidents of the
Raid. Amount of Plunder Obtained. Grey's Reports.
The Fleet Departs 367-383

CHAPTER XXV. Long Campaign to Obtain Redress.

Action of the Three Towns. James Athearn Permitted to Visit
the British General. Estimates of the Losses. Claimants at
Edgartown. The British Commander Refuses Payment for

Table of Contents

Cattle. Suffering of the People. Further Efforts to Obtain
Redress. Beriah Norton Goes to England. Board of In-
quiry Approves the Claim. War Ended. Colonel Norton
Sticks to his Mission. Government of United States Refuses
to Endorse Claim. Colonel Norton Again in England. . 384-403

CHAPTER XXVI. Naval History in the Revolution.

First Naval Engagement of War in Vineyard Sound. Capture
of Transports "Harriot" and " Bedford." Capture of Trans-
ports "Annabella" and "Howe." List of Privateers. Loss
of " General Arnold." Picaroons. Miscellaneous Incidents.
The Liberty Pole. Martyrs in Prison Ships and Prisons . 404-415

CHAPTER XXVII. Military History, 1800-1900.

The War of 181 2. Its Disastrous Effects on the Merchant
Marine of the Vineyard. Mexican War. Civil War, 1861-
1865. Quotas of Soldiers Furnished. Spanish- American
War 4x6-429

CHAPTER XXVIII. Whale Fisheries.

First Known Vineyard Whalers. Growth of the Industry.
Disastrous Effects of Revolution. Employment of Indians.
Extension of Enterprise to Pacific Ocean. Hazards of the
Occupation. Tragedies of the Sea. Burke's Tribute to our
Whalers 430-451

CHAPTER XXIX. Travel and Taverns.

Ferry, Packet and Steamboat. The Packet Service. The
Steamboat Service. Steam Railroad. County Highways.
Old Tavern Days. Telegraphs, Cable and Telephones. . 452-467

CHAPTER XXX. Life During Colonial Times.

The Family. Christenings. Primogeniture. Social Distinc-
tions. Divorces. Houses. Household Furnishings. Uten-
sils. Literature. Paper and Writing. Colonial Visitors.
Amusements. Tippling. Tobacco. Beating the Bounds.
Computation of Time. Agriculture. Domestic Animals.
Ear Marks. Currency. Practice of Medicine. Diseases.
Small Pox. Burials. Division of Estates. Memorials of
the Dead. Obituary Poetry 468-504

APPENDIX

Judicial Officers 507

Representations to the General Court 509

Militia Lists, 1757 513

Army 518

Naval Service 524

Indexes 529

ILLUSTRATIONS

Portrait of Author. (Frontispiece) page

Old Cedars at West Chop 30

Map of Vineyard with Indian Place-Names . . Facing 40 '^

Stone Implement 57

Arms of Gosnold 72

Earliest Map of Martha's Vineyard 78

Marginal Text — "Brereton's Relation," 1602 79

The Earl of Stirling Facing 80 '

Map of Martha's Vineyard, 1624 .."....... 84

Arms of Sir Ferdinando Gorges 88

Arms of Lord Stirling 103

Church of S. John the Baptist, Tisbury, Eng 107

Facsimile Baptismal Record of Thomas M'ayhew .... 108

Font in Church, Tisbury, England 116

Signature of Thomas Mayhew 117

Cradock House, Medford, Mass 126

Arms of Mayhew of Dinton 130

Duke of York Facing 139

Fort James, New York, 167 i 146

Provincial House, New York 147

Signature of Francis Lovelace 153

Seal of the Duke of York 163

Seal of Governor Mayhew 171

Title Page. — "Massachusetts Psalter" Facing 250

Rev. Frederick Baylies " 256

Seal of Martha's Vineyard, 1655 293

Signature of Zaccheus Mayhew 320

Sir Charles Grey Facing 370

Col. Alexander Leslie " 376

Relics of Grey's Raid 383

Map of Martha's Vineyard, 1784 Facing 396

Signature of Beriah Norton 403

Major-General William J. Worth, U. S. A Facing 425

Souvenirs of Foreign Wars 429

Whalers at Edgartown Wharf 439 '

Harpooning the " Right " Whale 451

Strs. "Eagle," "Hamilton" and "Telegraph" . . .Fdciag 456

Str. " Monohansett " Facing 458

Claghorn Tavern Sign 463

Our Earliest Ferry 467

Title Page. — "Conquests and Triumphs of Grace" .Facing 478

Gravestone of Rev. John Mayhew 504

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER I.

General and Statistical.

situation and area.

The island of Martha's Vineyard, situated five miles from
the mainland, south of the "Heel of the Cape," lies between 70°
27' 24'' (Cape Poge light) and 70° 50' (Gay Head light) west
longitude, and between 41° 18' 04'' and 41° 28' 50'' (West Chop
light) north latitude. Its longest measurement east and west
is about nineteen and one-fourth miles, and its greatest width
from north to south is nine and three-eighths miles, in which is
comprised about one hundred square miles, or about sixty-four
thousand acres of land. With the Elizabeth Islands (Gosnold)
and Noman's Land it constitutes the county of Dukes County,
the last two having about seven thousand acres of superficial
area, making a total of about seventy-one thousand acres of
actual extent in the entire county.^

GEOLOGY.

Geologically considered, these islands are glacial moraines,
and they form a part of that fringe of low land mainly com-
posed of glacial drift, which extends from New York to Cape
Cod.2

^Dukes County, including Gosnold, according to our State Census, the onlv one
giving opportunity for comparison, contains 33,645 acres of farming lands, in 371 farms;
having 4,893 acres of cultivated land, appraised at $30.12 per acre; 18,000 acres of
pasture or unimproved land at $9.34; 9,200 acres of woodland at $12.42, and 1,858
acres of unimprovable at $1.43 per acre. (Report of Mass. Board of Agriculture, 1S83.)

^The geology of this region has been made the subject of extended study bv Prof.
Nathaniel Southgate Shaler, of North Tisbury, and the results are published by the
U. S. Geological Survey. From this report the statements which follow have been ex-
tracted in brief, and all credit therefore is due to our distinguished citizen, and not to
the author of this book, who claims no special knowledge in geology.

History of Martha's Vineyard

The eastern part of this Httoral fringe consists of a double
belt, the outer line composed of Noman's Land, Martha's Vine-
yard, Muskeget, Tuckernuck, and Nantucket, and the inner of
the Elizabeth Isles and Cape Cod. The triangular contour of
the Vineyard as we now know it is of post-glacial growth, as the
large "ponds" now known as Sengekontacket, Lagoon, Tash-
moo, Menemsha, and the many on the south side of the island,
were once open bays or inlets, which have been closed in by the
action of the sea through the formation of walled sand beaches, a
fact particularly evident on the south shore. The narrow gut
which divides Chappaquiddick is not always a constant condi-
tion, as it has been closed at its lower opening within the memory
of the living. It is probable that Chappaquiddick was once a
part of the Vineyard, and the name given to it by the natives —
"the Separated Island" — may indicate that in their traditional
knowledge the breach between the two was made by the action
of the waves and storms. Nor are these the only changes
of importance in the progress of the ages ; for it is regarded
ascertain "that Martha's Vineyard has been connected with
the mainland since the close of the glacial period. The animals
and plants of the island are in no way peculiar. We can hardly
believe," says our authority, "that several large-seeded plants
and many of the land animals have found their way across the
five miles of water which separates the Vineyard from the
continent." ^

The surface of the Vineyard is distinctly divided into three
parts. On the north side, extending from West Chop to Gay
Head, there is a belt of hills composed of sand, gravel and bowl-
ders, averaging a mile and one-half in width, and rising in height
from about fifty feet at its eastern extremity to three hundred
and ten feet at Peaked and Prospect hills in Chilmark. South
of this belt the surface passes suddenly into a plain on the east-
ern half of the island, gradually sloping to ten feet above the sea
level at the shore. West of this is the Gay Head peninsula,
where the district is again hilly, rising to an average height of
about one hundred and fifty feet above the sea level. The ex-
ternal aspect of this island differs materially from Nantucket,
although both are of the same geologic formation, the detritus of
glacial floes, probably representing the extreme southern edge
of the drift deposits. Nantucket is practically devoid of trees,
while the greater part of the Vineyard is forest-clad, and in

'The channel of Vineyard Sound does not exceed seventy-five feet in depth.

General and Statistical

earlier days undoubtedly had a much heavier growth than at
present.^

The drift material of which this island is composed consists
of four groups of glacial deposits: — ground moraines or till, left
by melting of the ice sheet, frontal moraine deposits pushed be-
fore the glacier, kame (i. e. comb-like) deposits brought hither
by sub-glacial streams, and terrace deposits formed by tidal
action.- Of the first named the example is the Gay Head pla-
teau, which rests on a bed of tertiary clay. The deposit averages
about ten feet in depth, and is composed of sand, pebbles, and
the pulverized granitic rocks from the mainland. The second
group, or frontal moraine, is represented by the hills on the north
shore between Tashmoo and Menemsha, which were pushed
up by the face of the floe, and the surface is marked by the depo-
sition of countless massive blocks of syenite, so numerous "that
on the steeper parts of the hills the bare masses of angular frag-
ments remind the observer of Cyclopean masonry." The
amount of detrital deposit in this belt is greater than any of a
similar nature in New England.^ None of these large blocks
or bowlders are believed to have come from a greater distance
than fifty miles, and the total deposit represents an erosion of
about a thousand square miles.

The third named group, the kames, from a Scotch word
signifying a comb, is represented by the drifts on the eastern
shore of Lagoon pond, on Chappaquiddick and on the north-
east shore of Tashmoo pond. They are composed of the usual
detrital material in strata formed into plateaux having irreg-
ular depressions or valleys as a result of swift currents of
sub-glacial streams cutting through them. The last, or
terrace drift, composes the great "Ragged Plain" sloping
southward with gentle undulations to the sea, a formation
better shown on this island than in any other part of New
England.

The source of all this deposit, from its character, is believed
to have been the region between Newport and the head of
Buzzard's Bay. The great bowlders of quartz, feldspar, and

'Prof. Shaler thinks it due to greater exposure to sea wdnds on Nantucket, and
the browsing of young trees by sheep in open pastures on that island.

"There are no lenticular hills or "drumlins" on the island, and but one group of
"Indian ridges" or warlike variety of the kames.

'Prof. Shaler estimates this at half a cubic mile, or a mass as large as Monad-
nock Mountain. He further estimates that the ice front remained at this point
twelve to twenty-four thousand years. There is no trace of it in the sea south of the
island.

History of Martha's Vineyard

hornblende, the largest of which contains about a hundred
cubic feet, now to be seen on the Chilmark hills, are typical
of the region indicated on the mainland. There are manv
other rare varieties of rock found in the Gay Head district,
such as ilmenite, or titaniferous magnetic iron ore, which only
occurs in a solitary circumscribed area in the town of Cumber-
land, R.I., the only known place in New England. A fragment
weighing ten pounds was discovered near the western end of
Squipnocket pond, actually imbedded in the drift deposit.
Cretaceous rocks occur at two points; one south of Indian
hill and east of a ruined building known as the ''Wood school
house," and the other on the eastern shore of Lagoon pond,
both of very limited areas. The tertiary beds of the island
are the most northern of all the known deposits of that age on
the eastern versant of North America, but only a small portion
of these beds is exposed to view, at Gay Head and the base
of the Nashaquitsa cliffs.

Gay Head deserves special mention, as it is one of the
most striking geologic phenomena on the Atlantic coast, and
is a unique exhibition of Nature in one of her rococo moods.
With its escarpment of over six thousand feet showing parti-
colored sands and clays to the height of eighty feet, it well
merits the name of '*Gay," although its earliest name, given by
Gosnold, was Dover Cliffs, in honor of the English seaport.^
Divided into three portions, it faces north, west, and south-
west, showing steep beds of extremely vivid clays of contrasting
colors from dazzling white to the nearly pure black carbon-
aceous layers, and intermediate hues of red, brown, green,
and yellow. The white sandbeds of powdered granitic rock
are the most abundant element, and the next most conspicuous
beds are those of red clay, probably pulverized sandstone like
that of the Connecticut valley. The "greensand" so called,
consisting of the browTiish, yellowish, and greenish clays, are
at the northern end of the cliffs, and in them are found numerous
fossils, such as vertebrae of whales, sharks' teeth, crabs, many
lignites, and some few specimens of fossil resin.- From this,

' It will be remembered that the Dover cliffs are a pure white. It seems proper
to suggest here that this unique natural phenomenon at Gay Head should be made a
public reservation, and thus save it from despoilment by commercial exploiters, who
are denuding it, as they did the Palisades of the Hudson, of its wonderful natural
attractions.

^ In the Boston Journal of Natural History (1863) is a description of "The Fos-
sil Crab of Gay Head." In the region of Cotamy bay there have been found a
number of raoUuscan fossils, an oyster of exogyron aspect, a pecten of costata type,

General and Statistical

Professor Shaler argues that the Gay Head was part of a delta
of a great river, which he terms the Vineyard river.

The geology of the Elizabeth Islands and Noman's Land
differs in no important particular from that of the Vineyard,
being of the same general character.

The shore line of the Vineyard, particularly on its south-
ern littoral, presenting an unobstructed and projecting front
beyond the trend of the mainland to wave action, is under-
going gradual erosion. The late Professor Henry L. Whiting
estimated the recedence on the south beach at about two hun-
dred feet, at Nashaquitsa cliffs two hundred twenty feet,
and at Chilmark pond, one hundred eighty feet in a period
of forty years covering his work in the coast survey. In
addition to this, what he terms the "overshot" into the ponds
on that side represents encroachments greater than the effects
of normal sea-dash, amounting to betwxen five and six hun-
dred feet in the Chilmark and Tisbury ponds. ^ In conse-
quence of this, a group of small ponds connecting the Great
Herring pond with Katama bay have been obliterated. This
included the Crackatuxet pond of the first settlers. The tip
end of Chappaquiddick on which the lighthouse now stands
was once an island known early as Capawack and later as
Natuck. It was doubtless connected by the great storm of
1722, which also closed an opening into Pocha pond."' The
whole eastern fringe of Chappaquiddick was probably an
outer bar of beach separated from the rest of the island. From
analogy and historic references it can be inferred that Squip-
nocket pond was open to the sea on the south after the settlement
by the whites. A document dated 1694 refers to the neck
of land joining Gay Head to Chilmark, where the main road
now runs, as "the place where the casks were rolled over out
of one into the other pond when a shippe was left on the south
side of the island."^ The present drawbridge on the "Beach
road" connecting Cottage City, spans an opening into Lagoon
pond which was made about sixty years ago. The original
opening was at the western end of the beach, adjoining Vine-
yard Haven, and the ferry to Woods Hole in early days found
its harbor inside the opening. Similar phenomena have been

and about a dozen other allied varieties of the Lower Cretaceans. Post-glacial fos-
sils have also been found at Gay Head, similar to those discovered at Sankaty Head,
Nantucket.

'Letter dated September 15, 1886.

*Dukes Deeds, \'T, 401. Testimony of Benjamin Norton.

^Ibid., I, 27.

History of Martha's Vineyard

observed at the south opening of Katama bay in very recent
years, and the changes in that strip of beach due to sea-dash
have been frequent and striking. The north side of the island
has suffered less, but both East and West Chops have shown
considerable erosion, and within the past decade the general
government has fortified these two points by jetties and rip-
rap to prevent further loss and the shoaling of Vineyard Haven
harbor.

METEOROLOGICAL CONDITIONS.

The climate of the Vineyard is obviously an insular cli-
mate and therefore the temperature ranges are not as marked
as on the mainland, due in a great measure to the mitigating
effects of the ocean.

From official data of the weather bureau the annual
mean maximum temperature is found to be 59.2°: and the
annual mean minimum, 43.7°: thus making an annual mean
of 51.4°. The records show that the hottest month in the
history of the station at Vineyard Haven was July, 1894, wuth"
a mean of 73.4°: and the coldest month was January, 1893,
with a m.ean of 24.9°. The minimum temperature rarely
goes to zero — about once each season — and remains only a
few hours at most. It does, however, go below 32° on an
average of 86 times each year. The absolute minimum record
is — 7° on Jan. 29, 1888. The maximum reaches 90° about
three times in each two years. The absolute maximum noted
is 96° on July 29, 1892.

Light frosts occur generally during the first week of Octo-
ber, the earliest record being September 22. The average
date of the first killing frost in autumn is October 25. The
average date of the last killing frost in spring is April 18, and
the date of the last killing frost known, is May 24.

The average precipitation of the seasons is: spring, 11.7
inches; summer, 9.9 inches; fall, 12.4 inches; winter, ii.i
inches; making an annual mean of 45.1 inches. The annual
mean snowfall is ;^t, inches. Precipitation in measurable
amounts occurs on 130 days of the year. The wettest month
within the history of the station was September, 1888, with
a total of 1 1.4 inches, and the dryest was the month of the same
name in the year 1897, with a total of only 0.80 inch.

The prevailing winds are from the northwest during the
colder months, and from the southwest during the remainder
of the year. The average hourly velocity is 9.6 miles. The

General and Statistical

average number of gales (40 miles or over) is eight per year.
Dense fog prevails on thirty-five days of the year, hail on one day,
thunderstorms on thirteen; the average number of clear days
is 137, partly cloudy, 80, and cloudy, 148.-^

The temperature of Martha's Vineyard is much more
favorable than in most of the state, not varying much from
that of Nantucket, where there are 230 days without frost,
while the other parts of the state only enjoy from 140 to 160.
The Vineyard, however, has some advantages over Nantucket in
not receiving the sharp northeast winds which sometimes
sweep down around Cape Cod but hardly ever touch this
island. It is a noticeable fact that while the mean summer
temperature of the water in Massachusetts bay is 52°, in Buz-
zard's bay on the south and in the Sound it is 72°. The in-
fluence of the Gulf Stream seems to be very perceptible on the
south shore; a number of times within the past thirty years
the island has been visited by the golden mullet, a very delicate
fish of the South, and never known to be north of the Caro-
linas. Some years ago a true pelican was shot in one of the
salt ponds opening into the sea.

Once or twice in a generation the harbors and the surround-
ing waters will be frozen enough to prevent navigation, as in
the recent winter of 1905. The winter of 1856-7 is also
remembered by the older inhabitants as one of such severity
as to cause similar effects, but as a rule the winters are "open"
for the reasons above given. Parson Homes of Chilmark
records the winter of 1725-6 as of exceptional severity, the
snow lasting from November through the middle of March.

FLORA.

The flora of the islands first attracted the attention of
the historian of the Gosnold expedition. He said that "the
chief est trees of this island are Beeches and Cedars," and in
another place he refers to the "Cedars tall and straight, in
great abundance." The other trees mentioned by him are
the following: "Sassafras, Cypres trees, Oakes, Walnut trees
great store, Elmes, Beech, Hollie, Haslenut trees, Cherry trees,
Cotten trees. Other fruit trees to us unknowen." He said
the islands were full of "high timbered Oaks, their leaves thrice

'These facts were compiled for the author by William W. Neifert of the Weather
Bureau, who was in charge of the local station at Vineyard Haven for a number of
years. This station was estabhshed Nov. 6, i8S6, and discontinued June i8, 1900.
These records, therefore, cover a period of fourteen years.

History of Martha's Vineyard

so broad as ours," and that the walnut trees were in abundance,
"the fruit as bigge as ours, as appeared by those we found
under the trees, which had Hen all the yeare ungathered."
Of the cherry trees he noted that "the stalke beareth the
blossomes or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of Grapes,
forty or fifty in a bunch." Sassafras trees were in "great
plentie all the Island over." Among the edible flora he reported
some "low bushie trees, three or foure foot in height, which bear
some kinde of fruits," which may have been the beach plum,
a variety of the prune family, now common on the island.
Others noticed and listed were "Strawberries, red and white,
as sweet and bigger than ours in England, Rasberries, Goose-
berries, Hurtleberries ( i. e. huckleberries) , and such an in-
credible store of Vines, as well in the woodie parts of the Island,
that we could not goe for treading upon them." He said they
were "in more plenty than in France."^ The only vegetable
mentioned by him are Peas, "which grow in certeine plots
all the Island over." It seems certain that he failed to observe
the other legume, cultivated by the natives, the bean,'^ and
it is quite probable that, had he gone into the interior of the
Vineyard, he would have found fields of corn, and squash
vines trailing through them.^ Corn was pre-eminently the
Indian's cereal, called by him "weatchimin," and our word
"succotash" is derived from their term " msickquatash " which
means literally, corn beaten in pieces. Ground-nuts, "good
meat, & also medicinable," probably the bulbs of the lily
family, such as may be found now at Squipnocket, which de-
rived its name from the red lily growing in its marsh soils,
were also noted by the journalist of the expedition who adds:-
"They also gave us of their Tobacco, which they drinke greene,
but dried into powder, very stronge and pleasant and much
better than I have tasted in England."* This was, probably,
the so-called "Indian tobacco" of this region, the lobelia,
although they may have obtained the Virginian variety by a

^These xines gave the island its name. Remains of them may be seen on north-
ern and western hills of Chilmark and Gay Head.

*It is possible that he mistook beans for pease, of which he saw a large quantity.
The English-Natick dictionary of Trumbull does not contain an Algonquian word
for " pease," and it seems that the journalist must have seen the bean, which we now
know as one of the native vegetables.

■'Indian corn or maize was also knov.-n as " turkey wheat" by our ancestors.

*" Drinking" tobacco is the ancient term for smoking that weed.

" I did not, as you barren gallants do,
Fill my discourses up drinking tobacco."

Chapman, All Fools, II, i.

General and Statistical

system of barter from tribe to tribe/ "We had, also," writes
Brereton, "of their Flaxe, wherewith they make many stringes
and cords, but it is not so bright of collour as ours in England :
I am persuaded they have great store growing upon the maine." '^

Of the trees mentioned in Brereton's list, the cypress
has disappeared, and if there be any hazelnut or "cotton"
trees on the island at present, they are unknown to the author.
The cedar, also, has practically varnished, and only gnarled
and bent specimens survive as the relics of "tall and straight"
ones seen by the first explorers. The evergreen trees, pines,
firs, spruce, have scattered growth still on the island, but their
early extent is problematical. Oaks, great and small, are the
principal constituents of our forests, and the great plain land
is a dense jungle of the "scrub oak" w^hich thrives despite
repeated devastating fires covering large areas. Professor Sha-
ler states that "originally this region was heavily wooded,
mainly with coniferous trees, the present prevalence of the
deciduous species being due to the peculiar endurance of their
roots in the fires, a capacity which does not exist in the con-
ifers."

Apple trees were brought to Massachusetts in 1629, but
there is no record of the date when this fruit was first cultivated
here on the island. The earliest mention of it is in 1660,
when "sider" was made a prohibited article of sale to the
Indians, but apple trees are not specifically named until 1744.
Quince trees were found at Tashmoo in 1721, but both these
dates are accidental references, and it is probable that they
were planted many years before. An "orchard" is mentioned
at Chickemmoo in 1688.

Additions to the list of small fruits given by Brereton,
now to be found on the island, will include the blackberry
and cranberry, both undoubtedly native products. Cran-
berries were first mentioned in the records in 1755, at Nasha-
moiess.

To attempt an enumeration of the Vineyard flora would
require space out of proportion to its relation with the scope
of this w^ork. It will be sufficient to say that a specialist who
has made a study in this field for fifteen years has analyzed
and classified over seven hundred species of plant life found
upon the island. Similarly, the marine algae show almost an
infinite variety of delicate beauty in form and color.

^Brereton refers to their pipes, made out of " red and white clay" hard dried,
showing that they were of the Gay Head clay.

*Flax was sown at Pocha in 1723. (Dukes Deeds, IV, 14.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

FAUNA.

Brereton is our first authority on the fauna of the Vine-
yard, although we cannot be sure that he has not included in
his lists some animals seen by him on the mainland. He
enumerates "Deere in great store, very great and large, Beares,
Luzernes (lynx), Blacke Foxes, Beavers, Otters, Wilde-Cats,
verie large and great. Dogs like Foxes, blacke and sharpe
nosed (and) Conies (hares)." It is known that deer can
swim across a stretch of water as wide as Vineyard Sound,
and their habitat on the island is not improbable, but the same
cannot be said of the *' beares."

The wild animals of the Vineyard have practically disap-
peared, and the formidable list of Brereton contains only two
which can be said to exist today, the fox and rabbit. It may be
that some of our dogs might claim a pedigree dating from
the "sharp-nosed" kind seen in the beginning of the 17th
century, but they have long since been domesticated.

Brereton also speaks of reptiles, but confines himself to
"Snakes foure foot in length, and sixe inches about, which
the Indians eat for daintie meat, the skinnes whereof they
use for girdles." There are but a few varieties of snakes on
the islands, all of a harmless species.

His list of birds includes the following varieties, some of
which are evidently extinct at the present day: "Eagles, Hern-
shawes (herons). Cranes, Bitters (bitterns or small herons),
Mallards, Teales, Pengwins, Ospreis, and Hawks, Crowes,
Ravens, MeM^es (gulls), Doves, Sea-pies (oyster catchers),
and Blacke-birdes with carnation wings." The penguin
is essentially an inhabitant of the Southern hemisphere, and
has disappeared from these waters if it ever came here.

It is not known that a comprehensive study of the birds
which nest on the Vineyard has ever been undertaken, but
observers have made records of the arrival of the migrants in
their annual flights to the North. The list may serve to show
the varieties which find their way to our woods and fields,
although it is not offered as a complete enumeration of the
many aerial and aquatic birds which become temporary so-
journers on the island. It is as follows: robin, crow and red-
winged blackbird, meadow lark, blue jay, chickadee, red-
headed and golden-winged woodpeckers, song, tree, and vesper
sparrows, orchard and Baltimore orioles, white-breasted nut-
hatch, fish, hen, pigeon, and sparrow hawks, gray owl, grosbeak,

General and Statistical

chewink, king fisher, red thrush, flycatcher, barn and chimney
swallows, cuckoo, redstart, whippoorwill, and the yellow,
blue, cow, cat, king, snow, humming, and cedar birds.

The many ponds on the south side of the Vineyard offer
attractive feeding grounds for the game birds, and with the
exception of the marshes of the Cape this region is one of the
few virgin sections left for these hunted birds to find a resting
place at night, or in stormy weather.

The list of birds would not be complete without special
mention of the heath-hen or pinnated grouse, which has been
on the island for at least a century. It was probably brought
here for breeding as a game bird, and in 1824 laws for its pro-
tection were passed by the voters of Tisbury, where it is found
to-day in its feeding grounds on the plains. A cock, hen, and
their young may frequently be seen from the state highway
in that town.^

Brereton gives a list of fishes which he said he saw "not-
withstanding our small time of stay." These are comprised
in the following list: "Whales, Tortoises, both on land and
sea. Scales, Cods, Mackerell, Breames, Herrings, Thornbacke
(ray or skate). Hakes (codlings), Rockefish, Dogfish, Lobsters,
Crabbes, Muscles, Wilks (snails), Cockles, Scallops, (and)
Oisters."

To the shell fish named by Brereton should be added that
valuable bivalve the clam, of which there are two abundant
varieties, the "poquauhock" of the Indian, or round clam
("little necks"), and the "sikkissuog" or long clam, with
soft shell. These are found principally in the waters about
Chappaquiddick and Capoag pond, and their gathering for
the market constitutes a large business for the fishermen of
that section. Oysters have practically disappeared, but at
one time must have been plenty in the ponds bordering the
south beach. Indeed, one of them is named Oyster pond,
presumably because of its being one of the principal places
where the laeds existed. In 1792, the citizens of Tisbury found
it necessary to pass a vote prohibiting all persons "from Catch-
ing Oysters in the Pond Called Newtown Pond, to carrey to
Market off the Island of Marthasvineyard, or to sell by Cart
Loads on the Island."

The fish which inhabit these waters and form one of the
profitable industries of the island, are in addition to those

'It is traditional that when an effort -n-as made in the State Legislature to secure
a law for the protection of the heath hen, an error of the printer in the title of the
bill made it read " An Act for the protection of the Heathen of Martha's Vineyard."

History of Martha's Vineyard

enumerated by the journalist of Gosnold's voyage, the striped
bass, blue fish, sword fish, porgie, tautaog, chogset, sque-
teague, eels, " Spanish mackerel," so-called.^

Of the fresh water fish, it is difficult to determine what
varieties are native and what may be artificially stocked, but
the various ponds and streams yield trout, perch, black bass,
and pickerel.

POPULATION.

From 1 64 1 to 1670, the period elapsing between the first
settlement at Great Harbor and the beginning of the new town
at Takemmy, the entire English population was resident at
the east end of the island. We have no records bearing upon
this subject at that early date, but we can reach some proximate
and satisfactory conclusion from a knowledge of the families
who lived here at that time. The first list of proprietors em-
braces nineteen men, some of whom were not then married,
and of the others we are in possession of the number of their
children. It is possible to estimate sixty-five persons as con-
stituting the total of whites at that time. In 1660, a second list
gives twenty-six different proprietors, and the same process
yields about eighty-five persons, and by the end of the next
decade there might have been a hundred, in round numbers.
The settlement of Tisbury brought, between 1670 and 1680,
about a dozen families, so that in a statement of the relative
strength of the Indians and whites on the Vineyard in 1675,
it was reported that there were "not above forty men on the
island capable of bearing Amies." "^ This means men between
the ages of sixteen and sixty, and reckoning three-fourths of
them as married and heads of families, with six as a multiple,
we can place the population at 180, at the time of King Philip's
War. No further data until 1692 enables us to estimate the
intervening increases. In that year Simon Athearn informed
the General Court: "We are but about fifty 7 or 8 famelys
on the Hand," and allowing two families for the Elizabeth
Islands, making sixty, and computing the ratio which has
since obtained in the county, we are justified in calculating
350 as the total at that time. ^ Probably at the close of the 1 7th
century there were four hundred English people residing
within the limits of Dukes County. There is no subsequent

'Tisbury records, page 284.

^N. Y. Col. Mss. (Council Minutes), II (2), 51.

•''Mass. Archives, CXII, 422.

General and Statistical

statement or record for fifty years, during which time immi-
gration and the natural increase had greatly affected the numer-
ical strength of the white race. In 1742, a contemporary
writer placed "about two hundred fencible white men on the
Vineyard,"^ and computing the known increase, with the adopt-
ed multiple, we have about twelve hundred persons resident
in the county, exclusive of negroes and native aborigines. .
The Provincial census of 1765 gives us the first definite
figures of enumerators, and from it the following statistics
are extracted:

Whites

Under

16 Years

Ditto
Above
16 Years

Negroes

Indians

Neutrals
Under i6

Ditto
Above 16

Total

Edgartown

128

150

234

209

233

248

1030

Chilmark

114

152

156

159

179

116

851

Tisbury

100

165

166

226

233

838

I328

364

551531618

660

2l|l24

189I 1

2719

It will be seen that there were 2460 white persons, a doub-
ling in twenty years and an average annual gain of about three
hundred in the half century. It will be seen that the average
family consisted of six persons, the multiple used in previous
computations, and that the families exceeded the number of
houses by sixty-six, and there w^re seven persons to a house.
When we recall the size of the buildings erected in those days
for dwellings, it is easy to understand that they lived in ''close
quarters." The next enumeration by the Provincial author-
ities in 1776, shows the following statistics: families, 482;
persons, 2822; negroes, 59, an increase of nearly twenty-
five per cent, in twelve years. These figures take no account
of the population of the Indian settlements, which will be
dealt with in a separate chapter. In the period between 1641
and 1776, the average annual growth had been two hundred,
while in the same time the unfortunate native element had
been decreasing in about the same ratio. No further figures
are available for statistical purposes until 1790, the date of
the first census of the general government, from which time,

'Douglass, Summary, I, 405.

History of Martha's Vineyard

by decades, with the intervening enumerations of the state,
we reach accurate tabulations.

The following figures show the population of the county
as enumerated in the decennial census of the United States
from 1790 to the present time:

In 1790 were 3245; in 1800, 31 18; in 1810, 3290; in 1820,
3292; in 1830, 3517; m 1840, 3958; in 1850, 4540; in i860,
4403; in 1870, 3787; in 1880, 4300; in 1890, 4369; in 1900,
4561.

The population of the county shows a gradual increase
of 1300 for sixty years, when the number dropped about 800
from 1850 to 1870, which may be accounted for by the losses
and changes of residence during the war of the Rebellion.

During the no years of the census enumerations, the
county has increased 40%, notwithstanding the losses which
followed the emigration into Maine in the first decade of the
above named period, and a similar exodus into the western
states between 1820 and 1840. Losses of this character have
been constant ever since, but they are in part made up by
the immigration of others who in recent years have availed
themselves of its climatic and natural attractions to select the
island not only as a summer home but for a permanent resi-
dence.

OLD CEDARS AT WEST CHOP.

SCTRVIVORS OF THE " TALL AND STRAIGHT " CeDARS SEEN BY BrERETON IN l6o2

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

CHAPTER II.

The Aboriginal Inhabitants.

At the dawn of the 17th century the island now known
as Martha's Vineyard was simply one of the nameless, shape-
less islands seen on the rude charts of the early explorers,
constituting a part of that fringe of islands on the eastern
coast of the new but unknown continent toward which the
voyagers of all the European nations had been for a century
turning the prows of their adventurous crafts. Could we see
it in reproduction now we should behold it in its modern shape
and size, for it has not been materially altered by sea action,
except on its southeastern littoral, but differing in respect
to the fulness and character of its foliage. Then it doubtless
had a more luxuriant growth of evergreen trees, plentifully
intermingled with clumps of wild fruit trees and bushes bear-
ing native berries. The same condition existed on Noman's
Land.

While Brereton's description of Noman's Land gives us a
picture of a dense jungle of trees tangled with undergrowth,
we shall be in error if we apply this literally to the Vineyard.
Noman's Land was then ''without house or inhabitant," while
the Vineyard was the home of several thousand aborigines
at that date. In the nature of things they could not travel
nor hunt under such conditions, and we do not have to imagine
the denizens of the island devoid of means to render the terri-
tory they inhabited suitable for their occupation and in a con-
dition to support life. There were large, open spaces, over-
grown with grass and planting fields which they had cultivated
for centuries. Wood in his New England Prospect (1634)
speaks of the Indian custom of burning the ground each fall:
"there is no underwood save in the swamps and low places;
for it being the custom of the Indians to burn the woods in
November, when the grass is withered and the leaves dried
it consumes all the underwood and rubbish." Morton refers
to the same thing, and we can readily believe their statements
that on the coming of the English to this coast there were open
fields covered with grass. It is a fair presumption that the
Vineyard presented a general aspect of fresh verdure to the
explorers, for its virgin soil had not been exhausted by the

History of Martha's Vineyard

improvident whites, nor its groves of beeches, cedars, and
firs denuded to provide tribute for hundreds of v^asteful fire-
places, where ancestral shins were toasted and "alj outdoors"
heated through chimney flues large enough to exhaust a brick-
yard.

The hills and meads of the island were clad in a rich
covering of evergreen that is now all gone, and its place taken
by the walnut and hickory and the endless prospect of dwarf
oaks that now struggle for a parched existence on the great
plains of Tisbury and Edgartown. It is difiicult for us to
conceive of Noman's Land, which is now as innocent of any
foliage as an infant's poll, once supporting great forests and
a thicket of undergrowth, yet in two centuries the whites,
without forethought or wisdom, had despoiled it of its verdure
and rendered it an unproductive, barren isle, where for cen-
turies the aboriginal occupants had preserved its fertility and
the productiveness of the Vineyard, sparing the trees as a
part of nature's household economy. On Noman's Land,
in the swamp, may be seen the trunks and stumps of huge
cedars, the decaying remains of a noble forest growth that
existed two hundred years ago.

INDIAN NAME OF THE VINEYARD.

To the people who held it by that unwritten tenure of
nomadic tribal authority, a people without records or civiliza-
tion, but to whom it was a home, there belonged a name at-
tached by them to it, which from the point of a later literary
standard is superior to the name bestowed upon it by its English
sponsor. The aboriginal name for the island was Noe-pe,
a compound term consisting of the radical Noe, signifying,
middle of, midst, amid, and the generic -pe, which in all Algon-
quian dialects signifies "water," — and thus we have the full
and free definition "amid the waters," a name of singular
beauty and poetry. While this might be said to be applicable
to any island, yet it appears to have a deeper significance.
If the Algonquian sagamore who perhaps first gave it the
name of Noe-pe had merely wished to call it an island," he
would have chosen another word, Aquiden.^ But the savage
was a child of Nature, observant of her myriad manifestations,
and in his method of bestowing names on persons or things

'This word, in the form of Aquiden-et or Aquidnet, is familial to us as the name
of the city of Newport, an island.

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

he usually selected some special attribute attaching as the
basis for the title. So he observed in his crude way the tidal
peculiarities of the waters as they were ceaselessly flowing
about the sound, and noted that this island was at the meeting
place of the currents coming from the northeast and south-
west. This phenomenon, now well known to the residents
here and to all those engaged in navigating our coast, results
in a subdivision of the daily tides, by which we have four in-
stead of two as common elsewhere along the New England
littoral, two ebb and two flood, churning northeastward through
the Vineyard sound and Buzzard's Bay and southwestward
over the treacherous Nantucket shoals. "The region about
Martha's Vineyard," says a report of the U. S. Coast Survey,
"is the dividing space between the co-tidal hours of XII and
XV, and in this locality the combination of two apparently
distinct tidal waves is observed. This combination presents
the most singular forms, giving at times four high tides in
one day near the junction of Nantucket and Martha's Vine-
yard sound. These tides exhibit diurnal and semi-diurnal
elements. The semi-diurnal waves exhibit two heads at the
locality of the greatest interference (Falmouth), one of their
meeting points."^

The authority for Noepe as the true Indian name of this
island rests upon indisputable ground, and is none other than
the statement of the Rev. Thomas Mayhew, the apostle to
the Vineyard Indians, who was learned in their speech and
taught them in their own tongue. In a letter written by him
dated Oct. 22, 1652, reciting the conversion of the Indians,
he says: "I drew forth the same morning in the Indian Lan-
guage, which I have here sent in England," the covenant of
the Indians, which begins, "We, the distressed Indians of
the Vineyard, (or Nope, the Indian name of the Island)."'^

The use of this curious word, pronounced in two syllables,
No-pe, is of rare occurrence in the early records. The first
instance is the one just cited; the second is by Daniel Gookin
in his "Description of the New England Indians," written
in 1674 (i Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, 141). The next is quoted
by Freeman (History of Cape Cod, II, 274), from a deed
dated Sept. 7, 1680, when John Yanno, " Indian of Gay
Head at Nope Island," sells certain property in Barnstable.
Another is a reference made by Josiah Cotton, at the end of

'Report, 1855, pages 222-3; 1856, pages 261-263.
* "Tears of Repentance, etc." (London 1653).

History of Martha's Vineyard

his Indian Vocabulary, compiled about the year 1727 (3 Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., II, 147-257), who says, in a dialogue between
himself and a Plymouth Indian, that the Indians of the main-
land find it difficult to understand him because he learned
from his father (Rev. John Cotton), who had acquired his
knowledge "at Nope," his father having been a missionary
to the Indians at the Vineyard, 1665-8.^

It is true that the early writers who published descrip-
tions of New England from the time of the first explorations.
Smith, Winslow, Wood, Gorges, and others, call it the Isle of
Capowack (in variations of spelling), and I am familiar with
the authorities of that period so far as to admit that this name
was generally used to designate the Vineyard. This name
had the advantage of undisputed usage (up to the time which
I shall cite hereafter), and therefore is entitled to all the priv-
ilege which exclusive occupancy of the field may bestow.

An examination of the Coast Survey charts and current
maps of Martha's Vineyard will show off its eastern shore
and closely contiguous, a curiously shaped island, with a long,
sickle-shaped neck of land extending therefrom, now called
the island of Chappaquiddick, while the extreme north end
of this pointed neck is known as Cape Poge. The evolution
of the name Cape Poge is easy of demonstration. The name
was originally, as I believe, Capoag or Capoak, and by giving
each vowel its syllabic value in pronunciation, we have Ca-
po-ag, or Ca-po-ak, which was, probably, an Indian name
of a definite locality; and the early voyagers, hearing this
pronounced and noting the phonetic resemblance of the first
syllable to our geographical word "cape," immediately applied
it to that portion of the island answering the physical features
of a cape, and the map-makers accordingly registered their
decrees. In the DeLaets map of 1630, show^ing the Vineyard,
we see the legend "C. Ack," or Cape Ack, and in the Novi
Belgii map of 1671, it is repeated with* a slight change, "C.
Wack als Ack," that is Cape Wack or Ack, appearing in both
instances at the eastern side of the island, where Cape Poge is
known at the present day. In the DesBarres chart of 1781 it
is Capoag (one word), and by pronouncing it in two syllables
we have Ca-pog, which is the general local pronunciation
to-day. It is, however, spelled Cape Poge or Pogue.

Un a deed dated June, 1681, Matthew Mayhew is called "Sachem of all Nop."
(Dukes Deeds, VIII, 67). Kendall writing in 1814 while on a visit to the island says
it was called "by the Indians Nope and Capawac." (Travels, II, 183).

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

From all evidence now obtainable the tip end of Chappa-
quiddick was a separate island two hundred years ago, and
was then called the island of Natuck or Capoag, as shown
by the following deeds:

I. 388. Pahkepunnasso, sachem of Chappaquiddick, sold the island
called Natuck to Thomas Mayhew, 16 (6) 1663.

IV. 158. Micajah Mayhew leased "the island of Natick alias Capoag
near unto Chappaquiddick," 4 March, 1727.

IV. 328. Micajah Mayhew leased the "Isle of Capoag .... which
lieth a Uttle to the Easter Northard of the Isle of Chapaquidet" 27 Feb-
ruary, 1729.

This last seems entirely conclusive of the fact that a little
island bore the name of Capoag or Capawack from time im-
memorial, but in further evidence of the general proposition
that Capowack is not the correct Indian name of Martha's
Vineyard I submit the following facts:

I. Neither the town records of Edgartown, from 1642
to 1670, which are, in fact, the earliest muniments of title
on the Vineyard; the court records of the county of Dukes
County, from the earliest entry in 1673 to 1700, nor the town
records of Tisbury, from 1671 to 1700, all of which I have
examined personally, and from which I have full abstracts
for the periods cited, disclose the use of the name Capowack
as a place name for the island as a whole. This is of course
negative testimony, but it may pass as such for cumulative
or circumstantial evidence.

II. In the court records of the county of Dukes County,
under date of Oct, 13, 1675, an order relative to trading
with the Indians is entered, and as a part of the plan for pro-
hibiting non-residents from bartering surreptitiously with
them, it was provided "That no man presume to land any
goods anywhere at Marthas Vineyard, Capepowak, Nomans
Land, or Elizabeth Isles, unless at the places appointed."
This topographical list includes the whole of the county as
then and now constituted, and serves to show that ''Cape-
powak" was by the inhabitants considered as distinct and
separate a place from Martha's Vineyard as Noman's Land
or the Elizabeth Isles.

III. When the New England charter of 1692 was issued
it disclosed the fact that unbeknown to the people of the Vine-
yard, and to the government of New York, under which it
had been since 1671, the island was placed under the govern-

History of Martha's Vineyard

ment of the Massachusetts Bay. In the acts of the General
Court of that year, providing for the control of, and the civil
authority on the Vineyard, it was called "Martha's Vineyard
alias Capowack." This official designation aroused the in-
habitants to protest against the further use of this title for
the island, and in obedience to this sentiment, and acting
on his instructions as representative of the towns of Edgar-
town and Chilmark to the General Court, at the next session
after the passage of these acts, Mr. Benjamin Smith addressed
the Governor and Representatives in this language: —

I am to shew that it seemeth grevious to us that wee seem to be
named in divers acts of the assembly here by a name in no waies acknowl-
edged by us

I am to shew to your honours that if an act be made that whereas
in the divers acts mentioning Martha's Vineyard Alias Capowick, If it
be inserted Martha's Vineyard and Capowick, it will be more satisfactory
to our people. (Mass. Arch, cxii., 453.)

This evidence seems to me to establish conclusively that
however much others, through ignorance or inadvertence,
had given credence to the original use of the title Capowack
as representing the Vineyard in its entirety, yet the inhab-
itants, who were peculiarly familiar with the Indian language
and had been brought into long and intimate relations with
the natives through their missions, disavowed the name as
applicable to the whole island.

It is a difficult matter to dislodge a fixed belief, even if
it be erroneous, but it is hoped that this will find its quietus
now that the means of correction have been found.

THE POKANAUKET INDIANS.

The race of men who peopled the Vineyard at the be-
ginning of the 1 7th century were members of that almost- van-
ished aboriginal family known to ethnologists as the Algon-
quian Indians.

This great family with its numerous tribal divisions ranged
the entire eastern half of North America, from the frozen
waters of Hudson Bay in the north, to the tepid savannahs
of the south, and from the promontories of Nova Scotia in
the east to the snow-clad peaks of the Rocky mountains in
the west. It is the race known to us in song and story. They
were the Indians of Sprague and Cooper, of Longfellow and
Catlin. Of members of this great family in the northeastern

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

portion of our country those most familiar to us are the Mic-
macs of Nova Scotia, the Abnakis of Maine, the Massachu-
setts of our own Commonwealth, and the Narragansetts of
Rhode Island. Of the last-named tribe, whose great chief-
tain, Metacomet, long held the white invaders at bay, were
the Pokanaukets, a sub-division residing to the eastward of
Narragansett Bay, and probably dwelling on the shores of
Buzzard's Bay.

Daniel Gookin in his description of the New England
Indians, written in 1675, makes the following statement:

The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived
to the east and northeast of the Narragansetts, and their chief sachem
held dominion over divers other petty sagamores, as the sagamores upon
the island of Nantucket, and Nope or Martha's Vineyard.^

This authority on the Indians of New England is cor-
roborated by an example of this control which is to be found
entered in our land records under date of March, 1661, when
Womsettan, "chief sachem of Cossomsett" sold to William
Brenton of Newport "all my right on Nope, alias Martha's
Vineyard," and the next year personal delivery was made
by Womsettan by turf and twig of this property, of which
he reserved one-twelfth to himself.^ The Vineyard Indians
were members of this tribe, and until Christianized, owned
fealty to King Philip of Pokanauket during his life-time.'

TRIBAL GOVERNMENT.

There does not appear to have been any single chieftain
on the island to whom the subordinate sachems yielded pre-
cedence, and it is probable that these local head men were
directly responsible to the great chief of the Narragansetts.

As these people were without written records, it is not
possible to accurately define the relations which did exist,
but from the fragmentary allusions in the early writings of
the English historians and observers, the island was divided
into four parts, each presided over by a sagamore, as will
be more particularly explained. As to their form or method
of government, if it may be so termed, we have the detailed

'i Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, 141-227.

*Dukes County Deeds, III, 12, 13. Wamsutta or Wamsettan was an elder brother
of Philip or Metacomet, and son of Massasoit, the great chief of the Wampanoags.
He resided in the region between Buzzards and Narragansett bays.

^Plym. Col. Rec, IV, 164.

History of Martha's Vineyard

explanation furnished by our first local author, Matthew May-
hew, and it will be better placed before the reader in his own
words, and is therefore reprinted here verbatim:^

Their Government was purely Monarchical: and as for such whose
dominions extended further than would well admit one Princes personal
guidance, it was committed into the hands of Lieutenants, who Governed
with no less absoluteness, than the Prince himself: notwithstanding, in
matters of difficulty, the Prince Consulted with his Nobles, and such whom
he esteemed for wisdom; in which it was admirable to see the Majestick
deportment of the Prince, his speech to his Council, with the most delib-
erate discussion of any matter proposed for their advice; after which,
what was by him resolved, without the least hesitation was applauded,
and with at least a seeming Alacrity attended.

The Crown (if I may so term it) alwayes descended to the Eldest
Son (though subject to usurpation), not to the Female, unless in defect
of a Male of the Blood; the Blood Royal, being in such Veneration among
the People, that if a Prince had issue by divers Wives, such Succeeded
as Heirs who was Royally descended by the Mother, although the Young-
est, esteeming his issue by a Venter of less Quality than a Princess, not
otherwise than Sachems or Noblemen.

Their Nobles were either such who descended from the Blood Royal,
or such on whom the Prince bestowed part of his Dominions with the
Royalties, or such whose descent was from Ancestors who had time out
of mind been so Esteemed as such.

Their Yeomen were such who having no stamp of Gentility were yet
esteemed as having a natural right of living within their Princes Do-
minions, and a common use of the Land; and were distinguished by two
names or Titles, the one signifying Subjection, the other Titles of the Land.

Although the People retained nothing of Record nor use of Letters,
yet there lived among them many Families, who, although the time of their
Forefathers first inhabiting among them was beyond the Memory of man,
yet were known to be Strangers or Foreigners, who were not Privileged
with Common Rights, but in some measure Subject to the Yeomanry,
but were not dignified, in attending the Prince, in Hunting or like Ex-
ercise; unless called by particular favor.

The Princes, as they had not other Revenue than the Presents of their
subjects (which yet was counted Due debt), Wrecks of the sea, the Skins
of Beasts killed in their Dominions, and many like things, as First Fruits,
&c, so they wanted none; for in case of War, both People and Estate
was wholly at their dispose; therefore none demanded nor expected Pay.
In respect to their Court, it was doubtless maintained in great Magnifi-
cance in distinction from the Subject which is the utmost can be obtained
by the greatest monarch; their Families and attendants being well Cloathed
with Skins of Moos, Bear, Deer, Beaver, and the like; the Provisions for
their Table, as Flesh, Fish, Roots, Fruits, Berries, Corn, Beanes, in great
abundance and variety was alwayes brought by their Neighboring sub-
jects; of all which they were as void of Care as the most Potent Princes
in this Universe.

'Mayhew: "Triumphs and Conquests of Grace," pages 13-17.
38

The Aboriginal inhabitants

As the Prince was acknowledged Absolute Lord of the Land, so he
had no less Sovereignty at Sea; for as all belonged to him, which wa&
stranded on the shore of his Sea Coast, so whatever Whales or other wreck
of value, or floating on the sea, taken up on the seas washing his shores,
or brought and Landed, from any part of the Sea, was no less his own.

THE FOUR SACHEMSHIPS.

The Vineyard was apparently divided into four govern-
mental sections, of which two, Chappaquiddick and Gay Head,
were separated by natural boundaries from the main island.
This latter territory being divided into two chief sachemships,
which had a definite line of demarcation, represented as accu-
rate a partition as could be devised. By a straight line drawn
from the Blackwater brook emptying into the sound, to Watchet,
the sachemships of Nunnepog and Takemmy were divided by
the "old Sachems and Cheefe men of Nunpoag on the one
side, and the old Sachchims and Cheefe men of Takymmy
on the other side." The particulars of this division deserve
quotation in full:

"that is at the black water or wechpoquasit being the pond and
Run of water into the sound and said bounds to Run southwardly as the
said Run of water cometh from the spring called ponk quatesse and from
said spring of water to the middle of watchet on the south side of this
Hand so that all the Est side of said bounds to belong to Nunpoak and
on the west side of said bounds unto Takymmy, which bounds was
setteled many years ago." '

At the coming of the whites then there were four chief
sagamores or sachems in authority, ruling over Chappaquid-
dick, Nunnepaug, Takemmy, and Aquiniuh (Gay Head).
The sagamores of these four places were at this period Pah-
kepunnassoo, Tewanticut, Mankutoukquet, and Nohtook-
saet respectively. These four greater chiefs or sagamores
subdivided their territory into petty sachemships, who ruled
within certain well-defined limits: for example; Cheesehahcha-
muk was the sachem of Homes' Hole,^ and when his son Ponit
succeeded to his father's authority, the bounds of his sachem-
ship were declared "to have bin set by towonticut by a fut
path which gose from Weakuttockquayah unto cuttashimmoo
on the other side of the neck."^ This means a line drawn

'Tisbury Records, p. 43.
'Dukes Deeds, I, 355.
^Court Records, 1685.

History of Martha's Vineyard

from the head of the lagoon to the head of Tashmoo pond.
It appears that Cheesehahchamuk had sold land in the Chick-
emmoo district as early as 1658. ^ Wampamag was the sachem
of Sanchacankacket in 1660 and he exercised authority over
that neck, from the pond north to the Chop.^ These sachem-
ships were held by inheritance; usually from the father, but
occasionally through the mother, if she had acquired the title
by descent. Wampamag was the son of Adommas/' queen
sachem," as she was called.

These sachems were not always natives of the Vineyard,
but in what manner they acquired their rank and entered
into the enjoyment of their prerogatives is not known,— prob-
ably by selection of the mainland chiefs. Nohtooksaet, the
sachem of Gay Head, ''came from the Massachusetts Bay."^
and Wannamanhut, the sachem of Manitou-Watootan (Christ-
iantown) ''came in his younger time from towards Boston
to Martha's Vineyard, and settled att Takeemmee." *

Concerning this particular importation from the main-
land, it is of record that "at a great meeting of Indians at Tis-
bury" the sagamore "with the rest of the sachems agreed
that Wonamonhoot should have all the land to the westward
of a place called Nippessieh to be at his own disposal." ^

In another case involving the title to a sachemship in
1675, Mittark, the then ruling sachem, as son of Nohtooksaet,
was challenged in his rights by "the person called Omphan-
nut," who claimed he was the eldest son of the deceased sa-
chem. A council was held, composed of the chief men of the
island, and "as far as the mane land" and they decided that
*'Omphannut speak true." Thereupon they assigned to
the latter one-quarter of all the land on Gay Head.^ Tooh-
toowee was the sachem on the north shore of Chilmark in the
Keephigon region, in 1673." The sons and daughters of
all these petty magnates in succeeding years exercised authority
over the tribes, and sold land within their territory as late
as the middle of the i8th century.

The prominent Indian of Edgartown known by his Eng-
lish name of "Tom Tyler" came to the island before 1673,

'Deeds, I, 182, 355.

*Deeds, II, 253.

'Indian converts, 67.

*Sup. Jud. Court files. No. 10, 774,

*Deeds, II, 142.

«Deeds, VI, 369.

'Deeds, III, 201,

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

and lived here many years and probably ended his days at
Sanchacantacket, where Tyler's Field remains as a memory
of his habitation. He was of "royal" blood, but it does not
appear that he acquired any particular distinction here among
them as a '* prince" or sagamore. He was the "sonne of
Sagamore of Agawamm (Ipswich), a known man in the coun-
trey; he that sold the Town of Ipswich," whose name was
Masconomet.^

APPEARANCE, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS.

Brereton thus describes the personal appearance of the
savages as seen by him on the Vineyard and the surrounding
islands: — "These people as they are exceeding courteous,
gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others
that we have seene ; so for shape of bodie and lovely favour I
thinke they excell all the people of America; of stature much
higher than we ; of complexion or colour much like a dark
Olive ; their eie-browes and haire blacke, which weare long tied
up behinde in knott, whereon they pricke feathers of fowles,
in fashion of a crownet : some of them are blacke thin bearded ;
they make beards of the haire of beasts; and one of them
offered a beard of their making to one of our sailers, for his
that grew on his face, which because it was of a red colour,
they judged to be none of his owne." But few of the women
came under the observation of Brereton, and none of their
children, if we may thus interpret his silence about them. Of
the former he says: "Their women (such as we saw) which
were but three in all, were but lowe of stature, their eie-browes,
haire, apparell, and manner of wearing, like to the men, fat,
and very well favoured, and much delighted in our compane;
the men very dutifull towards them."

Of the manners and customs of the Indians, much that
is interesting and authentic has come down to us from the
writings of the early explorers, to show their characteristics
and habits before the white settlers disturbed their life and
robbed it of its picturesque features. It is stated that the
Indians of the Vineyard lived "in several villages," and again
"in severall Townes."^ Properly interpreted, this means
that there was a village for each sachemship, and possibly
smaller settlements at convenient points. The principal

'Essex Deeds, VIII, io6.

*Glorious Progress, 1647; comp. Records Com. United Col., II, 242.

History of Martha's Vineyard

village in Nunnepog was on the shores of the Great Herring
pond, near Mashacket, which name, as will be hereafter shown,
has a special significance. In Takemmy, the settlement
was on the Great Tisbury pond, while Chappaquiddick and
Kuhtuhquetuet (Gay Head) each had its village. It is prob-
able that smaller communities made abiding-places within
the limits of the territorial authority of each petty sachem.
In this way, I believe, we may infer that Wekwetuckauke
(the lagoon), Sanchacantacket, Onkokemmaug (North Tis-
bury), and Nashowakemmuck (Chilmark) were the locations
of such subordinate villages. Of the character of these settle-
ments it can be said that they had no permanency. Com-
posed as they were of loosely constructed wigwams, they
were easily transported from place to place, as the require-
ments of the season demanded. In the summer they were
doubtless picketed about the inlets of the coast, while in winter
they wTre removed to the protection of the woods and hills
from the icy blasts of the north. The circumscribed terri-
tory, however, prevented extended migration, and within
a small compass the various companies owning fealty to the
local great men, moved from place to place, when the
refuse heaps became too large or the game grew too wary.
Their dwellings were known as wigwams, a corruption
of the Algonquian word "wekuwomut," meaning, in our lan-
guage, a house.* The younger Mayhew described these
structures as "made with small poles like an arbor covered
with mats, and their j&re is in the midst, over which they leave
a place for the smoak to go out at." ^ This was in 1650, and
probably is a correct description of them as they were used be-
fore the coming of the whites. The island Indians did not use
skins for a covering like those on the mainland, as there were
not any animals numerous enough to supply them for that
purpose. The mats were woven from the common marsh
flag, or flower-de-luce, and probably long, native grasses
were added for binding.^ The name of Scrubby Neck, or
a portion of it, in Algonquian, was Uppeanash-Konameset,
meaning the "covering mat place," where the cat-tail flags
grew in profusion, and were woven into coverings for their
wigwams.

'Trumbull, English-Natick dictionary, 279. It is written ii'eetuomet at times (El-
iot, Bible, Isaiah: 40; 22), of which wetu is probably the third person singular indic-
ative of a verb that means approximately " he makes his home."

'Light appearing, etc. (London, 1651), page 5.

^In a deed " mapsho grass that is suitable for matts" is mentioned (Dukes Deeds,
IV, 45)-

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

LANGUAGE OF THE VINEYARD INDIANS.

The language spoken by our Indians was a dialect of the
great Algonquian tongue, and was the language of the Indians
of Massachusetts, with slight differences, as testified to by
all early students, but it is probable that those variations were
largely due to the interpreters themselves. Experience May-
hew, perhaps the greatest philologist in this language after
Eliot, has left a brief statement of the Vineyard dialect, which
is here quoted as the only authoritative one we have on the
subject :

The Martha's Vineyard Indian Dialect and that of Natick

according to which Mr. Ehot translated the Indian Bible, are so very much
alike that without a very Critical observation you would not see the dif-
ference Indeed, the difference was something greater than it now

is, before our Indians had the use of the Bible and other Books translated
by Mr. Eliot, but since that most of the Little differences that were be-
twixt them have been happily Lost and our Indians Speak but especially
write much as those of Natick do '

My Grand Father in his time composed a large and Excellent Cate-
chism for the Indians of this Island, agreeable unto their own Dialect; but
not being printed, the original is, I think, utterly lost, and there only re-
mains of it about forty pages in octavo, transcribed as I suppose by some
Indian after his death

I learnt the Indian Language by Rote as I did my Mother Tongue,
and not by Studying the Rules of it as the Lattin Tongue is commonly
learned, besides, as you know, I am no Gramarian I shall then ob-
serve:

1. That all the articulate sounds used by the Indians in these Parts
may be spelt with several Letters fewer than are used by the English; for
I know of no word in the proper dialect of the Indians of the island but
what may be very well written without any of these Consonants, viz; b.
d. f. g. 1. r. X. Indeed, some of them are frequently to be seen in our
Indian books, but in words that are purely Indian, I think unnecessarily;
in words derived from the English they are frequently needed.

2. That the Indian Vowels are the same with the English, save
that the y. is never used with them as a vowel, and that o. is frequently
pronounced through the Nose, much as one would pronounce it with the
mouth close shut.

3. That Dipthongs or Duble sounds are of very frequent use with
the Indian Language, as ae, au, ei, ee, eu, eau, oi, 00. Especially "00"
dipthong is of most frequent use, there being often two of them together
in the same word.

'When Judge Sewall \'isitefi the island in 1702, he was told by Mayhew and
the Indian preacher Japhet that "tis hardly feesible to send any [ministers from the
Vineyard] to the Eastward to convert the Indians, their Language is so different."
(Diary, III, 397).

History of Martha's Vineyard

4. That Some Indian words have so many consonants sounded in
one and the same sillible as render the word somewhat difficult to pronounce.

5. That In the Indian Language there are so few if any proper
partciples that it is unnecessary to Reckon the Partciple as one Part of
their Language

6. That the Indian Pronoun is not dechned or varied except where
it is used in composition with other words or parts of speech

7. That the variation of Nouns is not by Genders or Cases, as in
some other Languages, but in other accounts as the Numbers singular
and Plural; Their Nature, whether Animate or inanimate; Their Magni-
tude, Great or small; Their being in present existence, or being past and
gon

8. That the Noun Adjective or adnown, is declined as well as the
nown substantive to which it relateth

9. Respecting Verbs, several things may be observed; (i) there is

no compleat and intire word for the verb substantive, as am, art, is, etc

(2) Other verbs there be both active and passive (3) The most Indian

verbs are personal, yet there are some impersonals (4) Indian verbs

have both modes and tenses belonging to them (5) Verbes in Indian

are both positive and negative Generally, concerning Indian verbs,

I may say; That in the various conjugations or different formation of them,
a very great part of the Indian Language does consist

10. Indian Adverbs are words attending on their verbs, and shew
the Quallity of the actions signified by them, also their character, extention,
duration, cessation, etc., such as in English end in -ly, comonly in Indian
end in -e.

11. I may further observe that Indian words, especially the names
of persons and things, are generally very significant, by far more so than
those of the EngHsh, as the Hebrew also are; For with them, the way
used was to call every place. Person, and thing by a name taken from
some thing remarkable in it or attending of it. Thus the place where I
dwell is in Indian called Nempanicklickanuk, in English, The place of
Thunderclefts, because there was once a Tree there split in pieces by
the Thunnder

12. I shall observe to you that the Indian Language delighteth great-
ly in compounding of words; in which way they frequently make one
word out of several, and then one such word will comprehend what in
Enghsh is four, five, or six; but as by this means they often have much
in a little room, so it is also true that this sometimes makes their words

very long, the rules of their Language calling for it I will give you

an Instance of one: Nup-pahk-top-pe-pe-nau-wut-chut-chuh-quo-ka-neh-
cha-nehcha-e-nin-na-mun-nonok. Here are fifty-eight letters and twen-
ty two syllables, if I do not miss count them. The English of this very
long word is: Our well skilled Looking glass makers

I shall at present ad no more concerning the Indian Language, save
in general that I think it good and regular. That it may seem otherwise
to some is, as I judge, because ther is not yet a good Gramer made for it,
nor are the Rules of it fully understood Nor are the Indians yet

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

so much beholden to other Nations, for words borrowed of them as the
English are, or otherwise would be much poorer than now they be.'

In order that those interested in a further investigation
of the language may have a concrete example of it as it looks
when written out, the following document, taken from the
land records, dated 1669, is here reproduced for diligent exam-
ination and study. There are many such deeds recorded in
the original Algonquian, mostly by the Rev. Experience May-
hew, and they must remain a valuable contemporary evi-
dence of the language of our island Indians as translated
into English symbols by the diligent and painstaking mission-
aries.

Dukes Deeds, vi. 412.

Wachtook wame Kenao woskatomppaog Tayu ohguompbi Nen In-
diane Sachim Wompbamaog yug uessooog muttumsisog mache Chup-
bohtoogahkuh Taogkashkupbeh Neatkittammuk guanaimmuh Wutche
Nen Wompbamag Noowekont ammooomk Nohmaktamckit aspoowesit
Ales Setum wutchubpaoom ne ankuhque Rishkag Nessinnehehak Wonn
napanna Radtoo Noh Nohtoe Ussoowegoo Keziah Setum neankuhque
kishkug Wuttisham piog Nupomppunna Rudtoo Neankuhque kishkag
nessee Tannkkanmoouk Neunnukkuhque kishkaiEnsompe quehpee hum-
miyu Pache Deagit 00 bonus Watiskin Nen Wompamog Nissingu Minnuh-
ki wussombpohtaunnau newutche mache Nutohup bmuummauonnooyu
Tahshin ahkuhen Ales Setum Wona Keziah Setum (Wuttonnessuh Thomas
Setum) wuttinnau nissinwona wame Uppemeteuukkunooout mikene
asah Wattauwatuonkkanoout Wounnahtoae ahtauhiitich Michime ^u
Tahsin ahsk Newutche mattape Nupbappennoowehtoooun asahowan
kannootammanshittogknoussontummoonk matpe wuttiss wnnau See-
wunaahteaonk kune ahtauhuttit yu Tahehin ahkuh Ales Setum Keziah
Setum Wona wame Ummeehummonk yo ahk March 14 Daye 1669.

Nen Wompammag Indian Sontum Numminnehkehtaum yu deede

(Seal)
Nen bonid Wauwaenin. 00 X mark

noo X mark.
Onen Isack Omppanne Wannaenin.

noo X mark.

When he wished to express himself, however, in English,
the native was not so verbose, as witness the following deed,
written directly to the point: —

' Extracts from a letter of Experience Mayhew to Judge Paul Dudley, dated
Chilmark, March the 20th, 1721-2.

"Josiah Cotton, in his vocabulary, compiled about 1727, says that he 'had some
of his father's (Rev. John Cotton's) words, and he learned Indian at Nope, and these
Indians (Plymouth) don't understand every word of them Indians.' "

History of Martha's Vineyard

Dukes Deeds, I, i8.

Awannamuck and Kesuckquish of Unnunpauque we have bargained:
I give him my land at Pahaukanit from the pointward to the headward,
twenty-two rodde and half in length, and all toward the shore hee hath.
I, Awannamuck, say so.

This is my hand. n. — WiUinesses,

Awannamuck hath five shillings. — Wampamuck S.

I, Kesuckquish, say it. — Pattuckquittaalick G.

Manittocket O.

Indeed, Brereton found them in 1602 speaking some
English, if we may credit his roseate view of all the things
he saw. He said:

They pronounce our language with great facilitie; for one of them
one day sitting by me, upon occasion I spake smiling these words: "How
now (sirha) are you so fancie with my Tobacco; which words (without any
further repetition) he suddenly spake so plaine and distinctly, as if he had
beene a long scholar in the language.'

THEIR MYTHS AND TRADITIONS.

Like all primitive races, the savages of North America
had their myths and traditions, as respected their origin, the
development of their surroundings, and the supernatural being
who ruled all things for good or evil. Each division of these
aboriginal peoples treasured the stories of the wonderful do-
ings of this mighty spirit, to which a local coloring was given
to invest the tales with human interest. These traditions
had one common origin, and are closely correlated to the
folk-lore of other races in distant lands and of widely sepa-
rated stock. In the Amerindian lore, the all-powerful being
who presided over their destinies was called Mich-a-bo, the
Great White Hare, and from the remotest wilds of the north-
west to the Atlantic, and from the southern savannahs of
Georgia to the cheerless shores of Hudson's Bay, the Algon-
quians were never tired of circling around the winter fire in
their wigwams and hearing the story of Michabo, whom all the
tribes, with great unanimity, regarded as their common an-
cestor. He was recognized by them as the maker of all things
on the earth, and had his abode in the heavens. He was
the founder of the medicine hunt, in which, after appropriate
ceremonies, the Indian sleeps and Michabo appears to him
in his dreams and tells him how and where to find his game.

'" True Relation," II.
46

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

He devised all their implements, nets, weapons, and charms,
and handed them down to his children for use in peace and
war. In the autumn, the "moon of the falling leaf," he filled
his great pipe and enjoyed a mighty smoke, ere he composed
himself for the winter, and the clouds of balmy odor float
over the hills and dales, filling the air with the haze of the
Indian summer. Michabo was, in short, their omniscient,
omnipotent one, who ruled the destinies of their world, and
who entered into the smallest concerns of their daily lives.
"Indeed," says the old missionary Breboeuf, in a tone of dis-
gust with such puerilities, "without his aid, they think
they could not boil a pot."

"It is passing strange," says Brinton, in his Myths of
the New World "that such an insignificant creature as the
rabbit should have received this apotheosis." In its various
forms we may see the analogue of the "Bre'r Rabbit" stories
of the negroes, which are constructed upon the same founda-
tion. It is not a simple animal worship, although the name
Michabo, in all its different local forms, lends emphasis to that
hypothesis, as it is a compound word, which has been translated
by the Indians themselves as meaning "great," and "hare"
or "rabbit." Brinton, however, shows that these words had
a deeper significance, an esthetic sense, which admits of a
different interpretation, and "discloses at once the origin
and the secret meaning of the whole story of Michabo, in the
light of which it appears no longer the incoherent fable of sava-
ges, but the true myth, instinct with nature, pregnant with
matter nowise inferior to those which fascinate in the chants
of Rig Veda, or the weird pages of Edda."

The word "michi" (mashi, machi, etc.) signifies "great,"
and "abos" a hare, while the initial syllable of this last word,
meaning "white," from which is derived their words for the
east, the dawn, the light, and the morning. "Beyond a doubt"
says Brinton, "this is the compound in the name Michabo,
which therefore means the Great Light, the Spirit of Light,
of the dawn or the east, and in the literal sense of the word,
the Great White One, as indeed he has sometimes been called."
Max Muller says that "the whole theogony and philosophy
of the ancient world centred in the dawn, the mother of the
bright gods, of the sun in his various aspects, of the morn,
the day, the spring, herself the brilliant image and visage of
immortality." In effect, the folk lore of the Algonquians, of
which the Martha's Vineyard tribe had their share, was but

History of Martha's Vineyard

the crude form of a divine worship veiled under a local garb
of fanciful coloring. In the few myths which have come
down to us from the tribe which inhabited this island, we
shall see the story of Michabo credited to Maushope (pro-
nounced in three syllables), and his wonderful works here
are but variants of the same tales told by other tribes on the
Great Lakes, the shores of Nova Scotia, and the swamps of
the Carolinas.

The following legend relates to the beginnings of the
aboriginal life upon the Vineyard: —

"The first Indian who came to the Vineyard was brought
thither with his dog on a cake of ice/ When he came to
Gay Head he found a very large man, whose name was Mo-
shup. He had a wife and five children, four sons and one
daughter, and lived in the den. He used to catch whales,
and then pluck up trees, and make a fire and roast them.
The coals of the trees and the bones of the whales are now to
be seen. After he was tired of staying here, he told his chil-
dren to go and play ball on the beach that joined Nomans
Land to Gay Head. He then made a mark with his toe
across the beach, at each end, and so deep that the water
followed and cut away the beach; so that his children were
in fear of drowning. They took their sister up and held her
out of the water. He told them to act as if they were going
to kill whales, and they were all turned into killers (a fish
so-called). The sister was dressed in large stripes; he gave
them a strict charge always to be kind to her. His wife
mourned the loss of her children so exceedingly that he threw
her away. She fell upon Seconnett, near the rocks, where
she lived some time, exacting contribution of all who passed
by water. After awhile she was changed into a stone. The
entire shape remained for many years, but after the English
came some of them broke off the head, arms, &c, but the
most of the body remains unto this day. Moshup went away
nobody knows whither. He had no conversation with the
Indians, but was kind to them, by sending whales &c ashore
to them to eat. But after they grew thick around him he
left them."=^

'This is common to many legends of. the origin of different tribes. As an exam-
ple of its widespread character, the Sarcee Indians of Alberta, Canada, have the
same story of the first of their people floating from the north on a cake of ice. — Journal
oj American Folk Lore, 1904, page 180.)

* I Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, 139.

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

This tale was told over a hundred years ago to Benjamin
Bassett, of Chilmark, by Thomas Cooper of Gay Head, who
was born about 1725, and who learned it from his grandmother
who, to use his own expression, "was a stout girl when the Eng-
lish came to the island." This legend is a fragmentary out-
line of the national myth of the Algonquians, Moshup being
an obvious dialectic or Anglicized corruption of Michabo,
while the deeds of this great being partake of local coloring,
as was the character of all their tales about his wonderful
powers. The four sons are the four cardinal points, and the
daughter the Light of the Dawn, her "stripes" representing
the rays of the sun. Among other tribes this legend would
vary with their surroundings; at the Great Lakes, those bod-
ies of water were his beaver dams; cataracts were torn up
by his hands, and large depressions on the surface of the earth
were his footsteps, which were eight leagues in length; and
such like stories, told by the powwaws to their listeners made
up the miracles of Michabo, the Great White One.

Another tale which has come down to us from the Vine-
yard Indians is as follows: "One day he decided to go to
Cuttyhunk, which was but a few strides for one so famous
as he, but he did not wish to get his feet wet, and taking some
stones in his apron he began laying the foundations of a bridge.
While engaged in this absorbing occupation a monster crab
bit his toe and firmly held that member in its great claw,
which caused Michabo to roar with pain, and in his anger
he threw his load in every direction in his efforts to release
himself. The rocks thus scattered mark the place now called
the "Devil's Bridge," a fateful spot for mariners.^ On an-
other occasion an offering w^as made to him by his subjects
of Nope, of all the tobacco on the island, and filling his great
hopuonk or pipe, he sat down in front of his "den" and en-
joyed this huge smoke. After taking his fill of this diversion,
he turned over the bowl and knocked the ashes from it, and
as they were carried by the wind to the eastward, they fell
in a heap and formed the island of Nantucket, which was
known as the Devil's Ash Heap by the natives."^

'"The natives of the Elizabeth Island say that the Devell was making a stone
bridge over from the main to Nanamesit Island, and while he was rowling the stones
and placing them under water, a crab catched him by the fingers, with which he
snatched up his hand and flung it towards Nantucket, and the crabs breed there ever
since." ("Memoranda of Naushon," by Wait Winthrop, 1702.)

^Mrs. Mary A. Cleggett Vanderhoop, of Gay Head, prepared a very interesting
series of popular articles on the "History and Traditions of the Gay Head Indians"
for the New Bedford Standard, which were published in the summer of 1904, and the

History of Martha's Vineyard

As there was a benevolent god which the Indians cred-
ited with all their good fortune, so there was an evil spirit
who brought them sickness and mischance. This was Chepy
or Cheeby, sometimes called Abbamocko.^ This god was
a universally accepted personage in the Algonquian mythol-
ogy, and part of his performances relate to the Vineyard,
where he vented some of his anger upon the terrified natives
of Nope. Another of their bad deities was one called Squan-
tum, ''but worship him they do not," says an early traveler
among the tribes of New England.^ This name is a con-
tracted form of "musquantum," meaning "he is angry,"
and when accidents befell them, the terrified natives would
say with bated breath, "musquantum manit!" The local
legend is to the effect that Squantum lived with Moshup as
his wife, and that her eyes were square, and to hide this hideous
deformity, she wore her hair over her face. Twelve children
were born to them, all daughters, and they lived an ideal home
life in the "Den" on Aquinniuh, the Indian name for Gay
Head. Her life was so subordinated to this domestic situa-
tion that we do not hear much of her miraculous deeds except
in the manner of her "taking off." Traditions differ as to
this event, some saying she jumped from the highest of the
chr.omatic cliffs of the western end of Nope, and passed for-
ever out of sight into the blue waters of the Atlantic, while
a more romantic version is to the effect that, led by Moshup
along the glistening sands of the beaches of Gay Head and
Squipnocket, the twain disappeared in one of the huge hum-
mocks near "Zac's Cliff's." Imaginative children of Algon-
quian ancestry were kept within leash by whispered references
to the mysterious reappearances of Squantum in this region,
where she came out to smoke or to bathe, and any unusual
sounds at nightfall were attributed to "Old Squant'," who
was said to be warning mariners against shipwreck. This
form of legend does not fit the accepted type of lore about
the Squantum of the Indians elsewhere, but it is given for
what it is worth — a ghost story.

author of this book regrets that there is not space to quote all of her picturesque nar-
rative of the legends she has incorporated in her chapters about Moshup and his
mythical associates. They vary in some particulars from the legends which are in
print, but this is inseparable from such Uterature.

^This word is another form of Tchippe, meaning separated, apart, that is, dead;
hence, a spirit, a ghost, one apart from the living. "Abbamocho or Cheepie many
times smites them with incurable diseases, scares them with apparitions and panic
terrors." (Josselyn, Two Voyages, 133).

^Josselyn: "Two Voyages"; comp., Higginson, " New England's Plantation," and
Roger Williams' " Key into the Language of America."

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

The last myth which it will be profitable to consider
in this section relates to Cheepy, the other Evil One, and in-
cludes a version of the building of the "Devil's Bridge." The
building of this bridge was a matter of dispute between two
elements of Aquinniuh; one whom we may designate as the
progressive party, desired it for convenience of traveling to
the main land, while the conservative portion of the inhab-
itants felt that it would serve as a thoroughfare for those on
the main as well, and thus they would be crowded by strangers,
and their peaceful homes disturbed by a foreign element.
The progressive sentiment prevailed and we consider it as the
element inimical to the interests of the Indians, for it was
influenced by the wiles of Cheepie. He agreed to build a
permanent structure, not an unsubstantial affair of wood.
A formal agreement and contract was drawn up between
the people and Cheepie, by which he was to complete the
bridge from Aquinniuh to Poocutoh-hunk-konnoh, now called
by the shortened form of Cuttyhunk, between the hour of
sunset and before the crowing of the cocks in the morning.
Beginning the gigantic task according to his compact, Cheepie
worked with all of his Titanic powers, and w^as making won-
derful progress, when a plot contrived by one of the opposi-
tion was brought into action. Doubtless it was devised by
the Good Spirit, Michabo, but the local tale is silent on this
phase of the legend. The bridge was rapidly pushing its
length across the sound, when the trick was disclosed. It
was based upon the habits of the cock, under the influence
of light, whether it be natural or artificial, and one of the
opposition was given the means to flash a torch in front of
the cock whose crow was to mark the limit of time for Cheep-
ie's contract. Waving the light before the astonished fowl,
a loud crow and the flapping of wings was the response to
the glaring flame, and the day was saved for the good Indians
who opposed the mighty Evil Spirit.

But in after years it did not need a bridge to make a way
for the alien, and he came in great canoes, larger than they
had ever seen before, and they were filled with Wautaconu-
a-og, men with coats; of another color, from the east. They
brought with them strange weapons, fashioned out of a new
material, had red beards, and knew not Michabo or Cheepie,
nor yet Squanto. It seemed as if they were of the expected
people who were to come out of the rising sun, from the dawn,
white ones like Michabo, and inhabit their hunting and fish-
Si

History of Martha's Vineyard

ing grounds. The destiny of Moshup, the Good Spirit of
Nope, was about to be fulfilled. "He told them, his simple
subjects," as narrated by the grandmother of Thomas Cooper,
before quoted, "that as the light had come among them and
he belonged to the Kingdom of Darkness, he must take his
leave; which, to their great sorrow, he accordingly did, and
never has been heard of since."

THE INDIAN MYTHOLOGY.

The religion of the Indians of Nope was that of their
great parent stock, a form of Polytheism. Besides the good
and evil Ones, whose names are given in the relations of their
folk-lore, they had more than a score of others. The younger
Mayhew, in his story of the conversion of Hiacoomes, the
first Christianized Indian of the Vineyard, states that the
former companions of this primeval convert would catechize
him about the new religion. "Myoxeo asking him how many
Gods the English did worship, he answered, 'one God,' where-
upon Myoxeo reckoned up about thirty-seven principal Gods
he had, and 'shall I (said he) throw away these thirty-seven
Gods for one?' "^ Evidently this incredulous native con-
sidered the subject from a mathematical standpoint, and
thought the showing was distinctly unfavorable for the whites.
Roger Williams confirms this enumeration in his investiga-
tions among the Narragansett tribe, who were allied to our
own. "They have given me the names of thirty-seven, which
I have, all which in their solemn worships they invocate."^
Among these gods of the Indian mythology were Wompa-
nand, the "Eastern God," that is, of the dawn, or of day-
light; Wunnanna meanit, the "Northern God"; Chekesu-
wand, the "Western God"; Kautantowwit, the "South-
western God," in whose domain, says Roger Williams, "the
souls of all their great and good men and women go." This
was their crude form of likening the rising sun to the begin-
ning of life, and the setting of the same in the west as the
end of light and life. Other gods were of special quality,
such as Keesuckquand, the "Sun God"; Squauanit, the
"Woman's God"; W^tuomanit, the "House God"; Paum-
pagussit, the "Sea God"; Yotaanit, the "Fire God"; Nane-
paushat, the "]Moon's God," and distinctive gods for good

'Letter of Mayhew to Whitfield, Sept. 7, 1650.
*" Key to Language, etc.," page no.

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

and evil functions. The name adopted by the early Indian
students, Mayhew, Eliot, Williams, and others, was Mani-
tou, a word probably derived from "anue," meaning "above,"
with the suppositive participial form and indefinite prefix
"m'anit," ''he who is above. "^

This religion was interpreted to the natives by a regular
priesthood, whose members were called powwaws, or pau-
waus, persons who are described by the missionary Mayhew
as "such as cure by devilish sorcery, and to whom the devil
appears sometimes."^ Their influence over the natives of
the island was powerful, and it is constantly referred to by
Mayhew as the principal obstacle to his progress in the work
of teaching the Christian doctrines to those who wished to
investigate the new belief. Their priestly duties comprised
all forms of control of secular as well as spiritual affairs.
Williams tells us that "they make solemn speeches and ora-
tions, or Lectures to them concerning Religion, Peace, or
Warre, and all thinge."^ Hariot says of them: "The inhab-
itants give great credit unto their speeche, which often tymes
they finde to be all true,"^ and Wood, one of the earliest writ-
ers on the manners and customs of our New England abo-
rigines, confirms this in his references to the powwaws. He
states: "Their pow-woivs betakeing themselves to their ex-
orcisms and necromanticke charmes by which they bring
to passe strange thinge, if we may believe the Indians."^

The information about the Indians derived from Thom-
as Cooper, above quoted, includes a description of the form
of worship. "Whenever the Indians worshipped," he says,
"they always sang and danced, and then begged of the sun
and moon, as they thought most likely to hear ,them, to send
them the desired favor; most generally rain or fair weather,
or freedom from their enemies or sickness." These dances
took place in the open, and one of their places of congrega-
tion for such ceremonies was the "Dancing Field" in Christ-
iantown.

As an illustration of the manner of these powwaws in ex-
orcising disease, the testimony of the younger Mayhew is
of interest, as it came under his observation. "There was a
very strange disease this yeare (1643)," he wrote, "amongst

'Trumbull, "Natick Dictionary," 268.

^Letter of Mayhew to J(ohn) D(ownam?), Nov. 18, 1647.

^Key to Language, page iii.

^Narrative (16S5).

'New England's Prospect, c. xii (1634).

History of Martha's Vineyard

the Indians: they did run up and down till they could run
no longer; they made their faces black as a coale, snatched
up any weapon, speaking great words, but did no hurt; I
have seen many of them in this case."^ The Cooper legend,
already quoted, gives us another picture of the native mak-
ing a sort of sacrificial offering for the benefit of others less
fortunate than himself, and leaves the realm of lore for that
of fact. He says that consumption and yellow fever were the
scourges of the Indians before the coming of the whites. In
this nomenclature we must make some allowance for error,
in the light of our knowledge of the diseases mentioned. It
is probable that small pox was referred to in the term "yellow
fever," as this disease is a tropical product exclusively, ex-
cept in isolated cases which are imported to the north by
rapid conveyance, at the present time. The pustular erup-
tions of small pox, with the incrustations following, gave
the body a yellowish appearance, which was described as
a "yellow fever." This disease could be "laid," as he ex-
plained, by the following ceremonies: "The rich, that is
such as had a canoe, skins, axes, etc., brought them. They
took their seats in a circle; and all the poor sat around
without. The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sick-
ness; and having in his hand something in shape resembling
his canoe, skin or whatever else his riches were, he threw it
up in the air, and whoever of the poor without could take
it, the property it was intended to resemble became forever
transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away
all their movable property to the poor, they looked out the
handsomest and most sprightly young man in the assembly
and put him in an entirely new wigwam, built of everything
new for that purpose. Then they formed into two files, at a
small distance from each other, one standing in the space at
each end, put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts,
and fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would
leap out of the flames and fall down, to appearances dead.
Him they committed to the care of five virgins, prepared for
that purpose, to restore to life again. The time required
for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight hours,
during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was
restored, he would tell that he had been carried in a large
thing high up in the air, where he came to a great company of

'Letter, Mayhew to Whitfield, Sept. 7, 1650. (" Light Appearing," etc., p. 4).

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

white people, with whom he had interceded hard to have the
distemper layed; and generally after much persuasion would
obtain a promise, or answer of peace which never failed of
laying the distemper."

INDIAN WEAPONS AND UTENSILS.

The implements used by the aborigines belonged to
the stone age, with some exceptions referred to later on. Their
weapons were made of various kinds of stone, and fashioned
into arrow heads, spear points, and hammers, which were
fastened to shafts or handles by thongs of skin, or the inside
of the bark of willow trees. ^ Articles of domestic service,
such as mortars and pestles for pounding up and pulveriz-
ing their corn, were made of stone, and possibly mortars were
fashioned out of oak wood by charring and hollowing out
a cavity by successive applications of live coals. Fishing
implements were probably made of bones ingeniously bent
into form like a hook, and it is known that they were cog-
nizant of the use of nets constructed of animal gut, flax, and
vegetable binders, grasses, bark, and the like, as well as of
the making of weirs for the herring runs. Undoubtedly
they used spears for the larger fish, along the shores, but
it is doubtful if they were ever much engaged in hunting
the striped bass or blue fish with their primitive devices.
One custom learned from the Indians was a form of fishing
by torch-light, and known as "wequashing," a word which
survives to this day in certain portions of New England.
It is an anglicized participial form of weekquash, an eastern
Algonquian term for fishing by an artificial light. The word
wequai means "light," and we find wequananteg, a candle-
stick, mentioned by Eliot. The Indian fishing stations on
the island are well defined by the names which have survived.
Kataamuck (Katama), a crab fishing place; Chickemmoo,
weir fishing place; Uncawamuck (Eastville), further or ut-
most fishing place; Quanaimes, the long fish place; Ashap-
paquonsett, where the nets are spread, and others along
the sea inlets and creeks.

Many of the smaller stone implements are found every
year in the farms about the island, when the ground is plowed

'The means employed by the Indians in making these small arrow-heads, some
of them small and delicate stones, has long remained a mystery. Recently, a student
of archaology, after repeated experiments, has demonstrated the process by the use
of a small hard-wood mallet. The shape of it is beveled and the stroke applied ac-
cording to the cleavage of the stone employed.

History of Martha's Vineyard

deeply. By this means several collections of arrow heads,
spears, pestles, etc. have been made by those interested.^

The method employed by the Indians for starting a
blaze, by the use of flint and tinder, is thus related by Brere-
ton: "They strike fire in this manner; every one carrieth
about him in a purse of tewed leather a Minerall stone (which
I take to be their Copper), and with a flat Emerie stone (where-
with Glasiers cut glasse, and Cutlers glase blades) tied fast
to the end of a little sticke, gently he striketh upon the Miner-
all stone, and within a stroke or two a sparke falleth upon
a piece of Touchwood (much like our Spunge in England),
and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently." ^

That the aborigines had knowledge of the use of copper
is clearly established by the testimony of Brereton. The
objects fashioned from it must have been obtained from the
natives of the Lake Superior region by a system of exchange
or purchase, through intermediaries on the main land. The
journalist of Gosnold's voyage says:

None of them but have chaines, earrings, or collars of this mettal;
they head some of their arrows herewith, much like our broad arrow heads,
very workmanly made. Their chaines are many hollow pieces semented
together, ech piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds, a finger in length
ten or twelve of them together on a string, which they weare about their
necks; their collars they weare about their bodies like bandelieres, a
handfuU broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter
foure hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and evenly set together. Be-
sides these, they have large drinking cups, made like seniles, and other
thinne plates of Copper, made much like our boare speare blades, all
which they so little esteeme, as they offere their fairest collars or chaines
for a knife or such like trifle, but we seemed little to regard it; yet I was
desirous to understand where they had such store of this mettall, and
made signes to one of them (with whom I was verie familiar), who, tak-
ing a piece of Copper in his hand, made a hole with his finger in the
ground and withall pointed to the maine from whence they came.'

ABORIGINAL POPULATION.

Of the number of Indians living on the island at this
period, we are without definite knowledge. One author-

'The late Rev. Daniel Stevens of Vineyard Haven was an early collector and his
specimens, inherited by a son, are now on deposit in an historical museum in Bristol,
R. I., while a fine array of all varieties of implements has been gathered by Mr. Chester-
Poole, Mr. Daniel Vincent and Mrs. Frank P. Flanders, all of Chilmark. The author
also has a small collection of arrow heads and spear heads.

^Brief and True Relation, lo.

'True Relation, 9.

The Aboriginal Inhabitants

ity estimated the Indian population in 1642 as three thousand/
Whether their numbers had been affected by the "epidem-
icall disease" which, for three years prior to the landing
at Plymouth had decimated some tribes, and is believed
to have been the small-pox, is not known; but presumably
they suffered somewhat from the then prevailing scourge,
which existed along the coast from the Penobscot to Narra-
gansett bay.^

These, then, were the people inhabiting our island as
lords of the soil, from the remotest periods to the time when
it passed into the possession of the English owners by "right"
of discovery and settlement.

' 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., Ill, 92.

^ Daniel Gookin, writing in 1674, says: "I have discoursed viath some old Indians,
that were then youths, who say that the bodies all over were exceeding yellow (de-
scribing it by a yellow garment he showed me), both before they died and afterwards."
(Ibid., I, 148).

«&

-Section at A-B-

STONE IMPLEMENT,
Found at Mill HaL, Edgarto;\'n.^

'The author is indebted to Mr. Geo. M. Warren, engineer in charge of the con-
struction of the water supply system of Edgartown, for a description of this stone
weapon found by him in 1906 during excavations at this place.

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER HI.
Early Voyages of Discovery.

It cannot be said that the history of Martha's Vineyard
begins with the voyages of the Norsemen to the country called
Vinland by them during their visits to an unexplored region
in the unknown west, in the loth and nth centuries, for much
of the truth of their discoveries lies hidden in the mysterious
descriptions of the Icelandic sagas. The general consensus
of historical judgment is that these hardy mariners penetrated
our New England coast lines during the period covered by
their voyages, and the only points of dispute that arise touch
the attempted identification of localities described by them
in their sagas. Here local pride and historical acumen often
strain at their moorings in the endeavor to adopt the general-
ized narrative of the writers to local surroundings. The
most careful and conservative commentary on the subject
accepts the view of their visit to the southern coast of New
England, and upon this basis proceeds to a scheme of identi-
fication of locality. This feature is the work of Professor
C. C. Rafn, the learned geographer and student of Norse
literature.^

In the saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, narrating a voyage
undertaken in the year 1006, the following description oc-
curs respecting the locality about the south shore of Cape
Cod, which they called Kiarlness, Keel-nose, because it re-
sembled the keel of a ship. The writer thus continues:

They sailed into a frith ; there lay an island before it, round which
there were strong currents, therefore called they it Stream island. There
were so many eider ducks on the island that one could scarcely walk in
consequence of the eggs.

The name of Stream island in Icelandic is Straumey,
which the learned geographer Rafn has identified as Martha's
Vineyard, and which is accepted by the editor of the sagas
as the correct inference. In the light of such high author-
ity, we may rest our case of the visit of the Norsemen to the
Vineyard and adopt their conclusions. So the first known

'Vovages of the Norsemen in the loth and nth centuries, bv Edmund F. Slafter,
A. M., D. D., Prince Society, Vol. X.

Early Voyages of Discovery

name of our island, christened almost nine centuries ago,
was Straumey, the stream island, so called because of that
peculiar co-tidal phenomena which impressed all the early
voyagers, sailing into these waters.

VERRAZZANO'S VOYAGE, 1 524.

Over five hundred years elapse before we have any further
definite record of a European exploration into these waters,
and this was the voyage of the Italian navigator, Giovanni
da Verrazzano. He was a corsair in the French service
and left France in 1523, in command of an expedition which
explored the coast of North America, from North Caro-
lina to Newfoundland during 1524, and in the course of this
extended travel along our shores, he entered New York bay
and spent some time in and about Narragansett Bay. While
it is not possible to say that he set foot upon the Vineyard,
yet it is within the probabilities that he did not pass by the
largest island on the coast without making a landing. He
is supposed to have disembarked upon one of the islands
off this coast, which some have thought to be Block island,
but it does not seem reasonable that he would specially desig-
nate a small island, and not notice one next to it thrice its
size. But the maps and narratives of the early explorers
are mysterious reading, and it is only possible to say that he
named an island off the south coast of New England in hon-
or of the mother of Francis I. of France. Mercator, who
made the map based upon the explorations of Verrazzano, con-
founded the name of Claudia, the wife of Francis I., with
that of the king's mother, Luisa, and so placed the form.er
name on his charts. Others followed his nomenclature,
and it was not until modern discovery of Verrazzano's own
map showed that the voyager had properly placed the name
of Luisa on the island he had found. A number of histor-
ical students consider that it refers to the Vineyard.^ If
this be true, it will be seen that our island bore the name of
Luisa before it came to be known as Martha.

THE LANDING OF GOSNOLD, l6o2.

With our succeeding navigator, Bartholomew Gosnold,
we are getting upon sure ground, as his voyage is so well

'Brodhead, History of New York, I, 57; comp., Historical Magazine, II, 99; Mag-
azine of American History, February 1893, p. 91.

History of Martha's Vineyard

described by two journalists, that we may follow him from
his port of departure, ''upon the five and twentieth of March,
1602, being Friday," when he set sail "from Falmouth, be-
ing in all two and thirty persons, in a small barke of Dart-
mouth, called the Concord, holding a course for the north
part of Virginia," as all this region was then called. Of
the personality of this early discoverer, but little has been
known, until recent years, when, through the investigations
of an antiquarian, his lineage has been established, and we
now know that he was the son and heir of Anthony Gosnold
of Grundisburgh, in the county of Suffolk, and of the older
family of Gosnold of Otley in the same county.^ His mother
was Dorothy, daughter of George and Margaret Bacon of
Hessett, county of Suffolk, and through this connection he
was related to the well known Nathaniel Bacon, the "rebel"
of Virginia, although they were of different generations, and
distant kindred comprised the distinguished names of Sir
Nicholas Bacon and his more famous son, known as Lord
Bacon, "the wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind." An-
other relative connected with early American colonization
was Edward Maria Wingfield, Governor of Virginia in 1607,
when Gosnold was a resident of that colony. The wife of
Captain Gosnold was Catherine Barrington, thought to be
the daughter of Sir Thomas Barrington of Hatfield, county
of Essex, and thus it will be seen that he was of the best stock
in England at that time; but his fame does not rest upon
this aggregation of distinguished names, for his own eminent
services to his country are enough to place him above the
reflected glory of kith and kin, however celebrated. This
dauntless pioneer, who sailed the shorter route across the
Atlantic, discovered, or at least named the Elizabeth islands
and founded the first settlement of white men on our shores, has
a personality of his own, which we are glad to recognize,
in view of his intimate connection with the beginnings of
the definite history of Martha's Vineyard.

Of his voyage hither, his journalist says that it was long-
er than expected, notwithstanding they made a direct course
from the Azores, because the bark was "weake" and the
sailors few, and "our going upon an unknowen coast made
us not over-bolde to stand in with the shore." On Friday,
the 14th of May, early in the morning, they made land, nearly

'J. Henry Lea in Genealogical Register, LVI, 402, et seq.
60

Early Voyages of Discovery

six weeks after leaving Falmouth, and they found their fall
along a shore marked by low hummocks, full of "fair trees,"
and reaches of white sand/ At noon Gosnold anchored,
when "sixe Indians, in a Baske shallop with mast and saile,
an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came boldly abord
us, one of them apparrelled with a wastcoat and breeches
of black serdge, made after our sea-fashion, hose and shoes
on his feet ; all the rest (saving one that had a paire of breeches
of blue cloth) were all naked." It seemed that some fisher-
men of St. Jean de Luz, as they supposed, had been trading
or fishing there at some time previous.^ Gosnold weighed
anchor at three in the afternoon, and standing on a souther-
ly course the rest of the day and the night following, they
found themselves in the morning "embayed with a mightie
headland," and at nine o'clock Gosnold anchored and went
ashore with four of the ship's company and marched "all
that afternoon with our muskets on our necks." They found
this headland to be a part of the main land. During their
absence the crew had busied themselves with catching fish,
and "had pestered our ship so with Cod fish that we threw
numbers of them over-bord againe." In commemoration
of this event, Gosnold named the place "Cape Cod," a name
it has ever since borne.

"From this place," continues the narrator, "we sailed
round about this headland, almost all points of the compasse,
the shore very bolde; but as no coast is free from dangers,
so I am persuaded, this is as free as any; the land somewhat
low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plaine ; at length
we were comiC amongst many faire Islands, which we had
partly discerned at our first landing; all lying within a league
or two one of another, and the outermost not above sixe or
seven leagues from the maine." It is evident that Gosnold
had doubled Cape Cod and coursed along in Nantucket
sound and gone outside, through Muskeget channel, as the
safest direction, to prevent a possible entrance into a bay
with uncertain water.

The narrative continues: "But comminge to an anker
under one of these (i. e., islands), which was about three or
foure leagues from the maine, Captaine Gosnold, myselfe,

'This landfall was about the region of Cape Ann. Pring, in the narrative of his
voyage the next year (1603), says: "We bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine
Gosnold overshot the yerre laefore" (Massachusetts Bay).

^S. Jean de Luz is a little fishing port on the Bay of Biscay, on the French coast,
almost to the Spanish frontier. Doubtless many of these hardy, but unknown mariners,
had made unrecorded voyages to our coast for years prior to 1600.

History of Martha's Vineyard

and some others, went ashore, and going round about it,
we found it to be foure English miles in compasse, without
house or inhabitant, saving a little, old house made of boughes,
covered with barke, an old piece of a weare of the Indians,
to catch fjsh, and one or two places where they had made
fires." This was the present Noman's I>and which they
explored, but in the margin of the text is this legend, opposite
this description: "The first Island called Marthses Vineyard."
Thus appears for the first time in any printed or written rec-
ord the name which is now attached to our island. The
journalist then describes the flora and fauna of this islet,
noting "an incredible store of Vines, as well in the woodie
part of the Island, where they run upon every tree, as upon
the outward parts, that we could not goe for treading upon
them."

He then speaks of "a great standing lake of fresh water,
neere the sea side, an English mile in compasse, which is
m^ainteined with the springs running exceeding pleasantly
thorow the woodie grounds, which are very rockie." It is
only fair to say that no such "lake" now exists on Noman's
Land, and it may be that Gosnold's journalist was drawing
on his imagination for the benefit of the English reading pub-
lic, or that the narration was purposely erroneous to deceive
rival navigators of the French and Spanish nations. It will
be understood that at this time there was great jealousy among
the maritime peoples as to priority of discovery, and each
explorer was bound to mislead the competing captains of
his rivals, and it was a common thing for them to give wrong
latitude and other points for this purpose.^ It is still a ques-
tion in the mind of the author whether Gosnold did not really
land on the Vineyard proper, and so confuse his narrative to
the end that others might not profit by it, except in a general
way. Indeed, his description of "another island" so fits
the topographical conditions of the south side of the Vineyard
that one can hardly refrain from declaring it to be a true state-
ment of the case. He says: "From hence (i. e., the first or
Noman's Land) we went to another Island to the Northwest
of this, and within a league or two of the maine, which we
found to be greater than before we imagined, being i6 Eng-
lish miles at the least in compasse; for it conteineth many
pieces or necks of land, which differ nothing from several!

'Brereton says the latitude was 43, which wovdd take us up to Portsmouth, N. H.
The actual latitude of Cape Cod is 41.32 to 42.05.

Early Voyages of Discovery

Islands, saving that certeine banks of small bredth do like
bridged joyne them to this Island." The necks running
into the south beach never had a more picturesque descrip-
tion than this. Opposite this, however, in the margin, is
the legend "Elizabeths Island," and we must suppose that
Cuttyhunk is intended, but making all due allowance for
the contour of that island, sand spits and all, the circum-
ference of it is not half of sixteen miles credited to the one
he was describing. But the Vineyard is greater, and rough-
ly speaking, about sixty miles in circumference, and the ques-
tion arises, did the journalist mean sixteen or sixty "English
miles, at the least, in compasse"? He goes on further: "On
the northwest side of this island, neere to the sea side, is a
standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in
compasse, in the middest whereof stands a plot of woodie
ground, an acre in quantitie, or not above." The pond on
Cuttyhunk is supposed to be referred to here, though it is
stated to be on the island sixteen miles, at least, in circum-
ference, while the pond itself is only about a mile and three-
quarters in circumference, following all its windings. These
variations from the actual measurements will give some idea
of the difhculty of arriving at certain conclusions from the
narratives of the early voyagers.

On May 24, they set sail and doubled the cape of an-
other island next to the one first explored, and this they called
Dover Cliff, which undoubtedly refers to Gay Head, "and
then came into a fair sound, where we rode all night." The
next day the company went on an errand of investigation
and "discovered" another cape that lay northwest of this,
"between us and the main, from which were a ledge of rocks
a mile into the sea," a description that well fits Cuttyhunk
and the Sow and Pigs reef. They went about this and came
to anchor in eight fathoms, "a quarter of a mile from the
shore, in one of the stateliest sounds that ever I was in. This
we called Gosnold's Hope, the North Bank whereof is the
main, which stretcheth east and west." This is the present
Buzzards Bay, which they explored to some extent, and re-
turned to the ship for the night. "Now the next day," the
narrative continues, "we determined to fortifie ourselves
in the little plot of ground in the midst of the Lake above
mentioned, where we built an house and covered it with sedge,
which grew about this lake in great abundance; in building
whereof, we spent three weeks and more."

History of Martha's Vineyard

Their intercourse with the natives was of a pacific char-
acter, the simple savages coming freely to them for the pur-
pose of trading his furs and copper ornaments for such trinkets
as the company had, knives, cloths, and articles of personal
adornment. A party of fifty came at first, after some cer-
emony, including the exchange of presents; when these
formalities were finished, Captain Gosnold "sent for meat
aboord our shallop, and gave them such meats as we then
had readie dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our
mustard, whereat they made many a sowre face." The
rest of that day was spent in trading with them for furs, "which
are Beavers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wild-Cat skinnes, very
large and deepe furre, blacke foxes, Conie skinnes, of the
colour of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very
large. Scale skinnes, and other beast skinnes to us unknowen."
These Indians staid about their island for three days, retir-
ing every night "to the furthermost part of our island, two
or three miles from our fort," which would land them into
the sea, if they really went that distance, as the island is barely
two miles long at its extreme limits.

During the rest of their stay there the company gathered
sassafras root, in which they were assisted by the natives,
and loaded their vessel with this product of the new country.
At that time the roots were worth three shillings a pound,
and it was a valuable commodity. The climate was entire-
ly satisfactory to them, as Brereton states that "we found
our health & strength all the while we remained there, so
to renew and increase, as notwithstanding our diet and lodg-
ing was none of the best, yet none of our Company (God be
thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease
or sickness, but were much fatter and in better health than
when we went out of England." The middle of June had
arrived and their vessel had been filled with skins, furs, sas-
safras, cedar, and other commodities, and part of them de-
sired to return. "Some of our company," continues the
journalist, "that had promised captaine Gosnold to stay,
having nothing but a saving voyage in their minds, made
our company of inhabitants (which was small enough before)
much smaller; so as captaine Gosnold, seeing his whole strength
to consist but of twelve men, and they but meanly provided,
determined to returne for England, leaving this island (which
he called Elizabeths Island) with as many true sorrowful
eies, as were before desirous to see it. So the i8 of June

Early Voyages of Discovery

being Friday, we weighed, and with indifferent faire winde
and weather came to anker the 23 of July, being also Fri-
day (in all, bare five weeks) before Exmouth." The voy-
age from port to port was exactly four months, of which over
half was spent on the ocean, and exploring, but short as was
their stay in this region it is generally regarded as the true
beginning of the history of New England.'

Gosnold never returned to the scene of this first settle-
ment on our shores. He was afterwards second in command
of the little fleet which set sail for Virginia on Dec. 20,
1606, under Captain Christopher Newport, and he became
a member of "His Majestie's Counsel of His First Colony
in Virginia." He died there on Aug. 22, 1607, and his
bones lie in some nameless grave about Jamestown. Little
or nothing is known of the subsequent history of John Brere-
ton, the historian of the voyage, unless he be the same person
who was convicted of manslaughter in 161 1, and pardoned,
or the John Brereton who applied for a license in 161 3 to
keep an inn at Chester. The known members of the com-
pany, besides those already mentioned, were Bartholomew
Gilbert, second officer; Robert Saltern, who was afterwards
a clergyman; Gabriel Archer, gentleman and journalist;
John Angel, William Streete, Robert Meriton and . . .
Tucker.

In 1903, in commemoration of the ter-centennial of the
events above described, several gentlemen interested in his-
torical matters, erected a granite shaft on Cuttyhunk, which
should be a beacon for mariners, and a memorial of the first
settlement of Englishmen in New England.

champlain's voyage, 1606.

The next voyager to visit our island was the celebrated
Frenchman, Samuel Chamiplain, who has perpetuated his
name in one of the largest and most beautiful of the New Eng-
land lakes. In 1606, he skirted along the coast, doubled
Cape Cod, which he had christened Cap Malebarre, and
made a harbor inside of Monomioy. Here he anchored in
Oyster Bay, drew an excellent chart of the haven and road-

' The original authorities on this voyage are: Brereton's "A Briefe and true
Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia &c," London, 1602; and Ga-
briel Archer's Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage to the north part of Virginia,

begun 1602, &c.," in Purchas, his Pilgrimes, vol. IV, London, 1625; reprinted

in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, Boston, 1843.

History of Martha's Vineyard

stead, and had a sharp conflict with the natives. Then he
sailed on and thus narrates his progress westward:

After having gone some six or seven leagues (about twenty miles),
we sighted an island which we named La Soupgonneuse, because, in the
distance, we had several times thought it was not an island.

From the low decks of their small shallops they were not
able to distinguish the natural features of the land and water
sufficiently to demonstrate between the main, the islands, penin-
sulas, tidal inlets, and rivers, and so, in their quandary, as
they approached the unknown island, Champlain christened
the Indian Nope as I>a vSoupocnneuse, meaning "the sus-
picious" literally, or freely translated "the doubtful." Thence
they passed by the Chops and Woods Hole, where Champlain,
noticing the strong tidal outflow concluded it to be the mouth
of a river, and gave his name to it as such. Our island has
thus a third name to its credit, La Soupgonneuse.

block's and christiaensen's voyages, 1611-1614.

Subsequent years brought the adventurous Dutchmen
into the field of colonial enterprise, and the next exploration
of this region was made by Hendrick Christiaensen of Cleves,
near Nymegen, who, with Adrisen Block, sailed for Manhat-
tan about 161 1, and having successfully accomplished the
voyage, were sent back again in the next year. Block Island
is a memorial of this hardy navigator from Holland.^

In 1614, Block again sailed upon this coast, and explored
Buzzards Bay, and in the course of his narrative describes
the large "white and clayey" island commonly called "Tex-
el" by tbe Dutch cartographers, in honor of one of the West
Friesian islands off the coast of the Netherlands, which was
probably applied to the Vineyard by Block himself. South
of Texel he observed a small island, w^hich he furnished with
the name of his old companion, Hendrick Christiaensen,
and for years after, in the old maps of Dutch make, this mari-
ner's name is given to Noman's Land.

It is more than probable that many of these voyagers
landed upon this island, now known by the name of Martha's
Vineyard, in the course of their explorations, but the record
of it has not come down to us. In the case of the Dutch

'Wassenaar, Historische Verhael, etc., VIII, 85. Christiaensen afterwards made
ten voyages to Manhattan-

Early Voyages of Discovery

they had a definite object in view, the settlement of Manhat-
tan island, and did not undertake to investigate other places,
except incidentally,

CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 1614.

The next explorer to engage our attention is the redoubt-
able John Smith, the "Captain" John who had so many
romantic adventures in Virginia, in 1607 and 1608, of which
the Pocahontas incident is the most famous. Captain Smith,
after his return to London, interested some merchants of
that city in an expedition which he projected for the explora-
tion of the northern Atlantic coast, and in 1614 he set sail
with a small number of vessels, having under him, among
other masters, a Captain Hunt, in command of the "Long
Robert." Smith sailed along the New England coast from
Penobscot to Cape Cod, and after finishing his voyage, he
returned home, leaving this Hunt to continue the work. It
appears that Captain Hunt must have gone around the
cape, perhaps in the region of Chatham or the south shore
about Monomoy, where he found opportunity to surprise
and capture about two dozen of the natives who had come
aboard his ship. Smith thus comments upon this act of
treachery : —

But one Thomas Hunt, the Master of this ship (when I was gone),
thinking to prevent the intent I had to make there a Plantation, thereby
to keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and
some few Merchants might enjoy wholly the Trade and profit of this
Countrey, betraied foure and twenty of those poore Salvages aboord his
ship; and most dishonestly and inhumanely, for their kinde usage of me
and all our men, carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little
private gaine sold those silly Salvages for Rialls of eight; but this vilde
act kept him ever after from any more emploiment in those parts.'

Accounts differ as to the precise place where this kidnap-
ping aft'air occurred. Smith, who wrote nearer the time
of the event, states that "at Capawe(k) they tooke Cone-
conam and Epenow," while Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who
prepared his narrative of his Colonial adventures more than
two score years after, says that the capture took place "upon
the main."- It is not very material to us, except that it has

'Generall Historic, VI, 205.

'■^Gardiner in his "New England's Vindication" says: " and one Hunt

at the end of bis voyage, in the Long-Robert betrayed 22 of the Natives aboard his
ship, carried them for Spain, to sell them for slaves; (an 111 act) they would not work;
the Spaniards refused them; brought for England; Hunt taken by the Turks coming
home. (p. 2.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

a particular bearing on our local history, for one of the pris-
oners was a Vineyard native, named Epenow, or Appanow,
and his subsequent adventures form an extended story in
Gorges' book. It will be best to let that author present the
facts about this savage in his own words:

While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in
my languishing hopes, there comes one Captain Henry Harley unto me,
bringing with him a native of the island of Capawick, a place seated to
the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenowe, a person of a
goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon
the main with some twenty-nine others, by a ship of London, that endeav-
oured to sell them for slaves in Spain; but being understood that they
were Americans, and found to be unapt for their uses, they would not
meddle with them, this being one of them they refused. Wherein they
expressed more worth than those that brought them to the market, who
could not but know that our nation was at. that time in travail for settling
of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act tending to our
prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall further
appear. How Captain Hariey came to be possessed of this savage, I know
not; but I understood by others how he had been showed in London for
a wonder. It is true (as I Have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave
aspect, stout, and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much Eng-
lish as to bid those that wondered at him "Welcome! Welcome!" this
being the last and best use they could make of him, that was not grown out
of the people's wonder.

At the time this new savage came unto me, I had recovered Assa-
cumet, one of the natives I sent with Captain Chalownes in his unhappy
employment, with whom I lodged Epenow, who at first hardly understood
one another's speech; 'til after a while I perceived the difference was no
more than that of ours is between the Northern and Southern people;
so that I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I
engaged to give an account of what he learned by conference between
themselves, and he as faithfully performed it. Being fully satisfied of
what he was able to say, and the time of making ready drawing on, fol-
owing my pretended designs, I thought it became me to acquaint the thrice
honoured Lord of Southampton with it, for that I knew the Captain had
some relation to his Lordship, and I not wiUing in those days to under-
take any matter extraordinary without his Lordship's advice; who ap-
proved of it so well that he adventured one hundred pounds in that em-
ployment, and his Lordship being at that time commander of the Isle
of Wight, where the Captain had his abiding place under his Lordship,
out of his nobleness was pleased to furnish me with some of his land sol-
diers, and to commend to me a grave gentleman, one Captain Hobson,
who was willing to go to that voyage and to adventure one hundred pounds
himself. To him I gave the command of the ship, all things being ready,
and our company came together, attending for a fair wind. They set
sail in June, in anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean them-
selves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and We-
nape, another native of those parts, sent to me out of the Isle of W'ight

68 .

Early Voyages of Discovery

for my better information in the parts of the country of his knowledge.
When, as it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were
piloted from place to place by the natives as well as their hearts could
desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his
undertaking, the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard, some of
them being his brothers, others his near cousins; who, after they had com-
muned together, were kindly entertained by the Captain, departed in their
canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again and bring some
trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted
with his friends how he might make his escape without performing what
he had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was
to do, though with loss of life; for otherwise, if it were found that he had
discovered the secrets of his country, he was sure to have his brains knocked
out as soon as he came ashore. For that cause I gave the Captain strict
charge to endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them; and
for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kin-
dred (two brothers of Sturton's and Master Matthews) to be ever at hand
with him, clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on if oc-
casion should require. Notwithstanding, all his friends being all come
at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance
v/ith their bows ready, the Captain calls to them to come aboard; but
they not moving, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was,
in the forecastle of the ship. He then being in the waist of the ship, between
two of the gentlemen that had him in guard, starts suddenly from them
and coming to the Captain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard;
in the nterim slips himself overboard, and although he was taken hold
of by one of the company, yet being a strong, heavy man, could not be
stayed, and was no sooner in the water but the natives sent such a shower
of arrows, and withal came so desperately near the ship, that they carried
him away in despite of all the musketeers aboard, who were for the num-
ber as good as our nation did afford."*

Captain John Smith gives us some further light upon
this voyage. He says: —

Some of Plimoth and divers Gentlemen of the West Countrey, a
little while before I returned from New England in search for a mine of
Gold about an He called Capawick, Southwards from the Shoules of
Cape James (Cod), as they were informed by a Salvage called Epenow."
He further adds: "that having deluded them as it seems thus to get home,
seeing they kept him as a prisoner in his owne Countrey, and before his
friends; being a man of so great a stature and it seems of no less courage
and authoritie than of wit strength and proportion. For so well had he
contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended to have surprised
the ship; but seeing it could not be affected to his liking, before them all
he leaped overboard. Many shot they made at him, thinking they had
slaine him; but so resolute were they to recover his body, the master of
the ship was wounded and many of his company. And thus they lost
him; and not knowing more what to do, returned againe to England for
nothins." '"

'Briefe Narration, 13-16.
^Generall Historic, VI., 206.

History of Martha's Vineyard

This incident remained an unpleasant memory in the
minds of the natives of the Cape and the Vineyard for many
years. After the Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth, the
Indians of that region and to the southward held resentment
against the whites for this act. Morton, the secretary of
the colony, in his "Memorial," a history of events beginning
with the arrival of the Mayflower, says under date of 1621:
"This people are ill affected to us because of Hunt, who
carried away twenty from this place we now inhabit, and
seven from the Nausites, as before observed."^ Nauset
is the present Eastham, and the Nausites were the tribe which
inhabited that territory. Smith adds the following infor-
mation upon this point about the year 1623: "Massasoit,
on his sick bed, told Governour Winslow that all the people
(Indians) of Powm.et, Nawset, Succonet, Mattachist, Mana-
met, Agawam, and Capawac were joyned to murder us (i. e.,
the English at Plymouth)."^

dermer's visit, 161 9.

Another English seaman, exploring the New England
coast in i6ig, came to the Vineyard in the course of his voy-
age, and renewed acquaintance with Epenow, whom it seems
he had met in England. In a letter to Samuel Purchase,
dated Dec. 27, i6iq, this explorer. Captain Thomas Der-
mer, says: —

"Departing hence (Manamock, i. e., Monomoy), the next place
we arrived at was Capavek, an island formerly discovered by the English,
where I met Epenow, a savage that lived in England and speaks indif-
ferent good English, who foure yeeres since, being carried home, was re-
ported to have been slaine with divers of his country men by Saylers,
which was false."'

The next year Dermer returned to the island and had
a narrow escape from death. He was on a trading expedition,
and had been at Plymouth, where he took on board the cel-
ebrated Squanto, probably as an interpreter, and shaped
his course for Nope or Capawack. Morton thus describes
the event: "he (Dermer) going ashore among the Indians

'New England's Memorial (1669), 21. ,

"Generall Historie, VI, 238.

•'Among the Indian sachems who came to Plymouth in 1621 and subscribed al-
legiance to King James was Appanow, but whether tliis Indian was the Vineyard Ep-
enow can not be said with certainty. He was not described as a principal man among
the indians by Gorges, but his adventures may have gained him a sachemship. (Mor-
ton, Memorial.)

Early Voyages of Discovery

to trade as he used to do, was assaulted and betrayed *,by
them, and all his men slain, but one that kept the boat; but
himself got on board very sore wounded, and they had cut
off his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not his man res-
cued him with a sword; and so they got him away and made
shift to get into Virginia, where he died, whether of his wounds
or the diseases of the country, or both, is uncertain."^

THE PILGRIM PERIOD, 1620-1640.

We are now arrived at the time of the Pilgrim landing
at Provincetown and Plymouth in the last months of the year
1620, when it may be said that the period of exploration closed
and that of colonization was inaugurated on these New Eng-
land shores. There is no record of any visitation of these
new comers to the Vineyard during the twenty years fol-
lowing, as they were fully occupied in caring for their own
little settlements, and could have no time to devote to curious
expeditions on contiguous shores. About 1630, the region
about Boston bes-an to have its o-reat influx of settlers, and
five years later they overflowed into the territory now com-
prised in Connecticut. Probably many of them went by land,
but doubtless numbers sailed round the Cape and sought their
new homes by coasting vessels. In their way they must
have made harbor in our numerous havens, as now the mer-
chantmen seek them to-day, but they left no trace of their
comings or goings. The savage was then too much of a prob-
lem for them to try the experiment of isolating themselves
on an island populated with them, and thus be out of the
reach of help in time of hostile attacks, so the Vineyard and
Nantucket were passed by for the present by these seekers
of new homes in the newly crowded settlements on the sea
coast of Massachusetts.

The Council for New England, which had for thirty
years been in active operation for the development of this
great region, now comprising the six states, found that it
had reached the maximum of its powers and usefulness, and
after dividing the territory among themselves, as best they
could, v/ith their limited knowledge of the geography of the
place, surrendered their charter to the king. This division
has an interest to us, for two of the members "drew" shares
covering the islands on the south of New England, and be-

'New England's Memorial.

History of Martha's Vineyard

cause of their hazy knowledge of the region, conflicting claims
arose, as will be detailed later on. Sir Ferdinando Gorges
was given that portion of the province of Maine from the
Piscataqua to the Sagadahoc, "and hereunto is to be added
the North halfe of the Isles of Shoals & also the Isles of Cap-
awock, Nautican &c near unto Cape Codd." Lord Stir-
ling was granted certain territory adjoining to Gorges in
Maine, and "hereunto is to belong the Island called Matta-
wack or the Long Island."^ This division was effected on
Feb. 3, 1634-5, and it was confirmed three years later. On
April 3, 1639, King Charles granted a charter to Gorges,
conferring extraordinary privileges in the government of
this territory, and by its terms "the Isles of Capawock and
Nautican, near unto Cape Cod" were specifically included.
This charter gave to Sir Ferdinando, therefore, undoubted
sovereign rights over Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket.
From this it may be seen that the title to this island and Nan-
tucket was surely vested in Gorges, and that the later preten-
sions of Lord Stirling to any propriety were utterly unfounded.

These islands were yet virgin soil, in the sole possession
of the savage. Captain John Underhill, in his account of
the settlements in this country in 1638, says:

"Nahanticot, Martins Vineyard, Pequeet, Narragansett
Bay, Elizabeth Hands, all these places are yet uninhabited,
and generally aftord good accomodation, as a good soyle,
as we have expressed; they are little inferiour to the former
places."^

ARMS OF CAPT. BARTHOLOMEN GOSXOLD.

'Records of the Council for New England, 69, 70, S3.
*Newes from America (London, 1638), p. 20.

What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard?

CHAPTER IV.
What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard?

"Martin's Vineyard .... some call it Marthaes Vine-
yard:" thus wrote Whitfield in " The Light Appearing''^ (1651),
and it is a strange fact that there was great uncertainty in
the 17th century, even among the inhabitants of . the island,
as to its correct name.

An examination of contemporary literature of that period,
printed books, letters, public records, legal documents, etc.,
confirms this curious fact; and as a result of an extended
search the author feels safe in saying that in the public and
private records of the 17th century, the name Martin'' s is ap-
plied to the Vineyard, to the practical exclusion of Martha's,
and this phenomenon has the repeated sanction of Mr. Thomas
Mayhew himself, the Governor and ''Lord of the Isles,"
in public and private papers. Our first book of land records,
kept by Mathew Mayhew as Register, has on the title page
the statement that it is the Record of Lands "Upon Martin's
or Martha's Vineyard," and doubtless this legend was en-
grossed by the Register himself.^ With such eminent au-
thority as the proprietor and his family in doubt as to the
name of the territory they owned, it is small wonder that the
general public elsewhere became mixed on the subject.

That an island south of Cape Cod was called Marthaes
Vineyard by someone connected with the expedition under
command of the explorer Gosnold in 1602, is well known
(3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, 75), and it seems certain that it was
applied to the small isle, now called Noman's Land, lying
directly southwest from the Vineyard of to-day. That this
cognomen was finally transferred to the present Martha's
Vineyard seems equally certain; but that the name Martin'' s
was used up to about 1 700, even by the residents of the Vine-
yard, by local historians and cartographers, by public officials
throughout New England and New York, must be accepted
by the reader upon the array of authorities which follows.
What gave rise to this confusion in the 17th century, for in

'In most of the jurats on legal documents before 1700 Matthew Mayhew dodged
the issue, and dated the acknowledgments at "Mart. Vineyard," which can be read
either way.

History of Martha's Vineyard

the next it was settled by the Colonial government of Massa-
chusetts as "Martha," is not easily explained. Such a dif-
ference of names, so long persisted in, must have had some
substantial basis in fact, for it is not credible that accident or
chance or mistake will account for all this mixture.

The question naturally arises, who christened this small
island "Martha's Vineyard?" Why should such an insig-
nificant place as Noman's Land be marked by Gosnold him-
self for distinction in honor of any female member of his
family, especially when it was given only a temporary visit
by members of his party? Naturally he would reserve such
a mark of courtesy for the place he might select as an abode.
Unfortunately, the theory advanced that some Martha Gosnold,
mother, wife or daughter of the explorer, was so honored,
fails of realization because a careful search among the females
of this family at that period does not reveal a Martha in any
remote generation, who could be available as the patroness of
Noman's Land. If any Martha was thus complimented, she
was not a Gosnold, and in view of the existing customs and
observances of that period, it is doubtful if the name of any
woman other than the sovereign or some princess, would be
selected for such purposes in a semi-official expedition.

In the following tables is appended a list of references to
documents, etc., which show when, where and how the two
names were used :

Date.

1638
1642

1643
1644
1647
1647
1647
1648
1648
1649
1650
1651
1651
1651
1651
1652
1654
1654

Author.

"MARTIN'S" VINEYARD.

Book or Document.

Underbill, John Newes from America

Lechford, Thomas Plaine Dealing
Winthrop, John Journal

Commissioners of United Colonies, Records
Paine, Thomas Suffolk Deeds

Mayhew, Thomas, Sr.Power of Atty. Aspinwall
Davison, Nicholas Suffolk Deeds
Mayhew, Thomas, Sr. Middlesex Deeds

Winslow, Edward
Winslow, Edward
Williams, Roger
Whitfield, Henry
Bessey, Anthony
Endicott, John

Good News from New England
Glorious Progress of Gospel, etc.
Letter to John Winthrop, Jr.
The Light Appearing

L Letters of, in Further Progress of

Allen, Rev": Thomas ) ^^^ ^^'P^^' ^^^•

Butler, Nicholas Suffolk Deeds

Johnson, Edward Wonder Working Providence

Massachusetts Colonial Records

Reference.

passim.
107
ii. 151
passim.
i. 86
III
i.91
ii. 17

i. 196
226

iv. (i.:

199.

What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard }

Date. Author. Book of Document. Reference.

1656 Johnson, New York Colonial Documents 1.565,^.134.

1656 Deed, Thomas Burchard, Saybrook Deeds ii. 99

1658 Plymouth Colony Records x. 209

1659 Sufifolk Co. (Mass.) Prob. Records, G.R. x. 88

1660 Nantucket Deeds, History of 20
1660 Maverick, Samuel Description of New England

1660 Folger, Peter Deed, in N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. xii. 33

1662 Plymouth Colony Records x. 275

1663 Plymouth Colony Records x. 293
1 1 64 Patent to Duke of York, 2 Maine Hist. Coll. iv. 191

1665 Royal Commissioners, 2 Maine Hist. Coll. iv. 300

1666 Mayhew, Thomas, Sr.York County Deeds iii. 161

1666 [Eliot, Rev. John] Roxbury Church Records

1667 New York Colonial Documents iii. 169
1667 Plymouth Colony Records x. 330

1669 Morton, Nathaniel New England Memorial

1670 Norfolk Co. Records

167 1 Commission of Thomas Mayhew as Governor

issued by Lovelace

1672 Plymouth Colony Records

1674 Andros, Edmund Commission of, N.Y. Col. Doc.

1675 Josselyn, John Two Voyages, etc

1677 New York Colonial Documents

1678 Hubbard, Rev. William History of New England

1679 Plymouth Colony Records

1 68 1 Plymouth Colony Records

1682 Dongan, Thomas Commission of, N.Y. Col. Doc.

1688 New York Colonial Documents

1689 [E. R. and S. S.] Revolution in New England

Justified

1690 New York Colonial Documents

1 69 1 New York Colonial Documents

1692 Cadillac, M. de la Mothe i Maine Hist. Coll.

1693 New York Colonial Documents
1 701 Braintree Town Records

It is also desirable that such books and documents as
disclose the name "Martha's" should be cited, and they are
herewith appended:

"MARTHA'S" VINEYARD.

Date. Author. - Book or Document. Reference.

1610 Strachey, William Travaille into Virginia

1641 Vines, Richard Hough's Nantucket Papers 4

1663 Winthrop, John, Jr. 3 Mass. Hist. Coll.

1678 Gookin, Daniel, et ah 2 Maine Hist. Coll. iv. 383

1676 Sewall, Samuel Diary i. 26
1689 Briefe Relation of the State of New England 19

1692 Acts and Resolves of the Province of Mass. Bay

1693 Phips, William New York Colonial Doc. iv. 6
1696 Mayhew, Matthew Triumphs and Conquests of

Grace, etc.

356

iii.

215

?.57

iii.

248

ssim.

vi.

iii.

328

iii.

552

iii.

752

iii.

798

vi.

288

iv.

2, 8, 10

P-

742

History of Martha's Vineyard

The maps of the period are disappointing as a rule, but
they give corroborative evidence in the same proportion as the
documentary and printed authorities, viz: —

Martinis.

Martha's.

1670

Ogilby.

1610

[Brown, Genesis i. 475.]

1675

Seller.

1624

West Indische Spiegel.

1677

Hubbard.

1626

Speed.

French (Mass. Arch. ii. 61).

1671

Novi Belgii, etc.

1688

Blome.

1690

Thornton.

1702

Mather.

As to the probabiHty of evidence in favor of either name,
the case for "Martin" must overcome the statement of John
Brereton, the historian of Gosnold's voyage, that an island,
Noman's Land, received in 1602 the title of "Marthaes Vine-
yard." It is known that a Capt. John Martin v^^as with
Gosnold in this voyage, who later figures as an associate of
Gosnold in the early settlement of Virginia.* The suggestion
that it was this companion's name, John Martin, which was
intended to be honored by the baptism, may be entertained;
as much so as Point Gilbert, which was named by him for
Bartholomew Gilbert, another companion, and Tucker's
, Terror, which he applied to a shoal or reef for another voyager.
Brereton's relation is not above criticism, for many errors as
to sailing courses, longitude and other kindred subjects, are
to be found in his book.

We have already noted the names of the island as given
to it by various discoverers — Straumey by the Norsemen,
Luisa by Verrazzano, La Soupgonneuse by Champlain, and
Martha's Vineyard by Gosnold according to the accounts just
given. To these must be added another bestowed on it by
the Dutch voyagers, probably Block and Christiaensen. Their
maps of 1 61 6 (Carte Figurative) and 1621 (West Indische
Paskaert), show two names engraved: Texel on the western
end and Vlieland on the eastern. These names appear later on
Dudley's Arcano del Mare Map of 1646, the Novi Belgii of
1671, and Blaeu's (1685), and for the last time Texel appears
alone in 1695 on the jaillot map. It is probable that these
early Dutch cartographers intended to apply Texel to the main
island and Vlieland to Chappaquiddick, although the crude
drawings could be interpreted so as to apply the latter name to

^ Brown, The First Republic, 2;^^. He was son of Sir Richard Martin, Master of
the Mint.

What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard?

Nantucket. Texel and Vlieland are two contiguous islands
off the Netherlands, forming a part of the chain known as
the West Friesian Islands, which separates the North Sea
from the Zuyder Zee, and the Dutch navigators were undoubt-
edly reminded of the similarity of arrangement of the group
composed of the islands south of Cape Cod. No attempt
was made by the Dutch authorities when in power in New
York to give official sanction to the name of Texel for our
island. As a further curiosity in nomenclature we find " Maer-
tens Wyngert" applied by Blome, a cartographer, in his map
of 1688. This is a Dutchman's attempt to reduce Martin's
Vineyard to his own tongue — Wyngert being a wine garden
or Vineyard ! All this does not seem so absurd when we have
seen our own people calling it indiscriminately Martin's and
Martha's Vineyard, and if uncertainty prevailed among the
residents, the outside world might well join in the confusion.
But at length Martha, whoever she was, triumphed over them
all, and for two centuries the Vineyard has had her name as
a prefix unchallenged, and without a rival.

CARTOGRAPHY OF THE VINEYARD.

The maps and globes of Zeno (1400?), La Costa (1500),
Ruysch (1508), Stobnicza (161 2), Portolano (1514-20), Thorne
(1527), Verrazzano (1529), Orontius (1531), Munster (1540),
Ulpius (1542), Cabot, Mappemonde (1542), Allefonsce (1543),
Dauphin, Henry II (1546), Hohiem (1558), Ruscelli (1561),
Zaltieri (1566), Porcacchi (1572), Gilbert (1576), Hakluyt-
Martyr (1587), DeBry (1596), Linshoten (1598), Quadus
(1600), Champlain (161 2), Joliet (1674), Franquelin (1684),
Hennepin (1684), Lescarbot (1690), and Champlain (1632),
do not show anything beyond nameless dots, which might pass
for any of the islands to the south of New England.

Claudia, or properly Luisa, appears in the Loks (1582)
map as a triangular island to the south of Norumbega, having
previously been indicated on the maps and the charts of
Mercator (1569), Ortelius (1570), and Dees (1580). In the
Molineaux Globe (1592) and map (1600) it appears as a
point and dot respectively, and in the Botero map (1603) it is
similarly reproduced.

The voyage of Gosnold and the baptism of our island in
t6o2 bore fruit in the next map, . chronologically speaking,
that comes to our attention, the Simancas Map (so-called),

History of Martha's Vineyard \

a manuscript chart of the entire Atlantic coast of the present
United States, made about the year 1610 in England, and pro-
cured by ^ the Spanish Ambassador in London for his master
Philip Second. It is the most elaborate and correct map of
the regions delineated, and was doubtless based upon the
voyages! of all the English explorers up to that date. Upon
this map first appears our island with its present title, and
although the small scale of the map precludes attention to
topographical details, yet the reproduction of this region re-
veals better drawing than is shown in maps of fifty and seventy-
five years later.

EARLIEST MAP OF REGION SHOWING MARTHA'S VINEYARD AND THE
ELIZABETH ISLANDS. DATED l6lO.>

(from the archives of SIMANCAS, SPAIN.)

The Figurative Map (1614), a Dutch production, and
the result of the active eftorts of the West India Company of
Amsterdam in exploration, shows Nantucket, or Chappa-
quiddick, and the Vineyard joined together as one island, and
this arrangement is repeated in Dudley's Arcano del Mare
(1646), and in Blaeu (1662 and 1685). Successive maps
showing the Vineyard are in order of sequence, the West-
Indische Paskaert (1621), Alexander (1624), — which is the map
prepared for the Council for New England, and delineates the
islands of this region, though without name, — Briggs (1625),
shown in Purchas' Pilgrims, DeLaet (1630), Wood (1633),
which only shows the Elizabeth Isles in the shape of a devil-
fish, Jansson (1636), French map (1650), in the Massachu-

'The island called "]Marthays Viniard" is the present Nomans Land, and the
Vineyard proper may be noted just north of the later island. It is shown as a part
of the main land, but the outlines are fairly delineated, and we can make out the
Homes Hole of the first settlers, and the irregularities of South beach, a much better
representation of the island than appears in later charts. The location of "Whitson's
Bay" within Cape Cod on this map, makes it certain that Martin Pring, in his voyage
of 1603, did not give that name to Edgartown harbor, as has been thought by some
writers.

What is the Correct Name of the Vineyard?

setts Archives, d'Abbeville (1656), Creuxius (1660), and not
until we come to the map of Ogilby (1670) do we see the early
name of the island resumed, although in this instance it ap-
pears as "Martin's Vineyard." The Novi Belgii (167 1)
adheres to the Dutch nomenclature adopted in the Figurative
map (1614), and names it "Texel al. Elizabeth Eylant." In
Blome's L'Amerique traduit de I'Anglois, published at Am-
sterdam in 1688, a good representation of the island may be
seen under the name of "Maerten's Wyngart," considerably
better than the map which appeared in Hubbard's book on
New England (1677), where it is called "Martin's Vineyard."
The Rev. Cotton Mather's map in his "Magnalia Christi
Americana," (1702), continues the "Martin's Vineyard" of
his predecessors, notwithstanding the gradual evolution of
Martin into Martha during the previous decade.

The map of Cyprian Southack (1714) is worthy of note
as a distinct advance in the features relating to soundings and
sailing directions, and he first shows the peculiar tides and
shoals about the Vineyard Sound and Nantucket, noting
churches on the island. But by far the finest map of the
Vineyard is the large one executed under the direction of
Mr. J. F. W. Des Barres, and published in his "Atlantic
Neptune," 1781, accompanied with views of Gay Head,
Noman's Land and Cape Poag. In the English edition of
"Lettres d'un Cultivateur Americain, par Hector St. Jean de
Crevecoeur," (London, 1782), may be found a map of the
Vineyard, shown on the opposite page. In the state archives
of Massachusetts can be seen two surveys, covering the entire
island, made in 1795, by order of the General Court, one em-
bracing Edgartown and Tisbury, and the other Chilmark and
Gay Head.

flcnti called

THE MARGINAI, TEXT IN "brERETON'S RELATION,

showing first use of name,
"marthaes vineyard,"

1602.

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER V.
Purchase 'of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew.

In 1640 the Earl of Stirling was Secretary of State for
Scotland under Charles I, and being high in the councils of
the kingdom he had excellent opportunities for exploiting his
share in the division of the territory of the New England
Council. This he undertook to do, and took into his employ
Mr. James Forrett, whom he sent over to act as his agent on
the premises. Forrett evidently made his headquarters in
New Amsterdam, where he could be near the most valuable
of Lord Stirling's property. Long Island. In September, 1641,
Forrett appeared in Boston to remonstrate with Governor
Winthrop about the unwarranted entry of some people of
Lynn upon the lands of Lord Stirling on Long Island, and to
assert his title thereto. Incidentally he was there to encourage
further migration thither under proper acknowledgment of
proprietary rights, and this he succeeded in doing. While on
this business he met, perhaps by chance, Mr. Thomas Mayhew
of Watertown, who was then in the depths of financial troubles,
and it is presumed laid before him the desirability of seeking
his fortune elsewhere. He represented, possibly and probably,
in glowing terms the advantages of colonizing the unsettled
islands of Nantucket and Martin's Vineyard, which he claimed
as part of his master's domain. Whether Mayhew had ever
seen these islands may be doubted, and in the despair of mind
due to business troubles, as it had "pleased God to frown
upon him in his outward estate," he accepted this opportunity
of restoring his fortunes and beginning again under different
conditions. Such may be the process by which Mayhew's
attention was brought to these distant isles of the sea, ''as
yet uninhabited" wrote Underbill several years before, and
the elder Mayhew, then in his fiftieth year, determined to
purchase them and start a new home, perhaps found a new
colony, for they were situated without the lawful bounds of
the territory of the Massachusetts Bay.

Meanwhile, however, an unexpected development oc-
curred. "Mr. Richard Vynes," wrote Mayhew, "Steward
Gen'll to Sir Ferdynando Gorges, heareing of it, Enterupted
showing me his Master's Pattent and his Power, insomuch

WILLIAM ALEXANDER, EARL OF vSTIRLING
1567-1640

Purchase of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew

that I was convinced by him and Thomas Gorges who was
then Governour of the Province of Maine that [it] was realy
Sir Ferdynandoes Right." * It somewhat arouses our curiosity
to know how Vines, — Hving a hundred miles distant, should
have become aware within a few days of the sale by Forrett
to Mayhew, unless we infer, as we are justified in doing by
the light of subsequent events, that Mayhew was not satisfied
with the title of Lord Stirling, and desiring to satisfy all pos-
sible claimants and secure deeds from each, asked Vines to
come to Watertown to effect the transfer of his master's right.*
However, Mayhew says that Vines "heareing of it, Enter-
rupted," which would indicate that the agent of Gorges acted
independently upon learning of the action of Forrett, and
Mayhew, in order to secure himself, as he says, "for a some
of Money did obtaine from said Vynes a Graunt alsoe."
Again he wrote on the same topic: ''Meeteing with Mr. Vynes
steward general to Sir Ferdinando Gorges whom I then had
much interest in he solemnely p'fesses it was his Masters so
whereuppon I had it graunted by him & did p'cede mostly
uppon that graunt, Mr. Tho. Gorges then gov'nor [of the
Province of Maine] approuveing of it." ^

So far there has been no evidence disclosed that this
purchase had any other than a purely business aspect, and in
all the various statements made by the Governor about this
transaction nothing is claimed by him as to a philanthropic
plan of Christianizing the Indians. In a petition forty years
after this for certain privileges, Matthew Mayhew gives us
the only explanation we have for the purchase of the island
by his father and grandfather. He stated that "nothing but
the largeness of the grant that could induce [them] to essay
the settlement of the said Hand, in hopes to obtain that
gradually of the heathen which could not att once by any
means be procured." The offer made was in the nature of a
"bargain," and Mayhew concluded to accept. Accordingly,
he entered into an agreement with Stirling's agent for the
purchase of Nantucket, and on Oct. 13, 1641, the deed of
sale was executed, granting to Thomas Mayhew of Water-
town, merchant, and to Thomas Mayhew, his son, the right
"to Plant and Inhabit upon Nantuckett and two other small

•N. Y. Col. Mss., XXIV, 92.

^For the authority of Forrett see Doc. Hist, of N. Y., Ill, 22. Soon after the
death of the Earl in February, 1 640-1, his agency ceased.
^Col. Papers, P. R. O., XXI, 93.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Islands adjacent," meaning Muskeget and Tuckernuck.
The price paid, £/\.o, is not stated in the document,^ which
is here printed in full : —

These presents doth witness that I, James Forrett, Gentleman, who
was sent over into these Parts of America By the honourable the Lord
Sterling with a commission for the ordering and Disposing of all the Island
that Lyeth Between Cape Cod hudsons river and hath better unto confirmed
his agency without any consideration, Do hereby Grant unto Thomas
Mayhew of Watertown, merchant, and to Thomas Mayhew his son, free
Liberty and full power to them and their associates to Plant and inhabit
upon Nantuckett and two other small Islands adjacent, and to enjoy the
said Islands to them their heirs & assigns forever, provided that the said
Thomas Mayhew and Thomas Mayhew his son or either of them or their
associates Do Render and Pay yearly unto the honourable the Lord Sterling,
his heirs or assigns such an acknowledgement as shall be thought fitt by
John Winthrop, Esq, the elder or any two magistrates in Massachusetts
Bay Being chosen for that end and purpose by the honourable the Lord
Sterling or his Deputy and By the said Thomas Mayhew his son or associ-
ates: it is agreed that the government that the said Thomas Mayhew and
Thomas Mayhew his son and their associates shall set up shall Be such as
is now established in the Massachusetts aforesaid, and that the said Thomas
Mayhew & Thomas Mayhew his son and their associates shall have as
much privilege touching their planting Inhabiting and enjoying of all and
evry part of the Premises as By the patent is granted to the Patent of the
Massachusetts aforesaid and their associates.

In witness hereof I the said James Forrett have hereunto sett my hand
and seal this 13th Day of October, 1641.

JAMES FORRETT.
Signed Sealed and Delivered in the presence of

Robert

Nicholas Davison^
Richard Stileman ^

This resulted, doubtless, in a conference between the
conflicting interests, and as a consequence further amplifi-
cation of Mayhew's territorial jurisdiction. Forrett added
"Martin's" Vineyard and the Elizabeth Islands, in a second
instrument which he drew up, and authorized the grantees
to plant upon and inhabit those parts, as follows : — *

Whereas By virtue of a commission from the Lord Sterling, James
Forrett, Gentleman, hath granted Liberty and full Power unto Thomas
Mayhew of Watertown, merchant, and Thomas Mayhew his son, and their

'Edgartown Records, I, 12.

^Nicholas Davison was a Charlestovvn merchant, agent of Matthew Cradock,
and later a land-owner on the Vineyard, but not a resident.

•'Richard Stileman was of Cambridge at this date, but later removed to Ports-
mouth. It is probable that this document was executed in Boston.

^Edgartown Records, I, 11.
a

Purchase of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew

associates to Plant the Island of Nantucket according to the article In a
deed to that purpose expressed: Now for as much as the said Island hath
not Been yett whole surrendered whereby it may appear that Comfortable
accomodations for themselves and their associates will be found there, this
therefore shall serve to testifye that I, the said James Forrett, by virtue of
my said commission, Do hereby grant unto the said Thomas Mayhew and
Thomas Mayhew his son and their associates, as much to plant upon
Martins Vinyard and Elizabeth Isles as they have by virtue heretofore of
the Deed granted unto them for Nantuckett as therein plainly In all con-
siderations Both on the Right honourable the Lord Sterling's part and on
the said Thomas Mayhew & Thomas Mayhew his son and their associates
Doth appear In Witness whereof I, the said James Forrett have hereunto
sett my hand the 23rd Day of October, Annoque Domini 1641.

JAMES FORRETT.
Signed and delivered In Presence of us

his

John X Vahane.^

mark

Garret Church.^

But this was not entirely satisfactory, and so he con-
cluded to "make assurance doubly sure" by securing the
rights as well from the Gorges interests; and two days later
the following instrument, executed by Vines, authorized the
elder Mayhew to "plant and inhabit upon the Island Capa-
wok alias Martins Vineyard," as set forth in the following
copy : — ^

I, Richard Vines of Saco, Gentleman, Steward General for Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, Knight and Lord Proprietor of the Province of Maine and
the Islands of Cappawok and Nautican, Do by these presents give full
power and authority unto Thomas Mayhew, Gentleman, his agents and
associates to plant and Inhabit upon the Islands Capawok alias Martins
Vinyard with all privileges and Rights thereunto belonging to enjoy the
premises to himself heirs and associates forever, yielding and Paying unto
the said Ferdinando Gorges, his heirs and assigns annually, or two Gentle-
men Independently By each of them chosen Shall Judge to Be meet by way
of ackrvowledgement.

Given under my hand this 25th Day of October, 1641.

RICHARD VINES.

Witness:
Thomas Payne *
Robert Long.''

^John Vahane (Vaughan) was a resident of Watertown in 1633, ^"^d bore a not
very savory reputation for a number of years.

^Garret Church was also of Watertown. From the appearance of these two
names, it is presumed the document was signed in Mayhew's home town.

^Edgartown Records, I, 9.

^There was a Thomas Paine, resident of Salem, another resident of Dedham,
and a third of Yarmouth. It is not possible to identify this witness. It was not
Mayhew's step-son, as he was only nine years old.

^Robert Long was a resident of Charlestown.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Armed with these three documents the elder Mayhew
was doubly assured of his title to the islands from two sources,
and there yet remained, according to his view, one more
party to satisfy — the aboriginal owners; "and forthwith,"
he writes, "I Endeavoured to obtain the Indian right of them."
This of course, necessitated a visit to the islands, and it is to
be presumed that he made the journey with his son, and
possibly others interested in the new territory, and secured
the required release. We may consider that his first visit to
the island, which was to become his home for the remainder
of his life, was made some time prior to Dec. i, 1642, when
he had already selected his own home lot and granted^another
to John Daggett on "the point next to my lot." ^

Cupc Cod.

MARTHA'S VINEYARD, NANTUCKET AND ELIZABETH ISLANDS.

[map of council for new ENGLAND.]
1624''

Mayhew, with this island domain now under his control,
began to consider plans for colonization and settlement.
Watertown neighbors became interested at the first, and on
the i6th of March following (1641-2), he made a grant to
five of them "to make choice for the Present of a large Towne"
with authority equal to that of the proprietors in admitting
subsequent inhabitants, and also a future grant of "another
Townshipp for Posterity."^ These five associates were John
Daggett, Daniel Pierce, Richard Beers, John Smith, and
Francis Smith. Of these only John Daggett took up his

^Dukes Deeds, I, 189.

^This map was probably used by Mayhew and Forrett to show the location of
the territory purchased by the former. It was the only English map of the region
available at that date to show the island. Wood's map of 1633 had no representation
of the Vineyard or Nantucket, and only a shapeless delineation of what he called
" Elizabeths lie."

^Dukes Deeds, VIII, 83.

Purchase of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew

share in this first grant from the two INIayhews, and as he will
be considered later as one of the first settlers, we may take a
momentary glance at the others who joined with Mayhew in
his venture. Daniel Pierce was a proprietor of Watertown
in 1637 and a freeman in 1638. He removed later to New-
bur} . Capt. Richard Beers was one of the original proprietors
of Watertown/ He was killed by the Indians Sept. 4, 1675.
Francis Smith was a freeman in 1631, and he became a pro-
prietor of Watertown in 1637. He removed to Reading and
died there in 165 1. It is not sure to claim identification
of the John Smith who is the last of the five. He had been
a resident of Watertown for a number of years, and there is
more than a possibility that he was the person who had used
this name as an alias and when he came to the Vineyard
resumed his proper family name, John Bland. John Smith
of Watertown became a freeman in 1636, having previously
resided in that place for the five preceding years. His wife
Isabel died in 1639, and thenceforth he disappears from the
records. The evidence bearing on this is considered more
at length under the sketch of John Bland, one of the early
settlers.

Whether any Englishman settled even temporarily on
Martha's Vineyard before the Mayhews came is not now
known, and Thomas Lechford, who was personally acquainted
with Mayhew and who sailed for England in August, 1641,
wrote in his descriptive work on New England, published
the following year, that "Eastward of Cape Codd lyeth an
Island called Martin's Vineyard uninhabited by any English." ^
Two months after Lechford sailed Mayhew consummated his
two purchases of the agents of Gorges and Stirling, and if
Lechford is to be received as a good witness, the Vineyard
was "uninhabited by any English," at the time he left the
country in the summer of 1641.

The next question that confronts us is the one relating
to the date of the first settlement under the purchase just
consummated. The Rev. Experience Mayhew writes as fol-
lows: "In 1642 he [Thomas Mayhew] sends Mr. Thomas
Mayhew Junior his only Son, being then a young Scholer,
about 21 years of Age, with some other Persons to the
Vineyard, where they settled at the East End, and quickly

*"He was one I loved much" wrote Mavhew in later vears (4 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
VII, 42).

^Plaine Dealing, 107.

History of Martha's Vineyard

after the Father followed."* Again he says: "This person
(Towanquatack) was the Chief Sachim of the East End of
Marthas Vineyard, where the English first settled in the yeare
1642."^ It is within the probabilities that the younger ■Slayhew
made one or more visits of reconnoisance to the island
perhaps with friends who later joined his colony, and
that he and they made preliminary explorations to choose a
site for the town, and to arrange a modus vivendi with the
savages.

But the most competent witness on this subject is Gov-
ernor Winthrop, whose invaluable "Journal" of the begin-
nings of the Massachusetts Bay settlements down to his death,
is, next to the public records, the most unimpeachable au-
thority of the times he treats. His book is almost a diary of
events under his personal observation or knowledge, and he
records the most trivial as well as the most pregnant circum-
stances with impartial hand. It has stood the test of com-
parison as to times, places, persons, and events, with the offi-
cial records bearing upon them, and has merited the credence
universally accorded it by historians. Following a previous
entry in his "Journal" of the date of Dec. 3, 1643, and before
an entry dated "18 Jan 164!," Winthrop states that "some
of Watertown began a plantation at Martin's Vineyard beyond
Cape Cod, divers families going thither."^ It is hardly to
be supposed, however, that this entry represents the exact
date as to month and day, nor that the colonists went in the
winter months. The inference which may be drawn is that
the first of the colonists, "divers families," had gone by the
time Winthrop made the above entry. He knew every move-
ment of this sort in the colony of which he was governor,
and was in the habit of entering anything worthy of notice
at the tim.e it occurred. The departure of "divers families"
for Martha's Vineyard was an event of some importance,
and is so recorded by him.

Gookin, writing in 1674, says that the elder Mayhew
"about the year 1642 transplanted himself to Marthas Vine-
yard with his famiily,"^ but this statement, general in its char-
acter, thirty-two years after the event, does not outweigh the
evidence of the records that the elder Mayhew, in the late

^Indian Converts, 280.
^Indian Converts, 80.
^Journal, II, 152.
"i Mass. Hist. Coll., I, 201.

Purchase of Martha's Vineyard by Mayhew

fall of 1642, was chosen first in the list of selectmen at Water-
town and "ordered to make the rates."

In another place, when relating the early life of Thomas
Mayhew, Sr., before his removal to the Vineyard, his move-
ments are traced sufficiently to show that he did not himself
remove here until four years after his purchase. But it is
evident from all the surrounding circumstances that the young
Thomas took posession of the island about 1642, and with a
few associates formed the vanguard of English settlers who
first established the white man's supremacy here under the
laws of the kingdom of England. It was a hazardous and
a lonesome task for these few pioneers, cut off from com-
munication with the distant settlements of the main. At
this period there were probably not less than three thousand
Indians on the islands, and it is doubtful if there were three
dozen whites at the new settlement for ten years following its
purchase. It was a delicate situation, as a contemporary
author, writin^^ 1641, stated, that the Indians of Nope were
''very sava^e^* The memory of the battles of Champlain
in 1606 with their tribesmen on the Cape, of the kidnapping
of a score of them in 1 614 by Captain Hunt, including Epenow
of their own people, the battles with Captain Chalownes and
Captain Dermer (1619), as a consequence, were still fresh in
their minds, and the natives of the Vineyard looked askance
at this promised renewal of trouble with the "pale faces."
The chief men and powwaws held aloof from the little band
who had dropped anchor inside of Chappaquiddick and landed
on the shore of Nunnepoag, and they influenced their subjects
to maintain the same attitude. Apparently there was no in-
tercourse between the settlers and the natives, until Hia-
coomes, of one of the Nunnepoag families, who lived near to
the newly-erected settlement, began to show signs of famili-
arity with the whites in 1643, after they had visited him in
his wigAvam. "His Descent was but mean" according to
an authority, "his Speech but slow and his Countenance not
very promising. He was therefore by the Indian Sachims
and others of their principal Men, looked on as but a mean
Person, scarce worthy of their Notice or Regard."^ Not-
withstanding this inferiority according to their social stand-
ards, the leading chiefs and medicine men observed his con-
tinued association with the settlers, and they were "much

^Lechford, "Plaine Dealing," etc., 107.
^Mayhew, Indian Converts, p. i.

History of Martha's Vineyard

alarmed at it: and some of them endeavoured with all their
Might to discourage him from holding Communications with
the English.''^ In the following year, "Hiacoomes going to
an Indiaii's House, where there were several Indians met
together, they laughed and scoffed at him, saying, Here comes
the English Man." Whereupon, the great Sagamore of
Chappaquiddick, Pahkepunnassoo, who was present de-
livered this warning to the butt of their jests: — "I wonder
that you that are a young Man, and have a Wife and two
children, should love the English and their Ways, and forsake
the Pawwaws. . . . If I were in your Case there should nothing
draw me from our Gods and Pawwaws." ^ But the peaceable
intentions of the English were in time made clear to the sus-
picious savages, and under the leadership and influence of
the high-minded youth who came hither ready to be their
benefactor, the natives ceased to be a menace, and ever after
the two races lived in unusual harmony.

'Mayhew, Indian Converts, 4. The personal names of Indians were complex
and difficult of translation. Pahke-pun-asu means "he abides or walks uprightly,"
or "he is honorable."

ARMS OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES.

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

CHAPTER VI.

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642.

It becomes necessary at this point to enter, somewhat at
length, into the consideration of the legendary account of a
settlement on the island prior to the arrival of the Mayhews.
This story, which, if true, upsets the plain historical evidences
of original ownership and occupation immediately following
the purchase from Vines and Forrett, and imposes on us the
necessity of discarding it either as unworthy of serious thought
or of accepting it as true in fact as well as fancy. Like all
traditions it is entitled to an impartial investigation, a careful
examination of all collateral facts bearing upon the points
raised, and some kind of a judgment passed upon the case
as made up from the material evidence. It has all the un-
satisfactory qualities of a tradition, as well as all of the attrac-
tive ingredients of one. It is based upon nothing but hearsay,
and yet is of a circumstantial detail easily calculated to inspire
our credulity and engage our assent. It may be stated from
an historical standpoint that all traditions are to be disbe-
lieved, and the burden of proof placed upon the propounders,
where it belongs, according to all the rules of evidence. One
corroborating fact gives a tradition a standing in court, and
each succeeding one removes it from the doubtful list of
pleasing legends.

The story to be considered is to the effect that John
Pease and some companions landed on the Vineyard and
effected a permanent settlement before the purchase by the
Mayhews, and in order that the claims may be fairly placed
before the reader, a verbatim copy of the legend as prepared
by the late Richard L. Pease, in August, 1857, is here inserted: —

The ship in which John Pease came was bound to Port Penn, in the
Delaware, with 140 persons on board; it was in the fall of the year, and
they were short of provisions, and sickness prevailed. Owing to a head
westerly wind they came to anchor near Stony Point. They landed in a
boat at Pease's Point. The Indians came to meet them, holding forth a
pine bough to denote their desire for peace. As the whites advanced, the
Indians retreated. John Pease, who had on a red coat, took it off, laid it
on the ground and made signs for the Sachem to put it on. The Indians
approached it with caution, poking it with a stick, until gathering courage

History of Martha's Vineyard

•

the chief put it on, when Pease by signs give him to understand that he gave
it to him.

A good understanding being thus effected, the Indians led Pease and
his companions to the cove, near where Mr. Zachariah Pease lived for many-
years, and showed them how they procured fish. From thence they went
to their herring fishing at Mattakeeset. The old creek, the natural outlet
of the Great Pond, which at that time existed has for many years been
swallowed up by the encroaching sea. They then went to the Green Hol-
low, beyond the old Burial Ground, where the Indians obtained both fish
and fowl. In this Hollow they dug caves — the places are still plainly seen
on the North side of the Hollow — and spent the winter. Tradition says
jour men remained. The vessel proceeded on her voyage.

In the spring they went to the Great Marshes (Sandwich or Plymouth)
and spent some time, returning to the Vineyard to winter. The next season
they again sought the mainland and took to themselves wives.

This story was written out fifty years ago, as told to him
by the late Capt. Valentine Pease (born 1764). From another
source, Rev. David Pease (born 1783), Mr. R. L. Pease was
given the same story as told by the widow Susannah (Butler)
Pease (born 1777), w^ho "had heard the story from a very
aged person of your family." This account will be quoted
later on in the course of this chapter. It is also stated by other
members of the Pease family as part of the story, that Obed
Pease (born 1743) had talked about a "black book," which
mysteriously disappeared in the early days and is supposed
to have contained some records bearing upon this question.
But of this collateral topic consideration will be given later.
It will thus be seen that the legend is one which has its sup-
port and origin, probably, among members of the family
bearing this name, and unfortunately too, for it thus acquires
the coloring of family sentiment and pride in a matter which
depends so much upon impartial support for its acceptance.
It may be said however that, if true, the descendants of John
Pease would be quite as likely as any others to be more fam-
iliar with the story.

The tradition became public property a century ago, in
the year 1807, as a result of a visit of the late Rev. James
Freeman to the island in search of facts and material to aid
him in preparing "A Description of Dukes County," which
he subsequently published in the collections of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society. Dr. Freeman was largely aided
in the preparation of his sketch by the Rev. Joseph Thaxter
of Edgartown, both in personal conversation and by letter.
The following is the printed version of the story of the Pease
landing which he obtained at that date : —

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642.

A DESCRIPTION OF DUKES COUNTY.

At the beginning of the year 1623, however, the people of Plymouth
received information that the Indians of Marthas Vineyard and others had
joined in a conspiracy with those of Massachusetts to extirpate the EngHsh.
But the principal conspirators at Massachusetts being slain, such a terrour
was struck into the minds of the other Indians, that they forebore to execute
any act of hostility.

Afterwards, in what year is unknown, but before the arrival of Thomas
Mayhew, eight or ten English families settled in Edgartown. They first
landed at Pease's Point, which is part of Starbuck's Neck. The ship in
which they came was bound for Virginia, but fell by accident into this port;
and being short of provisions these families preferred remaining and taking
their chance with the Indians, to proceeding on the voyage. Four of their
names have been handed down to us, — Pease, Vincent, Norton, and Trapp,
the three former of which still remain on the Island. They landed late in the
autumn, and were supplied during the first winter with fish and corn by the
Indians. These hospitable natives led them to Great Pond, and showed
them their manner of taking fish, which was as follows: A passage was
opened from the sea into the Pond and through it the fish entered. There
are many coves in this pond. At the entrance of the coves, the Indians
placed hurdles under water, in a horizontal position; and when the fish had
run over them into the coves, they went in their canoes, lifted the hurdles
upright, by means they prevented the escape of the fish, and with their
spears struck them in the mud. This event has been preserved by tradition
both among the natives and the whites; but has not before appeared in any
printed book.

Another account of about the same period appears in a
book of "Travels," wi'itten by one of the many persons who
prepared similar books for the market to satisfy a growing
interest in the new nation : — ^

In the fall of 1632, or a year or two later, a vessel bound from England
to South Virginia, fell in with the South Shoal of Nantucket, came up
through the Vineyard Sound and anchored off Cape Poge on account of a
distemper which, like a plague, raged among the passengers and crew,
twenty-five of whom died. Or according to another account, scarcity of
provisions was the cause. Four men with their families, requested to be
put ashore, preferring to take their chance with the natives, than to pursue
the voyage under such distressing circumstances. They landed at the spot
since called (Pease' Point) Edgartown. Their names were John Pease,

Thomas Vincent, Trapp and Browning or Norton.

A red coat, presented on landing, by Pease, to the Chief or Sachem, secured
at once the good ofiices of the tribe, and they were treated with hospitality.

In order to shelter themselves from the approaching winter, Pease and
his company made excavations in the side of a hill near the water, whence
they could command a full view of the harbor and adjacent bay. Some
vestiges of these caves still remain. They remained here through the cold
season, and were joined by others at different times, until in 1642 the whole
number of families amounted to 24. At this period the Mayhews arrived.

^Kendall, "Travels in the United States," 1807.

History of Martha's Vineyard

In order that all the points bearing upon the subject may-
be stated, a letter from Rev. Mr. Thaxter to Rev. Dr. Free-
man under date of Dec. 12, 1814, is reproduced in amplifi-
cation of some other details, and including arguments offered
in support of the story as related at that time.

The account which I gave you of the gathering of the church in this
town, was taken from either a preface or an appendix to a sermon preached
at the ordination of Mr. Newman, by Mr. Experience Mayhew, and is
probably correct. I have searched the records of the town: they are tran-
scribed from a former record, and go no further back than 1661. It is said
that the old record was, for reasons now unknown, destroyed. It is beyond
a doubt true that several years before the Mayhews had a grant of Martha's
Vineyard there were a number of families settled on the island, of which
I gave you the traditionary accounts. I am confirmed in this by the division
of the town: The Mayhews and their associates had twenty-five shares:
the others were called half-share men: and made the number of shares
forty-two. These half-share men, it is presumed, were settled here when
the Mayhews obtained the grant. It is highly probable that the Mayhews,
at least the younger, had been on the Island some time before the grant was
obtained. He was a zealous preacher and undoubtedly collected a church
in 1641. Experience Mayhew must have had evidence of the fact; other-
wise, it is presumed he would not have said it.

Further, as showing the amplification of the tradition in
detail, as time progressed, the following statement prepared
in recent years by the late Hebron Vincent represents the
complete picture of the legendary settlements : —

The account given to the writer nearly seventy years ago by some of
the then oldest inhabitants, who themselves received it from an immediate
ancestry, is substantially as follows: — That some years preceding the May-
hew purchase, the exact time not averred, but thought to have been from
seven to ten years, a vessel from England filled with passengers, bound west
and south, came to anchor, for some cause, in or near the outer harbor of
what is now Edgartown; that a boat's company — mostly passengers — at-
tempted a landing at what is known as " Starbuck's Neck" near the present
site of that town; that a large company of Indians with their Chief appeared
upon the bank, apparently peaceful, but supicious, to whom the men of the
boat made signs of friendship to secure their confidence; that one of the
company, John Pease, having been in the military service in England, and
having with him his red coat, made signs to the chief an offer of the coat as
a present, which after various manifestations of fear and of hesitation, was
accepted, and that after some unsuccessful attempts at putting it on
aright, it was properly adjusted by the white man, and the Indians set
up a great shout. The further account is that such was the honor shown
and the distinction accorded to the head man, and such the kindly feeling
inspired, the Chief or Sachem, in whom the titles of the Indian lands vested,
so far as the natives had any titles, gave to John Pease and others a large
section of land, including the site on which Edgartown is built; that there-
upon four of the passengers — Pease, Vinson, Trapp and Browning — decided

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

to discontinue their voyage, and risk the fortunes of life here; that these four
men prepared caves in which to winter, about half a mile south of the present
town, at a place called "Green Hollow," traces of which remain yet visible.
It was further said that some other men came soon after who were allowed
to share in the division of the section given by the Chief; that John Pease was
a man of some education, kept a record of the settlement and of the division
of lands in a book called the "Black Book," from the color of the cover; that
subsequently to the purchase by the Mayhews, the division above named
and this book which perpetuated the evidence of it, became an annoyance
and an embarrassment, and that when John Pease died in 1674 and was
lying dead in his house, two men came to the house of the deceased, and
desired of the man in charge to be allowed to see this book; that he compHed
— placing the book upon the table — and withdrew to attend to other duties,
and that upon his return to the room the two men were gone and the book
was also gone, the latter never having been seen by the public since; that
the record evidence of whatever title to the land they had in the way related
being burned — as was supposed — or as some believed abstracted for a pur-
pose, and their chief man being dead, those early settlers found themselves
deprived of their rights — such as they were — the rights under the Crown
being held to control any others, however acquired, and that hence the
settlement of claims could go no further back than the dates of the purchase
by Thomas Mayhew and his son Thomas.^

One other relation of the narrative by a contemporary
of these persons will suffice to disclose the legend in all its
forms and complete its lineage. This story also comes from
Pease sources, but is told by Susannah (Butler) Pease (born
1777), the wife of Timothy Pease (i 769-1846), and it is fair
to say that she obtained her version from her husband's family.
It has the merit of brevity, and varies some as to the reasons
for the settlement as told by her : —

John Pease and company came into martha's Vineyard sound in the
winter, got frozen in and was obliged to remain there until spring. Made
friends with the Indians by presenting the Indian Chief with his red coat.
The Chief in return gave him a deed of what afterwards became Edgartown.
In the spring Pease left the Island and was gone some time (Mrs. Pease
thought to England), but finally returned with family and made the place
his home. After Mayhew came there the "black book" was lost, and Pease
lost the title to his land.

It now remains for us to consider the subject in all its
bearings in the light of contemporary history, as to the internal
evidence, together with the inherent probability of the story
with its variations and embellishments. This will best be
done by taking up the discussion in accordance with this
method.

*Rev. Hebron Vincent was born Aug. 21, 1805, and died Feb. 13, 1890. The
account was probably prepared not long before his death, as seventy years would
carry him back to 1820, when he was fifteen years old. He was son of Samuel and
Betsey (Pease) Vincent, and thus of Pease ancestry.

History of Martha's Vineyard

IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY.

I. Contemporary historians are silent upon the subject
of the alleged settlement. Governor Winthrop, in his history
of New England written in journal form from time to time
as events occurred before his death in 1649, makes no men-
tion of such an incident, and he omitted no detail of any
importance concerning such matters. He records the de-
parture of the Mayhews "to begin a plantation at Martin's
Vineyard," but nothing else as to any prior occupation. The
distinguished voyager, Capt. William Pierce, sailed along the
sound in 1634 and reported his observations to Winthrop
without any reference to settlers living on the Vineyard. He
stated that "Nantucket is an island full of Indians."

II. John Underhill in his "Newes from America," pub-
lished in 1638, says of Martin's Vineyard that it was "as yet
uninhabited."

III. Thomas Lechford, in his book on New England,
written in Boston probably before the summer of 1641, when
he left for England, and which was published in 1642, states
that Martin's Vineyard was then "uninhabited by any Eng-
lish, but Indians."

IV. Daniel Gookin, the early historian of the Indians
of New England, writing in 1671 about the Vineyard and the
younger Mayhew says: "he was as I take it the first Eng-
lishman that settled that Island."

As far as can be ascertained from persons living at that
time who vn:ote anything at all on the subject, no one lends
any support to the story of a band of persons living on the
Vineyard prior to 1642, when the younger Mayhew came
hither with "divers families" from Watertown. This is in
the nature of negative evidence, but it is none the less ap-
plicable in the requirements of proving a negative.

THE INTERNAL EVIDENCE.

If any statements in the story are manifestly improbable,
the entire legend becomes open to suspicion. To ascertain
if this be the case, it will be necessary to take up the various
parts of it where corroboration can be had or refutation ac-
complished.

I. It is stated in one account that the ship bearing this
company was bound for Port Penn on the Delaware. There

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

was no such place as Port Penn in existence at tliat date nor
for many years after. William Penn, for whom Port Penn
was named, did not arrive in this country till 1682, and while
this objection is not fatal, it seriously discredits it at the start.
It may be that the place where Port Penn later arose is in-
tended in the narrative.

II. The persons said to have landed were John Pease,
(William) Vincent, (Nicholas) Norton and (Thomas) Trapp;
in another version Malachi Browning appears in the place of
Norton. If either of these persons can be located elsewhere
in 1630 or 1632 and before 1641 or 1642, the story must be
seriously compromised. This will now be considered: —

(a) John Pease. Under the title of Sketches of the
Early Settlers (Edgartown) the identity of John Pease of
Martha's Vineyard and Salem, Mass., is considered, and in
order to prevent unnecessary repetition a recital of this will not
be made here. Briefly stated, a John Pease was a passenger
on the ship "Francis" sailing from Ipswich, England, in Nov-
ember, 1634, with a cabin list of eighty-three persons, and a
John Pease with a brother Robert and a widow Margaret
Pease, all names in the Great Baddow, Essex, family, appear
in Salem some time before 1636-7, on which date grants of
land were made to the two brothers. The name of John
Pease appears in the Salem records, 1638, 1639 (when he
was stated to be absent), 1641 and 1643. His brother Robert
continues to be mentioned until 1644 when he died, and the
death of their mother Margaret, also in 1644, marked the
breaking up of that family. Possibly this determined John
Pease to remove, and he sold his estate in Salem that year,
and in a year or two more a John Pease appears on the Edgar-
town records as a resident at the Vineyard. These facts do
not disprove the alleged landing at the Vineyard some time
prior to the above dates. Neither do they help it out much,
for the story presupposes continuous residence at Great Har-
bor from the first landing until the Mayhews arrived. This
would have been an inherent improbability in the case of
John Pease of Great Baddow, Salem, and Great Harbor,
whose life in Salem is well accounted for.

(b) (William) Vincent. It is supposed that our William
Vincent is meant, but such could not have been the case.
He was not born until 1627 and he could not have participated
in any settlement here prior to 1640 except as a boy. Some

History of Martha's Vineyard

other Vincent, not identified, must be considered, and as
no Christian name is mentioned the particular one who is
supposed to have been one of the alleged landing party must
remain an unknown quantity. One account states that it
was Thomas Vincent, but this does not help the discussion in
any particular.

{c) (Nicholas) Norton. If the member of the alleged
early settlement was our Nicholas Norton who, if the story
be true, again returned to the Vineyard in 1659, it becomes
necessary to ascertain his whereabouts. The first mention
of him in New England is at Weymouth, Mass., about 1637,
where he was a settler and where he resided for twenty years
as the records show. There is some reason to believe he
came over in 1635 with a company, under the leadership of
Rev. John Hull. As some doubt exists whether it was Norton,
as in one account, or Malachi Browning, as in another, the
former may be dismissed with the statement that what is
known of his movements in this country does not help the
story we are considering.

(d) Malachi Browning. This early settler at the Vine-
yard is found at Watertown in 1640 and until 1642, when
his homestead lot is mentioned, but nothing appears of record
before that date to show whether he was an earlier resident
in New England. Therefore, he could have been one of the
supposed party, at some anterior time, by negative reasoning.
In 1647 he calls himself "late of Watertown," as he had then
become a resident of the Vineyard.

(e) (Thomas) Trapp. As our Thomas Trapp was born
about 1635 it is clear that he could not have been the compan-
ion of John Pease. In the absence then of any more definite
identification his name must be dismissed as an inherent
improbability. We are unable to learn of any other person
bearing this name in New England at an early date.

It will thus be seen that of the persons alleged to have
settled and remained on the island as squatters until Mayhew
came, there is such an element of doubt in each case as to
amount to a denial of the probability that either one of those
named could have done the thing claimed. It requires us
to place these four or five men here before 1641 and that we
have seen them to be elsewhere on those dates seems to es-
tablish a fair alibi for those who were not too young to have
their names considered. The idea that "a number of fam-

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

ilies" as stated by Parson Thaxter, settled on the island,
and all evidence of them remained unknown for nearly two
centuries is almost too much for serious consideration.

THE "BLACK BOOK INCIDENT.

The "Black Book" plays a part in all the versions, and
is told with insinuations of fraudulent dealing on the part of
some persons, presumably acting in the interest and at the
instigation of the Mayhews. The main point is that with
the mysterious disappearance of this "black" volume the
descendants of John Pease lost all records and titles to this
prior settlement and his lands. This belief is apparently
well fixed among those responsible for this legend. It is
certain that John Pease, in his lifetime enjoyed his property
unmolested. There is no allegation to the contrary by the
relators, and for forty years his title was unimpeached. This
alleged "site of Edgartown" which he and three others ac-
quired must have gone into the possession of some others
after his death, but the records do not contain any line show-
ing that his heirs ever attempted to recover this alleged loss;
and if his descendants wxre deprived of "rights," so equally
were the descendants of Vincent and Trapp, neither of whom
appear in any suit to establish titles to this supposed property,
of which they had been defrauded after forty years of peace-
able possession. As far as can be seen by the records. Pease,
Trapp, Vincent and Browning participated in all the divi-
sions of land as proprietors in equal shares with the rest.

Thomas Mayhew, Senior, was very careful to purchase
everybody's claim to "rights," alleged or otherwise, to land
on the Vineyard, Stirling's, Gorges' and the Indians. In
several recitals of all this expense and effort he had undergone
to quiet all claims, he does not once mention this legendary
settlement of whites before he came, whose title might jeopard
his own. At that time he w^as not calculating the historical
aspects of the case, but telling his many endeavors to satisfy
everyone's claim to property rights on the island. This set-
tlement, if it existed, was more of a menace to his proprietary
interests than the Indian's "right," which he scrupulously
bought, and it is not to be supposed that by any conspiracy
he could enact a wholesale confiscation of the property of
several families.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Rev. Mr. Thaxter states that "the old record was for
reasons unknown, destroyed," and Mr. Richard L. Pease has
left a more circumstantial account which is as follows : —

Tradition says that the early records were kept in a book with a black
cover, thence called the Black Book, and that at the time of his decease John
Pease was the Clerk. During his illness a woman attended upon him as
nurse. On the day of the funeral this book was seen, but never publicly
since. That it was in existence for many years afterwards I have no doubt,
and such was the general belief of the community.

This story was told to him by Capt. Valentine Pease
before mentioned. The dramatic story of the abstraction
of the "Black Book" told by the late Hebron Vincent strains
hard upon our credulity when we consider that the alleged
circumstances occurred in a little village of not more than
twenty families at that date, and that such an event could
not be concealed, or the identity of the thieves lost in a mul-
titude. This feature of the legend reduces it to an indictment,
of which the title might be "Pease versus Mayhew." It is too
fantastic for serious consideration. The writer states that he
heard these stories from his grandfather, Zachariah Pease
(i 750-1845), as well as from Obed Pease, before referred to,
as one of the sponsors of the legend. The attention of the
reader will be attracted to the variation in the details of this
portion of the legend from those previously given.

The question then will naturally arise — is there any
reason for the existence of the tradition in the subsequent
annals of the settlement at Great Harbor, as respects the
treatment of the persons named? The theory evolved by
Rev. Mr. Thaxter that in the divisions of land the Mayhews
and their associates had twenty-five whole shares, and "the
others were called half-share men" is not borne out by the
records in any sense. The land divisions of Edgartown are
described elsewhere and it will not be necessary to enter into
details here. In the first recorded division in 1653, there were
but twenty shares, of which Pease and Browning, the only
ones of the alleged squatters, received one each with Mayhew
and the rest. The "half lots" were simply half shares which
had been sold by original proprietors to new comers. The
same sub-division of lots occurred in Tisbury and Chilmark
by identical means, and so far from the possession of a half -lot
indicating early arrival, it shows in reality a later settlement.
The best evidence on this point, however, is that no discrimi-

98,

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

nation in these divisions is shown in the case of the four men
who figure in the story. As previously stated there is no
known evidence existing that John Pease or any of his four
or more companions were ever deprived of their lands, whether
obtained rightfully or illegally. Many settlers undertook to
acquire land of the Indians after the settlement, being often
tempted by the ignorance of the natives about such matters.
In order to prevent fraud the town passed a law that no one
should do this without consent under a penalty of ;^io for
each acre so purchased. John Daggett disobeyed this, as
will appear later, and had to stand suit for it, and it is possi-
ble that Pease did the same thing in the early days and had
to return the land to the natives. It may be the basis of the
"red coat" story, a payment given by Pease to the Chief for
the land. In similar way Mayhew paid the Indians in clothing,
as part of the bargain he made with them.

THE PROBABILITIES AND CHARACTER OF THE TRADITION.

The story of the supposed landing and settlement of
John Pease and his companions first obtained currency and
publicity about a century ago or about 175 years after the
alleged events transpired. It has no support outside of the
descendants of one of the four (or more) supposed settlers.
There are no Vincents, Nortons or Trapps who have garnered
this tradition in their families, though the last named has not
been represented in the male line for over a century on the
island. Stories of this sort, however, can be handed down
through female lines, and there are numerous descendants
of the Trapps, as well as of Browning, who defaulted of male
descendants, as far as known. An author previously quoted
(1807), endeavored a century ago to get some corroboration
of this story in other directions, but failed, and thus states
his conclusions : —

An effort has been made by enquiry of the oldest inhabitants of Mar-
tha's Vineyard, who are descendants of the families that landed as aforesaid,
to ascertain the port from whence they sailed, and the name of the ship,
which has been entirely fruitless; none of them having the least recollection
in relation to it, notwithstanding some of them are nearly a hundred years
old, and have the use of their faculties unimpaired.

DISCREPANCIES IN THE LEGEND.

The story is consistent and insistent in one particular
only, that these persons "came before the Mayhews." In

History of Martha's Vineyard

other details the disagreement is marked. The personnel of
the unwritten settlement consisted variously of "four" men,
unmarried; of "a number of families" ; of "eight or ten
English families"; and finally of "twenty-four families."
The motive or cause of this landing and unexpected settle-
ment is given as variegated a color as there are versions quoted.
The ship was bound for Port Penn on the Delaware, as well
as for Virginia. She was "short of provisions" in one case,
and afflicted with a "distemper, which like a plague raged
among the passengers and crew"; in another version they
chanced here and were tempted to leave the ship by a gift of
land; and again that the party "got frozen in and was ob-
liged there to remain until spring." Whether a barren and
uninhabited island was the natural place for a ship to deposit
its passengers, either sick or starving, is a practical question
in this connection.^

The story of the "red coat" is repeated in all versions
with more or less amplification, according to the imagination
of the relator. The earliest versions are the simpler, and the
latest undertakes to account for the coat as a uniform belong-
ing to Pease, who is stated to have been in the military service
in England. No evidence has ever been offered to prove
this statement. One account states that they went to the
Cape for wives, and another that Pease probably went back
to England and returned with a family. It has no real bear-
ing upon the main point, except to show disagreement in the
detail of the alleged settlement.

The character of the legend requires us to conclude that
everybody has conspired to blot out all recollection of this
alleged settlement, because of the fanciful interpretation given
to a supposed loss of a certain "black book." This feature
and the "red coat" incident can be explained upon ordinary
grounds, and the digging of caves for houses at first is not
an evidence of priority of settlement. It is pretty certain that
this happened in every new settlement at that period. It will
not be seriously argued that the first comers found building
materials all ready for constructing houses. That the first
comers had to "rough it" with crude shelters for a long time,
is evident to our sense of the situation confronting them.

'One version states that "in the Spring they went to the great Marshes. . . .
returning to the Vineyard to winter." This seems a reversal of the probabilities.
Under the circumstances, they would be more likely to go to the mainland "to winter"
and return to the island in the Spring, on account of food supplies.

lOO

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

Saw mills were unknown and lumber had to be slowly hewn
out of virgin timber into boards fit for the carpenter's use.
Finally, the only document to which John Pease appended
his name in connection with the settlement of the Vineyard
does not help out the legend. In 1673-4 he signed with others
a statement about the early township grants of 1642 and 1646,
by the Mayhews, and of all the signers he was the eldest in
point of years and residence here. The document states that
"wee are the successors of those men (Daggett, Pierce, Beers,
John and Francis Smith, the first patentees of the town in
1642), and the first of us was admitted by their Approbation,
and some purchased their lands." The significance of this
is that John Pease states that he was among the first "ad-
mitted" to be an inhabitant by the original proprietors of
Edgartown, as one of the "successors," after the island had
been purchased and a government organized.

PROBABLE SOURCES OF THE TRADITION.

It is true that the early book or books of record of Great
Harbor are not in existence. Doubtless they were officially
destroyed some time after they were transcribed into a new
book in 1 730-1 by John Norton, then town clerk. The present
records contain fairly full entries from the year 1642, but it
is probable that, as in the case of Tisbury, which authorized
a similar new copy for its records, many things were not con-
sidered necessary for perpetuation in the new book. As John
Pease died about 1674, and there is nothing in existing records
to show that he was town clerk at that date, the relations
of the "Black Book" to the story do not seem to be very
important. It is reasonable to conclude that the disappear-
ance of the old book or books, after transcription authorized
by the town, has given rise to the tradition of the mysterious
loss of a volume supposed to contain evidences of occupation
earlier than that of the then proprietary family. We are still
without any clue as to the origin of this tradition of this early
settlement, and it only remains to consider one possible and
even probable source. And this is furnished by another
branch of the Pease family of Salem. Robert Pease, the
elder brother of John, was contemporary with John in Salem,
and a descendant of this Robert, of the third generation,
Joseph^, removed to Enfield, Conn. There these pioneers,

lOI

History of Martha's Vineyard

during their first winter at that place, were forced to prepare
temporary shelter and made excavations in the side of a hill,
as did the alleged early settlers at our Green Hollow. All
this appears in a journal kept by Joseph Pease of Enfield
(born 1693), third son of John of Salem and great nephew of
John of Martha's Vineyard, as recently published in the His-
tory of Enfield/

Doubtless this story of the "cave dwellers" of Enfield
was well known to their children and grandchildren, and be-
came a part of the traditions of the descendants of the Con-
necticut pioneers. In the course of time descendants of our
John Pease emigrated to Connecticut with the beginning of
the westward movement of the middle of the i8th century.
It is more than probable that these distant cousins were familiar
with their common origin, and family tradition is to that
effect. Jonathan of Edgartown went to Windham, Conn.,
before 1743, and Lemuel, an uncle of Obed, to whom the
tradition is partly traced on the Vineyard, resided in Glaston-
bury, same state. With the interchange of visits, the voyages
back and forth from the Vineyard to Connecticut, it seems
reasonable to conclude that the Connecticut cousins told their
Vineyard cousins the story of their fathers who had ''dug
caves in the side of a hill," when they first settled in that region.
This story was carried back and rehearsed to the cousins at
the Vineyard. The rest may be inferred. The tale of the
first Peases who lived in caves during their first winter in Con-
necticut was easily transferred in the telling, or in the hearing
of it by children, to the Vineyard branch, and thus a story
may have innocently grown into a belief that has survived
many years, until it is now told by others with the assurance
born of age and plausibility. The story of the "three black
crows" is well to bear in mind whenever tradition is invoked
to establish a desirable theory. The manner in which the
story under consideration may have become amplified and
circumstantial in detail is not a difficult matter to understand.
Fragments of various stories about the early settlers here
could become engrafted into one continuous whole in the
course of a number of generations, and that such stories are

^This was first published in 1829 by the late John Chauncey Pease, M.D., in
his Historical Sketch of Enfield. He says that two brothers, John Pease, Jr., and
Robert, came from Salem "to that tract of country now called Enfield in the year
1679, built them a Hut or Cellar in the side of the Hill, about 40 rods East from where
the old meeting house formerly stood, there they lived through the winter alone, no
other white person in the place."

102

The Legendary Settlement Before 1642

thus compounded is within the knowledge and experience of
every historian. It is not the only legend about the early
annals of the Vineyard which has come to the knowledge of
the author that has vanished under a close inspection of
records bearing on the points. Until some satisfactory cor-
roboration of this tradition is forthcoming, it must be relegated
to the "realms of tradition" and there awiait its promotion,
if it deserves it, to the more substantial territory of established
facts.

ARMS OF WILIiIAM, LORD STIRLING.

103

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER VII.

The English Family of Mayhew.

The name of Mayhew and the Vineyard are almost
synonymous, and it will be interesting as well as instructive
to learn something of the family which exercised such a sway
over the early destinies of our island. The origin of the name
is explained satisfactorily by a learned historical scholar of
England, himself a descendant, and the following extracts are
made from his account : —

As an English family name it is most frequently met with in the South
and West of this island, and few parish registers in the Counties of Hereford,
Gloucester, Wilts and Dorset can be opened without presenting us with
examples. It is spelt in many ways, varying from the extended form of
Mayhowe to that of Mao, and often, as it will frequently appear, clipped
down and reduced to May to the loss of its concluding syllable.^ One lesson
is taught by the diversity and variety, viz : — the identity of Mayhew and Mayo,
and from this consideration a ray of light is thrown upon the derivation
of the name. An early occurrence of the name, and in its extended form,
is found in Glover's Roll of Arms, supposed by Sir Harris Nicholas to date
from between 1245 and 1250. Herbert le Fitz Mayhewe is there mentioned
as bearing "party d'azur & de goulz one trois leonseaux rampant d'or," and
Woodward in his History of Wales, page 415, narrates that account to the
old copy of S. Davids Annals. The Welsh slew Sir Herbert Fitz-Mahu
apparently in 1246, near the castle of Morgan Cam. The same Roll of Arms
gives the clue to the origin of the name as a Christian name; in the case of
Mahewe de Lovayne, Mayhew de Columbers and Maheu de Redmain.
There can be little doubt that it is here a softened form of Matthew. Bards-
ley in his "English Surnames" mentioned two other instances, Adam fil.
Maheu, and Mayhew de Basingbourne, from the Parliamentary Writs.
Lower, (Patronymica Brittannica, 219, 221,) takes the same view.

Shakespeare in King " Lear " Act III, scene 4, says:
"The Prince of Darkness is a Gentleman
Modo he's called and Mahu."

The family has its principal habitats in Cornwall, at
Lostwithiel, Looe, Bray and Morval, to which belonged John
Mayow, Fellow of All Souls, Oxford, and that Mayow of
Clevyan, in St. Columb Major, who was hanged on a tavern

'As an example of the loss of the final syllable, the following may be noted:
Walter Mayo vel Meye admissus in Artibus 26 June 1511, (Gough Mss. 7, Bod. Lib.);
the will of Robert Mayo of Broughton Gifford 16 Nov. 1572, in the Prerogative Court,
though his family name was usually written May, as in the Wiltshire visitations; the
will of Henry Mayo alias May, of Kellways, Wilts, 1661.

104

The English Family of Mayhew

sign-post as a rebel against the injunctions of Edward VI,
concerning religion. Dorsetshire has one family in the Visita-
tion; Gloucestershire, at Kempley, Tetbury, Charfield; Here-
fordshire, at Tottenham; Northamptonshire, at Holmden, in
the Visitation of 1619; Norfolk, at Billockby and Clippesby;
Suffolk at Clopton, Helmington and Bedingfield, and in WOt-
shire more than one family of the name are found including
Mayhew of Din ton in the Visitations of 1565 and 1623, whose
pedigree is here inserted. (See page 106.)

Of noted persons of the name is Richard Mayo, other-
wise Mayeo, Maiewe, Mayhue, etc., who was born near
Hungerford, educated at Winchester, became a fellow of New
College in 1459; after passing through the lower orders he
became Chancellor of Oxford, 1503, and Bishop of Hereford
in 1504. He died in April, 1516.^

In the Records of the Commissioners for the United
Colonies, there appeared a letter, now in the Connecticut
Archives,^ written by Governor Mayhew, sealed with arms
which, upon examination, proved to be the arms, with a mullet
for difference, of the Mayhew family of Dinton, Wiltshire,
a county family of considerable distinction. These facts,
taken in connection with the bestowal by Mayhew of the
names of Tisbury and Chilmark on two adjoining towns on
Martha's Vineyard, (the latter settlement having been origi-
nally chartered as Tisbury Manor), and the fact that Tisbury
and Chilmark are adjoining parishes in Wiltshire, and sepa-
rated by a few miles only from Dinton, made it quite evident
that this locality was the one which should reveal his family
connection.

In April, 1898, the author, during a visit to England, was
a guest by previous appointment of the Vicar of Tisbury,
the Rev. F. E, Hutchinson, who is of the same stock as one
family of the New England Hutchinsons. He spent two
days at the vicarage and had ample time to make a thorough
examination of the old parish registers of Tisbury, which are
extant from the year 1563, including the original and a parch-
ment copy of almost contemporary date. Below extracts from
the parish register are given, which include all of the name
of Mayhew in its several variations, as well as some relating

'Genealogical Account of the Mayo and Elton Families by Rev. Canon Mayo,
vicar of Long Burton, Dorset. London, 1882.

'Conn. Col. Records, 1678-1689. pp. 504-506.

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History of Martha's Vineyard

to persons connected with the family by marriage mentioned
in wills, to be hereafter given, during the period necessary
for our purpose.

Extracts from the Parish Register of Tisbury, Co. Wilts.

baptisms.
1583 Sept. 13, Henry, son of Maoh.

1589 May I, Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Maho.
1591 Jan'yiy, John, son of Matthew Mayoo.

1593 April I, THOMAS, SON of MATHEW MAHO.
1595-6 Feb. 8, Jone, daughter of Mathew Mayhoe.
1598 Dec. 18, Alice, daughter of Mathew Maiho.

-^ Mar. 15, Katherine, daughter of Mathew Maio.
1000

1602 April 14, Edward, son of Mathew Mayhow.

marriages.

1573 Nov. 24, Myhell May and Jone Vanner.

1575 April 21, Thomas (Maow?) and Alyce (Waterman?)

1578 Nov. 23, An Maio and Thomas Turner.

1579 Aug. 3, An Maio and John Waterman.

1587 Octo. 2, MATHEW MAOW and ALES BARTER.

burials.
1586 July 14, Ales wyffe of Thomas Maow.

1590 June I, Thomas Maow.

^^vo" m «.k a Wa*0

REPRODUCTION OF ENTRY IN PARISH REGISTER SHOWING RECORD
OF BAPTISM OF THOMAS MAYHEW.

The marriage above indicated by capitals is that of the
parents of Gov. Thomas Mayhew, and his baptism is likewise
printed in the same type. Attention need scarcely be drawn
to the various ways the name is entered in the register. In
the baptisms given, eight in all, there are seven different
spellings. This entry of the baptism of Thomas, son of
Mathew Maho, April ist, 1593, probably within a few days
of his birth, is not absolutely conclusive evidence of identity
with our Thomas, but taken in connection with the facts re-
lating to the reappearance on INIartha's Vineyard of the names
of Tisbury Manor (which is situated in the parish of Tisbury,
England,) and Chilmark the adjoining hamlet, and the name
of Matthew, which for succeeding generations appeared in
the Martha's Vineyard family, it becomes one of those cases
where an affirmative conclusion is clearly inferential.

108

The English Family of Mayhew

Corroborative evidence is also available in respect to
Governor Mayhew's age, which corresponds approximately
with the record of this baptism. The double dating of that
period from January i to March 25, enters the problem to
give it some slight complications, but as he was born near the
dividing line between the new and the old years 1592 and 1593,
his several statements regarding the great number of years
he attained (evidently a source of pride to him) lead us readily
to conclude that with the proneness which he exhibited to
reiterate his longevity, he unintentionally adopted 1592 as his
birth year, when it was in reality 1593, and that a further
source of error lies in the confusion which may result from
such general statements as that he was eighty-seven years of
age, or in his "87th yeare hallf out." The following are all
the references regarding his age which have been thus far
observed, and it will be noticed that the first one, before he
had grown to riper years and indulged the pardonable satis-
faction at attaining great age, is the only correct one as com-
pared to the date of baptism. It bears out the theory that
he unconsciously overstated his age as he grew older.

1. On Sept. 15, 1664, he wrote, "I am 71 and 5 monthes
at present."^ This would carry his birth back to about
2-1 5-1 593. [Within one month prior to April 15, 1593,
which agrees with the baptism.]

2. On 24 (6), 1678, he wrote, "It hath pleased God to
keepe me alyve and verry well, to write thus much in my
87th yeare hallf out."^ This would carry his birth back to
about 12-24-1591. [Feb. 24, 1591-2.]

3. In his will dated June 16, 1681, he began: "I, Thomas
Mayhew of Edgartown upon the Vineyard in this ninetieth
year of my age." This would carry his birth back to some
time between June 17, 1591, and June 16, 1592.

4. On April 13, 1682, Matthew Mayhew, his grandson,
announced to Gov. Thomas Hinckley of Plymouth the death
of his grandfather as follows: "It pleased God of his great
goodness as to continue my honoured grandfather's life to
a great age (wanting but six days of ninety years), so to give
the comfort of his life, and to ours as well as his comfort, in
his sickness (which was six da3^s)."^

^Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th series, vol. 7, p. 40.
'Plymouth Colony Records, vol. 10, p. 406.
^Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th series, vol. 5, p. 61.

109

History of Martha's Vineyard

Previously to the author's visit to Tisbury a personal
search of the Wiltshire wills deposited at Somerset House re-
lating to the Archdeaconry of Sarum, in which the parishes
of Tisbury, Chilmark and Dinton are situated, was made.
There was found, among others of the family, the wills of
Matthew Mayhew, the father of Thomas, and of Agnes May-
hew, an aunt of Thomas, in both of which documents his
name occurs as a beneficiary. The full copy of the will of
Matthew is here presented : —

PRINCIPAL REGISTRY OF PROBATE (WILTSHIRE), ARCHDEACONRY OF SARUM,

VIII, 224.

In the name of God Amen. I Mathew Maihew of Tisbury in the
county of Wilts yeoman being in good health and of perfect memory (thankes
bee to god for it) doe make constitute and ordeine this my last will and test-
ament in manner and form following First I bequeath my soule into the
handes of Almighty God my maker and redeemer and my body to bee buried
in the Church or Churchyard of Tisbury aforesaid. Itm I give and be-
queath to the prish Church of Tisbury iiis vid. Itm I give and bequeath
to the poore people of the aforesaid Tisbury iis iiiid. Itm I give and be-
queath to my Sonne Thomas Maihew Forty pounds of good and lawfuU
monie of England whereof twenty pounds to bee paid him by my Executor
wthin one whole yeare after my decease and the other twenty pounds to bee
paid by my Executor wthin five years after the payment of the first twenty
pounds in manner and forme following viz: fower pounds evy year until
the sume of twenty pounds bee paid and the five yeares expired Itm I give
and bequeath unto my sonne Edward Maihew six and forty pounds of good
and lawfuU monie of England whereof six and twenty to bee paid him by
my executor wthin one whole yeare after my decease and the other twenty
pounds to bee paid unto him by my executor after the same manner and at
the same times wch are prscribed for the payment of the last twenty pounds
of my Sonne Thomas his portion Itm I give and bequeath unto my daugh-
ter Joane Maihewe six and forty pounds of good and lawful! monie of Eng-
land whereof six and twenty pounds to bee paid wthin one whole yeare
after my decease and the other twenty pounds to bee paid after the same
manner and at the same times wch are prescribed for the last payment of
my sonne Thomas his portion Itm I give and bequeath unto my daughter
Alice Maihew six and forty pounds of good and lawfuU monie of England
to be paid unto her by my executor after such manner and at such times as
my daughter Joane Maihewes portion is to be paid Itm I give and be-
queath unto my daughter Katherine Maihew six and forty pounds to bee
paid unto her by my executor after the same manner and at the same times
wch are prscribed for the payment of my other two daughters portions All
the rest of my goods and chattels moveable and unmovable I give and be-
queath unto my sonne John Maihew whom I make my whole and sole
executor of this my last will and testamt Itm I doe constitute and ap-
pointe John Bracher of Tisbury Edward Bracher of Tisbury Richard
Langly of Boreham and John Gilbert of Deny Sutton ovrseers of this my

The English Family of Mayhew

last will and testament In witnes whereof I have hereunto subscribed my
hande the last day of August in the year of our Lord 1612

The marke of Mathewe Maihewe
In the prnce of
Luke Simpson
John Gilbert
John Turner
John Bracher

Memorand That if my sonne Thomas Maihewe Edward Maihewe
Joane Maihewe Alice Maihewe Katherine Maihewe or any one of them doe
chaunce to dye before they have receaved theire portions then my will is
that the portions of the parties deceased shall equally bee divided amongst
the rest then liveing

Witnesses hereunto

Luke Simpson

John Gilbert

John Turner

John Bracher
Proved 27th June 1614

The will of Agnes Mayhew of Tisbury, dated Jan. 12,
1606, gives to "Thomas the son of my brother Matthew, five
pounds," and it was proved June 24, 1612 (Arch. Sarum, VIII,
168).

With respect to the connection of this. Tisbury twig with
the armorial family of Dinton, it is to be observed that Matthew
describes himself as "yeoman," which may not disqualify
him as a cadet scion of the armigerous family, particularly
in view of the fact that Governor Mayhew, his son, used a
seal, which he must have obtained in England, cut with the
arms of the Dinton family, and having as a mark of difference
the mullet, indicating that he was descended from the third
son of the armorial grantee.^ The tabular pedigree which
appears herewith, showing the Dinton family as given in the
Harleian manuscripts and in Hoare's Wiltshire, to which have
been added some facts obtained from wills and other original
sources, fails to afford us any information concerning the
descendants of Thomas, the third son of Robert Mayhew,
and the author strongly suspects that it is to him, whose
Christian name Governor Mayhew bore, we must look for
an extension of the pedigree. The laws of primogeniture,

'Many years ago there was issued by the late Jonathan Mayhew of Buffalo,
N. Y., a pictorial "family tree" which has, erroneously, depicted on it the coat armor
of the Mayhews of Hemingston, Suffolk.

Ill

History of Martha's Vineyard

which existed at that period, and which were so carefully
observed by the heralds, afforded little consideration for cadet
branches of county families, and we are at present reduced
to conjecture as to the relationship of Matthew to the Dinton
stock, a conclusion which seems reasonable to be made in
the affirmative from all the collateral facts. It is to be ob-
served that the name of Simon Mayhew, which appears at
the head of the tabular pedigree, was used by the Martha's
Vineyard family as early as 1687, which may be classed as
additional corroborative testimony. Unfortunately the parish
registers of Chilmark are missing prior to 1653, and although
Bishops' transcripts exist in the Diocesan Registry at the
Salisbury Cathedral, *'Our Lady Church of Sarum," they
contain no Mayhew entries.^ A branch of the Dinton family,
represented by Walter, the fourth son of Robert of Dinton,
lived in Chilmark, which is the next parish to Tisbury and
nearer Dinton. Walter Mayhew "de Chilmark, gentleman"
made his will Aug. 30, 1604, which was proven Dec. 24, 1606,
and in it he makes a bequest to the poor of Fountell (Font-
hill) where his elder brother Edward resided.^ No references
to Tisbury or relatives outside of his family appear (Arch.
Sarum, Rotula XV). John Mayhew of Dinton, however,
the eldest son of that generation, in his will dated Sept. 20,
1562, bequeaths a small sum "to the Church of Tisbury,"
besides to his own church and the Cathedral at Salisbury
(Arch. Sarum. IV, 165), which may be taken as showing some
interest or connection with that parish.

All the evidence adduced, by inference and exclusion,
seems to favor the Tisbury family as the one to which Gov-
ernor Mayhew belongs, and that the Tisbury branch belongs
to the Dinton stock seems equally presumptive. The line
of Matthew's parentage probably sprung off before the Din-
ton stock had their pedigree registered in 1565, and it is also
fair to presume that Simon, who heads it, had more than one
son. With the exception of Matthew many of the names of

'The Dinton Parish Registers are extant from 1558, but contain no entries which
throw Hght on Thomas, the third son of Robert.

^The adjoining parish of Chilmark, disclosed some early Macy stones in the
churchyard. It will be remembered that Thomas Macy of Nantucket, who is said
to have been of Chilmark, referred to Thomas Mayhew of Martha's Vineyard as
"my honored cousin" (N. Y. Col. MSS., Vol. XXV), and while searching for Mayhew
wills, I accidentally found the will of Thomas Maycie of Chilmark, dated 1575, which
may serve as the basis of some future investigations concerning that well-known
family, whose emigrant ancestor first settled in Salisbury, Massachusetts.

112

The English Family of Mayhew

sons in the Tisbury and Dinton families are nearly identical,
John, Thomas, Henry, Edward/

In the Mayow arms sea mews are engraved for the birds,
which in the authorities quoted are given as "birds." It will
be noticed that the arms described on the tabular pedigree
have a crescent for difference, indicating their use at the time
of the visitation (1565) by a second son, probably Edward,
son of Robert. Thomas, the younger brother, would have
used the mullet for dift"erence. The use of the mullet by
Gov. Thomas Mayhew, indicating his descent from a third
son of the Mayow family of Dinton, taken with the other
evidence presented, leads to the belief that the Thomas who
was buried at Tisbury in 1590, was father of Matthew, grand-
father of Gov. Thomas, and son of Robert.^

It now remains to turn to the maternal ancestry of Gov-
ernor Mayhew, the Barters of Wiltshire, of whom Alice, as
we have seen, married Matthew Maow in 1587. While the
author cannot with equal satisfaction designate beyond doubt
the particular branch to which she belonged, yet the following
wills indicate her probable parentage and the tabular pedigree
illustrates it : —

BARTER

James Barter=^Margat!et .
of Fovent,
Wilts.

Edward Barter =:=;Edith Roger.

(eldest son)
of Fydleton, Haxton,

Wilts.

Thomas .
Christian.

William Joan Alice Christian Edward Ellyn Harry John

The will of James Barter of Fovent, Wilts, is dated
Sept. I, 1565, and in it he mentions among others his eldest

'The Mayhews of Dinton were Roman Catholics, and according to a recent au-
thority, had in those days suffered for their attachment to that faith. An Edward,
born at Dinton, 1570, became a Benedictine monk, and with his brother Henry was
admitted to the English College at Douay in 1583, and later they matriculated at the
English College, Rome, 1590 (Stephen, Diet. Nat. Biog. Art. Maihew). He died in
1625. It is probable that he was the son of Henry, and was baptized at Dinton,
Nov. 12, 1571. In those days of religious ostracism and persecution, when the Puritan
movement was growing in strength, it is possible that the branch to which Governor
Mayhew belonged became Protestant, and thus lost association with and recognition
by the parent stock.

*This account of the Tisbury family is condensed from an article in the Genea-
logical Advertiser, prepared by the author for that publication. (Vol. IV, pp. 1-8.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

son Edward and his daughter (in law) Edith, wife of Edward.
(Arch. Sarum, P. C. C, IV, 210.)

The will of Edward Barter, his son, of Haxton, Wilts,
of the parish of Fydleton, is dated Oct. 6, 1574, and mentions
among others, his wife Edith and his daughter Alice. (Arch.
Sarum, P. C. C, V, 231.)

The will of Edith Barter, widow, of the same parish,
is dated Aug. 9, 1576, and mentions among others her daughter
Alice to whom she gave ''halfe an aker of wheat and half
an aker of barley my best cowlett, my white pety coat, my
kercher, my canvas apron a platter and porringer" (Arch.
Sarum, P. C. C, V, 273.)

As this Alice was the only one found by the author in
his searches among Wiltshire wills, and as the name of Edward
was bestowed on the third son of Matthew and Alice, pre-
sumably in honor of her father, as Thomas had been given
in memory of his father, this origin of Alice Barter, the mother
of Thomas Mayhew, is offered as the probable solution of the
question of her ancestry.

Of the childhood, education, and early business training
of Thomas Mayhew of Tisbury, nothing definite has come
to the knowledge of the author. It is presumed that he lived
in Tisbury during his youth, and was educated in the parish
school under the care of his parents. When his father died,
he was twenty-one years of age, and it is certain that this
event placed upon him the necessity of individual responsi-
bility for the future. We know that he became a merchant,
but where he served his apprenticeship is unknown. Daniel
Gookin, who knew him personally, says he was "a merchant
bred in England, as I take it at Southampton." This seaport
town was, in that period, one of the most important com-
mercial centres in England, ranking with Bristol as secondary
to the great port of London. Like all merchants of the mari-
time ports, he naturally became cognizant of and interested
in foreign trade, and as the colonization ventures of the es-
tablished mercantile companies began to develop, he must
have learned of the possibilities of profitable traffic beyond
seas. Among the great merchants of London, Mr. Matthew
Cradock was an early adventurer in this line of business,
and was among the first to support the companies engaged
in the colonization of New England. In the course of busi-
ness it is to be supposed that every suburban merchant in

114

The English Family of Mayhew

England went to London often to have dealings with the
large wholesale houses in the capital, and in that way we may
suppose Mayhew became known to Cradock and thus laid
the foundation of their business relations in later years. In
1625, at the accession of Charles the First, Thomas Mayhew
was thirty-two years of age and had been engaged in business
for himself in all probability for about a dozen years, since
the death of his father. During that period he had married,
about 1 61 9, and family traditions and a record of some an-
tiquity brings down to us the name of the bride of his youth
as Abigail Parkus.^ Further particularization has been given
to this tradition by making her a daughter of that Parkhurst
family, of which George Parkhurst of Watertown, Mass.,
1643, was the first New England representative. George was
the son of John Parkhurst of Ipswich, England, a clothier,
and his sisters, Deborah and Elizabeth, came to this country
with him, and were later residents of the Vineyard, the former
as wife of John Smith and the latter of Joseph Merry. So
far no documentary or recorded confirmation of his marriage
has come to light, and some considerable search has been
made to find the probable place where the marriage took
place, but without avail. The tradition is given for what it
is worth.

The fruit of this first marriage of Thomas Mayhew was
a son who was christened by the name of his father, about
1618, and living to man's estate became the famous missionary
to our Indians on the Vineyard.'^ No other children are
known, nor when and where the mother died. We are at
present left to conjecture as to the whereabouts of the father,
as well as his family, and not until 1628 do we find a further
possible reference to him. The Company of the Massachu-
setts Bay were then actively promoting their new settlements
at Salem and vicinity, and sending supplies thither. Their

^This is from a memorandum, genealogical in its character, prepared by Deacon
William Mayhew, of Edgartown, who was bom in 1748, and was thus within the
sphere of close personal knowledge of his immediate ancestors. He was ten years old
when Experience Mayhew, the great family exponent, died (1758), and Experience
was about the same age when the old governor died, thus but one life spanned the
gap between Thomas Senior and Deacon William. The memorandum was preserved
by the Deacon's son, Thomas, and was in existence in 1854.

^The author has made extensive searches in all published parish registers of
English churches and similar books, for any clue to his baptism or any reference to
Thomas Mayhew. The following items are here printed, and may be of some value.
Thomas Mayhowe, bapt. Aug. 20, 1617, at St. Martins in the Fields, London. The
will of Mildred Reade of Linkenhurst, Co. Hants, widow, dated Aug. 15, 1630,
mentions her nephew "Thomas Mayhew the younger."

History of Martha's Vineyard

records at this time contain the following entry, showing that
Thomas Mayhew was then engaged in mercantile pursuits : —

i6 March 1628.
Bespoke of Mr. Maio at loj p yrd for beds & boulsters 20 bed tikes,
Scotch Tikeing f broad & 2 1-16 long & ij yrds wide: 11 yrds each bed
and boulster. Mass. Col. Records, I, 35.

In two years more Mayhew had determined to follow to
the New England the "beds & boulsters" and "bed tikes"
he had sold for the emigrants to the latest English colony.

STONE FONT, CHURCH OF S. JOHN THE BAPTIST, 1593.
Used at the Baptism of Thomas Mahew, the elder.'

'A replica of this font, in English Oak, was presented by the family of the author
to Grace Church, Vineyard Haven, in memory of a deceased relative, several years
ago, and may be seen in that church.

116

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts

CHAPTER VIII.

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts.

The richest Jems and gainful! things most Merchants wisely venter:
Deride not then New England men, this Corporation enter:

Christ call for Trade shall never fade, come Cradock factors send:
Let Mayhew go another move, spare not thy Coyne to spend.

Such Trades advance and never chance in all their Trading yet:

Though some deride they lose, abide, here's gaine beyond mans wit.
Johnson, Wonder- Working Providence (1654).

^_y>2^^ The great interests of

^^'^'^^ J^i^^'* ^^V'/^^^*^ Matthew Cradock in

^ y New England required

'^ more personal over-

Signature of Thomas Mayhew g-gj^f ^ ^j^^ |^g Completed

arrangements with Thomas Mayhew to go to New England
and act as his representative in all business matters, making
his headquarters at Medford, where he had built a "greate
stone house" (still standing). Thither Mayhew went, pre-
sumably taking with him his wife and young son, in 1631,
though there is no fact to substantiate the supposed existence
of the mother at that date. She may have died before his
emigration, which is placed in the year 1631 from contempo-
raneous records. March 6, 163 1-2, is the earliest record so
far found of him in this country. At that date he appears
on the records of the General Court of Massachusetts as
chairman of a committee appointed by the Court to settle
the boundary between Charlestown and Newton. As this
record is the report of the committee, it must have been ap-
pointed at an earlier date in the previous year.

His time for the next three years was devoted to the
services of his employer, attending to his investments, and
managing his maritime and mercantile interests in the colony.
By this time he had probably decided to cast his fortunes with
the new country, and on May 14, 1634, he was admitted as a
freeman by the General Court. Thenceforth he became actively
identified with the political and business life of the colony.

At this period he began the erection of a mill for his
principal and the following letter concerning it is here printed : ^

'Massachusetts Historical Collection, 4, VII, 30.

117

History of Martha's Vineyard

Meadeford the 22 th of the fouerth Moneth June 1634
Sir: — I doe hereby request your worshipp to deHver this bearer that
hempe you spake of, for caulkinge the pynnase: and I doe farther intreate
you to lend Mr. Cradock the hellpe of your teeme, a day or two, to hellpe
carry the timber for building the mill at Watertowne. I have sent unto
Mr. (Richard) Doomer. I hope he will afiford me his hellpe: that with the
hellpe of our owne wee may doe it in two dales. The reason I desire to
have it donne with such expedition is for that the cattell must be watched
whillst they are about it, in reguard they will be from home & soe doubtless
otherwise would stray, or at least runn home: I will at any time, if your
worshipp have occasion in the like kind, fulfill your desire: the time wee
intend to goe about it is the second or third day of the next weeke. Thus
ceaseing farther to trouble you at present, salutinge you with all due
respect, committing you to the Lords protection, I rest
Your worshipps to commaund

THOMAS MAYHEW
To the worshipfull John Wynthropp.

May 14, 1634, he was fined for breach of order of the
court "for imploying Indians to shoot with peeces." On the
same date the Court appointed a committee to bargain with
Mr. Mayhew and an associate "for the building of a seafort."
On June 3 following, he was appointed to examine into "what
hurt the swyne of Charlton (Charlestown) has done to the
Indean barnes of corn, on the north side of the Mystick &c."
At a previous date (July 2, 1633), he had been appointed
administrator on the Glover estate, and at this session of the
Court, he exhibited an inventory of the estate. He still con-
tinued to reside at Medford, and sometime, in this year prob-
ably, he found an opportunity to contract a second matri-
monial alliance, but whether he found his new wife here or
returned to England for her is not known. Savage, who is
usually quite accurate, states that the marriage occurred in
London, but on what authority is not known. ^ The second
wife was Jane, widow of Thomas Paine, a merchant of Lon-
don, and she brought into the household of Thomas Mayhew
two children by her former husband. The maiden name of
Mrs. Paine is said by family tradition to be Jane Gallion.^ It
is quite probable that Mayhew had returned to England,
and while there on business found a new wife, perhaps through
the agency of Cradock. Thomas Paine, the deceased mer-

'Genealogical Dictionary, III, 337. None of the published London parish
registers have a record of this marriage.

^The authority for this is the same memorandum before referred to, made by
Deacon William Mayhew.

118

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts

chant, had left considerable estates in England for his children,
Thomas, Jr., and Jane, both minors, and the care of them
now devolved on Mayhew as stepfather.' The daughter Jane
was the elder of the two Paine children brought to the New
England home and here she found as a big step-brother young
Thomas Mayhew, then about fifteen years of age. It is not
known how old Jane Paine was at this time, and we may only
conclude from subsequent events that she may have been born
about 1628 or 1629 and was therefore five or six years old.
When she grew to be a young woman, about 1647, Thomas
made this step-sister his wife.

In 1635 Mayhew still resided at Medford, and on June 14
of that year the first child of the second marriage came along
and she was christened Hannah.^

March 4, 1635, he was appointed to serve on a committee
to lay out the bounds of Salem, Marblehead and Saugus.
On the same date he was made member of a committee to
purchase for the use of the inhabitants such commodities as
were deemed advisable from vessels and other craft which
came into the port of Boston. On July 8 of this year, he was
directed to present to the Court his account ''for the publique
business" on which he had been employed. He was of the
committee appointed to consider the act of Deputy-Governor
Endicott "in defacing the colors," and to report to the Court
"how farr they judge it sensureable."

In this year on Aug. 19, 1635, he bought of Edward How
one-half interest in the mill built by Cradock and himself,
before mentioned. The purchase price was ;^2oo, for which
Mayhew gave a bond and a mortgage for ^400 with condi-
tions that if the price was paid the bond should be void. His
business energies were thus turned to the occupation of milling,
and it is recorded by a contemporary that it was an "excellent"
mill "which in those times brought him great profit."^

In 1636, Mayhew continued his residence at Medford,^
and on December 6 of that year a second daughter came

'Prolonged search in the London probate courts of the period, made for me by
a professional genealogist, to find the will of Thomas Paine, and the same search in
the parish registers, resulted in failure to locate this family in the great city. The
estates left to Thomas, Jr., were at Whittlebury, Northamptonshire.

^Plymouth Col. Rec. XII, 172, Waterto^vn Records.

^Daniel Gookin. Description of the New England Indians, written in 1674.
(Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, 141.)

"Middlesex Co. Court Files.

119

History of Martha's Vineyard

into the household, receiving the name of Bethiah/ He was
made Representative to the General Court this year, and was
returned each term until he removed to Martha's Vineyard
in 1644-5, ^^^ during these years in which he served as rep-
resentative, his name appears on many important commit-
tees. The merchant, miller, and factor was still occupied
in various pursuits as appears from contemporary records
of the period. He was bringing supplies to the colony, en-
gaged in shipping ventures, and running his mill.^ However,
all of these were not profitable or remunerative, and it may
be concluded that he was not an entire success as a business
man. The following letter written by him this year discloses
some of his operations : — ^

Meadefoard this 22th of the 2nd moneth 16^6
Sir:-

Touching my journey to He of Sholes to buy 80 hogsheads of pro-
vission when I came I found noe such things as unto me for trueth was
reported: to procure 8 hogsheads of bread I was fayne to lay out one hundred
pounds in ruggs & coates unnecessarily: and for pease I got but i hogshead
& ^ whereof I sowed certain bushells. Had things beene free at the coming
in of the vessel, I would have had a greater share of what she brought, yett
I confesse, as matters hath beene carried I have not ought against that which
hath beene donne. I doubt not but that Mr. Peeters hath remembered you.
Your father tould me that he had shippt in the Blessinge one hoggshead of
beiffe, in lieu of that delivered unto Mr. Lovell. I shall confer with Mr.
Wynthropp when more victualls come in, how wee mav steed you: assure
your sellfe my hellp you shall not want. I have made out the accompt
betweene us. Concerning the Bermuda Voyage and accompting the pota-
toes at 2d. the corne at gs. per bushell, the pork at 10 li. per hogshead,
orrenges and lemons at 20s. per c. wee two shall gaine twenty od pounds.
Now that accompt cleared & the cattell wintring paid for, there will not be
much coming unto you of the 80 od pounds I borrowed of you. I shall be
ready at any time to advance soe much money to steede you, with thankes,
if your occasions shall require it. I salute you respectively with my love.
I command you to the guydance & protection of the Lord Jesus and doe
rest, in some hast

Your assured Loveing & readyly to be commanded

THOMAS MAYHEW

(To John Winthrop Jr.)

Meanwhile his principal, Matthew Cradock, was be-
coming dissatisfied with the results of Mayhew's stewardship,
and in his anger at the state of affairs he ^vrote a letter to
John Winthrop pouring forth his grievances. From all the

HVatertown Records.

^Winthrop, Journal, I, 466.

^Massachusetts Historical Collection, VII, 31.

120

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts

circumstances it does not appear that Mayhew had been guilty
of any breach of trust, and as no action was taken on Cra-
dock's hysterical letter we may conclude that the gravamen
of offence was poor business judgment at the most. The
letter is as follows : —

Worthei Sir, — The greyffe I have beene putt to by the most vyle bad deal-
ings of Thomas Mayhew hath & doeth so much disquiet my mynd, as I
thank God never aney thing did in the Hke manner.

The Lord in mercy ffreey me from this, I absolutely fiforbad chardging
moneys from thence or buying aney goods there. I thanke God my oc-
casions requyred it not but I have had great returnes made mee from thence
by means of goods I sent thither by the direction of Thoma^^ Mayhew ffor
above 5000 L in the last 2 yeeres & geeving to much credditt to his insyn-
nuating practices & the good opynion I by the reports & advize of maney
& more especially of your selfe, did apprehend of him, but ffarr beyond all
expectacion & contrary to my express order he hath charged me with dyvers
somes & geeven bills in my name which he never had order from me to doe,
& that not for small somes, whereof some partyculers are specefyed in the
inclosed which I pray you deliver my servant Jno. JoUiff : & good sir lett me
intreate your self & those in authority there to make some course that
Thomas Mayhew may be answerable ffor that estate of myne which my
sayd servant can showe you hath come to his hands. This conveyance is
uncerten & therefore I shalbee breiffer then I would or my necessety
requyres but by Mr. Peirse, God willing, I shall Inlardge, but I know you
may by this seey & apprehend my case. Bills come dayley almost pres-
sented to me of one kynd or other without aney advize, but from Jno. JoU-
iffs aryvall he ought not to have done any thing in my buiseynes without his
approbacion & consent, but when it shall appeare howe he hath dealt by
me, you & all men that shall seey it I ame perswaded will hardley thinke
it could be possible that a man pretending sincerity in his actions could deale
so viley as he hath & doeth deale by me. This buiseynes is not to be de-
layed, if he can justify his actions it were to bee wished but not possible.

Lett me crave your favour & the courts so ffarr as you shall seey my
cause honest & just, & boothe the court & your self & the whole plantacion
shall ever oblige me to be

yours ever to my power

MATHEWE CRADOCK.
London 13 January 1636.

The arrival in New England of a new factor for Cradock
in the person of John Jolliffe, either in the latter part of 1636
or more probably in 1637, had the effect of terminating May-
hew's business relations with the London merchant, and it
was about this time (1637) and for that reason, that Mayhew
removed from Medford to Watertown.^ There he had ma-
terial interests of his own, and for the next seven or eight

'Letter, Roger Williams. Narr. Club Pub., VI, 69.

12 I

History of Martha's Vineyard

years he was actively identified with that town and its affairs.
He was chosen selectman this year (1637) and also was elected
as Deputy to the General Court to represent his new home
town in the Colonial Assembly.

In 1638 he was again chosen selectman and re-elected
as Deputy to the General Court. At this same session he was
appointed a commissioner, which office was a local magistrate
or justice of the peace for trying small causes, the first
official of that kind accredited to Watertown. Another
daughter w^as born to him, probably early in this year, who
was christened Martha, the third addition to his family.^

In 1639, Mayhew was again chosen selectman of Water-
town and re-elected as Deputy to the General Court, and his
appointment as commissioner was renewed. In this year a
fourth and last daughter was born to him and received the
baptismal name of Mary. The date of her birth was Jan. 14,
1639-40, being within the old calendar year of that period.
Meanwhile he was prosecuting his milling interests in the town
and being desirous of owning the mill entirely he purchased,
May 29, 1639, the other half of Nicholas Davison, agent for
Cradock and successor of Jolliffe, and mortgaged it back
to Cradock with six shares of the "Wear," for ;^24o. The
investment must have been a losing one, for in less than a
year, on April 18, 1640, he sold the entire property to Deputy
Governor Thomas Dudley for ;^4oo, subject to the mortgage
to Cradock. Dudley redeemed this on or before March 7
1643-4, but no evidence appears to show that How's mort-
gage of ;/^4oo was paid by Mayhew. Indeed, at the death of
How in the summer of 1644, this bond of Mayhew was reckoned
as part of the inventory of the estate." Mayhew also was
obliged to sell to Dudley his interest in the "Wear" above
referred to, for ;^9o, subject to a mortgage to Cradock.
We now begin to learn of his financial troubles as told by
Gookin and how "it pleased God to frown upon him in his
outward estate." ^

*She became the wife of Thomas Tupper of Sandwich, and the ancestress of
Sir Charles Tupper, Prime Minister of Canada, 1890, and of Sir Charles H. Tupper,
his son.

^Edward How's will was dated Jxme 13, 1644, and probated on July 25 following.
(Suff. Prob. Rec, I, 31.)

'When the governor made his will in 1681, he still considered he had "rights"
in this WatertowTi mill, and he bequeathed them to Matthew. Perhaps he thought
he had not been dealt with justly. It is not known whether Matthew attempted to
realize on the bequest.

122

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts

In 1640, Mayhew was again chosen selectman and re-
elected Deputy to the General Court. From an entry in the
records of the colony, under date of June 2 of this year, we
note a reference to some financial troubles: "Mr. Tynge &
Mr Davison are desired to examine the acounts between
Mr Joanes & Mr Mayhewe." ^ What this refers to is not
known, but in a letter printed below Mayhew himself recounts
the difficulties under which he labored, due to the scarcity
of money in the country."

nth of the 3d 1640.
Right Worshipfull.

I am to pay my owne rate, & some 5 li. for other men, that I owe it unto
& allthough that I have had bills due from the Countrey, one yeare and 7
moneths since, for 70 & od pounds, I must now have my goods sold, except
I pay out this money: which seeing I have money to receive from the cout-
rey methinks it is verry hard measure. I cannott see equitie in it. I may
safely say that if I had had my money as was then fully intended, being then
100 li. it had donne me more good, in name & state, then now wilbe made
whole with double the money; but if there be noe remedy but my goods
must be strayned and solid, I desire your worshipps advice per this bearer
which is the Constable, what course is to be taken in putting it of. I thinke
he comes unto you for counsell in that behallfe : thus with my due respecte,
in some hast, I rest

Your worshipps to command

THO: MAYHEW

To the Right Worshipfull John Winthropp Governour.

Money is verry hard to gett upon any termes. I know not the man
that can furnish me with it. I covild not gett the 100 li. of Mr. Gibbins. I
gott 30 li. putt off inconveniently: & when I was sick & in necessitie I
could not gett any of the Tresurer. I delight not to compleyne.

In 1 64 1, Mayhew was again chosen selectman and re-
elected as Deputy to the General Court, and at its session
he was reappointed the commissioner for Watertown. He
built the first bridge over Charles river in 1641. On June 2
of that year, "the tole of Mr. Mayhew's bridge was referred
to the governor and two magistrates to settle for seven years,"
in answer to his petition.^ Under what arrangement this
was done does not appear, but that it proved a financial loss
to Mr. Mayhew is evident from contemporaneous documents.

'Mass. Col. Records, I, 296.
^Massachusetts Historical Collection, 4 VII, 32.

^No papers are preserved in the Mass. Archives on this subject. See Mass.
Col. Rec, I, 337.

123

History of Martha's Vineyard

Under date of Dec. lo, 1641, the following record throws some
light on the situation : —

Mr. Mayhewe his accounts were referred to the Treasurer & Mr.
Duncum & for the bridge by the mill over the Charles River the Cort doth
conceive itt to belong to the towne or townes in which itt lyeth.^

In payment, perhaps, or as partial recompense for his
investment the General Court granted him 150 acres of land
on the south side of the Charles river, "by Watertown weare."
The exact status of this transaction is not apparent, but it
seems to be a case where money and labor were invested in a
public utility and receiving in return therefor a grant of land,
probably unproductive and as a consequence denied au-
thority to take tolls.'

In the midst of these difficulties came the great event
which changed the whole tenor of his future life — an op-
portunity to acquire the title and sovereignty of Martha's
Vineyard.

How soon he visited his new possessions is not accurately
known to us, but that he remained in Watertown as a resident
for several years before removing can be readily established.
In 1642, he was chosen selectman and re-elected Deputy to
the General Court, both of which would be inconsistent with
a residence elsewhere, as Nantucket and the Vineyard were
not in the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.
On Nov. 21, 1642, he was ordered to make the (tax) rates
in Watertown. In this year Mrs. Jane Mayhew (his wife),
went to England to settle matters connected with the estate
of her son, Thomas Paine, and presumably Mayhew waited
her return before removal to the Vineyard.^

In 1643, he was chosen selectman and re-elected as Deputy
to the General Court. The following entries in the colony
records and other documents show that he was still residing
in Watertown : —

1643, May ID, Present at the General Court (II, 33)
September 7, Fined 2s. for absence (II, 41)
September 10, Appraiser in Lynn, and was called "of Watertowne."

(Aspinwall, Notarial Record, 136)
October 17, Grant of £3 for loss on corn (I, 337)
October 17, Granted 300 acres on account of bridge (II, 51)

^Mass. Col. Rec. (supplement), p. 346.

^The authority for this was not granted until Oct. 17, 1643. (Mass. Col. Rec,
11. 5I-)

^Records of Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 165.

124

Thomas Mayhew in Massachusetts

The reference to the land grant is in full as follows : —

Mr. Mayhewe is granted 300 ac of Land in regard of his charge about
the bridge by Watertowne Mill & the bridge to belong to the Country.

This marks the close of the unfortunate bridge trans-
action.^ The "country" got the bridge, and Mayhew got a
lot of land in the woods thirty miles west of Boston.

In 1644, he was not chosen selectman, but was re-elected
as Deputy to the General Court. His movements in this
year at and about Boston are here scheduled from the colony
records: —

1643-4, March 7, Present at the General Court, (II, 55)

1644, May 29, Present at the General Court, (II, 66)

November 12, Examined Treasurer's accounts, (II, 79)
December 7, Signed a report at Watertown to General

Court, (II, 114)

From this it will be evident that he was still livins: in
Massachusetts and exercising ofhcial functions in that ' colony,
which always jealously guarded any outside intrusion.

In 1645, the report of the committee, of which he was
chairman, signed in December, 1644, was presented to the
General Court in May following, and on Oct. i, 1645, a sub-
stitute was appointed "in the steede of Mr Mayhewe."^ On
Dec. 16 and 17, 1645, he was in Boston with his wife, ex-
ecuting a legal document before a notary and acting as a
witness to another.^ This last item does not necessarily in-
dicate that he still resided in Massachusetts, but the fact that
he does not further appear upon the colony records and that
his place was filled in an official capacity in the fall leads
the author to conclude that he must have gone to the Vine-
yard as a permanent removal in the spring or summer of 1645.
It had been nearly four years since the purchase of the islands
and his failure to utilize, in person, his newly acquired property
is not understood. Not until Nov. 23, 1647, are we actually
able to state that he lived thereon, as in a document of that
date there first appears a statement that he was "of Martin's

'Mass. Col. Rec.,11, 51. The next year at his own request he had 300 acres of
land "laid out" to him in what is now Southboro and Framingham, an irregular
tract of land on the north bank of the Hopkinton river; doubtless this was the grant
made the year previous. Considerable litigation occurred in consequence of its sale
after 1666.

^Mass. Col. Rec, II, 139.

'Aspinwall, Notarial Records, 8, 9. There is no statement of residence in these
documents.

125

History of Martha's Vineyard

Vineyard.'" Henceforth his hfe and work are so interwoven
with the pohtical and social conditions of the island that to
continue this biographical account would be to relate its
history, and this phase of his career will be told in the regular
course of events.

'Aspinwall, Notarial Records, p. 92. Rev. Thomas Prince speaks of Mayhew's
"first access to the island, being then about fifty five Years of age." This would
take us to 1647. (Indian Converts, p. 297.)

THE "CREATE STONE HOUSE," MEDFORD.

Built for Matthew Cradock,

1631,

And occupied by Thomas Mayhew.

126

Thomas Mayhew, Junior

CHAPTER IX.

Thomas Mayhew, Junior.

When brought to New England by his father in 1631,
the younger Mayhew was about ten years old, and for the
dozen ensuing years intervening between that and his majority
he can be pictured as attending the village schools of Med-
ford from 1631 to 1635, and at Watertown from the time his
father removed there till he had finished with the common
branches taught in the primary and grammar schools. Noth-
ing in contemporary accounts of him indicates that he was
"designed" for the profession of theology, or that he was to
become a religious teacher. That this was his natural leaning
appears evident from later developments, and he was given
special instruction in languages, at least, after he had finished
with the public schools. He was "tutored up," states Edward
Johnson, an author of that period, from which we infer not
a college education, but private instructors.' The Rev.
Thomas Prince says on this topic : —

He was a young Gentleman of liberal Education, and of such Repute
for piety as well as natural and acquired Gifts, having no small Degree of
Knowledge in ^the Latin and Greek Languages, and being not wholly a
Stranger to the Hebrew." ^

Doubtless he found time or made the opportunity, while
assisting his father, to study evenings with tutors. His usual
occupation we may assume was assistant to his father in the
management of the mill and farm at Watertown, and other
enterprises in which the elder was engaged. The turning
point in his career, however, was the purchase of this island
in 1641, just after the young man had entered his majority,
and his assumption, in 1642, of the charge of this venture
as one of the patentees. Being thus related to the proprietor-
ship of the soil and the management of its temporal affairs,
he was the leader of the small band of his Watertown neigh-
bors who came hither that year, and for the following four
years, until the father finally came, he was the local governor
of the new settlement. At this time he was still a bachelor

'Wonder Working Providence.
'Indian Converts, 280.

127

History of Martha's Vineyard

and we have no means of knowing what were his domestic
associations during that period, but when in 1646 the elder
Thomas came with his family he made his home with them.
With them, as we know, came the step-daughter, Jane Paine,
and in the following year he made her his bride.

The life of the younger Mayhew, during his residence of
fifteen years on the Vineyard, is so interwoven with the story
of the Indian missions which is elsewhere treated, that it is
not designed here to do more than briefly outline his personal
and family history in this sketch. The details of his life
outside of his missionary work are very meagre, and his ab-
sorption in it so complete that he apparently gave no time to
other pursuits, and rarely left the island on secular business.
His name is scarcely ever to be found on documents of the
period, even as a witness to deeds or wills, and no letter of
his is known to be in existence though a number that he wrote
were printed in the Indian missionary tracts during his life-
time.^ In but one instance do contemporary writings, diaries,
and other documents of the period mention him. The Rev.
John Wilson of Boston, in a letter dated Oct. 27, 1651, says:
"There was here some few weeks since the prime Indian at
Martha's Vineyard with Mr Mahewe (Humanequin)."

Of the personality of this young "Apostle" there are a
few pen pictures drawn by contemporaries which give us an
insight into his zealous character. The Rev. Henry Whit-
field visited him in 1651, as we shall read in another portion
of the history, and as an observer for the society which sup-
ported him in the missionary work, the comments are inter-
esting and significant. After writing of the state of the mission,
he goes on to say: "I made some enquiry about Mr. Mahu
himself, and about his subsistence, because I saw but small
and slender appearance of life in any comfortable way; the
man himself was modest and I could get but little from him;
but after I understood from others how short things went with
him; and how many times he was forced to labour with his
own hands, having a wife and three small children w^hich
depended upon him to provide necessaries for them; having

'The Massachusetts Historical Society has no letter of his in its vast collection of
manuscripts, including the famous Winthrop Papers, which contain a number from
the elder Mayhew. About 1850, in a Boston newspaper, there was advertised for
sale, "the property of a widow lady who is in needy circumstances," consisting of a
lot of autograph letters, including one of "Rev. Thomas Mayhew (rare) — $3."
which was an absurdly low valuation for what is now known to be the value of such
letters.

128

Thomas Mayhew, Junior

not halfe so much yeerly coming in in a settled way, as an
ordinary labourer gets there amongst them. Yet he is cheer-
ful amidst these straits, and none hear him complain. The
truth is he will not leave his work in which his heart is engaged."

No words of comment can add to the strength of this
delineation of the personality of the young missionary, and it
will only be fitting to quote the statement of his aged father
made shortly after the disaster which caused his death: "the
work was followed by him when 't was bare with him for
foode and rayment, and then indeede there was nothing in
sight any waies but Gods promises."

Of the temporal concerns of the younger Mayhew there
is a singular absence of any definite record in the town, land,
and probate volumes. There is no record of any grant of
land to him, or of any sale made by him, nor are his lands
referred to as the bounds of any other man's land, except on
Chappaquiddick, where the lots were used for the grazing of
cattle. No settlement of his estate is to be found on the town
or probate books; and while it is known that he did not leave
much, yet he must have had some property which would or-
dinarily require the action of an administrator to distribute,
or use for the benefit of creditors, but he is to all intents and
purposes totally eliminated from all such considerations in
the existing records. This is nothing short of extraordinary,
in the light of his position and connections, and the known
fact that he did own some land, must have lived on it, and
his children were entitled to legal record of their inheritances.
In only one brief mention is it evident that he sold land,
where Thomas Bayes refers his own property, part of it being
''that upland adjoining up to the old highway Some I bought
of Mr. Mayhew the Younger." While he was one of the pa-
tentees and so owned a moiety of the Vineyard, yet the home
lot of his father is described in the usual way by metes and
bounds, and only incidentally do we learn that he owned one.
In a formal document drawn by Matthew Mayhew in 1685,
disposing of the Lordship and Manor of Martha's Vineyard
to Governor Dongan, certain exceptions of property are made,
including land belonging originally to Rev. Thomas Mayhew,
which is the first and only time that any definite realty hold-
ings are referred to in any extant or known records. The
document, after enumerating a number of tracts exempt from
transfer, continues thus: "and also those two lots of land

129

History of Martha's Vineyard

with their appurtenances in the town called Edgartown
the one late the land of the aforesaid Thomas (Mayhew),
the grandfather; and the other land of the aforesaid Thomas
Mayhew (Junior) father of the said Matthew Mayhew: both
lots containing about eighty acres."

His wife bore him six children in all, of whom five reached
adult life, married, and three perpetuated the name in the
male line. In 1651, he had "three small children," probably
Matthew, Thomas, and another, perhaps a daughter (to whom
the name Abiah has been given, but it is unconfirmed), who
probably died young. After his death, the Governor, in 1658,
speaks of "my daughter and her 6 chilldren." Their names
are as follows : —

I. Matthew b. 1648

II. b. 1649; d- young.

III. Thomas b. 1650 -

IV. John b. 165 1 or 2
V. Jerusha b. about 1654

12 April 1682.
N. J. before 16^
VI. Jedidah b. 1656; m. Benjamin Smith, before April 1685

m. (i) Joseph Wing of Sandwich
(2) Thomas Eaton of Shrewsbury,

ARMS OF MAYOW OF DINTON, WILTSHIRE.

Argent, on a chevron sable between three birds [sea mews ?] of the last five lozenges

of the first. {Berry's Dictionary, Papworth and Movant's

Dictionary, and Burke's Armory.)

130

Independence of the Vineyard, 1642-1665

CHAPTER X.
Independence of the Vineyard, 1642-1665.

By virtue of his purchase of the proprietorship of Martha's
Vineyard from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Lord StirHng, the
elder Mayhew succeeded by reasonable implication at least
to the powers of the late Lords Proprietors and, in accordance
with the terms of the sale, he was to establish a government
similar to that of the Massachusetts Bay. For reasons best
known to himself and perhaps from the impracticability of
launching a complete civil establishment on an island peopled
with a scant hundred souls, no attempt appears to have been
made by him to create "freemen" or provide for a suffrage.
The elder Mayhew kept the reins in his own hands and that
of his family. Naturally, he acted as the chief executive of
the Vineyard at first, and soon came to be regarded as "Gov-
ernor" de facto, as he was indeed proprietor of the soil de jure.
How soon he came to be known as "Governor" is not of
record, but certainly before 1657, when the Quakers visited
the island and referred to him as the "Governor."^ Doubt-
less this designation had been assumed by him and became
of common acceptation for years before that date, due pri-
marily to his proprietary rights, but largely to his strength
of character and commanding personality.

At first it made but little difference, practically, who con-
stituted the official family, because the entire population was
hardly more than a corporal's guard. Prior to 1650 it is
probable that there may have been twenty men able to bear
arms, and under circumstances of this character no large list
of officials was required to transact the business affairs of the
community. It is impossible to separate the general concerns
of the Vineyard in respect to government at this period from
the local affairs of Great Harbor, as there was but one set-
tlement of whites on the island, and all were within this town-
ship to the east of a line drawn from Watcha to Weahquit-
taquay. The laws and regulations made for one covered the
other.

'Bishop, "New England Judged," 123.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Prior to 1650, the management of the local affairs, the
ending of "controversies" and adjustment of legal questions,
must have been by a sort of common consent, with Thomas
Mayhew, Senior, acting as arbitrator and in a general ad-
visory capacity. It is a matter of doubt whether there was
such an ofScial as a notary or justice on the island whose
jurat would be recognized. It is to be remembered that
Martha's Vineyard belonged to no chartered province, as
then understood, except its relation as an integral part of the
territorial grants of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Practically, at
this time it was No Man's Land, and Mayhew could say with
much truth,

"I am monarch of all I survey.
My right there is none to dispute."

The Commissioners of the United Colonies, at their session
begun Sept. 5, 1644, authorized Massachusetts to "receive
Martin's Vineyard into their jurisdiction, if they saw cause." ^
But this absorption was not undertaken, and the island re-
mained what it was, an independent, self-governing entity.

THE FIRST GOVERNMENT.

The first semblance of a form of government of record
is found in the year 1653, when Thomas Mayhew, Sr., Nicholas
Butler, John Bland, Richard Smith, John Smith, Peter Folger
and Edward Searle were appointed to or chosen to "stand
for a year," but in what capacity is not clear.^ It would seem
a fairly sizable body to govern the little community, but it
was a beginning. Doubtless, it was a sort of court of as-
sistants to Mayhew as chief magistrate. The next year there
was "chosen by the town to end all controversies by the same
manner & way as did the last year, only if any one of the said
number be wanting the rest are to choose another to fill up
the number."^ Thomas Mayhew, Sr., Thomas Burchard,
John Daggett, and Philip Taber were selected.

The manner of electing officers was probably by the use
of corn and beans as ballots. In the Massachusetts Colony

'Hazard, Collections, H, i8.
'Edgartown Records, I, 122.

^Ibid., I, 121. It will be noticed that this reference particularizes the members
as justices, and not as executives like selectmen.

132

Independence of the Vineyard, 1642-1665

in 1643, whence came all of our early settlers, the following
method was prescribed: "the freeman shall use Indian corn
and Beanes, the Indian Corn to manifest Election, the Beanes
contrary; and if any freeman shall put in more than one
Indian Corn or Beane he shall forfeit for every such offence
Ten Pounds," ^ An allusion to this custom is found in a
Nantucket election which is thus described in 1676 by Peter
Folger: "In the like uncivil manner they chose two young
men more, the sayd Stephen [Hussey] bringing his corn which
betoken Choice in his hand and called upon others to Corn
this man and that man." ^

At this time Mayhew was following out in good faith the
limitations or provisions of his patent from Stirling in respect
to conducting the government like that of Massachusetts.
Whether it was modelled after it in all particulars cannot be
said with surety, but from a perusal of the records it appears
that freemen were made, town meetings held, courts estab-
lished and the franchise exercised by those entitled. The fol-
lowing oath was administered to the Assistants of the Court : —

You do hear swere By the Great Name of the Living God that you
shall as Assistants unto the Magistrate execute justice on all cases that shall
come Before you according to your Best understanding agreeably to the
Law of God for the time you are chosen so help you God.^

On June 6, 1654, it was ordered that the seven men
elected had power "to end all controversy except member,
Life and Banishment," and were to sit as a quarterly court.
Next year the number of assistants was reduced to five and
the records are more explicit upon the powers delegated to
them. On June 5, 1655, Mr. Thomas Mayhew was chosen
"Magistrate" and Thomas Burchard, John Daggett, Peter
Folger and Mr. Nicholas Butler were chosen assistants, and
the following law was made regarding their functions : —

These men are to attend all Controversies that shall arise in the to\\Ti
for this year and they all to agree upon the Determination of every thing
and if they cannot all agree then such cases are to be referred to the town
to end, that is such as are admitted to be townsmen and the Magistrate hath
power to end all Controversies not exceeding the value of five shillings.*

'Mass. Col. Rec.

^Letter Peter Folger to Sir Edmond Andros, in N. Y. Col. Mss.

^Edgartown Records, I. 125. Dated Dec. 17, 1652.

^bid., I, 119.

133

History of Martha's Vineyard

Of course there was no higher authority for appeals,
and this arrangement practically constituted the body of
freemen as an appellate court, a most unusual example of
democracy.

MAYHEW IN SOLE AUTHORITY.

In 1658, a change was made in the form of the governing
body which was significant. Mr. Thomas Mayhew was
chosen magistrate, but no assistants were elected and it was
provided that "all cases are to be Ended this present year
by the magistrate with an original jury which shall be chosen
by the term consisting of such a number as the Town shall
Judge needful," and town meetings were to be held quarterly
for the purpose of electing jurymen.^ This had the effect of
leaving Mayhew untrammeled in the management of affairs
save as jurors came in quarterly to sit on cases, not as ad-
visors, but arbitrators.

The next year (1659) another change was made and
again it was one that took the control of matters out of the
hands of the freemen. Mayhew was chosen magistrate and
it was provided that ''the form of government is the same
that it was last year saving the claws touching appeals is laid
by for this year." ^ The next year (1660), Mayhew was re-
elected as usual without any assistants and it was again voted
that ''the Government shall be carried on the same manner
as it was last year and with the same exception concerning
appeals."^

THE PEOPLE DISSATISFIED.

By this time a number of new settlers had added to the
numerical strength of the body of freemen, and it became
necessary for Mayhew to fortify himself in his position with
these people. Accordingly the next year, he drew up a curious
form of "submission" for their signatures, which is here printed
in full: —

[DECEMBER 23, 1661I

"These whose names are hereunder written do submit to the Govern-
ment of the Pattent and do own it, that is, that it doth consist in the major

^Edgartown Records, I, 157.
^^Ibid., I, 158.

'Ibid, I, 147. It was provided that "all meetings (of the court) are to continue
till they are dissolved by the major part of the freemen."

Independence of the Vineyard, 1642-1665

part of the freeholders and a single person, most thinking Thomas Mayhew
to be the single person according to the pattent: some there nott thinking
Thomas Mayhew to Be the Single Person according to Pattent yet willing
to own him to govern according to pattent: and Thomas Mayhew before
the town did promise that when the major part of the freeholders shall
question whether he be the Pattentee within the town bounds or themselves
that he will defer that to equal judges for to determine that case between
himself and them.

Wee all own the Liberty the King Grants [ illegible ] confirms

in his letter ^

This was signed by the following persons : —

John Daggett Thomas Bayes John Gee

Nicholas Norton, Thomas Jones James Pease

Thomas Trapp John Edy William Weeks

Edward Sale John Blan(d) Robert Codman

Joseph Codman Richard Arey Thomas Daggett

Richard Sarson James Covel Willm X Vinson

It is apparent from internal evidence that the settlers must
have begun to chafe under this personal government of the
patentee, and the eighteen men who "submitted" included
those who in later years openly rebelled against him and his
government. Those who did not sign this submission were
known to be adherents of his through family connection or
for other reasons, and included Thomas Burchard, Nicholas
Butler, Thomas Daggett, John Eddy, Peter Folger, Thomas
Harlock, Richard Sarson, and John Smith. This submission
placed the responsibility of government on a two-legged au-
thority, the "major part of the freeman" and a "single person"
and Mayhew as patentee claimed that he was the individual
intended. But "most" of them did not agree to this inter-
pretation, and on what it was based is not clear from any
document yet come to light, but they were willing he should
fill the position during their pleasure. This was doubtless
the germ of Mayhew's plans to acquire absolute personal con-
trol of the government of the Vineyard, and keep it in his own
hands under guise of vested patent rights. The provision
for arbitration of his ownership of the patent was a harmless
concession as that right could not be successfully assailed.
It was the claim of jurisdiction over persons and property
under it that was of concern to the freeholders. The suc-
ceeding entries in the records now take a new form: "it is
agreed by the pattentees and freeholders" etc.,^ when votes

^Edgartown Records, I, 144.
^Ibid., I, 144.

135

History of Martha's Vineyard

are entered, and from that time forward no further elections
of a magistrate occurred or are recorded.

THE PROVINCE OF MAINE AS SUZERAIN AUTHORITY.

In 1663 occurs the significant entry of a certain action
ordered "by the Single Person and the freeholders;"^ and in
the same year we find this form used: ''itt is ordered by my
self and the major part of the freeholders,"^ which would
indicate that Mayhew himself made these records personally,
though Richard Sarson, his prospective step-son-in-law, was
given the place of recorder of the Courts that year. The
situation thus developed existed for two years, when an event
occurred which brought out a latent condition never before
manifested. It seems that in 1665 Mayhew brought suit in
the local court at Great Harbor against Joseph Codman
of that town, for trespass, "for taking fish at Mattakess,"
and the verdict was returned for the defendant. This must
have been a surprise to the "magistrate" to be defeated in
his own court. The nature of the case appears trivial enough,
but either some important legal principle was involved or else
he wished to impress upon the freeholders that he would not
submit to a defeat in law at their hands. ^ So he took counsel
of his patent and determined to appeal. To whom? The
Province of Maine, the territory belonging to Gorges from
whom he had purchased the Vineyard a quarter of a century
previous. It looks like a "play for position," as it was the
first, as well as the last time, he essayed it. The town record
reads : —

.... Mr. Mayhew Before the Court doth appeal from the sentence
of Court held upon the Vineyard March 29: 65, unto the Cheif & high Court
and Counsell of the Province of Mayne : it is on the Case of Trespass touch-
ing a Share of fish which this Court Possesseth Joseph Codman of, as I Judge
not rightly." *

It is interesting to know that at one time the authorities
of the island owned political allegiance to the Province of
Maine, and acted in accordance with this acknowledgment

'Edgartown Records, I, 138.

^Ibid., I, 143.

'In the previous year Mayhew had been defeated in a case at Plymouth by John
Daggett, concerning the "Farm" and it became necessary for him to maintain his
prestige before the people by appealing.

*Edgartown Records, I, 114.

136

Independence of the Vineyard, 1642-1665

of dependency. As far as the author is aware, this incident
of our history has never been formally disclosed, and as a
result of an examination of the early records of the Vineyard,
the subject as it unfolded itself is presented as one of the
mutations of sovereignty through which the island has passed
during its existence. The story of this situation is as follows : —
When the council for New England resolved, in 1635,
to parcel among the patentees the territory comprised in their
jurisdiction, there fell to the lot of Sir Ferdinando Gorges
that portion of the present State of Maine between the Pis-
cataqua and the Kennebec, and the "Isles of Capawock and
Nautican," while Lord Stirling drew the eastern half of Maine,
from the river of Pemaquid to the St. Croix and "Matoax
or the Long Island." In consequence of the nebulous ideas
then prevailing respecting localities and names, these two
patentees, or their agents, both laid claim to the sovereignty
of Martha's Vineyard, then called, though erroneously, "Capo-
wak." It is clear that the pretensions of James Forrett, the
agent of the Lord Stirling in respect to the patent rights of the
latter to Martha's Vineyard, were unfounded, and that Mayhew
was deceived in that claim. *'Mr. Forrett went suddenly to
England before he had showed me his Masters Pattent,"
v^rites Mayhew to Sir Edmund Andros, and he continues,
"Some years after this came over Mr. Forrester furnished
with Power, who was here with me and told me he would
cleare up all Things." But this agent also failed to show
Stirling's title, and he adds, "So we remained under Gorges."

THE KING CONFIRMS THE GORGES TITLE.

The death of Sir Ferdinando in 1647, the unsettled state
of affairs during the Civil war and the Protectorate, left the
question of jurisdiction pending, until the grandson of Gorges,
Ferdinando, his namesake, sent over John Archdale in 1664,
to look after his inherited proprietary rights in New England,
and Archdale informed Mayhew that the king had "most
strongly confirmed Ferdynando Gorges Esq. to be the Lord
of the Province of Maine .... of which this (the Vineyard)
be a Pt." This is Mayhew's own language, and it was in
strict accordance with the facts in the case. For on June 21,
1664, Ferdinando Gorges, the grandson, had publicly asserted
his rights to his ancestral domain in New England under the

137

History of Martha's Vineyard

territorial grants of April 3, 1638. This, he stated specifi-
cally, included besides the Province of Maine "the island
of Capawick & Nautican near Cape Codd, wch Island of
Capawick is since called Martins Vineyard." In token of
this assumption of proprietorship he appointed commissioners
to govern the province and lands described/

The first intimation on our records of this acknowledg-
ment by Mayhew of his dependency on Gorges occurs in the
entry of the will of John Bland, dated Jan. 6, 1663, in which
he calls himself '*of Martins Vineyard, or Belonging to the
Province of Main."' Then followed this appeal to the
I'Cheif & high Court and Counsell of the Province of Mayne"
in 1665, and a third instance is the recording in the land
records of that province of a deed in which Thomas Mayhew,
on Sept. 27, 1666, conveyed to Thomas Oliver one of the
Elizabeth Islands.^

But this situation was an unnatural one for two outlying
and weak provinces, separated by such distance, and Mayhew
found that the officials of Maine had but httle if any interest
in him or his island. They were too busy struggling for their
own existence at that time, trying to preserve their independence
against the usurpation of the Massachusetts authorities, to
waste any of their strength on an unknown and somewhat
uncertain offspring. In this predicament Mayhew, who had
already purchased his titles from Stirling, Gorges, and the
Indians, now wrote to the Massachusetts officials for some
advice in the matter, and he thus reports the result: ''I have
the Testimony of the Generall Court of Boston for it which
Court sent to the Gentiemen of the Province of Maine, whose
answer was that it was in myself &c." Thus did the Gorges
officials of that day disregard Sir Ferdinando's interests, and
Mayhew continued to govern his patent by virtue of owner-
ship of the soil. But what of the appeal against the verdict
''for taking fish at Mattakess"? It was lost in the maze of
territorial uncertainties, and it is doubtful if Mayhew ever
took the trouble to certify it to the Maine courts. He had
satisfied his dignity by the entry of the appeal on the records.

'Baxter. "Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges" (Prince Society Publications), III,
303-306.

^Edgartown Records, I, 54.

^York County (Me.) Deeds, III, 114.

138

THK DUKE OF YORK

I.OKD PROPRIETOR OF MARTHA'S VINEYARD

Sale of the Islands to Duke of York

CHAPTER XL
Sale of the Islands to Duke of York in 1663.

Meanwhile another factor, momentous for Vineyard his-
tory, was entering the field of colonial enterprise and man-
agement, it being none other than a member of the royal
family, James, Duke of York, who entered into negotiations
in 1663 for the purchase of the Stirling patents. The Stirling
earldom passed in 1640, on the death of the first earl, to his
grandson and heir William, who, himself dying only a few
months later, was succeeded by his uncle Henry, third earl in
succession. This lord had given no thought, practically,
to his American interests, and was doubtless glad enough to
find a purchaser.

In 1663, the Earl of Clarendon, on behalf of the Duke
of York, purchased of Henry, then Earl of Stirling, his in-
terest in American grants, including, besides that of Maine,
the title of Long Island, Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, and
other islands adjacent.

The consideration of this purchase was ;;^3,5oo, but upon
failure of payment, a life annuity of ;^3oo was, in June, 1674,
agreed upon, payable out of the "surplusage of the net profits"
of revenue arising from the colony, which proving insufficient,
an order was issued in 1689 for arrears to be paid out of the
funds of the colony. A descendant of Lord Stirling asserted
that his ancestor never received either purchase money or
pension.^ On March 12, 1664-65, Charles the Second
granted to James, Duke of York, the Patent of New York,
Pemaquid (Maine), Long Island, "and allsoe all those severall
Islands called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard
and Nantukes otherwise Nantukett."^ It seemed to make
no difference that these last-named places belonged to another
by royal patent, and loyal subjects were expected to give way
and vacate the "king row."

'Duer. "Life of Lord Stirling," 37-39.
^Regent's Report (Albany, 1874), I. 10-21.

History of Martha's Vineyard

THE GORGES TITLE IGNORED.

Curiously enough, the Gorges interest was not bought
by the duke, and no attempt seems to have been made to
revive it, though it was the best-estabhshed title to the island.
If it be held that when Massachusetts purchased the Province
of Maine in 1678, she acquired the sovereignty of Martha's
Vineyard and Nantucket, though not expressed in the deed
of sale as being a part of that province, it would seem that
the sovereignty reverted to the crown. In those days, how-
ever, geography was little known and a "claim" was almost
as good as a patent. Doubtless Mayhew was as mixed up
as the rest of them in these conflicting claims. Col. Richard
Nicolls, one of the royal commissioners sent over in 1665,
took the subject under his consideration during his term of
service here, and "a little before he went Home for England,"
says Mayhew again, "did acknowledge that the Power of
these Islands was proper in the hands of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges."^ This chain of authority seems to establish the
proprietorship safely in the hands of Gorges, and it is evi-
dent from the first that Mayhew really regarded him as the
lawful suzerain of Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket.

ORGANIZATION OF THE DUKE'S PROVINCE.

The purchase of the title having been completed, the
king was induced by Lord Clarendon to affix his signature
to a patent investing the Duke of York with sovereign rights
over the territory. Clarendon lost no time in attaching the
seals to this document, which was dated March 12, 1664,
and James was forthwith in full possession and lordship of
a small empire of his own, although it was then in the actual
possession of the Dutch. The territory covered by the patent,
since known as New York, New Jersey, and Delaware, was
to be held of the king in free and common soccage and by
the payment of a yearly quit-rent of forty beaver skins, if
demanded. The duke was invested with "full and absolute
power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern, and

^In a letter to Nicolls dated Aug. 17, 1667, Mayhew wrote: "this is all that I
desire to Injoy my graunte, from the one or the other uppon the concideration men-
tioned therein wch I hope I have noe just cause to feare on either syde, if the matter
had beene Issued, on yor honors pte. I had soon repayred or sent to New York,
but the gentlemen to the eastward they looke at it as to gourment to be under them."
(Colonial Papers, P. R. O., XXI. 93.)

140

Sale of the Islands to Duke of York

rule" all British subjects according to the laws he might
establish, or the "good discretions" of his deputies in cases
of necessity, provided they should not be in contravention
of the statutes of the realm. He had authority to appoint
and discharge all officers, regulate trade, emigration and land
tenure, execute martial law and proceedings in banishment.
Altogether it was a distinct advance in despotism over the
charters previously sealed to American proprietaries and has
been characterized as "the most impudent ever recorded in
the colonial archives of England." ^

Such was the character of the new governing power
which was to absorb Martha's Vineyard. The Duke was a
Roman Catholic and in the course of his proprietorship he
sent over governors of the province of his own religious be-
lief, mostly roystering cavaliers or court favorites, and the
composition of the fabric created by the king was as strange
to the simplicity and bucolic solitude of the island as would
have been a government at the hands of the Mahommedans.

COL. RICHARD NICOLLS, ACTING GOVERNOR.

The duke did not take immediate steps to enter upon
his domain, for the reason as stated that it was in the hands
of the enemies of England, the Dutch, when he bought it.
Colonel Nicolls at first acted in behalf of the new proprietor
and he entered into a desultory correspondence with Mayhew
about the situation of affairs as it affected the Vineyard.
Nicolls was a Royalist partisan whose particular business
during the three years he was on this side was to curb the
growing independence of the Massachusetts government, and
it has been seen that he regarded the Province of Maine,
which he had lately wrested from the control of Massachu-
setts, as the legal authority over this island. Nicolls' power,
however, was plenary, and he was looked to by Mayhew
to settle matters satisfactorily; besides he was in the royal
service and he probably desired to please his masters and
give them the benefit of any doubtful interpretations. As
the Province of Maine was unable to prevent the usurpation
of her powerful neighbor, Nicolls probably felt that if he
turned over the Vineyard to its jurisdiction that it would be
swallowed up by Massachusetts later on.

'Brodhead, "History of New York," II, 17.

141

History of Martha's Vineyard

In August, 1667, Mayhew wrote him a letter in which
he detailed the steps he had taken to purchase the Vineyard
of Lord Stirling and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and asking his
advice in the matter. In November following a shipwreck
occurred at Tarpaulin Cove and the cargo was looted by the
Indians. Mayhew reported this at once to Nicolls, who in
his reply, dated Jan. 3, 1667-68, at Fort James (New York
City), said among other things: "I see it is high time for
mee to putt forth my authority to strengthen your hands by
a speciall commission in this case, and allso to give you
some generall heads of direction." ^ To this he adds the
following significant statement: "I have not been forward
in triviall cases to contest for my masters bounds, knowing,
however, that all the Islands, except Block Island, from Cape
Cod to Cape May are included in my masters patent. The
first scruples will be soone removed: however in cases of this
consequence I must declare myselfe both in point of power
and readiness to protect and defend my masters honour and
interest."' This was the first intimation of the coming change
in political events relating to the Vineyard, but the transition
was not to take place under Nicolls, as the latter was recalled
by the king to make a personal report of affairs here in the
summer of 1668, and he was succeeded at once by a repre-
sentative of the duke's entourage. Colonel Francis Lovelace.

FRANCIS LOVELACE, GOVERNOR.

This gentleman, then about sixty years of age, was the
second son of Sir Richard, afterward Baron Lovelace of
Hurley, Berkshire, by his wife Margaret, daughter of William
Dodsworth, citizen of London. Lovelace was a type of the
cavalier to be seen about the festive court of the "Merrie
Monarch," the direct antithesis of the colonists whom he was
sent over to govern, but as it turned out he administered the
affairs of the province with moderation and to the satisfaction
of all classes.^ He proceeded with deliberation as far as
the Vineyard was concerned, for it was not till after a year

^A commission of three was appointed, and the names of his associates left to be
inserted by Mayhew.

'N. Y. Col. Doc. Ill, 169.

'His wife was Mary, daughter of William King, "a person much below his quality
and condition, whom he was inveighled to marry without the privity of his relations."
(Hist. Mss. Com. 7th Report, App. p. 144.) Lovelace's grandson John, became 4th
Baron Lovelace, and Governor of the Province of New York early in the next century.

142

Sale of the Islands to Duke of York

had elapsed that another shipwreck on the island brought
matters to a head/ On Sept. 7, 1669, Governor Lovelace
wrote as follows to Mayhew : —

THE GOVERNORS L""^ CONCERNING THE BARKE CAST AWAY AT MARTYNS

VINEYARD.

Sr.

Haueing lately had Intelligence of the Shipwrack of a certaine Barke,
belonging to Mr. Cutts of Piscataway loading wth Barbadoes Goods driuen
on Shoare at Martyns Vyneyard wthout any man left aliue in her or othr
lining Creature out of wch said Barke as I am Informed there haue beene
about 40 hogshds of Rume & othr goods saued, And that the Barke being
repayred & fitted is ready to sett out to Sea, Indeed I did Expect an Ac-
count of this Accident from yorselfe or some one of that Plantation sooner
than by this unexpected way from a Boston vessell, But however I doe thinke
it requisite an Enquiry should be made into the matter, I shall therefor desire
you and do herewth likewise Empower yo wth two more of yor neighbours
whom you shall thinke fitt to take an Exact Account of what Goods were
saued out of her, to see that they as well as the Barke be putt into the hands
of responsible p'sons, as also the manner of the Barkes comeing on Shoare,
so that neithr the Duke be defrauded of his Dues if the Barke shall proue a
Wreck, or the Owners of what property doth belong unto them ; As my
Predecessor Coll Nicolls did often expect you here, but had his Expectation
frustrated by yor age or Indisposition I haue the same desire, or at least that
amongst yor Plantation, you would depute some pson to me to give me
Account of Affaires there, That being undr the same Govemmt belonging
to his Royall Highnesse I may be in a bettr Capacity of giving you such
Advice & assistance as need shall require & send his Royall Highnesse a
more Exact Account of you then as yett I can, you being the greatest Strangrs
to me in the whole Govemmt. So expecting as speedy a Retorne from you
in Answr hereunto as can be I comitt you to the heavenly protection & re-
mayne.

Septbr 7th 1669.

MAYHEW IGNORES THE NEW AUTHORITY.

But Mayhew by this time had become used to the various
transfers of lordships and claims and what at first worried
now palled on him. He allowed the matter to stand, think-
ing, possibly, that another owner would develop if he waited
long enough. John Gardner wrote that the "mesage was so
far slighted as to take no notice of it." ^ Six months later
he answered it, and the reply was received by Governor Love-

^This was a bark from Barbadoes, owned by Mr. Richard Cutts, of Portsmouth,
N. H., and all on board were lost. Part of the cargo was saved, and she was refitted.
(N. Y. Col. Mss. Orders, Warrants, Letters, 1665-1691, p. 523.)

*N. Y. Col. Mss. XXVI. Gardner to Lovelace.

143

History of Martha's Vineyard

lace at a meeting of the Governor and Council held on May 14,
1670, at Fort James. It was brought by Matthew Mayhew
whom the chief magistrate of the Vineyard had sent as a
special messenger.

The minutes of the council meeting at this session are
as follows : —

Mr. Mayhews Business of Martins Vineyard to be taken into con-
sideration first.

A Letter from Mr. Mayhew produced and read wherein hee desires to
bee resolved in what Nature Martins Vineyard and those Parts are as to
Government.^

The Patent of the Duke includes Martins Vineyard and those other
Isles.

It is ordered that a Letter be sent to Mr. Mayhew to desire him, accord-
ing to his proffer, to take a Journey hither, to consult about those Parts and
their settlem[en]t and that hee give Notice to those of Plymouth Colony,
Rhode Island or any other that have any prtences, or lay Clayme to any of
those Islands, to lett them know that within the space of two months the
Governor intends to settle those Parts, soe that they may doe well to come
or send some Agent to act for them, otherwise after that time all the Pr[e]-
tences or Claymes will be judged of noe validity.

Mr. Mayhew is to bee desired to bring all his Patents, Writings and
other Papers relating hereunto with him.

The Dukes Patent, wherein Martins Vineyard is included is shown
to young Mr. Mayhew." ^

The "Letter to be sent to Mr Mayhew" was written by
the governor on May i6th, and doubtless it was carried to
the Vineyard by Matthew on his return trip. It is as follows : —

Mr. Mayhew:

I received yor Ire by yr Grandchild, wherein I am informed upon what
Termes you have hitherto held yor land at Martin's Vineyard and Parts
adjacent, but the pretences of Sr Ferdinando Gorges and the Lord Sterling
being now at an end and his Royall Highnesse absolutely invested in the
Right to those Islands, the Inhabitants are henceforth to have directions
of the Government from this Place. I doe admire it hath beene so longe
before you have made yor Application to me, since yor addressing yorselfe
for Reliefe against the Indians in a Businesse of a wreck to my Predecessor
and his Commission to you thereupon, did intimate an Acknowledgement
of being under his Royall Highness his Protection. Upon notice this last
Yeare of the like Misfortune of a wreck upon your Island I sent Directions
to you how to proceed thereupon, of wch I expect an account, but have as
yett heard nothing of it ; but when you come hither, as you propose and wch
I very much desire, I make no Question of receiving Satisfaction therein
from you, as well as in diverse Particulars. You may please to take yor

'This letter is not now in the State Archives of New York.
^N. Y. Col. Mss. Council Minutes, III, 26.

144

Sale of the Islands to Duke of York

best Tyme of coming this Summer, as you shall find yourselfe disposed.
I pray bring all your Patents, Deeds or other Writings wth you, relating to
those partes, by the wch and by or Consultations together I may receive such
Intelligence of the Affairs there as I may the better take order for the future
good settlement of those Islands.

As to any Pretenders who lay clayme to any of them wch are deemed
to bee within the Dukes Patent, I have thought fitt to appoint (two) months
Time for all Persons within this Government or without, either by them-
selves or by their Agents, to appeare here before me to make good their
Claymes or Pretences, the wch if any of them shall neglect to doe, (having
timely notice thereof), such Claymes or Pretences shall be judged of no
Validity. I have in Part discoursed of these Affaires wth yor Grandchild,
but refer the remainder untill yor arrivall here where you shall receive a
very hearty welcome, and all due Encouragement as to your particular Con-
cerns from

Your affectionate humble servant

FRANS: LOVELACE
Fort James in N. Yorke
May 1 6th, 1670.

I pray you send copies of the enclosed Orders of Notice to all those
about you who are concerned.^

This very cordial letter was received by Mayhew with
apparent indifference, if we may judge by his inaction. John
Gardner of Nantucket comments on this lack of deference
to the mandates of authority in a letter as follows: "the Right
Honorabell Col Loflas comeing Governor did again send out
his warrant for Persons here consemed to apear before him
within fouer Months to make out ther Claymes, or elce all
ther Claymes should be ever after voyd to all Intents.' The
Copy of this was sent to those of the Purchasers yet in the
Masetusets and the Inhabitance heaer wayted on them about
one Year after the Time o-iven them before thev mad ther
Apearance Acording to Warrant."^ Probably the old gentle-
man made sufficient excuses to the royal governor for the

'N. Y. Col. Mss. Court of Assize, II, 538.

''The following is a copy of the notice sent by Lovelace to all "pretenders: "

"These are to give Notice to all Persons concerned who lay clayme or have any
pretence of Interest in Martyn's Vineyard, Nantuckett or any of the Elizabeth Isles
neare adjacent, and within his Royall Highness his Pattent, that they appeare before
mee in Person or by their agents to make Proofe of such Claymes and pretences within
the space of 4 months after the date hereof.

In default whereof all such Claymes or Pretences after the Expiration of the said
Time shall be deemed and adjudged invalid to all Intents and Purposes.

Given under my Hand and Sealed with the Seale of the Province at Fort James
in New Yorke this i6th day of May in the 22th yeare of his Ma'ties reign Annoq.
Domini, 1670.

FRANCIS LOVELACE.

■■'N. Y. Col. Mss. vol. XVI.

History of Martha's Vineyard

delay which followed, as there is no further correspondence
on file showing any resentment at the year's interval which
elapsed after these notices. Probably Mayhew was waiting
for "something to turn up," as in the past, but now further
delay meant a rebuff, and it became necessary to obey the
summons.

For thirty years, since 1641, he had been responsible to
none, and now he was facing a crisis in his affairs at the sum-
mons of an unknown master, set in authority over him by his
"dread Sovereign Lord," Charles the King. Fortified with
his muniments of title derived from Lord Stirling and Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Mayhew set sail from Great Harbor in
the latter part of June, 1671 [probably the 22d], accompanied
by his grandson Matthew, who represented the interests in-
herited from Thomas Mayhew, Jr., co-patentee and proprie-
tor, deceased. The inhabitants of the Vineyard awaited the
outcome with intense interest.

FORT JAMES, NEW YORK, 1671

KROM AUGUSTINE HERRMAN'S ENGRAVING IN MONTANUS

146

The Conference at Fort James, 1671

CHAPTER XII.

The Conference at Fort James, 1671.

Mayhew must have arrived in New York some days in
advance of the meeting of the governor and council, and
utilized the intervening time in personal consultations with
the officials about his affairs. This regular meeting of the
council was not held till about a fortnight later, and the only
"Business under consideracon was Mr. Mayhew's Affayre
about Martins Vineyard."

THE PROVINCIAL HOUSE, NEW YORK,

WHERE THE CONFERENCES WERE HELD.'

At this important conference held at Fort James, begin-
ning July 6, 167 1, and continuing through the six follow^ing
days, there were present the governor, Francis Lovelace, Mr.
Steenwyck of the council, and the secretary of the colony,
Matthias Nicolls, as representatives of the Duke. Across the
table sat Thomas Mayhew and his eldest grandson, then a
young man of twenty-three years. Colonel Lovelace, the
royal and ducal governor, was of course the dominating figure.
As one of the favorite courtiers and a type of the roystering
cavaliers of the Restoration, he was a fitting representative
of the "Merrie Monarch," and his brother James. The Duke
of York, it will be remembered, was a Roman Catholic, and

'This was the ancient Stadt Huys of the Dutch Government of New Amsterdam.

147

History of Martha's Vineyard

so was the king at heart, but as the head of a Protestant nation
his sentiments were not publicly avowed. In this conference
Governor Lovelace sat as the embodiment of all that was
diametric in habit and religion to the Puritan Mayhew, and
doubtless the latter was uncertain about the attitude which
this "Popish" official, his new master, would assume towards
him.

In compliance with "Mayhew's Peticon and Proposalls"
it was decided "that the Townes seated there shall have
Patents of Confirmation," that Mayhew's grants be recorded,
and to define how much he owned and what was left unpur-
chased. Mayhew later wrote of this conference: "I shewed
him my graunt which he approved of and the printed paper
from his Ma'tie: at which he stumbled much: allso I showed
him what General Nycoll had written me of his not being
informed what his Ma'tie had done: thereat he stumbled very
much likewise: then I asked him yf he had the Lord Ster-
lings pattent by him, he said noe: I answered then I was at
a losse: I sent to Captaine Nycoll and acquainted him with
our discourse and prayed him to search in matters of Long
Hand & see yf he could not find the date of Lord Sterlings
pattent, yf not I could do2 nothing at York, which he did finde
& it was more antient than Gorges." ^

MAYHEW APPOINTED GOVERNOR FOR LIFE.

On the next day, the 7th, most important business was
concluded, and is best told in the records of that session of
the council, of which the following is an extract: —

Whereas JNIr. Thomas Mayhew of Martin or Martha's Vineyard hath
been an ancient Inhabitant there where by God's blessing hee hath been an
Instrumt of doeing a great Deale of Good both in settling several! Plant-
aeons there as also in reclayming and civilizing the Indians : for an Encour-
agemt to him in the Prosecution of that Designe, and Acknowledgment of
his Good services : It is ordered and agreed upon that the said Mr. Thomas
Mayhew shall dureing his naturall life bee Governor of the Island called
Martin's or Martha's Vineyard, both over the English Inhabitants and
Indians, for the wch hee shall have a Commission.

This most extraordinary and undemocratic proceeding
is calculated to provoke an inquiry as to its intent. The
beneficiary was then in his eightieth year, and it can be in-
ferred that Lovelace and his advisors considered the risk
about at its termination, and that the life tenure of a man
four score years old would not be a very long one. It violated

IN. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV, 92.
148

The Conference at Fort James, 1671

all the principles of his original grant, and defied the pre-
vailing sentiments of the people with whom he had been
associated for many years, yet he allowed himself to become
the recipient of it, as we have no record of any objection on
his part to the measure. It gave rise to the greatest disorders
as a consequence, and for years proved to be the foundation
of bitter divisions between the people of the island. The
following is a copy of the commission issued to him on this
date : —

FRANCIS LOVELACE Esq. &c — Whereas I have conceived a good
Opinion of the Capacity and Integrity of Mr. Thomas Mayhew to be
Governour and Cheife Magistrate of the Island Martin's or Martha's
Vineyard to manage pubHc Affayres with the Aid and Good Advice of the
Assistants to bee chosen there, and have thought fitt to Nominate Con-
stitute and Appoint Mr. Thomas Mayhew to be Govern'our and Cheife
Magistrate of the said Island Martin's or Tvlartha's Vineyard during his
Naturall Life in the Management of wch Employment hee is to use his best
Skill and Endeavour to preserve his Majesties Peace and to keep the In-
habitants in good order.

And all Persons are hereby required to give to the said Mr. Thomas
Mayhew such Respect and Obedience as belongs to a Person invested by
Commission and authority from his Royall Highness in the office and
Employment of a Governour and Cheife Magistrate in the Island aforesaid.
And hee the said Mr. Thomas Mayhew is duely to Observe and obey such
Orders and Instructions wch are already given for the well governing of the
Place or such other Directions as from Time to Time he shall receive from
mee: And for whatsoever the said Mr. Thomas Mayhew shall lawfully
act or doe in Prosecucon of the Premises This my Commission shall bee his
sufficient Warrant and Discharge.

Given &c this 8th Day of July in the 23rd year of his Majesties Reigne
Annoq. Dni., 1671.^

It was decided by the council that the governor should
have three assistants to be chosen annually by the two towns
of Edgartown and Tisbury, who should constitute with him
a court, to be held for cases involving five pounds and under.
In case of disagreement Governor Mayhew was to have a
double vote, without appeal. All actions above five and under
fifty pounds were referable to a general court composed of
himself and two assistants, to be elected by the two islands,
"where it is recommended that Mr. Thomas Mayhew doe
preside and sit as President dureing his Life (although the
Court bee held at Nantuckett), with privilege of a double or
casting voice, in regard of his great Experience and Reputacon
amongst them: but after his Decease that the Rules and In-

^N. Y. Col. Mss. Deeds, III, 70.

149

History of Martha's Vineyard

structions wch concerne both the Islands be punctually fol-
lowed and observed." ^

In addition to these definite and special laws and rules
passed by the governor and council, Lovelace thought it pru-
dent to issue a sort of political testament to Mayhew instruct-
ing him how to regard his trust, and what actions he should
take in the premises before assuming the ofhcial functions
of the place. These instructions are recorded in the following
document: —

Although by your Gen'l Commission you have Strength and Authority
sufficient to putt such Lawes and Rules in Execucon as you shall conceive
may best tend to the Distribucon of Justice and securing the Comon Rights
and Interests of such as shall live under yor Governmt the keeping his
Majesties Peace, together wth the Preservation of his Royall Highness'
Interest and Propriety in these parts, yet since that Commishon may ap-
peare to be too generall, I have thought fitt to prescribe to you some par-
ticular Instructions wch you are to make use of as occasion shall serve.

In the first place you are soe soon as you shall arrive in some convenient
Time cause a Generall ^Meeting to be summoned of the Inhabitants (amongst
wch I would not have chiefs of the Indyans omitted), to whom you are to
Declare the End of yor being wth mee and the Power I have invested you
in, by causing your Commission to be read publiquely together with your
Instructions.

You are then to Consider and appoint a sett Time for the Election of
yor Associates, as likewise to Consider of the Time when the Generall Court
shall be summoned, of wch you are to Advertize and Consult yor Neigh-
bours of Nantuckett.

You are likewise to acquaint the Inhabitants the Priviledges I have
graunted them by enfranchizing them in Towne Corporacon: To whom
you may deliver their Charter. Upon the Receipt of wch they may proceed
to the Election of their Magistrates as belongs to other Corporacons.

And in regard at this Distance and the Unacquaintedness of the In-
clinacons and Dispositions of the Indyans I cannot prescribe you any Rules
that may be most proper for them, I shall therefore recommend that Affayre
wholly to your prudent Management, only you may acquaint them that
having now taken them unto his Royall Highness' particular Protection I
shall be very carefull to Assist them in all Extremities: expecting from them
noe other Returne but that they live quietly and peaceably wth true sub-
mission to that Authority wch now is sett over them.

You are to cause some of the Principall Sachems to repaire (as speedily
as they can) to mee, that soe they may pay their Homage to his Ma'tie and
acknowledge his Royall Highness to bee their only Lord Proprietor.

You are to encourage and sett to worke the Sewan making, to whom you
may give full assurance they shall receive sufficient Recompence for their
Labour. And that that Trade may only be drove between them and this
place you are not to permit any Shells to bee exported to Forrainers, unless
they pay a Considerable Custome for them. ^

IN. Y. Col. Mss. Deeds, III, 75.

^It is believed that "Sewan makiag" relates to the stringing of wampum fathoms
of the special shells of which it was composed. It is from the Dutch — Zee Wand.

The Conference at Fort James, 1671

You are not to faile to give mee a speedy Advertizement of all yor
Transactions as may bee, and by all meanes lett mee have from you how
Affayres constantly stand.

You are to see the collection of his Majesties Customes and all fines
bee duely observed and you are to Assist upon all Occasions the Collector
of the Customes in the Execucon of his office and transmit them to mee
heere.^

You are to cause all such as shall bee Elected to any Publick office of
Trust to take the Oath of Allegiance to his Ala'tie at the Entrance into
their office.

You are not to suffer any of yor Indyans to enter into any Confederacy
of Warre wth any other forraine Indyans wthout advertizing me first with
it and procuring my Permission for it.

Some special provisions were formulated for the man-
agement of the Indians, which will be referred to in the sec-
tion devoted to their concerns, but it will suffice to state here
that the elder Mayhew was made "Governor over the Indians,"
and as his instructions show, was required to do certain speci-
fied things for their benefit. In addition to this he obtained
from Lovelace a "Lycence unto Mr Thomas Mayhew &
Matthew Mayhew his Grand Child in his Royall Highness
his Name to Treat, Agree upon, & Conclude wth the Indyan
Proprietors of the said Land undisposed of, & upon the
Returne thereof unto mee, I shall bee ready to Graunt such
Confirmacon as shall bee requisite."^

PROVISIONS FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT.

The session of the governor and council, in the con-
sideration of the affairs of Martha's Vineyard, lasted one
week, and in addition to the results above related several
minor matters were dealt with. Noman's Land came in
for some attention, and "Mr. Mayhew and Mr. Brenton's
Pretences upon the Elizabeth Islands discorst of," which will
have fuller consideration in the proper chapters relating to
those localities. The most beneficial result of the week's
work was the incorporation of the two settlements of Great
Harbor and Middletown (Takemmy), by which the towns-
people of those villages acquired important privileges which,
in a degree, minimized the ominous tendencies of the other

'Matthew Mayhew was commissioned as the first collector of Customs for "all
such Customable Goods as now are or shall bee brought into the Harbour at Martins
Vineyard, or any other Creek or Place upon the Island." His commission was dated
July 8, 1671, concurrent with all the charters issued at this conference. (N. Y. Col.
Mss., Deeds, III, 73.)

^N. Y. Col. Mss., Council Minutes, III, 68-71. Dated July 12, 1671.

History of Martha's Vineyard

proceedings by which life tenure was conferred upon the chief
magistracy and exclusive privileges were centered in the May-
hew family. These will be treated under each respective
town history, together with the particular grant of medieval
manorial rights to the elder Mayhew and his grandson Matthew.
The last day of the session was taken up with the subject
of the quit-rents, and it was finally "agreed to be 6 Barrells
of Fish, vizt: two Barrells each Patent," meaning two each
for Edgartown, Tisbury and the Manor of Tisbury, to be
paid annually. As a last act, upon request of Mayhew, the
governor wrote a letter of recommendation to Governor
Hinckley of Plymouth Colony in favor of Mayhew's work
among the Indians, and suggesting that "some enlargmt of
Recompence" be awarded to him for his 'Taines and Trouble." ^

Altogether it was a most satisfactory seven days work
for Mayhew and his interests. He was now a Governor "for
life," Chief Justice of the Courts of Martha's Vineyard and
Nantucket, Lord of the Manor of Tisbury, and Matthew had
been made collector and receiver of the customs for the Vine-
yard. How long he remained in this congenial company is
not known, but in a letter vn"itten some weeks later he says:
"I was but 29 dales from the Island in my Journey to York
the Thursday month I went from home," and he adds, with
some reasonable show of feeling, "laus deo,"" as well he
might. The "Popish" governor had been indeed gracious
to the Puritan.

In what manner of rejoicing the inhabitants of the Vine-
yard marked the return of the Worshipful Thomas Mayhew,
"Governor of Martin's or Marthas Vineyard," and the new
collector of customs is not known, but from the subsequent
occurrences it may be inferred that the information which was
laid before them produced no demonstrations of approval,
at least any which were conspicuous for their spontaneity.
We are to suppose that the governor obeyed his instructions,
and shortly after his arrival caused a "Generall Meeting to
be summoned of the Inhabitants" to whom he related the
results of his conferences with the royal governor, and to whom
his commission as governor with the accompanying instruc-
tions was "read publiquely." He also, if he carried out these
instructions, delivered to the people their town charters, ex-
plaining to them the " priviledges " thereunder, and instructing

'N. Y. Col. Mss., Deeds, III, 67, 74.
^Records of the New England Company, p. 43.

The Conference at Fort James, 1671

them to proceed to elect magistrates according to the terms
granted. It is presumed that all this was carried out with
good faith, as we learn that the injunction to notify the Indians
of the new order of things was thus fulfilled. '* Since I came
home," he wrote to Governor Prence of Plymouth, under
date of August 19th (1671), "I sent for all the sachems and
chief men, acquainting them with what was done." ^ Mayhew
says that the sachems "did, with much thankfulness, submit
unto his honor's act in setting me over them;" but they were
accustomed to hereditary privileges and life tenures, under
the great sagamores. What the freemen of the English race
really thought of it Mayhew found out two years later.

With that deliberation which characterized all his actions
in these matters Mayhew delayed the inauguration of the new
governmental order of things, and eleven months elapsed
before a "General Court" was held upon the Vineyard.
The meeting of "The first General Court holden at Edgar-
towne upon Marthas Vineyard the i8th of June 1672" sig-
nalized the earliest fruit of the series of enfranchisements
granted by Lovelace the year previous. At this court laws
were passed providing for annual sessions of the court, the
pay of the president and assistants, rules of procedure in
suits at law, witnesses, evidences, fines, and other penalties
in relation thereto, probate practice, sumptuary statutes,
defined misdemeanors, provided for necessary officials, as
constables, bailiffs, secretary, treasurer, with salaries for each,
all of which constitute our first "Body of Liberties" in col-
lected form. Matthew Mayhew was the first secretary, be-
ginning his long career of office holding, under the auspices
of the Duke's government.^

h Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. VI. 196.

^These laws are to be read in the first book of Deeds, at Edgartown, and have
beenfprinted by Hough, in "Nantucket Papers," and a copy is on deposit at the Sec-
retaryj,of State's Office, Albany, in Deeds, I, 78.

(^jhtr/ic-u ,

SIGNATURE OF GOVERNOR LOVELACE

FROM THB TISBURY CHARTER
1671

153

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XIII.

The "Dutch" Rebellion, 1673.

In the early part of July, 1673, Matthew Mayhew was
on his way to New York, "furnished to pay the Acknowledg-
ment of six barrels of Merchantable Cod-Fish," which by the
terms of the patents came due on the 12th of that month,
and the quit rent was to be satisfied to Governor Lovelace
as usual. On the voyage thither, he "met the news that
Yorke was taken by the Dutch," and so it proved. The
doughty Dutch admiral had surprised the city during the
absence of Lovelace in Boston, secured possession with scarcely
the semblance of a struggle, and New York was once more
New Amsterdam. Mayhew retraced his journey.

This was an event of signal importance to the Vineyard,
and when Matthew Mayhew returned to the island with his
"yearly acknowledgment" of six barrels of fish undelivered,
and reported that the Duke's government in New York was
at an end, it was the opportunity for the enemies of Mayhew
to act. The ducal sovereignty having fallen, so with it fell
the life tenure of his governor, and Martha's Vineyard was
now in a political interregnum. As the island was not under
the jurisdiction of Peter Stuyvesant, the last Dutch governor,
when the New Netherlands was wrested from him, so it was
not comprehended at this time in the revived Dutch Province
now organized under Anthony Colve.^ The men who had
been chafing for two years under the Mayhew family rule,
with the head of the house as governor for life, his grandson,
Matthew, an assistant and collector of customs; Thomas
Daggett, his son-in-law, another assistant; Richard Sarson,
a step-son-in-law, assistant; and Matthew Mayhew, secretary
of the county, and other offices held by other members of the
family, now resolved to deliver the island from this narrow-
nepotism maintained for the benefit of a few.

MUTINOUS VINEYAHDERS.

They took the ground, and properly too, that the island
was "virtually taken and bee under the govournment of the

^N. Y. Col. Doc. II, 528-Q, 571, 609-10; III, 201; Smith, New York, I, 44-46;
Wagenaur, XIII, 407; De Witt: Letters, IV, 677.

The*' Dutch "Rebellion, 1673

Dutch,'' but their real purpose was to disavow Mayhew's
authority and either set up an independent colony or to ob-
tain autonomy under a protectorate of Massachusetts.

Matthew Mayhew, who should be a good witness of these
events, stated that "about half the People in a Mutinous Man-
ner rose, with many contumelious Words and Threats against
the said Govournour daring him in the Prosecution of his
Royall Highness his Govournment." ^ If Mayhew was willing
to admit that "about half the People" turned rebels to his
grandfather's rule, it will be safe to accept it as an under-
estimate of the number.^ The whole purpose of the governor,
both before and after this event, was in pursuance of a plan
of establishing the house of Mayhew as an hereditary aris-
tocracy on the island, an attitude that almost dominated his
last official and personal acts even in the shadow of death.
He had at first conformed to the requirements of his patent
and allowed men to be "chosen" to govern the freeholders,
but by 1 66 1 he had claimed extraordinary authority against
the objections of the inhabitants. He failed to give heed to
the mutterings that arose then, and now at the first oppor-
tunity, when the opposition was numerically stronger, he felt
the storm gathering about him and his little official circle,
and at last it had burst. The freeholders knew it was their
chance to get rid of hereditary rulers and lords of the manor,
of which they supposed their New England to be quit.

THE REBELS DEMAND MAYHEW'S ABDICATION.

Accordingly, twenty of the leading inhabitants, probably
under the guidance of Thomas Burchard, decided to secure
by peaceful means if possible, a change in the existing form
of government and an adhesion to the Massachusetts system
of elections of officers as provided in the original sale of the
island by Forret, thirty-tw^o years before. Desiring to spare
the aged governor any unnecessary personal humiliation, they
addressed the following letter to him which was carried by a
committee representing them : —

'N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV. 1 6. The rebellion on the Vineyard was duplicated at
Nantucket at the same time, and for the same causes — family government, though
the reasons for it were not so acute on that island, and hence not so personally irri-
tating.

^In 1675 Simon Atheam stated there were 38 white men on the island able to
bear arms. In two lists the author accoimts for that exact number.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Worthy Sir.

After our Salutations &c our mind and purpose is to put our-selvs &
both towns under boston gouvernment for protection and Appeelle. And
boston Laws to be our Laws and to make our terms for rates as easy as we
can only firste our desire is of you that you w^ould be pleased to laye aside
your Comission Government And Act And doe with us soe we shall chuse
your selfe to be in place this year with sum Assistiants And Afterward, as
the yearly choyce shall fall And thuse we think to continue untill his majestie
or the Duck if the resignat of the lord starling shall order atherwise. ^

This was signed by Thomas Burchard, Isaac Robinson,
Thomas Bayes, Nicholas Norton, James Skiffe, John Pease,
John Butler, Thomas Butler, John Arey, Thomas Jones,
Isaac Norton, Joseph Norton, Henry Luce, Samuel Russell,
James Redfield, Philip Smith, Charles Crossthout, Stephen
Codman, Thomas Trapp, and Simon Athearn.

Representing as he did the idea of absolutism which was
the fundamental principle of the duke of York's political
system, the aged governor, wedded to his power, gave them a
curt reply: "No, he would not — he could not Answer it."
Further than that, he "gave them to understand his Resolu-
tion to hould and defend the Place until it should be forceably
taken out of his hands." The more radical ones desired that
decisive action be instituted, and "some more Principalis
putting the Matter forward, about half the People in a Mutin-
ous Manner arose, with many contumelious Words and
Threats against the said Govournour daring him in the Prose-
cution of his Royall Highness his Government." But as in
all such times the hot-heads exceed their authority and often
compromise the work of the conservative element. The
leaders desired only a quiet and firm campaign in the interests
of all concerned. They had gone to the governor with a
proposition to restore the forms of government granted to
him and them by Lord Stirling's patent, and they only wished
him to abide by it. If not, he must accept the consequences.

THEY APPEAL TO MASSACHUSETTS.

This peaceful tender having been made and refused,
the revolutionary party now took the next step and prepared
a statement of their case to the governor and council of the
Massachusetts Bay, formally tendering the island to them as
a part of their government. The die was now cast and the
lives and property of the signers put in peril. If they succeeded
they would become patriots ; if they, failed, rebels and traitors.

'Mass. Arch. CVI. 202.

The*' Dutch "Rebellion, 1673

The statement and petition is as follows : —

The most humble pettision of his majesties subjects the freehoulders
in the two towns setled on Marthas Vineyard: —

Unto the Right worshippfuU John Leaverit Esq Governnour of the
Jurisdiction of boston with the worshipful the magistrates his Assistants
in the said Government: —

Right Worshipfull.

The many greevances which Leieth as a burden on our Spirits And the
Consideration, of the waight of Duty that leieth on us doth Constrain us
to be your most humble pettitioners who besecheth you for the Lords Sacke
to Lend ane Eare unto our most humble pettition And protest as both from
Domistic And forrain enemise And also to redresse what things Are Amisse
And strengthen those that are redy to die.

to relat things at Large may be too tedious but our Greevences are redy
to be mad App't when Ocation may serve but to cut short now the day of
our choyce being past And no Choyce is made so that now here is none to
bare rull nether have we any law but every one Doth that which is right
in his own eyes. Now Mr Mayhews first purchase of this Hand was from
the Agent of the Lord Starling in which graunt Mr Mayhew was oblidged
to set up the Government of the Massachusetts which was then established
And sence that Government hath bene laied by things have grown from
better to worse untell we are Com to nothing as at this daye now for the
Lords sacke graunt us your powerfuU hand to protect us whilst there is
probation time, besidse wee humbly besech your honours to considre the
safe preservation of the shipingand trade of the Countrie by the preservation
of the Hand and harbour now are the two tribs And halfe did take care for
the preservation of theire posteritie so we besech you so to Commiserate
our condition that if possible we may be yet recovered And made Able to
stand A littell members of Gods Covenanting people in this wildernesse wee
are the majer part of the freehouldes on the iland who doe thuse pettision
unto yowe And his majesties Court the most noble in these parts of Amarika
the other which doe not petition are many of them much desirous this
thing would be Accomplished but only Mr Mr Mayhews families That doe
withstand our pettisioning But we humbly conceive your honourable Court
may receive us without Dainger And protect us in marcy for how can it
stand in Law that Loveliss being Governour but for a time can have power
to give a Commission unto Mr Mayhew for his life to govern without an
oath as hath bene publiquly owned by Mr May: himselfe being [asked].
And thuse he doth hold him selfe to command to bare rull ouver ous.

Now that your honours may know we have not don this rashly we have
here also sent a copy of what tender we made to Mr Mayhew : ^

but his answar was unto the men sent from us no he would not he could
not Answar it

Now for this we are thretened to lose our lands and be made tratch-
erous: Let the wisdom of god guyd both you and us And we besech you
to Commiserat our condition and graunt us an Answare soe we shall remain

^Printed on page 156.

History of Martha's Vineyard

your most humble and obediant subjects to be guyded And protected under
our Dred soveren Lord the King of England: Scotlan, franc and lyerland

Yours to Comand by the subscribing
of our hands
writen from Marthas Vineyard
this 15th October 1673.

Tho: Birchard Isaack Norton

Isaack Robinson Joseph Norton

Thomas Bayes Henery Luce

Nicholas Norton Samuell Russell

James SkiiJe James Redfield

John Pease Phillip Smith

John Butler Charles Crossthout

Thomas Butler Stephen Codman

John Ary Thomas Trappe

Thomas Joanse Simon Athearn

The same persons signed it, twenty in all, and their claim
that they were "the majer part of the freehoulders on this
island who do thuse pettision" seems to be borne out by an
enumeration of those males known to be living on the island
at that time. "The other which doe not pettition," they
assert, "are many of them much desirous this thing would be
Accomplished but only Mr Mayhews families that doe with-
stand our pettisioning." It appears that the following named
persons did not sign: James Allen, James Covell, Isaac Chase,
Thomas Daggett, Joseph Daggett, John Eddy, Thomas Har-
lock, Joseph Merry, Matthew Mayhew, Rev. John Mayheiv,
Thomas Mayhew jd, James Pease, Jacob Perkins, Richard
Sarson, William Vincent, Philip Watson, Thomas West,
William Weeks, Jeremiah Whitten. Of the nineteen persons
enumerated, those whose names are in italics, nine in all,
were either Mayhews by blood or connected with them by
marriage. Vincent, though not a signer, was fined later for
his opposition. There may have been a few other tenants or
freeholders then resident in the Vineyard, not enumerated
above, but it cannot affect the point prominently put forward
that, barring Mr. Mayhew, his son, sons-in-law, and those
within their sphere of family influence, the majority were in
favor of a change, and were willing to risk life and estate to
free themselves from this personal government. This docu-
ment may be termed the Vineyard's Declaration of Indepen-
dence against arbitrary authority and irresponsible rulers.

'Mass. Arch. CVI, 202.

158 .

The*' Dutch'* Rebellion, 1673

MASSACHUSETTS DECLINES TO INTERFERE.

But the Massachusetts Bay officials were in no mood to
accept the offer so flatteringly made. They had but just
emerged from one long struggle of twenty years duration in
absorbing territory that did not belong to them, and their
experience with the Province of Maine, being finally forced
to buy what they had attempted to usurp, made them wary
of going oustide their patent to engage in a dispute with the
King's brother over territorial jurisdiction. Consequently,
there was no hesitation in promptly declining to engage in
the quarrel, and the following answer was returned : —

25:8: To Mr Thomas Bercher, Mr Isaac Robenson and the rest of the

1673. subscribers of a petition sent from Martens Vinyard unto the

honoured Govemour and Assistants of the Massachusetts.^

Gent men yr of the 15 present we rec'd by witch we understand that there
is a difference betwixt your selves and your ancient and long continued
Govemour the whitch is very grievous to us, but how to help we kno not
for at such a time as this is to set in with a divided people we se not
sufficient reson nor to take upon us the Governm't of any people upon
the request of a part of them, and where as you say your day for choyse is
past it holds forth you had a day apoynted for election but why you pro-
ceeded not in that work we understand not and if it were hinderd by your
selves you may seriously considder whether the grete and many difficul-
tyes you are under may not now be best eased by your quiet yealding
unto your former Government and your own holdsum lawes you have
lived so long under, Until you understand his Majestys pleasure whether
to establish your one Governmt or to settell you under some other Coll-
enyes in these parts, but to shew ourselves siding in a divission amongst
our friends and Country men we are all together Indisposed unto, but
earnestly desire your comfortable closing to geather, as in your best da yes.
Not else but the respects to you all remain your very lo: freinds,

The Court of Assistants
As Attest: EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.
Passed by the Court of Assistants 31 October 1673

AN INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT STARTED.

But this damper on their hopes did not deter them from
their purpose, and the only effect it had was to precipitate
''home rule" under the leaders of the rebellion. This was
the course pursued. "They proceeded," so Mayhew stated,
"to erect a Govourment in opposition to his Royal Highness'
Govourment," but what form it took is not known, there
being no records extant of its acts or for how long a period

'Mass. Arch. XLVIII, 138.

History of Martha's Vineyard -

it endured. The Mayhew regime, of course, retained the
possession of the records, land, probate and court, and this
was a valuable asset, involving titles to property, settlement
of estates, and other important books of reference. Doubtless
this was used by the official party to its fullest extent, and it
is probable that the recording of deeds and like matters was
refused to the '^rebels."*

But two governments existed on the island for at least
a year, the "regulars," composed of the Mayhews and re-
tainers, and the "rump," consisting of the rebels and their
friends. Doubtless Simon Athearn was the leading spirit in
Tisbury as Thomas Burchard was in Edgar town, for there
were no rebels in Chilmark, the peculiar domain of the May-
hews. Seven of the signers were of the newly incorporated
town of Tisbury. Probably it will never be known how this
"rump" government was conducted or who were its officials.
Confusion and bitterness prevailed as a matter of course, and
it was truly a civil war, but without any casualties. "The
longest sword must bear Rule," they said to the governor,
and then they proceeded to tear down warrants posted by his
authority, abuse the constables sent to serve his writs, and
always "disdaining so much as any intimation of Right title
of interest from his Royall Highness." As an instance of
how high the feeling ran it is recorded that Mary, wife of
John Pease, was indicted for "forcibly taking a warrant out
of the marshalls hands" when they came to arrest her hus-
band for "committing a riot."^ The riot, of course, was his
refusal to acknowledge the "regular" government, as he was
one of the rebels who signed the petition to Boston, and the
arrest was made five days after it was dated. ^ It was May-
hew' s first move against the enemy, and Pease was "Both
person and estate Bound to answer at the next sessions of
Triall." It was indeed to be a case where "the longest
sword" would win the victory. The opposition was irritated
by this and Matthew Mayhew stated that they threatened the
governor, "challenging the family of him," shook fists at his
retainers and generally conducted themselves as if they felt

*In 1676, Simon Athearn, one of the signers, petitioned the Governor of New
York to have the record of his lands and deeds placed in "the ofic of records at New-
yorke." (N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV. 104.)

^Dukes Deeds, I. 403.

^It is hardly to be supposed that John Pease, who was then an aged man, would
create much of a riot in the accepted sense of the word. He had always lived a life
noticeably free from contention, and rarely engaged in litigation.

160

The "Dutch" Rebellion, 1673

there would be no day of reckoning, and there would not
have been if the Dutch had held New York. Having been
jilted by Massachusetts, the leaders were without resource,
except Rhode Island, and it is not known that they sought
political connections there. In their extremity in the spring
of 1674, they turned to Matthias Nicolls, late secretary of the
colony of New York and in exile in New England during the
Dutch occupancy of that city, and sought his advice in the
premises. As they did not know how he stood affected to-
wards them the precaution was taken to send the letter and
papers anonymously. This curious communication to him
was as follows : —

Worthy Sir we Intreat you to Except and piruse our Rude and Un-
comly Loins yet trew: forour Oppertunity will not Admite of a New draught
as our Intent was: our desires is allso that you may be pleased to bestow a
few loins upon us in way of Counsall and advise and if you desire it we will
keep your Advise a(s) seacret: sir if you see it your way to Answer our
Request you may be pleased to direct your Letters unto James Readfiel(d)
now Resadent in Newhaven who we doubt not will be CarefuU of them and
faithful to us in sending them.

Inhabitants of Mar(tins) Vineyard
[May 5, 1674]
To the Worshipfull

Capt. Mathias Nicols now Resadent in New England.^

What reply, if any, Nicolls made to them is not known
as it could not become a matter of record under the circum-
stances. In this way things progressed for months with no
result except increased bitterness between the factions.
Matthew Mayhew testified that the rebels "managed their
possessions with such, a high hand as to live according to their
Profession, by the Sword." '^ and that there was nothing more
serious than wordy battles is due, so the same authority tells
us, to the restraint placed on the official party by the governor.
They were barely dissuaded by him "from using of the Sword
in their Defence." Meanwhile the governor was quietly put-
ting the screws on individuals where he could, fining them
so heavily that it amounted to a sequestration of their prop-

^This letter, endorsed "About Mr May(hew) & his Patent" is in N. Y. Col
Mss. XXIV, 75, and was probably a letter of transmittal covering copies of docu-
ments relating to the subject. From internal and collateral evidence it is believed,
that the document now filed in same collection of State Archives, ipeeds, I, 72, con-
sisting of copies of the town grants of Great Harbor, and signed by eleven of the
signers of the petition of Oct. 15, 1673, is the one sent by the "Inhabitants" to Nicolls.
(See Appendix.)

^N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV, 16.

161

History of Martha's Vineyard

erty. No doubt Mayhew acted in this particular from an
honest, but exaggerated point of view as to his dignity, and
he probably considered them all as traitors to the duke whom
he represented. He had threatened to disfranchise them
and deprive them of their lands, and he was doing it by a
sure and slow process.

SIMILAR CONDITION AT NANTUCKET.

It is interesting to note that while these things were going
on at the Vineyard, similar scenes were being enacted at
Nantucket. It was the same story almost repeated with
different performers on the stage — the people and the new-
comers against the office holders and the ruling classes. Al-
together, Governor Mayhew had his hands full. He wrote
that when they, the outsiders and new-comers heard the news
that "Yorke was taken by the Dutch" they entered into a
rebellion against the authorities and said: "Noe Man had a
Right to a Foot of Land before the Date of the last Charter,
and they by the Book endeavour to dethrone our Libertys —
announcing my Right obtained from the Earle of Sterlinge
nothing, also the Indian Right nothing, my quiett occupation
there of 29 yeares nothing, the Grounding of the ten Partners
upon my first Graunt nothing." This "war" lasted longer
than the Vineyard rebellion and in some ways the ringleaders
on Nantucket were more resourceful. Matthew Mayhew
admitted this in a quaint manner in an address to Governor
Andros, when he said of the rebels: "Every Card they play
is an Ace and every Ace a Trump."

Greater events were taking place in international politics
which lent favor to Mayhew's cause. Had the Dutch con-
tinued in possession of New York, it is probable that the rebels
on the Vineyard would have won out by force of numbers,
but rulers of larger destinies were making different calcula-
tions which upset the plans of the little band of freeholders
struggling for liberty of the ballot on the Vineyard. The
differences which had existed between the English and the
Dutch came into the hands of the diplomats for settlement
at Westminster in February, 1674, and by the terms of the
treaty executed at that place in that month Nieuw Amsterdam
was to be surrendered to the English, and on October 31 of
that year it became New York once more. On that date
Governor Sir Edmond Andros resumed authority of the

162

The** Dutch'* Rebellion, 1673

province in behalf of the Duke, and the Dutch foundation of
our httle rebel government wsiS thus ruthlessly undermined
by powers beyond its reach. He had undoubtedly been in-
formed of the situation on the Vineyard, probably by the
"loyal" element on Nantucket, and proceeded to deal vig-
orously with the subject.

GREAT SEAL OF THE DUKE OF YORK.

use;d on the; vineyard charters

1671

163

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XIV.

Restoration of Mayhew's Authority, 1674-1682.

To remove any doubt of the validity of the duke's title,
either for want of "seizin" to the crown, or on account of the
conquest of the Dutch after the Treaty of Westminster, Charles
the Second confirmed to his brother the duke, in language
almost identical with the patent of 1665, the grant he made
on that date/ Under this renewal the duke proceeded to
re-establish his provincial government. This re-grant, dated
June 29, 1674, was made the occasion for a similar confirma-
tion of the pre-existing conditions at the Vineyard. Under
date of November 7 following, the new governor by and
with the advice and consent of his council, issued the following
order, "for the Settling of Affaires there (Martha's Vineyard)
and preventing of future Contests that may arise amongst
them," as intimated by some of the inhabitants: —

1. Imprimis: That the Government and Magistracy in the Island
Martins Vineyard shall bee sett and Confirmed in the same manner and in
the same Psons that were Legally invested therein, at the Time of the Dutch
coming into these Parts, in July 1673, or have since been legally Elected,
by vertue of his Royall Highnesses Authority.

2. That by Reason of the first Right Mr. Thomas Mayhew Sr. hath
had to the Island Martins Vineyard It is Ordered during his Time, that hee
shall Preside at the Gen'll Courts which are to be held in like Manner as was
established by Governor Lovelace, the Orders whereof as well as the Time
of Election of their Magistrates and other Ofiicers are to be observed as
then prescribed.^

Further clauses decreed that all laws should be in force,
as formerly approved, and all rights, privileges, and property
grants heretofore in existence should stand until further order.
In short, the meaning of this was to restore the status quo
ante, to all intents and purposes. Under it the "rebels" could
find little comfort.

GOV. SIR EDMUND ANDROS DEALS WITH THE REBELS.

It had in all probability been represented to him that
the rebels were not only favoring the Dutch rule, but were

^N. Y. Regents' Report, I, 21, 22.

^N. Y. Col. Mss., Orders, Passes, etc., Ill, 19.

164

Restoration of Mayhew's Authority

enemies of the duke, and the new royal governor lost no time
in issuing a special order to provide for the punishment of
these traitors, in the following terms: —

Whereas I have been given to understand that severall Disorders
have hapned in the Islands Martins Vineyard and Nantuckett (or one of
them) since the Time of the Dutch coming into these Parts in July 1673:
I have with the Advice of my Councell thought fit to order and appoint that
the Governour or Governours and Assistants of both the Islands aforesaid
bee hereby Authorized and Empowered to call to Account and Punish ac-
cording to Law, all such offenders and Transgressors against the established
Government under his Royall Highnesse, the Crime not extending to Life
Limbe or Banishment: But in Cases of such High Crime which may
Deserve those Punishments to secure the offenders and send them hither
by first convenience.'

Mayhew was a little slow in his movements as usual,
and some time elapsed before he decided to take advantage
of this turn of events, but he soon despatched Matthew Mayhew
and Thomas Daggett to New York to lay his complaints
before the restored ducal government and to pay his and their
humble respects in a loyal address. They reached Fort James
about a week after Andros had issued his orders of confirma-
tion and special warrant, and presented a joint statement of
the late troubles on this island. In the address to Andros
they referred to "his Majesties good subjects" of Martha's
Vineyard, who had been awaiting the restoration of authority
under his rule and "for whose arrivall they have patiently
weighted, as in Time of great Drouth for the latter Rain."^
Andros was an absolutist and did not fail them. He was a
supporter of the classes against the masses.

With the return of the grandson and son-in-law bringing
this order the governor was fortified in his desire to punish
the "tratcherous." It may be thought that in this the aged
governor, then eighty-one, was under the influence of his
grandson, about twenty-five years of age and then at a period
in life likely to develop hot-headedness, or of his son-in-law
Daggett, but no one who has studied the governor's character
can fail to accord him the actual credit for all that he did,
or had done in his name, down to the hour when he drew his
last breath. He was a m.an who ruled his family as he ruled
others, without brooking disobedience, and that he could and
did get into violent passions is related by Captain John Gard-

'Warrants, Orders, Passes, Vol. Ill, 21. Dated Nov. 7, 1674.
^N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV, 16.

165

History of Martha's Vineyard

ner of Nantucket, concerning an incident which occurred
three years later when Mayhew was eighty-five. "Hee came
to my Loging,'' said Gardner, "in as great Pashon as I Judge
a Man could well be, accusing me highly wherein I was wholy
inosent. . . . Mr Mayhew tacking this opertunity to vente
him selvef as followeth: telling mee I had bin to Yourke but
should lose my Labor: that if the Governor did unwind he
would wind: and that he would make my Fine and Disfran-
chisement abid on mee dou the Governour what he would:
that he had nothing against me, neither was angry, but I had
spocken against his Interest and I should downe."^

GOV. MAYHEW INSTITUTES REPRISALS.

This is quoted at length to explain the events which fol-
lowed the return of the messengers to New York and the men-
tal attitude of the man who was thus empowered to use his
family and relatives to punish those who had opposed him.
They had "spoken against his Interest" and they "should
downe." Doubtless the rebels were fully aware that he would
break if he could not bend them and many had felt his wrath
in the past. John Pease, foreseeing the coming of the storm,
made his will on March 4, 1674, and was thus prepared for
the next world and what might happen in this. The records
unfortunately do not give us full insight into the entire pro-
ceeding, but Mayhew early selected William Vincent for
his share and not only heavily fined but probably disfran-
chised him. Simon Athearn was taken next and it was ordered
that he be sent to New York under the terms of the order of
Governor Andros as it was held that he was guilty of "High
Crime." This was enough to take the fight out of most any-
body in those days and the opposition now was on the losing
side. Many doubtless came out and publicly admitted their
guilt and were held on bail or under bonds. Otherwise, we
cannot account for the few who were punished as appears
of record. In different ways the opponents were made to
feel "the halter draw" and without "good opinion of the
law" as administered by the family bench. Thomas Daggett
got after one of the signers, James Skiff, on a charge of de-
famation and sued him therefor at a court held Dec. 29, 1674,
and the jury brought in an alternative verdict for damages
or an apology. Skiff to save his heavy fine acknowledged

* Warrants, Orders, Passes, Vol. III. Dated i6 March, 1677-8.
166

Restoration of Mayhew's Authority

that he had "smned both agamst god and Thomas Daggett"^
by the use of ''sundry slanderous and opprobrious words as
calhng him theif Her and cheating knave." But the verdict
was not satisfactory to Daggett and his wife Hannah, the
''deputy governor," berated one of the jurymen for depriving
her husband of the money part of the verdict. "If an in-
differant purson" said one juror, "and not a relation had
writt the testimony or that if Skiffe had swept all his testi-
mony away, and pleaded to your husbands own confeshon,
Skiffe had proved his charg."" There can be no doubt that
the partisan character of the duke's bench was notoriously
to the great detriment of justice between the freeholders and
members of the ruling family.

The punishments went merrily on. Nicholas Norton
was tried, convicted and fined ;^5i, but upon making two
humble apologies for his part in the troubles and promising
that "he shall be more. careful for the future" his fine was
commuted. James Redfield was next in order, and was
similarly convicted and mulcted, but in consideration of his
poverty, the fine was remitted. It is believed he agreed to
depart from the Vineyard and so leniency was accorded him.

He left within a short time, took up his residence in
New Haven, Conn., and never returned. There is no record
of a sale of his house lot in Tisbury, and possibly it was se-
questrated. Charles Crossthwaite was another who was
probably forced off, as he also ceased to be a resident within
a year, removing to Boston. Stephen Codman made his
escape to Roxbury, and left his large estate of three-and-a-
half house lots on Starbuck's Neck uncared for a number of
years, until the storm blew over. Death removed John Arey
from the scene early, but his estate was encumbered for years
after with a mortgage, perhaps raised to pay the fine imposed
for his "treason." Samuel Russell left his new home in Tis-
bury, bought by his father, and returned to Scituate where
he afterwards lived, until his death in 1677 at the hands
of Indians. These five men are the only ones known to

^Dukes Co. Court Records, Vol. I. The association of the name of Deity and
the plaintiff in Skiff's apology doubtless arose from the fact that he considered now
the Mayhews with their family connections were omnipotent.

^N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV, 159. The juror in question, Jacob Perkins, later had
a case of his own against an Indian for assault with a knife, and it was Daggett's turn
as judge to get even. He threatened to fine Perkins for "calling the Indian a Lying
Roag," and let the Indian go free. "Mr Mayhew said if you do not like what I doe,
you may go to York." Perkins left the Vineyard.

167

History of Martha's Vineyard

have left the Vineyard immediately as a result of the civil
war. The others remained and made their peace in some
way not shown in the court records, but as these records are
undoubtedly incomplete, these omissions are not to be con-
sidered as evidence that nothing was done to the other eleven
not enumerated. This omission in the case of Thomas
Burchard, who v/as the first signer and who was named by
Athearn as a ''principall instigator" of the rebellion, is all
the more pointed as it is not to be inferred that he escaped
without a scratch. The man who received the full force of
the wrath of the Mayhews and their retainers was Simon
Athearn, and for the remaining years of their lives it was a
vendetta that knew no surcease between him and Matthew
Mayhew. At first, Simon Athearn tried to make his peace
with the rehabilitated government, and petitioned to have a
mitigation of his sentence. The court on Jan. 8, 1675, fined
him twenty pounds, one-half to be paid "forthwith," and for
speaking against the decree of the court in William Vincent's
case, ten pounds was levied, one-half of which was to be
paid "forthwith" in the same manner, part cash, part stock.
His disfranchisement was continued during the pleasure of
the court, which considered him "one of the Ringleaders in
the late Resisting of the Govourment."^ The punishments,
disfranchisements, and sequestrations of estates became known
to the people elsewhere, through the friends of the victims,
and caused widespread comment. The Rev. Increase Mather
of Boston makes the following note on the subject in his
diary : —

At Martins Vineyard divers honest people are in great trouble: their

estates sequestered by reason of Mr. M complaining to the Gov'r

of N. Y. 2

These men were simply being punished for seeking
political freedom, and naturally had the sympathy of those
in other colonies where the ballot was the poor man's weapon
against oppression and arbitrary rulers. The "rebels" were
therefore dissatisfied at the results of events which threw them
back into the old government of grandfather, grandson, son-
in-law, and brother-in-law, and they looked forward to re-
prisals from a bench composed of men so related. "I veryly
believe had Genneral Lovelesse Given and Confined Mr

'Dukes Coimty Court Records, I.

^Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, XIII, (2d series).

168

Restoration of Mayhew's Authority

Mayhew and us unto the Laws of this province," wrote
Athearn to Andros, "it had prevented all disorder which hath
fallen out senc: but when good government faills the duty
and honor of a stat faills: for such and many other causes
as are well known we are Kept very few in number, and pore
in estats, and Left to a great annamossitie of spirit which
must needs be the concomatants of such erregular proceed-
ings."^ This was the crux of the whole situation, an attempt
to engraft a medieval manorial system on a people who had
left such things behind, or supposed they had, when they
crossed the ocean to build up a new political system of demo-
cratic government, where hereditary privileges should have
no place.

QUIET FINALLY RESTORED.

Peace was thus restored to the Vineyard, but not satis-
faction, except to Mayhew and his followers. "I did & doe
still rest satisfied therein to the full," wrote Mayhew to Andros,
in the month of April, 1675, "it being absolutely just in my
under(standing) & (others?) have scene it that are very
judicious," referring to the action which Andros took to restore
him to power.- On the other side of the picture we have the
sentiment of the defeated faction expressed in the language
of Simon Athearn, later in the same year. "I shall not men-
tion the many greevienses which are," he wrote to Andros,
"But this I know that if things be -not mended divers of the
inhabitants will remove their dwellings to goe whare they
Can: wherefor I besech your honnor to graunt us your Law
to be our rule and square to walke by, that we may be de-
livered from all rible rable and notions of men."^

The old magistrates were again in the saddle, and matters
ran along in the old ways for several years. In 1675, the
bench consisted of the governor, Richard Sarson, Matthew
Mayhew, and Thomas^ Mayhew, the outside member, James
Allen, having been dropped. Probably this quartette con-
tinued in office, with INIatthew Mayhew^ Clerk of the General
Court for the next five years, but the records do not show the

^N. Y. Col. Mss. XXIV, 159. In this letter Athearn complains that their laws
were a mixture "of boston & plimmouth Law books," and if this did not cover a
particular case the English practice should prevail, and he adds "the Law of England
non of us know."

^Ibid., XXIV, 92.

^Ibid,, XXIV, 159.

169

History of Martha's Vineyard

fact, and Mayhew had failed to make the annual reports of
the elections. "I verily believe," wrote Athearn to Andros,
"did your honnor know the broke Confusednesse of the re-
cords on martins vineyard your honnor would see it nesses-
serery to take a better title. "^ This neglect on the part of
Mayhew was noticed by the provincial authorities, and at a
council held on June 2^, 1680, it was ordered that a messenger
go to the Vineyard to see "that fitt Magistrates be elected &
confirmed there & that they be required to send one of their
former number thither to answer their neglect in not making
due returnes of their Elections the last Yeare."' Whether
this omission was intentional or not, can hardly be said, but
on Sept. 2 the governor sent an explanation to Andros, which
evidently was not satisfactory, and it was ordered "that
mr. Thomas Mayhew doe forthwith send mr. Matthew
Mahew & mr. Sarsen sufficiently Authorized to give an
accompt & receive orders & Direcons therein."^ What the
result of this summons was does not appear, though nothing
was done to loosen the control of the dominant element on
the island. Thus matters remained until the spring of 1682,
when, at the great age of eighty-nine years, the old governor
passed out of the world to the "great beyond" on March 25th,
and thus brought to an end the governorship, dependent upon
his "life," which had caused so much dissension and em-
bittered his latter days. As we review it now, it seems to
have been an unjustifiable position, utterly at variance with
the spirit of the age and the customs of the neighboring
jurisdictions. His tenacity in clinging to the office, and forc-
ing a "family bench" on the people, which could not but
have been a partisan agency in the administration of the law
and justice, seems to have been based upon anything but
worthy and high motives. It leaves an undeniable blot upon
a career of distinctive and unselfish labor in other spheres
of usefullness. The wonder is, that he could not see the
impropriety of his sons-in-law and grandchildren adjudicating
cases where his family had such extensive interests, and had
there been any effective supervision of the Vineyard from

'N. Y. Col. Mss., XXIV, 159. This is literally true. The land records contain
Court proceedings, probate transactions, and general minutes of the General Court,
while the Court records contain both probate records, land records, and private memo-
randa, besides the regular judicial minutes.

^Ibid. Vol. XXIX.

^Ibid., XXIX, 212.

170

Restoration of Mayhew's Authority

New York, it is safe to say that such a condition would not
have lasted as long as it did. It was maintained by him
with success by reason of this condition, and his studious
failure to keep in touch with his superiors, through regular
reports of his stewardship.

SEAI, USED BY GOVERNOR MAYHEW.

FROM THE CONNECTICUT ARCHIVES.

171

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XV.

The Ad^hnistration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew,
1682-1692.

As an illustration of the policy of delay and avoidance,
which had marked the designs of those who controlled the
political interests of the Vineyard, by which the suzerain
authority at New York was kept in ignorance of the situation
of affairs on the island, may be cited the long neglect of the
ofEcials to notify the royal governor of the death of the old
governor. He had died on March 25, 1682, as before stated,
but it was not till August 16 that the information reached
Fort James for action. The notification had been written
on June 11, over two months after his death, and was not
forwarded for two more months, when it would seem that so
important a matter should be given the earliest despatch to
provide for the filling of the vacancy. The delay may have
been for the purpose of securing a certain continuance of the
existing regime. That is what resulted, as will be seen by
the following appointment : —

New Yorke August the 28th 1682
Gentlemen :

Yours of the nth of June Received the i6th Instant and herewith
Inclosed send you a Renewed commission for the Peace in your Parts and
therein thought fitt to appoint Mr. Matthew Mayhew in the stead of that
worthy Person Mr. Thomas Mayhew his father Late Deceased to be cheife
supplying the Defect with another of the same Name, and as I have ap-
proved of your fitnesse and Ability soe will not doubt yor Integrityes in the
faithfuU Discharge of your offices & Trust in you Reposed accordingly the
oath appointed for the oflace of a Justice of the peace the Rest in Commission

are to administer to Mr. Thomas Mayhew According to Law

In the meantime I wish you all peace and happinesse and Remain, Gentle-
men,

Your affectionate friend

ANTHONY BROCKHOLLS.*

It is to be noted that there was no appointment of a
governor, with a limited tenure even, and the executive func-
tions were vested in Matthew Mayhew as "Chief Magistrate"
of the General Court. Perhaps this was a concession to the
opposition, but we have no knowledge that any attempt was

IN. Y. Col. Mss., XIV, 769.
172

Administration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew

made by them to influence matters, at this important juncture.
The appointment meant that the old influences were still
paramount, and that with the "life" feature subtracted the
bench was in the same hands. The government of the Vine-
yard was in reality vested in the judiciary, but progress was
being made in the enfranchisement of the people, and the
participation of the freemen in the affairs of the province was
effected this year. Constitutional rights were granted by the
king, the province was organized more extensively by the
creation of counties, and local self-government was developed
in many new channels. A legislature was provided for and
the close corporation, known as the governor and council, was
to have a check in a body chosen by the freemen of the char-
tered towns.

Preparations were made for the first sitting of the first
assembly, to be holden under the new Charter of Liberties,
and the council called an election for representatives to meet
in general assembly at the capital city on Manhattan Island.
The following notice was sent to the voters of the Vineyard : —

Ordered, that Matthew Mayhew be Sherifif of Martins Vineyard,
Nantucket, EHzabeth Island & all other Islands from the Eastward of
Long Island to Nantucket Shoals, belonging to his Royal Highness James
Duke of York & that he appoint the freeholders of said plantation to meet
and chuse one out of each Island to meet in the most convenient place to
chose one Representative for themselves in the General Assembly to be
holden at the City of New York October 17th 1683.^

It is stated that both islands sent one deleg^ate, but their
names are lost in the missing journals of that session." Thus
for the first time the freemen of the Vineyard, after a period
of forty years were permitted to take part in the deliberations
of a legislature which had jurisdiction over their affairs, and
the irresponsible personal government seemed about to have
reached its end.

A new royal governor came over in 1683 in the person of
Thomas Dongan, of whom some particulars will be of interest,
for his connection with the Vineyard soon became of special
importance and continued for many years. He was an Irish-
man, of the nobility resident in the Emerald Isle, and was
born in 1634, at Castletown in the county of Kildare. He
entered military life, serving with the English and French

'N. Y. Col. Doc, XIV, 771.
'Journals, Legislative Council, I, xi.

History of Martha's Vineyard

troops in turn, as opportunity offered, and attained the rank
of colonel. Later he was appointed Lieutenant Governor of
Tangiers by Charles the Second. After his return to England,
he was created Earl of Limerick, and died in London, Dec.

^4, 1715-

THE MANOR OF MARTIN'S VINEYARD CREATED.

Mayhew soon ingratiated himself in the favor of this new
executive, who, under the recent statute passed by the first
legislature relative to the county courts, was willing to com-
mission Matthew Mayhew, Richard Sarson, Thomas Daggett,
and Thomas Mayhew as the Chief IMagistrate and Associate
Justices for Dukes County upon his request in June, 1684.^
in the fall of that year, new writs were issued for the choosing
of representatives, and it is presumed that Martha's Vineyard
was among those places which sent members. It is not known
who was chosen, but if inferences are to be indulged, we may
suppose that Matthew Mayhew added this to his multifarious
functions. Certain it is that he became involved in a strange
personal "deal" with Governor Dongan, which could not,
in all probability have been carried out, except by persons
of close friendship, such as might come through long asso-
ciation. Perhaps this was brought about during a session
of the legislature of which he may have been a member. The
plan comprehended the creation of Martha's Vineyard into
a manor, with Mayhew as "dummy" and the immediate
sale of the title of Lord of the Manor to Dongan, who could
not invest himself with such privileges direct. The plan
involved some formidable documents to give it a semblance of
verity, and an abstract of them will show the steps by which
it was accomplished.

The instrument creating Matthew Mayhew Lord of the
Manor of Martha's Vineyard is dated April 25, 1685, and
begins with a recital of the fact that Matthew Mayhew and
"his ancestors have been antient setlers, planters, improvers
and possessors of all that tract called Martins Vineyard,"
and that in response to a request of the said Mayhew for
a confirmation of the same to him and his heirs, he makes
such grant of the premises, including the Elizabeth Isles and
Noman's Land, and then makes the following additional
bestowal of manorial privileges : —

'N. Y. Col. Mss., XXXIII, 95.

174

Administration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew

And by virtue of the power and authority in me residing as aforesaid
I do hereby erect, make, constitute the said Island called Martins Vineyard
together with the aforementioned Islands called Nomans Land and Eliz-
abeth Islands, and the above granted premises into one Lordship or Mannor
of Martins Vinyeard.

And I do hereby give and grant unto the said Matthew Mayhew his
heirs and assigns full power and authority att all times hereafter in the said
Lordship or Manor, one Court-leet, and one Court-baron, to hold and keep
at such times and soe often yearly as they shall see meet, and all fines, issues
and amercements, as well att the said Court-leet and Court-baron, as att
the assizes and Sessions of the Peace, holden or to be holden there or in the
County called Dukes County, and payable, or happening from time to time
to be payable, by any of the inhabitants of or within the said Lordship or
Mannor of Martins Vineyard, and also all and every the powers and author-
ities hereinbefore mentioned for the holding and keeping the said Court-leet
and Court-baron, from time to time, and to award and issue out the custom-
ary writs to be issued and awarded out of the said Court-leet and Court-
baron, and the sam to bear test and be issued out in the name of the said
Matthew Mayhew, his heirs and assigns, or their Steward deputed and
appointed.

Further clauses enabled the lord of the manor "to dis-
trayn for all rents," and lest nothing escape the beneficiary,
*'all waifs, estrayes, wrecks of the sea, Deodands, and goods
of felons" were to belong to the lord of the manor, together
with "the advowson and right of patronage of all the Churches
in the said Manor erected or to be erected." Following: the
clauses of investiture and warranty come the provisions for
the quit-rents: "Yealding and paying therefor yearly and
every year from henceforth unto our Sovereign Lord the
Kings Majesty, his heirs and assigns or his Resever, Com-
missionated to or impowered to reseave the same, on the five
and twentieth day of March yearly the Quit Rent of six bblls
of good merchantable fish, if demanded, in full of all Rents,
services and demands whatsoever." This seems like readinsr
some medieval parchment, rather than the product of the
new democracy established in America by the dissenters
from the established social fabric in England. Matthew
Mayhew was not ignorant of "the world, the flesh and the
Devil," and he must have smiled when he found himself
charged with the "advowson and right of patronage of all the
Churches in the said Manor." However this did not make
much difference to the first lord, for it was not intended that
he should set foot upon his manorial demesne, with the title
belonging to him. With his wife, Mary, whom we can for
a brief period address as Fady of the Manor, his residence

175

History of Martha's Vineyard

in New York was for a sufficient length of time to turn over
the title to the one who gave it to him, for a consideration,
and this took place on May 12 following, making a period
of seventeen days when he played the part of "First Lord in
Waiting."

The indenture "between Matthew Mayhew of the Island
of Martin's Vineyard, Gent., and Mary his wife, of the one
part and the Honourable Colonel Thomas Dongan, Lieutenant
and Governor- General," in consideration of the sum of two
hundred pounds, dated May 12, 1685, transfers to Dongan
"all that the Lordship and Manor of Martins Vineyard ....
and all that Island and tract of land called the Island of
Martins Vineyard .... and all those several islands or tracts
of land called the Elizabeth Islands . . . and all the Island
called No Man's Land .... every of them being parcel of
the said Lordship and Manor of Martin's Vineyard."

This indenture excepted the following named tracts from
the whole: "The land called Nashowakemmuck (boundaries
given) .... also all that neck called Quanaimes, alias
Quanissowog (boundaries given) . . . and also one-half of
the land called Kiphiggon, equally to be divided, viz: the
western half also one neck of land called Nashawaqueedse
(boundaries given) . . . and also those two lots of land
with their a^ppurtenances, in the town called Edgartown:
the one late the land of the aforesaid Thomas (Mayhew),
the grand father, and the other the land of the aforesaid
Thomas (Mayhew), father of the said Matthew Mayhew."
Exception was also made of the chief rents due to the chief
lord, and "all estates heretofore made or granted or willed
by Thomas the grandfather and Thomas the father of the
said Matthew, and by him the said Matthew or any of them
to the several townships of Edgartown and Tisbury, or to any
other planter in the said Manor, or Lordship, or any part
thereof, or by grants or patents under any the Governors
of this Province."

The quit rents were agreed upon as follows: "The yearly
acknowledgment of four lambs for the land above excepted,
called Nashowakemmuck: and one lamb for the land called
Quanaimes, or Quansoowog : and two lambs for the said land
called one half of Kiphiggon: and two mink skins for the
said land called Nashawaqueedse: to be paid on the first day
of May yearly forever."

176

Administration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew

The above indenture was acknowledged by Matthew
Mayhew on the date of the instrument, and Mary, his wife,
signed her release on the 27th of July following; both acts
taking place in New York, "in open court."

But Matthew Mayhew was not entirely without honors.
He was still Lord of the Manor of Tisbury, and as a sort of
compensation for the loss of the greater title, Governor Dongan
commissioned him as "Clark & Register for Dukes County"
on the following day, making with his title of chief justice and
sheriff quite a respectable collection of prefixes to his name.^

THE FAMILY NEPOTISM CONTINUED.

It is difficult to comprehend this piece of official jug-
glery with the government of the Vineyard. By its terms,
reduced to their bare residuum, with the legal verbiage elimi-
nated, Colonel Dongan acquired the title of Lord of the Manor
of Martin's Vineyard, which Matthew Mayhew had held
for seventeen days by virtue of Dongan's patent. Together
with this went the fee of the island, except the chief fee resid-
ing in the Duke of York and his successors, and excepting
previously granted tracts "to any other planter in the said
Manor, or Lordship, or any part thereof," so that the final
territory which actually came into the possession of Colonel
Dongan was Gay Head Neck, and possibly a part of
Noman's Land, out of all the excepted tracts. It is now
known that the new Lord of Martin's Vineyard constituted
some person as his steward to hold in his stead the Courts
Baron and Courts Leet, provided for in the patent, and who,
it may be asked, except Matthew Mayhew, could have acted
in that capacity ? ^ This additional move to foist the mano-
rial system upon the islanders was generally resented, al-
though the titular lord's domain was reduced to somewhat
ridiculous proportions. It seemed as if an elephant had been
drafted to crack a peanut. Fortunately, the territory involved
did not affect any of the English settlements, and before the
new lord could do much mischief, if he were so inclined, the
great revolution in England had overthrown King James,
and all that he represented, and a Protestant King and Queen
were installed in their seats upon the throne of Great Britain.

^N. Y. Col. Mss., XXXIII, 130.

'He was acting as steward from 1690 to 1699 (Dukes Deeds, V, 89).

177

History of Martha's Vineyard

The opponents of our local government under King
James and his appointees, were much rejoiced, as they fore-
saw in it the probable end of the manorial system and all
it meant.

It will not be necessary to detail the yearly story of the
condition of official ''nepotism" under the regime of Matthew
Mayhew, as it is only a repetition of that of the elder Mayhew,
and a little worse. For the next five years the bench remained
the same as already given, but Matthew Mayhew was in-
duced to resign one of his offices, which was immediately
filled by the appointment of one of his cousins. In 1690,
the official list of county officers was completed by drafting
every available male of Matthew Mayhew's immediate rela-
tives. With himself as chief justice were associated his step-
father, Richard Sarson, his brother-in-law, Thomas Daggett,
and his brother, Thomas Mayhew, as justices; and the officers
of the court were Thomas Harlock, his cousin, as sheriff
Benjamin Smith, his brother-in-law, as king's attorney, and
himself as clerk and register.^ Further comment is un-
necessary. But greater events were taking place in the outer
political world. In England, James had fled from his throne
and become an exile in France, while his representative in
New York, Sir Edmund Andros, was made a prisoner in
Boston and shipped to London for trial. ^ The reign of the
dreaded "Popish King" and his satellites was at an end,
and the Protestant William of Orange, and Mary his consort,
received the crown he had abandoned.

THE NEW PROTESTANT REGIME IN NEW YORK.

The rejoicings which spread over New England at this
bloodless revolution were none the less hearty than in Eng-
land itself, and the treatment accorded the hated Andros in
Boston almost bordered on personal indignity.^ As the
personal representative of the Catholic king, he received short

IN. Y. Col. Mss., XXXVII, 230.

^A letter from Capt. Mackenzie to Francis Nicholson, dated Aug. 15, 1689, states:
"it is reported that Coll: Dongan is likewise kept prisoner, who went thither to sell
Martins Vineyard." (N. Y. Col. Doc, III, 614.)

^In New York, the Lieutenant Governor, Francis Nicholson, was deposed by a
party headed by Jacob Leisler, and the accession of William and Mary was then pro-
claimed in June, 1689. Leisler assumed the powers of a royal lieutenant governor,
without warrant of authority, but resigned them to Governor Sloughter on his arrival.
He was prosecuted for treason and convicted. Sloughter signed his death warrant,
and he was executed May 16, 1691, and his death is regarded as an act of manifest
injustice.

178

Administration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew

shrift, not entirely merited by his general excellence as governor
of New York and New England, but all that he stood for
became a part of his personality in the eyes of Puritan Massa-
chusetts. To all but the official family on the Vineyard the
change was most welcome, as it meant a reorganization of
the provincial governments, not only in personnel, but in
principles and ideals. It indicated the passing of absolutism
and the inauguration of popular sovereignty. There is not
on file any communication from Mayhew expressing his joy
at the change of government, or a welcome for the successor
of Andros. The new royal governor, sent out by William
and Alary, was Henry Sloughter, who arrived at Fort James
early in 1691.

But the absence of an address of welcome and fealty
from Mayhew was compensated for by one from Simon
Athearn, and aside from its interest as a contemporary view
of "the conditions upon the Vineyard, it shows how the oppo-
sition regarded the new order of things, and hoped for a cor-
rection of their wrongs. It is therefore printed in full, and
is as follows : —

May it please your Excelency

To lend an ear, Considering the things nessessary for the good & wel
being of the English Inhabutants of martains vinyard who are your servants
waiting for your good & faverable settlement of your powerfuU afars with
us : more espetially me your most humble servant who desiers to praise God
for your safe ariveall at new york with their majesties Commishon whom
God have raised up to be the deliverers of our nations: when tidings first
Came to us of the Revolution we may truly say (we ware like thay that
dream) skersly beleveing so wonderful! a deliveranc : Now forasmuch God
have be pleased to give us such gratious soverans a king to be our nursing
father Sc a quene to be our nursing mother, thro many trobls we are in hops
to Receive his promise of our Judges as at first and our Counselers as at the
begining & our eyes shall see our teachers &c

And now may it not be said God is Rissen, and have taken hold of
Judgment against the nations untell he have made his Jerusalem the praise
of thewholl Earth. Now to strengthen our things that remaine &toreviewe
those that are reddy to die, we pray your aid, to settell the maintenans of the
work of the ministrie on martains vineyard, by the tithes. And the wholl
Inhabutants to be Comprehended in two assemblys on the Lords day (as it
now is) I hvimbly conceve there is an Eternal warant, Christ being a priest
for ever after the order of melchisedec, it being in the order of melchisedec to
receive tithes of Abraham: and for what of this settelment, Coms much
disorder, both of Contention among the people, and the ministrie often
Left vacant : also we pray your ayd that all other rats be raised on the sub-
sittie for want of this: there is much rong dun for sumtims the old law book
of york is made use ofe to raise mony on our Cattell, at three tims the valu,

179

History of Martha's Vineyard

and somtims great rong don by the partiall notions of men who rate persons,
for that they have not, our Creaturs runing together, we know not what
we have untell the summer and the shearing time Com: only tillage have
they rated, all other lands and meddows have beene rate free, (which will
not be purchesed with cattel here being about fifty-eight English Inhabutant
familys on the Hand & most pore, four of the wich Justices of the peace
their estats being rate free burthen the rest, when in our nation thay serve
their King & Cuntry for their honnor, but if Justisces of the peace be Com-
mishonated (all of one family, what and how thay please to raise monys on
the people, without an assembly, the Justisces Estats being rate free) it
shews the people are at a low Eeb, but wee hope to be delivered from such
arbatrary power, who fish in devishons of the people, and seeke not their
peace. We hope your Excelency will defend our towns, in their patant
Rights formerly graunted By Governor Lovlesse of new york, to all intents
and purposes, Commandement was given to devid the land of Cannan unto
the tribs by lot, when possest by the heathen, so our former Governor gave
us our townships bounded by pattant to all intents and purposes, whereby
we humbly conceive the right by Eternal Equity to be ours; and we hope
to be defended in all our town rights to all intents and purposes against
Corronal dongans purchas, we are farre of and know not the time but I
humbly desier the honorable assembly would Consider our settelment:
And that the wholl trade of disposing any strong Liquers to the Indians of
the vineyard be stopt, which is a thing of so evil Consequenc in druncken-
nesse Eydlnesse & selling their corn for nought, which brings them into
poverty and stealing for hunger: The Indians might and would be servis-
able in the defenc of the Hand against the Enemy, And doutlisse it would
be their great incuragement if your Exelency would be pleased to bestow
an hundred armes with amonition for the use of the Indians on the vineyard
in time of danger to be delivered unto them and when dainger is past to be
returned in to the English keeping in store for the same use: thro marcy we
have bene preserved from the foran Enemy, And we trust to be preserved
hoping your Excelency will tak Care of us in these perrelous tims desiering
your Excelency to pardon the boldnesse of your servant who have thought
it my duty thus in writing to pay my most humble Respects unto your Ex-
elency desiering the God of heaven to increase in you that wisdom which
is from above, and to blesse you with a long and happy Life, which is the
prayer of your most humble servant to be Commanded.

SIMON ATHEARN

from tisbury
on the vineyard
this 6th day
June 1691.^

THE VINEYARD ANNEXED TO MASSACHUSETTS.

The leading men of Massachusetts had set in motion,
early in 1690, a plan for the renewal of their charter, and the
Plymouth people joined them in the same design, sending
over the Rev. Increase Mather of Boston and Rev. Ichabod

»N. Y. Col. Mss., XXXVII, i6i.

180

Administration of Maj. Matthew Mayhew

Wiswall of Duxbury, who with Sir Henry Ashurst, constituted
a committee to obtain from the English government new and
broader charters. Each colony was striving to be independent
of the other, while the royal authorities were intent upon
consolidation. Indeed, the agents found a disposition fixed
to annex Plymouth to New York, and only after long nego-
tiations, extending over the period of a year, was the matter
settled, though not to the satisfaction of all parties. The
annexation of Plymouth to New York was averted, and the
colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth were united into
what is now the present commonwealth, and, what is of local
interest to the Vineyard, our island was detached from its
old connection with New York and added to the new gov-
ernment of Massachusetts. In what manner this was brought
about is not known, but that it was done without the knowl-
edge of the officials of the Province of New York, and un-
known as well to the Mayhews, is evident from all that fol-
lowed. The charter of William and Mary, dated October 7,
in the third year of their reign (1691), provided for the juris-
diction of Massachusetts over certain described territory,
not necessary to be rehearsed, "together with the Isles of
Capawick and Nantuckett near Cape Cod." In London
at that time with these agents, was Sir William Phips, Kt.,
of Boston, who through the influence of Mather received the
nomination as governor of the new Province of Massachu-
setts.^ Sir William had been knighted by King James in
1687 for recovering the treasures from a Spanish ship which
had been wrecked at St. Kitts, and in August, 1690, was the
commander of the disastrous expedition sent against Quebec.
He arrived in Boston on May 14, 1692, with the charter,
and set about the prosecution of his duties thereunder, with
considerable vigor, if not with entire discretion.

'William Phips was the son of James Phips, a gunsmith, from Bristol, England,
and was bom on the Kennebec river, at the present Phipsburg, in 1651. He died in
London in 1695, and a monument in the church of S. Mary, Woolnoth, still stands
to his memory. He was governor during the horrible witchcraft delusion.

181

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XVI.

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter of 1692.

Within the first week after his arrival, Sir William Phips,
Knight, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of the Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, issued his warrants to the towns
in the province requiring them to send representatives to
"the great and Generall Court to be convened at Boston on
the eighth day of June, 1692," and it is known that one
reached Edgartown in due season. Great indeed was the
consternation among the ruling element. They were in-
credulous, as no previous intimation of the political changes
had come to their knowledge. Chief Magistrate Mayhew
forbade any action upon the warrant, and at once notified
the New York authorities. The opposition were as unprepared
as the Mayhews, but both began to fight for position. The
warrant for the election prescribed the qualification for electors
as "a freehold of 40s per ann(um) or other property to the
value of £40 sterling," a limitation which reduced the voters
in the two towns to small proportions. The wealth of the
island was largely centered at Edgartown, where the officials
resided, and on a test vote, based upon the property quali-
fications, the farmers of Tisbury could not secure a repre-
sentative if there should be a general vote. So Athearn con-
cluded to select an Edgartown man to receive the suffrage
of the qualified electors, and Joseph Norton stood as the can-
didate of the opposition. It is not known that there was
any effort on the part of the Mayhews to contest the election,
as they held the proceedings to be illegal, and warned all
concerned against participation in the affair. Doubtless this
was their attitude, and when Norton was chosen, they applied
their ''influences" to persuade him not to attend the session,
under penalty of their displeasure, and the consequences of
disloyalty to the lawful government established by the duke
and his successors. And they nearly succeeded in frightening
him off. It required all of the persuasive powers of Athearn
to make him stick, as it was of vital importance at this junc-
ture that there should be no hesitating or doubtful parti-
sans.

182

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

THE MAYHEW ELEMENT OPPOSES THE CHANGE.

The recollections of the "Dutch Rebellion" had not yet
faded from the memories of those survivors who had "felt
the halter draw" and the example of it was held up by the
authorities to deter the opposition from active connection
with the new government. All the relatives of the Mayhew
family were busy in the campaign of education. The most
energetic of them was one the most distantly connected,
Benjamin Skiff, and it goes without saying that all sorts of
arguments were used to keep the freemen of the Vineyard
from rallying around the leader of the opposition. He was
handicapped, however, by the financial status of his sup-
porters. He constantly refers to "the pore of tisbury," and
describes the residents of that town as having "but small
cottages to sleep in and buy their heay from Chillmark." It
was not yet the time of manhood suffrage, and influence was
measured by pounds, shillings, and pence. But to return to
the formal efforts of Matthew Mayhew in his letter to the
New York authorities. The tenor of his letter is not known,
but the record of it appears from the entry in the minutes of
the council : —

At a Councell held at Fort William Henry the 12th of August 1692.
.... Upon reading a Letter from Major Mayhew of Martin's Vineyard
to Wm. Nicolls Esq. signifying that the Inhabitants of the Islands in Dukes
County are disturbed by some Warrant or order directed to a Constable or
some other Person from Boston in New England, as if those Islands were
under that Government, to their great Disorder and Confusion.

Their Majesties Pleasure being noe ways signified to those in authority
now concerning the Surrender of any Part of this Province or Dependencys
unto any Persons whatsoever:

ORDERED that the Officers civil and military of the said County be
required and they are hereby required to continue in their obedience to
their Ma 'ties Authority settled over this their Province pursuant to their
severall respective Commissions untill further orders.^

The clerk of the council, under date of August 18,
made reply to Mayhew' s letter in behalf of Mr. Nicolls, which
adds some further particulars : — ^

Maj'r Mayhew

Mr Nicolls having Prduced yor Letter in Council the same being Read
it is the Resolution of the Council that you are to Continue in your Obedi-
ence & subjeccon to their Ma'ties Government settled over their Province

^N. Y. Col. Mss., Coiincil Minutes, VI, 114.

^Ibid., XXXVIII, 170. A copy is in Mass. Archives, II, 386.

183

History of Martha's Vineyard

of N. Yorke pursueant to the severall Commissions Civil & military which
you have received Their Ma'ties nor their predecessors having made any
Alteracon of the like nature without signifying their pleasure by their Letters
mandatory to the Governor or Command 'r in Cheife & Council which
when we shall receive you shall quickly be advised of yor Duty in the mean
time if any person or persons within yor County Doe make any disturbance
they must be proceeded against for the same at their perill.

I am advised that yor taxes are levied and wonder they are not trans-
mitted unto their Ma'ties Collr & Recr Generall I desire you to be vigilant
& Carefull to maintaine their Ma'ties peace and to advise yor bretheren
the like I desire to hear from you by the first opportunity of the Condicon of
yor Islands & of any accident shall happen.

While this harmless correspondence was being carried
on, Simon Athearn was laying the foundations of a new politi-
cal structure for himself and the opposition. He accepted
the fact that a change had taken place and at once put him-
self in communication with the authorities of Massachusetts,
to whom almost twenty years ago he had sent that fateful
appeal to be taken in under their protection. Now they
had been taken in unexpectedly, but none the less gladly and
acceptably. Failures in the past did not discourage him,
and he essayed this attempt to enlist support as hopefully
as though he had never met with defeats. Accordingly, he
sent the following communication to Sir William and the
council in June, for consideration at the first session of the
General Court : —

Wee most humbly petition that marthas vineyard and Elzebeth Use
and its dependances be considered and made on(e) town or place So one
Representative might serve for the whole for we are but about fifty 7 or 8
famelys on the Hand: the east end of marthas vineyard was formerly
granted by Mr Tho. Mayhew the elder and sence confirmed by the Gov-
ernor of New York unto the Inhabitants freehoulders theire heires or as-
signes for ever to be a town ship knowne by the name of Edger town the
western most bounds of Edgertown is on the north side of the Hand at holms
his hole or the Springs at the head of that Cove called Weahtaqua and
bounded on the south side of the Hand called tickanomans neck and so
including all the east end of the Hand and the Hand called Chapaquiget
with natuk: Tisbury and Chillmark and its dependances is bounded by
said bounds of Edger town.

Your most humble petitiner prayeth that tisbury Chillmark & its
dependances with all the west end of the Hand might be made one parrish
for the better Carrying one of the maintenanc of the ministerie there and
under one constable one assesment for their majesties service. There is
nessessety of Courts of Justice on marthas vineyard I think needful as
Capt'n John Gardner of Nantuckett have advised thar one County Court
of Common pleas be held one a year one year at marthas vineyard & one
year at nantukett & in case of appeale to boston &c

184

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

The military officers of the Company at Chillmark and tisbury are
Capt. Benjamin Skiffe, Left'nt Isaac Chase, Insign John Manter men
approved: we propound as most fitt persons at Edger town Mr John
Butler to be Captain, Mr Thos: Doggett to be Left'nt, Mr Jacob Norton
to be Insign & Mr Joseph Norton to be Sheriff.

In most humble wise we present this to the honourable Council for
Consideration : if nothing be don' but expenc of mony & time it will be a
matter of discorragment to the good minded people And cause for the enemy
to Insult.

Your most humble petitiner shall ever pray for your prosperous
Government.^

SIMON ATHEARN

SIMON ATHEARN COURTS THE NEW AUTHORITIES.

Athearn's recommendations were generally fair, there
being two of the Mayhew regime included in his list of "fitt
persons," but the only one who profited by this appeal was
Joseph Norton, who was commissioned as sheriff by Governor
Phips in the following month." At the first sitting of the
General Court no comprehensive legislation was enacted, but
a naval office was created, with a provision that an officer
should be appointed "at Marthas Vineyard .... to enter
and clear all vessells passing to and from hence, but not to
be accounted a port for the delivery or lading or any of the
enumerated commodities."^ It was evident to the Massa-
chusetts legislators that there were factional disturbances on
the Vineyard which must be investigated before much could
be done for the best interests of the place. Therefore, after
the adjournment of the session, the governor and council
decided to despatch Major-General John Walley to the scene
of the conflict, and Sewall notes in his diary under date of
Sept. 30, 1692, that "the Major Generall sets out for Eliza-
beth's Hand and Martha's Vineyard."* The Mayhews were
still unreconciled to the situation and endeavoring to find
some flaw in the charter which would restore to them their
former grip upon affairs. Already one office had passed out
of the family, and the outlook was ominous. Doubtless,
many moves were made of which we have no record, and
many letters exchanged between the ex-chief magistrate and
his New York supporters to block the impending transfer

^Mass. Arch., CXII, 422.

^His commission is dated July 25, 1692, and is found in Mass. Archives, XL,
266. See also Ibid., Vol. 276, for a petition of Atheam for this appointment.
'Acts and Resolves, I, 35.
*Diar>', I, 366.

i8s

History of Martha's Vineyard

of allegiance. To conclude otherwise would discredit the
political partisanship of Mayor INIayhew, and minimize his
dislike of the Puritan colony, which had been set in authority
over him.

Governor Phips taking advantage, evidently, of the local
property interests which ^lajor Wait Winthrop had in the
Elizabeth Islands, commisioned him to go to the Vineyard
and add his influence to that of Walley in composing the dis-
turbed spirits of the old regime, and if successful to admin-
ister the official oaths to them as officers of the new government.
The conclusions of Winthrop after an interview with the
Major were decidedly pessimistic as to the success of his
mission, and he reported that it would be necessary to make
some demonstration in force to bring the recalcitrants to terms.
His letter addressed to Secretary Addington, makes an inter-
esting contribution to the story of current events, and is as
follows : — ^

After I had been here and at my Island some time without opertunity
of geting over to the Vineyard, Mr. Mayhew came over and went to Barn-
stable and as he returned I met him at this place, and after some discours
told him I had his Excellencys order to administer the oath to himselfe
and the other officers which the law required, in order to their excercising
their Places they were comissionated to, but he utterly refused to accept of
any place himselfe, but said he knew not but his brother and Mr. Newcomb
might, which he should encourage, and so went home in his canoe and after
some time returned me the enclosed papers,^ but before that I was well
assured that none of the officers (unless one or two who were not at home),
would take the oathes, therefore resolved tho I had met with the opertunity
not to have gone over to Expose the Govr'mt as well as myselfe to contempt
amongst such a crew as I understand are there, having no other orders but
to administer the oaths; and upon their refusal must have but made same
return which I now doe. I hope his Excelency will see cause to take effect-
uall orders to setle that place before thay have farther orders from York,
which I believe thay will expect as soon as a sloop now in Tarpolin Cove
can get there, by which I believe thay have made returne to som of the en-
closed papers, and desired farther directions; the least that can be don I
believe will be to send the sloop ^ and some persons of the Council to be
joyned in comission with such Justices of the place as may be apointed to
to hold a Session or Court there which would effectually settle all matters
in that place. I mean not the justices appointed in the former comission
by the word crew before mentioned, who I believe would be satisfied if

'The letter has no date, but is marked " received October 21, 1692," and was
probably uTitten at Woods Hole. (Mass. Archives, II, 383-4.)

^The enclosures were the documents printed on page 183, together with a requisi-
tion for ;£43:i5s as the share of Dukes County in the expense consequent on the
defence of Albany, and the reply of the Mayhews to General Winthrop.

^Winthrop refers to the sloop of war belonging to the Province and used for
patrolling the coast to look out for armed French ships.

186

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

thay thought their titles would not be questioned, and would then, some
of them, be sutable to be continued in comission

While the Major, in his chagrin at the turn of affairs
"did thrice refuse the crown," and professed wilKngness for his
brother to hold office, yet his actions belied his words. He
n )t only counseled others on the Vineyard to hold aloof, but
used the same tactics among the people of Nantucket. James
Coffin and William Worth, in a letter dated October 13,
state the situation on that island : —

"Mr Mayhew sent us over his shrife and Ben: Smith and one man
more with the governors orders which we have sent his Excellency a true
coppy: at there arivall they ware very high but we discourst with them
till we made them calme: but in short we are all well sattisfied by what
we understand by them that Mr Mayhew at thare returne with our Answar
will goe directly for York: and we have reason to conclude wil doe us
all the mischife that he is aboil to doe: and by al that we can gather he
hath bin & is the only Instruement to stir up the governer of York against
us.*

During the performance of this side-show, far removed
from the knowledge of the Massachusetts authorities, the
Major was trimming his sails to catch the contrary breezes
should it finally become necessary for him to seek a harbor
on the strange coast to which his craft was drifting. He was
playing a fore-and-aft game now, and as an example of his
company manners when dealing with Winthrop as emissary
of Governor Phips, the following letter in his own hand-
writing and signed by the other two judges of the court, may
show the reverse of the picture for which he posed in all
humility and deference to the new conditions : — '

Sir Wee cannot think that our retaining and exercising our severall
places of trust under their Majesties for their service in the province
New Yorke should be any offence to the Governor of their Province of
Massachusets Bay in New England: we having lately received orders
from Benjamin Fletcher Esq their Majesties Gov'rn'r of that province
commanding and requiring of us there unto on penalty of being sent for
to answer such default before him in Councell and having taken oath to
govern this County by the lawes of that province before his arivall and think
wee may justly suppose himself as their Majesties Governor of that p'vince
to have order concerning there Islands, having for so long time appertained
thereunto: and shall hope if not request that his Excellency will admit
of time to be therein resolved: ourselves being no waies inclined to one
or the other government: otherwise then to manifest our obedience to

'Letter to Capt. John Gardiner. Coffin and Worth wrote a reply to Major
Mayhew, which was non-committal in character, stating they could not take any
definite steps, "for many reasons," basing it on the absence of Captain Gardiner.

^Mass. Archives, II, 387.

187

History of Martha's Vineyard

their Majesties commands, which wee thought most to signifie to yourself,
understanding that his excellency has given yorselfe some orders concern-
ing this County, which is all at present from,

Your friend & servant,

MATT- MAYHEW ^ ^^^^^ Majesties jus-

RICHARD SARSON V ^j^^f ^^ *^ P^'^^^ f,°^

THOMAS MAYHEW ^^^^^ C^^J.^^ ^^.^he

^ provmce of New York

All these conditions should have resulted to the advantage
of Athearn, who began to see the reward of his years of contest
for the improvement of the political condition of his home.
The conferences held with the Mayhew officials by General
Walley were productive of a better understanding, as it proved,
but all contemporary evidence clearly gives us the idea that
they were convinced against their will, and their acquiesence
in the new conditions tentative and perfunctory. Meanwhile,
Athearn was busy with voice and pen working for an entirely
new deal in the offices. After the visit of the major-general,
he addressed another paper to the governor and council
relative to the settlement of affairs here, in October, 1692,^
and a copy in full is herewith given : —

being sensable of much trobl on marthas vineyard for want of dew
settelment of the affairs of that Hand And Considering the present state of
persons & things there I humbly shew that if Mr Andrew Newcomb be
made Cheefe Justice And Mr Joseph Norton & Mr James Allen Justices
there who are reputed welthy and having such Influence in the people
there will be most Reddy way to settel your government there and wheras
Capt'n Ben Skiffe have bene very bissie against the government from this
place And Mr Isaac Chase the Leueten't without oath he pleading for the
quakers makes me think he will not take an oath : I humbly shew that if
the foresaid Mr James Allen be made Capt'n & mr peter Robinson be made
Leueten't of the Company of tisbury and Chillmark is the most likely way
to bring the Compeny to obediance also unto this Authority thay having
much influenc in the people by relations &c

My neighbour mr Norton is gon hom being tyered out with tarrying
long and nothing don to effect. After he was chosen & summoned to attend
the enemy had perswaided him not to Com but I going to his house laboured
much with him untill I had his promise to meet me at the boat.

And now I am left alone waiting for your Conduct that the enemy may
not have the opertunity to put out my Right Eye trusting now at length
there will be spedey cure taken for our better settlement.

Your most humble petitioner shall still pray for your prosperous
Government.^

SIMON ATHEARN
October 1692

'From the wording of the paper, it is evident that it was written in Boston. The
second session of the General Court began on Oct. 12, 1692.
^Mass. Archives, CXII, 424.

188

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

THE MAYHEWS SURRENDER TO SAVE THEIR OFFICES.

It is evident from the tone of this that Athearn was not
progressing as rapidly as he expected, and that success was
by no means assured. The vested interest of the old officials
and the proprietors was still an important factor in the problem.
Athearn by this time had dropped Skiff from his list of
"trustys," as he might have foreseen would have to be done,
sooner or later, and Quaker Isaac Chase had no fighting
blood in him. Matthew Mayhew and his supporters now
came to Boston to take a personal hand in the conflict, while
Athearn and Norton were "tyered out with tarrying long
and nothing don to effect." Conferences with the councillors
of the Phips government doubtless convinced Mayhew that
the charter of William and Mary included Martha's Vineyard
by implication, if not by name, but he contended that "Capa-
wick" was not the proper designation for Martin's or Martha's
Vineyard, and that the question of annexation to Massa-
chusetts was a legal question, dependent upon the nomen-
clature of the island. He maintained that "Capawick" was
a small island at the extreme end of Chappaquiddick, while
the Indian name of the Vineyard was Nope. There could
be no question about Nantucket, but he saw the ''hand-
writing on the wall," and like a good politician concluded that
he must "gracefully grant that which he could not with safety
refuse." For the Massachusetts authorities were insistent
that, name or no name, their agents had obtained the consent
of the king to include the island known to them as Capa-
wick and Martin's or Martha's Vineyard, and they proposed
to exercise their authority. Without waiting for the Mayhews
to come to terms they proceeded to legislate for the organiza-
tion of the local government, and on November 25, passed
an act regulating the courts on the Vineyard. This must
have had the effect desired, and the ''Old Guard" surrendered
in the face of political extinction. Isaac Addington wrote
to General Walley on December 8th: "The Island of Marthas
Vineyard is well Setled, the Mayhews have complyed with
the demands of the Government."^ At the same time Coun-
cillor Nathaniel Thomas presented to the governor and coun-
cil a report "of the Settlement of Marthas Vineyard." It
was as follows : —

^Mass. Archives, III, 47.

189

History of Martha's Vineyard

that Mr Matthew Mayhew, Mr Thomas Mayhew & Mr James

Allin had accepted Justices of the Peace within said Island and taken their
Oaths. He also moved upon their desire and at the desire of the generality
of the Inhabitants that Mr Richard Sarson might be added to the Com-
mission of the Peace.'

Thus the same old famihar names were restored to the
places which they had occupied, and the only concession to
those outside the breastworks was the inclusion of one of
their nominees, James Allen. As Simon Athearn character-
ized it, it was "a Cifer to make the Summ." Once more he
had lost to the "enemy." He was the last warrior left upon
the field, and the enemy had "put out his Right Eye." In
the fray his character and reputation had been assailed, with-
out doubt, and the number and standing of his party had
been questioned before the council, so he set about fortifying
his position with a petition from his backers on the island,
but it was too late to accomplish his purpose. This petition
was dated "from marthas vineyard desember the 19 1692"
and bears fourteen signatures, of the following named persons :
Andrew Newcomb, Joseph Norton, James Pease, Jacob Nor-
ton, John Butler, Thomas Norton, William Vinson, Thomas
Woolling, Thomas Butler, Isaac Norton, Benjamin Norton,
Moses Cleaveland, John Pease, and Thomas Vinson. From
the number of Norton signers the council might have con-
sidered it a case of Norton versus Mayhew, but the document
was a certificate of respectability for Simon Athearn and an
explanation of their position. "Wee were not willing to
speeke when the Gentlemen were," they say, "Because that
your Excellencys orders might be setteled in Peease & quiet-
nes." But while this modesty was being maintained the
"enemy" were not so afflicted, and were willing to trade their
former allegiance for renewal of their hold upon the island,
and "good politics" prevailed. "Now wee are willing," they
continue, "to give your Exsellency an acount of Mr. Simon
Athearn we Looke upon him to be a well acomplish man:
he is no drunkerd nor no Card player nor a man that free-
quint tavorns,^ but wee doe know but he may have his feialing
as well as other men: for estate: few or none upon Hand

'Coiuicil Records, II, 207. Dated Dec. 7, 1692.

^This is believed to be a covert allusion to Matthew Mayhew, as a number of
contemporary documents bear similar comments in relation to him. Athearn states
that Benjamin Smith and Thomas Harlock had told him that "they of Edgartown"
had consulted together "that Major Mayhew Might be discarded because of his vice
& debochery." (Suffolk Court Files, 4605.)

190

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

goeth beyound him & for a Justes wee Looke upon him as
fit as any man here." ^ This might have been all very true,
but it was in the nature of death certificate. The plums had
been picked and the feast was over, and Athearn had secured
two places for his friends, Allen and Norton, while the Mayhews
still sat on the bench and could deal out "family justice"
to him as they had done in the past quarter of a century.

THE PAPER "war" BETWEEN PHIPS AND FLETCHER.

If the New York authorities did anything to protect their
claims to jurisdiction, except wait for some overt acts, it is
not of record.^ It is supposed that Mayhew informed the
Boston government that the New York authorities did not
admit the alleged transfer of jurisdiction, and in order to
enlighten them upon the subject Sir William Phips, on Jan. 2,
1692-3, apprised them of his appointment, and enclosed a
copy of the charter of Massachusetts Bay, by which Martha's
Vineyard had become a part of the new Province. At about
the same time, Governor Fletcher of New York, who had
succeeded Sloughter in 1692, desiring to find out the actual
claims of the Massachusetts people, sent a personal mes-
senger to Boston to interview Phips, informing him that it
was his intention to make an official visit to Martha's Vine-
yard in the spring, "and that he should be glad to see Sir
Wm there." The bearer was Thomas Clarke, and his report
of the interview gives an insight into the choleric, bombastic
character of Phips.

I acquainted him I had orders from his Excellency Governour Fletcher
to signifye to him that he intended to be att Martin's Vineyard early in the
Spring, before he went to Albany," said Clark in the account of his ex-
periences. "I acquainted him the Governour of New York would be glad
to see him there. Sir William Phips asked if I came to challenge him. I
replyed I came to delever my message, which I had done. He asked me
if I had any such orders. I did tell him I had private instructions for my
selfe, which I would not shew him nor any other. He told me if they were
my own words I was an impudent fellow. I told him I thought soe to, but
the words were nott mine. Sir Wm Phips did tell me he did take the words
as a challenge and would certainly meett with Governour Fletcher. I told

him he might interprete the words as he pleased I prayed an

answer relating to the Vineyard. He bid me tell Governour Fletcher that
if he came to Martin's Vineyard to medle with the government he would

'Mass. Archives, CXII, 435. Printed in full in the sketch of Athearn.

'"Governor Fletcher did in the yeare Ninety two Send a Letter and messengers
to our Island (Nantucket) requesting our obedience to him, &c.," says John Gardiner
in a petition in 1693. (Mass. Archives, CXIII, 112.)

191

History of Martha's Vineyard

take care to secure him that he should never retume back againe. I asked
Sir Wm if I should retume this for answer to the buissinesse of the Vineyard.
He tould me Yes. Sir, I shall be shure to doe it ; so you had best, said Sir
William.' '

This truculent attitude seems like comic opera, but it
was merely the silly nature of the man who had gone to Quebec
two years before and demanded its surrender in magnificent
phrases, while the defenders were jeering at him over the
parapets of the strongest fortress on the continent. Then the
leader of that quixotic expedition hoisted sail and steered for
home, filled with excuses for its failure. Such was the man
whose personality it is necessary to know to appreciate the
ridiculous features of this situation. "In Massachusetts, the
history of his administration is a melancholy monument,"
says an historical authority, "for his public breach of the
peace was a scandal that never befel any other chief magis-
trate.'"

Clark's report angered Governor Fletcher to the fullest
extent, and he undertook to bandy words with Phips, an art
in which the latter could excel. Fletcher wrote him that he
was an ill-mannered person — no gentleman in fact. This
style of paper warfare suited Phips entirely, as it was without
danger. So he drew up the following letter and despatched
it toNew York: —

Boston the 27th January 1692-3
Sir:

Your absurd letter plainly deminstrates that if (as you say) I have for-
gott manners to Gentlemen, I have forgott what you never had. You send
a herauld to give mee a challenge to meet you in the Spring at Marthas
Vineyard, wch by force you intend to take the Government of, notwith-
standing their Majesties granted by their Royall Charter, whereby the
government thereof is annexed to the Province of the Massachusetts Baye :
and your jaylor hath been as insolent in delivering this challenge from you
(wch he saith is by your positive order), as you have been inconsiderate in
directing him soe to doe. For the difference (if any), is not to be decided
by you alone. However if you are soe resolved, you may expect me att
Marthas Vineyard in the Spring to assert that power wherewith their Ma-
jesties have invested me, wch if you think fitt to dispute, I shal take such
measures to defend as you may not like.^

IN. Y. Col. Doc, IV, 8. Clark adds: "He tould the Councill that I had chal-
lenged him to meet Govemour Fletcher at the Vineyard; upon which I tould the Coun-
cill I understood noe challenge in the words; I only tould Sir Wm that Govemour
Fletcher did intend to be at Martin's Vineyard in the Spring & that he should be
glad to see Sir Wm there."

^James Savage, President of the Mass. Historical Society, in his[Gen. Dictionary,
article on Phips.

3N. Y. Col. Mss., IV, 6.

192

The Vineyard and the Massachusetts Charter

That the doughty Sir William thought that this was a
serious case of provincial warfare is quite evident from his
actions, but it could have deceived no one else. He prepared
for the anticipated struggle. Upon his representations the
council ordered "that a Suitable vessell be taken up and
Equipped for their Majesties service to Cruise in and about
Marthas Vineyard Sound for the securing of Coasting Vessells
until such time as their Majesties Frigates can be fitted out:
his Excellency proposing that she be manned and furnished
by the Captains of the Men of Warr." If Phips was obliged
to fight Fletcher, he wished to have a frigate near by to act
as his convoy to the battle grounds.^

THE NEW YORK AUTHORITIES DENY LEGALITY OF CHANGE.

Meanwhile the letter which Sir William had sent to New
York on Jan. 2, for some reason, did not reach there until
Feb. 12, and Governor Fletcher "did recommend to the Coun-
cel to meet this After noon (13th) to Consult of a Letter from
Sir William Phips dated the 2nd of January come to Hand
yesterday, with a printed Copy of the New England Charter,
and to him give their Opinion under their Hands concerning
Martha's Vineyard."' This they did, and rendered the fol-
lowing opinion the same day : —

His Excellency Ben: Fletcher &c this day having recommended to
our Consideration a Letter from Sir William Phips, dated 2d of January
last came to Hand yesterday with a printed Copy of their Ma 'ties L'tres
Patent for erecting and Incorporating the Province of Massachusetts Bay
in New England, not attested, concerning Martin's Vineyard and desiring
our Advice: Upon Perusall of the said printed Copy having duly Con-
sidered the same and the Piatt of New England before us, we doe finde that
the North Halfe of the Isles of Shoals opposite to the mouth of Piscataqua
River and the Isles of Capoag and Nantuckett to the Westward of Cape
Cod are nominally included in the said Grant and in more general words
all Islands and Inletts lyeing within ten Leagues directly opposite to the
Maine Land; within the Bounds of the said L'tres Patent, which we are
informed are many hundreds. And we are humbly of the Opinion that
forasmuch as their Ma'ties have ascertained the North Halfe of the Isles
of Shoals to the Massachusetts Bay leaving the South Half to the Province
of New Hampshire and the Islands of Capoag and Nantuckett to the Massa-
chusetts Bay, both which are to the Westward of Cape Cod, which is the
southermost Bounds of their Patent, they can have noe pretence by the said

'Council Records, VI, 42 (Alass.). This ridiculous and harmless farce went no
further. Governor Fletcher did not make his spring visit to the Vineyard, and Sir
William undertook no sanguinary procedures to defend his frontier.

^Council Minutes, VI, 165 (N. Y.).

History of Martha's Vineyard

L'tres Patent to Martin's Vineyard or any other Island to the Westward of
Nantuckett, which we humbly submitt and desire your Excellency will be
pleased to recommend the same to their Ma'ties by their Secr'y of State
for their Decision in that affair.'

The arguments advanced by the members of the gov-
ernor's council w^ere technical, and in the absence of direct
knowledge from the home government, had some merit. It
is difficult to understand why the Secretary of State had not
informed the New York authorities of the change of juris-
diction in the case of the Vineyard. The interpretation of
the charter rested entirely upon the intent of the persons
forming the conference at London in 1691, the agents of
Massachusetts, and the members of the government detailed
to draw up the document. But the New York officials were
justified in holding an adverse position to the claims of Massa-
chusetts on the ground of nomenclature and geography, as
well as lack of due notice from the home office. Governor
Fletcher adopted the report of his council and sent all the
correspondence which had passed between him and Phips,
with the opinion of the council, to London the following day.
His letter is as follows : —

New York February 14, 1692-3
Sir:

The papers I send with this will take more time to peruse than I doubt
you can spare from Affaires of more weight and moment. They will shew
you that I am placed by a very ill neighbour, who while I am laboring to
compose and heal the wounds of this Province, occasioned by the highest
outrages which could be committed by men in the time of Leisler took upon
himself the Government. Sr Wm. Phips, as will appear by these attested
copies of a letter from a pardoned Criminal quotes Sir Wm. Phips for author,
will shew you the sentiments and Principalis of that knight; he has seized
upon Martins Vineyard, which has ever been a part of this Government;
it is neither named in their Chartar nor his Commission: those people
hold all their lands by the seal of this Province, and have contributed to our
publick charge for the defence of Albany, yett I must not levy warr against
him, though provoked by his unmannerly letter to meet him there, which
I would chearfully doe, but I hope to see him when without prejudice to
their Majesties Interests (I can) assert our Resentment.^

'N. Y. Col. Mss. (Council Minutes, VI, 165).
^N. Y. Col. Doc, IV, 2.

194

The Island under Puritan Control

CHAPTER XVII.

The Island under Puritan Control.

The position of the New York authorities was the one
privately held by the chief magistrate of the Vineyard. He
had accepted the new regime with a mental reservation, for
the sake of holding his position, but from subsequent events
it is clear that Matthew Mayhew did not intend to adopt
his new masters while there was yet hope that some flaw,
fatal to the Massachusetts charter, could be found. Ac-
cordingly, when the warrants for the annual election of a
representative for the General Court to be held in June, 1693,
came to the constable of Edgartown, Mayhew decided to send"
one of the family from his home town, in combination with
the pocket borough of Tisbury Manor, or Chilmark, as it
had come to be called, to Boston as a matter of form. Ben-
jamin Smith, his brother-in-law, was selected as the person
for this mission, as "messenger" to the General Court. The
Edgartown records, under date of May i, 1693, give the fol-
lowing information on this matter : —

Then the freeholders made choice of Major Mayhew and Mr Joseph
Norton for to give instruction to the messenger in behalf of the public affair
or concerns of the place whom they shall put in trust with these instructions
that they shall give them to His Excellency the Governor of Boston and the
Assembly there met in behalf of themselves as aforesaid.

Two weeks later, the records contain an entry that
''Whereas they find themselves in many respects not able to
send an Assembly man to Represent them according to writ,"
the town of Edgartown voted to join with Chilmark in electing
a person who shall receive instructions from both towns.
This plan was evidently an evasion. It was strange that
Edgartown could not comply with the warrant, and Chilmark
could; and the use of the term "messenger" shows how every
chance was utilized to save the technical standing against
the Massachusetts government. The record goes on to say
that "the freeholders of Chilmark made choice of Mr Sarson
and Mr Allen for to give Instructions to the messenger above
Ritten May the 15th 1693: then ware Votes or papers of the
freeholders of Edgartown and the freeholders of Chilmark

195

History of Martha's Vineyard

ware opened and Mr. Benjamin Smith is made choyce of for
the messenger In behalf of themselves as above written."^

MAYHEW'S ACQUIESCENCE INSINCERE.

The subterfuge of electing Benjamin Smith of Edgartown
to represent Chilmark and receive his "instructions" from
Major Mayhew and Richard Sarson may be understood when
it is known that, at that time, there were not more than a
half-dozen families resident in Chilmark. As a separate
"town," however, it answered the purpose of Mayhew to
impress the governor and general court with his numerical
strength on the island. The instructions to the "messenger"
were completed, and are of the greatest interest from a politi-
cal and historical standpoint. They were formulated in the
following paper, which Smith presented to the governor : —

To his Excellency Sir William Phips, Knt, Capt Gen'll and Governor
in Cheife of their Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in
New England, the Honourable Council & Representatives now
convened in General Assembly:

first I am according to the instructions given me from the townes of Edgartown
& Chilmarke on Marthas vine-yard humbly to represent to your
honours that our expectation is that we shall be secured in the enjoy-
ments of such rights as we were privileged with the Government we
were last belonging to by the goodness and bounty of their Majesties
Royal Predecessors which we conceive hath been endeavored to be
innovated by some persons amongst ourselves, more particularly: we
have been priviledged with an act of assembly from New Yorke wherein
Marthas Vineyard, Nantucket, Elizabeth Isles & Nomans-land was
united into one County and we suppose not-with-standing some other-
wise are Inclined that if it may so abide it will be most for their majesties
Interest and good of their subjects.

2dly I am to shew that it seemed grevious to us that we seem to be named in
divers acts of the assembly here by a name in no waies acknowledged
by us and we hope it will not seem strange if it be considered that we
ought not to be ejected out of our freehold without triall which is the
direct consequence as we conceive of acknowledging that name.

3 ly I am to shew to yo'r Hon'rs that if an act be made that whereas in the

divers acts mentioning Marthas Vineyard Alias Capowack, If it be
inserted Marthas Vineyard and Capowick it will be more satisfactory
to our people.

4 ly I am to shew that we acknowledge ourselves no wise included in the

Charter of the Massachusetts Province but as being an Island lying
within ten leaugs of the Maine.

5 ly I am to move that the records of our lands and evidences may not be

liable to be removed hence where they have allwayes been keept by

^Edgartown Records, I, 33, 34.
196

The Island under Puritan Control

comission from their Majesties Royall predecessors as being the prin-
cipal place in the County and most convenient for all who may be
concerned.
6 ly I am to move that respecting the different surcomstances these Islands
lye under considered with the rest of the province we could humbly
request that the former act against selling strong drink to the Indians
may be enacted for these Islands.

Your hon'rs humble servant in behalfe of the towne of Edgartown

and Chillmarke on Marthas Vineyard/

BENJAMIN SMITH

It made no particular difference to the Massachusetts
officials whether the island came in as Capawick, Martin's
or Martha's Vineyard, or as *'an Island lying within ten
leaugs of the Maine," it was in, and they went right ahead
to provide laws for its proper government. It is not thought
that Tisbury was represented at this court, and Simon Athearn
apparently rested on his oars. The General Court passed, on
June 13, 1693, a comprehensive act to confirm all titles to
property on the Vineyard, at this session, in order to quiet
any misapprehensions arising from the change of jurisdiction.
The text of this law is as follows : —

That all lands, tenemants, hereditaments and other estate held and
enjoyed by any person or persons, towns or villages within the said island
of Capawock alias Marthas Vineyard .... by or under any grant or estate
duely made or granted by any former government or by the successive
governors of New York or any lawful right or title whatsoever, shall be by
such person or persons, towns or villages, their respective heirs, successors
and assigns, forever hereafter held and enjoyed accordingly to the true
purport and intent of such respective grant, under and subject nevertheless
to the rents and services thereby reserved or made payable ; and are hereby
ratified and confirmed as fully and amply, to all intents, constructions and
purposes, as the lands in any other parts or places within this Province by
virtue of their Majesties Royal Charter.^

THE MAYHEWS FINALLY ACCEPT THE NEW ORDER.

The New York authorities found that the claims of the
Province of Massachusetts Bay to jurisdiction over Martha's
Vineyard were well founded, and undertook no further ob-
struction towards the new order of things. The Mayhew
faction had no support from their old masters, and with as
good grace as possible they settled down to make the best of
it, and save as much as they could out of the wreck. The

'Mass. Archives, CXII, 453.
^^cts and Resolves, I, 11 7-8.

197

Histoiy of Martha's Vineyard

next year Matthew INlayhew had himself elected as repre-
sentative to the General Court for Edgartown, and was thus
able to deal personally with anything that might come up
inimical to his interests.

The first matter that presented itself was a petition of
Tisbury to be made one town with Chilmark, and the entire
west end of the island. The petition reads as follows: —

To his Excelency Sir William Phips Knight Capt'n Gener'll and
Governor of the province of the massachusetts Bay, the honorable
Councel And Representatives assembled: —
Right honourable

We your most humble petitioners the freeholders And Inhabitants of

the town of Tisbury on marthas Vineyard humbly pray that an act may

pass that Tisbury & Chilmark and the dependances with the westerly end

of the Island of marthas Vineyard be made one town or parrash for the

..^ better Carrying on all publique affaires there. So shall both and our pos-

^ terity Ever give thanks And pray for your prosperous Government.

Voted at a lea gel town meeting held in the Township of Tisbury by
the freeholders Inhabitants of said Tisbury this 21 day of march 1694.

forasmuch that our town Clark is at present from home The abvoe
written is signed by me PETER ROBINSON

Constable of Tisbury.^

This was one of Athearn's pet schemes, and had undeni-
able merit. It was an absurd situation for three small com-
munities, Tisbury, Chilmark, and the Gay Head region, to
exist as separate precincts, having altogether not over three
dozen white families in them, but it was against the policy
of Mayhew to permit disintegration of his political structure
and his family control of the wTst end through his manorial
privileges. Nothing came of this petition at this time. Later
in the year, on October 20th, Athearn thought to interest the
General Court in his project by drawing a map showing "how
the Hand of marthas vineyard is devided," and at the same
time adding further comments on the advantages of con-
- solidation. "Alreedy there ar Commission officers in the
milterry over the foote Cumpeny of tisbury and Chillmark,"
he wrote, and added, "its a rare thing to Acomplish any thing
without error: But if Major jNIayhew do deny the substanc
of what I here offer to be true I humbly pettition oppertunity
face to face to defend the truth above written." The two men
were at the General Court together, and the duel was continu-

^This vote is not on the town records, one of the portions probably lost. It was
certified by Robert Cathcart, as clerk, on May 3, 1694. (Mass. Archives, CXIII, 58.)

198

The Island under Puritan Control

ous. Athearn renewed his petition on the same day, in the
form of an endorsement on his map. It is worth reprinting
entire.

October the 20, 1694
I proposing to Major mayhew yesterday that Tisbury & Chilmark
might be made one for the better carrying on all publique affairs there &c
it being absolutely deny'd, moveth your suplycant humbly praying this
honorable house that an act might passe That all lands on the north side
of Chilmark & on the westerly of Chilmark including all the west end of
marthas vineyard be made payable in all publique tax & rats To the Town
of Tisbury: — if this be granted — Chilmark will soon petition to be one with
tisbury — if major mayhew object this I say it seems as Expedient as for
Chilmark to Jump over tisbury to Chikkemoo & to Jump over the Sound —
to Elzebeths lis — the end of this motion is to heal our being cut in peces,
and to reduce us all in to a competent Township to maintain the worship
of God & serve our King & Cuntry which is the prayer of your most humble
supplvcant

SIMON ATHEARN
major mayhew is only a Representative for Edgartown.^

The ?mswer to this petition was simple and to the point,
for it lacked one essential qualification, that "it takes two to
make a bargain." The General Court, on Oct. 23, said as
follows : —

In answer to the Petition of Mr Simon Athearn in the behalfe of
tisbury, voted that when the whole Town of Chilmark they desire may be
annext to them shall Request the same the Court may then consider of the
granting of the same: and as to his proposal to abaten of their Tax Rate
he not having yet made it appear that they are over Rated there can not
be any abatement yet made."

The reference to the abatement of taxes for Tisbury was
in response to continued complaints of Athearn that that town
was over taxed, as compared to Chilmark, or Tisbury Manor.
He had said to the General Court that the province levy "will
be very greevious to the pore of tisbury, and more espetialy
to my knowledge the most of them have not raised their bread
corn this present yeare." As he viewed the valuable farms
in the Manor of Tisbury, paying but nominal rates on ac-
count of the peculiar tenure of the land, he waxed hot and
indignant, "being senceable of the enequality." So when the
session was finished, Athearn returned home and prepared
himself for a campaign upon the lines indicated by the legisla-
ture. Continued defeats did not seem to discourage him.

'Mass. Archives, CVI, 94-6.
^Ibid., CXIII, 58.

199

History of Martha's Vineyard

The freeholders of his township were called to consider the
subject a month later, and passed the following vote: —

November the 21 day 1694 it is agreed and voted at a legal town meeting
that mr Simon Athern Thomas Look John Edy Joseph daggit & peter
Robinson are Chosen a Commity for the Town of tisbury for to draw up
a petition to the general assembly for an Easment of their tax and for
an addition of Lands unsetled to their township ^

In opposition to this, when the petition was given a hear-
ing before the committee of the General Court in the following
March (1694-5), Mayhew appeared and argued that Tisbury
was not overtaxed, and that her lands WTre undervalued.
Athearn answered this both before the council and the com-
mittees, and in writing in a petition drawn up for the con-
sideration of the General Court. By this time Phips had been
recalled to London for unsatisfactory conduct, similar to that
which we have already seen, and the document was addressed
to the deputy governor.^ From a perusal of the document,
it will be seen that the manorial system of land tenure was
at the bottom of the controversy about the inequality of the
tax rates. Aside from the objections to the manorial system
as a discredited institution, there arose an intensely practical
objection to its existence, as developed under the management
of the surviving lord of the manor.

This province had laid certain general levies upon the
towns for the support of the troops and other expenses grow-
ing out of the various expeditions against the French and
Indians, and these taxes were based upon the valuations of
lands. The lands in the manor being held by the lord and
rented out, the basis of valuation was made upon the rentals
produced, and as the greater part of these lands were leased
to the members of the Mayhew family, the rents were nominal,
or made so purposely, to depress the valuation for the as-
, sessors. It can readily be seen how this would work an in-
justice, especially where the judicial machinery remained
in the hands of the men who were perpetrating the scheme.
The following is the literal text of the petition presented by
Athearn : —

To the honerable Lentnt Governor & Council & Represenaties

assembled in Generall Court in Boston the 12 day of March 1694-5.

Your most humble petitioner, In most humble manner sheweth Being

desired by the freeholders of Tisbury on Marthas Vineyard, To move the

'Tisbury Records, p. 26.

^The occupant of the position at this time was WilUam Stoughton.

200

The Island under Puritan Control

consideration of theire most humble petition &c. And having much
debated the matter, before the honored Comitty, about the disproportion of
the province Taxes on marthas vineyard, major mayhew saying that Tisbury
had undervalued their Lands may be^ admier'd, seeing, that major mayhew
knoweth himself and his Breatherin only, did produce Leasees of their
farms Lett for about forty or fifty shillings by the year, of the which honest
Renters would give above Four times the value for by the year. To con-
sider that major mayhew his breatherin and kindred say their lands and
Estates is only in Edgertown & Chilmark or precincts, where those farms
was so let by Lease, one Brother to another & from the uncle to the Cousen
& from the cousen to the uncle. At length major penn Townsin made
sum Eaquell proposals, for the better satisfiing of the Inhabitants for the
futor &c.

And your humble supplicant prayeth the honnered house to pass an
Act, That There shall be six assessors Chosen, that is, two of Each Town
on marthas vineyard & under oath to take a Tru List of all Rateable persons
& Estates on marthas vineyard & precincts. And to make one assessment
on the whole observing the Law of apprisals of all Estates. And when the
dew proportion ariseing in each town is found and devided, the major
part agreeing. To deliver the assessment of each town or precincts to the
constable of each town to Colect the same. And this Act to take place for
the assessment of the province Tax to be payed in June 1695, — be a Rulle
for Raising all province taxis on the vineyard, for the futor. And that the
town of Tisbury bee enlarged by annexing the Lands & Inhabitants as
the humble petition prayeth — But if the honnered House would please To
make Tisbury & Chilmark & precincts, to be one Town or parrosh for the
better carrying on all publique affairs there (it might be much for our peace
And well being) for want of such an able settlement, our foundation is out of
fram, being in peces, what Can we doe, but praying your Aid, And for your
prosperous Government, Is the desier of your most humble suplycant.^

SIMON ATHEARN.

Indeed, the matter of taxation under the new govern-
ment was becommg a serious matter. When the island was
under the New York jurisdiction, the taxation was practically
limited to the quit-rents, as far as any other evidence is now
obtainable, and the change was felt very severely by the farmers
of Martha's Vineyard, as soon as the change occurred. Mas-
sachusetts had undergone great expenses in the recent wars,
and the ordinary disbursements for provincial accounts cur-
rent were much larger than in any other colony. In a total
levy of ;^io,ooo for New York, the two islands of Nantucket
and Martha's Vineyard would be assessed fifty pounds, while
by the act of June 17, 1696, the General Court of Massachu-
setts made a tax levy of ;,^3o,ooo, and "doomed" the Vine-
yard alone to pay ;^35o of the total amount. This was almost

^Manuscript mutilated.
^Mass. Arch., CXIII, iii.

201

History of Martha's Vineyard

confiscation in the minds of the people here, and Matthew
IMayhew, who that year again represented Edgartown and
Chilmark combined, was the medium for the transmission of
petitions for the abatement of taxes. Already they were in
arrears for rates levied since the union with Massachusetts.
He preferred the following petition for relief: —

To the honoured William Stoughton, Lft Gov'r, the honoured
Council and Assembly of the great and generall Court of the Mass-
achusetts Bay in New England: —

Matthew Mayhew of Marthas Vineyard representing the towns of
Edgartown and Chilmark on the said Marthas Vineyard humbly prayeth:

That whereas the inhabitants of the said Marthas Vineyard were by
an act passed in this great and generall Court doomed to pay the summe
of three hundred pounds as their proportion of a tax or assessment for
raising the summe of thirty thousand pounds to be raised in this province
and whereas the inhabitants of said Island Marthas Vineyard have prayed
that the said summe should not be collected for divers reasons therefore
offered: and whereas they humbly conceive that by reason of said doom
they have been estimated as more of estate lyeable to bear the charge of
the province then had their Estates been truly known would have been of
them demanded: — Therefore said Matthew Mayhev/ in behalf of said Is-
land prayeth that an act of this great and generall Court the summe of
three hundred pounds be remitted and they shall more chearfully pay the
severall summes now due demanded of them: all which your petitioner
humbly laying before this great and generall Court humbly prayeth for
and shall ever pray &c.

Your honours humble supplicant

MATTHEW MAYHEW

June 17th, 1696

In the House of Representatives:

Read: — Voted in answer to abovesaid petition that —

Marthas Vineyard be abated out of their proportion
Edgartown 65-0 of the ;,^3o,ooo Tax: all their former part of s'd Tax
Chilmark 42-10 with as much of the last part as will amount to two
Tisbury 42-10 hundred pounds (their whole porportion being three

hundred and fifty pound).
Read in Council June 17, 1696 and voted concurrance.^

This total amount of £sS^ had been assessed on the
three towns between Sept. 14, 1694, and June 17, 1696, of
which amount Edgartown was rated for £iS3, Tisbury and
Chilmark, each £g8. At the date mentioned in the petition,
Edgartown was in arrears £80, Tisbury ;^6o, and Chilmark
£31; and in the equalization of the arrearages Tisbury was

^Mass. Archives, XIII, 137.
202

The Island under Puritan Control

favored by the committee, at the expense of the Major's town,
and Simon Athearn could score a victory over his ancient
enemy/ But it was not a satisfactory situation for either side,
as the taxes were so much in excess of what they had previously
paid, that it touched the pockets as the well as sentiments
of the freeholders. Nantucket felt it equally burdensome,
and in September of the same year, its representative, James
Cofhn, joined with Matthew May hew in a petition for an
abatement of their entire allotment in the "thirty thousand
pound tax" and asked, in addition, an appropriation of fifty
pounds each for military purposes in erecting fortifications,
because of their exposed position on the coast, and their con-
stant necessities of maintaining defensive operations and
guards against the armed vessels of the French. The petition
was granted by the General Court, the abatement allowed, and
the sum asked for to be used in military works under the super-
vision of the commander of the forces.' During the three
years which followed before the close of the 17th century,
nothing of political note occurred worthy of mention.

Although maintaining an attitude of superficial allegiance
to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, Matthew Mayhew privately
wished for the return of the "good old times," when there was
no one to supervise his authority with effectiveness, when
lordships were to be had for the asking, and six barrells of
fish paid their rates, if he could remember to send a sloop
with them "to be delivered at the Bridge" in Manhattan,
once a year. When the Major thought of these things his
gorge rose within him, and not being a man hitherto sub-
jected to restraint in things temporal or spiritual, his choler
occasionally found vent in vigorous language. On one such
time, according to the testimony of Joseph Marion, when
conversation turned upon the provincial councillors of Massa-
chusetts, the Major broke forth, and said "if they did not
Repent of their unjust actions & extortions, their gray beards
would never go to their graves in peace & said they all de-
served to be kickt into the dock." Marion tried to calm the
excited chief justice, and "reproved him" for his uncivil
words. "Com, Com, Major," he said, "youl run into your
old strain, a dun with this discorc." But the Major was not

' In a letter to the Speaker of the House, dated June 6, 1697, Mayhew lost his
temper at the charges of Athearn that there was inequality of assessment in favor of
Edgartown, and offered " to pay back to them their whole assessment " out of his own
pocket if it should be so decided by the House. (Mass. Arch. LI 69).

^Mass. Archives, LXX, 298.

203

History of Martha's Vineyard

to be restrained. "The Government of this Country" he
continued, "is the worst government in the world," and in
his rage poured out such a torrent of contemptuous opinions
that his Hstener could not "remember the particular words
that he then spake, yet at other times he hath heard him
sayd Mayhew speak words to the same effect or worse re-
ferring to his Ma'tis Government in this Province." It was
not a day when such opinions could be uttered with impunity,
and the irate head of the house of Mayhew and Lord of the
Manor of Tisbury had to answer for this "freedom of speech."
He probably forgot that he was no longer in command of the
island kingdom, and could not do and say what he pleased.

"That in the captain's but a choleric word,
Which in the soldier is flat blasphemy."

204

Political History of the Vineyard, 1 700-1 900

CHAPTER XVIIL

Political History of the Vineyard, i 700-1900

By the opening of the i8th century, the poHtical relations
of the island to its new foster mother had become settled,
and the proprietary family gradually "came back to its own"
in the official control of its destinies. The beginning of this
century also marked the development of the Vineyard in
material wealth and increase of population. It had come to
be known as a part of Massachusetts now, and residents of
the "Bay" colony were more ready to seek homes here than
when it was under the distant jurisdiction of New York.
The deaths of Major Matthew Mayhew, in 1710, and of
Simon Athearn, in 171 5, removed from the arena of personal
and political strife the two great contestants for the mastery
of the island, and henceforth there was internal peace. There
was no one to take up the fallen lance so long held by Athearn,
and the sons and grandsons of the Major had none of his
choleric temperament or domineering methods. However,
they were none the less successful in obtaining the lucrative
and influential offices, as in 1718, for example, two of them
were appointed at one time justices of the Superior Court
and Court of Probate.

NEW YORK AGAIN ASSERTS HER CLAIMS.

A generation had grown up since the transfer of the is-
land from the jurisdiction of the province of New York, and
doubtless most of the residents of the Vineyard supposed that
province had abandoned all pretensions to material interests
on the island. They were suddenly awakened one day in
the year 1723, by a demand for the payment of the ancient
quit-rents due under the charters of 1671, granted by Love-
lace. That this was a startling demand can be readily under-
stood, and served as a reminder to the older generation of the
times when they used to send a few barrels of fish to New
York as tribute to the Duke's government — when they hap-
pened to remember it. The following documents were served
upon the officials of the Vineyard : —

205

History of Martha's Vineyard

Att a Council held att Fort Georges in New York
April the 19th, 1723.
Present: his Excelency William Burnit, Esqr.
Coll: Beekman Mr. Harison

Mr. Vandam Mr. Alexander

Mr. Barberie

Rip Vandam Esq'r Chairman of the Committee to whom was Refered
the memorial of Archibald Kennedy Esq'e Receiver Gen" of this Province
Setting forth that the owners or tenants in possession of the Severall Islands
belonging to this government in the Sound and to the Eastward of said
Island have for a long time delaid to pay the Quitt Rents reserved in their
Pattents and that he is Loath to Commence actions against them for the
Same without giving them Solem notis to pay them in, and praying an order
of this board to pay unto him their Quitt Rents that thereby they might save
themselves from Legal prosecutions Being Commenced against them for
the same, humbly reported to his Excellancy and this bord that an order
be granted according to the desire thereof:

ORDERED that notis to the owners and tenants of the several Islands
in memorial mentioned to pay in their Quitt Rents to the said Receiver
Gen" without further delay and that upon their neglect the said Receiver
Gen" will proceed against them by due course of Law for the Recovery of
the same which will be to them no small charge: and that the Clark of the
Council or his deputy do prepare Circular Letters to be sent to them.

By order of his Excelancy in Councill:

J. BOBINOR d.c. Council.'

Copies of this circular letter reached the hands of Paine
Mayhew in June of this year, and the effect was most dis-
turbing to the land-owners of the island, who had supposed
that the transfer of the sovereignty, in 1692, from New York
to Massachusetts had quieted all other claims dependent upon
acknowledgments of lordships. He at once communicated
the circular to the Massachusetts authorities, with the follow-
ing letter explanatory of the matter : —

May itt please your hon'rs

Yesterday came to my hand a pacquite of papers dyrected: On his
Maj's Service Loyal Inhabitants of Martins Vineyard holding Lands of
the Crown under the Government of New York: — and when I had opened
the papers I found a Letter as herein enclosed and three other papers of
the same tenure and date as the copy enclosed will show &c: — and least it
should be Construed some way or other to asert the affaires of the present
Constitution of government that we are now under I thought proper to

^Mass. Archives, IV, 88. It is difficult to understand how the New York
authorities fell into this technical error. Probably some one unfamiliar with the legal
history of the Province had instituted these proceedings.

206

Political History of the Vineyard, 1 700-1 900

send them to y'r hon'rs and if anything of that nature should be thought
I pray your hon'rs advice in the affaire.

And subscribe your hon'rs

most humble servant

PAIN MAYHEW
Marthas vineyard
June the loth, 1723.

post: we were formerly under New York Government and hold our grants
from thence under Certain Quit Rents but have paid none since we were
under the Massachusetts Government/

What answer the Massachusetts authorities made to May-
hew is not known, but it may be surmised that he was coun-
selled to take no further notice of the demands, as they were
in the nature of pretensions to jurisdiction, which had passed
from New York thirty years ago. But notices of this kind
act as clouds upon titles, and the freeholders of Edgartown,
who were always "loyal" to the New York authorities, while
they were under that jurisdiction, could not rest content to
let the matter go by default, so, after some months, a meeting
was held, Jan. 17, 1723-4, by those land-owners of the town
who felt that some settlement of these claims should be made.
Accordingly, they passed the following vote : —

Ajourned to the i8th Voted and Chose John Butler Jr. Agent to go to
New York, in order to represent them in the affair concerning the quit
rents as demanded by the government of said New York, as by the letters
lately received with reference thereto. And further to act and do all things
necessary in said affair.

And futher Voted the said John Butler shall have five Shillings a day,
for every day he shall expend in said affair: and to pay him for all the
copies that he shall bring from off the Records at said York.^

JOHN BUTLER ARRESTED IN NEW YORK.

In pursuance of their plan, John Butler, Junior, of Edgar-
town, repaired to New York to have a conference with the
authorities there over the situation, and taking advantage of
his presence in their jurisdiction, they arrested him, as a
preliminary to legal proceedings, looking to the recovery of
sundry barrels of "merchantable codfish," perhaps a hundred
in the total. It is not entirely understood, whether the New
York officials merely wanted the value of the "acknowledg-
ment," or used it as a technical method of reasserting their

'Mass. Archives, IV, 89.
^Edgartown Records, I, 130.

207

History of Martha's Vineyard

claims to jurisdiction over the Vineyard, which theyjnever
had formally waived, as we have seen. William Backman,"a
mariner of New York, has left us a statement of the expe-
riences of Butler, in his diplomatic mission to that city. He
states that Butler was "as an agent There for the Proprietary
of Edgar Town .... In order to settle and Adjust the Quitt
Rents .... and s'd Butler being Remanded into Custody
and kept by an officer under Command on account of the
Rents & services due from s'd Edgar Town to the Govern-
ment of New York." He further stated that Butler gave a
bond to Mr. Archibald Kennedy, Receiver General of New
York, and that he "had good reason to Judge that s'd Butler
was in a greate manner compelled to do it." How long John
Butler remained "in durance vile" is not known, but it is
probable that as all the facts were better known by the New
York authorities and the futility of their continued preten-
sions to Massachusetts territory was impressed upon them,
they gave up the pursuit of these arrears of rentals and ac-
knowledgments, and ever after nursed their grievances in
silence. It is stated in a contemporary history "that some
of the Freeholders of those Islands, (Nantucket, INIarthas
Vineyard and Elizabeth Islands), when occasionally in New
York, were arrested for the arrears of the general Quit-Rents
of these Islands," but beyond the occasion just cited the author
has not found the record of any other arrest for the purposes
stated.^

MICAJAH MAYHEW ASSERTS HIS LORDSHIP.

But this was not the final flicker of the old order of things.
The ghosts of the "quit rents" and "acknowledgments" were
followed by an equally anachronistic pretension — the at-
tempted revival of the ancient manorial privileges, as ap-
pertaining to the eldest line of descent from the first Lord of
the Manor of Martha's Vineyard. This was represented in
the person of Micajah Mayhew of Edgartown, the eldest
grandson of Major Matthew, who began to assert his "Lord-
ship" as early as 1730, and proceeded to lease out lands and
grant "rights" over that already in possession, as Lord of
the Manor of Martha's Vineyard.^ Thus no sooner were the
people recovered from the sight of the quit-rent ghost than

'Douglass, Sximmary, II, 236.
'Deeds, V, 121.

208

Political History of the Vineyard, 1 700-1 900.

their dreams were troubled by spectres of Lords of the Manor,
in jack boots and doublets, straddling their ridge poles and
haunting their broad acres. As an example of the effect this
situation had upon tenures and the fee of property, a clause
from a deed of the period may testify. It is a warranty deed
in which the grantor undertakes to defend the title "from
all & every excepting only what claim any of the family of
the Mayhews by Surname may Challenge."^ In Chilmark,
where this family was numerically strong and influential and
held to the traditions of their ancestral rights, there was ac-
quiescence in these pretensions, and the custom of paying
quit-rents was continued as late as 1732 by one of the family
to the Lord of the Manor of Tisbury.^ These acknowledg-
ments were trifling in value, a lamb, an ear of corn, a peck
of wheat, and the like annually, but aside from its annoyance
to the actual owners, it was effecting a perpetuation of a legal
and social solecism, repugnant to the sentiments of freemen
and democrats. For twenty years, however, this spectacle
was enacted by Micajah Mayhew, until in 1750 the men of
Tisbury, tired of the mummery, revolted and asserted their
independence of manorial and other lords in the following
decisive language : —

And for as much as Severall Persons have of Late assumed to Sett
up themselves as Lord Propriators in Opposition to the Ancient settled
constitution and Continued Practice in said Town to the Great Disturbance
and Disquietment of sd Town in their Ancient Peacable order:

Now therefore we the subscribers hereunto the Present Propriators
and Freeholders of all the Common & undivided Lands & Meadows Lying
within the Bounds of sd Tisbury as Derived from the ancient Inhabitants
being settled in sixteen Shares, are Determined to Assert Maintain uphold
and Pursue the settled order Rights & Priviledges to us belonging against
all the usurpers Pretenders underminers of the said settled order and Do
now Covenant agree & Ingage to and with Each other for the future Even
from & ever after the Date of these Presents to stand by Assist & uphold
Each other in the cost & charges that shall arise in or aboat their Rights
of Propriaty in sd Commons or undivided Lands or Meadows as aforesaid
According to Each Propriators Interest in all causes brought or that may
be brought for or against them by any Person or Persons whatsoever Pre-
tending to hold any of the sd Lands or meadows in any other way.^

This was subscribed by the shareholders representing
the several shares of the original. At a later meeting they

^Manter to Waldron, March 5, 1735. Deeds, VI, 81.

nUd., VI, 56.

'Tisbury Records, 132. Meeting was held April 3, 1751.

209

History of Martha's Vineyard

voted to employ "one or more Attorney or Attorneys" to act
with Jabez Athearn in the maintenance of their legal rights.
It is believed that Experience Mayhew also made some pre-
tensions to Lordship privileges over the Quansoo region
where he lived, as representing the line of John, its first pro-
prietor, of which a hint is found in the same town's proceed-
ings.^

Nothing further came of it. Experience died in 1758,
and two years later Micajah, the last of the Lords of the Manor,
was laid to rest with his ancient pretensions.

THE STALIP ACT.

The passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament in 1765,
by which the colonists were required to use stamps on all
legal documents and newspapers, ranging in value froln a
half-penny to ten pounds, aroused the people to a practically
unanimous resistance, and thus precipitated the campaign
against "taxation without representation," which had its
final arbitrament by the sword in the Revolutionary struggle.
Although Parliament repealed this obnoxious statute the next
year, yet it was followed bv another in 1767, imposing duties
on glass, paper, paints, and tea, the revenue from which was
to pay for the billeting of the king's troops in the country.
The people were in no better temper to accept this amended
form of taxation than before, and Samuel Adams accurately
expressed the sentiments of the colonists when he bound him-
self with others to "eat nothing, drink nothing, wear nothing"
imported from England.

Parliament again receded from its position, and removed
the duties from every article except tea, which was placed at
a nominal rate, not for the sake of revenue, but to maintain
the right of Parliament to impose taxes on the colonies.

News having reached Boston that two regiments were
on their way from Halifax for that city, and an officer having
been sent by General Gage from New York to provide quar-
ters for these troops, a town meeting was held Sept. 12,
and Governor Bernard was urgently asked to summon a new
General Court. Acting under instructions, the governor re-
fused. It was thereupon proposed to hold a convention in
Boston — "in consequence of prevailing apprehensions of a
war with France" — so they phrased the reason of calling the

'Tisbury Records, 130. Under date of 1749.
210

Political History of the Vineyard, 1 700-1 900.

convention, and the meeting advised, significantly enough,
all persons to provide themselves with firearms at the earliest
moment, and to observe a day of fasting and prayer. Dele-
gates from more than a hundred towns met accordingly on
the 2 2d of September, and petitioned the governor to sum-
mon a General Court. Bernard refused peremptorily, and
besides, denounced their meeting as treasonable. Disclaiming
all pretensions to political authority, the convention, after a
four days' session, agreed upon a petition to the king, and
sent a letter to the province agent in England, to defend
themselves against the charge of a rebellious spirit. "Such,"
says a historical writer, "was the first of those popular con-
ventions, destined within a few years to assume the whole
political authority of the colonies."* Chilmark was the only
town on the island to send a delegate to this, the first con-
vention of the people of the Commonwealth.

The following vote was passed at a town meeting held
Sept. 27, 1768: —

"Voted that Mr. Joseph Mayhew be the Person to join with the Con-
vention now Seting in Boston in order that such measures may be Consulted
and advised as his majestyes Service and the Peace and Safety of his Sub-
jects in this Province may require."

This was the first step in the dissolution of the bonds
that fastened the colonies to the home government.

LATER HISTQRY.

The political and general history of the Vineyard as a

whole, during the subsequent years, merit not much space

and but little reference to details. The special events of the

French and Indian wars, the Revolution and other military

matters, will be dealt with in a separate section. Henceforth,

its relations with Massachusetts were no different from that

' of any other integral part of the Commonwealth, and the

i legislation for it as a whole was of the ordinary character

L_found in the rest of the laws passed by the General Court.

It covers mainly enactments concerning the Indians, taxes,

excise, judicial arrangements, and the like, which will be

treated under their respective subjects. In a political sense

" it has no special annals of its own as distinct unto itself. At

the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1788, the county

^Bancroft, "History of the United States," II, 97.

211

History of Martha's Vineyard

had two delegates to the convention. In the poHtical divisions
of the state, the island was classed with Nantucket and Barn-
stable, under the State Constitution of 1780, forming one
senatorial district. This situation has existed ever since,
and in the one hundred and twenty years of the maintenance
of the Union, the Vineyard has furnished the senator in but
twenty-eight of them, or less than one quarter of the time.
The following is a list of the senators and other general offi-
cers who have represented the island in its political affairs
from 1780 to 1900: —

SENATORS.

The following named persons have served this county in
the State Senate for the district of which this island is a part,
since 1 780 : —

1784

Beriah Norton,

(E)

1848

Thomas Bradley, (T)

i787-8-(

) Matthew Mayhew

(C)

1852

Daniel Fisher, (E)

1793-4

William Jernegan,

(E)

1853

Benjamin Manter, (C)

1799

Benjamin Allen,

(T)

1855

Ivory H. Lucas. (E)

1801

Benjamin Allen,

(T)

1859-60

Ichabod N. Luce, (E)

1822

Jethro Daggett,

(E)

1871-2

Charles Bradley, (T)

1836

Leavitt Thaxter,

(E)

1884-5-6

Howes Norris, (C.C.)

1841-2

Thomas Bradley,

(T)

1895-6-7-^

) William A. Morse, (T)

1847

Leavitt Thaxter,

(E)

COUNCILLORS.

The following named persons have served this county as
members of the governor's council since 1780: —
1839 Leavitt Thaxter, (E)

1855-6 Daniel Davis, (E)

1863-4 Samuel Osborne, Jr., (E)

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

The following named persons have been elected as presi-
dential electors since the adoption of the Constitution : —
1804 John Davis, (T)

1858 John Vincent, (E)

1868 Richard L. Pease. (E)

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS.

Cornelius Dunham of Tisbury and William Mayhew of
Edgartown represented this County in the convention of 1 788.

Shubael Dunham of Tisbury and Thomas Cooke, Jr., of
Edgartown represented this County in the convention of 1820.

Alfred Norton of Tisbury, Horatio Warren Tilton of
Chilmark and Jeremiah Pease, Jr., of Edgartown represented
this County in the convention of 1853.

212

The Missionary Mayhews

CHAPTER XIX.

The Missionary Mayhews.

thomas mayhew, jr.

The first attempt to Christianize the natives of New
England took place on Martha's Vineyard, three years before
the famous "Apostle" Eliot began his work on the main land.
It would be perhaps more interesting, if we could say that
this initial essay of the younger Mayhew was undertaken with
any deliberate purpose; or that the emigration to the island
by the elder Mayhew from the settled portion of the country,
had in it any ulterior designs of evangelistic work. The rela-
tions with the natives, on the part of the son, were undoubt-
edly of a circumstantial nature, and the growth of his interest
in their religious development of an unpremeditated kind.
This need not minimize his credit in the least, as it cannot
lessen our admiration for the fine character of the labor he
performed in an unknown field. The beginning of his interest
in this sphere of usefulness is thus related by one who knew
the subject thoroughly, from original investigation, only a
short time after the events narrated, and his narrative will be
quoted at length : —

His English Flock being then but small, the Sphere was not large
enough for so bright a Star to move in. With great Compassion he beheld
the wretched Natives, who then were several thousands on those Islands,
perishing in utter Ignorance of the true god, and eternal Life, labouring
under strange Delusions, Inchantments, and panick Fears of Devils, whom
they most passionately worshipped.

He first endeavours to get acquainted with them, and then earnestly
applies himself to learn their Language. He treats them in a condescend-
ing and friendly manner. He denys himself, and does his utmost to ob-
ligue and help them. He takes all Occasions to insinuate and show the
sincere and tender Love and Goodwill he bare them; and as he grows
in their Acquaintance and Affection, he proceeds to express his great Con-
cern and Pity for their immortal Souls. He tells them of their deplorable
Condition under the Power of malicious Devils, who not only kept them
in Ignorance of those earthly good things, which might render their Lives
in this World much more comfortable, but of those also which might
bring them to eternal Happiness in the World to come; what a kind and
mighty God the English served, and how the Indians might happily come
into his Favour and Protection.

The first Indian that embraced the Motion of forsaking their false
Gods, and adoring the true one, was Hiacoomes, which was in the Year

213

History of Martha's Vineyard

1643; an Account of whom we therefore have in the first of the foregoing
Examples, This Indian living near the English Settlement, quickly grew
into an Acquaintance wuth them. And being a Man of a sober, thought-
ful, and ingenuous Spirit, he not only visited their Houses, but also their
publick and religious Meetings; at which time Mr. Mayhew took par-
ticular Notice of him, discoursed often with him, invited him to his House
every Lord's-day at Evening, gave him a clear Account of the Nature,
Reasonableness, and Importance of the Christian Faith, and quickly
brought him to a firm and resolute Adherence to it.

Mr. Mayhew having gained Hiacoomes, he first imploys him as a
faithful Instrument to prepare his Way to the rest of the Natives, in-
structing him more and more in this new Religion, showing him how to
recommend it to them, and answer all their Arguments and Objections
against it. And then in 1644, he proceeds to visit and discourse them
himself, carrying a greater and more irresistible Light and Evidence with
him. And whereas at first he could not hope to be heard in publick, he
therefore begins to instruct them in a more private way, sometimes going
to the Houses of those he esteemed most rational and well qualified, and
at other times treating with particular Persons.^

And as Mr. Mayhew endeavoured the Good of those Heathens, by
discoursing with as many as were willing to have any Conference with him
so with Hiacoomes in particular, whom he from time to time directed to
communicate the Knowledge received to those that Mr. Mayhew could not
so easily meet with. And thus they united their Counsels, and wrought
together, and by the Blessing of GOD soon gained som others.

But that which especially favoured the Progress of Religion among
them, was a universal Sickness, wherewith they were visited the following
Year;^ (1645) wherein it was observed by the Heathen Indians themselves,
that those who hearkene to Mr. Mayhew's pious Instructions did not
taste so deeply of it, and Hiacoomes and his Family in a manner nothing
at all. This put the Natives who lived within six Miles of the English,
upon serious Consideration about this Matter, being much affected, that
he who had professed the Christian Religion, and had thereby exposed
himself to much Reproach and Trouble, should receive more Blessings
than they: where upon Myoxeo the chief Man of that Place, and Towan-
quatick the Sagamore, (a sovereign Prince), with many others sent for
Hiacoomes to tell them what he knew of the God which the English wor-
shipped.

At this very Meeting, which was in 1646, Myoxeo was happily en-
lightened, and turned to chuse and acknowledge this God for his own;
and Towanquatick soon after, encouraged by some others, desired Mr.
Mayhew to give them a publick Meeting, to make known to them the
Word of GOD in their own Tongue: and, among other Incitements,
addressed him thus, — You shall be to us as one that stands by a running
River, filling many Vessels; even so shall you fill us with everlasting Knowl-
edge. So Mr. Mayhew undertook to give them a Meeting once a Month;

"'Some of them cotild not endure the light he brought;" wrote Mayhew, while
"some were more attentive to hear and more ready to follow the truth." (Whitfield,
♦'Light Appearing," p. 5.)

^Mayhew called it "a very strange disease," and "laid the cause of all their wants,
sickness, and death upon their departing from their old heathenish ways." (Ibid., p. 4.)

214

The Missionary Mayhews

but as soon as the first Exercise was over, they desired it oftener than
he well could attend: however, once a Fortnight was the settled Course;
and this was the first publick Audience among them, so from thence both
Mr. Mayhew on the Week-days Lecture, and Hiacoomes on the Sabbaths,
were constantly heard in publick as long as they lived/

A letter from the young missionary, the first which he
wrote upon the subject which has been preserved, will repay
perusal in full, to show how he expressed himself on the pro-
gress and methods at this time. It was written in the late
fall of 1647, three years after the conversion of Hiacoomes: —

Sir: The encouragements I have met withall touching the Indians
conversion, next unto God's glory, and his gracious promises, was the
notable reason, judgment, and capacitie that God hath given unto many of
them, as also their zealous enquiry after true happi-
ness, together with the knowledge I had of their J^!:^^5;^''!''ifi!.';
r • 1 11 -1 1 • 1 1 1 J irom UapawacK

tongue, besides several! providences which had ad- Novem. 18 1647.

vantaged my progresse therein, as for instance: —

1. There was one lesogat, about 60 years of age, who was sick of a
consuming disease, inasmuch as the Indian Paw-

wawes, gave him over for a dead man : — Upon gm-^ ^s cure by
which resolution of all the Pawwawees in the Island, devillish sorcery and
the sick distressed Heathen upon a Lord's day came to whom the devil
unto mee, (the rest of the English being present), to appears sometimes,
desire me to pray unto God for him: And when I

had, by reasoning with him, convinced him of the weaknesse and wicked-
nesse of the Pawwawees power; and that if health were to be found, it
must be had from him that gave life and health and all things; I recom-
mended this case unto the Lord, whereof he rejoyced, gave me thanks,
and he speedily recovered unto his former strength.

2. In this present year, 1647, the eldest sonne of one Pakapanessue,
a great Sagamore of the Island, being very sick, took occasion to send for
me to come unto him: and when I came unto him, I found him not more
weak in body, than strong in earnest desire that I should pray unto God
for him; so I instructed him and prayed for him: And when I had ended,
of his own accord he spake these words: — Taubot mannit null quant
Covinj^ viz: I thank thee God, — I am heavy to sleep; and so I left hold-
ing forth good affections: — But shortly after he was changed altogether,
and contrary to the perswasion of other Indians, of severall Townes,
sought unto witches. The Heathen seeing this, they forsook the wigwam,^
saying. We leave the house for the Devill, and them that would tarry;
this newse being brought to me, I much marvailled at,

yet sent him this message, viz. Tell Saul, (for the sick

man was by the English so called,) that when I was with '^luh^^'^lf"^ ^°

him, I thought, as I then told him, that be would live,

because he sought for life unto the living God, where if

any where it was to be found; but tell him now, that I think he will dye.

I also added the example of Ahaziah, who because he had the knowledge

'Rev. Thomas Prince, in " Indian Converts," 280-292.

^The last word is a misprint for koneu, meaning, he sleeps. The letter was printed
in London, and the spelling of Algonguian words was not an art at that time.

History of Martha's Vineyard

of the great God, and sought the inferiour God, God was angry with him,
and killed with him: And so for that this Saul was informed of the true
God, and is fallen from him to the earthen gods here below; that God
will kill him also; and so it shortly came to passe.

3. Not long after a Sagamore,^ called Towanquattick, had his eldest
Sonne whose name is Sachachanhno, very sick of a Feaver; this young
man sent for to come unto him, and when I came his father
*A Prince or ^^^ himself desired me to pray for him, the which I did in
ruler amongst their owne language, and promised to come againe unto him
them. shortly if he mended not, and use some other means also for

his recovery; when I came again unto him, I found him very
ill, asked him (together with his friends) whether they were willing I
should let him blood? acquainting them that we used so to do in such
cases. After some consideration, they consented thereto, notwithstanding
the Pawaws had told them before, that he should dye, because he sought
not unto them; so I bound his arme, and with my Pen-knife let him blood,
he bled freely, but was exceeding faint, which made the Heathen very sad,
but in a short time, he began to be very cheerfull, whereat they much
rejoyced, &c. So I left them, and it pleased the Lord the man was in a
short time after very well.

In these Providences, the Lord has manifested both mercy and judg-
ment, and it is, that he may raise up the Tabernacle of David, that is
fallen, and close up the breaches thereof, and raise up its ruines, and
build it as in days of old, that they may preserve the covenant of Edom,
and all of the Heathen, which are called by name, saith the Lord that
doeth this.

But I pray you take notice of a speech of Towanquattick, (being the
father of the young man recovered), who lamented the losse of his knowl-
ege, said unto me,2 That a long time agon, they had wise men,
'an Indian "^hich in a grave manner taught the people knowlege, but they
Speech wor- are dead, and their wisdome is buried with them: and now men
thy of con- lead a giddy life in ignorance, till they are white headed, and
siaeration. though ripe in years, yet they go without wisdome unto their
graves. He also told me that he wondered the English could
be almost thirty years in the Country, and the Indians fools still, but he
hoped the time of knowledge was now to come; wherefore himself, with
others desired me to give them an Indian meeting, to make known the
word of God unto them in their own tongue. And when he came to me
to accomplish his desire thereabouts, he told me I should be to them, as one
that stands by a running River, filling many vessels;^ even so
' The better should I fill them with everlasting knowledge. So I undertook
sort of them to give them a meeting once a moneth; but as soon as the
^^^h 1 u ^^"^^ exercise was ended, they desired it oftener than I could

pression af- ^'^^^ attend, but once a fortnight is our settled course. This
feet in g to I present to your consideration, entreating you to present us
speak Par- unto the Lord for wisdome to preach unto the Heathen the
^^^^' unsearchable riches of Christ, so that the root of lesse stand-

ing for an Ensigne of the people, the Gentiles may seek unto
it, and his rest shall be glorious. Amen.

Yours in the best Bond, Tho: Mayhew, junior.

Great Harbour on the Vineyard 18 of the 9, 1647.^

'Glorious Progress of the Gospel, etc., London, 1649.
216

The Missionary Mayhews

These tactics employed by the young missionary were
very clever in their conception, and successful in their execu-
tion. He was pitting his skill in medicine against the crude
methods of the Pawwaws, and he could combine the religious
with the scientific to the ^advantage of his new theology. By
his own admission he s4ved one of the sick men by blood-
letting, while the other who died was given up because he had
not forsaken completely the Pawwaws. It was a case where
Mayhew could win eitheY way, but we will not be too critical
of his methods, for he was trying a new field, never cultivated
before, and it was, perhaps, allowable for him to resort to a
little subterfuge to arouse his subjects to the idea that these
''medicine men" were but little better than sorcerers, without
common knowledge of the diseases they professed to treat.
It was doubtless the quickest way to gain a standing amongst
them, for the curing of disease w^as the most revered of quali-
ties in their Pawwaws. Upon this point the author of the
account of the beginnings of the missions, which has been
quoted already, says : —

However, Mr. Mayhew here met with three very great Obstacles: for,
(i) Many strongly stood for their own Meetings, Ways, and Customs, as
being in their account more advantageous and agreeable than ours, wherein
they have nothing but talking and praying, and this in a manner too still
and sober for them. (2). Others alledged that the Sagamores were gen-
erally against the new Way. But the (3.) and greatest of all was, how
they should come off from the Pawaws. This was the strongest Cord
that bound them; for the Pawaws, by their diabolical Sorceries, kept
them in the most slavish Fear and Subjection to them

The Sagamore Towanquatick was exceeding malign 'd by them, and
in 1647 his Life was villanously attempted for his favouring the Christian
Religion: but his great Deliverance, with a due Reflection on the Villany
the rather confirmed him in it, and inflamed him with the more active
Zeal to espouse and assert it; and the Meeting went on to the Joy of
some Indians, and the Envy of the rest, who derided and scoffed at those
who attended the Lecture, and blasphemed the God whom they worshipped,
which very much damped the Spirits of some for a time in his Ways, and
hindered others from looking towards them. But Towanquatick and Hia-
coomes were inspired with a wonderful Courage and Constancy: And in
the following Year (1647) had a general Meeting of all that were inclined
for Christianity to confirm and assist one another in their abiding by it.

This Assembly was held in Mr. Mayhew''s Presence, and therein he
tells us, that twelve of the young Men went and took Sacochanimo, Towan-
qnatick's eldest Son, by the Hand, telling him, They loved him, and would
go with him in GOD's Way; and the elder Men encouraged them, and
deseired them never to forget these Promises. And so after they had eaten,
and sang part of a Psalm in their own Language, and Mr. Mayhew had

217

History of Martha's Vineyard

prayed, they returned home with Expressions of great Joy and Thank-
fulness.

The next Year (1648) there was a greater Convention, wherein was a
Mixt Muhitude, both of Infidel and Christian Indians, and those who were
in doubt of Christianity; but Mr. Mayhew it seems was not now present.
In this Assembly the dreadful Power of the Pawaws was publickly de-
bated, many asserting their Power to hurt and kill, and alledging numerous
Instances that were evident and undoubted among them: and then some
asking aloud Who is there that does not fear them? others reply'd, There
is not a Man that does not. Upon which Hiacoomes breaks forth, and
boldly declares, that tho the Pawaws might hurt those that feared them,
yet he believed and trusted in the GREAT GOD of Heaven and Earth,
and therefore all the Pawaws together could do him no Harm, and he feared
them not. At which they all exceedingly wondred, and expected some
dreadful thing to befal him; but observing he remained unhurt, they
began to esteem him happy in being delivered from their terrible Power.
Several of the Assembly declared they now believed in the same God too,
and would be afraid of the Pawaws no more: and desired Hiacoomes
to tell them what this GREAT GOD would have them to do, and what
were the things that offended him; he immediately fell to Preaching and
Prayer, and by a rare and happy Invention he readily discovered and
mentioned forty five or fifty sorts of Sins committed among them, and as
many contrary Duties neglected; which so amazed them and touched their
Consciences, that at the End of the Meeting there were twenty two Indians
who resolved against those Evils, and to walk with GOD, and attend his
Word, among whom was Momonequem, a Son of one of the principal
Indians, who some time after became a Preacher.^

Of him the missionary speaks with special interest, as
one whose conversion was of great value to his cause. He
was a son of Annomantooque, one of the principal Indians
of Gay Head, but his mother was a squaw of Nunnepog and
there dwelt Momanequem at this time. He publicly confessed
to "about twenty of his own sins, and professed to follow the
one God against all opposition." He stated that he was con-
verted to the new belief by Hiacoomes, but the missionary
thought it was "from more than a natural Principle, consid-
ering that the Man hath been since an earnest Seeker of more
Light, both publicly and privately; for that he also refused
the Help of a Pawwaw who lived within two Bow-shot of his
door, when his wife was in three Days in Travail, and waited
patiently on God till they obtained a merciful Deliverance
by Prayer." Momanequem became the first Indian preacher
in Nashawakemmuck, and, in 165 1, went to Boston with
young Mayhew, where he was interviewed by the Rev. John
Wilson, pastor of the First Church in that town. Wilson
describes him as "a grave and solemn Man, with whom I

^Prince, ut supra.
218

The Missionary Mayhews

had serious Discourse, Mr. Mayhew being present as Inter-
preter between us."^

At this time the work was progressing slowly but surely,
and young Mayhew was making no mistakes. As is usual in
conditions of this sort, the number of conversions was greater
among the women than among the men, although they were
"not known by open entrance into Covenant as the men, but
are now near it." wrote Mayhew of the events of the year
1649. The Pawwaws "died hard," and continued to obstruct
the meetings. The missionary tells of the conversion of one
who "was sent at first about two or three months before by
one of the greatest Pawawes upon the Island to learn and spy
what was done at the meetings and carry him word." ^

" Truth from his Hps prevail'd with double sway,
And fools who came to scoff remain'd to pray."

The reception of these letters in England, sent out by
Mayhew, Eliot, and others, descriptive of the novel work
undertaken in this new field of religious endeavor, awakened
great interest among the clergy and laity at home, and appeals
for the support of such labors upon a definite basis were met
by the liberal contributions of the merchants and well-to-do
classes. At first, these contributions were individual in char-
acter, but as the reports continued to show satisfactory results
the patrons of the work, after a conference, decided that it
was of such probable magnitude, considering the future, that
it would be wiser to unite their forces into an established body
to manage the business economically and properly, with in-
telligent supervision. The printed tracts, already quoted,
made known to the public the character of the work, and so
impressed was the "Long Parliament" with the importance
of the subject that on July 27, 1649, an ordinance was passed,
establishing "A Corporation for the Promoting and Propa-
gating the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England," consisting
of a president, treasurer, and fourteen assistants, to be called
"the President and Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in New England." A general collection throughout England
and Wales, made by direction of Cromwell, produced nearly
;^i 2,000, the greater part of which was invested in real estate

'Mayhew, Indian Converts, 12-13.

'Light Appearing, etc., 13. An early example of the saying that those "who
came to scoff, remained to pray."

219

History of Martha's Vineyard

as a permanent asset. ^ The commissioners of the United
Colonies on this side were made the agents for the manage-
ment of the practical affairs, distribution of the funds, etc.,
and from this time forth the work of Mayhew was under the
patronage of this historic society. He was paid an annual
salary, and further allotments were made to this mission for
books, material, and other miscellaneous objects, tending to
the "encouragement" of the converts. Meanwhile, the work
was progressing here, and the benevolent at home were in
receipt of reports made by Mayhew and his friends.

The narrator of the progress of events continues his
annals thus : —

And now in 1650, comes on the critical Point of the Credit and Power
of the Pawaws among them: for Hiacoomes thus openly renouncing and
protesting against the false Gods he had worshipped, with all the Pawaws
their familiar Ministers; and with an amazing Courage, despising and
defying their Power, the Pawaws were greatly enrag'd, and threatened his
utter Destruction; but to their own and their Peoples Surprize and Con-
fusion, were unable to hurt him.

Mr. Mayhew improves the Advantage, and redoubles his Diligence,
is incessant in his pious Endeavour: And now, while many are in doubt
of their way, he offers to show them the right one; he spares not his Body
either by Day or by Night: He readily travels and lodges in their smoky
Wigwams; when he usually spends a great part of the Night in relating
the antient Stories of GOD in the Scriptures, which were very surprizing
and entertaining to them, and in other Discourse which he conceives most
proper.

He proposes such things to their Consideration which he thinks firstly
requisite: he fairly solves their subtle Objections, and tells them they
might plainly see, it was purely in good will to them, from whom he could
expect no Reward, that he spent so much time and Pains, and endured
so much Cold and Wet, Fatigue and Trouble.

But as GOD was pleased to animate, uphold and preserve him, so
also quickly to give a growing Success to his painful Labours.

For soon after, an Indian standing up at the Lecture, confessed his
Sins, declared his Repentance and Desire to forsake them, and to go in
GOD's way; and then going to Towanquatick, took him by the Hand;
and in his native Simplicity said, / love you, and do greatly desire to go
along with you for GOD's sake: the same he said to some others; and
then coming to Mr. Mayhew he said, / pray you to love me, and I do love
you, and desire to go with you for GOD's sake; upon which they received
him with Gladness of Heart. After this, there came five Men more;
and by the End of the Summer, there were thirty nine Indian Men of this

^" There is a corporation sitting formerly at Cooper's Hall commonly one Sat-
terdayes from 9 to 10 o'clock for the Business. Hugh Peeters confessed of sixty
thousand pounds, and the last yeare they said they had purchased land to about ;£iooo
per ann: but shnmk to 700;^ now." Edward Godfrey, in Colonial Papers, P. R. O.,
XX, 19 (1660).

220

The Missionary Mayhews

Meeting, who had not only the Knowledge of the main Points of Religion,
and professed their Belief of them, but had also solemnly entered into a
Covenant to live agreeably to them: Besides the well-instructed and be-
lieving Women, who were supposed to exceed the number of the Men,
tho they had not yet entered the Covenant.

Mr. Mayhew's way in Publick now is, by a Lecture every Fortnight,
where to both Men, Women and Children come; and first he plays, then
preaches, then catechizes, then sings a Psalm, and all in their own Lan-
guage. After Sermon, he generally spends more time than in the Sermon
it self, in a more familiar Reasoning with them. And every Saturday
Morning, he confers with Hiacoomes more privately about his subject
matter of preaching to the Natives on both the Parts of the following
Day; Mr. Mayhew directing him in the choice of his Text, and in the
Management of it.

About this time, viz. the Efid of the Summer, (1650) the Rev. Mr.
Henry Whit-field, Pastor of the Church at Guildford New England, in his
Voyage to Boston, in order to his Return to England, happened to put in
at the Vineyard and to stay there ten Days.

There he tells us, he found a small Plantation, and an English Church
gathered, whereof this Mr. Mayhew was Pastor; that he had attained a
good Understanding in the Indian Tongue, could speak it well, and had
laid the first Foundations of the Knowledge of CHRIST among the Natives
there, by preaching, &c.

Mr. Whitfield attends Mr. Mayhew to a more private Indian Meeting,
and the next Day to the Indian Lecture, where Mr. Mayhew preached;
and then catechiz'd the Indian Children, who answered readily and mod-
estly in the Principles of Religion; some of them answering in English,
and others in the Indian Tongue:

Thus — Mr. Whitfield — But quickly after he left Mr. Mayhew, there
happened a thing which amaz'd the whole Island, and turned to the great
and speedy Advancement of the Christian Religion.

For it pleased GOD, who had drawn the Indians from the Pawaws
to worship himself, whereat the Pawaws were greatly offended; yet now
to persuade even two of themselves to run after those who fought him,
and desire they might also go with them in the ways of that God whose
name is JEHOVAH. They came very deeply convinced of the Sins they
had liv'd in, and especially Pawawing; revealing the diabolical Mysteries,
and expressing the utmost Repentance and Detestation of them; intreating
that GOD would have Mercy upon them, pardon their Sins, and teach
them his Ways, for CHRIST JESUS his sake. And very affecting it was
to Mr, Mayhew and all who were present, to see these poor naked Sons
of Adam, and Slaves to the Devil from the Birth, to come towards the Lord
as they did, with their Joints shaking and their Bowels trembling; their
Spirits troubled, and their Voices with much Fervency uttering Words of
sore Displeasure against Sin and Satan, which they had embraced from
their Childhood with great Delight. And now accounting it also their
Sin that they had not the Knowledge of GOD, that they had served the
Devil, the great Enemy both of GOD and Man, and had been so hurtful
in their Lives; but yet being very thankful that thro' the Mercy of GOD
they had an Opportunity to be delivered out of their dangerous Condition.

221

History of Martha's Vineyard

The Christian Indians exceedingly rejoic'd to see the Pawaws begin
to turn from their wicked Ways to the Lord; and in a Httle time after,
on a Lecture-Da-Y, at the close of the Exercise, there were several more of
the Natives who expressed their Desire to become the Servants of the
MOST HIGH GOD; among whom was Teqiianomin, another Pawaw of
great esteem and very notorious. And now indeed both the common
Indians, and the Pawaws themselves, began to observe and confess, that
since the Gospel had been preached to them, the Pawaws had been very
much foil'd in their diabolical Essays; and instead of curing as formerly,
they now had rather killed many.

At the same time there came pressing in about fifty Indians more in
one Day, desiring to join with the Worshippers of GOD in his service,
confessing their Sins; some — those actual ones they had liv'd in, and
others — the Naughtiness of their Hearts: Desiring to be made better;
and for this end, to attend on the Word of God, and looking only to CHRIST
for Salvation. And upon occasion, Mr. Mayhew observes that they gen-
erally came in by Families; the Parents also bringing their Children with
them saying, I have brought my Children too, I would have my Children
serve God with ns, I desire that this son and this daughter may worship
JEHOVAH. And if they could but speak, their Parents would have them
say something to show their Willingness to serve the LORD: and when
the Commandments were repeated, they all acknowledged them to be good,
and made choice of JEHOVAH to be their God, promising by his Help
to walk according to his Counsels, And when they were received by those
that were before in the General Covenant, it was by loud Voices, giving
Thanks to GOD that they were met together in the ways of JEHOVAH.
This was all before the End of the Year 1650.^

We have seen, by the testimony of contemporaries, that
the work done by young Mayhew was not advertised by him
for the applause it might bring or the material advantages
exploited for his benefit. When Whitfield visited the island
in 1650, he said of the missionary, "I could get but little from
him" in relation to his needs or the needs of the mission.
Consequently the "New^ England Society," as it came to be
called, did not immediately learn of the extent of the work
carried on here. It is not until late in 165 1 that we have the
first intimations that the society had any knowledge or interest
in the Vineyard mission, as shown by the following letter : —

New-haven Sep: 12: 165 1.
Sir: —

Wee have heard of the blessing God hath bestowed on youer labours
in the Gospel amongst the poore Indians and desire with thankfulness to
take notice of the same, and from the appearance of these first fruits to
bee stirred up to seeke unto and waite upon the lord of the harvist that
hee would send more labourers with the former and latter showers of his
sperit that good corn may abundantly Spring up and this barren Wildemes

^Prince, ut supra.
222

The Missionary Mayhews

become a frutfuU feild yea the garden of God: and that wee might not
bee wanting in the trust committed to us for the furtherance and incor-
ragement of this worke wee thought good to let you understand ther is
paid by the Corporacon in London ;^3o for part of Mr Gennors Hbrarye
and as they informe us a Catalogue of the bookes sent over (which is for
youer encoragement). Wee hope you have Received or els desire you
would looke after them from Mr Eliott, or any other that may have them:
or if ther bee any eror wee desire to heare itt: there are some houes and
hatchetts sent over for the Indians encorragement of which youer Indians
may have pt if you think meet, and bee pleased to give them a note to
Mr Rawson of Boston of what shalbe needful for theire use, especially
those that may bee most willing to laboure: wee alsoe are informed there
is an £ioo given by 'some of Exeter towards this worke of which some pt
to youer selfe, but know not the quantitie: wee should bee glad to heare
how the work of God goes on amongst them with you that soe wee might
enforme the Corporation in England, and have our harts more inlarged to
God for them, soe with our best Respects wee Rest

Your very frends &c.^

In a letter written to the Rev. Henry Whitfield, author
of the tract entitled "The Light Appearing, &c." young May-
hew, under date of ''Great Harbour, uppon the Vineyard,
October i6th, 1651," makes the following statements concern-
ing the progress of his missionary work since the last report : —

And now through the mercy of God, there are an hundred and ninetie
nine men women and children that have professed themselves to be wor-
shippers of the great and ever living God. There are now two meetings
kept every Lord's day, the one three miles, the other about eight miles
off my house. Hiacoomes teacheth twice a day at the nearest, and Mum-
aneqiiem accordingly at the farthest; the last day of the week they come
unto me to be informed touching the subject they are to handle. ^

This winter I intend, if the Lord will, to set up a school to teach the
Indians to read viz. the children, and also any young men that are willing
to learne.^

The location of the meetings can only be conjectural,
as it is not probable that a building for the use of the converts
had been erected as early as that. Three miles from the house
of the elder Mayhew would take us in a radius either to Katama,
Felix Neck, or the shore of the Great Herring Pond, and the
author inclines to the latter location as the probable place
where stood the "Rock on a descending Ground, upon which

'Records, Commissioners of United Colonies, I, 205.

^Whitfield, "Strength out of Weaknesse," etc., pub. in London in 1652.

' " On Jan. 11, 165 1-2, Mr. Mayhew fit up a school to teach the natives to read,
viz., the children, and any young men who were willing to learn, whereof they were
very glad. And as quickly there came in about thirty Indian children; he found them
apt to learn; and more and more were coming every day." (Thomas Prince, " Indian
Converts, " p. 289.)

223

History of Martha's Vineyard

he used sometimes to stand and preach," and it is further
conclusive that the meetings were open-air assemblies, during
the propitious weather season. The meeting held eight miles
off takes us directly to the present village of West Tisbury,
and it is possible that the "school-house," so often mentioned
in the early records of Tisbury, may have been a rude struc-
ture used for this purpose, as well as for the instruction of
the Indian youth in the English language. The location of
this meeting cannot be more accurately determined. Ex-
perience Mayhew says that INlomanequem preached in Nasho-
wakemmuck, perhaps meaning close to the boundary line.
The annals of the missions continue to record the progress
of events as follows : —

In the Spring of the Year 1652, the Indians, of their own accord
made a Motion to Mr. Mayhew, that they might have some Method set-
tled among them for the Exercise of Order and Discipline, that so they
might be obhged to live in a due Subjection to the Laws of GOD; whereto
they desired to enter into a Covenant: they desired him also to inform
them what were the Punishments which GOD had appointed for those
who brake his Laws, to which they were also willing to subject themselves;
and that they might have some Men chosen among them, with his Father
and himself, to see that the Indians walked in an orderly manner; en-
couraging those who did so, and dealing with those who did not, according
to the Word of GOD.

In order to this, a Day of Fasting and Prayer was appointed to re-
pent of their Sins, and seek the divine Presence and Help; and another
shortly after, to finish the Work. Being then assembled together, some
Indians spoke for their Excitation, and about ten or twelve of them prayed,
as Mr. Mayhew describes it, not with a set form like Children, but like
Men indued with the good Measure 0} the Knowledge of GOD, their own
Wants and the Wants of others, with much Affection, and many spiritual
Petitions favouring of an heavenly Mind.

The same Morning Mr. Mayhew drew up an excellent Covenant in
their native Language, which he often read and made plain to them: and
they all with free Consent and Thankfulness united in it, and desired the
Grace and Help of GOD to keep it faithfully; which were it not for mak-
ing this Account too large, I should have here inserted.^ And Mr. Mayhew
observed, that when they chose their Rulers, they made choice of sech as
were best approved for Piety, and most like to suppress all Wickedness,
and encourage Goodness; and that afterwards were they upon all Oc-
casions forward to show their earnest Desire of the same.

In short, by the end of October 1652, there were two hundred eighty
two Indians, not counting young Children in the number, who were brought
to renounce their false Gods, Devils and Pawaws, and publickly, in set
meetings, before many Witnesses, had freely disclaimed and defied their

'See letter of Thomas Mayhew, Jr., dated Oct. 22, 1652, printed in "Tears of
Repentance." (London, 1653.)

224

The Missionary Mayhews

tyrannical Power; yea, eight of their Pawaws had now forsaken their
diabolical Craft, and profitable Trade, as they held it, to turn into the
ways of GOD. And as not any of these were compelled thereto by Power,
so neither were they allured by Gifts, having received none from the very
Beginning.^

When Thomas Mayhew the younger began to be a salaried
missionary of the society is not definitely known, but from the
following letter it would appear that it was not until 1654
that such a relation was established. Undoubtedly, he had
been in receipt of irregular gratuities for some time, as con-
tributions permitted. This communication from the com-
missioners of the United Colonies, dated Sept. 18, 1654, gives
us some interesting particulars of the way in which the busi-
ness was handled by them : —

Mr. Mahew:

Wee have Received youer large letter of the i6th of the sixt 1654
and not to trouble you or our selves with any long preface you may take
notice wee have Considered the Contents therof and doe Rejoyce att the
Information you give us of the Blessing of God upon youer labours among
those poor barberous people upon the Island Etc : and theire dayly coming
in to Imbrace the Gospell of Christ: which wee are willing to hope (att
least for many of them), that it is in Cincerirtie and truly for the love
of Christ himselve and not for loves and it is our prayer and earnest de-
sire that the great expectations of the people of God concerning this greate
worke may not bee frustrated or in any measure disappointed: as for our
selves we are most Reddy and willing according to the trust comitted to
us to doe what wee may to promote and Incurrage the same: and all
such meet Instruments as laboure therein and therefor have agreed to
allow youer selfe for youer pains and laboure this yeare the sume of forty
pounds: and for a Scoolmaster and one or two meet persons (as there
need may require), to teach the Rest, the summe of tenn pounds a peece
p annum: Beginning from this time, as alsoe that tenn p more be comitted
to you to dispose to sicke weake and well deserving Indians which wee
desire may bee frugally Improved and an account thereof (as of what
ever else you Receive to bestow upon the Indians), bee sent to the next
meeting of the Commissioners: And for the meeting house which you
desire to be built for the Indians though wee Conceive another form lesse
Chargeable and of lesse Capacitie then you propound bee sufficient which
wee leave to youer further Consideration: and such advice as you may
take upon the place: yett wee shall allow upon that account the som of
forty pounds, in Iron worke, Nayles, Glasse and such other pay as in our
Agents hands, expecting the Indians should Improve theire labours to
finish the same as they did at Naticke: and wheras wee are Informed
that a Boat is necessasry and yett wanting for the safe passage of youer
selfe and Indians betwixt the Island and the mayne wee have allowed
eight pounds for that and desiring it may be carefully preserved and Im-
ployed onely for the service Intended, and nott att the pleasure of the

'Prince, ut supra.

225

History of Martha's Vineyard

Indians Etc: upon other ocations. Wee desire you would be slow in
withdrawing Indian professors from paying accustomed tribute and per-
forming other lawful! services unto theire Sagamores, till you have seri-
ously Considered and advised with the Majestrates and Elders of Naigh-
bouring CoUonies least the passage and spreading of the Gospell bee
hindred thereby. Soe wee Rest,

Your loving frends.^

These grants amounted in the total to ;^i28, or an equiva-
lent in the value of money to-day of about $2,500, of which
the missionary received what would represent now a salary
of $1,000 per annum. It is probable that no single person
on the Vineyard was in receipt of so much actual money as
this in the course of a year. This sum was allowed the next
year to Mr. Mayhew, but at the next annual meeting of the
commissioners, in September, 1656, his salary was increased
to £50 per annum. At this meeting we first meet with the
name of Peter Folger, who appears upon the payroll at £2,0
yearly as "Imployed by Mr. Mayhew." There were two
Indian interpreters, Hiacoomes and Pannuppaqua, who were
to be paid ten pounds each for their services.^ This appar-
ently constituted his staff, of which Folger probably acted as
schoolmaster to the native youth, and the two Indians acted
as preachers probably. That Hiacoomes did is well known,
but the name of his associate does not appear among the
"Godly Ministers" or "Good Men" in Experience Mayhew's
"Indian Converts," at least under his Algonquian title. At
the same time Mayhew was continuing his good work, and
increasing his flock of catechumens for development in the
new theology which he had brought for their acceptance.
Each day and month lessened the strength and influence of
the Pawwaws. On this Prince says: —

Indeed the Natives in general observed to their wonder, that the
Christians were all along exempted from being hurt by the Pawaws; even
some of the Heathen Pawaws themselves at length came to own, that they
could not make their Power to seize upon a Christian: and those who
were yet Enemies to the Christian Indians, could not but acknowledge
that the Blessing of Heaven was in an eminent manner among them.

Continuing, the annalist summarizing the results of
Mayhew's work at this period says: —

Thus this worthy Gentleman continued his almost inexpressible La-
bour, and vigilant Care for the Good of the Indians, whom he justly es-

'Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 123.
^Ibid., II, 141, 163, 167.

226

The Missionary Mayhews

teemed his Joy and Crown. And GOD was pleased to give such a vic-
torious Succese to his painful and unwearied Labours, that by the year
1657, there were many hundred Men and Women added to the Christian
Society, of such as might truly be said to be holy in their Conversation;
and for Knowledge, such as needed not to be taught the first Principles
of the Oracles of GOD: besides the many hundreds of looser and more
superficial Professors.

In this year, at the annual meeting of the commissioners,
the same salary was voted for Mayhew, but the pay of ''an
English Scoolmaster Imployed by him," (Peter Folger), was
reduced ten pounds, and this sum was granted to "Mr May-
hew Seni'r," but the purpose is not stated. The two native
preachers and interpreters were continued at the old rate.
By this time the mission work had been in existence about
fourteen years, and it was so far successful and well-systema-
tized with assistants who could carry on the work well under
his guidance. At this time matters of a family and personal
character, connected with the patrimony of his wife's brother,
Thomas Paine, in England, demanded attention, and it was
considered necessary that they should go over to the estates
left to young Paine and settle his affairs permanently. May-
hew requested leave of absence in 1656 for this purpose, but
the commissioners told him that they were "assured that a
worke of higher consideration would suffer much by his soe
long absence advised him to send som other man."^ Mayhew
listened to their advice, and agreed to postpone the trip to a
more convenient time. It was delayed a year, but after the
annual meeting of the commissioners this year (1657), he was
allowed to go. His intention was, naturally, to combine this
personal business with his own public labors, and he arranged
his plans so as "to give a more particular Account of the State
of the Indians than he could well do by Letters, and to pursue
the most proper Measures for the further Advancement of
Religion among them." To add a touch of realism to this
part of his journey, he decided to take with him one of the
converts, as a living evidence of the power of the Gospel of
Christ. He chose a son of Miohqsoo, who was a preacher,
and had been brought up by him in his own house. His in-
tended departure with this young native caused the greatest
interest and excitement among the people of his flock. His
own projected absence was mourned in advance. It was said
of them "that they could not easily bear his absence so far as

'Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 165.

227

History of Martha's Vineyard

Boston, before they longed for his return." He arranged a
farewell meeting of his faithful followers, and the legend is
that he went to the most distant assembly of them, probably
in Taakemmy or Nashowakemmuck, where he held a service
of worship and song, accompanied with a parting injunction
to them to be steadfast in his absence. His journey towards
the east end of the island became almost a triumphal pro-
cession. They refused to consider this a farewell, and followed
him homewards till he came to a spot on the "Old Mill Path,"
since known in song and story as the "Place on the Way-side,"
where by this time had gathered hundreds of others in an-
ticipation of his return to meet with them. Here a great com-
bined service was held, and the simple children of this flock
heard their beloved shepherd give a blessing to them and say
the last sad farewells to them individually and as a congrega-
tion. It was a solemn occasion, long held in memory by all
who participated. He made his departure from Boston in
the month of November, with his two companions, says
Gookin, "in the best of two ships then bound for London,
whereof one James Garrett was master. The other ship
whereof John Pierse was commander, I went passenger therein.^
Mr. Garrett's ship which was about four hundred tons had
good accommodations greater far than the other: and shee
had aboard her a very rich lading of goods, but most especially
of passengers, about fifty in number; whereof divers of them
were persons of great worth and virtue, both men and women ;
especially Mr. Mayhew, Mr. Davis, Mr. Ince, and Mr. Pelham,
all scholars and masters of arts, as I take it, most of them."^
When this ship cleared the white receding shores of Cap Cod
in her outward voyage, and headed for the green pastures of
Old England, it was the last seen of this fine vessel and her
distinguished passengers. It was never known what disaster
overtook her, but it only came to be known that she was long
and then longer overdue, while her companion ship had
reached her destination. Some great ocean cataclysm en-
gulfed her, and she foundered in storm or collision with an
iceberg. It must have been an awful and perhaps inspiring
scene, as she carried with her to the chilling waters of the

^Gookin "intended and resolved to pass in that ship: but the master who some-
times had been employed by me and from whom I expected a common courtesy,
carried it something unkindly, as I conceived, about my accommodation of a cabin;
which was an occasion to divert me to the other ship, where I also had good accom-
modation, and my life preserved, as the sequel proved."

^Gookin, " Description of the New England Indians,'' 201.

228

The Missionary Mayhews

great deep these precious lives of beloved fathers, husbands,
and brothers. Doubtless Thomas Mayhew could say in that
supreme moment, like Sir Humphrey Gilbert: "It is as near
to Heaven by sea as by land." Weeks and months passed
by without tidings of Master Garrett, and hope gave way to
fear, then to despair, as the time lengthened out. Even as
late as August, 1658, nearly a year after, the disconsolate old
governor wrote, "I cannot yett give my sonnes over." There
was still hope that they might have been captured by Spanish
or Algerian pirates, and carried to the shores of the Mediter-
ranean. But it was not to be. This young Christian warrior
was to be the first of the hundreds of Vineyard men to perish
"at sea."

Contemporary writers, diarists, correspondents, and others,
all refer to the loss of Thomas Mayhew, Junior, with appre-
ciative words. Morton says: "Amongst many considerable
passengers there went Mr. Thomas Mayhew, jun., of Martin's
Vineyard, who was a very precious man. He was well skilled,
and had attained to a great proficiency in the Indian language,
and had a great propensity upon his spirit to promote God's
glory in their conversion; whose labors God blessed for the
doing of much good amongst them; in which respect he was
very much missed amongst them, as also in reference unto the
preaching of God's word amongst the English there. The
loss of him was very great. "^ The commissioners of the
United Colonies refer to his loss, "which att present seemeth
to be almost Irrepairable,"^ and his fellow worker, the "Apos-
tle" Eliot, said: "The Lord has given us this amazing blow,
to take away my Brother Mayhew."^

The "Place on the Way-side," mentioned as the spot
"where he solemnly and affectionately took his leave of that
poor and beloved People of his," became in the minds of the
Indians a sort of hallowed spot. It was the last place asso-
ciated in their thoughts with their lost shepherd, and it is
stated that the ground where he stood "was for all that Gen-
eration remembered with sorrow." It is a part of the leg-
endary lore of this spot, that no Indian passed by it without
casting a stone into a heap that, by their custom, had thus
grown like a cairn, in remembrance of him, to be a great
monument to this sad event in their lives. The attachment

'New England's Memorial.

'Records, Commissioners of United Colonies.

^Letter dated Dec. 8, 1658, published in London, 1659.

229

History of Martha's Vineyard

must have been genuine, for we are told by an authority that,
"for many Years after his departure, he was seldom named
without Tears." It is one of the historic places on the island
which has been suitably made a permanent memorial by the
Martha's Vineyard Chapter, Daughters of the American Revo-
lution, of Edgartown, who, on July 27, 1901, dedicated a
bronze tablet, set in a large boulder, placed on top of the stone
pile above referred to. The boulder was brought from Gay
Head, by descendants of the "poor and beloved" natives who
raised the foundations when passing by in generations since
gone. The tablet bears the following inscription : —

THIS ROCK MARKS THE "PLACE ON THE WAYSIDE"
WHERE THE

REV. THOMAS MAYHEW, JR.,

SON OF GOV. MAYHEW,
FIRST PASTOR OF THE CHURCH OF CHRIST ON MARTHA'S

VINEYARD,
AND THE FIRST MISSIONARY TO THE INDIANS OF NEW

ENGLAND,
SOLEMNLY AND AFFECTIONATELY TOOK LEAVE OF THE

INDIANS,
WHO, IN LARGE NUMBERS, HAD FOLLOWED HIM DOWN

FROM THE WESTERN PART OF THE ISLAND,

BEING HIS LAST WORSHIP AND INTERVIEW WITH THEM

BEFORE EMBARKING FOR ENGLAND IN 1657,

FROM WHENCE HE NEVER RETURNED

NO TIDINGS EVER COMING FROM THE SHIP OR ITS

PASSENGERS.

IN LOVING REMEMBRANCE OF HIM

THOSE INDIANS RAISED THIS PILE OF STONES, 1657-

1901.

ERECTED BY THE MARTHA'S VINEYARD

CHAPTER,

DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

THE LAND GIVEN FOR THIS PURPOSE BY CAPTAIN

BENJAMIN COFFIN CROMWELL, OF

TISBURY ;

THE BOULDER BROUGHT FROM GAY^ HEAD, A GIFT

FROM THE NOW RESIDENT INDIANS.

TABLET PURCHASED WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MAY'-

HEW'S DESCENDANTS.

Historical remarks relating to the subject of the memorial
were made at the unveiling by Miss Harriet M. Pease and
Dr. Charles E. Banks, and greetings from an Indian deacon

230

The Missionary Mayhews

of the present church at Gay Head made a fitting close to the
interesting exercises, conducted by Mrs. Warren, the Regent
of the Chapter.

The relative amount of funds allowed to the younger
Mayhew, as compared to that given elsev^^here, became the
subject of hostile criticism, as the facts were made public.
It has been seen what salary was allowed to him, and the
other gratuities annually voted for his assistants. It may be
com.pared with that allowed to other workers elsewhere.
Eliot received £50 per annum from 1656-1662, but the al-
lowances to his assistants exceeded the amounts given to
others. The total outlay of the society in 1658 was ;^520, of
which sum less than one-fifth was appropriated for Vineyard
workers.^

The elder Mayhew complained to the commissioners of
the scanty sums given for this island. "When I consider the
great somes given," he wrote to Governor Winthrop in 1658,
''and that one maine cause of it was this work; and judging
'twas given as one maine end for the comfort of those that
began it, & were now uppon it, I say that they in the first
place should be liberally provided for."^ Samuel Maverick,
of Boston, in a written description of New England, thus
refers to the matter : —

Almost South some what Westerly from Billingsgate is Natuckett Is-
land on which many Indians live and about ten leagues west from it is
Martines Vinyard, whereon many Indians live, and also English. In this
Island by Gods blissing on the Labour, care and paines of the two May-
hews, father and sonn, the Indians are more civilized then anywhere else
which is a step to Christianity, and many of them have attained to a greate
measure of knowledge, and is hoped in a short time some of them may
with joy & Comfort be received into the Bossome of the Church, The
younger of those Mayhews was drowned comeing for England three yeares
since, and the Father goes on with the worke, Although (as I under-
stand) they have had a small share of those vast sumes given for this use
and purpose of the Revenues of it It were good to enquire how it hath
been disposed of I know in some measure or at least suspect the bus-
sines hath not been rightly carryed.^

Governor Edward Godfrey of the Province of Maine, who
was in England at the time of the Restoration, makes a mys-
terious allusion to the subject in one of his indictments against
the influences which controlled Massachusetts affairs: "I

^Records, Commissioners of United Colonies, II, 167, 1S9, 205.

h Mass. Hist. See. Coll., VII, 34.

'Egerton Mss., 2395 (British Museum), ff. 397-411.

2.^1

History of Martha's Vineyard

have endeavoured," he says, "to screw into the Great Benevo-
lences that have been so pubhcly knowne to propagate the
Gospell in New England .... there is a snake in the weeds. "^
It is interesting to observe the assertion of Thomas May-
hew, the elder, that "one maine cause of it (the collection of
funds for evangelizing the natives) was this work," begun by
his son. He had received, according to the elder Mayhew,
;£i6o in all, besides his books, during the fourteen years of
his labors. "The work was followed by him," says the father,
"when twas bare with him for foode and rayment, and then
indeede there was nothing in sight any waies but Gods prom-
ises."^

THOMAS MAYHEW, SENIOR.

The work of converting the Indians to Christianity, when
the young missionary left for England, was placed under the
supervision of the father, while the same corps of assistants
remained to follow out the plans laid out by their lost leader.
The father was no stranger to this class of labor, though he
was busy with the civil and material concerns of the island
colony. In his anxiety for its proper continuance, as the long
absence of the missionary became too great for hope of his
return, he wrote to the commissioners about the future: "I
thought good to certifye you that this ten yeares I have con-
stantly stood ready to atend the work of God here amongst
the Indians. Verry much time I have spent & made many
Journies, and beene at verry much trouble and cost in my
house, and I have reseved one yeare 20 li. and the last yeare
ten pounds. It is more" he adds, "then when I entred on
it I did expecte. Methinks that which I have had is verry
little. Truely if I were now to be hired to doe ass much
yearely as I have donne, thirtie pounds per annum, & more
to, would not doe it."^ It was indeed a difficult place to fill,
requiring peculiar qualifications, a knowledge of the Indian
character, and more than all this, an ability to speak their
tongue. This the elder Mayhew had to the fullest extent.
"His place as Patentee and chief Ruler," says Prince in a
sketch of his life, "obliged him not only to a frequent Con-
verse with the Natives, but also to learn so much of their
Language as was needful to understand and discourse with

'Colonial Papers, P. R. O., XX, 19.
\ Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 34.
^Ibid.

232

The Missionary Mayhews

them."^ But he realized that he was nearly three score and
ten years of age, and that a younger man was needed to carry
on the work. He suggested to the commissioners that either
Rev. John Higginson or Rev. Abraham Pierson be urged to
take up the fallen burden, and bear it along the paths blazed
by his son. The commissioners responded: —

You may assure youer selfe that wee will use all Dilligence to make
a supply as the Lord may direct us: wee shall according to your advise
move Mr. John Higginson and Mr. Pierson, but we greatly feare wee
shall not prevaile unlesse the Lord strongly sett in to pswade them.

But Mayhew would not be discouraged, and wrote to one
of the members: —

If my Sonne be gonne to heaven, I shall press very hard upon Mr.
Higginson to come here, as I have written to the commisioners.

Meanwhile, the work was going on under the old staff,
with the aged magistrate directing the details. This was
what the commissioners in reality wished to bring about: —

Wee thinke that God doth call for youer more then ordinery Assis-
tance in this Worke, and are very well pleased that youer sperit is soe
farr Inclined therunto: and desire you may persevere therein.

Mayhew was solicitous for the welfare of the young widow
with her three sons and three daughters, left without means
of support. He asked that the society give her aid on account
of the services of the deceased missionary, and that it "find a
way to keepe two of the sonnes at schoole."^ Mrs. Mayhew,
Junior, attended the annual meeting of the commissioners in
September, 1658, and laid her case before them personally,
and they gave her an allowance of twenty pounds "in con-
sideration of her husbands paines and labours amongst the
Indians," and wrote the father that "youer Daughter Mayhew
was also with us and hath received such Incurragement from
us as wee thought we might adventure to bestow : but shal bee
very free to doe further as the Corporation shall advise."*
At this same meeting, the following grants, in addition, were
made : —

To Mr. Thomas Mayhew senr for his paines in teaching and

instructing the Indians this year to September 1658 20 00 00

To Thomas and James two Indians Interpreters and school
masters that Instruct the Indians att Martins Vineyards
each ten pounds 20 00 00

'Indian Converts, 297.

'4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 34.

'Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 205.

History of Martha's Vineyard

To Peter Folgure English scoolmaster that teacheth the Indians

and Instructs them on Lords day 25 00 00

To Mrs. Bland for healpfulnes in Phisicke and Chirurgery att

Martins Vineyards* 02 00 00

The usual allowances for Hiacoomes were made in addi-
tion to the above grants, and the commissioners wrote: "wee
hope god will afford strength who hath given you a hart for
this great worke." It was indeed a great work, and one which
ought to have engaged the energies of a much younger man,
but none came forward to fill the vacant chair. The salary
offered was not sufficient for the purpose of attracting anyone
not having his heart in the task. "I pray take it for granted,
if such employment as mine amongst the Indians be not to be
considered, or verry little, I hope I shall sattisfie my sellfe
whether the call of God by the Indians, which is still continued
by them verry lately expressing themselves to that purpose."
In these words he placed the matter squarely before the com-
missioners, and went about his w^ork. The misgivings in the
old man's mind over all these conflicting circumstances are
told by the pastor of the Old South Church, Boston, in lan-
guage that reflects accurately what passed therein, and his
words are quoted at length : —

He sees no Probability of obtaining so sufficient a Salary as might
invite a regular Minister to engage in the Indian Service; he has little
or no Hopes of finding any of the Spirit of his deceased Son, to bear the
Burden attending, and at this time of Necessity to be undergone, with a
Prospect of more than could well be expected, to encourage to so toil-
some a Work; he considers, that his excellent Son had spent his Strength,
and yet rejoiced in the midst of these many Aches, Pains and Distempers,
contracted by his often lodging on their hard Matts, in their exposed Wig-
wams, and enduring wet and cold, in Faith of God's accepting and pros-
pering him in that painful Work, whereto he could see no earthly Ad-
vantage that might rationally move or encourage him. The pious Father
concludes that this was all of GOD, and not merely of Man: and when
he looked on the Indians, he could not bear to think that the Work so
hopefully begun, and so far advanced by his Son, should now expire with
him also.

In the Consideration of these things, an holy Zeal for the Glory of
God, and a most compassionate Charity for the Souls of this bereaved
and perishing People, kindle up in his Breast. They raise him above
all those Ceremonies and petty Forms and Distinctions that lay in the
Way, and which he accounted as nothing in competition with their eternal
Salvation: and he therefore resolves to do his utmost, both to preserve
this most important Work, and to carry it on under all external Difficul-
ties and Discouragements.

He determines frequently to visit and encourage this poor People.
He goes once every Week to some of their plantations. At so advanced

* Records, Commissioners of the United States, II, 205.

The Missionary Mayhews

an Age he sets himself with unwearied Diligense to perfect himself in
their Difficult Language; and tho a Governour, yet is not ashamed to
become a Preacher among them. And his Heart was so exceedingly en-
gaged in the Service, that he spared no Pains nor Fatigues, at so great
an Age therein; sometimes travelling on Foot nigh twenty Miles thro'
the Woods, to preach and visit, when there was no English House near
to lodge at, in his absence from home.^

Very little can be added to this clearly limned picture of
this new missionary, as he took up the burden dropped by
the younger man when no one else arose to fill the vacant
chair.

By the end of the next summer, before the annual meeting
of the commissioners, the elder Mayhew addressed a letter
to his friend, Governor John Winthrop, Jr., of Connecticut,
giving him an explanation of the situation up to that time.
Omitting the formal portions, the abstract follows: —

I have ever borne the greatest burthen touchinge this worke when
my Sonne was here, hardly ever free, and I have through mercye taught
them this year, and doe still goe on, and the Lord hath strengthened me
much of late, beyond my expectation. I am sorry that the Commissioners
did not send some trustye & considerable person to see how things are
carried on here. ]\ir. Browne of Seacunck, ere he went for England,
wrote me he would come on purpose to sattisfie himsellfe about these
Indians, whoe had, as I perceived, many doubts of them & all the rest.
I understand there is little or noe hopes of Mr. Pierson. I am still of
this mind, that a man will fitt the church here, & the Indians allsoe, is
abundantly most convenient : though he hath little or noe Indian languadge,
he will soon attaine it, with the hellpes that are here now: I have wrote
the Commissioners I can clearly make knowne to them by an interpreter,
what I know mysellfe. I do speake to them sometimes about an hoiu"e.
I ask sometimes where they understand: they say yes: and I know they
doe, for in generall I really know they understand me, but sometimes I
dount mysellfe & then I ask. Notwithstandinge this, I desire, if it may
be, a sollid man & a scholler for both works. If not, for the present the
Indians are comfortably supplied. If I should be taken by death, here
is hellpe that the schoolmaster who hath some languadge,^ and my sonne
Doggett^ that hath I think much more than any English man uppon the
Island, and is a considerable young man : & of the Commissioners I much
desire, if I come not, that touching the business that the Commissioners
of the Bay may have some power granted to consider with me & deter-
mine what they shall see good grounds for. I resolve, if God will, for to
goe thither before the meeting next year, either before winter or at Springe.

You may be pleased to tell the Commissioners that I say & tis true
that I have great neede to have what may be justly comminge to me for
this worke to supply my wants.*

'Indian Converts, 298.

^Peter Folger was the schoolmaster.

^Thomas Daggett, his son-in-law.

*4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 36. Letter dated Aug. 29, 1659.

235

History of Martha's Vineyard

At the annual meeting of the commissioners, held in Sep-
tember, 1659, the following allowances were made by them
for the work on the Vineyard : —

Imprimis to Mr Thomas Mahew for his paines in teaching and

Instructing the Indians at Marthis vinyards, 30 00 00

To Peter Folger, an EngUsh schoolmaster there, 20 00 00

To four Indian Teachers there, one ten pounds, the other three

five pounds apiece ^ 25 00 00

Among the plans which the new incumbent devised for
the improvement of the natives was an advanced education
at some of the schools in or around Boston, with perhaps a
collegiate course for such as should prove fit to receive it.
The commissioners were evidently doubtful of the expediency
of this idea, and wrote him in somewhat of a cautionary tone:
"Conserning the Indian boys you do speake of sending wee
desire that they should bee well entered, that is fitt for the
accidence before they come hither." By this last phrase was
meant, prepared for teaching in the grammar. The plan
was not immediately ' adopted. The accounts of the com-
missioners for the next year contain the following items : —

To Mr Thomas Mahew for Teaching and Instructing the In-
dians att the Vineyard for this yeare (1660), 30 00 00

To Peter Folger a Teacher and Scoolmaster to the Indians

there, 20 00 00

To Hiacoomes an Indian Scoolmaster and Teacher of them on

the Lords day, 10 00 00

To seaven other Indian Teachers comended to us by Mr.Mahew

that are healpful in Teaching others,^ 17 10 00

The advancement of the work along natural lines seemed
to the new helmsman to be in the direction of making these
many converts into one church organization, formed like the
churches of the English, and he determined to try the experi-
ment. Accordingly, he arranged for the regular ceremonies
incident to such affairs, and sent invitations to Gov. Thomas
Prence of Plymouth, "and several others, but they came not,"
the old missionary says, "but the English on the island and
several strangers of divers places present did well approve of
them."^ It is presumed that the formation of this "church"
was not regarded as complete according to the rules of Con-
gregational bodies. It is probable that Hiacoomes was pastor.

'Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 218.
^Ibid.

'Letter, Thomas May hew to Daniel Gookin, dated Sept. i, 1674. Rev. John
Cotton said this church was "gathered," but had no "officers."

236

The Missionary Mayhews

Among the other plans for the continuance of the work
was the education of the eldest son of the deceased missionary,
young Matthew, preparatory to his following in the footsteps
of his father. Accordingly, he was sent to school in Cam-
bridge, in order that he might be liberally educated, and pro-
ceed further in a collegiate course when he grew older. We
see his name in the accounts of the commissioners for 1659,
for the first time. The "Indian boyes" also appear in the
accounts for the year 1661, which are here given, showing
many grants to the work on the island, aggregating ;^2ii, or
an equivalent of about $5000 in the money of the present
day. It is evident that the criticisms of the public as to dis-
criminations against the island missions had been of some
effect.

To Mr Thomas Mayhew of the Vineyards for his sallary 30 00 00

More for his extreordinary paines charge and trouble the

time past among the Indians there 10 00 00

To 8 Indian scoolmasters and Teachers of the Indians there,
viz: — To Sacomas, Memeekeen, Takanah, Kisquick,
Samuel, Manaso, James and Annawanett 30 00 00

To Wheele Cards and Cotton woole to Imploy the Indian
weemen att the Vinyards to bee kept as a comon stock for
them 10 00 GO

To Mistris Mayhew the Relicte of Mr. Thomas Mahew for her
Incurragement and support

To Fisenden of Cambridge for the Diet of Mathew Mahew

To Peter Folger a Teacher att the Vineyard

To Mistris Bland for her paines care and Phisicke for the In-
dians att the Vineyard for the yeare and to satisfy her for
what was short of her expectation and expence the last
yeare

To Mr. Danforth of Cambridge for the Diett and clothing of
4 Indian Scollors for one yeare ending att October nexte
att 15 lb a piece

To the clothing of Mathew Mayhew for the yeare past

To wood for the scoole

To Mr Mahew that hee distributed to well deserving Indians

To severall books delivered to the Indian scollars and Matthew
Mahew as by accounts appears

To clothing an Indian att his first coming

To Mr Corlett for teaching 4 Indians and Mathew Mahew ^

At this time the natives of Gay Head, who were nearer
the influences of their chiefs on the main land, had "obsti-
nately" refused to have aught to do with the religion of the
English. For about twenty years they had resisted all ap-

'Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 261.

History of Martha's Vineyard

proaches on the subject, and now the old missionary turned
his energies towards bringing them into the fold. His biog-
rapher says that he did not "content himself with the Progress
which his son had happily made before him, but indefatigably
labours for a further Advancement." This was the only spot
on the island where heathen rites were still carried on, and he
wished to clean the board entirely. So he began with the
Sachem Mittark about this time, and got him interested in
the subject through his native teachers. Meanwhile the other
work was going on as before. The missionary-magistrate
"ordinarily preached to some of their Assemblies one Day
every Week," and from the narration of the general character
of his work heretofore quoted, we may conclude that he fully
earned the pay allowed him by the society. The records of
the commissioners for the two following years contain these
items relating to the Vineyard : —

September lo, 1662.

To Mr Mahew of Martins Vinyard his sallary for a year past 30 00 00
To eight Indian Scoolmasters att Martins Vinyard, viz: —
lacoms, Mamnachesen, Tacanash, Kesquish, Samuel
Nacasco, James and Annawamett. 30 00 00

September 3, 1663.

To Mr Thomas Mahew att the Vineyard his sallary 30 00 00

To eight Indian Teachers and Scoolmasters att the Vinyard ^ 30 00 00

One of the Indian "boyes" sent from the Vineyard, upon
the recommendation of the new missionary, was a son of the
Sachem of Homes Hole, and he had by this time so far pro-
gressed in his studies, that he was entered as a student at
Harvard College, and was making excellent improvement,
passing his examinations satisfactorily. Other students were
now sent.^

In 1664, the accounts show that the salary of Mr. Mayhew
was increased to forty pounds, and that the eight schoolmasters
continued to be carried on the payroll of the society. It is
apparent that the compensation paid to the principal persons
in the employ of the society depended on the available funds

'Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 277, 296.

^At this meeting of the Commissioners it was ordered "that the severall of those
Indians scoUars att Mr. Welds bee Removed to the gramer Scoole att Cambridge att
the expiration of this yeare and hee is alowed to take another youth now sent from
Martins Vineyard that came to him about the 9th of this Instant (September)."
(Ibid., II, 280.)

238

The Missionary Mayhews

from time to time, and not upon any stipulated rate/ At this
juncture, Rev. John Cotton had received and accepted a call
to the English church society of Edgartown, and had become
interested in the work of Christianizing the natives. En-
couraged by Mr. Mayhew, he set about to learn the language
spoken by the island tribes. "He hired an Indian after the
rate of Twelve pence per day for Fifty days to teach him the
Indian Tongue," says his nephew, Cotton Mather, "but his
Kjiavish Tutor having received his Whole Pay too soon, ran
away before Twenty Days were out; however in this time he
had profited so far that he could quickly preach unto the
Natives."^ Thus he became a welcome assistant to the old
missionary, and gradually fitted himself for the special duties
of such a position in case of need.

In 1666, Mittark, the Sachem of Gay Head, who had
been attending the mission meetings at Nunpaug for the past
three years, during a temporary residence there, embraced the
new religion and, returning to his home, began preaching to
his people, and they followed him into the church of the Puri-
tans, thus completing the work of evangelization upon the
island among all the sachemships. It was the final great
result of the labors of the aged missionary.

The accounts of the commissioners for the year 1666 are
not extant. In 1667, the name of John Cotton appears for
the first time as recipient of a salary of thirty pounds for
preaching to the Indians, and his wife was paid ten pounds
"for Phisicke and Surgery" among them. At this same meet-
ing, September, 1667, Mr. Mayhew was allowed thirty pounds,
the same as Mr. Cotton; there were nine Indian "scool-
masters" this year who received thirty- two pounds, and five
pounds were voted to Matthew Mayhew, who was being edu-
cated to take his grandfather's place.* This year also wit-
nessed the last appearance of the new assistant, Mr. Cotton,
on the rolls of the society. He quarrelled with Mayhew and,
having received urgent calls to go to Plymouth, he thought
best to sever his connections with those who could not get
along with him. The cause of the trouble is not known.
The situation was a delicate one, considering all the circum-
stances. Matthew was ostensibly preparing for the work,

^Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 317.

^He left some valuable notes on the Indian grammar which his son Josiah ex-
tended, and they are now in existence.

'Records, Commissioners, etc., II, 330.

History of Martha's Vineyard

under the guidance of his grandfather, at the expense of the
society, and it is probable that Mr. Cotton found that the old
missionary was not the easiest master to serve. The young
minister undoubtedly had "ideas" which were not approved
by the elder man, and the future being uncertain, discords
resulted. Both carried their grievances to the commissioners,
and the following record of it appears in their proceedings : —

Mr. John Cotton appeered before the Commissioners and was seri-
ously spoken too To Compose those allianations between him and Mr.
Mahew: other wise it was signified to him that the Commissioners could
not expect good by theire laboure whereas by their mutuall Contensions
and Invictives one against the other they undid what they taught the
Natives.

Mr. Cotton told them that he had received "sundry calles"
to go to other places, and "he was left to his libertie to dispose
of himself e as the Lord should Guid him."^ He finally went
to Plymouth, where he continued the work of preaching to
the Indians of that locality.

"When I lived at the Vineyard, (1665-1667)," says Rev.
John Cotton, "the praying towns were Chappaquidgick, Nash-
amoiess, Sengekontaket, Taakiminy, Nashuakemmuck (and)
Talhanio." This last name is an undoubted misreading for
some locality not now known in that form. The word is not
Algonquian, and without the original text before us it must pass
as printed. As no mention is made of Christiantown, where
a "praying town" had been granted several years before this,
we may suppose that Onkokemmy may be intended. Thus
matters went on with such satisfaction for the next few years
that in 1670 the growth had been so steady, and the converts
had proven so staunch in the new faith, that Mr. Mayhew
made arrangements to perfect the tentative organization of
1659, and give the Indian church full powers under the Con-
gregational orders. Prince the annalist says : —

The Day appointed being come, which was August 22, 1670, an
Indian Church was compleatly formed and organized, to the Satisfaction
of the English Church, and other religious People on the Island, who had
Advantage of many Years Acquaintance, and sufhcient Experience of
their Qualifications. At this Solemnity it seems the famous Mr. Eliot
was also present; for in a Letter of September 20, 1670, published the
Year after at London, in a Tract entituled, A brief Narative of the Prog-
ress of the Gospel among the Indians in New-England, i^i the Year 1670,
he gives an Account of the State of the Natives under the Hands of this

240

The Missionary Mayhews

Mr. Mayhew, and tells us, "That passing over to the Vineyard,^ many
were added to the Church of that Place, both Men and Women, and
were all of them baptized, and their Children also with them; and that
the Church was desirous to have chosen Mr. Mayhew for their Pastor,
but he waved it, conceiving that in his present Capacity, he has greater
Advantages to stand their Friend, and do them Good, to save them from
the Hands of such as would bereave them of their Lands, &c. But they
should always have his Counsel Instruction, and Management in all their
Ecclesiastical Affairs, as they hitherto had; that he would die in this
Service of CHRIST. "'

The Apostle Eliot came, as the leading light in the mis-
sionary firmament, together with Mr. Cotton, the former
preacher here, and by them together with the aid of Mr.
Mayhew the regular rites were administered. "We did at
first receive them," says Mayhew, "they renouncing heathen-
ism and confessing their sins: and those were generally pro-
fessors." The three missionaries, Eliot, Mayhew, and Cotton,
imposed hands in the ordination of Hiacoomes as Pastor,
John Tackanash as teacher, and John Nahnoso and Joshua
Momatchegin as ruling elders, the first regularly ordained
church officers in the native church on the Vinevard. Hia-
coomes continued in charge of his flock for many years after,
surviving his colleague, Tackanash, who died in 1684. Hia-
coomes delivered a funeral oration at the beloved teacher's
funeral, which has been preserved to future generations by
the diligence of Rev. John Mayhew, who "took in Writing
the Heads of the said Speech." Hiacoomes joined in the ordi-
nation of his successor, Japhet Hannit, giving the "charge"
required by the rites of Congregational orders. "I saw him
frequently when I was a Youth," says Experience Mayhew,
"and still remember him, the Gravity of his Countenance,
Speech and Deportment. He seemed always to speak with
much Thought and Deliberation, and I think very rarely
smiled. I was present when he laid hands on Mr. Japhet,
prayed and gave the Charge to him: which Service he per-
formed with great Solemnity." He survived until 1690, when
in the fulness of a great age he "went into Eternal Rest."
Tackanash was the virtual successor of Hiacoomes when the
latter became superannuated, and was made the pastor of the
united churches on the east end of the Vineyard before his

*Dr. Increase Mather says that both Mr. Eliot and Mr. Cotton went over, and
assisted in the ordination, in his Latin letter to the famous Mr. Leusden of Utrecht,
written in 1687, and published at London in 1688.

'Indian Converts, 300.

241

History of Martha's Vineyard

death. "When there was no EngUsh Pastor upon the Island,"
says the author of "Indian Converts," "some of our godly
English People very chearfuUy received the Lord's Supper
administered by him ; and I suppose none would have scrupled
it, had they understood the Indian Language," That he was
highly esteemed by both his own people and the whites is
evident from the excellent character given to him by the author
just quoted. He died Jan. 22, 1683-4, and was buried the
next day in the presence of a great concourse of mourners,
probably at Nunnepoag where he lived. The ruling elder,
John Nahnoso, was an Indian of Sanchakantacket, and up-
held the requirements and dignities of his sacred office worthily,
according to the accounts which have come down to us. He
was by virtue of his position in the church known by the
Indians as an "Aiuskomuaeninuog," or Reprover, the Man
of Reproofs, because they admonish sinners and offenders
against discipline of the church. He died in 1678, "univers-
ally esteemed a good Man." The other ruling elder, Joshua
Momatchegin, lived on Chappaquiddick, and survived all
his colleagues of the first church. When the church was divided
later on, and those living at Chappaquiddick were set off as a
separate body, he with Hiacoomes were the principal officers,
but after the death of Hiacoomes, the membership fell off
almost to the vanishing point, and the place was "unchurched,"
according to his biographer. Nevertheless he continued stead-
fast, and "tho there was such a Flood of strong Drink, as
drowned most of the People in the Place where he lived, yet
he kept wholly free from any Excess in the Use of those Liquors
by which his Neighbours were destroyed." He died about the
year 1703.

It is to be understood that this church, then gathered,
comprised in its membership the converted natives from all
parts of the island. It is presumed that the meeting house
was at Nunnepog in Edgartown, and may have been the
structure for which the commissioners made an appropriation
in 1654.' This combination of all the praying Indians into
one church proved not to be a practical arrangement, and
within two years there was a division, "the pastor and one
ruling elder for Chappaquidgick; the teacher and the other
ruling elder for the other church, which hath some members,
if I mistake not," says Mr. Cotton, "in all the other towns

^This meeting house was destroyed by fire. (Indian Converts, ii6.)
242

The Missionary Mayhews

above mentioned." Meanwhile, as elsewhere related, the
civil affairs of the Vineyard were undergoing a radical change,
under the political connection established with the duke's new
administration in New York, and Magistrate and IMissionary
Thomas Mayhew was acquiring greater powers both over the
English and the Indians. The missionary-governor, in his
hour of civil honors, did not forget his wards, and bespoke
the interest of his suzerain, Governor Lovelace, in the develop-
ment of his work. This was all unknown to the cavalier
executive. Christianizing aborigines, but he gave the old mis-
sionary a letter to the governor of New Plymouth, in which
he says: "I doe Recommend it you that you'l please to graunt
to him some enlargm't of Recompence for his Trouble and
Paines amongst the Indians soe farr as conveniently it may
be done for his Encouragement in his Ancient Dayes. He
together with his deceased sonn haveing been Instruments of
doeing much Good by their Instructions in bringing divers
of them to the knowledge of the Christian Religion wch is
worthy of great Commendacon. What Civility you shall doe
him herein shall bee kindly acknowledged."^

The condition of the mission work here at this time is
fully detailed in a letter of Thomas Mayhew to the commis-
sioners, under date of August 23 of this year (1671), and it
will be quoted in full : — ^

Right Worth: & Worsh'll

The Commissioners of the United Collonies

these are to Informe you touchinge the present state of the
word of God amongst the Indians uppon thes lies the Vynyard and Nan-
tukkett as farr as I can Judge by such as I have spoken with from time to
time till this present both such as are of the Churche and those that are
praying Indians Doe in a Comfortable manner upphold the publique wor-
shippe and service of God: I meete with nothing that doth Contradicte
it. For the Vynyard the two Churches goe on verry well with whome
myselfe & others have communicated: done by them in a Solemne Man-
ner. My sellf the two pastoers & one of the elders doe usually spend
most parte of the last day of the weeke together for the better progresse
of this great designe: Those are many that have Cast of heathenisme and
except those at the Gayhead of all the rest I know not of any but will say
they approve of the way of God: many occasions I have to reason with
those I most suspect. The Counsell wee heare they say is verry good
though many practice litl yett in words they side with it. Uppon my

^New York Col. Mss. (Deeds), III, 74.

^i Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VI, 196. On the contrary, Simon Atheam and Jacob
Perkins of Tisbury complained bitterly of Mayhew's lenience to the Indians in court.
(N. Y. Col. Mss., XXIV, 159.)

243

History of Martha's Vineyard

returne from York I called all the Sachims together with the Chieffest
amongst the rest for to acquaint them that seeing they had acknowledged
our king to be theirs & to fight for him and with his subjects against his

& their enemies: that now the gentelman that orders government here
had taken them into his highnes p'tecon and in all extremities would assist
them expecting from them no other returne but that they lived quiettly

Sz: peaceably under the govment he had sett over them: being mysellfe
the wch he had wholly for diverse reasons Refered unto me: of which
every man accepted of thankfully: And not onely soe but after much
discourse I made a vote as to the waie of God and there was not one but
helld upp his hand to furthere it to the uttmost. Many of them not
p'fessed praying men diverse allso spake verry well to the thing p'pounded.
I remember not such an unyversall Consent till now: As to the meetings
uppon this Hand there are two Chvu-che meeteing and three other. In
all which there are generall Church Members: this is besides what is
Donne by Metark at his place & sometimes some other helpe: besid this
there are 15 families at Elizabethes lies 7 whereof are praying families:
the teachers I shall sett downe underneath: Concerning theire Sallary
Severall doe speake of it as small if it may be Inlardged I desire it and
that 50 li may be added to Elizabeth's He wch Indians are under my care
allso: for my part tis well knowne my time is either at home or abroade
spent generally uppon this service, and soe it was about seven yeares ere
I had any consideration wch some thought I should have being in oface:
Seeing it pleaseth God for to Contynue me in my measure serviceable
thus farr now hallfe my eightieth yeare. If a rule for bounty for me
may be found use it I suppose when I am gonne it will cost double to doe
what I doe now or have donne. As Mr Elliot writes I see but few that
attend this Imployraent. I had greate hopes till now to have scene you
at Plymouth: a letter is litle to a man's presence: besides that this is
hastyly, a vessel being in the harbor to goe uppon the first tourn of the
wether being but a weeke before the tyme: I take it for granted by a letter
I did receive from Boston yesterday you sitt not at Plymouth: I have
sent to be more certeinely Informed: if I finde you doe soone ynough if
God will I shall com: Thus Saluteing you with al due Respecte humbly
Intreating you to take in good p'te this shorte Information: Committing
you to the guydance & p'tecon of the almighty in your weightye affayres

& desyring yo'r prayers I rest

The humble Servaunt of your much
honoured Selves to serve In Xt Jesus
23 : 6 : 71 uppon the Vinyard. THOMAS MAYHEW

Over leafe

The Names of the Teachers

lacombes 10 00 00

Toquenosh pastor allso 5 00 00

To Mumannequin 2 00 00

To Samuell & Nunaso 5 00 00

To John Amannett & famy 5 00 00

To Nanankommin & Eanawannett 5 00 00

To Nantukkett Sachim 3 00 00

To Metark 3 00 00

244

The Missionary Mayhews

To John lacombes
To John Gybbs

To the Sachims from Nantukkett
Ive give 50 sh for some that have donne some service
at Elizabeths He

To Nathaniel for schooling some time since ^

At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies,
held on the 6th of September, 1672, the following grants were
made for carrying on the mission work on this island : —

To old Mr. Mahew of the Vineyard 40 00 00

To sundry Indian Teachers and Rulers on Martins Vine-
yards and Nantuckett under the Government of Mr.
Mayhew. ^ 57 00 00

The advancement of the work of converting the Indians
was greater on this island than elsewhere. It was the only
place at this time which had two established churches. Even
the church at Natick, under Eliot, was not organized with
officers, as was the case here. It will not be necessary to
follow from year to year any further the fortunes of this mis-
sionary undertaking, lest it become too monotonous and occupy
greater space than can be spared. The ten years succeeding
this date represent the last decade of the life of their ancient
teacher, and it is not to be expected that much active work
would be done by him at his advanced age. In 1678 the
two churches had over forty members who "walked inofen-
sively," and the several bodies of praying Indians were now
methodically divided into at least seven regular meetings
holding weekly services with eleven teachers, over which he
kept general supervision, preaching to one or the other of the
meetings as his strength permitted.^ Prince says: ''Nor did
the Settlement of a Church with Pastors among them abate
of his ministerial Care or Pains for these aboriginal Natives:
but this honourable and antient Gentleman still proceeds in
the laborious Work, even to the ninety third Year of his Age,
and the twenty third of his ministry, which was in 1681, when
he dies, to the great Lamentation both of the English and

^Records of the New England Company, pp. 39-43. Some references to Nan-
tucket are omitted.

^Records, Commissioners of the United Colonies, II, 356.
'Conn. Col. Records, 1 678-1 689, pp. 504-506.

245

History of Martha's Vineyard

Indians." Indeed, the duties devolving upon him by the
change of government, in 1671, and the animosities which
his "hfe" appointment aroused, kept him so fully occupied,
as elsewhere told, that he must have been glad to leave the
details of missionary work to others. In 1673, his grandson
John had become pastor to the churches of Tisbury and Chil-
mark united, and soon after began to preach to the natives as
assistant to his grandfather. Matthew, who had received
special training for the work, at the expense of the society, had
completely turned his back on it, and was devoting himself to
politics, an occupation more to his taste and for which he
was pre-eminently fitted.

The last days of the aged governor are thus described by
Rev. Thomas Prince, who obtained his facts from Experience
Mayhew : —

Not long before his Death he had a very ill Turn, which his relatives
thought would have carried him off; but he told them, The time was
not yet come, and that he should not die with that Fit of Sickness: and
as he said it accordingly proved, he recovering and preaching again several
times. After this he told a Grandson of his, yet living, That the time of
his Departure was near at hand; but he earnestly desired that God would
give him one Opportunity more in publick to exhort the English of the
Town where he lived, viz Edgartown, on the East End of the Island;
which he had for some time been also obliged to teach, thro' the want
of a regular Minister. GOD granting him his Desire, he taught them the
following Sabbath and then took his affectionate Farewel of them: and
falling ill that Evening, he assured his Friends, That his Sickness would
now be to Death, and he was well contented therewith, being full of Days,
and satisfied with Life, &c. He gave many excellent Counsels and Ex-
hortations to all about him; his Reason and Memory not being at all
impaired, as could be perceived. And he continued full of Faith and
Comfort and holy Joy to the last.* His great Grandson, now the Rever-
end Mr. Experience Mayhew, tells me, that when his Father went to
visit the Governor, in his last Sickness he took his young Son with him,
being then about eight Years old; and he well remembers his great
Grandfather's calling him to his Bedside, and laying his Hands on his
Head, and blessing him in the Name of the LORD.^

Matthew Mayhew, in announcing his grandfather's death
to Governor Hinckley, of the Plymouth Colony, gives the fol-

^The exact date of his death can be pretty closely fixed. He was alive March 24,
1681-2, when he acknowledged a deed, and on March 28, following, his will was
attested by a witness in court. In Experience Mayhew's "Indian Converts," p. 301,
it is stated that he preached on the Sabbath before his death, and fell ill that same
evening, and was sick six days. March 19 was Sunday in that year, and the six
days of his illness would carry us to Saturday evening, March 25, 1682, which is the
probable day of his death.

^Indian Converts, 301.

246

The Missionary Mayhews

lowing particulars of the last hours of the old missionary
governor: —

It pleased god of his great goodness, as to continue My honoured
Grandfather's life to a great age, wanting but six dayes of ninety yeares:'
so to give the comfort of his Hfe: and to ours as well as his comfort, in
his sickness which was six dayes, to give him an increase of faith, and
comfort, manifested by many expressions, one of which I may not omitt,
being seasonable, as in all, so espetially in these times; viz: I have lived
by faith, and have found god in his son ; and there I finde him now, there-
fore if you would finde god looke for him in his son, there he is to be found,
and no where else &c: he manifested great assurance of salvation; he
was of low price in his own esteem, saying that he had been both unworthy
and unprofitable, not deserving the esteem many had of him; and that
he was only accepted in, and through the lord Jesus: &c.^

To this he adds his own estimate of him: "I think with-
out detraction I may say no man ever in this land approved
himself so absolute a father to the Indians as my honoured
grandfather: I got no great hope that there will ever be the
like in this selfish age."

The exact location of the burial place of the governor is
given in a document entered in the registry of deeds, as pre-
pared by his direct descendant, William Mayhew of Edgar-
town, Aug. 14, 1838. In this paper he says, after describing
the "home lot" of the family: "Gov. Thomas Mayhew and
his wife, according to the best of my knowledge were buried
in the west corner of Grafton Norton's lot about ten feet from
the street and a little to the north west of the graves that are
now visible. I think there is a rock near the head of the graves
of the said Thomas and his wife." In this same yard, on
South Water street, there are several grave stones erected to
members of the Mayhew family, and William Mayhew adds:
"I believe the whole number to be eight." It is the house lot
just north of the "Old Mayhew House."

JOHN MAYHEW.

John Mayhew, the youngest son of Thomas, Junior, born
"in the beginning of 1652," succeeded to the work so long
carried on by his grandfather, and was the third of his family

'Subtracting ninety years less six days, his age as stated by Matthew, we are car-
ried back to March 31, 1592, as the day of his birth, and allowing for his error of
one year in his age, we have his birth falling on Saturday, March 31, 1593, the day
prior to the record of baptism, as shown in the sketch of his family and early life in
another portion of this history.

^Prince Mss. (Hinckley Papers), I, No. 30, in Boston Public Libran'.

247

History of Martha's Vineyard

to engage in it. He was just turned thirty years of age when
he became the spiritual teacher of the native churches, but
owing to his modest and retiring disposition, his connection
with it has not been sufficiently established in the public knowl-
edge. "But I can assure my Reader," says Prince, "that he
fell not short either of the eminent Genius or Piety of his ex-
cellent Progenitors.''^ His ministry among the Indians was
generally successful, though it was marked by the appearance
of a schism, due to the spread of the Antipedobaptist doc-
trines. This gained considerable headway, and caused him
much concern. "Mr. Mayhew was rightly for repelling them
with spiritual Weapons," says Prince, "and being a Person of
very Superior Abilities, and Acquaintance with the Scriptures,
he used to desire such as began to imbibe those principles
to produce their Reasons ; and those who wanted to be resolved
in their Difficulties, to give him the Advantage to resolve them
in publick, that others might also receive Light and Satisfac-
tion; whereby they came to be more clearly instructed, and
more fully convinced and satisfy'd, than in the ordinary Way
of Preaching, which yet always preceded the other." It is
stated that such was the power of his arguments against this
new-fangled doctrine that the promoters "could make no
Progress in their designs on the Island." However, this sect
did succeed later in displacing the old orthodox religion of the
Mayhews on Gay Head, as will be related in the history of
that town. John Mayhew inherited the personal qualities of
his father, in so far as his disregard of the temporal returns
for his services. From 1682 to 1686 he was paid but ten pounds
a year, "but after the honourable Commissioners came to be
acquainted with him, and the eminent Service he did, they
raised his Salary to thirty Pounds which was about two Years
before his Death. "^ And yet, says Prince, "he went on chear-
fully, in Hopes of a rich and joyful Harvest in Heaven^ He
was destined to have but a short career, as in the latter part
of September, 1688, he was taken with "an heavy Pain in his
Stomach, Shortness of Breath, Faintness &c," and gradually
grew worse until "he deceased on February 3, 1688-9, about
two in the Morning, in the 37th Year of his Age, and the

'"In the Island of Martha, which is about Twenty Two miles long, are two
american Churches planted, which are more Famous than the rest, for that over one
of them presides an Ancient Indian Minister, called Hiacooms: John Hiacooms, Son
of the said Indian Minister, also Preaches the Gospel to his Countreymen in (Chappa-
quiddick) Church: in that place John Tockinosh a Converted Indian Teaches."
(Brief Relation of the State of New England, pub. London, 1689.)

248

The Missionary Mayhews

1 6th of his Ministry; leaving the Indians in a very orderly
Way of assembling on the Lord's Day for publick Worship in
four or five several Places, and of hearing their several well
instructed Teachers, who usually began with Prayer, and then
after singing part of a Psalm, from some Portion of Scripture
spake to the Auditors: as also an Indian Church, of one
hundred Communicants, walking according to the Rule of
Scriptures." ^

EXPERIENCE MAYHEW.

The death of John Mayhew left a vacancy in the leader-
ship of the Indian churches for several years. This loss com-
ing so soon after the death of the old governor was the indirect
cause of much demoralization in the religious element among the
natives, as well as the introduction of the Antipedobaptist
doctrines to confuse their minds. But another scion of this
missionary family was rapidly growing up to take the crook
dropped by the shepherds who had gone before him. This
was Experience, eldest son of John Mayhew, born Jan. 27,
1672-3, and sixteen years of age at the father's decease. "The
Indian Language has been from his Infancy natural to him,"
says Prince, and with this essential basis for successful work
among them, he was trained by his excellent father for the
work of the ministry, particularly to the natives. He began to
preach to them in March, 1693-4, about five years after the
death of his father, and on October 26th of the same year
was invited to "teach" the English church in Tisbury.^
Whether he complied with the latter call is not known, but it
is certain that he devoted himself thereafter, with all his abili-
ties, to the special work of instructing the natives in the Chris-
tian religion. In some respects he is the giant of his name in
this field of labor. Among his contemporaries he was so es-
teemed. "Tho this Gentleman also unhappily missed of a
learned Education in his younger days; yet by the signal
blessing of God on his diligent Studies and Labours, he grew
so conspicuously by that time he was about twenty five Years
of Age, that the Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, first in a Sermon
printed at Boston 1698, and then reprinted in his Magnalia
in London 1702, speaking of more than thirty Indian Assem-
blies, and of more than thirty hundred Christian Indians then

^Indian Converts, 305.
'Tisbury Records, 25.

249

History of Martha's Vineyard

in this Province, he adds, in the Margin the following Words^
'That an hopeful and worthy young Man, Mr. Experience
Mayhew, must now have Justice done him of this Character,
That in the Evangelical Service among the Indians there is
no Man that exceeds this Mr. Mayhew, if there be any that
equals him.' " The condition of the work under his control
at this time will be interesting. The society in England de-
sired a comprehensive report of the state of the missionary
field to which it was contributing, and the commissioners ap-
pointed Rev. Grindal Rawson, pastor of the church in Mendon,
and Rev. Samuel Danforth, pastor of the church in Taunton,
to make a visitation of the several Indian missions throughout
the Province, and inspect the work done in each. The follow-
ing is an abstract of so much of this report as relates to the
island missions : —

At Martha's Vineyard, viz. at Chilmark, alias Nashauekemmuk :
here is an Indian church of which Japhet is pastor; a person of the great-
est repute for sobriety and religion, and diligent in attending his minis-
terial employment: unto whom is adjoined Abel, a ruling elder, who
likewise preaches to a part of the church, living at too great a distance
ordinarily to attend church administrations. In that place we find two
hundred and thirty one persons, three score and four in full communion.
Their children are well instructed, as we find by our examinations of them
in their catechism.

At Onkonkemme, within the bounds of Tisbury, are three score and
twelve persons, unto whom Stephen and Daniel, who are brothers, are
preachers; well reported of for their gifts and qualifications. Here we
spent part of a Sabbath, and were joyful spectators of their Christian and
decent carriage; the aforesaid Daniel praying and preaching not only
affectionately but understandingly to them; unto whom we also imparted
a word of exhortation in their own language, to their contentmnt and
declared satisfaction.

At Seconkgut, in aforesaid Chilmark, also, which belongs to the in-
spection of aforesaid Stephen and Daniel, are thirty five persons, to whom
for their greater ease, either the one or the other dispenses the word.

At Gay-head, Abel and Elisha are preachers to at least two hundred
and sixty souls; who have here at their charge a meeting house already
framed. We find that the Indians here, as also may be affirmed of most
of the Indians belonging to Martha's Vineyard, (Chaubaquedeck ex-
cepted), are well instructed in reading, well clothed and most decently
in English apparel.

At Edgartown, viz. at Sahnchecontuckquet, are twenty five families,
amounting to one hundred and thirty six persons; lob Russel is their
minister (error for lob Peosin).

At Nunnepoag about eighty four persons; loshua Tackquannash
their minister, Josiah Thomas their schoolmaster.

250

Majjdchufee PSALTER :
Uk-kuttoohoniaongafli

DAVID

Weche
WUNT^AUNOHEMOOKAOT^fK

Ne anfukhogup JOHN,

Ut Indtana kah £n^lijhe

Ne ^voKfogkoi-n-pagauukKettit
Kal<oketa.kteaekuppax\negk, SLketatnunHit,
kaK wokwoVitainunat "Wuimetupjjantam-
we WaiTukwhongafh.

John V. ip.
^QiinneahntamcokWuffukwhonkana/i, neiouu
che utyeufh kuttimnantamamiooQ Xuttahtom-
lOQo rnicheme pomani ammooonk j kah iiijh

Tiupo^ ■wauwao?iufcqueniJh.

BOSTOU, N.E.

Uppriiithowurvneau B. Green, kali J Pvintevy

wulchc cjulitiaiuannve CHAPANUKKEG

wutche oncliekeUtouunuaC wucniiaLmchuai-

imodkdiQnk lit ?Teuj^ England S^c 1709.

FAC-SIMILE TITLE PAGE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
PSAETER, OR PSAEMS OF DAVID

By Experience Mayhew

The Missionary Mayhews

At Chaubaqueduck, about one hundred and thirty eight persons;
Maumachegin preaches to them every Sabbath. Josiah, by birth, is their
ruler or sachem/

This is the most comprehensive report we have had about
the missions to the Indians, and gives us a detailed account
of the several praying towns and the numbers in each. In a
letter dated March 2, 1705, the Rev. Increase Mather wrote
to Sir William Ashhurst, governor of the society, that Ex-
perience Mayhew had reported "that there are about one
hundred and four score families of Indians on that island;
and that of these, there are no more than two persons which
now remain in their paganism," adding the further informa-
tion that "he is at this time, gathering another church of
Indians, whereof he is himself to be the pastor."^ About this
time. Rev. Josiah Torrey of Tisbury, who had learned the
Indian tongue, began to preach to the Indians in that town
in their language. Increase Mather called him "a hopeful
young man."

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, under the
advice- of Mayhew probably, and with the approval of the
commissioners, took another step forward in the relations
which existed with the natives, and began the plan of caring
for their material welfare. It will be remembered that Matthew
Mayhew had sold to Governor Dongan certain fees and privi-
leges in 1685 on Gay Head, known as the Lordship and Manor
of Martha's Vineyard. Dongan, who had been created Earl
of Limerick, was in receipt of yearly tribute from the Indians
for the occupancy of this land, and the friends of the natives
considered that the indefinite continuance of this tenantry
system would reduce the Indians to a state of indolence and
hopelessness. It was seen that without any interest in the
soil they cultivated they had become shiftless, sinking deeper
and deeper into poverty, and were becoming thereby an easy
prey to vicious habits. As a result of negotiations with the
owner, the society, on May 10, 1711, bought of him all his
vested interests, Noman's Land excepted, for the sum of
;^55o, and the title of Lord of the Manor passed from Lord

'Records, New England Company, 82. Two years later, the following persons
were receiving compensation for preaching to the Indians here: John Weeks, at the
Elizabeth Islands, £10-0-0; Experience Mayhew, ;£35-o-o; Japheth, Indian Pastor
of an Indian church at Martin's Vineyard, ;£20-o-o. (N. Y. Col. Documents, IV,
755.) This was in 1700.

^Records, New England Company, 84, 86. It is believed that this was a church
in Christiantown.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Dongan to the corporation. Sir William Ashhurst, the gov-
ernor of the society, says in a letter: "I hope it will be the
means to make the Indians live comfortably upon it, and
prevent their scattering abroad, which would certainly have
brought their offspring back again to their old idolatry." ^ This
plan ensured a landlord in sympathy with their needs.

It will not be practicable to follow the yearly work of this
missionary, for his services cover too long a period, but for
the purposes of obtaining a view of the conditions about the
middle of his pastorate the following account, given by him
to the Rev. Cotton Mather, in 1720, is of interest. After
stating that there were sLx small villages of natives on the is-
land, containing about 155 families, to the number of about
eight hundred persons, he proceeds : —

Each of these villages is provided with an Indian Preacher to dis-
pense the Word to them on the Lord's Days, when I am not with them.
They meet for the Worship of God twice a Day on the Sabbath, and after
Prayer sing a Psalm; then there is a Sermon Preached on some portion
of Scripture, which being ended, they sing again, while the Days be of
sufficient length; and then conclude with Prayer

There is also care taken to Catechise the Youth; for besides what is
done in this kind, by the Indian School-Masters & Preachers, I frequently
examine the Young People myself, and have determined to attend this
Service once a Fortnight, in some or other of the fore-mentioned Villages;
and this Method will, I hope, prove very advantageous; and many grown
People as well as Children, attending these Exercises.

Having now Preached to the Indians upwards of 25 Years, I have
never yet had any special charge of any one single Congregation com-
mitted to me; but have visited the several fore-mentioned Assemblies
alternately, as I thought necessary; Preaching ordinarily unto some or
other of them every Lord's Day, and on working days once a Fortnight;
constantly also attending their Church-Meetings, to assist and direct them.

After referring to the aid rendered to him by the Rev.
Josiah Torrey, he adds: "The Rev. Mr. Samuel Wiswall
Pastor of the Church in Edgartown, has now almost learned
the Indian Tongue, with a design to do what Service he can
among that people."^

The period represented by the pastorate of Rev. Experience
Mayhew was noted not only its for length but for the high
character of the work done by him in the development of
native missionary talent. It was the longest service rendered

'Records, New England Company, 94-6. Livery and Seizin was not given until
Oct. 6, 1712. (Sewall, Letter Book, I, 422.)
^Mather, "India Christiana" (1721).

252

The Missionary Mayhews

by any of his name, and during it he had acquired a reputa-
tion of international proportions. He brought to it the zeal
and industry of a mind in sympathy with his calling, and next
to Eliot is classed at the most profound scholar in the Algon-
quian tongue. His published works in the native language
are as follows : —

I. Ne Kesukod Jehovah Kessehtunkup &c. [The day which the
Lord hath made.l A discourse concerning the institution and observation
of the Lord's-day, etc. Boston, 1707.

II. Massachusee psalter: asuh. Ukkuttoohomaongash David etc.
[The Massachusetts psalter: or Psalms of David, etc.] Boston, 1709.^

III. It is probable that the Indiane primer of 1720 and 1747 was
revised by him.

His masterpiece, " Indian Converts," will be referred
to in another place. It was dedicated "to the Honourable
William Thompson, Esq., Governour, and To the rest of the
Honourable Company for the Propagation of the Gospel in
New England, and Parts adjacent in America."

Although he was not a college-bred man, yet 'such was
the ''Extraordinary Progress" he made in learning, that he
was frequently offered the Degree of Master of Arts by Har-
vard College, but he "was pleased to excuse himself from the
Honour." However, the college later prevailed upon him
"to over-rule his Modesty," and the degree was conferred
upon him at the Commencement on July 3, 1723, "to the
Approbation of all that know him," says Prince.

That the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ap-
preciated his value is well indicated by his long service in
their employ, extending from 1694 to 1758, a period of sixty-
four years, but their financial support was not always constant
nor adequate. In 1730 he petitioned the General Court for
a grant of land as a recompense for his "Labours & Services
in converting the Indians to Christianity & the Disadvantages
to his own private Estate." The court ordered an allotment
of two hundred acres, one mile to the eastward of the great
Wachusett Hill.^ Again in 1739, he was in financial straits
and in another petition to the General Court represented
that he had "been obliged to spend of his own Estate about

'Sewall says Mayhew was printing this book on Jan. i, 1710-11, a discrepancy
in dates. (Diar>', II, 295-6.) See Indian Converts, p. 307, where 1709 is given,
with a statement that he was also employed in translating the Gospel of John.

^Province Laws (1730), Vol. XI, C. 172. This was the Blue Hill m Milton.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Sixteen Hundred Pounds for the necessary support of himself
and his Family notwithstanding his utmost care to preserve
the same, by his living as frugally, as with any discovery he
could do ; His annual Salary being no more than an Hundred
Pounds. Not that till within a few years last past, besides
Twenty pound p anno lately allowed him, on account of his
extraordinary Expenses in Entertaining the Indian Ministers
and others on necessary occasions, resorting to his House and
frequently lodging there .... insomuch that he has already
been obliged to sell of his own Lands to the value of Six Hun-
dred Pounds, besides Two Hundred Acres, formerly Granted
to him." The General Court again came to his rescue and
gave him a grant of six hundred acres in Hampshire County,
and an annual allowance of £t,o, old tenor, for the space of
five years. ^

Like his forefathers he began the training of one of his
sons to follow in his footsteps, and thus perpetuate the suc-
cession of ministry to the Indians in the family name. Ac-
cordingly Nathan, born in 171 2, was sent to Harvard College
in 1727, where he graduated in the class of 1731, but the young
man died two years later, and all hopes were then centred
on his youngest born sons, Zachariah and Jonathan. The
latter did, indeed, take a college course, being made a
Bachelor of Arts in 1744 at Harvard, but this brilliant young
man desired a wider field for his talents, and accepted in
1746 a call to the famous West Church in Boston. This left
Zachariah to assume the reins, but he had not been in prepara-
tion for it, and at the decease of the father, full of years and
honor, on Nov. 29, 1758, there was no one ready to fill the
place. In the cemetery on Abel's Hill, in Chilmark, lie the
mortal remains of this remarkable man, the scion of a famous
ancestry, and the progenitor of one of the most famous pulpit
orators of the pre-Revolutionary period.

ZACHARIAH MAYHEW.

It devolved upon Zachariah Mayhew, who was forty
years old at his father's death, to become the fifth missionary
in successive generations, and after some time spent in de-
ciding upon the matter, he concluded to take up the work,
and in 1767, nine years after the death of Experience, he was

'Mass. Archives, XII, 104-108. The land was laid out in 1741.

The Missionary Mayhews

ordained a preacher of the gospel to the Indians. When he
took charge of the work, it was a different sort of a j5eld from
that plowed and cultivated by his ancestors. There were
scarce three hundred Indians in the whole county by this
time, two-thirds of whom resided in Chilmark and Gay Head.
When he began his labors there were four societies engaged
in the task of supporting missionary work among the natives
of America, three belonging to Great Britain, one of which
was of Scottish incorporation. The original society con-
tinued to support the Vineyard minister until towards the
period of the Revolution, when the political agitations caused
a withdrawal of funds and a lessening of interest in the subject.
Rev. Jonathan Mayhew, in 1762, tried to secure the incorpora-
tion of a local society expressly for "propagating Christian
Knowledge among the Indians of North America," but George
the Third would not grant the necessary approval. This
benevolent intent was frustrated, probably, for both religious
and political reasons, as one of the four societies was main-
taining a number of Episcopal churches in New England out
of its missionary funds, the society chartered in 1 707 by William
III, to establish missions of the established church. This
last-named organization was the object of great opposition
among the Puritan element and many controversies grew out
of its operations.^ This, together with the attitude of the
people of New England towards the crown tended further to
alienate patronage; and Rev. Mr. Mayhew, in June, 1776,
petitioned the General Court for relief from taxation, as he
had been "long since deprived of remittances from England

'This society was attacked in a pamphlet prepared by Jonathan Mayhew, pub-
lished in 1763, in which he essays to show the "nonconformity" of the conduct of its
officers with the chartered requirements. The society, he says, has probably "ex-
pended 42,400 pounds sterling in New England," and by this means "might have
maintained forty or fifty missions among the heathen for over thirty years past."
The Indians on the Vineyard were already cared for; but Dr. Mayhew urges particu-
larly the opportunities which had existed "for half a century past" among the Six
Nations of New York, saying, "The chiefs have even petitioned for missionaries
repeatedly through the governor of New York sending their petitions to this society."
Only one missionary had been sent in response, Dr. Barclay, to the Mohawks, a
little west of Albany, from 1735 to 1740; but his brief labors had been too feebly
supported by the society to be of much avail. Mr. Apthorp, the Cambridge rector,
himself saying, "Indian conversions are undertaken by our society incidentally and,
as it were, ex abundanti." Had the society directed its energy to this work instead
of planting churches in the towns already so supplied, says Dr. Mayhew, it would
not only have furthered the good of the Indians, but "by converting these Indians,
from New England to Florida, on the back of our settlements, important political
results would have been gained. It would have had a direct and manifest tendency
to attach them to the British interest. The more to counteract the designs of the
French, till of late our most dangerous enemies on this continent."

255

History of Martha's Vineyard

from a charitable fund" for his support/ How long this had
ceased is not known, but we may assume as early as 1770,
the time of the Boston Massacre. Mr. Mayhew continued
his labors, however, throughout the war period, with what
support he could procure from the religious and charitable
societies. For a period of eleven years after 1775, when hos-
tilities broke out, the old "New England Company" made no
contributions whatever for the missionary work in this region,
but in 1786 diverted its revenues to New Brunswick. In
1794 another society with similar objects was contributing to
the support of Rev. Mr. Mayhew and Rev. Joseph Thaxter
for services as missionaries.^ By this time, through inter-
marriage with negroes, the native population had increased to
440, of whom the larger part lived at Gay Head, and the work
was not lessening as far as numbers were involved. Zachariah
continued this work until his death, which occurred on March 6,
1806, in the eighty-eighth year of his age and the thirty-ninth
of his ministry.^ He was the last of his name to pursue this
unique vocation, which had been a family distinction for one
hundred and sixty-three years, a record practically unpar-
alleled in the history of our country.

His successor was the Rev. Frederick Baylies, son of
Frederick Baylies of Taunton, Mass., where he was born in
1774, and about 1810 came to this island to take up the
missionary work. Of him a contemporary visitor records the
following opinion: "He was a true-hearted man and highly
useful in the sphere allotted to him. He labored diligently
among them for some twenty-five years. The first time I
visited the Island he was hale and vigorous, devoted to his
work and much interested in the furtherance of liberal views
of Christianity. His salary was about 550 dollars, a portion
of which he expended for the support of Teachers among the
Indians on the Vineyard, Nantucket, and Cape Cod. Under
his instruction and preaching the Indians have a good deal
improved."^ Mr. Baylies died suddenly on a canal boat,

'He was joined in this petition by Rev. Gideon Hawley, missionary to the Mashpee
Indians. The request was granted.

'Brief account of the Society for Propogating the Gospel among the Indians and
others in North America, 1798. This society was incorporated in 1787, and was
known as the S. P. G. The other was called the S. P. C. K. Several "small schools
for Indian children" on the Vineyard were also maintained by this society.

^Hallock, "The Venerable Mayhews," etc., p. 61.

^Devens, " Sketches of Martha's Vineyard," 28. Mr. Baylies became much inter-
ested in the history and genealogy of the island and its people, and left numerous
papers on the subject, some of which have been of use to the author of this work.

256

REV. FREDERICK BAYLIES

1774-1836

MISSIONARY TO THE INDIANS

The Missionary Mayhews

while traveling in New York State, Sept. 30, 1836, having an
apoplectic stroke, in the sixty-third year of his age.

Since the death of Mr. Baylies there has been no regular
missionary to the Indians of the Vineyard. The Society for
Propagating the Gospel Among the Indians and Others in
North America has intermittently made donations to the
church at Gay Head, and owns the present church and par-
sonage. The annual gift to the mission is $150, and has been
continued for the past twenty years.

The religious faith of the worshippers, however, is Bap-
tist, and the clergyman in charge is of that faith. For this
reason the mission has received annually from the Massachu-
setts Baptist Missionary Society a grant of $100 for the sup-
port of the minister.^ The present missionary is the Rev.
W. H. Whitman, and regular services are maintained under
his supervision.

'The society, since its first contribution in 1855, has given a total of S3910.S4
to the Gay Head mission.

257

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XX.

County of Dukes County.
organization and jurisdiction.

On the first day of November, 1683, the Provincial As-
sembly of New York divided the province into several counties
and incorporated them by name, including Kings (now Brook-
lyn), Queens (Long Island), and Dukes, the last being decreed
to "conteine the Islands of Nantuckett, Martin's Vineyard,
Elizabeth Island, and Noe Man's Land."^

Laws were made at the same time, regulating the times
of holding courts; but "Dukes County was referred to the
Governeur and Counsell." The following also was then
passed: "And forasmuch as there is a necessity of a high
sheriffe in every county thro' the Province, Be it enacted by
the Governor, Counsell, and Representatives in General As-
sembly met, and by the authority of the same, that there shall
bee, yearly, and every year, a High Sheriffe constituted and
commissionated for each county; and that each Sheriffe may
have his under-sheriffe, deputy or deputies."

The effect of these laws was to combine the separate
jurisdictions of the Vineyard and Nantucket and to add
another office or two to the civil list, which was promptly filled
by Matthew Mayhew, who seemed to feel that nothing was
too small for his attention from chief magistrate down to
register of deeds. Nantucket heretofore had been conducting
its own affairs under a local autonomy subject to a certain
suzerainty of the Mayhew proprietary government, while the
outlying Elizabeth Islands with Noman's Land were under the
jurisdiction of the Lord of Tisbury Manor. The county now
being organized the officials met at Nantucket and passed the
following order respecting the courts on Sept. 21, 1686: —

Its ordered by the Court that henceforward the Court shall be held
the last Tuesday in May at Nantucket, and the last Tuesday in September
at Mathews Vinard.

Sept. 21, 1686, The Court is adjourned to this day senit or till Mr.
Mayhew come.^

IN. Y. Col. Mss., Vol. XXXI.

'Nantucket Records, II, 38. "Senit" is an abbreviation of Sennight, or seven
nights, meaning a week.

County of Dukes County

This county organization continued to exist as outlined
during the few remaining years of its connection with the
province of New York, until by the charter of William and
Mary it became on Oct. 7, 1691, a constituent county of the
Massachusetts Bay Colony.

At the time of the incorporation of Dukes County there
were only four counties in Massachusetts, namely: Essex,
Middlesex, and Suffolk, which were each incorporated May 10,
1643, and Hampshire, May 7, 1662. Next came Barnstable
and Plymouth, June 2, 1685, followed by Bristol on June 21,
1685.

The people of Nantucket did not desire to have further
connection with Martha's Vineyard, after the separation from
New York, and wished to dissolve the county organization
and become a separate county by themselves. Requests for
this arrangement were made to the General Court of Massachu-
setts in 1694, by the leading men of Nantucket. The follow-
ing communication from Matthew Mayhew, acting for the
governor and council, to the petitioners shows the progress of
the matter at that date : —

Mart: Vineyard Sept'r: 28: 1694
Gent.

on motion to the Governor and Counsell of the province of the INIassa-
chusetts Bay in New England intimating the present state of that part
thereof formerly Dukes County, through some misinformation, to be
abridged of the libertie of subjects to the Crown of England the further
consideration is remitted till your selves appear at Boston there to them
render your reason for your lurgent desier of your seperation out of s'd
County, my self being desired to give you notice that his Excellency Sr
William Phips in Councill will hear the same in their Convention begin-
ning tusday the 16 of October next when it will bee expected you should
therefore render your reasons therefore. I am gentl.

Your humble servant

MATTHEW MAYHEW
To the worship:

John Gardner James Cofl&n & William Geyer Esqrs
on Nantuckett.

"If I may adventur," wrote Simon Athearn to the General
Court on March 12, 1694-5, "to shew my opinion concerning
marthas vineyard & Nantucket being a County as when under
York — It will be uneasy to the Inhabitants, and disturb
peace and Trad, But it will be most easy for each Island to
keepe their particular sessions at home & in case of appeale
to sum supearior Court: Besides it will be a province Charge

259

History of Martha's Vineyard

to heire a vessel one a year to Carry the Justices of the Su-
pearior Court to Marthas Vineyard or Nantucket."^

This susfofestion was effective. Nantucket continued to
be a part of Dukes County until the seventh year of the reign
of William III. On the 29th of May, 1695, the following act
was passed by the General Court of Massachusetts: —

An Act for the Better Settlement of the Islands of Marth.4's
Vineyard, and Islands Adjacent.

Be it enacted by the Lieutenant Governour, Council, and Representatives
convened in General Co7irt, or Assembly, and by the authority of the same:
That the Islands of Martha's Vineyard, Elisabeth Islands, the Islands
called Nomans-Land, and all the Dependencies formerly belonging to
Dukes County, (the Island of Nantuckett only excepted) shall be, remain
and continue to be One County, to all intents and purposes; by the name
of Dukes County:

It was further provided that appeal of cases should be
to the Superior Court at Plymouth and jurors be summoned
from both counties. There was also a provision for

The Island of Nantuckett to remain and continue under the same
Form of Government as is already there settled: And Appeals from the
ludgments given or to be given in the Inferiour Court of Pleas within the
said Island, to be heard and tryed in the Superior Court of Judicature
to be held at Boston within the County of Suffolk, as is by law provided.^

Whether intended or not this statute created a county
"by the name of Dukes County" instead of "Dukes," and in
consequence all legal phraseology used in connection therewith
hag always read " County of Dukes County" and it so continues
down to the present day.^

This reduction of the limits of the county to Martha's
Vineyard alone was not entirely satisfactory to the people of
this island, as it threw the management of affairs back into
the family "ring," and the old agitation began once more.
Simon Athearn again wrote a letter to the Speaker of the House
of Representatives, Mr. James Converse, June 23, 1699, in
which he voices the sentiment of the opposition : —

Wee in our discors, by the way, have thought it well that duks County
was annext to barnstabl County, only it would increst a perpetuall Charg.

^Mass. Col. Archives, CXIII, iii.

^Province Laws, Vol. I, c. 7, Act of May 29, 1695.

^The words "County of Dukes County" are used in the Land Records, viz: — the
first time in Vol. I, p. 160, Feb. 24, 1702; Vol. II, p. 3, Oct. 29, 1703; Vol. II, p. 238,
Mar. 20, 1706; Vol. IV, p. 273, Oct. 2, 1707, and Vol. II, p. 160, Mar. 3, 1707-8.

260

County of Dukes County

But duks County want able Larned men to Ingaig such a subtell
serpent who is headgd about with so many relations thats its thought
theres scarse a Jury to be found to try suit against him or his '■

As the EUiment of fier would have all tier so have Major Mayhew
and his have used all means to have all Rule in his house except a Cifer
to make the summ. Its probable being annext to Barnstabl County may
be a remedy.^

Athearn further said that he had thought of preferring a
petition "in Consideration of these and other things," but it
does not appear that this was done. Matters did not improve,
but the atmosphere was different under Massachusetts rule
from the old New York oligarchy.

This changed political condition encouraged the oppo-
nents of the existing official family, which had gradually re-
gained its power, to further efforts to shake off the continued
yoke of family judges on the bench. Of the four justices at
this tim.e three were Mayhews (with Richard Sarson), and the
minority member was James Allen of Chilmark. Under the
lead of Simon Athearn of Tisbury, in all probability, the fol-
lowing vote was passed in that town in 1701, to influence the
sentiment for the termination of this condition : —

October 2d: 1701 it is voted by the maiger part of of the freeholders
at a Leagall town meeting that Tisbury do pettion to the General Court
that Dukes County may be anext to the County of barnstable with . . .
not to attend the Courts Except nessasary ocation ariseth from amongst
us and that the Register of Lands of the Island be kept on marthas vin-
yerd.^

Nothing came of this however, but it was the early begin-
ning of a long struggle, continuing for nearly two centuries,
to remove the courts from Edgartown, and to keep them at
that time from family management and influence.

From this time until the year 171 7, Nantucket Island
alone constituted Nantucket County, In that year it was

Ordered, that Tuckanuck is .... to be accounted a part of Nantucket
.... and the Justices and all other officers of Dukes County are com-
manded to take notice of this Resolve. This was the result of repeated
efforts asking for annexation.*

'This refers to Matthew Mayhew.

^Sup. Jud. Court Files, No. 4605. (8)

^Tisbury Records, p. 43.

*June 5, 1711, James Coffin, Tristram Coffin, and others, petitioned the General
Court that Tuckanuck be annexed to Nantucket County. — (Mass. Archives, Vol.
XXXI, page S5.) Later on, June 6, 1713, James Coffin, of Nantucket, petitioned
the General Court "that Tuckanug be annexed to Nantucket township." — (Nan-
tucket Records, Vol. I, page 79.)

261

History of Martha's Vineyard

These were not the only attempts of the people to enlarge
their county bounds. At a legal town meeting of the town of
Sherborne, on Nantucket, June 6, 1771,

Voted, That a petition be preferred to the General Court to desire
and request that the islands of Muskekit and Gravelly Island me be an-
nexed to this County.

Voted, That Abishai Folger, Esq., Zaccheus Macy, Frederick Folger,
Josiah Barker, and Timothy Folger, in conjunction with the Selectmen
of the town, be a committee, in behalf of the town, to draw up said peti-
tion, and send the same to the General Court.

At a town meeting in Edgartown, Sept. 4, lyyi, it was

Voted, That an answer should be made to a petition put into the
General Court, by the town of Sherborne relative to the Island of Mos-
kekett and the Gravelly Islands adjacent.

Voted, That there should be a committee chosen consisting of five
men: and Voted, That John Norton, Esqr., Mr. John Pease, Jr., Mr.
William Jernegan, Mr. Beriah Norton, and Mr. Ebenezer Smith, Jr., be a
committee to make answer to the said petition.

Voted, That Enoch Coffin and John Worth, Esqr., be added to this
committee.^

At a town meeting in Sherborne on the Island of Nan-
tucket, Sept. II, 1 771,

Voted, That a remonstrance be sent to the Governor to lay the state
of inoculation before him in a true light, and to desire him to sign a bill
to annex Muskeket and Gravelly Islands to this County, by a majority of
114 voices against 4.

A committee was chosen to prepare and present it.

The petition of Abishai Folger and others was presented
in July, 1 7 71. A bill passed both branches making the an-
nexation prayed for, but the governor refused his assent. In
other words, using the language of these latter days, he vetoed
it.

On Oct. 19, 1805, the town of Chilmark, at a special
meeting, voted that a committee of three persons, Benjamin
Bassett, Matthew Mayhew, and Allen Mayhew, be authorized
to petition the General Court ''to alter the name of Dukes
County to that of Mayhew."^ It is not known whether this
was expressive of any general sentiment among the people of
the Vineyard, but it may be assumed to the contrary as no
other town took similar action, and there is no further record
of this in the archives of the Commonwealth.

^Edgartown Records, I, 295.
-Town Records, Chilmark, loc. cit.

262

County of Dukes County

EARLY JUDICIAL AFFAIRS OF THE COUNTY.

The organization of an Anglo-Saxon community is incom-
plete without definite provisions for the administration of
justice between man and man and for the application of laws
for the protection of the community by wise and honorable
men. That such machinery was established on the Vineyard
early must be accepted as a fact, without the recourse to our
records which are silent on the subject for a decade after the
settlers came hither. The first suit at law was heard in Decem-
ber, 1652, but before w^hom does not appear, but the next entry
states that "the town hath ended the case between John Pease
and Edward Sales," and from this we may suppose that it
was a sort of neighbor's court which settled differences between
the townsmen.^ It will be remembered that their number was
few, and probably did not exceed by many an ordinary jury of
adult males at that period. Doubtless these improvised
"courts" were presided over by Thomas Mayhew, Senior, as
patentee. Early in 1654 a "Verdict of the Court " is mentioned,
and on June 6, that same year, seven men were chosen "to
end all controversy, except member. Life, and Banishment,
and to keep a meeting quarterly namely four times in a year."

A further provision was made "that Mr. Mayhew senior
shall have power in his hands to end any debt or controversy
to the order of five shillings between any in this town."" In
1655 a chief magistrate and four assistants wxre chosen "to
attend all Controversies that shall arise in the town," and
determine them at quarterly courts held on the last Tuesdays
of March, June, September, and December. If they could
not arrive at a unanimous decision, "then such cases are to be
referred to the town to end ; that is such as are admitted to be
townsmen."^ Each magistrate could settle a case involving
five shillings or under. In 1656 the number of assistants was
further reduced to two, with Thomas Mayhew still continuing
as presiding justice. In 1659 a case is entered where two
arbitrators were chosen by each side, "and those four persons
have liberty to choose an umpire to end the case in case they
cannot agree. "^ It will thus be seen that the early court pro-
ceedings were of the simplest kind, beginning with a sort of

^Edgartown Records, I, 149.
'Ibid., I, 122.
^Ibid., I, 137.
%id., I, 142.

263

History of Martha's Vineyard

neighborhood jury or town meeting, wherein all had a voice
in deciding between litigants, and gradually adopting the forms
which obtained in other communities. The following rule in
relation to the sessions of the General Court were adopted in
1660: —

The time of meeting att Court is at Nine of the Clock in the morning
and all meetings are to continue till they are Disolved by the major part
of the freemen. The fine for not coming in season is lad. and for going
away before the meeting is Dissolved.^

In March, 1658, we find the first reference to a trial by
jury on the town records of Edgartown, fifteen years after
the settlement of the island, as follows : —

It is ordered by the town that all cases are to be ended this present
year by the magistrate with an original jury which shall be chosen by the
town consisting of such a number as the town shall judge needful for the
end of dll such cases as shall be presented to be judged and determined:
that is to say all cases within the compass of life members and banish-
ment: and this jury is to be chosen at the town meeting which are to be
four times a year according to the formei" order by the major part of the
freemen.

Moreover in all cases which shall exceed the value of five pounds
being first here ended and the Plaintiff or Defendant remaining unsatisfied
either of them have liberty to redress himself by an appeal to (a) bigger
Court and that the estate of him which maketh the appeal shall stand
bound to answer all of the charges which shall be occasioned by the re-
moval of the suit if he be cast in the suit.^

What was meant by a "bigger court" is not clear, whether
a larger jury or a court in the Province of Maine, to which it
was possible to appeal under the proprietary rights of Gorges,
may be left to our surmises. It is, however, of record that in
1662 a case was heard by the Plymouth Courts which was
certainly "bigger" than the Vineyard Court, but its jurisdic-
tion was only by courtesy of a reference. As it was a suit in
which Thomas Mayhew was personally interested and involved,
the Plymouth justices were requested to hear it "by joynt con-
sent of both partyes."'

In 1663 there is a record of a verdict "assented unto by
Thomas Mayhew," possibly as presiding justice, or in his as-

^Edgartown Records, I, 147.

^Ibid., I, 157.

^Plymouth Col. Rec, IV, 27; VII, 104. The case was John Daggett versus "the
towne of the said Vineyard." In 1669 Richard Sarson entered suit at Plymouth against
Nicholas Butler for killing a steer that belonged to the widow of Thomas Mayhew, Jr.
"The jury saied to this action non liquet." (Ibid.) Nantucket cases were also tried at
Plymouth.

264

County of Dukes County

sumption of greater powers under his patent. In the same
year there is reference to "the small court" and "the monthly
court," which perhaps may mean sessions held by one magis-
trate. The jurors by a vote passed in 1664, were to be paid
"six pence a fee for every action," equal to about half a dollar
of our currency in relative value. In 1665, as elsewhere told,
the elder Mayhew appealed a case, which went against him,
"unto the Cheif & high Court and Counsell of the Province
of Mayne," but it is doubtful if the appeal was ever accom-
plished. In 1669 is another reference to a "small court holden,"
which implies, of course, a "large court;" and of this we have
one glimpse indicating an organized bench sitting as a general
court in 1670, with Thomas Daggett as clerk. How long it
had been established as such does not appear, but on Aug. 3,
1670, it sat to hear a suit for divorce, James Skiff vs. Eliza-
beth Skiff, on a charge of desertion, and the plaintiff was
awarded the verdict. The proceedings of this "General
Court" were certified by Daggett in his capacity as "Clarke
to the Court att the Vineyard."^ All these courts had only
the status of common acceptance, as the Vineyard was without
any jurisdiction, practically, and had no charter or authorized
agencies to carry on legal measures. When the Duke of York
assumed control order came out of this chaos.

The Fort James Conference of July 6-12, 1671, made
definite provisions for the organization of a judicial system.
It was enacted by the Governor and Council of New York
"that for Tryall and Decision of all Dift'erences of Debt or
Damage to the Vallue of Five Pounds, they shall have a Court
in their Island wxh shall bee composed of the Governor there
who shall have a double vote and three Assistants to be Elected
annually by the Inhabitants of the two Townes and Plantacons
upon the Island, from whose Judgment in any case to the Sume
of Five Pounds or under noe appeale shall be admitted."
In all actions and cases over five pounds and under fifty pounds
hearing was to be had "at the General Court to bee held by
them and their Neighbours of Nantuckett, that is to say by
the Governor or Chiefe Magistrate of Martin's Vineyard and
the first two elected of the three Assistants aforesaid, and by
the Chiefe Magistrate of Nantucket and his two Assistants."
Governor Mayhew was designated as president of the court as
long as he lived, with a double or casting vote. The first ses-
sion of the court was ordered to be held at "the Island INIartin

^Plymouth Col. Records, V, 33.

265

History of Martha's Vineyard

Vineyard at some convenient Time to bee agreed upon" with
the people of Nantucket/ This was finally arranged between
them, but not until the mid-summer of the next year, and on
June 1 8, 1 67 1, the new "general court" held its first session
at Edgartown, under the presidency of the Worshipful Thomas
Mayhew. By them it was ordered that they should meet an-
nually "either upon the first Tuesday in June or upon the first
convenient Opportunity in respect of Weather." The pre-
siding justice was allowed six shillings per diem, and each
magistrate four shillings for attendance upon the general court,
and three shillings and two shillings and six pence, respectively,
for service at the quarter courts. These local petty courts
were to be held on the last Tuesdays of March, June, Septem-
ber, and December, for the trial of minor actions of the limit
prescribed above, without appeal, and in cases involving the
value of five pounds and over, appeal could be taken to the
general court constituted of the justices of the two islands.
This first general court provided a code of laws for the prose-
cution of actions and appeals; the modes of attachments,
arrests, and imprisonments for debts, subpoenas, contempt of
court, pay of jurors, duties of constables, costs of court, and
as a final clause ordered "that in all Actional and Criminal
Matters and Cases which fall not under the Head of some of
these Laws already made shall be tryed and Judgment or Sen-
tence given according to the Laws of England."^ This in
effect based procedure upon the particular laws enacted by the
court, the province laws, or the common law of England, a
condition which gave rise to much complaint. "Our condi-
tion is such," said Simon Athearn, "the authority took sum
laws out of boston & plimmouth Law books to be our law,
and made a law that if any Case com to tryell which this law
doth not reach it should be tryed by the law of boston or the
law of England : the law of England non of us know : the law
of boston rejected as not the dukes law."^

It is not known with certainty who constituted the full
court at the first session, but it can be said with some degree
of assurance that besides the Governor, James Allen, Richard
Sarson, and probably Thomas Daggett were the assistants,

IN. Y. Col. Mss. (Deeds), III, 75.

2N. Y. Col. Mss. (Deeds), III, 78.

^Ibid., XXIV, 159. In addition to the laws for the disposition of legal matters,
other general laws were passed. One of these related to the excise, liquor selling, the
licensing of public houses, and sale of strong drink to the Indians, another to weights and
measures, and another to estates of deceased persons.

266

County of Dukes County

elected under the provisions of the act passed by the Governor
and Council of New York, to represent the two towns. From
this time forth the judicial "system" of the Vineyard became
such in fact as well as in name. This court exercised both
civil and criminal jurisdiction as a court of common pleas and
sessions of the peace. It settled admiralty cases as well, and
its functions were of the widest latitude characteristic of
frontier administrations.

When Dukes County was created in 1683, the regulation
of the time for holding courts here was referred to the governor
and council, as previously stated. Six months after the pas-
sage of the bill, the follovv^ing order in council was made to
cover this detail : —

WHEREAS by an act of generall assembly Entitled an act to settle
Courts of Justice made the tirst day of November: 1683-4, the times & place
for the holding of the Courts of Sessions in Dukes County is Referred to
the Governour & Councill, I have therefore Thought fitt to Constitute &
appointe that yearly & Every yeare there shall be twice or more if occa-
sion shall require a court held at such time & places as shall bee thought
fitt & Convenient by ... . Matthew Mayhue Esqre: Chief Magistrate &
Justice of the peace of Martiens Vinyard Mr: Richard Sarson Thomas
Dogget Mr: Thomas Mayhew Esqres & Justices of the peace of the said
Martins Vinyard Giving them full power & Authority to keep the said
Court of sessions untill further Order According to Law & for so Doeing
this shall bee your sufficient warant.

Dated at fort James the 9th: of June 1684.^

In 1692, when the new government of the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay began to legislate for its recent acquisition,
Martha's Vineyard, the courts of our island had been organized
on a definite authoritative basis for twenty years, and during
all that time they had been in the control of the Mayhew
family. On Nov. 25, 1692, the general court passed an act
establishing courts of justice and provided therein that "there
be a general sessions of the peace held and kept at Edgartown
upon the Island of Capawock alias Marthas Vineyard ....
upon the last Tuesday in March and on the first Tuesday of
October yearly from time to time." The trial of all civil
cases "by appeal or writ of error" was provided for at the
Superior Court to be held at Boston.^ The old bench was
reappointed with one new associate.

When the act for the "better settlement" of Martha's
Vineyard was passed, May 29, 1695, provision was made for

'New York Col. AIss., XXXIII, 95, No. 8.
^Acts and Resolves, I, 73.

267

History of Martha's Vineyard

appeals from the General Court of Sessions of the Peace and
the Inferior Court of Common Pleas to Plymouth as expressed
in the following extract from the statute : —

And all Appeals from any Judgment or Judgments given, or to be
given in any of the Inferiotir Courts of Pleas within the said County, shall
henceforth be Heard and Tryed at the Superiour Court of Judicature to
be Holden from time to time at Plymouth, within the Neighboring County
of Plymouth; any Law Usage or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding:
the Jurors to Serve at the said Superiour Courts of Judicature, to be from
time to time Chosen and Summoned out of the several Towns within the
said County of Plymouth and Dukes County, according to the directions
in the Law in such case provided.

A suit for dispossession entered in our court in October,
1695, t)y Nathaniel Oliver of Boston against Anthony Blaney,
involving the western quarter of Naushon, disclosed a defect
in the county judicial system established by Massachusetts.
Blaney in his answer to the complaint declared, "that the
Marshall who a rasted him had no jurisdiction power nor
libertie for such action on Ilesabeth Ilands," and after due
consideration of this plea the justices decided "the defendants
plea sufficient to barre farther proceedings."^ The General
Court of Massachusetts in its first enactments had omitted the
Elizabeth Islands, or assumed they were part of the Vineyard,
and thus no provision was made in reality for the administra-
tion of justice on the former. All commissions limited juris-
diction to Martha's Vineyard by specific designation. Con-
sequently to heal this defect, the council at a meeting held on
Oct. 16, 1696, ordered new commissions to be issued in which
"Dukes County" was substituted for "Martha's Vineyard." ^

On June 19, 1697, ^^"^"^ on June 16, 1699, additional acts
were passed, establishing courts and "settling time and place"
for holding same, but no important change was made in our
local sessions. The last act established a court of general ses-
sions of the peace and inferior court of common pleas, both of
which were to be held as before directed.^

In 1739 the Justices of the Dukes County Court of Ses-
sions sent the following petition to the governor and general
courts : —

^Dukes County Court Records, Vol. I.

^Mass. Arch., XL, 266; Executive Records of Council, II, 421.

^Acts and Resolves, I, 283, 367. In 1695 the Justices were Richard Sarson,
Matthew Mayhew, and Thomas Alayhew, in the order named, with Joseph Norton as
marshal.

26S

County of Dukes County

Whereas the s'd Courts now stand Istablished by Law to be held &
Kept at Edgartown with & for the County afores'd On the Last Tuesday
of March & October Annually The which with Respect to March Court
hath Proved very Prejudicial to the Inhabitance both of this County &
the County of Nantucket both with respect to their Husbandry, whaling
& fishing &c.

Yovir Petitioners Therefore Pray that your Excellency & Honours
will be pleased to order & grant the s'd March Court may for the future
be held & kept in Edgartown afores'd on the first Tusdays of March
Annually and your Pettitioners as in duty bound shall ever Pray'

This request was granted by the general court and con-
sented to by Governor Belcher.^

CAPITAL TRIALS.

In those days the name and honor of the king or his family
could not be assailed with safety, and that our island court
was fully alive to its duty in protecting the dignity of the duke
is evident from an incident which occurred in 1676. John
Wright, a coastwise skipper, was indicted here upon the testi-
mony of Isaac Norton and Peter Jenkins, "for speaking con-
tumelius werds concerning his Royall highness James Duke of
York, saying he was no more looked upon then a Dog, to the
wounding and impayring his fayme and Dignitie." He was
tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. But an appeal for
clemency to Governor Sir Edmund Andros was allowed. The
royal governor wrote Mayhew that "yourself having no farther
objection, but satisfyed of his Innocency, Hee ought not to be
prest." The court was complimented for its "due proseedings
therein" and the unlucky, and probably tipsy, sailor was saved
from the gallows by a pardon. In an effusive letter of grati-
tude for his delivery Wright thus apostrophises Andros: "to
whome under God I am behoulding to for my all there being a
sentence of death given upon my Concarnes by the Court of
Martynes Vineyarde had not your Cleminessy given me a
Resericktion I had bin now but the prodikt of a sifer.'" It
was a dangerous thing to speak ill of the duke on Martha's
Vineyard.

But a real capital trial was held before this court in 1689,
the defendant being an Indian. The story is thus told by a
contemporary writer: —

'Mass. Arch., XLI, 345.

^Dukes County Court Records, Vol. I, comp. N. Y. Col. Mss., XXVI, 42; N. Y.
Col. Doc, XII, 656.

269

History of Martha's Vineyard

About the year 1668 an Indian squaw was found murdered at Martha's
Vineyard, and the neighbourhood suspected an Indian man, whose name
was Pamahtuk, to be the author of the murder. Nevertheless upon his
examination he deny'd that fact; and because the fact could not be proved
against him, he was left at liberty. More than twenty years after this
there was another Indian scjuaw found murdered and this Pamahtuk with
some others were thereupon questioned, who all denyed the murder; nor
was there any evidence to convict them of it. Hereupon an Indian present
moved that Pamahtuk might be again interrogated concerning the murder
committed so many years ago; and behold the poor creature immediately
confessed himself guilty.'

At the court holden Sept. 17, 1689, Mr. Thomas West,
"their Majesties Attorney complaineth against pammatoock
Indian & Eleksander for killing Sarah an Indian maid at
tisbury." The grand jury found a true bill that the Indian
(Pammatoock) killed the girl in 1664."

"After a fair trial," says our authority, "he was found
guilty," and the court records tell the rest in short and simple
phrase.

Ordered that pommatoock Indian shall be executed the 26 of Sep-
tember 1689 for murder don in or about 1664: until he is dead dead dead.^

The punishment was inflicted on the day specified, prob-
ably in Edgartown, and is the first known execution on the
Vineyard. In this case it will be noticed that "their Majesties
Attorney" conducted the prosecution. This ofhcer is first
mentioned in the previous year, under date of Jan. 8, 1687-8,
as "the King's Slissiter (solicitor)" and it is presumed he was
a recent appointment to aid the court in the trial of criminal
cases.* Thomas West was the king's attorney in 1690, and in
the absence of other evidence may be considered as serving
as such from the first date when that officer is mentioned.

JUDICIAL.

There were few persons on the island before 1800 who
were learned in legal affairs, and it is probable that litigants
conducted their own cases to a great extent. The County
Clerks acted in all matters involving the preparation of legal
documents, and the clergy usually drew up wills for their
parishioners. It is thought that Temple Phillip Cooke of

'Mather, "Magnalia," II, 444.

^his date does not agree with the above cited authority, but being the original
legal record it is believed to be the correct one.

'Dukes County Court Records, Vol. I.

*On that same date the court is designated as "oyer and terminer," an ancient
phrase applied to a court sitting to hear and determine causes.

270

County of Dukes County

Edgartown (1724), whose beautiful cipher signature is else-
where shown, was the first educated attorney on the island.
Admissions to the bar were not required in those days, and not
until fifty years later is there any record of such a proceeding.
At the January term of the Court, 1779, William Jernegan
was sworn in as attorney at law, and he was followed in 1780
by Thomas Cooke, son of Temple Phillip; by Nathan Bassett
in 1784, and Ebenezer Skiff in 1798, these four representing
all admissions to the bar before the beginning of the nineteenth
century.

THE SHIRE TOWN.

By reason of its primogeniture, rather than by a decree
by statute, Edgartown has been the county seat since the set-
tlement of the island, a period of over two and a half centuries,
but it has not always held peaceful possession of the title.
As the only "towne uppon the Vineyard" for thirty years,
there was no rival to dispute its hold on the official records of
the estates of the inhabitants of the island. When the govern-
ment was reorganized in 1671, and other towns were incorpo-
rated, no provision was made for a county jurisdiction, and
hence no shire town was required; but Edgartown continued
to be the residence of the governor whose influence was para-
mount, and who doubtless kept all the court and land records
in his possession or in that of his family. When the county
was organized in 1683, no shire town was named, but it was
provided in the organization of the courts that they should be
held at such "places as shall bee thought fitt & convenient"
by the justices, who selected the Vineyard and Nantucket
alternately without naming the township. There was really
but one place for such a purpose, and that was Edgartown.
In this situation matters remained until the transfer of juris-
diction to Massachusetts when, on Nov. 25, 1692, in an act
relating to the time and place of holding courts, Edgartown
was for the first time specified as the location, and thus acquired
an official confirmation of her primacy.^ This seat of the new
jurisdiction remained firm for about thirty years, during which
time a new generation had grown up and the towns of Chil-
mark and Tisbury were increasing in wealth and population.
In 1700 the province taxes for Edgartown were ;^i5, for Chil-
mark £f), and for Tisbury £']\ and in 1708 they were for-

'Acts and Resolves, Mass. Bay, I, 73. In a subsequent act dated June i6, 1699,
this was repeated. (Ibid., I, 367.)

271

History of Martha's Vineyard

Chilmark ;^5i, for Edgartown £^o, for Tisbury £;^o, showing
for the first time the lead of Chilmark in taxable value. In
1720 the figures were still more noticeable — Chilmark £2,8,
Edgartown £21,, and Tisbury ;!^ii, making a total of ;^49 or
over two-thirds at the middle and west end of the island. With
wealth and numbers came ambition, and w:e find as a result,
in 1720, the first definite move made to procure the removal
of the shire town to the geographical center of the island. The
townsmen of Chilmark started the ball rolling at a meeting
held on Sept. 15, 1720, when it was

Voted, That Pain Mayhew Esq who is the Representative of said town
be & is hereby dyrected to put in a pettission in behalf of the town to the
General} Court to obtain the Remove of the sheir town from Edgartown
to Tisbury and that the Courts holden for the County of Dukes County
may for the futur be held att Tisbury.*

Supplemental action was taken later at a town meeting
held in Chilmark Nov. 28, 1720, when it was voted that a
petition be sent to the General Court to obtain a committee to
see about removing the place of "setting" of the courts for
Dukes County.^ With becoming modesty, as the beneficiary
of this change, Tisbury took no action, maintaining a passive
attitude. For several years Chilmark and Tisbury had been
pooling their interests in the matter of representatives to the
General Court, and with one of the Mayhew family, Major
Pain, then the joint representative, it was felt that the change
could bs effected. But nothing came of this first concerted
attempt to remove the shire town.

EARLY COURT HOUSES.

Sittings of the courts were probably held at the residence
of the elder Mayhew, as appears by an entry in the court re-
cords under date of March 26, 1677-8, when a person was fined
for an ''unseemly Act in the governers house when a difference
was in triall & examination before the Govourner."

Whether there was a court house in existence before this
date is not known, as there are no references to such a building
in the early records. On June 3, 1680, at a general court,
the lollowing law was passed: —

Ordered That the Court shall be accommodated and provided for
during their sitting at the charge of the County.^

^Chilmark Records, p. 365.

^Ibid., p. 22.

^N. Y. Coll. Mss., XXIX.

272

County of Dukes County

This would indicate that no accommodations had been
provided heretofore, and even this does not specify that a
building should be erected for the purpose. It is not likely
that such was the case, and it is probable that the quarter ses-
sions were holden in the church at Edgartown. But a new
element had been injected into the situation, and now Chil-
mark and Tisbury were making an effort to obtain the "county
seat" for the latter village. Under these circumstances the
office holders of Edgartown proceeded to anchor down the
title of their place as shire town by providing a court house
for the county, and thus have an argument against removal
in case of further squalls from the west. Accordingly the
bench entered into negotiations for a site, and finally, on
March 14, 1721, bought a lot from Samuel Bassett, w^hicli is
described as follows : —

[Dukes Deeds, VI, 124.]

Samuel Bassett to the Inhabitants of Dukes County and the Present
and future Justices.

Land on which to build a Court House in Edgartown, being a part
of a lot lately bought of Simon Athearn, " 25 foot in breadth, beginning
at a foot path that goeth along the town on the S. W. side of sd Bassett's
lot, adjoining the land of Sam'l Butler, & extending westward 40 feet . . .
for the use above expressed so long as the Justices from time to time shall
keep or order the County Court house yard kept, warranting they shall
and may build thereon.'

This lot was on North Water street, on the west side^
about half way between Thomas and Morse streets, and it is
supposed that a court house was erected thereon at once as it
is known that the building was in existence some years later
and described as located "within 20 rods" of the water.^

For forty ensuing years peace reigned on this question
and, presumably, Edgartown considered herself secure in her
glory, but the same causes were still operating and the west
end of the island was not satisfied. It was a state of neutrality
that all understood and, in 1761, the agitation began again.
We may suppose that Chilmark was the chief conspirator at
this time as on the previous occasion, for the battle was started
by its people in the latter part of that year. The following
records show what action they took : —

'Bassett sold three acres and a house to Samuel Waldo of Boston in 1729 (Deeds'
IV, 313), and Waldo deeded same to Samuel Stewart in 1734, "reserving for Court House
land 30 feet in width and 80 feet in length joining to said foot path," i. c, along the
bank, the present North Water street. (Deeds, V, 142.) This is a different measure-
ment of the plot as described in Bassett's deed.

=Mass. Archives, CXV, II, 758.

History of Martha's Vineyard

Att a Town Meeting Lawfully warned and heald in Chillmark on
Wednesday the 14th of Oct. 1761 Zacks Mayhew moderator. . . . allso
voted that Mr. Jonathan Allen be an agant for sd town in order to join
with the agant of the town of Tisbury in sd County to Prepar a Petishon
to the grate and general Court of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay
that Tisbury may be made the Shear town of sd County in the room of
Edgartown in sd County and to do and act all things necesary Relation
thereto.^

This time Tisbury was not so shy and, when the subject
was brought to the notice of the townspeople, a meeting was
called to see what stand it was best to take in the premises.
Accordingly, a town meeting was called two days later to con-
sider the subject, and the following is a record of the action
taken by the freeholders : —

At a legal Town meeting held at the Meeting House in Tisbury on
the i6th Day of October Anno Dom: 1761 .... said Meeting was Notified
to se if a Vote might be Obtained to Chuse some meet Person to Prefer a
Petition to the General Court or Assembly held att Boston &c: that Tis-
bury might for the future be Made The Shire Town in Dukes County:
Said Agent to Joyn with the Agent of Chillmark in Prefering Said Petition
and said Vote being Put it Past in the Affirmative and Mr. James Athearn
was Chosen for the Purpose Abovesaid Recorded.^

This joint committee, Jonathan Allen and James Athearn,
acting in accordance with their instructions, prepared and pre-
sented to the Governor and Council and the Representatives
in General Court assembled, the following petition, dated
Nov. 20, 1 761, setting forth the reasons for the change desired : —

[Mass. Archives, CXVII, fol. 752.]

To His Excellency Francis Bernard Esq., Cap-
PROVENCE OF THE tain General &c., & to the Hon'bl His Majes-
MASS. BAY ties Council & House of Representatives in

General Court assembled:

The Petition of James Athearn & Jonathan Allen Agents for the
Towns of Tisbury & Chilmark, Humbly sheweth: That the first sethng
of This County by the English was at the East end att the Town of Ed-
gartown, which ever since has been The Shire Town in said County &
the courts held there But as the People Increased They Extended towards
the West End so that the Greatest Part of the Inhabitants are in the Towns
of Tisbury & Chilmark, as may be seen by the lists of Valuation.

Now Your Pettrs Humbly Pray That as the Greatest Part of the In-
habitants are in Tisbury & Chilmark that Tisbury may be for the future
The Shire Town in said County & The Courts Held There which we ap-
prehend will be vastly more Beneficial For the Community in said County
as The Courts will be Held in the Center of said County which now is at

'Chilmark Town Records, I, 1 18.
^Tisbury Records, 179.

274

County of Dukes County

one End. It will Likewise Lessen the Court Charges for Grand Jurors
Bills of Costs, Travel of Witnesses &c. And further yr Pettrs apprehend
it will accomodate the Inhabitants of the County much more then at pres-
ent for those Persons obliged to Tend Court Cant Return Home at night
which they may if s'd Courts may be for the Future held in Tisbury &
Further yr Pettrs would Inform yr Excellency & Hon'rs that that Part of
This County called Elizabeth Islands & the Island of Nomans Land lay
Three Leagues to the Westward and Southward of the Island & have thereon
about Twenty familys which are obliged to Tend Court after they have
Landed on the West Part of The Island. They are obliged to Travel at
Least Twelve Miles to the Courts at Edgartown, which they Cant Doe &
Returne at Night, Whereas if the Courts were Held in Tisbury they might
Doe their Business & Return at Night & Farther yr Pettrs would Beg
Leave to Inform yr Excellency & Hon'rs That That Part of Edgartown
Vv'here the Courts are Held now is Poorly furnisht with Pasture or Hay to
Keep Horses &c. Moreover yr Pettrs further Inform yr Excellency &
Hon'rs that The Ferry for Transporting People from the Vineyard to the
Main Land is in Tisbury &c. And at a Legal Town Meeting held in the
Towns of Tisbury & Chilmark your pettrs were chosen as Agents for the
purpose aboves'd as may appear by the s'd Town Vote Hereto Annext,
and yr Pettrs as in Duty Bound shall ever Pray.

JAMES ATHEARN JONATHAN ALLEN.

The council took the following action, under date of

Nov. 21, 1 761: —

In Council Read and Ordered that the Petitioners serve the Town
of Edgartown with a copy of this Petition that they shew Cause (if any
they have), on the second Thursday of the next sitting of this Court, why
the Prayer thereof should not be granted.'

In due course this notice was served as directed, and al-
though it was known what was going on, yet Edgartown had
done nothing officially about the matter. When notice was
received, a town meeting was called, at which the following
votes were passed on Dec. 15, 1761, to meet the impending
disaster: —

Voted. John Sumner Esq., John Norton Esq., Matthew Norton,
Mr. John Coffin, Mr. John Worth, Mr. Peter Norton, Mr. Elijah Butler,
serve as a committee to draw an answer to a Petition which was sent into
the General Court by the town of Tisbury and Chilmark praying that
Tisbury might be made the Sheir Town.

Voted, that John Norton and John Sumner Esq., be joint agents for
the town with full power either of them to appear in the absence of the
other at the Great & General Court of this Province and there in its be-
half to make answer to a Petition of the towns of Chilmark & Tisbury,
which prays that Tisbury may be the Sheir town in Dukes County & to
prosecute the sd answer till the fate of the Petition be determined."

'Council Records, XXIV, 117.
-Edgartown Records, I, 233.

History of Martha's Vineyard

This strong and formidable committee started out on the
war path without delay, and the sub-committee prepared the
following interesting, humorous, and powerful answer to the
petitioners : —

[Mass. Archives, CXVII, fol. 758.]

To his Excellency Francis Bernard, Esq., Capt General &c., To the
Honorable his Majesties Council & House of Representatives in a
General Court assembled: —

Forasmuch as your Excellency & honours have been pleased to order
that the Town of Edgartown should be served with a copy of a Petition
of James Athearn & Jonathan Allen Esq'rs as Agents for the Towns of
Tisbury & Chilmark for the removal of the Shire Town in Dukes County
from Edgartown to Tisbury in order for our offering Reasons if any we
have why their Prayer ought not to be granted, Wherefore we the Sub-
scribers as Agents for s'd Edgartown beg leave to make Answer as Fol-
loweth: — And in the first place w^e shall shew the true force (if any there
be), in those reasons which they have alleged for the removal thereof, and
then offer some further reasons why their Prayer ought not to be granted.

May it please yr Excellency & hon'rs they alledge that it would be
for the good of the community of the County which we suppose they in-
tended to lay down as a general Proposition & to support by their fol-
lowing Reasons: they say in case the Courts should be held in Tisbury
the Bills of Cost in the County for Travail of Jurors and Evidences would
be less than now — to which we answer that we send a number of Jurors
equal to both the other Towns so that when those of Chilmark have got to
Tisbury (to which place they must come be the Courts held here or there),
they in conjunction with those of Tisbury make a number equal to that of
Edgartown. And we very humbly inquire whether it costs any more
to pay a certain number of men for Travailing Eight miles east than an
equal number eight miles west : and whether there would be a Diminution
of charge for the Travail of Evidence in case the Courts should be held
in Tisbury is altogether uncertain: but allowing they would, and as
great a Diminution as they can with the best appearance of Reason pre-
tend; we cant suppose it would nearly be equal to the Interest of the money
which it would cost the County to remove the Court House & Goal (both
of which it is noted are now in very good Repair at Edgartown), so that
it would not thro'out in all ages in any part Countervail that Charge to
the County.

Again: They Allegd that they apprehend that it will accomodate the
Inhabitants of this County, much more than at present for those Persons
obliged to attend Courts cant Return home at Night, which they might
if the Courts were held at Tisbury — by which we conceive that they
cant intend that none of the Inhabitants of this County can now return
home at night whereas they might all return home at Night in case the
Courts were held in Tisbury, for this is most evidently false it being as
easy for People that live within i, 2, 3, &c miles of Court to return now
as then but that they cant in so great a proportion now as then: and here
it is true that the Inhabitants of Chilmark have now Eleven miles to Trav-
ail, whereas those of Edgartown would have then but eight and that other

276

County of Dukes County

things being equal, those of Edgartown can as well return from Tisbury
on account of the distance as those of Tisbury from Edgartown, but not-
withstanding those things considering that the People of Chilmark & Tis-
bury mostly live by farming & keep Horses, they can doubtless in as a
great proportion & with the same ease return now as then it being much
easier to ride Eleven miles than to walk Eight.

They plead in favour of the Inhabitants of the Elizabeth and Noman's
Land Islands in which they say there are near 20 Families, that after
they have sailed 3 Leagues to the North Shore they have 12 miles to Travail
to the place where the Courts are now held: and so cant go home at
night, whereas in case the Courts were held at Tisbury they might go
home at night. To which we answer that if the Courts were held at Tis-
bury they would have three or four miles to travail from a part of the
North Shore, which distance we can hardly suppose they could Travail
after sailing 3 Leagues and perform business at Court and Return the
same Day: it is true these People have further to Travail now then in
case the Courts were to be held at Tisbury, but this is no charge to the
County in general for they are never required to serve as Jurors (the ad-
vantage of their doing so being in no measure a compensation for the
trouble of warning them); and with Regard to the Inhabitants of those
Islands in particular as they have seldom if ever any occasion to attend
Courts, except for the Renewal of their Licence for Innholding, we Ques-
tion whether the charge of the additional Travail to them would ever
preponderate their part of the Charge of removing the Court House and
Prisn.

Again they further assert that that part of Edgartown where the
Courts are now held is poorly furnished with Pasture or Hay to keep
Horses, & to which we answer that they don't generally attempt to put up
their Horses, & so it is possible that some time when they have desired
it they may have found the less provision therefor, but it does not appear
that they have any Reason to Complain there being several Persons that
live near who Declare thay have ever been ready to take proper Care of
their Horses & never Refused any when applyed to for Twenty years
past, and are still ready to furnish them with good hay at one Shilling
pr night at March Court and Pasture at eight pence pr Night at October
Court, provided they are disposed to put them up.

They inform your Excellency & hon'rs that the Ferry for Transport-
ing People from the Vineyard to the Main Land is in Tisbury, by which
we suppose they intend to intimate that in case the Courts are held in Tis-
bury People from the Main Land (if any there be) who have occasion to
attend our Courts could do it more easily, but we beg leave to inform
your Excellency & hon'rs that altho' Tisbury does enjoy the Privilege of
the Ferry yet the Difference is but very small as the distance from it to
the Courts where thay are now held or in Tisbury, & that the Distance tc
either Place is so great that People would be obhged to Transport their
Horses, it being eight miles now and six miles to Tisbury: And that Peo-
ple from Boston, Rhoad Island & Nantucket (to which places our Trade
is almost wholly confined), can come within 20 Rods of the Court House
by Water, whereas in case the Courts were held in Tisbury they would
be obliged after Landing to Travail 6 or 8 miles. And we would just
observ^e here with regard to the Inhabitants of the EUzabeth Islands that

277

History of Martha's Vineyard

there is no harbour upon the North Shore and the waves are frequently
so high that it is probable that they would be obliged to Land at Holmes'
hole & then the difference of their Travail would be no greater than that
of the People who came over the Ferry from the Main land. And as a
further Reason why the Prayer of the afores'd Pettr's ought not to be
granted we beg leave to inform y'r Excellency & hon'rs that the Indians
who often have occasion to attend Courts are now much better accomo-
dated than in case the Courts were held at Tisbury, for here they can
within call of the Court furnish themselves with plenty of Shell Fish for
Provisions, whereas then they would be obliged to spend their money there-
for if anything they have and otherwise to Live upon People or suffer
hunger: and now when any of them are in Goal others easily furnish them
with Shell Fish and with fire wood, which they have a great plenty of on
Chappaquiddick, which lies near the Court House, whereby their lives
are rendered the more comfortable; likewise as we are liable to be ran-
sacked by Privateers or the like in time of war (of which the General
Court in the last Spanish war was so apprehensive as to grant us a con-
siderable sum of money for building a Fortification), in case the Courts
were held in Tisbury our danger hereof would be very greatly increased;
for if an enemy knew when our Courts were held and that they were held
there (as they might easily inform themselves), they would doubtless
Choose such a time to Plunder us.

Furthermore: This is the only Safe Harbour for Shipping upon the
Island and the People not only of this but of the other Towns Carry on
their Trade & Business here, and as our Courts are held just before our
Whale men sail in the Spring and about the time they make up their Voy-
ages in the Fall; so People can accomodate their business at Court times:
Whereas then they would be greatly removed therefrom.

Again: That altho' the other two Towns have Increased faster than
we for some time past yet there is no Rational prospect of their doing
so in the Future; for the Island has now as many Inhabitants as the Land
will comfortably support; so that if there should be any further increase
of Inhabitants it seems they must be supported by whaleing. Fishing &
seafaring business, and as there is no other safe harbour except this (as
we have before observed), so it seems that this must be the Place for Car-
rying on such business, and there is a prospect (with Divine blessing),
of an Increase herein, in this place inasmuch as the Situation of this is
much more commodious than that of Nantucket, and since our People
seem now to be running into it, as there sailed from this Town the Summer
past nineteen Masters of vessels and upwards of fifty Sailors. Disorders
arise often among the sailors who live in the Harbor and some of them
have been obliged to be committed to Goal, which now can very easily
be done and the Prisoner be delivered immediately when ever the wind
suits for sailing; whereas it would be vastly incommodious to send them
up Eight miles from the Harbur and when the vessel was ready to sail
to wait till they could be brought back again; and it is not at all unlikely
that were the Instruments of Correction removed they would take the
advantage thereof and be guilty of greater disorders, and if it should here
be objected that Holmes hole Harbour is more used than this by Coasters
and Foreigners it may be very easily answered that it is much easier to
sail into this Harbour (a thing which they frequently do when they are

278

County of Dukes County

under apprehansions of a storm, that harbour being much Exposed to a
North East wind), than to send six miles by land.

Lastly: The Charge of moving the Court House & Prison would be
very heavy upon this small County, especially at this Time inasmuch as
our Province Taxes are high and we have been of late at some very con-
siderable expense in the County e. g, we have settled Two Ministers, one
the last year, the other this — we have built a new Ferry boat, Repaired
the Court House & lately paid for building a Goal & been at the charge
of imprisoning and Trying an Indian for Murder.

These or the like Reasons we humbly conceive ought to continue the
Mother Towns in the enjoyment of their Priviledges of this nature not-
withstanding thay be not in the Center, especially since your Excellency
& hon'rs have not seen fit to remove the Shire Towns in several Counties
in the Province in which a removal we apprehend might with parity or
superiority of Reasons be urged as in this, and we beg that considering
these things your Excellency & hon'rs would be pleased to continue us
in the enjoyment of those Priviledges which we have had from the begin-
ning, and redily Dismiss their Petition especially seeing it is not the first
time they have thus Troubled us. Which we shall have the more occasion
to hope for if we may be favoured with a hearing on the floor.

And as in duty bound shall ever pray &c.
Edgartown Jan'y 8th 1762.

JOHN NORTON ) ^^^"^^ ^^^ ,
JOHN SUMNER I *;[-r*

The council having read the plain and forceful statement
of the petitioners and the witty and stirring remonstrance of
Edgartown were in an uncertain frame of mind, and after
deliberation, took the following action on Jan. 22, 1762: —

In Council Read again, together with the Answer of the Town of
Edgartown, and Ordered That Benjamin Lynde and John Cushing Esqrs
with such as the honourable House shall join be a Committee to take the
same under consideration, hear the parties and report.

In the House of Representatives Read and Concurred and Mr. Tyler,
Capt. Livermore and Capt. Richardson are joined in this affair.'

The augmented committee finally reached a decision upon
the subject which was a compromise, as it only divided the
holding of the courts between the two towns, and on Feb. 8,
1762, the following act was passed in pursuance of the recom-
mendation of the committee : —

Be it enacted &c., that the Court of General Sessions of the Peace
and Inferior Court of Common Pleas for the County of Dukes County, ap-
pointed to be holden on the last Tuesday of October, annually, shall
instead of being holden at Edgarto\\Ti, be henceforth holden at Tisbury, on
the last Tuesday of October, annually, and all officers and other persons
concerned, are requested to conform theerto accordingly.-

'Council Records, XXIV, 191.

^Acts and Resolves, Province of Mass. Bay.

279

History of Martha's Vineyard

The result was not satisfactory to either petitioners or
remonstrants, in all probability, as the "west enders" wanted
the whole establishment removed to Tisbury; but it is signifi-
cant of the deliberate way in which this matter was managed
that nothing further was done by the petitioners to accomplish
their purpose for a quarter of a century. Meanwhile, the act
went into effect, and it required the building of another court
house and the maintenance of two by this small county. It is
probable that the October terms of the court, 1762 and 1763,
were held in the meeting house at Tisbury, as no steps were
taken to provide a court house for the sitting of the justices.
Accordingly, at a meeting of the judges of the court, held on
February, 1764,

On a motion made by Mr. Chief Justice Mayhew to the Court that
there was need of a House to be built in Tisbury for the Holding of the
Courts by Law to be held there on the Last Tuesday of October annually,

Voted That there should be the sum of ;^io8-o-o Lawful money forth
with raised in the said County of Dukes County, The sum of ;^48 to be
raised and applied for the Building the aforesaid House and the Remain-
der being £60-0-0 for Defraying the other Charges that the County is
now in debt for.'

At the same meeting, probably to perfect negotiations
already under way, the following action was taken by them : —

Voted the sum of ;^48 to Samuel Cobb, "he first giving conveyance
to this County of a Piece of Land for to set said House upon on the West
side of Mill Brook in Tisbury & likewise obliges himself to build a House
of the Same Dimention as the Court House in Edgartown & to finnish
the same in the Same manner that That is done by the first Day of Octo-
ber next.^

Taxes to Edgartown 38-10-93-4

Chilmark 4 1-06-6 1-4

Tisbury 28-02-8

I I 5-0-0

The land referred to is situated on the spot now occupied
by the post oflice in the village of West Tisbury. The deed
describing the property, executed by Samuel Cobb to James
Athearn, as agent for the county, was dated July 10, 1764,
and is in abstract as follows : —

for the entire use and benefit of the County of Dukes County afore-
said a certain piece of upland lying in Tisbury aforesaid at the southeast
corner of that piece of land bought of Silvanus Cottle late of said Tisbury

'Dukes County Court Records.
^bid.

280

County of Dukes County

ying on the east side of the old mill river in said Tisbury bounded on
the east side by the road dividing said land from the land of Barnard Case
and on the south by the road dividing said land from the land of Samuel
Manter of said Tisbury to extend twenty five feet north & twenty five feet
west from said corner so as to be twenty five feet square, to him the said
James Athearn to and for the only use aforesaid in order for said county
to errect a Court House for said County thereon.'

At a meeting of the justices at this time, to act upon the
subject, the following vote was passed : —

July 1764. Court of Sessions. Present: Matthew Ma yhew, Chief Justice,
John Sumner, Ebenezer Smith, and James Athearn, Associates.

Ordered that there be a floor laid in the Upper part of the Court
House in Tisbury and that the Roof be Joynted & Ploughed and that
the Justices Bencla be Raised the fore Part & that there be hanging benches
to lean upon .... and that the Joyce be straight.^

It is supposed that the building was completed at the time
required, and that the new court house, of the same size and
style as its rival in Edgartown, with its "hanging benches"
for the spectators "to lean upon" was opened with much pomp
by their honors for the first time in October, 1764, to comply
with the law.^ Here the courts annually administered justice
until 1807, and in this building met the delegates to the County
Convention in December, 1774, and passed those stirring reso-
lutions of resistance to the British government on the eve of
the great struggle. To-day it is used as an ice house, or part
of it, on an adjoining lot, having been removed years ago from
its original location.

LATER COURT HOUSES.

In 1 781, upon petition of William Jernegan, Thomas
Cooke, and Benjamin Smith, representing "the Expediency
of Removing the Court House in Edgartown to some more
Convent Place Provided that the same may be Removed and
Compleated in some sutable Place without Expense to the
County which they think may be Done by Granting the Land
whereon said house Stands to the Undertakers of that Busi-
ness."

The justices granted this petition and impowered them
to remove the old Court House from North Water street "to

'Dukes Co. Deeds, IX, 425.

■Dukes County Court Records.

'There was a towTi meeting held in the "County House" in Tisbury in December,
1764, and thereafter the annual and other town meetings were convened there. (Tis-
bury R.ecords, 186.)

281

History of Martha's Vineyard

some sutable place on the Southerly part of the Highway Be-
twixt the INIeeting House & the Dwelling House of the said
Thomas Cooke as soon as may be."

Accordingly on Dec. 5, 1781, in consideration of the
old lot, Thomas Cooke deeded to the County a lot of land
forty feet square on the present Commercial street, south side,
situated to the "Northwestward of the School House that
adjoins the Road which Matthew Mayhew gave the Town
from the Spring or Harbour to the Meeting House."

The times were then full of excitement over the impending
controversy with the mother country, and it was not till the
war had ended, twenty-five years after the law of 1762, that
the two towns began another fight to accomplish the removal
of the shire town. Tisbury was the aggressor on this occasion
in point of time, and held a meeting on Feb. 7, 1786, of which
the following is a report of its doings : —

Tisbuary ss: At A Town-meeting Legally Warn'd & held at the
Courthouse in Tisbuary by the Freeholders and other Inhabitants on
Tuesday the 7th of Febreuary AD: 1786 in Order to Act and do what was
Inserted in the» Warrant for calling the Same Decon Stephen Luce being
Moderator, And then it was put to Vote and Voted in the AfiEirmative
that Mr Benjamin Allen Tisbuary's Present Representative Should be a
Committee Man to Joyn the Town of Chilmark in Prephering a Pettition
to the General Court of the State of the Common Wealth of Massachu-
setts to have the Town of Tisbuary to be made the Shire Town in Dukes
county and for their Courts to be held there for the Future Either at the
Present Session or any Other Sessions hereafter &c: — *

Chilmark followed suit two days later, and the record of
her doings in the premises is contained in the following extract
from the proceedings of the meeting: —

Att a meeting on the ninth Day of february 1786. Then was chosen
Nathaniel Bassett Esq. Moderator.

Voted that there be a committee of two persons to Draught a Pe-
tisson to the General Court to make Tisbury the Shear town for the said
County: then was chosen Matthew Mayhew Esq. and Benjamin Bassett
Esq. to Draught said Petition and to Lay it before the To\^Tl att the ad-
jornment, and said town meeting is adjomed to Monday next at two
o'clock in the afternoon.

att a Town meeting by adjornment on the thirteenth day of february
1786, then was chosen 5s''athaniel Bassett Esq. Moderator.

And said Committee Bring in the Petition to the town and the Town
Voted that the Petition be sent to the General Court. ^

^Tisbury Records, 257.
^Chilmark Records, I, 203, 206.

282

County of Dukes County

With the above named petition went the petition of Tis-
bury, drawn up by Benjamin Allen, and both were presented
to the General Court at its session for that year. The former
is not in the archives, but that of the agent for Tisbury is of
record and reads as follows : —

To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the
Commonweakh of Massachusetts in General Court assembled:
The Petition of Benjamin Allen of Tisbury in behalf of said Town,
and appointed on the Seventh day of February instant, at a legal Town
meeting as by a vote of said town will appear. To Petition the General
Court in conjunction with the inhabitants of the Town of Chilmark in
the County of Dukes County That the Town of Tisbury may be made the
shire town in sd County, first Because it is the middle town in Said County
and in the center of the County, and the people, and one half of the County
Courts have Been held there for some years, and a new Court House
within a few years hath been built at Tisbury: but no goal as yet. But
one must soon be erected at Tisbury and as the Goal at Edgartown is
old and much out of Repair our small County must now be at the cost of
building two Goals & keeping them in Repair, which will be such a cost
as this small County is not able to pay, and one goal is quite sufi&cient
for sd County if in the center of the same; for further Reasons your Pe-
titioner begs leave to referr your honours to the Petition of the town of
Chilmark which is now before your honours; your Petitioner humbly
prays your Honours will be pleased to Take the above into your wise &
Compassionate Consideration & order That the Town of Tisbury may be
made the shire town in Dukes County and all the sd County Courts for
the future to be held there: & as in Duty bound shall ever pray.

BENJAMIN ALLEN Agent for Tisbury '
February 23, 1786.

The representatives took the following action on the
prayers of the petitioners shortly after : —

In the House of Representatives
February 28, 1786.
Read with the Petition on the same Subject from the Town of Chil-
mark & ordered that the Hon. Walter Spooner Esqr, Solomon Freeman K
Esqr & Shearjashub Bourne Esq, Committee appointed the last sitting
on the petition of a number of the Proprietors of the Island of Chabba-
quiddick, have it in instruction to view the County of Dukes County with
respect to the suitable place or place or places of holding the Courts there,
hear the parties & report.^

It does not appear what action was taken, if any, on the
report of this committee, but it is sufficient to say that no
change occurred as a result of the agitation. For twenty years

^Mass. Archives.

283

History of Martha's Vineyard

more there was peace between the rival ends of the island,
and not till the beginning of the next century did there appear
any ripples upon the waters. This time Edgartown started
the ball again, by trying to get the fall session transferred from
Tisbury. In 1805, Thomas Cooke and Cornelius Marchant
joined in a petition for a change of this character, but it got
no further than the files of the Committee of the General
Court, where it was lost. This time the east end faction was
determined to fight it out to a finish, and kept up the agitation
the next year.

On May 7, 1806, the people of Edgartown held a meeting
''to know the minds of the inhabitants with respect to the
necessity & conveniency of supporting two Court houses in
this County," and by a unanimous vote they decided "to have
but one and that to be the one that is now in Edgartown."
And they further voted to obtain the approbation of the General
Court that there be but one court house established in this
county.^ Following this the two petitioners, Cooke and Mar-
chant, renewed their prayer for a change the next year, but
no reason therefor are stated in their address to the General
Court. Their petition is as follows: —

To the Honorable the Senate and the Honorable House of Repre-
sentatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in General Court
assembled :

Humbly shows Thomas Cooke and Cornelius Marchant Junr that
by the order of the Honorable Court of the General Sessions of the Peace
holden at Tisbury within and for the County of Dukes County on the
26th day of February 1805 were appointed a committee to petition your
Honours for the purpose to discontinue the October term which by Law
is appointed to be holden at Tisbury aforesaid on the last Tuesday of
October annually, and that the said Court be altered to the first Tuesday
of November then to be holden at Edgartown within and for said County
of Dukes County.

Your Petitioners inform your Honours that they did accordingly prefer
a Petition to the General Court at the next session which was committed
but not reported, and the Papers since not to be found.

We therefore Pray your Honours that the October term be discon-
tinued and in future to be holden at Edgartown as herein set forth; and
in duty bound shall ever pray.
Edgartown January 6th, 1807 THO. COOKE

COR. MARCHANT Ju'r

This petition was referred to a committee of three, Messrs.
Spooner of Plymouth, Whitman of Barnstable, and Sprague
of Duxbury, who reported "as their opinion that the Petitioners

'EdgartO'svTi Records, II, 130.
284

County of Dukes County

serve the Town Clerks of the several Towns of Edgartown,
ChOmark and Tisbury 40 days before the 2nd of Wednesday
next session of the Court. "^ Meanwhile, before this could take
effect, the people of the two towns were busy, each in its own
way, to promote its interest. On April 6, 1807, Edgartown
voted that "the Court of Common Pleas & General Sessions"
should in the future be held at Edgartown.^ On the same day
the voters of Tisbury were considering the same weighty matter
in town meeting assembled, called together

to see if the Town will agree to Remonstrate against the Petition of
Thomas Cooke & Cornelius Merchants Esqr a Committe appointed by
the Honourable Court of general sessions of this county, to Petetion the
General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to all the Term of
P. Court now holden in Tisbury on the last Tuesday of October and ordain
that that the same should be holden at Edgartown, The Freeholders &c
being assembled they did then proceed to the choice of a Moderator when
John Davis was chosen, then proceeded to choose a Committe when the
select men of the Town Vizt.

Ezckicl Luce ~^

John Davis ^ ^^i^Q chosen a committe to report at the Represen-

Thos. Dunham \ Native meeting.^

The two latter named selectmen produced the following
document which was adopted by the town as its protest : —

To the Honourable the Senate and House of Representatives of the
commonwealth of Massachusetts in General Court assembled

The Remonstrance of your petitioners Inhabitants of the Town of
Tisbury in the County of Dukes County, Humbly [sheweth] that at a legal
meeting warned for that purpose in the Town of Tisbury on the sixth
day of April A. D. 1807. And continued by adjournment to the fourth
day May following, the Inhabitants beg leave to Remonstrate against
the petition of Cornelius Marchant and others of the Honourable Justices
of the court of common pleas & General Sessions of the Peace for the
county aforesaid in Removing said Courts from the Town of Tisbury to
the Town of Edgartown, which deprives the people of the Sd Town of
Tisbury of a Priveledge which we think belongs to us the Remonstrants,
Said Town being the Central Town in the County, for one session is
holden at Edgarton and to remove the other to the Town of Edgartown
will be laying a burden on the people of the Town of Tisbury, for most of
the Inhabitants live at a distance of nearly Ten miles from the Court
house at Edgartown and wee shall be under many Inconveniencys to at-
tend court twice a year at Edgartown, if our Honourable Court had Pe-
titioned to hold but one session a year it would have lessened our expences
(as lately we have had more Justices in the Commission of peace than at

'Mass. Archives.
^Edgartown Records, II, 139.
^Tisbury Records, 333.

285

History of Martha's Vineyard

any former period since the Constitution was framed, and we Should not
complain for our county is very small, not larger than many Towns in this
Commonwealth, but to remove the other sessions and to hold both at
Edgartown will enhance our expences and Travail, so under the existing
circumstances that we feel confident that your Honours will not permit
the court to be altered from Tisbury to Edgartown. And we beg leave
to refer your Honours for the foregoing statement, to the map the census
of the County of Dukes County, and the Tax bill. Wherefore your Re-
monstrants Humbly pray and expect that your Honourable body will not
remove said court from Tisbury to Edgartown where it is now held, and
your Remonstrants as in Duty will ever pray,

THOMAS DUNHAM \ Committee appointed
JOHN DAVIS j by the Town^

Hearings were held on the petition and remonstrance,
but no change was recommended to the Legislature.

By the statutes of the Commonwealth, as existing June i,
1 807, the Courts of Common Pleas and Sessions were holden
at Edgartown on the third Tuesday of May, and at Tisbury
on the last Tuesday of October annually. On the 21st of
June, 181 1, a law was passed establishing six jurisdictions of
circuit courts, excepting Dukes and Nantucket Counties, and
it was provided that sessions of the courts should be held as
then regulated by existing statutes. This left the former situa-
tion untouched in this county, but on June 13, 1814, these two
counties were annexed to the so-called Southern Circuit, and
by section three of that act "all acts and parts of acts estab-
lishing Courts of Common Pleas within and for the counties
of Nantucket and Dukes County" were repealed, and it was
further provided that the sessions of the courts should be held
on the last Mondays of May and September at Edgartown,
for this county. On Feb. 20, 1819, these two counties were
again excepted in an act to establish courts of sessions in the
Commonwealth. Out of all this confusion, and while the
succeeding changes were following each other in unusual rap-
idity, Tisbury lost its semi-annual session, perhaps by intent
and possibly by accident, but if any watchful representative
from Edgartown was doing his duty at that time, the omission
may not have been so accidental or innocent as might seem.
It is evident that great confusion existed in the judicial system
of the Commonwealth at that period, to judge from the frequent
acts and repeals of acts, but it was a fixed belief of the people
of Tisbury that the court had been stolen from them, by under-
handed means, if we may trust the traditions of this controversy.

*Tisburv Records, 334. The court records show the last session of the court as
holden at Tisbury in October, 1807.

286

County of Dukes County

It would be interesting to know the inside history of this phase
of the long struggle, but perhaps it has never been handed
down to posterity.

It took four acts, finally, in 1826, February, 1827, and
June, 1827, and in 1828, before the tangle was straightened out
as far as Xhe holding of court at Edgartown was concerned,
and in this last act Edgartown was made the county seat,
''all laws to the contrary notwithstanding." Matters remained
in abeyance for the next thirty years, when the county build-
ings at Edgartown, built from 1803 to 1825, the court house
and jail, were in a dilapidated state, and the question of re-
newal was agitated by the taxpayers of the county. This was
always a ticklish time for the fortunes of Edgartown, and
agitation again filled the air for a change of the shire town.

The old court house became unfit for occupancy twenty
years after the removal in 1781, and in 1803 upon represen-
tation of this subject the Justices appointed Thomas Cooke,
Benjamin Allen, and Zebulon Allen a committee to consider
and report upon the cost of a new building. The sum of five
hundred dollars was reported as necessary for the purpose,
which the Court approved, and ordered the same committee
to "fix upon a suitable lot for the same, and commissioned
William Jernegan to sell the old building and procure materials
to erect a new one, (36 -by 26) on land belonging to James
Coffin. This gentleman for "Good will and Regard" for the
people of Dukes County donated on Nov. 18, 1803, the
tract of land on Main Street on which the present Court House
now stands. The Court allowed the sum of $614.31 to William
Jernegan for the cost of the new building in February, 1808,
which would indicate its completion about that time. In the
previous November, John Davis, Esq., had been appointed
agent "to sell and Dispose of the Court House in Tisbury
with the Land Belonging to said Court House at Private sale
to the Best advantage."

In August, 1857, James Gray, of Tisbury, with others
petitioned the selectmen to call a meeting of the voters, to see
what action should be taken in the matter of repairing the old
county building at Edgartown, and another fight for the cap-
ture of the shire town was inaugurated. The meeting was
called for the 17th of August, and Thomas Bradley and James
Gray were made agents of the town "in relation to County
Buildings and having Tisbury to be made the shire Town."
Meanwhile, petitions were circulated through the three towns

287

History of Martha's Vineyard

praying that the change be made as indicated. The following
is a copy of the petition : —

To the Honourable Senate and House of Representatives of Massa-
chusetts, in General Court assembled:

The undersigned, legal voters of the town of Tisbury (Edgartown
and Chilmark), respectfully represent, that under the existing laws the
public buildings and Courts of the County of Dukes County are in Edgar-
town, at the extreme end of the County, causing great inconvenience to the
largest portion of the inhabitants of the County, and that the County
buildings now standing in Edgartown, have become old and very imsuit-
able; new buildings must soon be erected, and the cost of changing the
shiretown will be no additional expense to the county.

Your petitioners further represent, that Tisbury is the center town
of the three towns comprising the County, and that a far greater portion
of the inhabitants of the County, and others having business in the Courts
and with the records of the County, would have easier access to them if
the County buildings were placed in Tisbury.

In view of the above statement of facts, your petitioners respectfully
but earnestly request that an Act of your body may be passed making
Tisbury the shire town of the County of Dukes County and that the County
building be located and courts held in that part of Tisbury called Homes
Hole.'

The three petitions were identical in language and were
signed by Charles Bradley and 301 others in Tisbury, Charles
Kidder and 28 others in Edgartown, and David L. Adams and
100 others in Chilmark, a total of 432 voters in the entire
county. This time Homes Hole was the candidate for the
honors.

The county commissioners, three in number, were divided,
the majority favoring removal to Tisbury, and the movement
was gaining in favor with the continued discussion. The
Supreme Court was appealed to by the office-holding element
of Edgartown, and a Writ of Mandamus was obtained, direct-
ing the county commissioners to build a suitable court house
and other county buildings, and there was no other alternative
but to proceed upon that basis. Specifications and proposals
were issued and the contract for the new, and present, county
building was let on March 24, 1858, and work was at once be-
gun on the new structures. Meanwhile, the petition of the
taxpayers were making unsatisfactory progress, and the up-
shot of the agitation was that the petitioners got the fatal
''leave to withdraw." They were too late in their campaign,
as the legislature was faced with the mandamus of the court,
and felt it could not, or should not, interfere.

'Tisbury Records, 732-4.

County of Dukes County

Nearly a generation grew up, before another similar con-
dition presented itself to the people, the need of expensive re-
pairs on the court house to make it fit for the uses of courts
and the proper transaction of business. Again the ticklish
period for Edgartown arrived, and the other towns, practised
in this method of attack, began another campaign to have the
old buildings abandoned, and the new ones erected at Vine-
yard Haven. A site was offered for it in that village, and all
the towns joined Tisbury in the petition for a change of the
shire town. Committees representing each town besieged the
General Court in the early spring of 1896, and the fight waxed
hot and acrimonious. Tisbury having one of its citizens re-
presenting the Cape District in the Senate, was able to carry
that body for the bill, but the measure failed in the House.
This was largely due, it is thought, to the heroic measures of
Edgartown to save its long primacy. The town unanimously
voted to pay for the entire cost of the repairs and improve-
ments to the county buildings, and a special bill to authorize
her to do this was introduced into the midst of the contention^
and at her own expense the day was saved for the old shire
town. The General Court passed an enabling act to allow
taxation for this purpose, and the contemplated additions and
improvements were honorably completed by her in 1897, pro-
viding a commodious building containing besides the court
rooms, jury rooms, the several county offices, vaults for the
preservation of records, a fine library room for the reception
of law books for the use of the officers of the courts and the
bar. Thus again the ghost was laid, and peace has happily
settled down upon the ancient and picturesque shire town.
Will another generation witness the regular contest when these
buildings shall have grown into the need of renewal ?

The following amusing tradition is related in connection
with the voting of the towns, probably in 1807, on the question
of a removal of the county seat. Extraordinary means were
taken to get out a full vote in Edgartown, and the sailing of
ships was delayed for weeks so that their crews might vote,
and on the day of the town meeting, it was found that it was
a close contest between the two factions. Some one suggested
that there were several voters who were unfortunately deprived
of their liberty, and were languishing in the town gaol opposite,
and if the jailer would kindly allow them to step across the
street and permit them to vote, it would consume but a few
minutes of the time the prisoners owed to the county. The

289

History of Martha's Vineyard

jailer did not feel that he had the right to allow a general jail
delivery, even for such a worthy object, though it might save
the day for Edgartown. It was then proposed that the ballot
box be carried over to the gentlemen who were incarcerated,
and thus give them the privilege of freemen. The point of
order was raised that all ballots must be cast in open meeting,
and in the presence of the election officials. Astute minds
found a way out of this awkward dilemma, and a motion was
made and carried that the meeting adjourn to the jail, where
the ballot box was passed along the door of each prisoner's
compartment, and the worthy voters reached through the
bars and deposited their ballots.

THE COUNTY JAIL.

Under the obolescent form of spelling this word gaol and
goal, there are a sufficient number of references in the records
to the early existence of a place for the detention of criminals
to enable us to learn of its origin and history. What is probably
the first allusion to it may be found in the following extract
from the records of the General Court : —

It is ordered by the Court in case there be not a sufficient prison
built in Edgartown, on Martha's Vineyard within three months after the
date hereof, they shall pay a fine of ten pounds.'

This was passed on Sept. 21, 1686, and may have resulted
in the erection or purchase of a building for the desired purpose.
Possibly the payment of the fine was deemed the lesser burden,
as it will appear from a later court order that the county was
without a "gaol" in March, 1699. The justices passed the
following decree at that term of court : —

Ordered, that whereas grate dammage hath been sustained in this
County and greveance to his Majesties Subjects, for defect of a common
Goall, that Matthew Mayhew and Benjamin Skiffe Esqrs be desired to
agree and covenant for the building of a Common goall to be erected att
Edgartown, and that on their information, a county rate be made for
payment thereof.'

It is probable that this action resulted in the building of a
"Common goall" for Dukes County, but the location of it is
not known. A guess may be hazarded that it was located on
the common land of the town, though this is scarcely definite

'Nantucket Records, II, 38.

'Dukes County Court Records, Vol. I.

290

County of Dukes County

enough to provoke dissent. The building then erected prob-
ably lasted upwards of forty years, until its decayed condition
once more made the "common goall" a subject of judicial
action. In 1743 John Norton, sheriff of the county, made the
following representations to the justices about the dilapidated
state of the building: —

To the honourable the Justices of the Court of General Sessions of

the Peace for the County of Dukes County, now sitting on the first

Tusday of March 1743:

The Petission of John Norton Sheriff of the County of Dukes County
Humbly sheweth that whereas I am Sheriff of sd County that I am In
duty Bound to Lett your honours Know that I am of the opinion that
there is Not a silScient Prison or Goal In said County, for I am obliged
to Put Indain & Inglish Criminells and Debtors and men and women
all together and itt is so Rotten that itt is almost Redy to fall down.

I therefore Humbly Desire that your Honours will Take itt Into your
wise Consideration and order that there may Be a sufficient and Lawfull
Goal or Prison Built as soon as may Be that so the County may not Be
Lyable to any Cost, Charge or Damage In Any Respect for want thereof:
which is what is offerred from your Humble Servant to Comand.

JOHN NORTON.^

The reference to ''Debtors" in this document will recall
to mind the practice at that time, under legal statutes, to im-
prison persons for debt, unless released by an oath of poverty,
known as the "Poor Debtor's oath." The justices took official
cognizance of the "Rotten" condition of the jail, and passed
the following order in March, 1 743 : —

Ordered in Court that there be a Prison built in s'd County in the
year 1744 of 24 foot long & 12 foot wide & 7 foot stud, well built at the
Countys charge & that in order thereunto John Norton Esq to bargain
for the same with a Workman to do it or to Enquire & Report to the
adjournment of this Court whereabouts the Cost will be in order that
money may be raised to Defrfy the same.^

According to a contemporary document, dated 1762, this
jail had been "lately repaired," and as at that date Tisbury
became joint proprietor of the county seat, it is probable that
a second building was erected in that town to accommodate
prisoners. In 1790 a number of citizens of the county
petitioned the General Court that the county be exempted from
the necessity of maintaining two jails, and in answer to this,
in view of the need of a new jail, the justices of the county

'Athearn Mss. Library of Congress.

^Dukes County Court Records. ;

291

History of Martha's Vineyard

were impowercd to determine the place where the new building
should be erected.^ They decided that "sd Goal be set in
Tisbury near the Court House in the land of Mr. Barnard
Case adjoining the Northward corner of his orchard facing
the Road passing Northward from the sd Court House."

On the survey of 1795 a "gaol" is shown at West Tis-
bury, but none at Edgartown, which would indicate the
final passing of the one in the latter-named town. When the
courts were finally restored to Edgartown about 1825, as pre-
viously related, a new jail and a keeper's house were erected,
adjoining the court house on Main street, and were occupied
as such till about 1874, when they were sold to private parties.
The present jail, a two-story wooden building, on the road
from Edgartown to Oak Bluffs, was begun in 1873 and com-
pleted the next year.

SEAL OF THE COUNTY OF DUKES COUNTY.

In the N. E. Genealogical Register, Vol. XXXVH, 349,
appears an article by Abner C. Goodell, Esq., with the title
"Provincial Seals in Massachusetts," representing the result
of the researches of this gentleman respecting the use of official
seals in the various counties of the Commonwealth. In dis-
cussing the seals of the county of Dukes County, he uses the
following language: "In Dukes County I find occasionally
used as a seal of the Probate Court an intricate monogram,
■ the faint and imperfect impressions of which I have been
unable to decipher. In 171 5 the initials B. S. occur, being
evidently those of Benjamin Skiffe, who was then Judge of
Probate. Later I find a mitre sometimes used, and sometimes
two keys crossed saltierwise among the miscellaneous devices
appearing upon the papers of the Probate Court; but no evi-
dence that a seal was specially adopted in any of the courts."
In a note he suggests that the monogram referred to was a
double scroll representing the initials J. A., which were the
initials of Jabez Athearn, for a long time clerk of the courts.

The author believes he has discovered the ancient official
seal of the county of Dukes County as originally adopted a
few years after the settlement of the island of Martha's Vine-

'A whipping-post was in use in Edgartown during the eighteenth century, and
frequent references to it occur. There was also a pair of pubhc stocks for various
offenders, persons who neglected attendance on church worship or other breaches of
the laws of the time. Usually it was an alternate punishment if the fine remained
unpaid. ^

»
292

County of Dukes County

yard. In Edgartown records, under date of Jan. 22, 1655,
appears the following entry: ''The common seale of this place
shall be a bunch of grapes." The entry above quoted respect-
ing the seal undoubtedly applied to the entire island, the
''bunch of grapes" being an allusion to the name of Martha's
Vineyard, and not to Great Harbor, which was then the name
of Edgartown.

While on duty in Washington, the author had an oppor-
tunity of consulting a large volume of manuscripts in the cus-
tody of the Congressional Library, relating to legal matters
upon the Vineyard in the eighteenth century. These manu-
scripts, for purposes of reference in this work have been desig-
nated as "Athearn Mss.," because they are undoubtedly the
original drafts of legal documents and other kindred papers
prepared by James and Jabez Athearn in their official capaci-
ties as Justices of the Peace and Clerk of the Courts on Martha's
Vineyard, beginning about 1720 and covering a period of
about twenty-five years. Many of these documents are origi-
nals, having signatures and seals, and upon a number of these
documents issued by Jabez Athearn as clerk, the author found
a curious seal, a representation of which is herewith given.
The author took a number of rubbings from them to show the
design, and with the aid of a glass copied the design. An
examination of the seal, as shown by the engraving herewith,
shows that it was probably a rude cutting of the seal adopted
in 1655 — "A bunch of grapes." The earliest representation
of this seal in the Athearn Mss. is 1722, and from this the
drawing was made.

EARI,Y SEAL OF MARTHA'S VINEYARD, 1655.

FROM THE ATHBARN MSS.

293

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XXI.

Military History, 1645 -1775.

the colonial wars.

The relations which the Vineyard bore to the various
conflicts in which New York, Massachusetts, and the United
States have been engaged from the first settlement, with the
Indians, the French, the British, and our Civil war, will be
considered from the standpoint of the island as a whole, to
avoid reduplication in the narration of events in the separate
histories of each town. In all the wars which have occurred
in the two and a half centuries elapsed since the first settle-
ment, the several tow^ns have been represented among the
troops despatched to the front by the colonial, provincial, or
national authorities, and it is impracticable to assign the in-
dividual credits belonging to each. For example, the military
companies of Tisbury and Chilmark were united under one
organization for many years, and at other times the military
command has been combined for the whole island. Soldiers
from one town would enlist in another, and the naval or pri-
vateering operations during the Revolution comprised seamen
taken from all three settlements. For this reason the subject
of the external military history of the Vineyard will be treated
as a unit. The internal affairs of each town as exemplified in
the local militia, during times of peace, as a part of the social
annals of each town, will be told separately under their respec-
tive heads. In order, therefore, to properly understand the
composition of the first military organizations, it will be in-
teresting to make a short study of the Puritan militia system,
which will serve as a description of the developments of it in
each town.

THE PURITAN MILITIA.

The laws and customs of the colony of Massachusetts
Bay, from which most of our settlers came, doubtless furnished
the basis upon which the miniature army on the Vineyard was
recruited, and in the absence of any general statutes on the
subject, enacted here, we shall rely on those adopted by the
General Court as the model for the organization.

294

Military History, 1645-1 775

Every male between the ages of sixteen and sixty, able to
bear arms, composed the militia force, but like every law, this
had its exceptions. Deference was paid to social conditions,
and a veneration for the great and the good resulted in ex-
emptions of magistrates, schoolmasters, chirurgeons, clergymen,
and another class of artisans necessary for the public welfare —
millers, herdsmen, masters and crews of vessels in the fishing
seasons.

The unit of the military organization was the train band,
the officers of which were a captain or leader, ensign, and a
company clerk. The honor of an office in the militia was
much esteemed. John Hull, treasurer of the colony, a thriv-
ing merchant of Boston, was chosen to be a corporal in 1648,
and recorded in his diary his praises to God for giving him
''acceptance and favor in the eyes of His people, and as a fruit
thereof advancement beyond his deserts."^

The militia officers were privileged characters in all the
walks of life, and at a time when the colonists were given to
the vanities of extravagant apparel they and their families were
declared to be exempted from the laws which were directed
against excess in dress. The arms of the militia were muskets
and pikes, which were supplied by the soldier himself, as his
contribution to the general welfare of society.^

Of the manual of arms we know but little, and that would
be impossible to explain, except at length, without the aid of
illustrations. It will be sufficient to state that the arms were
carried in the left hand, and the manual of firing was com-
plicated by the use of the flint and match. For a time there
was no music but the drum, each company having two, the
drummers being compelled to serve under a penalty. Gradu-
ally, this monotonous tattoo was supplemented by the fife and
bugle.

We now come to the great Puritan holiday, when the stern
and dignified pilgrim unbent his rigid mien and sated his
natural desire for display in the glories of training day. Here,
gathered upon the town common, was the yeomanry of the
village, with polished fire-arm, glittering corselets, and savage
halberds. What a sight to thrill the incarcerated sensibilities

^Archaeologia Americana, 145.

^The prices of arms and equipments varied considerably, according to quality.
In 1633 corselet and pike were rated at one pound ten shillings, and in 1680 a gun and
loading staff was worth one pou§4 and fifteen shillings. This was old tenor, and cannot
be accurately computed now, although in general terms it may be stated to be four or
five times greater value than our present currency.

History of Martha's Vineyard

of the fair maidens of that extremely proper century, when
''light conversation" between the sexes was prohibited by
statute! It was a day of finery and bravery carefully sand-
wiched between piety and pies. Beginning and ending with
prayer the interval was filled with drills, sham battles, and
inspections. The noon hours were devoted to attacks on the
larder, bountifully supplied with tarts and cakes from the
tempting cupboards of Vineyard housewives. The training
day lingered in the affections of the people for more than two
centuries, and many of our older citizens of the New England
States can recall the dying brilliancy of the general muster of
the militia. The compulsory train bands had perished by
default, and the volunteer rifle corps, taking their places,
merged the "fower dayes evry yeare" into one grand encamp-
ment and muster of the heroic spirits of the time.

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

The isolation of the island, and the satisfactory relations
established between the whites and the natives, all made for
the maintenance of peace between the rival races. For a
generation the settlers on the Vineyard, under the direction of
the Mayhews, had dealt fairly with the Indians in land matters,
bought their "rights," and paid them for w^ork and material
in trading. There was not an ideal relationship maintained,
as the whites continued to regard the aborigine as a "heathen"
and assumed the patriarchal attitude towards the red man in
many ways. This was shown in the system of bondage
adopted to liquidate indebtedness, as told elsewhere, whereby
limited slavery was accomplished under forms of law. Al-
though the island Indians were subject to the "kingship" of
Metacomet, of Philip, of Pokanoket, Rhode Island, it is evi-
dent from contemporaneous writings that they did not con-
tinue entirely under his influence when he began his war against
the English upon the mainland.

The Indians here were encouraged to adopt the custom
of military training on the English plan, and before 1675
Japheth Hannit of Chilmark was made "Captain over a Com-
pany of his own Nation." It is clear from allusions to this
that they were under regular control, and when the war broke
out, it became a subject of some concern to others. The peo-
ple of Nantucket reported it to the Governor of New York, in
which "they pretend an ill consequence may arrise upon the

296

Military History, 1645-1775

Indyans Trayning in Armes on Marthas Vineyard."* But
while it was undoubtedly a hazardous experiment, it caused no
ultimate harm. The captain of their company was an ally of
the governor. "In the time of that War, which began in the
Year 1675," says Experience Mayhew, "and was commonly
call'd Phillips s War, good Japheth was very serviceable to both
those of his own Nation and ours on this Island; for being
firmly set, if possible, to maintain and preserve Peace betwixt
the English and Indians here ; and being an Indian captain, as
has already been said, he was imployed by the English to ob-
serve and report how things went among the Indians.'^^ As a
precautionary measure the governor of New York, in June,
1675, dispatched ammunition and arms to the Vineyard, with
instructions how to manage the existing situation.^ At a sub-
sequent meeting of the council in September, it was voted to
send "a Great Gun" to the Vineyard and "the Proclamation
concerning the Indyans of keeping Watches erecting Block
Houses &c." This gun was sent in a sloop, which also carried
one barrel of powder, fifteen muskets and four skeins of match
for the use of the train band.* The General Court of the
island in the next month passed the following laws bearing on
the subject : —

Ordered That every househoulder have in his house to everie person
able to bear armes under his charge one pound of powder and four pounds
of shott or Bullets, and every single person that shall not provide himself
with powder and shott as aforesaid within one week after warning given
him by the officer or Lieutenant or shall be found without shall be fined
5s for the first default los the second and so increasing as his default shall
be: and shall keep a sufficient gunne well fixed: and it is hereby ordered
That the Lieutenant shall have power to take all fines which shall be due
By the Breach of this Order & dispose them according to order. And
that all persons may be furnished as aforesaid it is here by ordered That
no person who hath powder and shott more than thrice as much as he is
Bound to keep by law shall refuse to deliver to each Inglish man belong-
ing to this Hand who shall demand the same 2s, 6d per pound for powder
and 5d per pound shott in mony wheat or feathers.

Ordered That no persons presume to sell barter Give directly or
Indirectly furnish aney man or persons whatsoever with any quantitie or
quantities whatsoever of powder or shott without liberty and licenc first
obtained from under the hands of the Govourner and of his Assistants:
that they may have the same to shew when they may be caled to give an

^N. Y. Col. Mss. (Council Minutes), II, (2), p. 51.

^Indian Converts, 46.

^N. Y. Col. Documents, III, 254.

*N. Y. Col. Mss. (Council Minutes), II, (2), p. 51.

297

History of Martha's Vineyard

account what they have done with such powder or shott they hadd in
'their custodie: uppon penahie of paying for every charge so disposed of
without licence the full and just summe of five poundes to the treasurie.*

It was further ordered that the lieutenant, "with the 'sar-
gent, shall appoint dayes for exercising the companie in armes,
and any person who shall not make appearance at time ap-
pointed shall pay i2d, and if shal not appear during the day
to serve shall pay 3s. to the companie." ^

The war was not a long one, though a terrible one while
it lasted. Beginning in June, 1675, it was ended on Aug. 12,
1676, when the great son of Massasoit fell at Mount Hope dead
from a shot leveled at him by a soldier under Benjamin Church's
command. It caused no disturbance whatever at the Vine-
yard. Experience Mayhew attributed this happy condition
to Japheth Hannit. "To his Faithfulness in the Discharge of
this Trust," he says, "I conceive that the Preservation of the
Peace of our Island was very much owing, when the People
of the Main w^re all in War and Blood.'" ^

Thus passed the first war, which was but the forerunner
of a long series of conflicts between the natives and their allies,
the French of Canada, lasting into the middle of the next cen-
tury. As stated before, the distance of the island from the
scenes of these campaigns gave but little opportunity for the
men of the Vineyard to develop their taste for the glories of
warfare. Until 1692, the authorities of New York had juris
diction over such affairs, and they had got along better with
the Indians than the governments of Massachusetts, and it was
not till the second Indian war, beginning in 1690, that the
former colony was called upon to defend her frontier settle-
ments against the combined strength of the allied forces.
Meanwhile the local militia organization was kept up, and on
June 15, 1684, Matthew Mayhew was commissioned as cap-
tain of the company at Martha's Vineyard, w^hich is presumed
embraced all the towns on the island.^ Situated upon the
coast, the Vineyard was frequently the object of attack from
French cruisers sent out from Canada to commit depredation
on the commerce of the English settlements, and to inflict
damage upon their sea-shore villages.

'Dukes County Deeds, I, 4.

^Ibid.

^Indian Converts, 46.

^N. Y. Col. Mss., Vol. XXXIII.

298

Military History, 1645-1775

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.

On Oct. 20, 1690, Lieutenant-Governor Leisler wrote to
the Earl of Shrewsbury that "a French Barq Songo and 2
sloops crusing near Long Island, making some spoil on Mar-
tins Vineyard, Nantuckett and Block Island Alarming the
Inhabitants, having no ports of force. "^ Rumors of this sally
of the enemy reached the neighboring colonies to the south
with the usual exaggeration of such tales. "Report here from
Pensilvania," writes a Maryland gentleman, "says that seven
French shipps of Warr have on Martins Vineyard and Block
Island putt all to fire and sword without mercy or distinction."^
However, some of these dangers wxre real. The coast was
infested with these sea marauders, and the only defence against
them was a sort of breastwork, probably mounting the "great
gun" sent thither during King Philip's war. On Aug. 20,
1 69 1, Andrew Newcomb was reported as "Commander of the
fortification: who had such number of men as occasionally
were ordered by the Chief Magistrate."^ It is not known
where this "fort" was located, but, considering the short range
of guns in those days, it was probably set on Pease's Point to
defend the village. The expedition to Quebec, in 1690, being
a Massachusetts affair, did not concern the Vineyard, and no
soldiers from the island were attached to this disastrous mili-
tary operation under Phips. One soldier, who later came to
reside here, Jonathan Lambert, was credited with service in it,
and received the reward given to those who participated. At
the time he was a resident of the Cape. The last connection
the Vineyard had with the war at this period, when under the
jurisdiction of New York, w^as to contribute to the defense of
Albany, the object of assault by the French and Indians.* By
the charter of Oct. 7, 1691, the affairs of the Vineyard from
that date, belong to the history of Massachusetts, but it was
not for many months that it was known by the parties involved
in the change. It made no difference with the activities of the
fleet of war vessels constantly appearing in the sound. A
contemporary document describes the annoyances to which
the island was subjected. The writer tells of the "Continuall
Charge not only for securing of themselves but mainey times

'N. Y. Col. Documents, III, 752.
^Maryland Archives, VIII, 199.
'N. Y. Col. Mss., XXXVII, 230.
^N. Y. Col. Documents, IV, 2.

* 299

History of Martha's Vineyard

for succor and defence of such shipping from most partes hav-
ing commerce and trade here," and that they had not only
armed themselves, but the Indians, "supplying them with
ammunition and provisions while the enemy hath been on the
coast." He said that "all such charges hath since that tim
been wholly on the inhabitants to the value of many hundred
pounds and often more for securing the shipping laden with
provisions and other shipping bound to boston & adjacent
towns, it being beneath both an English and a Cristian spirit
to suffer the takeing of such vessels when it might be by us
hindred, beside the often charge of sendin botes to inform
vessls coming in from sea of the enemies being on this coast. "^
It will thus be seen that the Vineyard was a centre of maritime
activity on the part of the French. Nantucket suffered in the
same way during this period. But being now nearer the home
government better protection was soon obtained.

Immediately upon his arrival as governor. Sir William
took measures to defend the province from invasion by the
French and Indians, who, encouraged by the failure of his
expedition against Quebec in 1690, were renewing their in-
cursions upon the out-lying settlements of Massachusetts.
The two frigates, the Sorlings and the Newport, of the
English Navy, detailed for constant duty on this coast, were
not adapted to pursue small craft in shoal waters, and hence
the project of fitting out an armed vessel of light draught for
the protection of vessels in Vineyard Sound, was started by
the governor and council as early as March 7, 1692-3. Five
hundred pounds was voted for "building and fitting of a small
vessel mounted with ten guns and a suitable number of oars."
This act was passed Dec. 11, 1693, and by the first of June
of the next year she was ready for service.^

Various expeditions "to the Eastward," meaning into the
Province of Maine, or New Brunswick, were sent by the au-
thorities of Massachusetts to assault the Indians and their
allies in their haunts in the forest fastnesses of that region.
It is not known that any men went from the Vineyard before
1700, but it was the custom to enlist "trusty" natives in the
companies mustered for these campaigns, and we have the
record of one Sam Quobiscum, alias Sam Nopye, "a Martin's

^Mass. Archives, LXX, 298.

^Acts and Resolves of Mass., VII, 14. The ostensible purpose of their act was the
protection of commerce, but see the letter of Governor Phips to Governor Fletcher of
New York, in Documentary History of N. Y., IV, 5, 6.

300

Military History, 1645-1775

Vineyard Indian," who was under command of Jethro Church,
also an Indian in Major Benjamin Church's regiment in
1696, on one of these expeditions/ It was a common practice
in all the towns of the colony to employ Indians for this pur-
pose. These continual expeditions caused great expense to the
towns, and none felt it more than the Vineyard, for under New
York their taxes were very light. At the General Court,
holden in 1695, an act was passed " to provide means for the
support of the government, for a vigorous persecution of the
War against the French and Indian enemy and rebels," and
for other purposes. A tax of ;^2333, 9s., and 3d. was levied
upon the polls and estates. Upon Edgartown ;^4i, Chilmark
;^2i, 6s., 8d., Tisbury ;^2i, 6s., 8d. The whole was to be paid
on or before May 29, 1696.

Nothing of interest to local annals occurred for ten years
in the military affairs of the colony. In May, 1707, twenty-
three transports and whaleboats, convoyed by the Deptford,
Captain Stuckley, and the galley Province, Captain Southack,
made an unsuccessful attempt against Port Royal (now Annap-
olis), Nova Scotia. The land troops were under the com-
mand of Colonel John March. This was unsuccessful, and
two years later another expedition against that place proved
similarly disastrous. In the last one John Skiff, probably son
of Nathaniel Skiff of Chilmark, was attached to the company
of Captain Matthew Austin of the New Hampshire contingent.^
On the i8th of September, 1710, however, a fleet of thirty-six
vessels of war and transports, under the command of Captain
Nicholson, sailed from Boston for a third attack on Port Royal,
which place had been returned to France by treaty. The ex-
pedition arrived before the town on the 26th of September,
and on the first of October the forts were carried by storm.
In honor of the reigning Queen of England the name of the
town was changed to Annapolis. In the last of these three
expeditions Nicodemus Skuhwhannan, a Tisbury Indian, lost
his life.^ Flushed with victory, Nicholson went to England to
urge further operations against the French, and as a result of
his representations, a fleet of fifteen war vessels and forty trans-
ports, under the command of Vice-Admiral Walker, appeared
in Boston harbor in June, 1711, where it took aboard about
seven thousand troops, regulars and provincials, and on the

'2 Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., V, 507-9.

^N. H. State Papers.

^Sewall Diary, II, 432; comp. Indian Converts, 103.

301

History of Martha's Vineyard

last of July cleared for Quebec. The loss of eight ships, with
884 men, in a fog, while ascending the St. Lawrence, caused
the abandonment of the expedition, and the vessels of the navy
made sail for England, while the colonial contingent steered
away for Boston. This disaster plunged Massachusetts and
the other provinces so deeply in debt, that for a generation they
did not recover from the effects of it. In this unfortunate
enterprise one of our Chilmark youth, Nathan, probably son
of Nathaniel Skiff, "went out as Serjeant under Maj. Robert-
son, and being in his return taken sick, which Sickness was so
Greavious, that he got no further whomeward than Dorchester
before he Lay wholy By it and of the same sickness thare
Dyed."^ It is not known that there were any other Vineyard
soldiers connected with the Port Royal campaigns, or the
fruitless expedition to Quebec.

In 1 740 an expedition against the Spanish West Indies was
organized, under Admiral Edward Vernon, to which Massa-
chusetts contributed five hundred men, and received back not
more than fifty, the remainder having perished of tropical
diseases. One company went from Plymouth county, but it is
not known that any soldiers went from this island.

THE LOUISBTJRG EXPEDITION.

We now come to the great campaign in which New Eng-
land valor found opportunity to display itself, under talented
leadership, and the glory of it was celebrated in song and
story for generations — the siege of Louisburg, Cape Breton.
An old narrative poem thus begins the account : —

"Come all New England galant Lads
And Lend to me an ear
And of your Brthem mighty acts
I will in short declar
brave Peprell with three thousand men
perhaps some hundreds more
did Land the very first of May
Upon Cape Briton Shore."

In a fleet of fourteen vessels of war and nearly an hundred
transports, the troops commanded by Colonel William Pep-
sin the Dorchester buying ground is a stone erected to Nathan Sriffe(sic) who
"Died Oct. the 17, 1711, in the 20th year of his age," probably erected by his uncle
Benjamin, whose petition for his pay as a soldier, after his death, is among the Massa-
chusetts Archives.

302

Military History, 1645-1775

perrell of Kittery, Me., embarked for the rendezvous at Cape
Canso, Nova Scotia, under the charge of Captain Edward
Tyng, as commodore of the sea forces. At the rendezvous
the expedition was joined by an auxiliary force, detailed from
the royal navy, consisting of six frigates and five ships. The
combined fleet arrived before Louisburg on the last day of
April, 1745, having been detained by ice, and immediately
began the investment of the place. It was the modern fortress
of that region, and for a quarter of a century the French had
been strengthening it until at this time it was called the second
Dunkirk. It was garrisoned by sixteen hundred men, and
armed with one hundred and one cannon, seventy-six swivels
and six mortar, and the local conditions afforded such a natural
aid to the artificial defenses that it was assumed it could be
held by two hundred men against five thousand. Being with-
out siege guns the provincials supplied this deficiency by cap-
turing an outwork, called the grand battery, and when this
was accomplished the investment was completed without
bloodshed. For six weeks the besiegers hammered away at
the fortress, without interruption, and on June 15, when the
French commander learned of the capture of the long-expected
relief ship Vigilant, of sixty-four guns, a flag of truce was sent
out. On the 17th the fortress, with six hundred regulars and
thirteen hundred volunteers, was surrendered, and the vic-
torious Pepperrell and his raw New England troops marched
in. Another verse of the ballad above quoted describes the
joy of the besieged at their deliverance : —

"The gentelmen and Lades tou
They did carress our men
For having them deUvered
From worse than Lawyer's den."

The return of the troops to Boston, with the report of the
fall of the last menace of the French to New England, was the
signal for the most extravagant demonstrations of satisfaction.
Pepperrell was knighted by the king, and thus became the
first baronet of New England birth, while one of the captains
of the fleet was commissioned with that rank in the royal
navy. This combined campaign of the troops from New Eng-
land, and the naval forces of England marked the high-water
mark of the relations between the home government and the
colonists. How many Vineyard men took part in this suc-
cessful campaign is not known, owing to the absence of a

Histoiy of Martha's Vineyard

complete set of muster rolls in the state archives^ The name
of Sergeant Joseph Luce has been found among those pub-
lished, and there occur the names of Lieutenant Peter West
and Thomas West, all Tisbury names, doubtless belonging
to our island. According to tradition, young Peter Pease
(afterwards the successful whaler), at the age of thirteen, was
a cabin boy in the fleet which accompanied Pepperrell to
Louisburg.^ That there were many more of our Vineyard
men in this celebrated siege is probably true.^

The following years were not so full of activity. Syl-
vanus Luce of Tisbury died at Cape Breton, between 1746
and 1748, probably one of the garrison left at Louisburg after
its surrender. In 1748 William Jernegan served as a soldier
in one of the "Northern" campaigns. In his autobiography
he says "at the age of 19 I was impressed to go into the Army
to defend the inhabitants of the state of Maine against the
Indian savage of the then wilderness, who was daily killing
and sculping the people there, and when I was impressed, a
number of others was impressed in the town, but for some
reason or other causes were chiefly discharged. I then com-
plained very hard to the commanding officer, saying, 'I had
no father, no mother, brother or sister, nor any friend to in-
tercede for me ; for this cause will you force me into the army ? '
The officers reply to me was, ' You are the only person to go,
for you have no one to cry for you.' (O, cruel sentence!)
So I went into the army, and through the goodness of God,
returned home the year following."

In 1748 the fortress of Louisburg was ceded back to
France by England under a general treaty of peace, and ten
years later the work of Pepperrell had to be done all over again.
Thus matters went on for several years, without open conflict
between the two great rivals for the colonial supremacy of this
continent. The struggle could not be longer delayed. Every
outbreak in Europe was a cause for some reprisal on this side
of the Atlantic by one or the other of the belligerents. There
was "fight" in the air. To the Puritans of New England

'.The Society of Colonial Wars, in the Year Book of 1895, published a roster of
officers, found in London. The N. E. Historic-Genealogical Register for 1870, printed
some fragmentary rolls. The Mass. Hist. Society has published a number of the
Pepperrell papers.

^Providence Journal, July 20, 1826.

^There was a Captain Mayhew, commander of the sloop Union, attached to the
fleet of New England vessels taking part in this campaign. This is a name known only
on the Vineyard at this period, and it undoubtedly belongs to one of our island men, but
it is not possible to identify him. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 2d series, XI, 442.)

Military History, 1645-1773

the Frenchman with his "Popish" rehgion was little better,
if any, than his "heathen" ally, the Indian, and the average
Yankee desired to drive both of them from the haunts of men
on this continent. The return of Louisburg to the French
did not please the people here, and they remembered that
Quebec still sat in unconquered grandeur on the St. Lawrence,
a monument to numberless failures of their troops. They
began to gird themselves for the final assault all along the line.
In the fall of 1755, Tisbury looked after the stock of ammuni-
tion, and passed the following vote : —

Also at sd Meeting it was Put to Vote whether or no the sum of
£6 — 13 — 4d Should be Raised by way of Rate to Defrey the Charges of
the selectmen of sd Town for Procuring a Town Stock of Powder and
other nesesary, as the Law Directs that Towns be furnished with & it
Passed in the affermitive.

THE CROWN POINT CAMPAIGN.

At this time the militia of the Vineyard was better organ-
ized than ever before, under the colonelcy of Zaccheus Mayhew
of Chilmark as the ranking officer, John Norton of Edgartown
as lieutenant-colonel, Gershom Cathcart of Tisbury as captain,
of the combined company of foot for Tisbury and Chilmark.
The martial spirit was dominant throughout the island, as
it was elsewhere in New England, stimulated by the successes
of recent years, and the conviction that one great task yet
confronted Protestant institutions, — the expulsion of France
from power in North America. This was no dream of enthu-
siasts, but the sober purpose of men as religiously zealous as
were their opponents. France was constantly encroaching on
the northern frontier, and had already established her out-
posts on the shores of Lake Champlain. Her vessels were
continually ranging up and down the coast in a hostile attitude.
In the fall of 1755, it was reported that "a vessel with French-
men on board that had lately clear'd out from a port in New
England for the West Indies has been in divers harbours at
or near Marthas Vineyard with intent, as is suspected, to pro-
cure provisions for the French inhabitants at Louisburgh."^
Doubtless every act of the French was under suspicion. They
were led by an able officer, Louis Joseph Montcalm, just a_p-
pointed commander of the forces in Canada. The English
army was directed by General James Abercrombie, a Scotch-

*Acts and Resolves, Province of Mass. Bay, III, S84, Nov. 5, 1755.

History of Martha's Vineyard

man, who determined upon a campaign directed against the
enemy in his own territory, at Crown Point, New York, be-
tween Lakes George and Champlain. Acting in conjunction
with the governor of Massachusetts, a call was issued for
levies, from the local militia in the several counties. Brigadier
John Winslow of the provincial forces, accordingly sent the
following letter to Colonel Mayhew, directing him to prepare
his contingent for immediate service : —

Boston, April 15, 1756.
Sir

His Excellency Governor Shirley having Directed me to require an oflScer
Commissioned for Crown Point Expedition to attend at the Impres on
the 2 2d inst and to take such Persons as are Fit for that service under his
care and Conduct them to the Place of Rendezvous,

In obedience to Those orders I have Directed Capt Peter West of
Colo Thachers Regiment to repair to your District and to Take under his
Command both volunteers and Impresses men and march them to this
Place by the fourth Day of May next that they may Receive their arms
and Blankets. Am with regards your very Humble servant

JOHN WINSLOW.'

The colonel set to work at once to accomplish the order,
and after a month's time despatched the following reply,
showing the difficulties he had met with in the performance of
his duty: —

Chillmarck May the 15, 1756.
May it pleas your Excellency:

Imediately upon the Receipt of your warrant I caused the Enlistments
of souldiers In the severall companies within my Regiment for the present
expidition against Crown Point to be returned to me which appeared to
be but five, viz four out of Capt Cathcarts Company in Tisbury & one
of my Company in Chillmarck, to which number I added forty & then
apportioned the whole upon the several Companies according to the num-
ber of souldiers they severally contained & ordered Col Norton to rais
twenty men out of his company in Edgartown & to Capt Cathcart to rais
Eleven out of his company in Tisbury & ordered nine to be raised out of
Chillmarck Company which with the five before enlisted would have com-
pleated the number sent for & although I have done the utmost of my
Power I have yet one man from Edgartown which is their whole propor-
tion makes but eighteen in the whole which I have delivered to Capt Peter
West as I was directed.

I am with due Regard your Excellencys
Most Humble Servt

ZACK. MAYHEW.''

It will be noticed that Captain West was already attached
to the regiment of another colonel, on the mainland, a circum-

'Mass. Archives, XCIV, 148.
^Ibid., 228.

306

Military History, 1645-1775

stance which makes it difficult to follow always the military
history of the Vineyard soldiers. The same condition existed
during the Revolutionary war, when a large number enlisted
from towns on the cape and in Plymouth county to swell other
town quotas. In a letter dated two months later, Colonel
Alayhew gives us further particulars of his difficulties, ascrib-
ing the blame to the absence of available men, in general, and
to the apathy of Edgartown in particular. The following is
his letter: —

Marthas Vineyard, July 5th 1756.
May it pleas your Honour
Upon the receipt of a warrant Isued from His Excellency Will'm Shirley
Esq., Capt General 8z: Comander in Chief &c., I imediately as therein
Directed sent for Enlistments of souldiers in the several Companies within
my Regiment for the present Expedition against Crown Point to be re-
turned to me & found them to contain five in all one out of Chillmarck
Company & four out of Tisbiiry to which number I added forty & then
proportioned the sum total amongst the several companies according to
the numbers of the souldiers they formerly contained & then Lessened
the proportion of each Company by the number that had Enlisted out of
it & then Imediately sent a warrant to Colo John Norton requiring him
to Impres twenty men & to Capt Gershom Cathcart for Eleven men out
of his Company in Tisbury & nine out of my Company in Chillmark
which nine I procured & received of Capt Cathcart eight & of Colo Norton
but one, which eighteen men I delivered to Capt Peter West as I was
ordered all which I gave yr Honour an account of before but am Informed
that My Letter miscarried although I sent it (as I thought), by a safe hand
the Reverend Mr .... And upon receipt of your Honnours warrant of
the 24th of May last I Imediately sent warrants to Col Norton and Capt
Cathcart Requiring the number of them that was wanting to Compleat
the number first sent for & to make Returns to me as soon as Posable
that I rnought send the men as I am Directed but I have had no return
from them as yet but am informed they have had pres warrants out ever
since but can by no means procure them men. There being so many in
the Coste service Sr at?sea upon the whailing desine & so in that have
bin imprest have paid their fine & so having to the utmost of my endeavor
to procure the men sent for I now dispare of procuring of them untill such
time as our men com back from sea. I am with Due Regard

Your Hours

Most Humble Servt

ZACCHEUS MAYHEW.^

As stated by him, he had been able to get together eighteen
men, ten of whom were Indians, and the following pay roll
gives us the names of the men who marched from the Vine-
yard the first week in May, 1755, to the rendezvous at Boston: —

'Mass. Archives, XCIV, 265.

History of Martha's Vineyard

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308

Military History, 1645-1775

This was the second expedition to Crown Point, the first
having been undertaken the previous year under General
Sir Wilham Johnson, and had been unsuccessful. A battle
was fought on Sept. 8, 1755, at Lake George, which "Fild the
Cuntry with So Much Discorce," writes a diarist of the period,
because of its disastrous results. The success of our arms
had not been all that could have been wished. Braddock
had been defeated on the Monongahela, and when the spring
of 1756 opened the present expedition was started to retrieve
the fallen fortunes of British armies. This campaign in its
turn proved fruitless. The Marquis de Montcalm began his
American career by destroying the English forts at Oswego.
The Earl of London also came over this year to take charge
of the war for the English, but he did nothing effective. The
home government sent out reinforcements frequently, yet the
men generally accomplished but little practically. "I dread
to hear from America," exclaimed Pitt, as the news of dis-
asters followed in these years. The raw levies marched back
wearily, through the November snows, many of them pock-
marked from the epidemic of small-pox, which invalided scores,
and the French still held their positions of vantage. In the
following year, nothing daunted by previous failures another
assault on the intrenched camps of the soldiers of France was
projected, and the following soldiers are credited to the Vine-
yard early in 1757: — •

[Mass. Archives, XCV, 172.]
Pay Roll of CAPT. PETER WEST'S Company.

Boston February 14, 1757.

Peter West
Robert Manter
Jeremiah Mayhew
James Hilman
Thomas Purges
Joseph Ray
Israel Butler
David Chapman
John Daggett
Isaac Lewis
Daniel Norton
Edward Crowell
Wm. Armstrong
James Butler
James Bunker

Captain

Tisbury

Lieutenant

Tisbury

Lieutenant

Tisbury

Sergeant

Chilmark

Sergeant

Chilmark

Sergeant

Tisbury

Clerk

Tisbury

Private

Chilmark

Corporal

Tisbury

Corporal

Tisbury

Corporal

Chilmark

Corporal

Chilmark

Drummer

Chilmark

Private

Chilmark

Private

Chilmark

309

History of Martha's Vineyard

[Mass. Archives, XCVI, i6.]
Pay Roll of CAPT. PETER WEST'S Company, 1757.
February 12, to Octo. 21.

Peter West

Captain

Tisbury

Michael Dormont,

2d Lieutenant

Tisbury

Robert Manter

Sergeant

Tisbury

John Daggett

Corporal

Tisbury

Daniel Butler

Private

Tisbury

James Bunker

Private

Chilmark

Daniel Luke

Private

Tisbury

John Luke

Private

Tisbury

In the campaign of 1757 the English troops garrisoned
at Fort Edward were attacked on July 6, and it is probable
that during the fighting at this place the Vineyard company,
under the command of Captain West, took part in the defence
of the frontier stronghold against the assaults of the soldiers
of France. A contemporary picture of life at home at this time
during these hostilities, is afforded in a letter written by Solo-
mon Athearn to his son-in-law, John Pope, then living in
Lebanon, Conn.

Dear Children : —
After my immovable regards to you & your little daughters these may
inform you I am in parfect health blessed be God: your brothers & sis-
ters are all well: saving Hanna who was delivered in child bed four days
ago, of a desirable son but I hope will be raised up again. I have nothing
to right but wars & rumors of wars & great broils (?).... Lydia re-
mains .... & no help to her .... Tisbury is in an unsettled order &
we know not when 'twill be better: It is a time of health in general here.
Ant Skiff is yet alive and remains in same state of body as in years past.
I remain (in) single life and know not if ever (it) will be otherwise: children
and grandchildren looking to me for my helpe continually: I greatly desire
to see you but know not the time when: Taxes are very (hard) because
money is very scarce. Our men are called into the war & many are taken
by war; the sword of the wild men is against us; but our hope is in God.

May the God of peace be with you & carry you thru all your afflic-
tions is the prayer of your affectionate Father till Death.

SOLOMON ATHAN.
Tisbury on Marthas Vineyard, Sept 27th 1757

Early in the spring of 1758, another campaign was in-
augurated under the leadership of General James Abercrombie,
with the same objects in view, and the same points to be at-
tacked. The following soldiers were credited to our island
contingent : —

310

Military History, I 645- 1775

[Mass. Archives, XCVI, i8.]
Pay Roll of CAPTAIN PETER WEST'S Company,

March 17, 1758.

Peter West

Captain

Tisbury

Michael Dormont,

2d Lieutenant

Tisbury

Robert Manter

Ensign

Tisbury

John Daggett

Corporal

Tisbury

Daniel Butler

Private

Tisbury

James Bunker

Private

Tisbury

Daniel Luke

Private

Tisbury

John Luke

Private

Tisbury

It will be noted that all are given as residents of Tisbury/
The campaign of 1758 was in two parts — Amherst captured
Louisburg, July 27, while Abercrombie directed his operations
against the fort at Ticonderoga, called Carillon by the French.
The army under General Abercrombie made a combined attack
on July 8, but the defenders successfully withstood it, and it
remained in their hands for another year. Among those who
took part in this expedition, not named in the muster rolls,
was Barachiah Bassett of Chilmark. Doubtless there were
a number of others as the rolls are of one company only.
Robert Manter got his promotion through the death of the
lieutenant of his company, but failed to secure the pay of his
new rank. He thereupon preferred the following petition to
the General Court : —

He recites that he was in the service of the province as
sergeant under the command of Captain Peter West in the
regiment commanded by Col. Joseph Frye, "and in the month
of July last The Twentyeth Day Michael Dormet our Lieut
was kill'd by the Enemy and on the i8th Day of August fol-
lowing by Regimenta.ll orders" he was appointed "Ensigne
in s'd Company but has never received the pay of his rank."
This petition was dated on March 13, and granted on the i8th
of the same month. The town of Tisbury reimbursed him
for poll taxes that year as he "was in service in the Quality
of a Left in the Crown Point Expedition."

As a curious picture of the time, the experience of Bara-
chiah Bassett, on his way home from this campaign, related

'In a list of soldiers supposed to belong to a company under Major Richard God-
frey, of Col. Timothy Ruggles' regiment at Lake George, this year, are the names of
Ep(hrai)m Pease, Barnabas Allen, and Ezra Allen, but it is not known that they were
the Vineyard men of those names. (G. R., LVIII, 142.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

by himself, is here inserted to show how much the idea of
paternaHsm was a part of the Hfe of the colonists : —

To his Excellency Thomas Pownall Esq. Capt Gener'll & Gov-
ernour in Chief in and over his Majesties Province of the Massa-
chusetts Bay in New England.

The Humble Petition of Barachia Bassett of Chilmark on Marthas
Vineyard sheweth that your Petitioner in the year past [1758] was in the
Expedition under the Command of his Excellency General Abercromby
and your petitioner hopes he was not an unprofitable Soldier, but so it
happened that your Petitioner in his return home from the army having
with others Hired a Vessel at Albany to Return home was obliged to Take
into s'd Vessel a man then Indisposed and who it afterward proved had
the Small pox and by Taking s'd man into s'd Vessel your Petitioner un-
happily Took the Small pox whereby your Petitioner beside undergoing
much Pain danger & loss of Time has been out much charge and cost an
account where of your Petitioner hath herewith Exhibbited. Now your
Petitioner prays that your Excellency and Honours would consider of your
Petitioners case and order him pay for such expenses as he has been out
in his sickness out of the Treasury or other wise to relieve your Petitioner
as you shall in your great Wisdom think fit and your Petitioner as in Duty
bound shall ever pray.

BAR'IAH BASSETT.i

Among the soldiers engaged in other expeditions to Canada
in 1758, from the Vineyard, were John Megee, Jr., and William
Armstrong of Chilmark, James Butler and Shubael Harding
of Tisbury, John Holley and Ansel Norton of Edgar town. It
is not known where they served — possibly under General
Amherst.

THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC.

The year 1759 opened with the conditions remaining in
favor of the French, who, under Montcalm, had held all their
outposts. It was to be a year pregnant with results. The
British armies had been placed in the command of General
James Wolfe, a young and frail soldier, a subordinate under
Amherst at Louisburg, who undertook the task which had
staggered his predecessors, while high on the rock of Cape
Diamond the citadel of Quebec towered proudly under white
banners of New France. On the Vineyard the system of
impressment for the campaign was continued, and the follow-
ing roll shows the soldiers in Colonel Mayhew's regiment in
the spring of that year : —

^Mass. Archives, LXXVIII, 231. Petition dated March 3, 1759.

Military History, 1645-1775

[Mass. Archives, XCVII, 140.]
Muster Roll of COLONEL ZACCHEUS MAYHEW'S Regiment,
April 13, 1759.

John Megee, Jr.

Chilmark

Benjamin Skiffe, Jr.

Chilmark

Hillard Mayhew

Chilmark

William Armstrong

Chilmark

Silvanus Pease

Chilmark

Jeremiah Manter

Tisbury

Bethuell Luce

Tisbury

Timothy Luce

Tisbury

Abijah Luce

Tisbury

James Butler

Tisbury

William Weeks

Tisbury

Shubael Harden

Tisbury

Gershom Dunham

Tisbury

Samuel Chase

Tisbury

Peter Whelden

Edgartown

John Holley

Edgartown

Jonathan Pease

Edgartown

Samuel Steward

Edgartown

Ansel Norton

Edgartown

Robert Hamit

Edgartown

William Bridge

Edgartown

Thomas Norris

Edgartown

Cornelius Ripley

Edgartown

The campaign in New York was under the leadership of
the victorious Amherst, who besieged the French at Ticon-
deroga, no longer under Montcalm's military skill, and on
July 27, he surprised the defenders and captured that cele-
brated stronghold. Meanwhile General Wolfe, on July 31,
delivered an attack on the Gibraltar of America, the fortress
of Quebec, defended by Montcalm, who had transferred his
post thither, and the youthful British general suffered defeat,
but he had found his quarry, and he was not daunted by this
reverse. It is not known whether any men from the Vineyard
were in this last and glorious campaign, at the final scenes at
Quebec. The following letter shows what was done here in
providing our quota of men : —

Sir

Chilmarck April the 15, 1759.

I have in obedience to the Law 81 his Excellencys warant & Direction to
me given don the utmost of My Indeavor to procure the men sent for yet
when the Day appointed for Mustering the Men com som of the men re-

313

History of Martha's Vineyard

turned by the ofl&cers appeared infirm & in no maner abel in body for the
service which I could not except of so that there is yet nine men more
wanting to complet the number sent for viz seven out of Colo Nortons
Company in Edgartown & two out of Capt Cathcarts Company in Tis-
bury & whereas there was the names of som men returned to me by Colo
Norton which did not appear I therefore Imediately sent him Expres
order to serve those who had Deserted & to Complet the Number assigned
him.

I also ordered Capt Cathcart to procure two men to complet the num-
ber assigned him & I hope they will be procured but I fear Not soon
anuffe to go with the Rest for Capt Mayhew I hear designes to March
tomorrow with the men he has already received.

There is one man viz ben toby who was Inlisted by Capt Cathcart &
past muster & has received his bounty of Me but Col James Otis De-
manding of him as belonging to his Regiment vmder his Command there-
fore I directed Capt Cathcart to procure a Man in his room otherwise
Capt Cathcart would have wanted but one man to Compleat the number
assigned him to rais.

We are under a grate Disadvantage heer by Reason the most of our
old able bodied Efective men ware gon to sea before the Order came to
warn the training.

I am sir

Your humble servant

ZACH. MAYHEW
To Col Willm Brattle
Assistant Govern our.'

As usual there were men from the island who enlisted
elsewhere this year. In the roll of Massachusetts soldiers
landed at Halifax on May ii, 1759, occurs the name of Corpo-
ral John Daggett of the Vineyard, in Captain Josiah Thacher's
company, of Col. John Thomas' regiment, and doubtless this
is but one of a number similarly attached to other companies.

It is not known, as above stated, that any troops from the
Vineyard were in the army of Wolfe before Quebec.^ The
only company that went from here, whose rolls have been
preserved, did garrison duty at Annapolis Royal, in Colonel
Hoar's detachment. The captain was Jeremiah Mayhew of
Chilmark, and the muster roll of his soldiers shows the fol-
lowing names of Vineyard men, in addition to a number of
Indians : —

'Mass. Archives, LXXVIII, 440.

^t is a matter of common knowledge that soldiers who fought in these wars are
credited by descendants with service "at Quebec," usually under Wolfe, as his vic-
tory closed the long campaigns of several years, and "Quebec" gave the name to the
general struggle in that sense. Similarly, soldiers of the Revolution are said to have
been in Washington's "Body Guard," irrespective of any evidence showing in what
capacity they served.

Military History, 1645-1775

[Mass. Archives, XCVII, 277.]

Pay Roll of CAPT. JEREMIAH MAYHEW'S Company.

March-November, 1759

John Mege

Ensign

Chilmark

'Jeremiah Manter

Sergeant

Tisbury

Hillyard Mayhew

Sergeant

Chilmark

Benjamin Skiffe

Corporal

Chilmark

Gershom Dunham

Corporal

Tisbury

Abijah Luce

Corporal

Tisbury

Ansel Norton

Private

Edgartown

Bethuel Luce

Private

Tisbury

Cornelius Ripley

Private

Edgartown

Charles Parker

Private

Edgartown

James Butler

Private

Tisbury

Robert Hamit

Private

Tisbury

On the night of September 12, Wolfe's army crossed the
St. Lawrence several miles above the city of Quebec, and on
the morning of the next day were drawn up in battle formation
on the Plains of Abraham. Montcalm committed the error
of leaving; his fortress to srive battle. In the fortunes of the
struggle between the contending forces both of the gallant
commanders fell, mortally wounded, and the demoralized
troops of the defender of the fortress were put to rout, and
Quebec fell before the victorious charges of the British ranks.
With the fall of Montcalm and Quebec fell the French power
in North America, except in the distant and almost unknown
regions of the territory of Louisiana. In this definite result
the men from Martha's Vineyard contributed their share of
blood and treasure in battle, sickness, and death. Perhaps the
finest figure during this long series of campaigns to gain the
mastery over the French was that of Captain Peter West of
Tisbury. He was the fifth son of Abner and Joan (Look)
West, born at Homes Hole, July 21, 1718, and as he grew to

'The Humble Petition of Jeremiah Manter of Tisbury, in Dukes County, sheweth
That your Petitioner Did Enlist himself in to the Province service in April in the year
1759 under the Command of Capt Jeremiah Mayhew & Did Duty as a Sergt att the
Garrison att Annopolis Royal In Coll Hoars Detachment And there Continued in the
Service of the Province Untill the 26th Day of February last when he was Dismissed
But did not Receive the Bounty granted by the Government for the Soldiers before he
came home & upon application to the Treasurer was Informed That The Grant made
for that Garrison was all sent Down For them before he came away: Now your Peti-
tioner Prays That This Honourable Court will Take the Above Petition into consider-
ation & order him the Bounty by Law Granted And your Petitioner as in Duty
Bound shall Ever Pray
Tisbury December 1760. (Mass. Archives, LXXIX, 299.)

This Petition was granted April 8th, 1761. ;£io. o. o.

;i5

History of Martha's Vineyard

manhood, he is described as possessed of a splendid physique
and became an ideal officer of dauntless courage. It is prob-
able that he was a soldier in the Louisburg campaign of 1745,
but we first know of his military service of a certainty in 1755,
when he was attached to a regiment raised on the mainland
for the early campaigns in this long struggle. His services
were mostly in the New York expeditions, Crown Point and
Ticonderoga, but his fortune was not to die in battle, where
his military valor would have led him. He fell a victim to the
scourge of smallpox at Fort Edward, near Lake George,
Oct. 3, 1757, at which time he was acting major of the regi-
ment.^ He left a widow and seven children, of whom the son,
Jeruel, followed in the father's footsteps and fought in the
Revolutionary war. Captain West married, Dec. 16, 1740,
Mrs. Elizabeth, widow of Thomas Chase, and daughter of
Jabez and Katherine (Belcher) Athearn.

Jeremiah Mayhew, captain of another company, was the
youngest son of John and Mehitable (Higgins) Mayhew of
Chilmark, and w^as born in 1705. He married Deborah,
daughter of John and Hannah (Pease) Smith, by whom he
had nine children; and a second wife, in his old age. Fear
Hillman, by whom he had a daughter, named after her mother.
He died June 14, 1790.

Barachiah Bassett, another officer, was likewise a Chil-
mark man, the son of William and Anna (Mayhew) Bassett,
born in 1732. He married after the war Mercy Bourne, and
left three daughters. He served as colonel in the Revolutionary
war, and died June 13, 181 3.

John Megee was a resident of Chilmark, and followed
the occupation of weaver. His brother Thomas was a tailor,
and had resided there from 1725, having married in the town.
Probably they were Scotch-Irish emigrants.

MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN CANADIAN GARRISONS.

From this time the principal military service to be per-
formed by the provinces was in garrison duty at the various
forts captured from the French, and to form the outposts in
the territory lately held by them. This was principally in
Nova Scotia and the other eastern provinces. In 1760, with
a captain's commission, Barachiah Bassett left the Vineyard

^Vineyard Gazette, April i, 1853. This is the only definite statement of the
place of his death, but there is some doubt of its accuracy, in the matter of date.

316

' Military History, 1645-1775

with five men, and Lieutenant John Megee with thirty-three
more, for Nova Scotia/ The muster rolls of Captain Bassett's
men show the names of Ebenezer Daggett, Silvanus Hamlin,
and Abijah Luce of Edgartown; Jeremiah Mayhew and Ed-
ward Davis of Chilmark, in March of that year, at Lunenburg,
N. S. The rest of his men were recruited from other towns
in the province. In May he had besides these Timothy Luce,
Zaccheus Luce, and Peter Tobey, all Tisbury names. ^ The
roll of the company under the command of Megee is not
known to be in existence. One other soldier is known, George
Look, son of Thomas, who "Died in the Army" this year,
aged about twenty-one years. ^ The following soldiers also
participated in the military operations of the army this year : —

[Mass. Archives, XCVII, 279.]

Pay Roll of CAPT. JEREMIAH IVIAYHEW'S Company. »

Annapolis Royal, N. S.

25 Apr. 1760

Jonathan Pease

Private

Edgartown

James Horn *

Private

Edgartown

John Holley

Private

Edgartown

Peter Whelden

Private

Edgartown

Sylvanus Pease

Private

Tisbury

Samuel Chase

Private

Tisbury

Shubael Harden

Private

Tisbury

Timothy Luce

Private

Tisbury

Thomas Norris

Private

Edgartown

William Armstrong

Private

Chilmark

William Weeks

Private

Tisbury

William Bridge

Private

Edgartown *

The death, on Jan. 3, 1760, of Colonel Zaccheus Mayhew
of Chilmark, removed the commanding officer of the Vineyard
militia forces. He had been for many years an active agent
in promoting this branch of the citizen's duties to his country,

* " Elisha West ferryman from Marthas Vineyard to the Main Land Himibly
sheweth that he in the month of April A. D. 1760 he Transported ;^;^ solgers in the
province service under the command of Left John Magee over to the main Land
with out any pay also in May following five more xmder Capt Bariciah Baset and in
June 1761 I tranceportcd 14 more under said John Magee: the Lawful farage is
Seven Poimds ten shillings lawful money and I am not paid any more than £2, 8, 6."
(Mass. Archives, LXXX, 10.)

'^Mass. Archives, XCVII, 286; XCVIII, 63, 142, 286, 474.

'Tisbury Church Records.

^This soldier died.

'Elisha West put in a bill for ferriage of 38 men in 1760, month of April.

317

History of Martha's Vineyard '

having been a captain as early as 1718, and probably before
that date. Accordingly, Governor Bernard reorganized the
local troops in August, 1761, with the following roster of
officers : — ^

John Newman, Colonel and Captain of the ist Company of Edgar-
town.

Cornelius Bassett, Lieutenant Colonel and Captain of the ist Company
of Foot in Chilmark.

Benjamin Manter, Major of the Regiment, and Captain of Foot in
Tisbury (Peter Norton subsequently qualified for this place.)

Samuel Smith, Junior, Adjutant of the Regiment.

The company officers were as follows : —

EDGARTOWN.

Solomon Norton, Captain Lieutenant; Daniel Coffin, 2nd Lieutenant;
Daniel Vinson, Ensign, of the first company.

Peter Norton, Captain; Elijah Butler, Lieutenant; Malatiah Davis,
Ensign, of the second company.

CHILMARK.

Samuel Mayhew, First Lieutenant; Uriah Tilton, Second Lieutenant;
Mayhew Adams, Ensign, of the first Company.

Robert Hatch, Captain; Lemuel Weeks, Lieutenant; Zephaniah
Robinson, Ensign of the second company. ' j,;

TISBURY. '

Benjamin Allen, First Lieutenant; Stephen Luce, Second Lieutenant;
Josiah Hancock, Ensign.

INDIAN COMPANIES.

Edgartown: Enoch Coffin, Jr., Captain; Elijah Smith, Lieutenant;
Richard Coffin, Ensign.

Tisbury : Eliakin Norton, Captain ; Thomas Allen, Lieutenant; Ber-
nard Case, Ensign.

Chilmark: Adonijah Mayhew, Captain; Lemuel Butler, Lieutenant;
Thomas Daggett, Ensign.

It will be noted that the colonel of the regiment was the
Rev. John Newman, pastor of the church at Edgartown, who
thus combined the militant with the spiritual calling. There
was evidence during his pastorate that he was of a " worldly"
disposition, given to travel and amusement.

The year 1762 gave us the disastrous Habana expedition,
resulting in its capture from the Spanish, but at an enormous
cost of lives from tropical diseases. It is not known that any

'Mass. Archives, XCIX, 24-5.

Military History, 1645-1775

men from the Vineyard took part in this expedition, but many
from New England manned the attacking fleet and formed
the land forces. The following named soldiers from the island
saw service during this year : — -

[Mass. Archives, XCIX, 130.I
Pay Roll of CAPT. BARACHIAH BASSETT'S Company
April, 1761, to Jan. 8, 1762.

John McGee

Chilmark

James Skiff

Chilmark

Fortunatus Bassett

Chilmark

Nathaniel Clarke

Chilmark

Brod'k Dillingham

Chilmark

Robert Hamit

Chilmark

Anthony Allen

Chilmark

Cornelius Hilman

Chilmark

[Mass. Archives, XCIX, 128.]
Pay Roll of CAPT. BARACHIAH BASSETT'S Company.'
July I to Dec. 8, 1762.

Timothy Norton

Edgartown

Prince Skiff

Chilmark

Peter Whelden

Chilmark

Peter Weeks,

Chilmark

Peter West

Tisbury

It is supposed that these men were doing garrison duty at
Annapolis or Louisburg, as there was no active campaign in
progress at this time, except the Habana expedition above
referred to. On Dec. i, 1762, three Indian companies, at-
tached to the Dukes County militia, had the following named
officers : —

Ad onijah Ma yhew, Captain; Lemuel Butler, Lieutenant; and Thomas
Daggett, Ensign, of the company in Chilmark. David Butler, Captain;
Noah Look, Lieutenant; and William Foster, Ensign, of the company in
Tisbury. Noah Look had succeeded Thomas Waldron as Lieutenant.^

Among those of Vineyard birth who engaged in these
wars, while attached to regiments raised elsewhere, was Nathan
Smith of Tisbury. He served as ensign in the company com-
manded by Captain Josiah Thacher, of Colonel Doty's regi-
ment, from March 13 to Nov. 29, 1758. This service was
probably in the Maritime Provinces, but there is a family
tradition that he was at the siege of Quebec^ the following

'On the back of this roll is the account of Captain Bassett for the ferriage of 11
men from the Vineyard to the mainland, ;^i-i3S and 9 men from the mainland to the
Vineyard, ;i£i-7s.

'Mass. Archives, XCIX, 25.

'Ibid , XCVI, 433. The muster rolls do not furnish any evidence of service in
1759, the year of the siege.

History of Martha's Vineyard

year. It was the beginning of a distinguished military career
which will be followed during the succeeding war of the Rev-
olution.

In addition to those listed in the companies above speci-
fied, raised here, a considerable number of men from the
Vineyard served in regiments raised for service in these wars
under the command of officers from the Cape and other parts
of the mainland. Altogether there are seventy soldiers credited
to our island in the campaigns from 1756 to 1762, and some
of them served throughout the series of expeditions during
those years. The following is a tabulated record of such
soldiers of Vineyard birth who performed army service, with
such particulars as have come to the notice of the author.

NAME

Res.

Company

Regiment

Year

REMARKS

Harden, Shubael

Tis.

Thacher

Doty

1758

Billeting Roll

i( 11

Chil.

1758

Muster Roll

it <(

1759

Billeting Roll

Luce, Jabez

Tis.

1758

Muster & B'l't'g Rolls

" Paul

1758

li a ii

" Zacheus

Fuller

Thacher

1755

CrowTi Pt. Expedition

(< 11

Knowles

Doty

1758

Muster Roll

Norton, Ansel

Edg.

Thacher

1758

it ii

(< <(

Snow

1760

Service in Nova Scotia

Brewer, Peter

M. V.

Thacher

1758

Muster Roll

Chase, Benjamin

Tis.

1758

(( (.'

Covell, Matthew

Edg.

1758

ii ii

Norton, Elislea

1758

ii ii

Lumbert, Gideon

Tis.

1758

a ii

Norton, Sylvester

Chmk.

1758

a li

Neal, Thomas

Edg.

1759

ii ii

c/y^7^7ay ^Ji^

SIGNATURE OF COL. ZACHEUS MAYHEW.

IN COMMAND OF THE MILITARY FORCES OF THE VINEYARD DURING THE
FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, 1755-I760.

320

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

CHAPTER XXII.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, i 774-1 778.

It is an academic question whether the Revolution of the
British American colonies was inevitable. It is held by some
that from the first the emigration of the scores of thousands
from England, after the embarkation of the "Pilgrim Fathers"
was not only a separatist movement, ecclesiastically considered,
but that it contained in it the germs of political dissolution.
For an hundred years the struggling colonies were under the
most attenuated control from the home government, and were
practically self-governing peoples, owning a fealty to the crown
of England, which was of advantage to 'them in their days of
weakness. The colonies were generally loyal and proud to
be a part of the British Empire. Never was this more con-
spicuously shown than in the campaign of 1745 at Louisburg,
when the provincial troops under Sir William Pepperrell fought
side by side with the British tars from Admiral Warren's fleet,
and captured that great French stronghold. This was under
the ministerial guidance of that great statesman. Sir Robert
Walpole, whose policy had been to encourage the participation
of the colonists in imperial affairs, and to stimulate their loyalty,
and it designated the high water mark in the cordial relations
of the home government and the kin "beyond sea." His
death made a vacancy which was successively filled with little
men, and for twenty years the colonial policy of the various
ministries was a series of blunders that almost amounted to
crimes. "If the second-rate men who governed England at
this time," says one of the recent historians of the Revolution,
a distinguished son of this Commonwealth, "had held to the
maxim of their great predecessor, Sir Robert Walpole, quieta
non movere, and like him had let the colonists carefully alone;
or if they had been ruled by the genius of Pitt and had called
upon the colonies as part of the empire to share in its glories
and add to its greatness, there would have been no American
Revolution. But they insisted on meddling, and so the trouble
began with the abandonment of Walpole's policy. They added
to this blunder by abusing and sneering at the colonists, instead
of appealing, like Pitt, to their loyalty and patriotism. Even
then, after all their mistakes, they might still have saved the

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History of Martha's Vineyard

situation whicli they had themselves created. A few con-
cessions, a return to the old policies, and all would have been
well. They made every concession finally, but each one came
just too late."^ The "Resolves" of our County Congress,
called together for the purpose of formulating the grievances
of the people in 1775, expressly emphasizes this. In reviewing
the relations which existed between the crown and the colonies
from the earliest settlement of the island, they speak of "that
happy union Love and Harmony which formerly Subsisted
between them by a Relation of those Liberties Priviledges &
Imunities to these Colonies and to this Province in Particular
which they enjoyed till about the year 1763," which, it will be
remembered, was just prior to the hated Stamp Act.^

It is probably true that the colonies were the least-governed
and the freest part of the British dominions, and for that very
reason WTre the quickest to feel and to resent any change
which seemed to forebode a deprivation of their traditional
"rights." But we may wonder if some of their grievances
were not fanciful or ill conceived. The cry of "No taxation
without Representation" was good for a campaign motto,
but one might well ask why should not the colonies be taxed
for the support of the general government from which they
derived military and naval protection? True no representa-
tion in Parliament was accorded to them, but in England
itself there were dozens of large towns and countless smaller
communities equally without the privilege of electing members
to that body. It was a day of inequality in that respect,
when the "pocket borough" system permitted hamlets to
return several members and large cities like London and Edin-
burgh to choose a few, not in numerical or other proportion to
their size and importance. This is not the place to discuss
the causes or dissect the motives of the actors in the great
preliminary events leading up to the struggle for independence.
During this period the people of the Vineyard sustained a
reputation for equal loyalty to the crown and shared similar
resentments against its agents in the varying treatments to
which the colonists of Massachusetts were subjected. The
narrative of their participation from the beginning will show
this trait of loyalty outraged, and driven to acts of revolution.
Like all insular people they were essentially lovers of freedom

'Lodge, "Story of the Revolution," 13-14.
^Tisbury Records, 210.

322

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

under constitutional prerogative, and for no trivial reason
were they brought to sever the ancient ties which bound them
as subjects to the throne of England.

The events leading up to the final acts of resistance had
no immediate effect upon the Vineyard beyond other com-
munities, and it will not be necessary to say more than that,
in common with their countrymen elsewhere, they shared the
sentiments of the people in their opposition to arbitrary gov-
ernment, and were ready to support them in any measures
that would be adopted by the representatives of the people.
Beginning with the Writs of Assistance Act in 1761; the
Stamp Act in 1765; the Tax Bill of 1767, followed by the
Boston Massacre in 1770; the Boston Tea Party in 1773 and
the Boston Port Bill of 1774, causes and effects moved forward
in ever increasing rapidity, while a stupid ministry failed to
diagnose the disease correctly, and applied drastic treatment
when correctives and alteratives should have been admin-
istered. These conditions precipitated the union of the colo-
nies and paved the way for a general congress of delegates
from each province to discuss means for the redress of their
grievances. Thus the first step was taken, and on Sept. 5,
1774, earnest and brave men from every colony assembled at
the City Tavern, Philadelphia, by previous agreement, and
marched thence to Carpenter's Hall, to exchange views upon
the situation. For seven weeks they deliberated, these strong
men, and unanimously decided what they expected from the
king, and what they intended to do if he should be deaf to
their appeals. They adopted a declaration of rights, an ad-
dress to the people of Great Britain, drawn by John Jay, and
an address to the king, written by John Dickinson. These
were the academic results of the Congress, but the practical
measures adopted were of immense importance. They signed
agreements to neither import nor export any article, rice ex-
cepted, in trade with England, and appointed a second Congress
to hear and decide upon the answer which should be received.
After passing a vote sustaining Massachusetts in her attitude,
the Continental Congress, on Oct. 26, adjourned. Every com-
munity, as soon as the reports of the Congress reached it,
was aflame with patriotic zeal to support the measures recom-
mended. It is probable that during the sessions of the Con-
gress that reports of its doings were disseminated by messen-
gers, and the temper of the convention indicated from time to
time.

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History of Martha's Vineyard

THE VINEYARD JOINS THE MOVEMENT,

Certain it is that the Vineyard people were astir before
it adjourned, to arrange for a local ratification of the principles
enunciated, and to adopt the measures recommended. The
men of Tisbury met in town meeting at the Court House on
October 19,

in Order to Chuse a Committee for the Town of Tisbuary to Correspond
with the Committee of Each Town in Dukes County and the Committees
of our Province And at Said Meeting Mr. Joseph Allen was chosen Mod-
erator And then it was put to Vote to See wheather James Athearn Esqr
Shobal Cottle Esqr Mr Benjamin Allen Mr Abijah Athearn & Mr Benja-
min Burges Should be the Said Committee & the Vote passed in the
Affirmative And Then the Above Said Committee was Impowred by a
Vote to meet the Committees of the Other Towns in Dukes County to
Sit in A County Congress to form Such resolves and doe Such things as
they in their wisdom Shall think propper to be done Reletive to our Pub-
lick affairs.*

At an adjourned meeting Elisha West was added to this
committee. Chilmark held a meeting on the 20th, with Zacha-
riah Mayhew as moderator. "Then was chosen," the records
say, "Joseph Mayhew Esq., Jonathan Allen Esq., Cornelius
Bassett Esq., Uriah Tilton & James Allen Jr. Committee
men to join with any committes that are or may be chosen by
the other Towns in said County to Consult what measures
may be expedient to be dane into by this County in the Present
unhappy State of the Publick afifairs of this Province." ^ Ed-
gartown was already in line. She had sent Thomas Cooke
as her representative to the General Court called to meet at
Salem, on October 5, and also to attend the Provincial Con-
gress at Concord in the following week.

THE COUNTY CONGRESS ADOPTS RESOLUTIONS.

The County Congress was called to meet in the Court
House at Tisbury on November 9 following, by which time
the news of the proceedings of the Continental Congress
had reached the Vineyard. It was a solemn occasion for
these plain, high-minded lovers of liberty — farmers, sea-faring
men — to come together for the purpose cf considering their
relations with their sovereign, whom they had grown to dis-
trust, and whose acts demanded strong protests and perhaps

'Tisbury Records, 205.
^Chilmark Records, 154.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

active resistance. It meant the parting of the ways, and it
was with no zeal that they rushed into this position; rather
did they feel that they were driven into it, and met as freemen
to demand a restoration of their ancient privileges, gradually
infringed by successive encroachments, by stubborn ministers
of state. It is not known who presided over this County Con-
gress during its deliberations, nor how long it was in session.
We only know the recorded results, as left to us in a set of
clear, calm, and firm resolves, and if George the Third could
have sat down in his palace at Westminster and read them
quietly and fairly, he would have seen that he was dealing
with men terribly in earnest, but willing to respond to acts of
grace at the hand of their sovereign. The Vineyard resolves
breathed loyalty, with a protest that this sentiment was being
crushed out of their spirits. They voiced "an Earnest desire
of the relation of that happy union, Love and harmony which
formerly Subsisted between them: and from a Sence of Our
Duty to God, Our Country and our Selves and to future
Generations of Brittish Americans as well as the present Wee
have so freely Expressed Our Sentiments." No one could
read the concluding paragraphs of the resolves without
admiration for the sentiments uttered. But King George,
a small-minded, honest man, of German birth, was try-
ing to be an absolute monarch over a people whom he
could not understand, and he considered such sentiments
of resistance as coming from "rebels," and he blundered
on, irrespective of the merits of the complaints constantly
presented.

The resolves are herewith printed in full : —

At A Convention of the Committees of the Several Towns in the
County of Dukes County in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay:
Held by Adjomment at Tisbuary in Said County on the gth of November
1774 The Said Committee after Serious Consideration of the unhappy
State of the Province in general & of Said County in Particular; by means
of Certain Acts of the British Parliment more especialy A Late Act En-
tituled an Act for the better Regulating the goverment of the province
of the Massachusetts Bay: Resolved as follows That by the Emigration
of Our Ancestors from great Brittain into the parts of America of which
the Province of the Massachusetts Bay consists: When thare ware Un-
cultivated Regions Inhabited only by wild Beasts and Savages in human
form: by their Establishing them selves here at their own great expence
Submitting to and Enduring with most Remarkable fortitude and Patience
the most grevious Toils and hardships. Amidst the greatest dangers:
by the great cost and labour of the People of this province Clearing In-
cosing & Cultivating their Lands here (After a fair purchas hereof of the

325

History of Martha's Vineyard

Indian Propriators) And in Erecting Nessecary & Conveniant Buildings
thereon: And by this Peoples Defending at A Vast Expence of their
Blood and Treasure their Possesions and Properties thus Aquired.

The Territories Included within this Province which would Other-
wise have belonged to no Prince or Princes but Indian Sachems; (or which
would have been much worse for Great Brittain would have been Pos-
sessed by the Subjects of Some Rival European Prince or State) Are now
with but verry Little if any Expence to the Crown or People of Brittain
become a verey Valluable Part of the Dominions of the Brittish Monorch
which from the first Peopeling thereof by his Subjects hath been Con-
tinually Increasing in vallue to the Vaste and growing Emolument of
the Crown and People of the Mother country by A Great Increas of the
Trade & commerce and Naval Powers.

2ly That therefore (to Say nothing) Concerning the Just Tittle of the
ancient coUony of the Massachusetts Bay: To the Libertys and Prive-
ledges they at first enjoyed: by Virtue of A Royal Charter v/hich was
unjustly Vacated: and which they ware Unreasonally denied a Restora-
tion off. The People of this Province were Antecedently to the Charter
Granted then by King William & Queen Mary and Still are by A Right
dearly aquired by their Predecessors and themselves Justly Intituled to
at least all the Liberties Priveledges Franchises & Imunities as well as to
any of the Lands Granted by Said Charter 3ly That the Late Act of Par-
liment Attempting an Alteration of our constitution and a violation of
Our Charter (Without our being heard or even Cited to appear in defence
thereof) is therefore Unconstitutional Unrighteous & Cruel Act or Power.
Justly Alarming to us as being manifestly designed to wrest from us our
most valluable & dearly bought rights which we have no ways forfited
And threatning us with all the Wretchedness of Subjection to Arbitary
& Despotick Goverment and A State of Abject Slavery: To Say nothing
aboute the Impolicy of Said Act as being Detremental to the Mother
countery

4ly. That therefore we will not Submit to. but to the utmost of our
power in all Just and propper ways. Oppose the Execution of that Un-
just and unconstitutional Act and do recomend the Same Resolute Opposi-
tion thereto to the People of this county

5ly That no Power or Authority in any ways derived from Said Act
of Parliment ought to be Submitted to by any belonging to this County
or to be in any way Owned to be Constitutionall: And that when any
Man Shall Accept of an Appointment to any Civil Ofl&ce here: in Con-
formity to Said Unconstitutionall act and Shall pretend to Exercise any
Power or Authority by Virtue thereof he Ought to be in no ways Sup-
ported or countenanced therein but Ought to be considred and treated
as one Acting by A pretended Outhority only And as an Enemy to his
country

61y That the before mentioned Charter of this Province and the Laws
of the Province founded thereon are all of them Constitutionall good
and Valid; anything contained in Said act of Parliment to the contrary
notwithstanding

7ly That all civil officers in this county holding commissions by an
Appointment agreable to Said charter are when Sworn as the Law Di-
rects Legally & constitutionaly Authorized to act in their Respective

326

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

offices According to their Respective commissions and the Laws of this
Province and Ought to be Supported in thus Acting, by the People of
the County

Sly the Jurors Ought to be chosen and returned in this County in no
other manner then According to the directions of the Laws of this Prov-
ince with regard to grand & Pettit Jurors respectively

gly That Town-meetings ought to be held in this county as hath been
Usual according to the Directions of the Laws of this Province; And that
All grants of Monney made: and all Votes passed in such Meetings agree-
able to Said Laws Ought to be considered as good and binding the Said
Meeting be Otherwise Called then the Aforesa'd act of Parliment di-
rects, and all Persons who Shall avail themselves of that act in refusing
to pay their Proportion of Monney thus granted will by the regard they
Shew to that Oppressive act aid and abbet the Enemies of their Countery
in Violating its Just rights Laws and Liberties,

loly Wee advise the Constables Collectors & Other officers in this
county who have or Shall have Monney in their Hands belonging to the
Province that thay pay in the Same according to the direction Lately
given them by the Provincial Congress or by A Constitutional house of
Representatives

Illy With regard to non Importation non Consumption and non
Exportation of goods wares and Merchandizes we Earnestly recommend
to the People of this county a Strict Conformity of their Conduct &
Practice to the Resolutions & Advice of the Late Grand American
Congress

i2thly And Finally With respect to the State of Embarrasment this
Province is in by reason of the Late act of Parlement for altering our
Constitution, we Earnestly Recomend it to the People of this County
that they take no advantage of any Difficulties attending the Adminis-
tration of Justice in the Present Unhappy State of our Publick Affairs:
And that they Refrain themselves from all Violations and Mobbish Pro-
ceedings and from all Acts of unlaw^fuU Outrages and Voiolences; and
from every kind of Injustice and that they be carefull to render to all
their dues: and behave themselves in a Quiet Pea cable & Orderly man-
ner Shewing A due regard to Every divine Precept And to the good and
wholesom Laws of the Land

And with Respect to the Taxation of the American Colonists by
Great Brittan Resolved First. That the People of this Province are not
only by a Just national right; but also by the Express words of their
Charter Intitaled to have and Injoy all the Liberties and Immunities of
free and natural Subjects within any of his Majesty's Dominions to all
Intents Constructions and Purposes whatsoever of which Imunities of
free and natural Subjects this is most certainly one that no Tax be Im-
posed on them but with their own consent Given Personally or by their
Representetives, 2ly That the brittish Parliment by Imposing Duties
on commodities Imported here- from Brittan for the Single purpose of
Raising a revenue by Leveying upon us: Have Taxed us without our
Consent given Either Personally or by our Representatives and have
thereby assumed to themselves A Power to dispose of our Property at
their Pleasure And have grosly violated one of our most Esential Nat-
ural as well as charter rights, 3ly That the Exercise of the Power of Tax-

327

History of Martha's Vineyard

ing us assumed by the Parliment of Great Brittan ought therefore to be
Resolutely & Strenously Opposed by the People of this Province and by
every free American Colonistis with respect to the Treatment of the Peo-
ple of Boston by the Blocking up of their Harbour and Sorounding them
with an armed force, Resolved That by the Late Act of Parliment for
blocking up the Harbour of the Capital of this Province and by the verey
Rigourous and unjustifiable Execution thereof the People of that Town
are Treated in a verey Oppresive and Cruel manner to the great hurt
& Detriment not only of this whole Province but of the Other Ameri-
can Collonies also by Obstructing their Trade & Commerce: and that
the People of that Distressed Town Ought to be Considerd by all the
Friends of civil Liberty as Sufferers in a Cause Common to all Such:
and as therefore Justly Intituled to all the Support & relief they are able
to afford them: and as to the Late Proceedings with regard to Canada
Resolved That the Extending the Limits of that Province and the Estab-
lishment of Arbitary Goverment as well as Popery therein Seems to
Threaten the Other British Collonies on this Continent with a Like Sub-
jection to the Despotism of A Frence mode of Goverment and that all
the People of these Colonies ought therefore readily & Cheerfully to
concur with the measures Adopted by their Delegates at the Late Grand
American Congress in Order to bring in the Canadians to Unite with the
Other British Colonists in Asserting their common Right and Tittle to
all the Privilidges & Immunities of Free brittish Subjects

There are also beside those which we have taken Particular Notice
off Divers other verey Injurious and Oppressive Measures with regard
to these Collonies: Of Late Adopted and carrying on by the Brittish
^Ministry concerning which wee hope it will Suffice for us to Declare as
wee are so happy as to agree in Sentiment with the Grand American
Congress; with respect to these as well as other matters of Publick Grev-
iance So we are Determined to conform* our Conduct to the resolutions
which they have PubHshed

With A Special aim at Serv'ing our Constituents the People of the
very Small and Poor (tho' Antient) County of Dukes County in their
Remote and Obscure Situation; wee who are of the Committees of the
Several Towns in that county have passed the before goeing Resolves,
but wee have yet also herein Humbly Aimed at Contributing to the Ser-
vice of Brittish Americans in General in their Contests for their Just
Rights and Priviledges to whose Obtaining what they Claim wee Apre-
hend that their appearing by their PubUck Exploit Declarations to agree
in their Claims and to be alike Resolved and Persisting in them will be
greatly conducive, and wee with the utmoste Sincerity declare that it is
with hearty Loyalty to Our Sovereign Lord the King with an high Sence
of the Power and dignity of the Brittish Parliment and Ministry and of
the Reverence wee Owe them account hereof with Sincear affection and
good will to the People of Great Brittan — with great grief and concern
on account of the Present unhappy Variance and Strife between that
Countery and her American Collonies an Earnest desire of the relation
of that happy union Love and harmony formerly Subsisted between them;
by A Relation of those Liberties Privilidges Imunities to these Colonies
and to this Province in Particular which they Enjoyed till about the year
1763 and from a Sence of Our Duty to God, Our country and our Selves

328

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

and to future Generations of British Americans as well as the present:
Wee have so freely Expressed Our Sentiments with respect to matters
of so high Importance and of so Delicate a Nature as the Rights of the
Brittish CoUonists in America and the Conduct of those Towards them
who are in highest Power in the Mother Countery

And that Great Brittain and her Colonies may be blessed with an
happy Union and harmony between them and may respectively enjoy
all their Just Rights and Priveledges and every Publick blessing to the
end of time and that King George the third our most Rightfull Sov-
ereign may Long and hapily boath for himself and his Subjects reign
over the People of his widely Extended Empire: And that his Succes-
sors on the Brittish Throne to the Latest Posterity may be Protestants
of his Illusterous Race And great good and happy Monarchs by & under
whose wise mild and Righteous Goverment their Subjects Shall enjoy
great Peace and hapiness is Our most Earnest Prayer to the Supreme
ruler of the Universe to which we wish every Britton and Every Brittish
American would Sincearly & Devoutly Say A Men '

These resolves were "unanimously" adopted by the towns,
in meeting assembled, and Tisbury voted to spread them on
its records, by which act they have been preserved to posterity
as a memorial of the patriotism of the sires. ^ The die
was now cast, and the result was in the hands of a higher
power.

At their town meeting held to hear and act on these re-
solves, the voters of Edgartown took the following additional
action to carry out the recommendations of the Continental
Congress : —

Voted there be a committee of seven men in order to observe a strict
conformity to the non-importation non-exportation & non-consumption
association recommended by the late Grand American Congress.

Voted Mr. Nathan Smith, Benjamin Smith, William Jernegan, John
Worth Esq., Mr. Elijah Butler, Mr. Thomas Cooke, Mr. Ebenezer Smith
serve as the Committee for the purpose aforesaid.'

COMMITTEES OF SAFETY FORMED.

Thus the year ended, and the fateful one of 1775 opened.
Tisbury began the new year by voting to send her taxes to the
treasurer designated by the Provincial Congress, and elected
Deacon Ransford Smith as her representative to that body

'Tisbury Records, 206-211.
> ^The acceptances were given on December 6, by Edgartown and Tisbury, but the

Chilmark records have no further references to the subject, after the choice of the
committee toattend the Congress. (Edgartown Records, 304; Tisbury Records, 206.)

'EdgartovkTi Records, I, 304.

History of Martha's Vineyard

which was called to meet at Concord in March/ On March 7,
Tisbury chose Hezekiah Luce, Timothy Lumbert, Isaiah Gray,
Peter West, and Samuel Daggett "for a committee of Inspec-
tion to See that the Continental & Provincial Congress be
adheard to." Similar action was taken by Chilmark on
May 25, when it was voted "that there be A Comity of Cores-
pondence Consistin of three Persons," and Uriah Tilton,
Deacon James Allen, and Nathaniel Bassett were chosen for
these duties, thus completing the quotas of the three towns in
these local committees for the carrying on of the affairs of
government in absence of the constituted authorities. These
bodies of men in each community, variously called Committees
of Safety, Correspondence, Observation, Intelligence, and
Secrecy, were composed of the leading men in sympathy with
the patriotic movement, and exercised powers locally similar
to the same committees for the province at large. The func-
tions of these committees were practically specified by their
titles, but the committee of safety was the name generally
used. An historical writer, after a special study of this feature
of the Revolutionary movement, thus explains their creation
and duties: The Provincial Congress answered the purpose
of a deliberative and legislative body, but its size and conse-
quent lack of harmony prevented it from successfully perform-
ing executive duties. The Congresses, moreover, did not sit
continually, and there was need of some arrangement by which
the government could be carried on at these times without
interruption. It was to meet these needs that Committees of
Safety — small bands of men chosen by the Provincial Con-
gress from its own members — were created. Massachusetts
organized her committee as early as Oct. 26, 1774, the first of
its kind, and its duties were specifically defined, subject to the
direction of the Provincial Congress. He continues thus: —

^c>"

In forming these committees the colonists felt they were doing nothing
unusual or experimental. Under the royal government they had been
accustomed to the administrative activity of the small body of men known
as the Governor's Council, which advised and assisted the Governor, and
acted as his substitute when for any reason his seat became vacant. But
the dependence of the Committees of Safety on the legislature was an
element foreign to the idea of the Governor's Council, and had its origin
in the experience of the people with the committee system of the early
part of the Revolution. Since the first days of the struggle had brought
into existence the local and provincial Committees of Correspondence,

^It is not known whether the other towns sent a delegate to this Congress. It
adjourned on April 15, a few days before the battle of Concord and Lexington.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

the colonies had become accustomed to intrust to small committees of
various designations the task of communicating with each other, of watch-
ing the movements of the royalists, of enforcing the non-exportation
and non-importation acts and of carrying out particular resolves of the
Continental and Provincial Congresses. Such were the Committees of
Secrecy, of Intelligence, of Observation. They were temporary bodies,
dependent upon the assembly that chose them, whether this were the
town meeting or the General Court. They were appointed for certain
specified duties, and their acts, to be vaUd, required the sanction of the
body that commissioned them, while they might at any time be disbanded
when their services were no longer needed.'

A Committee of Safety for Dukes County was appointed
by the Provincial Congress on April 12, with Joseph Mayhew
of Chilmark as chairman.

It was now April, and the first blow was struck on the
19th at Lexington Common and Concord Bridge. The "em-
battled farmers" from the surrounding towns had precipitated
the conflict and the war had begun. News of it spread like
wild-fire, and every patriot girded himself for the trying times
to follow. It was now give and take between the opposing
sides. The trained troops of the king, supported by the many
armed vessels of his navy, which were patrolling the coast,
running into harbors and overhauling merchantmen for con-
traband of war, were now actively engaged against an un-
organized enemy. The provincials were formidable on land,
but on the sea the men-of-war flying the royal ensign were
practically unopposed. It was their duty to harass the com-
merce of the colonists, and they did it with impunity, unless
some daring leader, with an improvised sloop, and volunteer
crew, gave them a taste of Yankee seamanship.

The Vineyard Sound was a favorite rendezvous for these
naval operations on the part of the king's forces. Then, as
now, it was a great highway for the coasting trade between
New England and the South, and under the favoring lea of
Homes or Tarpaulin Coves his majesty's armed vessels of
war would wait like hawks to pounce upon their prey. In
the early part of 1775 the armed sloop Falcon, Capt. John
Linzee, commander, hovered around these sheltering inlets
and did a profitable business in this line. A copy of her log,
obtained from the Lords of the Admiralty, shows for the period
between the loth and 30th of May of that year, how she fired

'Hunt, Bulletin of Western Reserve University, 1904, p. 22. The earliest sugges-
tion for Committees of Correspondence between the colonies is found in a letter from
the great pulpit orator, Jonathan Mayhew, to James Otis in 1766.

History of Martha's Vineyard

at and brought to anchor thirteen (13) vessels, and held such
of them as prizes as were of value/ This is assumed to be
only a sample of what was being enacted all the time by the
vessels of the royal navy, and is mentioned to show how closely
the island was to these constant evidences of war.

THE VINEYARD PREPARES FOR THE STRUGGLE.

The Third Provincial Congress was immediately called
after the Lexington and Concord affair, and was set for the
31st of May at Watertown, and Edgartown sent Beriah Norton
and Tisbury elected James Athearn as members of this body.
Chilmark was not represented. At this session it was resolved
that "thirteen thousand coats be provided for each officer and
soldier in the Massachusetts forces, agreeably to the resolve
of Congress on the 23rd day of April last; to be proportioned
according to payment of the last Provincial tax." Under this
schedule Martha's Vineyard received 112 coats as follows:
Edgartown, 36; Tisbury, 32; Chilmark, 44; and we may
reasonably infer that the men of the seacoast-defence estab-
lishment were uniformed with these coats. While this Pro-
vincial Congress was in session, the Battle of Bunker Hill was
fought on the 17th of June, and the last hope of reconciliation
was dashed. Young Joseph Thaxter, destined later to be our
distinguished pastor at Edgartown, was in Prescott's regiment
at that fight, and Joseph Huxford of Edgartown and Malachi
Baxter, later of Tisbury, fought there also; but it is not
known whether any one else from the Vineyard participated.
The arrival of the news of this famous battle reached here
immediately, and active measures were instituted to get
troops in training. A contemporary writer tells us what was
done : —

About 20th June 1775, a General notis was made to all the inhaba-
tance of the Vineyard to turn out and assemble to Tisbury on the 25 June,
which is nearly the Center of our Island to see what measures they would
advise in our Expos'd situation, their was a veery large majority in
favour of appling to General Court at Boston for soldiers: at the s'd
meeting at Tisbury all our arms was particularly inspected & now the
minds of many were sounded amongst the young men to see who would

'Public Record Office, Admiralty Logs, No. 7250. On Wednesday, May 31,
1775, the Falcon was at anchor in Homes Hole, and the log shows the following ac-
tion: "Sent our boats on Bd two sloops and prest 2 men at 6 fir'd four six pounders
shotted with Round and Grape to bring too a Boat." This shows that Yankee sea-
men were being impressed into the king's service.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

join the Volinteer corps of Edgartown. we soon found the number of
active young men say 12. Some had call afterward to leave and go sea
but their number was soon Replaced.

During this time Tisbury appeared to be the most active
in all matters connected with the increasing struggle. It
seemed to be the center of military preparations, as it was the
central town of the thi-ee. A town meeting was holden on
June 29, at which Stephen Luce, Abijah Athearn, and Samuel
Look were appointed a committee *'to Joyn with the Com-
mittee or Committees that are chosen or may be chosen in
the Other Towns in the County, In Order to Consider of &
Carrey into Execution Such Methods as they Shall think proper
to be done under our present Situation Respecting our Publick
Affairs," and passed some "resolves," the terms of which do
not appear upon the report of the meeting. But all were busy,
if the records do not tell us about it. The general condition
of affairs at this date, as reported to the authorities at Cam-
bridge by our local committee of safety, gives us these par-
ticulars in a letter : —

July 5th, 1775.

Sir: — The Committee of the County of Dukes County appointed by
the late provincial Congress on the 12th of April last beg leave to report:
That said Committee according to the first order of the Congress met on
the first Wednesday of May last but not having then had an opportunity
to receive a state of the conduct of their several Towns made no Report:
and as the order of the Congress postponing the first meeting of the Com-
mittees of the several Counties in this Colony to the fourth Wednesday
of May was not received by him to whom it was directed till the evening
immediately preceding said fourth Wednesday the Committee for said
County did not then meet. But being now on this first Wednesday of
July 1775, met according to the order of the Congress, we have received
no State of the conduct either of the Town of Edgartown nor Chilmark,
the former of which Towns having as we perceive no Committee of Cor-
respondence: But as to the only other Town in this County, viz: Tisbury
the Committee of Correspondence of that Town have reported that said
Town was endeavouring that their outstanding provincial taxes be speedily
paid, according to the Directions of the Congress — but they were under
great Difiiculty with respect to raising Money for that purpose: as they
have great occasion for Money to procure a necessary supply of Bread,
Corn, and Money was very scarce amongst them thro' the failing of their
whale-voyages last year, and thro' their having no Market for the Oyl
they have since obtained. (But since the Date of the above Report we
have had certain information that the said Town of Tisbury have sent a
considerable of their Province dues to the Receiver appointed by the
Congress) And the said Committee of Correspondence for Tisbury do
also report that their Town are nearly tho not fully (according to law)

333

History of Martha's Vineyard

furnished with arms and ammunition and are endeavouring in this and
all other respects to conform to the recommendations of the Continental
and Provincial Congresses.

And with respect to those two towns first mentioned of whose con-
duct we have had no information in the way pointed out by the Congress,
we beg leave to report in brief from information which we have other
ways had: That with regard to paying their outstanding provincial taxes
and their furnishing themselves with arms and ammunition they are en-
deavouring to conform as soon as possible to the recommendations of the
Congresses and in other respects conduct themselves agreeably thereto.

In the name and by order of the Committee

JOSEPH MAYHEW Chair 'm '

The next meeting of the General Court for the Province
of the Massachusetts Bay was held at Watertown on July 19,
and the Vineyard had a full representation at the session,
Colonel Beriah Norton for Edgartown, Mr. James Allen, Jr.,
for Chilmark, and Captain Nathan Smith for Tisbury. The
business of providing for the fast increasing army occupied
the larger part of its time. Requests to the towns were sent
out for their share of the various supplies needed, and the
Vineyard was included in the list — Tisbury was asked for
coats, and at a meeting held on July 31, the selectmen were
authorized to "be a committee to Procure the coats for the
Provincial Soldiers." It is not known what requests were
made of the other towns. ^ By this time it became a serious
question of military defence of the island, as the armed vessels
of the king were continually making depredations, and alarm-
ing the people. In addition to these regular naval vessels,
there were a large number of small craft belonging to Tories
in the large seaports, who, under the protection of the guns
of the fleet, raided isolated coast towns, cut out craft lying at
anchor, and doing damage to the property of the patriots.
These little privateers, belonging to the Tories, were called
"Picaroons," and some of them did work about the Vineyard.
A contemporary writer speaks of such experiences. "The
next August (1775)," he says, "the Pickaroones or small ves-
sells they had taken from us and armed with swivels; and
sometimes a War Brig would accompany them." On the
2ist of August the freeholders of Tisbury held a town meeting
and voted "to Send a Petition to the General Assembly at
Watertown To see if they will grant us a Number of Men to

'Mass. Archives, CXCIV, 24.
'Tisbury Records, 214.

334

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

be Raised for the Defence of Said Town," and a committee
was appointed to draw up "Some Suitable Instructions for Our
Present Representative when at Said court to consider and
represent our Circumstances, That wee cannot Supply Said
Men with Arms nor Amunition and if they Cannot be Ob-
taind without them then not have them come, for wee have
but A Small Supply for Our Selves and Cannot git any more
at Present."*

Committees from the other two towns took similar action,
but the particulars are not on record. While the committees
were engaged in this service, an incident occurred which shows
the tactics pursued by the captains of the British vessels
which put into Homes Hole and Edgartown Harbors with
demands for water and supplies. In the latter part of August
his majesty's ship Nautilus^ Captain John Collins com-
manding, dropped anchor in Homes Hole. He sent ashore a
demand for some supplies, accompanied by a threat in case of
refusal to comply. It was the usual custom, although some
commanders never forgot their courteous breeding. In this
case the men of Tisbury, two of them were then selectmen,
returned the following response on September i : —

Sir: we are sorry the unhappy disputes between Great Britain and
these Colonys should be carried to such a height as to put it out of our
power to supply you with any kind of Provision whatever, as to your filling
water for the Necessary Supplys of your ship you may with freedom send
your boat on shore and fill without molestation provided your people
come in the day time and unarm 'd and offer no abuse to the Inhabi-
tants, as to your threatening you will fire on our homes it will not force
the least complyance to that which in itself is not agreeable to the
advice of that power which we look upon as being drove by nicessity
to obey.

We ar Sir your most h'ble Serv'ts the Selectsmen,

JOSEPH ALLEN,
STEPHEN LUCE,
EBEN'ER SMITH.

To this the commander of the Nautilus sent the sub-
joined reply the same day : —

Nautilus, Sept. i, 1775.

Gent'm: I am equally sorry for the situation of the times, but when
matters are carried so far as to deny a little Milk or a Cabbage to a Single
ship, a thing of so small moment it rather tends to Kindle that unhappy
difference which as men and Christians we should exert ourselves to allay,
every contrary exertion on my part wou'd be a matter of Necessity, as I

'Tisbury Records, 214.

335

History of Martha's Vineyard

shou'd be sorry to Injure any mans property, and nothing of that kind
will be thought of but hope we shall part not worse friends than at this
Present and am Gentlemen your most h'ble Serv't,

JNO. COLLINS.
To the Selectmen of Dukes County, Messrs Joseph Allen, Stephen
Luce, Eben'er Smith.

ORGANIZATION OF THE SEACOAST-DEFENCE TROOPS.

The towns of Tisbury, Chilmark, and Edgartown pre-
sented petitions to the General Court, Sept. 28, 1775, praying
for protection against the common enemy, and asking authority
to enhst men in the cause of liberty. The petition from
Edgartown recites : —

The people in said town are generally poor and yet very fond of
preserving their liberties, and to protect their stock of sheep and cattle
have been often under arms and marched from their respective places
of abode eight and ten miles when alarmed, to prevent the enemy
landing.

They asked power to enlist sixty men. The petition from
Chilmark says: —

Your said petitioners think it ought to be our duty and are willing
and resolved not only from a regard to our private interest, but also to the
general interest of this continent to do all that is or shall be in our power
to hinder the common enemy of the land from being strengthened in carry-
ing on their hostile designs against us, by making a prey of our property and
that of our neighbors, but we are sorry that we are obliged as we think we
are to say that a considerable number of the inhabitants of this town are
(through the influence of certain powerful men here who are against
openly opposing those who are endeavouring to enslave us) averse to such
exertions in our defense as we think will be highly proper and necessary
by which means a vote of the majority of the inhabitants of this town
qualified by law to vote in town affairs could not be obtained at a meet-
ing here lately held to petition your honours for such help as we perceive
you have granted to other places.

The petition from Tisbury recites their desire for joining
in the defence of their liberties and asks for "such a number
of men either by sea or land or both as you in your wisdom
shall think meet for our defence."

The House of Representatives passed the following re-
solves in response to these petitions : —

That there be raised in the Island of Marthas Vineyard two compa-
nies of fifty men each, including their officers, and companies to be sta-
tioned upon the sea-coast of that island according to the direction of the

33^

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

field officers of the Regiment of Militia of said Island or the major part
of them; the said two companies to be under the same establishment;
the forces raised in this colony for the defence of the sea coast are to pay
subsistance and ammunition and every soldier in the said two companies
shall furnish himself with a good and sufficient fire-lock and bayonet
and no man shall be mustered as a soldier who is not so furnished; said
two companies to continue in service till the first day of December next
Unless before that time Dismissed by the order of this Court; and the
Field Officers of the Regiment of Militia of said Island be and they are
hereby impowered to issue beating orders for the raising of said com-
panies to such persons as they can recommend to be commissioned, and
muster those companies when raised.

The following company was raised under this authority,
being enlisted from the 7th to the 14th of October, and the
service was one month and twenty-five days.

[Mass. Revolutionary Rolls, XXXVII, folio 22.]

A PAY ROLL FOR CAPT. BENJAMIN SMITH'S COMPANY STATIONED ON THE
ISLAND OF MARTHA'S VINEYARD FROM THE TIME OF THEIR IN-
LISTMENT TO THE FIRST DAY OF DECEMBER, 1 7 75.

Private

Benjamin Smith

Captain

Richard Luce

Samuel Norton

Lieutenant

John Smith

James Shaw

Peter Norton, Jr.

William Norton

Sergeant

John Holley, Jr.

Francis Meeder

Joseph Holley

Seth Cleveland

Joseph Hammett

Levi Young

James Skiflf

Noah Norton

Corporal

Hugh Stuart

Timothy Vincent

Uriah Norton

Cornelius Dunham

Henry Daggett

John Haselton

Jonathan Hammett

Joseph Shed

Drummer

Henry Young

Samuel Frothingham

Fifer

Jonathan Smith

Benjamin Tucker

Private

Henry Coffin

Zachariah Norton

Sprowell Marchant

David Smith

((

Thomas Coffin

Robert Norton

William Smith

Joseph Swasey, Jr.

Uriah Dunham

Matthew Daggett

Joseph Tarnance

William Waley

William Norton, Jr.

Edward Burgess

John Rosson

Timothy Smith, Jr.

Silas Daggett

Benjamin Gillson

Joseph Smith

Peleg Hillman

Joseph Norton

Thomas Butler, Jr.

((

David Davis

This company, the first raised on the island during the
war, consisted of three commissioned and eight non-com-
missioned officers, two musicians, and thirty-one privates.

337

History of Martha's Vineyard

THE CONSERVATIVE ELEMENT BETRAYS TIMIDITY.

The geographical position of Martha's Vineyard and the
feebleness of the military strength of the colonies at the pre-
cipitation of the struggle with the crown conspired to give the
situation of its inhabitants a peculiar standing during the
Revolution.

The population of the Vineyard was only 2881 in 1776,
and besides the scantiness in numbers it was sparse in char-
acter, rendering concerted action by them in defence of the
island a task out of proportion to their strength. The colonies
could not afford men and supplies enough to make the island
independent of the king's troops and frigates, and from a
strategical consideration was not worth the great outlay which
such a movement entailed. Indeed, had it been of value in a
military sense, it is safe to say that the British forces would
have seized and garrisoned it. It would have been of more
value to the American cause, however, could they have erected
forts and batteries along the Vineyard Sound for the purpose
of protecting the few armed vessels which constituted our
fleet at that time, giving them a safe harbor from which to
sally forth on missions of reprisal, as well as to harass frigates
of war belonging to the crown. The situation was so full of
complications that many of the faint-hearted on the island
continually spread the alarm of "death and destruction," if
the British should attack the defenceless place. This natur-
ally made for discontent with the provincial authorities, who
had greater problems in the field. Both Edgartown and Tis-
bury began to show signs of dismay at the prospect, and
sought for aid. At a meeting held on Oct. 30, 1775, the free-
holders of Edgartown voted : —

*&*■

that Rev. Samuel Kingsbury, John Worth & Enoch Coffin Esqrs
serve the town as a committee or agents to attend the General Court now
setting at Watertown or to such committees that are or may be empowered
to act in the Recess of the Court, and acquaint them with the unhappy
situation and circumstances of this much Exposed Town and the Great
Danger which the Inhabitants conceive themselves to be in of Being
Distroyed by the men of war and Armed Vessels, or Drove from their
habitations and thereby Exposed to Want & famine and Beg the Direc-
tion of the Honorable Court respecting the matter.^

Tisbury held a similar meeting seven weeks later, Decem-
ber 18, and decided that they would "Prefer a Petition to the

^Edgartown Records, I, 303.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

general court to Send us A Committee of that Court to come
here & take a View of our Circumstances and Report what
Mode of conduct wee Shall pursue in order for our Safety
under Our Situation and that the Select Men Prefer the Sd
Petition in behalf of the Town." *

There were Tory influences at work as well, men who
were satisfied with the existing state of governmental affairs,
the wealthy and the well-born class, of which every community
had representatives during the war. In a small community
they were more trouble than a dozen open enemies to the
patriotic cause. The old and conservative element always
shrinks from overt acts, however necessary, and counsels peace,
often at any price. Some of them refused to take ofhce under
the new order of things. This condition was not peculiar to
the Vineyard, and these sentiments were generally felt the
most at this time, when the timid shrank from the results of
the first real taste of warfare, and speculated on what might
happen in the future. This situation is clearly shown early in
1776, in the following letter of the chairman of the committee
of safety for Dukes : —

Honorable Sir:

Judging it to be of Importance to the County of Dukes County whereto
I belong that the honourable Council of this Colony be informed of the
State of Civil Affairs &c here, I think it to be my Duty to give your Honour
the following Intelligence with respect thereto, to be by your Honour
communicated to the rest if you shall think fit.

Now four out of the nine commissionated to be Justices in this County,
viz: — William Mayhew Esqe appointed Sheriff & Mr Robert Allen
appointed Coroner remain unsworn: appearing unwilling to be so:
and neither of them except Jonathan Allen Esq. being present when the
other civil officers here were sworn which was done on the 2 2d of Novbr
last: of the five Justices who have been sworn, two viz: Ebenezer Smith
and Beriah Norton Esquires live at Edgartown & two viz: — James
Athearn and Shubael Cottle Esquires at Tisbury, and I only at Chilmark,
and the only sworn Coroner Mr Ebenezer Norton lives at Edgartown.

As I have informed your Honour of these who have been commis-
sionated to be civil officers here decline to be sworn: I hope it will not be
tho't impertinent if I account for this in the following manner. The
real state of things here, Sir, as I apprehend is this. There are some
here who are really not well affected to the present Government, nor to
the measures now pursued in Defence of our civil liberties, and these ill
affected Persons endeavour to embarrass the establishing of Civil Gov-
ernment in this County: and through their suggestions (in part at least)
many persons here, perhaps near one half of the People of this County

'Tisbury Records, 215.

339

History of Martha's Vineyard

imagine that it is best for us considering our situation to be still & in no
way to shew ourselves to be on the Side of the Assertors of our civil
liberties lest we hereby provoke the Invaders of ovu* Coasts to ruin us.
And it is (as I think I have sufficient Reason to Believe) thro' such an
apprehension as this that so many of those who have been lately appointed
civil officers here are unwilling to be sworn.

I mean, Sir, that many here were till the honourable General As-
sembly of the Colony discovered their late Resolution with Respect to the
Defence of this County. But how far people here are hereby em-
boldened to appear in Defence of their Rights and liberties I cannot yet
tell. And as for ought I know some or all of those of whom I have above
mentioned are unwilling to be sworn may have their Fears so far removed
as to manifest a Desire to have the oath administered to them and I am
at a loss what we who are empowered to administer the oath ought to
do in that case I am very desirous of the Direction of the honourable
Council herein.

As to a Sheriff for this County about the want of which officer I
am peculiarly concerned, I hope it will not appear assuming in me if I
mention Major Peter Norton as a suitable or perhaps all things considered
the most suitable Person here to be Sheriff of this County and also to be
Colonel of the Regiment of the Militia here: the latter of which offices
he, as I perceive, prefers. And if he is not made Sheriff, I humbly pro-
pose that he be made a Justice of the Peace, at least, if not a Justice of
the Pleas also for this County. A great part of this letter may perhaps
appear a vain repetition of what I wTote above a month ago to the honble
Col. Otis as Prest of the honourable Council. But having reason to fear.
Sir, that my letter hath miscarried, I have tho't it proper for me to write
as above. This, Honourable Sir, with great Respect and Deference to
the Honourable Council, and to your Honour in particular from

Honourable Sir
Chilmark, Jany i8th, 1776 Your Honours most obedient

and humble Servant
Honble Prest of the Council. » JOSEPH MAYHEW.

But there were other difficulties which beset the patriots
on the Vineyard, besides the weak-kneed within the gates.
Outside interference gave the grumblers opportunity to add
to the burdens of the leaders of the *' Rebel" party, and for a
while it caused much unjust comment. We shall have occa-
sion to observe the actions of these tories in the course of the
struggle.

RE-ENLISTMENT OF THE VINEYARD COMPANIES.

On January i, the term of service of the seacoast-defence
company having expired, a new enlistment was called for, and
the following men mustered in under the command of Cap-
tain Benjamin Smith: —

^Mass. Archives, CXCIV, 208.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVI, 238, 239.]

pay roll of captain benjamin smith's company stationed at
Martha's vineyard from the time of their going upon
duty or their marching from their homes to their

respective STATIONS, TO THE LAST DAY OF
FEBRUARY, 1 7 76

Private

Benjamin Smith

Captain

Corneleus Ripley

Malatiah Davis

Lieutenant

Jonathan Cottle

James Shaw

Benjamin Vinson

William Norton

Sergeant

William Walley

Joseph Smith

Noah Norton

Harlock Smith

Thomas Johnson

Seth Cleveland

Corporal

David Davis

Gamaliel Marchant

Abraham Chase

Jonathan Pease, Jr.

Jonathan Smith

Corneleus Marchant

Drummer

Obed Norton

Henry Coi3in

Fifer

Thomas Cunningham

Henry Butler

Private

Edward Persell

Jethro Covel

Hugh Stuart

Francis Meader

Thomas Neal

•Joseph Covel

((

Uriah Dunham

Corneleus Dunham

Samuel Nickison

Ichabod Cleveland

Peleg Crossman

Joseph Butler

((

Joseph Lobdell

Zephaniah Butler

Ebenezer Shaw

Enoch Coffin, Jr.

Barzillai Luce

WilUam Covel

((

John Rogers

Edward Burgess

((

Joseph Covel, Jr.

Valentine Skiff

Joseph HoUey

Benjamin Burgess

Jonathan Hammett

Seth Crossman

((

Joseph Francis

Peter Camp

Obadiah Skiff

John HoUey, Jr.

Thomas Coffin, Jr.

Cornelius Norton

Admaral Potter

John Smith, Jr.

Silas Daggett

David Smith

Robert Norton

Timothy Smith

((

Edward Draper

Benjamin Burgess

Thomas Norris, Jr.

Theophilus Mayhew

Henry Dunham

Richard Bunker

Barzillai Luce, Jr.

Pelatiah Russell Jr.

William Smith

John Marchant Jr.

((

Henry Young

Samuel Norris

Anthony Crossman

Thomas Nickison

William Norton, Jr.

This company was mostly composed of Edgartown men,
but there were in it a number of "transients," probably sea-
faring men. This company was stationed on the east end of
the island.

341

History of Martha's Vineyard

Almost simultaneously Captain Nathan Smith was given
a commission to raise a second company for service here, and
from the names of the soldiers it appears to have been re-
cruited in Tisbury and Chilmark almost exclusively. It was
probably posted on West Chop and along the north shore.
The following is the roster of officers and men : —

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVT, 262.]

A ROLL OF CAPTAIN NATHAN SMITH'S COMPANY STATIONED ON THX ISLAND

or MARTHA'S VINEYARD OR THE DEFENCE OF THE SEA COAST

OF THE SAME, MADE UP FROM THE FIFTEENTH DAY OF

JANUARY TO THE LAST OF FEBRUARY, 1 776.

Nathan Smith
Jeremiah Manter
Fortunatus Bassett
David Merry
Jesse Luce
Samuel Bassett
David Luce
Joseph Mayhew
Jeruel West '
George Newcomb
Lothrop Chase
James Look
Elijah Look
Arvin Luce
John Luce
Varnel Clifford
Eliphalet Rogers
Jonathan Look
Benjamin Luce
Malachi Luce
William Harden
Thomas Chase
David Norton
Abner West
David Clark
Andrew Newcomb
Solomon Daggett
James Winslow
Nathan Daggett
Silas Daggett
Roland Luce
Thomas Manchester
Sylvanus Luce
Zaccheus Chase
Thomas Wheldon
Jabez Downs
Moses Luce
George Hillman

Captain
Lieutenant
2nd Lieut.

Sergeant

Corporal

Drummer

Fifer

Private

Shubael Luce
Elver ton Crowell
Augstus Allen
Jeremiah Luce
John Dunham
Lemuel Luce
John Lumbert
David Dunham
James Luce
Samuel Lumbert, Jr.
Nathan Clifford
Thomas Luce
Hovey Luce
Zachariah Smith
Adonijah Luce
Lot Rogers
Aaron Luce
Presbury Luce
Barzillai Crowell
Nathan Weeks
Jonathan Merry
Peleg Hillman
Benjamin Bassett
Nathan Bassett
Joseph Skiff
Freeman Norton^
David Hillman
John Mayhew
Jonathan Hillman
Daniel Hillman
Abner Hillman
Silas Cottle
Peter Cottle
Thomas Cox
Lot Hillman
Shubael Luce, Jr.
John Bassett

Private

342

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

This company continued in service without the change
of an officer or private until June i following.' These two
companies under Captains Benjamin and Nathan Smith were
placed under the command of Major Barachiah Bassett, who,
in an election for that office, received 59 votes. The com-
panies voted for their officers at that period.

Martha's vineyard and nantucket accused of
disloyalty.

On Dec. 9, 1775, both houses of the General Court had
appointed a committee to consider some serious charges made
by Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut against the
inhabitants of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. The sub-
stance of the allegations was that supplies in excess of the re-
quirements of the two islands had been shipped to them,
''and there is a great reason to suspect that the inhabitants
of the said island of Nantucket have abused the indulgence of
this Court by supplying our enemies with such provisions &c
as were admitted to be Transported to them for their Internal
consumption only." In their zeal to reach the offending ele-
ment, included in the general charge of disloyal trading with
the king's forces, the committee passed a resolve that the com-
mittee for correspondence of Falmouth should suspend the
granting of permits in the future to any vessels loading for
the two islands, ''until further order of this Court," and fur-
ther directed the selectmen of Sherburne (Nantucket), and
each town on the Vineyard "to make strict enquiry into the
Importation of Provisions into their respective Towns since
the 28th of September last, and of all provisions now in said
Towns and to make returns thereof on oath, as soon as may
be." Inhabitants of this and other colonies were requested to
withhold further supplies, fuel, and other necessaries from the
two islands, "until farther recommendation of this Court."
This was totally without excuse as far as this island was con-
cerned, but the court acted upon the information of an earnest,
if mistaken, patriot, the famous war governor of Connecticut,
and did an injustice to the people of the Vineyard. It has
been seen that armed vessels of war would come into the harbor
and demand trivial things for the captain, — fresh vegetables,
water, ' eggs, and the like, — sometimes under threat, some-
times with the cash tendered in a courteous manner. These

*Mass. Archives, XXXVI, 297.

343

History of Martha's Vineyard

isolated instances doubtless gave rise to false reports of barter
and trade with the enemy in great quantities. But the select-
men of the three towns made investigation and report, and
stated the facts about the whole matter in such a convincing
way that the General Court in the next month passed a resolve
rescinding the order, as jar as this island was concerned. The
following is the text of the revocation, which is printed in full
as a complete vindication of the good faith of the people of

our island : —

In Council, January 25, 1776.

Whereas upon enquiry it doth not appear that many of the Inhabi-
tants of Marthas Vineyard ever had a disposition to supply the enemy
with provisions, and it doth not appear by the Resolve of the ninth of
December last that they were suspected of corruptly doing the same, and
since measures have been taken which in all probability will prevent the
Enemy from being supplied from that Island, and the Inhabitants thereof
must suffer while under the aformentioned restraint, therefore

Resolved that the order of this Court of the Ninth of December last
so far as it respects Marthas Vineyard only be and is hereby annulled.'

This little flurry having been satisfactorily settled the
leaders gave their attention to more important things, and on
March 8, 1776, the Tisbury people met and chose Shubael
Cottle, Ransford Smith, and Ezra Athearn to be a committee
to join with a similar body from other towns, if any such
should be chosen, to consider whether they should petition
the General Court, "to see if they will grant us a farther sup-
ply of men, arms and amminition for the Defence of the Is-
land against any Invasion."" Chilmark followed suit on the
nth inst., choosing Joseph Mayhew, Uriah Tilton and Na-
thaniel Bassett;' while Edgartown completed the arrange-
ment on the 19th, by naming Ebenezer Smith, Peter Norton,
and Elijah Butler to meet with the others.^ Meanwhile the
volunteer and regular soldiery of the island was busy defending
the seacoast, and making sallies from their camps against
passing vessels of the enemy. One such occurred on the 7th
of March, under the auspices of Captain Benjamin Smith of
the company which had been in service since the middle of
the previous October,

'Force, American Archives, 4th series. On March g following, Col. Beriah Nor-
ton complained that this Resolve had not been published, "and as we have suffered
By it alredy," he wrote to the Coimcil, "I most humbly Beg your honor to have it
published as soon as Possable. Several persons having Been obliged to unlode their
vessels alredy that was Bound here on that acc't." (Mass. Arch. CXCIV, 275.)

-Tisbury Records, 215.

'Chilmark Records, 159.

*Edgartown Records, I, 308.

344

The Vineyard in the Revolution, 1 774-1 778

PETITION FOR MORE TROOPS.

The committees chosen by the three towns to consult
about further defence of the island met two days after Edgar-
town had completed the number from that town, and after
discussion drew up the following petition to the General Court
looking to this end : —

To the Honourable the Council and House of Representatives of the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay in great and general Court assembled: —

The Petition of the Inhabitants of the Several Tovms in the County
of Dukes County in said Colony, by their Committees whose names are
hereto subscribed, humbly sheweth: That the Island of Marthas Vine-
yard and the other islands whereof the County aforesaid consisteth, do
lie greatly exposed to the enemy with whom the United Colonies of North
America are now engaged in open hostilities, and the said Islands are
situated so nigh to the neighbouring continent especially to the Counties
of Bristol, Plymouth and Barnstable, and do also lie by the way wherein
both American vessels and those of the enemy have frequent occasion to
pass: That it is (as your Petitioners humbly conceive) of great Impor-
tance, not only to the inhabitants of these Islands & to all persons who
are owners of Land and other property therein: but also to the Inhabi-
tants of the neighbouring continent, and even to the American colonies,
now unitedly engaged in vigorous exertions for the Defence of their Per-
sons, Liberties and Properties: that (if it be possible) said Islanders be
kept from falling in to the hands of the common enemy of said colonies,
For (as your Petitioners apprehend) if the enemy should be so possessed
of those Islands and the Harbours there, as to have the Persons and Prop-
erties of all the Inhabitants thereof at their Command and Disposal and
have it in their power to make use thereof as they shall please: They
will by the Men of War, and other armed vessels which they will keep
in the harbours there & from thence cruising out into the neighbouring
seas and along the coasts of tJiis and some of the neighbouring Colonies,
so obstruct the navigation of these Colonies as greatly to weaken and
distress them. And will also be able to greatly annoy & distress
them. And will also be able to greatly annoy and distress the
Inhabitants of the neighbouring continent by burning their houses and
pillaging their stock and other valuable Properly. And will have it in
their Power to land an Army on the Southern Shore of this Colony, which
may penetrate (no man knows how far) into the Countrey making great
Distress in their March before they can be subdued.

And your Petitioners conceive the Defence of these Islands is of so
great Importance as they have declared: They apprehend that they cannot
(without such a miraculous Interposition of Divine Providence as is not
to be expected) be so far defended by the Inhabitants thereof, against
such a force as is likely soon to attack them, as to be kept out of the hands
of the enemy.

But with the assistance of such a number of men well furnished with
Cannon, small arms, Powder and other necessaries, as we hope may be
obtained from your honours, together with the Protection which these

345

History of Martha's Vineyard

Islands will receive from the armed vessels, which, we presume, will be
employed for the protection of navigation of these Colonies, we trust that
the Islands for whose defence we petition will (thro' the Favour of Heaven)
be preserved from the enemy: and also that by means of the Defence
and Preservation thereof, the Sea Coasts of this and neighbouring Colo-
nies and their navigation will in no small degree be protected: and that
our enemies by the obstructing of their navigation will be nearly as much
weakened as they would be strengthened by being possessed of these Is-
lands, and by having the command of the adjacent sound and seas.

The Prayer of your Petitioners therefore is: That your Honours
would be pleased to order six hundred men from the continent well fur-
nished with Arms, Powders and other necessaries, or such number of men
as your Honours shall in your wisdom judge most fit and proper to be
stationed in the County of Dukes County for the Defence thereof, 525 of
said men to be stationed on the Island of Marthas Vineyard & the other
seventy five thereof at the Islands called Elizabeth Islands. And that
your Honours would be pleased to order to be sent to Marthas Vineyard
for the Defence of the several Harbours there seven cannon and to Tar-
paulin Cove, the only harbour of Elizabeth Islands, two cannon. And
that your Honours would (In this time of Danger as far as it shall be in
your Power) afford such Protection and means of Defence to the County
aforesaid as to your Honours shall appear to be necessary: and likely
(by Favour of Divine Providence) to be effectual for its preservation &
safety: and requisite for the Defence of the United American Colonies
now struggling for their just Rights & Liberties, and your Petitioners as
in Duty bound shall ever pray &c

In the name and by order or the Inhabitants of Dukes County: —
Tisbury March 21st, 1776

Joseph IVIayhew ~^ Committee
Uriah Tilton > for

Nathaniel Bassett ) Chilmark

Eben'r Smith ") Committee

Peter Norton |- for

I/Elijah Butler ) Edgartown

Shubael Cottle ') Committee
Ransford Smith > for
Ezra Athearn ) Tisbury ^

Major Bassett, in command of the forces stationed at the
Vineyard and the Elizabeth Islands, was ordered, under date
of May 6, to fortify the two places with four nine-pound can-
non, recently taken from a vessel stranded at or near Truro,
and to mount them ''in such manner for the defence of these
islands, as the s'd Major shall judge proper." ^ He had them
removed, and all were placed in position on the Elizabeth

'Mass. Archives, CCIX, 334.
^Ibid., CCIX, 209.

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

Islands/ While the military forces were thus busied, the civil
element was doing its part in providing laws and authority
for the maintenance of the new government. At the General
Court held in Boston during May and June this year, the
Vineyard was fully represented. From Edgartown went
Thomas Cooke, Tisbury sent Shubael Cottle, and Chilmark
was fortunate in having that sturdy old patriot Joseph May-
hew, the chairman of the county committee of correspondence
and safety. Important acts were done by this Court for the
Vineyard, which will be detailed in their chronological order.

SEACOAST-DEFENCE ESTABLISHMENT IN 1 776.

Major Bassett, shortly after his appointment as com-
manding officer of the two companies of the seacoast-defence
establishment, proceeded to perfect the organization and bring
these raw levies into military discipline. The first step taken
was the issue of the following orders from headquarters : —

Marthas Vineyard, June 9, 1776

FIELD ORDERS.

I St All prophane cursing and swearing and Card playing in or near the
camp forbidden. I shall take notice of the first crime of that Nature
which comes to my knowledge.

2nd. Forty men including Capt. Benja. Smith stationed at Edgartown near
the Harbour. Twenty men at Homes's Hole East side including one
Lieut. Thirty men West side including one Lieut. Twenty men
Lumberts Cove including one Lieut. Forty men at Manamsha in-
cluding one Lieut. These are stations until further orders.

3rd Those stations that have more Men Remove them forthwith to the
station at Manamsha.

4th, Each party to keep suitable Guard. Turn out Boat and other Parties
when Required by their officers. Hail all Boats as their officers shall
Direct. In Alarm the parties to repair to the Alarm, Leaving the
Guard. Capt'n Nathan Smith having no particular Station to see
that preparations be made on the West side of Homes's Hole for
Cannon and to visit the other Stations. Lieut. Bassett to Intrench
at Manamsha as soon as he can procure Tools.

BAR'H BASSETT Com.^

Two days later Major Bassett was inspecting his command
at Naushon. He wrote from there a letter to the Council and

*Mass. Archives, CCIX, 315. The cannon were, however, useless. "I am in Bound
in Duty to let you know," he wrote to the General Court, on June 11, "there is no use
for them without Ball, Ladles, &:c., which renders them imfit for use." On June 22
the Council ordered the cannon to be turned over to the armed brig belonging to the
Colony at Dartmouth, and replaced them with two nine pounders. (Ibid., CCIX, 3.)

*Mass. Archives, XLIX, 112.

347

History of Martha's Vineyard

House of Representatives on June ii, in which he stated the
need of "Intrenching Tools which must be used for the pro-
tection of said posts" placed over the Islands. He also in-
formed them "that it will not be in my power to afford pro-
tection which is necessary to these Islands westward of Tar-
polan Cove Island & the vessels that ar constantly passing
without I have at least Ten Whale Boats." ^

On June i the company commanded by Captain Benja-
min Smith showed the following soldiers on duty under him,
and stationed at East Chop : —

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls) XXXVI, 239.]

PAY ROLL OF CAPTAIN BENJAMIN SMITH'S COMPANY ON THE SEA COAST
ESTABLISHMENT STATIONED ON THE ISLAND OF MARTHA'S VINE-
YARD, FROM THE FIRST DAY OF JUNE TO THE FIRST DAY
OF SEPTEMBER, 1 7 76.

Benjamin Smith Captain Obed Norton Private

Malatiah Davis

James Shaw

William Norton

Joseph Smith

Harlock Smith

Seth Cleveland

Henry Butler

Jonathan Pease, Jr.

John Atsatt

Henry Coffin

Jethro Covel

Francis Meader

Joseph Covel

Ichabod Cleveland

Zephaniah Butler

Enoch Coffin, Jr.

Cornelius Ripley

Jonathan Cottle

Benjamin Vinson

William Waley

Noah Norton

Joseph HoUey

Joseph Francis

Obediah Skiff

Thomas Coffin, Jr.

Silas Daggett

William Norton, Jr.

Henry Dunham

^Mass. Archives, CCIX, 315. On June 22, the Council allowed him ten whale
boats, twelve shovels, six spades, and four pickaxes. (Ibid., CCIX, 3.)

Captain

Obed Norton

Lieutenant

Thomas Cunningham

Hugh Stuart

Sergeant

Thomas Neal

((

Samuel Nickison

Peleg Crossman

Corporal

John Rogers.

Edward Burgess

Seth Crossman

Drummer

Anthony Crossman

Fifer

John HoUey, Jr.

Private

Cornelius Norton

John Smith, Jr.

David Smith

Timothy Smith

Richard Bunker

Pelatiah Russell, Jr.

((

John Marchant, Jr.

Thomas Nickison

Joseph Covel, Jr.

((

Elijah Norton

((

Ebenezer Bassett

Richard Hillman

John Flanders

((

Prince Skiff

James Hillman

Freeman Luce

Abisha Rogers

Noah Walden

348

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

William Smith Private Levi Young Private

Henry Osborn " Thomas Claghorn, Jr. "

Sprowell Marchent " William Swain "

Cheney Look " Seth Cottle

William Roberts, Jr. " Thomas Atsatt

Zimri Luce " Enoch Coffin, 3d "

Joseph Fredrick " Uriah Norton "

David Davis " John Sprague "

Jonathan Smith "

On the same date the company commanded by Captain
Nathan Smith renewed its enHstment, but the rolls for this
period are not preserved. It is known, however, that it con-
tinued in service.

On June 25, the General Court ordered "that one piece
of Cannon a sLx pounder now at Elizabeth Islands be removed
from thence and placed at Martha's Vineyard and that they
be supplied with two nine pounders now at Boston. And that
the Commissary General be and he is hereby directed to de-
liver the same to Joseph Mayhew Esq., or order, and also for
the use of the cannon and Men stationed at the Vineyard five
Barrels of Powder forty round of shot for each of said Can-
non and three hundred weight of leaden balls. He the said
Mayhew to be accountable to this Court for the same."

ADDITIONAL TROOPS SENT TO THE ISLAND.

The General Court acceded also, on June 25, to the rep-
resentations of the County Committee so far as to allow an
additional company for the defence of the Vineyard, making
in all three companies which were placed under the command
of Barachiah Bassett of Chilmark, who was commissioned as
major of this division of the seacoast-defence establishment.^
The militia regiment for the county was also reorganized in
April of this year with the following officers : —

Beriah Norton, Colonel; Uriah Tilton, Major.

First Company: Richard Whellen, Captain; Joseph Pease, ist
Lieutenant.

Second Company: Joseph Allen, Captain; William Case, ist Lieu-
tenant; Jonathan Athearn, 2nd Lieutenant.

Third Company: Samuel Norton, Captain; Mark Mayhew, ist
Lieutenant; John Cottle, Jr., 2nd Lieutenant.

Fourth Company: Samuel Norton, Captain; Abner Norton, ist
Lieutenant; Henry Butler, Jr., 2nd Lieutenant.

Fifth Company: Matthew Merry, Captain; Timothy Chase, ist
Lieutenant; Cornelius Norton, Jr., 2nd Lieutenant.

'Mass. Archives, CCIX, 209.

349

History of Martha's Vineyard

A change was made in the officers of the first company
on June 7, as follows: —

Matthew Mayhew, Captain; Joseph Norton, ist Lieutenant; Ezra
Cleveland, 2nd Lieutenant.^

The additional company granted by the General Court was
raised by Captain John Russell, from the Cape, who was com-
missioned for the purpose, and the roster of his company
shows that it was almost entirely recruited off the island, ac-
cording to directions, all the officers being men from the cape,
and the names of the privates having the family names of
Cape Cod people. A few were residents of our island. The
following is the list of officers and men : —

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVI, 198.]

ROLL OF CAPT. JOHN RUSSELL'S COMPANY RAISED TO DEFEND THE SEA

COAST OF THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY STATIONED AT

MARTINS VINEYARD UNDER THE COMMAND OF MAJOR

BARICKIAH BASSETT.^

Private

John Russell

Captain

Joseph Fuller

Stephen Fish

Lieutenant

Benjamin HaJlett

Silas Hatch

Sec. Lieut.

Thomas WTiite

Benjamin Goodspeed

ist Sergt.

Thomas Whelding

Abner Howes

Sergeant

Thomas Whelding, Jr,

Timothy Jones

Benjamin Gorham

Benjamin Blackford

((

Jonathan Hawes

John Matthews

Corporal

Lemuel Baxter

David Gorham

John Rumble

Malachi Baxter

Joseph Hall, Jr.

Samuel Webber

((

Peter Burgess

Joshua Brimhall

Drummer

Benjamin Nicholson

Jonathan Russell

Fifer

Covel Burgess

Joseph Hammond

Private

Barzillai Baker

Isaac Parker

((

Seth Matson

Joseph Nicholson

Burton Matson

Zachariah Fuller

Jesse Maker

David Blossom

Benjamin Hallett, Jr.

Church Blossom

John Gorham

Simon Goodspeed

((

Enoch Nicholson

Edward Crocker

((

Lemuel Fish

George Hilliard

Isaac Covens

Benjamin Hillman

Simon Berry

*Mass. Archives, (Revolutionary Rolls), XLIII, 207. Compare Ibid., CXLVI,
378, where Uriah Tilton is spoken of as Second Major.

^Ibid., XXXVI, 198, 201. This company was raised agreeably to a resolve of
June 25, 1776, to serve until December 1 next. Each man was required to furnish
himself "with a good fire arm & Bayonet fitted thereto if possible, & also a cartouch
Box & Blanket." (Mass. Arch., CCIX, 381.)

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

Philip Harlow
William Cahoon
Reuben Phillips
Henry Binyon
Lemuel Green
Peter Norton
Isaac Luce
William Merry
Peter Merry
Seth Luce
George Luce
John Blackford
Nathan Crowell
Uriah Hall
Edward Churchill
Samuel Taylor
John Robbins
William Gerrish
Joseph Thatcher
Samuel Bassett
John Burgess
Abner Butler
Benjamin Butler
William Butler
Simeon Hatch
Lot Bacon

Private Jacob Baker

" Comeleus Baxter

" Jonathan Kelly

" Eben Baxter

" William Draper

" Abner Cottle

" Abraham Godfrey

" John Crocker

" Timothy Crocker

" William Crocker

" Samuel Daggett

" Thomas Pacefull

" Eben Eldridge

" Caleb Williams

" James Titus

" Andrew Nicam

" Stephen Nicholson

" Benjamin Crowell

" Mathias Gorham

" William Farris

" James Nicholson

" Elisha Godfrey

" Prince Webber

" Prince Gage

" William Bassett

Private

This made on July i a total effective force of about two
hundred and fifty men in the seacoast-defence establishment,
besides which the local mOitia added probably as many more,
who could be called upon to respond to alarms. This was a
sufficient number for ordinary purposes, such as repelling a land-
ing force from vessels of war, in any strength they would
probably employ. The situation was satisfactory in every
way, and the establishment of a garrison here could not but
be a constant menace to the king's ships, as the men comprising
it were amphibious, at home on the water as well as the land.
By this time the American army had left Boston and taken up
a position on Long Island, General Howe's troops were in
Halifax and the Continental Congress was in session at Phila-
delphia discussing independence. On the "Glorious Fourth"
of this month the Declaration was promulgated and, as far as
pronouncements could establish the fact, the American people
had definitely severed their political allegiance to their ancient
sovereigns. Doubtless in due time, this immortal expression
of the principles of the rights of mankind was read to the sea-
coast-defence troops in their camps along our shores, as it

351

History of Martha's Vineyard

had been elsewhere as soon as it could be circulated. The
people also had a chance to listen to its thrilling denunciations
of the tyranny of kings, and of George the Third in particular,
for this document was distributed for the information of the
American nation to their inspiration in the contest now being
waged, and it was generally read at some public demonstra-
tion by the town clergyman or the popular leader of the pa-
triots. The battle of Long Island, which took place in August,
resulted disastrously to the American army, and consternation
prevailed as usual among the timid. It was seen that every
available man would be needed to sustain the cause of freedom.
The theatre of war was removed from New England, and this
region was freed of the king's troops.

In September, Joseph Mayhew and Shubael Cottle, rep-
resenting Chilmark and Tisbury, petitioned the general court
for ten whaleboats for the use of the island garrisons, and six
were allowed.^ The commissary general was also ordered to
provide apparatus for three cannon, which were to be sent to
the Vineyard.^ It is not known that any occasion arose for
their use, or that any exploits on the sea took place during this
time. The enemy had practically abandoned New England,
and opportunities were wanting. The local companies at-
tached to the sea-coast establishment were composed of the
following men on September i, as shown on pay rolls: —

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVI, 239, 246.]

PAY ROLL FOR CAPTAIN BENJAMIN SMITH'S COMPANY STATIONED AT
MARTHA'S VINEYARD FROM THE FIRST DAY OF SEPTEMBER
TILL THE TWENTY FIRST DAY OF NOVEMBER 1 776.

Private

Benjamin Smith
Malatiah Davis

Captain
Lieutenant

John Flanders
Freeman Luce

James Shaw

Abisha Rogers

William Norton

Sergeant

William Swan

Joseph Smith

Seth Cottle

Harlock Smith

Thomas Atsatt

Seth Cleveland

Corporal

Uriah Norton

Thomas Claghorn
Prince Skiff

Jethro Dunham
Ephraim Dunham

John Atsatt

Drummer

Noah Pease

Jethro Covel
Corneleus Ripley
Jonathan Cottle

Private

Elijah Dunham
Ehjah Dunham [Jr.]
John Clark

*Mass. Archives, CLXXXI, 194. Petition was dated Watertown, Sept. 5, 1776,
and the allowance on the loth following,
^bid., CLXXXI, 195.

352

The Vineyard in the Revolution, I 774-1 778

Noah Norton
Hugh Stuart
Peleg Grossman
Timothy Smith, Jr.
Silas Daggett
William Norton, Jr.
William Roberts, Jr.
Zimri Luce
Joseph Fredrick
Richard Hillman
Thomas Beetle
Anthony Grossman
Joseph Govel
Ezra Gleveland
Jonathan Pease
William Smith
Ruben Pease
Gorneleus Norton
Joseph Frances
Thomas Gunningham
David Smith
Zephaniah Butler
Joseph Govel, Jr.
EHphalet Govel
John Sprague

Private John Butler, Jr.

" Silas Marchant

" John Kelley

" Zachariah Pease

'' Joseph Ripley

" Prince Daggett

" John Daggett

" Ansel Norton

" Ehjah Norton

" David Dunham

" Elijah Stuart

" Benjamin Vinson

Noah Look

" Enoch Gofl5n, Jr.

" Thomas Ripley

• " Sylvanus Grosby

" Matthew Daggett

" John HoUey, Jr.

" Thomas Nickison

" William Roberts

Silas Butler

" Luke Gray

" Timothy Vinson

John Smith

Private

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVI, 256.]

A ROLL OF CAPTAIN NATHAN SMITH'S SEACOAST COMPANY STATIONED ON

MARTHA'S VINEYARD THE YEAR 1 776, MADE UP FROM THE FIRST

DAY OF SEPTEMBER TO THE 21 DAY OF NOVEMBER

BEING TWO MONTHS AND 20 DAYS OR TWO THIRDS

OF A MONTH.

Private

Nathan Smith

Gaptain

Vamel Clififord

Jeremiah Manter

ist Lieut.

Aaron Luce

Fortunatus Bassett

2nd Lieut.

Nathan Clifford

David Merry

Sergeant

David Hillman

Joseph Mayhew

((

Nathaniel Nickerson

James Winslow

((

Thomas Hillman

Peter West

Corporal

William Butler

Silas Gottle

Pain Tilton

Barzillai Growell

Jacob Clifford

Nathan Bassett

Drummer

Simon Mayhew

Lothrop Ghase

Fifer

Thomas Wilkins

Benjamin Bassett

Private

Lemuel Luce

Arvin Luce

Elijah Look

John Mayhew

Lot Rogers

Thomas Cox

((

EHphalet Rogers

Peter Gottle

((

Elverton Growell

Gershom Hillman

((

Moses Luce

353

History of Martha's Vineyard

Abner Hillman
Lot Hillman
Shubael Luce
Jonathan Look
Abisha Dunham
William Luce
Lot Luce
Benjamin Luce
Joseph Luce
Samuel Hammett
Henry Luce
Samuel Weeks
James Butler
Ebenezer Morse
Thomas Gardner
Nathan Weeks
Zephaniah Chase
[Thomas] Manchester
[Jonathan] Merry
Augustus Allen
Thomas Lassey

Private Samuel Lumbert

" Jeremiah Luce

" Thomas Luce

" Thomas Chase

" George Hillman

" Malachi Luce

" Nathan Luce

" William Harding

" Sylvanus Luce

" Timothy Hillman

" Joseph Norton

" Thomas Smith

" Anthony Swazey

" Solomon Luce
William Allen

" Shubael Harding

" William Daggett

" Job Norton

" John Manchester

" Jonathan Manter

Private

Still there was constant vigilance on the part of Major
Bassett, for there was never a time when an armed cruiser
might not enter one of the harbors and attacli the inhabitants.
On September lo he issued these "Field Orders":

Field Orders:

As there appears some danger of an attack every soldier is required
to repair to his Barrack at Eight of the Clock ever}' Evening on Tattoo
Beating. per

BARTAH BASSETT
Com.
Marthas Vineyard
Sept. lo, 1776 '

What the occasion of the alarm was is not known, but we
may infer that it was a threatened expedition from New York
to rid the Sound of its dangers to the passage of the vessels of
the enemy's fleet. But if it had been threatened it was not
carried out, as the British General Howe was busy trying to
drive Washington out of New York.

^ Beriah Norton MSS. in Pease Collection.

354

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

CHAPTER XXIII.

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality.

In the autumn of 1776 our army numbered only 10,000
effectives, owing to sickness among the raw levies, furloughs,
and the casualties of war. At this time the British troops
were being reinforced each month with the "Hessian hire-
lings" and their strength was thrice that of ours. Every
available man was needed at the front now, as Washington
was aware that Howe proposed to end the rebellion at one
blow, in an attempt to surround him at New York. Gradu-
ally the forces of the king pushed Washington back to the
hieghts of Harlem, and to White Plains, and the struggle for
the command of the Hudson was becoming desperate. So far
it had been a losing one for the Americans. The call for men
was urgent, and the Massachusetts General Court sought to
supply the requirements at the expense of her own frontiers.
The greater end was paramount, and she sacrificed the sea-
coast -defence establishment as her contribution to the general
result. Accordingly, on November 16, after the battle of
White Plains, and on the day of the fall of Fort Washington,
the council passed the following order affecting the Vineyard : —

Council Chamber, November 16, 1776.
To Barachiah Bassett

You are hereby in a Pursuance of a Resolve of the General Court of
this State ordered forthwith to discharge the officers and men stationed
at Marthas Vineyard excepting twenty five men, including one Lieutenant
one Sergeant & one Corporal from the Service of this State and you are
hereby also ordered forthwith to discharge from the above service the
officers and men stationed at the Elizabeth Islands, excepting twenty one
men, including Lieut. Nye and two sergeants and you are directed to
designate the Persons to be retained still in the service agreeable to the
above order; after which you are to look upon yourselves as discharged
from the Military service you have been engaged in at the said Marthas
Vineyard and Elizabeth Islands.'

Similar notices were sent out to the commanding officers
of the seacoast-defence men at Plymouth, Truro, Dartmouth,
Falmouth, and elsewhere, so that the Vineyard was not alone
in the reduction of her local forces. These companies posted

'Mass. Archives, CLXXIII, 42.

355

History of Martha's Vineyard

here were not subject to orders for duty elsewhere, as they
were recruited "to serve on the Island of Marthas Vineyard,"
and as a consequence discharge was the only course open to
the authorities. It was expected that the men would join new
companies raised for the general army without restriction to
sphere of duty. Indeed, many Vineyard men preferred service
elsewhere, particularly on board of privateers, and the crew
lists of many of them will show names familiar to us at this
period and throughout the war. Many of the discharged
soldiers enlisted in other regiments, as soon as they were formed,
and the lists of our Vineyard men who served in the war will
show, as given elsewhere in this work, that they did not allow
this home-guard duty to end their patriotic sentiments. By
the early part of the next year they were enrolled in companies
mustered in on the Cape, or elsewhere in Plymouth County,
and those towns are credited with quotas filled in an appre-
ciable measure by residents of this island. There being no
companies raised here for general service, our towns do not
share the advantages of enlistment records such as obtained
in other towns of the province.

ONE COMPANY RETAINED AT THE VINEYARD.

Major Bassett immediately obeyed the order for disband-
ment, and by the 20th had selected the officers and men for
the company of ''twenty five men, including one Lieutenant,
one Sergeant & one Corporal," He designated Jeremiah
Manter, David Merry, and Malachi Baxter for those com-
missions respectively, and the rest of the company is shown
in the following muster roll : —

[Mass. Archives (Revolutionary Rolls), XXXVI, 177.]

ROLL OF LT. JEREML\H MANTER'S CO. WHICH WAS A PART OF THE COM-
PANY STATIONED ON MARTHA'S VINEYARD IN THE YEAR 1 776
MADE UP FROM THE TWENTIETH DAY OF NOVEMBER TO
THE LAST DAY OF DECEMBER, BEING ONE MONTH
AND TEN DAYS.

Private

Jeremiah Manter

Lieut.

Jonathan Manter

David Merry

Sergeant

Jonathan Merry

Malachi Baxter

Corporal

Thomas Smith

Josiah Luce

Private

Nathan Luce

Lothrop Chase

William Daggett

Elijah Look

((

Thomas Gamer

Lot Rogers

Seth Cottle

356

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

Elvarton Crowell
Lot Luce
Henry Luce
Nathan Weeks
Simeon Hatch

Private

Prince Daggett
Silas Daggett
Ebenezer Butler
Elvarton Parker
Stephen Pease
Jonathan Pease

Private

This was the army of defence left to guard our island as
a result of this legislation, and the king's troops had begun to
occupy Newport as a base of operations.

Thus matters assumed a somewhat peaceful aspect here,
and once more the Vineyard reverted to its own re-
sources. Those left were full of gloomy forebodings. "At
the moment the country saw only unbroken defeat, and the
spirit and hopes of the Americans sank. The darkest hour
of the Revolution had come," says an author already quoted.
It is not a wonder that the men here became infected with the
general misgivings of the nation at large. Tisbury, as usual
the leader in all these movements heretofore, to keep the ball
rolling, called a meeting in the middle of December, summon-
ing the "freeholders" of the town and voted: —

in Order to take under their most Serious consideration the Sad and
Allarming circumstances this county as well as the rest of the country
is at present under, and then & thare to consider what mode of conduct
this Town with the rest of the county Shall be thought best to come into
for our Preservation if wee are Attack't by the Kings Troops, And to chuse
A committee if the Town thinks propper to take the Affair under consid-
eration, Or to Joyn with the other Towns in the county if they See Cause
to Act with us, At said Meeting Deacon Stephen Luce was chosen Mod-
erator, And then it was put to Vote to See whether Esq. James Athearn
Deacon Ransford Smith Mr Elisha West Should be a Committee to Joyn
with the Other Towns Committees in Our County, Or by themselves
and with the Commision Officers of the Militia in Sd County, To con-
sider and agree upon what mode of Conduct the People of this Town
with the rest of the County Shall come into in Order for our Preservation
if wee Should be Attack't by the Kings Troops.'

This situation had to be met, as our people could not
throw up their hands and admit defeat without a struggle.
As no other town joined, this committee had no joint
business to perform, but later a committee of the town acted
individually, and on the 27th of December prepared a petition
to the General Court setting forth the situation as it appeared
to them.

'Tisbury Records, 217

357

History of Martha's Vineyard

To the Honourable the Council & the (House) of Representa-
tives for the State of Massachusetts Bay In General Court As-
sembled : —
The Petition of Shubael Cottle, Elisha West & Nathan Smith, Com-
mittee for the town of Tisbury Humbly sheweth: that the Island of Mar-
thas Vineyard is sittuated in the middest of Danger. We are much alarmed
at the Dismission of the soldiers which ware alowed as a Defence for our
Island as the Kings Army is so near us — and as we find by an act of the
General Court we are called upon to tack one quarter of our men and
send them or hold them in Redenes to march at the shortest warning to
ajoine the Continental Army, and to leave our own Places to the will of
our Enemies — wherefore your Petitioners humbly pray that your hon-
ours would (amidest the Many and grate businesses that come before
you) Tack one thought on our awful Surcumstances — and grant that
we may be Released as to Rasing our Men to go of the Island on any
ocation unless to Defend our Nabours alicke exposed and in that case we
shall shew our utmost Redenes to Defend them — and furthermore your
Petitioners Humbly Pray that when your Honours shall have us under
your wise consideration that you would be so good as to grant us help in
sending us men from the mane, or by Imploying our Men as Soldiers', to
Defend our Island as thare is not much to be expected from our Militia
being but thin at the best, and now very much in the Sea Servis. Your
petitioners would not be unmindfull of the Regard Shune us in times past
in granting us 250 men which by the Blessing of God ware Sufisent for us
last Sumer — as we think it our duty to be in the use of menes we most
ernestly pay that your Honours would grant sum further help or other
ways provide for us as you in your wisdom shall think proper as in Duty
bound shall ever pray.

Tisbury the 27 of December 1776 SHUBAEL COTTLE

ELISHA WEST
NATHAN SMITH
Committee for the towTi of Tisbury ^

The action taken by the General Court upon this repre-
sentation is shown in the following transcript of the records of
the House, under date of Jan. 20, 1777: —

The above petition so far granted as that the Militia of the Island
of Marthas Vineyard are excused from furnishing their proportion of the
late draught of one quarter of their militia.

The removal of stock &c to the main-land is recommended.

THE VINEYARD LEFT TO ITS OWN DEVICES.

This last sentence was ominous. It foreboded an aban-
donment of the island to the enemy, if that policy should be
adopted. Across the sound the Elizabeth Islands had as
many soldiers to protect a few families as were assigned to

'Mass. Archives, CLXXXI, 405.

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

the Vineyard proper. Chilmark woke up now and tried fur-
ther disconcerted action, where before all had worked together.
Thirty-five of the inhabitants signed the following statement
of facts and opinions: —

Chilmark, January 27, 1777.

To the Honourable, the Council and House of Representatives of
the State of Massachusetts Bay in General Court Assembled:

The Petition of a number of Inhabitants af the Town of Chilmark
in the Island of Marthas Vineyard and in the County of Dukes County
Humbly Sheweth: That the said Island of Marthas Vineyard (especially
the Western Part thereof where your petitioners reside & where there is a
Road for shipping) is by its situation at least as miich exposed to the Enemy
now possessing Rhode Island as the Islands called Elizabeth Islands in
the same Town. For the Protection of which last mentioned Islands
much greater (tho' we do not think too great) Provision is made than for
the protection of Marthas Vineyard: when the last named Island is of
much greater value in itself of vastly greater importance to the Public
than the others. There being on Elizabeth Islands but seventeen famihes
and about one hundred souls; when there are on Marthas Vineyard at
least five hundred families and about 2780 souls, exclusive of Indians
living by themselves, and this last named Island is also much better ac-
comodated than Elizabeth Islands with Harbors and Roads for shipping
by means of which Harbours of Marthas Vineyard, and a few soldiers
there stationed, with the Pilots and other Inhabitants of said Island a
very large part of the many rich Prizes taken from the enemy during
the present war have (after they have waited some time in said Harbours
for a fair wind & for an opportunity to proceed to the Port to which they
were bound, without Danger of being intercepted by the Enemy) safely
arrived either at Dartmouth or Providence or at some other Place where
they might be discharged of their Cargo. All which advantages accruing
to this and other American states from the Harbors of Marthas Vineyard
while that Island remains in the Possession of Friends to the Common
Cause of these States will not only be lost to this and the other states of
the nieghboring continent, if said Island or its Harbours should be pos-
sessed by the Enemy, but the advantage the Enemy will hereby gain will
perhaps be no less pernicious than the possession of that Island & its
Harbors hath hitherto been advantageous thereto.

On which account your Petitioners (with great deference and sub-
mission to your Honours superior wisdom & judgement) presume to de-
clare that they apprehend it to be of great importance not only to the
Inhabitants of Marthas Vineyard but also to this and other American
States that it be kept from falling into the Hands of the enemy. But
this without further Protection from your Honours we see no way to pre-
vent For we apprehend this Island to be in great Danger of such an
attack from the Enemy as the Inhabitants thereof will not be able to with-
stand. For the number of men on this Island able to bear arms hath
of late been greatly diminished & is still diminishing by their shipping
themselves on board of continental & other cruizers against the enemy;
and also not a little weakened by our Disagreement of opinion with Respect

359

History of Martha's Vineyard

to thefmost proper course we can take for our safety. For while your
Petitioners with many other Inhabitants of this Island are fully satisfied
that the present war is on the American side just & necessary, and are
ready to exert themselves to the utmost in every suitable way in support
of the American cause, There are yet (we are sorry to find ground to say
it) some here who have manifested at least a Doubt of our being in the
Right, in taking up arms and fighting against the Forces of the King of
Great Britain, and they with others have openly expressed a Belief that
Britain will conquer & subdue America, and have labored to infuse such
a belief into others; and whatever effect this hath had, it is a certain mat-
ter of Fact that there is a considerable number of men here who appear
to be very Doubtful which side will finally overcome, and obtain what
they are contending and fighting for, and who therefore chuse to be as
stil and inactive as possible in the present contest and are accordingly
averse to doing anything towards the Defending of this Island by arms.

To which Principle we impute it That when ten Freeholders of this
Town by a writing under their hands, lately requested the Selectmen to
call a meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town to consider and determine
what it was proper for them to do for their safety in this Time of Danger.
This Request was not complied with. By which means we found our-
selves obliged to petition your Honours in the way we do, as Individ-
uals, suscribing our names hereto. In short we wish that your Honours
might have a just and full conception of the Danger this Island is in by
Means of its exposed situation (while the Enemy is so powerful & no
further than about twelve leagues therefrom) when it is so weak & de-
fenceless a state as it now is, & also what Imporatance it is that it be kept
from falling into the hands of the Enemy.

A true representation hereof we have here given But not too full and
clear a representation as to convey to your Honours such an idea of the
state of the Island with respect to the present American troubles, as your
Honours would have if you had been some time resident here. And with
regard to the state of this Island which we have represented the Prayer
of your Petitioners is That no such measure may be adopted to keep the
stock on said Island from falling into the Hands of the Enemy as that of
removing it to some other place. For if nothing better than this can be
done with the stock belonging to Marthas Vineyard, to what a state of
wretchedness must the owTiers thereof be reduced! For if that stock be
removed where will they find pasture or Hay for it? And if for want
thereof they are obliged to sell it, where will they find Buyers who will
give them anything near the value thereof? And in this way the People
of this Island would be likely to suffer almost a total loss of their Stock.

They would suffer also for a time at least (and who knows for how
long a time ?) the loss of their Houses and lands, which they must depart.
For without stock they will not be able to till it. And if this Island be
forsaken by its inhabitants, it will (without such a Protection as would
be now sufficient for their Defence) in all Probability be taken possession
of by the Enemy; and how detrimental this would be to this & the neigh-
bouring states; we have already in some measure shewn. Your petition-
ers also pray That seeing this Island is so exposed & in so weak & de-
fenceless a state as hath been shewn, no men maybe taken from hence
to serve as soldiers elsewhere. For as said Islands when all the men now

3&0

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

therein continue there is so weak & defenceless how improper a thing must
it be if it can be avoided, Still further to weaken it by taking men from
thence where they are so much needed? And besides how greatly must it
distress a Man who has a wife & several small children, or aged feeble
Parents to take care of to be compeled to hazard his hfe in War at a great
distance from them and leave them in a place exposed as this is to the
outrageous hostilities of the Enemy, when by continuing with them he
might afford them some help & Protection. What we have offered we
pray your Honours to take into your consideration and Intreat that besides
suffering the men here to continue in this place your Plonours would be
pleased to send a number of men to this Island for its Protection as your
Honours in your great wisdom shall judge proper and that your Honours
would afford for the Protection of the Elizabeth Islands at least an equal
number of men to that which was last stationed there and your Petitioners
as in Duty bound shall ever pray.

Samuel Hillman,
Benjamin Hatch,
Thomas Hillman,
Silas Bassett,
Joseph Bassett,
James Norton, Jr.
Joseph Mayhew,
Samuel Mayhew,
Simeon Mayhew,
James Norton,
Robert Hillman,
John Mayhew,

William TiUon,
Abner Mayhew,
Samuel Mayhew, Jr.
Jethro Mayhew,
Benjamin Hillman,
David Hillman,
Josiah Mayhew,
John Bassett,
John Hillman,
John Cottle,
Benjamin Hillman, Jr.
Richard Hillman.*

Joseph Mayhew, Jr.
Mark Mayhew,
Samuel Norton,
Fort. Bassett,
Benja. Bassett,
Jonathan Bassett,
Cornelius Bassett,
Timothy Mayhew,
Nathaniel Nickerson,
John Cottle, Jr.
Abner Hillman,

This statement discloses a condition of affairs in Chil-
mark which has been referred to in previous contemporary
documents and letters from there. It is evident that a con-
siderable number of Tories remained in Chilmark, even at
this date. They exercised a restraining, not to say discourag-
ing, influence upon the patriots of that town, and the efforts
of Joseph Mayhew to further the cause of American liberty
were checked at every turn by them. Added to this class
were those well described as manifesting ''at least a Doubt
of our being in the Right," and lying low, waiting events,
"very Doubtful which side will finally overcome." Such men
offer but little that is worthy of more comment. This situation
made for discontent and indifference on the part of the Massa-
chusetts authorities, and at this period they were not in a
position to temporize with communities holding these uncertain
sentiments, or communities influenced by those who did.
After considering the whole situation, the General Court felt

'Mass. Archives, CLXXXII, 88.

361

History of Martha's Vineyard

that the island must be abandoned as a military post, but as
yet it took no decisive action. Determined to make one more
effort to prevent this disastrous prospect, the freeholders of
Tisbury prepared and sent the following petition to the Court
for further consideration.

To the Honourable the Council and The House of Representatives
of the State of Massachusetts Bay in New Englnad,

Humbly sheweth The Inhabitants of the Town of Tisbury in Dukes
County, That the Exposed situation of that Island has been well known
to your Honours to say it is in the Power of the Enemy is needless. Our
Inability to Defend our Selves must be well known.

We therefore Humbly & earnestly Request your Honours to grant
us some Assistance under our exposed situation To defend us against a
Force that may be Expected to Attack the Place and Secure a Lodgement
cannot be expected by so small a number as is now on This Island &
They constantly entering into the Continental army and Navy. We there-
fore Pray this Petition may be Taken under your wise consideration and
Grant us such Relief as you in your wisdom shall Think necessary &
we as in Duty Bound shall ever Pray.

Tisbury, nth March A. D. 1777.

Tames Athearn, ") ^ -^^ c ^u
5 of Comitte for the

Shubael Cottle, > ^ r t- u 1

T.T o \ town of iisbury.^

Nathan Smith, j •'

This had no favorable result. If anything, it merely
brought the General Court's attention to the consideration of
a subject that had by that time been all but settled in their
minds.

ABANDONMENT OF THE ISLAND CONSIDERED.

Three companies had been stationed on the island at the
expense of the Colony of Massachusetts, and the accounts
for their subsistence are still in existence showing expendi-
tures to the amount of ;^2625-o-o through September, 1776.
This drain was severely felt by the colonial authorities, and
in December following the General Court took the first move
towards disarmament directing that those soldiers whose terms
were expiring be not re-enlisted and that the remainder be
continued in service until March, 1777. When this date ar-
rived, the General Court found that the burden was too heavy
to carry, and passed the following Resolve which condemned
the island to the mercies of the enemy.

'Mass. Archives, CLXXXII, 220.
362

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

In the House of Representatives
March 29, 1777

Whereas the Island of Marthas Vineyard is so situated that it must
put this State to great expense to defend it, should our enemies make it
an object of their attention, and as the removal of the inhabitants of said
Island to the Maine would be attended with many and great inconveniences
to them and cost to the State, therefore.

Resolved: that it be and hereby is recommended to the Inhabitants
of Marthas Vine3-ard to send off said Island as many of their cattle as
are not absolutely necessary for their present and immediate support,
that they may be in a better capacity to retreat from the enemy, if they
should be attacked by a force they are not able to oppose.'

This was sent to the Council for concurrence, where it
met with some dissent, as but fifteen members concurred in
this recommendation. Accordingly, two days later, after con-
sultation between the two bodies, another draught of this plan,
modified in some particulars, was passed by both branches of
the General Court. This new form is as follows: —

In Council March 29, 1777.

Whereas the Island of Marthas Vineyard is so situated that it must
put the State to great expense to defend it should our Enemies make that
an object of their attention, and as the removal of the Inhabitants of said
Island to the main would be attended with many and great Inconveniences
to them and cost to the State,

Therefore Resolved: that it be and it is hereby recommended to the
Inhabitants of Marthas Vineyard to send off said Island as many of their
cattle, sheep and other goods as are' not absolutely necessary to their
present support, and it is recommended to the Justices of the Peace.
The Field officers and Selectmen of the several Towns on said Island to
consult and agree upon such a mode of conduct of the People of said
Island to pursue as they may judge most proper an it is recommended
to said Inhabitants strictly to pursue the mode that shall be so pointed
out for their safety.^

Left at last to themselves and to fate, the Vineyarders
saw that the State had placed them where they must work out
their own salvation. It was ^'Sauve qui peut,^' and their
patriotism was put to the test. But they did not further flinch.
The remaining men able to bear arms prepared as best they
could for defence, and awaited events. Many who could not
remain inactive enlisted in regiments on the mainland, but the
larger number found employment in privateers, where they
could find better opportunities for their capacities as sea-

^Mass. Archives (Records of the General Court),
^ass. Archives, CCXIII, 42.

3^3

History of Martha's Vineyard

faring men. At this time Cornelius Marchant sailed on a
voyage, which shows how daring those men were in the extent
of their operations. "On the 22 of January 1777" he wrote,
''I entered on board the Ship Marlborough of Providence, of
twenty Guns out and twenty four guns home, commanded by
George Wad. Babcock of South or North Kingston; after
passing the British, which lay in the harbour of New Port and
Seconnet river we put for Edgartown harbour to obtain a Com-
plement of Men and Officers; from whence in a few days
she departed and proceeded on her Cruise. About the last of
April 1777 we arrived at the Islands of Deloss on the Coast of
Africa, where we destroyed a large Store house belonging to
the British, took a Schooner laden with Brass Kettels; Also
a little lower down the Coast captured two Ships one laden
with Goods the other with a Cargo of Slaves, which were sent
to Martinico where they safely arrived. In the same Cruise
captured a large Brig laden with Ivory and Dye Wood sent
her to the United States, where within 30 Leagues of Halifax
we Captured the Ship John of Leithe, a large Transport richly
laden with supplies for the British Army at New York; she
safely arrived at Boston. We also retook a Brig laden with
lumber & fish from Newburry Port bound to Cadiz in New
Bedford in safety; we like wise captured which we thought
not worth manning. We arrived in the Marlborough and the
ship John our Prize in Boston in the month of July of same
year 1777, after an Absence of five or six months."^

The force upon the Elizabeth Islands, small as it was,
kept up a show of activity, under the command of Elisha Nye.
The following letter from him at this date will furnish some
insight into the difficulties of a frontier post in those times: —

Tarrpoland Cove Island, March 31st 1777
Gentn :

As you have seen fitt to appoint me to the Command of a Company
stationed hear I think it my Duty to Inform your Honners that I Rased
the Company soon after I Rec'd your orders there for and I took my
station. I also think it my Duty to Inform your Honners what military
stores I Rec'd from Maj'r Dimuck which are as follows: 20 Rounds in
Cartriges a man 45 lb pouder 122 lb Lead in balls 140 flints 2 Cannon
22 Cartriges of Pouder for the Cannon balls. I humbly think it will be
the best that there be ordered a further supply of Powder for the Cannon
as without them I shant be able to keep the Harbour there having ben
severall attempts maid by the Enemy to Ly in the Harbour, which would
Cut of all Communication from Dartmouth the Vineyard from the Main

*Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, iqoo.
364

The Vineyard Abandoned to Neutrality

that Vessels can not pass, but by the help of the Cannon I have been
able to keep them out and make no Dout shall be able to keep the Har-
bour Clear if not over powered by a number of ships.

Your Honners will observe that 63 at least Cartriges of Powder for
Cannon is wanting and I humbly pray that y'r Honners will order in the
hand of Benoni Nichoson appon'd Commasury for the Company what is
wanting or as Your Honners shall otherways think fitt.

I Remain
With Great Respect your faithfuU servant

ELISHA NYE.
To the Hon'ble Councell of the State
of the Massachusetts Bay.*

THE ISLAND REDUCED TO A NEUTRAL ZONE.

The General Court met in session May 28, this year, and
it is significant that no representative from Dukes County
appeared. Whether it was intentional cannot be said with
certainty. It would be no more than human nature for the
people of the Vineyard to resent their abandonment by the
authorities to the tender mercies of the enemy. However, it
may have been unavoidable or accidental. During the twelve
months following absolute silence appears to have reigned
upon the Vineyard. Where the town records in previous
years had teemed with frequent entries of the actions and
proposals of the freeholders to advance the cause of American
freedom, now no one would suspect that a war was going on.
Not a reference to it appears in any of the three towns. It
was an enforced silence. We know where their hearts were
during the great struggle, and doubtless the strong sense of
independence so characteristic of islanders rendered their com-
mon inaction a daily source of chagrin and regret. To have
engaged in active operations as a community against the crown
would have invited practical annihilation without an equiva-
lent gain, for the loss of their homes and property would not
have helped on the patriot cause one iota. In some situations
it is necessary for a military purpose that some portions of an

'Mass. Archives, CXCVI, 347. Freeman gives some personal information about
Elisha Nye, in connection with the Revolutionary War, which is of interest. " Upon
the first appearance of the enemy, Mr. Elisha Nye, who was resident there as an inn-
keeper (Tarpaulin Cove), and who suffered from the indignities the British Sloop of
War Falkland, Captain Linzey, offered to himself and family, made deposition of the
same, which was laid before the Provincial Congress; whereupon Congress directed
Capt. John Grannis to provide 30 men and arms and repair without delay to the
Elizabeth Islands for their protection. Captain Grannis raised his company here
(Falmouth), and they did good service; but the force though increased to 50 was
altogether inadequate to the work assigned them." (History of Cape Cod, II, 452.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

army should be deliberately sacrificed in order to gain the
greater benefit for the entire body, but this does not apply to
the Vineyard in the struggle of 1775.

The only sign of life shown here in the period named is
found in a petition addressed to the General Court early in
1778 by some of the inhabitants of Tisbury, who asked for
facilities to get provisions to the island. The full text best
explains their desires, and it is printed below : —

To the Honorable the Council Sz: House of Representatives of the
State of Massachusetts Bay.

The Petition of us the Subscribers Inhabitance of the Town of Tis-
bury in Dukes County. Humbly sheweth that whereas your Petitioners
are situated on an Island that Doth not Produce its own Provitions but
are obliged to seek it out of the State of Connecticut and the Govener and
Commites of that State oblige our Boats to Enter and Clear & give Bond
as Tho' they were vessells of one hundred tuns, and as there is no Naval
officer in this Island by which menes our Boats are not able to Carey
Proper vouchers that they have landed there Cargos at this Place for
whant of which they have been accused of going to Ne^vport. For Remedy
thereof we Pray your Honours to appoint sum met Person to that office,
and we would not Dictate your honers in this case. But we would Pro-
pose for that office to your honers Shubael Cottle, Esq as met Person
and Living near the water and in the Midest of the Boats that follow
that Impl(o)y, or other ways Provide for us as you in your grate wisdom
shall think Proper as in Duty Bound shall ever Pray.^

This request was approved February 4, following. One
other evidence of existence occurs in the letter written by
Beriah Norton from Roxbury, April 16, 1778, in which he
notifies the Council that "there is a Quantata of Powder Be-
longing to this State Lodged at Marthers Vinyard," he de-
sired direction what to do with it, "otherwise it may Be taken
By the enemy or lost." The Council on the same day ordered
Joseph Mayhew to deliver the ammunition to the commanding
officer of the fort at Dartmouth, and thus the last means of
defence was removed. Henceforth, the Vineyard was to be
out of the calculations of the Commonwealth to which it be-
longed.

»Mass. Archives, CCXVII, 45.

366

Grey's Raid

CHAPTER XXIV.
Grey's Raid.

We now are come to the great event of the Revolution as
affecting the Vineyard, the raid of General Sir Charles Grey
in the month of September, 1778, supported by a detachment
of troops, numbering over four thousand men, convoyed by a
dozen ships of the line and a score of transports. It has been
told in song and story and tradition by the children of the
generation who saw our island at the mercy of this large body
of hostile soldiery, and under the hundred guns of the king's
navy. The whole history of it has never been written before,
with the documentary evidences now available from both sides
of the water, and the narrative which follows will present such
testimony, given both by the British and the American par-
ticipators in this affair, and thus for the first time we can
read of it as seen by the actors themselves. Most of the docu-
ments cited have never before been published, particularly the
accounts of Major Andre, whilst some of the contemporary
documents and reports of our people have had limited circula-
tion in local newspapers only, or in brief descriptions attempted
by writers without the advantage of complete information on
all the surrounding circumstances.

It is not a story of military heroism or glory, nor one cal-
culated to thrill an audience of Revolutionary sons to the
cheering point. And yet it is a part of the history of the great
struggle, and as an incident in the annals of the Vineyard is
worthy of being set out in such fulness of detail as we can now
accord it.

The year 1778 was the darkest for Great Britain since the
beginning of the Revolution of the American colonies. Her
ancient enemy, France, had acknowledged the independence
of the thirteen states of America, and treaties of alliance and
commerce passed between Louis XVI and the Continental
Congress, greatly to the joy of the struggling patriots on the
Delaware, just emerging from the sufferings of Valley Forge,
and to the chagrin of the English ministry, who now felt that
another war had been practically declared. General Sir Will-
iam Howe, who from the first of his career in America at
Bunker Hill, had proven a dismal military failure, relinquished

367

History of Martha's Vineyard

his command, in response to general criticism in Parliament,
and on May 24, at Philadelphia, Sir Henry Clinton assumed
control of the fortunes of the British troops. In accordance
with orders from the ministry, says Bancroft, "Clinton was
ordered to abandon Philadelphia to hold New York and Rhode
Island; to lay waste Virginia by means of ships of war, and
to attack Providence, Boston and all accessible ports between
New York and Nova Scotia, destroying vessels, wharfs, stores
and material for shipbuilding." This policy of destruction
betrayed the spirit of revenge and cruelty, inspired, doubtless,
by the general feeling that the war was a failure, and America
lost to the crown through a long continued policy of unutter-
able ministerial stupidity.

Clinton reached New York with his army after fighting
the battle of Monmouth with Washington in the latter part
(28th) of June. Meantime France had been giving practical
effect to her treaty of alliance by sending a fleet of vessels,
under the command of Count d'Estaing, which appeared off
Newport, R. I., the last of July, after several prior anchorages.
The British forces, six thousand in number, were strongly in-
trenched there, but had no naval force. Consequently they
were at the mercy of d'Estaing, and to prevent capture a small
squadron under their control was destroyed by themselves.
It consisted of ten or more armed ships and galleys carrying
212 guns.

Sir Henry Clinton, who had been informed of the pro-
jected attack on Newport, sent 6000 troops in transports from
New York under convoy of Lord Howe's fleet, which arrived
off the harbor on the loth. A violent storm prevented the
naval engagement between Howe and d'Estaing which both
had been courting, and the two fleets having ridden out the
hurricane, were both hors du combat, with all the fight knocked
out of them by the elements.

As a result of this situation, both commanders retired for
repairs, Lord Howe to Sandy Hook and Count d'Estaing to
Boston. On August 29 and 30 the land forces of the British
and Americans under the command of Generals Pigot and
Sullivan respectively, had a battle on Quaker Hill, resulting
in the withdrawal of General Sullivan from the island on the
night succeeding the second day's engagement. The day fol-
lowing Lord Howe returned from New York with reinforce-
ments under Clinton, and landed four thousand men twenty-
four hours after Sullivan's escape. Nothing remained for him

368

Grey's Raid

to do, and Clinton, finding the Newport garrison short of
provisions, detached a foragmg party of great strength to re-
lieve the situation, which has received the name of "Grey's
Raid" from the officer who led it.

The expedition under General Sir Charles Grey, intended
to harass the south-eastern coast of Massachusetts and Rhode
Island, consisted of the ist Battalion of Light Infantry, 637
men, the ist Battalion of Grenadiers, 624 men, the 3d Brigade,
comprising the 15th, the 42d, the 44th Regiments; the 4th
Brigade, comprising the 33d, the 46th, the 64th, and the 37th
Regiments; Artillery, Pioneers, and dismounted Light Dra-
goons, making a total effective strength of 4333 men, em-
barked in twenty transports and convoyed by the Carysfort,
Zebra, Diligent, Rose, Galatea, Camilla, Fowey, Vigilant,
Swan, Raven, and Scorpion, vessels of war/ They embarked
on August 27, at Whitestone, L. L, and sailed for Newport,
where they arrived on September i, to find that the American
troops had evacuated that place on the preceding day. Part
of the expedition went to New London for a sortie, but ac-
complished nothing. Then a return was made to Newport,
and on the voyage Lord Howe's fleet was hailed and "it was
thought advisable to proceed to (New) Bedford in Buzzards
Bay."'

The fleet under Grey reached Clark's Cove about sunset
of the 5th, and spent the next two days in destroying property,
vessels, earthworks, and chasing " rebel " militia into the
interior. In these skirmishes, the British lost one killed, four
wounded, and eleven "missing."

On the conclusion of this affair the troops were re-em-
barked, and proceeded to their next objective point, the Vine-
yard.

THE COMMANDER OF THE EXPEDITION.

It will be instructive, as a preliminary preparation to the
narrative itself, to know something of the personality of the
officer who was at the head of this expedition, Charles Grey,
then major general of his majesty's forces. He was in his

'Captain Robert Fanshawe, commanding the Carysjort frigate, wrote a letter
to Lord George Germaine, dated Sept. 6, 1778, off (New) Bedford, enclosing a copy
of Rear Admiral Gambler's orders to the accompanying fleet. (Remembrancer, 1778;
comp., Freeman, "History of Cape Cod.")

^"The fleet consisting of 47 sail anchored in the harbour," wrote an officer of
Colonel Crafts' regiment, stationed at Bedford. (Pennsylvania Packet, Sept. 29,
1778.)

History of Martha's Vineyard

fiftieth year, having been born in 1729 at Howick, Northum-
berland, the second surviving son of Sir Henry Grey, first
baronet of that title. He was designed for an army career,
and at nineteen he obtained an ensigncy of Foot, and saw
service in the Rochefort expedition of 1757, and at Minden
in 1759, where he was wounded while acting as aide-de-camp
to Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. He was commissioned
lieutenant-colonel in 1761 and assigned to the 98th Foot,
which he commanded at the seige of Belle Isle and the capture
of Havana. In 1763, when peace was declared, he was placed
on half pay. In 1772 he was promoted to the rank of colonel,
and detailed as aide-de-camp to the king. He came to North
America in 1776, with the reinforcements under General
Howe, and was appointed to the local rank of major general
in America, - which was made substantive two years later.
He surprised a force under Major- General Anthony Wayne,
and routed them on the 21st of September, 1777, at which
time he ordered the flints removed from the muskets of his
troops to prevent any possible betrayal of their advance, from
which he acquired the nickname of "No-Flint Grey." He
commanded the Third Brigade at the battle of Germantown,
Oct. 4, 1777. His exploits on this present expedition will be
described in detail, and follow in chronological sequence his
previous military record. Upon his return to England in 1782,
he was appointed and promoted lieutenant-general and made
a Knight of the Bath, as well as designated the commander-in-
chief of the army in North America, but the war having ter-
minated, he never took the actual command. He subsequently
held commands in several British colonies. He was created
Baron Grey of Howick in 1801, and in 1806 was advanced to
the earldom of Grey and was made governor of Guernsey.
He died Nov. 14, 1807, and was succeeded by his eldest son,
Charles, the celebrated statesman and champion of Parlia-
mentary reform, and prime minister of England. It will thus
be seen that Sir Henry Clinton put the expedition in charge
of an intrepid officer, of whom it may be said that, if he had
been charged with the military policy of the war, the results
might have been different. He was a bold and dashing
officer.

'- STAFF AND REGIMENTAL OFFICERS.

The adjutant-general attached to the expedition Major
John Andre, who is perhaps the most interesting personality

370

MAJ. GEN. SIR CHARLES GREY

Grey's Raid

among those who were attached to it, but it will not be necessary
to enter into his career, so well known to all readers of history.
His tragic fate has made him one of the most pathetic figures
of the Revolution. The daily accounts of the movements of
this expedition, recorded in the official journal of Major Andre,
will be incorporated in this narrative, as the most detailed and
authentic statement which we have.^

Of the regiments and their commanders a few details
may be permitted. The 33d, commanded by Lieutenant-
Colonel James Webster, the 42d (known as the Royal High-
landers), commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Stirling,
the 46th (known as the South Devonshire), commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Enoch Markham, the 64th (the South
Staffordshire), commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Honorable
Alexander Leslie, the ist Battalion of Light Infantry, and the
ist Battalion of Grenadiers, composed the military force. The
colonels of the several regiments were not with the expedition.
They were noted officers. Lord Cornwallis commanding the
33d, Lord John Murray the 42d, Honorable Sir John Vaughan,
K. B., the 46th, and General John Pomeroy the 64th.

The Carysfort was the flag-ship of the fleet, commanded
by Captain Robert Fanshawe, R. N., who received his orders
from Admiral Gambler, commander-in-chief of the American
squadron.

The progress of the expedition, prior to its appearance
in our harbors, is told by Major Andre in his journal, in the
following entries : —

(Sept. 6) Major-General Grey determined to proceed from thence,
(New Bedford), to Martha's Vineyard, and wrote to Sir Robert Pigot at
Rhode Island to desire he would send vessels to receive cattle.

Sept. 7th. The Fleet got under way this morning, but the wind fail-
ing, came to an anchor at 11 o'clock

8th. The Fleet got under way at noon. The General was obliged
to reduce the allowance of provisions to two thirds. Came to an anchor
about two leagues from Quickse's Hole.

9th. Sailed at 7 in the morning. The ships could not all get thro'
the Hole before the tide turned.

loth. The Fleet weighed anchor at 6 in the morning and turned
thro' the Vineyard Sound passing Tarpaulin Cove, Wood's Hole Harbour
and Falmouth. The gallies went into the last place and cut out two
sloops and a schooner and burned another vessel.

At I o'clock the Carysfort came to an anchor off Holmes's Hole.
The transports and small vessels were ordered into the Harbour, excepting

^Journal of Major John Andre, II, 30-43.

History of Martha's Vineyard

those which carried the Grenadiers and Light Infantry and 33rd Regiment,
which Troops General Grey intended taking with him to Nantucket.

General Grey wished Captain Fanshawe (of the Carysjort)
to proceed on the Nantucket service without coming to an
anchor off Homes Hole harbor, as the wind was fair, but
Captain Fanshawe, insisting on the necessity of assembling
his captains, the deliberation lasted until the wind changed/

THE FLEET AT HOMES HOLE.

The sight must have been a tlirilling one — two score
vessels including twelve ships of the line. It amazed and
terrified the peaceful people, now removed from participation
in the war and behaving as neutrals. No one loiew whether
it meant destruction, or a fleet seeking anchorage. A com-
mittee of leading citizens was chosen to find out the intentions
of this formidable gathering. Col. Beriah Norton was its
head, and we have his account of what transpired from his
own statement. He says: —

th 10. General Gray, Commanding a detachment of his Majesty's
army, arrived at Martha's Vineyard Sep'r 10, 1778, when I waited on him
on board ship & agreed to deliver him 10,000 Sheep & 300 head of Cattle,
the General informing me at the same time that payment would be made
for the Same. The General then required the Stock to be brought to the
landing the next day.

Andre's account of the interview is as follows: —

In the evening a Flag of Truce with three Committeemen came on
board. They professed the most peaceable dispositions and the utmost
readiness to comply with the General's requisitions. General Grey or-
dered them ashore to direct the inhabitants to drive in their sheep and
cattle, or that Troops should be marched thro' the Island; likewise to
bring in their arms, or that the Colonel and Captains of the Militia should
be sent prisoners to New York.

General Grey adds further particulars:

On our arrival off the Harbour the inhabitants sent persons on board
to ask my intentions with respect to them, to which a requisition was
made of the arms of the Militia, the public money, 300 oxen and 10,000
sheep: They promised each of these articles should be delivered without
delay.

^"From the difficulties of passing out of Buzzard's Bay into the Vineyard Sound
thro' Quickses Hole, and from the head winds, the Fleet did not reach Holmes's Hole
Harbour in the Island of Marthas Vineyard, until the loth. The Transports with
the Light Infantry, Grenadiers, and 33rd Regiments, were anchored without the
Harbour, as I had at that time a service in view for those corps whilst the business
of collecting cattle should he carrying on upon the Island. I was obliged by contrary
wind to relinquish my designs." (Report of Gen. Chas. Grey, Vol. 134, P. R. C,
London.)

Grey's Raid

To give the demands permanent character the general
directed his aide to issue a written order to Colonel Norton,
so that the inhabitants of the island should not profess ignor-
ance of the things required of them through their represen-
tatives as an excuse for non-compliance. This order was
given:. —

^ . , ^, The Carysfort, loth Sept. 1778

Beriah Norton, ^ ' ^ "

Colonel of Militia at IVIartha's Vineyard,
Is required to order the Militia of the Island to assemble at Day Light
to Morrow morning. Collect the horned cattle (milch Cows excepted) &
Sheep in their Different Districts & proceed with them to Homeses hole.
They are expected at the appointed place precisely at two in the afternoon,
in failure of which the Troops will March at that hour to Collect them.
The Militia are ordered to bring their armes, accoutrements and ammu-
nition.

B. SYMES .
Aide-de-Camp to Gen'l Grey

Humiliating as this was, there seemed no alternative but
to accede, as resistance would be futile against the force swarm-
ing on board the armed vessels. Colonel Norton thereupon
issued the following order to the various officers of the island
militia : —

Dukes County, Sept. loth, 1778.

To Captain

Agreeable to orders I have this Day Received from Major General
Gray, now commanding the British Army on bord the King's fleet in
holmesis hole, you are hereby ordered to muster your Company of militia
By Day Light to-morrow morning, & collect all the oxen & sheep in your
District, and Bring them, with your arms, acuterments and amunition, to
holmesis hole harbour, By two o'Clock to-morrow; there to Receive fur-
ther orders.

BERIAH NORTON, Colo.

Messengers were dispatched to the settlements "up island,"
and we may imagine the astonishment of the isolated farmers,
aroused by these notifications, delivered in hurried words,
to collect all their horned cattle, milch cows excepted, all their
sheep and swine, and drive them down to the harbor at the
"Hole" without delay, or suffer military punishment! They
were hastily told that there were over forty ships in that harbor,
and about four thousand troops ready to strike, if compliance
was refused. The night must have been an anxious one.
Also one of scheming, for the men and v/omen of the island
had some spirit left, and as the first astonishment died out,

373

History of Martha's Vineyard

they began to plan how to save something out of their herds
and flocks for themselves. Some led a few pets into the woods
and tied them up in dense thickets. It is stated that one panic-
stricken female drove her cow up into the attic, where she was
locked safely during the four days that the raid lasted. Many
amusing stories are related of this character which show^ a
vein of fanciful improbability. But we are dealing with facts
in history, and must not be led away from the true narrative
of undisputed evidence. The morning of the nth (Friday)
came and found the people all over the island, under guidance
of the militia, stirring early to start on their long and irksome
drive from Chilmark, Edgartown, and Middletown, with
sheep and cattle, raising long clouds of dust along the high-
ways. The troops in the fleet were in readiness to enforce
the demands of their officers.

THE FORAGING BEGINS.

Andre makes the following record of the day's doings
from his point of view: —

nth. A detachment of 150 men from each of the Corps in the Har-
bour disembarked under Lieutenant-Colonel StirHng. He consented not
to march into the country provided the inhabitants should immediately
furnish 10,000 sheep and 300 oxen with hay for them. Twenty vessels
from Rhode Islands arrived to take in stock.

Colonel Norton's diary of the proceedings adds some
further particulars of the day's doings, and is quoted in full: —

th II. This day the troops Landed under the Command of Colo. Sterling.
Said Sterling then informed me that General Grey had directed him to
assure me that the whole of the Stock should be paid for if they came
down according to our Conversation last Night.,

Colo. Sterling then informed me that persons must be appointed to
apprize the Stock before he would take any on Ship board, to which I
agreed, & we jointly agreed to & did appoint proper persons to that
business, which persons ware Sworn by me to the faithfull discharge of
there trust by the request of Colo. Sterling.

The troops landed at the head of Vineyard Haven harbor,
and camped on the open field now traversed by Main street,
and north of Church street. It was the first close view of
British ''regulars" which the Vineyarders had obtained since
the war opened. Although their mission was hardly of a war-
like character, under the circumstances, yet it might have been
accompanied by casualties, if resistance were offered. We

374

Grey's Raid

may imagine how the two girls, Polly Daggett and Maria
Allen felt in spirit about this time, as they saw the hated "red-
coats" helping themselves to what they wanted and nobody
to deny them/ Two of their demands were especially dis-
tasteful, — the surrender of their arms and the public funds.
Their muskets and swords could be concealed, and they did
not intend to give them up until compelled. Who can picture
Captain Nathan Smith handing over his sword without resis-
tance? The second day passed without any important de-
velopments. Cattle and small stock came steadily down to
the landing stage, and preparations were made to load them
on the vessels which General Grey had requisitioned from
Newport.

MILITIA OFFICERS ARRESTED FOR CONCEALING ARMS.

The 1 2th (Saturday) was the third day of their stay, and
was filled with the most active work on all sides. It was a
time for General Grey to take note of the results, thus far,
of the compliance with his orders. The cattle and the sheep
were constantly, if slowly, being driven up to the appointed
place, but there was a suspicious slowness about other and more
important demands. Major Andre gives us new and valuable
testimony: —

1 2th. Wind unfavourable for Nantucket. A quantity of stock was
embarked for Rhode Island and the vessels sailed.

The 17th, 37th and 46th regiments were ordered from their dif-
ferent positions to the beach. The 44th, under Colonel Donkin, marched
towards the southeast end of the island.' Only 229 stand of arms having
been brought in, the colonel and five captains were confined. The com-
mittee men were likewise confined for having concealed a quantity of
ammunition.

Colonel Norton makes mention of this incident of his
arrest, with that of the militia officers and the committee.
We can only conjecture who they were. Besides himself it
is probable that Barachiah Bassett, the colonel of the seacoast-
defence, Captains Benjamin and Nathan Smith, and Jeremiah
Manter, of the same corps; Uriah Tilton, major of militia,
and a further guess might be made of any of the captains
enumerated in the roster of April, 1776, heretofore given.
Who the committee men were is not so easy to determine,

^It will be remembered that Parnell Manter, the third of the "Liberty Pole"
girls, was dead at this time, having deceased in the previous July,
^his is an error in direction, as Donkin went to Chilmark.

375

History of Martha's Vineyard

but we may suspect that either Shubael Cottle, James Athearn,
or Joseph Mayhew were numbered among its members.
Otis called them "the head Whiggs."^ Grey now undertook
to give the Vineyard a lesson in the folly of resistance to the
king's troops, and he ordered the detachments already landed
to march into the interior of the island, and force compliance
with his demand for all arms to the utmost. The Scorpion,
under command of Captain Philip Brown, was sent to Edgar-
towTi, where her crew found congenial occupation in burning
and destroying vessels. Colonel Stirling of the Royal High-
landers headed a land force to that town, while Colonel Donkin
took another ''up island" in the direction of West Tisbury
and Chilmark to hasten the people there. The troops in
various detachments scoured nearly the whole island, and
gathered up everything that was eatable that they could lay
their hands on; live stock of all kinds, vegetables, corn, rye,
etc. Brigadier Joseph Otis, then at Falmouth, gives us a
picturesque description of their work. He says they

caryed off and Destroyed all the corn and Roots two miles round Homes
Hole Harbour: Dug up the Ground everywhere to search for goods the
people hid; even so Curious were they in searching as to Disturb the
ashes of the Dead: Many houses had all RifSed and their Windows
broke. ^

INCIDENTS OF THE RAID.

Those living about Homes Hole were the greatest suf-
ferers from the raid. Undoubtedly, much was done to annoy
and damage. The people were indignant, but helpless to
resist, except in spirit, and it is not difficult to imagine the
attitude of the high-spirited women of the island, when their
pantries, chicken coops, and closets were opened and looted
in the execution of the general's orders, "to acclerate their
compliance with the demand," as he states. Being a blood-
less campaign, it is also probable that the soldiers took malic-
ious delight in frightening and "bantering" those who could
be so treated, knowing that resistance was out of the calcula-
tion of the victims. That much wanton destruction and
desecration was indulged in is certain. Soldiers in war times

'In 1782 Colonel Norton refers to his arrest in the following language: "How-
painful then my reflections must have been — when I was exerting myself to the
utmost in the services injoined upon me by the General, to be Confined as a Prisoner
upon such trivial pretences! I acknowledge I felt a degree of mortification on that
occasion not easily to be expressed." (Memorial to Board of Officers [British] at New
York.)

^Letter to President of Council, dated Sept. 17, 1778.

LIEUT. COL. ALEX.\NI)ER LEvSLIE

COMMANDING
THE 64TH KEGIMKNT

i73'-i794

Grey*s Raid

know no restraint in the enemy's country. Tlie Vineyard,
since the first blow of the Revokition had been struck, was a
gauntlet for the ships of war to run, and the recollection of
constant dangers to their vessels made them ready to inflict
all the injury they could on non-combatants. An instance of
this is related of the house formerly occupied by the late John
Holmes of Vineyard Haven. Major Peter Norton, then living
in this house, upon seeing the imposing British fleet enter the
harbor, departed with his goods and effects of value to a place
of safety, he having previously in some way made himself
particularly offensive to the British. The soldiers in prowling
about, perceiving the house closed, forced an entrance, and
finding the door leading into the front room hooked on the
inside, in order to get at it, split it in pieces with their bayonets,
and the door was not repaired thereafter, remaining in the same
condition until it was destroyed. Several bricks in the hearth
— large square ones brought from England when the house
was built — bore marks also, where they pried them up to
get at some supposed secreted treasure.* Similar stories are
told of other localities, varied by local surroundings. For-
tunately there were no "Hessian hirelings" in these foraging
parties, else we might have the painful record of personal
assaults instead.

A squad of foreigners alighted upon the cottage of an
aged dame dwelling alone with her little grandson, and in
spite of prayers and entreaties to spare the widow's living,
they took possession of all her live stock, sheep, pigs, cow.
As they were about to move off, a sergeant, who had an eye
for delicacies, spied a sleek and wefl-fed grunter concealed
behind the old woman's petticoats. Immediately half a dozen
grenadiers advanced to capture the coveted quadruped, but
the good dame's prayerful tone was changed to one of rebel-
lious defiance. Seizing a heavy broom-stick she flourished it
in the face of the enemy in a manner terrible to behold. "Away
with ye, cursed seed of the oppressor ! despoilers of the widow
and the fatherless! Take what ye have of mine and begone!
But this is Josey's pig, and not a hair of him shall ye touch!"
A struggle ensued, but the broomstick proved a good weapon,
piggie stuck to his cover, and after several attempts to execute

'Cottage City Star, Jan. 21, 1883. Mr. John Holmes had in his possession several
relics of their stay, dug up on his premises. Among these relics were a number of
old Spanish coins — coined some fifty years previous to the Revolution — a New
Jersey colonial cent, and several brass buttons belonging to the Massachusetts Artil-
lery contingent.

377

History of Martha's Vineyard

flank movements, the squad retreated, leaving Josey's pig
with its lawful proprietors/

Meanwhile, the militia officers and committee men were
"in durance vile," but where we do not know. It is possible
that they were confined on board of the frigates, perhaps the
flagship, the Carysjort. Perhaps they were held under guard
in one of the houses at Homes Hole. The quaint house long
occupied by Mr. R. W. Crocker, which retains most of its
original peculiarities of construction, characteristic of that
period, has some traditions of occupancy by the British during
this raid. It was directly on the shore, in front of the fleet,
and the officers doubtless found a brief residence in it a wel-
come change from the confinement of their cabins. They
were in charge of the island for four days, and did as they
pleased for their personal comforts and the transaction of their
business. The absence of any reference to events of the 12th
and 13th in the diary of Colonel Norton is significant. As a
prisoner of war he would be denied writing privileges of a
private character.

Thus passed Saturday, the 12th, and Grey records that he
"was able to embark on board the vessels which arrived that
day from Rhode Island 6000 sheep and 130 oxen" up to that
date.

When they had finished their foraging they came back to
camp in Vineyard Haven on the slope of the hill, on the land
where lately stood the houses of Mary T. Crocker, John Holmes,
and Mary C. Dunham, and the lot now occupied by Mrs.
Laura Robinson. The street now leading west by the Metho-
dist church was then quite a deep gulch, partially blocked up
with boulders, although it was the principal road leading
westward out of the village. They thus had a forest in their
rear and left, this gulch on the right, and the harbor with
their ships in front.

It is safe to say that Sunday the 13th was anything but a
day of rest on the Vineyard. It must have been a hard task
for the ministers to keep their congregations from wandering
from the texts of the sermons. What Parson Kingsbury of
Edgartown, Parson Fuller of Chilmark, or Parson Damon of
Tisbury preached about that September Sabbath can only be
imagined.

'Porte Crayon in Harper's Magazine, XXI, 442. This incident is credited by
descendants to Patience (Hathaway) Dunham, wife, not widow, of Joseph, and it
has been made the subject of a poem by Rose Terry Cooke.

Grey's Raid

We may indulge the thought that the colonel and his
fellow prisoners had the privilege of listenmg to the fleet chap-
lain read prayers for their "Gracious Sovereign and all the
Royal Family," and condemning his enemies to destruction.
Andre is our only authority for the events of this day, and he
enters this : —

13th. The 17th, 37th and 46th Regiments embarked. More arms,
sheep and oxen were brought in. Two men having deserted, the inhabi-
tants were required to restore them on pain of having a double number
of their friends seized.

A Tender arrived from Lord Howe with orders to the Fleet to return
to New York. The Nantucket Expedition was, of course, set aside.

The cattle and sheep were embarked on board the Men-of-war and
the transports.

Colonel Donkin was ordered to return from Chilmarck.

On the heights of the "Company Place" can be seen in
the mind's eye the younger generation on that Sunday watch-
ing at a respectful distance the strange sight of their fathers
delivering up to an inexorable foe the accumulated possessions
of a life-time.

Monday the 14th marked the last day of their stay. Co-
ercion had accomplished the purpose of General Grey. The
raiding parties had dislodged 159 more stand of arms, and the
hostages were set at liberty. Andre makes the following
record in his journal for this day : —

14th. The remainder of the cattle were embarked. The Troops
embarked. The deserters were restored and the Militia officers and Com-
mitteemen released, with a solemn injunction to abstain from taking part
any more in the War or persecuting others for their political opinions;
they were also bound to assist the King's ships with water or provisions
whenever they should call upon them to do it.

The public money which had been required was paid, being a tax
just collected by authority of the Congress. A salt work was destroyed
this day.

THE AMOUNT OF PLUNDER OBTAINED.

Colonel Norton being once more a free man is able to
use his pen, and his diary affords us some further particulars
of what was done this day from his point of view. It will be
seen that the business tone is strong in his record of the whole
affair, as he evidently thought the transaction was merely
commercial, and not a foraging party scouring the country

379

History of Martha's Vineyard

for provisions for the army. His entry for this day is as
follows : —

th 14. Colo. Sterling then informed me & other of the inhabitants that
he had a message to deliver to the people, when he recommended to them
to meet in the field as there was not room for the people indoors, accord-
ingly thay meet to the amount of Several hundred, when he informed us
that General Gray had directed him to inform us that we ware to apply
at New York for payment for the Stock they had received. I asked the
Colo, if we had Beest send a man in the fleet at that time for the payment,
to which the Colo, replyed we might if we Chose, but recommended to
us to wait a Little time before Applycation was made.

The amount of cattle, sheep, &c., which each town fur-
nished is thus stated in their claim : —

Sheep. Cattle.
Chilmark 3903 106

Edgartown 3919 112

Tisbury 2752 97

10574 315

Besides this there were fifty-two tons of hay, delivered for
forage during the return voyage.

Monday was a day of destruction, a sort of ''cleaning up"
day, which the raiders spent in destroying property. General
Grey says that they were occupied "in destroying some Salt
Works, in burning or taking in the Inlets, what vessels and
boats could be found." Brigadier Otis indignantly wrote
that they "burnt a Brig that was unrigg'd and a shoar; 3 or
4 small vessels; all the boats they could find; even took up
some that were sunk in 4 fathom of Water and Destroyed
them." The salt works were in the present town of Vineyard
Haven, situated at the foot of Beach street. It was a valuable
plant, and the loss of it caused much discomfort. It was a
wanton act, indefensible under any circumstances. In another
field a different form of plunder was going on. British officers
hunted up the town treasurers and, at the point of the sword,
made William Jernegan of Edgartown, Benjamin Allen of
Tisbury, and Elijah Smith of Chilmark, then holding those
positions, disgorge their public moneys, collected for the pay-
ment of the province tax for that year. In some cases former
treasurers and collectors, who were charged with the collection
of back taxes, were likewise forced to give up what they had.
Altogether about a thousand pounds were obtained by these

380

Grey's Raid

military highwaymen, an equivalent of $20,000 in the money
of our day/ It may be added that this was not an uncommon
thing for the British officers to do, and other instances are
of record showing that the town treasurers of the Vineyard
as late as 1782 were relieved of public funds in like manner.
The entire result of the four days' expedition was summed
up in a report of General Grey, from which the following
extract covering the operations on this island is taken : —

In Old Town Harbor, Martha's Vineyard:

I brig of 150 tons burthen, burnt by the "Scorpion." i schooner of
70 tons burthen burnt by ditto.

23 whale boats taken or destroyed. A quantity of plank taken.

At Holmes Hole, Martha's Vineyard:

4 vessels, with several boats, taken or destroyed. A salt work de-
stroyed and a considerable quantity of salt taken.

Arms taken at Martha's Vineyard:

388 stand, with bayonets, pouches, etc., some powder, and a quantity
of lead, as by artillery return.

;^iooo sterling, in paper, the amount of a tax collected by authority
of the Congress, was received at Martha's Vineyard from the Collector.
Cattle and sheep taken from Martha's Vineyard. 300 oxen, 10,000 sheep.

CHARLES GREY, M. G.^

During the whole time they were engaged in this expedi-
tion, at New Bedford, Falmouth, and here they destroyed
seven "large" vessels, over a hundred "small" craft, besides
all sorts of property, wharves, storehouses, and contents.
One man was killed and several wounded in a skirmish at the
Acushnet River near Fair haven. The quantity and kind of
arms secured here is found in a list prepared by the Artillery
officer charged with the custody of captured material of that
nature.

^Resolve on the petition of Elijah Smith of Chilmark directing the treasurer to
credit said town three hundred and ninety pounds in old continental currency.

On the petition of Elijah Smith of Chilmark in Dukes County setting forth that
he was chosen collector of taxes for the said town for the year 1777, and had lists of
the State Tax committed to him (for the same year), amounting to nine hundred and
ninety pounds eleven shillings and three pence, and that he had collected thereon
about 'three hundred and ninety pounds, which was taken from him (together with
his lists and warrants) by a British officer, who carried them oil.

Resolved that the treasurer be and he hereby is ordered and directed to credit
the said Elijah Smith the sum of three hundred and ninety pounds of the old conti-
nental currency, on account of said tax, and to suspend issuing his execution for the
residue thereof until the next sitting of the General Court.

(Laws and Resolves, 1784-5, CXVII, Jime 10, 1785.)

^Gentleman's Magazine, XLVIII, 540.

381

History of Martha's Vineyard

RETURN of Ammunition, Arms and Accoutrements &c which was
brought in by the Militia on the Island of Marthas Vineyard, agreeable
to Major General Grey's orders; Received at Holmes's Cove September
I2th, 13th & 14th, 1778.

III

S S

003 0,

^43

Tisbury . . .

132

Chilmark . .

127

Old Town . .

129

—

Total . . .

388

N. B. One Barrel, one half Barrel, and one quarter Barrel of Powder,
a great number of lead shot or balls of different sizes in Bags and Boxes
and a great many flints.

Returned by order 3 Firelocks to 3 different men in Tisbury
Returned by do. 4 do. to 4 different men in Chilmark
Returned by do. 2 do. to 2 different men in Old Town

9 which are included in the above Return.
DAVID SCOTT

Capt. R. R. Artillery

THE FLEET DEPARTS.

But little more remains to be said. In the twilight of
September 14, a quiet Monday evening, a rear guard of Grey's
raiders marched down the slopes of Manter's Hill, and when
the final boat-load pushed off the beach it was the last time
that the soil of Massachusetts was pressed by the feet of
British soldiers on a hostile errand. The tired and broken-
spirited Vineyarders slept in peace that night. Morning came
with the fleet still in the harbor, but the preparations for de-
parture were going on. Andre makes the following entry in
his journal : — ^4

15th. The signal was made for sailing at 6 in the morning, but the
transports were so dilatory that it was sunset before they came up with
the Commodore. The whole sailed. A schooner and sloop taken in
Holmes Hole Harbour were burnt.

Across the sound on the Falmouth Heights the militia of
Barnstable County were in arms, expecting an attack from
this force, and Brigadier Joseph Otis, in command, thus writes
of what he saw and learned of the movements of the enemy
during their stay on the island : —

382

Grey's Raid

The Enemys fleet began to sail Westward the morning of the 15 th
to the number of Twenty Six Ships besides small craft: and by the morn-
ing of the 1 6th ware out of sight of the High Land of Woods Hole. I
sent a boat on the Vineard the Evening of the 15th, which returned the

next morning they told the Inhabitants that they wanted to visit

Falmouth but that we was as they term'd us a pack of dam'd Rebels and
had five thousand strong with a plenty of artillery (though we never had
at one time six hundred men with only one field piece) that the Rebels
fought well at (New) Bedford and had given them a good Trimming:
that they should have done more there but the Rebels were as thick as
Bees.

But the British General did not care to accommodate
Brigadier Otis with a skirmish. He had accompHshed his
object. The garrison at Newport could have beef and mutton
for a while, thanks to his efforts. He had left behind only
two Chops which he could not very well take with him. His
fleet arrived at Whitestone, L. I., on their return, on the 17th
and 1 8th, having been separated by bad weather, but suffering
no loss. On the latter date he reported his return to Clinton,
in which he expressed his obligation "to the commanding
officers of corps and to the troops in general for the alacrity
with which every service was performed." Thus terminated
the expedition which is our principal Revolutionary heritage,
as our contribution to the sacrifices made to gain liberty for
the American people.*

^Incidents of Grey's Raid connected with Farm Neck include the tale of two
bachelor brothers, who, in their alarm at the foraging parties of "red-coats" fled with
their money to the jimgles of Aquampache and buried it with such thoroughness that
they were never afterwards able to locate it. And of that sturdy farmer, Ansel Norton,
who defended his one pair of oxen with such zeal, that it took the pricks of several
British bayonets to make him relinquish his team. At Major Norton's they even
took a flock of geese, which had in fright and dismay at the strange proceedings, swam
to the middle of the pond. Every goose was shot before a capture could be effected.
(Information furnished by Mrs. Annie Daggett Lord and Henry Constant Norton.)

RELICS OF THE RAID.

BRITISH MILITARY BUTTONS (GRENADIERS, ARTII,I.ERY
AND 44TH REGIMENT).

3^3

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XXV.
The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress.

1778 TO 1787.

As soon as they recovered their former tranquility, after
the exciting days of the "Raid," the officials of the Vineyard
arranged for a conference to determine upon the course they
should pursue. They met four days after the departure of
the fleet, probably at West Tisbury, as the central location for
all, and having exchanged views as to the best course to follow,
it was deemed wisest to make a report to the provincial au-
thorities and ask for their help. Accordingly, a committee
composed of the selectmen of the three towns was formed to
publish a formal statement of the events which had transpired
during the preceding week. The situation was indeed a
peculiar one, and embarrassing to all concerned. It was the
logical result, however, of the neutrality imposed upon the
island by the authorities. The following address was pre-
pared to the General Court of the -State.

To the Honourable the Council & House of Representatives in
General Court assembled:

We the selectmen of the several Tovms in Dukes County beg leave
to lay before Your Honours the unhappy situation of the people of this
Island, occasioned by our being deprived of the greatest part of our stock
by the British troops: on the Tenth Inst came into Holmes Hole Har-
bour about twenty sail of Vessels of which seven or eight were Frigates
the rest armed vessels & Transports: a requisition was soon made of all
our arms and military accoutrements, Horned Cattle (milch cows excepted)
& sheep: & in said requisition were informed that in case we did not
Immediately comply they would march their troops and collect them
(they having about five thousand): the people not being able to defend
themselves endeavoured to persuade them to lessen their demands & after
much entreaty could obtain no other Terms than those that we should
Immediately give up all our arms & military stores three hundred Bul-
locks & Ten Thousand sheep and least this should not be complj'ed with
they landed the greatest part of the Troops & marched them to different
parts of the Island & declared in case there was any delay they would
let the Troops loose and we must abide the consequences. The People
seeing no alternative were obliged to comply & accordingly have delivered
up all their arms & military accoutrements & stores, the greatest part
of the oxen & sheep whereby our case is rendered very deplorable having
neither sufficient beasts for draught or provisions for our support: they

384

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

also obliged the Collector to deliver up all the money they had collected
for the State. Many other evils we have suffered for a more particular
account we would refer to Col' Norton & the other Gentlemen which will
accompany him.

Marthas Vineyard, September 19, 1778.

Eben. Norton
Benj. Smith
Brotherton Daggett

Selectmen of Edgartown

Nathaniel Bassett
James Allen, Jr.
^Iatthew Tilton

Selectmen of Chilmark

James Athearn
Shubael Cottle

Selectmen of Tisbury.*

This representation did not require any action, and none
was taken by the General Court. The committee accom-
panying Colonel Norton, probably composed of James Athearn
and Thomas Cooke, men well known by the members of the
General Court, gave their former colleagues a full account of
the "Raid" verbally, the terms offered by the British, their
promises of payment and the distress which had followed the
stay of the troops. On the 26th, Norton and his associates
addressed another petition to the Court, in which they defi-
nitely asked for relief of the suffering.

To the Council & House of Representatives of the State of Massa-
chusetts Bay now sitting at Boston the remonstrance of the Sub-
scribers Inhabitants of Marthas Vineyard:
Humbly sheweth that the Distress of a number of the Inhabitants of that
Island must be shocking to the Human Heart as the late step of the Brit-
ish troops have made in Depriving them of their stock has rendered the
case of many persons with large families Truly deplorable. In particu-
lar near the Harbour of Holmes Hole where they landed who are not only
Deprived of every article &i necessary of life not having an Exchange of
any kind of clothing for them or children and unless immediately assisted
must unavoidably suffer extremely or perish.

Your petitioners therefore beg your Honours to consider thare Distress &
grant them some relief or otherwise order as in your wisdom you shall
see fit & as in duty bound shall ever pray.

Boston 26 Sept. 1778.^ James Athearn

Beriah Norton
Tho: Cooke

'Mass. Archives, CLXXXIV, 239. The third selectman of Tisbury was Abijah
Athearn, but it is not known why he did not sign. He may have been absent or sick.
^Ibid., CLXXXIV, 254.

History of Martha's Vineyard

The committee to whom this was referred, consisting of
Colonels Fogg, Cutt, and Peck, reported a resolve to give a
sum of money, not specified in amount, to the most urgent
cases of suffering, but their report was ordered "to lie on the
table." Naturally it would have been impossible to have re-
lieved, by pecuniary aid, all cases of loss and suffering oc-
casioned by the war, but this was a meritorious case, owing
to the circumstances of their enforced neutral position, imposed
on them by the state. On the same date as above, in the
House of Representatives, "Samuel Niles Esq. brought down
a petition of James Athearn and other Inhabitants of the
Island of Marthas Vineyard, setting forth that they were de-
prived of about 10,000 sheep and 300 Head of Cattle by the
Enemy; that they were given to understand that upon appli-
cation to General Clinton at New York it was probable they
might receive Payment: therefore praying the Court to Grant
a Flag for that Purpose."^ The committee of the house to
whom the subject was referred reported a resolve desiring the
president of the council to write to General Washington upon
the subject. Thereupon, the same day, the following letter
was addressed to the commander-in-chief : —

State of Massachusetts Bay
Council Chamber Sept. 26 1778
Sir:
This will be delivered to you by Colonel James Athearn of Marthas Vine-
yard, who repairs to your encampment by Permission of the General
Court of this State, as may more fully appear by the enclosed Petition and
Resolve. The General Court takes the liberty to recommend him to
your notice so far as to obtain a flag to go into New York, Provided you
think yourself warranted so to do by the rules and orders of Congress.
I am, sir, in behalf of the General Court,

Your Excellency's Obedient Humble

Servant,
JEREMIAH POWELL
Gen'l Washington. President.

JAMES ATHEARN PERMITTED TO VISIT BRITISH GENERAL.

At this time the American army was in New Jersey, the
headquarters of Washington at Middlebrook, and Clinton
was bottled up in New York, and besides Newport, this was
the only place held by the British. Athearn undoubtedly had

iMass. Archives, CLXXXIV, 248-250.
386

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

to proceed by water to reach his destination. It does not
appear what success he had, but from subsequent develop-
ments it would seem that Washington did not care to grant the
"flag" without the sanction of Congress, to which the entire
matter was referred.

Meanwhile the people at home were discussing what
measures to pursue to secure repayment for their property, as
promised. The inhabitants of Edgartown held a town meet-
ing one month after the departure of the expedition, when
they assembled at the Court House, and chose Beriah Norton
as moderator. The following action was taken by the citizens :

Voted: there shall be a Committee chosen to Inspect into the several
Losses & Damages that the Inhabitants of said Town hath lately sus-
tained By the Brittish forces.

Voted: That the selectmen Together with Mr William Jernegan &
Mr Seth Peas Be a Committee to Take a True Inventory S: Estimation
of each Perticular Persons Loss & Damages sustained by the Brittish
forces.

Voted: That there shall be severall Counters chosen in Different
Parts of said Town to Drive the sheep and Take a True inventory of
what sheep still Remains in said Town and who they Belong to & make
Return to the Committee abovesaid.

Voted: That Joseph Huxford, Matt. Butler & Benj. Peas be a Com-
mittee for Chapoquid'k & Capoage.

Voted: (other committees for the different parts of the town).

Voted: That the above mentioned Committees be Empowered to
receive Donations of any of the Inhabitants of the Town for the Relief
of such Persons as have suffered most and to make distribution as they
shall think proper.'

ESTiaiATES OF THE LOSSES.

Edgartown went about this in a business-like manner.
The other communities took no action at this time, as tow^ns,
for their records do not contain any reference to meetings held
for the purpose. Probably the individual losers held meetings
and arranged to compile accounts of their losses. The com-
mittees of Edgartown went to work promptly and by the end
of the second week in October had schedules of their losses, in
tabulated form, all ready for presentation to the British gen-
eral. Fortunately these lists have been preserved, and they
are herewith printed. They furnish a most interesting sum-
mary of the extent of the depredation in this one town. The
first table shows the list of "Sundry Articles" taken by the
soldiers, and bears out the claims of personal .distress which
some must have suffered after the "Raid."

' Edgarto\vn Records, I, 315.

An Account of Sundry Articles Taken by the British For<s
Massachusetts Bay, Between the tenth and fifteenth Day of Sepl
son's Name With the Just Value According to the Currant (Spe

Bushels

Heads

Cloathing Swine

Weight

drain

Potatoes

CaDbage

£ s. d.

No. Wt.

Leather

Lum

Matthew Butler

Benj'n Pease Junr.

19- 7-oi

Joseph Huxford

William Vinson

Malatiah Pease Junr.

10- 0-0 1

Enoch Coffin Esqr.

7- 2-0

Thomas Butler

Thomas Claghorn

Joseph Smith

12- 0-0

David Coffin

300

Elijah Butler Junr.

300

240

Widdow Davis

RamSford Smith

Ebenezer Smith

47-10-0

Elijah Butler

James Shaw

5-10-0

Shoble Norton

Malatiah Davis

100

Shoble Davis

105- 0-0

John Davis

165

Benjamin Davis

Ansall Norton

Seth Pease

101

Jane Claghorn

Marshall Jenkins

2 \

Samuel Killey

Gamaliel Merchant

6-10-0

15'

Cornelius Merchant

14- 8-0

Matthew Mayhew

iy2

9-12-0

\Q.\

137

590

698

,^238

5s. od.
r

900

297

54'

Thomas Cooke

17-2-0

20 f

John Holley

150

The Foregoing Was Taken by us the Subscribers by the

in Edgartown on the Island of Marthas Vineyard in the State of the
[778 — Each Article carried of in Separate Colloms against Each Per-

s of this State) of What Each person has lost.

bb
Naval stores

Bushels
Salt

Fishing

Craft
£ s. d.

Provisions

£ s d.

Fencing
£^.d.

Howshold
Goods
£ s. d.

Roots
£ s. d.

£ s. d.

1-5-0

3-13-0

9- 0-
24- 5-

3- 6-

3-15-0

9- 10-
10- 0-
21- 7-

44- 15-

14-

II-17-6

90- 9- 6

3-12-0

15- 0-0

3-0-0
19-15-O

6- 0-0

103- 12-

67- 10-

112- 15-

6- 0-0
3-12-0

15- 0-0

3-10-0

6- 0-0

9-12-0

112- 12-
15- 0-

160- 2-
13- 4-

(

6-12-0
9-12-0

7- 0-0
2-10-0

2-10-0
2-10-0

41- 17-
12- 7-
66- 18-
163- 4- 6
70- 9- 6
63- 0-
10- 0-

(

18- 0-0

15- 0-
31- 16-

456
55

3
9

680- 17-
78- 10-

3-12-0

29- 00-
18- 0-

20-8-0

6- 0-0

41- 12-

1-5-0

574-9-0

47- I-O

88- 4-6

25-12-0

2069- 18-0

47- 2-

23-8-4

13- 10-
2130-10-0

[juest of the Proprietors the 14th Day of Octr. 1778.

BENJAMIN SMITH )
BROTHERTON DAGGETT yCoi

nmittee.

ILLIAM

[ JERN]

EGAN

History of Martha's Vineyard

An examination of the foregoing schedule shows that the
greatest individual loser was Marshall Jenkins, who charges up
£456-0-0 for provisions, and the next largest was Shubael
Davis, with an item of ;^io5-o-o for clothing, though we are
at a loss to know what kind of clothing the army could want
from the farmers of the island. Possibly it was destroyed.
The total loss figures up to £2130, and if the other two towns
suffered an equal amount in the like class of articles, we can
estimate the total loss of property, exclusive of stock, at £5000
at least, or an equivalent of about $100,000 in money as reck-
oned at comparative values in our present money medium.

The account of live stock taken from Edgartown, was
scheduled by a committee, as already stated, and their report
is given below : —

An Account of Horned Cattle and their Weight, the Number of sheep
and Tuns of Hay which was Taken by the British Fleet and Army
from the Inhabitants of Edgartown on the Island of Marthas Vine-
yard in Dukes County Between the Tenth Day and fifteenth of Sep-
tember annoque Domini 1778

MENS NAMES

No.
Catile

Weight of
Cattle

No.
Sheep

Tuus of Hay

Sum
Totle

Peter Norton

4400

807

Samuel Kingsbury

950

John Worth

2475

William Jernegan

1750

160

Thomas Vinson

1400

Joseph Vinson

950

Daniel Stuart

825

Thomas Stuart

775

Elisha Donham

800

Seth Davis

1775

Joseph Huxford

1200

Enoch Coffin

108

Benjamin Pease Juner

375

Matthew Butler

375

Zachariah Pease

William Vinson

Timothy Butler

300

Thomas Fish

Meletiah Pease Juner

1000

Marshall Jenkins

lA-

700

Elijah Stuart

150

Peleg Grossman

400

Widow Marchant

Thomas Smith

525

390

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

MENS NAMES

No.
Cattle

Weight of
Cattle

No.
Sheep

Tuns of Hay

Sum
Totle

Benajah Donham

Thomas Butler

i6oo

199

Widow Davis

1720

Brotherton Daggett

1200

Isaac Norton

1900

Joseph Smith

119

David Coffin

2260

Widow Smith

John Daggett

200

Widow Beetle

576

William Beetle

400

Ebenezer Smith

1
4

Elijah Butler

1250

Shubal Norton

1600

Isaac Norton Jr

300

Stephen Norton

Shubal Davis

970

John Davis

1850

Meletiah Davis

1400

Benjamin Davis

520

Meletiah Davis of Tisbury

Ansell Norton

157s

Samuel Norton

255

Ebenezer Norton

1025

Beriah Norton

1200

Nathaniel Vinson

Daniel Coffin

Robert Norton

Thomas Cooke

Uriah Norton

Timothy Smith

Elijah Smith

1400

Samuel Smith

1 100

Samuel Smith Jr.

350

109

John Coffin

1700

Benjamin Coffin

1300

John Norton

1200

Peter Ripley Jr.

1400

Peter Ripley

Micajah Covell

William Covell

Nathan Donham

Benjamin Daggett Jr.

450

Benjamin Daggett

850

Benjamin Pease

115

John Butler

750

John Pease

350

391

History of Martha's Vineyard

MENS NAMES

No.
Cattle

Weight of
Cattle

No.
Sheep

Tuns of .Hay

Sum
Totle

Bamibas Vinson

300

Nathaniel Fish

680

Thomas Arey

150

Abishai Merchant

490

Joseph Pease

Judah Norton

James Pease

Samuel Killey

Sylvanus Norton

650

Abraham Luce

450

Elijah Butler Jr.

1050

Benj'n Natick

316

Benj'n Butler

112

61007

3828

i7f

Ezra Cleaveland

Ephraim Pease

Harlock Smith

Mary Smith

112

61007

3867

i7f

William Norton

Jonathan Pease

389s

The above is a True account according to the Best Information We
have been able to procure

Benjamin Smith "^
Eben. Norton >- Committee

Edgartown, Oct. William Jernigan J

the 14th 1778

From the above schedule it will be seen that the largest
loser was Peter Norton, who gave up seven cattle and about
800 sheep, four times as many as any other owner in the list.
The next one was Thomas Butler with 199 sheep. Edgartow^n
furnished, probably, the largest individual loss of the three
towns. The balance of the cattle and sheep to make up the
total number was 203 of the former and 6679 of the latter,
of which number 411 6 belonged to Chilmark and 2563 to Tis-
bury. Unfortunately, their lists are not extant. Armed with
these claims Beriah Norton pursued the plan of obtaining
compensation for the owners, and urged Washington to lay
the matter before Congress. This was done, and on October

392

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

27, Congress passed the following authorization for him to
proceed to New York : —

Resolved: That major-general lord Stirling be, and he hereby is,
directed to permit col. Beriah Norton of Marthas Vinegard in the state
of Massachusetts-Bay to go into New York; and that a flag be furnished
him for that purpose; and that he be permitted to return when he shall
have concluded his business.'

THE BRITISH COMMANDER REFUSES PAYMENT FOR CATTLE.

Whether he went at that time is not known. Certain it
is that the British officers entertained no such intention of
paying for the stock as was held by our people. An authority
on the subject gives us the direct evidence that the claim was
distinctly repudiated by Clinton. At the time it was presented
formally in writing, it was returned with the following en-
dorsement : —

The Commander in Chief knows of no arrangement between General
Grey and the people of Marthas Vineyard in relation to the cattle as herein
stated, and does not see fit to institute an inquiry into the matter at present.

JOHN ANDRE Adjutant*

The basis of the claim does not seem clearly established.
It was a war measure, taken by properly constituted officers
against the enemy, and such acts are a part of the fortunes of
war. The Vineyard was a part of the rebellious colonies,
had taken part in the struggle, and the British officers could
not take cognizance of their non-combatant state, as it was a
war measure of the Massachusetts government, not a peaceful
condition, to save her strength for other hostile purposes.
It seems to be a case where General Clinton was properly
within his rights in denying responsibility.

Tisbury did not, apparently, take any action about the
losses of her townsmen until December following the "Raid,"
of which the following is a report of the meeting : —

At A Town-meeting Leggally warn'd & held at the Courthouse in
Tisbr on Wensday the Second Day of December A D. 1778 in Order to
See if the Town will Vote that the Loss of Stock & hay Sustaind in this
Town Shall be Everedg'd on the Oxen Cows and Sheep in Said Town

'Journals of Congress, IV, 446.

'"Porte Crayon" in Harper's Magazine, XXI, 442. This writer and artist made
a \-isit to the island in 1859, and states that this reply was "among the County
records," but the original paper is in the collection of manuscripts belonging to the
late Richard L. Pease, now owned by his daughters.

393

History of Martha's Vineyard

and Hay, 8z Likewise to Chuse a Committee to Examine and Collect an
Account of what is Lost that the Same may be Adjusted Accordingly,
And at Said Meeting Esqr Shobael Cottle was Chosen Moderator, and
then it was Put to Vote to See whether Esqr James Athearn Esqr Shobal
Cottle Cornelus Dunham Thomas Jones Samuell Look, Should be the
Said Committee and the Vote passed in the affirmative And then Said
Meeting was Adjorn'd to Wednesday the 30th of December Ensuing the
Date above to be holden at the Courthouse in Sd Tisbuary at two of the
Clock afternoon in Order to Reecieve the Report of the Above sd Com-
mittee'

SUFFERING OF THE PEOPLE.

The winter of 1778 had now set in and the people of the
Vineyard were approaching its hardships deprived of their
usual stock of subsistence supplies. The crops had been
destroyed, their cattle commandeered, and they were indeed
in a pitiful condition. A storm in December, which wrecked
the General Arnold in Plymouth Harbor^ also stranded a
privateer loaded with provisions and this "ill wind" blew some
good to the scantily-fed inhabitants.

Not long after this devastating storm a British ship,
loaded with rice, was ^Tecked on the west end of the Vineyard,
and a good supply of this cereal was obtained for the hungry
and impoverished people. This visitation of the English was
a cause of sore distress to the inhabitants during the winter
ensuing. To be sure their houses were left intact, and they
had plenty of fuel. They managed to get a scanty supply
from the mainland, by exchanging iron or bog ore, as it is
called, which, by running the gauntlet of the British cruisers,
was transported to Wareham to be smelted. At one time a
boat loaded with this bog ore was captured, while crossing the
sound, by a British cruiser; the men in the boat pleaded pov-
erty, saying they were taking this ore to be smelted and cast
into pots and kettles, as General Grey's army had taken about
all there were on the island. So plausibly did they set forth
their condition and so eloquently did they plead their cause,
that the British commander was moved to compassion, ordered
their release, and the boat and cargo being restored to them,
they went on their way rejoicing. This very ore was smelted
and cast into balls for Americans to pelt Englishmen with.

The salt works having been destroyed, the people were
compelled to resort to another way than by solar evaporation
to obtain that article. They had large kettles cast in Wareham
or Carver; these were set up on the shores of the sound, and

'Tisbury Records, 227.

394

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

salt manufactured by evaporating salt water through the means
of large fires kept going under the kettles day and night; a
plenty of pine fuel being near at hand and boys being enlisted
in the service to supply it.

The year 1779 gives but little contribution to the military
annals of the Vineyard. The recovery from the exhaustive
raid was slow and discouraging. Tisbury voted to send
Shubael Cottle as her agent, on February S, to the General
Court ". . . to Represent the case they are now in ... . Re-
specting our Loss by the Kings Troops," and obtaining relief
from taxation.^ On the same day the townsmen of Chilmark
held a meeting, at which Jonathan Allen, James Allen, Na-
thaniel Bassett, and Matthew Tilton were chosen "to be a
Comity to send A Letter and the account of the Loss of Stock
that we have sustained by the British Troops to the Gover-
nour."^

A small raid occurred in April, probably from a passing
ship of war. A party landed at Homes Hole on April 5 and
"shot a few cattle, sheep and hogs, which they carried off,
paying for two sheep only."^

In September following the British General Leonard sent
a landing party on shore and took som.e stock and wood.

FURTHER EFFORTS TO OBTAIN REDRESS FROM THE BRITISH.

A year had passed by and the alleged promises of General
Grey had not yet found fulfillment. Colonel Norton kept at
his task. On November 16, he memorialized the General
Court upon the subject as follows : —

To the Honourable Council and House of Representatives in
General Court assembled:

The petition of Beriah Norton for and in behalf of himself and others
of the Island of Marthas Vineyard, humbly sheweth:

That whereas your petitioner received a flag from the Honored Coun-
cil of this State the 6th day of December last to apply to New York to
sollicit payment for the stock etc that General Grey took from the said
inhabitants in September 1778, and William Mayhew Esq., also received
a flag from said Council the 2nd instant to apply to New York to sollicit
payment for stock and wood taken by General Leonard in September
last, and the said Inhabitants having received very considerable encour-
agement that by applying we may receive payment, provided v/e will take
it in such articles as we may agree on, the prayer of your petitioners there-

'Tisbury Records, 229.

'Chilmark Records, 176

'Extract from a letter, dated Falmouth, April 5 1778.

395

History of Martha's Vineyard

fore is that he may be appointed as well to transact the business of the
present year as that of the last year, and that he may be allowed to take
some articles of merchandise in payment, provided that he cannot obtain
cash, and that there may be a Committee appointed that your petitioners
may have an opportunity to lay the circumstances of the above matter
before them as they are very interesting to the inhabitants of the said
Vineyard, and as in duty bound v/ill ever pray.^

On the 1 8th of the same month the General Court, after
a favorable report from their committee, passed a resolve
granting Norton and Mayhew "liberty of a flag to go to New
York to collect payment for what the British troops have
taken from the inhabitants of Marthas Vineyard, and that
they have liberty to take their pay in merchandise if they can-
not obtain it in money — they being subject to such instruc-
tions as may be given them by this Court for the rule of their
conduct."^ Their mission was unsuccessful. The commander-
in-chief of the British forces was too much occupied with other
important matters to think about paying for a few cattle taken
by his troops from the "rebels." Norton was dismayed, but
not discouraged. He was under bonds to the state, and had
made a covenant with the owners of the stock to pay them the
proceeds when obtained. He was living, in part, at their ex-
pense, as they contributed to the cost of his services. He
vainly endeavoured to induce Clinton to do justice by the
farmers of the Vineyard, to save him and them a personal
appeal to the ministers of the crown in London. Norton re-
turned bootless. All he could get was advice from General
Sterling to "apply to England." Early the next year, having
found no further disposition on the part of the British authori-
ties to do more than parley with him, Norton recommended
to the people that he should go to England, and place the busi-
ness directly before the home government. This seemed a
"last resort," but the owners were becoming desperate, and
were willing to take any step to force compliance with the
promises of Grey. Colonel Norton thereupon petitioned the
General Court for permission to go to England and lay the
case before the Lords of the Treasury as he had been advised.
The petition is printed, verbatim, as follows : —

To the Honorable the Council and the Honorable the house of
Representatives in General Court assembled: —
The memorial of Beriah Norton humbly sheweth that in Consequence
of Leave obtained from the hono'le Court in November 1779, your me-
iMass. Archives, XCVII, 140-1.
^Mass. Resolves, III, 131.

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

morialist proceeded to New York in order to Solisit Payment for the stock
taken from Marthas Vineyard by General Grey in Sept. 1778, as well as
for fuel &c taken from sd Island by George Leonard Esq'r in Sept &
Oct 1779, the Latter of which your Memorialist settled in full and also
Petition Sir henry Clinton for payment for the Stock taken by General
Grey But s'd Clinton being on the Point of Embarking for the South-
ward Did not think Proper to take up the matter at that time.

Your Memorialist was then advised by Sir henrys Agetent General
that if he was to apply to Great Brittian he may know doubt Receive
Compensation for the stock taken by General Grey your Memorial't then
applied to General Stearling for advice he Being the first in Command
under General Grey who Informed him by way of advice that it was Best
to apply to England & he sd Stearling would wright fully on the subject
in my favor, that together with other incoregements and the Great
Necessity of the People of Marthas Vineyard are in for some Relief in
Consequences of so General a Plunder as the Loss of Ten Thousand
head of sheep & 312 head of Cattle Indusis your Memorial't to make
this most humble applycation to this honorable Court Earnestly Praying
that your memmoriallist may have the Liberty of applying to Great Britain
for the Purpose abovesaid to Prosead as a Passenger in some British
or American Ship & that he may have the Previledge of takeing his Pay
for sd Stock in Some articles of Merchandise Provided he cannot obtain
the Cash and also Emport whatever Goods obtained in to this State in
such a Manner as this honorable Court shall think most fit & Reasonable
and as in Duty Bound shall Ever Pray.

BERIAH NORTON
Boston April 28th 1780.

Your Memorial list also Prays that he may have Leave to Bring
from Great Britain all such moneys as he may have orders for from any
marchant in this state.

BH NORTON.^

The request was a peculiar one, but a favorable answer
was returned when, on May 3, a resolve was passed to the
effect "that the prayer of the petitioner be so far granted that
the petitioner Beriah Norton have leave to repair to Great
Britain by the way of New York for the purpose in said
petition mentioned under such orders, limitations and restric-
tions as the honorable, the Major part of the council shall see
proper."^

COLONEL BERMH NORTON GOES TO ENGLAND.

Norton went to New York, and remained there some time
before sailing. He received permission to reside there from
Major General Patterson, but after some time of continuous
conferences with the evasive Clinton, he concluded to embark

'Mass. Resolves, III, 131.
^Ibid., Ill, 252.

397

History of Martha's Vineyard

for London, and try to settle the business there. A pass was
issued to him for the trip by Lieutenant General Elliot, in
August of that year, and he sailed thence on his strange mis-
sion of making the enemy pay for property taken in a foraging
expedition. He remained in England that year and all of the
next. This time was spent in importuning the government
officials for hearings, considerations, references, preferring
petitions, and the employment of all such means to attract
their interest and attention. It would be tedious reading to
follow the ^'oluminous documentary history of his proceedings
during this time. Suffice it to say, that he found the officials
there no more ready to admit the soundness of his claim than
were the military authorities on this side. In July, 1781, the
king in council definitely refused to grant his petition for
redress, but he hung on. Residence in London was attractive,
and he was being "wined and dined" by Americans living
there, and in turn he was reciprocating the courtesies. His
private papers contain numerous evidences of the social side
of his mission, in the form of invitations to dinners, balls, and
entertainments.^ But a change in the commanding officers
occurred in February, 1782, by which General Sir Guy Carle-
ton succeeded Clinton, and as he was known as a man of
courage and just in" his dealings, Norton obtained later in that
year from the Lords of the Treasury, an order directing the
new chief to investigate the whole affair and mete out strict
justice.

A BOARD OF INQUIRY APPROVES THE CLAIM.

This change was a welcome one, and Norton returned
home to pursue the matter, in the spring, having been absent
from home about two years. Fortified by this authority he
obtained a hearing from Carleton, who called a board of In-
quiry in April, 1782. The board sat at General O'Hara's
headquarters, heard the agent, examined his documents, took
testimony, and finally reached the decision that the claim was
meritorious, and that it should be paid. Thereupon Carleton
approved the findings, and agreed to make divided payments,

'The Beriah Norton Mss. in the Pease collection comprise most of the docu-
ments quoted in this chapter. They disclose a phase of his mission that does not
happily reflect on his patriotism or his methods. He was eager while in London
and throughout the controversy to impress upon them that he did not approve the
Revolution or take part in it, and claimed the Vineyarders were unwilling to rebel
against their king.

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

with the understanding that the money received should be
invested in New York in merchandise to supply the needs of
the claimants. This was more than Norton could stand, and
he insisted that he should have the claim paid without any
conditions as to the way it should be spent. The money be-
longed to others, and he could not buy merchandise for them
in absence of any authority. Carleton drew a draft for the
sum of ;^30oo sterling, in part payment, upon the Deputy
Paymaster General of the Forces, "the greater part of which,"
said Norton, "he was enabled to bring off in specie, notwith-
standing the positive instructions of Sir Guy Carleton, who
required that he should invest the same in such articles as might
be useful to the inhabitants of the island." The total award
was about seven thousand pounds, but Carleton would not
pay it in full at that time, at least to be carried away in funds.
The Governor of the Commonwealth and the Council required
Norton to make a report to them of his doings, which he did,
and, as he states, "flatters himself that he has given them the
fullest satisfaction to all their inquiries." Whereupon, on
October 2, that year, he again sought authority from the General
Court to repair to New York and pursue the matter with Gen-
eral Carleton, as the only person who could attend to the
business, and the early return of that officer to England was
imminent. He asked this favor in behalf "of those honest
subjects who are not within the protection of Government,"
and expresses a willingness to take payment in merchandise,
if it cannot be obtained in specie. The Court passed the fol-
lowing resolve on October 11: —

Upon memorial of Beriah Norton, Resolved, — That Beriah Norton
Esq. of the Island of Martha's Vineyard, be and he hereby is, permitted
to go to New York in any vessel he shall think proper, for the reasons
set forth in his memorial, and to return to this Commonwealth and bring
with him to and for the sole use of the inhabitants of the said Island of
Martha's Vineyard the sum of four thousand nine hundred and twenty
three pounds sterling money of Great Britain in gold or silver coin, which
remains due to the said inhabitants of Martha's Vineyard for cattle, sheep
and forage taken from them by General Grey for the use of the British
forces; or one third part of the said sum in goods, wares and merchandise.'

Norton was required to give a bond in the sum of ten
thousand pounds for the strict fulfillment of this arrangement,
and enter his vessel with the goods at Dartmouth in this state,
when he should obtain a settlement.

'Mass. Resolves, V, 313.

399

History of Martha's Vineyard

THE WAR ENDED.

A year before this the last gun had boomed at Yorktown,
and CornwalHs had capitulated to the victorious Washington.
The end of the seven years' struggle was in sight. British
ministries hung out against the inevitable for months, but the
people of great Britain were tired of the war created by the
stupidity of their ruler and his advisers, and peace was gradu-
ally forced upon a stubborn king and a sullen ministry.

While Norton was driving this arrangement through,
other scenes were being enacted on a larger field in the drama
of the Revolution. Peace envoys were in London trying to
patch up an agreement satisfactory to both of the contestants,
and the articles of the convention were all but settled, when
Norton got his permission to go to New York. It is not known
what action he took in this state of the situation, except that
Carleton was no better prepared, and not as much so, as before,
to settle the claim. The negotiations for peace furnished him
with an excuse to defer present attention to the matter, a^^d on
Nov. 30, 1782, the treaty was signed between the belligerents,
represented by Franklin, a descendant of John Folger 'of
the Vineyard, Adams, Jay, and Laurens, for the American
"Rebels."

COLONEL NORTON STICKS TO HIS MISSION.

The confusion incident to the settlement of this great
struggle acted as an efficient stop to the consideration of
Norton's claim, but it was by no means surrendered. It is
probable that he went to England in the late fall of 1784,
after further correspondence and the submission of a memorial
to the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, where
he "had the honour," as he states, "of making a personal
representation to the Ministers & Secretarys," from whom he
"received advice from time to time that the matter would be
refer 'd for a final decision." He appealed to them again in
1785, and sent a personal request to Mr. Pitt, soliciting his
aid, in the same year. It was the same old story of delay and
promises, and he dragged on for month after month in London,
having the tedium relieved by social attentions from the Amer-
ican exiles in that great metropolis. "At length," he writes,
"finding he was not able to endure the expense of attending
any longer, & that no Business of that sort would be taken up

400

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

for several months, he left England in June (1787), after a
constant attendance for more than two years."*

His return empty handed was a bitter disappointment to
the farmers of the Vineyard, some of whom had been contrib-
uting to the expense of the Colonel's "seasons" in the British
capital, and who were somewhat suspicious, by this time,
that his long absences were junketing trips at their expense.
But he kept hope alive in their breasts.

THE GOVERNMENT REFUSES TO ENDORSE THE CLAIM.

The United States having been formally organized after
the war, the next move of Norton was to obtain the sponsor-
ship of the new government in the prosecution of the claim.
Accordingly, in September, 1787, he went to New York, where
the seat of government then was, and addressed a new memo-
rial to "the Honourable the Congress of the United States of
America." In it he recites the main facts rehearsed in the
foregoing narrative of his previous experiences in prosecuting
the claim, and states that "knowing the Justice of his acct on
the British Government & the Contract made with General
Grey for payment cannot without very great reluctance give
up the prosecution of so just an acct." He concludes by
praying for their "wise consideration of his very hard and
particular situation & Business & Grant him such assistance
& advice to enable him to prosecute his abovesaid Business
as in your great wisdom you shall think fit and right."* The
matter was referred to John Jay, then secretary for foreign
affairs, who was requested to express an opinion on the pro-
priety of taking the action desired. That officer submitted
the following brief in response to the request of Congress : —

Office for Foreign Affairs, 25th Sept 1787 The Secretary of the United
States for the Department of Foreign Affairs to whom was re-
ferred a Memorial of Beriah Norton, dated the 15th September,
instant, Reports —

That the Memoriahst states in substance that in September 1778 at
Marthas Vineyard, of which the Memorialist had the military command,
he delivered a number of cattle and sheep to the British General Grey
who promised that payment should be made for the value of them.

That in October 1778 Congress permitted the Memorialist to go to
New York to solicit Payment. That his account was allowed to be just
and amounted to £,^^2^, but that he had never been able to obtain more

'Archives of Continental Congress, Vol. VII., No 41, p. 134.

401

History of Martha's Vineyard

than a partial Payment: vizt £3000, notwithstanding his application to
the British Lords of the Treasury, Ministers &c: — He requests from
Congress such Aid and Advice to enable him to prosecute the Business
as they shall think fit and right.

It appears to your Secretary that Marthas Vineyard being American
ground the enemy had good Right, flagrante Bella, to take away all sheep
and cattle they found there without paying anything for them. If how-
ever from Motives of Policy they grafuUously (and not in the way of
Capitulation or Convention with the American Government) promised
payment, that promise being left in Statu quo by the Treaty, must be
considered as having been made at a time and under the circumstances
which exempt Britain from any responsibility to the United States for
the Performance of it, and consequently it would not be proper for the
United States to take any measures respecting it.

If on the other hand, this Promise or Contract is to be considered
as being of legal obligation and not merely honorary & gratuitous, then
the Memorialist has his remedy at Law, and the Interference of Congress
can at present be neither necessary nor proper.

The sum in Demand is doubtless important to the Individuals inter-
ested in it; but as national Interposition should be confined to objects
which affect either the National Interest or the National Honor, your
Secretary is of opinion it should not be extended to such concerns and
affairs of Individuals as are unconnected with, and do not touch or affect
the National rights.

All which is submitted to the Wisdom of Congress.

JOHN JAY.'

COLONEL NORTON AGAIN IN ENGLAND.

There is not much room for comment upon this lucid
opinion of Jay, and while the secretary denied him this support,
he extended to him his personal compliments and "good
wishes" for the success of his mission. Armed with this con-
solatory message, and letters of introduction from Admiral
Robert Digby, R. N., he sailed to make his last assault upon
the treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Ireland,
and Scotland. But there were others besieging it with claims
of better standing than his. A descendant of one of the ref-
ugee loyalists thus describes the situation : —

The Refugees from America, scared from their ruined homes, had
taken flight across the Atlantic, and were pitching down upon England
by sixes and sevens, like rooks upon a corn field, to see what grain they
could pick up; but so numerous were the flocks becoming, that the cus-
todians of the granaries in the old country had great difficulty in finding
a few grains each for all the hungry mouths.*

'Archives, Continental Congress, Vol. Ill, No. 81, p 163.
^Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, II, 22.

402

The Long Campaign to Obtain Redress

Further consideration of this long-standing claim and its
results will not be required. This last mission was not suc-
cesssful, and the Colonel was subjected to much unfavorable
criticism by the Vineyard sufferers upon his failure to obtain
payment for them. Charges of various sorts were bandied
about as to the prosecution of the claim, but none were ever
substantiated. The general belief entertained by the losers
was that the Colonel was courted and entertained into an atti-
tude of complaisance in the prosecution of his task by the high
officials of the government, though with no profit to himself.

SIGNATURE OF COLONEL BERIAH NORTON.

403

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XXVI.

Naval History of the Vineyard in the Revolution.

It is well known that the Revolutionary war was for the
■ most part fought out on land, although there were events of
the greatest interest which took place at sea, especially under
the intrepid lead of Commodore John Paul Jones. Our navy
was always of secondary importance during the struggle, but
the three years preceding the siege of Yorktown witnessed a
remarkable increase in the number and activities of our private
armed vessels. In May, 1780, the United States had left only
six war craft to bear their ensign aloft, and a year later half
that number was captured or lost, leaving only the Deane, the
Alliance, the Due de Lauzmi, and the General Washington in
active service. In two of these Vineyard men formed part of
the crew in the closing years of the struggle for American
independence. ''It can be readily understood, therefore, that
had it not been for our privateers the Stars and Stripes would
have been, for all practical purposes, completely swept from
the seas," says a historian of these vessels.^ "It was the
astonishing development of this form of maritime warfare,"
he continues, ''that enable the struggling colonists to hold
their own on the ocean. In the year 1780 two hundred and
twenty-eight American privateers were commissioned, carrying
in all three thousand four hunderd and twenty guns; in 1781
there were four hundred and forty-nine, with about six thou-
sand seven hundred and thirty-five guns; and in 1782 three
hundred and twenty-three, mounting four thousand eight
hundred and forty-five guns. It is very much to be regretted
that many of the cruises and actions of these crafts have not
been recorded."

FIRST naval engagement OF WAR IN VINEYARD SOUND.

What was probably the first naval skirmish of the Revo-
lution took place at this time, and its leader and men were
from this island, and the action occurred in one of our harbors,
probably Homes Hole, as the party was under the command
of Captain Nathan Smith. In a whaleboat, mounted with

'Maclay, " History of American Privateers," 206-7.
404

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

three swivels, and a small crew of volunteers, in the month of
April, he undertook the capture of the armed schooner Volante,
a tender of the British cruiser Scarborough. Although there
was great disparity in the vessels and crews, yet that did not
daunt them, and after a struggle the enemy struck colors and
the victorious Captain Smith brought his prize into safe har-
bor.' It is generally stated that the first battle of the Revo-
lution on the sea was between the British schooner Margaretta,
an armed vessel, and a small sloop, manned with a volunteer
force, off the coast of Maine, in June, 1775, but it will be seen
that the encounter which Captain Smith led took place two
months previously, and can be claimed as the first overt act
against the enemy on the high seas during the Revolution.
While our affair was not a great battle, yet all these engage-
ments had their bearing on the results, and in point of priority
the valor of our Vineyard men in this instance has never been
recognized, because no one has ever presented their claims to
this honor. ^

CAPTURE OF THE TRANSPORTS "HARRIOT" AND "BEDFORD."

On March 7, 1776, another maritime engagement off our
shores was reported by Colonel Beriah Norton to James Otis,
President of the Council, on March 9, two days after the-
event : —

.... ther was Information in town that there was a transport ship
at anchor near Nantucket sholes. I not being in town myself till the
Afternoon when I found there was about 37 men gon of to Ingage the
ship with a small sloop about 23 of our men ware those of the sea corst
under Capt. Benj: Smith, the rest ware of the Militia, they Ingaged hur
and after a smart scurmig the Capt of the ship Being shot three (times)
they then struck to our Yanke sloop and are Brought in to the old town
harbour. The Capt is in a fare way of recovery hur Cargo is about 100
Charldron of Coll, 100 Butts of Porter, 30 hoges, Sower Crout, Puttators
and Sundry outher artacals, the officers and sea men are ordered to had
Quarters By the Sea Corst Capt under the care of Second Lieut James

'Maclay, "History of American Privateers," 64; comp., Emmons, "Statistical
History of U. S. Navy."

^\nother affair of like character is said to have taken place shortly after. The
" Falcon," a British sloop of war, had, under some pretence or necessity, seized one
or more prizes from the people of Buzzards Bay. Inspired, probably, by the suc-
cess at Lexington and Concord, the people of New Bedford and Dartmouth fitted
out a vessel with which they attacked and cut out one of the "Falcon's" prizes,
with fifteen prisoners, from a harbor in Martha's Vineyard. This is stated to have
taken place on May 5, 1775, by the author. Rev. Edward E. Hale, but an examina-
tion of the log of the " Falcon" on that date does not show any such movement on
her part. [Narrative and Critical History of America, VI, 564.]

History of Martha's Vineyard

Shaw. I shall not Inlarg any further in this subject as I expect to Be at
Court within 15 Days/ '■

This exploit was characteristic of the daring ventures of
tlie men of our island, and others in like localities, brought
up on the water, and used to its hardships and perils. The
transport was a large ship, ''called the Harriot of about two
hundred and fifty tons Burthen commanded by Weymes
Orrock," while the vessel which engaged her was "a small
sloop called the Liberty, ^^ a most appropriate name. Captain
Benjamin Smith also made a formal report of the action to
the Council, which is here reprinted : —

Gentlemen
I have only Time to Inform your honours That on the 7th Inst I with a
Detachment of my Company with some Gentlemen of This Town in
number all about fourty, with a small vessel engaged for the piupose
Engaged and Tooke the ship Harriot Weymse Orrock master store ship
from London and bound for Boston Laden with Cole Porter and potatos:
and have seat the mate (the Capt being wounded in the engagement)
with fourteen mariners by Lieut Shaw and have Directed him to deliver
Them to the Honou'ble Counsel. I am to endeavour to secure the prop-
erty by Citing the ship to the mane, which having Perfected shall give
Immediate attendance for further Direction in the matter, and in the
Interim Remain your Houn'rs most Obed't Humble Serv't
Edgarto\vn, loth March, 1776' BENJAMIN SMITH

On the 23d of March Captain Nathan Smith added to
his list of exploits the capture of another English vessel. With
a party made up of his seacoast-defence company and some
volunteers of the militia, he attacked, captured, and brought
into port the schooner Bedford, laden with provisions and
other stores for the fleet and army.^ Thus the two Captains
Smith were busy harassing the transports, supply vessels,
and other boats of the enemy's fleet, intending to carry men
and subsistence for the army cooped up in Boston, and ren-
dering important service to the patriotic cause. In the fol-
lowing month of April, young Cornelius Marchant of Edgar-
town, then but fourteen years of age, began his long and peril-
ous service in privateers. He shipped "on board the private
armed sloop Independence mounting ten guns, James Magee
Commander, which during her Cruise Captured three Prizes,

'Mass. Archives, CXCI.V, 275.

^bid., CXCIV, 281. He was allowed prize money in June following.
^Mass. Archives, Council Records. He was allowed prize money for this capture
on June 18 following.

406

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

one Transport Brig with a cargo for the British Army and two
Schooners from Hahfax with a Cargo for West Indias, and
got them save into Newbedford," as he states in his narrative,
"after an absence of six or seven Weeks. "^

CAPTURE or TRANSPORTS 'ANNABELLA AND HOWE.

About this time, early in June (1776), a naval action took
place in which several Vineyard men fought, although the
event occurred elsewhere, and it is worthy of record among
our archives of personal services to be credited to the men of
the island. "I well remember," said old Obed Norton of
Tisbury, then in his ninetieth year, "that in the year 1776,
the brig Defence commanded by Capt. Seth Harding, came
into Holmes Hole Harbour, near where I then lived. I under-
stood at that time that she was in the service of the United
States. Several men belonging to Marthas Vineyard entered

on board of her, and she sailed on a cruise Among the

persons that went the cruise were Silas Daggett, Samuel Norris
and one Cornelius Dunham."^ This was the Massachusetts
cruiser Defence, and she sailed hence for Plymouth, and on
the evening of June 17, she was entering Nantasket Roads,
being attracted there by the sounds of heavy firing. A writer,
describing the scenes which followed, thus tells the story of
her exploit with two strongly armed transports of the British
navy, the Annahella and the Howe : —

About eleven o'clock the Defense boldly ran into the Roads, and get-
ting between the two transports, within pistol shot distance, called upon
the British to strike their colors. A voice from one of the troopships was
heard, in reply, "Ay, Ay — -I'll strike," and a broadside was poured into
the Defense. The Americans promptly responded, and after an hour
of heavy firing the British called for quarter. The transports were found
to have on board about two hundred regulars of the Seventy-first Regi-
ment. Eighteen of the Englishmen had been killed in the action and a
large number were wounded. On the part of the Americans not one was
killed and only nine were injured.^

Some of the principal actions in local w^aters in which
our islanders took part have already been referred to in the
chronological story of the Revolution, but, as stated by the

'Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1900, Narrative of Cornelius Marchant.

^Deposition of Obed Norton, 1838. Clerk's Office, Tisbury.

^Maclay, "History of American Privateers," 67. "Among the British dead was
Major Menzies, who had answered the summons to surrender with "Ay, ay — I'll
strike." Among the wounded on the "Defense" was Cornelius Dunham of Tisbury.

407

History of Martha's Vineyard

author just quoted, we have left only "meager and fragmen-
tary" data of other services rendered by Vineyard sailors, and
these will be detailed below with such elaboration as the limited
amount of material warrants. The vessels in which they
served will be listed alphabetically, and they are as follows : —

Alliance. This vessel belonged to the naval forces. She left Boston
January nth, 1779, with General Lafayette, bound for France, with a
complement of English and French seamen, with a few American volun-
teers. Mutiny was attempted, but failed, and the ship reached Brest in
safety. She was placed under the orders of John Paul Jones., then com-
manding the "Bon Homme Richard." Thomas Luce, of Tisbury, was
one of the crew of the Alliance, and the tradition in his family is that he
was with Jones in his famous battle when the "Serapis" was fought
and captured. There is no record to this effect, but it is here recorded
for what value tradition has in such matters. In June, 1779, Captain
Jones assumed command of the Alliance and sailed for the United
States. Luce was pensioned for service in this ship. Samuel Lambert
of Tisbury also had service on this vessel and was a pensioner.

A urora. Privateer. Captain David Porter, master. Timothy Chase
served in this vessel in 1781.

Bon Homme Richard. Naval service. Thomas Chase (222) of Tis-
bury engaged in privateering during the war, was captured in 1777 and
imprisoned in Mill Prison, Plymouth, for two years. He was released
through an exchange of prisoners and went to France, where he joined
Commodore Paul Jones* fleet as ship's carpenter. He was present during
the famous battle, July, 1779, between the Bon Homme Richard and the
"Serapis," and his descendants have some mementoes taken from the
prize ship by the young sailor after the battle.

Boston. Naval service. Captain Samuel Tucker, commanding. Ben-
jamin Luce was one of the crew in 1779. She was a frigate of 24 guns.

Cabot. Naval service. Captain Elisha Hinman, commanding.
Noah Waldron served as Quartermaster, in 1776, for two years, and Obed
Norton was one of the crew, at the same time. Both were from Tisbury.

Deane. Naval service. Captain John Manly, commanding. She
was a frigate of 32 guns. Ephraim Luce of Tisbury served on her in
1782. She was driven into Martinique that year, blockaded there, and
remained until the close of the war.

Fairfield. Privateer. Captain William Nott, master. Cornelius
Marchant of Edgartown was on her in 1776. She carried twelve guns.

General Arnold. Privateer. Captain James Megee, master. The
wreck of this vessel, with several Vineyard sailors, in December, 1778,
will be narrated in detail.

Hazard. Privateer Brig of 16 guns. Captain John F. Williams,
master. She operated in the West Indies, capturing a brig of 18 guns
and 16 swivels, manned with 100 men. The enemy lost 13 killed and 20
wounded, while the "Hazard" lost but 3 killed and 5 wounded. She
was in the unfortunate Penobscot expedition, in 1779, where she was
burnt to prevent capture. John Marchant of Edgartown served in her
in 1778 and 1779.

Independence. Privateer of 10 guns. Captain James Megee, master.
Cornelius Marchant of Edgartown^was in her crew in 1776.

408

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

Marlborough. Privateer ship. Captain George W. Babcock, mas-
ter. In March, 1777, she "put into Edgartown harbour to obtain a Com-
plement of Men and Officers." One of these was Cornelius Marchant,
but no further names are known. She was one of the most successful
privateers in the war, taking in all twenty-eight prizes.

Mars. Privateer ship of 24 guns. Captain Thomas Truxtun, mas-
ter. Ebenezer Luce of Tisbury was one of her crew in 1781, when she
cruised in the British Channel, making a number of prizes, which were
sent into Quiberon Bay, France. Truxtun was a naval officer, detailed
for this duty.

Providence. Privateer sloop. Master's name not known. She cap-
tured a British ship, put a prize crew aboard, but the ship was retaken.
Later the privateer recaptured the same vessel and brought her into port.
In the crew were Barzillai, Tristram and Benjamin Luce, all of Tisbury.

Ranger. Naval Service. Jeremiah Anthony, an Indian of Martha's
Vineyard, was one of the crew of the Continental ship "Ranger," Capt.
John Paul Jones, on her first cruise, sailing from the Piscataqua River,
Nov. I, 1777, and must have been in the engagement with the "Blake."

Rising Empire. Privateer Brigantine. Captain Richard Whellen,
master. Valentine Chase, Zaccheus Chase, Abraham Chase, Abishai
Luce, all of Tisbury, were members of her crew in 1776.

Rover. Privateer sloop of 10 guns. Master's name not known. In
her crew during the year 1779 was CorneHus Marchant, of Edgartown.

Vengeance. This vessel formed one of the fleet at Penobscot and
she was destroyed August 14th, 1779, to prevent capture by the British.
Elijah Mayhew of Chilmark was of her crew.

Warren. This ship belonged to the Massachusetts "navy," and was
commanded by Captain John B. Hopkins. Rowland Luce of Tisbury
served in her one year from June, 1776. She captured a ship, a brig, a
schooner and transport of four guns, carrying one hundred soldiers,
but later she was captured by the British frigate "Liverpool."

LOSS OF THE "GENERAL ARNOLD."

In the winter of 1778 an event occurred in the naval
history of the war which closely affected the Vineyard, because
a number of her sons were engaged in the enterprise. Among
them was Cornelius Marchant, who wrote about it in his
narrative of personal experiences during the war, and this
portion of his relation will be used : —

The fourth Cruise which I performed during the War of the Revolu-
tion was in the Brig General Arnold of Boston mounting twenty Guns,
James Magee Commander Manned by one hundred & five Men and
Boys, fitted for a Cruise of six months. They left Boston Roads for Sea
the 24th day of December 1778, on the same date in the afternoon the
wind coming a head could not weather Cape Cod, nor yet reach Boston
Harbour, so we put into Plymouth and came to anchor; the Gale con-
tinuing to Increase the Brig dragged her Anchour and drifted on to Browns
Shoal now so called, where she bilged, but on account of the Severity of
the weather we could obtain no relief from the shore untill the twenty

409

History of Martha's Vineyard

ninth when seventy four of the Crew had perrished, heaped one upon
another in almost every form; after being landed nine more died. At
this time the Narrator lost the extremities of both his feet, under the ex-
treme disadvantages and privations whereof he has been suffering for
many years.'

The loss of the General Arnold was one of the most ap-
paUing disasters in the maritime annals of the war. Out off a
crew of over one hundred men and boys, over eighty perished
in sight of land, owing to the severity of the weather. Besides
young Marchant, who was a survivor, at least nine of her
complement of men were from the Vineyard, and they all
were lost. These were James Winslow, James Wimpenny,
Asa Luce, Valentine Chase, Solomon, Sylvanus and Timothy
Daggett, Lot Burgess, "and a son to David Norton's wife."^
They were all of Tisbury, and there may have been others
from the other towns. It was a great blow to the American
cause, of which this island felt its share.

This same storm also caused another wreck, a privateer
sloop on the east side of our island, in which seventeen men
perished. It was a terrible storm, and among its effects was
one which proved a merciful circumstance for the people who
were deprived of their stock, provisions, and other means of
support by the British. The gale blew from the northeast,
and immense quantities of snow fell. After the storm had
subsided, some one in wandering about the northeast end of
the Lagoon pond discovered a large number of striped bass in
a frozen condition, packed as close together in the ice and
snow as sardines in a box. The news of this discovery soon
spread, the people hastened to the spot from every direction.
The fish were taken out with pitchforks and other implements,
stacked up in large heaps all along the shore, and later
were divided and taken by the people to their homes. As
there was but little salt with which to cure them, they were
packed away in the snow; and thus, for the winter, all were
supplied with this one article of food, supplemented with eels,
clams, and wild fowl, when the weather would admit of their

taking them.

PICAROONS.

During the Revolution the islanders were, as a rule,
treated as neutrals by the British cruising in these waters;

'Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1900.

tisbury Church Records. Abraham Preble was her first husband.

410

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

but the people were kept in a constant state of agitation and
alarm by the incursions of an enemy termed "Picaroons."
These were tories principally, who, claiming to be belligerents
and in the British service, were simply pirates, and cowardly
ones at that, robbing friend and foe alike when opportunity
presented. They usually came in large launches, though oc-
casionally in whaleboats, manned by five or ten men and
sometimes more. It is said that a tower was erected for the
purpose of a watch-tower, near the residence of the late
John Luce in Tisbury, and which was commonly known as
"Daggett's folly." Several earthworks were constructed for
defense against these marauders in case they should appear in
force. Just north of the Sailor's Reading Room on the "Neck,"
in Vineyard Haven, are the remains of some of these forti-
fications; and others larger, on the Sound side, about half a
mile from the lighthouse, are still visible.

MISCELLANEOUS INCIDENTS.

Lemuel, son of Joseph and Abigail (Little) Jenkins, had
several perilous adventures during the war. At one time he
escaped with his vessel from a British squadron, after a close
pursuit. At another time he was captured, with his vessel,
by a British ship of war, near Charleston, S. C, whither he
was carrying military stores, intended for the Southern army
under command of General Greene. The captain of the ship
of war took him on board of his own ship, and placed a prize
master on board the captured vessel. Captain Jenkins, not
being closely guarded, made his escape while lying off Charles-
ton, by letting himself down by a rope from a port hole into a
small boat alongside of the frigate. The tide flowing into the
harbor, he suffered the boat to float in with the tide, in the
wake of the stern of the ship, until he got some distance from
it, unnoticed by the guard on deck. Then he sculled the
boat up near the city, where he landed about daylight, and
surrendered himself to a sentinel. He was taken before
the American general, who, having heard his story, gave
him a passport and some money to enable him to return to
Massachusetts. This he did travelling the whole distance
on foot.*

'Vineyard Gazette, June 22, 18S8.

411

History of Martha's Vineyard

THE LIBERTY POLE.

Among the incidents of the Revolutionary war as it af-
fected our island none is more characteristic than the exploit
of the three young girls of Homes Hole, who preferred to
destroy the "liberty pole" from which their flag of freedom
was hoisted rather than have it become a spar of one of the
king's ships. The story of it had been handed down from the
sires to sons and daughters, in the traditions of the war, but
the first appearance of it in print, as far as the author is aware,
is to be found in a volume published half a century ago. As
there given it is as follows : —

Some time in the year '76, the British sloop-of-war, Unicorn, put into
Holme's Hole, on the island of Marthas Vineyard, and having landed a
detachment of marines, pressed into service a number of pilots. Upon
this island, a liberty-tree had been erected, around which the citizens
were wont to assemble, and pledge their fortunes and their sacred honors
in the cause of liberty. Now his Majesty's ship was in want of a new spar,
and as the only stick of timber on the island that would answer for the
purpose, was the liberty-tree, down it must come. The panic stricken
citizens consented to sell it to them, and on the morrow it was to be deliv-
ered on board. But there was a numerous party who did not agree to
this contract, and resolved to prevent its execution. Three young girls,
named Parnell Manter' Maria Allen, and Mary Hillman, whose young
eyes had not yet beheld the frosts of sixteen winters, met together on that
evening around the sacred tree, and by means of augurs, pierced it with
numerous holes, which they filled with gunpowder; they then cautiously
applied the match and their emblem of liberty was shattered in many
pieces.^

This version of the story seems to have in it some of the
elem.ents of all traditionary tales, much that is improbable and
fanciful, but there is in it the basis of the simple adventure
of those patriotic maidens in their night task of preventing
the desecration of the "liberty pole," which had been dedi-
cated to the cause of American freedom. In the first place,
as to the pole itself, the location of it is said to have been in
the present village of Vineyard Haven, on Manter's Hill,
not far from the spot where now stands the flag-staff erected
as a memorial of the event under consideration. It is some-
what absurd to suppose that it was "the only stick of timber
on the island that would answer for the purpose" of repairing

'Bunce, "Romance of the Revolution" (New York, 1853), p. 365. The names
of the heroines are curiously misspelled, which error is corrected in the copy. Horiah
Allen and Marv Milman would not be recognized bv their descendants or friends.

412

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

or replacing a spar, as the island was then heavily wooded.
If there is any basis for this idea, it may be in the fact that
the pole was chosen because it was used as a *' liberty-pole,"
and the British officers wished to make their needs an excuse
for claiming it, under the law, for one of the king's masts,
and so irritate the people here. The story quoted above
assigns the occurrence to the year 1776, and gives the name of
the ship as the Unicorn. The author of this history had the
log-book of this vessel, now preserved in the Admiralty office,
London, examined for the purpose of verifying the incident,
if possible, and it was found that the Unicorn was not in
Homes Hole harbor during that year. She was, however,
here in the year 1778, as will be described shortly, and if the
name of the ship is correctly given, the incident took place in
the latter year. It also appears from the published account
that the ship impressed a number of pilots, but this incident
does not have any confirmation in contemporary documents
which will fit the log of the Unicorn. In February, 1778, a
committee of the General Court considered what was proper
to be done **for the Release of those persons taken by the
Enemy from Marthas Vineyard to pilot their Transports to
the Harbour of Boston." This date does not fit the conditions
of the appearance of the Unicorn at Martha's Vineyard, al-
though the piloting incident has a circumstantial flavor. The
charges against the selectmen of Tisbury of a craven attitude
is not borne out by what we know of the patriotic spirit always
exhibited by the leading men of Tisbury, and their usual
leadership in all concerted measures for the cause of American
liberty. In 1776 the selectmen were Shubael Cottle, Stephen
Luce, and Joseph Allen; in 1778, the two latter were re-
placed by James Athearn and Abijah Athearn, all men of
approved courage and patriotism, who had borne the standard
of Revolution from its incipiency without flinching in the face
of the enemy, as we have already seen, when the king's ships
came to demand aid of them. It looks like an effort to add
a touch of detraction to the men for the purpose of increasing
the glory of the girls. Their act needs no such contrasting
color to bring out the spirit of the young rebels into better
light.

On April 19, 1778, his majesty's ship Unicorn sailed up
the Sound and, according to the log, signed by Captain John
Ford, commander, "Moored in Holmes Hole." Her business
was convoying some transports and making some repairs to

413

History of Martha's Vineyard

her foretopmast. The log continues: "Struck & unrigged
the Foretopmast to fit new Crosstrees (that was sprung)
rigged it again and swayed it up and set up the lower fore-
topmast Rigging fore and aft." This is the only reference
which bears upon the subject in her log, and granting the
name of the vessel be correct, it offers us but a slight con-
firmation of the incident. It may have been that such an
incident would not be entered in the log, where the ship was
defeated in an effort to obtain a new spar by the cunning of
some patriotic girls, and that is a reasonable conclusion.
This does not in the least discredit the main story.

Of the three actresses a few words may be said to identify
them for posterity. Maria Allen was daughter of Ebenezer
and Sarah (Chase) Allen of Homes Hole. She was born
about 1758, and married Nov. 13, 1788, David Smith, as his
second wife. She died March i, 1820, "in the 62nd year of
her age," and lies buried in the cemetery in rear of Associa-
tion Hall, Vineyard Haven. Of her two daughters, Jane
born Oct. 4, 1789, married Timothy Luce, Junior, of Tisbury,
May 5, 1 816; and Hannah, born February, 1791, was never
married.

Mary Hillman was born Mary (Polly) Daggett, daughter
of Seth Daggett, housewright of Tisbury, and she married
May 13, 177% Peleg Hillman, who had been a soldier in the
seacoast-defence establishment, under Captain Benjamin
Smith. She lived to a great age, and during the latter part of
her life is said to have received a pension.

Parnell Manter was the daughter of Jonathan and Sarah
(Chase) Manter, and their eldest child, born Sept. 5, 1757,
in Tisbury. She died July 19, 1778, aged twenty-one years,
unmarried, and lies buried in the Crossways cemetery. Vine-
yard Haven.

MARTYRS IN PRISON SHIPS AND PRISONS.

There are no available lists of our soldiers who suffered
captivity during the war, either in the prisons maintained on
shore, or on shipboard in this country, or who were trans-
ported to the established military prisons in England. Frag-
mentary reference in scattered and unofficial records, family
tradition, and a few direct documentary evidences, make up
our sources of information about the many who died or
suffered living deaths in the pestilential prison ships and the

414

Naval History of Vineyard in the Revolution

insanitary confinement in the Mill Prison, Plymouth, England,
but the infamous prison ship "Jersey" claimed the greatest
number of victims of all the devices maintained by the King
to punish and discourage his rebellious subjects. Its history
is a disgraceful chapter in the conduct of the war, but the
ethics of warfare at that time rested on almost savage stand-
ards.

Those known to have died as prisoners of war, or as a
result of captivity after release are: Anthony Allen "in prison
in New York," June 29, 1777;^ E lea zer Allen, August 29, 1782,
in H. M. S. "Royal George" at Spithead;' William Allen,
"returning from captivity," 1781;^ Henry Butler, "in a prison
ship," 1781;^ John Butler, "returning from captivity," 1781;*
Elverton Crowell, "in Captivity," February, 1778;^ Simeon
Coffin, "in a prison ship," 1781;^ Joseph Dias, "in the Prison
ship Jersey," 1781;^ William Harding, in Mill Prison, Ply-
mouth, May, 1779;^ Eliphalet Leach, "in captivity," January,
1778;^ Aaron Luce, "in captivity," 1778;' Jeremiah Luce,
"in captivity in England," 1781;^ Andrew Newcomb, "re-
turning fom captivity," 1781;^ Edmond Purcell, "returning
from captivity," 1781;^ John Pope, "returning from captivity,"
1781; Benjamin Smith, "in captivity," 1778;^ and Ebenezer
Shaw, "in a prison ship," 1781.^

Other casualties recorded are the deaths of Augustus
Allen, William Draper and Thomas Gardiner, all of Tisbury,
"in the army" in 1777.^

Those who suffered imprisonment, but survived were :
Barzillai Crowell, Mill Prison, Plymouth,^ i779) and ship
"Jersey";^ Seth Cleveland, Eorton Prison, 1778;*^ Samuel
Daggett, ship "Jersey";^ Samuel Huxford, "on a prison
ship";^ Samuel Lambert, Mill Prison, Plymouth, 1777, where
he lost the sight of his right eye from small pox;* Thomas
Luce, Mill Prison, Plymouth, 1779,^ and Elijah Luce, Eorton
Prison, 1778.'^

'Tisbury Church Records.

^Grave Stone Inscription.

^Tradition.

^Thaxter's Obituary Record.

^Dukes Co. Probate, VI, 230-2.

«N. E Hist. Gen. Register, XXXIII, 38.

'Daggett Genealogy.

^Journal of .Samuel Cutler (Register XXXII, 207).

415

History of Martha's Vineyard

CHAPTER XXVII.
MiLiT.^RY History, i 800-1 900.

THE WAR OF l8l2.

The war which was declared against England on June 18,
181 2, and which was terminated by the Treaty of Ghent on
Dec. 14, 1814, had its theatre remote from New England,
and was -scarcely felt by the Vineyard, save in the privations
occasioned by the interruption of business and the scarcity of
foreign commodities. Most of the people on the island, as
was a majority of the state, were decidedly opposed to the
war and the measures of the administration, and at its close
did not believe any advantage had been gained. The citizens
of this country were then divided into two great parties in
politics, which denominated each other the French or English
party, and accused each other of undue partiality towards
those nations respectively. These lines had been drawn for
twenty years past, with increasing tensity, and the people of
this section of the country were partisans of the Federal party,
as represented by the opposition to President Jefferson. Eng-
land and France were then at war, and in their struggle they
paid little or no regard to the rights of neutrals. Both belliger-
ents made prize of American vessels without ceremony or ex-
planation. In the case of England, however, she claimed a
right to search American vessels to recover sailors of British
birth, in time of war, because of her right to their services on
such occasions. This was done with such evident unfairness,
distinctions not being made between Americans and English-
men, that by 181 2, over six thousand cases of impressment
were registered at Washington, while Lord Castlereagh, in a
speech before Parliament, admitted half that number as prob-
able erroneous detentions. Vessels were left in mid-ocean,
stripped of their crews, and left to the dangers of the deep
with half their force gone. England alleged that British sub-
jects purchased certificates of protection belonging to Ameri-
can sailors, adopted their names in order to escape military
duty, and despite vigorous protests, continued in this course,
until an exasperated nation had but one recourse to obtain
redress. Among the other grievances held against Great

416

Military History, 1800-1900

Britain were the obnoxious laws relative to trade and commerce^
by which she was endeavoring to drive the American mer-
chant marine from the seas. Failing not only to secure any
modifications of these acts, but met with harsher orders from
the king's ministers at each additional representation upon the
subject, President Jefferson forced through his celebrated
Embargo Law in December, 1807, which fell like a doom upon
New England industries, and caused universal opposition
hereabouts. Being dependent upon the sea and the industries
allied to it, the people of the Vineyard and New England felt
this measure as no other part of the country did. Jefferson
delayed the rupture with temporary measures until the end of
his term, and it was left to Madison to declare war against
our ancient enemy.

The townsmen of Tisbury promptly assembled in town
meeting to discuss the situation, and it is significant that no
resolutions were passed to sustain the government in the crisis.
They voted not to appoint a watch and

then it was Voted the following persons Should be a Committee of
Safty for Sd Town to act in behalf of Said Town as Circumstances and
necessaty requires for the benefit & Security thereof the persons chosen
were William Daggett William Down's Lot Luce Jeremiah Manter Ed-
mund Cottle Jabez Smith Peter Norton Francis Norton John Cottle to
act for the Safety of Sd town.'

This action was taken on July 12, 181 2, and four days later
Edgartown's citizens met in town meeting to consider the
situation from their point of view. The following is a trans-
script of their proceedings on that occasion, in which it will
be seen that there is also a lack of enthusiastic response to
the call to arms : —

Whereas war exists between the United States and Great Britain, and
considering the defenceless situation of this place this meeting was for
the purpose of choosing a committee of nine to negotiate conciliatory
terms with the enemy who should land at this place.

Voled Daniel Coffin, Wm Butler Esq, Elijah Stewart, Ebenezer Jones,
Melatiah Davis, George Marchant, Jethro Daggett, Martin Pease, Timothy
Coffin a Committee of Safety.

The following were a Committee of five to draw up instructions for
the above committee to act upon: James Coffin, Wm. Mayhew Esq.,
Wm. Jernegan jr Esq., Thomas Cooke jr., Peter Pease jr., the above
instructions to be laid before the town for the town's inspection at the
adj