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Full text of "History of the Maumee River basin from the earliest account to its organization into counties"

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GENEALOSY COLUEcTiON 

HISTORY 



OF THE 



M AUMEE RIVER BASIN 

From the Earliest Account to Its Organization 
into c(junties 



BY 



CHARLES ELIHU SLOCUM, M.D., Ph.D., LL.D. 



Member of The American Historical A^shciatius. The New-England Historic GtiNEALociCAL 
Society, The ' Old Northwest ' Gesealiigical Society, The Ohio State Akch- 

.^OLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. ThE MaUMEE VaLLEV PiONEER 

AND Historical Association. Etc. 



Illustrated. 



BOWEN & SLOCUM 

Indianapolis 

ToLEpo 



To His Friends 

Of Many Years Continuance 

This Bool< is Dedicated 

By ttie Author 



Copyright, 1905, 

By chares ELIHU SLOCUM. 

All Rights Reserved. 



CONTENTS 



For reference to Illustrations see the page figures followed with asterisk (*) in the In- 
dex at the close of this volume. For Preface see page vii. 



1113275 



CHAPTER I. -»— ^ -i^^^rv . \j p^^^ 

Introductory with Table of Counties and Statistics 1 

The Maumee River Basin distinguished from the Maumee River Valley — 
Situation, Latitude and Longitude, Extent in square miles — The former Forest 
— Topography — Climate — Products — Healthfulness — Counties, Principal 

Towns, Population. 

CHAPTER II. 

Geology of the Maumee River Basin 6 



Source of the Rocks — The Geologic Column in comparison with that of 
other parts of Ohio, and elsewhere — Chart — Lacking in several strata — Tren- 
ton Limestone — Natural Gas and Petroleum and theories of their Origin — 
Wells and their Products — Process of Drilling — Rock Water supply — Eleva- 
tions and Depressions of Rock Strata — Early Surface Conditions — Prehistoric 
Drainage Channels — Age of Ice and Theories of Cause — Glacier Markings and 
Extent of — Foreign Rocks brought by Glaciers — Glacier Phenomena and Ef- 
fects — Glacial Lakes, and their Drainage Channels — Time and Duration of 
the Ice Age — Benefits of the Glaciation. 

CHAPTER III. 
The Earliest Evidences Found of Prehistoric Man 47 

Before, during and subsequent to the Age of Ice — Co-existent with the 
Mastodon and other long-extinct Animals. Prehistoric Stone Implements — Pre- 
historic Mounds and Circles of Earth — The Aborigines as first described — the 
Fiercest Savages known to History. 

CHAPTER IV. 
The First Explorers and Cartographers, The French and British ... 75 

Champlain — French Coureurs de Bois — Earliest French Maps — LaSalle 
--Later French Maps — The British-French wars. Wars with the Aborigines, 
and the Fur Trade as an ever-present Incitement — Conspiracy of Chief Nicholas 
against the French — British and French purchase each other's Scalps — The 
British Succession — Conspiracy of Pontiac against the British, and his Capture 
of the western Forts — Armies of Wilkins, Bradstreet and Bouquet against the 
Aborigines — Captives returned to Bouquet — Croghan's successful Peace Mis- 
sion — Fort Miami and Detroit described. 1(J14-17<J6. 

CHAPTER V. 
Hostilities of Aborigines and British Against the Colonists 124 

The Colonies Impoverished — Rebel against British Impositions — The Rev- 
olutionary War — British form Savage War-parties against Pioneer American 
Settlements, Furnish them Leaders and Supplies, and pay for American Scalps 
brought by them — American Deserters and British Officers often with the Sav- 
ages in their Maraudings — British remove the Less Savage Officers — American 
successes in the Southwest, and Organizations for Civil Government — Futile 



iv CONTENTS. 

plans of Americans against Detroit the headquarters for this Basin — Americans 
Massacre reputed Peaceful Aborigines — Close of Revolutionary War — Aborig- 
ines not satisfied without continual supply of Intoxicants and Excitement — Con- 
tinued Aggression of the British. 170(5-1783. 

CHAPTER VI. 
Organization of the Territorv Northwest ok the Ohio River 152 

Cessions of Claims by States to the United States — Jefferson's plan for Div- 
ision of the West Rejected — Desire for Land in the Territory — Hostilities of 
the Aborigines and Expeditions against them — British Refuse to surrender the 
western Forts according to Treaty at Paris — Treaties with Aborigines disregarded 
by them — Unfriendly action of the Spanish in restricting Navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi leads to Disaffection in Ohio and Kentucky — Further British Aggres- 
sions — Civil and Military Activity — American Efforts for Peace with the Aborig- 
ines prove futile — Gen. Harmar's Expedition against the Hostiles by the Mau- 
mee and his Defeat by them — Further unsuccessful efforts for Peace — Gen. St. 
Clair's Expedition against the Savages and his overwhelming Defeat. 1784-1791. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Preparations of the Aborigines, Aided bv the British, to Drive the Ameri- 
cans BACK East of the Alleghenies, and for .Army to Resist Them . . . 170 

Aborigines would not accept Peace — Gen. Wayne chosen to command 
Northwestern Army — Hamilton County extended to embrace this Basin — More 
unsuccessful Efforts for Peace, and more Savagery by the Aborigines — The 
largest Councils ever held by the Aborigines, at the mouth of the Auglaise River 
and by the lower Maumee, for Federating them under Direction of the British — 
Advance of Gen. Wayne's army — Further Intrigues of the Spanish and French 

— Wayne builds Forts Greenville and Recovery — British build Fort Miami by 
lower Maumee — Battle of Fort Recovery — Wayne's successful Expedition to 
and along the Maumee — Builds Forts Adams and Defiance — Great daring of 
American Scouts — Yet further Efforts for Peace prove Unavailing — Battle of 
Fallen Timber, a wholesome Defeat of the Aborigines and British — Return of 
army and the Strengthening of Fort Defiance — Fort Wayne built. 1792-17514. 

CHAPTER VIII. 
General Wayne's Reports of his Maumee Campaign to the Secretary of War 207 

Report of his March, Forts and Efforts for Peace — of Battle of Fallen 
Timber — of Correspondence with British Commandant of F'ort Miami — Testi- 
mony of Prisoners Criminating the British — Needs of the Northwestern Army — 
of his and Colonel Hamtramck's Diplomacy in turning the .\borigines from the 
British and Favorable to the Americans — Letters of Colonel Hamtramck from 
Fort Wayne — The Aborigines' first Object-lesson in Fourth of July Celebrating 

— The most Important Treaty at Greenville. 1794-179.1. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Treaties, Civil Organizations, Conspiracy of Tecumseh and the British . 230 

Treaty with Spain counteracting Tendency to Secession from the Union of 
Inhabitants west of the Alleghenies — Immigration — Colonel Hamtramck's 
Letters from Fort Wayne concluded — Wampum and its Uses — The Military 
Stations — The British Surrender their Forts in American territory — Scarcity 
of Food — Wayne County Organized — Death of Gen. Wayne — Gen. Wilkinson 
succeeds to Command of Northwestern Army — Court at Detroit for Wayne 



CONTENTS. 

County includingjthis Basin — Further Intrigues of France and Spain cause un- 
rest — First Territorial Legislature — Ohio and Indiana Territories Organized — 
Desire for Land, and Land Offices — Ohio Organized as a State — The Louisiana 
Purchase quiets Secession tendencies — Fort Industry — Further Treaties with 
Aborigines — Conspiracy of Tecumseh and the 'Prophet' aided by British against 
the Americans — United States Trading Agencies among Aborigines — Battle of 
Tippecanoe. 17!t.')-]S12, 

CHAPTER X. 

The First Year of the War of 1812 268 

Gen. William Hull chosen to command Northwestern Army composed of 
Ohio Soldiers — Builds Forts M'.\rthur. Necessity. Findlay and Miami (No. 6) — 
Despoiled by British through his Thoughtlessness —Surrenders Army to British 
without battle — Siege of Fort Wayne by Aborigines — Relieved by Gen. Har- 
rison — Gen. Winchester appointed commander Northwestern Army — British 
force Retreat before him — Forts Barbee, Jennings, Amanda, Winchester, Feree, 
Ball and Stephenson built — Gen. Harrison succeeds Gen. Winchester in Com- 
mand and appoints him Commander of Left Wing — Winchester's five Camps at 
Defiance and great Scarcity of Food and Clothing at, with much Sickness and 
Death — Gen. Harrison's Report — Winchester's Advance, and Defeat, with 
Massacre, at the River Raisin — Fort Portage built. 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Second and Third (Final) Years of the War of 1S12 . .... 313 

The Center and Right Wing of Northwestern Army drawn from to Protect 
the Maumee region — Fort Meigs built — Military Supplies increase — Difficulties 
in keeping Army Recruited — Large gathering of Savages by British — Fort Meigs 
Besieged by British and their Savage Allies- Imprudence. Defeat, and Massacre 
of many of Col. Dudley's troops — Siege of Fort Meigs abandoned by British — 
Incidents of Array Life at Fort Meigs — Supplies — Much Sickness and Many 
Deaths at Fort Meigs — Fourth of July Observance — Fort Seneca built — Second 
(bloodless) Siege of Fort Meigs — Brilliant repulse of British at Fort Stephenson 

— The Naval Squadrons on Lake Erie — Battle and Capture of Entire British 
Squadron — Advance of Northwestern Army into Canada — Defeat of British 
Army at the River Thames — Gen. Harrison goes to Niagara to aid the Army of 
the Center, Returns to Ohio and Resigns Command - Proctor's Selfishness — 
Report of Gen. Gano — More Sickness at Fort Miegs with short Supplies — Re- 
port of Gen. M'Arthur — Treaty closing War of 1812 — All Forts in this Basin 
Abandoned excepting Fort Wayne. 1813-1814. 

CHAPTER XII. 
The Aborigines, Treaties with, Missionaries Among, and Removal of . . 304 

Again turn to Americans to be Fed — Important Treaties with — Expenditures 
for — Number of — Difficulties in Civilizing them — Their Religion — Efforts to 
keep Intoxicants from — Reservations for them and their Captives — Agents for 

— Missionaries among the Aborigines, the F'riends, Presbyterians, Methodists, 
and Baptists — Great Extent of Land Claimed by Aborigines — Wisdom in Con- 
tracting their Range — Further Removal Treaties — United States pays Debts 
for — Vaccination of against Smallpox — Descendants of the Aborigines in Gen- 
eral and in Particular — Cannibalism of —Later Characteristics compared with 
Former— Evil influences of the French and British — Many Fictions promulgat- 
ed and perpetuated regarding — Their Misnaming and Mistraining — Linguistic 



vi COMTEMTS'. 

Stocks here Represented — Tribes — Had no right to claim Lands for their Con- 
tinuance in Savagery. 1812-1840. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Present Drainage System of the Maumee River Basin 443 

Peculiar Courses of the Nine Rivers, and the Causes — Character of the 
Water — The Rivers as Early Thorofares — River Craft -Service of the Rivers 
to the Aborigines and Early Settlers as Food Supply of Fish and Fowl — Changes 
wrought by Clearing the Forest and by Mills — Present Service of for Water- 
supply and as Resorts for Recreation and Pleasure — Description of the Maumee, 
Auglaise, Little Auglaise, St. Mary, St. Joseph, Blanchard, Ottawa of the Au- 
glaise, Ottawa of the Maumee, and of the Tiffin River — Origin of their Names — 
Their Rapids, and former Mills by — Floods — Former Portages to and from — 
Boat building by, and later Commerce along — Toledo Harbor the Best by the 
Great Lakes -Its Shipping, and Shipbuilding. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The First American Settlers, and the Organization of Counties . . . 512 

First Settlers by the lower Maumee were Driven away by War of LSI 2 — 
Reminiscences of— Claim Damages of United States for Destruction or Use of 
Crops in the War — Survey of the United States Reservations and the Beginning 
of Towns — First Masonic Lodges and Churches — First Newspapers — Wood the 
first County Organized Waynesfield the Mother Township — Description of 
Site of Defiance in 1792 — First American Settlers at Occupy buildings of Fort 
Winchester — Organization of Williams County with Defiance as seat of Govern- 
ment — Taxes paid by Bounty on Wolf-scalps — Center of Timber Industry in 
Clearing the Forest — First Settlers and Organizations at Fort Wayne and north- 
eastern Indiana, and elsewhere throughout the Basin — The Ohio-Michigan 
Boundary Dispute. 17!>2-lS."iO. 

CHAPTER XV. 
Development of Communication, Public Lands, Schools, Libraries . . . 570 
First United States Mailroutes and Postoffices — Public Roads. Ferries, 
Bridges — Survey and Platting of United States Lands — Land Offices — The 
Private and Public Schools —Colleges — The Miami and Erie and the Wabash 
and Erie Canals — The Struggles for their Completion - Their Water-supply 
from the River St. Joseph, the headwaters of the Wabash River, of Loramie and 
Six-mile Creeks and from the Maumee River — Their Junction — Altitudes — 
Importance of in Clearing the Forest and Developing the New Country — Great 
amount of Freight and Passenger Traffic — As a National Military Highway — 
Enemies of — Cost and Earnings of —Two United States Surveys for their En- 
largement — Speculative and soon-abandoned Towns by — Abandonment of the 
Wabash Canal — The First Railroads — Libraries, Public at Toledo, Perrys- 
burg. Defiance, Fort Wayne, Bryan, Van Wert, Findlay, Lima, Paulding, and 
Private Libraries at Fort Wayne, Defiance, and Toledo. 




Iron, five inches lony. Found in Maumee River Basin many years a^o. Was used by Aboriyines 
i'q spearing fish, and in battle. In Author's Collection. 



PREFACE 



Every river basin possesses characteristics that endow it with 
special interest, and such is particularly the case with The Maumee 
River Basin which is peculiar in its geology, remarkable in its past his- 
tory, beautiful in its landscapes rivers and lakes, and interesting in its 
possibilities. This book has been written to interest and inform those 
dwellers herein who are not already well informed regarding its charac- 
teristics and history, and that all consulting it may be better enabled to 
appreciate the interests and merits appertaining to this favored region. 

From the dawn of its history in the seventeenth century, and prob- 
ably throughout the existence of man in northeastern America, the 
principal rivers of this Basin have been great thoroughfares, within the 
Basin itself and as the most direct route between the northeastern 
Basin of the Great Lakes and the Basin of the Mississippi River. They 
have also often been the scenes of much strife between different tribes 
of Aborigines, even between those of the Iroquois Confederacy of New 
York and the Miamis ol the Maumee and further west, the giants of the 
Aborigines; and twice in the history of the United States this Basin has 
been the headquarters of armies which turned the current of events fav- 
orably to the Union, saving to it from the tightening grasp of Great 
Britain the invaluable territory west of the Allegheny Mountains, to the 
Mississippi River at least. 

The Aborigines and their descendants give prominent coloring to 
the most part of the chronicles, through the efforts of the Europeans to 
involve them in all their quarrels, from the first coming of the French in 
the first half of the seventeenth century, through the long-continued 
British-French warrings, during the British succession, the American- 
British wars, and until the removal of the tribes beyond the Mississippi 
River in the first half of the nineteenth century. The later record of 
these people here as elsewhere is far from being a pleasant one. It 
continued to be full of savagery, of bloodshed, and of rendings of the 
civilization that would have immeasurably improved their condition had 
they accepted it; and the saddest part of the record is the aiding, abett- 
ing and prolonging of this savagery by the French and the British partic- 
ularly, and the entailing upon the United States of an evil heritage of 
gigantic proportions in their confirmed evil habits. It has been the de- 
sire of the writer to treat of all these people in the light of authentic 
history rather than in the fictitious war of the sentimentalist. The 
story of the Aborigines, for the one hundred and fifty years as told on 
these pages, touches every phase of their life, including every phase of 
individual and governmental dealings with them; and the thoughtful 
reader will readily recognize the source gf the impulses actuating and 



vu! . PREFACE. 

continuing their antagonism to civilization and the source and transmis- 
sion of the habit of inebriety which has been the prime factor in the 
continuance of many of their descendants in squalor and wretchedness. 
No other nation has done so much for the amelioration and radical bet- 
terment of the condition of barbaric or savage people as the United 
States has done in general and special efforts from the first for the civ- 
ilization of these Aborigines, the worst of all savages. The most im- 
portant treaties and dealings with them are here given in full as studies 
in the history of the evolution of the ever magnanimous dealings with 
them by the United States. These records, now long out of publica- 
tion, will become of more interest and of greater value to the student 
of Nations and Peoples as the time lengthens into the past. 

The previous writings regarding some of the more common events 
in this Basin have been abundant and often conflicting, involving diffi- 
culty in discrimination. There has not been any desire with the pres- 
ent writer to follow anyone among the vanities of fiction or undue sup- 
position ; or in the 'graphic' style for the rounding out of a 'good' 
or oft repeated story to the distraction of the reader's mind from the 
main point, or to the impairment of accuracy. So far as practicable 
original documents and reports, not readily accessible to the general 
reader, are literally presented as possessing a value that no recasting 
can equal.* When necessary, notes or inserts are used to elucidate 
obscure places in the documents and to give them local application. 
Full references to authorities are given for the enquiring reader who de- 
sires to confirm the statements or to pursue the subject further. 
Events distantly relative are briefly treated. 

The purpose of the work has been practical, and its method has 
been largely in consonance with the sentiment of Francis Bacon as ex- 
pressed in his writing on the Advancement of Learning, that "It is the 
true office of history to represent the events themselves together with 
the counsels, and to leave the observations and conclusions thereupon 
to the liberty and faculty of every man's judgment." 

The writer gratefully acknowledges the courtesy shown him by the 
elderly people and those in charge of the different libraries East and 
West from whom he has sought data for this work. He also disclaims 
responsibility for its long rest in the press and for errors that have 
thereby been committed. 

The photographs reproduced in the engravings were generally 
taken by the writer excepting when otherwise mentioned. 

Defiance, Ohio. CHARLES E. SLOCUM. 

■'It is probable that many other records of interest in the history of this first ' Northwestern Terri- 
tory' will yet be brought to lieht from the British, French and Spanish archives, and possibly from the 
bundles of MSS. saved from the British hre gf 1814 and now held by different departments ^t Washing- 
ton, 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN 



CHAPTER I. 



Situation — Extent — Climate — Surface Features. 



The Maumee River Basin — the territory within the watersheds 
draining' through the Maumee River — includes all the regions that are 
drained into the Maumee River through distant streams as well as the 
lands drained directly by the Maumee ; in other words, it includes the 
Maumee River Valley and the valleys of all streams the waters of 
which immediately, and remotely through other streams, debouch into 
the Maumee River. 

It embraces Northwestern Ohio, Northeastern Indiana, and contig- 
uous parts of Michigan, being situated between parallels 40° 23' and 
42° 5' North Latitude, and between Longitude 6° 20' and 8'' 15' west 
from Washington, and 83° 20' and 85° 15' west from Greenwich, 
England. 

Its greatest length and breadth are, from north to south about one 
hundred and ten miles, and from east to west about one hundred miles, 
with less extent and irregular outline between these points. The area 
embraced within these limits is near 6500 square miles. 

Previous to its clearing in the nineteenth centurv, this Basin was 
quite generally covered with dense forest growths which, from the size, 
solidity and variety of the timber, with its nearness to navigable water, 
made it the most valuable of forest regions. 

The conditions were then favorable for all kinds of wild animals, 
large and small, then abounding in this latitude in America.'^ 



* The followlni: is a list of the animals that have become extinct, and the dates of their extinction : 
Badger, Taxidea americana. lS7i): Bear, brown, black or cinnamon, Ursus americanus, 1^72; Beaver, 
Castor fiber. 1837; Bison, 'buffalo,' Bison americanus. 1812; Cat, Wild, Lynx rufus. 1866; Deer, red, 
Cariacus virginianus. ]dS9: Deer, larce. Wapiti, Cervus canadensis Erxleben. 1824; Elk, Alee aices, 
1822; Fox, black and silver, and cross, Vulpes vulpes. varieties argentatus and decussatus. 1886; Fox, 
gray, Urocyon cinereo-argentatus. 1896: Lynx. Lynx canadensis. 1840; Otter, Lutra hudsonica. now very 
nearly or quite extinct; Panther, coujrar or puma, Felis concolor. 18,50; Rat, Wood. Neotoma floridana, 
1880; Sable, pine martin. Mustela americana. 186.t; Turkey, Wild, Meleagris galiopavo, 1885; Wolf, 
Canis lupus, 1865; Wolverine, Gulo gulo. about 1825, Probably the Moose also ranged through this 
region. The prehistoric animals will be mentioned on later page, See the writer's check-lists of 
mammals, birds, and lishes of The Maumee River Basin, 



2 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

There are no hills within or surrounding this Basin, nor do its 
horizons present any abrupt lines. The general surface is caljed flat by 
persons coming from hilly regions. Its glacial plains are, however, in- 
terspersed and abutted by moraines or low ridges which rise graduall\- 
on the northwest rim of the Basin to an altitude of six hundred and 
forty-seven feet above Lake Erie which liorders it on the northeast, and 
into which it drains, while on the east the highest altitude is two 
hundred and forty-five feet ; on the south three hundred and eighty-six 
feet ; and on the west three hundred feet above Lake Erie, which is 
five hundred and seventy-three feet above tide water. The varying 
altitudes throughout the Basin, shown on the morainic map on a later 
page, indicate sufficient slopes for thorough drainage, and to afford 
variety of tieautiful landscapes even in its most level parts. 

The climate is here less severe in winter tlian that experienced a 
few miles to the north, and less variable than that be\'ond the divide to 
the south. Cold waves and severe storms occasionally announced by 
the United States Weather Bureau as advancing from the West and 
Northwest, do not regularly extend to this region: and when they are felt 
it is in moderated degree. The prevailing winds come from the South- 
west. The snowfall is always moderate in quantity, a foot in depth 
being of rare occurrence in the central jiart of the Basin, and fifteen 
inches being the greatest de]3th experienced within the last third of a cen- 
tury at least. Occasionally the fall has been greater near Lake Erie. 
Within this period of time there have been several weeks of fair sleigh- 
ing from frequent light snowfalls in some winters, with ice on the deeper 
waters in extreme to the thickness of thirty inches, succeeded by other 
winters when sleighs could be used liut little if at all, and some of these 
winters so mild that ice did not form in sufficient thickness for storing 
for summer use. The temperature observed some years ago for a period 
of ten years showed a mean of 49.55 degrees Fahrenheit, average. 
The mean average fall of rain and snow ( melted ) during ten years 
observation has been 3H.90H7 inches. The last few years the precipita- 
tion has not been so great. Careful observations during a great num- 
ber of years may vary these records, as long cycles of time ma\- be 
necessary to show all the extremes in any region. 

The earlier tillers of the soil found it very wet. The clav and solid 
subsoil, which abound in many parts, retained the water without ditches 
and in forest shadows a long time, often throughout the year. On this 
account much of this Basin was termed the Black Swamp, a name 
which was in common ap]ilication to all of the more level surfaces 
until the last few years. The clearing of the land and the digging of 
large ditches with tributary tile drains, have dried and aerated the soil 
and brought it into good condition for profitable cultivation. The 



INTRODUCTORY. S 

constituents of the soil are such as to make this a region of threat and 
durable fertility, with quite uniform jiroduction of the varied crops usu- 
alh' cultivated in this latitude, winter wheat, maize (corn), hav, 
potatoes, oats, rye, and barley beinj;- the principal crops. Flax, 
tobacco, broom-corn, sori^hum, sugar beets, etc., have also been proved 
profitable for cultivation. 

Good apples, peaches, pears, plums, and grapes are produced in 
large quantities, and increasing attention is being given to the cultiva- 
tion of various kinds of smaller fruits ; also to market gardening. 

A goodly number of cattle, horses, hogs, sheep, and latterly goats, 
have been bred, and the numbers are increasing Irom vear to vear, 
showing that the soil and other conditions are well adajitc-d to stock 
raising. Defiance, the central part of the liasin, has also become one 
of the shipping points of the largest amount ot i)oultr\- to the New York 
market. 

Swamp miasms were rife from the first records of this Maumee 
region and during the period of clearing awa}' the forest, the opening 
of the ground to the direct rays of the sun, during the earlier turnings 
of the soil in its cultivation, and in ]uiblic works. Ague - intermittent 
fever — in its different forms, and the severer remittent fevers, were 
quite general and severe until the year 1875 in most parts of the Basin ; 
and in the less develojied parts these diseases continued for several 
years later. The writer, in the practice of his profession, has treated 
virulent types of these affections in many families where there was not 
a member in good health to nurse those dangerously sick. These 
diseases were most prevalent and severe in dry summers ; and the fol- 
lowing winters inflammatory diseases were numerous and virulent on 
account of the weakened condition ot the people from the malaria. 
The death rate, although no higher than in other places throughout the 
country, was greater those years than it has since been. In fact, since 
the passing of the swamps and their miasms the healthfuluess of this 
Basin ranks very favorably with that of any region in America. Most 
parts have been comparatively free from the severer forms of contagi- 
ous diseases, including tuberculosis. In later years longe\'it\ has 
attained a high standard. The death rate averages comjiarativelv low, 
it being by the thousand inhabitants in the year 1901 or 19()- as follows: 

In Ohio for 1901: Ada, I'lAr.', : Bryan, 14.H7 ; Ottawa. K.«0 ; 
Maumee, 9.16: Lima, 1;130 : Delphos, 14.17: Grand Raiiids, 9.11: 
Napoleon, 7.97; Wauseon, 7.91: Fayette, 15.80: St. Marys, 13.25. 

In Ohio for 1902: Defiance, 8.50: Van Wert, 9.87 '2: Findlay, 
11.381; Toledo, 11.54,-J; Waytakoneta, 15.33'3. 

In Indiana for 1902: Angola, 8.84ttt: Fort Wayne, 11,50, 



THE COUNTIES COMPOSING THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



Name 



From Whom or 
What Named 



From What Taken 



Attached to for 
Government 



2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 



Adams. Ind, 
Allen, Ind. 
Allen, Ohio 
Auglaize. Ohio 
Defiance, Ohio 
De Kalb, Ind. 
Fulton, Ohio 
Hancock, Ohio 
Hardin, Ohio 
Henry. Ohio 
Hillsdale. Mich. 
Lenawee, Mich. 
Lucas, Ohio 
Mercer, Ohio 
Noble, Ind. 
Paulding'. Ohio 
Putnam, Ohio 
Seneca. Ohio 
Shelby, Ohio 
Steuben, Ind. 
Van Wert, Ohio 
Wells, Ind. 
Williams, Ohio 
Wood. Ohio 
Wyandot. Ohio 



Pres. John Adams 
Col. John Allen 
Col. John Allen 
Auglaize River 
Fort Defiance 
Baron De Kalb 
Robert Fulton 
John Hancock 
Col. John Hardin 
Patrick Henry 
Topography 
Aborigine 
Gov. Robert Lucas 
Gen. Hugh Mercer 



John Paulding 
Gen. Israel Putnam 
Aborigine Tribe 
Gen. Isaac Shelby 
Baron Steuben 
Isaac Van Wert 
William Wells 
Daniel Williams 
Col. Eleazer D. Wood 
Aborigine Tribe 



1836 

Dec. 17, 1823 
April 1. 1830 

1848 

March 4, 1845 

1837 

Feby. 28, 1850 
April 1. 1820 
April 1, 1820 
April 1. 1H20 



Randolph and Allen Counties 

Randolph and Delaware 

Aborigine Territory 
Allen, Logan. Darke, Shelby, 
Mercer and Van Wert 

Williams, Henry and Paulding 

Allen and Lagrange 

Lucas. Henry and Williams 

Aborigine Territory 

Aborigine Territory 

Aborigine Territory 



Allen County 



Mercer County 



Wood County 
Logan, Champaign 
Wood. Williams 



June , 1H35 
April 1, 1820 



Wood County 
Aborigine Territory 



Darke County 



April 1, 1820 
April i, 1820 
April 1. 1820 

1819 

1837 

April 1. 1820 



Aborigine Territory 
Aborigine Territory 
Aborigine Territory 
Miami County 
Allen County 
Aborigine Territory 



Wood, Williams 
Wood, Williams 



Darke and Mercer 



April 1, 1820 
April 1, 1820 
Feby. 3, 1845 



Aborigine Territory 

Aborigine Territory 
Crawford, Hancock, Hardin 
and Marion Cos. 



Wood County 







ffllllim 






M^'-^^^ ^ 


^^™l^^ 


.^ 


M 


^^ 


^^m 


r 


':i^k 




i___^pS 


L 


^k1 




W^' ''iM /^ 


^B 


S 


^^^w^ 


^^£ 


<i;*S 



AMERICAN BISON [Bison americanus). 
Became extinct in this Basin about the year 1812. 



WITH SOMETHING OF THEIR DATA. ARE AS FOLLOWS. 





Population 


Part 

IN THE 

Basin 


Where 
Governed 


z 

JO 




Organized 


1820 


1830 


laio 


18,50 


1860 


1870 


1880 


1890 


1900 




1H36 






3.264 


5,797 


9,252 


11, .383 


15.385 


20.181 


23,332 


3-4ths 


Decatur 


4,143 


I 


Dec. 17, 1»33 




996 


.5.942 


16,919 


29,328 


43,494 


.54.763 


66,689 


77.270 


4-5ths 


Fort Wayne 


45,115 


2 


June , 1831 




578 


9.079 


12,109 


19,185 


33,623 


31.314 


40,644 


47,976 


Entire 


Lima 


21,723 


3 


1H48 








11.3.38 


17,187 


20,041 


35.444 


28,100 


31,192 


9-lOths 


Wapakoneta 


3,915 


4 


March 4, 1845 








6,966 


11,886 


15,719 


22,515 


25.769 


26.387 


Entire 


Defiance 


7.6.57 


5 


1837 






1,968 


8,351 


13,880 


17.107 


30,225 


34.307 


35.711 


Entire 


.Auburn 


3.396 


6 


Feby. 28. 1850 








7,781 


14,043 


17,789 


21,053 


32,023 


32.801 


Entire 


Wauseon 


2.148 


7 


April 7, 1828 




813 


9,986 


16.751 


22.880 


23,847 


27,784 


42,563 


41,993 


3-4ths 


Find lay 


17.613 


8 


J any. 3, 1833 




210 


4.598 


8,251 


I3,.570 


18,714 


27.023 


28,939 


31,187 


l-4th 


Kenton 


6.852 


9 


1824 




262 


2.503 


3,434 


8,901 


14,028 


20,585 


25,080 


27,283 


19-30ths 


Napoleon 


3,639 


10 








7,240 


16,1.59 


25,675 


31.684 


31,695 


30,660 


39,865 


1-3 


Hillsdale 


4.151 

9,654 

131,, 822 


11 






1,491 


17,889 


26,373 


38.112 


45,.595 


49,324 


48,448 


48,406 


I -5th 


Adrian 


June , 1835 






9,.1S2 


12,303 


2.5.831 


46.732 


67,377 


102.296 


1,53„559 


Entire 


Toledo 


13 


April 17, 1824 




1,110 


8.377 


7.713 


14,104 


17,254 


21,808 


27.230 


38.031 


3-4ths 


Celina 


2,815 


14 








3.703 


7.946 


14,915 


30,389 


23,950 


23,3.59 


23.533 






1,324 

3,08t;) 


15 
16 


1839 




161 


1,034 


1,766 


4,945 


8,.544 


13,485 


35.933 


37.528 


Entire 


PauldiuK 


1834 




230 


5,189 


7,231 


12,808 


17,081 


23.713 


30,188 


32.525 


9-lOths 


Ottawa 


3,322 


17 


April 1. IHH 




.5,1.59 


1,8,128 


27,104 


30,868 


30,827 


36,947 


40,869 


41.163 


l-30th 


Tiffin 


10,989 


18 


1819 


2,106 


3.671 


13,1.54 


13,958 


17,493 


20,748 


24,137 


34,707 


24,625 


1-lOth 


Sidney 


5,688 


19 


1837 






2.578 


6,104 


10.374 


12.854 


14,645 


14,478 


15.319 


l-4th 


Anijola 


2.141 


30 


1836 




49 


I. .577 


4,793 


10.338 


15.833 


23,028 


39,671 


30,394 


Entire 


Van Wert 


6,422 


21 








1,822 


6,1.52 


10,848 


13,.585 


18,442 


21,514 


33,449 


l-20th 


Bluffton 


4,479 


32 


April . 1824 




387 


4,465 


8,018 


16,633 


30,991 


33,821 


24,897 


34,953 


Entire 


Bryan 


3,13! 


23 


April 1. 1820 


733 


1,102 


5,.357 


9,1.57 


17,886 


34,,596 


34,032 


44,392 


61,5,55 


I -3rd 


Bowling Green 


5,067 


34 


Feby. 3, 1845 








11,194 


15,596 


18„5,53 


32.395 


21 732 


31,125 


l-15th 


I'p'r Sandusky 


3,355 


25 




THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



CHAPTER II. 

Its Ge<ilogv — Peculiarities-^Valuable Features. 



It is not within the limits of this book to treat of the geology of the 
Maumee River Basin in detail as discussed technically by geologists. 
The object of the writer is to briefly outline the subject so that the local 
reader, for whom this work is undertaken, even though he be as yet un- 
interested and uninformed, may get somewhat of a desire, an impetus, 
and A bibliography for further reading. 

The historic period of this region occupies but a brief time in chro- 
nologv in comparison with the great length of time which must have 
elapsed during the formation of the topography as seen by the first 
European explorers in the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

The ocean is the mother of continents. The inland State of Ohio 
bears unmistakable evidence of having been covered by the sea during 
the long geologic periods that the rocks of her underlying strata, so far 
as explored, were formed. The character of these rocks, including the 
fossils found embedded by them, in common with similar formations in 
other parts of the earth, plainly bespeak their epoch in the earth's geo- 
logic historv. Animal life in the sea varied in different epochs as well 
as life on the land. The remains were subjected to the continued action 
of the waves, in the more shallow ]iarts, which washed some shells and 
bones into plastic recesses, there to become petrified, while others were 
ground into powder to be deposited and cemented to the accretion of 
rock strata. The study and classification of the varying strata and their 
fossils have shown results sufficient to enable geologists to name the 
period of formation of even dislocated fragments of strata wherever 
found. All the rock strata of this Basin were deposited from the 
waters of a sea which is understood as having been an extension of the 
Gulf of Mexico, as its most fossiliferous strata, the Upper Helderberg 
or Corniferous Limestone for example, bear evidences of having been 
deposited from clear waters of tropic warmth.'^ 

Study of the accompanying Chart will show the geologic relations 
of the Maumee River Basin to the more complete parts of Ohio, to 
those of other parts of North America, and of Europe. This Chart 
shows that the geological column of this Basin is the shortest of the 



* See the Geological Survey of Ohio. ISW. pane 45. 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



CHAPTER II. 

Its Geolhgy — Peculiartties-^Valuable Features. 



It is not within the limits of this book to treat of the geology of the 
Maumee River Basin in detail as discussed technically by geologists. 
The oliject of the writer is to briefl\- outline the subject so that the local 
reader, for whom this work is undertaken, even though he he as yet un- 
interested and uninformed, may get somewhat of a desire, an impetus, 
and .a bibliography for further reading. 

The historic period of this region occupies but a brief time in chro- 
nology in comparison with the great length of time which must have 
elapsed during the formation of the topography as seen by the first 
European explorers in the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

The ocean is the mother of continents. The inland State of Ohio 
bears unmistakable evidence of having been covered Iiy the sea during 
the long geologic periods that the rocks of her underlying strata, so far 
as explored, were formed. The character of these rocks, including the 
fossils found embedded by them, in common with similar formations in 
otht-r parts of the earth, plainly besjieak their epoch in the earth's geo- 
logic history. Animal life in the sea varied in different epochs as well 
as life on the land. The remains were sul:)jected to the continued action 
of the waves, in the more shallow parts, which washed some shells and 
bones into plastic recesses, there to become petrified, while others were 
ground into powder to be deposited and cemented to the accretion of 
rock strata. The study and classification of the varying strata and their 
fossils have shown results sufficient to enable geologists to name the 
period of formation of even dislocated fragments of strata wherever 
found. All the rock strata of this Basin were deposited from the 
waters of a sea which is understood as having been an extension of the 
Gulf of Mexico, as its most fossiliferous strata, the Upper Helderlierg 
or Corniferous Limestone for example, bear evidences of having been 
deposited from clear waters of tropic warmth.'^ 

Study of the accompanying Chart will show the geologic relations 
of the Maumee River Basin to the more complete parts of Ohio, to 
those of other parts of North America, and of Europe. This Chart 
shows that the geological column of this Basin is the shortest of the 



* See the Geological Survey of Ohio. 1H90, pawe 4f). 



o 
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"Diozoavavd ho AJivwiaa 



PECULIARITIES OF THE GEOLOGIC STRATA. 7 

comparatively short structure of Ohio. The principal rock strata miss- 
ins^ in this Basin are the Sub-Carboniferous, the Carboniferous, Permian, 
Triassic, Jurassic, Cretaceous, and the Tertiary. The cause for the ab- 
sence here of the rocks of those periods in geolog"ic history is, that at, 
or soon following, the close of the rock period now represented here, 
this region was elevated above the sea by some internal agencv and 
could not receive any more deposits therefrom, while other parts of the 
continent with later rock strata, remained relatively longer submerged. 
Exposures of the rock floor by water erosions and by excavations, and 
of the various underlying strata by quarrying, and by deep drillings for 
water, oil and gas, have demonstrated the absence here of the strata 
elsewhere formed during the later geologic periods, and determined the 
strata here existing. 

These rock explorations have also brought to light, and to the con- 
sideration of geologists and chemists, features and characteristics of the 
rock strata here existing that have opened new pages in their marvelous 
history. It is thus demonstrated that they have been subjected to vary- 
ing changes, not alone by pressure and chemic action, but by elevation 
and depression, during the epochs since their deposition, as is shown 
by varying densities, crystallizations, by the fossillization of the shells 
and bones that escaped comminution in whole or in part, and bv the 
irregularity observed in the strata. 

The lowest rock formation in Ohio exposed in quarrv is supposed 
to be at Point Pleasant, Clermont County. Latterl\- the rock of this 
quarry has been classed as of the Trenton Period.* 

The discovery of unquestioned Trenton Limestone in Ohio, how- 
ever, was made by drillings in this Basin where it lies from 1000 feet 
on the east to 2000 feet on the northwest below the surface. The 
Trenton is the lowest stratum that has been entered in Ohio. Wells 
have been drilled into it in nearly every county in the Basin with varying 
results as to depth and product. The results of these drillings to the 
depth of and into the Trenton stratum have also been the source of 
surprises to geologists from their yield of Petroleum and Natural Gas, as 
in other particulars. The comparatively level surface of most parts oi 
this Basin had led to the belief that the underlying rock strata were 
also level: but these drillings have revealed the surprising fact that they 
are characterized by a far greater irregularity of structure, and by 
greater suddenness and steepness of dip than the strata of any other 
portion of Ohio. The most marked irregularities have thus far been 
found toward the east side of the Basin where the well records show 
that the strata dip at some points at the rate of three hundred feet to 



* See the Geological Survey of Ohio. vol. i, paue 437, and vol, vi, page 5. 



8 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

the mile. The entire rock floor of this region bears evidence of 
changed conditions from the elevations and depressions to which this 




THk Lh\'KL LANDSCAPK. 
Lookintr east of north from the Baltimore and Oliio Railway, and between Sections 25 and 26. Dela- 
ware Township, Defiance County, Ohio, October .SOth, 1901. The white building to the left of the tall 
tree is a United Brethren Church, and the building near the central distance is a School House, both 
about 1% miles distant. The Maumee River flows from left to right on the proximal side of the large 
building on the left in a channel about forty feet in depth. The road in the foreground is a private, 
farm wagonway. 

Basin has been subjected. It is not uncommon to find the strata 
descending at an angle of from two to ten degrees, but the descent is 
not generally long continued, and all irregularities are included in the 
main dip to which they are subordinate.* 

The data ' of drillings given on another page afford some 
measurements for study of the irregularities of the rock strata in 
dip and, also, in surface abrasion. The lower strata decline toward 
the westward and the upper strata are exposed, mostly in water 
courses and quarries, in the eastern half of the Basin. On the rim 
of the Basin to the east, south and south-east, the Niagara or Lower 
Helderberg formation is uppermost. Along the course of the Maumee 
River to the western line of Lucas County, Ohio, and thence north- 
easterly into Michigan the Hamilton Group, or Upper Devonian, is 
uppermost. To the south of the Maumee for a varying width of from 
twenty-five to thirty miles on the west to two or three miles on the 
north, the Corniferous Limestone, or l^pper Helderberg, is the first 
exposed. To the north and west of the Hamilton Group, overlying 
all others is the Ohio Shale, the Huron Shale of the early geologic 
surveys, and this is covered directly by the Glacial Drift of the 
Quarternary Period. 



* See the Geological Survey of Ohio. 1890, page 46. 



NATURAL GAS AND PETROLEUM. 9 

High pressure Natural Gas was discovered in the Trenton Lime- 
stone at Findlav while drilling for water in November, 1884.* 




Edge of the Petroleum District, Findlay, Ohio, one mile north of the Blanchard River. Looking 
southeast 1st May, 1903. The Lake Erie & Western Railway in fore^;round. Manufactory of Fire-clay 
Pots on riyht. Petroleum wells beinu pumped under the Derricks whicll serve as supports for the Drills. 
Ward Scliool Buildint; to riyht of center, and tower of Findlay Colletje between cluster of Derricks and 
teletirapli pole to left of center. 

In May, 1885, Petroleum was first obtained in quantity at Lima, 
also in the Trenton Rock, and soon thereafter both gas and oil were 
found in great quantity. These products had been found before 
in various strata, but not with sufficient pressure and cjuantit}' in 
this Basin for profit. This large quantity of gas and oil from a Lower 
Silurian Limestone was unexpected. Geologists in common with the 
well-drillers were surprised at the discovery. t 

It was sujiposed that the deep h'ing rocks were too dense to con- 
tain any quantity of fluid. The drills, however, demonstrated high 
degrees of porosity in places, which were estimated as equal to one- 
tenth to one-eighth of the volume of the rock.+ 



'^Natural Gas pressure has been registered as hi>.'h as HiX) pounds to the s>iuare incli; and 
other wells estimated as hiyh as 1000 pounds. 

t See the Geological Survey of Ohio. 1890, page 106. 

tThe Rock Waters of Ohio, Nineteenth Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey. 1897-98. 
Part IV. Hydrography, page &40. 



10 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

This porosity is due to chemic reaction and crystallization in the 
rock, the later conditions requiring less space. Thus jiorosities, 
caverns or pockets are formed, and their size or extent governs the 
quantity of gas, oil or water obtainable. The drillers 'gas sand ' and 
'oil sand' is com]iosed largely of fragments of this changed rock. 
The elevations and depressions to which the rocks have been subjected 
have, also, contributed fissures and cavities in which these products 
mav be stored ; but generally, in this Basin at least, these products are 
found in the natural (crystalline) porosities of the rock. 

The great quantitv and value of Petroleum and Natural Gas found 
in this Basin have endowed them and the Trenton Limestone with such 
great interest and importance that further points in their story will be 
briefly given. This limestone was given the name of the place of its 
most picturesquely eroded outcrop at Trenton, New York. It gener- 
allv lies deeply buried, but it has outcrops in different States. When 
disintegrated l)v natural causes, such as rain, frost, heat, wind, etc., it 
produces ver\- fertile soil — the Blue Grass region in Kentucky being a 
well known illustration. The numerous deep drillings in this Basin 
have demonstrated that Petroleum and Natural Inflammable Gas are 
very widely distributed in the porosities of the different strata of its 
rocks, as is the case in other countries. Gas is exhaled from shallow 
water wells, and from the surface of the ground in numerous places, 
even where the uppermost , stratum of rock is deeply buried. These 
products have, however, as yet been found in this Basin in sufficient 
quantitv for profit, onlv in the Trenton Limestone, and at the north- 
eastern, eastern, and southern parts of the Basin — in Lucas, Wood, 
Hancock, Allen, Auglaize, Mercer, and Van Wert Counties. It is dif- 
ferent in other parts of Ohio, and in other States. In Fairfield County 
gas is obtained with high pressure from the Clinton Limestone ; in 
Pennsvlvania oil and gas are obtained from the Devonian formations ; 
and the Tertiary formations yield these products in large quantity in 
California, Italv, the Island of Trinidad, and al^out the Caspian Sea. 

These products of the rocks are not of recent origin, nor of rapid 
accumulation. Their formation has been going on during long geologic 
periods, in different parts of the earth. The ruins of Babylon, Nineveh, 
and many other places, evidence by the asphaltic mortar there found, 
that Petroleum was known to the ancient builders thousands of years 
ago. Marco Polo, the Venetian traveler, was probably the first to 
mention, in his writings of the early part of the fourteenth century. 
Natural Inflammable Gas ; and others soon thereafter described ' fire- 
wells ' in the far east. The early white settlers in our .\ppalachian 
Mountain regions and elsewhere were astonished, and apjialled, by 
occasional explosive conflagrations when starting their fires in ra\ines, 



ORIGIN OF NATURAL GAS AND PETROLEUM. 11 

and by ' springs of water that would burn ' from the exhalation of gas 
or oil, the origin and nature of which was not then understood. These 
strange exhibitions were productive of superstitious fear, and served 
to more deeply fix superstitious legends. 

The discovery of high pressure Gas and Petroleum in great quan- 
tities in America, and their extensive application to the use of man, 
however, are of recent years. The increased supply and application 
of the oil began in Pennsylvania about the year 1H60, and in West Vir- 
ginia, Ohio, and California, from 1870 to 1875. 

The Natural Gas of some regions is closely associated with Petro- 
leum and consists largely of marsh gas (CH4), varying in different 
localities from varying temperatures and its more or less association 
with the lighter ingredients of the oil. The Gas from the Trenton 
Limestone, however, presents more uniformity of constituent parts, 
and It generally contains hydrogen sulphid (HS) which is indicative 
of bituminous origin. 




Petroleum Refinery and Stora^'e Tanks at Lima, Oliio. Looking south of west 1st May. 19U2. The 
Petroleum is transferred to and from the Refinery and Tanks through under-ground Pipe Lines. 

Several theories have been advanced regarding the origin of 
Petroleuin and Natural Gas. A few persons have thought thev, or the 
Petroleums particularly, are the jiroduct of chemic action among inor- 
ganic substances under great pressure ■J'' others have contended that 
they originate from chemic reactions of the ingredients of animal re- 
mains ; and yet others have held that the chemic reactions producing 
them are among vegetable remains. There are additional theories 
regarding their origin. It seems most probable that thev result from 
primary or secondary decomposition through Nature's process of 
destructive distillation of both vegetable and animal matter that was 
stored with the rocks at the time of their deposition. t The full nature 



* See the writings of the French and Russian chemists Berthelot and Mendel^jeif. 

t See the writings of Hans Hoefer of the Royal School of Mines, Leoben, Austria: of J. S. 
Newberry, Geological Survey of Ohio, vol. i; of S. F. Peckham in the if. S. Census Reports 1880; of 
T. Sterry Hunt: and G. P. Wells Report of the Trinidad Asphalt. 



12 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and detail of this process is not understood, nor the influences that 
inorganic substances exert in the process, if any. The_v, or the 
Petroleums, are complex combinations of chemic elements resulting 
from the decomposition and transformation of organic matter probably 
in connection with the inorganic, possibly as catalvtics.* They belong 
to the bitumens and the hydrocarbons, with an average proportion of 
the two elements in the mixture of carbon eighty-five and h\drogen 
fifteen to the one hundred. Petroleum is thought to be the first pro- 
duced in Nature's laboratory in the rocks. It is more complex and 
unstable in composition than gas although the elements carbon, hydro- 
gen and oxygen in var^'ing combinations form both, with occasion- 
ally small quantities of nitrogen, sulphurous gas, (HS) and other 
elements attending. 

The present Petroleum business in northwestern Ohio has been 
summarized as follows :T 

During the first week in June, 1903, the number of wells com- 
pleted in Wood County was 24; production of Petroleum from these 
wells for the fragmentary part of the week, 710 barrels; number 
of non-i)roducing wells, 2; in Hancock County, 21-H70-1 ; Allen, 27- 
910-1; Auglaize, 1-20^0; Sandusky, 6-180-1; Lucas, 4-20-0; Mercer, 
5-120-1; Van Wert, 12-310-1; Seneca, 2-45-0; Wyandot, 2-15-1; 
Ottawa, 3-300-1. Total, 107 wells, yielding in the part of week of 
their completion, 3480 barrels, with 9 'Dry Holes.' 

Omitting Wyandot County, the activity in this field during the last 
week in June was: Wells completed, 129; product of these wells, 
4197 barrels: non-productive wells, 9. During this week Allen 
County led with 28 wells with two dry, and 1120 barrels initial pro- 
duction. 

During the first week in July the report shows Wood County, 23 
wells, 745 barrels, 2 dry holes; Hancock, 26-835-2; Allen, 32-1210-2; 
Auglaize, 3-60-0: Sandusky, 17-310-2; Lucas, 5-105-0; Mercer, 8- 
245-0; Seneca, 2-15-1; Van Wert, 12-390-2; Wyandot, 2-40-1; Otta- 
wa, 3-110-1. Total, 133-4065-13. 

For the second week of July, 1903: Wood, 40-610-4; Hancock, 
35-1180-5; Allen, 31-960-2; Auglaize, 1-15-0: Sandusky, 8-65-1; 



* Sabatier and Senderens reported to the Academy of Sciences, 26th May. 1902, a theory of subter- 
ranean chemical action amoni; inorganic substances alone as the possible origin of Petroleum. In their 
laboratory experimentations, startiny with acetylene (C2 H2l and hydroijen (H) they, by the aid of finely 
divided nickel and its related metals, obtained a liquid similar to Petroleuni. It is only necessary to 
admit that in the depths of the earth are found, diversely distributed, alkaline-earthy metals, as well as 
the carbids of these metals. Water, coming in contact with the former, sets hydrotjen free; and with 
the carbids acetylene is set free. These two tases. in variable proportions, meet nickel, cobalt, and iron 
— metals widely diffused in nature — and fjive rise to reactions that produce the various kinds of Petro- 
leum. This explanation is in harmony with the theories of Berthelot and Mendel<?jeff referred to above. 
See Cosmos, 23rd May. 1903. 

t From The Toledo Bee. June 7, 1903. and the Toledo Blade, of various dates in June and July. 



PRODUCTION OF NATURAL CAS AND PETROLEUM. 15 

Lucas, 3-45-0; Mercer, 6-120-1 : Seneca, 1-25-0; Van Wert, 8-205-1 ; 
Wyandot, 2-15-0; Ottawa, 2-60-0. Total, 137 wells completed, with 
8800 barrels initial flow of Petroleum, and 14 wells non-productive. 

The process of drilling^ wells for Natural Gas and Petroleum, is as 
follows: A derrick is erected (see illustration on page 9), and the 
'big hole bit' is used to open the way through the Glacial Till to the 
rock, when the ' drive pipe ' incasing this hole is settled on the rock. 
The heavy drill is now set at work, it being elevated and dropped by a 
rope working over a pulley at the top of the derrick and connected 
with a beam near the ground which is worked by a steam engine some- 
what removed from the well to avoid igniting the Gas and Petroleum 
that may be found. Water is added to the hole from time to time if it 
be too dry: and the drill is removed and the bailor is used as often 
as desirable to take the comminuted rock from the hole. If a great 
flow of water is encountered, or large opening in or between the 
strata, a casing-pipe about six inches in diameter is intruded to make 
the well whole and exclude the water, and the drilling is continued. 
When the crystalline rock, forming the ' oil-bearing sand' and Petro- 
leum are found, and the flow is not satisfactory, the well is 'shot' with 
nitro-glycerine. This explosive is lowered carefullv to the bottom of 
the well in from three to fifteen tin ' shells' each usually containing 
twenty quarts. A heavy iron, shaped for the purpose, and stvled a 
go-devil ' by the operators, is then dropped upon these shells. The 
explosion which ensues, and which usually causes but little eruption 
of water, stones, mud. Gas and Petroleum above ground, fissures the 
rock and enlarges the chamber at the bottom of the well. This is 
often followed by a good flow of Petroleum. Occasionally the gush is 
so great as to throw the casing out and demolish the derrick, in which 
case a great flood of Petroleum accumulates on the ground before the 
well can l:)e recased and a head put on the casing to control the flow. 
Generally, however, it is necessary to use a pump to obtain the Petro- 
leum, even from many profitable wells. 

The Petroleum and Gas Fields present a weird appearance at night 
from the many large Gaslights, burning from pipes and casting deep 
shadows of the derricks and their appurtenances. These lights often 
burn during the day, also, from neglect, or want of convenient stops. 

The magnitude of the Petroleum business of the Buckeve Pipe 
Line Company from all of their wells in northwestern Ohio during 
the first five months of 1903, is reported as follows: Januarv, 1,551,- 
215 barrels shipped, 1,353,408 barrels run through pipes; February, 
1,498,194-1,250,337; March, 1,526,041-1,393,348: April, 1,507,108- 
1,803,415; May, 1,597,693-1,386,866. Total, 7,680,252 barrels of ship- 
ments, and 6,687,374 of runs. 



14 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

About 15,000 Petroleum and Gas wells have been drilled in Wood 
County. Some of these were non-productive, and many were soon 
apparently exhausted. In March, 1903, about HOOO of these wells 
remained productive and yielding owners of the land at the rate of 
^2,000,000 per year in royalties. The capital invested is about $10,000,000. 

The numerous drillings for Gas and Oil have developed in places 
excellent water supi)ly. It is regretted that more careful observation 
and record were not, and are not, made of the character of the rock 
waters and of the varying depths and conditions of their flow. Most 
of these favorable opportunities for observation regarding water supply 
were unsought, and the flow of water was a hindrance to be overcome 
by casing as soon as possible. Rock strata to be water i:)roducing must 
be porous, with large caverns or subways connected with porosities 
or joints ; and a large supply of water at a higher level is necessary for 
flowing fountains, and for continuous supply at the well. The Niagara 
Limestone often affords a liberal supply of stored water. It has numer- 
ous seams and joints open sufficiently for this purpose. The Onondaga 
Limestone, however, accommodates some of the most noted springs 
from its larger channels. The Devonian series also affords in places a 
good quantity of water, but it is often highly mineralized by solution of 
iron pyrites firon sulphid, FeS), calcium, sodium, aluminum, mag- 
nesium, and potassium, carbonates and sul^jhates. The iron in the 
Corniferous Limestone usually comes from the overlying Ohio Shale. 
At greater depths, below 100 feet, and generally below 1000 feet for 
quantity, the water often contains chlorids, sodium chlorid (table salt) 
predominating in such quantity as to make the water unpotable. Par- 
ticularly is this the case in the Trenton Limestone. Such water flowing 
in quantity-, formerly stopped the drilling in quest of Petroleum ; but 
pumping, or casing off the water, and deeper drilling sometimes secures 
a good oil well. In the Gas and Oil regions the upper surface of the 
Trenton Rock varies from about 1000 to about 140(.) feet below the 
surface of the ground ; and many productive wells extend but a com- 
paratively few feet into this rock — from "200 to 450 feet below the sur- 
face of tide water (the level of the Atlantic Ocean). 

The great increase in the number of Petroleum and Gas wells 
about the city of Findlay, and particularly above and along the Blan- 
chard River from which the water sui)])l\- has been largely obtained, 
has led to intolerable pollution of the water in the ditches, creeks, and 
river, by the pumpings from these deep wells of great quantities of 
water highly charged with the mineral salts before mentioned, and by 
impure Petroleum. 

This pollution became so general that a new source of potable 
and culinary water supply became imperative. Upon consideration of 



THE GEOLOGIC STRATA AND POTABLE WATER. 15 

the subject, the 'Limestone Ridj^e ' about ten miles southeast of 
Findlay was chosen as the most practicable and desirable source for 
this supply : and in the sisrinsj; of 1903, work began foi the laying of a 
line of glazed cla\- pipe, thirty inches in diameter, from the F"indlav 
Water Works southeastward to this Limestone Ridge for the pur- 
pose of conducting to the cit\', liv gravity, water from wells at this 
point. 

This Limestone Ridge, which extends northeast-southwest 
through Amanda and Big Lick Townships, Hancock County, as part 
of the irregular spurs between the Defiance and St. Mary Moraines, is 
but a few feet above the country to the eastward, and somewhat more 
above the land to the westward and northwestward which was formerlv 
swampy. It is based on the Niagara Limestone which is here upper- 
most and affords good potable water, constantly flowing from springs 
near the base of the Ridge and from wells on the Ridge of varx'ing 
depths, from those to the level of the land to the west down to 150 
feet. The water supply here is supposed to be sufficient : but the 
place of its source, or fountain head, is unknown. 

In the year 1S75 a persistent drilling for artesian water in the Court 
House Square, Fort Wayne, Indiana, penetrated the following strata, 
viz: Drift, 88 feet; Niagara Limestones, 8()2 : Hudson Shales, gray, 
260 ; Utica Shales, black, 260 ; and into the Trenton Limestone, 1590 
feet. The surface of the ground here is 772 feet above sea level, and 
this well of 3000 feet dejjth e.xtends 2228 feet below sea level. Good 
drinking water was obtained by means of a strong pump. From a later 
well of far less depth drilled near the Maumee River, there has been a 
constant flow of good potable water. Neither Gas nor Oil was obtained 
from these wells.* 

A well drilled in the }'ear 1886, in the Coe Run Glen at Defiance, 
the center of the Basin, has the following strata record : Drift, 18 feet; 
Ohio Shale, 60 ; Devonian and Upper Silurian Limestones, 850 ; 
Niagara Shale, 52 : Clinton Limestone, 60 : Medina, Hudson River 
and Utica Shales, 630 ; Trenton Limestone struck at 1670 feet, or 
about 975 feet below tide water. A small quantity of Gas and Oil was 
yielded. There has since been constant and full flow of clear, potable 
water, slightly sulphureted. At Deshler, twenty-five miles east, a well 
drilled in 1^86-87 ran through the strata as follows : Drift, 71 feet ; 
Limestone, 610 ; Niagara Shale, 5 ; Clinton Limestone, 95 ; Shales, 
700 ; Trenton Limestone found at 1485 feet, 765 below tide water. 
This well was continued 115 feet into the Trenton Rock with but slight 
vield of Gas.t 



* See Sixteenth Annual Report Indiana Geology, page 127. 
t See Geological Survey of Otiio. vol. vi. pages 253, 253. 



16 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Later wells have shown but little variation in thickness of strata 
other than of Drift or Glacial Till which averages from forty to fifty 
feet in thickness in the central part of the Basin. 

The varying composition of the rocks may be stated as follows : 
Calcium (lime) carbonate from 50 to 95 per cent; Magnesium carbon- 
ate, from to 50 per cent ; Silica (sand) generally physically blended, 
and in cherty cryptocrvstalline (flinty) form, from to 25 per cent; 
Iron and Alumina from to 7 per cent ; Insoluble Residue, from a 
trace to 10 per cent. 

Following its elevation from the sea this Basin evidently attained 
a considerable altitude, estimated at from three hundred to four hundred 
feet or more, higher than it is at present ; and it remained thus ele- 
vated during a great length of time, as evidenced by deep erosions in 
the rock — probably through the periods before mentioned to the 
Ouarternary period.'' 

Whether these geologic periods occupied sixty million of years or 
but fifty million, is material to us in this connection only to impress 
our minds with the immensity of geologic time, and the consequently 
great amount of rock disintegration, and erosion, that the elements had 
time to effect. There were probably several elevations and depressions 
during these and succeeding periods.! 

As vet but little has been determined regarding the' character and 
conditions of the surface of this Basin during the changing periods of its 
elevations and subsidencies, and of the system of drainage channels. 
Many careful and intelligent observations, and records, must needs be 
made of drillings throughout the Basin, through the overlying mantle of 



* See the Geologic Chart facing page 7. 

t The many and marked changes in altitude that have occurred in different parts of the earth 
have led to the theory that the exterior of the earth is but a comparatively thin crust, variously esti- 
mated at from twenty-five to fifty or one hundred miles, surrounding a molten interior ; and that the 
cooling of the inner surface of this crust causes its contraction which, in turn, produces depressions in 
some parts of the exterior surface, and uplifts in other parts from lateral pressure. Other ceologists 
hold to the theory that the earth is a solid. This process of corrugation is usually slow, but it is much 
faster in some places and under certain conditions than others. Changes in tlie relative altitude of 
different parts of the earth's surface is still being effected as formerly, sinking in some parts and rising 
in others. It is estimated that the rock strata at the eastern end of Lake Erie are yet rising and that 
the Lake is thereby inceasing in depth. It is evident that the Lake is now higher than formerly from 
the fact of the submerged caves of its islands containing bones of land animals that undoubtedly once 
lived therein ; and from the deep mouths of drowned river tributaries, the channels of which bear evi- 
dence of running water erosions that could only have occurred at a lower stage of the Lake or during 
elevation of the river valleys. (See articles regarding earth movement in this region by B. F. Taylor 
in Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 48, 1897; by G. K. 
Gilbert in the 18th Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey, etc.) The land south of Hudson 
Bay is now higher than when lirst records were made. The preglacial elevation of the Saguenay 
region, Canada, appears from the depth of its fiord to have been at one time at least one thousand feet 
higher than now. The depth of the submarine fiord at the mouth of the Hudson River indicates that 
the vicinity of New York and Philadelphia at one time stood two thousand and eight hundred feet above 
the present sea level, and that they afterward sank sixteen hundred feet. See the Appendix to The Ice 
Age in North America by G. Frederick Wright, 1891; American Journal of Science, June. 18R,i. For 
account of remarkable upliftings of land in Europe, see Prof. James Geikie's Prehistoric Europe, 



PREGLACIAL DRAINAGE CHANNELS. 11 

earth and into the underlying rocks before sufficient and satisfactory 
evidence regarding this subject can be accumulated. The discovery of 
large quantities of Petroleum in the southern part of the Basin, and the 
impetus thereby given to well-drilling, has opened up the subject of 
such early or pre-glacial drainage and its deep-channel erosions, in a 
most interesting way by demonstrating the fact of a deeply eroded 
channel in the rocks underlying Shelby, Auglaize and Mercer Counties, 
Ohio, and Adams, Jay and Blackford Counties, Indiana. ' This deep 
channel probably has further extensions to be determined in the future; 
and other like channels will doubtless be discovered, and it is hoped 
that most careful observations will be noted at every opportunity. The 
northern branch of this buried channel is found at Anna south of Wapa- 
koneta, with depth of five hundred and fourteen feet below the surface 
of the ground, and in places about three hundred and seventy feet 
deeper than the upper face of the rock within a mile to the north and 
south of the channel. A southern branch exists a little west of Berlin. 
Following their course northwestwardly, they are found to unite 
under the large Canal Reservoir in Mercer County, and thence to continue 
as one channel northward to Rockford on the St. Mary River, thence west 
into Adams County, Indiana, thence southwest, crossing under the 
Wabash River at about a right angle, and under Geneva, and thence 
near Pennville, and on to near the center of Blackford County where a 
tributary is received. The rock floor of this channel varies from about 
fifty feet below the present water level of Lake Erie to something over 
one hundred feet below in the channel's western explored part. There 
may be several causes for the variation of this channel's apparent bed. 
Rocks carried before the glacier the detritus of which filled this channel, 
may have been taken as its true bottom; something of a pothole may- 
have been entered by the drill in other parts, or a fissure of the dis- 
turbed strata; or the floor of the channel mav have been unevenly 
raised or depressed by the changes of the earth's crust. The walls of 
this channel are generally sloping; but the drill discovered a nearU' 
vertical wall near the City of St. Marys. The width of the channel 
could be only approximately determined by the places drilled; but it 
appears to be about one mile — with no place narrower than three- 
quarters of a mile — and widening to one mile and a half under the Grand 
Reservoir and at Rockford. The erosion of this channel at Anna 
extends entirely through the Niagara and Clinton Limestones, and into 
the Medina or Hudson Shales. t 



*See the article on "A Deep Pre-Glacial Channel in Western Ohio and Eastern Indiana." by J. A. 
Bownocker. in The American Geologist for March. 1899, vol. xsiii. page 178. Also the pamphlet 
entitled The Preglacial Drainage of Ohio, Special" Print No. 3, Ohio State Academy of Science, 
December, 1900. 

t For mention of buried river channels in other parts of Ohio, see the Geological Survey of Ohio, 
volumes i and ii. 



18 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

This ancient water-way bears evidence of long-time erosion by a 
considerable stream of rapid flowing water, and some data has been 
adduced indicating that this was the ancient channel of the Kanawha 
River. Water well drilling indicate.s a similar channel in the rock in 
Delaware Township, Defiance County.* 

The depth of soil accumulated within the territory of the present 
Maumee River Basin in preglacial times, by the decomposition of the 
rock surface from water, frost, sun, wind and other of Nature's agencies, 
and the full character and extent of vegetable and animal life that existed 
here during those long periods of time, will never be known. 

In the Quarternary or Post Tertiary Period, a most remarkable and 
important change occurred which again subjected different, and some- 
what variant, parts of the earth's crust to like geologic conditions. 
This Basin, in common \\ ith the northern and southwestern jiarts of Ohio, 




Glacial Groovinyb in the Bed Rock of Kelley Island. Lake Erie. This small part, with uverlying 
Drift, was saved from Rock Quarriers by the Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland. Ohio. 

many other parts of North America, and of the Eastern Continent, was 
overrun by heavy masses of ice. There is abundant evidence of this 
powerful ice invasion in the vast quantities of finely ground and mixed 
rock material of different kinds, in scratchings and groovings still 
existing in the rock floor, in the presence of scattered granite, igneous, 
or archaean boulders which are foreign to all rocks native to Ohio, yet 
exposed as shown on the Chart facing page 7. These erratic, lost, or 



* Persons desiring to study the effects of lon^; continued action of water, and weather, on rocks 
should visit the plateau and canyons of the Colorado River, in Arizona. Before makini: this visit one 
should read Explorations of the Colorado River of the West, by Messrs. Ives and Newberry. 1861 ; Ex- 
ploration of the Colorado River of the West, by ]. W. Powell, K7^: and Tertiary History of the Grand 
Canyon of the Colorado, by Captain Dutton in Monograph II U. S. Geological Survey. 1883. Also The 
Preglacial Drainage of Ohio. Special Paper No. 3, Ohio State Academy of Science, December. 1900, 



GLACIAL CROOVINGS AND GLACIAL EPOCHS. 



19 



foreign boulders are recosnized as haviny; been transported hundreds 
of miles from the north and northeast. The most extensive and 
remarkable groovings yet found in the rocks near this Basin, evidenc- 
ing movement of a glacier bearing hard rocks firmly embedded in its 
substance, is on Kelly Island in Lake Erie. But a small section of 
these groovings has been preserved bv the Western Reserve Historipal 
Society, Cleveland, from the destructive hands of rock quarriers. These 
deep and extensive grooves may have been partlv formed by water 
erosions, and the effects of the glaciers were to enlarge, mold and 




Glacial Grooves in Granite Buulilei in lii^^h Channel ot Mauniee River. Detiance County. Ohio. 
Lookins southeast. 18th October, 1901. 



polish them to produce the remarkable result shown in the accompany- 
ing engraving. Numerous other scratchings of less depth and extent, 
and with varying bearings, have been exposed in the rock floor in dif- 
ferent parts of the Basin; and many of the erratic boulders found above 
and within the ground-up mixed drift, still bear evidence of the great 
grindings and scratchings to which they were subjected. 

Six Glacial Epochs, with alternating Interglacial Epochs, charac- 
terize the past glacial succession. Ice Period or Age, of Europe.* 

* The Great Ice Age. by James Geikie. 3rd Edition. 189fi. pace 607. In the United States Geolog- 
ical Survey. Monograph XLI. Washinnton. 19('2. Eleven Epochs or Stages of the Glacial Period are 
enumerated as having occurred in and surrounding this Basin. 



20 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



These are evidenced by different glacial groovins's in the rocks, 
water channel erosions between layers, changes in flora and fauna 
according to the alternations of climate shown in buried forests and 
animal remains in varying strata, peat bogs, etc. American geologists 
are not entirely agreed regarding the number and character of the 
Glacial Epochs in North America, particularly regarding the time and 
extent of deglaciation in the interglacial epoch or epochs. The 
area covered by the ice is vast, and the field work has been limited. 
More time must be given to active workers in which to accumulate and 
fully consider the evidences found in all parts of the glaciated area. 
Much has already been accomplished, however, in a general way, and 
careful work has been done in some local areas. The following group- 
ings of Glacial Epochs, by Prof. T. C. Chamberlin,"^ embrace different 
interpretations entertained by experienced geologic field workers who 
believe in the differentiation of the Glacial Drift series. The upper 
layer, at least, of the Drift in the Maumee River Basin has been 
assigned to a dependency, glacial lobe, or retreatal oscillations, of the 
Wisconsin stage, reference to which will be again made : 



FIRST GROUPING ON A TWOFOLD BASIS 

Unknown 



1. Concealed under-series (theoretical) 

2. Kansan stage of glaciationt 

3. First interval of deglaciation 

4. East-Iovvan stage of glaciation 

5. Second interval of deglaciation 

6. East-Wisconsin stage of glaciation 

7. Retreatal oscillations of undetermined importance 



■ Early glacial epoch 

Chief interglacial epoch 

I 

- Later glacial epoch 



Glacial 
Pkriod 



SECOND GROUPING ON A TWOFOLD BASIS. 



1. Concealed under-series (theoretical) 

2. Kansan stage of glaciation 

3. First interval of deglaciation 

4. East-Iowan stage of glaciation 

5. Second interval of deglaciation 

6. East-Wisconsin stage of glaciation 

7. Retreatal oscillations of undetermined importance 



Unknown 

Earlj' glacial epoch 

Chief interglacial epoch 

1 

I 

(- Later glacial epoch 

I 

J 



Glacial 

PlililOD 



GROUPING ON A THREEFOLD BASIS. 



L Concealed under-series (theoretical). 

2. Kansan stage of glaciation. 

3. First interval of deglaciation. 

4. East-Iowan stage of glaciation. 
5.* Second interval of deglaciation. 

6. East-Wisconsin stage of glaciation. 

7. Later oscillations of undetermined 

importance. 



Unknown. 
First (represented) glacial epoch 
First interglacial epoch 
Second glacial epoch 
Second interglacial epoch 
Third ylacial epoch 
embracing possibly 
a fourth glacial epoch 



Glacial 
PkuK)d. 



* The Great Ice Age. by James Geikie, pages 773 and 774. 

t This first stage is. probably, more properly termed the Illinoian. It reached its most southern 
limit in that State. See T. C. Chamberlin's article in the Journal of Geology, vol. iv, ISOG. pa^es 
872 to 876. 



THE ICE AGE IN AMERICA AND ITS CAUSE. 21 

The general conclusions regarding the Ice Age in America and 
Europe, harmonize, and the above grouping of the ice period in 
America on a three-fold basis runs quite closely parallel to the evidences 
of successive stages of glaciation apparent in Europe. In both coun- 
tries the maximum glaciation, in extent, occurred at an early stage of 
the Period. "^ 

Louis Agassiz, late of Cambridge, Massachusetts, was the first to 
announce a past Glacial Period in geologic history. This he did be- 
fore the Helvetic Society of Natural History in 1837. In 1840 he pre- 
sented the subject before the British Association for the Advancement 
of Science and, later in the same year, before the Geological Society of 
London. Since that time geologists have generally agreed regarding 
the former existence of such Period in parts of the earth which have 
long since been of temperate climate, and been sustaining large popu- 
lations. Professor Edward Hitchcock, in April, l841,t was the first in 
America to accept and apply the glacial theory to the Eastern United 
States. 

There have been, however, diversity of opinions regarding the 
cause of the climate that jiroduced the glaciers that overran these 
regions. That eminent English geologist, Sir Charles Lvell| advanced 
the theory of changes in the distribution of land and water, and eleva- 
tion of great expanses of land at or toward the North Pole, as the 
cause of glaciers. Sir John Herschel in 1832, M. Adhemar in 1840, 
and notably Doctor James Croll in 1864, suggested astronomic causes 
for the variations in glacier accumulations and dissipations. The ele- 
vation of the Northern lands that was in progress during the Tertiary 
era is naturally a favorite theory with geologists in general in explan- 
ation of the cause of the great glaciers that overran Ohio and other 
States ; and adherents to the theor\- have probably been increasing in 
number during late years that oscillations of the earth's surface was the 
chief cause of the oscillations of these glaciers.il Doctor James Croll, § 
Professor James Geikie,! and Sir Robert Ball,*"^ hold that it is more 
probable that the relative changes in the land and sea level were due to 
the alternate appearance and disappearance of the great snow-fields 



* The Great Ice Age. bj' James Geikie, pape 774. 

t In his address as retiring President at the second annual ineetine of the Association of American 
Geologists and Naturalists, held in Philadelphia. 

t Principles of Geology. 1830, chapters vii and viii. and Elements o; Geology, sixth edition. 1868, 
chapters xi and xii. 

II See the Ice Age of North America, third edition. 1891, by G. Frederick Wright; also his smaller 
book on Man and the Glacial Period, second edition, 1896. D. Appleton & Co., New York. 

§ In his books on Climate and Time, and Climate and Cosmology. 

1i The Great Ice Age. third edition, 1896. 

** The Cause of an Ice Age. 1897. D. Appleton & Company, publishers. 



22 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and ice-coverings ; that it is improbable that such vast portions of the 
earth's crust were uplifted thousands of feet and equally depressed 
again and again with sufficient frequency to account for the complex 
alternation of cold and warm ejiochs, as is shown to have been the case 
by the northern deposits of southern marine and other animal life, and 
the growth of forests, during the interglacial epochs. In brief, their 
theory is that the climatic changes of the glacial epochs resulted from 
the combined influence of the precession of the equinoxes and secular 
changes in the eccentricity of the earth's orbit. 

According to the theory and comimtations of Doctor Croll, the last 
great cvcle of eccentricity, to which he assigned the Glacial Period, be- 
gan about 2-40,000 year? ago and lasted 160,000 years, thus terminating 
about 80,000 years ago for the more strongly contrasted glacial and 
interglacial epochs. Others have varied but little from these computa- 
tions. G. K. Gilbert, G. Frederick Wright, Warren Upham and others 
incline to the opinion, however, that the last ice sheet disappeared from 
the lower lake region about six thousand to ten thousand years ago, 
judging from the Niagara River Gorge, other gorges, the character of 
certain glacial deposits, etc.; and that this recent time, together with 
the want of evidence of glaciation in the Tertiary and former Eras, 
militates against the astronomic theory of causation. Sir Robert Ball, 
on the other hand, exploits the astronomic theory as the most complete 
explanation of the cause and, in corroboration, advances an accurate 
law' by which the distribution and retention of heat is regulated in the 
alternation of climatic zones between the earth's hemispheres. By this 
law he 'corrects and supplements' the theories of Sir John Herschel 
and Doctor James Croll. None of the more definite, and more exclus- 
ive, theories of causation, however, have fully borne the test of general 
consideration. It is probable that the various elements affecting 
climate, geographic, atmospheric and astronomic, are so well balanced 
that untoward influences affecting and holding a comparatively slight 
change or maladjustment might produce serious climatic effects, even 
to a period of ice in our present temperate zone.* 

All agree that a simple low temperature will not produce a glacier. 
Snow in great quantity is necessary for such formation; in addition to 
the shortened summer and increased length of winter there was a cold 
under-current of air passing from North to South, and currents of 
warmer, mist-laden upper strata of air passing from the South to the 
North, causing an unusually great amount of snow — a quantity in ex- 
cess of melting power of the sun, but which melted sufficiently during 
the short summer of each year to aggregate the glaciers, and this great 



* See Professor Herman L. Fairchild's Address, Proceedings of the Amerioan Association for the 
Advancement of Science. 1898. vol. xlvii, pate 270 et sequentia. 



THE GLACIATED AREA AND ITS SOUTH LINE. 23 

amount of moisture thus congealed on the land, produced a change in 
the ocean level by depressing the land or attracting the ocean from 
southern latitudes, or both. Great accumulation of snow and ice from 
its partial melting and its weight, has been in progress towards the 
South Pole for many years, and theories of grave results to present 
temperate latitudes have been adduced therefrom. 

The area covered by these ice sheets is, in North America, about 
four million square miles, and in Europe about one-half this extent. 
Beginning in Labrador and south of Ffudson Bay, as probable chief 
centers of the American ice distribution, the general course of the prin- 
cipal glaciating mass was to the south and east in the Eastern States, 
extending as far south as Long Island, to New York City, then the 
extreme southern limit in the East, excepting narrow extensions down 
drainage channels, and assuming a general northwesterly course through 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania to near Southwestern New York, thence 
in a general southwesterly course through Pennsylvania and the south- 
ern edge, ranging through Ohio near Canton, Danville, Newark, Chilli- 
cothe and Winchester to near the Ohio River, which is crossed from 
Clermont County; thence extending near this river to Cincinnati, thence 
southwest in a varying line which is crossed and recrossed by the Ohio, 
to near Louisville, where the boundary turns to the northward at about 
a right angle and extends to within a few miles of Indianapolis, where 
it again turns to the southwest, crossing the Wabash River at New 
Harmony into Illinois and reaching the most southern limit about fifty 
miles north of Cairo, whence it again turns to the northwest, extending 
nearlj- parallel to the Mississippi River and a few miles distant from it, 
to within a few miles of St. Louis, where it crosses this river and ex- 
tends westward along or within a few miles of the Missouri River, en- 
tering Kansas a little south of Kansas City and continuing nearly west 
a hundred miles to near Topeka, thence northward across Nebraska 
approximating the Missouri River, and crossing the south line of South 
Dakota near the mouth of the Niobrara River, thence along the west 
bank of the Missouri to the mouth of the Cheyenne River, and thence 
westward.* 

The marks of the glacier, and rocks transported by it, are found 
near, if not quite on, the top of Mount Washington, the present high- 
est point in New England, 6347 feet above the sea, also at the tops of 
the other highest mountains in its course. The question of the force 
necessary to propel the ice over these great heights, if they were so 
high at the time of the glaciers, and to propel it so far from the north- 
ern places of distribution, has given rise to interesting inquiries regard- 



* See The Ice Age in North America, by G. F. WriKht, third edition, 1891, page 120 et seq. 



24 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

ing the thickness of the ice sheets and the character of the propelling 
force. About the year 1861 Professor Louis Agassiz, in a conversation 
with Professor J. P. Lesley, stated as his opinion, from studies of the 
movements of existing glaciers, that such masses of ice could not go 
over a barrier unless its extent above the crest of the barrier be at least 
one-half of the height of the barrier.* It is readily seen that moun- 
tains which bear on their summits glacial markings or rocks foreign to 
the locality, serve as glaciometers, and are among the best means of 
approximating the thickness of the ice sheet. This evidence with the 
hundreds of miles distance to the terminal moraines and glacial mark- 
ings south and west from the northern centers of the glacier distri- 
bution, signify a necessary thickness of thousands of feet to the 
northern ice. Estimated from slopes of existing glaciers, the thickness 
of the glacier over Lake Erie has been computed to have been about 
eleven thousand feet, and that part north of Lake Superior thirty thou- 
sand feet.t Ice will move of its own weight, and particularly glaciers 
composed of crystals or 'glacier-grains' formed as thej' are, from 
snow. When the most solid parts of ice are exposed in a glacier to a 
peculiarly violent strain, its limited plasticity necessitates the formation 
of countless minute rents, and the internally bruised surfaces are forced 
to slide over one another, simulating a fluid character in the motion of 
the parts so affected. Reconsolidation of the bruised glacial substance 
into a coherent whole may be more or less effected by pressure alone 
similar to its effect upon granular snow, and upon ice softened by im- 
minent thaw into a condition more plastic than ice at lower tempera- 
ture.! Doctor Heimll has estimated that the average annual flow of 
the glaciers of Switzerland and Norway, and the smallest of the Green- 
landic glaciers, ranges between one hundred and thirty and three hun- 
dred and thirtj- feet. The great glacial tongues that are protruded from 
the inland ice of Greenland move on an average in summer not less 
than fifty feet in twenty-four hours with often great declivity to the land 
and the open sea as a strong frontal attracting force. In mountainous 
countries the movement is accelerated by the declivity. Undoubtedly 
the movement of the glaciers that invaded this level region was far 
slower than the minimum above given. Doctor Geikie states that 'in 
many cases glaciers flow no faster than from three or four to eighteen 
inches a day, while in others the rate exceeds four feet in twenty-four 
hours.' 



* Second Geological Survey oj Pennsylvania, vol. Z. page xiv. Wright's The Ice Age of North 
America, pace 167. 

"t The Ice Age of North America, 3rd edition, page 173. 

* See ]!Lmei D. Forbes' Occasional Papers on the Theory of Glaciers, page svi; The Great Ice 
Age. by James Geikie, page 31 ; The Ice Age in North America, by G. F. Wright, etc. 

11 Handbuch der Gletscherkunde. quoted in Geikie's The Great Ice Age. page 36. 



PHENOMENA ATTENDING MOVEMENT OF GLACIER. 25 

The phenomena attending the formation and movements of glaciers 
are endowed with several of Nature's laws of great interest. They 
have been studied by many geologists and physicists during later years 
not only in the effects of the past glaciers, but in the active processes 
of existing glaciers in Alaska, Greenland, the Alps, and others. From 
these studies we understand that the center for the formation of the 
glaciers that overran this region was on the most elevated points to the 
north and eastward; that during their formation they became firmly at- 
tached to the earth and rocks, which in much of the movements of the 
ice worked upward through its heights; that as the ice volume increased 
and advanced, filling the valleys and creeping up the hills and moun- 
tains, the accumulation of crushed and resisting rocks increased; that 







A Front of the Muir Glacier in Alaska a few years asjo. From Gates' Tours. 



avalanches from the higher peaks and ridges brought frequent and 
material additions of snow, ice, earth and rocks down upon its surface; 
that it amassed to thousands of feet in thickness and, with its enor- 
mous wxight, it was irresistibly impelled forward, carrying before and 
under it ridges and hills of earth; grinding and mixing the softer rocks 
into their component parts of lime, sand, gravel and clay; smoothing 
and grooving furrows in and by the more solid parts ; filling deep water 
ways with this broken and ground material and thus changing the for- 
mer drainage systems : creeping up and over the hills and mountains 
that withstood its force; dipping and scouring the bed of Lake Erie; 
moving along over the rocky elevations to the south and westward and 



26 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. " 

leaving in its course a litter of detritus from its mill-like and mixing 
action, much being loosened by friction and by the melting of the ice 
and by the water that trickled through its crevices, but principally by 
the arrest of the glacier's progress and its dissipation by climatic 
changes, as the forward part of the glaciers in level regions possessed 
the greatest amount of detritus from their plowing and pushing every- 
thing movable before them, and from the constant dropping of the ac- 
cumulations from the melting ice above. 

Ridges of this ground up or transported material left by glaciers 
are called Moraines; and it is readily understood from the former state- 
ment that, later action of water being equal, the Terminal Moraine or, 
rather, the place where the front of the glacier rested the longest, 
would be the highest. The last glacier, usually connected with the last 
(often called Wisconsin ) stage, that covered the Huron-Erie region 
was divided along its southern border into five lobes, tongues or 
fingers, which projected from the main mass.* The Western Erie or 
Maumee and Wabash lobe, which covered, and formed, the Maumee 
River Basin, moved in a southwesterly direction as shown by scratch- 
ings and groovings in the bed rocks. Markings of four distinct ice 
movementst have been observed on the islands in the west part of 
Lake Erie, but only those attributed to the third movement will be 
mentioned here, further than a few intersecting. The direction of 
these grooves vary somewhat according to the obstructions met and 
the flexibility of the ice. The table on opposite page shows location 
and direction of the principal groovings observed by members of the 
Ohio Geological Corps. + 

The Terminal Moraine of this Erie or Maumee Basin Glacier was 
thought bv G. K. Gilbert in 1871 to be the St. Joseph-St. Mary 
Moraine || shown on the map page 28; but Professor T. C. Chamber- 
lin's survey § locates the Terminal Moraine proper, or extreme limit of 
this glacial lobe, near the southwestern border of Indiana. The highest 
moraines near the Maumee River Basin are those forming its north- 
western and western borders, in Hillsdale County, Michigan, and in 
Steuben and De Kalb Counties, Indiana. There are in this region a 
confusion of moraines from the contact and blending of the northwest 
side of the Erie Glacial Lobe with the southeast side of what has been 



* These glacial lobes have been yiven the names of the rivers now coursiny most nearly in the 
direction of their trend, viz: 1. The Grand and Mahoning at the east; '2. The Sandusky and Scioto; 3. 
The Great Miami — all in Ohio; 4. The White River in Indiana, and 5. The Maumee and Wabash. See 
T. C. Chamberlin's Preliminary Paper on the Terminal Moraine of the Second Glacial Epoch. 

t See The Ice Age in North America. 3rd edition, pages 235, 236. 

^ Geological Survey of Ohio. vol. i, pajje 53S: vol. ii, pases 9, 10. 

II Geological Survey of Ohio. vol. i, page .542. 

S United States Geological Survey, Third Annual Report, pane 291. 



GLACIAL MOVEMENT. ANDlMORAINES. 



27 



County 


Place 


Rock 


No. OF 
Obs. 


Bearing 


Erie 


Kelly Island 


Corniferous Limestone 


4 

12 

1 


S. 78° W. 
S, 80° W. 
S. 60° W. 


Ottawa 


Putin-Bay Island 


Waterlime 


20 


S. 80° W. 






intersecting 


1 


S. 15° W. 




South Bass Island 




Many 


S. 80° W. 






intersecting 


1 


S. 15° W. 




West Sister Island 


" 


Many 


S. 80° W. 






intersecting 


1 


S. 


Lucas 


Sylvania 


Corniferous 


5 


S. 50° W. 




Monclova 


Waterlime 


4 


S. 62° W. 




Fish's Quarry 


Corniferous 


1 


S. 55° W. 




Whitehouse 


.. 


1 


S. 50° W. 


Defiance 


Defiance 


Ohio Shale 


1 


S. 45° W. 


Paulding 


Junction 


Corniferous Limestone 


3 


S. 45° W. 


Allen 


Lima 
Amanda 


Waterlime 


3 

I 


S, 35° W. 
S. 35° W. 


Van Wert 


Middlepoint 




2 


S. 15° W. 


Hancock 


Kindiay 


Niagara 


2 


S. 45° W. 
S. 40° W. 




Amanda 




I 


S. 33° W. 


Putnam 


Blanchard 


Waterlime 


I 


S. 28° W. 




Suuar Creel< 




1 


S. 50° W. 




Auglaize 


Corniferous 


1 


S. 48° W. 


Seneca 


Seneca 


Waterlime 


1 


S. 23° W. 






intersecting 


1 


S. 5°E. 


Wyandot 


Crawford 
Crane 




1 
1 


S. 20° W. 
S. 5° W. 




Marseilles 


Niagara 


1 
1 
1 


S. 10° W. 

S, 10° E. 

N. S. 


Wood 


Portaye 


Waterlime 


3 


S. 50° W. 




Otsego 


Corniferous 


1 


S. 68° W. 
S. 60° W. 



OBSERVATIONS OF GLACIAL GROOVINCS IN BED ROCK. 

termed the Saginaw Glacial Lobe, thus forming the Erie-Saginaw Inter- 
lobate Moraine.* The Saginaw Glacier is recognized as having been 
the lesser lobe or edge of these two, and the first to disappear. The 
survey of the western and northwestern border of this Basin, shows 
considerable complexity in its glaciation. The accompanving map 
shows five morainic loops of the Maumee-Wabash Glacial Lobe, divided 
into North and South sections by the Maumee River and the Wabash 
and its tributaries, viz: the Defiance Moraine, the St. Joseph-St. Marv, 
the Wabash-Aboite, the Salamonie and the Mississinewa. The two last 
named are so blended in northeastern Indiana with the Saginaw as to 



* See the 16lh Report of Indiana Geology, 1888, pages 119.126, and the 17th Report. 181)2 pages 
115 lo 118. 



28 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 




MAOMEE RIVER BilS 

AND ADJACENT WATERSHEDS, 
Shuuinc TiiF MORAINES; BEACHES 
'■"■; GLACIAL LAKES MACMI 
WHITTLHSEY «r, WARREN, ,n>, 
DEFIANCE GLACIAL BAY; the DR 4 
AG1-. SYSTEM; MILITARY ROADS > 
KlRTS. 

'|H»: nnUKEis. OTHr-K THAN OATKN, INI.H« 
ALTITL)>K> APOVK TIPF WATER. 

KNORAvri) FOR Dr. Ciias. K. Slocum's 

UlifTORT OF THF MaL-MEK RfVEB B*81M 
10113 



GLACIAL LAKE MAUMEE AND ITS OUTLETS. 29 

be indistinKuishabk- to other than skilled Lclaciaologists. North of 
Maumee Bay there are two other moraines extending northward. 

It is still an unsettled question whether the different glacial evi- 
dences were separated by long intervals of mild climate, marking 
distinct glacial epochs, or whether there were a continuity of oscilla- 
tions — advances and recessions — of the ice with only a modifiud 
glacial climate during its recessions of, perhaps, one, two, three hun- 
dred years, or more. Both theories have able advocates..! A further 
description of these moraines will be given in the chapters on the 
Glacial Drift, and the rivers. 

The causes leading to the melting of the glaciers were but the 
reversal of the causes that produced them. Theories of the subsidence 
or great depression of the glaciated area ( perhaps from the great weight 
of the ice ) and theories of ocean elevation, and of astronomic varia- 
tions, have been ad\-anced as causes of the modification of the glacial 
climate. 

Wherever the drainage ways in front of an advancing glacier 
were not sufficient at lower levels, bodies of water formed and accumu- 
lated in relative quantity from the constant melting of the ice. As the 
glacier advanced from the northeast the drainage channels of the areas 
of the present great lakes and tributaries, were dammed and the accu- 
mulating waters from them, and from the glacier, found outlet through 
the preglacial channels to the southward and southwestward. When 
the glacier finally stopped on the borders of the present Maumee River 
Basin the waters from the melting ice were discharged through the St. 
Joseph River which, cutting through the moraines southwestward from 
its present mouth, flowed into the Wabash River near Huntington, In- 
diana. Other points of discharge were southeastward into the Scioto 
River and southward into the Miami. As the glacier receded, by melt- 
ing, there was formed between its front and sides and the St. Joseph- 
St. Mary Moraines, a body of water which constantly increased in 
extent as the ice disappeared. This body of water has been designated 
as the Maumee Glacial Lake. It had outlets southeastward through 
the Tymochtee Gap, 912 feet above tide water, to the Scioto River ; 
southward near Lima and Wapakoneta, at an elevation of about 900 
feet and later, at the formation of the River St. Marj- and its junction 
with the St. Joseph at P'ort Wayne, southwestward, at present erosion 



t For a discussion of the latter theory see The Ice Age in North America. -Srd edition, 1891, and 
P4an and the Glacial Period. 2nd edition, 1896, both by G. Frederick Writ;ht. Reparding the former 
theory see The Qreat [ce Age in which the author, James Geikie, discusses six distinct glacial epochs 
in Europe. In 1899 Dr, Albrecht Penck, in a pamphlet published in Vienna, recognizes four distinct 
epochs of placiation in the Alps, instead of three as heretofore recorded. This subject, as well as others 
may be found more fully discussed in the proceedings of geological and other scientific societies, and 
serial publications, a number of which are referred to by name in this work. 



30 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



level of 767 feet, to the Wabash River: and still later, until the glacial 
ice dam melted in the Mohawk River Valley, New York, and in the St. 
Lawrence Valley, the drainage of the Maumee Glacial Lake was north- 
ward to the Thumb of Michigan, and thence southwestward south of 
Saginaw Bay, at an altitude of something over 700 feet above tide 
water, through the Grand River to Lake Michigan, and thence through 
the Illinois River to the Mississippi. 

With the melting of the ice the great number of granitic boulders, 
large and small, the immense quantity of finely ground rock material 
of different kinds, forming clay, gravel, sand, and lime, and all 
kinds of debris and detritus that had been received and gathered in 
its course, became liberated to settle to the bottom of the water or 







'^^^8 


M 


■ -i ■ 




'*^^^^ 


H 










Hi 




/A idy 




I^bH 




^^w*~ • ' 


* ' '^^ 


^ 



I'ehance Glacial Bay Beach in Foret;rouii(l, and Crest of Dehance Moraine in the liistance. Look- 
ing east, 24th October, 1902, in Richland Township, three miles east of the Defiance Court House, and 
one mile south of the Maumee Water Gap. A very fertile country. 



drifted to the shores. Iceliergs and icefloes were broken from the 
glacier b\' the processes of fissuring and undermining, and either soon 
became fixed on the bottom to melt and deposit their loads of earthy 
material in a limited area, or were drifted about to its wider disperse- 
ment. The Maumee Glacial Lake gradually subsided into the present 
Lake Erie. 

As the lake level declined the waters of the Rivers St. Joseph 
and St. Mary followed the receding lake, thus originating and forming 
the Maumee River. Following its continued recession the Defiance 
Mcwaine became the western and southwestern shore of the Maumee 
Glacial Lake, leaving to the westward and southward a baj-, named 
Defiance Glacial Bay in the year 1899 by Frank Leverett assistant in 
the United States Geological Survey, at the suggestion of Charles E. 
Slocum of Defiance. This Bav in its full e.xtent was about 1100 



DEFIANCE BAY. LAKES WHITTLESEY AND WARREN. 31 

square miles in area, somewhat crescentic in form with its north and 
south points and concave shore lines to the eastward, with altitude of 
near 170 feet above the present level of Lake Erie, and 743 feet above 
the sea. Much of its shore lines may now be seen with more or less 
distinctness at or near the following named places : Beginning at 
Ayersville, five miles southeast of Defiance and at the Bay's principal 
connection with the receding Lake Whittlesey, and extending north- 
ward along the convex west side of the Defiance Moraine to 
Archbold, Fulton Count}', Ohio, the most northerlj' point ; thence 
irregularly in a general southwesterly course along the slope east of 
Bryan, Williams County, and of Hicksville, Defiance Countv, to 
Antwerp, Paulding County, where it turns southeast to Scott, and 
near Delphos, Allen County, thence in a curving northeasterly course 
to near Columbus Grove and Pandora, Putnam County, thence north 
to Leipsic and Belmore, and thence northwest through Henry County 
to the mouth of the Bay opposite Ayersville. Its deepest part was at 
Defiance. Four lake beaches have been noted in this Basin by G. K. 
Gilbert,* by whom it was first surveyed. The first beach, the western 
shore of Glacial Lake Maumee, marks a water level of 220 feet above 
the present level of Lake Erie ; the second at 195 feet, and the third 
at 170 feet, being the level of Defiance Glacial Bay, and Lake Whittle- 
sey on the east side of the Defiance Moraine. The fourth beach lines 
record a slow descent from the eastern shore of Lake Warren, 90 feet 
to 65 and 60 feet above the fifth beach or present shore of Lake Erie, 
which is recorded as 573 feet above tide water. 

With the subsidence of the glacier and its waters, the Maumee 
River Basin became defined; and it was quite well drained before the 
present Niagara River had origin. It was not until the breaking away 
of the glacial ice dams in the Mohawk River Valley, and in the valley 
of the St. Lawrence River, and the settling of Lake Ontario below 
the level of the land thirty-eight feet above the present Lake Erie, that 
the Niagara River began to form a channel; and as that level of Lake 
Ontario subsided, the Falls of Niagara had a beginning at the escarp- 
ment of Lewiston. With the erosions of the overlying till and the 
softer underlying eighty feet of shale, the upper eighty feet of lime- 
stone was undermined and broken to fall in fragments and be carried 
down the channel by the increasing height and force of the Falls and 
current. Thus the Falls receded and the Gorge was formed accord- 
ingly. This Niagara Gorge has been recognized by geologists for 
several years as the best practical measure of the time that has elapsed 
since the subsidence of the glacial waters that is convenient for their 



' Ohio Geological Survey, vol. i. page 549. Also see Map. page 28. 



62 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

studv. From the studies given to the erosions by the Falls, diverse 
opinions have, however, been advanced. R. Bakewell, jr., in the j-ear 
1H29, after consulting residents of the vicinity of forty years duration, 
estimated the recession of the Falls at three feet a year. E. Desor 
later estimated the recession as probably nearer three feet a century 
than three feet a year, making the time for the wearing of the Gorge 
1,232,000 years. Prof. James D. Dana* estimated the more probable 
time as 380,000 years. Sir Charles Lyellt concluded that ' the aver- 
age of one foot a year would be a much more probable conjecture' or 
35,000 years. American geologists of later years have, also, variously 
read this chronometer, some deducing a period of time for the erosion 
as low as 7000 years, while Professor James W. Spencer in 1894, 
sums up the time necessary for this stupendous work of water at 32,000 
j-ears. In this estimation it is necessary to take into account different 
facts and agencies once potent, but not now apparent in the local 
stud\'. There was far more moisture in the air and the ground, for- 
merly than now, and then for a long period (estimated by Professor 
Spencer at over 17,000 years) the upper lakes were drained through 
Georgian Bay and the French River to the Ottawa and St. Lawrence, 
and onl}' about three-elevenths of their water passed through Lake 
Erie and over Niagara Falls. It is, also, probable that more water 
passed over the Falls during the Champlain periodll than at present. 
And again, little of definite evidence has been obtained regarding the 
extent of the preglacial erosions above the occluded whirlpool channel 
and their effect on the present erosions. In this connection it is inter- 
esting to note that N. H. Winchell's studies of the post glacial erosion 
of the Falls of St. Anthony, Minnesota, have led him to the opinion 
that it has required a period of 8000 years for the results there shown. 
The Ohio River is a preglacial stream, with its present bed at least one 
hundred and fifty feet above its preglacial bed, the channel having 
been much filled during the glacial period and since then eroded, in a 
somewhat wandering course to the present level. The trough of the 
Ohio River affords interesting opportunity for further study in this 
inquiry, and in fluvial history. S 



* Manual of Geology. 2nd edition, 1875. pane 591. Dr. Dana, in his last (4th) edition, 1896, con- 
tents himself with quotinK the deductions of later ceoloirists, and inclining to lower estimates than 
formerly. 

t Travels in North America, vol. i, pace 32; vol. ii, pace 93; Principles of Geology, vol. i, page 
358. 

II See Geological Chart, facing page 7. 
% See Geological Survey of Ohio. vol. ii, page 13. 

A writer in McClure's Magazine for .August, 190', vol. xvii, page 304, estimates the age of tho 
earth in vears, counting from the surface downward so far as known, as follows : 
• Recent, Post Glacial, and Glacial . 500.000 

Pliocene, Miocene, Eocene .... 2.8tX*,000 

Chalk, Jura, Trias 14,300.000 (Continued on 

Permian, Cambrian, Laurentian . . 100,000,000 page 55.) 



BENEFICIAL EFFECTS OF THE GLACIERS. 33 

It is to the Glaciation and the Drift or Glacial Till that this Basin, 
in common with other glaciated regions, is indebted for its admirable 
topography, from an agricultural and commercial standpoint, and for 
its variety of fertile soils. Its study in connection with unglaciated 
regions will place this highly favored Basin in pleasing contrast. The 
more uneven parts of Southeastern Ohio and contiguous parts of West 
Virginia, Kentucky and Pennsylvania, that are south of the glaciers' 
course, although interesting in their relation to this subject, do not 
afford, in their additional geologic strata and their relation to the Appa- 
lachian chains of mountains, good illustrations of the topography that 
would now be exhibited in this region but for the mountains of ice that 
were moved over it. There is a limited unglaciated area embracing the 
northwestern part of Illinois, the northeastern part of Iowa, and the 
southeastern part of Minnesota, which presents in comparison with 
contiguous and other glaciated regions of these States, excellent illus- 
trations of the great benefit now being derived from the results of the 
glaciers. Notwithstanding the fact that the ice passed around the cor- 
ners of the three States here mentioned, an area of several hundred 
square miles in extent, and for several hundred miles beyond it, 
there are no well marked evidences of glaciation within its borders, nor 
of till, to obscure the contrast with other parts of those States; but it 
did receive a flow of loess or porous clay rich in carbonate of lime, 
from one of the later sheets of ice drift thus being modified, and im- 
proved, by the near passing of the glacier. 

Although the diggings and borings through the Till with careful 
notings, have not been numerous enough thus far to demonstrate the 
system of preglacial drainage, it is probable that this Basin, being the 
first of its vicinity elevated above the sea and therefore the oldest on 
the surface in its preglacial history, became deeply and sharply chan- 
neled in the rock by the larger streams, and latterall}' by their tribu- 
taries. Gorges of great breadth and depth must have abounded in the 
rock beside multitudinous and diverse inequalities from the unequal 
decomposition and wear of the layers of varied and varying degrees of 
hardness of the rocks, by the rains, the drouths, the sun, the freezings, 
the thawings and by the floods. There were not only rugged cliffs 
abutting the streams and their vallevs, but narrow gorges, isolated high 



Still greater length of time has elapsed, in the estimation of others. See McClure's Magazine for 
I October. 1900. vol. xv, page 514. 

"On the contrary, the present tendency both among astronomers and geologists, is to diminish 
estimates of geological time in almost every period. The hundreds of millions of years claimed not 
long ago as necessary for the deposition and metamorphism of geological strata, and for the elevating and 
eroding forces to produce the present contour of the earth's surface have on geological evidence, been 
reduced to much more moderate limits. Thirty million years is now shown to be ample for the deposi. 
tion. by forces still in operation, of all the sedimentary strata of which we have knowledge." The Icq 
Age of North America, by G. F. Wright. D. Appleton & Co., .Srd ed. page 449, 



54 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



points of harder rock, and a general ruggedness throughout the entire 
surface. The comparative short time that has elapsed since the melt- 
ing of the last glacier has sufficed for our sluggish streams to erode 
considerable valleys through the Glacial Drift, and, in many places, 
through the shale and several feet into the rock. The far greater 
length of the preglacial time during which the rocks were probably ex- 
posed to the changes mentioned above, must have resulted in producing 
a topography rougher than our imaginations can well portray it. Trav- 
eling" across such an irregularly eroded region, if possible, would be 




Glaciated Granite Boulders in ilicll channel of Mamnee River, south part of Section :il', Noble 
Township, Defiance County, Ohio. Looking eastward, IHth October, 1901. This reyion, and the low 
channel half a mile below, afford the best display of such boulders in tlie lart;er streams of the Maumee 
River Basin. Small and more or less polished pieces are found alontr all streams. 

attended with at least many difficulties and inconveniences. Tlie way 
would be verv tortuous and exhausting from man}- descendings and as- 
cendings, and with many bridgings of chasms. Cultivation of the soil, 
where possible, would be in restricted areas, uncertain on account of 
the drouths, and laborious to prevent undue washings of the soil in wet 
seasons. The glaciers were like huge planes in their effects, leveling ' 
the high points, pushing everything breakable and movable before 
them, or crushing, grinding and triturating all between the basic rocks 
and the ice floors studded with granitic and softer rocks, and leaving 
all the old channels filled that were not otherwise obliterated. Here 



THE GLACIAL DRIFT DEPOSITS OR TILL. 



55 



was the comminuting and commingling processes of the different rocks 
— of the argillaceous, the limestones, the feldspars of the granites 
with, generally, just enough of their silica to preserve the good degree 
of congruitv that distinguishes much of the inexhaustible soil of this 

Basm. 1113275 

During the melting of the glaciers and the deposition of the Drift, 
the effect of water was great upon the superglacial and englacial Till ; 
and the subglacial was more or less washed and reasserted in the loca- 
tions of subglacial streams of water. Above the First Beach, west 




Looking do^vn the Auylaize River in Jackson Township. Putnam County, Oliio, :28tli May. 19lt2, in 
low stage of water. The Corniferous Limestone Boulder seen beyond the boat is the largest seen in 
the river channels of the Basin. Before it was drilled and blasted into three pieces a few years ai,'0. 
its height above the ground was fifteen feet. 

and northwest particularly, Erie Clay still lies in undulations, un- 
changed only by subsecjuent natural washings, showing that the 
Maumee Glacial Lake, if it really covered this region following the 
subsidence of the glacier, must have soon receded to the First Beach, 
a distance in some places of twenty miles with a fall of about two 
hundred feet. The glacial deposits within the beach lines were sub- 
jected to great and continued washings by which there was much of 
sortings, rearrangings and levelings of the inequalities. The present 
surface is largely independent of the underlying native rock surface, 
which is of itself irregular and the thickness of the Drift varying from 



36 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

nothing to 550 feet, varies both from irregularity of its deposition and 
irregularity of its sulisequent washings. The chief constituent of the 
Drift is a finely laminated clay, the Erie Clay of the earlier geologists, 
containing generally more or less sand, gravel and boulders. The 
latter are of various kinds and sizes up to twenty feet in diameter, 
many of them being smoothed on one side and showing straight and 
nearlv parallel scratches received from their fellows during the move- 
ments of the glaciers. The channels of the larger rivers afford the 
best exhibition of these boulders, though some fields contain occasional 
outcroppings of them. The Drift or Till is best seen, for study of its 
irregularlv stratified and specially washed conditions, in the precipitous 
banks of the rivers and in the deeper and more extensive cuttings for 
private and public works. Examination of a goodly number of small 
stones found in different later washings and in different parts of the Till, 
leads to the conclusion that the Laurentian rocks ( metamorjihic rocks, 
those intruded or foreign to Ohio in their origin and brought by the 
glaciers) are most numerous in the upper portions of the Drift, and the 
sedimentary rocks (of the character of those native to this Basin) pre- 
dominate in the lower portions, while the middle portion exhibits a 
more even division of both kinds.' 

Flowing water is the best of separators. Wave action sejiarated 
the sand and cast much of it upon the shores of the glacial lakes and 
ba\s. The finer material of the Drift, generally free from sand and 
much of it known as Lacustrine Clay, settled to the bottom and now 
forms the level country between the ridges or lake and bay beaches. 

Another form of clay, more delicately assorted, is found in defined 
areas, of considerable extent. Its character is attractive on account of 
its smooth and unctious surface when cut with a sharp instrument; its 
compactness, being susceptible of a glass-like polish; its great tenacity 
when wet to a certain consistency ; and its impalpableness, being suit- 
able as a fine polishing agent. Its color is generally light gray, dark- 
ening a little on exposure to the air. This is of the finest comminutions 
of the glacial grindings. Its chemic composition is quite like that of 
the coarser sediment above mentioned, viz: Silica 37.32 per cent; 
Alumina 29.85; Calcium carbonate 15.00; Combined water 11.47; 
Ferric oxid 4.52; and Magnesium carbonate 1.84 per cent. (Dryer). 

The Till, or Drift in general, is often peculiar in its arrangement, 



* The erratic stones, or those brought from a trreat distance from the north and east by the glaciers 
and distributed here, are denominated chlorite schist, 'inartzite ( of which there are white, gray and 
flesh colored), Kneiss (in color eray to pink, with less mica than hornblende \ and greenstone. Those 
belonging to the Ohio column of rocks have been detached from the upper layers, including the Ohio 
Shale with varying size nodules of crude iron pyrites, or iron sulphid, Corniferous Limestone with some 
chert or impure flint, Waterlime near and below its exposures, and some Sylvania Sandstone near the 
Michigan line in Lucas County, Ohio. See Geologic Chart, pag-e 7. 



MORAINES. LATERAL. INTERLOBATE AND TERMINAL. 57 

affording cause for several tfieories regarding tfie mode of its deposi- 
tion, none of which is entirely satisfactory to all geologists. 

Several haltings of the Maumee-Wabash (lobe of the last) Glacier 
are marked by Moraines within, bordering on, and near to the southern 
and western sides of this Basin. These several Moraines were probably 
each deposited by the glacier, not altogether in its advance movement 
but when arrested in its recession by melting by a return for a time of 
the glacial climate. This being the opinion, they will be mentioned in 
the order of their formation from the west towards the east. The 
Mississinewa Moraine lies along the right ( north ) bank of the river of 
like name, and the Salamonie Moraine along the right bank of the 
river of its name. North of the Wabash River these two moraines are 




Luokint; soulh of west, 8th June, 1902. across the Valleys of Little River and of the Wabash one- 
half mile above their junction, from the slope of the Wabash Aboite Moraine to the Salamonie Moraine, 
See Map, pa^ie '2H. This was the great early drainakre channel of the Maumee Glacial Lake. 

intimately blended with a moraine of the Saginaw Glacial Lobe, thus 
exhibiting a confused Interlobate Moraine. The culmination of this 
impingement and blending is seen at the head of James Lake in 
Jamestown Township, Steuben County, Indiana, and eastward there- 
from for twenty miles. The United States surveying corps erected a 
column near the northeastern angle of this high point, the ground 
having an altitude here of 114L5 feet above the sea — it being about 
the highest point in Indiana; and northeast in Hillsdale Countv, Mich- 
igan, near Reading, is the highest point in the lower peninsula of 
Michigan. The Grass Lake region to the west of these points is 
thought to mark the boundary between the Mississinewa and the Sag- 
inaw Moraines, but no distinctness exists. The western slope of this 
Interlobate Moraine drains into the St. Joseph River of Lake Michigan, 
and the eastern slope north of Allen County, Indiana, drains into the 



58 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



St. Joseph River of the Maumee Basin. The next moraine to the 
eastward is the Wabash-Aboite Moraine, lying along the north (right) 
bank of the headwaters of the Wabash 'River and, from St. Marys, 
Ohio, northwestward, forming the southwestern boundary of the 
Maumee River Basin. North of Fort Wayne this moraine lies west of 
the St. Joseph River into which it drains. The most prominent parts 
of the Wabash-Aboite Moraine are near the line between Hillsdale and 
Branch Counties, Michigan, and the two tiers of the eastern townships 




The Crest of Moraine dividing the Headwaters of llie River St. Joseph of the Maumee from those 
of the St. Joseph of Lake Michit'an, between Hillsdale Cit,v and Bankers Villat-e. Michiiian, Lookjnii 
soiitltwest, 6th June, 1902. In addition to the Stone Fence alone the Public Hiyhway in tlie foretiround. 
two others are seen dividint; the fields in the distance. These fences are composed of t'ranite boulders 
fathered from the Glacial Till here. A small section of country here and another in Steuben County. 
Indiana, are the only parts of this Basin where such Stones can be found in sufficient quantities for 
fences. 

of Steuben County, Indiana. The irregularity and variety of the 
physical features of these chief morainic regions invest them with much 
of beauty and charm. The numerous lakes — over one hundred on the 
map of Steuben County alone — varying in size, depth and setting, and 
abounding with fish of good quality, often with good bottoms for bath- 
ing, with pure atmosphere and wholesome material surroundings, 
make this otherwise interesting morainic region a healthful and choice 
summer resort which will become more and more appreciated as the 
years go by. 



FORMATION AND OBLITERATION OF GLACIAL LAKES. 39 

These lakes resulted from the irregular depositions of the glacial 
clay till, leaving ridges and depressions. Where the till or wash was 
of a gravelly or sandy character, permitting the waters of wet season 
to percolate, the depressions are dry. Occasionally kettle holes' or 
drv, round holes are seen."^ One th<*ory of their formation is the 
grounding of clear icebergs or fragments of the glacier, and the wash- 
ing" and forming of the gravel and sand around them to so remain 
after the melting of the ice. The obliteration of glacial ponds and 
lakes of clav or non-leaking bottoms bv washings, bv the encroachmt'nt 



^ 












ll. 


^^mm^^:^^ 


JSk^. .„_ 


r^^tijMiii 


- " 1. 1 .•■ •■■' ■■ ■" '.'',■■■ 






L. -'^-i-^^ 








-' .1 


lEUH^HHH^^^BK. 


^ 



A Vicnv of Commingled Moraines June tUli, 11HI2, lonkinn noitli in the nnrtluvest ]iat t nf \'o[-k Tuwn- 
sliip, Steuben County, Indiana. The tree at the Crest to the right of the Road, one and three-fourths 
miles distant, is at Page Postofifice. beyond which the drainage is into the River St. Joseph of Lake 
Michigan. 



and decay of vegetation and the formation of peat, with other of 
Nature's accumulations, is a subject of interesting study. The moraines 
}'et afford many instructive illustrations of Nature's ways of forming, 
and reforming, such features of the earth. The last stage of such lakes 
is often a cranberry marsh or a tamarack swamp. The areas of differ- 
ent lakes are now undergoing the final stages of transformation into 
excellent farms in Farmer and Milford Townships, Defiance Countv, 
Ohio. In some of these small lakes of great depth, a great length of 



* Kettle holes may yet be seen in the St. Joseph Moraine, particularly in the southwestern part of 
Williams County. Ohio. 



40 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



time is necessary for the solidifying by nature's process of the deep 
strata of the filling. The companies building railways over and along 
these moraines have encountered 'sink holes' which required great 
quantities of gravel and earth to be deposited for the necessary stability 
of the tracks. The builders of the Baltimore & Ohio Railway through 
Eastern Indiana, met with such difficulty in 1873, those of the Wabash 
Railway near Montpelier, Ohio, in 1901, and the other companies were 
anno}'ed more or less at the time of their building. It has even been 
thought necessary to change the line and build on one side of the 
sink hole.' 

The first moraine fully within this Basin, and which has been 
probabh' improperly called the Terminal Moraine, is the St. Mary- 




Clear Lake, Clear Lake Townsliip. Steuben County, Indiana. Looking north of west 6th June, 
1902, in the rain. There are summer hotels on the Commin^jled Moraine of the distant shore. 



St. Joseph Moraine, lying along the right (north) bank of the River St. 
Mary, and along the left (south) bank of the River St. Joseph. In 
Hillsdale, and part of Lenawee County, Michigan, it is blended with 
the Saginaw Moraine before mentioned, and forms the beginning of the 
Interlobate Moraine that increases in volume to the southwestward.* 
The next moraine to the east is the Defiance Moraine with northern 
point near Adrian, Michigan, curving southwestward and forming the 
eastern side of the Valley of the Tiffin River. It is cut through at the 
apex of its curve by the Maumee River three miles below Defiance, 
and thence curves southeastward forming the east valley of the lower 
Auglaize River and, eastward, the north valley of the Blanchard River. 



* For a more detailed description of these moraines see Dr. Charles R. Dryer's survey in the 
ixteenth Report of Indiana Geology, page 119 e(. set;. 



THE GRADUAL SLO PINGS OF THE MORAINES. 



41 



All of these moraines are nearly ^parallel, and much curved with the 
concave sides to the eastward, facing the direction of the advent and 
departure of the glacier. At the northern inlets of Maumee Bay, in 
the northern part of the Basin, is the point of a small moraine extend- 
ing northward, being parallel outside the Basin to a like moraine. 
Reference to figures on the map on page 'IH will show the altitudes of 
these moraines, and of many of the intervening parts. The highest 
point is 568 feet above Lake Erie at a distance from Maumee Bay of 




Hamilton ( Fish ) Lake, Olsetio Township, Steuben County, Indiana. Looking northwest from 
top of tobocEan slide at Cold Sprintr. early and wet mornint- 7th June. 1902. Moraine on distant shore. 



75 miles in direct line; but the draina.ge waters of this high point flow 
three times this distance or more. The approach to the moraines is of 
such gradual ascent that they scarcely impress the traveler — in fact 
the average traveler crosses and recrosses the moraines within the 
Basin without thought of the elevation or, at most, of there being but 
'a slight ridge.' The crest of the several moraines vary materially- in 
their width. A popular public road 'the evolution of an early trail 
through the forest) still winds along the crest of the Defiance Moraine 
for much of its exteqt, both north and south of the Maumee River, and 
is commonh' known as the North and the South Ridge Road. In 



42 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



places along this crest the ground declines perceptibly from both sides 
of the narrow roadway, but in most of its course the travelers' view is 
over a level country.' A continuous series of undulations, of very 
moderate variation in altitude, exist in the St. Joseph Moraine and 
still higher on the watershed west of the St. Joseph River, and to 
lesser heights in other moraines within the Basin; but the inequalities 
are more marked to the northwest just without these limits. The soil 
of these moraines is very fertile. It is generallv of sandy loam, and 
quick to res]iond to the worthy husbandman's efforts with bounteous 




Luokim; south at Bankers, Cambria Townshiu Hillsdale County. Miciiiuan. Jnne tl, I'.Xli. Bit; Bear 
Lake, one of the sources of the River St. Joseph. cHmpsed in the distance. The middle ground shows 
vegetation that is fast encroachine upon and tiHini. in the upper part of this lake. The greatest altitude 
in lower Michigan is but a few miles to the rifht. 



returns. It is of a good degree of thickness, easy to cultivate, not 
prone to wash away and, on account of the favorable subsoil, it never 
misses a crop. In wet seasons the surplus water readily disperses, 
largely through the subsoil, and in seasons of drouth the ground water 
is well attracted to the needs of vegetation. Proper underdraining and 
tilling are rapidly producing these favorable and certain results in the 
more distinctive clay soils of all levels. 

There are, further, some ridge and mound formations bv the last 
glacier, or deposited in and by its crevicing or its supra or sub-water- 



RIDGES OF EARTH. ESKARS AND KAMES. 



43 



ways, called osars or eskars, and kames.''' A numbt-r of these interest- 
ing formations are found on the westerly part of the St. Mary Moraine 
and near its southwestern border. The first eskar to be mentioned 
forms the western wall of the Six-Mile Creek Gap in Section l."i, Adams 
Township, Allen County, Indiana.! It is composed of gravel in anti- 
clin?.l stratification, is 20 feet high, about 330 feet wide, and half a mile 
long. An eskar and kame are situated on the crest of the St. Marv 
Moraine in the eastern part of the City of Fort Wayne. The eskar 
was a broad, sandy ridge extending from the east line of Section 7, 
Adams Township, westward one and- a quarter miles. The freight 
yards of the Penns^'lvania Railroad occupy a leveled portion of it. 
The kame is just west of this point and rises conically to a height of 
30 feet. A little to the north of this eskar, and parallel with it, is 




Lony Lake. lookiriL' north of oa^^t tioin Cioar Lake Township. Steuben (.ount.v, Indiana, to the 
Michigan shore, Hillsdale County. 0th June. ]9<>3. This lake is near the highest altitude in these two 



another of symmetrical form and one-fourth mile in length. Another 
extends from near the crossing of the River St. Mary by the N. Y., C. 
& St. L. Railwa\- (the 'Nickel Plate'.) to the southward one and one- 
half miles as a massive ridge. It has been much excavated as a gravel 
supply. Another rises 30 feet as the west river bank and curves and 
branches irregularly across the Allen Countv Infirmary farm to the 



"^ There has been much confusion in tiie use of these names, and mucn discussion recardint: the 
process of formation of the prominences thus named. Qsar is the old European name for ridges of 
gravel and sand of varying lengths that cannot be attributed to the action wholly of the ice, or to the 
action of running water without aid similar to that a glacier might afford, nor to the wave action of 
a lake. Eskar is the term latterly used by geologists to the displacement of osar. A mound or conical 
prominence constructed by the glacial streams, generally in immediate relation to the edge of the 
ice, is the later signification of the term kame. 

t See account of the survey of Dr. Charles R. Dryer in the Sixteenth Report of Indiana Geology. 
page 116. 



44 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



southward, a mile in length. Several other eskars are discernible in 
this vicinity; and associated with this series are several small island- 
like prominences in the broad drainat^e channel of the Maumee Glacial 
Lake through which the Wabash Railway, and electric cars, run south- 
westward from P'ort Wayne. On the largest of these prominences, 
known as Fox Island, is the most symmetrical and graceful eskar of 
this system. It is curved like the letter S. in slighter degree, and 
is three-c]uarters of a mile in length. It is 25 feet in height and its 
sides are 'as steep as sand can be piled.' 




t ir't "i llie St. Joseph Moraine. Looking; west in the west pai t of Hicksville Towiisliii). Ut-liance 
County, Ohio. 30th October. 1902. Showing the Baltimore and Ohio Railway tracks as lowered durint; 
the years 1900-01-02. A very fertile country. 

A very interesting serpentine eskar is situated in Highland Town- 
ship, Defiance County, Ohio, six miles southeast of the City of Defiance 
and one mile south of the hamlet of Ayersville. This is the most 
extensive in the Basin. It is named Highland Eskar by the writer. It 
was formed in part by direct deposit by the .glacier, and by the running 
water in the melting glacier at the time the Defiance Moraine wa's laid ; 
and it is now a much more prominent feature of the landscape than 
anv part of the moraine in its vicinity, which has suffered materialh' 
from washings. 

When the Maumee Glacial Lake had receded to have the Defiance 



HIGHLAND ESKAR AT MOUTH OF DEFIANCE BAY. 45 

Moraine for its westurn and southern shore, the northwestern, western, 
southwestern sides of the Highland Eskar were washed liy the Defiance 
Bay, and its northeast side faced the connection of this Bay with the 
Lake, it lieing a prominent island in other words, at the mouth of the 
Bay. Its northern end lies one-fourth mile in the southwestern quar- 
ter of Section 10, extending to the south line of this Section where 
the public road rises to and follows its crest eastward and southward 
for three-fourths mile across the northwest quarter of Section 15, and 
the northeast quarter of Section 14, where it turns south and extends 
one-half mile, and then turns southwest, ending beyond the south i^iart 
of these Sections and along the line between them. Its length is 
about two miles. Its highest part is 35 to 40 feet in the northern third 



m^--si^' 


iM'l^^Si 




|p^U 


i-s^^,jr2#5 


^'^^1 


•^ 


fi^^^^J 


^smiw^Bsami 


Mf! '^: . -^ \\k 




■'Wm 


^^^^ 


■ ■ ""^^iifflii'? 






'^.fi 


--.1 - ' ■ "'1 J 


m..^^ 




m 


^^M 




-aoi'iwSiiF* 


.^^ 


Hii 


itf^^H 






■'i 

^^ 


■^Bl 


Bwmij 



Defiance Moraine Glen, in north bank of the Mauniee Water Gap. thruu niilcc, ca^t*ul tliu .City of 
Defiance, lookint; north, 15th October, 1901. 



of its length. It is generally narrow in body, and ridge, so narrow in 
places that there is just width enough for the public road tliat winds 
along its ridge the entire extent, excepting the north one-fourth mile. 
There are six farm residences, with the other usual farm buildings, 
occupied by old settlers or their descendants, along the crest of High- 
land Eskar; also a Freewill Baptist church building with its churchyard 
cemetery. The base of this eskar is composed of clay to varying 
heights above the level surrounding country overlain with gravel, and 
then with sandy loam of great fertility, affording the best of gardens and 
small orchards on its crest and sides. Wells have been made on its 
sides near the base and supply good water at a depth of 12 to 14 feet ; 
and at its northern end there is a spring of excellent water which is not 
exhausted in dry seasons. Excavations on this eskar have brought to 
view parts of trees and other vegetation that quickly crumbled to dust 



46 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



on exposure to the air, evidencing;' their burial in tlu- remote past, 
probably at the time of the formation of the eskar. The views from 
the crest of this eskar in all directions are over well-tilled and highly 
fertile farms, bri};htened with comfortable homes, on the 'elm' lands 
that were formerly the bottom of the Maumee Glacial Lake, and later, 




Map of Hiphland Eskar in the Mouth of Defiance Glacial Bay at the Ancient Water Gap in the 
Defiance Moraine, six miles southeast of the City of Defiance. The squares are Land Sections, each 
one mile square, in northeast Hiiihland Township. The dots mark the situation of houses. 

of Defiance Bay, from the waters of which the rich soil was deposited. 
Thus, in the ideal topography of this Maumee River Basin, and in 
the due admixture of the best of soil ingredients, so commingled and 
conditioned in its Drift as to retain their vitality' from dissii)ation by 
undue oxidation, washing, or leeching, do we realize the beneficent 
results of its Glaciation. 




The Hichland Eskar in northeast Hiiihland Township. Defiance County. Ohio. Looking south 
26th October, 1901. 



EVIDENCES OF PREHISTORIC MAN. 47 

CHAPTER III. 

Evidences of Prehisthrh' Man — the Aborigines as First Seen. 

The American or WustL-rn Continent has been designated by good 
authority* as the oldest of continents: and the aboriginal man in 
America has been classed among the Mongoloids, or earliest of people, 
antedating Adam.T 

There have been many speculations and theories regarding the 
length of time that man has existed. The earliest Stone Age in 
Europe has been recorded + as beginning probably more than 1(10,000 
years in the past, and juThaps many hundred thousand years. 
Other writers regard the beginning of the first Stone .A.ge as probably 
not earlier than 4400 to ."lOOO years ago, but admit that man probably 
existed prior to that time and left no evidence of his handiwork. 

The existence of man before, or during the Glacial Period, has been 
quite well established in the opinion of many scientists, both by the 
discovery of his fossilized bones and of stone implements of his shap- 
ing buried in the Glacial Drift. It is very seldom that fossilized bones 
of any animal are found notwithstanding the myriads of mankind, and 
of larger lower animals that have existed through the multiple ages. 
This is not strange when the facility of their destruction, and the 
exacting conditions of Nature for their preservation, are considered. § 



• Louis Agassiz in the Atlantic Monthly, vol. \i, pace :)73 ; Geological Sketches, page 1. 

t Preadamites. by Professor Alexander VVinchell. LL. D., paj:es 66, 304. 

t Haeckel's Natuerliche Schoep ungsgeschichte. pane 595. Preadamites. 431. 

SThe process of fossilization, or chancinc to stone, consists in the replacement and solidification of 
each cell with minute particles of calcium or silica which are held in solution by the water coverinc the 
bones. This process is one of Nature's very slow, delicate, and all-exactinc methods of preserving the 
oreanic form while replacing or modifying the organic structure of very hard tissues. Soft tissues can- 
not become petrified on account of their ready putrefaction. 

Casts of the human form are sometimes made by the body being rapidly encased in fine lava or 
inaterial that readily adapts itself to the form and quickly hardens. A mold is thus formed which may 
become filled by a semifluid that will harden. Casts have thus been made in the oldest molds found — 
those at Pompeii of persons, and dogs, overwhelmed by the volcanic eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 
A. D. 49. 

Also in favoring conditions of temperature, moisture and ingredients, the soft parts of an animal 
body may become changed to adipocere iadeps. fat, and cere, wax), or ammonia margarate. An occa- 
sional human body, exhumed after a few score years for burial elsewhere, has been found in this con- 
dition—the most notable instances being at the Cemetery of the Innocents. Paris, in 1786-87. and later 
in New York City, the College of Physicians and Surgeons of that city yet possessing the body. There 
is, also, a later specimen of this character in the Wistar Museum of Comparative Anatomy of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. These specimens, however, possess nothing of stony hardness 
and are crumbling. Comparatively few fossilized bones have been found, which proves that even the 
hardest parts of mankind and the lower animals generally return to their native elements with great 
facility. 



48 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The most important discoveries vet made of this character are as 
follows: A human skull found in a cave at Engis near Liege, Bel- 
gium, in 1833, and a like skull found in iS'iT by workmen in a lime- 
stone quarrv in the valley of the Neander"^ a small stream near Diissel- 
dorf, Germany, which have become known as the Engis and the 
Neanderthal skulls. 

Part of a human skull was found in February, 1866, in gold-bearing- 
gravel in Sonora Table Mountain, Calaveras County, California; and it 
is thereby known to archaeologists as the Calaveras Skull. Other 
human bones, and stone implements chipped by man, were also 
found in this deposit of gravel which Prof. Josiah D. Whitney classed 
in the Pliocene of the Tertiary age.t Some of the geologists of the 
United States Survey, however, have classed these gravels in the 
Quarternary Period. 

Other ancient remains have been recorded in this species of evi- 
dence in different countries, including different parts of America: but it 
should be admitted that most of them have not well withstood the tests 
of scientific investigation. Human footprints have, also, been found 
indelibh- impressed and hardened in Post- Pliocene stratum, one of the 
most noted being found in Nicaragua. + 

The most numerous, and the most probable of the evidences thus 
far discovered of man's existence in the Glacial Period, however, are 
stone implements that were moved and covered by a glacier. The 
observing and persevering archaeologist, M. Boucher de Perthes, dis- 
covered during the years 1841 and subsecjuently, chipped stones which 
were evidently shaped by man for cutting purposes. These rude 
knives were found in glacial gravel which had apparentl\' remained 
undisturbed since the ice placed it on a high terrace in the valley of 
the River Somme at Abbeville, North France. The sciences of 
geology and anthropology were then in their infancy, and the branch 
archasolog\' had then hardly a beginning. 

Account of these implements and of the depths at which they were 
found, were published by their discoverer in 1847, and additional 
accounts of the discoveries by his iiu])il. Doctor Regillot, of Amiens, 
were soon thereafter given to scientists : but it was not until 1858-59 
that other French and English geologists visited this locality and 
became convinced of the jirobablx' true character of the implements 
and of the stratum in which they were found. This conjoined inves- 
tigation and discussion led to a more enlightened search and to addi- 
tional discoveries elsewhere. Peculiar stones that had been found in 



* See Dr. Schwalbe's lecture mentioned in the American Review of Reviews. Jan. 1904, p. 111. 
t Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, of Harvard University, vol. vi. 
i American Philosophical Society's Proceedings, xxiv. 1887, page 4:^7. 



EVIDENCES OF EARLIER MAN JN OHIO. 49 

England in the iHth century and preserved with the bones of an extinct 
species of elephant were, upon reconsideration, declared to be palaeo- 
lithic, or palanthropic, or shaped by man in the earliest Stone Age. 

In April, 1873, Dr. Charles C. Abbot discovered similarly formed 
knives in the glacial gravel at Trenton, New Jersey,* and later finds 
in the same jilace have been j)ublished by him and by others. t The 
correctness of the published deductions regarding the age of these 
implements has been doubted, however, hv different writers. + 

The first evidence thought to be decisive of the presence of man 
in Ohio previous to, or during the Ice Age, was found in October, 1885, 
by Dr. Charles L. Metz, at Madisonville, eight feet below the surface 
in the gravel of the Little Miami River Valley one mile back from the 
river terrace. This find is a crudely shaped black-fiint knife about the 
size and form of one of the same material found at Trenton, above 
mentioned. Doctor Metz found another knife in b^HT, thirty feet below 
the surface in coarser undisturbed gravel one-fourth mile from the river 
at Loveland, Ohio, twenty-five miles above Madisonville. Petrified 
bones of a mastodon were also found in the immediate vicinity : and 
the contiguity of similar fossils and relics m othir localities are con- 
sidered in favor of the validity of the evidence that man existed in the 
same geologic era as the mastodon. 

In 189(3 a grooved axe was found by a well digger near New 
London, Huron County, Ohio, twenty-two feet below the surface of 
the ground, under thirteen feet of tough cla\'.§ 

Since the year 1887, numerous other like implements have been 
found in Ohio and other States under conditions thought b\' their dis- 
coverers to be Well authenticated for their great antiquity, even beyond 
the Ice Age. Great care is necessary, however, that articles of later 
prehistoric times, and even those chipped and artificiallj; ' weathered ' 
in the present generation, be not sold, and recorded, by imposters and 
incompetent judges, to the confusion of legitimate and commendable 
efforts. Careful and well-attested description of the conditions sur- 
rounding every implement of unusual character found should be sent 



* The American Naturalist, vol. \ii. pace "204 ; vol. x. paue 329. Winsor vol. i, patie 38:1 

t Tenth Annual Report of the Trustees of the Psabody Museum of American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. ii. pat^e^ 3it. 22rt. Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, i, 834. 

I See the American Journal of Anthropology 1^92 ; Science. November. 1H92 ; Journal of 
Geology, 1893; The Meeting Place of Geology and History, 1894, wherein William H. Holmes and 
Sir J. William Dawson claim that the evidence of age is not satisfactory from a geological point of 
view, as the implements found at Trenton were not taken from undisturbed gravel, but from a talus of 
loose debris ; and that they resemble the rougher tools and rejectamenta of the descendants of the 
aborigines. The trustees of the Carnegie Institution made a grant of $20(X1 in 19t)3 to the Director of the 
Bureau of .American Ethnology, Washington, for further investigation regarding the early history of man 
in America. See Year Booli : also Science, December 2."), 1903, 

Si See the American Geologist, November, 1896, and the Fifth Annual Report of the Ohio State 
Academy of Science. 



so 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



with the implement, to the nearest University possessing a well-ordered 
department of archaeology, and every facility should be afforded the 
chief of this department for his personal investigation. 

There are in the writer's collection of prehistoric imjalements a 
number of rudely chipped flint knives which exhibit on their surface 
the evidence of great age,'^ and which are not unlike in appearance the 
palaeoliths, or palanthrops, mentioned above. The accompanying 
engraving shows one of them of medium size. They have been found 
in different parts of the Maumee River Basin, some of them not widelv 
separated from fossil remains of the mastodon : but the character of 
their surroundings when found are not sufficiently attested to warrant 
their classification as belonging to the Age of Ice. 




Prehistoric Flint Knife, full i=ize. Found in the Maumee River Basin. It resembles some of the 

' Palffioliths.' Author's Collection. 



While excavating a tunnel into the loess of the Missouri River 
Valle}' in February, 1902, near Lansing, Kansas, remains of two human 
skeletons were found, one of which being better preserved is treasured 
as of great archaeological value. Warren Upham, in the magazine 
Records of the Past for September, 1902, vol. i, page 273, estimates 
the age of this skeleton at 12,000 years, which he regards "as no more 
than an eighth part of the whole duration of the Ice Age in its success- 



* The degree of weathering or chanpe produced b.v time in flint, ordinary stones, or in any article 
may and generally does depend upon the character of the article itself, the dryness, moisture, heat, cold' 
lime, soda, sulphur, atmosphere, or other surroundings and conditions to which it has been subjected' 
When conditions are favorable there may be little if any change, consequently the condition of an 
article does not necessarily signify the time that has elapsed since it was shaped or used by man. The 
character of the substance of the article itself, its form, the character of its surroundings and the proba- 
ble changes that have occurred in them if any, should all be taken into the estimation. 



REMAINS OF EARLIER MAN AND HIS WORKS. 51 

ive Alberton, Aftonian, Kansan, Helvetian (or Buchanan), lowan and 
Wisconsin stages. ... It can scarcely be so little as 10,000 years, 
and may indeed, according to estimates by other glacialists for the date 
of the lowan stage, have been even 20,000 years, or more. At the 
most, it can be only a small fraction of the antiquity of man in Europe, 
where he seems surely to have been coeval with the beginning of the 
Ice Age." T. C. Chamberlin, in the American Journal of Geology 
for October and November, 1902, accords this Lansing skeleton 'a very 
respectable antiquity, but much short of the close of the glacial inva- 
sion.' W. H. Holmes, in the American Anthropologist for October- 
December, 1902, also ])laces these remains in the Post-Glacial Age. In 
the April, 1903, Records of the Past, George Frederick Wright states 
that "while the glacial age of this skeleton may, therefore, be confidently 
accepted, it should be kept constantly in mind, for the relief of the 
anthropologist, that there is increasing evidence that the closing stages 
of the Glacial period in North America did not long precede that of 
the high stages of civilization brought to light bv recent explorations 
in Babylonia. Hilprecht and others would carry that date back to 
9000 or 10,000 years, which would be within 3000 years of the date 
assigned by Mr. Upham to the deposition of the lowan loess."* 
In September, 1902, the engineers in charge of the construction 
of the St. Louis Belt Railway, found a granite axe five inches long and 
three and one-half inches wide, three-quarters grooved and well finished, 
under fourteen feet of loess, a half mile northwest of Clayton, Missouri. 
Cyrus A. Peterson, M. D., who describes and pictures this axe in the 
Records of the Past for January, 1903, regards this discover}' as evi- 
dence of the preglacial existence of man and his advancement in 
handiwork. 

Prehistoric Mounds of Earth. 

Europeans, upon their advent into the Maumee River Basin, found 
little beside the wandering Aborigines, the wild animals, and other pro- 
ducts of Nature, to attract their attention, or to stimulate investigation. 
As the years passed, bringing an ever increasing population and the 
clearing of the forest, some persons there were who recognized in cer- 
tain tumuli, or mounds, the work of a people of whom the Aborigines, 
as seen at the beginning of the written records of the region, knew 
nothing, even by tradition. These mounds of earth, a very few crude 
articles sometimes found therein, and stone weapons, implements, and 
ornaments, in use when the existing Aborigines were discovered by 
Europeans, constitute all the works of man of a prehistoric character 
that have been discovered in this region. 

* See also proceedings of the Congress of Americanists. New York meeting, 1903 ; of the Amer- 
ican Association for the Advancement of Science ; the Pooiiar S:/snC3 Monthly ioT March. 1903; ar.d 
N. H. Winchell in the Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, 1903. 



52 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



Different writers fiave estimated the number of prehistoric earth 
mounds In Ohio at from ten to thirteen thousand. Probalily the 
authentic number, great as it certainly is, is not so large as this. 

By far the larger number of these mounds are situated in the 
southern portion of the State. They were probably made for differ- 
ent uses: for burials, for defense, and perhaps, for religious cere- 
monies. Many are large and required great labor in their construction 
which may have been performed by prisoners of war subjected to 
slavery. 




Earth mound in the Northwest Onarter ot Section iH, Uetiance 'rownship. (.)flen erroneously 
called the work of Prehistoric people — The Mound Builders. Looking northeast across the valley of 
the Maumee River, 35th October. 1901. 



The number, and size, of similar mounds lessens materially 
toward the northern portion of Ohio ; and, probably, many of the 
prominences in this Basin that have in later years been called the work 
of man in the far distant past, are due wholly to natural agencies, 
such as the glacial or subsequent deposits, or erosions of water. 
The mounds, however, that are composed of different layers of earth 
separated in a suggestive way from their kind, with ashes, charred 
wood, etc., and with some anciently formed weapon or ornament of 
stone, or fragment of ancient pottery, found in definite arrangement, 
thus evidence their formation by mankind. 

While the Basin of the Maumee River was probably not the head- 



FEW MOUNDS IN THIS BASIN: THEIR BUILDERS. 53 

quarters of so great a number of early peoples of somewhat sedentary 
or settled habits as was the country to the south and southeast, it is 
probable that the Maumee River and its larger tributaries were great 
thoroughfares of travel by the prehistoric peoples, as they were by the 
historic Aborigines from the time of the advent of the Europeans up to 
the time of the removal of the last tribe to its western reservation in 
1843. Some of those early people also here heaped the earth in low 
conical mounds above the bodies of certain ones of their dead. 

The fact that so few artificial mounds are now found in this Basin 
is probal)h- due to several causes, among which may be mentioned the 
sparse, or absence of, fixed population. This may have been due in 
part to the dense forest and the general flatness of the country conducive 
to great moisture and softness of the soil and to much of miasm and dis- 
ease in dry seasons; second, to this region lieing often patrolled by the 
Five Nations of the east, and its being the middle or enforced neutral 
ground between the wilder tribes to the northward and the more peace- 
ful or stronger, and consequently, more advanced people to the south- 
ward who were represented here only by occasional wandering bands 
that had few deaths and buried shallow from want of time, lapse of 
inclination, or fear of desecrations by their foes; third, to man\' of the 
smaller mounds, containing single or few bodies, becoming obliterated 
by the natural forces, or the plows of the early white settlers; fourth, 
to most of the bodies of those killed in battle, or dying of disease, not 
being interred. 

The belief has become quite general among archaeologists that the 
Mound Builders were the ancestors of the Aborigines as seen by Euro- 
peans, or of the Chereokee tribe particularly, and perhaps of the 
Shawnees also, and that they were distinct from their descendants only 
by their greater advancement toward civilization, they having had more 
fixed haliitations which conserved their energy to the interdependent 
study and practice of peaceful arts. 

It can readily be imagined that the Mound Builders met defeat by 
their distant cousins, the tribes to the northward who had remained in 
wildness and savagery, surging down upon them, like a horde of rapa- 
cious vandals that they were, and putting to death all who could not 
flee from their merciless attacks ! This is the probable mode of their 
vanquishment. Their complete overthrow, ejectment or captivity may 
have been accomplished in one year, or it may have been the result of 
repeated attacks through a series of years. 

Southern Ohio and the Cumberland River Valley, Tennessee, are 
among the regions containing the mounds and graves which have 
thus far yielded hammered native copper, chased gorgets and other 
ornaments that show the greatest advancement in handiwork of the 



54 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



prehistoric people of the more Northern United States of this 
meridian. ' 

Undoubtedly the number was increasing among them, who were 
turning awa}' from the wandering and warring habits of their ancestors 
to a more settled, peaceful and happier life, improving in handiwork 
and trade in village, or in tilling the soil near by. Their numbers, and 
the influence of their peaceful work, were extending northward ; but 
there was not time allowed them to assume a firm and stable hold upon 
Northern Ohio before the irresistibly fatal invasion swept them away 
with all the evidences of their advancement excepting their fortresses 
and burial mounds, and such articles as were preserved therein or were 
lost on the surface to be covered for centuries and then to be turned up 
by the plows, or like their relics in the mounds be excavated, by a 
different and much further advanced people. The savage, victorious 




Location of Prehistoric Mounds and Circles of Earth in Northern Ohio and Northeastern Indiana. 



invaders constructed few, if any mounds, nor did they undertake so 
much work as was necessary to destroy those of the vanquished. 

The writer's record embraces something over fifty mounds and 
earthworks in this Basin that can properly be classed as the work of 
prehistoric man. Their situation is on high ground, in small groups 
widely scattered. 

About twenty mounds have been noted in DeKalb and Steuben 
Counties, Indiana. Mastodon remains, some very large and complete, 
have also been found in a half dozen places in DeKalb near some of 
these mounds. In section 27, of Smithfield Township, the remains of a 
Mastodon were found in good preservation at a depth of four feet in 
blue clay, whereas such preserved bones are usually found in muck or 
peat where the animal mired and met its death by asphyxiation or star- 



* See The Antiquities of Tennessee and the Adjacent States, by Gates P. Thruston, 2nd 
edition. Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Cyrus Tliomas, Washing- 
ton, 1894. Archaeological History of Ohio, by Gerard Fowke, Columbus. 1902. 



PREHISTORIC MOUNDS AND THEIR CONTENTS. 



SS 



vation. The mounds in this vicinity contained considerable charcoal. 
In one near Waterloo the charcoal was several feet in thickness, and 
covered the remains of twenty-five or more persons, whose bodies were 
deposited irregularly as though hastily and indifferently.* 

Nine mounds of earth have been reported in Allen County, 
Indiana.! Four of these are on high land between Cedar and Willow 
Creeks and near the Fort Wayne branch of the Lake Shore and Michi- 
gan Southern Railway. Two are situate about forty feet apart in north 
and south line, and the other two fifteen rods east about the same dis- 
tance apart in east and west line. They were explored many years 
ago and found to contain human remains, charcoal, something of 
crudely hammered copper ornaments, and of the ordinary chipped flint 
points. A large oblong mound exists four miles southward of the 




Type-forms of Prehistoric Flint Knives (Nos. 1, 3), Arrow and Spear Points, Perforators (Nos. 17. 18). 
and Scrapers (No. 16). They vary much in size. Of the 'Points' about 5tX)0 to 1 are beveled to the left, 
as shown here in the tliick Number 11. 

above named: and at Cedarville, near the St. Joseph River, are three 
mounds about one hundred feet apart parallel with the river in north- 
east line. 

A single small mound existed on the east bank of the river about 
four miles north of Fort Wayne, and this is the most southern part of 
Allen County at which prehistoric earthworks have been determined. 

Nine mounds have been determined on the high banks of the 
Maumee River. Two of these mounds are in Indiana near the Ohio 
line, four also on the south bank at Antwerp, Ohio, the first of which 
is one mile west of this village, the second in the park within the cor- 
poration, the third one-half mile, and the fourth one mile eastward. 

A mound was found on the high south bank of the Maumee River, 
a few rods west of the middle north and south line of Section twentv- 



* See the Sixteenth Report of Indiana Geology, page 104. 

t By Colonel Robert S. Robertson, reported in the History oj Allen County, and to the writer. 



56 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



seven of Defiance Township, (nearh- a half mile above the present 
Water Works pumping station) by Joshua Hilton, who purchased the 
farm embracing this land in January, 1822. This mound was about 
four feet above the surrounding land, about thirty feet in diameter, and 
was covered with oak trees 18 to 20 inches in diameter. Mr. Hilton 
and his son, Brice, who gave the writer this information, opened this 
mound in the year 1^24. A small quantity of bony fragments were 
found which readily crumbled between the fingers on being handled. 
Human teeth were found, some of which were of large size. Some 




Richt Bank of the Auylaize River. luokiIl^; iiortli, 19th September, 1901, from tlie southwest corner 
of Section 3, Defiance Townsliip, Ohio, at tlie mouth of Garrnan Run. Low stat;e of water. The Glacial 
Till somewliat stratified. To the riyht of the central distance a Prehistoric Burial Mound is beini,' 
undermined by the high waters and freezings. This Mound formerly contained eijzlit liuman bodies in 
sitting posture. The bones disintegrated some years ago. 



dark stone gorgets were also found, about four by two inches in size, 
pierced with slanting holes of ', goose-quill' size. This mound was 
excavated and used as a cellar li\- the famil\-. the first house, built of 
logs, being at convenient distance from it. The site of this mound 
was undermined by the river manv vears ago. 

The other two mounds along the Maumee were on the north bank 
on the farm of Captain Clayton W. Everett, just above the line of the 
City of Toledo. In leveling one of these mounds in the summer of 



ARTIFICIAL MOUNDS BY THE AUGLAIZE RIVER. 57 

1900, a bar or pick-shaped amulet, of dark, fine-grained slate, was 
found which measures eighteen inches in length, the longest on record. 
This has been deposited in the museum of the Ohio State Archaeological 
and Historical Society, Columbus. 

Along the Auglaize River, five mounds have been determined; two 
in the western part of Putnam County, near Dupont, and three in Defi- 
ance Township. One, situated on the high east bank near the south 
line of Section 8, about four miles southwest of Defiance Court House, 
is now nearly obliterated bv infringement of the public road and under- 
mining by the river. ( See engraving. ) This mound was opened by 
curious neighbors previous to 1870. Decaying bones of eight or ten 
persons who had evidently been buried in sitting posture, were found 
with charcoal. 

A smaller mound, about two feet high and fourteen feet in diameter, 
was situated on the high west bank of the Auglaize, near the middle 
north and south line of Section 34, two and one-fourth miks southwest 
of Defiance Court House. It was explored in the summer of lb78. 
About six inches below the surface of the central part a circular group 
of stones varying from two to five inches in diameter were found that 
had been taken from the river channel near by. They rested u])on a 
layer of clay two inches thick, like the surrounding land in quality, 
which had been subjected to great heat while wet and was, conse- 
quently, very hard and brick-like. Beneath this layer of clay was a 
layer of ashes two inches thick, and eight or ten sticks of thoroughh- 
charred wood about two feet long and two or more inches thick in their 
largest parts. With the ashes were, also, bits of charred flesh and 
small bones, perhaps of some animal, but the kind could not be deter- 
mined, and small fragments of crude jiottery which easily crumbled. 
Upon removing the ashes and about one foot of hardened earth, human 
bones were found in an advanced stage of decomjiosition, consisting of 
parts of the calvarium and long bones of one person, head lying a 
little east of north. With these bones was found only one plain gorget 
four inches long, one and three-eighths inches wide and one-half inch 
thick, tapering" on the sides toward the ends, and with two holes one 
and a half inches apart and equidistant from the ends. These holes 
are of one-fourth inch diameter on one side and taper gradually and 
smoothly to one-eight inch on the opposite side. The gorget is of Ohio 
Shale such as is seen in the bed of the Auglaize River nearby. About 
forty rods north, also on the high bank overlooking the river, was 
another mound of like size and contents, excepting the gorget. 

The only mound, however, that has been generally known and 
talked about as the work of the Mound Builders near Defiance, has 
been considered by the writer as a natural mound, caused bv erosions 



58 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



of thf river around. It is situate toward the southeast side of Blodgett 
Island (see ent;raving') eastward from the two mounds last described, 
it being near the east line of Section thirty-four in Defiance' Township, 
and a little north of the center of the south-east (|uarter of the Section, 




Prehistoric Articles made and used by tlie Aborigines. Found daring later years in tlie Maumee 
River Basin, and now in the .Author's Collection. Nos. 1 to 6, Fragments of Pottery; 7, Turtle shaped 
Granite; 8, 10, Plumbet and Half-alobe of Haematite; 9, Double Discoid of Granite: 11 to 16, Tobacco 
Pipes; 17, 18, Bird-form Amulets of Slate ; 19, 34, 2.5, 33, 34, Banner Stones of Slate; 31, 23, Awls of Deer 
Bones; 33. 26. 27, 28, 30, Gorgets of Slate; 29, Pendant; 31, 32, Bar Amulets of Granite; 3,5, 36. ,S7, Wam- 
pum of Shells; 3H, Part of Elk Horn used in Planting Corn; 39, Celt, 'Thunderbolt' or Tomahawk of 
Granite; 40. Pestle and Rolling Pin, also 41, 44, Pestle and Stone Base (uncommon), for Cracking and 
Grinding Corn; 42, Axe, K Grooved. Weight, &^ lbs., Length, 9'4 inches; 43, Axe, Full Grooved, for 
twisting around Withe Hai^dle; 45, Ball for Games. The articles last named are of the hardest Granite, 
and some of them show long time weathering. 



and forty rods northwest of the present Cement Works. This mound, 
in the summer of 189S, was thirty-five feet above the ordinary summer 
level of the river, twenty-five above the land immediately to the south, 



NATURAL MOUNDS ON AND NEAR BLODGETT ISLAND. 59 

and twenty feet above that a few rods to the north. -It is somewhat 
elliptical in outline, its longest diameter being a little north of east 
bv south of West, and measures 55x40 feet from points midwav 
from base to summit from which jioints the slopings are 
gradual, below and abo\'e, being rather more abrujit on the 
south side, against which the current strikes in high stages 
of the river. This mound was covered with trees, the same as 
parts of the island and the river banks in the vicinity, until the year 
1874 when it, with the land around not then under culti\'ation, was 




Blodcett Island in the Auglaize River, Defiance Townsliip. Looking west, 3nd November, liX)2. The 
main branch of the River is by the distant trees. The lar^ie Monnd toward tlie rii;ht has been called [he 
work of the Mound Builders, but it is of the same formation as the neij^hborin^i liigh places and is, prob- 
ably, a natural monadnock like the peculiar triani^ular eminence at the mouth of Powell Creek a few 
hundred feet to the left. This island is sixty acres in extent. 



cleared, and the island was planted with corn. It has been regularlv 
cultivated since, occasionally wheat being the croj), to the north ])ar- 
ticularly. The plowing has been extended upward on the sides of the 
mound each time and this and the washings of rain have materially 
modified its outline. It was partially opened many years ago with 
negative result. In 1895 the writer obtained permission from Adam 
Wilhelm, for many years its owner, to excavate it; but in the winter it 
was found that some persons had surreptitiously dug into its eastern 



60 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

summit a hole six feet square to the depth of about eight feet. y\gain, 
in the winter of 1897-98, an excavation was made by the same persons 
two feet to the southwest of the other, eight feet square and to a depth 
of ten feet or more. These oiK-nings were not seen by the writer until 
heavy rains had washed their sides and caused much filling. The 
ground material thrown out by these diggings was the same as that 
composing the high banks of the river in the vicinity, with nothing of 
the alluvium covering the other parts of the island. 

This work of excavation was done bv ignorant persons with the 
hope of finding material of commercial value, and, i^ossiblv the chest 
of money which rumor many vears ago said was buried in this direction 
from Defiance. The tradition of buried money has been perpetuated 
in nearly every section of the country. In and about Defiance belief 
in this tradition has been strong, and the desire for great gain has 
induced many persons to dig into many prominences in field and woods 
without regard for archaeological considerations. 

At the eastern edge of the second glacial lake beach, on the head- 
waters of Bad Creek, in Pike Township, ten miles northeast of Wau- 
seon, Fulton County, Ohio, there were early discovered on the Howard 
farm eleven mounds of small size, arranged in somewhat of circular 
form. Nearly all of these mounds were dug into soon after their dis- 
covery by persons actuated by curiosity, or the more serious desire for 
articles of commercial value. A few human bones, some charcoal, and 
a few (to the vandals) indifferent articles of flint and slate, were the 
result of their work. In the year 1884, Judge William H. Handy, then 
a resident of Wauseon, led an exploring party to these burial places, 
with somewhat better results. They called several of them sacrificial 
mounds on account of patches of earth, hardened by fire, which they 
termed altars. 

Such places of baked cla\' in the earth mounds of ancient people 
were called altars by Squier and Davis, in the first volume of the Smith- 
sonian publications. But, if they were altars, they do not necessarily 
imply the custom of human sacrifice ; nor does the finding of charcoal 
so generally in these mounds, imply cremation of their dead. Fire was 
used in these places possibly as a funeral rite ; but these places were 
probably used for camps in wet seasons, and the fire was used for heat- 
ing and cooking ; also the smallest bones found thereabout are proba- 
bly of the animals there eaten. 

The finding in Tennessee of adult skeletons in stone graves too 
small for the complete body, has been interpreted as reburials of the 
bones after the flesh had disai>peared. Likewise skeletons of numerous 
bodies, found in separated and promiscuous condition under ashes, 
baked clay, charcoal, etc., with charred posts, leads to the inference 



EXTINCT ANIMAL REMAINS: CIRCULAR EARTH RIDGES. 61 

that the prehistoric people buried their dead under the floor of their 
hut, like some of the later aborigines ; or had a charnel house, and 
when for any cause a change of location was desired the}' burned the 
house and sometimes threw u]) a mound over the remains. 

Mastodon -\nii Opher Extinct Animal Remains. 

The petrified remains of several mastodons have also been found 
in Fulton County, the most complete and perfect being in York Town- 
ship eight miles southeast of Wauseon. In the southeastern part of 
the Basin like remains have been found as well as in the western part 
before mentioned; also in Auglaize County, Ohio, parts of eight 
mastodon skeletons have been found, and the remains of the giant 
beaver, both of which animals were co-existent with man in the Mau- 
mee River Basin following the subsidence of the glacial waters. 

Pre-Histdric Circles anm Semi-Circi.es ok Earth Ridges. 

Earth enclosures also abound In Ohio and in other States. In 
form these vary from square to more or less octagonal and circular. 
Their uses have been discussed as hill forts, geometrical enclosures, 
as sacred and as defensive walls, forming partial enclosures. "^ 

Of circles, the writer has record of three in the Maumee River 
Basin; also of four semi-circles. It is regretted that full and accurate 
surveys were not made of these ancient earthworks before their obliter- 
ation; but authentic data of their existence, situation and approximate 
size, have been gathered by the writer from elderly persons residing 
near, and from various other sources. 

Beginning in the northwestern part of the Basin and following 
down the streams, we note first, a circular ridge of earth on the 
moraine in the northeastern and highest part of Smithfield Township, 
DeKalb County, Indiana. The ridge is rather indefinite in part, with 
indications of possibly two original openings, while in other places it is 
yet near three feet in height. Its diameter is about 200 feet. Another 
circle is situate about four miles northeast of Hamilton, Steuben 
County, in Richland Townshi]i. It is locally known as the Mystic 
Circle, is 68 yards in diameter, and averages between three and four 
feet in height with a breadth of 12 feet at the base of the earth wall or 
ridge. Both of these circular earthworks show an entrance opening of 
12 to 14 feet wide, a little west of south. Many large trees are grow- 
ing in and around both these circles. 

The third circular earthwork, now nearly obliterated bv cultivation 



* For a full discussion of Prehistoric Mounds and Enclosures, see the Twelfth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology. Washincton. 1894. 4to, pages XLVIlI-l-742. Also Archaeological History of 
Ohio, by the State Society, Columbus, 1902, etc. 



62 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



of the land, was situated on the east (left) bank, in a bend of the River 
St. Joseph, in the northern part of St. Joseph Township, Allen County, 
Indiana. 

A few miles below, on the west bank, 'opposite Antrap's mill,' 
is a semi-circular ridge with opening" to the river. The earthwork is 
about 600 feet in arc, and is \et about two feet high, with a well de- 
fined ditch on the outside. Very large trees which have grown on 
the embankment have fallen and gone to decay.' "' 

Three semi-circular ridges of earth were found along the lower 
Maumee River. The first was observed between the years 1837-46, 
and the bookf from which the accompanying engraving is made, was 
published in 1848 as the first volume of the Smithsonian Contributions 

to knowledge. The description given at 
that time reads that 

This work is situated on the right bank of the 
Maumee River, two miles above Toledo, in Wood 
Count)', Ohio. The water of the river is here deep 
and still, and of the lake level ; the bluff is about .3.5 
feet high. Since the work was built, the current has 
undermined a portion, and parts of the embankment 
are to be seen on the slips, a, a. The country for 
miles in all directions is flat and wet, and is heavily 
timbered, as is the space in and around this inclos- 
ure. The walls, measuring from the bottoms of the 
ditches, are from three to four feet high. They are 
not of uniform dimensions throughout their e.\tent ; 
and as there is no ditch elsewhere, it is presumable 
that the work was abandoned before it was finished. 
Nothing can be more plain than that most of the re- 
mains in Northern Ohio are military works. There 
have not yet been found any remnants of the timber 
in the walls ; yet it is very safe to presume that 
palisades were planted on them, and that wood posts and gates were erected at the pas- 
sages left in the embankments and ditches. All the positions are contiguous to water ; 
and there is no higher land in their vicinity from which they might in any degree be 
commanded. Of the works bordering on the shore of Lake Erie, through the State of 
Ohio, there are none but may have been intended for defense ; although in some of 
them the design is not perfectly manifest. They form a line from Conneaut to Toledo, 
at a distance of from three to five miles from the lake, and all stand upon or near the 
principal rivers. . . . The most natural inference with respect to the northern 
cordon of work is, that they formed a well-occupied line, constructed either to protect 




f^fi'swn hu Col VJl.;nl«stu 



Prehistoric Earthwork at Eayle Point, 
near Toledo. 



"•' The two last named earthworks were but l)riefiy mentioned by Col. Robert S. Robertson, of Fort 
Wayne, in a contribution years atto to one of tlie newspapers (name and date not known to the writer) of 
his city, with the title Prehistoric Remains. A clippin^i is preserved in his scrap book, now in pos- 
sesion of the writer, who is further informed that no definite survey was inade of the enclosures or 
mounds mentioned above. 

^Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, hy E. GeoTue Squiei: and Dr. E. H. Davis, Wash- 
ington, 1848. 



PREHISTORIC SEMI-CIRCULAR FORT EARTHWORKS. 65 



the advance of a nation landing from the lake and moving southward for conquest ; or, 
a line of resistance for people inhabiting these shores and pressed upon by their southern 
neighbors. The scarcity of mounds, the absence of pyramids of earth, which are so 
common on the Ohio River, the want of rectangular or any other regular works at the 
north — all these difterences tend to the conclusion that the northern part of Ohio was 
inhabited by a distinct people. 

The writer quoted above prepared a pamphlet later, which was 
published for the Western Reserve Historical Society, descriptive of 
this line of earthworks'^ showing the one here engraved as the most 
westerly of the series. 

About two miles below the above mentioned semi-circle, another 
of similar form was later described. t It was situate also on the east 
bank of the Maumee a little above the present Fassett Street Bridge 
and back of the present Cincinnati, Hamilton, and Davton Railroad 
Grain Elevator, in Toledo. When surveyed by Grove K. Gilbert 
the ridge of earth was little less than two feet above the surface, 
and ditches existed within and without. Its diameter was 387 feet, 
its curve irregular as though its location had been influenced by 
the position of trees. At one point, jsrobably the entrance, a 
second short ridge e.xisted inside the principal one. The northern end 
rested on the river bank a few yards south of the present Fassett 
Street. When Elias Fassett settled at his present residence nearby, 
previous to the year 1850, the site of this inclosure was covered with 
large sugar maple trees. Not a vestige of this ancient earthenwork, 
nor of the one above described, now remains. There are in the 
vicinity of the site of the one last described two small streets named 
Fort and Crescent, suggestive of its use and form. 

The- last prehistoric earth- 
work of this series remaining to 
be described, was situated on the 
south bank of Swan Creek, a few 
squares altove its entrance into 
the Maumee River. It included 
the present crossing of Oliver and 
Clayton Streets, Toledo, as shown 
in the acconqianying engraving.! 
At the time of its survey in 
1>^71, it had been nearh' obliter- 
ated by the gradin.g of the streets, 
but was restored in this drawing 
by aid of old citizens familiar 

Prehistoric Earthwork in Toledo. ^^,^lj Jjg outlines. ItS shorteSt 




* Ancient Earth Forts of the Cuyahoga Valley. Ohio, by Col. Chas. Whittlesey, Cleyelaiid, 1871. 
t Geological Survey of Ohio, Geology, volume i, page 586. 



64 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

diameter was 400 feet, and its walls extended down the bluff to 
the former channel of the creek which has wandered northward a 
S(iuare or more, evidently since this inclosure was built, leaving' a 
small flood-plain throuj;'h which a channel was cut for lake boats about 
the year 1H70. 

A few pieces of pottery and stone implements have been found in 
and about these inclosures; but they are not authentic as relics of 
those who constructed the earthworks, nor of their early occupants. 

The later Aborigines, and the early French fur buyers also occu- 
]iied some of them, if not all. The latter probably erected stockades 
on their ridges to protect their stocks of brandy and trinkets for trade. 
The number and situation of these earthworks make it improbable 
that the early European traders built them. 

At the dawn of history in this Basin, and for many years there- 
after, the Iroquois or Five Nations of New York were at war with the 
Miamis and the Illinois tribes, and it is probable that those aggressive 
and generally successful warriors used these inclosures, if they did not 
build them, as rallying jioints, and as means of defense when hard 
pressed, on their long campaigns. The three by the lower Maumee 
were well situated to guard their route against their enemies to the 
northward; and those in northeastern Indiana to guard against the 
Miamis, whose headquarters at the head of the Maumee were within 
easy reach of the two lowest enclosures hy the St. Joseph River. If 
defeated at one rallying point, retreat to the next one could be 
easily made.'^ 

Similar circular ridges of earth in Southern Ohio, and farther 
south, have been termed sacred enclosures; the smallest ones hut 
rings, and the largest ones lodge sites or walls embracing and pro- 
tecting a collection of lodges, to the number of even one hundred. t 

The Aborigines as First Described. 

The American Aborigines when they first saw Europeans were 
awe-struck by the size of their ships, and by the accouterments, 
conduct and general appearance of their visitors; and for a time the 
foreigners were treated with native reverence begotten of fear and 
wonderment. A short-time association, however, demonstrated to the 
Europeans the savage nature of these primitive people. 

Perhaps the best all-sided glimpses we get of some of the first 



* The Iroquois had circular forts with stockades in New York in 1615; also the Wyandots ( Hurons ). 
The Jesuits advised the latter to build tlieir forts in square form so that the Frencli ar'iuebuses at two 
diattonal corners could protect the entire enclosure. The palisaded forts were probably built after the 
suiifiestion of Europeans who supplied the metal axes for the work. See Parknian's Pioneers of 
France in the New World, pa^'e 403. Also The Jesuit Relations. 

^Eleventh Report of the Peabody Museum, vol. ii. pajies 347, 348. 



CHARACTER OF THE ABORIGINES WHEN FIRST SEEN. 65 

historical Aborigines whose descendants infested the Maumee River 
Basin in later times, are from the Jesuits'^ who, from the year 1610, 
traveled along the St. Lawrence River, north and south, and along the 
Great Lakes. Their altars, chants, robes, and their kindly demeanor 
made a great impression at first upon these Aborigines and, although 
several priests later suffered great violence and death at the hands of 
these savages, they were generally afforded good opportunities for 
observing the characteristics and the wretched state of these children 
of the wilds; and the refined spirits of these priests enabled them to 
write forbearinglv of the multiform barbarities they could not prevent, 
and which thev were compelled to witnt-ss and sometimes personally 
experience. 

While it is given to but few of the civilized and somewhat cul- 
tured people to rise very high above childhood's estate, in many ways, 
there was not one of these primitive people but who was childish in 
the extreme, in most respects throughout life, although at times 
exhibiting the ferocity of a tiger. The early record of them, given in 
the writings of these missionaries, is but a continued series of contra- 
dictions, with a great preponderance of unbridled savagery springing 
from their primitive impulsive sensuousness. In most respects they 
were but little above the savage wild beasts surrounding them, and in 
some of their exuberances they were generally fiendish. While they 
were at times somewhat amiable, they were licentious and impure. 
They were lazy, rude, egotistical and boastful. At times generous and 
liberal, they were generally improvident, selfish and full of banter. 
With something of fortitude they were cowardly, importuning and with 
much of inconstancy. Their fidelity was opposed by craftiness and 
treachery : their charity by ingratitude, hypocrisy and deceit : their 
modesty by assertions of their superiority. Their moods were 
very changeable, but not so their filthy habits, pride and arrogance, 
suspicion and jealousy : and among a long list of other indict- 
ments are those of covetousness, thievishness, foulness of language, 
ingratitude, malice, noisiness of manners, contempt for strangers, 
faithlessness, with much of cruelty and ferocity and, often, worse 
than the savage beasts in their want of natural affection for their 
sick and afflicted progeny and aged kinsfolk, who were often either 
killed outright, or left to starve and die alone and unprotected. 

Thev were styled savages by the missionaries ; and a late writer 
stvles them the fiercest savages known to history, and the most 
wretched of the races of man.T 



* Jesuit Relations of Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France. 
1610-1791. Cleveland. I896-1W2, seventy-three volumes, 8 vo. 

t The Jesuit Relations, Cleveland, 1896, vol. i, pages viii and 38, 



66 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Their bodies were generally of good height, well-proportioned, 
lithe and vigorous, as no deformed or weakling one was permitted to 
survive childhood. " Their complexion," wrote Rev. Joseph Jouvency, 
"is the same as the French, although they disfigure it with fat and 
rancid oil, with which they grease themselves : nor do they (the men) 
neglect paints of various colors, by means of which they appear 
beautiful to themselves, but to us ridiculous. Some may be seen with 
blue noses, but with cheeks and eyebrows black ; others mark fore- 
head, nose and cheeks with lines around the eyes and in different 
directions and with various colors derived from earths, roots, etc., all 
mixed with grease, so that one would think he beheld so many hob- 
golilins. Others paint the entire body so as to resemble clothing at a 
distance, or otherwise. Thev believe that in colors of this description 
they are dreadful to their enemies, and that likewise their own fear in 
line of battle will be concealed as by a veil ; finally, that it hardens the 
skin of the body, so that the cold of winter is' more easily borne." 
Some of them also indelibly tattooed the neck, chest, arms and cheeks 
with powdered charcoal, by means of thorns, tlius portraying rude 
outlines of birds or animals, such as the snake, eagle, toad, etc. 
Occasional deaths were noted from this practice, probabl\' by blood- 
poisoning from the impure rancid greases and other filth with which 
the charcoal was mixed, and from their general uncleanly habits. 

The hair was worn in different stvles. Some disposed of it from 
the sides of the head and tied the central remaining part together so as 
to stand upward ; others trained the hair downward over the temples. 
All persistently pulled out the beard. Men and women alike, pierced 
the lobes of their ears, and some their noses, making the holes as 
large as practicable, and wore therein mollusk shells or whatever of 
bright objects they could get. 

Winter clothing was nearly alike for men and women. It was 
composed of skins of animals fastened together with animal tendons 
or strips of skin, and suspended from the shoulders or over one 
shoulder and under the other and it extended generally to about the 
knees. A belt was often worn and the robe was pouched over the 
stomach thus forming a receptacle for personal belongings. Leggings 
and moccasins were also worn out of doors; and sleeves, which were 
large at the shoulders and nearly came together at the back. These 
limb coverings were removed by all on entering the lodge ; and the 
men usually disrobed to nudity excepting a piece of bark or skin sus- 
pended from the waist in front which was their only summer covering. 
Seldom was any covering worn on the head. Belts, necklaces and 
l>racelets made of round clam shells or quahaug ( Venus mercenaria) or 
from quills of the porcupine, were valued highly. 



HABITATIONS AND FOODS OF THF ABORIGINES. 67 

They moved from place to place with yreat facility. The women, 
assisted by the children, did all the heavy work including the drawing 
or carrying of all their meager belongings and the putting up of a 
lodge or wigwam, when one was necessary in cold weather. The}' 
would put up a teepee f tipi ) in from half hour to two hours by gather- 
ing poles, sticking them in the ground, fastening the top ends together, 
and covering the sides with skins, bark, branches of trees, moss or 
mats made of rushes or tough grass. A hut was even more readily 
built in the forest. An opening was left at the top for the smoke of 
the fire to escape, which it did but imperfectly, causing much irritation 
and injury to the eyes of the inmates with additional repulsiveness to 
their general appearance and odor. Foliage of trees and grass was 
sometimes laid on the ground and alone used, or covered with skins or 
• mats for beds. A piece of bark or a suspended skin served as door if 
such was thought necessary as a protection against cold winds. For 
summer use, if to remain in one place for some length of time, broader 
and longer cabins were sometimes built in form of arbors, bark and mats 
being used for covering. These were often large enough to accommo- 
date several families — as many as twelve being mentioned by Cham- 
plain, two families using one fire in common. They had no chairs nor 
other furniture and sat on the ground with their heels close to the body 
and knees close to the chin. 

They obtained fire by striking two hard stones together with glanc- 
ing strokes ( one piece of iron pyrites and one piece of flint were pre- 
ferred ) over the dried skin of an eagle's thigh w'ith the down left on, 
or over spunk or pulverized baik, which caught the sparks and served 
as the first kindling. They also made fire by the friction method of 
rotating a dry stick rapidly liack and forth between the hands, one 
end being pressed against a dry stone or stick. 

Their food, in winter particularly, was largely of meat obtained by 
hunting, trapping and fishing, in which the men generally took the 
lead, often making long and tedious journeys and suffering much from 
hunger in the chase. Here, also, the women generally gathered dead 
limbs of trees and made the fire, found the water, prepared the food, 
preserved the meats by smoking and drying them, prepared the skins 
and made the clothing, did much of the fishing, made and repaired the 
canoes, snow shoes and utensils, and went for the game to the place 
where their lords had killed and left it. The meat of the bear was 
preferred on account of the large quantity of grease it contained. Eggs 
of wild fowls were eaten, also wild fruits, berries, beans, nuts and 
roots in their season. These people were, however, improvident, and 
dire hunger sorely distressed them in unfavorable seasons. When not 
pressed by enemies, some maize (corn, zea mays) was cultivated liy 



68 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

the women, then either roasted on the ear, or pounded, wet with water 
and baked between heated stones. The succotash, composed of corn, 
beans and sometimes vegetables, boiled together, was a later dish after 
the receipt of metal utensils from Europeans. Receptacles were made 
of bark ( they possessed no metal utensils until supplied by Europeans ) 
in which meats and other food were placed with water and then more 
or less cooked by means of heated stones dropped into the mess. They 
had no salt for their food. Their meager culinary utensils were, like 
their game, never cleaned — the more saturated they were with grease 
the better — and they ])artook of the general filthiness of the lodge or 
camp. They ate from their hand direct; and the hands of the men 
and women, when dripping with grease, were wiped on their hair or 
clothes. When otherwise particularh' or obnoxiously covered the 
hands were wiped on the shaggy hair of a dog or rubbed with powdered 
rotten wood or whatever was most convenient. Their nails were never 
cut, nor particularK' cleaned. Water for bathing was not in favor: 
vermin abounded on their persons and were eaten when caught. 

These people were bred to savagery and war A slight offense 
or injury, real or imagined, inflicted on any member of a band or 
tribe would excite a desire for revenge, and war would generally 
result. These conflicts were waged by small bands, by the entire 
tribe or by a combination of tribes, according to circumstances 
and conditions. Their weapons for warfare and against the wild 
beasts were bows and arrows, javelins or spears and, for closer com- 
bat, stone axes, stone tomahawks and clubs of wood or stone heads. 
Their bows were made of hickory, oak, ash, and sometimes of softer 
woods, often reinforced along the back with rawhide. These bows 
were operated with strings of rawhide or twisted hemp bark (cannabis 
sativa). The arrows were feathered at the heel and often pointed at 
the head with flint or bone. Possibly some of these points were some- 
times dipped in the juices of poisonous plants and then dried, for use 
against their enemies: but the general uncleanly conditions were suffi- 
cient to account for all inflammations and lilood poisonings authenti- 
cally recorded from their use. The weapons were generally carried in 
belt or skin quiver. The axes and tomahawks were hafted with withes 
wrapped around them and, later, covered with wet rawhide which 
shrunk, on drying, and formed a stiff, serviceable handle. Firm wood 
was sometimes shaped as handles by burning to the desired length and 
then scraping with flints. Occasionally one protected himself against 
enemies by a shield made of bark covered with rawhide. A few 
warriors also wore for a time armor for body and limbs made of dried 
rawhide or of braided twigs, strips of bark or hemp. Probably the 
idea of armor and of shield was obtained from the earlier Europeans. 



■ THE FIERCEST SAVAGES KNOWN TO HISTORY. 69 

Both shields and armor were but little emploved on account of their 
interfering with their movements through the woods and the free use 
of their bodies in battle. All their jiowers of deception, stealth and 
treachery were employed in their campaigns against and in the attack- 
ings of their enemies. The chief desire was to surprise, by ambush or 
stealthy approach, the party they wished to assail, and in the confusion 
and panic that followed to slay or capture as many as possible. No 
attempt was made to maintain a regular order and line of battle: in 
fact the war-chief, like their other nominal leaders generally, had little 
if any control after the combat began. Those of the enemy slain, or 
wounded so they could not walk well, were scalped. 

Captives were generally very desirable for slaves or, if particularly 
obnoxious enemies, they were subjected to the most fiendish tortures 
according to the convenience, mood and degree of frenzy of the captors 
and their women or friends. They were generally stripped of clothing 
and forced to run the gauntlet between rows of their tormentors who, 
armed with whips, thorns, sharp sticks, clubs, and other articles, 
goaded, beat and lacerated the limbs and body until the poor victim 
often fell bleeding and exhausted; when he was left to revive, to be 
again beset with new tortures — his nails torn from his fingers by their 
teeth, the fingers crushed or cut off, his limbs broken, his scalp re- 
moved, his limbs pierced by sharji sticks and the nerves drawn out, 
his wounds burned by live coals of fire and blazing torches which were 
applied to the most sensitive parts. Pieces of roasted flesh would be 
cut or torn from the limbs, eaten by the jiersecutors and their children, 
or thrust down the throat of the sufferer. If he showed great fortitude 
and endurance the torment was continued from day to day intermit- 
tingly ; his blood was applied to freshly made openings in the skin of 
his tormentors that they might therefrom become imbued with his forti- 
tude ; he was made to walk through fire; his flesh was lacerated and 
burned in new places ; he was tied to a stake and a slow fire kindled 
under him and more of his flesh distributed and eaten. Finally, when 
the victim was exhausted and could be made to suffer no more, his 
heart was torn out and eaten that the\' might thereby receive his 
braverj' and endurance. 

Each individual and tribe endeavored to exceed the others in their 
atrocities. The women generally entered into these fiendish acts with 
high glee ; and while women captives were generally treated with less 
atrocity, and were often adopted into the tribe and married by their 
captors, they occasionally suffered the same fate as the men. 

Captive children, if strong, were generally kept, and the youths 
and less obnoxious captives were also sometimes saved from mutilation 



10 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and death and subjected to slavery or adopted. The stronger tribes 
increased in numbers materially by such captures. M 

The scalps of enemies were considered great trophies. They were M 

at first suspended from the belts of their takers, and then dried, painted 
and displayed by the women inside the lodges, or outside on poles, that 
all members of the camp, young and old, might continually be im- 
pressed with the jirowess of the possessors of the largest number. 

The heads of the vanquished were sometimes severed as trophies 
and their limbs were occasionalh' removed and carried away for food, 
as all of these warring tribes were cannibals. 

There was no tendenc}- among these Aborigines toward the better- 
ing of their very low, savage condition at the time of the coming of the 
Europeans early in the seventeenth century. They possessed nothing 
that could be called government in general. Individualism and im- 
pulse were the rule, ever varying with the condition and mood. There 
were no laws, no magistrates, no regular marriage ceremony, no code 
of ethics or of morals. Their social relations were meager, consisting 
mostly of their loose combinations for war, feastings and dances. 

Their industries were of the most primitive kind. The forming of 
canoes from bark represented their most skillful handiwork. Some 
there were who fashioned snares and traps for wild animals, including 
fish, of strings and mats. They were not workers of metals other than 
of native hematite or blood iron ore, fragments of which they dressed 
as they did stones, and of native copper fragments which they pounded 
by stones into somewhat of the forms desired ; but of these there were 
comparatively few articles. 

Their weapons and implements, other than of wood and bones of 
lower animals, were of flint and other hard stones (see ante page 58 ). 
Some of the knives, tools, implements and weapons of the Stone Age 
used by them were well formed; but whether the better class of these 
articles were made by these tribes or whether they were obtained from 
the southern tribes by trade or conquest, is not definitely known. But 
few utensils were made, and the ever-ready bark of trees, in various 
kinds and thicknesses, was the principal material employed. Recep- 
tacles for carrying smaller articles were made of skins of animals as 
well as of bark. Occasional pieces of rude pottery were in use, but 
their generally broken condition and the few fragments found here have 
led to the inference that these articles, like their better stone articles, 
were brought from the more sedentary people to the southward. 

Ornaments of stones, shells, bones, birds' claws, etc., were also 
used. These articles, like their weapons, were quite uniform in 
material, form and finish, as found throughout the States, north, south, 
east and west, during later years, which indicates that their manufac- 



THE DOG. AMD AMUSEMENTS OF THE ABORIGINES. 71 

ture was carried on by the more mechanical tribes to the southward, 
and that the tribes had remarkable wide range, perhaps both in trade 
and conquest alternately. Their stone articles were gradually dis- 
carded at the coming of Europeans with metal weapons, utensils, 
and ornaments, to trade for furs. 

Thev had no svstem of writing; but there was in occasional use 
something of a code of communication by means of small sticks, indi- 
cating number or direction, left in the probable track of following 
friends; and in imitation of south-western peoples or, later, in imita- 
tion of the Europeans. There were also crude efforts in pictography 
on pipes, rocks, skins, etc. 

The only domesticated animal they possessed was a shaggy, 
wolfish dog. It was kept in considerable numbers, was serviceable in 
the hunt, particularly^ of the bear, and was used sometimes by the 
women to assist in drawing on poles their belongings from one camp- 
ing place to another. These dogs were generally close attendants and 
often supplied the family meat by their own bodies, both in times of 
feasting and of scarcity in the hunt. 

Their peaceful hours were mostly passed in recovering from the 
fatigues of battle or the chase, or from the ill effects of the feasts. 
Badgerings of one another were often indulged in, and games in which 
the gambling phase was uppermost. The game of straws was a favor- 
ite one and was played with great dexterity and vivacity. The straws 
employed were of three lengths, the greatest length being about ten 
inches. The game appeared at times something like that of jack- 
straws, but generally Europeans did not gather an understanding of it. 
A game, designated crosse by the Jesuits, was also frequently played, 
and this is the source of the modern game Lacrosse. A game of 
dish was another common one. It was played with plum seeds, about 
six in number, one side of each being darkened. They were caused to 
bound and turn by striking the bark dish containing them on the 
ground, and the player having uppermost the greatest number of a 
certain color was the winner. The fascination of the gambling feature 
in these games often led to the complete impoverishment of one or more 
players at each game bv the loss of his weapons, clothing and trinkets. 

Fastings were compulsory by nature, following their engorgements, 
and at times on account of their improvidence in years of plenty against 
the severe seasons when they could not hunt, or when there was a 
dearth of game and of vegetable products. 

Feastings and dances were common when food was obtainable, to 
celebrate any event or to work off any exuberance of spirit, and glut- 
tony was habitual. Their 'eat-all' or 'leave-nothing' feasts resulted, 
in times of plenty, in the great gorging and distress of the partakers. 



72 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

for he who could eat the most was the greatest among them. These 
feasts were great drains on the possessions of their givers. 

The feast of all most generally and widely participated in, was 
called the feast of the dead. The bones of their deceased friends and 
of animals, on account of their enduring nature, were endowed with 
superstitious beliefs of their future rehabilitation, and these supersti- 
tions gave rise to various forms of their deposition, and peculiar rever- 
ence to them and to the place of their deposit. The flesh, on account 
of its ready decay, was an obnoxious substance to be gotten rid of as 
soon as possible. At first the body was enveloped in furs and liuried 
in a shallow grave, often in their sitting posture with heels and knees 
close to the body ; or sometimes placed in a tree. On the battle-field, 
or near the enemy, their slain were hurriedly secreted and covered with 
leaves or whatever was most convenient. At irregular intervals feasts 
of the dead were proposed by the older persons, and as many influ- 
enced to participate in them as practicable, even of other tribes when 
good will existed. On these occasions, ever}' eight, ten, twelve or more 
years, the dead, wherever buried, were brought together at the central 
point agreed upon. The flesh still present was stripped from the 
bones and cast away, and the bones were carried into the family lodge 
or assembled in the largest cabin to await the return of the most distant 
bodies. The bones of as many as one hundred deceased persons were 
thus seen gathered for the final leave taking of the friends ; and some- 
times the emotion there displayed was in great contrast to the indiffer- 
ence manifested at other times in the abandonment of the sick or aged to 
wild beasts or to starvation. The ceremonies at these feasts consisted 
of examination and leave-taking of the bones, the giving of presents, 
athletic contests, dances in which the women often led in song and, 
finally, in the deposition of the bones in one place, either in a pit or on 
the ground, rather y)romiscuously, and then the covering of them, 
sometimes fiy a mound of earth like the prehistoric mounds described 
on previous pages. These were great occasions in the longer intervals 
of peace when the food supply was plentiful, and many joined in the 
ceremonies with liberal presents to the dead, many of which presents 
were retained by the chief managers and others were distributed by 
throwing them high to be scrambled for by the multitude. Rude drums 
and rattles were sometimes the accompaniments to their dancing and 
chanting. 

The mortality of these savage people from exposure and disea'se 
was great, particularly among children. The mothers were generally 
prolific, liut, having all the heavy work to do and being at a great dis- 
advantage in their nomadic life and from the indifference of the men, 
many accidents and willful mishaps befell them. It was estimated 



THE SORCERERS AND MEDICINE MEN. 



73 



that not one child in thirtx lived throut;li childhood. From their gor- 
mandizing and other excesses, diseases were common among the adults. 
There were neither nurses nor delicacies for those seriously or long- 
sick. The only attention they received was from the sorcerers, who 
were wholly ignorant regarding diseases and of the science and art of 
medicine for their cure. Their following was wholly from superstition. 
Their efforts for the cure or advice of their patrons consisted of the 
crudest jugglery and generally hastened the death of all persons weak- 
ened by disease. These sorcerers were called priests, prophets, 
diviners tiy dreams from something of hvdromancx', necromancv and 
pyromancy; soothsayers, magicians, etc., of primitive type. They 
were considered more intelligent than the generality of their people 
and were chiefs in most affairs. They invented the legends and 
repeated as much of the traditions as suited their desires. Their 
words were listened to with awe. They were vaguelv and varioush' 
religious: and they were made more awe-inspiring bv the displa\" of 
peculiarly shaped articles of stone and slate, or of unusual lirightness, 
also by hideous attire and trappings, monotonous movements or 




Piehisluric Tubes, luund aluiwi tlie banks wi tlu Mauiiiee and Aui^laize Rivtrs jiear Detiance. 
There are several theories reuardinn their use. Perhaps they were used by the sorcerers in their 
incantations. The shortest one has been called a tobacco pipe. Like most of the otiiers, it is a good 
whistle. The hour-class form is very rare. It is of line-erain uranite, and the others are of slate. In 
the Author's Collection. 



74 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



dances ' accompanied by intonations of the most unmeaning sem- 
blance of words that came to the tongue and which none of the users, 
even, understood. In these and other ways these sorcerers hypnotized 
their auditors to a degree and nourished the superstition in which their 
influence consisted. With grotesque accouterments, incantations and 
ceremonial olijects they sought or pretended to relieve the sick by 
driving or drawing the pain or maladv away, by sucking or blowing 
through tubes, by tappings with crescentic articles of slate ; or by 
efforts to exorcise it with ridiculous tricks, or hideous noises that were 
very prostrating and disastrous to one in low jihysical condition. Ex- 
tremes of sweatings and then of dashings of or into cold water were 
sometimes employed after seeing the bathings of Englishmen. Also, 
after viewing the medicine chests of the Europeans and witnessing their 
administration of medicines to their sick, the Aborigine sorcerers pre- 
pared and administered compounds without reason or formula, but as 
an addition to their ever varying pretences. Generous payment in 
furs and other articles of trade was expected and received by these 
l)retenders. 






'<^i' 



•*: 







.11: ! 

mmmm % 



AN ABORIGINE MEDICINE MAN. 
(From Catlin) 



EXPLORATION OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN. 



IB 



CHAPTER IV. 

Explorers — Cartographers — Aborigines — The British Succession. 

1615 TO 1766. 

Frenchmen began to explore the shores of the Great Lakes early 
in the seventeenth century. In the year 1615 Samuel de Champlain 
visited the Wyandots (Hurons) at Lake Huron, and passed several 
months among them and in visiting other tribes during that summer 
and the following winter. He probably traveled in winter along the 
western and southwestern shores of Lake Erie, and thus obtained a 
better understanding of some of this lake's tributaries and of the 
Aborigines than of the breadth of it, which he represented too narrow 
in his map as published in 1632. While the lakes of the central part 
of this map, here shown, are out of proportion, the reader will readily 
recognize what was drawn for the Maumee and its tributaries. 




£ iro w ^ J 






\ 




2 iS ^ 2 jA/ 2i 7 / xti/ 2 ff f 2 <fc, / 1^/ / i<r^ , i .y? ' f ^^ 2 <?j- 



-.J 2^,5 . 3/^ j^O 



Central part of Champlain's Map published in 1632. ' Mer Douce' is Lake Huron.' 



*This map and the next eight maps of Lake Erie and the Maumee River, are taken from Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical History of America, vohime iv. by permission of Houghton, Mittln and 
Company, publishers, Boston. 

This map is also given in The Documentary History of the State of New York, volume iii. 
Albany, 1850. 



76 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



Probably Champlain did not explore all these regions in person, 
but gathered his information largely from the imperfect description 
given b\' the Aborigines. The very meager and untrustworthy descrip- 
tions given by the Aborigines may account for manv of the imperfec- 
tions, including disproportions, of the early maps of this broad forest 
region. The rejiresentations of Aborigine lodges, and swamps, and 
the shadings of Champlain's work, are omitted from the outline repro- 
duction of this very interesting map. 




Carte CenSrale des Gostes de f Am^rique, by Covens and Mortier, 16.')4-5.5 ? Tlie Afer Douce 
at the left is Lake Huron, and southward are sketched Lake Erie and tlie Maumee River. 

Another map without name or date, but probably drawn between 
the vears 1640 and l(i50, shows Lake Erie in better form than does 




Sanson's Map. 1656. 



THE FIRST FRENCH MAPS. 



77 



Champlain's map, but Laku Huron is too widely separated, and dis- 
connected. This map like many others of early times, omits portages 
or the proximity of headwaters. 

A General Map of the Coasts of America was published in Amster- 
dam, Holland, by Covens and Mortier in the year 1655 or before. It 
is here reproduced in outline. 

Nicolas Sanson, Royal Geographer of France from IfUT to 1H67, 
made a map bearing date 1656, a part of which is here reproduced. 

Pere du Creux, whose name 
is often written Creuxius, ]iro- 
duced a map in 1660 which also 
shows Lake Erie and its tribu- 
taries. 

Soon after this date if not 
before, the Jesuits sketched a 
ma]i in which the Maumee River 
is prominently shown as the 
only tributary to the southwest- 
ern part of Lake Erie. ' 

It appears probable that the 
intrepid and illustrious French 
explorer Sieur de la Salle not 
only passed up the Maumee 

Map by Creuxius. 166(1. Central part. River and down the Wabash tO 

his discovery of the Ohio and 
Mississippi in the fall of 1669, 
but that he returned along these 
rivers during the winter, spring 
or summer of 1670, thence along 
the western shore of Lake Erie, 
and northeastward to the Ot- 
tawa River in Canada, where 
the voyageur writer Nicolas Per- 
rot saw him that summer. t 
The maps of this new coun- 

The Jesuits' Earl.v Map. Central part, 

trv produced soon after this 

date show important changes, and evidence the above claims regarding 





* See Francis Parkman's La Salle and the Great West, paue 4.^2. 

tThere has been much of research and speculation by writers reKardinn the whereabouts of 
La Salle duriny the autumn of 1669, and the year or two next following'. The reader who desires to 
pursue this subject is referred to those writincs, and to the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quar- 
terly for .^pril. 1903, volume xii. paye 107 et set?., where Charles E. Slocuin has gathered evidence of 
La Salle's travel along the Maumee and Wabash. 



78 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



La Salle. The Ohio River is in them first traced, but near enough 
to the Maumee for easy iiortage. This is the case in Joliet's smaller 
ma]) of XWi'l, and in an anonvmous map of the Basin of the Great Lakes 

of al)out the same date. 
Sketches of the central 
parts of these maps are 
here given.* 

The Wabash River 
was traced on Jean Bap- 
tiste Louis Franquelin's 
map in 1682, showing 
its origin in a lake near 
the Maumee, according 
with statement in the 
preserved fragment of 
one of La Salle's letters, 
and with the swampy 
condition of the early 
drainage channel of the 
Maumee Glacial Lake 
southwest of Fort 
Wayne, Indiana, which 
swamp remained un- 
drained until the latter 
half of the nineteenth 
century. This map by 
Franquelin, however, 
traced the Wabash into the Illinois River, an error that was corrected 
in his map of 1684, which map is more in detail and quite accurate 
in many respects. 

The next year (1685) Minet published his Carte de la Louisiane 
which, though not accurate, shows the Maumee River, the portage 
southwest, the Wabash River springing from a lake, and the route to 
the Mississippi. J Other maps were published during the latter part 




RENE ROBERT CA\'ELIEK, SlEl'R DE LA SALLE. t 

Born 25 November, 1643, at Rouen, France. Was assassinated 
19 March. 1687, in Texas. 



"^ The legend in Joliet's map was written below the Ohio River at a much later date than the 
making of the map. The figures in the map of the Great Lakes refer to a written list of explanations, 
samples of which are here given, viz: 21, Riviere Ohio ainsy apelike par les Iroquois a cause de sa 
beaut^ par ou le Sr. de la Salle est descendu. 22, Les Illinois [Aborigines]. 23, Baye des Kentayentoga 
[Water-way of the Kentucky .^boriginesl. 24, Les Chaouenons. 25, Cette riviere baigne un fort beau 
pays ou Ton trouve des pommes, des grenades, des raisins et d'autres fruits sauvages. Le Pays est 
decouvert pour la plus part, y ayant seulement des bois d'espace en espace. Les Iroquois ont d^truit 
la plus grande partie des habitans dont on voit encore quelques restes. Narrative and Critical History 
of America. Houghton, Mifflin, and Company, Roston, 1884, volume iv, page 216. 

t From Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History, volume v, copyright, 1901, by Harper 
& Brothers. 

t Narrative and Critical History of America, volume iv. page 237. 



THE LATER FRENCH MAPS. 



79 



of the seventeenth century and early part of the eighteenth, showing 
more or less of these features, particularly the maps by Raffeix in 1688, 

by Hennepin in 1HSI7, and by La 
Montan in 1703 and 1709. 

Previous to this time the 
British had no special carto- 
graphers in America. The 2Hth 
November, 17 0, Richard 
Coote Earl of Bellomont, Gov- 
ernor of New York, in his re- 
])ort to the Lords of Trade in 
London, stated that 

The French have mightily impos'd 




Basin of the Great Lakes, 1672. Central part ot 
the Map. 



on the world in the mapps they have 
made of this continent, and our Geogra- 
phers have been led into grosse mis- 
takes by the French mapps, to our very 
great prejudice. It were as good a 
work as your Lordships could do, to 
send over a very skillful surveyor to 
make correct maps of all these planta- 
tions and that out of hand, that we may 
not be cozen'd on to the end of the 
chapter by the, French. 

This suggestion was favor- 
ably acted upon after further 
evidence from 'Doc' Cadwalla- 
der Golden Surveyor General 
of New York who, in a Memoir 




Joliefs spialler map, 1672. Central part. The le- 
i;end under the Ohio River is of later date. 



on the Fur Trade of 10th No- 
vember, 1724, wrote that 'the 
French have been indetatigable 
in making discoveries and car- 
rying on their commerce with 
Nations of whom the English 
know nothing, but what they 
see in the French Maps and 

FraiiQuelin's Map of 1682. Books. ' 

The Cdureurs de Bois. 

These early maps prove conclusively that Frenchmen passed up 
and down the Maumee River in the seventeenth centurv of whose 




* See London Docuinents XIII and XXIII, New York Colonial Documents volume iv. pape 796, 
and volume v, page 727. 



?0 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



Sv^E .-T/f i 



journevinsis no other record than these majis has been preserved. Prob- 
ably the swarms of French cour- 
eurs de bois, bush or forest rang- 
ers'"' were the first to pass along 
the lake shores and the larger 
rivers, in every direction, with 
brand\- and small stocks of 
trinkets to trade with the Abo- 
rigines for their more valuable 
furs, even long before the rec- 
ords of the missionaries began. 
On account of the prohiliit- 
ing of trade to all others than a 




Fianquelin's Map of 16H4. Central part.t 



licensed company or two, and of the many other monarchical require- 
ments of State and the restrictions of the Church, many of the early 
French immigrants preferred life in the forests with the Aborigines, unre- 
strained by any of the proprieties of civilization. Reversion to barbar- 
ism, to turn traitor to civilization, is far easier to many persons than to 
keep step with the rigid, virtuous demands of advancing civilization. 
The character of manv of these early immigrants had been bad 
in their native land, of many of the coureurs de bois and soldiers par- 
ticularly-, prison doors having been opened to people these forests; 
and the open forest ways to libertinism, with the Aborigines who 
knew no morals, were very attractive. These people at once advanced 
to popularity with the savages who soon became addicted to their 
brandy and granted them every privilege. Their communication with 
the Aborigine women of every tribe and band was without restaint; 
and thus the French blood was early and freely mixed in the succeed- 
ing generations. Thev became defiant and the Government, and the 
Church, could neither control nor restrain them. J 



'■^ More commonly called in New England and New York bushlopers and swampiers and. by the 
Hollanders, bos loopers. In the year 17(X), it was lamented by some British officials that they had no 
such representatives in the forests. London Doc. XIII, N. Y. Col. Docs. vol. iv, paize 650. 

t This map, and the precedinc eipht maps showinir Lake Erie and the Maninee River, were taken 
from the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv, published by Honshton, Mifflin, and 
Company, Boston. 

t M. Talon, in his Memoir to King Louis XIV, under date of 10th November. 1670, writes regard- 
inn the coureurs de bois as follows: The edict enacted relative to niarriaces has been enregistered. 
and, proclaiming the intention of the King, I caused orders to be issued that the volunteers (whom on 
my return, I found in very great numbers, living in reality like banditi ) should be excluded from the 
1 .aborigine! trade and hunting; they are excluded by the law also front the honors of the Church, and 
from the Communities I Commt/naufesI if they do not marry fifteen days after the arrival of the ships 
from France Iwith women for this purposel. I shall consider some other expedient to stop these vaga- 
bonds; they ruin, partially, the Christianity of the Aborigines and the commerce of the French who 
labor in their settlements to extend the Colony, It were well did his Majesty order me, by lettre de 
Cachet, to fix them in some place where they would participate in the labors of the Communaute. Paris 
Document I, N. Y. Col. Docs. vol. ix. page 65. 



COUREURS DE BOIS: BRITISH-FRENCH WARS. 81 

Their numbers increased and, as the strictures of the authorities 
became more rigidly enforced in the French market, they carried their 
accumulations of peltries to the English markets which caused new and 
great alarm to the French companies and Government. Efforts to 
restrain them from this practice led to something of an organization 
among them, and to special rendezvous. It was also soon learned by 
the authorities that a brother-in-law of their leader Du Lhut was near 
the Governor, and an officer in his guards.'^ Force proved a damage 
to the Government and the palliative method was adopted. Amnesty 
was afterwards granted them and, as the population increased and the 
comjianies' trade extended in all directions further into the forests, 
they were eniitloyed as guides and voyageurs to and through the wilds 
before visited by them. They had (ireviously penetrated everj' region, 
near and remote; had dwelt among the Miami Aborigines, the Illinois, 
the Sioux, and even the AssiniboinsT < in the present Canadian 
province of Assiniboia) some having been absent one year, others 
two, three, and more years on their private explorations.! 

The British, being now largely deprived of the trade of the coureurs 
de bois, deemed it the more necessary to urge their own traders with 
the Aborigines to extend their range : and they employed the Five 
Nations also. The result of this aggressive action contributed a local 
coloring to the British-French wars that continued to be frequentl}' 
waged, with North America, constantly increasing in importance, as 
the prize to the victor. 

The British-French Wars from 1013 to 1747. 

The British have alwavs been an aggressive people, in new coun- 
tries particularly; and the French have not always been behind in 
urging their own claims, and in disiniting the claims of others. Wars 
between these nations, and between people of these nationalities in 
America, were frequently the rule for many years. France claimed 
the right to central North America from her claim of being the first to 
discover it in the voyages of John Verazzano who sailed from her jiort 



* Paris Document 11, New York Colonial Documents, volume ix. page 131. Ilbld. pane 1.53, 

- The general stimulus to individual, and clandestine, fur trade is described by Cadwallader 
Golden in 1724 as follows; The Barrenness of the Soil and the coldness of the Climate of Canada, 
obliges the greatest number of the Inhabitants to seek their living by travelling among the Aborigines 
or by trading with those that do travel. The Governor and other officers have but a scanty allowance 
from the King. & could not subsist were it not by the perquisites they have from this Trade, Neither 
could their Priests find any means to satisfy their ambition and Luxury without it. So that all heads 
& hands are employed to advance it and the men of best parts think it the surest way to advance 
themselves travelling among the Aborigines and learning the Languages even the Bigotry A: Enthusiasm 
of some hot heads has not been a little useful in advancing this commerce, N. Y. Col. Docs, volume 
V, page 737, Compare, also. Volney, 371; the Jesuit Relations, volumes 69. 70. etc. 



82 . THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

in the years 1523-24. In this claim they ignored the claim of the 
British from the voyages along the Atlantic coast from the Carolinas 
to Labrador in 1497-98 by John and Sebastian Cabot who sailed from 
Bristol, and whose reports of Newfoundland and its Banks induced 
English, Breton and Norman fishermen to ply the'ir vocation there 
long before Verazzano's voyages. There were, consequently, disputes 
between the British and French regarding America from their first 
meeting here. January 2, ItilS, the French complained of outrages 
committed by the English on the coast of Canada. At the organiza- 
tion by Richelieu of the Comjianx' of New France in 1627, four armed 
vessels convoyed a fleet of eighteen transports laden with 135 cannon, 
soldiers, supplies and emigrants, to reinforce and fortify Quebec. 
They were captured bv an English fleet that was already on the way 
to destroy the French settlement there. The capture of the town was 
delayed until lUth July, 1629: but it was soon restored to the French 
on account of the treaty between these nations 24th April, 1629, 
which was not then known to the commander of the distant fleet. 
Notwithstanding treaties, each nation continued anxious to extend its 
domain m America and continued to infringe on the settlements estab- 
lished bv the other. The French claimed not only Canada, but the 
country of the Iroquois (Five Nations.) in -New York, and southwest- 
ward to the Gulf of Mexico. The British desired to restrict them to 
the country north of the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes. 
King Louis XIV of France became alarmed at the success of the 
English in acquiring New Netherlands from the Hollanders by con- 
quest and, upon the English declining to exchange this territory with 
the French or to restore it to the Dutch, the first formal war to materi- 
ally affect these nationalities in America was declared by France against 
England January 29, 1666. Chevalier de Courcelles Governor of 
New France (Canada) liad invaded New York to punish the Mohawk 
Aborigines, and it was there that he learned from his pickets of the 
reduction of the Dutch i)rovince to English rule, whereupon he 
exclaimed 'the King of England does grasp at allAmerica.' It is not 
known that this war had any effect upon the F"rench then wandering 
through the lake region or upon the natives surrounding them. It spent 
its force in the provinces of the East and at sea. It closed with the 
Treaty of Breda, proclaimed January 1, 1668 •. but the French persisted 
in claiming the Iroquois and their country, and in their efforts to re- 
duce them to their subjection, which resulted in many retaliations by the 
British. Lord Howard, Governor of Virginia, visited Albany in 16S4 
and made a treaty with the Five Nations (Iroquois) of New York and 
received from them title to their well sustained ( by might ) claim to 
the country along Lakes Erie, St. Clair and Huron, and westward to 



QUARRELS BETWEEN THE BRITISH AND FRENCH. 83 

the Illinois; and subsequent treaties confirmed this grant, and the 
subjection of these tribes to the British.* 

A further glimpse of the increasing desire to retain the favor of 
the Aborigines by keeping them free from the influence of the rival 
nation, and of the temper of the chief English official in America, is 
found in Governor Thomas Dongan's letter from Albany, New York, 
22nd May, 1686, to M. de Denonville, then Governor of New France, 
which reads in part as follows : 

I have sent for the five nations of the Aborigines that belongs to this Government 
to meet me at this place, to give them in charge, that they should not goe to your side 
of the great lakes, nor disturb your Aborigines and traders, but since my coming here I 
am informed, that our Aborigines are apprehensive of warr. by your putting stores into 
Cataract [Niagara] and ordering some forces, to meet there ; I know you are a man of 
judgment, and, that you will not attack the King of England's subjects, being informed, 
that those Aborigines with whom our Aborigines are engaged in warr with are to the 
west, and southwest of the great lakes, [in part in the Maumee River Basin], if so. in 
reason you can have no pretence to them, it is my intention that our Aborigines shall 
not warr. with the farr Aborigines, whither they do or not it does not seem reasonable, 
that you should ingage yourself in the quarel of Aborigines ; we pretend, too, against our 
own Aborigines, whither these territoryes belong to our or the French King, is not to be 
decided here, but, by our masters at home, and your business and mine, is to take mapps 
of the Contry so well as wee can and to send them home for the limits to be adjusted 
there. I am likewise informed that you are intended to build a fort at a place called 
Ohniagero on this side of the lake within my master's territoryes without question. (I 
cannot beleev it) that a person that has your reputation in the world, would follow 
the steps of Monsr Labarr, t and be ill advised by some interested persons in your 
Governt to make disturbance, between our Masters' subjects in those parts of the world 
for a little pelttree [furs] ; when all those differences may be ended by an amicable corre- 
spondence between us. If there be anything amiss, I doe assure you it shall not be my 
fault, tho' we have suffered much, and doe dayly by vour people's tradeing within the 
King of England's territoryes ; I have had two letters from the two fathers [priests] that 
lives amongst our Aborigines, and I find them somewhat disturbed with an apprehension 
of warr. which is groundless, being resolved that it shall not begin here, and I hope 
your prudent conduct will prevent it there, and referr all differences home as I shall 
doe.+ 

The French now (1686) numbered 17,000 in Canada, 3000 of 
whom could be called upon to bear arms, and they became more watch- 
ful against the British. This year twent>-nine 'Christians' (British 
traders) and five friendly Aliorigines were arrested liy the French and 
Ottawas along Lake Huron and 'jilundered of all the goods and mer- 
chandizes which they had with them, which accordin.g to their compu- 
tation would have purchased there about eight thousand Beavers.' 



* London Document v, N. Y. Col. Docs., volume iii. pages 394. 417. 443. Plain Facts, Philadelphia 
1781. pages 32, 23. Pownall's Administration of the Colonies. Narrative and Critical- History of 
America, i. .304. 

t Le Fevre de la Barre. the former Governor of New France who persisted in invading the 
English territory and alienating the Iroquois natives of New York. 

i London Document V. New York Colonial Documents volume iii. page 455. 



84 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The French and Ottawas about fifteen hundred in number, while tak- 
ing these prisoners towards the east end of Lalve Erie, met Captain 
MacKreRory with his troop consistinjj; of twenty-nine Christians, six 
Aborigines, and eight jirisoners whom, by threatening to kill and putt 
to the sword ettc' they also took prisoners, and 'all their goods and 
merchandizes were also plundered . . which by cominitation would 
have purchased to that troop eight or nine thousand Beavers.' . 

One member of this last party caiitured, was shot b\ the French 
on account of his being of French birth and a British subject. The 
others were taken 'to a fort beyond the lake' (Ontario) where they 
were obliged to work hard in strengtht'ning the fort. Later they were 
sent to yuebec where they were ' put out to farmers and others for to 
work for their victuals.' They were to be held as jirisoners until 
Governor Dongan desisted from trading with the far Aliorigines and 
from supplying the Senecas with ammunition and giving them assist- 
ance against the French." 

A treaty of neutrality for America between France and England 
was entered into November 16, 16H6. 

In 1689 the 'merchants and adventurers to and in New York and 
the Colonyes adjacent' petitioned the King for the appointment of 
Colonel Slater to the office of Governor of New York, and for soldiers 
and supplies against the French, alleging that they have already 
taken away a great part of our Bever trade, which is the only profitable 
trade of those parts, and if they debauch the five nations of Aborigines 
from us, as the want of a sufficient force to protect them will readily 
tem])t them to, the whole Bever trade will be lost, and the province 
of New York not able to subsist, but in a short time will fall into the 
hands of the French. 't 

In this year ( 16H9 ) another formal war began between Great 
Britain and France and, although originating principally from home 
causes, it materially affected their colonies in America. The French 
emboldened by the success of their former plans, became more aggres- 
sive even to the invasion of British settlements for the purpose of 
retaliating for former real or imagined infringements of trade with 
Aborigines, or for direct injuries sustained by marauding bands of 



''' London Doc. V. N. Y. Col. Docs, volume iii, payes 436-37. Governoi- Uoniian reported to the 
Privy Council as follows; I am sending a Scotch Gent, called McGrecer (that served formerly in 
France) along with our people. Hee has orders not to disturb or meddle with the French, and I hope 
they will not meddle with him. These expeditions were undertaken for the purpose of carrying back 
the captive Aborigines taken by the Iroquois ' in order to the restoring them to their liberty & bury 
their Hatchetts with those of their enemys, by which means a path may bee opened for these far Aborig- 
ines to come with safety to Trade at Albany, and our people goe thither without let or disturbance' . . 
Ibid, page 39.5. Colonel Patrick Magregorie was taken prisoner to Montreal; and was liberated by 
orders from France in 1687 when he returned to New York. 

1 London Document V, New York Colonial Documents, volume iii, page 6.52. 



DIFFERENCE BETWEEN FRENCH AND BRITISH. 85 

Aborigines supposed to be favorable to the British. The latter became 
so annoyed by these incursions as to declare that the French 'must be 
rooted out of America.' 

The efforts of the Aborigines were the great source of the peltry 
supply, and the competition in this trade was but a competition for 
the friendship of the greatest number of them. The fickleness and 
treacher}' of these savages had much to do in causing the bitterness 
and clashings between the rival European nations. May 30, 1696, 
Governor Fletcher reported to the English Lords of Trade that 
'sculking partys of French and Aborigines disturb the people in their 
husbandry who live upon the Fronteer but our Aborigines do revenge 
that-part with better success upon the French.'' 

John Nelson, who had had twenty-six years experience with the 
French in America, four and-a-half years as a prisoner, in a memorial 
to the same Lords of Trade under date of 24th September, 1696, stated 
the difference between the English and French modes of dealing with 
the natives, and the cause of the latter's greater success as follows: 
The Great and only advantage which the enemy [French] hath in those parts doth 
consist chiefly in the nature of their settlement, which contrary to our Plantations who 
depend upon the improvem' of lands. &c theirs of Canada has its dependance from 
the Trade of Furrs & Peltry with the Aborigines, soe that consequently their whole 
study, and contrivances have been to maintaine their interest and reputation with them, 
which has been much augmented by that late foolish, and unhappy expedition from 
New England by S"^ William Phips . . . wherein by fatall experience we may la\' 
it downe as a maxime. That those who are masters of the Aborigines, will consequently 
prevail in all places where they are neglected as we have too much done ; the French are 
so sensible of this, that they leave nothing unimproved in this regard ; as first by season- 
able presents; secondly, by choosing some of the more notable amongst them, to whom 
is given a constant pay as a Lieutenant or Ensigne, &c, thirdly by rewards upon all execu- 
tions, either upon us or our Aborigines, giving a certaine sume pr head, for as many 
Scalps as shall be brought them fourthly by encouraging the youth of the Countrey in 
accompanying the Aborigines in all their expeditions, whereby they not only became 
acquainted with the Woods, Rivers, Passages, but of themselves may equall the 
Natives in supporting all the incident fatigues of such enterprises, which they performe, 
by advancing upon any exploite, the most forward and deserving, unto some office 
amongst the regular troops. ... I have known one of this nature which did create 
such an emulation, that if the Earl of Frontenac had not restrained their forwardness 
for fear of leaving the Country naked, the whole body of their Youth would have per- 
petually been out in parties, &c. Fifthly, but the great and most effectual means they 
have taken for the confirming their Aborigines, and for the subverting or corrupting of 
ours, is that for some years ever since the war, they have from time to time transported 
into France some of the most eminent and enterprising Aborigines (not only of their 
own, but of ours whom they have happened to take their prisoners) for no other intent 
than to amaze and dazzle them with the greatness & splendour of the French Court 
and Armie where the King hath so thought it worth his countenancing as to send them 
into Flanders, where the ,\rmies have been expressly mustered before them to show 



' London Document X, New York Colonial Documents, volume iv, paye 1.50. 



86 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

their greatness, at the same time they are not wanting to insinuate to them our weakness, 
poverty, and incapacity of protecting them, which they readily believe, not having any 
other notion or Idea of Our Nation, force and strength then what they see from our poor 
Settlements about them.* 

Thus, in divers ways of seeking the alliance and trade of the 
Aborigines, these two nationalities were kept in an almost constant 
state of war in America which often assumed general and dire propor- 
tions. Colonel Ingoldsby, in his statement to the Commissioners for 
Trade and Plantations 16th July, 1697, wrote: . . 'This War 
ruins the people; the Inhabitants are decreased in number. The 
English and Aborigines were in very good Correspondence: But the 
French outdo us much in caressing them.' . . The French were not 
only active but ingenuous in their aggressiveness and warfare. It was 
even charged against them that they instructed some of their natives in 
the ways of poisoning natives friendly to the English, and they often 
adopted the modes of warfare of the natives. They insinuated them- 
selves into the favor of the powerful Iroquois to the degree that Gov- 
ernor Earl Bellomont Vvas assured that 'the French have to the full 
as many friends among the Onandaga Nation as we have.' 

The British were also active in cultivating the friendship of the 
Five Nations. Colonel Peter Schuyler, Dellius, and Major Wessells 
made report to Governor Benjamin Fletcher of New York September 
28, 1697, in part as follows: 

Three Sachims and sevH Capt* of the Coyougers [Cayuga] Nation come to 
Albany and made ye following proposalls : 'Brethren, Wee come here to lay before 
you our poverty and that wee are menaced by the French and Tvvightwicks [Miami] 
Aborigines, both our enemies. Wee beg that you'l please to assist us with powder and 
lead that we may be capasitated to defend ourselves and anoy ye enemy (They lay down 
two otters and four beavour skins). Brethren, Wee are sorry to have to tell you the loss 
of our brethren the Sinnikes [Senecas] suffer'd in an engagement w'li ye Twichtwichts 
[Miami] Aborigines ; our young men kill'd severall of the enemyt but upon their retreat 
some of their Cheife Capts were cut off. You know our custome is to condole ye dead 
by wampom, therefore we desire you to give us some for these Beavours' (see laid down 
ten Beavr skins). The wampum was imediately given them for the said skins, and the 
day following appointed for a conferance upon the first proposition made by them for 
powder & lead &c+. 

About this time another peace was declared from the Treaty of 
Ryswick in 1697. But this peace was not to be operative for long in 
America. The French, being now free to distribute their soldiers, 
extended their lines of forts and posts. Their Post Miami, at the head 
of the Maumee River, built about 1680-86, was re-built or strengthened 



*Londoii Uocument X. New York Colonial Documents Volume iv. pa^'es 207, 20H. 

t These tribes were at war in this Basin at the time of its discovery, and for many years there- 
after. 

t London Document X, New York Colonial Documents volume iv, page 294. 



FRENCH FORTS AND BRITISH TRADERS BY THE MAUMEE. 87 

in 1697 by Captain de Vincennes, who was very expressly forbidden 
to trade in beaver.' * 

The French also courted anew the favor of the Aborigines in this 
western country, and invited them to a council and treaty in Montreal 
in 1701, when they were feasted and confirmed in their friendship. The 
first fort at Detroit, Fort Pontchartrain, was built this year by Antoine 
de la Mothe Cadillac. 

In 1702 Captain de Vincennes again passed through this Basin 
establishing Posts, military or trading, along the Maumee River, and 
along the Wabash as far southwest as Vincennes. Posts already 
existed by the Maumee, but they required repairs, were not favorably 
situated, or were not sufficient in number. 

British traders had also been among these Aborigines, quietly; 
also messengers from different Governors of New York inviting them 
to visit Albany and council regarding trade. 

Oueen Anne's War was declared against France Hth March, 1702, 
from home causes, and was participated in by the American colonists 
with great energy; nor did the war stop here with the Treatv of 
Utrecht 11th April, 1713, which closed the war at home. The natives 
of the East early entered into a treaty of neutrality with the British, 
but the French induced them to violate it and, rallying in accumulating 
numbers with the French, they perpetrated a long list of savage 
butcheries including children, women, and members of the Societv of 
Friends who had lieen especiallv friendly to them. 

The British had become more alive to their trade interests in 
regard to the far natives ' and had sent deputations among the Miamis 
and other tribes of this Basin with favorable effect. The French had 
claimed these Aborigines as their own for over half a centur\- and now, 
desiring their aid, sent special presents to them in 1704 for this pur- 
pose. They, however, continued to treat and trade with the British 
whereupon M. de Cadillac moved against them with soldiers in 1707 
and intimidated them, ayiparently, to the French cause. The following 
year, however, found them again in Albany to council with Governor 
Lord Cornbury and to deal with the British traders. This transit and 
traffic became so regular that, in 1712, Captain de Vincennes was 
again sent among the Miamis ' as a messenger of peace or war' 
whereupon they again promised loyalty to the French. They could 
not, however, yet resist the temptations of higher prices paid for 
peltries and lower prices charged for goods offered by the British 
traders who continued to entice them. 

In. the year 1712 the Outagamie or Fox Aborigines, aided by the 
Kickapoos and Mascoutins, attacked the post at Detroit and contin- 

* Paris Document V, New York Colonial Documents Volume ix. paye 676. 



S8 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

ued the siege with vigor for some days. The Ottawas, Wyandots, 
Pottawotamis, Menominis, Illinois and Osages, friendly to the French 
rallied to their aid and saved the post. The French charged that this 
attack was instigated by the British, and they sought to retaliate in 
every opportunity, and with widespread success. 

The proclamation of the close of Queen Anne's War 11th April, 
1713, stopped the more open hostilities of the French in the northeast 
and enabled them to more quietly gain in other regions for their loss 
of Acadia. Their widespread operations in this way against the 
British are shown in Colonel Caleb Heathcote's letter to Robert 
Hunter Governor of Virginia under date of 8th Juh', 1715, which 
reads in part as follows : 

It is undoubtedly by the management of the French that the fire is kindled in Caro- 
lina, & they'le not be wanting in their endeavours to spread the (lame through the whole 
Coast. . . the mischief is intended general. . . It is my opinion that it would be 
very proper, with as little loss of time as may be, for your Excellency to desire a meeting 
or congresse at some convenient place, of all or as many of the Governours on this conti- 
nent as can with conveniency come & attend it ; where it may be considered & 
resolved on, what measures to take for extinguishing the fire already begun, & to pre- 
vent its increase ; for as every part of North America is struck at, so all our interests 
are the same, & what number soever is wounded or hurt, the whole ought to reckon 
themselves agrieved, and not carelessly suffer the French to angle us away, province by 
province, till at last all will be gon ; and as it is impossible that we & the French can 
both inhabit this Continent in peace, but that one nation must at last give way to the 
other, so tis very necessary that, without sleeping away our time, all precautions 
imaginable should be taken to prevent its falling to our lotts to remove.* . 

In the year 17I() Sir Alexander Spotswood Governor of Virginia 
opened a road over the Blue Ridge Mountain to Ohio lands, and in 
this year the route, known and used by the French for fifty years or 
more, up the Maumee River and down the Wabash was more openly 
published as the most direct and best wav to the southwest ; but the 
British were yet few in numbers who went so far from their eastern 
settlements. 

In September, 1717, the Illinois country was joined to Louisiana. 
The activity of the French was now greatly increased, and several 
times their successes in alienating the natives from the British, even 
those natives immediately surrounding the British towns was so great 
that the necessity for active retaliation seemed iiniierative. The Rep- 
resentation of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations 
to the King upon the State of His [Britanic] Majesties Colonies & 
Plantations on the Continent of North America' dated September the 



*London Doc. XX, N. Y. Col. Docs, vol, v, pane 430. This letter contains the second suu^'estion 
we lind for united action of the British Colonies, Plantations or Provinces. ' A Briefe and Plaine 
Scheam . . by Mr. IWilliani I Penn ' . . January S, 1697, for this purpose, is tlie first suyyestion. 
Ibid, iv, 390. 



TRADE COMPETITION BETWEEN BRITISH AND FRENCH. 89 

8th, 1721, shows that the French had won the friendship of nearly all 
the Aborigines from New Ham|)shire to the Carolinas, excepting the 
Iroquois of New York, whose alliance they several times nearly 
secured. The Lords of Trade and Plantations realized the dangers of 
the situation, and a paragraph in their report reads as follows : 

Thus, by one view of the Map of North America. Your Majesty will see the 
danger your subjects are in, surrounded by the French, who have robbed them of great 
part of the trade they formerly drove with the natives, have in great measure cut of 
their prospect of further improvements that way, and in case of a rupture, may greatly 
incommode, if not absolutely destroy them by their native Allies. And although the 
British Plantations are naturally fortified by a chain of Mountains that run from the 
back of South Carolina as far as New York, passable but in a few places, yet should we 
not possess those passes in time, this would rather prove destructive than beneficial 
to us.* . 

The full knowledge of their danger begot the lueans of their sal- 
vation. The increase in number of the British in .\merica was greater 
than that of the French. They also rallied to the necessity of giving 
more and more attention to the Aborigines in general from the iiolicy 
of both jirotection and trade. In greater numbers and to farther 
distances thev followed the French along the water courses. Their 
presents, their increased prices for peltries and their cheaper prices for 
the goods exchanged for them were attractions for the natives that the 
French could not fully continue to meet. The British looms had been 
kept at work on various fabrics of the brightest colors expressly for 
the American Aborigines. The French Comjianies could not bu\- their 
goods as cheap as could the British, and 'the Duty the French Com- 
pany is obliged to pav to the King . . enabled the Traders of New 
York to sell their Goods in the .'Vborigine Country at half the price 
people of Canada can, and reap twice the profit they do.'T Strouds 
were sold at /Mbany, New York, for f 10 that commanded £'2o at 
Montreal. In 17-4 British merchants of New York 'allow Traders 
with the Aborigines double the Price for Beaver that the French 
Company allow.' . . The prices had been advanced from three 
shillings until five shillings New York money, or three shillings ster- 
ling, were paid per pound for skins in New York, while in Montreal 
the price was two livres or eighteen pence. + The French not being 
able to keep the British traders from the natives in Central \\'estern 
Ohio, endeavored to remove the Aborigines to the north and west, but 
were not successful. 

France declared war against Great Britain March l;"i, 1744, again 
from European causes, and the British Colonists in America, now more 



^London Document XXII, New York Colonial Documents volume v, page 623. 
t London Doc. XXVII, New York Colonial Documents, volume v, page 730, 

i The Chapter on the Maumee River cives tin thei klinipses of the increased activity of the British 
throutih this Basin. 



90 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

conscious of their strength, readily entered into the contest here under 
the name of the War of King George II, and with a greater feeling of 
local justification. In Europe this was known as the War of the 
Spanish Succession. This vear the British effected another treaty with 
the Six Nations at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, wherein was confirmed 
their cession in 1684 of claims to lands along the southern shore of 
Lake Erie and to the southwest. They also effected several other 
treaties about this time, including one with the Ohio Aborigines.* 
On account of the increased traffic and trade, the Maumee River 
Basin experienced more of this war than of the others that had been 
waged between these contending nations. In fact Ohio had become 
the center for Aborigine warriors, and the increased peaceful successes 
of the British with these Aborigines was becoming a more stjrious matter 
with the French; and wherever traders of the former were reported, 
parties or troops of the latter were dispatched for their arrest or dis- 
lodgment. At the beginning of King George II's War, M. de Longueuil 
commandant at Detroit, passed up the Maumee River with his body 
guard and a company of Ottawas on their way to capture British 
traders by the White River, Indiana. Many of those western tribes 
were yet friendh' to the French and, in the summer of 1746, eight or 
ten of the tribes were represented by warriors at Montreal ready to 
enter upon any savage work to which the French could direct them. 

The Conspiracy of Nicholas Against The French. 

A number of the western tribes of Aborigines, however, were not 
active with the French, and other tribes were divided. The Miamis of 
the Maumee were not largely represented at Montreal at this time. The 
Iroquois of New York were again divided, and the British by the 
friendly members sent war-belts of wampum to the Hurons (Wyandots) 
and the war-chief Nicholas with his band accepted the overture. From 
the Paris Documents IX and X which are the French records of occur- 
rences during the years 1747—48, the following statements relating to 
the widespread influence of Nicholas in this Basin and its vicinit\' 
are extracted, largely in the words there given, viz: 

The Wyandots under Nicholas killed five Frenchmen who were on their return 
from the post at White River [in the present Indiana] and stole their furs ; and all the 
natives of the neighborhood, except the Illinois tribes have formed the design to destroy 
all the French of Detroit on one of the holidays of Pentecost, and afterwards go to the 
fort and subject all to fire and sword. Some Hurons having struck too soon, the plot 
had been discovered by a Huron squaw who came to give M. de Longueuil, Commandant 
of Detroit, notice of it. . . . Other Hurons came to assure him that they had no 
share in the misconduct of Nicolas' people . . who have attached to them several 



'■' Narrative and Critical History of America volume i, pages 3tX\ S0.5; also volume v, pages 487, 
566, with notes and other references. 



FRENCH REPORT OF THE CONSPIRACY OF NICHOLAS. 91 

families of vagabond Iroquois, Loups, Sauts, etc. . . We are informed that all the 
[western] Nations in general continue to be ill disposed to the French . . that those of 
the Lake, Sauteurs and Outaouas [Chippewas and Ottawas] are on the eve of attacking 
Detroit ; . . that the fort has lost almost all the cattle ; and fears that the garrison 
will perish, being all at the discretion of the enemy. 

A party of Miamis have come to dance the Calumet at the fort [Detroit] and 
another section have been to visit Nicolas at Sandusky. The ceremony attendant on 
the former has been very expensive ; their reception, the good cheer for the space of 
fifteen days, and the presents which have been made to them with a view both to destroy 
unfavorable impressions amongst them, and to protect the lives of the French who are 
in their village, have cost a great deal. 

Such was the state of affairs at Detroit on the 2.ith August, 1747. . The Mon- 

treal convoy arrived safe in Detroit on the 'I'ind September, escorted by about l.iO men 
including the merchants and their servants. This relief is the salvation of Detroit, and 
has apparently made an impression on the Nations [tribes of Aborigines]. The Miamis 
[of the Maumee River] and perhaps also the Ouyatanons [of the Wabash] are in dis- 
order. The former allowed themselves to be gained over by the Belts of Nicolas, who 
represented to them that Detroit had been razed by the Lake tribes ; that consequently 
they could no longer defer killing the French who were among them. The Miamis have 
listened to this message. They first seized eight Frenchmen who were in the fort of 
that post [Fort Miami at the head of the Maumee] whom, however, they did not injure ; 
they afterwards seized the property and burnt a portion of the buildings. Two of the 
eight Frenchmen whom the Miamis had allowed to leave uninjured, arrived at Detroit 
on the 7th of October, 1747. . . There are a great many peltries at Detroit, which 
cannot be brought down [to Montreal] until next year. . . These nations [the Ottawas. 
Chippewas and Pottawatamis] are only endeavoring to get their supplies out of us, 
and to discover a favorable opportunity to betray us irrecoverably. Mr. de Longueuil 
is consequently, obliged to ask us for a reinforcement of men and provisions, at 
the very opening of spring. . . There are not provisions at Detroit for any length 
of time. 

M. Longueuil not being able to send any Traders to the Miamis until the Nation 
return to its duty, sends back to Montreal Ensign Douville, who commanded at that post 
[at the head of the Maumee] and who was at Detroit at the time the natives com- 
mitted the pillage. . . The Miamis, who had formerly pillaged the fort and seized 
the Frenchmen have sent [fall or winter of 1717] one of their principal chiefs to M. 
de Longueuil to request him to send back some Frenchmen to them, and not to deprive 
them of their indispensable supplies, promising him that order would be restored in a 
short time. That officer yielded to their solicitation, with a view to deprive the enemy 
[British] of the liberty of seizing a post of considerable importance. Ensign Dubuisson 
whom he sent thither [at the head of the Maumee] is to form only a small establishment 
there to winter in. He has been supplied with thirty Frenchmen to maintain himself 
there, and is accompanied by thirty others destined for the Ouyatanons trade [down the 
Wabash], with orders to the latter to rejoin Sieur Dubuisson in the spring, so as to 
return together to Detroit. 

Nicolas. Orotoni and Anioton, chiefs of the Huron [Wyandot natives] traitors, 
came there [Detroit] to sue for peace, and to surrender the belts [of Wampum] which 
have been the cause of this treason ; they have made speeches to which M. de Longueuil 
has given an answer, but he doubts their sincerity. . . The post at Detroit will, it is 
feared, run short of provisions in consequence of the great number of tribes continually 
there, and who are to come from all parts this spring [1748]. A Frenchman has been 
killed at the gate of the fort of the Miamis [at the head of the Maumee] it is supposed 
by some Iroquois. 



92 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Nicolas' conduct is not free from equivocation ; the English of Philadelphia visited 
him twice during the winter [1747-48], to trade, and they were well received. The scalp 
belonging to the Frenchman who was killed near Fort Miamis, has been carried thither 
[to Sandusky]. . The posts of the Miamis and at the River [St. Joseph] are not 

in want of goods. . . The messages and proceedings of Nicolas are too suspicious to 
be relied on. . . Presents are sent [from Detroit] by Cold Foot, a Miami chief, who 
appears trustw-orthy. 

Count de la Galissonniere [Governor of New France] writes to the commandants 
of the posts of the Miamis, Ouyatanons, River St. Joseph, Sec. respecting what con- 
cerns them ; and adds, that they ought to keep an exact and circumstantial journal of the 
occasions wherein they are obliged to incur expenses for presents to natives. . . He 
sends these officers a list of the voyageurs who are wintering with the natives, and of 
the Coureurs de bois in order to their being sent back, so that they not return any 
more to the Upper country. 

Kinousaki had returned, on the 7th of .■\pril [1748], from the Miamis [Maumee] 
River, whither he had gone to bring back the Hurons [Wyandots] who had deserted 
from the village of Ostandosket [Sandusky] and reported that Nicolas, with 119 warriors 
of his nation, men, women and baggage, had taken the route to the White River, after 
having burnt the fort and the cabins of the village ; that the Outauas [Ottawas] had 
given him (Kinousaki) a cool reception, and that a portion only of them would consent 
to return to Detroit, the remainder wishing to settle at the lower end of the Miamis 
[Maumee] liiver, where the Hurons had promised them the English would supply their 
wants. . . The natives in and around Detroit have all sworn fidelity and obedience 
to Chevalier de Longueuil . . who by four Belts, [of Wampun] put moccassins on 
the feet of all the warriors so that they may be ready at a minute's warning. 

Numerous war parties were fitted out in Montreal and at the west- 
ern posts, for incursions against the British and their native allies; and 
manv scalps, from one to twenty-five or more per war party, were 
lirought in and payment for them collected. Further i^limpses of the 
horrors of such ignoble warfare that was sometimes repugnant to the 
savages are excerpted from the rejiorts to superior officers made at the 
time, viz: 'June 22, 1748. Thirty-four Iroquois of the Saut have been 
outfitted for a war party, and ordered to divide themselves into two or 
three small sections : but having manifested some repugnance, thev 
were authoritatively, told that they were to submit to orders and 
obey.' This policy sometimes acted like a two-edged knife : and the 
definition of murderer hinged upon the relationship of the V'arty killed, 
for instance: 

June 2~nh. All these natives [the Sauteurs or Chippewas near Detroit] have 
very urgently demanded mercy for the murderers; they were answered, that it was 
mercy to detain them so as to prevent them continuing their bad conduct ; that the people 
of their nation ought to have confidence in their Father's [the French Governor's, 
through the commandant of the fort] benificence. . . July Sth. The Outaoua 
[Ottawa], Huron, and Pouteouatime [Pottawotami] chiefs at Detroit have requested 
some young men to go on a war excursion [against the British], as well to afford proofs 
of their fidelity as to repair past faults, whilst they, the chiefs, would return home to 
promote peace [toward the French]. The first portion of their request has been 
approved ; the young men have, consequently, been equipped, but the chiefs have been 
given to understand that they ought not to think of returning before speaking [inflicting 



BRITISH AND FRENCH PURCHASE EACH OTHER'S SCALPS. 93 

injuries] to the Five Nations, who were daily expected. The different Michilimackinac 
Nations made similar requests to those of Detroit. Ninety of these natives, fifty domi- 
ciliated natives and twenty-si.\ Canadians have all been equipped under the command of 
Chevalier de Repentigny, who is accompanied by several military cadets. 
July Kith. Twenty-four Outaouas and Pouteouatamis of Detroit have been likewise 
fitted out for a war excursion. . . Nine Sauteurs of Detroit have been equipped 
to go on a war excursion. Sieur Blondeau, a volunteer, commands them. 
August 10th. Chevalier de Repentigny, who went out with a party of natives to fight' 
arrives from Montreal ; he made an attack near Corlac and took eleven prisoners and 
twenty-five scalps. 

If the British inflicted less injury than they experienced by this 
horrible mode of warfare it was less from their desire than from their 
liinited success in enlisting the savages as their allies. Governor 
George Clinton in a letter dated Ne\v York ifith April, 1747, wrote to 
Colonel William Johnson that 'In the bill I am Koing" to pass, the 
council did not think pro]ier to put rewards for scali:)in!J', or taking iionr 
women or children prisoners, in it; but the asseml)ly has assured me the 
money shall be paid when it so happens, if the natives insist upon it.' 

On May oOth Colonel Johnson wrote to the Governor that 'I 
am quite pestered every day with parties returning with prisoners and 
scalps, and without a penny to pay them with. It comes very hard 
upon me, and is displeasing to them I can assure you, for they expect 
their pay and demand it of me as soon as they return."" 

Governor Clinton reported to the Duke of Newcastle, with date 
•23rd Jul\ , 1747, t that 

Colonel Johnson who I have employ'd as Chief Manager of the .Aborigine War 
and Colonel over all the natives, by their own approbation, has sent several parties of 
natives into Canada & brought back at several times prisoners & scalps, but they 
being laid aside last year, the natives were discouraged and began to entertain jealousies, 
by which a new expence became necessary to remove these jealousies & to bring them 
back to their former tempers ; but unless some enterprize be undertaken, which may 
keep up their spiritts, we may again loose them. I intend to propose something to our 
Assembly for this purpose that they may give what is necessary for the expence of it, but 
I almost despair of any success with them when money is demanded. 

I must likewise inform your Grace that by this last trip to Albany, I have got two 
native NationsJ to join us, who are numerous & who were formerly alhvays in the 
French interest. They have actually fallen upon several French trading parties. They 
may be of singular use to distress the French trade & to cut oft all communication 
between the French in Missesipia tiiver & Canada. 

The Treaty of Aix-La-Chapelle, in April, 174H, closed King Geor.ge 
II's War in Great Britain, but settled nothing between the American 
and French Colonies further than to restore to the French possession 
Louisburg and Cape Breton captured by the British in 174.". 



* History of Detroit and Michigan, by Silas Farmer, volume i; and Michigan Pioneer and 
Historical Collections. 

t London Document XXVIII, New York Colonial Documents, volume vi, paye .3,58. 
i Probably the Wyandots, and the Mianiis of the Mauniee River Basin, 



94 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



The Last British-French War in America. 1754 to 1760. 

King George II's War exhibited the increasing strength of the 
British in America, and their increasing desire to extend the borders of 
their settlements according to former grants and treaties. It had been 
a good training school for the simple, brawny colonists in the ways of 
war and they had shown themselves equal to the task of coping with 
the best French regular troops. Further, the home government had 
taught the Colonies the lesson of self-reliance. They had been com- 
pelled to sustain themselves and the armies with food, and to protect 
their borders with comparatively little aid. They had been well 
informed regarding the cause of French successes with the Aborigines 
and, following the treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, which was but 
another truce, thev were relieved of the task of guarding their co^st 
towns against French warships and the invasion of French troops. 
The results were soon observed by the French in the extension of 
British settlements and traders with the Aborigines. The Governors 
of Pennsvlvania and Virginia also sought to confirm their purchase of 
Ohio lands at Lancaster in 1744, and the treaties with different tribes, 
bv inviting the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnees, Nanticokes (a 
band of Delawares) and the Miamis to a council 19th July, 1748,* 
when the chiefs and warriors assembled ( Kequenackcpia, father of 
Little Turtle (?) and two other chiefs, Assapausa and Natoecoqucha, 
for the Miamis) fully committed their tribes to the direction and pro- 
tection of these Colonies. To draw the Miamis and their neighboring 
bands away from the French influence, the British traders had built a 
stockade by the Miami River at the mouth of Loramie Creek in the 
present Shelby County, Ohio, and had been succeeding in gradually 
attracting the tribe thither. This station was sometimes called Tawix- 
twi and Twightwees ' 'the British name for the Miamis) town, and 
sometimes Pickawillany. 

The French were quick to yierceive the developing aggressiveness 
of the British and, smarting from their apparently weakening prestige 
among the natives, redoubled their efforts along the borders for the 
purpose of obstructing the advance of British company land grants, 
traders and settlers. Hostilities of more or less moment continued 
along the old, and the constantly increasing, lines of travel to the 
westward regardless of the treaty. 

The grants of land in 174H to the British colonists forming the 
Ohio Company and others, made a new route of travel to the Ohio 



■' Alfred T. Goodwin wrote that this treaty was held at Lancaster. Pennsylvania. Journal of 
Captain William Trent, Cincinnati, 1871, pages 22, 40, 95. 



FRENCH EFFORTS TO KEEP BRITISH FROM OHIO. 95 

River desirable as the former routes were well guarded by the 
French. The French had foreseen this and had established forts in 
the vicinitv of the probable routes ; and now they saw the necessity of 
adopting increased precautions to prevent the inroads of their enemies, 
the British. In 1749 the Marquis de la Gallissonniere, then Governor 
in chief of New France, sent Captain Pierre Joseph de Celoron* to Ohio 
for this purpose. This command of two hundred French and thirty 
Aboriginest left Quebec the Ifith June, 1749, arrived at Niagara the 
6th July, and at the junction of the Miami River with the Ohio if^th 
August, where Celoron buried the sixth, and last, lead plate stamped 
with the notice that France had taken formal possession of the country. 
Tin plates bearing the same notification were nailed to trees, and 
every other means taken to proclaim this event. The 13th September 
the expedition arrived at the mouth of Loramie Creek, the site of 
Pickawillany stockade built b\- British traders about the year 1740. 
At the time of the coming of Celoron there was here a village and fort 
of a Miami chief of the Piankeshaw band called la Demoiselle (the 
Young Ladv ) on account of his display of dress and ornaments. 
Celoron requested the chief to take his band, which British traders had 
enticed away from the French, back to Fort Miami at the head of the 
Maumee River. This he promised to do later. At this time there was 
in this village of forty to fifty Aborigine men, but one English trader 
(others had departed on their approach); but a number of others were 
met on the route from the headquarters of the Ohio River to this 
point, whom Captain Celoron ordered out of the Ohio country; and 
he reported their promises to go. 

Captain Celoron burned at Pickawillanx' the canoes with which 
his command had ascended the Miami River, and marched across the 
divide and along the right bank of the River St. Mary to its mouth at 
the head of the Maumee. 

He found Fort Miami in \-ery bad condition ; most of the palisades were decayed 
and fallen into ruin. Within, there were eight houses — or, to speak more correctly, 
eight miserable huts, which only the desire of making money could render endurable. 
The French there numbered twenty-two ; all of them, even to the commandant, had the 
fever [probably the ague]. Monsieur Raimond [the commandant] did not approve the 
situation of the fort [see No. .") on the accompanying map], and maintained that it should 
be placed on the bank of the St. Joseph River, distant only a scant league from its pres- 
ent site [see No. <i on map]. He wished to show me that spot, but the hindrances of 



* There has been some confusion regardinc this ofticei 's name. In the New York Colonial Docu- 
ments it is given as Captain Bienville de Celoron. In another writing it is shown as Blainville the 
name of an ensign present at the taking of Fort Massachusetts; and others give it as Celoron de 
Bienville. The Reverend Father Bonnecamps accompanied this Ohio expedition, and the name is here 
given as recorded by him in The Jesuit Relations. Cleveland edition. 

t London Document XXIX, New York Colonial Documents, volume vi, page 533. 



96 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

our departure prevented me from going thither. All that I could do for him was to trace 
the plan of his new fort. The latitude of the old one is fl° 20'.* 

We bought pirogues and provisions and, on the afternoon of the 2Tth [September, 
1 Tl'.l ] we set out en route for Detroit.! 

A new Fort Miami was built hv Commandant Comtt- dc Raimond 
aftur the visit of Captain Celeron, in 1749 and during- the year 1750. 
It was located on the east bank of the River St. Joseph, and the old 
Fort on the right bank of the St. Mary over a mile to the southwest, 
was abandoned. 

The British were again stimulated to increased activity by Captain 
Celoron's expedition. The Ohio Land Company, formed in Virginia 
in 174H, sent Christopher Gist to Ohio in 1750, and Governor James 
Hamilton of Pennsylvania sent George Croghan, to explore the coun- 
try and to conciliate the Aborigines unfriendl\- to the British. Pres- 
ents of rum, paint, blankets, etc., were carried along as necessary ways 
and means to the end desired. Fealty was promised, and manifested 
while the agents were present by the Miamis refusing to receive the 
friendly wampum, tobacco and brandy, i)resented by four Ottawas di- 
rect from the French at Detroit.! Many presents were also sent to 
the Aborigines in Ohio by the 'Governor of Philadelphia' including 
twelve barrels of gunpowder &c' with captivating assertions for 
better prices for peltries and cheaper prices for goods, all made prac- 
tical, and tangible, by the convivial effects of the freely flowing rum, 
which was represented as better than the French brand\- while far 
cheaper in price. § 

'Valuable presents' from the French followed those from the British 
in the spring of 1750; and these presents were soon followed by French 
threats to destroy the tribes who continued to favor the British. Evi- 
dences of an impending final struggle were fast gathering, and Ohio 
was the skirmishing ground. The Aborigines were fickle and waver- 
ing, with the tendency always toward the side that most freely and 
continuously offered the greater inducements in presents of gaudy 
trappings, intoxicants and weapons; and while the French and British, 
each in turn, acknowledged exhaustion from such apparently necessary 
policv. We also catch glimpses from their records of fatigue, and even 
of disgust, occasionally manifested by the Aborigines at the continu- 



* This computation is but twenty minutes in excess of the autliois computation for the site of Gen- 
era! Wayne's fort shown on the accompanyinc map, and illustrates that the early, and ready, means of 
computing latitude was fairly satisfactory. 

t From Father Bounecamp's diary of Captain Celoron's expedition through Ohio in 1749, The 
Jesuit Relations, volume Ixix, pace IHo et seq. 

t London Doc. XXIV, N. Y. Col. Docs, volume vii, panes 267 to 271, Colonial Records of Penn- 
sylvania, volume v. Olden Time, volume i, Dinwiddle Papers. For the Journal of Mr, Gist's journey, 
see Pownall's Topographical Description of North America, London, 1776. 

S Compare London Document XXIX, New York Colonial Documents volume vi, page 549. 



STRUGGLES FOR THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE ABORIGINES. 97 



ous solicitations, liribery and threats of force b\- these European 
invaders of the forests to keep the Aborigines involved in their long 
continued contests for supremacy. It was but a phase of the old storv 
of the a-ggressiveness and persistency of the Anglo-Saxon people in 
their conquest of the world. 

The Six Nations of New York, now much reduced in number and 
efficiency t)y past wars, still claimed and held the country to the east 
end of Lake Erie and, notwithstanding treaties and purchases, vet 



I.W F» Wa isMir^QTON B° 10' 




claimed along its southern border and were \et very desiralile allies. 
Their influence and assistance were still claimed by both the French 
and the British. The temper of the situation is shown in the follow- 
ing excerpts from the letter of Marquis de la Jonquiere, Governor of 
New France, to George Clinton, Governor of New York, under date 
10th August, 1751, viz: 

You. very unadvisedly, and in opposition to your own understanding, call the 
Five Nations subjects of the King, your Master. They are ho such thing, and you 
would be very careful not to put forth such a pretension in their presence. You treat 
them with much more circumspection. . It must be concluded that your excellency 

has had no authority to object against the post [in New York] I have caused to be 
established. It has been erected with the perfect knowledge of the Iroquois of the Five 



98 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN.- 

Nations, who alone are competent to complain of it. They did not oppose it ; they con- 
sented to it. 

You are not ignorant, Sir, of the expedition Mr. de Celeron made in the 
year 1 74'.l. , . I had the honor to write to you myself on the 7th March, 1750, on that 
subject, and to request your Excellency to issue an order forbidding all the subjects of 
New England to go and trade on the territory of the King, my Master. In the same 
letter I had the honor to express to you my just sensibility at all the secret movements 
of the English to induce the Aborigines, who, from all time, have been our closest allies, 
to destroy the French. . . But the result has undeceived me. The English, far 
from confining them.selves within the limits of the King of Great Britain's possessions, 
not satisfied with multiplying themselves more and more on Rock River [the Miami], 
with having houses and open stores there, have, more than that, proceeded within sight 
of Detroit, even unto the fort of the Miamis [at the head of the Maumee]. This pro- 
ceeding, following so many unneighborly acts, the evil consequences we but too sensibly 
feel, have placed Mr. de Celoron, the commandant at Detroit, under the necessity of 
ordering these Englishmen to be arrested. . . The capture of these four English- 
men ought not to surprise you : . . as for John Pathin, he entered the fort of the 
Miamis to persuade the Aborigines who remained there, to unite with those who have 
fled to the Beautiful river [the Ohio]. He has been taken in the French fort. Nothing 
more is necessary. . . John Pathin could enjoy the same freedom [as the others], 
but he is so mutinous, and uttered so many threats, that I have been obliged to imprison 
him at (Juebec. 

Governor Clinton replied in a long letter that, 'The Gov"" of 
Canada, by his answer of 10th of August, confesses the things com- 
plained of to he true, does not deny them to be infractions of 
the Treaty of Utrecht [in which the French were not to enter the 
country of the British Aborigines], but advances a number of facts 
groundless and false in themselves. . . This seems to be 
treating his Britanick Majesty and the Treaties of Utrecht and 
Aix-la-Chapelle with contempt. . . The French possession of 
Detroit was not till after the peace of Ryswick . . and these 
incroachments were grieviously complained of by the Five Nations 
to the Gov^ of New York.' . . James Hamilton, Governor of 
Pennsylvania, wrote to Governor Clinton 18 September, 1751, that 
'The Gov"" of Canada's letter . . is indeed a singular piece of 
argumentation, but though its reasonings are everywhere false, as 
might lie easily proved, yet I think it will be to no purpose to confute 
them, since little regard will probably be had to anything that can be 
said on this side of the Water.' 

In th(.- fall of 1750 the British enlarged and strengthened the stock- 
ade at Pickawillany, which was made necessary by the increase of 
population and business. Christopher Gist, at the time of his sojourn 
there, wrote in his Journal (see ante, jiage ilti) February, 1751, that 
this place was daily increasing and was accounted one of the strongest 
Aborigine towns on the continent. The stockade was then being- 
strengthened. During the winter of 1750-51, thirty Miamis were killed 
bv the French and their St. Lawrence -Vborigine allies. In 1751 the 



FRENCH CAPTURE OF PICKAWILLAMY. CANNIBALISM. 99 

French captured near the Maumee River Luke Arowin, Joseph Forti- 
ner, Thomas Borke and John Pathen, Pennsylvania traders with the 
Aborigines whom they held as prisoners. Retaliation was sought, and 
was accomplished the following spring by Fifteen French traders fall- 
ing victims of the Miamis. 

Marquis de la Jonquiere Governor of New France ordered Captain 
Celoron, now commandant of Detroit, to attack and reduce Picka- 
willany: but he could not or would not obey. The threateiied condi- 
tion of French affairs at this time in and contiguous to this Basin are 
further told by the report of Comte de Raimond, commandant of Fort 
Miami at the head of the Maumee, that 

My people are leaving me for Detroit. Nobody wants to stay here and have 
his throat cut. All the tribes who go to the English at Pickawillany come back loaded 
with gifts. I am too weak to meet the danger. Instead of twenty men. I need five 
hundred. . . We have made peace with the English, yet they try continually to make 
war on us by means of the Aborigines ; they intend to be masters of all this upper 
country. The tribes here are leaguing together to kill all the French, that they may 
have nobody on their lands but their English brothers. This I am told by Coldfoot, a 
great Miami chief, whom I think an honest man, if there is any such thing among 
Aborigines. If the English stay in this country we are lost. We must attack and 

drive them out.* . 

War belts of wampum were sent from tribe to tribe until St. Ange 
commandant at Vincennes became alarmed. In the winter and spring 
of 1752 small-pox disabled many soldiers at Fort Detroit and Baron de 
Longueuil, acting Governor, wrote that 'it is to be wished that it 
would spread among our rebels; it would be fullv as good as an 
army.t • . We are menaced with a general outbreak, and even 
Toronto is in danger. . . Before long the English on the Miaini 
will gain over all the surrounding tribes, get possession of Fort 
Chartres, and cut our communications with Louisiana.' 

A force of about two hundred and fifty Chippewas and Ottawas 
was gathered at the north and, led by Charles Langlade, were 
reinforced at Detroit by M. St. Orr (St. Our?) with a few French 
regulars and Canadians, and all passed rapidly across Lake Erie, up 
the Maumee and St. Marv, and across the porta,ge to Pickawillany 
where they attacked the town and fort early in the morning of 21st 
June, 1752. Most of the Aborigines were distant, and after a sharp 
battle the town and fort were surrendered to the assailants. One 
Englishman was wounded, then stabbed and partly eaten. Five 



* Francis Parknian's Montcalm and Wolfe, Boston, 1898, volume i, page H2. 

Commandant Raimond was, soon after this report, succeeded at Fort Miami by M. de Villiers 
See Paris Document X. N. Y. Col. Docs. vol. s, page 246. 

t The Miamis were afflicted with small-pox in the winter of 17f>i-r}2. but the writer has no definite 
evidence of it having been intentionally propagated among them. Chief Coldfoot and his son. and 
other chiefs, died at this time of this disease. 



100 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Englishmen were taken prisoners, and two, Thomas Burney and 
Andrew McBryer, escaped to tell the particulars. Fourteen Miamis 
were shot, including /a Demoiselle (called by the British traders Old 
Britain and Piankeshaw King) whom thev boiled and ate. Seventy 
years of missionaries had not weaned them from cannibalism.''^ 

Possibly the French soldiers stopped at Fort Miami, as one report 
mentions but two Frenchmen in the attack. But the French were 
responsible for it: and this may well be called the first prominent overt 
act in the last British-French war in America which was destined to 
result in the complete overthrow of the French. It awed the Miamis. 
They fled from the region and soon went again to the French, 
attracted by the spectacular display and presents of M. de Longueuil 
in the tall, not regarding treaties, including the recent one at Logs- 
town a few miles below the present Pittsburg", and the visit and 
presents of Captain William Trent to Pickawillany one month after 
the attack of that place under French direction. Virginia, in effort to 
win back the Miamis, sent presents to their chiefs; and appropriations 
were made by the Legislature for their benefit. In May, 1753, the 
Legislature of Pennsylvania voted 'the sum of two hundred pounds 
as a present of condolence to the Twightwee [Miami] nation, on the 
melancholy occasion mentioned in the governor's message of the 16th 
of October last' it being their loss of lives at Pickawillany. The 
assembly also voted six hundred pounds for distribution among the 
Wyandots, Senecas, Shawnees, and other western tribes. These 
Aborigines were a]oprised of the appropriations and, upon invitation, 
were represented the following autumn in council at Winchester and 
at Carlisle, where they treacherously professed great 'love and affec- 
tion' for the British. Their fealty to the French was determined, 
however, before the presents were delivered, and fortunately so on 
account of the designed presents consisting largely of powder and 
lead. 

With the building of the French forts Presque Isle, Le Boeuf 
and Venango in 175'2-54 by the water courses and portage from the 
present Erie, Pennsylvania, to the head of the Ohio River, and the 
bloodless surrender of Fort Duquesne 17th April, 1754, the British 
were practically shut out of Ohio, notwithstanding the favorable 
treaties before mentioned. 

The breach was rapidly widening, however, between the British 
and French and the determination of both parties boded ill to the 
weaker when the imjiending general resort to arms should be sounded. 
Already greater secrecy had been enjoined from London, 30th March, 



■^Reports of Longueuil and DuMuesne; Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, v. 599; Captain 
William Trent to Governor Robert Dinwiddle; and Parknian's Montcalm and Wolfe. 



0H[0 DESIRABLE AS A BRITISH COLONY. 101 

1752, to the Governors in America by the Earl of Holderness Secretary 
of State, in the following communication: 'Whereas it may happen 
that circumstances of a very hijj'h and ini])ortant nature may arise 
which ma\' require the utmost secrecy, it is the King's pleasure that if 
any such should occur within the district of your Government you 
should forthwith with the utmost diligence and exactitude, transmit an 
account thereof to one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State 
o^l3^ And you are in such case to follow all orders and Directions 
which His Majesty shall think proper to direct one of His principal 
Secretaries of State to transmit to \ou in consequence thereof.' 

The British Colonies had been discordant. The people were poor 
and, generally having little or no interest in hunting or trading with 
the Aborigines for furs, had given their attention to clearing the land 
and cultivating it for their livelihood ; but something •more decisive 
must be done to destroy the embarrassing aggressiveness of the French 
who were continually inciting or abetting the Aborigines to resent the 
cultivation of the settlers' land. 

For the purpose of formulating uniform action for winning the 
Aborigines against the French, the Lords Commissioners of Trade and 
Plantations, in London, requested the Colonies to send delegates to 
Albany, New York, in June, 1754. But little immediate good resulted 
from this meeting, further than it was educative for a uni(in that 
eventually bore full fruit in confederation. Soon after this meeting 
Benjamin Franklin wrote for Thomas Pownall, member of the Colonial 
Congress, a description of the Ohio country and its desirabilitv as 
a colony for Great Britain.* 

Major George Washington's journey late in 175;! from Governor 
Dinwiddle to the French forts before mentioned to warn the French 
to desist in their aggressions, proving of no avail, he was sent in May, 
1754, with a small force against Fort Duquesne at the head of the Ohio 
River, whicli was the I'rench bar closing the Ohio countr\' to the 
British. The moderate success of his effort at Great Meadows late in 
May, has been termed the first contest in the final British-French W'ar 
(often called the French and Aborigine War) in America, regardless 
of the massacre at Pickawillany in 1752. Washington's surrender at 
Fort Necessity occurred 3rd July, 1754. Then followed a series of 
British defeats from unprejiaredness, the slowness of the Colonies in 
getting properly into action from the dictations of, and the deferring 
to, the home government (Great Britain) and the sending of European 
officers and regular troops untrained, and unable, to cope with the 
French and their Aborigine allies in the wilderness. General Edward 



■ Papers of lienjamiii Franklin, by Jared Sparks, volume in. 



102 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Braddock's defeat in 1755 while attempting to break the French lines 
on the upper Ohio, is an illustration of the latter. 

This, the first British-French War relating mostly to American 
affairs was formalh' declared by Great Britain in May, 1756, about two 
years after continued hostilities. It was but the natural culmination, 
as has been seen in the foregoing, of the increasing population and the 
continued aggressiveness of both nationalities. The result of this war 
was the fulfillment of the prophecy of Colonel Caleb Heathcote in his 
communication to Governor Robert Hunter of New York, 8 July, 1715, 
that 'it is impossible that the British and the French can both inhabit 
[rule] this Continent in peace but that one nation must at last give 
way to the other.' 

At this time as heretofore the chief travel and events in the 
Maumee Basin occurred along the Maumee River, and the reader is 
referred to the chapter on this river in this book for many details. No 
great battle was fought in this Basin between the distinctively British 
and French troops. The contest here was between the British agents 
and traders among the Aborigines and the French agents who were 
often accompanied by French soldiers and distant Al^origines. Each 
in turn put forth strong efforts to reclaim the unstable Aborigines and 
to more closely ally them to the interest represented. Special induce- 
ments had also been offered by Captain de Celoron for French farmers 
to settle in this western country with Detroit as the more northern 
center, and it was hoped that about two hundred and fifty families from 
the lower settlements along the St. Lawrence would accept the terms, 
viz : Each family to receive free transportation at the King's expense; 
and every settler to receive as free gift one gun, hoe, axe, plowshare, 
scvthe, sickle, two augurs large and small, a sow, six hens, a cock, six 
pounds of powder, twelve pounds of lead, and many other favors. 
Onh' about twelve families consented to remove.''' 

War parties were again formed by the French among the Aborig- 
ines and sent after British agents and disaffected tribes. Aborigines 
from this Basin were again frequently at Montreal. They were present 
at the capture of Fort William Henry in 1757, and at many other 
]5oints in the East where their services were wanted by the French. 

But the time had matured for a change in the 'home government' 
and a reversal of the series of British disasters. The great friend of the 
American Colonies, William Pitt 'the Great Commoner' was chosen 
Secretary of State and his change of leaders in America to those imbued 



* Ordinance of 2nd January. 1750. The more permanent population of Detroit and vicinity in 
1750 is recorded as four hundred and eiulity-three persons. During the followinj: two years a consider- 
able number of young men came voluntarily, and Captain Celoron wrote to Montreal foi yirls to marry 
tlie;n. Compare Parkinan's Montcalm and Wolfe, page 77. 



TRIUMPH OF BRITISH OVER FRENCH. THE ABORIGINES. 103 

with his vigorous and well-defined policy, broujiht honor and success 

to the British arms. French rule in Canada and around the Great 

Lakes vanished with the capitulation of Montreal 8th September, 1760; 

and British rule then established, was confirmed at Versailles 10th 

February, 1763, by the ratification of the Treaty of Paris. The nearly 

one hundred and fifty years of almost constant struggle between the 

Colonists of these two nations in America was ended at last, excepting 

in local and more clandestine ways through French influence with the 

Aborigines. 

The British Succession. 

Fort Detroit, to which this Basin had been immediately subject, 
was peaceably surrendered to the British Major Robert Rogers 29th 
November, 1760, with seventeen British prisoners held by the French. 
Soon thereafter Ensign Holmes with a detachment of British soldiers 
was sent to take possession of Fort Miami at the head of the Maumee 
River, and of the posts further to the southwest: and this fall and 
winter a few Colonists again turned their faces Ohioward. 

Comparative quiet now pervaded this Basin for a period of two 
years. Mischief, however, was again germinating. The savages, from 
their nature and their sanguinary training by the French and British 
through five or six generations, could not for long remain quiet or free 
from maraudings and the shedding of blood. With the declaration of 
peace the great promises, the large quantities of presents, and the 
free flow of intoxicating beverages, formerly dealt out alternatingly by 
the contending parties, ceased. The Aborigines were at the close of 
the war sore of foot and weary of body from their continued long 
marchings, and cloyed of spirit from the long continued series of 
skirmishings and subsequent debauchings to which both the French 
and British had urged them. But they soon rallied. Their habitual 
revelings in carnage, like their habitual thirst for intoxicants, could not 
long be inwardly repressed. They were spoiled children under the 
adroit and politic management of the French ; and now came the cooler 
headed, less versatile English who from conquest claimed their sub- 
jection as a right, and free from the expense of continued present- 
giving and from a continuous and liberal free flow of rum. 

The Aborigines had been confirmed by the French in the belief 
that the territory between Lake Erie' and the Ohio River, with an 
indefinite stretch eastward and westward, belonged irrevocably to them, 
and that they should resist the encroachments of the British who, dif- 
ferently from the French, would crowd them out and clear the land to 
make farms for themselves. 

As Major Robert Rogers and his two hundred rangers were encamped 
for the night about midway on the southern shore of Lake Erie in 



104 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

November, 1760, while making their way to receive the capitulation 
of Fort Detroit and this western country, a rising- power among the 
Aborigines confronted them in the form of a band led by Pontiac, an 
Ottawa chief, who demanded to know why they dared to enter his 
country without permission. Major Rogers tactfully appeased him, 
and Pontiac in turn allayed the belligerence of the Aborigines on the 
route, awaiting a more opportune time to make his demands. The 
British, and the Colonists, ere long saw the necessity of making more 
direct and serious overtures to the savages to quiet their increasing 
restlessness. The)' were becoming more and more displeased with the 
transfer of the western posts to the British who gave few presents, and 
at irregular intervals. 

The disaffection spread and General Sir Jeffrey Amherst sent Col- 
onel William Johnson the experienced Superintendent of the Six 
Nations to Detroit. He arrived there September 3, 1761, accom- 
panied by Major Henry Gladwin and three hundred light infantry, and 
according to previous invitation about five hundred representatives of 
the different tribes of Aborigines were there (they never could resist 
such invitation ) to attend a ' council ' and to receive the customary 
presents with which the distinguished Sir William was now bountifully 
supplied. The feastings and the drinkings, were to their full satis- 
faction. 

But hunger and thirst soon re-asserted themselves — and the 
liberal giver had departed, taking with him most of the troops. 
Further supplies were not immediately forthcoming : in fact the 
finances of Great Britain, and of the Colonies, were exhausted and the 
alreadv great debts were increasing. Now a reversion to the hunt 
became a necessity: and soon new questions of supply and demand 
harrassed the thoughtless savages who could not understand why there 
should be any fluctuation in market prices. When competition was 
strongest between the British and French traders, the former advanced 
the price of furs and lowered the price of articles given in exchange. 
Now when external competition was ended the price of their furs 
was depreciated and the price of articles they received was appreci- 
ated. From their unbounded selfishness and their ignorance of busi- 
ness relations they could not understand the increased duties levied on 
trade for the war debts, and the changed relations making greater 
profits necessary to the dealers whose taxes were increased therefrom. 
And now, also, the question of claims to the land assumed new import- 
ance. The wild game, for meat and peltries, was becoming scarcer 
and the Aborigines felt therefrom more keenly the encroachments of 
British settlements on their hunting grounds. 



THE ABORIGINE-BRITISH WAR. 



105 



The Conspiracy of Pontiac Against the British. 

Pontiac schemed for freeing the Aborigines from all their increasing 
difficulties according to his desires. He had long been an interested 
observer of French operations, and his plans demonstrated his posses- 
sion of a master mind among his peo]ile. His plan, first ])romulgated 
by the French, was nothing less than to confederate all the trilbies, east 
and west, and to exterminate the British and their Colonists at least in 
all parts of the country which he desired for his people. The\' were to 
begin at a certain phase of the moon in May, 1763, against all the small 
and feebly garrisoned forts, then devastate the frontiers, and then con- 
centrate against the more populous centers. Had it not fieen for the 
unstable and perfidious impulses then, as generalh-, actuating the sav- 
ages, the result would have been generally disastrous to the Colonists. 
Pontiac was born by the Maumee River at the mouth ot the 

Auglaize (according to 
the statement of the Mi- 
ami chief Richardville ) 
aliout the year 171'J, of 
an Ottawa father and a 
Miami mother. He was 
unusnalh' dark in com- 
plexion, of medium 
height, powerful frame, 
and of haughty bearing. 
He was further descrili- 
ed as subtle, patient in 
planning, cruel in ex- 
ecution, and with much 
more than the ordinary 
mental and methodical 
abilit\- of the Aborigines 
while possessing all of 
their few good qualities 
and most of their many 
bad ones. Previously 
he was but little known 
outside his tribe, the Ot- 
tawas. He aided the 
French against an attack 
of Detroit bv Aborigines in 1746, and aided the Aborigines in the defeat 
of General Braddock in Pennsylvania in 1755. 





.v 


1 


"^^ 




fj^^jp ' 


J 


l^^^v^ 


p 


^^p^ 


H 





FUNTIAC.-^ 
Born oil the site of the present Defiance. Oliio, about the 
year 1712. Was assassinated at Cahokia. Illinois, in 1 76S>. 



^From Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History. Copyright. 19(.ll, by Harper ik Brotliers. 



106 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

In his conspiracy against the British forts, Pontiac sought and 
obtained aid from the French. The authorities in New York did not 
obtain information regarding the great extent and full significance of 
the conspiracy until 16th February, 1764, and then by ship from New 
Orleans, where the French Governor D'Abbadie, who had early 
apprisement of it, gave Major Loftus a British officer, "A very bad 
account of the disposition of the Aborigines toward us. . . that 
Pontiac, the famous Chief of the Detroit, had declared his designs to 
commence hostilities, and had made a demand of supplies of ammuni- 
tion from M. de Neyon [commandant at Fort Chartres, on the Missis- 
sippi ninety miles above the mouth of the Ohio River]. . . There 
is reason to judge of Pontiac not only as a Savage, possessed of the 
most refined cunning and treachery natural to the Aborigines, but as a 
person of extra abilities. He keeps two Secretaries, one to write for 
him, and the other to read the letters he receives, & he manages them 
so as to keep each of them ignorant of what is transacted by the 
other. "'^ . 

The conspiracy had been many months in maturing. Near the 
close of the year 1762 Pontiac sent messengers to the different Abo- 
rigine tribes. "They visited the country of the Ohio and its tribu- 
taries, passed northward to the region of the upper lakes, and the 
borders of the River Ottawa : and far southward towards the mouth 
of the Mississippi. Bearing with them the war-belt of wampum, broad 
and long, as the importance of the message demanded, and the toma- 
hawk stained red, in token of war, they went from camp to camp, and 
village to village. Wherever they appeared, the sachems and old men 
assembled to hear the words of the great Pontiac. Then the chief of 
the embassy flung down the tomahawk on the ground, and delivered, 
with vehement gesture, word for word, the speech with which he was 
charged. It was heard everywhere with approval; the belt was 
accepted, the hatchet snatched up, and the assembled chiefs stood 
pledged to take part in the war."t 

This work was carried on with great secrecy to avoid its being 
communicated to the British. But early in March, 1763, Ensign 
Holmes, commandant of Fort Miami at the head of the Maumee, was 
informed by a friendly Miami that the Aborigine warriors in the near 
village had lately received a war-belt with urgent request that they 
destrov him and his garrison, and that they were preparing to do so. 



* Letter of General Thomas Gaue to the Earl of Halifax Secretary of State. London Document 
XXWl. N. Y. Co!. Docs. vol. vii. 619, 620. Tradition says that Pontiac issued as money, pieces of birch 
bark bearing rude sketches of his totem, the otter; and it further says that he faithfully redeemed tliem. 
There is no statement regarding his ways and means of redemption, however. This fiction is noticed 
here to illustrate the fabulous qualities ascribed to the Aborigines by some writers. 

t The Conspiracy of Pontiac. by Francis Parkman. volume ii, page Iy6. 



ABORIGINE PLOT AT FORT MIAMI: AT DETROIT. 107 

This information Ensign Holmes communicated to his superior, 
Major Gladwin at Detroit. This was followed by another letter from 

him reading' in part as follows : 

Fort Miamis, March liOth, lHui. 
Sir ; Since my last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted you of the Bloody Belt 
being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it out 
to be True; Whereupon I Assembled all the Chiefs of this Nation [the Miamis] & after 
a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as you will 
Receive Enclosed ; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace* 
will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Aborigines who are the Principal Ones 
of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt with this Packet which I hope You 
will Forward to the General [Sir Jeffrey .Amherst], t . 

Major Gladwin was incredulous regarding jsreparations of the 
savages for serious hostilities, and so he remained until Pontiac began 
the work of a determined siege of Fort Detroit, notwithstanding a 
general council of the savages held near Detroit 27th .\pril, 1763, and 
the advice of friends who could appreciate the different indications of 
gathering mischief. He was aroused to jireparation, however, bv a 
Chippewa girl who called at the fort 6th Mav to deliver to the Major 
moccasins she had made for him, and who hesitatingly told himt of 
the coming to the Fort the next day of Pontiac with sixty other chiefs, 
ostensibly for a friendly council, but each would carry under his 
blanket a gun filed off to the length of about one yard with which thev 
were to shoot the officers at a given signal, and the outside hordes, 
variously estimated at from six hundred to two thousand, would there- 
upon assail the Fort. The next day the chiefs appeared as foretold, 
and Major Gladwin received them with the garrison ready for action. 
This display of preparedness disconcerted the visitors and the council 
passed without incident. The chiefs were permitted to depart without 
being searched for the shortened guns thev carried. Earlv the next 
morning Pontiac again appeared at the fort with three chiefs and a 
calumet, or sacred piv>e of peaceS which was smoked as a sign of their 
love and loyalt\'; and to further allay the apjirehensions of the garrison 
an exciting game of ball was played by the savages during that after- 



* Treaty of Paris 10th February, 1763, foriiiaUy closing tile war of the British succession. 

t Parknian's Conspiracy of Pontiac. volume i, paL'e 1H9. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Col- 
lections. 

i- Compare the St. .Aubin and Gouin MSS. accounts, quoted in Parkman's volume i, patie 218 et 
seq., with Roi,'ers' Journal ; the Gladwin MSS.: the Pontiac Diary in the Michigan Pioneer and Histor- 
ical Collections, volume viii. Also for a good review of the evidence up to 1867, showinn the Chippewa 
cirl as a myth, see the late Colonel Charles Whittlesey's Conspiracy of Pontiac in the Firelands Pioneer 
volume viii, page 9 et seq. 

^ The savages claimed that the Caluutet should be used only on occasions of peace-makint:. The 
bowl of this pipe was generally of the ' sacred ' pipestone ( Catlinite ), the stem, from two to four feel in 
length in sections, was generally made from a young ash, the pith being worked out with a smoothed 
split of hard wood or, later, a wire. It was abundantly trimmed with quills and feathers from an eagle. 
It was generally kept disjointed and carefully wrapped, as an article of great value. See engraving. 



108 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

noon near the fort. The following dav Pontiac with his chiefs again 
sought a council within the fort enclosure with their warriors at their heels, 
but entrance was denied them. Then began the murdering of English- 
men living without the enclosure, by marauding bands, followed by a 
general firing from a distance of muskets at the fort, whereby five 
members of the garrison were wounded. 

Food supplies were becoming short and Major Gladwin, hoping to 
stop the firing and increase his supply from the near farms, sent 
friendly Frenchmen to enquire of Pontiac why they thus assailed him. 
The reply was that he desired Captain Donald Campbell, second in 
command, to visit and talk directly to him. This veteran officer who 
had heretofore possessed a peculiar influence over the Aborigines 
desired to go and do what he could to allay hostilities. Accompanied 
by Lieutenant George McDougall and some Frenchmen, he went to 
Pontiac's camp, where they were retained as prisoners. Lieutenant 
McDougall afterward escaped to the Fort ; but Captain Camiiliell was 
murdered, with torture, and eaten. 

The siege was continued from day to day, and the food sujii^ly 
dwindled with no hope of relief but from the arrival of supplies that 
had been sent from the East b\' the slow and uncertain small sloop. 
The 3l)th of May a sentinel discerned boats coming up the river, and 
soon the weary and hungry garrison was alert and joyous at the sup- 
l)osed arrival of relief. But this joy was of short duration. It was 
soon to be succeeded h\ a deeper gloom than had before settled over 
the fort, now apparently doomed to utter defeat. The boats and sup- 
plies were in the hands of the Aborigines who had captured at Point 
Pelee all of the convoy excepting two boats, after killing and capturing 
about sixtv of the ninety men in charge. Yet another month was des- 
tined to jiass before the suffering garrison at Detroit received any 
relief; and this month brought much of sadness and discouragement 
to the nearly exhausted garrison, and much of exultation to the besieg- 
ing savages and the war-parties sent out by Pontiac. 

May 16th Fort Sandusky was captured and liurned b\- Wyandots ; 
and Ensign Paully with the members of the garrison not killed out- 
right, were taken prisoners to the Aborigine camp near Detroit where 
a worse fate awaited the most of them, Paully escaping. The 2iith of 
May Fort St. Joseph was captured by Pottawotamis. Ten of the 
garrison were killed, and the other three including the commander 
Ensign Schlosser were taken to Detroit. 

May 27th Ensign Holmes was decoyed from Fort Miami at the 
head of the Maumee by his mistress, a young Miami woman, ostensibly 
to render medical aid to a sick Aborigine nearby, when he was shot to 
death by two Miamis lying in ambush for that purpose. His sergeant 



SAVAGES CAPTURE MIAMI AND OTHER FORTS. 109 

unwisely stepped outside the u'ate to learn the cause of the tiiini;, and 
was taken prisoner. The remaininjj four or five (the Gladwin MS. 
reads eight ) men comprising the garrison, surrendered the fort to the 
savages at the demand of one Jacques Godefroy and other P'renchmen 
from Detroit who were in league with Pontiac. Five days later Fort 
Ouiotenon on the Wabash, near the present Lafayette, was captured: 
and the next day, June 2, the garrison of Fort Michillimackinac was 
also deceived and captured by the Chippewas who killed over twenty 
and took all others of the garrison prisoners. June 15th Fort 
Presqu'ile, at the present Erie, Pennsylvania, was assailed by about 
two hundred Aborigines from Detroit and its garrison of twenty-seven 
men surrendered the 17th. - Within a few davs Fort Le Bceuf and Fort 
Venango, also on the route from Lake Erie to the head of the Ohio 
River were also in the hands of these widespread conspirators. 

The garrison at Detroit was generally apprised of the loss of these 
forts by the return of war-parties with seal])?, prisoners and plunder 
from the British, and their reception with great uproar by the Aborigine 
women and childen generally within sight and hearing of the garrison. 
A few of these prisoners were offered at the fort in exchange for 
Aborigines there held, and a few captives held by them escaped: but 
by far the greater number were put to death in the most horrible 
manner.* Demands from Pontiac for surrender of Fort Detroit were 
refused. 

Anchored in the river at the nearest point to Fort Detroit were, 
from the first of Pontiac's gathering of the enemy, two armed and 
manned schooners which did good service in aid of the garrison, and 
which successfully resisted all attempts of the savages to burn them 
by fire rafts and otherwise. When the Fort's supplies began to get 
low, the smaller schooner was ordered to hasten to Niagara for relief. 
She returned to the west end of Lake Erie near the last of June and, 
starting up the river, met attacks of the besiegers adroitl\- and bravely. 
She was manned by sixty men, and her cargo was composed of ammu- 
nition and provisions. There was also brought by this vessel an 
account of the signing of the Treaty of Paris which was soon communi- 
cated to the French by Major Gladwin : and fort\' of their numlier at 
Detroit under James Sterling volunteered to assist the tort. This 
should have put an end to the hopes, and of the stories to the 
Aborigines detailed b\- many Frenchmen, that armies of their country- 
men were on their wa\' to drive the British from America. 

About the middle of Jul\' the Wyandots and Pottawotamis deceit- 
fully made peace with Major Gladwin and surrendered their British 



* Compare Loss of the Posts MS. Diary of the Sie^e. Gladwin MSS. Parkinan's Conspiracy. 
and Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections. 



no THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

prisoners. Still brighter days to be followed by many sad ones, were 
about to dawn on this brave garrison of one hundred and twenty-two 
soldiers, eight officers, forty fur traders and a few assistants. July 
29th the long hoped-for relief came in the form of twenty-two barges, 
bearing two hundred and eight\' men, several small cannon, and a 
fresh supplv of provisions and ammunition.' These boats were fired 
upon by the same Ottawas and Pottawatomis who, two weeks before, 
sued for peace at the fort, and fifteen were killed and wounded by their 
guns. 

Captain Dalzell, a former companion of Israel Putnam and more 
recently aide-de-camp to General Amherst, was in charge of these 
reinforcements, and he determined to 'strike an irremediable blow' at 
Pontiac's forces; and about two o'clock in the morning of July 31st a 
detachment of two hundred and fifty soldiers well-officered, including 
Major Robert Rogers, marched against the savages. Some Frenchmen 
within the palisades informed the enemy of this proposed attack, and 
they were ready in ambush at a narrow bridge over Parent Creek, later 
known as Bloody Run. Here, and near, the British force was repulsed 
and with difficulty they returned to the fort with a loss of fifty-nine men 
killed and wounded. The enemy's loss was estimated at but fifteen to 
twenty ; and their exultation was unbounded. Runners were sent out 
'for several hundred miles' to spread the news of British defeat; and 
additional Aborigines daily swelled the number of Pontiac's already 
large force. Manv days, however, passed with comparatively few shots 
by the savages at the watchful garrison. 

The smaller schooner, named the Gladwin in honor of the brave 
commandant of Fort Detroit, was again dispatched to the east end of 
Lake Erie with requisition for supplies. The night of September 3rd 
she entered the Detroit River on her return, having a crew of ten 
Americans beside Captain Horst and Mate Jacobs; also with six New 
York Iroquois supposed to be friendly to the British. At their request 
the Iroquois were set ashore the next morning; and probably they told 
the hostile savages of the small number in charge of the schooner. 
That night thev were compelled to anchor about nine miles below the 
fort, and there they were attacked in the great darkness by about three 
hundred and fiftv Aborigines who silently drifted to the schooner with 
the current, undiscovered until thev were about to climb on board. 
One cannon was fired by the guard and crew, then a volley from their 
muskets when a hand-to-hand encounter became necessary. The crew 
was about to be overwhelmed by numbers when Mate Jacobs gave a 
loud command to explode the magazine. Fortunately this, command 
was understood bv some of the assailants who communicated it to the 
others, whereupon a panic ensued among the Aborigines and all 



BRITISH RALLY. SUGGEST SMALLPOX. TWO ARMIES. Ill 

instantly disappeared in the water, and were not again seen around the 
boat. The savages continued alert, however, on shore, their numbers 
making frequent changes and constant watchfulness of the fort a 
pastime for them, as also their shooting whenever a soldier was seen. 

Meantime reports of Pontiac's Conspiracy, the general uprising of 
the Aborigines, the capture of the frontier posts, and the devastation 
of frontier settlements, were as soon as possible conveyed to the 
authorities in New York. Those most active for relief were Sir 
William Johnson Agent and Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs, 
Lieutenant Governor Cadwallader Colden of New York, General Sir 
Jeffrey Amherst, and General Thomas Gage afterwards his successor: 
between all of whom and the Lords Commissioners for Trade and 
Plantations, with office at Whitehall, London, correspondence became 
more and more frequent and s\-stematic. 

As heretofore stated, the regular troops were largely withdrawn 
from America after the capitulation of the French in 1760, and the 
frontier posts, even Detroit from which Fort Miami and others drew 
their garrison and supplies, were left with a scarcity that was nothing 
less than criminal on the part of the authorities. The home govern- 
ment in London yet desired to dictate the conduct of everything while 
making it obligatory upon the Colonies to pay the expenses. The 
continuous efforts necessary to protect the centers of population, and 
to pay the officers of the government imposed upon the Colonies by 
the King, kept the Colonial treasuries drained. And, in addition, the 
easy-going British officials, some of whom knew little about the savages 
and often apparently cared less than they knew, were loth to believe 
that serious outbreak was threatened : and it required a long time for 
them to understand that the greatest of all Aborigine wars was being 
relentlessly waged. Some had become wearied by the former continu- 
ous demands of the savages for valuable presents; and now General 
Amherst felt particularly annoyed by the reports of their treachery. 
He called them a despicable enemy ' and he wrote in July, 1763, asking 
Colonel Henry Bouquet "if it can not be contrived to send the Small 
Pox among those disaffected tribes of Aborigines? We must on this 
occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce them. . . You 
will do well to try to inoculate them by means of blankets, as well as 
to try every other method that can serve to extirpate this execrable 
race." 

The depredations had been so severe and oft repeated in western 
Pennsylvania and Virginia, and farther east, that the necessity for 
strong suppressive measures became imperative. With great efforts two 
armies were organized in the early summer of 1763, with a few regular 
soldiers, colonist volunteers and whilom friendly Aborigines, to make 



112 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

a decisive campaign aj^ainst the hostiles of Ohio and Detroit. Colonel 
Henry Bouquet of Berne, Switzerland, who had been more than seven 
years in America in command of the 'Royal Americans' composed 
larj^'ely of Germans in Pennsylvania, was directed l)y General Amherst 
to cross the mountains and relieve Fort Pitt which was invested by the 
savages, and which with Fort NiajJ'ara and Fort Detroit were the only 
western posts remaining uncaptured h\' them. Colonel Bouquet's com- 
mand increased on the march, and August 1^, 1763, when nearing 
Bushy Run, about twent\-tive miles from Fort Pitt now Pittsburg, this 
command was violently and persistently assailed by the savages who 
had been harassing the Fort, and only by well-conceived and well- 
e.xecuted strategy were they saved from destruction more complete than 
that of General Braddock's army eight years before. This Battle of 
Bushv Run has been termed one of the best contested battles ever 
fought between Europeans, Colonists and the Aborigines.* It de- 
pressed the great and increasing confidence of the Aborigines in their 
ability to exterminate the Colonists, and it revived the hopes of the 
latter. It also aided in gaining recruits for advance in the Ohio Coun- 
trv upon recommendation of rewards for savage scalps inasmuch as 
the Colonies refused regular pay to militiamen when outside their dis- 
tinctive limits. 

The other army of six hundred regulars and others under Major 
John Wilkins had been collected from different parts of the Colonies 
with great effort for the purpose of relieving Detroit ; but it was 
doomed to disaster. Before getting out of the Niagara River they 
were driven back by the enemy with loss ; and in September their boats 
were wrecked by a storm on Lake Erie about ninety miles from 
Detroit, where three officers and over seventy privates were drowned, 
and their cannon, ammunition and supplies were lost or spoiled; 
whereupon the others returned to Niagara. 

The reports of the organization of these armies had depressing 
effect upon Pontiac as well as ujion his followers. They had been 
encouraged by Frenchmen in different places telling them that French 
armies were on their way to America to drive the British out and, 
later, that one of these armies was already ascending the Mississippi 
River. M. de Neyon French Commandant of Fort Chartres had been 
instructed after the French surrender in 1760, to retain that post until 
relieved by a British garrison. To him Pontiac repeatedly appealed 
for soldiers and munitions of war. Finally, upon demand of the British 
General Amherst, M. Neyon sent letter September 27th to the 
Aborigine tribes requesting peace and informing them that no assist- 



*C/a/Ae's Historical Series, vokiine i; Parkmairs Conspiracy of Pontiac volunie ii, etc. 



PONTIAC RETIRES TO THE MAUMEE. THE DELAWARES. 113 

ance could be ex]iected by tht-m from the French. Ifpon receiving this 
notification Pontiac's duplicity at once asserted itself, and he immedi- 
ately sought the fortjiveness of Major Gladwin and General Amherst, 
and their favor by telling the former that ht- would send requests to all 
Aborigines engaged in the war, to bury the hatcht-t.' 

In regard to the armies forming for the war, the expression to 
'bury the hatchet' was not sufficient for the British in power; but 
Major Gladwin wrote to General Amherst that 

It would be good policy to leave matters open until spring wfien the Aborigines 
would be so reduced in powder there would be no danger that they would break out 
again, provided some examples are made of our good friends, the French, who set them 
on. . . No advantage can be gained by prosecuting the war, owing to the difficulty 
of catching them [the Aborigines]. Add to this the e.\pense of such war which, if con- 
tinued, the ruins of our entire peltry trade must follow, and the loss of a prodigious con- 
sumption of our merchandize. It will be the means of their retiring, which will reinforce 
other nations on the Mississippi whom they will push against us and make them our 
enemies forever. Consequentlv it will render it extremely difficult to pass that country, 
and especially as the French have promised to supply them with everything they want. 

They [the Aborigines] have lost between eighty and ninety of their best warriors : 
but if your Excellency still intends to punish them for their barbarities, it may be easier 
done, without any expense to the crown, by permitting a free sale of rum which will destroy 
them more effectually than fire and sword. But on the contrary if you intend to accom- 
modate matters in spring, which I hope you will for the above reasons, it may be neces- 
sary to send up Sir William Johnson.* . 

About the 1st November, 1763, Pontiac with a few tried followers 
removed their camp from Detroit to the Maumee River to nurse their 
disappointed expectations. Following their removal comparative 
quiet prevailed for several months. 

This turn in affairs produced a favorable effect upon the ever 
wavering and dreaded Senecas of the Six Nations. Sir William John- 
son took the opportunity of their mollified temper to yet further gain 
their friendship by offering them fifty dollars for each principal Dela- 
ware Aborigine chief captured by them, 'in which case they must either 
bring them alive, or their whole Heads.' . . They succeeded in sur- 
rounding and capturing alive a camp of about forty Delawares, embrac- 
ing the dreaded chief 'Captain Bull.' These captives were taken to 
the common jail in New York City where they were kept until a time 
favorable for their release. 

The fall and winter of 1763-64 was a time of turmoil in Pennsyl- 
vania, particularly, with strenuous efforts toward readjustment of com- 
munities and encampments holding antagonistic views regarding vital 
questions of conduct when life or death, government and possessions 
temporal and spiritual teachings, were involved. The sufferers and 



'■'■■ Gladwin MSS. page 675, quoted in The Northwest under Three Flags, by Charles Moore, 
Harper and Brothers, 1900. Compare with Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac. 



]]4 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

active participants in this mixed series of contests were primarily, the 
Aborigine marauders, murderers and burners of frontier settlements, 
the survivors of those settlements adherents of the Presbyterian church, 
the Friends (Quakers) and, to a less degree, the civil authorities.* 

The militarv authorities did not remain entirely idle. General 
Amherst was given leave of absence to visit England, but he was suc- 
ceeded in the fall of 1763 bv Major-General Thomas Gage next in com- 
mand. Preparations were made to again send two armies against the 
Aborigines of the West the following spring. Sir William Johnson the 
Agent to the Aborigines, was also active in sending invitations to the 
savages for a general council to be held at Fort Niagara. To this 
invitation there was a favorable response, over two thousand warriors 
gathering at that fort in July, 1764. Here Colonel Johnson did his 
usual good service in receiving and effecting treaties with the different 
tribes individually, he undergoing much fatiguing routine and disagree- 
able work to that end. The more northern army, under command of 
Colonel John Bradstreet, numbering about eleven hundred regulars, 
volunteers and Aborigines, was present at this council to impress the 
various tribes with the power of the British. 

About the 8th of August Colonel Bradstreet's command embarked 
upon Lake Erie against the vet hostile savages in northern Ohio and 
the southwest. He was accompanied by two hundred and fifty Aborig- 
ines! many or most of whom soon deserted with the presents that had 
been given them at Niagara. At Fort Prescjue Isle, site of the pres- 
ent Erie, that was captured and ruined the year before by Pontiac's 
warriors, the Colonel was deceived into a farcical treaty by members of 
the Delaware and Shawnee tribes which had been particularly aggres- 
sive and savage. 

Colonel Bradstreet was also deceived by like Wyandots, Ottawas 
and Miamis at Sandusky. Here he took prisoner the Frenchman 
Jacques Godefroy who, in May, 1763, was the leader in the murder of 
Ensign Holmes and the capture of Fort Miami at the head of the 
Maumee in the interest of Pontiac. This man expected severe punish- 
ment, if not death, at the hands of Colonel Bradstreet; but just at this 
time Captain Thomas Morris was about to start from the encampment 
as an ambassador of peace to the Aborigines along the Maumee, 
Wabash and Illinois, and was offered Godefroy as a servant and inter- 
preter by Colonel Bradstreet who enjoined the culprit to take good 
care of the Captain. Morris accepted the offer, and Godefroy, think- 



* For a comprehensive view of tliis reniarliable contest of readjustment between advancing civiliz- 
ation and savagery, the reader is referred to the publication of divers collections, sermons and docu- 
ments, by the Penns.vlvania Historical Society. 

1 London Document XXXVII. New York Colonial Documents, vol. vii, pace 657. 



EXPERIENCES OF CAPTAIN MORRIS ALONG MAUMEE. 115 

ing that the Captain thus saved his life, accompanied him to save the 
life of his benefactor, as the sequel proved. They passed up the 
Maumee by boats to, probably, the site of the present Defiance. From 
an Ottawa chief they obtained three horses for the journey- to Pontiac's 
camp situate five or six miles from the river, probably on the Defiance 
Moraine to the northeast. As they neared the camp. Captain Morris, 
Godefroy and another Canadian attendant riding the horses, and their 
escort of Aborigines carrying the British flag in advance, they were 
met by Pontiac's guard, several hundred in number, which surrounded 
them, crowded between to separate them, beat the horses and made 
other exhibitions of disrespect. Pontiac stood at the edge of the 
encampment and also showed signs of disfavor, beside refusing to 
shake hands. "Here, too, stood a man in the uniform of a French 
officer, holding his gun with the butt resting on the ground, and assum- 
ing an air of great importance : while two Pawnee slaves stood close 
behind him. He proved to be a French drummer, calling himself St. 
Vincent, one of those renegades of civilization to be found in almost 
every camp of Aborigines. He now took upon himself the office of a 
master of ceremonies. He desired Morris to dismount, and he seated 
himself at his side on a bearskin. Godefroy took his place near them; 
and a throng of savages, circle within circle, stood crowded around. 
Presently came Pontiac and squatted himself after his fashion oppo- 
site Morris. He opened the interview by observing that the English 
were liars, and demanding of the ambassador if he had come to lie to 
them, like the rest."* 

A letter directed to Pontiac and purporting to have been received 
by way of New Orleans, was shown. It read as though coming from 
the King of France, and its statements were well contrived to incite the 
savages to continue their hatred of the British. It read, further, that 
'Your French Father is neither dead nor asleep; he is already on his 
way, with sixty great ships, to revenge himself on the English and 
drive them out of America.' On account of the excitement produced 
by this reading, St. Vincent adroitly escorted Captain Morris to his 
own wigwam. 

A council was held next day at which Captain Morris' statement 
of the relations existing between Great Britain and France was received 
with ridicule. The chiefs would have killed him but for the influence 
of Pontiac who told them that the life of an ambassador should be con- 
sidered sacred. 'His [Pontiac's] speech did him honor, and showed 
that he was acquainted with the law of nations.' Pontiac said quietly 



* From Captain Morris' Miscellanies in Prose and Verse copied into Parl<man's Conspiracy of 
Ponliac, volume ii. pace 1^7, Boston. 1897. Captain Morris" little book was reprinted by The Arthur 
Clarke Co. of Cleveland in 1904. 



116 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

to Godefro}' I will lead the nations to war no more. Let them be at 
peace if they choose; but I will never be a friend to the English. I 
shall be a wanderer in the woods; and, if they come there to seek me, 
I will shoot at them while I have an arrow left.' This was uttered 
with assumed despair, and with evidences of desire to be courted. 

A Mohawk chief who accompanied Captain Morris' Company stole 
everything within his ])ower, including the Captain's supply of rum, 
two barrels in quantity, which he sold to the Ottawas ; and the next 
day he ran away. The drunken orgies that followed the distribution of 
the rum boded evil to the ambassador. An attack was made on him 
but Godefroy warded off the knife aimed at his heart, and he ran into 
a field of corn where he evaded his pursuers. After comparative quiet 
had been restored he returned to the camp where 'Little Chief ex- 
changed with him for gunpowder, a volume of Shakespeare, the spoil 
of some slaughtered officer.' 

With Pontiac's consent. Captain Morris and his company resumed 
their journev up the Maumee. He had much to write about the diffi- 
culties of the journey on account of a low stage of water, and the push- 
ing and drawing of their boat over the stony shallows. On the fifth 
day from Pontiac's camp they met a savage riding a handsome white 
horse which, they were told, belonged to the ill-fated General Braddock 
and was caught by the Aborigines at the field of his defeat in 17f)5. 

Two days later they arrived at the head of the Maumee and the 
party started up the left bank of the River St. Joseph to Fort Miami, 
leaving Captain Morris seated in his canoe reading Antony and Cleo- 
patra in the copy of Shakespeare he had obtained in Pontiac's camp. 
His men were met short of the fort bv the savages with bows and 
arrows, hatchets, spears and sticks, to torture or kill 'the Englishman.' 
He not being immediately found in the party, and the chiefs exerting 
their influence for delay, their ire was somewhat abated. He was soon 
found, however, conducted with many indignities to the fort buildings, 
now for over a vear without a garrison and tenanted by some French- 
men and Aborigines, where he was forbidden to enter any of the 
Frenchmen's cabins situated within the stockaded area. Two warriors, 
carrying tomahawks in their hands, took him by the arms and led him 
through the shallow St. Joseph River, he at first fearing that they 
intended to drown and seal]) him. When nearing the great Miami 
village, a little distance from the west shore, they endeavored to take 
off his clothing, but became impatient at the task when he ' in rage 
and despair tore off his clothes himself.' Using his own sash, they 
liound his arms behind him and drove him before them into the village 
where he w-as immediately surrounded by hundreds who began violent 
disputes as to what should be done with him. Godefroy, who had 



SUFFERINGS OF CAPTAIN MORRIS AMONG THE MIAMIS. 117 

accompanied him and ^nven words of cheer, induced a nephew of 
Pontiac to make a speech in the Captain's favor; and Godefroy told 
them if they killed him the English would kill the Miamis then held 
prisoners at Detroit. Chief Swan of the Miamis then actively took 
the part of Captain Morris by untying his arms, and giving him a pipe 
to smoke. Chief White Cat snatched the pipe away, and bound his 
neck to a post. Captain Morris afterward wrote "I had not the 
smallest hope of life, and I remember that I conceived myself as if 
going to plunge into a gulf, vast, immeasurable: and that, in a few 
moments after, the thought of torture occasioned a sort of torpor and 
insensibilit}-. I looked at Godefroy, and, seeing him exceedingly dis- 
tressed, I said what I could to encourage him; but he desired me not 
to speak ( I suppose it gave offense to the savages ) and therefore was 
silent. Then Pacanne, chief of the Miami nation, and just out of his 
minoritx', having mounted a horse and crossed the river, rode up to me. 
When I heard him calling to those about me, and felt his hand behind 
my neck, I thought he was going to strangle me out of pity; but he 
untied me saying, as it was afterwards interpreted to me, I give that 
man his life. If you want English meat, go to Detroit, or to the lake, 
and you'll find enough. What business have you with this man's flesh, 
who is come to speak with us?' I fixed my eyes steadfastly on this 
young man, and endeavored by looks to express my gratitude." 
Another pipe was given to Captain Morris, but he was soon thrust out 
of the village with blows. He was permittid to make his way back to 
the fort, receiving a stroke from a whip by a mounted Aborigine on 
the way. Godefroy and St. Vincent who had accompanied him from 
Pontiac's camp, did what they could to ward off dangers. A French- 
man at the fort, named I'Esperance, lodged him in his garret, and the 
other Canadians showed kindness; also two young sisters of Chief 
Pacanne, as he understood. But those who had bound him were yet 
watching to kill him; and a large band of Kickapoos, who arrived just 
before him and built their lodges near the fort, declared they would 
kill him if the Miamis did not. 

Captain Morris learned from his Canadian friends that the severe 
treatment he received was due to Delaware and Shawnee messengers 
who arrived before him with fourteen war-belts of wampum to incite 
the Aborigines to renewed hostilities against the British. They told 
the Miamis of the Captain's coming and urged them to put him to 
death; and they had continued their journey southwestward down the 
Wabash and to the Illinois, the route laid out for him by Colonel Brad- 
street. Notwithstanding all this he inclined to continue the journey, 
until convinced by the evidence of those friendly to him and by the 
demonstrations of the Aborigines that to attempt onward movement 



118 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

would surely result in his death. Reluctantly, he decided to return 
and, choosing a favorable hour, he started down the Maumee. Nor was 
this return journev to be free from danger. The remaining savages 
who accompanied him from Sandusky, finding him bereft of all luxuries 
and presents, exhibited great disrespect and forsook him when their 
services were needed in procuring food and propelling the canoe. 
Captain Morris described their chief as a 'Christian' Huron (Wyandot) 
from the Mission of Lorette near Quebec, and the greatest rascal I 
ever knew.' Godefroy remained constant, and with little other help 
they arrived at Detroit 17th September, 1764, suffering on the way 
greatly from want of food and from fatigue. Colonel Bradstreet and 
his coinmand had visited Detroit while Captain Morris was up the 
Maumee, had left a fresh garrison there, and had returned to Sandusky 
to further parley and dally with the deceitful savages having occa- 
sional headquarters there. 

From ' Colonel Bradstreet's thoughts on Aborigine Affairs ' sent to 
General Gage December 4, 1764, the following is extracted : 

Here I must take notice, that from the Govern' of Pennsylvania all the Shawanese 
and Delawar Aborigines are furnished with rifled barrel Guns of an excellent kind, and 
that the upper Nations are getting into them fast, by which they will be much less de- 
pendent upon us on account of the great saving of powder, this Gun taking much less 
and the shot much more certain than any other gun, and in their carrying on war. by 
far more prejudicial to us than any other sort. 

Of all the Savages upon the continent, the most knowing, the most intriguing, the 
less useful, and the greatest Villians, are those most conversant with the Europeans, and 
deserve most the attention of Govern' by way of correction, and these are the Six 
Nations, Shawanese and Delawares ; they are well acquainted with the defenseless state 
of the Inhabitants who live on the Frontiers, and they think they will ever have it in 
their power to distress and plunder them, and never cease raising the jealousy of the 
Upper Nations against us by propagating amongst them such stories as make them be- 
lieve the English have nothing so much at heart as the extirpation of all Savages. The 
apparent design of the Six Nations is to keep us at war with all Savages but themselves, 
that they may be employed as mediators between us and them at a continuation of 
expence, too often and too heavily felt, the sweets of which they will never forget nor 
lose sight of if they can possibly avoid it. That [the design] of the Shawanese and 
Delawares is to live on killing, captivating [capturing] and plundering the people 
inhabiting the Frontiers ; long experience having shown them they grow richer, and live 
better thereby than by hunting wild Beasts.* 

The effect of Colonel Bradstreet's dealings with the savages during 
his exjsedition, was not to curb their maraudings but, rather, to increase 
their self-esteem and to stimulate their marauding propensities. He 
early wrote to Colonel Bouquet, who was advancing from Pennsyl- 
vania with the other army, that his treaties with the hostiles would 
make safe a disbandment of Colonel Bouquet's armv of about six 



* London Document XXXN'II, New York Colonial Documents volume vii, pa^re 692. 



RETURN OF WHITE CAPTIVES TO COLONEL BOUQUET. 119 

hundred men: hut the latter was constantly seeing the deceitfulness of 
the promises of the savages to Colonel Bradstreet, and pressed forward 
into Ohio with a, to the savages, new style of warfare. He held 
hostages, sent others with letters to Detroit with positive commands 
that they feared to disobey, and marched to the haunts of the most 
hostile bands of Senecas, Delawares and Shawnees who had refused to 
attend the council at Niagara; declaring to them that his army should 
not leave them until they had given ample assurances of better be- 
havior in the future; and "giving them twelve days in which to 
deliver into m}- hands all the prisoners in your possesssion ; English- 
men, Frenchmen, women and children, whether adopted into your 
tribes, married, or living among you under any denomination or pre- 
tense whatsoever. And you are to furnish these prisoners with 
clothing, provisions, and horses to carry them to Fort Pitt. When 
vou have fuUv complied with these conditions, you shall then know on 
what terms you may obtain the peace you sue for." As hostages for 
their compliance with this demand, he held the principal chiefs of each 
tribe. His ambassadors proceeded to Sandusky with his demands, now 
more strict since his should-be coadutor. Colonel Bradstreet, had 
started homeward leaving the impression among the savages that thev 
had triumphed over him and could continue their savagery. 

A detachment of Colonel Bouquet's command also passed to the 
Shawnee towns on the Scioto River ' which savages had been particu- 
larly active and atrocious) and to and along the right bank of the River 
St. Mary to Fort Miami at the head of the Maumee.* Soon thereafter, 
bands of Aborigines began to arrive at Colonel Bouquet's encamp- 
ment which he had taken the precautions to fortify, bringing with them 
the captives of the white settlers to the number of thirty-two men and 
fifty-eight women and children from Virginia, and forty-nine men and 
sixty-seven women and children from Pennsylvania, which thev had 
accumulated during their manv raids. There were many with Bou- 
quet's command who had been thus bereft, soldiers and women, and 
the emotional scenes witnessed at the meeting of the captives with 
their relatives has been described with much of sentiment and pathos 
by different writers,"!" some of whom have enlarged upon the profes- 
sional wailings of the Aborigine women at the loss of their captives, 
fictitiouslv comparing their demonstrations to the grief of civilized 



'-'■'' See map by Thomas Hutchins, assistant enijineer. Reproduced for Parkman's Conspiracy of 
Pontiac. volume ii. 

t See Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac. vo\iiine ii : Harper's Montfily Magazine, volume xxiii, 
October. 1861. pages .577-593; Rnd Pennsylvania Historical Collections. Colonel Bouquet's Papers were 
deposited in the British Museum Library with the Haldimand Papers. Many of both of these Papers 
have been copied for the Dominion [or Parliament] Library at Ottawa, Canada. Parts of them may also 
be found in the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections. 



120 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

people. Some of the younger women, who had been longest captives 
and were married to the Aborigines, escaped from the military lines 
and returned to their forest homes in preference to going back to their 
kinsfolk. This is in evidence of the fact that reversion to barbarism is 
strong in the lives of many persons in every civilized community; 
otherwise civilizing influences would make greater progress. The 
Aborigines were also made to understand that they must soon visit Sir 
AVilliam Johnson, agent of their affairs, and give him assurances of 
their iuture good behavior, as he, Colonel Bouquet, would not treat 
with them, informing them that his duty was to conquer them by force 
of arms. The 18th November, 1764, Colonel Bouquet's command, 
and his rescued captives, started on their return to their Pennsylvania 
and X'irginia homes, by way of Fort Pitt. 

December 26, 1764, Sir William Johnson wrote to the Lords of 
Trade regarding the two military expeditions in part as follows:* 
"The result of this Expedition [by Colonel John Bradstreet] is, that 
after loosing near one half of the great boats [in a storm on Lake Erie 
on his return] the Troojis are returntd in a most shattered scituation, 
many have jierished in tile Woods, and above forty are now daily fed 
by the Senecas, 'till they become able to march, neither are all my 
Officers or Aborigines yet come in, haveing been turned a drift without 
any provision on Lake Erie, together with several hundred of the 
troops. . . . On the other hand Coll. Bouquet under all the disad- 
vantages of a tedious & hazardous land march, with an Army little 
more than hall that of the other has penetrated into the heart of the 
Countr\' of the Delawares lS: Shawanese, obtained above 200 English 
Captives from amongst them, with 14 hostages for their coming here, 
and entering into a peace before me in due form, S:"^^ & I dailv exjiect 
their cliiefs for that jmrpose." 

The 24th May, 1765, Sir ^Villiam further rei)orted his treaty of 
peace with nine hundred Aborigines of different tribes, including those 
obligated by Colonel Bouquet. He also reported renewed hostilities 
of the Miamis, they having captured a soldier who strayed a short dis- 
tance from the garrison at Detroit, and maltreated some French per- 
sons st'nt along the Maumee by the commandant to secure his release. 
The Miamis, ami the tribes to the westward, were yet imbued with 
Pontiac's iik'as ol resisting the British, which ideas were nourished in 
the continued rejiort by Frenchmen in the southwest and along the 
Maumee, that French armies would soon come to their assistance. 
' Several French Familys of the worst sort live at y<^ Miamis "... 
wrote Sir William in his report. This influence was still objecting to the 
occupation of the Maumee, Wabash and Illinois countries bv the British. 



'* London Document XXW'H, New York Colonial Documents, volume vii. pav:e 686. 



AMBASSADOR CROGHAN ALONG WABASH AND MAUMEE. 121 

To pacify this opposition Sir William Johnson sent Colonel Geort^e 
Croghan amoni^ these western tribes in the spring of 1765. This 
sagacious ambassador left Fort Pitt May ir)th and, visiting the lodges 
by the Scioto River, induced the Shawnees there to deliver to him the 
French traders in their midst seven in number who had been influenc- 
ing them against the British. There were seven other such traders 
among the Delawares, all of whom were taken or sent to \'incennes to 
prevent their trading with and further influencing the Ohio Aborigines. 
Colonel Croghan and his escort of fourteeen men were fired upon June 
8th near the mouth of the Wabash River by Kickapoo and ' Musquat- 
tamie ' warriors. Three were killed and several were wounded, includ- 
ing the Colonel. They were taken prisoners to Post \'incent where 
there was a French village of eighty houses, and a Piankishaw village. 
Here Colonel Croghan met several Aborigines \vhom he had liefriended 
in former years and whose influence on his captors was favorable to 
him. Thev were taken up the Wabash to Ouiotenon where other 
Aborigine friends of the past were met ' who were extremely civil to me 
& my party. '"^ 

At Ouiotenon a Frenchman arrix'ed ' with a Pijie and Speech' from 
the Illinois through the Ivickaiioos and ' Musquattamies ' to have Col- 
onel Croghan put to death by lire; but his presents and personal ad- 
dress prevailed and after several conferences with all of these tribes he 
was fortunate enough, not onl\' to influence them to save his own life, 
but "to reconcile these Nations to his Majesties Interest & obtain their 
Consent and Approbation to take Possession of any Posts in their 
countr\- which the F"rench formerly ]iossessed, & an offer of thi-ir 
service should any Nation opi^ose our taking possession of it, all of 
which they confirmed by four large Pipes. . . On July 13th The 
Chiefs of the Twightwees [Miamis] came to me [Colonel Croghan at 
Ouiotenon] from the Miamis [Maumee River] and renewed their 
Antient Friendship with His Majesty & all His Subjects in America & 
confirmed it with a Pipe." 

On the 18th July, 1765, this industrious and successful deputy 
agent of Aborigine affairs started for the Illinois country, accompanied 
by the chiefs of all the tribes with whom he had been treating. They 
soon met the renowned Pontiac with the deputies of the Six Nations of 
Irofjuois, and Delawares and Shawnees who had accompanied the 
Colonel down the Ohio River on this mission, and from whom he had 
l")een separated. They returned to Ouiotenon where were delivered in 
general' council tht speeches sent from the ' four nations' or trilies of 
the Illinois country. Pontiac and the others accorded with the former 
agreement of the other chiefs, and all was confirmed by pipe-smoking 

■■' London Document XXW'III. New York Colonial Documents, volume vii, paye 7^0, 



/22 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and belts of \vam]ium. Erroneous reports and misconceptions were 
corrected, prisoners held by them were surrendered and, accompanied 
by many of the chiefs, Colonel Croghan and party started up the 
Wabash and passed across the Portage to the head of the Maumee 
River. He wrote in his journal that 

Within a mile of the Twightwee [Miami] Village I was met by the chiefs of that 
nation who received us very kindly. The most part of these Aborigines knew me and 
conducted me to their village, where they immediately hoisted an English flag that I had 
formerly given them at Fort Pitt. The next day they held a council after which they 
gave me up the English prisoners they had, then made several speeches in all of which 
they expressed the great pleasure it gave them to see the unhappy differences which em- 
broiled the several nations in a war with their brethren (the E;nglishl were now so near a 
happy conclusion, and that peace was established in their country. 

The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a river called St. Joseph. This 
river where it falls into the Miame [Maumee] River, about a quarter of a mile from this 
place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, some- 
what ruinous. The Aborigine village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine 
or ten French houses — a runaway colony from Detroit during the late .Aborigine [Pontiac] 
war. They were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment, they came to this post 
where ever since they have spirited up the Aborigines against the English. All the 
French residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief, and spiriting 
up the Aborigines against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain 
here, 'f^he country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered. 

After several conferences with these Aborigines, and their delivering me up all the 
English prisoners they had, on the 2.1th July [(jth August ?] we set off for Detroit down the 
Miamee [Maumee] River in canoes, having settled everything with these several Nations 
to the Westward, & was accompanied by several chiefs of those Nations which were going 
to Detroit to meet Colonel Bradstreet agreeable to his invitation to them last winter by 
Mr. Maisonville. As I passed by the Twightwee [Miami] and the Ottawa villages on the 
Miamis [Maumee] River, they delivered me all the English prisoners they had & I found 
as f passed by those towns that several of the Aborigines had set off for Detroit.* 

This river [the St. Mary] is not navigable till you come to the place where the St. 
Joseph joins it and makes a considerably large stream. Nevertheless we found a great 
deal of difficulty in getting our canoes over shoals, as the water at this season was very 
low. The banks of the river are high, and the country overgrown with lofty timber of 
various kinds ; and the land is level and the woods clear. 

About ninety miles from the Miamis of Twightwee [head of the Maumee] we came 
to where the large river [the Auglaize] that heads in a lick, falls [meets, debouches] into 
the Miami [Maumee] river. This they call the forks, The Ottawas claim this country, 
and hunt here where game is very plenty. From hence we preceded to the Ottawa village 
[site of the present Providence, Lucas County]. This nation formerly lived at Detroit, 
but is now settled here on account of the richness of the country, where game is always 
found to be plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes and drag them 
[occasionally] eighteen miles on account of the the rifts which interrupted navigation. 
At the end of these rifts we came to a village of the Wyandots who received us very kindly, 
and thence we proceeded to the mouth of the river where it falls [debouches ; there are 
neither falls nor rapids] into Lake Erie. From the Miamis [villages near the head of the 
Maumee] to the Lake it is computed one hundred and eighty miles [the distance is nearer 



*London Doc. XXXVIII, New York Colonial Documents, volume vii, pages 779, 7H1. Annals of the 
West, pases 184-85, and Butler's History of Kentucliy. 



FIRST BRITISH TROOPS AMONG WESTERN ABORIGINES. 123 

one hundred and sixty miles], and from the entrance of the ri\er into the Lake to Detroit 
is sixty miles — that is forty-two miles up the Lake and eighteen miles up the Detroit River 
to the garrison [Fort] of that name. 

On the 17th [August] in the morning we arrived at the Fort, which is a large stock- 
ade inclosing about eighty houses. It stands on the west side of the river on a high bank, 
commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above and nine miles below. The 
country is thickly settled with F'rench. Their plantations are generally laid out about 
three or four acres in breadth on the river and eighty acres in depth. The soil is good, 
producing plenty of grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches, and consist 
of three or four hundred French families, a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the 
savages for subsistence. Though the land with little labor produces plenty of grain, they 
scarcely raise as much as will supply their wants, in imitation of the Aborigines whose 
manners and customs they have entirely adopted and cannot subsist without them. 

Colonel Croghan and Colonel Campbell commandant of Fort De- 
troit, held repeated councils with the Aborigines there assembled, 
embracing those of the Miamis, Ottowas, Ouiotenons, Piankishaws, 
Pottawotomis, Kickapoos, ' Muscjuatomis ' Chippewas, Six Nations, 
Delawares, Shawnees and Wvandots. And thus was cleared the way 
for the complete British occujiation of the Maumee, Wabash and 
Illinois counties. Colonel Croghan so reported to Fort Pitt and a 
compan\- of the 4"2nd Regiment of Highlanders under Captain Thomas 
Stirling proceeded thence down the Ohio River to, and K.lth October, 

1765, received welcome possession of. Fort Chartres from commandant 
St. Ange. These were the first British troops to enter the Illinois 
country. Major Arthur Loftus early in 17()4, with four hundred regulars, 
ascended the Mississippi from New Orleans about four hundred miles 
when six of his men were killed and six wounded by Aborigines in 
ambush, whereupon he returned to Pensacola. '' 

Pontiac and other chiefs visited Sir William Johnson July 24, 

1766, at Ontario, New York, according to invitation and promise given 
at Detroit the preceding \ear. They were laden with presents and re- 
turned to the Maumee apparently satisfied. 



* Narrative and Critical History of America, volume vi. paee 70,5. For account of George 
Croghan's journals, see Ibid, page "04; Hildreth's Pioneer History: New Yoric Colonial Documents ; 
Butler's History of Kentuclty. etc. 




124 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



CHAPTER V. 

Hostilities of British and Aborigines — Revolutkwary War. 

176fi TO 1783. 

The Aborigines had become convinced that no more reHance could 
be placed on the French, and that their wants would be best supplied 
by their becoming, and remaining', friendly to the British; and the 
British, throug'h the Secretary of State the Earl of Halifax, the Lords 
Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, and of Sir William Johnson 
of Johnstown, New York, the able Superintendent of Aborigine affairs 
for the Northern District of America, had broadly planned for the 
control of the Aborigines." These jilans and their firm application 
to the binding" of the Aborigines to the dictation of the British, were 
destined to cost the American Colonists many hundreds of additional 
lives and an untold amount of suffering and treasure during their many 
vears of struggle for independence from the other unjust imjiositions 
of the mother country. 

Previous to this time the Colonies had lost thirty thousand of their 
citizens, and incurred an expense of sixteen million dollars in their 
efforts for protection against the French and their Aborigine allies. Of 
this sum the British parliament had re-imbursed them atiout one-third. 
A large indebtedness had accumulated, and the rates of taxation had 
become very l^urdensome. The British debt had increased during the 
French wars about one hundred and forty million pounds sterling. 
Parliament attempted to tax the struggling" Colonists to help pa\" the 
home indebtedness. Attempts were also made to restrict the liberty 
of the Colonists in different ways which led to various expressions by 
them of disapproval. John Adams declared that American Indepen- 
dence was liorn at the time of the action and expressions of James Otis 
against the Writs of Assistance, in Boston as early as February, 1761. 

Following the Stamp Act Riots in New York, Sir William Johnson 
wrote to the Lords of Trade under date of 31st January 1766, that "The 
Disorders occasioned by our Riotous People here, it is not my business 
to enlarge upon, the Aborigines have heard of it, & desired to know the 
cause. I have given them an answer with the utmost caution, well 
knowing their Dispositions, & that they might incline to Interest them- 
selves in the affair, or fall upon the Inhabitants in revenge for old 



''* The Plan for the Future Mana^iement of Abori^fiue Attairs is given in full, in forty-three sections, 
in London Document XXXVII. New York Colonial Documents, volume vii. pages 6,S7 to &11 ; also Sir 
William Johnson's recommendations for the modilication of the same, on pages 661 to 666, These plans 
were prepared from much experience and consideration. They show but the beginnings and fairer out- 
lines of the methods by which, with ever-increasing savagery, the British obtained, and maintained, 
their wonderful hold upon the savages within American borders until after the War of 1S13. 



THE BRITISH DEFRAUD THE ABORIGINES. 



125 



frauds which they cannot easily forjiet." . . It yet required constant 
attention and no little diplomacy of Sir William, the Superintendtnt, to 
keep the restless spirit of the Aboriffines constant to the British. ''' The 
French settlers in the Illinois Country a^ain became aj^t^ressive in trade, 
and in sending' l^elts and sentiments inimical to the British, to the dit- 
ferent tribes. 

The desire for lands also increased amonsi the Colonists. The 
Superintendent wrote to the Earl of Shelburne, Secretary of State, 
London, with date 16th December, 1766, that 

The tfiirst after tfie lands of the Aborigines, is become almost universal, the people, 
who generally want them are either ignorant of or remote from the consequences of dis- 
obliging the Aborigines, many make a traffic of lands, and few or none will be at any pains 
or expence to get them settled, consequently they cannot be loosers by an Aborigine War, 
and should a Tribe be driven to despair, and abandon their country, they have their de- 
sire tho' at the expence of the lives of such ignorant [innocent] settlers as may be upon 
it. . . The majority of those who get lands, being persons of consequence [British] in 
the Capitals who can let them Ive dead as a sure Estate hereafter, and are totalh' ignor- 
ant of the Aborigines, make use of some of the lowest and most selfish of the Country 
Inhabitants to seduce the Aborigines to their liouses, where they are kept rioting in 
drunkenness till they have effected their liad purposes. 




Ml-.r.AI. ToM.AH.AWKS 

Early traded to the Aborigines for peltry by the French and British. They were iosc by llie .Abori- 
gines, and many years afterward were found by American farmers. No. 1 was found in .Allen county. 
Ohio: 2, 3 and 6 at Fort Wayne; No. 2 is a hoe, 'siiuaw-ax' or adz. a useful implement and dangerous 
weapon — the sharp pike of its head was coiled backward in later years; No. 3, is tempered copper. No. 4. 
found in Williams County. Ohio, has a pipebowl as head, the stem of the pipe passing along the handle. 
No. 5 was found in Paulding county, and Nos. 7 and 8, to the south and southwest. Part of the .Author's 
collection. 

Fraud was also practiced ujion the Abori^nnes by certain British 
traders. The latter part of 176H one of them was convicted liefore a 
court of inquiry of officers at Detroit, to which post this Basin was 



* sir William Johnson remained considerate to the Colonists to the time of his death which oc 
curred Ilth July. 1774; and he was. also, a firm friend to the Aborigines, 



126 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

tributary, of bting one-fifth short in his \veii;"hts of powder and lead. 
And a more serious charge was lirought, viz : 'Yet such is the conduct 
of several English and the greater pari of the French, that they are 
endeavoring all in their power to make the Aborigines Quarrel "... 
This was in January, 1767; and in this communication to the Lords 
of Trade, a 'Post or Mart' was suggested for the Maumee River, also 
one by the Waliash, whereas three years before he thought the post at 
Detroit sufficient for this territory. In his report to the Secretary of 
State London in Septemlier, ]7(J7, the Superintendent, Sir William 
Johnson, reported among other matters that 

Sandoiisky whicli has not l:>eeu re-established [since its capture by Pontiacs savages] 
is not a place of much consequence of Trade, it is chiefly a post at which several Penn- 
syh'ania Traders embarked for Detroit. St. Joseph's [ near Lake Michigan] and the 
Miamis [ at the head of the Maumee River] have neither of them been yet re-established, 
the former is of less consequence for Trade than the latter which is a place of some im- 
portance. . . At the Miamis there may be always a sufficiency of provisions from its 
vicinity to Lake Erie, and its easiness of access by the River of that name at the proper 
season, to protect which the Fort there can at a small expence be rendered tenable 
agst any Coup du mains. . . this would greatly contribute to overcome the present 
excuse which draws the traders to rove at will and thereby exposes us to the utmost 
danger. * 

Sir \\'illiam Johnson again suggested December 3, 17ti7, that re- 
ligious missionaries 'would have hajipy effects.' The question of sup- 
plying" the Aborigines with inissionaries had been suggested at different 
times, but no appropriation for this purpose was made further than for 
those formerly sent aiuong the Six Nations to neutralize the infJucnce 
favorable to France exerted by the French Jesuits. 

The question of a boundary line to the Aborigine domain, beyond 
which European settlers for agriculture should not go, had been oc- 
casionallv talked about, and from 1765 was mentioned liy the Superin- 
tendent of such affairs as the Ohio River from Kittanning to near its 
mouth for this western region. This was practically in consonance with 
the former influence of the French who desired to shut out the British 
from Ohio : and this boundary question, although never definitely agreed 
upon bv the British in their dealings with the savages, was made much 
of by them later to incite and to keep alive the savage antipathy of the 
Aborigines to the Colonists from the beginning of the Revolutionary 
War even down to the close of the War of 1H12. 

Early in 176H the French to the southwest joined their brethren of 
New Orleans in revolt against the Spanish authority and formed a gov- 
ernment of their own, which endured l")Ut a year or two; and this revival 
of the French national siiirit at St. Louis and the Illinois country, at- 



■" London Document XL New York Colonial Documents volume vii. paces 974, 975. Over twenty 
volumes of the Sir William Johnson MSS. are in the New York State Library, Albany. 



BRITISH ANXIETY REGARDING THE SAVAGES. 127 

traded the French and Aborigines of this Basin again to the detriment 
of the British. In June, 1769, this stir became sufficient to cause alarm, 
and the strengthening of the fortification at Detroit. Also the 14th 
August, 1770, Sir William Johnson wrote to the Earl of Hillsborough, 
Secretary of State that 

The Aborigines of Ohio and the southwest are at present in a state of uncertainty 
as to what course they shall take. . . I have taken measures to be informed as early 
as possible with the proceedings & issues of the Congress which they are about this time 
to hold at the great plains of Sioto near the Ohio, where some are endeavouring to 
form Confederacys for \'erv bad purposes, secretly countenanced and supported by 
French Traders. Renegadoes and all those Aborigines who have not hitherto been 
heartily attached to the English, but with wonderful! art have for a time past endeav- 
oured to shake the fidelity of the Six Nations, thro the means of some of the Seneca 
Towns who are most dissatisfied with our conduct.* . 

In further illustration of the state of affairs on the eve of the Revo- 
lutionary War, and of the very great power the Aborigine allies of the 
British exerted against the Colonists when fully marshalled for the work, 
the following excerpts are made from Sir William Johnson's letter to 
the Secretary of State 18th Feliruary, 1771, viz : 

The apprehensions which I long since communicated of an Union between the North- 
ern & Southern Aborigines and which your Lordship makes particular mention of in Vour 
letter No. 14 is really a matter of the most serious nature, for if a verry small part of 
these people have been capable of reducing us to such straits as we were in a few years 
since, what may we not expect from such a formidable alliance as we are threatened 
with, when at the same time it is well known that we are not at this time more capable 
of Defence, if so much, as at the former period. This is in some measure the conse- 
quence of their becoming better acquainted with their own strength and united capacity 
to preserve their importance & check our advances into their country. t . 

Nothing seriously inimical to British interests, however, was con- 
summated by the Aborigines at tht'ir large meeting at Scioto, nor 
resulted from the proposed alliance here mentioned. The frequent 
councils held with Sir W^illiam Johnson by the Six Nations durin.g this 
and succeeding years, and the emissaries from these tribes in British 
employ, together with British deputies, kept the western tribes from 
actively warring against the British. .Mexander M'Kee, who in later 
years exerted a cruel influence against ,\mericans in this Basin and 
southward, was a Deputy Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs, and 
' Resident on the Ohio' 8th March, 1774. At first he was active to 
keep peace between the Aborigines and tlie settlers ; but after the 
commencement of the Revolutionary War he was as active in inciting 
the savages against the Americans. June 20, 1774, Sir William John- 
son wrote to the Secretarv of State, that 



* London Document XLII, New York Colonial Documents, volume viii, paize 227. 

t The British dreaded the confederation of the savaces against them by the French: but, early 
rccognizinc them as the best of allies for themselves, they used their best endeavors to federate them 
against the Americans, with much success in later years. 



128 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

For more than ten years past, the most dissolute fellows united with debtors, and 
persons of wandering disposition, have been removing from Pensilvania & Virginia &ca 
into the Aborigine Countr\-, towards lV on the Ohio. & a considerable number of settle- 
mts were made as earl}- as 1 Tli.') when my Deputy [George Croghan] was sent to the 
Illinois from whence he gave me a particular account of the uneasiness occasioned 
iimongst the Aborigines. Many of these emigrants are idle fellows that are too lazy to 
cultivate lands, & invited by the plenty of game they found, have employed themselves 
in hunting, in which they interfere much more with the Aborigines than if they pursued 
agriculture alone, and the Aborigine hunters (who are composed of all the Warriors in 
each nation) already begin to feel the scarcity this has occasioned, which greatly in- 
creases their resentment. 

The Earl of Dartmouth, Secretary of State, did not approve of 
this westward migration, and julv (hit he wrote to the Superintendent 
of Aborigine Affairs as follows : 

I received a few days ago from Lord f)unmore [Governor of Virginia] that some 
persons. Inhabitants of Virginia, have purchased of the Illinois Aborigines a very large 
tract of land extending thirty leagues up the River, and I wish that this Transaction had 
met with such Discouragement from that Government as the nature of it deserved. There 
are many reasons urged by Lord Dunmore in favor of this measure, but they have no 
weight with me. and as I shall continue of opinion that such a proceeding cannot fail 
of being attended with the most dangerous and alarming consequences. 

Loval British subjects, however, were not to suffer such dire con- 
sequences as was feared by the Secretary. Such sufferin}^ was to come 
to pioneer Americans who sought homes in the West, and joined their 
countrymen in the East aijainst unjust impositions of the mother coun- 
try. Earl\' in 1774 the Ohio Aborigines renewed their murderous raids 
upon the \'irginia frontier. The settlers retaliated and, without full op- 
portunity or desire for discrimination, they took the lives of some non- 
combatants. Some friends of the Seneca Chief Logan, of the Mingo 
band, were among this number and he thereupon entered upon a course 
of revenge with dire effect, particularly upon the innocent. Governor 
|ohu Murray Earl of Dunmore was ur.ged by his I't'Oiile to raise an 
armv to suppress the savages."' Accordingly, late in the summer, he 
marched against them with an army of aliout three thousand men, starting 
in three divisions. Two ol these soon came together to form the left 
under General Andrew Lewis: and this division was attacked at the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha River lOth October by one thousand to 
twelve hundred savages of the Western Confederacy led by the noted 
Shawnee Chief Cornstalk. In the fierce battle that ensued the Virginians 
lost fiftv-two privates and half their commissoned officers killed, and 
one hundred and forty odd were wounded, while the Aborigine loss was 
pr<jl)ably about one hundred and thirty in both killed and wounded : but 
one writer at least gives the number as a full hundred more. 



^See American Archives IV. volume i; Hraniz Mayer's Logan and Cresap : Magazine of Ameri- 
can History, volume i ; and Roosevelt's The Winning of the West, volume i, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1897. 



THE QUEBEC ACT. REVOLT OF THE COLONISTS. 129 

This division proceeded to the Shawnee towns by the Scioto River, 
according^ to the orders of Governor Dunmore who was there in com- 
mand of the right division, and who there arranged terms of peace with 
the savages.'^ These terms, however, were not to benefit the Americans, 
even of this army for long, as during the march homeward meetings of 
the suliordinate officers, and of the privates, were held and resolutions 
were passed declaring that they would no longer submit to British 
domination. 

The Revolutionary War. 

Sir William Johnson died 11th July, 1774; and his chief deputy, 
and son-in-law. Colonel Guy Johnson, immediately succeeded to the 
British office of Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs. He immediately 
adopted measures to assure the different tribes of Aborigines that there 
would not be any change in the relation of the British Government 
toward them. But the rapidly changing events, culminating in the out- 
break of the Revolutionary War, made it necessary for him to flee from 
his country seat near Johnstown, New York, to Canada in May, 1775, 
where, in Montreal, he yet endeavored to preserve the friendship of the 
savages for the British. He went to London, was confirmed in the 
superintendency, and came to New York City where he co-operated with 
General William Howe. His last effective work in this office was done 
with the Six Nations at Niagara. He was succeeded 23rd March, 1782, 
by Sir John Johnson, son of the late Sir William. Meantime the active 
work with and by the western Aborigines was directed by the western 
military posts, Detroit being the principal one. 

Under the French regime, and until after the Revolutionary War 
under the British, the commandant of the military post at Detroit, to 
which this Basin was subject, exercised the functions of both a civil 
and a military officer with absolute power. The 22nd June, 1774, under 
the Quebec Actt (which was so obnoxious to the Colonists as to be 
cited in the Declaration of Independence) a civil government was first 
provided for the territory which centered at or was subject to Fort 
Detroit — including all the Territory Northwest of the Ohio River at 
least. This Act vested the legislative power in the Governor, then Sir 
Guy Carleton who was afterward Lord Dorchester, in the Lieutenant 
Governor, or Commander in Chief, and in a Council of not less than 
seventeen nor more than twenty-three persons to be appointed b^- the 
King. The criminal law of England was presumed to be the guide; 
but, generally, the law was but the will of the commandant, or of the 



*For a description of these combatants, and of this most severe combat, see The Winning of the 
West by Theodore Roosevelt, volume i Chapter ix. based on the American Archives. 4th series volume i, 
and Whittlesey's Fugitive Essays. 

t For copy of the Quebec Act see the American Archives. Fourth Series volume i. page 216, 



150 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

notary or justice of the peace of tiis appointing. This was more par- 
ticularly the case as the lines of war became more rigidly established. 
Governor Carleton proclaimed martial law June 9, 1775, and the culti- 
vated savagery of the Aborigines was then systematically and forcefully 
directed against the American frontier settlements, the murdering par- 
ties being generally led liy British officers. 

The notorious tory Doctor John Connelly, who had been for about 
three years in collusion with Earl Dunmore against Pennsylvania and 
against the patriots generally, in July, 1777, endeavored to enlist volun- 
teers among Americans in the western country to operate with the 
savages against loyal Americans. They were to be supplied with mu- 
nitions from Detroit. Congress became apprised of such movements 
and instituted measures to prevent disaffection among the frontier 
people. Connelly was soon captured by the loyal Americans. 

The Americans also desired the help of the Aborigines, or at least 
their neutrality. To obtain this result Congress appointed Judge James 
Wilson of Pennsylvania, General Lewis Morris of New York and Doctor 
Thomas Walker of Virginia, commissioners to treat with them. Arthur 
St. Clair, afterwards first Governor of the Northwest Territory, was their 
secretary ; and he enlisted nearly five hundred volunteers to march against 
Detroit if the neutrality of the Aborigines could be secured. This neu- 
trality could not be obtained, and the suggested march, like many other 
projects of these times, was not entered upon ; nor did the efforts of the 
commissioners to the Aborigines result in much favor to the Americans. 

The ofiice of Lieutenant Governor and Superintendent of Abo- 
rigine Affairs was created by the British for Detroit, the Maumee 
region, Vincennes and Michilimackinac. Captain, afterwards Colonel, 
Henry Hamilton of the 15th Regiment of British troops, was appointed 
to this office for Detroit where he arrived 9th November, 1775: and he 
was deferred to regarding the other posts. He proved tactful, cruel 
and remorseless. It appears that the British had been preparing the 
Aborigines for war against the Americans on the former French plan 
against the I^ritish, jirevious to this date, and that councils had been 
held with different tribes at Detroit for this inirpose. War belts of 
wampum were sent to every tribe with invitations to visit Detroit. 
There councils and feastings were repeatedly held in which rum flowed 
freely with every incitement calculated to inflame the savages against 
the Americans who were endeavoring to crowd them from their lands, 
and now had rebelled against the good King, their father, who was dis- 
tributing so many presents and kindnesses to his Aborigine children." 

Earl\- in September, 1776, Hamilton wrote to Lord George Ger- 
main " that the Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandottes and Pottawatomies, 
with the Seiiecas would fall on the scattered settlers on the Ohio and 



BRITISH SAVAGE WAR-PARTIES AGAINST AMERICANS. 131 



.;,fj^s-»«<^^, • ■ , V; 



its branches . . . whose arrogance, disloyalty and imprudence has 
justl\- drawn upon them this deplorable sort of war.'"^. . . Gover- 
nor Carleton, who 
was a good disci- 
plinarian and 
prompt to o b e y 
the orders of his 
superior officer, 
enjoined Hamilton 
6th October, 1776, 
'to keep the Abor- 
igines in readiness 
to join me in the 
Spring, or march 
elsewhere as they 
m ay be most 
wanted.'! War 
jiarties of savages 
were thoroughly 
(_' ( 1 u i \y p e d and, 
commanded l)v 
British officers + 
were sent out from 
Detroit, first to the 
eastward and later 
to the south and 
southwest also, 
wherever they 
could find the most defenseless American settlements in Ohio, Penn- 
sylvania and Kentucky', to murder and plunder. 

Fort Henr\-, at the site of the present Wheeling, was attacked by 
one of these parties which, though finally driven away, inflicted loss of 
life upon the small garrison. Harrodsburg, Kentucky, was assailed 
loth March, 1777, but its Itrave and efficient defenders repulsed the 




THE SAVAGE AND HIS VICTIM 

(From Schoolcraft) 



* Secretary Germain had complained of Governor Carleton for hesitatinR to employ the savages 
against tlie Americans toward whom Germain was very vindictive; and he reproved every 
commander who slrowed signs of mei"cy in his conduct of this business. He found in Hamilton a ready 
agent in carrying out his cruel schemes — Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History volume iv, 
page 64. Some writers date Hamilton's communication one year later than the above. 

1 Haldimand Papers. The Papers relating to the Revolutionary War preserved by General Sir 
Frederick Haldimand. of most interest to the historian, number one hundred and sixty-four volumes. 
In 1857 they were presented to the British Museum Library by his nephew William Haldiman. They 
have been copied largely for the Parliament or Dominion Library at Ottawa. Canada. Other papers of 
great interest to the student of history may also be there found. 

i The term British is applied by the writer to all those persons engaged in the interests of the 
British Government, whether English, Scotch, Irish, French or American born. 



152 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

savages, who met like successful opposition at Boonsboro 15th April 
and again 4th July. Four were wounded including Captain Boon. 
Logan's Station was also attacked and one man killed and two others 
mortally wounded while guarding women who were milking the cows 
outside the stockade. 

Governor Hamilton reported to Secretary Germain under date 
27th July, 1777, that he had sent out fifteen war parties composed of 
two hundred and eighty-nine savage warriors with thirty British oiScers 
and rangers. The 26th September, Hamilton was given full control of 
this western country, he having passed the probationary period in his 
worse than barbarous work satisfactorily' to the British Government. 
He rei^orted to Governor Carleton 15th January, 177w, that "The 
parties sent from hence have been generally successful, though the 
Aborigines have lost men enough to sharpen their resentment : they 
have brought in 28 prisoners [Americans] alive, twenty of which they 
presented to me, and 129 scalps."*. 

Daniel Boon, pioneer of Kentucky, with twenty-six companions 
were captured February 7, 1778. While making salt at the Blue Licks 
they were quietly surrounded by eighty or ninety Miamis of the Mau- 
mee led by two Frenchmen named Baubin and Lorimer. With his 
usual discretion Boon decided it best to surrender on condition of being 
well treated. They were taken to Chillicothe and then to Detroit 
where Hamilton offered the Aborigines one hundred pounds for Boon. 
They refused to sell him for this price. The 10th April they took him 
into Ohio where he further ingratiated himself in their favor, and they 
adopted him into the tribe. At Chillicothe in June he saw a war part\- 
on its way against Boonsboro, and he escaped thither. He made the 
journey of one hundred and sixty miles in four days, with not to exceed 
one meal of food on the way. He was tried by court-martial for sur- 
rendering at Blue Licks, was acquitted, and promoted to the rank of 
major. 

August H, 177H, between three and four hundred Shawnees and 
Miamis, led by their chiefs. Captain Daigniau de Ouindre (written 
Duquesne by Major Boon) and eleven other Frenchmen, appeared be- 
fore the stockade at Boonsboro with both the British and French flags, 
and demanded surrender in the name of his Britannic Majesty, George 
HI. Upon request Major Boon was granted two days in which to de- 
cide, and he lost no opportunity meantime to gather the live stock and 
other necessaries within the jialisades. There was further parlej-ing, 
with dangerous deception on the part of the enemy, followed by the 
besieging of the place for nine days. The casualties to the Kentuck- 



'*History of Detrcit and Michigan, hy Silas Farmer, volume i, 1889; From Michican Historical 
Collection^. 



HORRIBLE SAVAGE WORK INSTIGATED BY BRITISH. 133 

ians were two killed and four wounded ; and the enemy suffered but 
little more.* August 20th the enemy withdrew, and Boonsboro was not 
again seriously attacked during the war. The marauding parties sent 
against the frontier settlements were usually much smaller than the 
one last mentioned. August 25th, fifteen Miamis were started ; Sep- 
tember 5th, thirty-one Miamis ; September Uth, one Frenchman, five 
Chippewas, and fifteen Miamis, are the statements of a few of the indi- 
vidual reports. Hamilton reported 16th September that his parties 
had taken thirty-four prisoners, 17 of which they delivered up, and 
eighty-one scalps." T 

Major Arent Schuyler De Peyster, at different times commandant 
of Detroit, reported a form of presentation to Lieutenant Governor 
Hamilton on return of the savages who had been sent on marauding 
expeditions, as follows: "Presenting sixteen scalps, one of the Dela- 
ware chiefs said, Listen to your children, the Delawares who are come 
in to see you at a time they have nothing to apprehend from the enemv, 
and to present you some dried meat, as we could not have the face to 
appear before our father empty." + 

All scalps were paid for ; and at the starting out of the savages for 
their raids, the governor, and sometimes the commandant, encouraged 
them b\- singing the war song, by the gift of some weapon, and by pas- 
sing their weapons through his own hands, thus 'taking hold of the same 
tomahawk ' to show full sympathy with them in their murderous work. 
On their return to Detroit they were sometimes welcomed by firing the 
fort's cannon. Hamilton was also charged with having standing prices 
for American scalps, but generally none for prisoners, thus inducing the 
savages to at once kill all weak or resisting prisoners reserving such as 
could carry the plunder for them to Detroit where it would be deter- 
mined what disposition could best be made of them. These war parties 
went out, and returned, through this Basin : and many of them were 
recruited from this region. 

It was at these trying times that Captain Alexander M'Kee, a 
native of Pennsylvania, his two negro servants, with Matthew Elliott, 
Simon Girty and a few others, deserted Pittsburg 2ftth March, 177H, 



'^See The Winning of the West, by Theodore Roosevelt, volume ii, paue 30 et seq. 

tThe late Samuel Prescott Hildreth, M. D., communicated to The American Pioneer of July. 1H43, 
volume i, pages 291, 292, the confession in the year 179H of the noted savaye ' Silver Heels ' that he had 
taken the scalps of sixteen white people, among the number beiny Abel Sherman who resided near where 
he boasted of taking the scalp in large size, of dividing it carefully, and selling the parts as two scalps in 
Detroit for fifty dollars each. 

Possibly many of the scalps and prisoners referred to above by Hamilton, were taken at the Mas- 
sacre of Wyoming, Pennsylvania, as many of the savages who participated in that crime went from this 
western region, led by Captain Henry Bird of the 8th British Regiment. 

t The enquiring reader can learn more of this horrible story by referring to General Lewis Cass' 
communication to the North American Review, and to Rev. David Zeisberger's Diary, volume i, page 37. 
Also to the Haldimand Papers, passim, and Farmer's History of Detroit. 



154 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



and the Americans who had trusted them, and made their way to Detroit 
where they joined the British. Soon thereafter throutfh their influence 
over twenty other persons deserted for Detroit. In Pittsburt;, where the 
efficient number of patriots was small and the dangers great, these de- 
sertions caused alarm and anxiety. These traitors stopped with the Dela- 
ware Aborigines ' Moravians ) by the Tuscarawas River, a tributary of the 
Muskingum, and influenced them against the Americans. The reports 
carried to Detroit led to communications with these Aborigines by the 




THE SCALP UANCE OF THE SA\'AGES 
[ From Catlin ) 

British, which in turn led the Americans to the belief that they were in 
accord with the British. This belief, with the large number of Delawares 
known to be with the war parties, caused the sad massacre of a part of 
the Moravian band by Pennsylvanians, reference to which will be again 
made. 

M'Kee, Elliott and Girty were received at Detroit with great joy 
bv Governor Hamilton''' a man of their own type. M'Kee was com- 
missioned Captain and interpreter in the British Aborigine Department 
and, later, was advanced to Colonel and to Commissary and Department 
Aborigine Agent. Simon Girty was retained as interpreter and sent to 
the Senecas CMingoes) with whom he was to live, keep them friendly 
to the British, and to accompany them on their raids against the Ameri- 
cans. James and George Girty also deserted to Detroit, the former 
arriving there 15th August, 177H, and the latter Hth August, 1779.t 



* Hamilton's letter of April 25. 1778, with Haldiniand Papers. 

tTherp were four brothers in this Girly, or Gerty, family. The father, Simon, was killed in 17.t1 
vhile in a drunken bout with the .^borinines. He was Irish, and his wife was EmiUsh. The names of 



THE GIRTYS. RXPEDITION OF GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. 155 

The resources of the Americans were fully employed for their pro- 
tection against the British and their AhoriKine allies in the East ; but it 
was apparent that somethini^" more should be done to prevent or 
counteract the activities of these enemies from the West. Early in the 
sprini;' of 1778 Virginia, or rather Governor Patrick Henry, for the 
purpose of drawing the enemy away from her borders and from Ken- 
tucky, gave the energetic Major George Rogers Clark ( who had been 
aiding in the protection of Kentucky) authority to gather four com- 
panies of soldiers to make his bravely planned expedition for the cap- 
ture of the British forts in the Illinois country. With great difficulty 
about one hundred and fifty men were gathered. They boated down 
the Ohio River to the Falls, and thence to Fort Massac whence they 
went overland. In the evening of July Fourth thev surprised and 
captured without bloodshed the British post at Kaskaskia, and on the 
Hth the post and depository at Cahokia about sixty miles up the 
Mississippi River were captured in like manner : and the French 
soldiers and settlers of these places took the oath of allegiance to 
the United States with joy upon being informed by Major Clark 
of the recent a-lliance of France with the United States. Information 
of this alliance and of these surrenders was communicated to the 
French at Vincennes and they, being desirous of an opportunity to 
antagonize the British, conspired against them, and one night in 
August they expelled the British sentiment from the garrison and 
hoisted the American flag over the fort. Colonel Clark, Colonel by 



their children were: 1. Thomas, born in 1739 by the SuS')uehanna River, Pennsylvania. He resided at 
Pitt?;bure loyal to the United States. 2, Simon, born in 1741 just above Harrisburg. He was appointed 
as interpreter for the Six Nations at Pittsburi; 1st May, 1776. but was discharged 1st August "for ill be- 
havior.' The Patriots appointed him 2nd Lieutenant in 1777. There will be occasional reference on the 
following pages to his evil conduct while with the Hritisli. He died near Aniherstburg, Canada, 18th 
February, 1818. after a savage course toward his countrymen, and several years blindness. 3. James, 
born in 1743. was of good stature, and not so much addicted to intoxication as Simon and George. He 
married a Shawnee and became a trader with the Aborigines in after years with posts at different times 
at St. Marys, Ohio: near the head of the Maumee, at Detiance; and on the left bank of the Maumee op- 
posite Girty Island which took its name from him. He died l.^th April, 1817. in Canada. 4. George Girty, 
born in 1745. He married a Delaware woman who bore him several children. He died while intoxicated 
at the trading post of liis brother James at the Shawnee village by the Maumee two or three miles below 
Fort Wayne just before the War of 1H13. His family remained with the Delawares. — Buttertield. 

These three notorious brothers were captured by the Aborigines in August, 1756. Simon was taken 
by the Senecas, James by the Shawnees, and George by the Delawares. In 1759 they were all returned 
to their friends at Pittsburg. After their desertion to the British in 1778-79 they, with M'Kee, Elliott, 
and other deserters, were attainted of high treason by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. The Girtys 
and Elliott went into the employ of the British on pay of two dollars a day, with one and a half rations, 
and were given one gun each, and three horses for riding and packing. The savage deeds of the Girtys, 
even tliose of Simon which were the worst, have been excused on account of their three years captivity 
with the savages in early life. Such excuse is not just to civilization. It is true, also, thai all their early 
life was passed in the midst of alarms and bloodshed ; but so was that of all the frontier children, some of 
whom suffered longer captivity, and nearly all of whom became patriots and conformed to the rules of 
legal warfare and were, later, exemplary citizens. The Girty brothers were incited to, and given op- 
portunity for their horrible work by Governor Henry Hamilton's precepts, examples, and employment 
of them for such work. Such men were sought by the officers and agents of the British government to 
lead the savages, and the British thus became a party to and responsible for their acts. 



136 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

recent promotion, having thus gained control of all of the British 
posts in the southwest, gave his attention to allaying the savagery of 
the Aborigines toward the Americans, and with good success in the 
Illinois country. 

In October, 1778, the Legislature of Virginia, acting under the 
Colonial Charters of King James I, April 10, 1606, May 23, 1609, and 
March 12, 1611, organized the Northwestern Territory, or as much of 
it as could be controlled by Colonel Clark, into the County of Illinois* 
and appointed Colonel John Todd, junior. County Lieutenant or 
Military Commandant. The 15th June, 1779, this officer issued a 
proclamation from Kaskaskia regarding lands, those occupied by the 
French and others, and this same month a court of civil and criminal 
jurisdiction was instituted at Vincennes with Colonel J. M. Legras 
president. t 

Colonel Clark's successes gave great joy in Virginia and through- 
out the East, and naturally the account of them was received at De- 
troit with alarm ; thev even frustrated Hamilton's projected attack on 
Fort Pitt early in 1778. The building by the Americans this year of Fort 
Mcintosh by the upper Ohio, and Fort Laurens by the upper Tuscarawas, 
caused yet further apprehension among the British. They strengthened 
Fort Detroit •. and Governor General Frederick Haldimand listened with 
more attention to the complaints of residents of Detroit against Lieu- 
tenant Governor Hamilton and his appointe Justice of the Peace, Philip 
Dejean, and they were indicted at Montreal 7th September, 1778, for 
"divers unjust and illegal, Terranical and felonious acts and things con- 
trary to good Government and the safety of His Majesty's Liege sub- 
jects." These presentments were sent to Secretary Germain at London 
endorsed with the excuse that the condition of affairs justified stringent 
measures on the part of Hamilton.]! 

Governor Hamilton's continuance in office showed entire confi- 
dence and sympathy of the British Government in and with the savage 
work he was doing. To recover lost ground, and to continue in the 
favor of his Government, Hamilton renewed his efforts with the sav- 
ages bv messengers to the tribes, and to the commandants of the 
remaining British posts, along the western lakes, requesting them to 



'■' Tliis Territory was before nominally included in the County of Botetourt. Virginia, established 
by the House of Burgesses in 1769. Like the average early county, Botetourt has been divided to 
form new counties from time to time until the remaining part in Virginia is now only of ordinary size. 

t See Virginia Statutes at Large, volume ix, page 557. Theodore Roosevelt writes, in his Winning 
of (/le West, that Colonel Todd's MS. ' Record Book ' in the Library of Colonel Durrett of Louisville 
is the best authority for these years in the new County of Illinois. The material part of this record is 
embraced in Edward G. Mason's Illinois in the 18th Century. This also gives account of the tinancial 
troubles after the departure of General Clark's troops. 

+ Haldimand Papers. Also Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections. 



BRITISH EFFORTS TO RECAPTURE THE SOUTHWEST. 157 









incite the Lake Aborigines against Colonel 
Clark and the American settlements in the 
southwest. Hamilton wrote to Governor 
Haldimand the 17th September that ' next 
year there will be the greatest number of 
savages on the frontier that has ever been 
known, as the Six Nations [Iroquois of New 
York] have sent belts around to encourage 
those allies who have made a general alli- 
ance." 

The turn in affairs was becoming so evi- 
dent against the British that Colonel Hamil- 
ton decided to proceed to Vincennes against 
Colonel Clark, in person. The thought of 
getting away from Detroit for a time must 
have lieen a relief to him — and he was sure 
of success, for he wrote to Governor Haldi- 
mand "that the British were sure to succeed 
if they acted prom]itly, for the Aborigines 
were favorable to them, knowing they alone 
could give them supplies. . . The Sjjan- 
iards [along the Mississippi River] are 
feeble and hated by the French ; the French 
are fickle and have no man of capacity to 
advise or lead them ; and the Rebels [.\meri- 
icans] are enterprising and brave, but want 
resources" — a just estimate. 

.After great preparations Hamilton's com- 
mand left Detroit the 7th October, 177b, 
with fifteen large bateaux and numerous 
pirogues, each with carrying capacity of from 
1800 to 3000 pounds: the largest ones being 
laden with food, clothing, tents, ammunition, 
and the inevitable rum and other presents 
for the savages. His force at the outset of 
his expedition consisted of one hundred and 
seventv-seven white soldiers as follows : 
Thirtv-six British regulars with two lieuten- 
ants ; seventy-nine Detroit militia under a 
major and two captains; forty-five volunteers, 
mostlv Frenchmen, under Captain Lamothe ; 
and seventeen members of the Aliorigine 
Department including three captains and 



158 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

four lieutenants who led the sixty Aborigines that started with 
them from Detroit as well as the Miamis and others gathered to them 
along the Maumee and Wabash — the whole number accreting to 
about five hundred upon arrival at Vincennes. Oxen, carts and a six- 
pounder cannon were sent along on shore with the beef cattle, all to 
stop at the portages to aid in carrying the supplies and l)oats to the 
next river. Those in the boats had snow, a high wind and rough 
water to deal with across Lake Erie, and were nearly upset by the 
waves before they could be landed ' on an oozy flat close to the mouth 
of the Maumee.' The Maumee was at a low stage of water, and about 
sixteen days were required to take the boats from its mouth to its head 
( see chapter on the Maumee River ). Most of the supplies were left 
under guard at the head of the Maumee during the winter. Here the 
savages, the Miamis principally, had remained friendly to the British, 
as had the Eel River and Wea bands of this trifle, and the warriors 
that were assembled readily fell in line for the march after the regular 
council, feasting and present giving were completed. The 16th De- 
cember the advance of Hamilton's army appeared before the fort at 
Vincennes, and demanded its surrender. Captain Leonard Helm was 
in command and, notwithstanding the fact that his French militia gar- 
rison had deserted him to run to the British on their approach* leav- 
ing him with only one American, Moses Henry, the Captain refused 
to surrender the fort, and did not until the next day when Governor 
Hamilton, who had learned by the deserting French of his loneliness, 
came up with the army and promised him that he would be well treated. 
The 7th February, 1779, Colonel Clark started from Kaskaskia 
through the floods for Vincennes and, after great hardships from the 
cold, from hunger, and the overflowed country, his command of one 
hundred and seventy men arrived at Vincennes the evening of the '23rd 
and invested Fort Sackville.t This strong fort, armed with cannon 
and swivels, was so thoroughly besieged by Clark's men who were 
armed only with rifles, that Hamilton surrendered it and its garrison 
the next afternoon, and the American flag was again, and ])ermanentl\:, 
hoisted. t Two days later twenty-seven of the prisoners of war, includ- 
ing Colonel Hamilton the other officers and regulars, were started 



* An oflicer of the French militia who had been contntissioned by the British, and later by Colonel 
Clark (who carried blank commissions from Patrick Henry. Governor of Virpinia) was examined by 
Colonel Hamilton and both commissions were found in his pocket. Apparently it was of little import- 
ance to the French which of the contending parties came alonn — they could declare allegiance to either 
in a moment. 

t Named in honor of the cruel British Colonial Secretary Lord George Germain. Viscount Sack- 
ville, a friend of Lieutenant Governor Hamilton whom Colonel Clark designated the Hair Buyer from 
his purchase of American scalps from his savage war-parties at Detroit. 

t For description of Colonel George Rogers Clark's troops and their patriotic, energetic and suc- 
cessful work in the southwest, see The Winning of the West, by Theodore Roosevelt. 



CAPTURE OF THE BRITISH EXPEDITION FROM DETROIT. 139 

undL-r guard for Virginia where the officers were, after due trial, con- 
victed of gross and most cruel atrocities enacted principally b}- their 
agents from Detroit under their incitements. These acts were so far 
outside the rules of warfare that in punishment . . ' this Board 
has resolved that the Governor, the said Henry Hamilton, Philip 
Dejean, and William La Mothe [his officers and partners in savagery] 
prisoners of war, be put into irons, confined in the dungeon of the 
public jail, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper, and excluded all 
converse except with their keeper. And the Governor [Patrick Henry] 
orders accordingly." — Virginia State Papers. 

Hamilton was released on parole 10th October, 17^0, and went to 
New York whence he sailed for England in March, 1781. The militia , 
surrendered with Hamilton were paroled by Colonel Clark and the}- re- 
turned to Detroit, it being impracticable to maintain them at \'incennes, 
so far from the base of supplies. 

A few davs after the capture of Vincennes a detachment of fift\- 
soldiers in boats with swivels, sent by Colonel Clark for this purpose, 
captured Colonel Hamilton's boats laden with S50,000 worth of supplies, 
and their British con\'oy, while on their way from winter quarters at the 
head of the Maumee, to and down the Wabash River for Hamilton's 
army. 

Some savages, principall\' Shawnees, with headquarters at old 
Chillicothe on the east tributary of the Little Miami River, becoming 
particularly annoying to the frontier settlers. Colonel John Bowman 
County Lieutenant, with one hundred and sixty Kentuckians, co- 
operating with nearly as many others under Colonel Benjamin Logan, 
marched against them in May, 1779, destroyed their huts, caiitured 
about one hundred and sixtv horses and other property, but were ob- 
liged to retire with a loss of eight or nine of their troops killed, with- 
out inflicting much other loss on the enemy. This expedition had a 
wholesome effect, however, for Captain Henry Bird had at this time 
marshalled a war party of two hundred savages who immediately de- 
serted him upon learning of the Kentucky expedition.'' 

Al)out this time Colonel Rogers and Cajitain Benliam with a small 
command of Americans suffered defeat near the mouth of the Licking 
River, with a loss of forty-five or more of their men.T 

The active series of murderous maraudings, instigated by Lieu- 
tenant Governor Hamilton at Detroit, lessened for a time after his de- 
parture for Vincennes ; but after his capture by the Americans the 



* Captain Bird's letter from ' Upper St. Duski' ( Sandusky ) June 9, 1779, to Captain Lernoult com- 
mandant of Kort Lernoult, Detroit — Canadian Archives. 

tFor account of this disaster, and a pathetic account of the resources of wounded woodsmen, see 
Marshall's and Butler's History of Kentucky, the Annals of the West. etc. 



140 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

British redoubled their efforts in the West. Regular troops and militia 
were sent from Niagara to Detroit to strengthen Fort Lernoult, the new 
tort huilt there late in 1778 and early the following year, and named in 
honor of Captain Richard Beringer Lernoult the officer who drafted its 
plan and who succeeded to the command after the departure of Colonel 
Hamilton. The work of the savages in the spring of 1779 not proving 
satisfactory to the British, inquiries as to the cause were instituted. 
Governor Haldimand wrote to Captain Lernoult July 23rd, that " I ob- 
serve with great concern the astonishing consumption of Rum at 
Detroit, amounting to 17,520 gallons per year." Such profuse flow of 
this intoxicant impaired the ability of the savages for constant activity. 
Only active persons were wanted ; and the British organization and dis- 
cipline pervaded every quarter. Governor William Tryon of New York 
wrote to Lord George Germain Secretary of State, London, under date 
of July 2lS, 1779, that . . . " My opinions remain unchangeable re- 
specting the utility of depradatory excursions. I think Rebellion must 
soon totter if those exertions are reiterated and made to ex- 
tremity." ' 

Captain Lernoult at Detroit did not prove himself equal to the 
demands of his more cruel superiors, and he was superseded in October 
by Major Arent Schuyler DePeyster, a New York tory of pronounced 
character. Efforts were renewed to establish war parties of savages. 
Some scalps were brought in, but the letters of the new commandant to 
Governor Haldimand under date of October 20, and November 20, show 
disgust at the great quantities of rum drank by the savages, and their 
inefficiency — they refusing to make further effective raids from fear of 
American retaliation. 

The successes of the American troops in the West under Colonel 
Clark, and the placing of lands on the market, induced many families 
to remove west of the Allegheny Mountains in 1779. The winter began 
early and was of unusual severity from cold and depth of snow. Hunt- 
ing was attended with great difficulties, and game, when found, was in 
poor condition. Many wild animals, as well as the domesticated ones, 
died from insufficient food and water, and from the cold. The bears, 
hibernating in hollow trees, were in the best condition and they were 
much sought. The wild turkeys and grouse were the next best game 
for food. The supply of corn iZea Mays) which was the only bread- 
stuff for most of the people, was early exhausted in many settlements, 
and great suffering was experienced particularly by those who came too 
late to raise a crop. With the ojiening of spring new settlers came in 
increased numbers. Three hundred large family boats arrived at the 



♦London Document XLVII. Wew York Colonial Documents volume viii, paee " 



fNCREASE OF AMERICANS. AND OF SAVAGE RAIDS. Ml 

Falls of the Ohio, near the present Louisville, with immigrants from 
the East during the spring of 1780.* It is but fair to ascribe their re- 
moval largely to the lauded fertility of the soil and the mild climate, 
while admitting that the desire to avoid conscription for the Revolu- 
tionary army was an additional incentive. 

The citizens and garrison of Detroit had also suffered from the se- 
verity of the winter and the scarcity of food supplies. The savages 
relied almost wholly on that post for their supplies, and they were 
generally inactive during the cold weather. They were started out 
early in the spring, however, and Colonel DePeyster reported May 16, 
1780, that . " . "The prisoners daily brought in here are part of the 
thousand families who are flying from the oppression of Congress in 
order to add to the number already settled at Kentuck, the finest coun- 
try for new settlers in America : but it happens, unfortunately for them, 
to be the best hunting ground of the Aborigines which they will never 
give up and, in fact, it is our interest not to let the Virginians, Mary- 
landers, and Pennsylvanians get possession there, lest, in a short time, 
they become formidable to this post." . . Ma>' "itith he wrote to 
Captain Patt. Sinclair, who succeeded him at Michillimackinac as nom- 
inal Lieutenant Governor and Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs, that 
"everything is quiet here [Detroit] except the constant noise of 
the war-drum. All the Seiginies [Saginaws?] are arrived at the in- 
stance of the Shawnees and Delawares. More Aborigines from all quar- 
ters than ever known before, and not a drop of rum !" . . He wrote 
to Governor Haldimand June 1st that he had already fitted out two 
thousand warriors and sent them along the Ohio and Wabash Rivers. 

Great efforts, including an expenditure of near S300,000 had been 
made in the fitting out of a larger war-party than usual to wholly subdue 
the fast increasing numbers of Americans in southern Ohio and Ken- 
tucky. The first of June this party, composed of about six hundred 
savages and a number of Canadians led by Captain Henry Bird, started 
from Detroit. They were well equipped, including two (one writer says 
six) pieces of artillery, this being the first of such parties to take the 
heavier guns. They passed up the Maumee and Auglaize Rivers, theii; 
number being augmented by the savages along their route until, with a 
force of nearly one thousand men, they appeared June 2'2nd before 
Ruddell's Station on the south tributary of the Licking River in Ken- 
tucky. Captain Ruddell, having no heavy guns, decided to surrender 
on promise that the people gathered within the stockade should be 
prisoners of the Canadians alone ; but the Aborigines made haste and at 
the first opportunity seized the men, women and children, many of 



*Mann Butler's History of Kentucky, pace S 



142 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

whom they massacred and the others they carried into captivity. The 
Station was completely destro^-ed. Martin's Station was taken in the 
same way and its occupants suffered the same fate. Bryan's (or Bry- 
ant's ) and Le.xington Stations were assailed on this expedition onlv 
by savages without artillery, who were repulsed; but they took away 
some live-stock that was grazing without \.hv stockades. 

Possibly Captain Bird, and some other British companions of the 
Aborginies, endeavored to exercise some control over the Aborigines to 
prevent gross and indiscriminati.' butchery of captives. They well knew, 
however, before starting out with these 'war-parties' that the savages 
would have their way; that the savages permitted their company only 
for the help derived from them to further their savage desires : and, 
furthermore, that it was from their savage selfishness alone that they 
spared the life of any captive, hoping thereby to find a desirable help- 
mate, to have a keener enjoyment of savagery in the future torture, or 
more sensuous enjoyment from the rum to bo purchased with the price 
of the ransom. 

Colonel De Peyster wrote further, 6th July, 1780, that . . . 

I am so hurried with warparties coming in from all quarters that I 
do not know which way to turn myself" . . . The 4th August he 
reported to Colonel Bolton, his superior officer on the lakes that 

I have the pleasure to acquaint you that Captain Bird arrived here 
this morning with about 150 prisoners, mostlv Germans who speak 
Englisii, the remainder coming in, for in sjiite of all his endeavors to 
prevent it the Aborigines broke into the forts and seized many. The 
whole will amount to about 3.')0. . . Thirteen have entered into the 
Rangers,* and many more will enter, as the prisoners are greatly 
fatigued with traveling so far [from carrying the plunder, and from the 
scourgings imposed upon them] some sick and some wounded. 
P. S. Please excuse the hurry of this letter — the Aborigines engross 
my time. We have more here than enough. Were it not absolutely 
necessary to keep in with them, they would tire my patience." t 



^Proclamations weie issued from Detroit and elsewhere durinp the Revolutionary War in which 
qreat inducements were ottered to the Americans to join the British army. These inducements to join, 
coupled with threats to all who refused, were scattered broadcast throuch every pioneer settlement, and 
many of the less patriotic, of the adventurous and bloodthirsty characters, were thereby led into the 
British ranks. 

tThe late General Lewis Cass, in a communication to the North American Review, thus quotes an 
eyewitness to the return of Captain Bird's Savages : . . " Hearing the usual signals of success [sounds 
indicating the number of scalps and prisoners given on the approach of a war-party to Detroit] I walked 
out of town and soon met the party. The squaws and young .Aborigines had ranged themselves on the 
side of the road with sticks and clubs, and were whipping the prisoners with great severity. Among these 
were two yoiulg girls, thirteen or fourteen years old, who escaped from the party and ran for protection 
to me and a naval officer who was with me. With much trouble and some danger, and after knocking 
down two of the Aborigines, we succeeded in rescuing the girls, and fled with them to the Council House. 
Here they were safe, because this was the goal where the right of the .Aborigines to beat them ceased. 
Ne\t morning I received a message by an orderly-sergeant to wait upon Colonel De Peyster the com- 



KENTUCKIANS PURSUE SAVAGES IN OHIO. DETROIT. MS 

Colonel Clark had in mind an expedition against the savages in 
Ohio before Captain Bird's invasion of Kentucky ; and now making 
haste to Kentuckv with two companions, he so aroused the riflemen 
that nine hundred and seventy were on the march the 2nd of August, 
carrying a three-pounder cannon on a pack-horse. Their first objective 
point was Old Chillicothe, which they found deserted, and the huts of 
which they burned. They arrived before Old Piqua by the Miami River 
in the morning of 8th August. This town is described as laid out in the 
manner of the French villages, and substantially built. The strong log- 
houses stood far apart, fronting the stream and were surrounded by 
growing corn. A strong blockhouse with loopholed walls stood in 
the middle. Thick woods, broken by small prairies, covered the roll- 
ing country about the town. Colonel Benjamin Logan, second in com- 
mand, became separated with a part of the Kentuckians from those 
with Colonel Clark who led his men across the river and finally routed 
the enemy before Logan came up. The Americans lost seventeen killed 
and a large number wounded. The enemy's loss was less. Colonel 
Clark burned the houses and destroyed the corn, at Piqua and at an- 
other village with storehouses of British and French traders." He did 
not find Captain Bird's cannon which was left at one of the upper 
Miami towns on his return from Kentucky, and which his bombadier 
in charge buried on the approach of the Americans. 

Detroit was developed by the British as their headquarters in the 
West from the time of their succeeding the French in ITtiO ; and so it 
remained until the year 1796. It was the great rallying center of all the 
western tribes of savages during this time : and the Americans had, 
during the Revolutionary War, many projects for its ca])ture on this 
account. General Lachlin M'Intosh, Colonel Daniel Brodhead, Gen- 
eral George Rogers Clark, Colonel Le Balme, General William Irvine, 
and others proposed plans for this purpose. 

The march of M'Intosh into Ohio with one thousand soldiers, and 
their building Fort Laurens on the west bank of the Tuscarawas 
River in the fall of 1778, was a good step toward Detroit and it had a 
repressing effect upon the savages for a time; but this fort soon ex- 



mandine officer. I found the naval officer, who was witli nie the precedint: day, already there. The 
Colonel stated that a serious complaint had been preferred against us by M'Kee the airent for the Abo- 
rigines, for interfering with the .aborigines, and rescuing two of their prisoners. He said the Aborigines 
had a right to their mode of warfare, and that no one should interrupt them ; and after continuing this 
reproof for some time he told me if I ever took such liberty again, he would send me to Montreal oi'tjue- 
bec. The naval officer was still more severely reprimanded, and threatened to have his uniform stripped 
from his bacli and to be dismissed from his Majesty's service if such an incident again occurred. And 
although I stated to the Colonel that we saved the lives of the girls at the peril of onr own, he abated 
nothing of his threats or harshness." . . 

*See Roosevelt's Winning of the West vol. ii, paces 104 to 111, for full description of this foray, 
based on the Durrett. Bradford, M'Afee and Haldimand MSS. 



144 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

perienced so many losses of men and horses from the rallyin^r foe that 
it was abandoned in August, 1779. 

Colonel DePeyster commandant of Detroit reported to General 
Frederick Haldimand Governor of Canada on November 13, 1780, as 
follows : 

, A body of Canadians, as the French are called, commanded by Colonel La Balm* 
were defeated on the 5th instant by the Miami Aborigines near that village [at the head 
of the Maumee River]. The Colonel and between thirty and forty of his men were killed, 
and Mens. Rhy, who styles himself aid-de-camp, taken prisoner. They relate that they 
left the Cahokias on the iird of October with 41 men; that a large body were to follow 
them to the Ouia [Ouiotenon] from whence Colonel La Balm proceeded to the Miamis 
[now Fort Wayne, Indiana,] with one hundred and three men and some Aborigines, 
without waiting for the junction of the troops expected, leaving orders for them to follow, 
as well as those he expected from Post Vincent. His design was to attempt a coup-de- 
main upon Detroit, but finding his troops, which were to consist of 400 Canadians 
[Frenchmen] and some Aborigines, did not arrive, after waiting twelve days they plun- 
dered the place [the Miami \'illages at the head of the Maumee] and were on their way 
back when the Aborigines assembled and attacked them. 

Three days later, 16th November, Colonel De Peyster again re- 
ported that La Balme's command entered the Miami village, took the 
horses, destroyed the horned cattle, and plundered a store he ( DePeyster) 
allowed to be kept there for the convenience of the Aborigines. This 
information was carried to Detroit by Miamis who, also, delivered to 
De Peyster Colonel La Balme's personal effects, including a watch set 
with diamonds, his double-barrel gun, regimentals, spurs and papers. 
Governor Haldimand acknowledged the receipt of the Colonel's ' Com- 
mission, etc.'t 

General George Rogers Clark, recently promoted to Brigadier Gen- 
eral, again revived his plan to capture Detroit. He wrote to President 
Washington who knew the full imiiortance of such an expedition, but 
he replied that . . " It is out of my power to send any reinforce- 
ments to the westward. If the States would fill their Continental bat- 



* Augustin Molton de la Balme reported that he came from France with General La Fayette; that 
he had served as a lieutenant-colonel of cavalry in France, and as colonel in the .American army. 
Richard Winston, Deputy, wrote to Colonel Jolin Todd Lieutenant of Illinois County, 31 October, 17W, 
that . . There passed this way a Frenchman callinc himself Colonel la Balme in the American service. 
I look upon him as a nralcontenl, much disgusted at the Virginians. Yet I must say he did some good — 
he pacified the Aborigines. He was received by the inhabitants 1 French 1 just as the Hebrews would re- 
ceive the Messiah. He was conducted from the Post here [Kaskaskial by a large detachment of the 
inhabitants, as well as different tribes of Aborigines. He went from here against Detroit, being well 
assured tliat the Aborigines were on his side. He got at this place and the Kahos ICahokial about fifty 
volunteers who are to rendezvous at Oliia tOuiotenonl. Captain Duplaise from here went along with 
him on his way to Philadelphia, there to lay before the French ambassador all the grievances this country 
labors under by the Virginians, which is to be strongly backed by Monsieur de la Balme. 'Tis the gen- 
eral opinion that he will take Baubin, the general partisan at Miamis Ihead of the Maumee Riverl and 
from thence to Fort Pitt. . . He passed about one month here without seeing Colonel Montgomery, 
nor did Colonel Montgomery see him.— Virginia State Papers, vol. i, page 380. 

ISee Haldimand Papers; Michigan Pioneer and Historial Coliections, and Farmer's History of De- 
troit and Michigan, volume i. 



PLANS AGAINST DETROIT. CESSION BY NEW YORK. 145 

talions we would be able to oppose a regular and permanent force to 
the enemy in every quarter. If thev will not, thev must certainly take 
measures to defend themselves by their militia, however expensive and 
ruinous the system." . . Clark went to Virginia and laid his plans 
before Governor Thomas Jefferson who favored them and, in 17^0-81, 
about £500,000 depreciated currency was expended for this purjiose. 
There was wanted, however, £300,000 more to complete contracts. This 
sum could not well be raised ; nor were the troops forthcoming, for 
various questions arose to deter volunteers from enlisting in this expe- 
dition — objections to going so far from home : disputes regarding boun- 
dary lines ; and the jealousies between Colonial and local officers, being 
those most prominent. 

The various claims of the eastern States to the territor}' west of 
Pennsylvania and Virginia had been the cause of friction between these 
States for years. These claims were based on the Colonial Charters and 
treaties with the Aborigines, which were indefinite regarding boundar\- 
on account of the great extent of the unsurve\ed regions. It was finally 
advocated that each State cede her claim to the Union. In October, 
1780, Congress passed an Act providing that territory so ceded should 
be disposed of for the benefit of the United States in general : and that 
the States organized therein should be of good extent — not less than 
one hundred nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square. This 
Act had a good effect and accordingly, 1st March, 17^1, New York as- 
signed her claims ; but the other States did not act for three, four and 
five years. 

The savages renewed their depredations during the spring of 17*^1, 
and raided far into Kentucky, and to the eastward. Colonel Archibald 
Lochrey Cor Loughry ) Lieutenant of Westmoreland County, Penn- 
sylvania, with about one hundred men who went west two years before 
with Colonel Clark, started to rejoin him by the Ohio below the mouth of 
the Miami River for the projected expedition against Detroit. They were 
assailed by savages 24th August, 1781, about forty were killed and the 
others taken prisoners to Detroit, including the Colonel. The savages 
were soon thereafter reinforced by one hundred white men, and they 
then raided south of the Ohio River. 

These and other serious disasters caused fresh and increased terror 
among all the frontier settlements. Governor Jefferson appealed to 
President Washington for aid and received reply, written from New 
Windsor "28th December, 1781, that . . " I have ever been of the 
opinion that the reduction of the post of Detroit would be the only cer- 
tain means of giving peace and securitv to the whole western frontier, 
and I have constantly kept my eyes upon that object ; but such has been 
the reduced state of our Continental force, and such the low ebb of our 



146 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

funds, fspt-cially of late, that I fiavu never had it in my power to make 
the attempt." . . General Clark was meantime kejU busy on the de- 
fensive against the savages. 

General William Irvine of Fort Pitt also investigated the condition 
of affairs at Detroit with regard to an attack on that fort. He reported 
to President Washington that . . " the British there had made treaties 
in November, 1781, with thirteen nations [tribes] of Aborigines; and 
at the conclusion they were directed to keep themselves compact and 
ready to assemble on short notice. Secondly, the Moravians [Delaware 
Aborigines who were instructed to neutrality by the missionaries] are 
carried into captivity [to or near Detroit] and strictly watched and 
threatened with severe punishment if they should attempt to give us 
[Americans] information of their movements. Thirdlv, part of the 
Five [Six] Nations [the Senecas] are assembled at Sandusky." 

At this time, 7th February, 1782, the information was gathered 
that the forces at Detroit were composed of three hundred regular 
troops, from seven hundred to one thousand Canada militia, and about 
one thousand Aborigine warriors who could be assembled within a few 
days time.'^ It was also estimated at this time that an American army 
to successfully attempt an expedition against Detroit should consist of 
at least one thousand regular soldiers and one thousand militia, with 
cannon, and supplies for at least three months. But it was impossible 
for the Americans to gather such an army for this purpose and, conse- 
(|uently, the well-prepared savage allies of the British continued to 
inflict great havoc along the extensive frontier. 

The savages becoming more aggressive, the Americans determined 
on more positive defensive and offensive measures. A marauding party 
of savages murdered a woman and child near the Ohio River and muti- 
lated their liodies. These savages were pursued by about one hundred 
and sixty militia from Washington County, Pennsylvania, under Colonel 
David Williamson, to Gnadenhuetten a settlement of Moravian (United 
Brethren ) missionaries by the Tuscarawas River a tributary of the 
Muskingum. These missionaries and their Delaware Aborigine fol- 
lowers had been taken to Detroit by forces under British command to 
answer to Commandant DePeyster regarding charges of being friendly 
to Americans. They were there exonerated of the charge and taken to 
Sandusky. Being here short of provisions, a number returned to 
Gnadenhuetten for supplies ; and these Christian Aborigines Colonel 
Williamson's command assailed the 8th March, 1782, killed and 
scalped sixty-two adults and thirty-four children. It appears that the 
savages who committed the recent murders made good their escape 



^ A review, or rough census of all the tribes of Aborigines tributary to Detroit in 1782. gave the 
total number as 11.402 — Haldiniand Papers, 



MASSACRE OF AND BY DELAWARE ABORIGINES. 147 

after warning the mission Delawares to do likewise or they would 
surely all be killed. Onh- two, youths, of the mission Delawares at 
Gnadenhuetten and Salem escaped to find their way to Sandusky and 
tell the fate of the others.* These Delawares were suspected of aiding, 
if not participating in, the marauding incursions with the warriors of 
their tribe and others — see ante page 134. They had been several times 
warned of the danger of their position, aud even invited by Colonel 
Brodhead in 1781 to remove to Fort Pitt, without effect. The mission 
Delawares at Schoenbrunn, a few miles distant, escaped Colonel Wil- 
liamson's soldiers and went to Sandusky, to the Maumee, and later 
suffered several other removals. Their huts, with the others, were 
destroyed. 

This slaughter has an ugly look on the page of histor\\ It has 
been a favorite subject of comment adverse to the Americans by many 
persons, particularlv those who seek every opportunity to condemn all 
disciplinary dealings with the savages ; and of those who overlook the 
desperation to which the Americans were driven by them. It was the 
action of men, or at that time was looked upon with favor by men who 
saw at that moment no other course to pursue for the protection of 
their own lives and the lives of their families. The Delawares had for 
many years the reputation, even among their fellow Aborigines of 
other tribes, of being particularly deceitful, treacherous and blood- 
thirsty, and this onslaught was the reaping of but a jiart of the whirl- 
wind which many of the tribe had sown in past years. 

An unfortunate American expedition against Sandusky occurred 
early in June, 17h2, with defeat and great loss of life, including that of 
its commander. Colonel William Crawford, who was taken prisoner 
and tortured to death with fire and woundings by the Delawares in the 
most horrilile manner. t Emboldened by this success against Ameri- 
cans, savage war-parties again increased in number and daring. 
Captains M'Kee and Caldwell reported to the commandant at Detroit 
the latter part of August, that they had ... " the greatest body of 
Aborigines collected on an advantageous piece of ground near the 
Picawee village that has been assembled in this quarter since the com- 
mencement of the war . . . eleven hundred on the ground and 
three hundred more within a days march. " . . This great gathering 
was to oppose the (reported) coming of General Clark. Scouts soon 



-'- Histon/ of the Mission of the United Brethren Among the Aborigines in North America, by 
Henry Loskiel, London, 1794. Part iii, pages 180, 181. For many details of this massacre see, also. 
Roosevelt's The Winning of the West: Heckewelder's Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren , 
Zeisber«er's Diary: The Pennsylvania Packet: U. S. Department MSS. No. 41, volume iii; Hale's 
Trans-Allegheny Pioneers, and the Haldimand Papers. 

t For a full account of Crawford's unfortunate campaign see Expedition Against Sandusky, by 
Consul W. Butterfield, Cincinnati, 1873. 



148 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

reported that Clark was y;ivin^- attention in another direction and the 
savages divided, mostly into small bands. 

Somewhat over three hundred of these savages led by Captains 
William Caldwell, M'Kee and perhaps Elliott, and one or more of the 
Girtys and other renegades, passed southward across the Ohio River, 
avoiding the gunboat and riflemen patrols that had been guarding the 
border, and attacked Bryan's Station in Kentucky the 16th August. 
They were repulsed with a loss of five killed and several wounded, while 
the loss by the garrison was four killed and three wounded. They 
retreated, and were followed by the rallying Kentuckians who were un- 
wiseh' led against their superior number the 19th at the Blue -Licks, 
and defeated with a loss of seventy killed, twelve wounded, and seven 
captured. As was often the case, the enemy suffered loss of a much 
less number — only one Frenchman and six Aborigines being here killed 
and ten Aborigines wounded.* The loss of Americans amounted to 
nearly one-half the number present, and nearly one-tenth of the avail- 
able force in central Kentucky. It was the last severe raid, however, 
suffered by this region, for General George Rogers Clark was soon afield 
again, from his station at the Falls of the Ohio, and led the hastily 
gathered one thousand and fifty mounted riflemen into Ohio. They 
passed rapidly to the headquarters of the savages, principally Shawnees, 
by the headwaters of the Miami Rivers where, the 10th November, 
they overtook and killed ten of the fleeing enemy, took seven prisoners, 
and released two Americans. All the cabins and huts were burned, 
also a great quantity of corn and provisions which destruction reacted 
directly against the British inasmuch as they, from motives of economy 
to themselves, encouraged the planting of corn by Aborigine women, 
and every bushel destroyed meant so much the more to be supplied by 
them for the feeding of their savage allies. The dislodged savages 
found refuge by the Auglaise and Maumee Rivers. They were followed 
as far as the British trading post at the beginning of the portage to the 
Auglaise River bv Colonel Benjamin Logan of Clark's command with 
one hundred and fiftv men who destroyed the trading post there. 

May 23, 17H2, the British Cabinet agreed to pro]iose independence 
to the United States. Armistice was declared to the armies as soon as 
practicable thereafter, but months were necessary to control the savage 
allies of Great Britain to acquiescence in the terms of peace. A pro- 
jected expedition into northwestern Ohio by Colonel Williamson from 
Fort M'Intosh was stopped by this armistice. November 30th the 
preliminary treaty was signed at Paris, closing the Revolutionary War. 



"^ For details of this severe battle, see account in Roosevelt's Winning of the West, here based on 
Levi Todd's (Colonel John Todd was anionc the killed) Boon's and Locan's letters given in the Virginia 
State Papers vol. iii, paces 376, 2y0, 3ilO and 333, which show some other writers inaccurate. 



TREATY BOUNDARY. LULL IN SAVAGERY. 149 

Continued British Aggressions. The Aborigines. 

The Treaty of Paris was concluded at Versailles 3rd September, 
1783, about ten months after the preliminary agreement closing the 
Revolutionary War. This Treaty distinctly set forth that the territory 
southward of the middle of the Great Lakes and their connecting waters, 
and eastward of the middle of the upper Mississippi River, should be- 
long to the United States, and that Great Britain should withdraw her 
troops from Detroit and other parts of this territory. 

As with the British on their succeeding the French in 17B0, the 
Aborigines were willing to go with the nation which extended to them 
the most presents, and which most freely indulged their sensualities. 
In May, 17H3, Benjamin Lincoln the American Secretary of War sent 
Ephraim Douglas to the Aborigines of Ohio, and the west, to win and 
encourage their friendliness to the United States. He arrived at San- 
duskv the 7th June and passed some days with the Deiawares there, and 
the Wvandots, Ottawas and Miamis along the lower Maumee. The 
4th July he arrived at Detroit and Colonel De Peyster there called a 
council at which the following named tribes were represented, viz; 
Chippewa, Delaware, Kickapoo, Miami, Ottawa, ' Oweochtanos' Pianke- 
shaw, Pottawotami, Seneca, Shawnee, and Wyandot: and, reported Mr. 
Douglas, . . ' Most of them gave evident marks of their satisfac- 
tion at seeing a subject of the United States in the country. They car- 
ried their civilities so far that my lodging was all day surrounded with 
crowds of them when at home, and the streets lined with them to attend 
my going abroad, that they might have an opportunity of seeing and 
saluting me, which they did not fail to do in their best manner with 
every demonstration of joy." . . Mr. Douglas returned to Niagara 
the 11th July, and his further reports lead to the inference that he did 
not comprehend the full cause of the adherence of the savages to the 
British during the war, nor the mercenary cause of their dogging his 
steps during his visit : and that he had no foreboding of the manv 
bloody years that were to follow. The British allowances had largely 
ceased at the close of the war. The savages were therefrom now short 
of rum and provisions: and they hoped to find in the new regime fresh 
and more liberal supplies.* 



*The cause of the popularity and continued successes of the British with the savages durint; the 
Revolutionary War is plain. They outbid the Americans in their lavish giviny of intoxicants and articles 
that delit^hted the savage palates and eyes, and in the general aid extended them for the free indulgence 
of their bloodthirsty natures. The British expenditures for this purpose during the Revolutionary War 
grew apace, and in the view of the central office the amounts became 'enormous' and 'amazing,' aggre- 
gating millions of dollars. From 35th December, 1777, to 31 st August, 1778, there were received at De- 
troit 371, 4«1 barrels flour ; 42,176 lbs. fresh beef; 16,473 lbs. salt beef; 203.932 lbs. salt pork; ig.T.W lbs. 
butter ; and great quantities of mutton, corn, peas, oatmeal, rice, and rum. In the summer of 177H fifty- 
eight-and-a-half tons of gunpowder was sent to Detroit from Niagara of which the savages received the 
largest share, as there were in Detroit 30th August, 1778, but four hundred and eighty-two militia with 



150 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The British Government was fully apprised of the difficulties and 
the improper aggressiveness of their conduct toward the American Abori- 
gines before and after the close of the war. Colonel DePeyster early 
saw the danger of the course prescribed for him and wrote to Governor 
Haldimand that 

I have a very difficult card to play at this post [Detroit] which differs widely from 
the situation of affairs at Michilimackinac. Niagara, and others in the upper district of 
Canada. It is evident that the back settlers [southward from Detroit] will continue to 
make war upon the Shawanese. Delawares and Wyandots, even after a truce shall be 
agreed to betwixt Great Britain and her revolted Colonies. In which case, while we con- 
tinue to support the Aborigines with troops (which they are calling aloud for) or only 
with arms, ammunition, and necessaries we shall incur the odium of encouraging incur- 
sions into the back settlements — for it is evident that when the Aborigines are on foot, 
occasioned by the constant alarms they receive (rem the enemies entering their country, 
they will occasionally enter the settlements and bring off prisoners and scalps — so that 
while in alliance with a people we are bound to support, a defensive war will, in spite of 
human prudence, almost always terminate in an offensive one. 

Immediately after the Treaty of Paris the British began to ex- 
perience the embarrassment of their desired relation to the Aborigines — 



little use for ammunition in and near the fort. David Zeisberger, the Moravian Missionary, compelled 
by the British to remove to Detroit, wrote in his Diary, volume i, pate 32, under date 31st October, 1781, 
that ..." We met to day Ljust east of the mouth of the Maumee River] as indeed every day as far 
as Detroit, a multitude of Aborigines of various Nations, who were all bringing from Detroit horse-loads 
of wares and k'ifts, and in such number that one would think they must have emptied all Detroit." . 

The following list shows the character and ijuanlity of some of the articles estimated by the British 
as wanting for the Aborigines at Detroit for the year ending 30th August, 17H3, before the treaty of peace, 
viz : 330 pieces Blue strouds ; 20 pieces Red strouds ; 10 pieces Crimson slrouds ; 10 pieces Scarlet strouds ; 
. 20 pieces Scarlet cloth 8s, 6d Sterling: 4,000 Pr. 2^ Pt. Blankets; 300 3 Pt. Blankets ; 500 Pr. 2 Ft. Blankets; 
500 Pr. 1^2 Pt. Blankets; 1000 fine 2}2 Pt. Blankets; 1000 pieces 4^ linen, sorted; ia> pieces striped cali- 
niancs; 100 pieces striped cotton; 2,000 lbs. Vermillion in 1 lb. bags; .50 pieces coarse nmslin; 20 pieces 
Russia Sheeting; 100 Doz. Blk silk handkerchiefs; 20 Doz. Colored silk handkerchiefs; 30 Doz. Cotton 
handkerchiefs; 250 pieces ribbon assorted ; 200 Gross Bed lace; 200 Gross gartering ; 30 pieces embossed 
serge; 500 felt Hats ^2 laced; KXt Castor Hats '2 laced; 50 Beaver Hats ^2 laced; 500 Pieces White Melton; 
20 Pieces Coating, blue and brown; 20 Pieces Brown Melton; 30 Pieces Ratteen, Blue and Brown; 1(X) 
Common Saddles; 4a) Bridles; .500 Powder Horns; 20 Doz. Tobacco Boxes; 30 Doz. Snuff Boxes; .SO 
Gross Pipes; 300 large feathers, red, blue, green; 300 Black ostrich feathers; 200 Pairs shoes; 251-t Pairs 
Buckles; 100 Pieces Hambro lines; 10 Doz. Mackerel lines ; '0 Doz. Spurs; ,50 Gro. Morris BeJls; .50 Gro. 
Brass Thimbles ; 6 Pieces Red serge ; 10 Pieces White serge ; 6 Pieces Blue serge ; 10 Gross Jews harps ; 
500 Fusils [Flintlock Muskets]; 2tX) Rifled Guns small bore; 50 Pair Pistols; 5 Doz. Couteaux de Chasse 
I hunting knives]; .50.000 Gun Flints; 60 Gro Scalping Knives; [The books of one jobber in Detroit also 
show ' sixteen gross red handled scalping knives at ltX)s per gross,' and, again, 'twenty four dozen red 
handled scalping knives,' sold to one retailer within a period of seven weeks in the summer of I7S;i]; 10 
Gross Clasp Knives; 20 Gross Scissors; 20 Gross Looking Glasses; 10 Doz. Razors; 300 lbs. Thread as- 
sorted ; 20 pieces spotted swan skin ; 13. IKK) lbs. Gunpowder; 36,000 lbs Ball and shot; 1 Gro Gun locks; 
500 Tomahawks; .500 Half axes; 300 Hoes; 30 Gross tire steel; 10,000 Needles ; 400 Pieces calico; SO pounds 
Rose Pink; 1.500 lbs Tobacco; 600 lbs. Beads assorted; 40 Gross Awl Blades; 40 Gross Gun Worms; 30 
Gross Box combs; 6 Gross Ivory combs; 20 Nests Brass Kettles; 20 Nests Copper Kettles; 20 Nests Tin 
Kettles; CO Nests Hair Trunks; 3(X) lbs. Pewter Basins; 100 Beaver Traps; 20 Gross Brass finger rings; 
5,000 lbs. iron; I0(X) lbs steel; WO lbs Soap; 6 barrels White Wine; 5 Barrels Shrub; 400,000 Black Wam- 
pum; lOO.OtK) White Wampum. 

Silver Works : 

la.tKX) large Brooches; 7000 Small Brooches; 300 Large Gorgets; 300 Large Moons; 550 Ear Wheels; 550 
Arm Bands; 1.500 Prs. large Ear bobs; 1500 Prs. Small Ear bobs; Some medals chietly large; A large as- 
sortment Smith and Armorers hies. — i Signed J A. S. DePeyster, Major King's Regt, Detroit and its De- 
pendencies. 



RENEWED BRITISH AGGRESSION. MILITARY POSTS. 151 

of the difficulties in retaining their influence with them while lessening 
expenditures on their behalf. Colonel DePeyster reported from Detroit 
to Governor Haldimand's secretary ll^th June, 1783, before the arrival 
of Ambassador Douglas, that . . . "We are all in expectation of 
news. Everything- that is bad is spread through the Aborigines' coun- 
try but, as I have nothing more than the King's proclamation from 
authority, I evade answering impertinent questions. Heavens! if goods 
do not arrive soon, what will become of me? I have lost several stone 
weight* of flesh within these twent\- days. I hope Sir John [Sir John 
Johnson British Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs] is to make us a 
visit." 

To prevent comjilications and consequent quarrels, Congress in 
1783 forbade the purchase of land from the Aborigines by individuals 
or companies. Agent Ephraim Douglas reported February 2, 1784, 
that early in the fall of 1783 Sir John Johnson assembled the different 
western tribes of Aborigines at Sandusky (American territory) and, 
having prepared them with lavish distribution of presents, addressed 
them in a speech to this purport, Simon Girty being the interjireter, 
viz: . . . "That the King his and their common father had made 
peace with the Americans, and had given them the land possessed by 
the British on this continent ; but that the report of his having given 
them any part of the Aborigines' lands was false, and fabricated by the 
Americans for the purpose of provoking the Aborigines against their 
father ; that they should, therefore, shut their ears against it. So far 
the contrary was proved that the great river Ohio was to be the line 
between the Aborigines in this quarter and the Americans, over which 
the latter ought not to pass and return in safety. " 

The impartial and unreserved historian must attribute a large pro- 
portion of the trouble the United States has had with the savages, inclu- 
ding their many savage butcheries, to the perfid>- and arrogant meddle- 
someness of the British from the first. They were repeatedly im- 
portuned to withdraw from this territory according to the terms of the 
Treatv at Paris, and to let the savages in American territory alone. 
President Washington sent Baron de Steuben of the United States Army 
to Governor Haldimand l'2th Jul\', 1783, to ask that orders be issued 
for the withdrawal of British troops from Detroit and other posts in 
American territory whence they persisted in dominating the savages 
throughout Ohio and the southwest. t The recjuest was refused, and 
statements made that the treaty was provisional, and that no orders had 
been received to surrender the posts. Governor George Clinton of New 



*An English stone weiirht in the sense here used is fourteen pounds avoirdupois. 

t See letter on the the subject of an Established Militia and Military Arrangements, addressed to 
the Inhabitants of the United States by Baron de Steuben New York. 1784, in which is a suggested 
treatment of the British at this time. 



152 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

York was refused the surrender of Fort Niagara May 10, 1784. Another 
unsuccessful demand for their surrender was made July 12, 1784, through 
(the then) Lieutenant Colonel William Hull.* The British continued 
to hold the posts of Detroit, Michillimackinac, Niagara and Oswego 
until the year 1796; and in 1794 they built Fort Miami by the lower 
Maumee ; whence they were a menace to the peace, and lives, of Ameri- 
can settlers in this Northwest Territory, as shown on subsequent pages. 



CHAPTER VI. 



The Aborigines — Organizations — Hostilities — Defeats. 
1784 TO 1791. 

The Aborigines continued unsettled and threatening, and the 
United States Government continued a pacific policy. The Legislature 
of New York for some time after the close of the Revolutionary War 
favored the expulsion from American territory of the Six Nations 
(Iroquois of New York) on account of their instability and treachery; 
but it was finally decided by Congress to bear with them, to keep them 
as fully as possible from British influence and try to civilize them 
through treaty and confining them to narrower limits, by gradually and 
nominally purchasing their claims to territory unnecessary to them. 
Accordingly the 2"2nd October, 1784, a treaty was effected at Fort 
Stanwix, on the site of the present Rome, New York, when the Six 
Nations relinquished all claim to the western country. These claims 
were based on their, and the British, idea of right of conquest from the 
western tribes, but they did not want to accord the Americans any such 
right. 

Virginia ceded to the United States all her right, title and claim to 
the country northwest of the Ohio River March 1, 1784. t Congress 
was prepared for this act and the committee, of which Thomas Jeffer- 
son was Chairman, reported the same day a plan for its teniporar\- 
government. The names proposed for the divisions of this Territory 
(see engraving) not meeting with approval, they were erased from the 
plan tlie 23rd April ; and later this suggested plan for division was 
rejected. 



'■'•'■ American State Papers, Foreign Relations volume i, page 181 e( sequentia. 

t For account of the claims of the States to the Northwest Territory, see Hinsdale's The Old 
Northwest: Donaldson's Pu6//c Doma/n .- Hildreth's H/s(ory 0/ Washington County: Smith's The St. 
Clair Papers: Cutler's Life, Journal and Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler, etc. These claims 
were not altogether valid. The Territory belonged to the United States from conquest. 



EFFORTS FOR TREATY WITH ABORIGINES. LANDS. 155 



PtAN roR 
DIVISION orncWEST 

BEFORE CONORCSS 
MARCH lH/754 




Continuing its humane policy towards the Aborigines, the United 
States, bv commissioners George Rogers Clark, Richard Butler and 
Arthur Lee, met the chiefs of the Chippewa, Delaware, Ottawa and 
Wyandot tribes at Fort M'Intosh on the right bank of the Ohio River 
at the mouth of Beaver Creek about twenty-nine miles below Pitts- 
burg and 'ilst January, 1785, effected a treaty in which the limits of 
their territory were agreed upon as the Mauniee and Cuyahoga Rivers, 
and from Lake Erie to a line running westward from Fort Laurens bv 
the Tuscarawas to the portage on the headwaters of the Miami River. 
Reservations were made by the United States of tracts six miles square 
at this portage, at the mouth of the Maumee, and two miles square at 

Lower Sandusky. Three chiefs 
were to remain hostages until all 
American prisoners were surren- 
dered b\- them. 

Overtures for treaty and peace 
were also made to the Miami, Pot- 
tawotami, Piankeshaw, and other 
western tribes but, through the 
influence of the British and French 
with whom they associated and who 
were in opposition to the American 
system of government, land surveys, 
and definite land titles, the desired 
treat\- could not be effected. But a 
large council of these tribes was 
held at Ouiotenon the next August 
where savage raids on American 
frontier settlements were incited. 

The 19th April, 1785, the Legis- 
lature of Massachusetts released to 
the General Government her claims 
in the Northwestern Territory, ex- 
cei)ting Detroit and vicinit\- which 
were released 30th May, IHOO. 

The desire for western lands for settlement by immigrants from 
the East being so great following the Treaty at Fort M'Intosh, with 
the desire for action to adjust titles, that Congress, 20th May, 17''^5, 
passed An Ordinance for Ascertaining the Mode of Disposing of 
Lands in the Western Territory ' which provided for the survey and 
marking of lines, townships, water power sites, etc. On account of 
several disorderly persons having crossed the River Ohio and settled 
upon unappropriated lands' Congress passed an Act June 15th pro- 



^ ''»i-i'P5»«U5'^''^'-'5'^**Si\yin 




1S4 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

hibiting such intrusions, and commanding the intruders to depart with 
their families and effects without loss of time, as they shall answer the 
same at their peril.' This action was taken to protect the lives of the 
would-be settlers as two members of the four families who settled near 
the mouth of the Scioto River were killed b}' savages in April: also 
to allay the antipathy of the savages while preparing the country for 
formal settlement. It was during this summer that the extensive pur- 
chases of land by the Ohio Company of Associates, and by John Cleves 
Symmes, were negotiated. 

Great Britain, with her usual selfish arrogance, continued to hold 
all the Great Lake forts. John Adams, United States Minister to 
Great Britain, reported to Congress 30th November, 1785, that he had 
demanded that the British withdraw their forts and posts from Ameri- 
can territory, and that they objected with the statement that some of 
the States had violated the Treaty of Paris in regard to the payment of 
their debts to Great Britain.* 

A few regular troops occasionally passed along the Ohio River 
from Fort Pitt to and from Vincennes and Kaskaskia, escorting officers, 
carrving dispatches and convoying supplies. The 22nd October, 1785, 
Fort Finney was built by Major Finney's command on the bank of the 
big Miami River about one mile above its mouth ; and here the 31st 
January, 1786, commissioners effected a treaty with the Shawnees, 
with Wyandots and Delawares as witnesses, wherein land was allotted 
to them southwest of that allotted at the Treaty of Fort M'lntosh, and 
extending to the Wabash River, with like conditions. Hostages were 
retained for the return of American captives, as at the other treaties ; 
but thev escaped, and very few captives were returned. The Miami 
and western Aborigines were urged to participate in these treaties, but 
thev again declined, being yet under British influence. t There con- 
tinued a great removal of settlers from the East to the Ohio Valley; and 
depredations on them by these savages became so frequent and 
exasperating that a thousand Kentuckians under General Clark marched 
to Vincennes against the Wabash tribes in the fall of 1786 ; but poor 
supplies and disaffection among the volunteers caused a return of the 
army without punishing the enemy. An expedition of nearly eight 
hundred mounted riflemen under Colonel Benjamin Logan was also 
fitted out against the hostile Shawnees. This expedition detourred the 



"^The British armies impressed into their service and took away some of the negro slaves of 
Americans; and these States desired to offset the value of these slaves against the levies of the British. 
See Benjamin Franklin's articles on ' Sending Felons to America.' and his ' Retort Courteous ' for some 
just sarcasm regarding the urgent haste of the British to be paid by the people whose property they 
had destroyed. Compare The Laws of Virginia regarding these claims. Also the several Letters of 
Henry Knox Secretary of War, No. 1.50, volume i. 

t See the United States State Department MSS. No, .%. pages 345, 395; and No. 150. 
Also the Haldimand Papers during 1784 to 1786. 



LAND CESSION. DISAFFECTION IN OHIO BASIN. 155 

headwaters of Mad River, in the present Clark and Champaign coun- 
ties, Ohio, burned eight large towns, destroyed many fields of corn, 
killed about ten warriors including the head chief, and captured thirty- 
two prisoners.*^ 

The 14th September, 17^6, Connecticut released her claims to lands 
in the Northwestern Territory in favor of the United States excepting 
her ' Western Reserve ' from the forty-first degree of latitude to that of 
forty-two degrees and two minutes, and from the western line of Penn- 
sylvania to a north and south line one hundred and twenty miles to the 
west ; and that State opened an office for the disposal of that part of the 
Reserve east of the Cuyahoga River, the eastern boundary of the ter- 
ritory allotted the Aborigines. This cession cleared this Basin of claims 
bv individual States. 

With the increasing po])ulation west of the Allegheny Mountains 
the free navigation of the Mississippi became a paramount question, 
and some misconceptions regarding Secretary John Jay's efforts toward 
a treaty with Spain caused some commotion in the Ohio Valley to the 
increase there of even the spirit of independence from the East.t Gen- 
eral George Rogers Clark, whose commission had been withdrawn '2nd 
July, 1783, on account of his services not being necessary and to 
curtail expenses, acting with others at Vincennes decided to garrison the 
abandoned Post Vincennes. A compan\' of men was enlisted early in 
October, 1786, and the goods of Spanish merchants at Vincennes and 
along the Ohio were seized with a 'determination that they should not 
trade up the river if they would not let the Americans trade down the 
Mississippi.' The Council of Virginia decided positively against these 
measures 28th February, 1787, and, by resolution of Congress 24th Ajiril, 
the United States troops on the Ohio were directed to take immediate 
and efficient measures 'for dispossessing a body of men who had, in a 
lawless and unauthorized manner, taken possession of Post Vincennes 
in defiance of the proclamation and authority of the United States'; and 
the recently brevetted Brigadier General Josiah Harmar with a small 
force of United States soldiers took possession of the post, allowing 
Clark and his followers to return to their homes. Thus was narrowly 
averted a war between the United States and Spain and France combined. 
The Americans engaged in these overt acts wrote to their friends that 
Great Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and sup])ort us. 
They have already offered to open their resources for our sup]5lies.' + 



* M'Donald's Western Sketches: Dillon's History of Indiana. For full description of the temper 
of the savaaes and of the settlers, and of ettorts of the treneral Koverninent for peace, see U. S. State 
Department MSS. Nos. 30. .56, 60 and l.iO. Also Draper MSS. Wisconsin Historical Society Library. 

t See Reports of Se'cretary John Jay ; State Department MSS. No. .HI, volume ii; Thomas M. Green's 
The Spanish Conspiracy, page .'^1. etc. 

+ See Draper MSS. Wisconsin State Historical Society Library ; and State Dept. MSS. Washintton. 



156 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



The animus of Great Britain at this time is further shown by a let- 
ter of 22nd March, 1787, from Sir John Johnson to Joseph Brant, the 
most prominent Aborigine Chief in the Six Nations, regarding the miH- 
tary posts still held by the British in American territory as follows : ' It 
is for your sake, chiefly, that we hold them. If you become indifferent 
about them they may, perhaps, be given up . . whereas, by sup- 
porting them you encourage us to hold them, and encourage the new 
settlements . . every day increased by numbers coming in who find 
they cannot live in the States." . . Arthur St. Clair, Representative 
from Pennsylvania, also reported 13th April, 1787, to Congress the con- 
tinued infraction of the Treaty regarding these posts by Great Britain. * 
The manv different schemes calculated to embarrass the struggling 
young Republic, to deprive it of its rights, and even to disrupt it alto- 
gether, were apparently aided if not initiated by the British. The noted 
Virginia loyalist Doctor John Connolly, before mentioned, a full British 
subject and resident in Canada, again became active, traversing the 
Maumee in his journeyings in 1787-88-89 between Detroit and Kentucky 
with efforts to alienate the Kentuckians from the East and to ally them 
with the British for the purpose of capturing the Spanish territory on 
the Mississippi and controlling the Mississippi Basin. General James 
Wilkinson charged that Connolly was an emissary direct from Lord 
Dorchester then Governor of Canada — and Wilkinson himself was not 

free from suspicion of being en- 
gaged in similar schemes, even 
for the secession of Kentucky' 
from the United States. The 
probability of the correctness of 
Wilkinson's charge, however, 
was strengthened by the fact 
that in June of this year the 
British garrison at Detroit was 
largelv reinforced by soldiers 
from lower Canada, and the 
next year the fortifications were 
rebuilt and strengthened by 
order of Lord Dorchester who 
was then there. These warlike 
preparations continued for some length of time, and similar prepara- 
tions were occasionally made for several years. t Benedict Arnold 




* Journals of Congres s. volume iv, payes 73.5, 739. 

t See James Wilkinson's Memo/rs vol. ii; Charles E. A. Gayarri5's History of Louisiana, vol. Hi; 
State Dept. MSS.; Virginia State Papers, vol. iv. Draper MSS.; Gardoqui MSS., etc. For accounts of 
the treachery and savagery of the Aborikiines of these years see U. S. State Department MSS. vol. iii. 
No. 1511; and Draper MSS. 



CIVIL AND MILITARY ACTIVITIES. THE SAVAGES. 157 

was reported as being in Detroit about the 1st June, 1790, inspecting 
the troops; and the 25th August President Washington took official 
notice of these British preparations which were evidently- for a Miss- 
issippi campaign. 

The Congressional Committee on the Territory Northwest of the 
Ohio River reported, 7th July, 17H6, a plan for its division on the 
lines existing to day, exce]iting that a line running due east and west 
from the southernmost shore of Lake Michigan was drawn as the north 
line of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and the Straits of Mackinaw were 
the northern line of Michigan. The map then used showed the south 
end of Lake Michigan too far north, as will be described on later page. 

The full Ordinance for the government of this Territory was made 
a law the 13th July, 17H7. This 'Ordinance of 1787' marks an era in 
legislative history, and it has received large attention by many writers. 
The principal officers of the Northwestern Territory under this Ordin- 
ance were appointed on the 5th October, 1787, to enter u]ion their 
duties 1st February, 1788, as follows : Governor, Major General 
Arthur St. Clair; Judges, Samuel H. Parsons, James M. Varnum, and 
John Armstrong; Secretary, Winthrop Sargent. John Cleves Symmes 
was subsequently appointed to the place declined by John Armstrong. 
It has been estimated that within a year after the organization of this 
Territory twenty thousand men, women and children from the eastern 
States passed down the Ohio River to settle in this Territory or in 
Kentucky. 

The renewal of military prejiarations by the British had an exciting 
effect upon the Aborigines who had long been impatient of their en- 
forced quiet. The increasing settlements in southern Ohio, and south 
of that river, on lands relinquished by the Aborigines in treaty, and the 
completion of the organization of the Territory Northwest of the Ohio 
River, were eagerly accepted as incentives for repeating their murderous 
raids upon the settlements. 

To allay the restlessness known to exist among the Aborigines 
Congress, the 21st July, 1787, directed the Superintendent of Aborigine 
Affairs for the Northern Department, or if he was unable to attend to 
it then General Josiah Harmar, to proceed to the most convenient 
place and make treat}' with the Aborigines of the Wabash River 
country and the Shawnees of the Southern part of this Basin and of 
the Scioto, and to grant them all assurances consistent with the honor 
and dignity of the United States. These and repeated like efforts for 
peace were unavailing. Thereupon the first instructions bv Congress 
to Gove-nor St. Clair in 1788 were ; 1. Examine carefully into the 
real temper of the Aborigines. 2. Remove if possible all causes of 
controversy, so that peace and harmony may be established between 



158 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

the United States and the Aborigine tribes. 3. Regulate trade among 
the Aborigines. 4. Neglect no opportunity that otters for extinguish- 
ing the Aborigine claims to lands westward as far as the Mississippi 
River, and northward as far as the completion of the forty-first degree 
of north latitude. 5. Use every possible endeavor to ascertain the 
names of the real head men and warriors of the several tribes, and to 
attach these men to the United States by every possible means. 6. 
Make every exertion to defeat all confederations and combinations 
among the tribes ; and conciliate the white people inhabiting the 
frontiers, toward the Aborigines. 

The County of Washington in the Northwest Territory was organ- 
ized in 17HH within the present limits of Ohio: and Governor St. Clair 
and the J.udges adopted and published laws, both civil and criminal, 
for the government and protection of the Territory. These laws, how- 
ever, were not operative in the Maumee River Basin for many years on 
account of the Aborigine and British dominance. 

» Governor St. Clair succeeded in effecting another treaty 9th Jan- 
uary, 17h9, this time at Fort Harmar at the mouth of the Muskingum 
River, with the Six Nations, also with the Chippewas, Delawares, 
Ottawas, Pottawotamis, Sacs, and Wyandots ; all confirming the 
boundary of the Aborigine claims to be limited between the Cuyahoga 
and Maumee Rivers, and Lake Erie and a line extending from Fort 
Laurens to Loramie, with the reservations to the United States and 
other agreements embraced in the treaties of Forts M'Intosh and 
Finney. These Aborigines at this treaty received from the United 
States an additional sum of six thousand dollars. But a few weeks, 
however, sufficed to again demonstrate their insincerity, and treachery 
— their maraudings being resumed with the opening o£ spring.* 

General Henrv Knox Secretary of War reported to President 
Washington 13th June, 1789, that murders by savages were still being 
committed on both sides of the Ohio River and that the inhabitants 
were exceedingly alarmed through the extent of six or seven hundred 
miles, that the settlers had been in constant warfare with the savages 
for many years ; that 

The injuries and murders have been so reciprocal that it would be a point of 
critical investigation to know on which side they have been the greatest. Some of the 
inhabitants of Kentucky during the past year, roused by recent injuries, made an 
incursion into the Wabash country and, possessing an equal aversion to all bearing the 
name Aborigines, they destroyed a number of peaceable Piankeshaws who prided them- 
selves in their attachment to the United States. . . By the best and latest informa- 
tion it appears that on the Wabash and its communications there are from fifteen hun- 
dred to two thousand warriors. An expedition with a view of extirpating them, or 



' See state- DepaitinenI MSS. Nos, 56. 71, 151; Draper MSS.: and Virginia State Papers, vol. iv, 
page 149. 



AMERICAN EFFORTS TO AVERT WAR WITH SAVAGES. 159 

destroying their towns, could not be undertaken with a probability of success with less 
than an army of two thousand five hundred men. The regular troops of the United 
States on the frontiers are less than six hundred, of which number not more than four 
hundred could be collected from the posts. 

The posts referred to were Forts Pitt, Harmar, Steulx-n at the 
Falls of the Ohio, and Vincennes. The Kentuckians again decided to 
avenge some wrongs they had recently suffered and, 26th August, 1789, 
Colonel John Hardin led two hundred volunteer cavalrymen across 
the Ohio River at the Falls to the Wabash. They killed six Aborigi- 
nes, burned one deserted town, and destroyed the corn found, return- 
ing the 28th September without the loss of a man. 

President Washington addressed Governor St. Clair the 6th 
October desiring full information regarding the Wabash and Illinois 
Aborigines and requesting that war with them be averted if possible ; 
but authorizing him to call not to exceed one thousand militiamen 
from Virginia and five hundred from Pennsylvania, if necessary, to 
cooperate with the Federal troops. The Governor was also directed 
to proceed to execute the orders of the late Congress regarding French 
and other land titles at Vincennes and the Illinois country and other 
matters of organization. A little later in the autumn of 1789 Major 
Doughty's troops built Fort Washington, within the site of the present 
City of Cincinnati, which fort served a useful purpose for several 
years. Governor St. Clair and the judges started from Marietta about 
the 1st Januarv, 1790, by boat and stopped at Fort Washington where 
they organized the county of Hamilton, and changed the name of the 
settlement about Fort Washington from that of Losantiville to Cin- 
cinnati. Proceeding down the river, they arrived at Clarksville Hth 
January, and thence to the Illinois country where they organized St. 
Clair County to embrace all the Territory west of Hamilton County. 

In consonance with President Washington's instructions, a promi- 
nent French merchant of Vincennes, .Vntoine Gamelin, who well under- 
stood the temper of the savages and by whom he was favorably known, 
was commissioned by Major John F. Hamtramck to visit and conciliate 
those Aborigines along the Wabash and Maumee Rivers. He started 
on the 5th April, 1790, and his report evidenced a desire of the older 
men of the weaker tribes for peace ; but the}' could not stop their young 
men who 'were being constantly encouraged and invited to war by the 
British' and they were dominated by the stronger tribes who, in turn 
were dominated by the British from whom they received their sujiplies. 
All reproached him for coming to thetn without presents of intoxicants 
and other supplies. The 23rd April Mr. Gamelin arrived at the Miami 
town, at the head of the Maumee River, where the Miamis, Delawares, 
Pottawotamis and Shawnees united in telling him they could not give 
reply until they consulted the British commandant of the fort at 



160 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Detroit ; and they desired, and obtained, a copv of the message of the 
United States to them for the purpose of showing it to him. The British 
traders at this village were ]iresent at the meetings. The Aborigines 
promised to send to Major Hamtramck at Vincennes, in writing, their 
answer within thirty days, which was their way of getting rid of him. 

Commissioner Gamelin, being unable to accomplish more with the 
savages, started from the Miami village on his return the :2nd May ; 
and on the 11th reports were received at Vincennes that three days 
after his departure an American captive was roasted and eaten by the 
cannibals at the head of the Maumee River : and that all the tribes had 
sent out war-parties, in addition to those already operating along the 
Ohio River, who ambuscaded many new immigrants. 

With hope to check the more active savages, the latter half of 
April Brigadier General Josiah Harmar, United States Agent to the 
Aborigines, with one hundred regular troops, seconded by General 
Charles Scott with two hundred and thirty Kentucky volunteers, made 
a detour of the Scioto River. They destroyed the food supplies and 
huts of the hostile savages but shot only four of them — reporting that 
'wolves might as well have been pursued.' 

Early in July, 1790, Judge Henry Inness of Danville, Kentucky, 
wrote to the Secretary of War that 

1 have been intimately acquainted with this district from 178.'i, and I can with truth 
say that in this period the Aborigines have always been the aggressors — that any incur- 
sions made into their country have been produced by reiterated injuries committed by 
them — that the predatory mode of warfare they have carried on renders it difficult, and 
indeed impossible, to discriminate, or to ascertain to what tribe the offenders belong. 
Since my first visit to the district in November, 1783. I can venture to say that more 
than fifteen hundred persons have been killed and taken prisoners by the Aborigines ; 
and upwards of twenty thousand horses have been taken away, with other property con- 
sisting of money, merchandise, household goods, wearing apparel, etc., of great value. 
The government has been repeatedly informed of those injuries, and that they continued 
to be perpetrated daily, notwithstanding which the people have received no satisfactory 
information whether the government intended to afford them relief or not. . . I will, 
sir, be candid on this subject, not only as an inhabitant of Kentucky but as a friend to 
society who wishes to see order and regularity preserved in the Government under which 
he lives. The people say they have groaned under their misfortunes — they see no pros- 
pect of relief — they constitute the strength and the wealth of the western country, and 
yet all measures heretofore attempted have been committed for execution to the hands of 
strangers who have no interest in common with the West. They are the great sufferers 
and yet have no voice in the matters which so vitally affect them. They are even accused 
of being the aggressors, and have no representative to state or to justify their conduct. 
These are the general sentiments of the western people who are beginning to want faith 
in the Government, and appear determined to avenge themselves. For this purpose a 
meeting was lately held in this place by a number of respectable characters, to determine 
on the propriety of carrying on their expeditions this fall. 

Earlv in June, 1790, when yet at Kaskaskia, Governor St. Clair re- 
ceived from Major Hamtramck report of the failure of his and Game- 



GATHERING OF ARMY FOR HARMAR'S CAMPAIGN. 161 

lin's mission to the hostile savages, and of the hopelessness of being 
able to make a treaty for peace. Committing the Resolutions of Con- 
gress relative to lands and settlers along the Wabash River to Win- 
throp Sargeant Secretary, who then proceeded to organize the County 
of Knox, Governor St. Clair returned by way of the rivers to Fort 
Washington where he arrived the 11th julv. Here General Harmar 
reported to him many raids and murders by the savages, and "it was 
agreed and determined that General Harmar should conduct an ex- 
pedition against the Maumee towns, the residence of all the renegade 
Aborigines, from whence issued all the parties who infest our frontiers. 
The Governor remained with us but three days. One thousand militia 
were ordered from Kentucky, and the Governor on his wa}' to New 
York the seat of the general government, was to order five hundred 
from the back counties of Pennsylvania. The liSth September was the 
time appointed for the militia to assemble at Fort Washington." * . . 
Active preparations were instituted by General Harmar for this 
campaign the object of which was not alone the present chastisement 
of the savages, but also for the building of one or more forts by the 
Maumee, and the establishing of a connecting line of refuge posts for 
supplies and from which sorties could be made to intercept the savages. t 

fn a spirit of deference that appears not only undesirable but ser- 
vile at this distance. Governor St. Clair sent on the 19th September 
from Marietta 'by a private gentleman' a letter to Major Patrick Mur- 
ray-, Commandant at Detroit, reading that "this is to give you the full- 
est assurance of the pacific disposition entertained towards Great Britain 
and all her possessions; and to inform you explicitly that the expedition 
about to be undertaken, is not intended against the post \'0u have the 
honor to command." . . The only redeeming feature of this letter 
is this sentence: "After this candid explanation, sir, there is every 
reason to expect, both from your own personal character, and from the 
regard j'ou have for that of your nation, that those tribes will meet with 
neither countenance nor assistance from any under your command, and 
that you will do what in your power lies to restrain the trading people 
from whose instigations, there is too good reasons to believe, much of 
the injuries committed b}' the savages has proceeded." 

The command under General Josiah Harmar Commander-in-Chief 
of the Army of the United States marched northward from near Fort 
Washington, 4th October, 1790. It was composed of fourteen hundred 
and fifty-three soldiers, viz : three hundred and twenty regulars ( in- 
cluding one artillery company with three light brass cannon, the largest 



■' Ebenezer Denny's Military Journal page 343. Published by the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 

t InterestinE details reearding this proposed forward movement may be found in the American 
State Papers. Aborigine Affairs volume i, page 100 et sequentia. 



!62 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

a six pounder) in two battalions ; eleven hundred and thirty-three mili- 
tia from Kentucky in four battalions, three of infantry and one of moun- 
ted riflemen ; and one battalion of infantry from Pennsylvania. Some 
of the Iventuckv militia were 'raw and unused to the L;un or the woods; 
indeed many were without guns [when they reported at Fort Washing- 
ton] and many of those they have want repairing. Our artificers were 
employed in putting to right the militia arms. General Harmar was 
much disheartened at the kind of people from Kentucky. One-half cer- 
tainly serve no other purpose than to swell the number. . . The 
colonels disputed about the command. . . There was much trouble 
in keeping the officers, with their commands in their proper order, and 
the pack horses, etc., compact.' . . — Denny's Military Journal. 

The following account of the experiences of General Harmar's 
army on the march to and within the Maumee River Basin is taken 
from the diary of Captain John Armstrong of the United States troops, 
when not otherwise noted, viz: * 

October!], 17!)0. The Army moved at half past nine o'clock ; marched a north- 
west course seven miles to a branch where French traders formerly had a number of 
trading houses — thence a north course four miles to a small branch and encamped at 
five o'clock. The country we passed over is very rich and level. Eleven miles. 

October 12th. The Army moved at half past nine o'clock ; our course a little west 
of northwest — crossed a stream at seven miles and a half running to the northeast on 
which there are several old camps, much deadened timber which continues to the River 
Auglaize [River St. Mary] about a mile. Here has been a considerable village — some 
houses still standing. This stream is a branch [tributary] of the Omi [Maumee] River, 
and is about twenty yards wide. From this village to our encampment our course was 
a little to the north of west. Rich level land. Fourteen miles. t 

October IHth. The Army moved at ten o'clock ; just before they marched, a pris- 
oner [a Shawnee] was brought in, and Mr. Morgan from Fort Washington joined us. 
We marched to the W. of N. W. four miles to a small stream through low swampy land 
— then a course a little to the N. of W. passing through several small prairies and open 
woods to an Aborigine village on a pretty stream. Here we were joined by a detach- 
ment from Fort Washington, with ammunition. Ten miles. J 

October 14th. At half past ten in the morning Colonel Hardin was detached for 
the Miami village [at head of Maumee River] || with one company of Regulars and 
six hundred militia — and the Army took up its line of march at eleven o'clock: a N. W. 
course; four miles a small branch — the country level — many places drowned lands in 
the winter season. Ten miles. 



* See Dillon's History of Indiana paije 267, and Draper MSS. in Wisconsin Historical Society's 
Librar.v. 

t . . Half pound powder and one pound lead served out to each rifleman, and twenty-four rounds 
cartridges to the musketry. Commandinc officers of battalions to see that their men's arms are in fiood 
order and loaded. . . Denny's Military Journal pace .147. 

^ Marched through a thick brushy country. Encamped on great branch [tributary] of the Miami 
or Omee [Maumee! River [the River St. Maryl near the ruins of La Source's old house, about one 
hundred and tnirty-five miles from Fort Washington — Denny, page 347. 

II In consequence of intelligence gained of the prisoner that the Aborigines were clearing out as 
fast as possible, and that the towns would be evacuated before our arrival ... it was impossible 
for the army to hastep much, . . Marched over beech and white oak land generally, and no running 



APPROACH OF HARMAR'S ARMY TO THE MAUMEE. 163 

October l."">th. The army moved at eight o'clock, N. W. course, two miles, a small 
branch; then north a little west, crossing a stream, three miles, N. W. course — 
the Army halted at half past one o'clock on a branch running west. Eight miles.* 

October Kith. The .^rmy moved at forty-five minutes after eight o'clock ; marched 
nine miles and halted fifteen minutes after one o'clock. Passed over a level country, 
not very rich. Colonel Hardin with his command took possession of the Miami town 
[head of Maumee River] yesterday at four o'clock — the Aborigines having left just 
before. Nine miles (over beech and swamp oak land — Denny). Colonel Hardin found 
that the Aborigines had left behind them some cows, and large quantities of corn and 
vegetables ; and the militia, in parties of thirty or forty regardless of discipline, strolled 
about in search of plunder. 

October 17th. The Army moved at fifteen minutes after eight o'clock ; and at one 
o'clock crossed the Maumee River to the village (.several tolerably good log houses, said 
to have been occupied by British traders; a few pretty good gardens with some fruit 
trees, and vast fields of corn in almost every direction — Denny ).t The river is about 
seventy yards wide — a fine, transparent stream. The River St. Joseph, which forms 
the point on which the [main] village stood, is about twenty yards wide [low stage of 
water] and, when the waters are high, navigable a great way up it. Major M'MuUen 
and others reported that the tracks of women and children had been discovered on an 
Aborigine path leading from the village, a northwest course, towards the Kickapoo 
towns [on Eel River]. General Harmar, supposing that the Aborigines, with their 
families and baggage, had encamped at some point not far from the Miami village, 
determined to make an effort to discover the place of their encampment, and to bring 
them to battle. Accordingly on the morning of the 18th, he detached Colonel Trotter, 
Major Hall, Major Ray, and Major M'Mullen, with a force amounting to three hundred 
men, and composed of thirty regular troops [under command of Captain John Armstrong 
the writer of this record] forty of Major Fontaine's light horse, and two hundred and 
thirty active riflemen. The detachment was furnished with three days' provision, and 
ordered to examine the country around the Miami village. After these troops under the 
command of (?olonel Trotter had moved about one mile from the encampment, the light 



water. Country very flat and appears as if at particular seasons it was altoyether under water. . , 
This ni^ht the horses were ordered to be tied up, that the army might start by daylieht. with a view of 
keeping as near to Colonel Hardin as possible. The distance to the Aborigine towns [head of Maumee 
River] this morning [14th October! when the detachment went ahead, supposed to be about thirty-tive 
miles — Denny, 347. 

''' Every exertion made to get forward the main body. Difficult march this day [October l.^thl over 
beech roots and brush. Encamped on the [tributary] waters of the Omee [Maumeel about one hundred 
and lift.v-three miles from Fort Washington. Horses were again tied, grass cut and brought to them that 
the army might not be detained next morning, as had frequently been the case : for although repeated 
orders were given to the horse-masters to hopple well their horses, and directions to ttie officers and 
men not to suffer them to pass through the lines, many of them, owing to the scarcity of food, broke loose 
and passed the chain of sentries and were lost. Patrols of horsemen are ordered out every morning at 
daylight to scour the neighboring woods and bring in any horses that might have passed the lines: 
and the pickets turned out small parties for the same purpose. The cattle, also, every pains taken to 
secure them. At evening when the army halts the cattle guard, which is composed of an officer and 
thirty men, build a yard always within the chain of sentries, sometimes in the square of the encamp- 
ment and place themselves round the inclosure, which secures them.— t)enny, page ,348. 

t There were seven or more Aborigine villages near .ih^, three rivers within a few miles, at the time 
of General Harmar's visit, or later, approximaSp/>,. as. fo^ljyws : Two of the Miamis, the principal one 
situate on the east bank of the St. Joseph Rivei,-a|.its mouth, and, the other of thirty cabins was on the 
west bank a little above. The Delaw^afiCS h^di two towns of forty cabins about three miles above the 
mouth of the River St. Mary. Th^-Pottai-votamis had, one town of thirty cabins on the east bank of the 
St. Joseph about three miles above ifs mputh ; and the Shawnees had two towns three miles below the 
head of the Maumee. one on the north bank called Chillicothe having fifty-eight cabins, and one on 
the south bank with. sixteen cabins. See Map anfe page 9*/. 



164 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

horsemen discovered, pursued, and killed an Aborigine on horseback. Before this party 
returned to the columns, a second Aborigine was discovered, when the four field officers 
left their commands and pursued the Aborigine — leaving the troops for the space of 
about half an hour without any directions whatever. The flight of the second Aborigine 
was intercepted by the light horsemen, who despatched him after he had wounded one 
of their party. Colonel Trotter then changed the route of his detachment and marched 
in various directions until night, when he returned to the camp at the Miami village.* 
The return of Colonel Trotter to camp, on the evening of the 18th, was unexpected 
by General Harmar, and did not receive his approbation. Colonel Hardin asked for the 
command of the same detachment for the remaining two days [first allotted Trotter] 
and his request was granted. On the morning of the liHh the detachment under com- 
mand of Colonel Hardin marched a northwest course on the Aborigine patht which led 
towards the Kickapoo towns ; and after passing a morass about five miles distant from the 
Miami village, the troops came to a place where, on the preceding day, a party of Abo- 
rigines had encamped. At this spot the detachment made a short halt, and the com- 
manding officer stationed the companies at points several rods apart. After the lapse of 
about half an hour the companies in front were ordered to move on ; and Captain Faulk- 
ner's company was left on the ground, the Colonel having neglected to give him orders to 
march. The troops moved forward about three miles, when they discoverd two Aborigi- 
nes on foot, who threw off their packs and, the brush being thick, made their escape. 
About this time Colonel Hardin despatched Major Fontaine with part of the cavalry in 
search of Captain Faulkner, supposing him to be lost ; and soon afterwards Captain 
Armstrong, who commanded the regulars, informed Colonel Hardin that a gun had been 
fired in front which might be considered as an alarm gun, and that he had seen the 
tracks of a horse that had come down the road and returned. The Colonel, however, 
moved on without giving any orders or making any arrangements for an attack ; and 
when Captain Armstrong discovered the fires of the Aborigines at a distance, and 
informed Colonel Hardin of the circumstance that officer, saying that the Aborigines 
would not fight, rode in front of the advanced columns until the detachment was fired on 
from behind the fires. The militia, with the exception of nine who remained with the 
regulars and were killed, immediately gave way and commenced an irregular retreat, 
which they continued until they reached the main army.+ Hardin, who retreated with 
them, made several ineffectual attempts to rally them. The small band of regulars, 
obstinately brave, maintained their ground until twenty-two [of the thirty] were killed, 
when Captain Armstrong, Ensign Hartshorne, and fi\-e or six privates, escaped from the 
carnage, eluded the pursuit of the Aborigines, and arrived at the camp of General 
Harmar. The number of Aborigines who were engaged on this occasion cannot be 
ascertained.il They were led by a distinguished" Miami chief whose name was Mish-e- 



* The 18th October General Harmar issued a general order prohibiting the straggling of soldiers 
from the camp which had been extreme: also for an equal distribution of the ' plunder.' 

t I saw that the men moved off with great reluctance, and am satisfied that when three miles from 
camp he had not more than two-thirds of liis command: they dropped out of the ranks and returned to 
camp. . . —Denny's Military Journal, paiie^iQ. 

t Of the militia forty are missing, but it is well known that very few of these were forward in the 
tight. The conjecture is that most of them ran back from the rear and have pushed for the Ohio River. 

Last night Captains M'CInre and M'fjuircy of the militia took a notion to trap some of the Abori- 
gines who were suspected of lurking about after night to carry off straggling horses. A short distance 
outside the sentries they close hoppled a horse with a bell on, and took their station in a hazel thicket but 
a few yards off. It was not long until an Aborigine stalked up and seized the horse. The captains rushed 
upon him. cut oft his head and brought it into camp, and claimed at least the price of a wolf's scalp. . . 
— Denny's Militiary Journal, page 3.50. 

II Captain .Armstrong, under oath at the court of investigation, estimated the number at one hundred 
warriors. Colonel Hardin in a deposition which he made in I79I estimated the number at about one 



SUCCESSES AND DEFEATS OF HARMAR'S ARMY. 165 

ken-o-quoh, which signifies the Little Turtle. The ground on which the action took 
place, lies about eleven miles from Fort Wayne, and near the point at which the Goshen 
State road crosses Eel River. 

On the morning of the I'.tth the main body of the army under Harmar, having 
destroyed the Miami village, moved about two miles [down the north side of the 
Maumee] to a Shawnee village which was called Chillicothe, where was published the 
following orders: 

Camp at Chillicothe, one of the Shawnee towns, on the Omee 1 Maumee] River, October 20th, 1790. 
The party under command of Captain Strong is ordered to burn and destroy every house and wig- 
wam in this villau'e, together with all the corn, Ac. which he can collect. A party ot one hundred men 
[militia) properly officered, under the comniand of Colonel Hardin is to burn and destroy eftectually, this 
afternoon, the Pickaway town [of the Delawares by the River St. Mary] with all the corn, cVc. which 
he can find in it and its vicinity. 

The cause of the detachment being worsted yesterday was entirely owing to the shameful cowardly 
conduct of the militia who ran away and threw down their arms, without tiring scarcely a gun. In return- 
ing to Fort Washington if any officer or man shall presume to Quit the ranks, or not to march in the form 
that they are ordered, the General will most assuredly order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the 
check they received yesterday will make them in future obedient to orders. 

iosiAH Harmar, Brig. General. 

At ten o'clock, A. M., on the 21st the army moved from the ruins of the Chilli- 
cothe village, marched about seven miles on the route to Fort Washington, and en- 
camped.* The night being very clear. Colonel Hardin informed General Harmar that 
he thought it would be a good opportunity to steal a march on the Aborigines, as he had 
reason to believe that they had returned to the towns as soon as the army left them. 
Harmar did not seem willing to send a party back ; but Hardin urged the matter, inform- 
ing the General that, as he had been unfortunate the other day, he wished to have it in 
his power to pick the militia and try it again ; and at the same time endeavored to 
account for the men's not fighting ; and desired an opportunity to retrieve the credit of 
the militia [deposition of Colonel John Hardin 14th September, 1791]. In order to 
satisfy the request of Hardin, and to give the Aborigines a check and thus prevent their 
harassing the army on its return to Fort Washington, General Harmar determined to 
send back a detachment of four hundred men. Accordingly, late in the night of the 31st 
a corps of three hundred and forty militia, and sixty regular troops under the command 
of IVIajor Wyllys, were detached, that they might gain the vicinity of the IVfiami village 
before day-break and surprise any Aborigines who might be found there. The detach- 
ment marched in three columns. The regular troops were in the center, at the head of 
which Captain Joseph ,\shtont was posted, with Major Wyllys and Colonel Hardin in 
his front. The militia formed the columns to the right and left [see map ante page '.17]. 
Owing to some delay occasioned by the halting of the militia, the detachment did not 
reach the bank of the Maumee till some time after sunrise. The spies then discovered 
some Aborigines and reported to Major Wyllys who halted the regular troops, and moved 
the militia on some distance in front where he gave his orders and plan of attack to the 
several commanding officers of corps. Major Wyllys reserved to himself the command 
of the regular troops. Major Hall with his battalion was directed to take a circuitous 
route around the bend of the Omee [Maumee] River, cross the Pickaway fork [the 
River St. Mary] and there, in the rear of the Aborigines, wait until the attack should be 



hundred and fifty men. Some writers, on questionable authority, have given the number at seven hun- 
dred. Captain Armstrong wrote that 'many of the Aborigines must have been killed, as I saw my men 
bayonet many of them. They fought and died hard.' 

* The army having burned five villages, besides the capitol town, and consumed and destroyed 
twenty thousand bushels of corn in ears, took up their line of march back to Fort Washington and en- 
camped eight miles from the ruins — Denny. 

t Captain Asheton's testimony before the Court of Imtuiry. See Am. State Papers vol xii, page 28. 



766 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

brought on by Major M'Mullen's battalion. Major Fontaine's cavalry, and the regular 
troops under Major Wyllys, who were all ordered to cross the Omee [Maumee] at and 
near the common fording place. After the attack commenced the troops were by no 
means to separate, but were to embody, or the battalions to support each other as 
circumstances required. From this disposition it appeared evident that it was the inten- 
tion of Hardin and Wyllys to surround the Aborigine encampment ; but Major Hall, who 
had gained his position undiscovered, disobeyed his orders by firing at a single Aborigine 
before the commencement of the action. Several small parties of Aborigines were soon 
seen running in different directions, and the militia under M'MuUen and the cavalry 
under Fontaine pursued them in disobedience to orders, and left Major Wyllys unsup- 
ported. The consequence was that the regulars, after crossing the Maumee. were 
attacked by a superior force of .Aborigines and compelled to retreat with the loss of 
Major Wyllys and the greater part of their corps. Major Fontaine, at the head of the 
mounted militia, fell, with a number of his followers, in making a charge against a small 
party of Aborigines ; and on his fall the remainder of his troops dispersed, leaving the 
federal troops unsupported to become an easy sacrifice to much the largest party of 
savages that had been seen that day. While the main body of the Aborigines, led by 
the Little Turtle, were engaged with the regulars near the banks of the Maumee, some 
skirmishing took place near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph between 
detached parties of Aborigines and the militia under Hall and M'Mullen. .^fter the 
defeat of the regulars, however, the militia retreated on the route to the main army ; and 
the Aborigines having suffered a severe loss, did not pursue them.* 

About eleven o'clock A. M. a single horseman reached the camp of Harmar with 
[very imperfect] news of the defeat ol the detachment. The General immediately 
ordered Major Ray to march with his battalion to the assistance of the retreating 
parties; but so great was the panic which prevailed among the militia that only thirty 
men could be induced to leave the main army. With this small number Major Ray 
proceeded a short distance towards the scene of action, when he met Colonel Hardin on 
his retreat. On reaching the encampment of Harmar, Colonel Hardin requested the 
General to march back to the Miami village with the whole army ; but Harmar said to 
him, 'you see the situation of the army; we are now scarcely able to move our baggage; 
it would take up three days to go, and return to this place ; we have no more forage for 
our horses; the Aborigines have got a very good scourging; and I will keep the army in 
perfect readiness to receive them if they think proper to follow.' t The General at this 
time had lost all confidence in the militia. The bounds of the camp were made less and. 



* It was my opinion that the misfortunes of that day were owintr to the separation of the troops, and 
disobeyance of orders. After the federal troops were defeated, and the tiring in all ^juarters nearly 
ceased. Majors Hall and M'Mnllen with their battalions met in the [site of the I town and, after dis- 
charging, cleaning and fresh loading their arms, which took up about half an hour, proceeded to join the 
army unmolested. I am convinced that the detachment, if it had been embodied, was sufficient to have 
answered the fullest expectations of the General. . . — Testimony of Captain Joseph Ashton, Am. 
State Papers vol. xii. page 2H. 

The wings commanded by Majors Hall and M'Millen came upon a few Aborigines immediately 
after crossing the Omee I Maumee] put them to flight and, contrary to orders, pursued up the St. Joseph 
for several miles. The center division, composed chiefly of the regular troops, were left unsupported. 
It would seem as if the enemy designed to draw the principal part of the force after a few of their people, 
while their main body attacked Major Wyllys. The center division sustained a very unequal ftght for 
some time. They were obliged at length to give way. The few that escaped fled in the direction that 
the militia had gone, and met them returning from the pursuit of the scattering Aborigines. The enemy 
followed and were met by the militia several miles up the St. Joseph; this narrow river was between the 
parties; a smart tire commenced and was kept up. The Aborigines attempted to force their way across 
but were repulsed, and at length withdrew. Our parties collected their wounded, and returned slowly 
to camp— I^enny's Military Journal pages 3.'jl, H52. 

t Deposition of Colonel John Hardin September 14, 1791 American State Papers. 



CAUSES OF HARMAR'S DEFEATS. THE SAVAGES. 167 

at eight o'clock on the morning of the 23rd October, the army took up the Hne of march 
for Fort Washington and reached that place on the 4th of November, having lost in the 
expedition one hundred and eighty-three killed, and thirty-one wounded.* Among the 
killed were Major Wyllys and Lieutenant Ebenezer Frothinghara of the regular troops; 
and Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp, M'Murtrey and Scott, Lieutenants Clark and 
Rogers, and Ensigns Bridges, Sweet, Higgins and Thielkeld, of the militia. The Abo- 
rigines, whose loss was about equal to that of ours, did not annoy the army after the 
action of the 22nd of October. 

The causes of the serious disasters attending General Harmar' ex- 
pedition to the head of the Maumee, in addition to those stated above 
were the alleged incompetency of some officers, insufficient discipline of 
the militia, and the bickerings among some of their officers, causing 
distrust, disorder and panic at the first attack of the enemy. General 
Harmar, annoyed by adverse criticism of his conduct of this expedition, 
asked President Washington "28th March, 1791, for a board of officers 
to act as a Court of Inquiry. This request was granted and, after con- 
sidering the evidence, he was acquitted. Nothing was said about his 
failure to build the forts that had been thought desirable at first. Some 
of the officials, however, had objections to the suggested forts in the 
wilderness, such as the cost of their maintenance from garrisons and 
supplies snd their narrow influence. But General Harmar's command 
was prepared for such work, and not prepared for aggressive war as 
the sequel proved. Had he built a strong fort at the head of the Mau- 
mee immediately upon his arrival there, and garnered, instead of burn- 
ing, the extensive products of the fields and, on his return, left a chain 
of such forts, they would have been rallying points for soldiers to keep 
the savages in check : for the commissioners of peace to these savages, 
and for those of the savages who would gradually, one by one and tribe 
bv tribe, have been won to peace. The moral as well as physical 
effects of such forts were demonstrated by General Wayne, as is shown 
in a later chapter. General Harmer resigned his commission the follow- 
ing January, was made Adjutant General of Pennsylvania in 179^, and 
rendered good service in furnishing troops for General Wayne's cam- 
paign along the Maumee in 1794. t 

The savages reported their loss as only fifteen to twenty. + They were 
greath' elated at their success in defeating General Harmar's arm\'. 
Like the Ancient Romans who returned home to celebrate their great 
victories in triumphal processions, these savages went to Detroit the 



* The whole number of the killed and missine of the army amounts to one hundred and eiyhty- 
three, but it is verily believed that a number of the militia who are missing have deserted, and are on 
their way to Kentucky — Denny's Military' Journal page 3.>1. 

t General Harmar was addicted to the use of intoxicating beverages like many others of liis 
time. See letter of General Knox of September 3, 1790, to him remonstrating against this practice in 
Knox Papers in Library of the New England Historic and Genealogical Society, Boston, vol, xxiii, 
page 169. 

+ This report was probably of only one tribe or squad. Savages did not aggregate their losses. 



168 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIM. 

headquarters of their masters and allies the British, where they daily 
paraded the streets uttering their demoniac scalp-yells while bearing 
long poles strung with the scalps of the many American soldiers they 
had killed.* Additional savage war-parties were started for the frontier 
settlements. The British, also, were elated at the success of the savages, 
exhibiting their pleasure by words condemnatory of the American polic}-, 
and by their continued acts in supplying the savages for further atrocities. 

It must be admitted that the conduct of the Americans coming in 
contact with the savages from the beginning in governmental, soldiery, 
and pioneer settler relations, had not always exhibited that thought- 
fulness, dignity and unity of action that commands the full respect, 
particularly of those at a distance ; and much of their later conduct, for 
two years at least, was open to severe criticism. But the extenuating 
circumstances, individual and general, were many and great, and such 
as not to be fully appreciated by persons foreign to them.t 

The anxiety, always present with the frontier settlers, now increas- 
ed to a panic. The officers, local and general, whose duty it was to 
guard and protect the legitimate settlers, had often been remiss in their 
duties. While their physical resources were narrow, they had been 
wanting in that broad comprehension of requirements that would have 
begotten from the first more of a union of effort and strength of re- 
sistance to the treacherous savages while accumulating means for that 
complete subjection of them that was necessar\-. Now they became 
even more disconcerted than before and their spasmodic efforts to pro- 
tect the settlements with soldiers — to send embassies to placate the 
savages at this inopportune time, while gathering an arm\-, meantime, 
sufficient to overcome them and build forts throughout the forests, 
which forests the savages had been taught by the French and British 
never to give up, and in which determination they were yet being sus- 
tained bv the British — all were again pointed to by the British and 
savages as evidences of American insincerity and duplicity. Such was 
the fruit of the long-continued pacific policy of the American officials, 
if anv policy could be said to have existed. Their efforts had only 
occasionally been awakened, with mere temporizing effect on the 
enemies, to react unfavorably upon the settlements. 

The Legislature of Virginia 20th December, 1790, authorized 
Governor Beverly Randolph to provide for the enlistment of several 
companies of rangers before the first of March for the protection of the 
frontier; and Charles Scott was appointed Brigadier General of Ken- 



* Compare Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, and Farmer's His. of Detroit. 

t For many details regarding the ditierent questions and annoyances of these troublous times, the 
inquirer is referred to the American State Papers, volumes relating to .aborigine, and Military Affairs: 
also to the many MSS. that have already been referred to. 



AMERICANS RALLY AGAINST THE SAVAGES. 169 

tuckv militia. Early in January, 1791, Congress named General Scott, 
Henrv Inness, John Brown, Benjamin Logan, and Isaac Shelby a local 
Board of War for the District of Kentucky, with discretionary powers. 
The third of March Congress also provided another regiment of 
Federal Troops, and for raising two thousand militia for six months, 
for the further protection of the frontiers; and President Washington 
immediatelv appointed Governor Arthur St. Clair Commander in Chief 
of this Army of the Northwest. Colonel Thomas Proctor was sent 
12th March, 1791, to the Senecas in New York to gather an embassy 
from them to the western tribes, but the British at Niagara would not 
permit a boat to take them across Lake Erie in the American interest; 
and through the British and Colonel Brant false reports were circulated 
— that the United States were endeavoring to involve the Six Nations 
in war with the western savages. Further illustration of the continued 
British policy to dominate all the savages is given in the communica- 
tions of their officers to the savages, and the savages deferring to their 
request that all questions of moment should be referred to the British. 
Radical operations against the savage retreats appearing necessarx', 
and the result of Colonel Proctor's mission for intercession of the Six 
Nations for peace having been awaited as long as practicable. General 
Scott crossed the Ohio River 23rd May, 1791, at the mouth of the Ken- 
tucky with eight hundred cavalry, and started for the historic Ouiotenon 
on the Wabash River near the present City of Lafayette. Rain fell in 
torrents with much high wind, but he arrived at Ouiotenon the first of 
June after an estimated march of one hundred and sixtv miles across 
the forested country with only trails for road. The last of the savages 
were just leaving the proximal town when General, now acting as Lieu- 
tenant Colonel-Commander, James Wilkinson pressed forward with the 
First Battalion and destroyed all the savages with which five canoes 
were crowded.' There was a Kickapoo town on the north l)ank of the 
river from which a brisk firing was directed at the troops. The river 
was high and soldiers were sent above and below to effect a crossing, 
which was done by some swimming, and the savages were dislodged. 
Meantime Colonel Hardin's command had discovered a stronger village 
to the left which was surprised and six savages were killed and fifty-two 
taken prisoners. The next evening General Wilkinson started with three 
hundred and sixty men on foot, and early the next morning assailed and 
destroyed the important town of Kethtipecanunk at the mouth of Eel 
River eighteen miles above Ouiotenon, returning from this thirty-six 
miles walk and work in twelve hours. All the villages and supplies 
were destroyed. General Scott reported that " Many of the inhabitants 
of this village [Ouiotenon] were French and lived in a state of civiliza- 
tion. B}' the books, letters, and other documents found here it is evi- 



170 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

dent that the place was in close connection with and dependent on 
Detroit. A large quantity of corn, a variety of household goods, peltry, 
and other articles were burned with this village which consisted of about 
sevent\- houses, many of them well finished."* The 4th June General 
Scott discharged sixteen of his prisoners who were less able to with- 
stand the march, giving to their care a well-worded letter, addressed 
to all the tribes of savages along the Wabash, requesting peace and in- 
forming where his retained prisoners could be found. The severe rains 
and the swollen condition of the streams, with his forced marches through 
the trackless forest had disabled his horses and, his supplies being de- 
pleted, he reluctantl\- directed the march southward instead of to the 
Maumee, and arrived at the Rapids of the Ohio River 14th June. He 
reported no death in his command and only five wounded, while of the 
savages thirty-two were killed and fifty-eight taken prisoners, of which 
the fortv-one not liberated were given to the care of Captain Asheton 
of the First United States Regiment at Fort Steuben, on the site of the 
present Jeffersonville, Indiana. His troops did not take any scalps. 

General St. Clair recommended another expedition to the Eel River 
to weaken those tribes which would join the Miamis against his army then 
forming for the purpose of laying waste the strongholds, and establish- 
ing a series of forts in the Maumee country. Acordingly Colonel Wil- 
kinson with five hundred and twenty-five cavalry started from the vi- 
cinity of Fort Washington (site of the present Cincinnati) northward 
'feinting boldly at the Miami villages' and then turning northwestward 
to the Wabash near the mouth of Eel River. The evening of the 
sixth da\- out he cai)tured the savages' most important town known by 
the French name L'Anguille — the Eel. This expedition then ranged 
near the Wabash, passed through Ouiotenon, thence along General 
Scott's route, and arrived at the Rapids of the Ohio 21st August, having 
traveled four hundred and fifty miles, destroyed several villages and 
over four hundred acres of corn 'chiefly in the milk' stage of growth; 
captured thirty-four or more savage prisoners and killed ten or more 
others. One American prisoner was released. Two soldiers were killed 
and one wounded. Colonel Wilkinson also left behind some infirm 
Aborigines unharmed, to whom he gave a letter addressed to the dif- 
ferent tribes urging them to accept the favorable terms of peace that 
were offered them. These letters were taken to the British who gave 
their own desired renderings of them to the Aborigines. 

General Harmar predicted defeat for General St. Clair's army 
which was being gathered with great difficulties to operate along the 
Maumee River. t This armv was not ready to advance until 17th Sep- 



''■' American State Papers. Aborigine Affairs volume i, page 129. 

1 Denny's Military Journal page 357, American State Papers. Aborigine Affairs volume i. page 118. 



SAVAGES ATTACK GENERAL ST. CLAIR'S ARMY. 171 

tember, 1791, when about twenty-three hundred soldiers, mostl\' regu- 
lars, moved from the vicinity of Fort Washington and built Fort Hamilton 
on the west bank of the Miami River at the site of the present Citv of 
Hamilton, Ohio. Again advancing under command of General St. Clair, 
they began to build Fort Jefferson, six miles south of the present-Green- 
'ville, the l"2th of October. Twelve da>s later themarch again began, but 
the progress was very slow. The evening of the 3rd of November the 
army encamped by the Wabash River about one mile and a half east of 
the present Ohio-Indiana State line. During the night there were man\' 
savages near the pickets, and much firing of guns by the pickets, .\bout 
ten o'clock at night General Butler, who commanded the right wing, 
was desired to send out an intelligent officer with detachment of soldiers 
to make discoveries. He chose Captain Slough, two subalterns and 
thirty men for this purpose, but nothing alarming was discovered. 

Early the next morning the army, then numbering about fourteen 
hundred regular and militia soldiers, and eighty-six officers, was furi- 
ously assailed by about the same number of savages, and it went dcjwn 
to the most disastrous defeat ever suffered by such large numbers from 
such foe. General St. Clair's Adjutant Ebenezer Denny thus de- 
scribes the scene :'^ 

The troops paraded this morning [4th November, 171)1] at the usual time, and had 
been dismissed from the lines but a few minutes, the sun not yet up. when the woods in 
front rung with the yells and fire of the savages. The poor militia, who were but three 
hundred yards in front, had scarcely time to return a shot — they fled into our camp. 
The troops were under arms in an instant, and a smart fire from the front line met the 
enemy. It was but a few minutes, however, until the men were engaged in every 
quarter. The enemy from the front filed oft to the right and left, and completely sur- 
rodnded the camp, killed and cut off nearly all the guards, and approached close to the 
lines. They advanced from one tree, log, or stump to another, under cover of the smoke 
of our fire. The [our] artillery and musketry made a tremendous noise [huddled 
together as they were] but did little execution. The Aborigines seemed to brave every- 
thing, and when fairly fixed around us they made no noise other than their fire [guns] 
which they kept up very constant and which seldom failed to tell, although scarcely 
heard. 

Our left flank, probably from the nature of the ground, gave way first ; the enemy 
got possession of that part of the encampment but, it being pretty clear ground, they 
were too much exposed and were soon repulsed. I was at this time with the General 
[St. Clair] engaged toward the right ; he was on foot [he had been sick some days] and 
led the party himself that drove the enemy and regained our ground on the left. The 
battalions in the rear charged several times and forced the savages from their shelter, 
but they always turned with the battalions and fired upon their back; indeed they .seemed 
not to fear anything we could do. They could skip out of reach of the bayonet and 
return, as they pleased. They were visible only when raised by a charge. 

The ground was literally covered with the dead. The wounded were taken to the 
center, where it was thought most safe, and where a great many who had quit their 



■ Denny's Military Journal, paee 369, et seq. See, also, American Pioneer, volume ii. pane l.'jO. 



172 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

posts unhurt had crowded together. The General, with other officers, endeavored to 
rally these men, and twice they were taken out to the lines. It appeared as if the officers 
had been singled out ; a very great proportion fell, or were wounded and obliged to 
retire from the lines early in the action. [Major] General [Richard] Butler was among 
the latter, as well as several other of the most experienced officers. The men, being 
thus left with few officers, became fearful, despaired of success, gave up the fight, and 
to save themselves for the moment, abandoned entirely their duty and ground, and 
crowded in toward the center of the field, and no exertions could put them in any order 
even for defense; [they became] perfectly ungovernable. The enemy at length got 
possession of the artillery, though not until the officers were all killed but one and he 
badly wounded, and the men [gunners] almost all cut off, and not until the pieces were 
spiked. 

As our lines were deserted the Aborigines contracted theirs until their shot centered 
from all points, and now meeting with little opposition, took more deliberate aim and did 
great execution. Exposed to a cross fire, men and officers were seen falling in every 
direction ; the distress, too, of the wounded made the scene such as can scarcely be con- 
ceived — a few minutes longer, and a retreat would have been impossible — the only hope 
left was, that perhaps the savages would be so taken up with the camp as not to follow. 
Delay was death ; no preparation could be made ; numbers of brave men must be left a 
sacrifice, there was no alternative. It was past nine o'clock when repeated orders were 
given to charge toward the road. The action had continued between two and three 
hours. Both officers and men seemed confounded, incapable of doing anything ; they 
could not move until it was told that a retreat was intended. A few officers put them- 
selves in front, the men followed, the enemy gave way, and perhaps not being aware of 
the design, we were for a few minutes left undisturbed. The stoutest and most active 
now took the lead, and those who were foremost in breaking the enemy's line were soon 
left behind. 

At the moment of the retreat one of the few horses saved had been procured for the 
General ; he was on foot until then ; I kept by him, and he delayed to see the rear. The 
enemy soon discovered the movement and pursued, though not more than four or five 
miles, and but few so far ; they turned to share the spoil. Soon after the firing ceased I 
was directed to endeavor to gain the front and, if possible, to cause a short halt that the 
rear might get up. I had been on horseback from the first alarm, and well mounted ; 
[and now] pushed forward, but met with so many difficulties and interruptions from the 
people that I was two hours at least laboring to reach the front. 'With the assistance of 
two or three officers I caused a short halt ; but the men grew impatient and would move 
on. I got Lieutenants Sedam and Morgan, with half a dozen stout men, to fill up the 
road and to move slowly ; I halted myself until the General came up. By this time the 
remains of the army had got somewhat compact, but in the most miserable and defense- 
less state. The wounded who came off left their arms in the field, and one half of the 
others threw theirs away on the retreat. The road for miles was covered with firelocks 
[flintlock guns] cartridge boxes and regimentals. How fortunate that the pursuit was 
discontinued ; a single Aborigine might have followed with safety upon either flank. 
Such a panic had seized the men that I believe it would not have been possible to have 
brought any of them to engage again. 

In the afternoon Lieutenant Kersey with a detachment of the first regiment met us. 
This regiment, the only complete and best disciplined portion of the army, had been 
ordered back upon the road on the 'Msl October. They were thirty miles from the battle 
ground when they heard distinctly the firing of the cannon, were hastening forward and 
had marched about nine miles when met by some of the militia who informed Major 
Hamtramck, the commanding officer, that the army was totally destroyed. The Major 



CRUSHING DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR'S ARMY. 173 

judged it best to send on a subaltern to obtain some knowledge of things, and to return 
himself with the regiment to Fort Jefferson eight miles back, and to secure at all events 
that post. He had made some arrangements, and as we arrived in the evening, found 
him preparing again to meet us. Stragglers continued to come in for hours after we 
reached the fort. 

The remnant of the army, with the first regiment, were now at Fort Jefferson, 
twenty-nine miles from the field of action, without provisions, and the former without 
having eaten anything for twenty-four hours. A convoy was known to be upon the road, 
and within a day's march. The General determined to move with the First Regiment 
and all the levies [militia] able to march. Those of the wounded and others unable to 
go on were lodged as comfortably as possible within the fort. Accordingly we set out a 
little after ten and continued our route until within an hour of daylight, then halted and 
waited for day and until the rear came up. Moved on again about nine o'clock ; the 
morning of the Sth we met the convoy ; stopped a sufficiency to subsist us to Fort Hamil- 
ton ; sent the remainder on to Jefferson under an additional escort of a captain and sixty 
men; proceeded, and at the first water halted, partly cooked and eat for the first time 
since the night preceding the action. At one o'clock moved on, and continued our route 
until nine at night when we halted and made fires within fifteen miles of Fort Hamil- 
ton. Marched again just before day. the General soon after rode on to the fort. 
Troops reached [there] in the afternoon. 

November 7, 1701. Fort Hamilton command was ordered off with a small supply 
for the wounded. &c. About twelve same day continued our march, and halted before 
night within fifteen miles of Fort 'Washington, which place we reached the afternoon of 
the 8th. 

The prediction of [defeat by] General Harmar before the army set out on the 
campaign was founded upon his experience and particular knowledge of things. He 
saw with what material the bulk of the army was composed ; men collected from the 
streets and prisons of the cities, hurried out into the enemy's country, and with the 
officers commanding them totally unacquainted with the business in which they were 
engaged, it was utterly impossible they could be otherwise [than defeated] . Besides, 
not any one department was sufficiently prepared ; both quarter-master and the con- 
tractors extremely deficient. It was a matter of astonishment to him [General Harmar] 
that the commanding general [St. Clair] who was acknowledged to be perfectly compe- 
tent, should think of hazarding with such people and under such circumstances, his 
reputation and life, and the lives of .so many others, knowing too, as both did, the 
enemy with whom he was going to contend ; an enemy brought up from infancy to war, 
and perhaps superior to an equal number of the best men that could be taken against 
them. It is a truth, I had hopes that the noise and show which the army made on their 
march might possibly deter the enemy from attempting a serious and general attack. 
It was unfortunate that both the general officers were, and had been, disabled by sick- 
ness; in such situation it is possible that some essential matters might be overlooked. 
The Adjutant-General Colonel 'Winthrop Sargent, an old Revolutionary officer, was, 
however, constantly on the alert ; he took upon himself the burden of everything, and a 
very serious and troublesome task he had. But one most important object was wanting, 
can't say neglected, but more might have been done toward obtaining it : this was a 
knowledge of the collected force and situation of the enemy: of this we were perfectly 
ignorant. Some few scouts out but to no great distance.* 



* See also. Lieutenant Colonel William Darke's letter to President "Washington describing this 
defeat; in the Henry Knox ( Secretary of War) Papers vol.'xxx. page 13, Library of the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society, Boston. And Benjamin Van Cleve's Memoranda in The American 
Pioneer volume ii. 1843. page 150 et seq. 



174 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

In this overwhelming,' defeat General St. Clair's army lost five hun- 
dred and ninety-three privates killed and missiny;. Thirtv-nine officers 
Were killed, including Major General Richard Butler, one Lieutenant 
Colonel, three Majors, twelve Captains, ten Lieutenants, eight Ensigns, 
two Quartermasters, one Adjutant, and Surgeon Grasson. Thirty-one 
officers and two hundred and fifty-two privates were wounded. The 
artillery and all supplies including clothing, two hundred tents, three 
hundred horses, one hundred and thirty beef cattle and food in the 
wagons, with muskets and other equipment thrown nwny by many 
stricken soldiers, all valued at S32,810.75, were left to lie gathered by 
the highly elated savages who took to their lodges by the Maumce and 
Auglaise Rivers all that could be readily transported.* 

On account of necessary delavs, the cold weather and bad roads, 
it required six weeks for St. Clair's Aide, Lieutenant Denny, to con- 
vey on horseback the news of this crushing defeat to the office of Sec- 
retary Knox in Philadeli)hia.t General St. Clair requested the ap- 
pointment of a Court of Inquiry. This was done by the War Depart- 
ment, and the Court exonerated him. He resigned his commission 
March 5, 179"2. The jirinciiial causes of the failure of the campaign 
were, 1st. The deficient number of good troops, according to the ex- 
pectation in the early part of the year. 2nd. Their want of sufficient 
discipline, according to the nature of the service. 3rd. The lateness 
of the season. + The wet and cold condition of the weather which 
covered the country with thin ice and snow, certainly added much to 
the inefficiency of the volunteers who were unused to such campaign- 
ing, and added greatly to their sufferings in defeat. But such con- 
dition cannot be urged to account for the incompetency of the com- 
manders. Nor should the illness of General St. Clair be an excuse for 
the laxity in the fortifying and reconnoitering by his subordinates. 
There were other unwise features of this campaign beside undiscijilined 
men and incom|ietent officers. The wives and women of many soldiers 
were with the army. They were favored as much as practicable, 
but man}' of them were killed by the savages. || 



* A Delaware Aborigine named Whincwy Pooshies, of prominence in his tribe, took from this 
battlefield to his cabin by the Aui:laise River near its mouth, two cood horses, four tents — one a good 
markee (manjuee) in which his family lived for several years— a great ijuantity of ctothine from the 
dead soldiers and their wives; also axes, guns, and everything necessary to make an Aborigine rich. 
' There was much joy among them ' — From the Narrative of John Brickell who was then a captive living 
with this family, in The American Pioneer volume i, page 50. 

t For accounts of the reception by the President of the account of St. Clair's Defeat, see George 
W. P. Custis' Personal Recollections of Washington ; Henry C. Lodge's Life of Washington, etc. 

+ Statement of Henry Knox Secretary of War, Am. State Papers Aborigine Affairs vol. i, page 98. 

II Caleb Atwater writes in his History of the State of Ohio, 1838. page 142, that there were in this 
army at the commencement of the ac^tion about two hundred and fifty women of whom fifty-six were 
killed in the battle. But few escaped death and captivity. 



REMAINS OF THE VICTIMS OF ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT. 175 

c 

General Wilkinson visited this battle-field about the last of Janu- 
ary, 179'2, with one hundred and fi{t\' volunteer cavalrymen some of 
whom were frost bitten on the way from Fort Jefferson. When within 
four miles of the battle field they found scattered aloni;- the wa\- tlie 
remains of Americans who had been pursued and killed or wlio had 
died of their wounds while endeavoring to escape. The field was 
thickly strewn with remnants showing horrible mutilations b\- the 
savages. Sand and claj' were found packed into the eyes and throats, 
done probably while the wounded were yet alive; limbs were separated 
from bodies; and stakes the size of arms were found driven through 
the bodies of women. The flesh had been stripped from many bones, 
but the relative part done bv the savage cannibals and the wolves 
could not be determined. The latter were yet at work. As many of 
these remains as practicable on account of the cold and snow, were 
gathered and buried in a shallow trench* dug into the frozen ground 
with difficulty by the benumbed soldiers. Three whole cannon car- 
riages were found and removed to Fort Jefferson; the other five were 
in damaged condition. All the cannon were missing. 



* General Wayne's army gathered and buried all bones that could be found at this battle held 
Christmas week, 1793, previous to the buildiuR of Fort Recovery. Six hundred skulls were counted. 
American Pioneer, 1842. volume i, page 294. 




Pistol found in the Maumee River, at the mouth of the .^uglaise off Fort Dehance Park, in low 
water of the summer of 189.5. Without mark to indicate date or place of its manufacture. Length nine 
inches. Rifled bore. Cocked and ready for tirinc. In the Author's collection. 



176 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Continued Efforts to Placate the Aborigines Prove Futile — 

General Wayne's Successful Campaign Against Them. 

1792 TO 1794. 

The savagt'S did not want peace with the Americans previous to 
their defeat of General Harmar's army; much less would they complv 
with the proclamation of Governor St. Clair or respond to various 
other overtures made to them for peace after that disaster. They rallied 
all the available warriors of the different tribes nearby — the Miamis 
under Chief Little Turtle, the Delawares under Buckongehelas, the 
Shawnees under Blue Jacket, the Ottawas, Wyandots, Pottawotamis, 
Kickapoos, and bands of lesser significance against the on-coming of 
General St. Clair, and their easy overwhelming of this the second large 
armv, commanded by the Governor — the, to them, great American 
chieftain — was to them the cause of excessive joy. This, with the 
largely increased number of scalps and other rich spoils gathered from 
their victims were looked upon as license for a continuance of their 
raids on the settlements, and as omens of their ultimate success in 
driving the Americans from the country on the plan of Pontiac in 1763. 

The American frontier settlements, with increased apprehension, 
sent more urgent petitions to the authorities for protection. Some of 
these petitions represented that not less than fifteen hundred Kentuck- 
ians — men, women and children — had been slain or carried into cap- 
tivity by the savages within seven years, and that the frontier settle- 
ments of Pennsylvania and Virginia had suffered nearly as much; and 
that the prospect was now more gloomy than ever as the enemy was 
more aggressive and savage. 

On the other hand, the British were becoming more ajiprehensive 
regarding their fur trade and the loss of their allies from the organiza- 
tion of American armies. The defeat of two armies was sure to be 
followed bv another army, stronger and more destructive. The Montreal 
merchants whose lucrative traffic with these savages had lessened dur- 
ing the more active hostilities, petitioned 9th December, 1791, Colonel 
John Graves Simcoe Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada for protec- 
tion; and suggested closer union with the savages and a continued 
holding of the forts yet occupied by the British in American territory. 

Secretary Knox 'in obedience to the command 'of President Wash- 
ington, made the 26tli December an interesting statement relative to 
the frontiers northwest of the Ohio River, which included this para- 
graph, viz: Hence it would appear that the principles of justice as 
well as policy and, it may be added, the principles of economy, all 



CIVIL DIVISIONS. CHOICE OF GENERAL WAYNE. 177 

combine to dictate that an adequate military force should be raised as 
soon as possible, placed upon the frontiers, and disciplined according 
to the nature of the service, in order to meet with the prospect of suc- 
cess against the greatest probable combination of the Aborigine enemy.* 
Messages and overtures for peace were again sent to the various tribes, 
including the Iroquois Six Nations; and preparations for the proposed 
armv were also entered upon. 

To advance the civil jurisdiction as much as possible, Hamilton 
County was extended 11th February," 1792, by Governor St. Clair 

eastward to the Scioto River and 
northward to the territorial limits, 
thus including the eastern part 
of this Basin although it was vet 
held by the savages. 

President Washington, having 
been greatly disappointed in the 
risult of . the expedition of Gen- 
eral St. Clair who was a former 
memfier of his staff, made choice 
of the commander for the pro- 
posed campaign with great cir- 
cumspection. Generals Anthony 
Wayne, Henry Lee, Daniel Mor- 
gan, .Andrew Pickens, Rufus Put- 
nam, Charles Scott, James Wil- 
kmson and Alexander M'Gilli- 
vray, were those of most prom- 
inence from whom to choose ; 

Civil Divisions existing in Ihe eastern part of the and AuthoUy WaVUe WaS Selected 
Territory Northwest of the Ohio River in the year ^^j^lv in 1792. The result showed 
1792. 

the wisdom of the choice not- 
withstanding the statement of General Lee that this appointment 
caused extreme disgust among all orders in the Old Dominion. 

Soon after this ajipointment General Wayne issued a proclamation 
to acquaint the anxious frontiersmen with the efforts in progress to 
secure peace by treaty, and to request all persons to avoid all action 
that would further anger the Aborigines. The governors of Virginia 
and Pennsylvania issued similar proclamations. 

Major John F. Hamtramck effected treaties at Vincennes in March, 
1792, with small bands of the Wabash and Eel River tribes, and he 
also sent peace messages to those of the Maumee. About fifty chiefs 




* American State Papers. Aborigine Affairs, volume i, page 198. 



778 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

of the Six Nations also visited Philadelphia by invitation and accepted 
the overtures for peace. 

The 7th April General Wilkinson sent two messengers, Freeman 
and Girard, with peace message to the Miamis of the Maumee ; and the 
20th May Colonel John Hardin and Major Alexander Truman started 
northward on a like mission — but not one of the four returned to tell 
of the savage treatment, and death, they suffered. 

General Putnam succeeded the 27th September in closing terms of 
peace with thirty-one Aborigines of the Wabash and Illinois tribes at 
Vincennes. Each of the parties to these peace negotiations carried 
copies of the Treaties of 1784-85-i^fi-H9, and many expressions and 
assurances by the Americans to turn the savages from their work of 
carnage ; but all availed nothing with those more directly under the 
influence of the British. The raidings by the savages continued 
unabated. 

Of the secret efforts to learn more regarding the relations between 
the British and the savages, to be the better able therefrom to appease 
the latter, but one succeeded on account of the vigilance of both the 
British and savages. William May was started from Fort Hamilton 
the 13th May, 1792, to follow on the trail of Major Truman. He was 
captured by the savages, as expected, and after escaping many dangers 
was taken along the Maumee, and sold to Matthew Elliott then British 
Assistant Agent to the Aborigines from whose service he finally escaped 
and gave sworn testimony before General Wayne at Pittsburg 11th 
October, 1792.°^ This evidence detailed some items of interest, among 
which are the following: There were gathered in the summer of 1792 
by the Maumee River at the mouth of the Auglaise then the headquar- 
ters of nearby tribes, three thousand and six hundred warriors of many 
tribes, and more were often arriving at the time of William May's 
sojourn there, all of whom received daily rations from the British at 
Detroit. 

This was the largest council of Aborigines held in America, and it 
appeared to the British as the culmination of their hopes and efforts 
for their confederation. The Seneca Chief Cornplanter and forty-eight 
other chiefs of the Six Nations of New York were there for the Ameri- 
cans in the interest of peace; and Chief Cornplanter reported to 
General Waynet that . . . 'we cannot tell the names of the 
nations present. There were present three men from the Goral nations; 



■■' American State Papers. Aboricine Affairs, volume i. page 343. 

t Idem pace 337. 

+ Gora, or Gorah, was one of the names formerly given by the Six Nations (Iroquois) of New 
York to Sir William Johnson and to Colonel Guy Johnson; and these Gora Aborigines were probably of 
the Iroquois of Canada who were at this time under the control of Sir John Johnson British Super- 
intendent of Aborigines. 



GRAND COUNCIL. HOSTILITIES. PEACE EFFORTS. 179 

it took them a whole season to come ; and twenty-seven nations [tribes] 
from beyond Canada. The whole of them know that we, the Six 
Nations, have General Washington by the hand.' . . This reference 
was to their recent visit to Philadelphia by invitation, and the peace 
treaty there effected. Other tribes were expected at this Grand Council 
at the mouth of the Auglaise River, and they came later. A like 
council was called for the next year, 1793, and runners were sent with 
invitations to the most distant tribes in all directions, including the 
Creeks and Cherokees of the south, urging their attendance. 

William May, having been a sailor, was kept by his purchaser 
three months in the transjjortation service on board a schooner that 
carried about one hundred and sixty barrels as a load between Detroit 
and the foot of the lowest Maumee Rapids, where was situated the 
great supph^ house of the British Aborigine agent Alexander M'Kee, 
from whom the savages received their supplies of firearms and ammu- 
nition with which to raid and murder Americans wherever possible. 

A number of small forts were built along the frontier as bases of 
supplies and protection and places of refuge for the remaining Ameri- 
can settlers. In addition to the attacks on individuals and families 
along the borders, a company of mounted Kentucky riflemen under 
Major John Adair was suddenly attacked November 6, 1792, near Post 
St. Clair about twenty-five miles north of Fort Hamilton, by a party of 
savages who exhibited 'a degree of courage that bespoke them warriors 
indeed' reads the report of the Major: and six . Americans were killed, 
five wounded, and four were missing. The savages also killed a num- 
ber of packhorses and captured others. Their loss of men was thought 
to be about the same as that of the Kentuckians. At this time the 
army being formed by General Wayne was rendezvoused twentv-two 
miles below Pittsburg for discipline, and to protect the Virginia 
frontier. 

For the purpose of continuing the efforts to secure peace with the 
savages by further treaty. President Washington the 2nd March, 1793, 
appointed General Benjamin Lincoln of Massachusetts, Beverlv Ran- 
dolph of Virginia and Timothy Pickering of Pennsylvania, Commis- 
sioners to attend the great council to be held at the foot of the lowest 
Rapids of the Maumee, or at Sandusky the 1st of June. The 17th 
May Messrs. Randolph and Pickering arrived at Fort Niagara and 
there received a note from Lieutenant Governor and Colonel John 
Graves Simcoe to be guests at his home. Navy Hall nearly a mile from 
the fort; and there being no other suitable place for them to stop the 
invitation was accepted. General Lincoln arrived 25th May. Mean- 
time a letter was received from Colonel M'Kee, British Aborigine 
Agent, stating that the tribal councils would probably not end bv the 



180 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. - 

Maumee before the latter part of June, and the Commissioners would 
best remain at Niagara until he notified them that the Aborigines were 
ready to receive them. 

Colonel John Butler, a leader in the Wyoming Massacre in July, 
1778, now British Superintendent of Aborigine Affairs, and Captain 
Joseph Brant of like notoriety, with a picked comjiany of fifty savages, 
arrived at Niagara July 5th from the large collection of Aborigines then 
at the British distributing house at the foot of the Maumee Rapids 
(now the Village of Maumee) and requested explanation of the 'unfair 
and unwarrantable' warlike preparations of General Wayne; and they 
desired to know the authority for the trespassing of the Americans 
north of the Ohio River, all of which thev claimed as territory belong- 
ing to the Aborigines. The Commissioners in reply cited the several 
treaties of previous years and the subsequent maraudings of the 
savages in explanation, and exjiressed desire for peace: and agreement 
was made to meet in full council at Sanduskv. 

The Commissioners left Niagara the Ulth July and, awaiting a fav- 
orable wind, the British sloop sailed from Fort Erie opposite the present 
City of Buffalo the 14th, and arrived at the mouth of the Detroit River 
the 21st where they were received, and entertained during their enforced 
stay there of nearly four weeks, by Captain Matthew Elliott British 
Assistant Agent to the Aborigines. They frequently urged an early 
meeting of the Council at Sandusky, the place named bv the British. 

The 29th Julv, a deputation of over twentx' Aborigines arrived at 
Captain Elliott's from the grand council that had for weeks been in 
progress at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, with the notorious Simon 
Girty as interpreter. After a brief preliminary thev presented to the 
Commissioners a short written communication from the council, the 
principal sentence being that If you seriously design to make a firm 
and lasting peace you will immediately remove all \ our jieople from 
our side of that river' [the Ohio]. The Commissioners delivered to 
them in writing a long and carefully prepared reply in which the 
treaties of 1768, 1784-85-86 and 1789 were referred to in justification of 
the advance of American immigrants into the territory north of the 
Ohio, and with reasons why it was impossible at this late date to make 
this river the boundary: that the United States Government was will- 
ing to make liberal concessions to the Aborigines, as the treaty with 
Great Britain declared the middle of the Great Lakes and the waters 
which unite them to be the boundary of the United States; and they 
closed with the desire to soon meet the general council in treaty. 

The 8th and yth of August the Commissioners received reports 
that all the tribes represented at the Maumee Council were for peace 
excepting the Shawnees, Wyandots, Miamis and Delawares, and that 



SAVAGES AND BRITISH REJECT OFFERED PEACE. 181 

they were yielding': that manv Aborigines were tired of the long' delavs 
and were departing for their respective villages. The Commissioners 
desired to go directly to the Maumee Council, but this action the 
British would not permit. 

The 14th they wrote to the chiefs of the council again urging a 
meeting for a treaty: also to Colonel M'Kee that his aid to this result 
would be gratefully acknowledged. The 16th August a long and care- 
fully written reply was received at Captain Elliott's by the Commis- 
sioners closing with the assertion that if the Commissioners would not 
agree to the Ohio River being the boundary 'a meeting would be alto- 
gether unnecessary.' Appended to this paper was written the follow- 
ing names of 'Nations' represented, viz: Wyandots, Seven Nations 
of Canada, Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, 
Senecas of the Glaise [Auglaise River], Pottawotamis, Connovs, 
Munsees, Nantakokias, Mohicans, Messasagoes, Creeks, Cherokees. 

This communication was, undoubtedly, fully conceived and written 
liy the British authorities : it was certainly approved by their censors. 
This general council, as well as the one the year before by the Maumee 
at the mouth of the Auglaise, was the result of British efforts for manv 
years to federate all the savages that their dictated decision in council, 
and united action in war, might become irresistable to the Americans. 
Joseph Brant, leader in the Six Nations and generally a stanch friend 
of the British, declared that such united action 'caused the defeat of 
two American armies [Harmar's and St. Clair's] . . . But to our 
surprise, when upon the point of entering upon a treatv with the 
[American] Commissioners, we found that it was opposed by those 
acting under the British government."' . . In replv the American 
Commissioners sent to the chiefs and to the British Colonel M'Kee, 
regretfull\', the statement that their efforts for negotiations were at an 
end; including with the letters copies of the former treaties. + The 
23rd August the Commissioners on their return arrived opposite Fort 
Erie where they dispatched, by different runners, letters to General 
Wayne and to General Knox Secretary of War announcing their failure 
to secure terms for peace. 

General Wayne believed further delay would be an undue expos- 
ure of the frontier to the savage incursions and, 5th October, 1793, he 
reported to the Secretary of War from near Fort Washington that his 
available army remained small from Kentucky disappointments, from 
fevers among his enlisted men, and from "the influenza [later called in 
America by the French name La Grippe] which has pervaded the whole 



* William L. Stone's Life of Brant, volume ii. page 358. 

t American State Papers. Aborigine Affairs volume i. pages 340. 360. 



182 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

line in a most alarming and rapid decree. . . This is not a pleasant 
picture, but something must be done immediately to save the frontiers 
from impending savage fury. I will therefore advance to-morrow with 
the force I have in order to gain a strong position about six miles in 
front [north] of Fort Jefferson, so as to keep the enemy in check.". 
The 23rd October he reported, from this 'strong position' which he 
named Fort Greenville in honor of his friend of the Revolutionar\' War, 
General Nathaniel Greene, that 

We have recently experienced a little check to one of our convoys which may prob- 
ably be exaggerated into something serious by the tongue of fame before this reaches 
you; the following is, however, the fact, viz: Lieutenant Lowry. of the 2nd sub- 
legion and Ensign Boyd of the 1st with a command consisting of ninety non-commis- 
sioned officers and privates, having in charge twenty wagons belonging to the quarter- 
master general's department loaded with grain and one of the contractor's loaded with 
stores, were attacked early in the morning of the 17th instant about seven miles advanced 
of Fort St. Clair [twenty-nine miles above Fort Hamilton] by a party of Aborigines; 
those two gallant young gentlemen (who promised at a future day to be ornaments to 
their profession) together with thirteen non-commissioned officers and privates, bravely 
fell after an obstinate resistance against superior numbers, being abandoned by the 
greater part of the escort upon the first discharge. The savages killed or carried off 
about seventy horses, leaving the wagons and stores standing in the road which have 
been all brought to this camp without any other loss or damage except some trifling 
articles. . . It is reported that the Aborigines at Au Glaize [present Defiance] have 
sent their women and children into some secret recess or recesses from their towns ; and 
that the whole of the warriors are collected or collecting in force. . . A great number 
of men as well as officers have been left sick and debilitated at the respective garrisons, 
from a malady called the influenza ; among others General Wilkinson has been danger- 
ously ill ; he is now at Fort Jefferson and on the recovery. 

The character of General Wayne, including his determination is 
further illustrated in the following sentence, excerpted from the same 
letter, viz: "The safety of the Western frontiers, the reputation of the 
legion, the dignity and interest of the nation, all forbid a retrograde 
manceuvre, or giving up one inch of ground we now possess, until the 
enemy are compelled to sue for peace."'' His encampment at Green- 
ville was fortified and part of the army passed the winter there. 

Major Henry Burbeck was ordered 23rd December, with eight 
companies of infantry and artillery, to proceed to the battle-field of 
General St. Clair's defeat and there erect a fortification. This stockade 
enclosure with blockhouses was given the name Fort Recovery. 

The Aborigines, observing this steady advance toward their princi- 
pal retreats, with fortifications, made a movement for peace; and 
probably a treaty of peace could, also, at this time have been effected 
but for the continued adverse influence of the British. Their desires 
and continued efforts to 'unite the American Aborigines' which Gov- 



* American State Papers, Aborigine Atiairs vohiiiie i, paye 1161, 



MACHINATIONS OF BRITISH. FRENCH AND SPANISH. 18S 

ernor Simcoe expressed at Niagara to the American Peace Commis- 
sioners as 'the principle of the British government' was tor their own 
Better control of them; and these efforts were continued also with the 
Creeks, Cherokees, and other tribes along the American frontiers south 
of the Ohio River, thus costing the United States many lives and much 
expense there, also. In fact much of the open as well as of the secret 
conduct of the British was not only reprehensible, but criminal. It 
was they who kept alive the boundary question in its virulence, seeking 
to extend their own boundary thereby while professing to favor the 
Aborigines. The British desire for the traffic of the Aborigines had 
something to do with this conduct: but they could not have been 
actuated to their course by any complicity of the American authorities 
in any other act inimical to their interest.* 

These were troublous years to the Americans generally, they being 
beset on all sides, by the British and Aborigines, and by the machina- 
tions of the French and Spanish to involve them in complications with 
Great Britain and, further, to again incite the inhabitants west of the 
Allegheny Mountains to a separation from the East. The natural 
outlet for the products of the Ohio Basin down the Mississippi River 
had much to do with the continuation of the disaffection of the settlers 
with the East; but the statesmen of the East were largely responsible 
for its beginning, by their arguments against the extension of the 
United States domain which they thought already too large to be 
governed from one center. The Spanish and French emissaries took 
advantage of these complicities at different times, and circulated their 
schemes among the settlers of the West from Detroit to Kentucky and 
the Illinois country. General Wayne well styled this complicity of 
enemies to the United States an hydra. t 

The Aborigine chiefs kept in close communication with the British 
officials — not only with Elliott and M'Kee, but with Detroit, Lieu- 
tenant Governor Simcoe of Niagara and with the Governor General 
Lord Dorchester. In an address of welcome to the chiefs 10th Febru- 
ar\-, 1794, Lord Dorchester spoke in part as follows: . . ' Chil- 
dren, since my return I find no appearance of a [boundary] line re- 
mains; and from the manner in which the people of the United States 
push on and act [evidently referring to the advance of General Wayne] 



■■ See President Washington's proclamation of neutrality, and Secretary Jefferson's remonstrance 
reearding the overtures of the Spanish of the Mississippi to the Kentuckians. and also against the 
incitings of the French Minister Edmund Charles Genest ( often written Genet ) to beget sympathy for 
the French revolutionists against the British and Spanish. Also the American order to occupy Fort 
Massac, situate on the north bank of the Ohio River eight miles below the mouth of the Tennessee, to 
intercept all illegal transit — American State Papers. Foreign Relations vol. i, page 173 et seq. 

tCompare American State Papers, .Aborigine Affairs and Foreign Relations. Also for a brief 
connected account of these complicities, see The Winning of the West by Theodore Roosevelt. 



184 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and talk ... I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them 
in the course of the present year; and if so a line must then be drawn 
bv the warriors. . . . We have acted in the most peaceable manner 
and borne the language and conduct of the people of the United States 
with patience: but I believe our patience is almost exhausted."* . . . 

This address was characteristic of the unlimited selfishness and 
arrogance of the British: and the assertion of impending war — in 
which thev were again to actively champion the savages in their most 
horrid work — was not idle words. Lieutenant Governor Simcoe was 
immediately sent to Detroit, he being there the iMth February: and the 
17th April a letter from Detroit reads that "we have lately had a visit 
from Governor Simcoe: he came from Niagara through the woods 
he has gone to the foot of the [Maumee] Rapids, and three 
companies of Colonel [Richard] England's regiment have followed 
him to assist in building a fort there. "T 

This fort was a veritable stronghold. It was named Fort Miami, 
and situated on the left bank of the Maumee River near the lower limits 
of the present Village of Maumee, which was then as now, a great 
advance into United States territory. M'Kee's Agency house was one 
mile and a half above this fort and near the foot of the lowest rapids. + 
The reinforcement of General Waxne's command by Kentucky troops 
and all their movements were regularly rejjorted at Forts Miami and 
Lernoult at Detroit: and at the advance of his army Fort Miami was 
strengthened and further garrisoned, and Major William Campbell 
succeeded Captain Caldwell its first commandant. President Washing- 
ton, through Edmund Randoliih Secretary of State, complained to the 
British Government regarding Lord Dorchester's address to the 
savages, which had been widely circulated among them and the Ameri- 
cans: and he also protested against Fort Miami. The reply showed 
that the London Government instigated the aggressions, and it offered 
no relief. II 

General Wayne reported 7th |ul\-, 1794, from his headquarters at 
Greenville that 

At seven o'clock in the morning of the UOth ultimo one of our escorts consisting of 
ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons commanded by Major McMahon, was attacked by a 
numerous body of Aborigines under the walls of Fort Recovery, followed by a general 
assault upon that post and garrison [of about two hundred men] in every direction. The 
enemy were soon repulsed with great slaughter, but immediately rallied and reiterated 
the attack keeping up a very heavy and constant fire at a more respectable distance for 



* A verified copy from the Archives of the London Foreign Office. See Rives' Life and Times OJ 
James Madison volume iii, page 418. Also Roosevelt's The Winning of ttie West, volume iv. page 57. 

t American State Papers. Aborigine Affairs volume i, page 480, 

+ See M'Kee's letter to Chew of 8th May. 17&4. In Canadian Archives at Ottawa. 

II American State Papers. Foreign Relations volume i. 



SAVAGES ATTACK FORT RECOVERY. 185 

the remainder of the day, which was answered with spirit and effect by the garrison and 
a part of Major McMahon's command that had regained the post. The savages were 
employed during the night (which was dark and foggy) in carrying off their dead bv 
torch light, which occasionally drew a fire from the garrison. They, nevertheless, suc- 
ceeded so well that there were but eight or ten bodies left upon the field, and those close 
under the range of the guns of the fort. 

The enemy again renewed the attack on the morning of the ist instant, but were 
ultimately compelled to retreat with loss and disgrace from that verv field where thev 
had upon a former occasion been proudly victorious. 

It was apparent that 'there were a considerable number ot the 
British and the militia of Detroit"^ mixed with the savages in the 
assault' and they expected to find the cannon lost bv General St. 
Clair: but these had been found by the /Vmericanst who used them 
against the assailants. The American loss by the assault on Fort 
Recovery was twenty-two killed, thirty wounded and three missing. 
Of the horses fifty-nine were killed, twenty-two wounded, and two 
hundred and twenty-one were missing: but the General reported that 
their loss would not in the least retard the advance of the legion after 
the arrival of the expected mounted volunteers from Kentuck\-. 

The British had, also, been again holding communication with the 
Spanish of the Mississippi who promised to help them against the 
Americans: and MTvee was supplying the savages with the best of 
firearms (rifles) and other articles of war. These were used in the 
attack at Fort Recovery: and a party of Delawares and Shawnees 
afterward presented six American scalps before M'Kee and addressed 
him as follows: 'We had two actions with Wayne's troops in which a 
great many of our enemies were killed. Part of their flesh we have 
brought here with us to convince our friend of the truth of their being 
now in great force on their march against us: therefore. Father, we 
desire you to be strong and bid your children make haste to our assist- 
ance as was promised by them." + 

In further confirmation of the reprehensible action of the British, 
and their fears that the Americans would retaliate, the following letters 
from Colonel Alexander M'Kee British .\gent to these Aborigines, 
written to Colonel Richard England Commandant at Detroit, are 
given, they being endorsed 'On His Majesty's Service' viz:|| 



* American Stale Papers, .^borinine Affairs volume i, pates 4HH-K9. 

t All of these cannon, but one, were early found hidden under old trees and debris. Tlie 
missing one was reported by a Shawnee, by way of Little Turtle, to Colonel Hamtranick 9th December. 
1795. as buried at the confluence of the water courses near St. Clair's Battle Field. 

i M'Kee's letters 7th. 8th, 25th and 30th. May. 1794. in Canadian Archives. See. also, letter of 
Carondelet 9th July, 1794, in the Draper Spanish Documents Madison, Wisconsin. Quoted in Roose- 
velt's The Winning of the West. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1899, volume iv. 

II National Intelligencer, Washington. District of Columbia, a6th July, 1814. 



786 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

[Maumee] Rapids. July 5, 1794. 

Sir : I send this by a party of Saganas [Saginaw Aborigines] who returned yes- 
terday from Fort Recovery where the whole body of Aborigines, except the Delawares 
who had gone another route, imprudently attacked the fort on Monday the 30th of last 
month, and lost Ki or 17 men besides a good many wounded. 

Everything had been settled prior to their leaving the fallen timber, and it had 
been agreed upon to confine themselves to taking convoys and attacking at a distance 
from the forts, if they should have the address to entice the enemy [Americans] out ; 
but the impetuosity of the Mackinac Aborigines and their eagerness to begin with the 
nearest, prevailed with the others to alter their system, the consequences of which from 
the present appearance of things may most materially injure the interests of these people. 
Both the Mackina and Lake Aborigines seemed resolved on going home again, having 
completed the belts they carried with scalps and prisoners, and having no provisions 
there at the Glaize [the present Defiance] to subsist upon, so that His Majesty's posts 
will derive no security from the late great influx of Aborigines into this part of the 
country, should they persist in their resolution of returning so soon. 

The immediate object of the attack was three hundred pack horses going from this 
fort [Recovery] to Fort Greenville, in which the Aborigines completely succeeded, taking 
and killing all of them. But the commanding officer. Captain Gibson, sending out a 
troop of cavalry, and bringing his infantry out in the front of his post, the Aborigines 
attacked him and killed about fifty, among whom is Captain Gibson and two other 
officers. On the near approach of the Aborigines to the fort, the remains of his gar- 
rison retired into it, and from their loopholes killed and wounded as already men- 
tioned. Captain Elliott writes that they are immediately to hold a council at the Glaize 
[Auglaise or Grand Glaise, site of the present Defiance, Ohio] in order to try if they can 
prevail upon the Lake Aborigines to remain ; but without provisions, ammunition, &c., 
being sent to that place, I conceive it will be extremely difficult to keep them together. 

With great respect, I have the honor to be 

Your obedient and humble servant, 

A. McKee. 

Another letter from the same to the same one week before the 
Battle of Fallen Timber, reads as follows: 

[Maumee] Rapids, August 13. 1794. 

Sir : I was honored last night with your letter of the 11th. and was extremely glad 
to find you are making such exertions to supply the Aborigines with provisions. 

Captain Elliott arrived yesterday ; what he has brought will greatly relieve us, hav- 
ing been obliged yesterday to take all the corn and flour which the traders had here. 

A scouting party from the Americans carried oft a man and a woman yesterday 
morning between this place and Roche de Bout, and afterwards attacked a small party 
of Delawares in their camp: but they were repulsed with the loss of a man, whom they 
either hid or threw into the river. They killed a Delaware woman.* Scouts are sent 



*Captain John McDonald, in a small book of Biographical Slietches published in Cincinnati in 1838, 
+:ives the following account of the doings of some of the most daring men of those savage times in itiis 
Maumee Basin where savagery had then focused. Captain McDonald was a member of Captain 
Ephraim Kibby's Company of Rangers with General Wayne's army and was well informed regarding 
what he wiote. Some of these daring acts are recounted here in as near his own words as 
space will admit, as the best possible glimpses of Americans who met savagery in its lair and contributed 
largely to the success of a most important and daring military campaign: 

Captain William Wells commanded an effective division of spies with General Wayne's army. 
Wells was captured by the Miamis when about twelve years of age and grew to manhood with them and 
could speak the language of several tribes. He left <he Aborigines [ particulars not known } in spring of 



DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN SCOUTS. 187 

up to view the situation of the army; and we now muster 1000 Aborigines. All the 
Lake Aborigines from Sagina downwards should not lose one moment in joininti their 
brethren, as every accession of strength is an addition to their spirits. 
I have the honor to be, with very great respect sir. 

Your most obedient and very humble servant. 

A. McKhe. 

1792, or about eighteen months before the coming of General Wayne, and returned to his relatives ( place 
not given). Attached to Wells's command in General Wayne's army were Robert M' Lei Ian [see Irving "s 
Astoria) a most athletic man; Henry Miller who had also been a captive with the savages, older brother 

of Christopher Miller who vs-ill be mentioned later; also Hickman and Thorp, all of tried 

worth in warfare again:^t the savages. Wells and his four spies soon became confidential and privileged 
gentlemen in camp, who were only called upon to do duty on very particular and interesting occasions. 
They were permitted a carte blanche among the horses of the dragoons and when on duty went well 
mounted, whilst the spies commanded by Captain Kibby went on foot and were kept constantly on tlie 
alert, scouring the country in every direction. 

At Greenville General Wayne sent out Wells and his spies to bring in a prisoner. They proceeded 
to the Auglaise River where they soon discovered a smoke. They dismounted, tied their horses, and 
proceeded cautiously to reconnoiter. They found three Aborigines camped on a high, open space of 
ground, clear of brush and underwood except a fallen tree extending to within eighty yards of the fire 
where the Aborigines were cooking their meal. It was decided that they go around to and along the 
tree the branches of which, covered with leaves, were nearest the enemy. Wells and Miller were to 
shoot each the man in front of him, leaving the central one to be caught alive by M'Clellan. Inmiedi- 
ately after the discharge of tlie guns M'Clellan sprang after his man who, as quickly, started to run. 
Observing that his pursuer was gaining on him in the course he had taken, he turned to the bank of the 
Auglaise. here about twenty feet high, and jumped over miring in the soft mud at the bottom. Without 
hesitation M'Clellan jumped after, also miring. Here the ready knife of the pursued was opposed by 
the uplifted tomahawk of the athletic pursuer at whose command the knife was surrendered. Soon 
Captain Wells and Miller came to the edge of the bank and. seeing their friend and enemy safe, took 
time to descend the bank at a less precipitous place. They dragged the captive out of the mud and tied 
him. He was very sulky, refusing to speak either language. One went for the horses while others 
washed the mud and paint from the prisoner, who was a white man. Still he refused to give any 
account of himself. The two dead Aborigines were scalped, and the scouts started for headquarters 
with their prisoner. On tlie way Henry Miller began to gather the idea that the prisoner was his 
brother Christopher whom he was obliged to leave captive with the Aborigines several years before. 
With this impression he rode alongside him and called him by the name given by his Aborigine captors. 
He startled, stared around, and eagerly inquired how he came to know his name. The mysteries were 
soon explained — their prisoner was indeed Christopher Miller. He was at first very reticent when 
questioned by General Wayne. After being confined for some time as a prisoner, with the army, he 
gave all the information he could regarding the Aborigines, agreed to forsake his savage habits, joined 
Captain Wells' scouts and, in company with his brother, remained faithful to the Americans. Early in 
July he accompanied the scouts to the Auglaise River where they captured a Pottawotami chief after 
he had discharged his gun at them and started to escape by running. 

On another adventure, they captured a canoe load of Aborigines on the River St. Mary, who were 
recognized by Wells as the family with whom he had lived during his captivity. They were kindly 
treated, and were liberated with the injunction to keep away from the route of the army. 

After General Wayne's arrival at the point where he built Fort Defiance, he started Wells and 
his spies down the Maumee River to ascertain the position and condition of the enemy. They started 
in the dress and paint of the Aborigines and, when near the British Fort Miami, entered an .■\borieine 
village and talked with its people without being suspicioned. Beyond this village they captured a man 
and woman (mentioned above in one of M'Kee's letters) without their resisting, and started on their 
return to the army. A little after dark they came near a large encampment of Aborigines who were 
merrily passing the evening. They detoured this camp and. about half a mile above it along the river 
they halted, tied and gagged their captives, and riding boldly among the savages plied tliem with 
questions regarding General Wayne's army and where they were to gather to resist its advance. The 
savages gathered around them and were very communicative until one, somewhat removed, expressed 
the belief that the strangers were not their friends. Wells understood the remark and, giving the 
signal, each rifle in his company was fired at short range, each killing a savage. They turned, put spurs 
to their horses on which they had remained seated, picked up their prisoners, and hoped to escape 
injury by lying close to their horses. They were pursued, fired upon, and two were wounded — Wells 
through the bone of the arm carrying his rifle which dropped to the ground, and a bullet passed under 
M'Clellan's shoulder blade, coming out at the top of the shoulder. They were about thirty miles from 
the mouth of the Auglaise where the army was building Fort Defiance, and one of the parly rode for- 



188 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



The testimony of savages of different trilies \'ct lurttier confirm ttie 
influence of ttie Britisfi in promoting tfie war, even after most of tfie 
tribes desired peace witli tlie Americans. ' 

Major Generaf Cfiarfes Scott witli aliout sixteen fiundred volunteer 

cavalymen from Ken- 
tucky wlio liad tieen 
sent tiome for ttie 
winter, rejoined the 
armv, then number- 
ing possibly two 
thousand soldiers, at 
Greenville, Ohio, 
llfith July, 1794: and 
the next da\' General 
Wayne ordered the 
general a d va n c e 
movement for the 
•iSth. 

This was to be a 
most momentous 
campaign. If this, 
the third army be 
defeated, the country 
west and southwest 
of the Allegheny 
Mountains would, 
evidently, thence- 
forth be completely 
dominated by the 
British, and completely lost to the Americans. On account of its 
supreme importance, the ability and signal success with which it was 
conducted by General Wayne, and the original records being the only 




MAJOR GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE. 

Born in Easttown, Chester County, Pennsylvania, Isl Jaiuiary, 1745, 
Died at Erie, Pa., l.'ith December, 17%. 



ward at full speed for help. Upon his arrival at camp 'General Wayne at once dispatched a surgeon 
and a company of his swiftest dragoons, who brought the wounded, and the prisoners safely to camp.' 

In regard to plainling, bravery, and daring, American scouts far excelled the savages. William 
Wells remained a valuable scout and interpreter. He married a sister of the noted Miami chief Little 
Turtle, and exerted a great influence over that chief and his tribe favorable to the Americans. A large 
tract of land at Fort Wayne was given to him (see Map, page 97) and there he afterward lived, and there 
Little Turtle died 14 July, 1812. Spy Run in this reservation was named from Wells. He was killed by 
western savages at the evacuation of Fort Dearborn, Chicago, 15th August, 1812. 

* At this time every exertion was being made Iby the British] to aid the Aborigines: and on August 
18, 17&4, Governor Simcoe wrote to Lord Dorchester that he would ' go to Detroit with all the force he 
could muster.' He was too late, however, for on August 20th General Wayne defeated the combined 
forces near their own fort — History of Detroit, by Silas Farmer, volume i. See also testimony of Pot- 
tawotamis, Shawnees and others before General Wayne in June, 1794. American State Papers, Aborigine 
Aifairs volume i, pages 489, 490. 



MARCH OF WAYNE'S ARMY TO ST. MARY RIVER. 189 

authentic account of it and they being long out of print, the writer 
decides to reproduce them in full, beginning with the 

Diary of General Wayne's Campaign, by Lieutenant Boyer* 

Fort Greenville, where we were employed in erecting huts, and remained until the 
28th July, 1794. 

Camp at Stillwater. t 28th July. 171)4. Agreeable to the general order of yesterday, 
the legion took up their line of march at eight o'clock, and encamped at half past three 
on the bank of Stillwater, twelve miles from Greenville. The w'eather extremely warm 
— water very bad. Nothing occurred worth noticing. 

Camp one mile in advance of Fort Recovery 'iilth July, 17'.)4. At five o'clock left 
the camp — arrived on this ground at one o'clock, being fifteen miles. Nothing took 
place worth reciting. ' 

I am now informed that tracks were percei\'ed on our right flank, supposed to be 
runners from the Oglaize.J 

Camp Bea\er Swamp, eleven miles in advance of Fort Recovery, IHHh July, 1794. 
This morning the legion took up the line of march, and arrived here at three o'clock. 
The road was to cut, as will be the case on every new route we take in this country. 

The weather still warm no water except in ponds, which nothing but excessi\-e 
thirst would induce us to drink. The mosfpiitoes are verv troublesome, and larger than 




Site of the Fort Adams bviilt b.v General Wayne. In the N, E. '•* of Section 24. Dublin Township. 
Mercer County. Ohio. Lookint: northward across the River St. Mary, m the rain 29lh .\pril. iyti:i. 



* The American Pioneer volume i, pages 315, 35! et sequentia. 

I Stillwater Creek, a tributary of the Miami River. 

4 Spies from the Auglaise River down which the army was to pass. 



]90 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



I ever saw. The most of this country is covered with beech, the land of a wet soil inter- 
mixed with rich tracts, but no running water to be found. A bridge to be built over this 
swamp to morrow, which prevents the march of the legion till the day after. We are 
informed there is no water for twelve miles. 

July 'list, 1(!U. Commenced building the bridge, being seventy yards in length, 
which will require infinite labor ; it will be five feet deep, with loose mud and water. 

One hundred pioneers set out this morning, strongly escorted, to cut a road to the 
St, Mary River, twelve miles. I expect the bridge will be completed so as to march 
early in the morning. 

Camp St. Mary River, 1st August, 17iJ4. Proceeded on our way before sunrise, 
and arrived at this jjlace at three o'clock, being twelve miles as aforesaid. Our encamp- 
ment is on the largest and most beautiful prairie I ever beheld, the land rich and well 
timliered ; the water plenty but very bad — the river is from forty-five to fifty yards 
wide, in which I bathed. I am told there is plenty of fish in it. 

.August "ind, 1794. The legion detained here for the purpose of erecting a garrison 
[fort]* which will take up three days. This day one of the deputy quartermasters was 
taken up by the Aborigines, t Our spies discovered where four of the enemy had re- 
treated precipitately with a horse, and supposed to be the party the above person had 
been taken by. ft is hoped he will not give accurate information of our strength. 

August .'ird, r7i)4. An accident took place this day by a tree falling on the Com- 
mander-in-Chief [General Wayne] and nearly putting an end to his existence ; we 
expected to be detained here some time in consequence of it, but fortunately he is not 
so much hurt as to prevent him from riding at a slow pace. No appearance of the 
enemy to-day, and think they are preparing for a warm attack. The weather very hot 
and dry, without any appearance of rain. 

Camp Thirty-one miles in advance 
of Fort Recovery, 4th August, 1794. 
The aforesaid garrison [fort] being com- 
pleted, Lieutenant Underbill with one 
hundred men left to protect it ; depart- 
ed at six o'clock and arrived here at 
three o'clock, being ten miles. The 
land we marched through is rich and 
well timbered, but the water scarce and 
bad ; obliged to dig holes in boggy pla- 
ces and let it .settle. 

Camp Forty-four miles in advance 
of Fort Recovery, 0th August, 1794. J 
We arrived at this place at four o'clock, 
nothing particular occurring. The land 
and water as above described — had 
some rain to-day. 
Camp Fifty-six miles from Fort Recovery, Hth August, 1794. Encamped on this 
ground at two o'clock. In the course of our march perceived the track of twenty Abori- 
gines. I am informed we are within six miles of one of their towns on the Oglaize river 




Ground plan of Fort Adams established by General 
Wa.vne 3rd AuRust, 1794. Abandoned by its carrison 
of .^ United States Troops in the early summer of 
1796- From the American Pioneer. 



' Fort Adams, located on the south (left) bank of the St. Mary River, three and three-fourths miles 
np stream (eastward! from the present Rockford, Mercer County, Ohio, formerly known as Shane's 
Crossinc for many years, 

I This man deserted. See General Wayne's letter on subsequent pace 

Z Near the present villafie of Fort Jennincs, Putnam County, Ohio. 



«r 



ARRIVAL OF WAYNE'S ARMY AT THE MAUMEE. 191 

supposed to be the upper Delaware town.* If so. I expect to eat green .corn to-morrow. 
Our march this day has been through an e.\ceeding fine country, but the water still bad ; 
the day cooler than heretofore. 

Camp sixty-eight miles from Fort Recovery,! 7th .-August, 1704. This day passed 
the upper town on the Oglaize [Auglaise River] which the Aborigines evacuated 
some time ago. I expect to see one of their new towns, where I am told there are all 
sorts of vegetables, which will be very acceptable to the troops. We have had no 
appearance of Aborigines today. 



LONinTVDt \^ FROM WASHINGTON 
lA' 






M 



l"^/^ 



wnU^> 



Muh 



^^*'1^'^;;^""i 



Defiance iCovyNTr 



Noble Tow\N5hipi 



^.e! 



^u 



U 



HLAfND 



^^^i 



WM 



5cjo 



1 ftOiflp ^J 



How 



■'??< 



^^/ 



erir 



N5HIP 

CamK 
D-.-Vg is t — 



0*0 w 



^^f^.^' 



>:v 



WDfflANCL 



SREENVILUf ' 



-J_ 



Township 

TREATY 



_c. 



iUNE 



Township L 
'Itefidnce City Limits 



z A Five prehistoric Bvial Mounds 

5 B Thrci Later Aboriqimdl Burial Places 

S cTTviz Aboriijinal Com yields 

5 D Five Appk Orchards pidt?ted bu The Early French 

\ ETwo 5V7dwr7ee VilldOes in ]79Z 

u) F Nirje Earlier and Later flboriijmalVilldOeOTJGirtjpinij Sif^s 

a OAborirtmdl Council Oak ,CvT Pown About I8fe5 

GGeneral Wdyr7e'5f6r"t Befidrpce I79A Au^ustSth 
Nol NoZ.NoJ, H J Gen WincWesterstive Cdmpmij) 5ite5 18IZ 

K General Winchesters Abdtis 181 Z 

L fort WinchesTir. leiZ 

Ga-Enca'r)pinenT&ei7WaYr7e'5 Arwy Aucj 2? te5eptl3. 1754 

M "Buridl Ground of Soldiers 

N frcstorz Islarjd 

P Bloddett Island [blown down in 1887 

^ Hie Larjcsf and most T^inous Appl« Tree onT^ecorJ Was 



LONGITUDE W FROM GREEN\A/iCH 

84* 24' 



MAP SHOWING THE SITES OF THE PREHISTORIC AND EARLY HISTORIC PLACES 
of most interest at Defiance, Ohio. A Field Assistant in the I'nited States Coast and Geodetic 
Survey contirmed the Author's computation of Latitude and Longitude as here recorded. He also set 
a stone about forty rods northeast of the main building of Dehance College near the north limit of the 
City, and there computed the earth's magnetism July 21. 1903. as follows: Intensity. .1869 dynes; 
Dip. 72° 3'='; Declination. 20' west. 



Camp Grand Oglaize, + 8th August, Kill. Proceeded on our march to this place at 
five o'clock this morning, and arrived here at the confluence of the Miami [Maumee] 
and Oglaize [Auglaise] rivers at half past ten, being seventy-seven miles from Fort 



* Site of the present village of Charloe, Paulding County, Ohio. 

t Near mouth of Crooked (Flat Rock) Creek. Paulding County. Ohio. 

t Junction of the Auglaise River with the Maumee. site of the present City of Defiance. Ohit 



192 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Recovery. This place far excels in beauty any in the western country, and believed 
equalled by none in the Atlantic States. Here are vegetables of every kind in abun- 
dance, and we have marched four or five miles in corn fields down the Oglaize 
[Auglaise] and there are not less than one thousand acres of corn [Zea. mays] round 
the town.* The land in general of the fir nature.! 

This country appears well adapted for the enjoyment of industrious people, who 
cannot avoid living in as great luxury as in any other place throughout the states. Nature 
having lent a most bountiful hand in the arrangement of the position, that a man can 
send the produce to market in his own boat. The land level and river navigable, not 
more than sixty miles from the lake [Erie]. 

The British have built a large garrison [fort] about fifty miles from this place, and 
our spies inform us that the enemy are encamped about two miles above it by the river. 

Grand Oglaize. !)th August, 1794. We remain here. The Commander-in-Chief 
has ordered a garrison [Fort Defiance] to be erected at the confluence of the Miami 
[Maumee] and Oglaize [Auglaise] rivers, which was begun this morning, and will take 
up some time; by this means the troops will be much refreshed, as well as the horses 
and cattle, the latter being much wearied and in need of a recess of labor. No appear- 
ance of an enemy. 

Grand Oglaize [Defiance] 10th August, 171(4. The troops in good spirits. No 
interruption from, or account of, the enemy. We have plenty of vegetables. One of 
our militia officers was wounded by his own sentinel by mistake. 

Grand Oglaize, 11th August, 1794. Nothing occurs to prevent the completion of our 
work. J 

Whatever diary was written by Lieutenant Boyer for the dates of 
l'2th to 15th August inclusive, styled 'a few leaves' by John S. Wil- 
liams editor of The American Pioneer, was lost previous to September, 
1^42. The preserved dates continue as follows: 

[August 1.1, 1794.] Took up the line of march [from Fort Defiance] and 



* The British should be largely credited for tliis agricultural thrift on account of their encourape- 
nient of it; but the Aborigine women did the work of planting and cultivating. 

t This expression was due to the Red Cedar trees [Junlperous Virginiana. L.) seen along the 
rivers. Fir trees proper have not been found indigenous alone the Maumee and Auglaise Rivers. 

?The 11th August, 1794, William Wells, one of General Wayne's scouts, took a Shawnee prisoner 
near the foot of the lowest Maumee Rapids and, upon examination by General Wayne at the mouth of 
the Auglaise River he testified as follows : 

(Juestion— When did the Aborigines receive information of the advance of the army ? Answer — 
The first information was from a white man who came in of his own accord about ten days since. 
Q. — Where are the Aborigines at this time ? A.^At Colonel McKee's. Q.— Where are the British and 
what are their numbers ? A — In a fort about one mile below Colonel McKee's, on the north side of the 
river, situate on a hill or bank close by the margin where are about 300 men. They are now at work at 
the fort. Q. — What number of guns have they in the fort ? A. — Four or five. C'-~^What number of 
warriors are at McKee's and what nations do they belong to ? A.^-There are six hundred, who aban- 
doned this place lat the niouth of the Auglaise Riverl on the approach of the army ; Shawnese about 200. 
but no more; Delawares, about 300; Miamis. about 100; and warriors of other tribes, about 100. Q. — 
What number are expected to assemble, in addition to those now at the foot of the Rapids ? A.— In all 
about 400 men; Wyandots. 300, and Tawas [Ottawas] about 240. A. — What number of white men are to 
join, and when ? A. — Mr. or Captain Elliott set out for Detroit six days since and was to be back yester- 
day with all the militia, and an additional number of regular troops, which with those already there 
would amount to 1000 men. This is the general conversation among the Aborigines, and Captain Elliott 
promised to bring that number. Colonel McKee's son went with Elliott, as also the man who deserted 
from this army on its march. <J. — When and where do the Aborigines mean to fight this army ? A.^At 
tlie foot of the rapids. The white man who came in. told the Aborigines and Colonel McKee that the 
-army was destined for that place. 



MARCH OF WAYNES ARMY DOWN THE MAUMEE. 195 

at one arrived on this ground without any occurrence. Our camp is situated in sight of 
Snaketown* by the Miami of the Lake [Maumee River]. Vegetables in abundance. 

Camp Nineteen miles from Oglaize, Kith August, li!U.i' Our march this day was 
through a bushy ground, and the road generally bad. Miller (the flag)t returned 
this day from the enemy with information from the tribes, that if the Commander-in- 
chief would remain at Grand Oglaize ten days they would let him know whether they 
would be for peace or war. 

Camp Thirty-one miles from Camp Oglaize|| 17th August. 1794. This day a small 
party of the enemy s spies fell in with ours ; both parties being for discoveries, they 
retreated, at which time the enemy fired and wounded one of our horses. Our 
camp, head of the Rapids. 

Camp Forty-one miles from Grand Ogteize [at Roche de Bout] 18th August, 1794. 
The legion arrived on this ground, nothing particular taking place. Five of our 
spies were sent out at three o'clock — they fell in with an advanced body of the enemy, 
and obliged to retreat ; but May, one of our spies, fell under the enemy's hold. What 
his fate may be must be left to future success.^ 

Camp Deposit^ 19th August, 1794. The legion still continued in encampment, and 
are throwing up works to secure and deposit the heavy baggage of the troops, so that 
the men may be light for action, provided the enemy have presumption to favor us 
with an interview, which if they should think proper to do, the troops are in such high 
spirits that we will make an easy victory of them. 

By this morning's order, the legion is to march at five o'clock. 

Camp in sight of a British garrison on the Miamis of the Lake,** August 20, 1794. 
One hundred and fifty miles from Greenville. This day the legion, after depositing 
every kind of baggage, took up the line of march at 7 o'clock and continued their route 
down the margin of the river without making any discovery until eleven o'clock, 
when the front guard, which was composed of mounted volunteers, were fired on by 
the enemy. The guard retreated in the utmost confusion through the front guard of 
the regulars, commanded by Captain Cook and Lieutenant Steele, who, in spite of 
their utmost exertion, made a retreat. These fell in with the left of Captain Howell 
Lewis' company of light infantry and threw that part of the men into confusion, 
which Captain Lewis observing, he ordered the left of his company to retreat about 



* On the site of the present Florida, Henry County, Ohio. 

t About the site of the present Napoleon, Henry County, Ohio. 

t Christopher Miller, see ante page 187, sent with a (white) flag of truce to offer peace to the 
Aborigines. Compare General Wayne's report on subsequent pace. 

11 At the head of the Grand Rapids of the Maumee River. 

^ The story of William May's capture and of his fate, is thus told by John Brickell who saw May at 
the time when he (BrickelU was then a young captive, viz : Two or three days after we arrived at the 
[lower Maumee! Rapids, Wayne's spies canie right into camp among us. I afterwards saw the survivors. 
Their names were Wells. Miller, McClelland, May, Mahatty. and one other whose name I forgot. They 
came into camp boldly and fired on the Aborigines. Miller was wounded in the shoulder. May was 
chased by the Aborigines to the smooth rock in the bed of the river, where his horse fell, and he was 
taken prisoner. The others escaped. They took May to camp where they recognized him as having 
been a captive among them, and having escaped [see ante page 1781. They said: We know you; you 
speak Aborigine language; you not content to live with us; to-morrow we take you to that tree [pointing 
to a very large oak at the edge of the clearing which was near the British fortl we will tie you fast, and 
make a mark on your breast, and we will see which one of us can shoot nearest it. It so turned out. 
The next day. the day before the battle [of Fallen Timber! they riddled his body with bullets, shooting 
at least hfty into him— The American Pioneer vol. i, page ,r2. 

^ At Roche de Bout. See engraving, and Chapter on the Maumee River. 

* ' Fort Miami on the left ( north ) bank of the Maumee River near the lower side of the corporate 
limits of the present Village of Maumee, Lucas County, Ohio, See Map of lower Maumee River, 



194 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



forty yards, where he formed them and joined the right which had stood their 
ground. They continued in this position until they were joined by part of Captain 
Springer's battalion of riflemen, which was nearly fifteen minutes after the firing 
commenced, who drove the enemy that had attempted to flank us on the right 
[probably at the site of Turkeyfoot Rock]. Nearly at the same time, the right 
column came up, and the charge was sounded -the enemy gave way and fired scattering 
shots as they run ofl. 

About the time the right column came up, a heavy firing took place on the 
left, which lasted but a short time, the enemy giving way in all quarters, which left us 
in possession of their dead to the number of forty. Our loss was thirty killed and one 
hundred wounded. .\mong the former we have to lament the loss of Captain Miss 
Campbell of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Henry B. Fowles of the 4th sub-legion; 
and of the latter. Captains Prior of the first, Slough of the fourth, and Van 
Rensselaer of the dragoons, also Lieutenant Campbell Smith of the fourth sub- 
legion. The whole lo.ss of the enemy cannot at present be ascertained, but it is more 
than probable it must have been considerable, for we pursued them with rapidity 
for nearly two miles. 




:\i.\imi;k kivkk .\.\ij mi.\.mi a'sd krie c.an.al. 

Lookiiii^ iiuitlieast down the livei" .April i."i, I'.hM. Roche de Bout (point of ronk) is seen in the livef 
one-half mile distant. Above the ledjie of rock on the left shore General Wa.vne bnilt his Fort Deposit 
within his encampment, before the Battle of Fallen Timber, the place of whicli is about three miles 
down llie river. In the left distance is a larye crusher of stone for road macadamizing: and to the 
right of it are several derricks of a newly developed petroleum field in the ancient deserted channel of 
the Maumee, In Lucas County, Ohio. 



As to the number of the enemy engaged in this action, opinions are so various 
that 1 am at a loss to know what to say ; the most general opinion is one thousand 
fi\'e hundred, one-third of which are supposed to be Canadif.ng;-i I am led to believe 
this number is not over the mark. .\fter the troops had taken some refreshment, 
the legion continued their route down the river, and encamped in sight of the British 
garrison. One Canadian [Antoine Lasselle] fell into our hands, whom we loaded 
with irons. 

Camp Foot of the Rapids 21st August, \T.H. We are now lying within half a 
mile of a British garrison [Fort Miami]. A flag came to the Commander-in-chief, 
the purport of which was that he, the commanding officer of the British fort, was 
surprised to see an American army so far advanced in this country ; and why they 
had the assurance to encamp under the mouths of his Majesty's cannons! The 
Commander-in-chief answered, that the aflair of yesterday might well inform him 



RETURN OF ARMY FROM BATTLE OF FALLEN TIMBER. 195 

why this army was encamped in its present position, and had the fleeing savages 
taken shelter under the walls of the fort, his Majesty's cannons should not have pro- 
tected them. 

Camp Foot of the Rapids 22d August, 1794. We have destroyed all the 
property within one hundred yards of the British garrison. The volunteers were 
sent down eight miles below the fort, and have destroyed and burnt all the pos- 
sessions belonging to the Canadians and savages. The Commander-in-chief led 
his light infantry within pistol shot of the garrison to find out the strength 
and situation of the place, and in hopes of bringing a shot from our inveterate but silent 
enemies. They were too cowardly to come up to our expectations, and all we got by in- 
sulting the colors of Britain was a flag, the amount of which was, that the commanding 
officer of the fort felt himself as a soldier much injured by seeing His Majesty's colors 
insulted, and if such conduct was continued he would be under the necessity of making a 
proper resentment ; upon which the Commander-in-chief demanded the post, it being the 
right of the United States, which was refused. A small party of dragoons were sent over 
the ri\'er to burn and destrov all the houses, corn t*cc.. that were under cover of the fort, 
which was effected. 




BATTLE FIELD Ol- F.^LLEN TLMBEU. 
Ancient River Channel in lore and middle ijround Presrjue Isle, where the battle began, 
obscures the Mauniee River on the Riyht. Lookini; Eastward April 1.5, 19(12. 

Camp Deposit 2;!d August, K'.U. Having burned and destroyed everything con- 
tiguous to the fort [British Fort Miami] without any opposition, the legion took up 
the line of march, and in the evening encamped on this ground, being the same they 
marched from the 20th. It may be proper to remark that we have heard nothing from 
the savages, or their allies the Canadians, since the action. The honors of war have been 
paid to the remains of those brave fellows who fell on the 20th, by a discharge of three 
rounds from sixteen pieces of ordnance, charged with shells. The ceremony was per- 
formed with the greatest solemnity. 

Camp Ihirty-two Mile Tree" 24th August, 17!t4. The wounded being well pro- 
vided for with carriages, &c.. the legion took up the line of march, and halted in their 
old camp about two o'clock in the evening without any accident. In this day's march we 
destroyed all the corn and burnt all the houses we met with, which were very considerable. 

Camp Fifteen Mile Treef 2.")th August, 1794. The legion continued their march, 
and encamped on this ground at three o'clock P. M. This morning a few of the volun- 



* Council Ehn at the Grand Rapids of the Mamnee. about thirty-two miles below Defiance. Ohio. 
1 At or a little above the present Village of Napoleon. Henry County. Ohio. 



196 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



teers remained in the rear of the army, and soon after the legion took up their line of 
march they saw eight Aborigines coming into our camp; they fell in with them, killed 
one and wounded two. 




BATTLE FIELD OF FALLEN TIMBER. 

Looking! south November 13, 1903. up the Mauinee River seen on the left. Presque Isle in cen- 
tral distance. Ancient deserted Channel of the Mauniee on the ri^rht. Maumee Valley Electric Railway, 
built in 1901, on the left. 

General Wayne beean the Battle on Presiju' ile, and the Aborigines were rapidly driven to the 
lower lands, and down the river. On the right side of the public road at the foot of Presqu' ile is situated 
Turkeyfoot Rock, a fair size Corniferous Limestone boulder, by which, tradition says. Chief Turkey- 
foot was killed while trying to rally the retreating Aborigines, see ante page 194. 

This place was surveyed, in common with the other historic places along the Mauniee River, in 
188S by O. M. Poe, Colonel of Engineers and Brevet Brigadier General United States Army, who reported 
favorably to the purchase hereof twelve and one-third acres of land, mostly on Presqu" ile and west of it, 
and the erection of a monument, all at a cost of about $17,000. But Congress has not made any appropri- 
ation for this purpose. 

The surveys of these historic places were the result of the work of The Maumee Valley Monument 
Association, which was incorporated 28 July. 1885 ; and which was succeeded in 1899 by the Maumee 
Valley Pioneer and Historical Association. In the summer of 1903 this Association acquired title to a 
small portion of land around Turkeyfoot Rock which is now established on a permanent foundation. It 
is the desire of this Association to acquire title to this Battle Field, and to care for it. 



Camp Nine Mile Tree* 2(>th August. 171)4. The legion continued their march, and 
after burning and destroying all the houses and corn on their route, arrived on this 
ground at two o'clock, being one of our encamping places when on our advance. 



*.lust above the present Florida. Henry County. Ohio, nine miles below Detiance. 



GENERAL WAYNES ARMY AGAIN AT FORT DEFIANCE. 197 



CENKR.U, WiY.NE'S I-IAII.V ENCAMI'MENT, 



22^ 



19 

5 
_ ,t^/P\ /try 

IS ; 



\ 



6 

ttttt 



All the wounded that were carried on litters and horseback were sent forward to 

Fort Defiance. Doctor Carmichael 
through neglect had the wounded men 
of the artillery and cavalry thrown into 
wagons, among spades, axes, picks, dfec, 
in consequence of which the wounded 
are now lying in extreme pain, besides 
the frequent shocks of a wagon on the 
worst of roads. The wounded of the 
third sub-legion are under obligations 
to Doctor Haywood for his attention 
and humanity to them in their distress. 

Camp Fort Defiance 2~th August, 
ITIM. The legion continued their route, 
and at three o'clock were encamped on 
the Miami [Maumee River, right bank, 
a little below the mouth of the Tiffin] 
one mile above the garrison [Fort De- 
fiance], On this day's march we de- 
stroyed all the corn and burnt all the 
houses on our route. The wounded 
are happily fixed in the garrison, and 
the doctors say there is no great danger 
of any of them dying. 

Fort Defiance 2Sth August, 17S(4. 
The Commander - in - Chief thinks pro- 
per to continue on this ground for 
some time, to refresh the troops and 
send for supplies. There is corn, 
beans, pumpkins, &c., within four 
miles of this place to furnish the troops 
three weeks. 



y 



'W 





r.EFEBENCE. 


1, LioOfattiU MmioV ba«inn, 


H, Hi'arc3'i^'''y> 


2. LicUtcoiuii Fopri" biurtion 


12. Kfoi,-. CiK-vai-. 


3. 1'lpiain PorUT* ba.umi. 


13,ii;-l H. Thinl fliilhl^^o! 


4. Comiin Fcnl'i baiuon. 


l.". ...,.( 11.. flM'. *ul-l.:hloH 


6. H^»a-qiurt«^ 
e. I'.rti of drmirry. 


17»,„1 l« S.-,-„r,J lut^kCi 


10 iu.\-JK K..1K1I. bul-lffpo 


7. Srcuixl ir<>op ol JnuooEU. 


'^1, ■.:-, i3, i:j, :5, ■iH. :: 


9. FiM L'jop of Jr*?i>oii*. 








ID. iWl Uoop of dniipon*. 


30. Rcar^njri 



Geneiai Wayne kept his army secure from be- 
ing surprised by the stealthy enemy. This ^ave 
rise to the statement by the savages that he never 
slept. The rapidity and security of his army's 
movement through the enemy's wilderness strong- 
hold, caused the savages to call him the wind ; and 
after his impetuous, and to them disastrous, charge 
at the Battle of Fallen Timber, the survivors called 
him The 'Whirlwind' probably in comparison 
to the wind that had prostrated the forest at the 
Battle Field. The engraving is taken from The 
American Pioneer, ii. 39("i. 



General Orders. 
The Quartermaster General will issue one 
gill of whisky to every man belonging to the 
Federal army (this morning) as a small com- 
pensation for the fatigues they have under- 
gone for several days past. Major General 
Scott will direct his quartermasters to attend 
accordingly with their respective returns. 
The Commander-in-Chief wishes it to be fairly 
understood that when he mentioned or may 
mention the Federal army in General Orders, 
that term comprehends and includes the legion 



and mounted volunteers as one compound 
army, and that the term legion comprehends the regular troops, agreeable to the organization by the 
President of the United States, and by which appellation they are known and recognized on all occasions 
when acting by themselves, and separate from the mounted volunteers. As the army will probably 
remain on this ground for some time, vaults must be dug, and every precaution taken to keep the 
encampment clean and healthy. 

The legion will be reviewed the day after to-morrow at ten o'clock. In the interim the arms must 
be clean and varnished, and the clothing of the soldiers repaired and washed, to appear in the most 
military condition possible ; but in these necessary preparations for a review great caution must be used 
by the commanding officers of wings, not to permit too many men at one time to take their locks off. or 
to be engaged in washing. 

All the horses belonging to the quarter master and contractors' department, in possession of the 
legion, must be returned this afternoon. 



798 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



This is the first fair day we have had since we began to return to this place, it 
having rained nearly constant for five days, which was the occasion of fatiguing the 
troops very much. 

Fort Defiance 39th August, 1704, We are as yet encamped on this ground; all 
the pack-horses belonging to the quarter-master and contractors' department moved 
this morning for Fort Recovery, escorted by Bigadier General Todd's brigade of 




Looking northwest November 18, I90:i, across Maumee River to site of the tiritish Fort Miami, 
built in ,-\pril, 1794, and surrendered to American troops July II, 1796. The road up the distant river bank 
passes throuyli the yet existing earthworks. 

The United States surveyor of the historic places along the Maumee River in I88JS, recommended 
to Congress that 5 6H-100 acres of land including the site of this Fort be purchased and a monument erect- 
ed, all at a probable cost of $7,.VHi. Congress has not made any appropriation foi tliis purpose. 

mounted volunteers, for the purpose of bringing supplies to this place. It is said the 
legion will continue in their present camp until the return of this escort. Our spies 
were yesterday twelve miles up this river [the Maumee] and they bring information 
that the cornfields continue as far as they were up the river. 

Fort Defiance TtOth August. r7!)4. This day at ten o'clock, the Commander-in- 
Chief began to review the troops at the posts occupied by the different corps, and I am 
led to believe that he was well pleased at their appearance. Major Hughes, Captain 
Slough. Captain Van Rensselaer and Lieutenant Younghusband obtained a furlough 
to go home to repair their healths, being, as they pretended, very much injured by the 
service. I believe the two first and the last mentioned, if they never return will not 
be lamented by the majoritv of the army. 

The out-guards were much alarmed this morning at the mounted volunteers firing 
oft all their arms without our having any notice. 



General Oroers. Headuvarters 31st August. 1794. 

A general court-martial to consist of live members, will sit to-morrow morning at ten o'clock, for 
the trial of such pi isoners as may be brought before them. Major Shaylor. President, Lieutenant Wade, 
Judge .advocate. 

The disorderly and dangerous practice of permitting the soldiery to pass the chain of sentinels, on 
pretext of going after vegetables, can no longer be suffered. In future, on issuing day. only one man 



DISCIPLINE. STRENGTHENING OF FORT DEFIANCE. 199 



from each mess, properly armed, and commanded by the respective sub-legionary 'Quarter masters, will 
be sent as a detachment for vegetables, to march at 7 o'clock in the morning. 

The pack-horses shall forage daily under protection of a squadron of dragoons; every precaution 
must be taken to guard against surprise. Any non-commissioned officer or soldier found half a mile 
without the chain of sentinels, without a pass signed by the commanding officer of wings or sub-legion, 
or from Headquarters, shall be deemed a deserter, and punished accordingly. Every sentinel suttering 
a non-commissioned officer or private to pass without such written permit, except a party on command, 
shall receive fifty lashes for each and every violation of this order. 

A fatigue party of three hundred non-commissioned officers and privates, with a proportion of 
commissioned officers, will parade at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning, furnished with one hundred axes, one 
hundred picks, and one hundred spades and shovels, with arms, commanded by Major Burbeck. 

A part of this order was in consequence of three men of the first sub-legion being 
either killed or taken bv the enemy when out a foraging, which was done some time 
since in a very disorderly manner, at the same time liable to the attacks of the enemy 
without having it in their power to make the smallest resistance. 

Fort Defiance 1st September. 1 7!U. This morning the fatigue party ordered yes- 
terday began to fortify and strengthen the fort and make it of sufficient strength to 
be proof against heavy metal. The work now on hand is a glacis with fascines, and a 

ditch twelve feet wide and eight feet 



deep. The blockhouses are to be 
made bomb-proof. 

Fort Defiance, 2nd September, 
17i)4. Every effective man of the 
light troops in the redoubts round 
the camp was ordered this morning 
to make three fascines. 

The foraging party that went out 
this day brought in as much corn, 
dry enough to grate, as will suffice 
the troops three days. The soldiery 
get sick very fast with the fever and 
ague, and have it severely. 

Fort Defiance ord September, 
1794. Nothing but hard fatigues 
going forward in all quarters. The 
garrison [the Fort] begins to put on 
the appearance of strength, and will 
in a few days be able to stand the 
shock of heavy cannon. The troops 
are very sickly, and I believe the 
longer we continue in this place the 
worse it will be. 

Fort Defiance 4th September, 17114. 
The number of our sick increases 
daily ; provision is nearly exhausted ; 
the whisky has been out for some 




GROUND PLAN OF FORT DEFIANCE. 
Distance between opposite Palisades. ItXf feet ; 
length of Palisades between Blockhouses, seventy-five 
feet. The entrance was on the southwest side by means of 
a Drawbridge that was raised and lowered over the Ditch 
by chains working over the top of the Palisade timbers, be- 
tween which there was a Gate. The Rivers were approached 
for water at their junction under protection of triangular 
Palisade and l^nderground way. The Ditches, sites of 



Blockhouses and Palisades, yet remain (19t>4) in fair out 

line. From Researches and Surveys by Charles E. Slo- time, which makes the hours pass 

cum. Compare American Pioneer, volume ii, pages 3K6- heavily to the tune of Roslin Castle. 

87, and copies therefrom. , . ^ -^ .■ ^u 

' when in our present situation they 

ought to go to the quick step of the merry man down to his grave. Hard duty and scant 

allowance will cause an army to be low spirited, particularly the want of a little of the wet. 

If it was not for the forage we get from the enemy's fields, the rations would not 

be sufficient to keep soul and body together. 



200 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 




o 

2 



* Fort Dehance was the sironyest fortitication built by General Wayne— where he could defy the 
hostile Aborigines and the British — and he styled it 'an Important and Formidable Fort.' His careful 
study of the strong British Fort Miami induced the strenetheninK of Fort Defiance after the return of 
the army from the Battle of Fallen Timber, it beiny thought possible, if not probable, that the Aborigines 



LIEUTENANT BOYER'S DIARY CONTINUED. 20] 

Fort Defiance .'nh September, 17i*4. No news of the escort ; this day the troops 
drew no flour, and I fear we will shortly draw no beef; however, as long as the issuing of 
beef continues the troops will not suffer, as there is still corn in abundance along the 
river. 

Fort Defiance fUh September. 1704. The work on the [Fort] garrison, goes on with 
life and will be completed in a few days. The weather very wet and cold ; this morning 
there is a small frost. 

Fort Defiance 7th September, r7!*4. Nothing of consequence took place this day. 
Our sick are getting better. 

Fort Defiance 8th September, 17i(4. This day brings us information of the escort ; 
by express we learn it will be with us to-morrow. It will be fortunate for us should 
provisions arrive, as we have not drawn any flour since the 7th instant ; nevertheless 
we have the greatest abundance of vegetables. 

Fort Defiance 9th September, 1704. The escort has not yet arrived, but will be 
in to-morrow. General Scott with the residue is ordered to march to-morrow morning 
at reveille. The Commander-in-Chief engaged with the volunteers [General Scott's com- 
mand] to bring on the flour from Greenville on their own horses, for which they are to 
receive three dollars per hundred, delivered at the Miami villages, [the present Fort 
Wayne. Indiana]. 

Fort Defiance 10th September. 171)4. The escort arrived this day about ^^ o'clock, 
and brought with them two hundred kegs of flour and nearly two hundred head of 
cattle. Captain Preston and Ensigns Strother, Bowyer and Lewis, joined us this 
day with the escort. We received no liquor by this command, and I fancy we shall 
not receive any until we get into winter quarters, which will make the fatigues of the 
campaign appear double, as I am persuaded the troops would much rather live on 
half rations of beef and bread, provided they could obtain their full rations of whiskey. 
The vegetables are as yet in the greatest abundance. The soldiers of Captain William 
Lewis' company are in perfect health, the wounded excepted. 

Fort Defiance 11th September, 171*4. This day General Barber's brigade of 
mounted volunteers marched for Fort Keco\ery for provisions, to meet us at the Miami 
villages [the present Fort Wayne] by the '*Oth. 



might raHy and. aided a^ain by the British, endeavor to destroy ii. It was principally built between 
the 8th AuEUst and the Nth September. 1794. 

Outside the Palisades and Blockhouses there was a glacis or wall of earth eii;ht feet thick, whicli 
sloped outwards and upwards, and was supported on its outer side by a log wall and fascines. A ditch 
encircled the entire works excepting the east side of the east Blockhouse which was near the precipi- 
tous bank of the Auglaise River along which was a line of fagots. The Ditch was fifteen feet wide and 
eight feet deep. It was protected by pickets eleven feet long and nearly a foot apart, secured to the 
log walls, and projecting over the Ditch at an angle of forty-five degrees. The outlines of these earth- 
works are yet well maintained. 

Generally this Fort was garrisoned by about one hundred men, with an armament of several 
small field cannon which had been dismounted and brought through the forest on the backs of horses. 
Captain William March Snook commanded it for three or four months, and Major (afterwards Colonel) 
Thomas Hunt about eighteen months. It was probably dismantled and abandoned by I'nited States 
soldiers about the 1st June, 1796. 

The site has continued the property of the (\'iltage and the) City of Defiance, and it is freely open 
as a Public Park. This Fort Defiance Park was surveyed, in common with the other historic places 
along the Maumee River, in August, 1K8M, under the supervision of Colonel O. M. Poe, of the Corps of 
Engineers of the United States Army, and in obedience to Act of Congress approved 24th May, 188H. A 
monument was recommended for this place to cost five thousand dollars; but the bill was not passed. 
John S. Snook, M. C. introduced a bill to the Linited States House of Representatives February 10. 
1904, for the appropriation of $"3.'),(XK) for the erection of a monument in this Park to the honor of General 
Anthony Wayne. The Trustees of The Defiance Public Library, by permission of the City Council, 
located the Carnegie Library building in this Park west of the Earthworks in 1904. See Chapter on 
Libraries. 



202 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Fort Defiance 12th September, 1794. This day the pioneers were ordered to cut 
the road up the [north side of the] Miami [Maumee] under the direction of the sub- 
legionary quartermaster ; they are to commence at seven o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Fort Defiance fifth September. 1794. This day a general order was issued, setting 
forth that the legion would march to-morrow morning precisely at seven o'clock, every 
department to prepare themselves accordingly. The squaw that Wells captured on the 
11th August, was this day liberated and sent home. Three soldiers of the 1st and three 
of the 3rd sub-legions deserted last night : sixteen volunteers pursued them ; they are to 
receive twenty dollars if they bring them in dead or alive. 

Camp Hi Mile Tree* 14th September. 17!M. The legion began their march for 
the Miami villages at 7 o'clock this morning and encamped on this ground at ii o'clock, 
after marching in the rain eight hours. 

Camp 2.'!rd Mile Treet l-)th September, 1794. The legion marched at and en- 
camped at 4 o'clock. Captain Preston, who commanded the light troops in the rear, 
got lost and lay out from the army all night with a large part of the baggage. 

Camp 33rd Mile TreeJ Kith September, 1794. We encamped on this ground at 4 
o'clock, after passing over very rough roads, and woods thick with brush, the timber very 
lofty and the land generally rich and well watered. 

Camp Miami 'Villagesll 17th September. 1794. The army halted on this ground at 5 
o'clock P. M., being 47 miles from Fort Defiance and 14 from our last encampment; 
there are nearly five hundred acres of cleared land lying in one body on the rivers St. 
Joseph, St. Mary and the Miami [Maumee] ; there are fine points of land contiguous to 
these rivers adjoining the cleared land. The rivers are navigable for small craft in the 
summer, and in the winter there is water sufficient for large boats, the land adjacent 
fertile and well timbered, and from every appearance it has been one of the largest 
settlements made by the Aborigines in this country. 

Camp Miami 'Villages l.Sth September, 1794. This day the Commander-in-Chief 
reconnoitered the ground and determined on the spot to build a fort. The troops 
fortified their camps, as they halted too late yesterday to cover themselves. Four de- 
serters from the British came to us this day ; they bring information that the Aborigines 
are encamped eight miles below the British fort [Miami] to the number of 1(300. 

Camp Miami 'Villages 19th September, 1794. This day we hear that General Bar- 
ber's brigade of mounted volunteers are within twelve miles of this place, and will be in 
early to-morrow with large supplies of flour ; we have had heavy rains, the wind north- 
west, and the clouds have the appearance of emptying large quantities on this western 
world. 

Camp Miami 'Villages 20th September, 1794. Last night it rained violently, and 
the wind blew from the northwest harder than I knew heretofore. General Barber with 
his command arrived in camp about 9 o'clock this morning with ."i."i3 kegs of flour, each 
containing 100 pounds. 

Camp Miami Villages 21st September, 1794. The Commander-in-Chief reviewed 
the legion this day at 1 o'clock. All the quartermaster's horses set off this morning, 
escorted by the mounted volunteers, for Greenville and are to return the soonest 
possible. We have not one quart of salt on this ground, which occasions bad and dis- 
agreeable living until the arrival of the next escort. 

Camp Miami 'Villages 22nd September, 1794. Nothing of consequence took place 
to-day except that the troops drew no salt with their fresh provisions. 



'Near the mouth of Platter Creek, westward from Defiance eleven and a half miles. 
1 Nearly opposite the present Village of Antwerp, Paulding County, Ohio, 
t Near the east line of Milan Township, Allen County, Indiana. 
IIAt the head of the Maumee River. See map ante pa^e 97. 



BEGINNING CONSTRUCTION OF FORT WAYNE. 203 

Camp Miami Villages 2lird September, ITW. Four deserters from the British 
garrison arrived at our camp; they mention that the Aborigines are still em'bodied on the 
Miami [Maumee] nine miles below the British fort [at the mouth of Swan Creek] ; that 
they are somewhat divided in opinion, some are for peace and others for war. 

Camp Miami Villages 24th September, 17il4. This day the work commenced on 
the Fort, which I am apprehensive will take some time to complete. A keg of whiskey 
containing ten gallons was purchased this day for eighty dollars, a sheep for ten dollars : 
three dollars was offered for one pint of salt, but it could not be obtained for less 
than six. 

Camp Miami Villages 2.1th September, 1794. Lieutenant Blue of the dragoons was 
this day arrested by [on complaint of] Ensign Johnson of the 4th sub-legion, but a 
number of their friends interfering the dispute was settled upon Lieutenant Blue asking 
Ensign Johnson's pardon. 

Camp Miami Villages 2()th September. 17114. M'Clelland. one of our spies, with 
a small party came in this evening from Fort Defiance, and brings information that the 
enemy are troublesome about the Fort, and that they have killed some of our men under 
its walls. Sixteen Aborigines were seen to day near this place ; a small party went in 
pursuit of them. I have not heard what discoveries they have made. 

Camp Miami Villages 27th September, 17'.M. No intelligence of the enemy. The 
rain fell considerably last night ; this morning the wind is southwest. 

Camp Miami Villages 2iSth September. 17i(4. The weather proves colder. 

Camp Miami Villages .'iOth September. 17i)4. Salt and whisky were drawn by the 
troops this day, and a number of the soldiers became much intoxicated, they having stolen 
a quantity of liquor from the quartermaster. 

Camp Miami Villages 1st October, 1794. The volunteers appear to be uneasy, and 
have refused to do duty. They are ordered by the Commander-in-Chief to march to- 
morrow for Greenville to assist the pack-horses, which I am told they are determined not 
to do. 

Camp Miami Villages 2d October, 1794. This morning the volunteers refused to go 
on command, and demanded of General Scott to conduct them home ; he ordered them 
to start with General Barber, and if they made the smallest delay they should lose all 
their pay and be reported to the war office as revolters. This had the desired effect and 
they went off, not in good humor. 

Camp Miami Villages lid October. 1794. Every officer, non-commissioned officer 
and soldier belonging to the square are on fatigue this day, hauling trees on the hind 
wheels of wagons ; the first day we got an extra gill [of whiskey] per man, which appears 
to be all the compensation at this time in the power of the Commander-in-Chief to make 
the troops. 

Camp Miami Villages 4th October, 1794. This morning we had the hardest frost I 
ever saw in the middle of December; it was like a small snow ; there was ice in our 
camp-kettles three-fourths of an inch thick. The fatigues go on with velocity, considering 
the rations the troops are obliged to live on. 

Camp Miami Villages .5th October. 1794. The weather extremely cold, and hard 
frosts; the wind northwest. Everything quiet, and nothing but harmony and peace 
throughout the camp, which is something uncommon. 

Camp Miami Villages lith October, 1794. Plenty and quietness the same as yester- 
day. The volunteers engaged to work on the Fort, for which they are to receive three 
gills of whisky per man per day ; their employment is digging the ditch and filling up the 
parapet. 

Camp Miami Villages 7th October, 1794. The volunteers are soon tired of work and 
have refused to labor any longer ; they have stolen and killed seventeen beeves in the 
course of these two days past. 



204 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 




P E 



*Fort Wayne was principally built under direct supervision ot ( .tMiei al Anthony Wayne between the 
18th September and 22nd October. 1794. There were but two blockhouses. The palisaded enclosure 
was about 150 feet square. The Officers' quarters were at the north ; the Quartermaster's quarters, with 
subordinates, at the west, or front ; the Cooks' .quarters at the east ; and the Stores at the south. 



GENERAL WAYNE AND ARMY AT HEAD OF MAUMEE. 205 

Camp Miami Villages Sth October. 1704. The troops drew but half rations of flour 
this day. The cavalry and other horses die very fast, not less than four or five per day. 

Camp Miami Villages itth October. 1701. The volunteers have agreed to build a 
blockhouse in front of the Fort. 

Camp Miami Villages llth October, 1704. A Canadian (Rozelle) [Antoine Lasalle] 
with a flag [of truce] arrived this evening; his business was to deliver up three prisoners 
in exchange for his brother, who was taken on the 20th August. He brings information 
that the Aborigines are in council with Girty and M'Kee near the fort of Detroit ; that all 
the tribes are for peace except the Shawneese who are determined to prosecute the war. 

Camp Miami Villages 12th October, 1704. The mounted volunteers of Kentucky 
marched for Greenville, to be mustered and dismissed the service of the United States 
army, they being of no further service therein. 

Camp Miami Villages 13th October. 1704. Captain Gibson marched this day, and 
took with him a number of horses for Fort Recovery to receive supplies of provisions. 

Camp Miami Villages 14th October, 1704. Nothing particular this day. 

Camp Miami Villages 15th October. 1704. The Canadian that came in on the llth. 
left us this day accompanied by his brother; they have promised to furnish the garrison 
at Defiance with stores at a moderate price, which, if performed, will be a great advan- 
tage to the officers and soldiers of that post. 

Camp Miami Villages KHh October. 1704. Nothing new; weather wet and cold, 
wind from the northwest. The troops healthy in general. 

Camp Miami Villages 17th October, 1704. This day Captain Gibson arrived with a 
large quantity of flour, beef and sheep. 

Camp Miami Villages, 18th October, 1704. Captain Springer and Brock, with all 
the pack-horses, marched with the cavalry this morning for Greenville, and the foot 
[infantry] for [Fort] Recovery, the latter to return with the smallest delay with a supply 
of provisions for this post and Defiance. 



The Commandants were : Colonel John Francis Haintiainck. 22nd Ociobei. 1794. to 17th May. 1796; 
he died at Detroit, llth .-Vpril. 18(>3. Major [afterwards Colonel} Thomas Hunt. 25th May. 1796, to 1799? 
He brought his family from Massachusetts to the Fort in 1797, His son General John E. Hunt, was born 

here 1st .\pril, 179H. Major Whipple? Major Thomas Fasteuer' Major Zebulon M. Pike. Captain 

Nathan Heald. Captain James Rhea, to 13th September. 1812. Captain Hugh Moore, 1812. Captain Joseph 
Jenkinson. 1813. The Maumee reeion was at this date in Military District No. 8. Captain [brevet Major) 
John Whistler conunanded from 1814 to 1817. He was probably there in the early summer of 1812. The 
Fort was generally rebuilt by him in 1814-15. and materially changed. He infused new life in the carrison. 
and into the town as well. Major Whistler came to America in Bureoyne's army and was taken prisoner at 
Saratoga. He was in St. Clair's army at its defeat in 1791. Was aspiring and won his commissions from 
merit. He was the last commander of Fort St. Marys in 1814. He died at St. Louis about 1826. Captain 
(afterwards Major and Colonel by brevet) Josiah H. Vose commanded Fort Wayne from 1817 until its 
abandonment 19th April. 1819. when it was in Department No. 5, yet subordinate to Detroit. Colonel 
John Johnston wrote in 1859 that Major Vose was the only army officer known to him in 1812 who 
publicly professed Christianity. He was constant in assembling his men on Sunday, reading the Scriptures 
to them and discoursing thereon. He died at New Orleans iDth July, 1845. — Lossings War of 1812, 
page 316. 

The later garrisons of Fort Wayne numbered as follows: 1st January, 1803, 64 soldiers: Early in 
1812. 85 according to the Peace Establishment; 1815, 60; 31st December. 1817, 56; October. 1818. 91 ; 19th 
April. 1819, 91 men, viz: Major Vose; 1 Post Surgeon; 2 Captains; 1 1st Lieutenant; 5 Sergeants; 4 
Corporals; 4 Musicians (2 fifers. 1 snare drummer and 1 bass drummer) ; and 74 Matrosses (artillerymen) 
and Privates. The artillery then consisted of one six and one twelve pounder. 

All that is now left to the public of the site of Fort Wayne beside streets, is a small triangular piece 
of ground at the northeast corner of Main and Clay Streets, narrowed on the north by the New York, 
Chicago and St. Louis Railway along the line of the former Wabash and Erie Canal. 

In an appendix of the Annual Report of ithe Chief of United States Engineers for 1889. it is re- 
commended that a monument to cost $5,000 be erected here ; but Congress has not made up to this time 
(1904) any appropriation for this p-urpose- Grand Army Posts have since mounted a more modern cannon 
on a high pedestal which is inscribed in memory of General Wayne, and of later wars. 



206 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Camp Miami Villages Utth October, 1794. This day the troops were not ordered 
for labor, being the first day for four weeks, and accordingly attended divine service. 

Camp Miami Villages 20th October, 1794. An express arrived this day with dis- 
patches to the Commander-in-Chief; the contents are kept secret. 

A court-martial to sit this day for the trial of Lieutenant Charles Hyde. 

Camp Miami Villages 21st October, 1794. This day were read the proceedings of a 
general court-martial held on Lieutenant Charles Hyde (yesterday) ; was found not 
guilty of the charges exhibited against him, and was therefore acquitted. 

Camp Miami Villages 22d October, 1794. This morning at 7 o'clock the following 
companies, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant Hamtramck of the 
1st sub-legion, took possession of this place, viz; Captain Kingsbury's 1st; Captain 
Greaton's 2d; Captain Spark's and Captain Reed's Hd ; Captain Preston's 4th; and 
Captain Porter's, of artillery ; and after firing fifteen rounds of cannon [one for each of 
the States then in the Union] Colonel Hamtramck gave it the name of Fort Wayne. 

Camp Miami Villages 2)M October, 1794. The general fatigue of the garrison 
ended this day and Colonel Hamtramck, with the troops under his command to furnish 
[finish] it as he may think fit. All the soldiers' huts are completed except covering, and 
the weather is favorable for that work. 

Camp Miami Villages 24th October, 1794. This day the troops drew but half 
rations of beef and flour, the beef very bad. 

Camp Miami \'illages 2.")th October, 1794. Nothing extraordinary the same as 
yesterday. 

This evening Captain Springer with the escort arrived with a supply of flour and 
salt. .\ Frenchman and a half Aborigine came to headquarters, but where they are 
from or their business we cannot learn but that it is of a secret nature. 

Camp Miami Villages 26th October, 1794. Nothing occurring today except an 
expectation to march the day after to-morrow. 

Camp Miami Villages 27th October, 1794. Agreeable to general orders of this day, 
we will march for Greenville to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock. 

Camp Nine miles [southeast] from Fort Wayne 2Sth October, 1794. The legion 
took up the line of march at 9 o'clock and arrived here without anything particular 
occurring. 

Camp Twenty-one miles [southeast] from Fort Wayne 29th October, 1794. The 
troops proceeded on their march at sunrise, and arrived on this ground at half past 
ff o'clock, our way was through rich and well timbered land, the weather cold and much 
like for rain. 

Camp Southwest side of St. Mary River 80th October, 1794. The legion proceeded 
on their march at 7 o'clock, and arrived here at sunset ; continual heavy rain all day. 

Camp Girty Town* 81st October, 1794. The troops took up their line of march at 
sunrise, and arrived here three hours after night, through heavy rain. 

Greenville 2nd November 1794. This evening the legion arrived here, where they 
marched from 28th July, 1794. 

We were saluted with twenty-four rounds from a six-pounder. Our absence from 
this ground amounted to three months and six days. And so ends the expedition of Gen- 
eral Wayne's campaign. 



*From James Girty the trader. Site of the present City of St, Marys, Auglaise County, Ohio. 



FORT DEFIANCE. BEGINNING AND SURROUNDINGS. 207 

CHAPTER VIII. 

General Wayne's Reports — Treaty at Greenyille. 1794, 1795. 

General Wayne reported to the Secretary of War from time to time, 
and such reports as are of interest to this rej^ion are here given: 

Head Quarters. Grand Glai.se [Fort Defiance] 14th August, 1794. 

Sir ; I have the honor to inform you, that the army under my command took posses- 
sion of this very important post on the morning of the .Sth instant — the enemy, on the pre- 
ceding evening, having abandoned all their settlements, towns, and villages, with such 
apparent marks of surprise and precipitation, as to amount to a positive proof that our 
approach was not discovered by them until the arrival of a Mr. Newman, of the Quarter- 
master General's department, who deserted from the army near the St. Mary [River] 
and gave them every information in his power as to our force, the object of our destina- 
tion, state of provision, number and size of the artillery, &c.. &c., circumstances and 
facts that he had but too good an opportunity of knowing, from acting as a field quarter- 
master on the march, and at the moment of his desertion. Hence. I have good grounds 
to conclude that the defection of this villain prevented the enemy from receiving a fatal 
blow at this place, when least expected.""" 

I had made such demonstrations, for a length of time previously to taking up our line 
of march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the route of the Miami vill- 
ages to the left, or towards Roche de Bout by the right ; which feints appear to have pro- 
duced the desired effect by drawing the attention of the enemy to those points, and gave 
an opening for the arm\' -to approach undiscovered by a devious route, i. e. in a central 
direction, and which would be impracticable for an army, except in a dry season such as 
then presented. 

Thus sir. we ha\'e gained possession of the grand emporium of the hostile ,\liorigines 
of the West, without loss of blood. The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and 
gardens show the work of many hands. The margin? of these beautiful rivers, the Mia- 
mies of the lake [Maumee] and An Glaize, appear like one continued village for a number 
of miles both above and below this place [chief Blue Jacket's towns on right bank of 
Auglaise River one mile above its mouth, and on left bank of Maumee one and a half 
miles below mouth of .Auglaise] nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn 
in any part of .America, from Canada to Florida. 

We are now employed in completing a strong stockade fort, with four good block 
houses by way of bastions, at the confluence of Au Glaize and the Miamies [Maumee] 
which I have called Defiance.^ Another fort was also erected on the bank of the [River] 
St. Mary twenty-four miles advanced of Recovery, which was named .Adams and endowed 
with provision and a proper garrison. 

Everything is now prepared for a forward move to-morrow morning towards Roche 
de Bout, or foot of the Rapids, where the British have a regular fortification well supplied 
with artillery and strongly garrisoned, in the vicinity of which the fate of the campaign 
will probably be decided ; as, from the best and most recent intelligence the enemy are 
there collected in force, and joined by the militia of Detroit, (Src. &c., possessed of ground 
very unfavorable for cavalry to act in. Yet. notwithstanding this unfavorable intelligence. 



*This deserter. Newman, was finally arrested at Pittsburn and sent down the Ohio to Headquarters. 

+ Regarding the naming of this Fort, tradition says that General Wayne, as the walls assumed the 
desired form, remarked that he could here safely defy the savages, the British, and all the devils. Then . 
said General Charles Scott who was present, call it Fort Deiiance. ^ 



208 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and unpleasant circumstances of ground, I do not despair of success from the spirit and 
ardor of the troops, from the generals down to the privates, both of the legion and 
mounted volunteers. 

Yet I have thought proper to offer the enemy a last overture of peace; and as they 
have everything that is dear and interesting now at stake, I have reason to expect that 
they will listen to the proposition mentioned in the enclosed copy of an address* 
despatched yesterday by a special flag, who I sent under circumstances that will ensure 
his safe return, and which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood. 

But, should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads. America 
shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an all-powerful and just God I therefore 
commit myself and gallant army, and have the honor to be, with every consideration of 
respect and esteem, Your most obedient and very humble servant. 

Anthony Wavne. 
The Hon. Major General Knox, Secretary of War. 

The Report of General Wayne after the Battle of Fallen Timber is 
as follows : 

Head Quarters, Grand Glaise [Fort Defiance] 2Hth August, 1794. 
Sir : It is with infinite pleasure that I now announce to you the brilliant success of 
the Federal army under my command, in a general action with the combined force of the 
hostile Aborigines, and a considerable number of the volunteers and militia of Detroit, on 
the 20th instant, on the banks of the Miami [Maumee] in the vicinity of the British post 
and garrison, at the foot of the Rapids. 



* To the Delawares. Shawanese, Miamis. and Wyandots. and to each and every one of them, and 
to all other nations of Aborigines northwest of the Ohio, whom it may concern : 

I. Anthony Wayne, Major General and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal army now at Grand 
Glaise [ Fori Defiance 1 and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for settlinR 
the terms upon which a permanent and lasting peace shall be made with each and every of the 
hostile tribes, or nations of Aboriirines northwest of the Ohio, and of the said United States, actuated by 
the purest principles of humanity, and urtjed by pity for the errors into which bad and desipninc men 
have_led you; from the head of my army, now in possession of your abandoned villages and settlements, 
do hereby once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you, and invite each and every of the 
hostile tribes of Aborigines to appoint deputies to meet me and my army, without delay, between this 
place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the preliminaries of a lastinp peace which may eventually, 
and soon, restore to you the Delawares, Miamis. Shawanese, and all other tiibes and nations lately 
settled at this place and on the margins of the Miami I Maumee 1 and au Glaise rivers, your late grounds 
and possessions, and to preserve you and your distressed and hapless women and children from danger 
and famine during tlie present fall and ensuing winter. 

The arm of the I'nited States is strong and powerful, but they love mercy and kindness more than 
war and desolation. 

And. to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to the persons of the deputies whom you 
may appoint to meet this army, I hereby pledge my sacred honor for their safety and return, and send 
Christopher Miller [see an(e page 1871 an adopted Shawanee, and a Shawanee warrior whom I took 
prisoner two days ago, as a flag, who will advance in their front to meet me. 

Mr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors six moons since, and can testify to you 
the kindness which I have shown to your people my prisoners, that is five warriors and two women, who 
are now all safe and well at Greenville. 

But. should this invitation be disregarded and my flag, Mr. Miller, be detained or injured, I will 
immediately order all those prisoners to be put to death, without distinction, and some of them are 
known to belong to the first families of your nations. 

Brothers: Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and language of the bad 
white men at the foot of the Rapids; they have neither the power nor the inclination to protect you. No 
longer shut your eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to this last overture of peace. 
But, in pity to your innocent women and children, come and prevent the further effusion of your blood; 
let them experience the kindness and friendship of the United States of America, and the invaluable 
blessings of peace and tranquility. Anthony Wayne. 

Grand Glaise [Fort Defiance] I3th August, 1794, ■ , 



WAYNE'S REPORT OF BATTLE AT FALLEN TIMBER. 209 

The army advanced from this place on the 1.5th, and arrived at Roche de Bout on the 
18th; the lOth we were employed in making a temporary post for the reception of the stores 
and baggage [Fort Deposit] and in reconnoitering the position of the enemy, who were en- 
camped behind a thick brushy wood and the British fort. 

At S o'clock on the morning of the 20th the army again advanced in columns, 
agreeably to the Standing Order of March, the legion on the right, its right flank covered 
by the Miamis [Maumee River] one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left under 
Brigadier General Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier General Barbie. A 
select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major 
Price who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced so as to give timely notice for the 
troops to form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Aborigines would 
decide for peace or war. After advancing about five miles Major Price's corps received 
so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and high grass, as to 
compel them to retreat. The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in 
a close thick wood which e.xtended for miles on our left and for a considerable distance 
in front, the ground being covered with old fallen timber probably occasioned by a tornado 
which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the enemy 
the most favorable covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three 
lines, within supporting distance of each other and extending for near two miles, at right 
angles with the river. I soon discovered from the weight of the fire and extent of their 
lines, that the enemy were in full force in front in possession of their favorite ground, and 
endeavoring to turn our left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance 
and support the first, and directed Major General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of 
the savages with the whole of the mounted volunteers by a circuitous route ; at the same 
time I ordered the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms and rouse the 
Abori.gines from their coverts at the point of the bayonet and, when up, to deliver a close 
and well direct fire on their backs followed by a brisk charge so as not to give them time 
to load again. 

I also ordered Captain Mis Campbell, who commanded the legionary cavalry, to 
turn the left flank of the enemy next to the river, and which afforded a favorable field 
for that corps to act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude ; but 
such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that the Aborigines, 
and Canadian militia, and volunteers, were driven from all their coverts in so short a 
time that, although every possible exertion was used by the officers of the second line of 
the legion and by Generals Scott, Todd and Barbie, of the mounted volunteers to gain 
their proper positions, but part of each could get up in season to participate in the action, 
the enemy being driven in the course of one hour more than two miles through the thick 
woods already mentioned, by less than half their numbers. 

From every account, the enemy amounte(J to two thousand combatants. The troops 
actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with 
their allies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, 
leaving our victorious armv in full and quiet possession of the field of battle which termi- 
nated under the influence [range] of the guns of the British garrison, as you will observe 
by the enclosed correspondence between Major Campbell, the commandant, and myself, 
upon the occasion. [This correspondence is given after this report]. 

The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the Generals 
down to the Ensigns, merit my highest approbation. There were, however, some whose 
rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I 
observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude ; among whom I must beg leave to 
mention Brigadier General Wilkinson and Colonel Hamtramck the commandants of the 
right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I 
must add the names of my faithful and gallant Aids-de-camp Captains DeButt and 



210 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison, who, with the Adjutant General. Major Mills, 
rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in every direction, and 
by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for victory. 

Lieutenant Covington, upon whom the command of the cavalry now devolved, cut 
down two savages witli his own hand, and Lieutenant Webb one, in turning the enemy's 
left flank. 

The wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieutenant Campbell 
Smith an extra aid-de-camp to General Wilkinson of the legionary infantry, and Captain 
Van Rensselaer of the dragoons. Captain Rawlins. Lieutenant McKenny, and Ensign 
Duncan of the mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their bravery and 
conduct. 

Captains H. Lewis and Brock with their companies of light infantry, had to sustain 
an unequal fire for some time, which they supported with fortitude. In fact, every 
officer and soldier, who had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true 
bravery which will always ensure success. And here permit me to declare that I never 
discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action than appeared to pervade the whole 
of the mounted volunteers, and I am well persuaded that, had the enemy maintained 
their favorite ground for one half hour longer, they would have most severely felt the 
prowess of that corps. 

But, whilst I pay this just tribute to the living, I must not neglect the .gallant dead, 
among whom we have to lament the early death ot those worthy and brave officers 
Captain Mis Campbell of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Towles of the light infantry, of 
the legion, who fell in the first charge. 

Enclosed is a particular return of the [thirty-three] killed and [one hundred] 
wounded [eleven of whom died previous to the sending of this report]. The loss of the 
enemy was more than double to that of the Federal army. The woods were strewed for 
a considerable distance with the dead bodies of the Aborigines and their white auxil- 
iaries, the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets. 

We remained three days and nights on the banks of the Miami [Maumee] in front 
of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and cornfields were consumed 
and destroyed for a considerable distance, both above and below Fort Miami, as well as 
within pistol shot of that garrison who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this 
general devastation and conflagration, among which were the houses, stores, and prop- 
erty of Colonel McKee the British Aborigine agent and principal stimulator of the war 
now existing between the United States and the savages. 

The army returned to this place [Fort Defiance] on the 27th by easy marches, laying 
waste the villages and cornfields for about fifty miles on [along] each side of the Miami 
[Maumee]. There remain yet a great number of villages, and a great quantity of corn, 
to be consumed or destroyed, upon An Glaise and the Miami [Maumee] above this place, 
which will be effected in the course of a few days. 

In the interim we shall improve Fort Defiance and, as soon as the escort returns with 
the necessary supplies from Greenville and Fort Recovery, the army will proceed to the 
Miami Villages [at the head of the Maumee River] in order to accomplish the [final] 
object of the campaign. 

It is, however, not improbable that the enemy may make one desperate effort against 
this army, as it is said that a reinforcement was hourly expected at Fort Miami from Nia- 
gara as well as numerous tribes of Aborigines living on the margin and islands of the 
lakes. This is a business rather to be wished for than dreaded whilst the army remains 
in force. Their numbers will only tend to confuse the savages and the victory will be the 
more complete and decisive, and which may eventually ensure a permanent and happy 
peace. 



CORRESPONDENCE REGARDING EORT MIAMI. 211 

Under these impressions, I have the honor to be your most obedient and very hum- 
ble servant. Anthony Wayne. 

The honorable Major General H. Knox, Secretary of War. 

N. B. I forgot to mention that I met my flag [Christopher Miller] on the Kith, who 
was returning with an evasive answer in order to gain time for the arrival of the rein- 
forcement mentioned by the Shawanee Aborigine, and which actually did arrive two days 
before the action. 

The correspondence that passed between the British and American 
commanders, mentioned on page 209, is as follows: 

Miami [MaumeeI River August 21. 1794. 
Sir : An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, having taken post 
on the banks of the Miami [Maumee] for upwards of the last twenty-four hours, almost within the reach 
of the cuns of this fort [Miamil. beinc a post belonpinK to his Majesty the King of Great Britain, occupied 
by his Majesty's troops, and which I have the honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform myself as 
speedily as possible, in what light I am to view your making such near approaches to this garrison. 

I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and 
America. 

! have the honor to be. sir, with great respect, your most obedient and very humble servant. 

William Campbell, 
Major 24th regiment, commanding a British post on the banks of the Miami [MaumeeI. To Major 
General Wayne, &c. 

Camp on the Bank of the Miami [Maumee] August 31, 1794. 

Sir: I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which have moved 
the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged juris- 
diction of the United States of America. Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir, of 
your interrogatory. I think I may without breach of decorum observe to you that, were you entitled to an 
answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of ray small arms yes- 
terday morning in the action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated 
gloriously to the American arms ; but, had it continued until the Aborigines. &c.. were driven under the 
influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the vic- 
torious army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present 
war between the Aborigines and the United States. 

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient, and very humble servant. 

Anthony Wayne. 
Major General, and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army. 

To Major William Campbell. &c. 

Fort Miami August 22d, 1794. 

Sir : Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of hostility against the 
army of the United States of America in this neighborhood under your command, yet, still anxious to 
prevent that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is not intended to be appealed to by either of our coun- 
tries. I have forborne, for those two days past, to resent those insults you have offered to the British flag 
flying at this fort, by approaching it within pistol shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers, with 
arms in their hands. 

Neither is it my wish to wage war with individuals ; hut, should you after this continue to approach 
my pobt in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my King and 
country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those measures which thou- 
sands of either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which, 1 solemnly appeal to God, I have 
used my utmost endeavors to arrest. 

I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most obedient and very humble servant. 

William Campbell. 
Major 24th regiment, commanding at Fort Miami. 

Major General Wayne, i^c, &c.. 

General Wayne adds in his report that 

No other notice was taken of this letter than what is expressed in the following 
letter. The fort and works were, however, reconnoitered in every direction, at some 
points possibly within pistol shot. It was found to be a regular strong work, the front 
covered by a wide river, with four guns mounted in that face. The rear, which was 
most susceptible of approach, had two regular bastions furnished with eight pieces of 



212 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

artillery, the whole surrounded by a wide deep ditch with horizontal pickets projecting 
from the burn of the parapet over the ditch. From the bottom of the ditch to the top of 
the parapet was about twenty feet perpendicular. The works were also surrounded by 
an abbatis, and furnished with a strong garrison. [The correspondence concluded as 
follows] : 

Camp, Banks of Miami [Maumee] 23d August, 1794. 

Sir : In your letter of the 21st instant you declare ' I have no hesitation, on my part, to say that I 
know of no war existint: between Great Britain and America." 

I, on my part, declare the same, and that the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at 
present, is the hostile act you are now in commission of. i. e. by recently taking post far within the well 
known and acknowledeed limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the 
settlements of the Aboriyine tribes now at war with the United States. This, sir, appears to be an act 
of the hi^rhest aggression, and destructive to the peace and interest of the Union. Hence, it becomes my 
duty to desire, and 1 do hereby desire and demand, in the name of the President of the United States, 
that you immediately desist from anv further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and 
by withdrawing the troops, artillery, and stores, under your orders and direction, forthwith, and remov- 
ing to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace of 1783. and which you 
will be permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my command. 

I am. with very great respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 

Anthony Wayne, 

Major William Campbell, &c. 

Fort Miami 23d August, 17fH, 

Sir: I have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date; in answer to 
which I have only to say, that, being placed here in the command of a British post, and acting in a 
military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion, either on the right or impropriety of my occu- 
pying my present position. Those are matters that I conceive will be best left to the embassadors of our 
different nations. 

Having said this much, permit me to inform you that I certainly will not abandon this post at the 
summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders to that purpose from those I have the honor to 
serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me. 

I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or 
individuals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon, without expecting the conse- 
quences attending it. 

Although 1 have said, in the former part of m\' letter, that my situation here is totally military, yet, 
let me add. sir, that I am much deceived if his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, had not a post on this 
river at and prior to the period you mention. (Fort Miami at the head of the Maumee River, captured 
by Chief Nicholas in 1763]. 

I have the lienor to be, sir. with the greatest respect, your most obedient and very humble servant. 

William Campbell, 
Major 24th regiment, commanding at Fort Miami. 

To Major General Wayne, &c. 

In his report to the Secretary of War General Wayne writes that 
The only notice taken of this letter, was by immediately setting fire 
to, and destroying, everything within view of the fort, and even under 
the muzzles of his guns. Had Mr. Campbell carried his threats into 
execution, it is more than i>rol)able that he would have experienced a 
storm.' 

Antoine Lassell, a native of Canada and a volunteer in the British 
Captain Caldwell's company of refugees, friends and allies of the 
hostile Aborigines, was captured by the Americans the 20th August, 
the day of the Battle of Fallen Timber, and he testified before General 
Wayne at Fort Defiance as follows : 

He says that he has resided for twenty-nine years in Upper Canada, twenty-one of 
which he has passed at Detroit and on this [Maumee] river, and that he has constantly 
traded with the Aborigines all that time ; that he resided at the Miami villages for nine- 
teen years before Harmar's expedition, when he kept a store at that place, and used to 



SAVAGE TRIBES AND BRITISH INFLUENCES. 215 

supply other traders with goods ; that he has since lived chiefly at Bean Creek or Little 
Glaise [on left bank of Tiffin River, one rffile below Brunersburg and one mile-and-a-half 
from Fort Defiance] at the Little Turtle's town. 

That, having lived so long among the hostile Aborigines, he is perfectly acquainted 
with the tribes and numbers. 

That the Delawares have about MK) men including those who live on both rivers — 
the White River and Bean Creek. That the Miamis are about 200 warriors ; part of 
them live on the [River] St. Joseph, eight leagues from this place [Fort Defiance] ; that 
the men were all in the action [at Fallen Timber] but the women are yet at that place, 
or Piquet's village [not far from the present St. Joseph. Indiana] ; that a road leads 
from that place directly to it ; [This trail is yet remembered in Defiance County. It 
remained until obliterated by the development of farms, in places being noticeable as 
late as the year 18(i0] ; that the number of warriors belonging to that place, when all 
together, amounts to about 40. 

That the Shawanese have about :{00 warriors ; that the Tawas [Ottawas] on this 
river are 2.50 ; that the Wyandots are about :i00. 

That those Aborigines were generally in the action of the 20th instant, except some 
hunting parties. That a reinforcement of regular troops and 200 militia arrived at Fort 
Miami a few days before the army appeared ; that the regular troops in the fort 
amounted to 2.i0, exclusive of militia. 

That about seventy of the militia, including Captain Caldwell's corps, were in the 
action. That Colonel McKee, Captain Elliott, and Simon Girty, were in the field, but 
at a respectful distance and near the river. 

That Colonel M'Kee's existence now depends upon the exertions he can make to 
retrieve the loss and disgrace of the Aborigines ; that he will use every influence and 
means in his power to raise the distant nations to come forward immediately and assist 
in the war. 

That, should they not be able to collect in force sufiicient to fight this army, their 
intention is to move on the Spanish side of the Mississippi where part of their nations 
now live ; that Blue Jacket told him (Lassell) that he intended to move immediately to 
Chicago, on the Illinois. 

That the Aborigines have wished for peace for some time, but that Colonel M'Kee 
always dissuaded them from it. and stimulated them to continue the war. 

Colonel John Johnson, while American Agent to the Aborigines 
at Fort Wayne knew this Antoine Lasselle, or LaSalle. He was 
informed that Lasselle was captured at the Battle of Fallen Timber 
while dressed and painted as a savage, and that upon examination at 
Fort Deposit he was sentenced to be hung. A temporary gallows was 
erected, and the execution was ordered, when Colonel John F. Ham- 
tramck of the 1st Regiment Infantry, who was also a Frenchman, 
interceded and saved his life. His brother ransomed him at Fort 
Wayne the 13th October, 1794 (see ante, page '205) by three American 
prisoners. General Wayne and Colonel Hamtramck were quick to see 
the worth of these brothers Lasselle to the American cause, and culti- 
vated their interest which, from their wit and gratitude, amounted to a 
great force in turning the Aborigines from the British. The blanks in 
General Wayne's reports on another page may be filled with the name 
Antoine Lasselle. Colonel Hamtramck refers to his favorable work in 



214 ■ THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

letters given on subsequent pages. In after years Antoine was licensed 
to trade with the Aborigines at Fort Wayne. Occasionally, in his rem- 
iniscent moods, he would clasp his neck with both hands in reference to 
' Mad Anthony's ' (General Wayne's) desire to hang him. Another 

prisoner, John Bevin, a drummer in the 24th British regiment, testified 
after the battle as follows: 

There are now four companies of the 24th at Fort Miami, averaging about .'iO men, 
non-commissioned officers and privates included ; that there was part of Governor 
Simcoe's corps in the garrison, together with about sixty Canadians ; that the whole 
number of men actually in the garrison, including officers, &c., exceeded 400; that the 
number of Aborigines, Canadians, &c. in the action [Battle of Fallen Timber] were at 
least 2000, according to the report made by Colonel M'Keeand Captain Elliott to Major 
Campbell after the action, who declared in his presence that there was actually that 
number engaged. 

That there were four nine-pounders, two large howitzers, and six six-pounders, 
mounted in the fort, and two swivels, and well supplied with ammunition. 

That the Aborigines were regularly supplied with provision drawn from the British 
magazine in the garrison by Colonel M'Kee. 

That a certain Mr. Newman, a deserter from the American army, arrived at the 
fort about eight days before the army made its appearance, who gave information to 
Major Campbell that the object of the Americans was to take that post and garrison; 
that General Wayne told the troops not to be uneasy about provisions, that there was 
plenty in the British garrison. 

That Governor Simcoe was expected at that place every hour in consequence of an 
express sent to Niagara after the arrival of Newman the deserter, but had not arrived 
when he came away ; that the distance from Fort Miami to Detroit is sixty miles, which 
is generally performed in two days. 

The militia of Detroit and its vicinity amounts to near two thousand ; that a 
Colonel Baubee commands them; that M'Kee is also a Colonel of militia; that a 
Lieutenant Silve of the British regiment is in the Aborigine department and acts as 
secretary to Colonel M'Kee; that a Captain Bunbury of the same regiment is also in 
the .Aborigine department. 

That he has seen a great number of wounded Aborigines pass the fort, but did not 
learn what number were killed ; that the retiring Aborigines appeared much dejected 
and much altered to what they were in the morning before the action ; that he knew of 
one company of volunteers, commanded by Captain Caldwell, all white men and armed 
with British muskets and bayonets, who were in the action. 

A returned prisoner gave information 21st October, 1794, as 
follows : 

James Neill, a packhorse-man in the service of Elliott and 'Williams, aged Vi years, 
and belonging to Beardstown, in Kentucky, was in the action of the .Wth June at Fort 
Recovery, and was taken prisoner by the Aborigines, together with Peter Keil and 
another by the name of Cherry, and three pack horse-men. 

After he was taken prisoner he was carried to the British fort at the Miami 
[Maumee] where, however, he was not permitted to be seen by the British as the Abo- 
rigines wanted to carry him to their own town; thence he was taken to Detroit, and 
thence to Michilimackinac, where a British officer bought him, who sent him to Detroit 
to Colonel England who treated them well, and sent them to Niagara, at which place 
Peter Keil, being an Irishman, enlisted in the Queen's rangers. 



EVIDENCE AGAINST THE SAVAGES AND BRITISH. 215 

Neill understood that there were of Aborigines and white men, 1500 in the attack of 
Fort Recovery ; he himself did not see the whole, but he saw upwards of seven hundred. 

He understood they lost a great many in killed and wounded ; he himself saw about 
twenty dead carried off, and many wounded, while he was tied to the stump of a tree 
about half a mile distant from the firing. 

The Aborigines, on their return to the Miami fort, asserted that no enemy ever 
fought better than the people at Fort Recovery ; and Neill was told by Captain Doyle at 
Michilimackinac, that the Aborigines lost two to one that they did at St. Clair's defeat. 

Neill was taken by the Shawane.se. and made a present to the Ottawas who live near 
the fort at Michilimackinac. 

Neill was at Detroit when the news arrived of General Wayne's action with the 
Aborigines, the 20th August. He received the information from one John Johnson who 
was a deserter from General Wayne's army, and then was a militia man of Detroit, and 
in the action against General Wayne. He spoke of the affair as a complete defeat ; 
that the Aborigines lost a great many but he could not tell how many. He says the 
Aborigines, upon being defeated, wanted to take refuge in the British fort ; that they 
were denied, which greatly exasperated them. 

The militia of Detroit were again ordered out, and several Captains put in the 
guard-house for refusing. He understood the militia men were forced on board vessels 
and sent to Roche de Bout. 

Upon his arrival at Niagara he understood that most of the troops were ordered to 
reinforce the garrison at the Miami [Maumee] River, but Governor Simcoe did not go. 

Neill says that it was generally said there were only seven hundred Aborigines at 
General St. Clair's defeat. 

Immediately following the Battle of Fallen Timber many ot the 
savages, not finding the expected support and protection from the 
British at Fort Miami, fled to Detroit the British headquarters, where 
an estimate placed their number, within a few days, at thirteen hun- 
dred. Another evidence of the severe effect of the battle on them and 
the British militia with them, was the equipment of another hospital 
with an additional surgeon at Detroit, the expense of which was 
approved by Lieutenant Governor Simcoe the 31st October. The 
British also proceeded at once to strengthen Fort Lernoult at Detroit; 
and a blockhouse was built on the opposite side of the river, also six 
gunboats for patrolling the river. ' 

Ten days after the Battle of Fallen Timber, 30th August, 1794, 

Colonel M'Kee wrote to Colonel England, commandant at Detroit, as 

follows : 

Camp near Fort Miami August 30, ITOl. 

Sir ; I have been employed several days in endeavoring to fix the Aborigines (who 
have been driven from their villages and cornfields) between the fort and the Bay. Swan 
Creek is generally agreed upon, and will be a very convenient place for the delivery of 
provisions, &c. 

The last accounts from General Wayne's army were brought me last night by an 
Aborigine who says the army would not be able to reach the Glaise [at Fort Defiance] 
before yesterday evening, it is supposed on account of the sick and wounded, many of 



"^Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections. Farmer's History of Detroit and Michigan. 



216 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

whom they bury every day. I propose being in town in a day or two when I hope for the 
pleasure of paying you my respects. 

The military interests of this reg^ion in the latter part of 1794 are 
set forth in the followinjj^ report of General Wayne to the Secretary of 
War, viz : 

Head Quarters, Miami Villages [Fort Wayne] 17th October, 1794. 

Sir; I have the honor to enclose a duplicate of my letter of the 20th ultimo, 
together with the general return of the legion, and an invoice of stores and medicine 
wanted in the hospital department. 

The great number of sick belonging to the mounted volunteers, added to the sick 
and wounded of the legion, has exhausted all the stores forwarded for the year 1794, so 
that 1 shall be under the necessity of ordering the Surgeon General to purchase a tem- 
porary supply at Fort Washington at an advanced but current price, at that place. 

The Quartermaster General is directed to make out a return of the stores issued, on 
hand, and wanting, in his department. Major Burbeck has similar orders for the 
Ordnance Department, which will be transmitted by the first opportunity. The unfor- 
tunate death of Mr. Robert Elliot, the acting contractor, who was killed by the 
Aborigines on the (ith instant near Fort Hamilton, added to the deranged state of 
that department, has made it my duty to order the Quartermaster General to supply 
every defect on the part of the contractors, and at their expense, in behalf of the United 
States, to be settled at the treasury at a future day. The posts in contemplation at 
Chillicothe or Picquetown on the Miami of the Ohio, at Loramie's store on the north 
branch, and at the old Tawa town on the AuGlaise [River] are with a view to facilitate 
the transportation of supplies by water and which, to a certainty, will reduce the land 
carriage of dead or heavy articles, at proper seasons, viz : late in the fall and early in 
the spring, to thirty-five miles, and in times of freshets to twenty in place of 17.") by the 
most direct road to Grand Glaise [Fort Defiance] and 150 to the Miami Villages from 
Fort Washington on the present route of transport in time of war, and decidedly so in 
time of peace. 

The mounted volunteers of Kentucky marched from this place on the morning of 
the 14th instant for Fort Washington, where they are to be mustered and discharged 
agreeably to instructions mentioned in the enclosed duplicates of letters to Major 
General Scott and Captain Edward Butler, upon the occasion. 

The conduct of both officers and men of this corps, in general, has been better than 
any militia I have heretofore seen in the field for so great a length of time. But it would 
not do to retain them any longer, although our present situation, as well as the term for 
which they were enrolled, would have justified their being continued in service until the 
14th November, in order to escort the supplies from Fort Washington to the head of the 
line, whilst the regular troops were employed in the completion of the fortifications, and 
keeping the enemy in check so as to prevent them from insulting the convoys; but they 
were homesick. All this I am now obliged to perform with the skeleton of the legion, as 
the body is daily wasting away from the expiration of the enlistments of the soldiery. 
Nor is it improbable that we shall yet have to fight for the protection of our convoys and 
posts. It is therefore to be regretted that the bill in contemplation for the completion of 
the legion, as reported by the committee of the House of Representatives, was not passed 
into a law in the early part of last session of Congress. 

The enclosed estimate will demonstrate the mistaken policy and bad economy of 
substituting mounted volunteers in place of regular troops ; and unless effectual measures 
are immediately adopted by both Houses for raising troops to garrison the Western 
posts, we have fought, bled, and conquered, in vain; the fertile country we are now in 



REPORT AND RECOMMENDATION OF GENERAL WAYNE. 211 

possession of will again become a range to the hostile Aborigines of the West. who. 
meeting with no barrier, the frontier inhabitants will fall an easy prey to a fierce and 
savage enemy whose tender mercies are cruelty : and who will improve the opportunity 
to desolate and lay waste all the settlements on the margin of the Ohio, and which they 
will be able to effect with impunity, unless some speedy and proper measures are 
adopted to re-engage the remnant of the legion. The present pay and scanty ration will 
not induce the soldiery to continue in service after the period for which they are now 
enlisted, and which will expire, almost in toto. between this and the beginning of May. 

I had the honor to transmit you a copy of the deposition of a certain 

[.A.ntoine Laselle] a Canadian prisoner, taken in the action of the 20th August [the 
Battle of Fallen Timber]; his brother arrived at this place on the i::!th instant with a 
flag [of truce] and three American prisoners which he redeemed from the Aborigines 
with a view of liberating. Enclosed is his narrative given upon oath, by which you will 
see that Governor Simcoe. Colonel M'Kee, and the famous Captain Brandt, are at this 
moment tampering with the hostile chiefs, and will undoubtedly prevent them from 
concluding a treaty of peace with the United States, if possible. I shall, however. 

endeavor to counteract them through the means of [Antoine Lasalle] 

who has a considerable influence with the principal hostile chiefs, and whose interests it 
will eventually be to promote a permanent peace. But. in order to facilitate and effect 
this desirable object, we ought to produce a conviction to them, as well as to the British 
agents, that we are well prepared for war ; hence I have been induced to bestow much 
labor upon two forts [Fort Defiance and Fort Wayne] of which the enclosed are 
draughts* and I am free to pronounce them the most respectable now in the occupancy 
of the United States, even in their present situation [condition] which is not quite 
perfect as yet. The British, however, are not to learn that they may possibly be left 
without garrisons ; they well know the term for which the veterans of the legion are 
engaged, as well from our laws and proceedings of Congress as from our deserters, and 
that no provision is yet made to supplv their places; circumstances that Mr. Simcoe 
will not fail to impress most forcibly upon the minds of the .\borigines with whom he is 
now in treaty ; and to hold up to them a flattering prospect of soon possessing those 
posts, and their lost country, with ease and certainty. 

I have thought it ray duty to mention those facts to you at this crisis, to the end that 
Congress may be early and properly impressed with the critical situation of the Western 
country-, so as to adopt measures for retaining the posts, and for the protection of the 
frontier inhabitants, previouslv to the expiration of the term of service for which the 
troops have been enlisted. I have the honor to be. Sec. 

Anthony W.avne. 
Major General Knox. Secretan.- of War. 

An army of two thousand non-commissioned officers and privates 
was recommended to be enlisted for three years. The general expense 
of such army was estimated as follows, viz: Bounty to each soldier 
ten dollars: each 'stand of arms' ten dollars: one suit clothing per 
year thirty dollars: subsistence per man four dollars per month. Pav 
per month : twelve sergeant-majors and quartermaster sergeants seven 
dollars each: Eighty-four sergeants six dollars each; ninety-six cor- 
porals live dollars each: and one thousand eight hundred and eight 
privates each at three dollars per month. 



'-■' The writer has been unable lo 6nd ihe plans of the Forts here mentioned, by his several inquiries 
at the State and War Departments, and United States Library, at Washington. 



218 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The return of the army, opinions regarding questions in general, 
and the opening of friendly negotiations with the Aborigines, are 
announced in the following letter from General Wayne to the Secre- 
tary, viz : 

Head Quarters, Greenville 12 November, 1794. 

Sir ; I have the honor to transmit you a duplicate of my letter of the ITth ultimo 
from the Miami villages, and to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from Colonel Alex- 
ander Hamilton of the 2.")th September, enclosing an extract of a letter from Mr. Jay 
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States at the court of London, dated the 12th 
July, r7!)4 ; also a letter from Major Stagg of the 4th ultimo. 

The enclosed copy of a correspondence between the contractor's agents, the 
Quartermaster General and myself, will inform you of additional measures taken to 
obtain supplies for the support of the respective posts, and the skeleton of the legion. 
I have the honor to enclose copies of certain overtures and speeches from the Wyandots 
settled at, and in the vicinity of, Sandusky, together with my answer ; what the result 
may be is yet very problematical ; they have, however, left two hostages with me (one of 
them a young chief) until the return of the flag that went from this place on the .^th 
instant, and promised to be here again in the course of twenty days with an answer to 
my propositions. 

From the enclosed narrative of a half breed, and a brother to (whose 

interest I have made it to be true and faithful to the United States) it would appear that 
the savages are playing an artful game ; they have most certainly met Governor Simcoe, 
Colonel M'Kee, and Captain Brandt, at the mouth of Detroit River, at the proposed 
treaty of hostile Aborigines ; and, at the same time, sent a deputation to me with the 
overtures already mentioned as coming from only part of one nation ; it is, however, 
understood by all, that there shall be a temporary suspension of hostilities for one moon 
say until the 22nd instant ; in fact it has been a continued suspension upon their own 
part ever since the action of the 20th August, except a few light trifling predatory 
parties ; it's true, we always moved superior to insult, which may account for this 
apparent inactivity. 

Permit me now to inform you that the skeleton of the legion arrived at this place on 
the 2nd instant, in high health and spirits after an arduous and very fatiguing, but a 
glorious, tour of ninety-seven days ; during which period we marched and countermarched 
upwards of three hundred miles through the heart of an enemy's country, cutting a 
wagon road the whole way, besides making and establishing those two very respectable 
fortifications [Forts Defiance and Wayne] the draughts of which were enclosed in my 
letter of the 17th ultimo. [The plans of the Forts, here referred to, cannot be found 
in the War Department. They may have been in the British fire of 1814.] 

,\s soon as circumstances will admit, the posts contemplated at Picquetown, 
Loramie's stores, and at the old Tawa [Ottawa] towns at the head of navigation on 
Au Glaise River* will be established for the reception, and as the depositories, for stores 
and supplies by water carriage, which is now determined to be perfectly practicable in 
proper seasons ; I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion that this route ought to be totally 
abandoned and that adopted as the most economical, sure, and certain mode of supply- 
ing those important posts, at Grand Glaise [Fort Defiance] and the Miami Villages ' 
[Fort Wayne] and to facilitate an effective operation towards the Detroit and Sandusky, 
should that measure eventually be found necessary ; add to this that it would afford a 
much better chain for the general protection of the frontiers, which, with a block house 



* Probably al the site of Fort Amanda built in 1H12 at the north line of the present Auplaise 
County. Ohio, 



SAVAGES SUFFER AFTER BATTLE OF FALLEN TIMBER. 219 

at the landing place on the Wabash [Little River] eight miles southwest of the post* at 
the Miami Villages [Fort Wayne] would give us possession of all portages between the 
heads of the navigable waters of the Gulfs of Mexico and St. Lawrence, and serve as a 
barrier between the different tribes of Aborigines settled along the margins of the 
rivers. [Here some words, or sentences, are lost] emptying into the creek, as mentioned 
in the enclosed copy of instructions of the 22nd ultimo to Colonel Hamtramck. 

But, sir, all this labor, and expense of blood and treasure, will be rendered abortive, 
and of none effect, unless speedy and efficient measures are adopted by the National 
Legislature to raise troops to garri-son those posts. 

As I have already been full and explicit upon this subject, in my letter of the l/th 
ultimo, I shall not intrude further upon your time and patience than to assure you of the 

high esteem and regard with which I have the honor to be, &c., 

Anthony Wayne. 
Major General Henry Knox, Secretary of War. 

The autumn of 179-t, and the following winter, were times of great 
suffering among the Aborigines of the Maumee River Basin. Their 
crops being destro\ed by General Wayne's army, rendered them more 
than ever dependent on the British who, not being prepared for so 
great a task and, withal, quite fatigued already with their exactions 
'did not half supply them'.t They were huddled along the Maumee 
River at the mouth of Swan Creek where much sickness prevailed on 
account of exposures, scant supplies, and want of sanitary regulations. 
What few domestic animals they possessed also died or languished on 
account of improper food and care and were eaten, even the dogs. 
They became impatient, murmured at the failure of the British to pro- 
tect and supply them according to promise, and lamented that they 
did not make peace with the Americans in oyiposition to the British 
influence.]! 

They turned to the Americans who were more able and willing to 
protect and to supply.il Communications from them were encouraged 
by General Wayne and his officers: and they were received at first by 
way of iiersons whose interests were enlisted by the General (the 
brothers Antoine and Jacques Lasselle particularh') and whose names 
were for a time suppressed. Later, some chiefs personally visited 
Forts Defiance and Wayne, and General Wayne at Greenville on invi- 
tation. Evidence now accumulated that some of the former appeals 



* This blockhouse was probably not built, as no further mention of it is found. 

t Narrative of John Brickell who was durinc this time with these Aborigines along the Maumee as 
a captive of the Delawares— T/ie American Pioneer volume i, page 53. 

f Canadian Archives, Letters of Oct. 22. 24, Nov. 2S, and Dec. 7, 1794; Feb. 24 and March 17, 27, 
1795. 

II See Canadian .Archives, Letter of George Ironside to Alexander M'Kee December 13, 1794, in 
which is stated that the Aborigines as yet had felt only the weight of General Wayne's little linger, and 
that he would surely destroy all the tribes if they did not turn to peace. M'Kee. in a letter of March 
27. 1795, to Joseph Chew Secretary of the British Aborigine Office, chided the government for leaving to 
shift for themselves " the poor Aborigines who have long fought for us and bled freely for us, which is no 
bar to a peaceable accommodation with .\merica'. 



220 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

to the Aborigines had been intercepted and wholly suppressed by white 
people in employ of the British, or by them changed in interpretation 
to suit British desires. 

Meantime, the settlers at the frontiers of the southern States, in 
conjunction with United States troops, were having much trouble in 
allaying the hostility of the Cherokees, Creeks, and other southern 
Aborigines who had been incited by their attendance at the general 
councils held in 179"2-93 at the mouth of the Auglaise River and at the 
foot of the lowest rapids of the Maumee, in accordance with the British 
efforts 'to unite the American tribes' in their interest. 

General Wayne's next report to the Secretary of War, then Tim- 
othv Pickering, is as follows: 

Head Quarters. Greenville 23rd December, 1794. 

Sir '. I have the honor to inform you that the flag from the Wyandots of Sandusky, 
after an absence of forty-two days, returned to this place on the evening of the 14th 
instant. 

The enclosed copies of letters and speeches* will best demonstrate the insidious part 
recently taken by the British agents, Messrs. Simcoe, M'Kee, and Brandt, to stimulate 
the savages to continue the war, who, being but too well acquainted with the near 
approach of that period in which the legion will be dissolved, have artfully suggested a 
suspension of hostilities until spring, in order to lull us into a state of security to prevent 
the raising of troops, and to afford the .\borigines an opportunity to make their fall and 
winter hunt unmolested. 

In the interim, the British are vigilantly employed in strengthening and making 
additions to their fortification at the foot of the rapids of the Miamies of the lake [Mau- 
mee River] evidently with a view of convincing the Aborigines of their determination to 
assist and protect them ; hence there is strong ground to conclude that Governor Simcoe 
has not received any orders to the contrary, otherwise he would not presume to persevere 
in those nefarious acts of hostility. 

The Wyandots and other .\borigines, at and in the vicinity of the rapids of San- 
dusky [River] are completely within our power, and their hunting grounds all within 
striking distance ; hence their present solicitude for a suspension of hostilities. 

It is, however, probable that ^ may now be seriously inclined for peace, 

being the only surviving principal chief out of four belonging to the Wyandots of 
Sandusky ; the three were killed in the action of the 20th August [Battle of Fallen 
Timber] and he himself shot through the right elbow which has deprived him of the use 
of that arm ; add to this his present candid information of opinion, which is corroborated 

by , now with me, who has a little village of his own consisting of a few 

Aborigine families settled at and well known to be friendly to the United States. 

All those people are, or affect to be, in dread of the hostile Aborigines in the vicinity 
of Detroit (who are under the immediate influence of the British agents) on account of 

the part they have recently taken. says, that the present flag is sent 

without the privity or consent of those tribes, and expresses some doubts of its safe 
return should any of the hostile Aborigines meet it on its way home and discover the 
object of its mission. 

I shall endeavor to benefit by this real, or affected dread, and propose to take them 
under the immediate protection of the United States, and build a fortification at the foot 



* See American Stale Papers. Aborigine Atlairs volume i, page 54H et sequentia. 



TRADING HOUSES AMONG ABORIGINES SUGGESTED. 227 

of the rapids of Sandusky [River] as soon as the season and circumstances will permit; 
this will serve as a criterion by which their sincerity may be tried, and [is] perfectly 
consistent with the treaty of the !lth January, 1780. 

But unless Congress has already, or will immediately adopt effectual measures to 
raise troops to garrison this as well as the other posts already established, it would only 
be a work of supererogation, as the whole must [otherwise] be abandoned by the middle 
of May. I have, however, succeeded in dividing and distracting the counsels of the 
hostile Aborigines, and hope through that means eventually to bring about a general 
peace, or to compel the refractory to pass the Mississippi and to the northwest side of 
the lakes. 

The British agents have greatly the advantage in this business at present by having 
it in their power to furnish the Aborigines with every necessary supply of arms, ammu- 
nition, and clothing, in exchange for their skins and furs, which will always make the 
savages dependent upon them until the United States establish trading houses in their 
country, from which they can be supplied with equal facility, and at reasonable rates. 

The country we acquired in the course of the late campaign, and the posts we now 
occupy, are happily situate for this purpose and which, with the addition of a post at 
Sandusky and one at the mouth of the Miamies of the lake [Maumee River] would 
render the .Aborigines as dependent upon the ITnited States then, as they are now upon 
the British.* If my recollection serves me, the President has more than once recom- 
ended this measure to the serious attention of Congress ; and without its being adopted 
we can never expect a permanent peace with, or fidelity from, the Aborigines. 

Could I. with truth and propriety, pledge myself to the hostile tribes that this 
measure would be adopted, and that they would with certainty be supplied in this way 
in the course of the ensuing spring, as well as in the future, I am confident we should 
draw them over to our interest, notwithstanding every effort of the British to prevent it : 
because the inclemency of the winter season, the sterility of soil, and the scarcity of 
game within the British territory, are all opposed to their removing to the north side of 
the lakes; and certain I am that, had not Governor Simcoe held up to the Aborigines at 
the late council the fond, but I trust idle, hope of compelling the Americans to aban- 
don and relinquish to them all the posts and lands on the west side of the Ohio [River] 
the principal part of the hostile tribes would either have accepted of the invitation to 
treat, or have passed to the Spanish [west] side of the Mississippi in the course of the 
fall and winter. Possibly they may yet do the one or the other, as I am informed that 
their present dependent situation is far from pleasant ; nor have we much cause to en\'y 
the British the pleasure and expense of supporting and clothing this numerous horde of 
savages, thrown upon them by their own insidious conduct, and the fortuitous events 
of war. 

The following' e.xcerpts of letters, communicated by John W. Van 
Cleve of Dayton, Ohio, to The American Pioneer 24th June, 1843, were 
taken from Colonel John Francis Hamtramck's letter-book which re- 
mained, after his death 11th .\pril, 1H03, among the papers of the 
Detroit garrison until the surrender of Detroit by General William Hull 
in 1812, when an officer of Ohio militia was permitted by the British to 
take possession of it. Colonel Hamtramck is described as a small 
Canadian Frenchman, but he had proved himself an intelligent, capable 
and meritorious officer. His letters throw some interesting side-lights 



'■" The surrender of the British Fort Miami to United States troops 11th July. 1796. under the Jay 
Treaty, obviated the necessity for building a fort by the lower Maumee. 



222 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

on the events of the times. The first were written from Fort Wayne to 

General Wayne at Greenville, viz : 

Fort Wayne December ."ith. 1704. 

Sir: . It is with a great degree of mortification that I am obliged to inform your 

excellency of the great propensity many of the soldiers have for larceny. I have flogged 
them until I am tired. The economic allowance of one hundred lashes, allowed by 
government, does not appear a sufficient inducement for a rascal to act the part of an 
honest man. I have now a number in confinement and in irons for having stolen four 
quarters of beef on the night of the 3rd instant. I could wish them to be tried by a 
general court martial, in order to make an example of some of them. I shall keep them 
confined until the pleasure of your excellency is known. 

Fort Wayne December 20, 1704. 
Sir; Yesterday a number of chiefs of the Chippeways, Ottawas, Socks [Sacs] and 
Potawotamies arrived here with the two Lassells. It appears that the Shawanese, Del- 
awares, and Miamies remain still under the influence of M'Kee ; but Lassell thinks that 
they will be compelled to come into the measures of the other Aborigines. After the 
chiefs have rested a day or two, I will send them to headquarters. 

December 20, 1704. 
Sir ; Since my letter to your excellency of the present date, two war-chiefs have 
arrived from the Miami nation, and inform me that their nation will be here in a few 
days, from whence they will proceed to Greenville. They also bring intelligence of the 
remaining tribes of savages acceding to the prevalent wish for peace, and collecting for 
the purpose the chiefs of their nations, who, it is expected, will make their appearance 
at this post about the same time the Miamies may come forward. 

Fort Wayne January 1."), 170.5. 

Sir ; . . .^ number of chiefs and warriors of the Miamis arri\'ed at the garrison 
on the I'ith instant. Having informed them that I could do nothing with them, and that 
it was necessary for them to proceed to headquarters, finding it inconvenient for so 
many to go, they selected five, who are going under charge of Lieutenant Massie, and 
perhaps will be accompanied by some warriors. The one whose name is Jean Baptiste 
Richardville, is half white and a village chief of the nation. 

As you are well acquainted with the original cause of the war with the .\borigines, 
I shall not say much upon it, except to observe that all the French traders, who were so 
many machines to the British agents, can be bought, and M'Kee, being then destitute of 
his satellites, will remain solus, with perhaps his few Shawanese, to make penance for 
his past iniquities. 

Since writing the foregoing, I have had a talk with the chiefs. I have shown them 
the necessity of withdrawing themselves from the headquarters of corruption, and in- 
vited them to come and take possession of their former habitations [across the Maumee 
and St. Mary from Fort Wayne] which they have promised me to do. Richardville tells 
me, that as soon as he returns he will go on the Salamonie [River] on [near] the head of 
the Wabash, and there make a village. He has also promi.sed me to open the naviga- 
tion of the Wabash to the flag of the United States. . . 

February :ird, 170."). 

Sir : Lieutenant Massey arrived on the .'ilst. The Aborigines also returned on 

the 20th in high spirits and very much pleased with their reception [by you. General 

Wayne] at head-quarters. They assure me that they will absolutely make a lasting 

peace with the United States. . . 

March 1, 170.i. 

Sir: . . 1 have now with me about forty Aborigines on a visit. They are Pota- 



THE WINNING OF THE SAVAGES TO PEACE. 22c5 

wotamies, who live on Bear Creek [in the present Lenawee County, Michigan]. They 
say that as they are making peace with us, they will expect us to give them some corn to 
plant next spring. Indeed all the Aborigines who have been here have requested that 
I would inform your excellency of their miserable situation, and that they expect every- 
thing from you. 

March ."), 179."). 

Sir; . . A number of I'otawotamie .Aborigines arrived here yesterday from 
Huron River. They informed me that they were sent by their nation at that place, and 
by the Ottawas and Chippeways living on the same river, as also in the name of the 
Chippeways living on the Saginaw River which empties into Lake Huron, in order to 
join in the good intention of the other Aborigines, by estalilishing a permanent peace 
with the United States. I informed them that I was not the first chief, and invited them 
to go to Greenville ; to which they replied that it was rather a long journey, but from 
the great desire they had to see The Wind (for they called you so) they would go. I 
asked them for an explication of your name. They told me that on the 20th August 
last, you were exactly like a hurricane, which drives and tears everything before it. 
Mr. LeChauvre, a Frenchman, is a trader with them and has come as their interpreter. 
Father Burke continues his exhortations. He assures the inhabitants that if any of 
them should be .so destitute of every principle of honor and religion as to aid or advise 
the .Aborigines to come to the Americans, they shall be anathematized. He is now a 
commissary and issues corn to the Aborigines. Mr. LeChauvre informs me that Burke 
is going, in the spring, to Michilimackinac. Of consequence we may easily judge of his 
mission. He will, no doubt, try to stop the nations from coming in to the treaty. How- 
would it do to take him prisoner? I think that it could be done very easily. 

March 17, 17!»,i. 
Sir : . . I had very great hopes that the man who deserted when on his post 
would have been made an example of ; but weakness too often appears in the shape of 
lenity, for he was only sentenced to receive one hundred lashes, to be branded, and 
drummed out. This man, from his past conduct, was perfectly entitled to the 
gallows. . . 

March 27, 17'.r). 

Sir ; . . Le Gris [Nag-oh-quang-ogh] the village chief of the Miami nation, and 
one of the commanding trumps in M'Kee's game, has at last come in. He stood out for 
a long time, but from a number of circumstances, too tedious to mention, that passed 
between him and me by messengers, and with Lassell, he has surrendered and, I be- 
lieve [him] fully converted. I have promised him a great deal of butter with his bread, 
but your excellency very well knows that flies are not caught with gall or bitter, particu- 
larly after having experienced for sixteen years the dulcet deceptions of the British. 
He was four days with me, during which time I had an opportunity of examining him 
with great attention. He is a sensible old fellow, and no ways ignorant of the cause of 
the war, for which he blames the Americans, saying that they were too extra\'agant in 
their demands in their first treaties; that the country they claimed by virtue of the 
definitive treaty of 178:i was preposterous: that the king of Great Britain never had 
claimed their land after the conquest of Canada, and far less ever attempted to take any 
part of it without the consent of the Aborigines, and of consequence had no authority to 
cede their country to the United States. I have spoken with him respecting the medi- 
tated treaty of M'Kee in May next, and he very honestly told me that he had received 
wampum and tobacco on that head, but that he would, on his return, send it back and 
also send speeches to the different nations requesting them to adhere strongly to the 
preliminaries between you and them, saying that they must be sensible how they had 
been deluded by M'Kee, and entreating them at least to hear you first before they should 



224 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

come to any other determination. He is also to keep a couple of men at the rapids [at 
M'Kee's station near Fort Miami] in order to ascertain what is going on, and has prom- 
ised me that as soon as his messengers return he will come himself and give me all the . 
information. 

April U), 17'.lo. 

Sir : . . Le Gris is again with me. and tells me that the two first chiefs of the 
Potawotamies of the St. Joseph [River] passed his camp the other day. from Detroit, 
with four horses loaded with presents. These chiefs informed him that a speech from 
lord Dorchester [Governor of Canada] had arrived at Detroit directed to all nations, 
wherein he assures them of his friendship and of his readiness to support them in all 
their distresses. He invites them to make peace with the United States, if they can do 
it on honorable terms, and tells them that they will see him before the time of our 
treaty. One would suppose that his lordship is coming up to Detroit to feel, himself, 
the pulse of the Aborigines. 

April 25, 1795. 

Sir The Aborigines are truly starving, and say that we must support them, at 
least until they have made corn, as it will not do for them to ask provision of the British 
without remaining with them. 

Fort Wayne June 17. 1795. 

Sir : . . The Miamies go to Greenville tomorrow. I believe they are the last 
that will pass this way. Enclosed is a letter from Major Hunt. I believe that M'Kee 
is using every strategem to prevent the treaty, but the bayonet of the 20th of August last 
[the Battle of Fallen Timber] embarrasses him. . . J- F. Hamtr.4Mck. 

The diplomacy of General Wayne and his agents was successful 
and, 1st January, 1795, he sent a message to the petitioning Wyandots 
at Sandusky that the chiefs of the Chippewas, Ottawas, Sacs, Potta- 
wotamis, and Miamis had arrived at Fort Wayne and would soon visit 
him at Greenville in the interest of jjeace. The '1-^ih January he re- 
ported to the Secretary of War that two preliminary articles of peace 
had been signed by him and the sachems and war chiefs of the Chip- 
pewas, Pottawotamis, Sacs, and Miamis. These preliminary articles 
provided that hostilities should cease: that there should be a meeting 
for council and treaty at Greenville, Ohio, on or about the 15th June, 
1795; and that immediate information should be given to General 
Wayne of all hostile movements that came to the knowledge of any of 
the Aborigines; and the General was to reciprocate. 

The Delawares soon visited Fort Defiance and exchanged prison- 
ers to the number of nine, this being all of the Aborigines then held at 
that place. John Brickell, from whom this information is obtained* 
then fourteen years of age, had been a captive with the Delawares four 
years and on this occasion keenly felt the want of another Aborigine 
prisoner of war that he also, might be exchanged. In May, however, 
the Delawares appeared across the Maumee from Fort Defiance and 
discharged their guns in salute. The garrison of the Fort returned 



* The American Pioneer 1842 volume i. page .M. 



PRELIMINARIES TO THE GREAT TREATY. 225 

the salute with a cannon shot for each State in the Union, then num- 
bering fifteen. At this visit Brickell was surrendered to the garrison 
with some sentiment on the part of the Atiorigines, and good fellow- 
ship prevailed.* 

The Treaty at Greenville. 

Meantime ground was cleared at Greenville, an ample Council 
House was built, a large quantity of clothing and other useful articles 
were obtained for presents, and liountiful supplies received for the 
feeding and entertainment of large numbers of iVborigines during the 
summer. 

About the 1st June a considerable number of Delaware, Ottawa, 
Pottawotami and Eel River Aborigines began to arrive, and they were 
well received. t Others arrived each day, and the general council was 
opened June 16th with a goodly attendance. i\.fter smoking the 
Calumet of Peace, an oath of accuracy and fidelity was subscribed to 
by eight interpreters, and by Henry DeButts as Secretary. General 
Waj'ne as presiding officer, stated the object of the council, exhibited 
his commission received from President Washington, and put all 
present in good humor liy his happy remarks, saying in closmg: 
"The heavens are bright, the roads open; we will rest in peace and 
love, and wait the arrival of our brothers [the tardy Aborigines who, 
at similar times like sulking children, desired to be sent for with 
special overtures]. In the interim we will have a little drink to wash 
the dust from our throats. We will on this happy occasion be merry 
without, however, passing the bounds of temperance and sobriety." 
The council was then adjourned until the arrival of the other chiefs. 

Forty Pottawotamis arrived June 17th and were received by the 
General. Chief Buck-on-ge-he-las with a party of Delawares, and Asi- 
me-the with Pottawotamis arrived June 21st and were received at the 
Council House, and June 2;-Jrd Le Gris, Little Turtle and seventeen 
other Miamis arrived. The 2r)th some Chijijiewas arrived : and other 
Chippewas with Pottawotamis caine the next day. 

The third day of July General Wayne called all the Aborigines to- 
gether and explained to them why Americans celebrated the Fourth of 
July, adding : 

To morrow we shall for the twentieth time salute the annual return of this happy 
anniversary, rendered still more dear by the brotherly union of the American and red 
people ; tomorrow all the people within these lines will rejoice ; you, my brothers, shall 
also rejoice in your respective encampments. I called you together to explain these 
matters to you : do not, therefore, be alarmed at the report of our big guns ; they will do 



* See American Captives among the Ohio Aborigines, by Charles E. Slocum. 
I American State Papers. Aborii;ine Attairs volume i, paae ,*J64. 



226 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

no harm ; they will be the harbingers of peace and gladness, and their roar will ascend into 
the heavens. The flag of the United States, and the colors of this legion, shall be given 
to the wind to be fanned by its gentlest breeze in honor of the birth-day of American 
freedom. I will now shew you our colors that you may know them to-morrow. Formerly 
they were displayed as ensigns of war and battle ; now they will be exhibited as emblems 
of peace and happiness. This eagle which you now see, holds close his bunch of arrows 
whilst he seems to stretch forth, as a more valuable ofiering, the inestimable branch of 
peace. The Great Spirit seems disposed to incline us all to repose for the future under 
its grateful shade and wisely enjoy the blessings which attend it. 

The 4th July twenty-four additional Ottawas came to swell the 
numbers of other tribes that had been arriving almost daily. Others 
continued to come, and all were received with expressions of pleasure. 
A sachem arriving with a hand of Chippewas July 18th, said to General 
Wayne ' We would have come in greater numbers but for Brant's en- 
deavors to prevent us' in interest of the British. 

- With great thoughtfulness and circumspection General Wayne drew 
up the treaty, and he impressed all present with his cheerful yet serious 
and dignified demeanor to a careful consideration and assent to each of 
its provisions, separately. 

Little Turtle was slow in becoming possessed with the spirit of the 
meeting, but gradually became one of the principal participators, 
making ten addresses in representing the Miamis and allied tribes of 
Weas, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias and Kickapoos. He had not been in 
favor of the former treaties, knew nothing about them because he was 
not present at their ratification by his young men who were seduced to 
this action by the other tribes. Little Turtle did not want to wholly 
surrender the portage between the head of the Maumee and Little River 
on account of the revenue derived therefrom, sa\ing . . That 
place has brought to us in the course of one day the amount of one 
hundred dollars. Let us both own this place and enjoy in common the 
advantages it affords.' . . But this could not be granted to him on 
accountof the Ordinances of 1786-87 which declared portages free public 
ways. The chiefs generally and fully expressed their views as favorable 
to the former treaties, and to this one yet more liberal to the Americans, 
attributing their hostile acts, and their delays in answering the appeals 
for peace, to British influences. 

The 9th August, 1795, General Wayne wrote to the Secretary of 
War that . . "it is with infinite pleasure I now inform you that a 
treaty of peace between the United States of America and all the late 
hostile tribes of Aborigines Northwest of the Ohio, was unamimously 
and volimtarily agreed to, and cheerfully signed, by all the sachems and 
war chiefs of the respective nations on the .Srd, and exchanged on the 7th, 
instant." . . The full text of this most important Treaty is here 
reproduced, viz: 



THE MOST IMPORTANT TREATY AT GREENVILLE. 227 

A Treaty of Peace between the United States of America and the Tribes of 
Aborigines called the Wyandots. Delawares. Shawnees. Ottawas. Ghippewas. Potta- 
wotamies. Miamis. Eel Rivers. Weas [Ouis or Ouiotenons]. Kicl<apoos. Pianl<eshaws 
and Kasltaskias : 

To put an end to a destructive war, to settle all controversies, and to restore har- 
mony and friendly intercourse between the said United States and Aborigine tribes, 
Anthony Wayne. Major-General. commanding the Army of the United States, and sole 
Commissioner for the purposes above mentioned ; and the said tribes of Aborigines, by 
their sachems, chiefs, and warriors, met together at Greenville, the Head Quarters of 
said Army, have agreed on the following articles, which, when ratified by the President, 
with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, shall be binding on them 
and the said Aborigine tribes: 

Article I. Henceforth all hostilities shall cease: peace is hereby established, and 
shall be perpetual : and friendly intercourse shall take place between the said United 
States and Aborigine tribes. 

Art. 2. All prisoners shall, on both sides, be restored. The Aborigines, prisoners 
to the United States, shall be immediately set at liberty. The people of the United 
States still remaining prisoners among the Aborigines, shall be delivered up within 
ninety days from the date hereof, to the General or Commanding Officer at Greenville. 
Fort Wayne, or Fort Defiance: and ten chiefs of the said tribes shall remain at Green- 
ville as hostages until the delivery of the prisoners shall be effected. 

Art. 3. The General Boundary Line between the lands of the United States and 
the lands of the said Aborigine tribes, shall begin at the mouth of Cuyahoga River and 
run thence up the same to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the 
Muskingum: thence, down that branch to the crossing place above Fort Lawrence 
[Laurens] ; thence, westerly to a fork of that branch of the great Miami River, running 
into the Ohio, at or near which fork stood Loramie's store, and where commences the 
portage between the Miami of the Ohio and the St. Mary River which is a branch of 
the Miami [the Maumee River] which runs into Lake Erie : thence, a westerly course to 
Fort Recovery which stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence, southwesterly in a 
direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that river opposite the mouth of Kentucky or 
Cuttawa River. .And, in consideration of the peace now established, of the goods 
formerly received from the United States, of those now to be delivered, and of the yearly 
delivery of goods now stipulated to be made hereafter, and to indemnify the United 
States for the injuries and expenses thev have sustained during the war. the said Abo- 
rigine tribes do hereby cede and relinquish, forever, all their claims to the lands lying 
eastwardly and southwardly of the General Boundary Line now described, and these 
lands, or any part of them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pretense, on the 
part of said tribes, or any of them, of war or injury to the United States, or any of the 
people thereof. 

And for the same considerations, and as an evidence of the returning friendship of 
the said Aborigine tribes, of their confidence in the United States, and desire to provide 
for their accommodation, and for that convenient intercourse which will be beneficial to 
both parties, the said Aborigine tribes do also cede to the United States the following 
pieces of land, to wit; 1. One piece of land six miles square at or near Loramie's . 
store, above mentioned. 2. One piece two miles square at the head of the navigable 
water or landing on the St. Mary River near Girty town [site of the present City of St. 
Marys]. '.'•. One piece six miles square at the head of the navigable water of the Auglaise 
River [probably near the present north line of .Auglaise County]. 4. One piece 
six miles square at the confluence of the Auglaise and Miami [Maumee] Rivers where 
Fort Defiance now stands. .">. One piece six miles square at or riear the confluence of 



228 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

the Rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph where Fort Wayne now stands, or near it. 6. One 
piece two miles square on the Wabash [Little] River at the end of the portage from the 
Miami of the Lake [Maumee], and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 
7. One piece six miles square at the Ouiotanon or old Wea [Ouia] towns on the 
Wabash River. 8. One piece twelve miles square at the British fort, on the Miami of 
the lake [Maumee] at the foot of the Rapids. !•. One piece six miles square at the 
mouth of the said river, where it empties into the lake. 10. One piece six miles square 
upon Sandusky Lake [Bay] where a fort formerly stood. 11. One piece two miles 
square at the lower rapids of Sandusky River. 12. The post of Detroit and all the 
lands to the north, the west, and the south of it, of which the Aborigine title has been 
extinguished by gifts or grants to the French or English governments ; and so much 
more land, to be annexed to the district of Detroit as shall be comprehended between the 
River Rosine [Raisin] on the south. Lake St. Clair on the north, and a line the general 
course whereof shall be six miles distant from the west end of Lake Erie and Detroit 
River. Ki. The post of Michilimackinac and all the land on the island on which that 
post stands, and the main land adjacent of which the Aborigine title has been extin- 
guished by gifts or grants to the French or English governments; and a piece on the main 
to the north of the island to measure six miles on Lake Huron, or the strait between 
Lakes Huron and Michigan and to extend three miles back from the water of the lake or 
strait ; and, also, the Island De Bois Blanc, being an extra and voluntary gift of the 
Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of land six miles square at the mouth of Chicago 
River emptying into the southwest end of Lake Michigan where a fort formerly stood. 
15. One piece twelve miles square at or near the mouth of the Illinois River emptying 
into the Mississippi. 10. One piece six miles square at the old Peorias fort and village 
near the south end of the Illinois Lake, on said Illinois River. And whenever the 
United States shall think proper to survey and mark the boundaries of the lands hereby 
ceded to them, they shall give timely notice thereof to the said tribes of Aborigines that 
they may appoint some of their wise chiefs to attend and see that the lines are run 
according to the terms of this Treaty. And the said Aborigine tribes will allow to the 
people of the United States a free passage by land and by water, as one and the other 
shall be found convenient, through their country, along the chain of posts hereinbefore 
mentioned , that is to say, from the commencement of the portage aforesaid, at or near 
Loramie's store, thence along said portage to the St. Mary and down the same to Fort 
Wayne, and then down the Miami [Maumee] to Lake Erie; again, from the commence- 
ment of the portage at or near Loramie's store along the portage ; from thence to the 
River Auglaise, and down the same to its junction with the Miami [Maumee] at Fort 
Defiance ; again, from the commencement of the portage aforesaid to Sandusky River, 
and down the same to Sandusky Bay and Lake Erie ; and from Sandusky to the post 
which shall be taken at or near the Foot of the Rapids of the Miami of the Lake 
[Maumee] ; and from thence to Detroit. Again, from the mouth of the Chicago to the 
commencement of the portage between that river and the Illinois, and down the Illinois 
River to the Mississippi ; also, from Fort Wayne along the portage aforesaid, which 
leads to the Wabash, and then down the Wabash to the Ohio. .And the said Aborigine 
tribes will, also, allow to the people of the United States the free use of the harbors and 
mouths of rivers along the lakes adjoining the Aborigine lands, for sheltering vessels and 
boats, and liberty to land their cargoes where necessary for their safety. 

Art. 4. In consideration of the peace now established, and of the cessions and 
relinquishments of lands made in the preceding Article by the said tribes of Aborigines, 
and to manifest the liberality of the United States, as the great means of rendering this 
peace strong and perpetual, the United States relinquish their claims to all other Abo- 
rigine lands northward of the River Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and 
southward of the Great Lakes, and the waters uniting them, according to the boundary 



TEXT OF TREATY AT GREENVILLE IN 1795. 229 

line agreed on by the United States and the King of Great Britain, in the treaty of 
peace made between them in the year 178.'!. But. from this relinquishment by the 
United States, the following tracts of land are explicitly excepted. 1st. The tract of 
one hundred and fifty thousand acres near the rapids of the River Ohio, which has been 
assigned to General [George Rogers] Clark for the use of himself and his warriors. 
2d. The post of St. Vincennes on the River Wabash, and the lands adjacent of which 
the Aborigine title has been extinguished, iid. The lands at all other places in poss- 
ession of the French people and other white settlers among them of which the Aborigine 
title has been extinguished, as mentioned in the .'id Article ; and 4th, The post of Fort 
Massac towards the mouth of the Ohio. To which several parcels of land, so excepted, 
the said tribes relinquish all the title and claim which they or any of them may have. 

And for the same considerations, and with the same views as above mentioned, the 
United States now deliver to the said Aborigine tribes a quantity of goods to the value of 
twenty thousand dollars, the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge ; and hence- 
forward, every year forever, the United States will deliver at some convenient place 
northward of the River Ohio, like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the 
Aborigines, of the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars ; reckoning that value at 
the first cost of the goods in the city or place in the United States where they shall be 
procured. The tribes to which those goods are to be annually delivered, and the pro- 
portions in which they are to be delivered, are the following ; 

1st. To the Wyandots. the amount of one thousand dollars. '2nd. To the Dela- 
awares. the amount of one thousand dollars. :.ird. To the Shawanese. the amount of 
one thousand dollars. 4th. To the Miamies. the amount of one thousand dollars. 
•5th. To the Ottawas, the amount of one thousand dollars, (ith. To the Chippewas, 
the amount of one thousand dollars. 7th. To the Pottawatamies. the amount of one 
thousand dollars. 8th. And to the Kickapoo, Wea. Eel River, Piankeshaw, and 
Kaskaskia, tribes, the amount of five hundred dollars each. 

Provided, that if either of the said tribes shall, hereafter, at an annual delivery of 
their share of the goods aforesaid, desire that a part of their annuity should be furnished 
in domestic animals, implements of husbandry, and other utensils convenient for them, 
and in compensation to useful artificers who may reside with or near them, and be 
employed for their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual deliveries be 
furnished accordingly. 

Art. .5. To prevent any misunderstanding about the Aborigine lands relinquished 
by the United States in the Fourth Article, it is now explicitly declared that the mean- 
ing of that relinquishment is this : The Aborigine tribes who have a right to those 
lands are quietly to enjoy them, hunting, planting, and dwelling thereon, so long as they 
please, without any molestation from the United States; but when those tribes, or any 
of them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them, they are to be sold 
only to the United States; and until such sale the United States will protect all the said 
Aborigine tribes in the quiet enjovment of their lands against all citizens of the United 
States, and against all other white persons who intrude upon the same. And the said 
Aborigine tribes again acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United 
States, and no other Power whatever. 

Art. (i. If any citizen of the United States, or any other white person or persons, 
shall presume to settle upon the lands now relinquished by the United States, such 
citizen or other person shall be out of the protection of the United States ; and the 
Aborigine tribe on whose land the settlement shall be made may drive off the settler, or 
punish him in such manner as they shall think fit ; and because such settlements made 
without the consent of the United States will be injurious to them, as well as to the 
Aborigines, the United States shall be at liberty to break them up, and remove and 



230 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

punish the settlers as they shall think proper, and so effect that protection of the Abo- 
rigine lands herein before stipulated. 

Art. 7. The said tribes of Aborigines, parties to this treaty, shall be at liberty to 
hunt within the territory and lands which they have now ceded to the United States, 
without hindrance or molestation, so long as they demean themselves peaceably, and 
offer no injury to the people of the United States. 

Art. 8. Trade shall be opened with the said Aborigine tribes ; and they do hereby 
respectively engage to afford protection to such persons, with their property, as shall 
be duly licensed to reside among them for the purpose of trade, and to their agents and 
servants ; but no person shall be permitted to reside at any of their towns or hunting 
camps as a trader, who is not furnished with a license for that purpose, under the hand 
and seal of the Superintendent of the Department Northwest of the Ohio, or such other 
person as the President of the United States shall authorize to grant such licenses, to the 
end that the said Aborigines may not be imposed on in their trade. And if any licensed 
trader shall abuse his privilege by unfair dealing, upon complaint and proof thereof, his 
license shall be taken from him, and he shall be further punished according to the laws 
of the United States. And if any person shall intrude himself as a trader without such 
licence, the said Aborigines shall take and bring him before the Superintendent or his 
Deputy, to be dealt with according to law. And, to prevent impositions by forged licences, 
the said ,\borigines shall, at least once a year, give information to the Superintendent, or 
his Deputies, of the names of the traders residing among them. 

Art. 9. Lest the firm peace and friendship now established should be interrupted 
by the misconduct of individuals, the United States and the said .aborigine tribes agree 
that, for injuries done by individuals on either side, no private revenge or retaliation 
shall take place; but, instead thereof, complaint shall be made by the party injured to 
the other; by the said Aborigine tribes, or any of them, to the President of the 
United States, or the Superintendent by him appointed ; and by the Superintendent, or 
other person appointed by the President, to the principal Chiefs of the said .\borigine 
tribes, or of the tribe to which the offender belongs ; and such prudent measures shall 
then be pursued as shall be necessary to preserve the said peace and friendship 
unbroken, until the Legislature (or great council) of the United States shall make other 
equitable provision in the case to the .satisfaction of both parties. Should any Aborigine 
tribes meditate a war against the United States or either of them, and the same shall 
come to the knowledge of the before mentioned tribes, or either of them, they do hereby 
engage to give immediate notice thereof to the General, or officer commanding the 
troops of the United States at the nearest post. And should any tribe with hostile 
intentions against the United States, or either of them, attempt to pass through their 
country, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and in like manner give information of 
such attempt to the General, or officer commanding, as soon as possible, that all causes 
of mistrust and suspicion may be avoided between them and the United States. In like 
manner the United States shall give notice to the said .Aborigine tribes of any harm that 
may be meditated against them, or either of them, that shall come to their knowledge, 
and do all in their power to hinder and prevent the same, that the friendship between 
them may be uninterrupted. 

Art. 10. All other treaties heretofore made between the United States and the 
said Aborigine tribes, or any of them, since the treaty of 1783 between the United States 
and Great Britain, that come within the purview of this treaty, shall henceforth cease, 
and become void. 

In testimony whereof, the said Anthony Wayne, and the Sachems and War Chiefs 
of the before mentioned nations and tribes of Aborigines, have hereunto set their hands 
and affixed their seals. 



SIGNATURES TO THE TREATY AT GREENVILLE. 251 



Done at Greenville, in the Territory of the United States Northwest of the River 
Ohio, on the third day of August, One thousand seven hundred and ninety-five. 

[Signed] Antv Wayne [L. S.] 












-tem^ 



I 



JiLety ^ y 






)> V 

^y * 1 



signatures to the Treaty at Greenville, Ohio. 1795. The 
names were written by the Secretary and each Aborigine 
chief made a mark or imitation of an animal opposite a 
seal. This and the two following plates are copied from 
the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, vol- 
ume xii, for which publication they were taken from the 
original document at Washington. 

WVANDOTS. 

Tarhe. or Crane. 

J. Williams, Jun. 

Teyyaghtaw. 

Haroenyon or Half King's Son. 

Tehaavvtorens. 

Awmeyeeray. 

Stayetah. 

Shateyyaronyah or Leather Lips. 

Daughshuttayah. 

Shaawrunthe. 

Delawares. 
Tetabokshke or Grand Glaise King. 
Lemantanquis or Black King. 
Wabatthoe. 













Maghpiway or Red Feather. 

Kikthawenund or Anderson. 

Bukongehelas. 

Peekeelund. 

Wellebawkeelund. 

Peekeetelemund or Thomas Adams. 

Kishkopekund or Capt. Buffalo. 

Amenahehan or Capt. Crow. 

Queshawksey or George Washington. 

Weywinquis or Billy Siscomb. 

Moses. 

Shawnees. 

Misquacoonacaw or Red Pole. 

Cutthewekasaw or Black Hoof. 

Kaysewaesekah. 

Weythapamattha. 

Nianymseka. 

Waytheah or Long Shanks. 

Weyapiersenwaw or Blue Jacket. 

Nequetaughaw. 

Hahgooseecaw or Capt. Reed. 



232 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 




•/Yol. rvoMj-rmJ /fn__\ I \ 



y 



J 






( Jttawa. 

Chegonickska, an Ottawa from Sandusky 

Pattauatimas of the River 
St. Joseph. 

Thupenebu. 

Nawac, tor himself and brother Etsi- 
methe. 

Nenanseka. 

Keesass or Sun. 

Kabamasaw, for himself and brother 
Chisaugan. 

Sugganunk. 

Wapmeme or White Pigeon. 

Wacheness. for himself and brother 
Pedagoshok. 

Wabshicawnaw. 

LaChasse. 

Meshegethenogh. for himself and broth- 
er Wawasek. 

Hingoswash. 

Anewasaw. 

Nawbudgh. 



Missenogomaw. 
Waweegshe. 
Thawme or Le Blanc. 
Geeque, for himself and brother She- 
winse. 

Pattawatimes of Huron. 
Okia. 
Chamung. 
Segagewan. 
Nanawme, for himself and brother 

A. Gin. 
Marchand. 
Wenameac. 

MlAMIS. 

Nagohquangogh or Le Gris. 
Meshekunnoghquoh or Little Turtle. 

Ottawas. 
Augooshaway. 
Keenoshameek. 
La Malice. 
Machiwetah. 
Thowonavva. 
Secaw. 

Chippewas. 

Mashipinashiwish or Bad Bird. 

Nahshogashe from Lake Superior. 

Kathawasung. 

Masass. 

Nemekass or Little Thunder. 

Peshawkay or Young Ox. 

Nanguey. 

Meenedohgeesogh. 

Peewanshemenogh. 

Weymegwas. 

Peewanshemenogh. 

Weymegwas. 

Gobmatick. 

MiAMis AND Eel Rivers. 
Peejeewa or Richard Villa. 
Cochkepoghtogh. 

Eel River Tribe. 
Shamekunnesa or Soldier. 

MlAMIS. 

Wapamangwa or White Loon. 
Weas for Themselves and Pianke- 

SHAWS. 

Amacunsa or Little Bea\'er. 
Acoolatha or Little Fox. 
Francis. 



WITNESSES AND INTERPRETERS AT GREENVILLE. 253 

KiCKAPOOS AND KaSKASKIAS. DeLAWARES OF SaNDUSKY. 

Keeawhah. Hawkinpumisha. 

Nemighka or Josey Renard. Peyamawksey. 

Paikeekanogh. Reyntueco of the Six Nations living at Sandusky. 

In presence of (the word 'goods' in the l!th Hne of the lird article; the word 'before' 
in the 20th line of the :ird article ; the words ' five hundred ' in the 10th line of the 4th 
article, and the word ' Piankeshaw ' in the 1 4th line of the 4th article, being first interlined) : 

H. DeButts first A. D. C. and Sec'y to Major General Wayne. Wm. H. Harrison 
Aide-de-camp to Major General Wayne. T. Lewis Aide-de-camp to Major General Wayne. 
James O'Hara Quarter Master General. John Mills Major of Infantry and Adjutant 
General. Caleb Swan L. M. T. U. S. Geo. Cemter Lieut. Artillery U. S. A. N. Sr. 
LaFontaine. Grant Lasselle. H. Lasselle. Wm. Geo. Pean. Jun. David Jones Chap- 
lain U. S. L[egion]. Louis Beaufait. R. Echambre. L. Copen U. S. L[egion]. Baties 
Coutien. S. Navarre — [Signed as witnesses; also the sworn interpreters named below]. 

The number of Aborifj'iiies, and of tribes and l)ands, credited as at 
the Treaty of Greenville are as follows, viz: 

Tribes. Number. Sworn Interpreters. 

Wyandots, 180 Isaac Zane and Abraham Williams. 

Delawares, ^Wl Cabot Wilson. 

Shawnees, 14M Jacques Lasselle and Christopher Miller. 
Ottawas, 4') i 

Chippewas, 4(i ■ M. Morans and Bt. Sans Crainte. 

Pottawotamis, 240 1 
Miamis and Eel Rivers, 7.i j 

Weas and Piankeshaws, 12 - William Wells. 

Kickapoos and Kaskaskias, 10 ) 

Total, 12, li:!0 

A number of hostile Cherokees who were lingering' around the 
head waters of the Scioto River did not accept the invitations to the 
council at Greenville and, 3rd August, 1795, General Wayne notified 
them of the Treaty with all the other tribes and, also, of the treat\' re- 
cently effected with their brethren of the South. He also notified them to 
immediately accept his last invitation to corne to Greenville and enter 
into articles of peace or they would stand alone and unprotected. Some 
of them accompained Captain Longhair, a principal Cherokee chief and 
General Wayne's messenger, to Greenville and soon thereafter 
accomjiained the chief to the South. The others promised to hunt 
quietly along the Scioto until their crops ripened when they would re- 
turn to their brethren in the South to remain permanently with them. 

The Aborigines lingered at Greenville about one week after the 
completion of the Treaty, explaining some of the late thieving raids of 
their young men which they promised to correct ; in exchanging congrat- 
ulations -. and in receiving the medals, and the twenty thousand dollars 
worth of goods mentioned in the Treaty. In Council the 10th August, 
General Wayne, thinking it time to draw the meetings to a close, gave 
his admirable farewell address, viz : 



234 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Children ; All you nations listen. By the seventh article of this treaty all the 
lands now ceded to the United States are free for all the tribes now present to hunt 
upon, so long as they continue to be peaceable, and do no injury to the people 
thereof. It is, therefore, the common interest of you all to prevent any mischief being 
done upon those hunting grounds. Those people who have committed the late outrage on 
our peaceable inhabitants, had been hunting on those grounds and, after finishing their 
hunt, proceeded to the commission of the bad actions of which I have complained. 
These practices, for the reasons I have already given you, must have an immediate end. 

The Red Pole, [a Shawnee Chief] has behaved like a candid, honest man, in 
acknowledging the errors of his people, and in promising to restrain them immediately. 
He has done more ; he has offered to leave his own father as a hostage until he can 
inform me of his having called them home ; but I will not separate him from his old 
father; I will depend upon his honor for the performance of his promise. (Here he 
gave a string of white wampum to Red Pole. ) 

All you, my children, listen to me. The great business of peace, so long and 
ardently wished for by your great and good father. General Washington and the Fifteen 
Fires [the number of States then in the Union] and, I am sure, by every good man 
among you, being now accomplished, nothing remains but to give you a few words of 
advice from a father anxious for the peace and happiness of his children. I^et me 
earnestly exhort you to restrain your young people from injuring, in any degree, the 
people of the United States. Impress upon their minds the spirit and meaning of the 
treaty now before us. Convince them how much their future welfare will depend upon 
their faithful and strict observance of it. Restore to me as soon as possible all my flesh 
and blood which may be among you, without distinction or exception, and receive now 
from my hands the ten hostages stipulated by the second article to be left with me as a 
security for their delivery. This unequivocal proof of the confidence that I place in 
your honor, and in the solemn promises you have made me, must satisfy you of my full 
persuasion of your sincerity. Send those ten young men to collect your prisoners ; let 
them bring them to me, and they shall be well rewarded for their trouble. I have here 
a particular account of the number remaining among you. and shall know them when 
they are all restored. 

I now fervently pray to the Great Spirit that the peace now established may be 
permanent, and that it may hold us together, in the bonds of friendship until time shall 
be no more. 1 also pray that the Great Spirit above may enlighten your minds, and 
open your eyes to your true happiness ; that your children may learn to cultivate the 
earth, and enjoy the fruits of peace and industry. (Here he gave a string of white 
wampum. ) 

As it is probable, my children, that we shall not soon meet again in public council, I 
take this opportunity of bidding you all an aftectionate farewell, and of wishing ^-ou a 
safe and happy return to your respective homes and families. (Gave white string wampum.) 

Each of the more prominent chiefs desired to have the last word 
with General Wayne who had pleased them exceedingly in his words, 
in his conduct of the business in hand, and in his entertainment of them. 
Buck-on-ge-he-las, the great war chief of the Delawares, seemed to voice 
the sentiments of all when he said : 

Your children all well understand the sense of the Treaty which is now concluded. 
We experience daily proofs of your increasing kindness. I hope we may all have sense 
enough to enjoy our dawning happiness. Many of your people are yet among us. I 
trust they will be immediately restored. Last winter our King [Te-ta-boksh-ke] came 
forward to you with two [captives] and when he returned with your speech to us, we 



FAVORABLE CLOSING OF TREATY AT GREENVILLE. 255 

immediately prepared to come forward with the remainder, which we delivered at Fort 
Defiance.* All who know me. know me to be a man and a warrior, and I now declare 
that I will for the future be as true and steady a friend to the United States as I have 
heretofore been an active enemv. We have one bad man among us who. a few days 
ago. stole three of your horses; two of them shall this day be returned to you. and 1 
hope I shall be able to prevent that youns man from doing any more mischief to our 
Father the Fifteen Fires [States]. 

The 9th Septemlit-r between sixty and seventy refractory and hostile 
Shawnee warriors, led by Chief Puck-se-kaw or Jumper, arrived at 
Greenville and wished to be counted in the Treaty. From the efforts 
of Chief Blue Jacket they brought and surrendered four American 
captives three of whom were taken in Randolph County, Virginia, the 
13th July. These being the last of the malcontents, General Wayne 
turned his attention to matters best calculated to make the Treaty, and 
peace, permament. 



*It was the Delawares. or Lenni Lenapes, who took captive the child Frances Slocum 2nd 
November. 1778. followinj; the horrible Wyomine Massacre. She was not restored : nor was she dis- 
covered to her surviving relatives until after a residence with the Delawares and Miamis for about tifty- 
nine years. This was in many particulars the most remarkable captivity on record, and the one best 
illustrating the influence of heredity over environment. See Miner's. Stone's. Chapman's, and Peck's 
History of Wyoming : The Pennsylvania Archives : Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution : 
The Story of the Lost Sister hy Rev. John Todd ; The History oj the Slocums in America volumes i and 
ii. by Dr. Charles E. Slocum ; and The Biography of Frances Slocum by Johu F. Meginness. 




SECTION OF BELT OF WAMPUM 



236 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Treaties — The Aborigines — Organizations for Civil Govern- 
ment — Renewal of Hostilites. 
1795 TO 1812. 

The United States concluded a treaty of friendship, of limits, and 
of navigation with Spain October 27, 1795. This treaty further allayed 
for a time the feelin^i of anxiety and unrest with some and of ambition 
with others, and contributed to the strengthening of the liond of union 
between the West and the East. This was also a year of much migra- 
tion from the East, with increase of settlements along the rivers of 
southern Ohio, other southern parts of the Northwest Territory, and 
south of the Ohio River. 

Colonel Hamtramck's letters to General Wayne during the winter of 
1795-96 describe the temper of the Aborigines, and their disinclination 
to supply the wants of the younger and older members of the tribe, viz: 

Fort Waynk December l.'i, IT!*."). 
Sir : . . The issues to the Aborigines would be very inconsiderable this winter if 
it was not for about ninety old women and children with some very old men, who live 
near us and have no other mode of subsisting but by the garrison. I have repeatedly 
tried to get clear of them, but without success. 

January l.'i, 1790. 

Sir. . . About ninety old women and children have been victualled by the 
garrison. I have, yesterday, given them five days' provisions and told them it was the 
last they should have until spring. I was obliged to do so because, from calculation, I 
have no more flour than will last me until spring. But, sir, if other supplies could be 
got by land, I consider it politic to teed these poor creatures, who will suffer very much 
for want of subsistence. 

The military stations in and near this Basin 3rd February, 1796, 
were: Forts Defiance, Wayne, Miami (the British fort by the lower 
Maumee, which the Americans expected would soon be surrendered ) 
and Sanduskv, all of which, excepting Miami, aggregated a force of one 
battalion of infantry, one company of riflemen, and one company of 
artillery at Fort Wayne which fort was the headquarters for these 
posts; also Forts Adams, Recovery, Jefferson, Loramie, Head of 
the Auglaise, and Greenville the headquarters of this group, with an 
aggregate of one battalion of infantry and one company of riflemen 
divided among them. The forts recommended March 29, 1796, to be 
maintained were: Defiance, Wayne, Adams, Recovery, Head of 
Auglaise, Miami and Michilimackinac, each by a garrison of fiftv-six 
men; and Detroit with one hundred and twelve men — Detroit and 
Miami being yet in possession of the British.* 



*See American State Papers. Military Atlairs volume ii, pages 113. 115. 



BRITISH AGAIN COUNCILLING WITH THE SAVAGES. 257 

In January, 1796, General Wayne visited the seat of the general 

Government, probably to give opinion regarding the British forts in 

American territory. Great courtesy and deference were given him in 

Philadelphia and his native County of Chester near-by. He placed 

General James Wilkinson in charge of the Northwestern Army during 

his absence with headquarters at Greenville, and it was to him that the 

following letters of the series of Colonel Hamtramck were addressed, 

viz : 

Fort Wayne February 10, 179(1. 

Sir : . . Sometime ago I wrote you that I had refused provisions to a number of 
old men, women, and children of the Delaware nation. But I have since been compelled 
to give to them or see them die. It was impossible to refuse, 

March 28, 1 TOfi. 

Sir : , . I am out of wampum. I will be much obliged to you to send me some, 
for speaking to an Aborigine without it is like consulting a lawyer without a fee.* 

The British agents again succeeded in arousing dissatisfaction 
among some of the Aborigines, and a council was called in the interest 
of the British for June, 1796, near their Fort Miami. To counteract 
these influences General Wilkinson invited some of the chiefs to visit 
him and, later. Colonel Hamtramck passed down the Maumee River 
with a detachment of troops for the purpose of being near those Abo- 
rigines attending the council. The parts of his letters to General 
Wilkinson regarding these movements, are here excerpted: 

.\prii ,1, nnc. 

Sir : . . Little Turtle [war-chief of the Miamis] arrived yesterday, to whom I 
delivered your message. His answer was, to present his compliments to you, that he 
was very glad of the invitation, as he wished very much to see General Wilkinson, but it 
is impossible for him to go to Green\'ille at present, as he had ordered all his voung men 
to repair to a rendezvous in order, when assembled, to choose a place for their perma- 



* Wampum to the Aborigines served the purpose of money, and far more than money. It was not 
only a standard of value and a medium of exchange, but it was worn as an ornament and a badge of 
wealth, and of position. It was also employed as symbols of various sentiments — as an invitation to join 
in war, and as emblems of various sentiments of peace and good will in councils. Originally it was of 
any bright, hard and smooth object that could be fastened to the ears, nose, neck, waist, arms or lower 
limbs. It was also formed from Mollusk shells — from the larger clam shells of the rivers, and from shells 
thrown upon the shore by the waves of tlie lakes, and the salt sea. The shells were broken into small 
pieces which were drilled by pieces of flint, wood and sand, and shaped and smoothed usually into 
cylinders one-eighth inch or more in diameter, and one-fourth to a half inch or more in length, by rubbing 
them on stones of varying roughness. Considerable time, patience and skill were necessary to make 
pieces somewhat uniform in size for placing on strings of hemp or bark liber or from sl<ins of animals. 
These strings were often fastened side by side to form belts, usually of few strings width, but sometimes 
of eight, ten, twelve or more wide. Dark beads came from the ' eye ' of the shell. In some tribes they 
were known as socki and were of twice the value of the ordinary while beads called Wompi. Sections of 
bones were used as wampum, also the claws and beaks of birds and the teeth of animals; but the latter 
could not be so readily drilled or fastened together and to the person as substances of less hardness. 

Wampum was also a medium of payment and exchange among the Europeans in America as well as 
between them and the .\borigines. See engravings of wampum on page 23.^ and later. 

The Hollanders for some years, in the early part of the seventeenth century, were the principal 
manufacturers and wholesale dealers in wampum of various colored glass and porcelain, in various forms 
and sizes. This wampum was a great attraction to the .-Vborigines who eagerly exchanged the skins of 



238 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

nent residence ; that, as soon as that object shall be accomplished he would go to see 
you. which, he said, would be by the time he hears from you again. 

April IS. 1796. 
Sir ; . . The bearer is Captain Blue Jacket [a war-chief of the Shawnees] who, 
at your request, is now going to Greenville. Blue Jacket is used to good company and is 
always treated with more attention than other Aborigines. He appears to be very well 
disposed, and I believe him sincere.* . 

C.'kMP Deposit [Roche de Bout] June S. 179(>. 
Sir : I arrived at this place the day before yesterday and have been waiting the 
result of the Aborigine council at the [British] Miamis fort. It would appear that they 
are divided in their opinions. White Cap, the principal Shawanese chief, wants to 
alarm the Aborigines, but I am in hopes he will not succeed. Blue Jacket is with me, 
and says that he will remain until your arrival. Yesterday some of 'their chiefs and 
young men were with me, and assured me of their good intentions towards us. How far 
this can be depended upon time will determine. 

Camp Deposit June Hi, 179(5. 
Sir: . . Two of my men deserted on the 14th inst. I sent my interpreter and 
an Aborigine after them. They brought them back last night. I wish they had brought 
their scalps for I know not what to do with them. Could I have power, at times, to call 
a general court martial for the trial of deserters, it would save a great deal of time. 

J. F. Hamtramck. 

The British Surrenher the Fiirts. 

John Jay Special Minister to Great Britain concluded a treaty 19th 
November, 17'J4, known as the Jay Treaty, which was favorable to the 
Northwest Territory inasmuch as one of its provisions was for the 
British abandonment of their military posts on American soil on or 
before the 1st June, 179H. This treat\' was proclaimed as a law by 
the President 1st March, 1796. The 27th May General Wilkinson 
sent Captain Schaumberg his aide-de-camp to Detroit to demand of 
Colonel England the evacuation of the forts subject to his orders — 



tlie best fur-bearine animals for it. In the year 1627 De Rasiers with a Holland trading vessel from New 
Amsterdam (now New York) entered Plymouth Harbor and traded this wampum to the Puritans to the 
value of ^,50. By the year 1640 it was quite generally used as money, on account of the scarcity of silver 
and gold, throughout the northern Colonies, exclusively in some places, as the most convenient article 
for exchange of values although it was considered in places "but a commodity, and it is unreasonable 
that it should be forced upon any man.' — Rhode Island Colonial Records. 1662. Waiupum was current 
in New York and throughout the East for fare in public conveyances, also in many places for taxes and 
for goods until near the close of the eighteenth century, and yet later in this Basin. Strings of wampum 
were of definite length and were used as measurers as well as for exchange. In the year 1666 the Con- 
necticut Assembly made a land grant of ' Fifty fathoms of Wompom ' size. 

* After chief Blue Jacket joined the .Americans Colonel M'Kee British Agent said to him; The 
commission [see Index reference to Blue Jacket] you received from Sir John Johnson was not given you 
to carry to the Americans. I am grieved to find that you have taken it to them (at the preliminary 
treaty in January, 17951. It was with much regret I learned that you had deserted your friends [the 
British! who always caressed you and treated you as a great man. You have deranged, by your im- 
prudent conduct, all our plans for protecting the Aborigines and keeping them with us. They have 
always looked up to you for advice and direction in war, and you have now broken the strong ties which 
held them all together under your and our direction. You must now be viewed as the enemy of your 
people and the other Aborigines whom you are seducing into the snares the Americans have formed for 
their ruin; and the massacre and destruction of these people by the Americans must be laid to your 
charge— Buttertields History o/ the Girtys page 396. 



AMERICANS TAKE POSSESSION OF BRITISH FORTS. 239 

Fort Lernoult at Detroit, Fort Miami near the foot of the Maumee 
Rapids, and Fort Michilimackinac ; but Colonel England had received 
no orders so to do from his superior officer and could not comply with 
the demand. The British, however, had been buildin^i a fort at 
Maiden, near Captain Matthew Elliott's estate, at the present Amherst- 
burg on the left liank and near the mouth of Detroit River. 

The first of June having passed without a movement of the British 
to vacate the forts, the War Department decided with General Wavne 
to make one more formal demand. Accordingly Captain Lewis was 
sent from Philadelphia direct to Lord Dorchester who received him, 
and the demand from headquarters, with great civility, and caused 
orders to be drawn and given to him commanding the officers in charge 
of the Forts — Oswego, Niagara, Miami, Lernoult, and Michilimackinac 
— to vacate them to " such officer belonging to the forces of the United 
States as shall jiroduce this authority to you for that jiurpose, who 
shall precede the troops destined to garrison it by one day, in order 
that he may have time to view the nature and condition of the works 
and buildings." The orders for the surrender of Forts Oswego and 
Niagara were handed by Captain Lewis on his return to Captain Bruff 
at Albany, and those for the other forts were given to General Wayne 
at Philadelphia who immediately dispatched them to General Wilkin- 
son at Greenville and he sent them to Colonel Hamtramck who also 
acted with proinptness as shown by his report to General Wilkinson, 

viz : 

Fort Miami |uly 11, ITitd. 

Sir ; On the '7th instant two small vessels arrived from Detroit in which I sent a 
detachment of artillery and infantry consisting of sixty-five men, together with a number 
of cannon with ammunition, &c., Ac, the whole under the command of Captain [Moses] 
Porter. On the !)th a sloop arrived from Detroit at Swan Creek, purchased by Captain 
Henry DeButts, which carries fifty tons, and which is now loaded with flour, quarter- 
master's stores and troops. That, together with eleven batteaux which I have, will be 
sufficient to take all the troops I have with me. leaving the remainder of our stores 
deposited at this place, which was evacuated [by the British] on this day, and where I 
have left Captain Marschalk and Lieutenant Shauklin with fifty-two men, infantry, and 
a corporal and six of artillery, that is, including the garrison at the head of the Rapids 
[Roche de Bout ?]. I have endowed Fort Miami with one month's provision for both the 
troops and the Shawanese. The latter, you recollect, you promised subsistence until 
the crops were ripe. The number of the Shawane,se is about one hundred and eighty, 
besides twenty-six or thirty Ottawas. I shall embark in two hours, with all the troops, 
for Detroit. 

Detroit, July 17, 1'7!)(). 

Sir ; I have the pleasure to inform you of the arrival of the troops under my com- 
mand at this place [Fort Lernoult] which was evacuated [by the British] on the 11th 
instant and [was] taken possession of by a detachment of sixty-five men commanded by 
Captain Moses Porter, whom I had detached from the foot of the [Maumee] Rapids for 
that purpose. Myself and the troops arrived on the IHth instant. . . 

To Major General Wilkinson. J- ^- Hamtramck. 



240 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Thus was accomplished, after a further struggle of thirteen years 
by the young Republic with the loss of much blood, what Great Brit- 
ain should have at once surrendered at the close of the Revolutionary 
War in 17h3 according to the Treaty of Paris. Instead of her arrogant 
and continued aggressions and her incitements of the savages, had she 
by proper conduct toward these savages given moral support to the 
L'nited States in their efforts to cultivate and maintain among them a 
desire for peace and progress toward civilization, their condition would 
have greatly improved and the United States would have been saved 
many lives and much expense. But the end was not vet come. 
Eighteen more years the British persisted in their infamous conduct 
toward the United States and with the savages for mastery over this 
Basin. The policy of the British was then, as ever, to acquire territory 
and never to relinquish any that was possible to hold. The treaty 
necessary to close the Revolutionary War did not extinguish their 
desire and expectation of re-possessing the American Colonies, or the 
territory west of the Allegheny Mountains at least. This is shown by 
their continual refusal to surrender their fortifications on the American 
border; by their building the strong Fort Miami by thi' Maumee River, 
a great advance into United States territory; and by their continued 
efforts to federate and control all the Aborigine tribes in this Basin, 
also those to the westward and southward of it. Some of Great Brit- 
ain's apologists have attempted to attach the blame for these undue 
and persistent aggressions and misdemeanors on the British subordi- 
nate officials. This would imply a laxity of supervision on the part of 
their superiors that no well-informed person will admit. The British 
Home Office in London, England, kept well informed regarding the 
methods and details of their subordinates as well as of the results of 
them: in fact the Home Office dictated all. Many occurrences in the 
conduct of affairs here that were reported were not kept of record; but 
enough was entered upon record to convict all parties, as shown on 
previous and succeeding pages hereto. Communications with London 
bv trained messengers were also frequent. The most alert and aggres- 
sive subordinates were sought for the frontiers ; and if the voice of one 
was raised for a less aggressive or less cruel policy it was soon hushed, 
generally b\- his removal. 

During the summer of 1796 there was great scarcity' of provisions 
at Detroit for the three hundred American soldiers as well as for the 
large number of Aborigines who continued to gather there. Samuel 
Henley Acting (Quartermaster went to Greenville to hasten forward 
supplies bv way of the Ohio River. He wrote l^'th August to General 
Williams Ouartermaster General at Detroit that . . 'the Commis- 
sary General gave thirty dollars for the transjiortation of one barrel of 



CHARACTER OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE. 241 

flour from Fort Washington to Fort Wayne.'' . . I am well con- 
vinced that our public wagonmasters are a poor set of drunken 
men.' . 

Death ok General Wayne — W\\yne County — Intrigues. 

General Wayne, on his return from Philadelphia, arrived at 
Detroit 13th August, 1796, probably by the sloop Detroit from Fresque 
Isle the present Erie, Pennsylvania. He was received by demonstra- 
tions of great joy by all persons, including the twelve hundred Abo- 
rigines there assembled. He remained at Detroit until the 17th No- 
vember, when he again started for Philadelphia on a small sloop. 
On this voyage over Lake Erie his system was much irritated and 
fatigued by the tossings of the storms, and the disease from which he 
had for some time suffered ( recorded as the gout ) made great progress. 
It could not be allayed after his arrival at Fort Presque Isle, and he 
there died l.Tth December, 179fi, aged fift\-one vears, eleven months 
and fourteen days.T 

General Wayne served his country well, and with much (jatriotic 
fervor. He was a typical American commander. He was a thorough 
disciplinarian, brave, impetuous and irresistilile in battle, and success- 
ful in inspiring his soldiers with these requisites. He was also 
thoughtful and conservative in planning and equally successful in 
strategy and assault, as shown on different fields. North and South, 
during the Revolutionary War. These characteristics were very pro- 
nounced during his campaign through the Maumee River Basin : and 
the success and value of this campaign were equalled only by the suc- 
cess and value of his dij^lomacy in drawing the savages to Greenville 
the next year, away from their British keepers and to the most import- 
ant of treaties. These last, and greatest, acts of his life should ever 
be respected as invaluable to our countr\', as thev settled favorably for 
the Union its first great crisis. 

General James Wilkinson continued to act as General-m-chiel of 
the United States Army after the death of General Wayne. 

The 15th August W^inthrop Sargent, Secretary of the Northwestern 
Territory, proclaimed at Detroit the organization of Wayne County 
which included nearly all of the Maumee River Basin and eastward to 
the Cuyahoga River, and all of the Territory north of a line extending 
from Fort Wayne to the south part of Lake Michigan. Thus this 



'^The form of money most in use at this time was ' York Currency ' issued by the Provincial Con- 
Eress of New Yorli. A few Spanish silver dollars were in circulation. They were then the most valuable 
of all money seen and were rated at ten shillings each. 

+ In 1809 his son Colonel Isaac Wayne, removed his remains from Presque Isle (Erie. Pennsyl- 
vania) to his early home at Radnor, where the Society of the Cincinnati of Pennsylvania erected a 
moderate marble monument to inatk his grave. 



242 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



WAYNE COUNTY 

BY PROCLAMATION 



Basin was brought under the jurisdiction of the United States for the 
first time, it having before l)een, excepting the sites of the American 
Forts, under the nominal jurisdiction of County Kent organized in Can- 
ada in 1792; but during this time, as previously, it was practically 
subject to the Commandant of the garrison at Detroit. 

With the occupation of Detroit by the Americans, there 
followed the necessity for regular and prompt communication with 

Fort Washington at Cincinnati. 
Horses were kept at the sev- 
eral stations of Greenville, St. 
Marys, Defiance, and Miami at 
the foot of the lowest Maumee 
Rapids, for this purpose. J. 
Wilkins, Junior, Quartermaster 
General at Detroit, wrote to 
Major John Wilson, Assistant 
Quartermaster at Fort Miami, 
under date of 16th Sejitember, 
1796, that "I send' over by 
Ogden two horses which are to 
remain at Fort Miami to serve 
as a relief for expresses; when 
expresses are coming to this 
place [Detroit] they are to leave 
the horses they bring with you 
and come on with fresh horses. You will take the greatest care of the 
horses and have them well fed and attended to." 

Near the close of the year 1796 the number of white people within 
the present limits of Ohio was recorded as about five thousand, mostly 
located along the Ohio River and along its tributaries within fifty miles 
of the Ohio. With the prospects of peace and of the land being sur- 
veyed and opened to settlers, the population increased rapidly. 

After the organization of Wayne County, and until the formation 
of the Ohio State Government in 1803, lawyers of Cincinnati attended 
the General Court at Detroit. Five or six of them usually traveled in 
company on horseback and took along a packhorse to carry supplies 
additional to the personal effects in the saddle-bags of each individual. 
Aborigine camps were passed through but it was not safe to rely on 
them for assistance, and supplies along the route through the forest 
were uncertain, even of corn to feed their horses. There were no 
bridges, and each horse was a tried swimmer for crossing the deepest 
of streams. They were generally from six to eight days in the wilder- 
ness, and sometimes ten days. On one of these journeys the party 




CINCINNATI LAWYERS SEE SHAWNEE BALL GAME. 245 

arrived at the Ottawa town on the Autjlaise River about the middle of the 
day, and accepted an invitation to remain there until the next morning. 
Jacob Burnet, afterwards judge, was often a member of the party and 
he wrote the following description of one of their entertainments/" 

Blue Jacket the Shawnee chief who commanded in the battle of the 20th August, 
]7!)4 [Battle of Fallen Timber] resided at that village, but was then absent. The party, 
however, were received very kindly by the venerable Delaware chief Bu-kon-ge-he-las. 
whose name has been given to a fine mill-stream in Logan County. He was one of the 
chiefs who negotiated the treaty at the mouth of the Big Miami [Fort Finney] with Gen- 
eral George R. Clark in 17S(i, in which his name is written Bo-hon-ghe-lass. 

In the course of the afternoon he got up a game of foot-ball, for the amusement of 
his guests, in the true aborigine style. He selected two young men to get a purse of 
trinkets made up, to be the reward of the successful party. That matter was soon ac- 
complished and the whole village, male and female in their best attire, were on the lawn 
which was a beautiful plain of four or five acres, in the center of the village, thickly set 
in blue grass. At each of the opposite extremes of this lawn two stakes were set up about 
six feet apart. The men played against the women, and to countervail the superiority of 
their strength it was a rule of the game that they were not to touch the ball with their 
hands on the penalty of forfeiting the purse ; while the females had the privilege of using 
their hands as well as their feet, being allowed to pick up the ball and run and throw it 
as far as their strength and activity would permit. When a squaw succeeded in getting 
the ball the men were allowed to seize, whirl her around and. if necessary, throw her on 
the grass for the purpose of disengaging the ball, taking care not to touch it except with 
the feet. The contending parties arranged themselves in the center of the lawn, the men 
on one side and the women on the other, each party facing the goal of their opponents. 
The side which succeeded in driving the ball through the stakes at the goal of their ad- 
versaries, was proclaimed victors and received the purse to be divided among them. All 
things being ready, the old chief came on the lawn and, saying something in the Abori- 
gine language not understood by his guests, threw up the ball between the lines of the 
combatants and retired. The contest began. The parties were pretty fairly matched as 
to numbers, having about a hundred on a side, and for a long time the game appeared 
to be doubtful. The young .squaws were the most active of the party and most frequently 
caught the ball, at which time it was amusing to see the struggle between them and the 
young men which generally terminated in the prostration of the squaw upon the grass be- 
fore the ball could be forced from her hands. The contest continued about an hour with 
great animation and varying prospects of success. It was finally decided in fa\'or of the 
fair sex by the herculean strength of a mammoth squaw who got the ball and held it, in 
spite of the efforts of the men to shake it from the grasp of her uplifted hand, till she ap- 
proached the goal near enough to throw it through the stakes. When the contending par- 
ties had retired from the strife it was pleasant to .see the exultation expressed in the faces 
of the victors whose joy was manifestly increased by the circumstance that victory was 
won in the presence of white men whom they supposed to be highly distinguished and 
honored in their nation, a conclusion very natural for them to draw as they knew the 
business on which their guests were journeying to Detroit. The party spent the night 
very pleasantly in the village, and in the morning resumed their journey. 



* Burnet's Notes pages 6H tu 7r Henry Howe in his Historical Collections of Ohio places this 
' Ottawa town ' at the present Wapakoneta. There were many 'Ottawa' towns alony these rivers and 
this particular one on the .\uglaise River in the opinion of the writer was about the central part of the 
present Allen County, Ohio, or about the site where Fort Amanda was built in 1813 in AuElaise County 
near the line of Allen, and site of General Wayne's fort at the ' Head of the Anglaise,' 



244 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

On the outward journey they [the lawyers] took the route by Dayton, Piqua, Loramie, 
St. Marys, and the Ottawa town on the Auglaise, and thence down this river to Defiance; 
thence down the Maumee to the foot of the rapids, and thence to and across the River 
Raisin to Detroit. On their return they crossed the Maumee at Roche de Boeuf [properly 
Roche de Bout] by the advice of Black Beard, a personal friend of Judge Symmes, who 
lived in that neighborhood and with whom the party breakfasted. As a matter of pre- 
caution they hired his son to accompany them in the capacity of guide. He led them 
through a succession of wet prairies over some of which it was impossible to ride, 
and it was with great difficulty they were able to lead or drive their horses through the 
deep mud which surrounded them on all sides. After two days and a half of incessant 
toil and difficulty they arrived at the same village in which they had been so kindly treat- 
ed, and so much amused, on their outward journey. To their great mortification and 
disappointment they were informed that Blue Jacket had returned from Cincinnati a day 
or two before with a large quantity of whiskey, and that his people were in a high frolic. This 
information was soon confirmed by the discovery that the people of the whole village, 
male and female were drunk. The party, however, were received with great kindness, 
but it was in a style they were not disposed to permit. An old withered looking squaw, 
very drunk, was extremely officious. Knowing that Mr. St. Clair, one of the party, was 
the Attorney General of the Territory and son of the Governor, her attentions were prin- 
cipally conferred upon him. She kissed him and exclaimed 'you big man — Governor's 
son'. Then turning to the rest of the party, said with marked contempt ' you be milish'* 
and then kissed Mr. St. Clair again. It was certainly one of those rare occasions on 
which men of sensibility and delicacy feel the advantage of being placed at a low grade 
on the scale of dignity. It was manifestly impossible to remain in the village, and the 
only alternative was to proceed on their journey. It was then late in the afternoon. 
They were much fatigued, and had a wet swampy path of twelve miles to pass over to 
the River St. Mary, through a valley swarming with gnats and mosquitoes. It was a 
choice of evils ; but, as there was no time to hesitate, they saddled their horses and 
started. Night overtook them in the middle of the swamp. There being no moon, and 
the forest being very dense, it was found impossible to keep the path, much less to see 
and avoid the quagmires on every side. They had no alternative, and halted till morning. 
To lie down was impossible from the nature of the ground; and to sleep was still more 
difficult as they were surrounded with gnats and mosquitoes. After remaining in that 
uncomfortable condition five or six hours, expecting every moment their horses to break 
away, daylight made its appearance for their relief. About sunrise they arrived at the . 
old Fort ■'Vdams on the St. Mary. This fort was then occupied by Charles Murray and 
his squaw who got them a breakfast, after which they proceeded to Cincinnati. Jour- 
neys of a similar character were of frequent occurrence during the continuance of the 
Territorial government, and for some years after. 

The Jay Treaty with Great Britain was considered by France as an 
alteration and suspension of her treaty of 177H with the United States; 
and on the 19th August, 1796, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defen- 
sive, was concluded between France and Spain, and this at once led to 
some overt acts bv France against the United States on the high seas, 
and to agents of Spain and France again becoming active to alienate 
this Northwestern Territory from the East. The idea of a Western 
Confederac}' was again advocated b}' a few persons in Kentucky. A 



'■"This expression nrobabb' voiced the opinion of the Aborigines at this time of the inilitiatnen, in 
contradistinction to soldiers of the regular army. 



INTRIGUES OF FRANCE AND SPAIN. 245 

special emissar\' from Baron de Carondelet the Spanish Governor 
General of Louisiana was again sent in the person of Thomas Power, 
a versatile Irishman possessing a practical knowledge of the English, 
French and Spanish^ languages who had previously been in Kentucky 
and in the Ohio settlements to advance the interests of Spain in the 
Mississippi Basin. In June, 1797, he again proceeded to Kentucky and 
addressed influential personages on subjects that were in the present 
uncertain and critical attitude of politics, highly imprudent and danger- 
ous to lay before them on paper' but which were, in effect, that if they 
would 'immediately exert all their influence in impressing on the minds 
of the inhabitants of the western country a conviction of the necessity 
of their withdrawing and separating themselves from the Federal 
Union, and forming an independent government wholly unconnected 
with that of the Atlantic States' they would be well rewarded. 

If a hundred thousand dollars distributed in Kentucky would cause it 
to rise in insurrection, I am verv certain that the minister, in the pres- 
ent circumstances, would sacrifice them with ])leasure: and you may, 
without exposing yourself too much, promise them to those who enjoy 
the confidence of the people, with another equal sum, in case of 
necessity: and twenty pieces of field artillery.'*. 

Meantime the Spanish forts along the Mississippi River were not 
surrendered to the United States according to the Treaty of 1795, and 
it was reported to the Secretary of State by Winthrop Sargent Secre- 
tary of the Northwest Territory, 3rd June, 1797, that General Howard 
an Irishman commissioned f\v Spain as Commander-in-chief had 
arrived at St. Louis with upwards of three hundred men and had begun 
the erection of a formidable fort; that a large party of Aborigines 
(Delawares) passed down the White River, a tributary of the Wabash, 
the first week in May bearing a Spanish flag on their way to reinforce 
the Spaniards. Further, that the Spaniards had on the Mississippi 
above the mouth of the Ohio several galley row boats with cannon. 

Thomas Power also traversed the Maumee Valley in August on 
his way to Detroit to meet General Wilkinson and other influential 
men. He was accompanied, or soon followed, by the Agents of 
France, Victor de Collot and M. Warin, who sketched maps of the 
rivers and country. In a letter from Detroit to Captain Robert Buntin 
at Vincennes under date 4th September, 1797, General Wilkinson 
mentions receiving a letter from Carondelet stating "a variety of frivo- 
lous reasons for not delivering the posts, and begs that no more [Amer- 
ican] troops be sent down the Mississippi. I have put aside all his 
exceptions, and have called on him in the most solemn manner to fulfill 



* American State Papers, Miscellaneous volume ii. page 1 



246 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

the treaty. . . Although Mr. Power has brought me this letter it is 
possible it might be a mask to other purposes; I have therefore, for 
his accommodation and safety, put him in care of Captain Shaumburgh 
who will see him safe to New Madrid by the most direct route. I pray 
you to continue your vigilance, and give me all the information in your 
power." . 

France refused to receive the American Minister and permitted 
man}' unwise acts of her citizens while instigating others. Congress, 
also, adopted measures of defense and retaliation, authorizing the form- 
ation of a provisional army, about twelve regiments of which were to 
gather at Fort Washington where boats were to be built to transport 
them down the Mississippi; commercial intercourse with France was 
suspended ; an act was passed for the punishment of alien and secret 
enemies of the United States; and for the punishment of treason and 
sedition. 

The Spaniards of the Mississippi fearing an invasion by the 
British, President John Adams ordered General Wilkinson 4th Febru- 
ary, 1798, to oppose all who should presume to attempt a violation of 
the laws of the territory of the United States by an expedition through 
it against their enemies. This implies that the British had designs on 
the Spanish Colony by way of the Maumee or Illinois. The Territory 
of Mississippi was formed by Congress 7th April, 1798, and Winthrop 
Sargent was nominated and approved as its Governor. The vacancy 
thus made of Secretary of the Northwestern Territory, was filled ■26th 
June by the appointment of William H. Harrison. 

Ex-President George Washington was chosen 2nd July, 1798, 
Lieutenant General and Commander-in-Chief of the armies raised or to 
be raised for the service of the United States. There was little to be 
done, however, that he could not readily delegate to his subordinates. 
During the summer of 1798 the Spanish vacated their forts in American 
territor}', and the 5th October General Wilkinson took up headquarters 
at Loftus Heights, where Fort Adams was soon built, on the eastern 
bank of the Mississippi about six miles north of the 31st degree of 
north latitude the then dividing line between the United States and 
Spanish territory. 

The first Wayne County was divided into four townships according 
to the law of 6th November, 1790. The 1st November, 1798, these 
townships bore the names Detroit, Mackinaw, Sargent and Hamtramck, 
the last named including, probably, nearly all of this Basin. The first 
election in which Wayne County participated was held at Detroit, and 
one or two other places, the third Monday of December, 1798, accord- 
ing to proclamation of Governor St. Clair the 29th October; but owing 
to some irregularity another election was held the 14th January, 1799, 



FIRST NEWSPAPERS. LEGISLATURE. CONGRESSMAN. 247 

which resulted in the election of Solomon Sibley, Charles F. Chobert 
de Joncaire (jonquiere?) and Jacob Visger, all of Detroit and its 
vicinity, as Representatives to the Legislature. 

Territorial Legislature — Indiana Territory — Other 
Organizations. 

The Legislature convened at Cincinnati the 22nd January, 1799, 
and later selected ten citizens whose names were sent to the President 
of the United States according to the Ordinance of 1787, from whom 
he was to nominate a Legislative Council or Senate for the Territory. 
The meeting was then prorogued by Governor St. Clair to meet the 
16th September. 

The first newspaper in this Northwestern Territory was started 9th 
November, 1793, by William Maxwell later postmaster at Cincinnati. 
It was a half sheet, size 10 x 13 inches and headed Centinel of the 
Northwestern Territory. The second newspaper was the Western Spy 
started at Cincinnati 2Mth May, 1799. 

A quorum of the General Assembly was not present at the 
adjourned meeting until 24th Sejjtember when the nineteen Represen- 
tatives reported as follows: two from Adams County, seven from 
Hamilton, one from Jefferson, one from Knox, four from Ross, one 
from Washington, and three from this Wayne County. These, with 
the five persons selected by President Adams from the names that had 
been sent to him (Jacob Burnet, James Findlay, Henry Vanderburg, 
Robert Oliver, and David Vance) as Legislative Council or Senate, 
completed the first Territorial Legislature. 

William H. Harrison was chosen, the 3rd October, 1799, by this 
Legislature as the first Delegate or Representative to Congress from 
the Territory Northwest of the Ohio River. He at once resigned his 
office as Secretary of the Territory, proceeded to Philadelphia and took 
his seat in Congress which was there in session. Here, as elsewhere 
he did good work for his constituents. The office of Secretary' of the 
Territory becoming thus vacant. President Adams nominated Charles 
Willing Byrd for the place 30th December, and the United States 
Senate confirmed the choice the next day. 

The difliculties attending the organization and maintenance of 
government for a vast extent of country remote from officers and the 
seat of government, had long been felt, and at length became the sub- 
ject of Congressional inquiry. A committee of Congress reported the 
3rd March, 1800, that 'in the three western counties of the Northwest 
Territorv there had been but one court having cognizance of crimes 
in five years; and the immunity which offenders experience, attracts as 
to an asvlum the most vile and abandoned criminals, and at the same 



248 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



WAYISEl, COUMTY 

Aftcf for»T7a^on o^ 
InoiarM T(irr\Tori\ 
Law of Maij 7.I800 




lAURENS 
9- 



time deters useful and virtuous persons from making settlements in 
such society.' 

In consonance with the recommendations of this committee, Con- 
gress provided, the 7th May, that from and after the 4th of July, 1800, 

all that part of the Territory of 
the United States Northwest of 
the Ohio River which lies to the 
Westward of a line beginning at 
the Ohio opposite to the mouth 
of Kentucky River, and running 
thence to Fort Recovery, and 
thence north until it shall inter- 
sect the Territorial line between 
the United States and Canada, 
shall, for the purpose of tem- 
porary government, constitute 
a separate territorv, and be 
called the Indiana Territory. 
All east of this line was called 
Ohio Territory; and thus Wayne 
County was reduced about one- 
half in size. The Ordinance of 
1787 was to apply for the government of Ohio and Indiana Territories 
as heretofore, and William H. Harrison was appointed Governor of 
Indiana Territory. Arthur St. Clair was reappointed Governor with 
jurisdiction over Ohio Territory, notwithstanding his increasing dis- 
favor with the people. Chillicothe was occupied as the capitol of Ohio 
Territory in the year 1800. 

Four land offices were established in Ohio Territory the 10th May, 
1800; at Chillicothe, Cincinnati, Marietta and Steubenville. The 
desirability of the United States Patent for settlers' lands, and more 
compactness of jurisdiction, became more apparent to settlers in Con- 
necticut's Western Reserve. Early in the year 1800 the seekers of 
homes therein numbered about one thousand, mostly located near Lake 
Erie. The 30th May the Connecticut Assembly transferred all her 
rights of jurisdiction to the United States, which action placed all of 
Ohio Territory upon a uniform land basis. This further conduced to 
the increase in this Reserve of settlements, which extended westward 
and occupied the eastern jiart of the lands of the Aborigines, they 
receiving pay therefor from the Connecticut Land Company. Later in 
this year, 1800, Trumbull County was organized, its limits extending 
westward to the middle of Sandusky Bay or about five miles west of 
the pi;esent City of Sandusky, and including all of the Western Reserve, 



ADDED BRITISH INSULT. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 249 



X.AKC 
SUPERIOR 



WAYNE COUNTY 

Ajfcr procUrodiloN oj 
Ju)-^ I0-)9oo 




which further curtailed Wayne County east from this line to the Cuya- 
hoga River. The second protestant missionary in northern Ohio was sent 
to this Reserve the latter part of IHOO liy the Connecticut Missionary 
Societv. He found no township containing more than eleven families. 

The Second ITnited States Cen- 
sus, for the year IHOO, showed 
the population of Ohio Territorj' 
to be 45,365, including, as it 
did, what is now eastern Michi- 
gan. 

The British, after their re- 
moval to the Canadian bank of 
Detroit River in 179fi, continu- 
ed to ignore the line of United 
States Territory, officially cross- 
ing it at their pleasure. As late 
as the -iOth October, IKOO, one 
of their officers went to Detroit, 
broke into a private house and 
arrested Francis Poquette, using 
such violence that the victim 
soon died of the injuries he re- 
ceived. They also endeavored to retain their former influence over 
the Aborigines. The rising power of the United States, was apparent, 
however, in the development of the West. The courage and prompt- 
ness of the Government in meeting the many intrigues and aggressions 
of the Aborigines, the French, Spanish, and of the unduly ambitious 
Americans, had allayed visionary and chimerical schemes, and given 
impetus and more stability to the Western settlements. The threat- 
ened war with France was happily allayed and, the 30th September, a 
treaty with that power was consummated. The ambitions of Spain, 
through a number of years to possess this region, were also defeated, 
and the 1st October she secretly ceded Louisiana back to France after 
an ownership of thirty-eight years. 

Nor did Napoleon's first idea of a new France prevail, but rather 
that wise decision of President Jefferson and Congress for the purchase 
by the United States 30th April, 1803, of that vast domain, styled the 
Louisiana Purchase. Thus was removed by one master act all object- 
ions to Americans navigating the Mississippi and trading throughout 
its course. This purchase also quieted the agitations, both foreign and 
domestic, for a Western Republic. 

The first post road between Cincinnati and Detroit was established 
3rd March, 1801. There bemg no postoffices, however, on the northern 



250 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



end of the route for about two years after thiis date, tlie mail was carried 
as a military or semi-military express as formerly. There was this 
year also an increase of carrying facilities on Lake Erie, and on the 
Ohio River. The first ship to pass down the rivers, across the Gulf to 
Havana, and up the Atlantic coast to Philadelphia, was launched this 
)'ear at Marietta. In 1801 the first capitol building for Ohio was built 
at Chillicothe w^here Congress had designated the seat of government, 
and in November the first session of the Second General Assembly met 
there. Wayne County was represented by persons from Detroit as 




follows: Solomon Sibley, as member of the Council or Senate in 
place of Judge Vanderburg who resided in the new Territory of Indiana; 
George M'Dougall, Charles F. Chobert Joncaire, and Jonathan Schief- 
flin. The two last named aided the notorious Governor Hamilton in 
his cruel warfare against Americans during the Revolutionary War, 
and after the surrender of Detroit to the Americans in 1796 the last 
named yet declared himself a British subject with determination to 
remain such. The United States has had many similar examples, in 
which the ignoring by the public of a forceful man's ill-advised state- 



MILITARY POSTS. OHIO STATE ORGANIZED. 251 

ments and actions has ^iven him opportunity in which he has refornit-d 
his opinion and tempered his after life to lieneficent service. Tliis 
Legislature continued in se'ssion until iord January, iHOl', wlun Gov- 
ernor St. Clair, who as a Federalist had become very officious and e.xact- 
ing against the organization of Ohio to the displeasure of the i>eo])le 
generally, adjourned the session to meet in Cincinnati the following- 
November. This act greatly offended many people of Chillicothe, 
some of whom started to mob the Governor. Fortunately Jonathan 
Schiefilin of Detroit was present with a pair of pistols whicli, being 
exhibited in a firm manner, caused the mob to disperse without the 
necessity for their further use. 

In the 'Estimate of all Posts and Stations where [military] Garri- 
sons will be expedient, and of the Number of Men requisite' made 
December 3, 1801, but three Posts were mentioned for the Territory 
Northwest of the Ohio River, viz: Michilimackinac one compan\- of 
artillery and one of infantry: Detroit one company of artillery and four 
of infantry: Fort Wayne one company of infantry. In Act of Congress 
March, 1802, for Reduction of the Army, Fort Wayne was styled a 
'frontier post with garrison of sixty-four men.' In the year 1803 Fort 
Wayne had garrison of fifty-one men, viz: one Captain, one Surgeon's 
Mate, one first and one second Lieutenant, one Ensign, four Sergeants, 
four Corporals, three Musicians, and thirty-five Privates. ' 

State of Ohio — Treaties — Michigan and Illinois Territories. 

The 4th March, 1802, with the presumption that Ohio Territory 
contained a population of at least sixt\' thousand people, and a Con- 
gressional Committee on this Territory reporting favorably. Congress 
voted the 30th April to call a Convention of representatives of the Ter- 
ritory to meet the 1st November, 1802, to frame a Constitution for the 
proposed State of Ohio. This Convention, by a majority of five, per- 
mitted the request of Governor St. Clair to deliver an address 'on 
those points which he deems of importance.' In his speech the 
Governor advised the postponement of a State organization until the 
people of the original (eastern) division were plainly entitled to 
demand it, and were not subject to be bound by conditions. Unwise 
criticism, made at this time in addition to previous unwise acts, caused 
President Thomas Jefferson to at once remove St. Clair from the 
governorship. When the vote was taken upon the question of doing 
that which St. Clair advised them not to do, but one of the thirtv-three 
members of the Convention, Ephraini Cutler of Washington County, 
voted with the Governor. t 



' American State Papers, Military Affairs volume i, pages 156. 175. 786. 
t See Jacob Burnet's Letters, patres lOH, llu and 111, 



Z&Z THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The Constitution was agreed upon and signed with commendable 
promptness, being completed the 29th November, 1802 ; and the 19th 
February, 1803, Ohio was admitted to the Union as a State, the fourth 
under the general Constitution and the seventeenth in general number. 
The first Legislature met at Chillicothe the first Tuesday of March, 
lb03, thus completing the State organization. The white residents of 
Wayne County were mostly settled at Detroit : but some were settled 
by the water courses to, and including, the Maumee. They were 
counted to make the requisite number for the Statehood of Ohio: but 
this Wayne County was given neither representation in the Convention 
nor vote on the Constitution. In fact northwestern Ohio over the 
whole extent of this Basin had no representation in the government 
until after the organization of counties in April, 1820. Naturall\' the 
Ohio part of this Basin reverted to Hamilton Countv for its civil gov- 
ernment after the organization of Ohio as a State; and at the organi- 
zation 1st May, 1h03, of Montgomery and Greene Counties they could 
be supposed to extend north to the State line. Thev exercised but 
little if any jurisdiction, however, in this region which, with other parts 
of the Basin, remained the territory of the Aborigines until the treaties 
of 1817, and were directly subject to the United States authorities at 
Fort Wayne and Detroit. Wavne Countv in Ohio was not again 
mentioned until 13th February, 1808, when by Legislative Act the 
present County was organized with boundaries somewhat as now 
existing, widely separated from the original Wa\'ne County which has 
been taken from until it is of ordinary county size, with Detroit yet its 
seat of government. 

After the Treaty at Greenville in 1795, the Aborigines remained for 
a short time reasonably contented with the United States Annuity, and 
with what they received for the peltries obtained by hunting and trap- 
ping. They also received many gratuities from the white settlers 
among whom they wandered and entered dwellings at will, and by 
whom thev were generally treated with kindly consideration notwith- 
standing their want of regard for individual rights in property desired 
bv them. It became more and more apparent, however, that British 
influence was yet being exerted among them and causing discontent to 
be fostered among the several tribes. 

Governor Harrison, who was also Superintendent of the Affairs of 
the Aborigines for Indiana Territory, completed at Fort Wayne 7th 
June, 1803, the treaty that was begun 17th September, 1802, at Vin- 
cennes, in which the Eel River, Kaskaskia, Kickajjoo, Miami, Pianke- 
shaw, Pottawotami and Wea tribes formally deeded to the United 
States the lands about Vincennes which had previously been bought of 
the other Aborigme tribes: and this act was further confirmed at 



PURCHASES FROM ABORIGINES. MICHIGAN ORGANIZED. 255 

Vincennes the 7th August by yet other Aborigine chiefs. The 13th 
August the Illinois tribes deeded to the United States a large portion 
of the countr\' south and east of the Illinois River. The 13th August, 

1804, Governor Harrison jiurchased for the United States the claims of 
the Delawares to the land between the Wabash and Ohio Rivers. He 
also purchased of the Piankeshaws their claims to lands deeded to the 
United States by the Kaskaskias in 1803; also by treaty and purchase, 
the claims of the several tribes were extinguished to large areas of 
lands further west. 

A treaty was also held at Fort Industry on the 4th July, 1805.* 
At this time and place the chiefs and warriors of the Wyandot, 
Ottawa, Chippewa, Munsee, Delaware, Shawnee, and Pottawotami 
tribes, and those of the Shawnees and Senecas who lived with the 
Wyandots, ceded to the United States all of their claims to the West- 
ern Reserve of Connecticut, for and in consideration of an annuity of 
one thousand dollars in addition to sixteen thousand dollars paid to 
them by the Connecticut Land Company and the Proprietors of the 
one half million acres of Sufferers' Lands ( Firelands, lands granted to 
those persons who suffered by fire in Connecticut by acts of the British 
during the Revolutionary War). Further, a treaty with and an 
annuity to the dissatisfied Pottawotami, Miami, Eel River and Wea 
Aborigines near Vincennes, the 21st August, 1805, induced them to 
relinquish their claims to the southeastern part of Indiana which was 
also bought of the Delawares by the United States on the iWth of 
August, 1804. These several treaties and purchases, of 1H03-04-05, 
including yet another with the Piankeshaws on the 30th December, 

1805, extinguished several times over all alleged right of claim to these 
lands by the Aborigines. 

Michigan was organized into a separate Territory by Congress the 
11th January, 1S05. The southern limit was to be a line running due 
east from the most southern shore of Lake Michigan, as it was then 
understood ; and the new government was to go into effect the 30th 
June. General William Hull was appointed Governor. 



'^American State Papers. Aborigine Aftairs volume i, pa^ie 696. The writer has been unable to 
find any further authentic mention of Fort Industry by several applications by letters and in person to 
the Secretaries of State and War at WashiuKton. and by personal search there and in the United Slates 
Library. A writer some years ago ascribed its building to General Wayne immediately after the Battle 
of Fallen Timber (Knapp's History of the Maumee Valley] and others have copied his assertion. 
Henry Howe wrote in his Historical Collections of Ohio that the time of its building was about the year 
1800. The writer has shown by official reports, of all existing forts on previous pages of this bool< that 
Fort Industry was not built before the winter or spring of IHO.t; that it was probably but a stockade 
(probably an old one repaired) for the accommodation of the troops present at the treaty and called a 
fort for the effect of the name on the Aborigines; and that it was abandoned soon after the treaty. 
Tradition alone gives its situation on the left (north) bank of Swan Creek at its entrance into the 
Maumee River, about the crossing of Summit and Monroe Streets in the present City of Toledo, Ohio. 
See the writer's article in the Ohio Archaeologicai and Hisiorical Ouarterly. vol. sii p, 123, 



254 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Aaron Burr journeyed, and re journeyed, through the west and 
southwest during- the vears IHOo and 1H06, and rumors became rife of 
his pre]iarations to invade and conquer Mexico, and to create a West- 
ern Republic of which the country west of the Allegheny Mountains 
was to form a part. The Legislature of Ohio ordered, the first part of 
December, 1806, the seizure of fourteen boats and supplies at Marietta, 
which were about read}- to start down the rivers in aid of Burr's 
scheme. Burr was arrested 17th January, 1807, and was released on 
bail, which he forfeited. He was again arrested while endeavoring to 
escape, was subjected to trial at Richmond, and accjuitted. Thus 
failed, however, the fourth and weakest effort to wrest this western 
region from the United States. During these years of scheming by 
restless, designing persons, and of apprehension by the Government, 
there was considerable strengthening of United States troops at Forts 
Washington, Wavne, and Detroit; and preparations were made for their 
active service. The conduct of Aaron Burr was a cause for this : and 
the increasing aggressions of the British were also an explanation. 

The ■27th January, 1H07, Henry Dearborn Secretary of War, sent a 
commission to William Hull Governor of Michigan Territorv and Suii- 
erintendent thereof Aborigine Affairs, with instructions to hold a treaty 
council with the Aborigines. Governor Hull issued a call to the differ- 
ent tribes for a council at Detroit; but they did not attend. Two other 
calls were sent, and President Jefferson directed him to communicate 
to them the continued friendl\- intentions and offices of the United 
States. The setjuel proved that their desires to respond to the invita- 
tions to council had been thwarted by Captain Alexander M'Kee 
British agent. Finally, they evaded M'Kee and his aids and went to 
Detroit for council, in which they proclaimed the intrigue of the British 
to again more closelv alh' them to their aid for the war likelv to ensue 
with the United States. '■' Between seven and eight hundred Aborigines 
had been invited to Maiden, now Amherstburg, where intoxicating bev- 
erages and promises prevailed. During October and November many 
hundreds of these Aborigines were unavoidably fed at Detroit by Gov- 
ernor Hull while on their way to and from Maiden, and also during 
the council, notwithstanding the direction of the Secretary of War that 
from fifty to one hundred was as great a number as ought to be allowed 
to attend. A iirominent feature of this council, and one that was 
remembered and repeated by the Aborigines, was the expression of 
President Jefferson that they should remain quiet spectators, and not 
participate in any (piarrels of others, particularly of the white people; 
that tht' ['uited States were strong enough to fight their own battles ; 



■'' Compare American State Papers, Ab.'iiwiiie Allairs Nuhune i. pat;c 



GRANTS TO ABORIGINES. RESERVATIONS. ROADS. 255 ^ 

and that it was evidence of weakness on the part of any people to 
want the aid of the Aborigines. 

Finally a treaty was effected at Detroit 17th November, 1S()7, with 
the Chippewa, Ottawa, Pottawotami and Wyandot tribes in which 
they deeded to the United States all their claims to the country north 
of the middle of the Maumee River from its mouth to the mouth of the 
Auglaise, thence extending north to the latitude of the south part of 
Lake Huron, thence east to and southward along the Canadian boun- 
dary. For this territory- they received ten thousand dollars in 'money 
and goods' as first payment and an annuity of two thousand and four 
hundred dollars. They were given, however, the option of monev, 
goods, implements of husbandry, and domestic animals, from which to 
choose. Of these sums, the Chijipewas received one-third, the Ottawas 
one-third, and the Pottawotamis and Wyandots each one-sixth. This 
treaty further reads that "the llnited States, to manifest their liberalitv, 
and disposition to encourage the said Aborigines in agriculture, further 
stipulate to furnish the said Aborigines with two blacksmiths during 
the term of ten years — one to reside with the Chippewas at Saginaw, 
and the other to reside with the Ottawas at the Maumee. Said black- 
smiths are to do such work for the said nations as shall be most useful 
to them." As in former treaties, the Aborigines were to have the 
privilege of hunting on the ceded lands as long as they remained the 
distinctive property of the United States. 

Certain tracts of this land were also reserved for the exclusive use 
of the Aborigines. These reservations within this Basin were as 
follows : Six miles square on the north bank of the Maumee above 
Roche de Bout 'to include the village where Tondagame [Tontogany] 
or the dog, now lives ' probably at the Grand Rapids. Another reser- 
vation three miles square on the Maumee "above the twelve miles 
square ceded to the United States by the Treaty at Greenville, includ- 
ing what is called Presque Isle: also, four miles square on the Miami 
[Maumee] Bay, including the villages where Meshkemau and Waugau 
now live. . . It is further understood and agreed, that whenever 
the reservations cannot convenientl>- be laid out in squares, they shall 
be laid out in parallelograms or other figures as found most practicable 
and convenient, so as to obtain the area specified in miles : and in all 
cases they are to be located in such manner and in such situations as 
not to interfere with any improvements of the French or other white 
people, or any former cession." 

American settlers continued to gather in Ohio, and some took resi- 
dence on the United States Reservations at the Foot of the Rapids of 
the Maumee. The necessity for roads to connect the settlements in 
Ohio with those in Michigan, becoming more ap]iarent, Governor Hull 



256 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

was directed to secure cession of lands for such roads from the Aborigi- 
nes. Accordingly a treaty was held at Brownstown, Michigan, 25th 
November, IKOH, with the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the Chip- 
pewa, Ottawa, Pottawotami, Shawnee, and Wa\'ndot tribes in which 
they quitclaimed a tract of land one hundred and twenty feet in width 
for a road from the foot of the lowest rapids in the Maumee River to 
the western line of the Connecticut Reserve; also all the land within 
one mile of each side of this roadway for the settlement of white 
people: "also a tract of land, for a road only, of one hundred and 
twenty feet in width to run southwardly from what is called Lower 
Sandusky [now Fremont] to the boundary line established by the 
Treatv of Greenville, with the privilege of taking, at all times, such 
timber and other materials from the adjacent lands as may be necessary 
for making and keeping in repair the said road, with the bridges that 
mav be required along the same." . . No compensation was given 
the Aborigines in money or merchandise for these roadways, as they 
were desirable and beneficial to the Aborigine nations as well as to the 
United States, reads a clause in the cession. 

Indiana Territory from its organization in 1M02 had extended to 
the Mississippi River. The settlements had increased so much, how- 
ever, that the Illinois country was organized into a separate Territory 
the 3rd Februarv, IHO'J. 

Tecumseh's Conspiracy with British Against Americans. 

For several years the Aborigines had manifested an increasing 
restlessness, which was attributed by Captain Dunham and other Amer- 
ican officers principally to the influence of foreigners who were trading 
among them.''' The idea first taught to the savages by the early 
French in opposition to the British, then exploited by Pontiac in 1763, 
and then amplified with greater force by the British against the Amer- 
icans from the beginning of the Revolutionary War — of a confedera- 
tion of all the tribes, and that all lands should be claimed by them col- 
lectively, and that no claim should be disposed of, nor any advance of 
the Americans upon the lands be permitted — was being revived and 
again urged before the Aborigines by the British and a few French. 

Tecumseh, an energetic Shawnee brave, began in 1805 therefrom 
to repeat the history of Pontiac, the Americans being the people con- 
spired against. The increasing purchases of claims b\' the United 
States, and the rapid increase of American settlers thereon who at 
once began to clear away the forest; the organization of Territories, 
State and Counties, with their courts and closer government, all had 



* COTII 



ipaie American State Papers. Aborigine Atfairs volume i. page T9y. 



CONSPIRACY OF TECUMSEH AND ELSKWATAWA. 257 

excited apprehension among lawless traders and loungers in the camps 
of the Aborigines, and had also excited afresh the chronically meddle- 
some British officers and agents, inciting them to renewed intrigues. 

Tecumseh's reputed brother, 
lilskwatawa, had recently remov- 
ed with other Shawnees from the 
Scioto River, Ohio, to the Tippe- 
canoe, Indiana, where he soon 
gained something of a notoriety 
as a sorcerer. He began to tell 
of his dreams and visions, and to 
claim the knowledge and power of 
a prophet inspired and commis- 
sioned by the Great Spirit to lead 
the Aborigines l>ack to the con- 
dition of their ancestors before 
the coming of the Americans. His 
remarkable pretensions s [ire ad 
Irom the Shawnee town by the 
Tipjiecanoe River to other and 
distant tribes, being carried by 
runners including Tecumseh who 
traveled rapidly from tribe to tribe 
between Lake Erie and the Mis- 
sissippi, and from the u|i]ier lakes 
to the Gulf of Mexico. 
These actions of Tecumseh and the 'Prophet' were understood by 
Governor Harrison as a concerted effort to marshal the Aborigines in 
the interest of their British allies again against the United States. 
Since the campaign of General Wavne a new generation of young men, 
fed from the rations supplied their jiarents by the United States, had 
developed into warriors anxious for excitement and ready at short 
notice to follow an\' leader whose project appeared probable to gratify 
their savage impulses. Letters were soon received by the Secretary of 
War from the several military jaosts throughout the western country 
regarding the increasing hostility of the Aborigines and their threaten- 
ings to exterminate Americans, also of their being aided by the British; 
but, notwithstanding accumulating proof of their designs both parties, 
Tecumseh and the 'Prophet' and the British, denied any hostile inten- 
tion against the United States. Excerjits from some of the letters to the 
Secretary of War in proof of the contrarv are here presented, viz:'' 




ELSKWATAWA 

The Shawnee Sorcerer and Prophet. Born 
probably about 1770. 'A cunning, unprincipled 
man. in earl.v life remarkable for nothim,' but 
stupidity and intoxication.' The last years of his 
life were obscured. 



''^' For much other proof, see American Stale Papers volume iv. paye 798 et sequentia. 



258 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

General William Clark wrote from St. Louis April 5, 1809, that 
the Aborigine prophet's emissaries have been industriously employed 
the latter part of winter and spring privately councillinsi with, and 
attempting to seduce the Kickapoos, Saukeys, and other bands of 
Aborigines by the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers, to war against the 
frontiers of this country. William Wells wrote from Fort Wayne Hth 
April that the Aborigines appear to be agitated respecting the conduct and 
as they say the intentions of the Shawnee Prophet. The Chippewas, 
Ottawas, and Pottawotamis are hurrying away from him and say that 
their reason for doing so is because he has told them to receive the 
tomahawk from him and destroy all the white people at Vincennes and 
Ohio, as low down as the mouth of the Ohio and as high up as Cincin- 
nati : that the Great Spirit had directed that they should do so, at the 
same time threatening them with destruction if they refused to comply 
with what he proposed. General Clark wrote from St. Louis April 
30th: I have the honor to enclose you a cop\' of a letter which con- 
firms my suspicions of the British interference with our Aborigine 
affairs in this country. The following is an extract from the enclosed 
letter from Boilvin: 'l am at present in the fire receiving Aborigine 
news every da}'. A chief of the Puant nation appears to be employed 
b}' the British to get all the nations of Aborigines to Detroit to see 
their fathers the British, who tell them that they pity them in their 
situation with the Americans, because the Americans had taken their 
lands and their game; that they must join and send them off from their 
lands. They said they had but one father that had helped them in 
their misfortunes, and that they would assemble, defend their father, 
and keep their lands.' It appears that four English subjects have been 
at Riviere a la Roche this winter in disguise : they have been there to 
get the nations together and send them on the American front- 
iers. Governor Harrison wrote from Vincennes 3rd May, 1809, 
of his decided opinion that the Prophet will attack our settlements. 
About eight days ago he had with him three hundred and fifty warriors 
well armed with rifles; they have also bows and arrows, war clubs, and 
a kind of spear. The Factor (Agent) of the Trading Post at San- 
dusky, S. Tupper, wrote 7th June that the conduct of the British 
traders in introducing spirituous liquors among the Aborigines in this 
part of the country, and their determined hostility to the measures of 
our Government, have long been subjects of complaint; and their 
infamous stories have embarrassed our operations. Governor William 
Hull wrote from Detroit June 16th that the influence of the Prophet 
has been great, and his advice to the Aborigines injurious to them and 
to the United States. We have the fullest evidence that his object has 
been to form a combination of them in hostility to the United States, 



SEDITIOUS ACTS. TREATY AT FORT WAYNE. 259 

The powerful influence of the British has been exerted in a wav alluring 
to the savage character. Complaints also came to the Secretary of 
War that British agents were inciting the Aborigines along the western 
shore of Lake Michigan and supplying them with guns and ammuni- 
tion. General Harrison wrote from Vincennes 5th July that the 
Shawanese Prophet and about forty followers arrived here about a week 
ago. He denies most strenuously any participation in the late combi- 
nation to attack our settlements. . . I must confess that my sus- 
picions of his guilt have been rather strengthened than diminished at 
every interview I have had with him since his arrival. He acknowl- 
edged that he received an invitation to war against us from the British 
last fall, and that he was apprised of the intention of the Sacs, Foxes, 
etc., early in the spring, and was warmlv solicited to join in their 
league. . . The result of all my enquiries on the subject is, that the 
late combination was produced bv British intrigue and influence in 
anticipation of war between them and the United States. It was, how- 
ever, premature and ill-judged. 

Governor Harrison, in council with Aborigines at Fort Wayne 
30th September, 1809, succeeded, however, in further purchasing their 
claims to two tracts of land in Indiana Territory west of the Greenville 
Treaty Line and adjoining former purchases, the stipulated price being 
permanent annuities of five hundred dollars to the Delawares, five 
hundred dollars to the Miamis, two hundred and fiftv dollars to the 
Eel River Miamis, and five hundred dollars to the Pottawotamis. The 
Miamis, by separate article of same date, as additional compensation 
were promised to receive at Fort Wayne the next spring domestic 
animals to the amount of five hundred dollars, and the like number for 
the two following years; and that an armorer should be also main- 
tained at Fort Wayne for the use of the Aborigines as heretofore. In 
treaty with the Kickapoos at Vincennes 9th December, 1H09, Governor 
Harrison purchased claims to land northwest of the Wabash River 
adjoining the Vincennes tract, the consideration being a permanent 
annuity of four hundred dollars, and goods to the amount of eight 
hundred dollars. By this last treatv the Miamis were to receive a 
further annuity of two hundred dollars, and the Eel River tribes one 
hundred dollars each. 

Trading Agencies — Continued Conspiracy of Tecumseh. 

The report to the Secretary of War 31st December, 1809, of 
J. Mason Superintendent of the Trading House Establishments or 
agencies styled Factories among the Aborigines, possesses features of 
interest in this connection. There were at this date twelve establish- 
ments of this character, eight of which were in the South and South- 
west; and the net assets involved in them amounted to ?235,461.64. 



260 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The Trading House in this Basin was established at Fort Wayne in 
the year 1802. Colonel John Johnston was the Factor (yVgent) in 1809 
with salars' of $1000 per year and a subsistence allowance of $365. 
William Oliver his clerk received a salary of $250 a year and $150 for 
subsistence. Inventory of the assets of this Fort Wayne Trading 
House October 5th showed: Merchandise, Peltries, etc., on hand 
$5,020.75; Accounts Receivable per return of March $2,112.72; Build- 
ings estimated at about one half of cost $500. Merchandise forwarded 
by the Government to Fort Wayne 9th June and 2Hth July not included 
in the above amounted to $4,686.87. A Trading Agency was also 
established in Detroit in 1802, but it was discontinued in 1805. Those 
in operation nearest this Basin in 1809, were: Sandusky established in 
1806; Chicago 1805; and Michilimackinac 1808. The peltries taken in 
exchange for merchandise at these Trading Houses were; Beaver, 
first quality valued at two dollars each, and second tjuality one dollar 
Dressed Deer Skins one dollar and fifty cents; Wolf Skins one dollar 
Muskrat, Raccoon, Wildcat, and Fox Skins, twenty-five cents each 
Otter two dollars and fifty cents; Bear first quality one dollar and fifty 
cents, second quality one dollar. Tallow at twelve and a half cents a 
pound, and Beeswax at twenty cents, also entered into the accounts. 

Tecumseh and the Prophet continued active. The additional 
councils and purchases of land at F"ort Wayne and Vincennes were 
alleged as new incentives. General Harrison wrote to the Secretary 
of War 14th June, 1810, that I have received information from various 
sources which has produced entire conviction on my mind, that the 
Prophet is organizing a most extensive combination against the United 
States. Another letter dated the 26th June informs that Winemac 
[a friendly Aborigine] assured me that the Prophet not long since pro- 
posed to the young men to murder the principal chiefs of all the tribes ; 
observing that their hands would never be untied until this was 
effected ; that these were the men who had sold their lands, and who 
would prevent them from opposing the encroachments of the white 
people. An Iowa Aborigine informs me that two years ago this 
summer an agent from the British arrived at the Prophet's town and, 
in his presence delivered the message with which he was charged, the 
substance of which was to urge the Prophet to unite as many tribes as 
he could against the United States, but not to commence hostilities 
until they gave the signal.''' 

The 11th Juh' General Harrison again wrote that I have received 



* The reader will bear in mind the strained relations between the L'nited States and Great Hrit- 
ain whicli had existed for several years, and which fre'inently received fresh incentives from the im- 
pressment of American seaman, the search of American ships, and unjust discriminations in trade. The 
continued arrocance of the British in Canada, and their conduct toward the Aborigines on American 
soil, show that their former ulterior desiKns on this western country were unabated. 



CONTINUED PLOTTING OF BRITISH WITH SAVAGES. 261 

a letter from Fort Wayne which confirms the information of the hostile 
designs and combination of the Aborigines. The people in the neigh- 
borhood where the horses were stolen are so much alarmed that thev 
are collecting together for their defense. Again, July iHth: From the 
lowas I learn that the Sacs and Foxes have actually received the 
tomahawk [declared for war] and are ready to strike whenever the 
Prophet gives the signal. A considerable number of Sacs went some 
time since to see the British superintendent and, on the first instant, 
fifty more passed Chicago for the same destination. A Miami chief 
who has just returned from his annual visit to Maiden, after having 
received the accustomed donation of goods was thus addressed by the 
British agent: ' My son keep your eyes fixed on me; my tomahawk is 
now up: be you ready, but do not strike until I give the signal.' 
General Clark wrote from St. Louis July 20th that a few weeks ago the 
post-rider on his way from Vincennes to this place was killed, and the 
mail lost; since that time we have had no communication with 
Vincennes. A part of the Sacs and the greatest part of the Kickapoos 
who reside east of the Mississippi have been absent some time on a 
visit to the Aborigine Prophet. One hundred and fifty Sacs are on a 
visit to the British agent by invitation, and a smaller party on a visit 
to the island of St. Joseph in Lake Huron. On July "ioth General 
Harrison again wrote that there can be no doubt of the designs of the 
Prophet and the British agent of Aborigine affairs [Alexander M'Kee?] 
to do us injury. This agent is a refugee from the neighborhood of 

[Pittsburg] and his implacable hatred of his native country 

prompted him to take part with the Aborigines in the battle between 
them and General Wayne's army. He has, ever since his appointment 
to the principal agency used his utmost endeavors to excite hostilities, 
and the lavish manner in which he is allowed to scatter presents 
amongst them, shews that his government participates in his enmity 
and authorizes his measures. Governor Hull wrote from Detroit Juh' 
■27th that large bodies of Aborigines from the westward and southward 
continue to visit the British post at Amherstburg [Maiden] and are 
supplied with provisions, arms, ammunition, etc. Much more atten- 
tion is paid to them than usual. On August 7th Captain John Johns- 
ton, agent of the Fort Wayne Trading Post, wrote that since writing 
\-ou on the 25th ultimo, about one hundred Sawkevs [Sacs] have re- 
turned from the British agent who supplied them liberally with every- 
thing they stood in want of. The party received forty-seven rifles and 
a number of fusils [flintlock muskets] with plenty of powder and lead. 
This is sending firebrands into the Mississijipi country inasmuch as it 
will draw numbers of our Aborigines to the British side in the hope of 
being treated with the same liberality. On the 1st August General 



262 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Harrison reported that a number of the inhabitants of the northern 
frontier of the Je'ffersonville district had been driven away by the Abo- 
rigines and much of their property destroyed. Many other letters were 
written to the Secretary of War from the widely separated posts evi- 
dencing the continued preparations of the Aborigines for war under 
the incitements of the British. But few other extracts will be here 
given: February 6, 1811, Captain John Johnston again wrote from 
Fort Wavne that has been at this place. The information de- 
rived from him is the same I have been in possession of for several 
years, to wit: the intrigues of the British agents and partisans in 
creating an influence hostile to our people and Government, within our 
territory. I do not know whether a garrison [fort] is to be erected on 
the Wabash or not; but every consideration of sound policy urges the 
earlv establishment of a post somewhere contiguous to the Prophet's 
residence. Hostilities were continued to the westward, some murders 
and captivities being reported; and some blockhouses were built along 
the frontier for the refuge and defense of the settlers. 

Governor Harrison had not remained idle. He had instituted 
preparations for defense and, also, for advance. By appointment he 
was visited by the chief leader of the hostile Aborigines, his written 
report of the same on 6th August, 1811, being in part as follows: The 
Shawanee Chief Tecumseh has made a visit to this place with about 
three hundred Aborigines, though he promised to bring but a few 
attendants; his intentions hostile, though he found us prepared for him. 
Tecumseh did not set out till yesterday ; he then descended the Wabash 
attended by twenty men on his way to the southward. After having 
visited the Creeks and Choctaws he is to visit the Osages, and return 
by the Missouri. The spies say his object in coming with so many 
was to demand a retrocession of the late purchase [of Aborigine claims 
to land]. At the moment he was promising to bring but a few men 
with him he was sending in every direction to collect his people. That 
he meditated a blow at this time was believed by almost all the neutral 
Aborigines.* 

It appears, wrote J. Shaw Agent at Fort Wayne the 18th August, 
that the fruit of the Shawanee Prophet and his band, is making its 
appearance i-n more genuine colors than heretofore. I have lately had 
opportunities of seeing" many of the Aborigines of this Agencv from 
different quarters, and by what I have been able to learn from them, 
particularly the Pottawotamis, I am induced to believe the news circu- 
lating in the papers respecting the depredations committed in the 



* In Drake's Life of Tecumseh there is description of a dramatic scene at this council, in which 
Teciunseh's men at a given sit;na) sprang to arms and were instantly faced by a strong guard of Ameri- 
can troops who had been held in the background for any emergency. 



FURTHER COLLUSION OF BRITISH WITH SAVAGES. 263 

Illinois Territory by the Aborigines, is mostly correct, and is thought 
by them to have proceeded from Mar Poe [or Marpack a Pottawotami 
chief] and the influence of the Shawanee Prophet. Several of the 
tribes have sent to me for advice. Governor Harrison wrote Septem- 
ber 17, 1811, from Vincennes to the Secretary of War as follows: 

states that almost every Aborigine from the countrv 

above this had been or was then gone to Maiden on a visit to the 
British agent. We shall probably gain our destined point at the 
moment of their return. If then the British agents are reall\' endeav- 
oring to instigate the Aborigines to make war upon us, we shall be in 
their neighborhood at the very moment when the impressions which 
have been made against us are most active in the minds of the savages. 

succeeded in getting the chiefs together at Fort Wayne, 

though he found them all preparing to go to Maiden. The result of 
the council discovered that the whole tribes ( including the Weas and 
Eel Rivers, for they are all Miamis ) were about equally divided in 

favor of the Prophet and the United States. reports 

that all the Aborigines of the Wabash have been or now are on a visit 
to the British agent at Maiden ; he has never known more than one- 
fourth as many goods given to the Aborigines as they are now distrib- 
uting. He examined the share of one (not a chief) and found that he 
had received an elegant rifle, twenty-five pounds of powder, fiftv 
pounds of lead, three blankets, three strouds of cloth, ten shirts, and 
several other articles. He says every Aborigine is furnished with a 
gun (either rifle or fusil) and an abundance of ammunition. A trader 
of this country was lately in the King's store at Maiden, and was told 
that the quantity of goods for the .\borigine department which had been 
sent out this year, exceeded that of common years by i:/20,000 sterling. 
It is impossible to ascribe this profusion to any other motive than that 
of instigating the Aborigines to take up the tomahawk; it cannot be to 
secure their trade for all the peltries collected on the waters of the 
Wabash in one year if sold on the London market would not pay the 
freight of the goods which have been given to the Aborigines.' . 
Tecumseh and the Prophet advocated discontinuance of trade with 
Americans. Action on this advice led to clandestine trading, to more 
fraudulent practices, and to some violence. But the principal result 
was observed as an additional incentive to turn the savages to the 
British whose lavish gifts had already operated to draw the most of 
them to Maiden. 

The report of Captain John Johnston Factor [Agent] of the United 
States Aborigine Factory [trading agency] at Fort Wayne the 30th 
September, 1811, to J. Mason Superintendent of Trade with the Abo- 
rigines, shows the Inventory of Merchandise on hand 30th December, 



264 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

1807, as $13,046.84; Accounts of Aborigines $-2,459.29; Amount of 
Merchandise received from 1st January, 1808, $15,226.91; Expenses 
since 1st January, 1808, $6,048.62. To tlie credit side of the report 
there is the Inventory of Merchandise on hand 30th September, 1811, 
$10,281.66; Furs, Peltries, etc., principally hatters' furs of good sale 
[beaver skins] $689.62; Cash in hand $76.37/1': Accounts against 
Aborigines $2,747.56 and Buildings $400. The two last items were 
included as loss. There had been received during these years for Furs 
and Peltries sold $27,547.07; the value of Furs and Peltries on the way 
to market $3,053.12: Goods returned to the Government $1,752.34; 
New York Auctioneer paid State Duty which was refunded $195.42; 
Salary transferred $572.30 all of which shows a profit of $10,502.77 for 
the three years and ten months. 

There were at this time ten Trading Agencies in operation with 
a total capital of $290,000. They were situate as follows: Fort 
Hawkins, Georgia; Chickasaw Bluffs, Mississippi Territory: Fort 
Stephenson, Mobile River Mississippi Territory; Fort Osage, by 
Missouri River: Fort Madison, bv upper Mississippi River Louisiana 
Territory : Natchitoches, by Red River Orleans Territory : Fort 
Waj'ne by the Miami of the Lakes [Maumee River] ; Chicago, San- 
dusky, and Michilimackinac. Several of these agencies were conducted 
at a loss to the Government, viz: Sandusky $3,366.50; Fort Stephen- 
son $10,352.54; Natchitoches $11,718.73 and Fort Hawkins $1,023. 
The nominal profit at the others was: Chicago $3,454.24; Michili- 
mackinac $1,945.71 ; Fort Wayne $10,502.77 ; Fort Osage over two 
hundred dollars less than Fort Wayne, and Fort Madison $10,026.39. 
The Agencies showing gain received more of hatters' furs, the greatlv 
coveted beaver, which were constant!)' in greater demand than the sup- 
ply. The Agencies showing loss were at a disadvantage from carriage 
■charges and the -barter, which was mostly for deer skins formerly 
marketed in Europe, and latterly much injured by vermin from the 
delay in sale on account of the British obstruction. 

Meetings of citizens along the frontier were held during the sum- 
mer of 1811 and memorials stating the depredations and murders b\- 
the Aborigines, accompanied by petitions for protection, were sent to 
President James Madison. Governor Harrison was given additional 
regular troops and militia and, the second week in October, iHll, they 
advanced up the Wabash towards the Prophet's town on the Tippe- 
canoe to stop his influence for further murderous raids. Peace mes- 
sengers were sent forward, but they were violently treated and the 
night of the 10th a sentinel of the American army was severely- wounded 
by the Prophet's warriors. Governor Harrison commanded in person. • 
The army advanced cautiously and, the 6th November, meeting some 



BATTLE OF TIPPEGA-NOE. THE DOUBLE FRONTIER. 265 

of the Prophet's messengers near his town an aj^'reement was made for 
a council the next morniny;. But, true to the treacherous nature of the 
savages, they made a stealthy attack in the dark about a quarter past 
four o'clock in the morninjj when, in the words of Governor Harrison's 
report, they manifested a ferocity uncommon to them. To their 
savage fury our troops, nineteen-twentieths of whom had not before 
been in battle, opposed that cool and deliberate valor which is charac- 
teristic of the Christian soldier.' The savages retreated. The Ameri- 
cans in this Battle of Tippecanoe numbered a few over seven hundred ; 
and the number of savages was estimated as nearly the same. The 
American loss was sixty-two killed and one hundred and twentv-six 
wounded. The loss of the savages was estimated at a greater number. 

The condition of the frontier settlements was not much improved 
by this defeat of the Shawnee Prophet's army. Depredations and 
murders continued in the west, and grave apprehensions pervaded the 
whole country. Among the i)etitioners to the President and Congress 
for protection were some of the prominent citizens of the Territorv of 
Michigan living at Detroit, who gave statistics from which the follow- 
ing are extracted, viz: The population of the Territory on the lUth 
December, IHll, was given as four thousand seven hundred and sixty- 
two, about four-fifths of whom were French, the remainder being 
largely Americans, with a few British and some servants of African 
blood. "^ They were distributed in nine principal settlements each 
having a double frontier ' — the British on one side, the savages on 
the other. The first three of these settlements were named as 1, the 
mouth of the Maumee River; "2, the River Raisin; 3, the River Huron. 
The population of these three settlements was given as one thousand 
three hundred and forty (not including the savages) the males over 
sixteen years of age being three hundred and ninety-one. There were 
two forts, one at Detroit with a garrison of ninet\'-four soldiers, and 
the other at Michilimackinac with seventy-nine soldiers. Additional 
forts were pt-titioned for, with stronger garrisons, and cavalrv. 

The following extracts of letters show the continued hostilitv of 
the savages and the influence of the British against the Americans : 
William Wells wrote from Fort Wayne 10th February, 1812, that at 
the request of Little Turtle I enclose you his speech to Governor 
Harrison of the 25th ultimo. On the 12th ult. two British emissaries 
passed through this neighborhood on their way to see the Prophet. 
On the 21st ultimo they called at my house on their return to Maiden; 
they were two Munsey Aborigines. It appears that their business was 
to invite all the Aborigines to meet at Maiden very early in the spring. 



" African slaves were brought info this Basin by the Aborigines, and taken to Detroit from early 
date. They were bought by the army ofiicers and merchants and retained as servants for many years. 



266 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

What took place between them and the Prophet, I have not yet learnt. 
The Pottawotamy chief Marpack has been in the neighborhood of 
Maiden since August last; he now is near the white settlement on the 
River Raisin in Michigan Territory and visits Maiden every eight or 
ten days. He has about one hundred and twenty of the best warriors 
in this country with him, stationed in such a manner as to be unob- 
served by the white settlers; that is to say, eight or ten in one place, 
fifteen or twenty in another, and so on; but within such distance of 
each other as to enable him to collect them all in twenty-four hours. 
I know this chief is hostile-inclined towards the United States, and 
have no hesitation in saying that he is kept at that place by the British 
agents at Maiden ; and in case the United States have war with that 
Power, this chief will attack our settlements immediately. I believe 
many of the warriors that fought Governor Harrison have, and are now 
about to join him.' The speech of Little Turtle referred to above 
acknowledges receipt of the letters of Governor Harrison, and states 
that their contents had been communicated to the Miami tribes, includ- 
ing those of Eel River. He stated that none of these tribes was in the 
Battle of Tippecanoe. He expressed regret that the Aborigines had 
become hostile, and promised his influence to prevent further like 
action. William Wells wrote again 1st March, from Fort Wayne as 
follows : In my letter of the lOth ultimo I informed you that the 
Aborigine chief Tecumseh had arrived on the Wabash. I have now to 
state to you that it appears he has determined to raise all the Al^origi- 
nes he can, immediately, with intention no doubt to attack our front- 
iers. He has sent runners to raise the Aliorigines on the Illinois and 
the upper Mississippi; and I am told has gone himself to hurry on the 
aid he was promised by the Cherokees and Creeks. The Prophet's 
orator, who is considered the third man in this hostile band, passed 
within twelve miles of this place on the 23rd ultimo with eight Shawa- 
nese, eight Winnebagoes and seven Kickapoos, in all twenty-four, on 
their way as they say to Sandusky, where the\- expected to receive a 
quantit\- of powder and lead from their father the British. 

Had the petitions of the settlers for more forts and stronger garri- 
sons been granted, and such bands as above mentioned been arrested and 
imprisoned, the influence of the British could have been greatly 
reduced and many American lives saved that were lost in later conflicts 
when the British and their savage allies were again fully organized. 
Governor Howard of Missouri Territory wrote from St. Louis March 
19, 1812, detailing depredations and ' most barbarous murders ' by 
savages ; and the letters of like import from Captam Nathan Heald 
were frequent from Chicago, including the killing and eating of two 
Americans by Winnebagoes at the lead mines near the Mississippi. 



MURDEROUS RAIDINGS AND CANNIBALISM. 267 

Captain J. Rhea of the 13th Regiment of Infantry, stationed at Fort 
Wavne, wrote March 14th, you say if we have a British war we shall 
have an Aborigine war. From the best information I can get, I have 
everv reason to believe we shall have an Aborigine war this spring 
whether we have a British war or not. I am told the Aborigines are 
making every preparation. There is certainly a very deep plan going 
on among the Aborigines. Captain John Whistler, in 'command of 
Fort Lernoult at Detroit, wrote 2nd April, that Lieutenant Eastman 
arrived here on the evening of the ■29th ultimo from Cincinnati. About 
six miles on this side of the foot of the Miami [Maumee] rapids he met 
twenty-four Aborigines who were in the action against Governor Har- 
rison [Battle of Tippecanoe]. They were on their return from Maiden, 
and had been there for a length of time this winter and had, when Mr. 
Eastman met them, each a new stand of arms, some of them were 
rifles others smooth bore; also a quantit\- of ammunitiijn. One of 
these Aborigines has shown in this town several wounds he had received 
in the action. The 15th .\pril Captain Nathan Heald, in command of 
Fort Dearborn at Chicago, wrote that the Aborigines had commenced 
hostilities in that vicinity by murdering two men about three miles 
from the fort. Other murders were reported from different parts of 
the west. The first of May Captain John Johnston reported from 
Piqua, Ohio, that three Americans had been killed at Defiance and two 
at Sandusky by the savages. A general uprising of the savages was 
now apparent to the westward, and the frontier settlers there were 
generally gathered in hastily constructed and uncomfortable block- 
houses. 

Benjamin F. Stickney, who had recently succeeded John Johnston 
as Aborigine agent at Fort Wayne, wrote on May 25th that My last was 
on the 15th instant. I told you then of the measures I had taken to 
make peace with the relatives of the two Aborigines who were killed at 
Greenville. Before receiving this you will undoubtedly have received 
more correct information of the circumstances than I could give \'ou. 
The women and child who were taken prisoners were sent to me by 
Mr. Johnson with three or four horses and as much of the other 
property that was taken as he could obtain, under the care and pro- 
tection of two Shawanee chiefs and ten warriors. The\- arrived four 
days ago when there was a general collection of Aborigines forming to 
inform me what had been doing at a grand council they had been hold- 
ing on the Wabash where twelve tribes were represented, consisting of 
the Wyandots, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawotamies, Delawares, 
Miamis, Eel River Miamis, Weas, Piankeshaws, Shawanese, Kicka- 
poos, and Winnebagoes. The council here continued two days and 
amounted to but verv little more than that they had united to secure 



268 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and maintain peace. I cannot explain the whole better than by enclos- 
ing you a copy of my letter to Governor Hull [at Detroit] viz : . . . 
' The time appears to have arrived when it is necessary, if possible, to 
cut off all communication between the Aborigines within the territory 
of the United States and Canada.' . 

This was a very tardy suggestion of a policy the wisdom of the 
enforcement of which should have seemed a necessity years before. 
Many Aborigines in this Basin, recipients of United States annuities 
and favors and more immediately under control of United States agents, 
had been loath to join Tecumseh and the Prophet; but band after 
band, including several hundred Ottawas of the lower Maumee, with 
the other tribes before named, had been enticed to remove to Tippe- 
canoe, or to near Maiden, and to ally themselves with the hostiles. 



CHAPTER X. 

First Year of the War of 1812. 

Notwithstanding the many reports to the Secretary of War through 
several years of depredations and murders bv the Aborigines, and the 
accumulated evidence of the incitements by British traders, agents and 
officers, it was not until the 13th June, 181"2, that a committee of 
Congress reported it proved that the British had been working among 
these Aborigines with the intention of securing them as allies against 
the United States; that the British had incited them to hostilities and 
presented them with weapons of warfare which had already been used 
against the Americans ; and that it was the duty of the President of the 
United States to use the necessary means to protect the frontiers from 
the attacks with which they were yet threatened. 

Tecumseh visited the Aborigine Agent at Fort Wayne in June, 
ostensibly in friendship, but his real object was not apjiarent at that 
time. He had been giving attention to Little Turtle and the Miamis ; 
but the former would have nothing to do with him. Soon after this 
visit he, and his followers, removed their headquarters to Maiden, to 
be in closer communication with the ISritish. 

The war-cloud that had been lowering for several years settled 
into a formal declaration of war against Great Britain the IHth June, 
1H12, on account of the eneitiy's interference with American trade, 
enforced bv a blockade: the impressment of American seamen, and 
the encouragement of the Aborigines in their savagery, the last charge 
being Vet far more apparent in the West than in the East. 



OHIO ARMY FOR DETROIT. BUILDS TWO FORTS. 269 

Governor William Hull of Michigan Territory was in Washington 
during a part of the winter and spring of 1H12, and he urged the Presi- 
dent to increase the military force in the Northwest: and for the third 
time he called attention to the positive necessity of an American fleet 
on Lake Erie. The President made requisition early in April u]>on 
Governor Return J. Meigs of Ohio for twelve hundred militia to lie 
ready for immediate march to Detroit. He also appointed Commander 
Stewart agent on Lake Erie, and ordered the building of vessels for 
defense. April 8th Governor Hull was commissioned Brigadier 
General in the United States Army and was ordered to take charge of 
the Ohio troops. This was against his desire; but he arrived at Day- 
ton the place of rendezvous the SSth May and the volunteer army was 
given to his command at once by Governor Meigs. 

The army moved northward June 1st to Urbana where the Fourth 
Regiment of United States troops, which the President had ordered 
forward from Vincennes, joined it. This regiment was in the 
Battle of Tippecanoe, and to show the great respect felt it was re- 
ceived bv the Ohio troops with joyful demonstrations including an arch 
inscribed in its honor. It was the desire of General Hull to go as 
direct to Detroit as practicable, and this course led through a trackless 
forest until arrival at the Maumee River. Colonel Duncan M'.Vrthur's 
First Regiment was detached to cut a road from Urbana, which was 
done to the Scioto River near the present Kenton, and there were built 
two blockhouses connected by palisades, which later received the name 
Fort M'Arthur. The army arrived at this post June 19th. Colonel 
James Findlay's Second Regiment was here detached to cut and bridge 
a road onward. June '2'2nd Fort MWrthur was garrisoned by Captain 
Dill's companv and, leaving the sick in his care, the army moved forward. 

Heavy rains made the way across the morasses at the headwaters 
of the Blanchard River well nigh impassable and, after laborious 
struggle and with great annoyance by small black flies and mosquitoes, 
they were obliged to halt sixteen miles from Fort M'Arthur. Here 
were built another stockade and houses which were named Fort Neces- 
sity. It was situated near the south line of the present Hancock 
County east of the center. At Fort Necessity, with lessening food 
supplies, the horses and oxen were put on short allowance and re-ar- 
rangements were made whereby the wagons were to be relieved of 
more of their burden by packs on the horses 'and ever\- man who 
could make a packsaddle was detailed on that business, but as soon as 
a sufficient number of saddles were made the order was rescinded and 
the saddles were deposited in the blockhouse.'' As the arm\- was 



* Captain Robert M'Afee's History o/t/ie War 0/ 1812. paye oi. 



270 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



about to march from Fort Necessity General Robert Lucas and Wil- 
liam Denny, who had been sent by General Hull from Davton with 
dispatches to acting Governor Atwater at Detroit, returned to General 
Hull with reports of British and Aborigine activity and alliance with 
threatening attitude. Also that the fort in Detroit was in bad condi- 
tion, and that the citizens generally were much pleased with the 
approach of the American army. The weather improving the armv 
advanced and, after three days marching, arrived at the Blanchard 
River, on the left bank of which Colonel Findlav's detachment which 




FORT FINDLAY 

Built the latter part of June, iyi2. Abandoned by the United States late in 1SI4. Area 
about l.'iO feet square. Captain Arthur Thomas was Commandant with a carrison of about 
one company of soldiers. Its service was that of a resting place, and temporary storage for 
supplies. The pickets next to the Blanchard River were in good condition as late as the 
year 1826. A blockhouse was also then standing, and two small houses where travelers 
stopped for the night. Other pickets and timber had been or were being used as firewood. 
— From Researches and Surveys bv Charles E. Slocum. 

had been sent forward had nearly completed a palisade enclosure about 
one liundred and fifty feet square with a blockhouse at each corner, 
and a ditch in front. General Hull gave this place of refuge in the 
forest the name Fort Findlay. It was situated but a few squares north 
of the present Court House in the City of ' Findlay. A messenger. 
Colonel Dunlap, here delivered to General Hull June 24th an order 
from the Secretary of War for the army to proceed at once to Detroit 



MARCH OF OHIO TROOPS. HULL'S THOUGHTLESSNESS. 27/ 

and there expect further orders. This order was dated the morning of 
June LSth the dav that war was declared, but no mention was made in 
the order of this declaration. Colonel M'Arthur, however, received 
communication the same day from Chillicothe, stating on the authority 
of Thomas Worthington then United States Senator, that war would 
be proclaimed before this writing could be delivered to him. This 
letter was shown to General Hull who, from his previous information, 
knew that war was imminent. 

President Madison and William Eustis Secretary of War early 
provided for three armies for the prosecution of the War of ISl:^, viz : 
the Armv of the Northwest under General Hull, which was the first in 
the field : the Army of the Center under General Solomon Van Rens- 
selaer whose headquarters were at Niagara; and the Armv of the North 
under General Joseph Bloomfield whose headquarters were at Platts- 
burg, New York. The limits of this book will admit of following only 
the movements, failures, and successes of the Armv of the Northwest 
in, and relating to this Basin. 

General Hull directed Colonel Lewis Cass with the Third Regi- 
ment to cut and prepare the road northward from Fort Findlay. Much 
of the heavy luggage was stored at Fort Findlay to be forwarded as de- 
sired, and the army proceeded northward as soon as practicable. After 
a few davs march they arrived at the Maumee River opposite General 
Wayne's Battle Field of Fallen Timber where they encamped for the 
night. Fording the river at the Rapids here, the next encampment was 
made in view of a small village of American settlers at the foot of the 
lowest rapids near the site of the former Fort Miami. Here the schooner 
Cuyahoga under Captain Chapin was chartered for Detroit and loaded 
with much of the heavier luggage, including entrenching tools, hospital 
stores, the heaviest part of the officers' personal effects and even thought- 
lessly including General Hull's commission, the instructions from the 
Secretary of War, and the complete muster rolls of the army. Thirtv 
soldiers were detailed as a guard for the schooner, which carried as pas- 
sengers the wives of three of the minor officers. The sequel proved that 
it would have been far better for the American cause had General Hull 
also gone with his private papers, directly to the British. Captain 
M'Pherson of Cincinnati here suggested to General Hull that war must 
have been declared and that the schooner would be captured — M'Afee, 
page 56. The Cuyahoga, accompanied by a sloop carrying the sick 
under care of Surgeon's Mate James Reynolds, sailed however from the 
Maumee River July 1st, 1H12, to be captured by the British next day 
when passing Maiden. The sloop bearing the sick was belated and, 
going up the shallower channel w'est of Bois Blanc Island, evaded the 
enemy and arrived at Detroit July 3rd, 



272 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Lieutenant Davidson and twenty-five men were detached to build 
and occupy a blockhouse at the ruins of Fort Miami * and, the 1st July, 
the army continued the march northward 'through an open country in- 
terspersed with thin f:;roves of oak trees and scattering settlements of 
French' the one at the River Raisin being styled liy Captain M'Afee 
'a handsome village.' 

General Hull did not formally learn of the declaration of war until 
the afternoon of Julv 2nd when he was overtaken near Frenchtown (the 
present Monroe, Michigan) by a messenger with such information from 
the Secretary of War: and he here also learned of the capture of his 
schooner. The British garrison at Maiden had previousl\- received no- 
tification of the war, and was alert for action. Fort Michilimackinac 
( the name now often contracted to Mackinaw ) with a garrison of fiftv- 
seven soldiers was surrendered to a far superior force of British and 
savages the 17th July the commandant Lieutenant Porter Hicks first 
learning at their demand for surrender that war was declared. Late in 
Julv General Hull ordered the abandonment of Fort Dearborn, Chicago, 
Captain William Wells bearing the order from Fort Wayne. 

Governor Return J. Meigs, Thomas Worthington, and Jeremiah 
Morrow, as United States Commissioners, held a council at Piqua, Ohio, 
August 15th with such representatives of the Aborigines as could be 
gathered, for the purpose of retaining their neutrality with the British. 
A number of the Ohio tribes were represented, but little could be done 
with them, they having heard the reports from Detroit and Chicago. 

It is not within the scope of this writing to detail the waverings 
and cowardice of General Hull which have been so fully written about, 
and which culminated August 16th in the surrender of Detroit to the 
British with toward two thousand .American soldiers without any effort 
to sustain their soldierly function. This surrender was an irreparable 
loss to the Northwestern region, and of corresponding value to the 
British, on the account of the loss to the Americans of two thousand 
and four hundred stand of arms besides those in the arsenal: also of 
cannon as follows: of iron, nine ■24-pounders : five 9, three 6, four 2, 
and two l-])0unders: and of howitzers, one H inch and one 5/'3 inch, 
according to the British official returns. 



*Tlus small fortiticalioii will here be styled Fori Miami No. 6. On account of the confusions that 
have arisen in the past, the other forts of tliis name will be here mentioned, viz : 1, Fort des Miamis built 
in November, 1679, by Sieiir de la Salle near the mouth of the Kiver St. Joseph of Lake Michigan; 2, 
Fort Miami, built by the French about lt'>S(t-H6 by the River St. Mary near the head of the Maumee; .S, 
Fort Miami, built by Commandant Raimond in 1749-.50 by the River St. Joseph near the head of the Mau- 
mee to succeed number two, see map ante page 97; 4, Fort Miami temporarily built by United States 
troops about 179(1 by the Ohio at the mouth of the Little Miami River; ."i. Fort Miami, built by the British 
in the spring and summer of 1794 on the left bank of the Maumee River at the lower part of the present 
plat of the Villaie of Maumee. Ohio. See the article on the Forts Miami in the Ohio Arcbaelogical and 
Historical QuartarJy April, 1903, volume sii paye 120 e( saq. by Charles E. Slo2um. 



OHIO TROOPS -RETURN. NEW CALL FOR DEFENSE. 273 

The Ohio volunteers in this unfortunate army were paroled and 
sent across Lake Erie to Cleveland whence they walked to their several 
homes. They were exchanged in March or early April, 1813. General 
Hull and the United States troops were retained as prisoners of war, 
and were sent to Montreal. 

An additional two hundred and thirtv volunteers under Captain 
Henry Brush, with one hundred beef cattle and other food supjilies 
sent by Governor Meiy;s to reinforce the army at Detroit, were held by 
the British from advancing beyond the River Raisin from the first days 
of August without relief from Detroit. General Hull included this 
force in his surrender; but when Captain Elliott, son of the notorious 
Captain Matthew Elliott, and attendants came to claim this prize Cap- 
tain Brush placed them under arrest and immediately started his com- 
mand and supplies southward, and conducted them back to Governor 
Meigs. 

When the critical state of affairs at Detroit was made known to 
Governor Meigs he immediately ordered the remaining part of Ohio's 
quota of the one hundred thousand detached militia, which the Pres- 
ident was authorized to lew among the States, twelve hundred in 
number, to rendezvous under Brigadier General Tupper at Urbana 
which was then well in the edge of the wilderness. When the Gover- 
nor learned of the loss of Detroit he was active in placing every effect- 
ive force and point in good condition for successful defense against 
the savages; also in advising the frontiersmen to gather and build 
blockhouses for the protection of their families. 

Kentucky, under the Governorshii) of the veteran General Charles 
Scott, was prompt in gathering her ([uota of ten regiments of about 
five hundred and fifty men each. Governor Harrison who. the pre- 
ceding year, had been commissioned to command the troops in Indi- 
ana and Illinois Territories had, with his characteristic thoughtfulness 
and good judgment, secured places of refuge for the settlers in his 
domain. He was also authorized to call on the Governor of Kentucky 
for any soldiers needed from that State, who were not in service. By 
invitation of Governor Scott, his comrade in General Wayne's cam- 
paign through Ohio, he visited Frankfort, inspected the militia, and 
was given a public reception, the principal citizens including H(-nr\- 
Clay uniting to do him honor; and in order that he might be chief in 
command of the Kentucky forces. Governor Scott commissioned him 
25th August, 1812, Major General of the Militia of Kentucky by brevet. 
It was not known b}- either party that President Madison had commis- 
sioned him 22nd August Brigadier General in the Army of the I'nited 
States. Writing to Governor Meigs on the 27th from Cincinnati, 
General Harrison stated that the Kentucky troops then with him were 



274 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

two regiments of infantry and one of mounted riflemen, whicfi were 
ordered at once to Urbana; and tliat tfiree regiments of infantry, one 
of dragoons, and one of mounted riflemen, were in full marcfi to join 
fiim — tlie whole numlier lieing over four thousand men. He further 
stated that 'should the report of the capture of General Hull's army 
prove untrue, I shall join them either at that place [Urbana] or before 
they reach it, and proceed to Detroit without waiting for the regiments 
in my rear.' He also enquired what assistance could be given him 
from Ohio. 

The Kentucky troops marched up the Miami Vallev and were 
overtaken by General Harrison the third day. September 2nd, when 
above Dayton, they were overtaken bv an express bearing the United 
States commission for General Harrison, and instructions for him to 
take command of the Indiana and Illinois troops and cooperate with 
General Hull and Governor Howard of Missouri Territory, as General 
James Winchester had been assigned ti5 the command of the North- 
western Army. The march was continued to Piqua where they arrived 
September 3rd to learn that Fort Wayne, which had been rebuilt by- 
Colonel Thomas Hunt in 1H04, was strongly besieged by savages and 
that a strong command of British and savages had been sent from 
Maiden for the conquest of the Maumee and Wabash vallevs. The 
Aborigine Agent at Piqua, John Johnston, at the request of General 
Harrison sent some Shawnee scouts to the site of Fort Defiance to 
ascertain if any British force had passed up the Maumee to the siege 
of Fort Wayne. Captain John Logan a Shawnee half-breed was also 
sent to Fort Wavne to learn and to report its condition as soon as 
possible.''' 

Immediate action seemed imperative and, without awaiting Gen- 
eral Winchester's arrival or his orders. General Harrison ordered 
Lieutenant Colonel John Allen's regiment of United States troops, 
with two companies from Colonel Lewis' regiment and one company 
from Colonel Scott's regiment to prepare for a forced march to the 
relief of Fort Wayne. t A delay of two days of the cavalry was neces- 
sary to receive flints for their guns and a few other supplies that were 



* This half-breed Shawnee was captured when a boy by the Kentiickians, and he lived some years 
in the family of General Logan, hence his name. He grew to noble stature, and with manly qualities. 
Upon return to his people in Ohio, he became a chief and governed the sentiments of many of his 
tribe favorably to the Americans. He will be referred to again. 

t Early the next day, the .5th September, General Harrison paraded the remainder of the troops 
and delivered to them a speech, detailing the duties of soldiers, and staling if there was any person 
who would not submit to such regulations, or who was afraid to risk his life in defense of his country, 
he might return home. Only one man desired to return; and his friends having obtained leave, as 
usual, to escort him on his way, he was hoisted on a rail and carried to the Big Miami, in the waters of 
which they absolved him from the obligations of courage and patriotism, and then gave him leave of 
absence— Captain Robert M'Afee's His. of the Lats War 118121 page 121, 



HARRISON'S MARCH TO RELIEF OF FORT WAYNE. 275 

daily expected: and at dawn of the 6th September they moved briskly 
forward in light marching equipment, and came up to Colonel Allen's 
command early on the 8th at St. Marys fGirty Town, so named from 
James — not Simon — Girty's trading house) where an express from 
General Harrison had overtaken Colonel Allen with orders to halt and 
build a palisaded fort for protection of the sick and security of provis- 
ions. Here they were joined by Major Richard M. Johnson with a 
corps of Kentucky' mounted volunteers. That night Aborigines were 
seen spying the encampment but they did not molest. They returned 
to the besiegers of Fort Wayne with the re])ort that Kentuck was 
coming as numerous as the trees.' Here the spy Captain Logan re- 
ported the distressed condition of Fort Wayne, he having evaded the 
besiegers and returned in safety. The afternoon of the 9th September 
the army encamped at Shane's (Chesne's) Crossing of the River St. 
Mary, at the present Rockford, where they met Colonel Adams with a 
good force of Ohio Volunteer Cavalry. From this place the combined 
torces moved cautiously and in as near battle order as practicable. 
General Harrison had been an apt student of General Wayne's suc- 
cess. He fortified the camp each night, and marched through the 
forest in such order by day as to prevent being ambuscaded or attacked 
unawares; and he kept well-informed regarding the temper and con- 
dition of each corps. Captain Logan and another Shawnee acted as 
guides, while scouts and an advance guard were maintained. These 
discovered an ambush of savages at the narrow crossing of the marshy 
ancient channel of the River St. Mary, about five miles southeast of 
Fort Wayne. As the army approached this place the cavalry under 
Majors Johnson and Adams were sent around to the right and left. 
The length of the swampy portion was about one mile and its width 
about nine hundred feet excepting the part most feared which was 
about three hundred feet across. But one savage was seen by this 
force and he a mile distant. They forsook their hiding places on 
approach of the cavalry. 

The scouts soon reconnoitered the country around Fort Wayne to 
find that the savages had made good their escape. That afternoon 
most of the army encamped near the Fort where a short time before 
had been a comfortable village. It was now in ruins, having been 
burned by the savages together with the United States Factory (Trad- 
ing Agency Building) which had been erected to supply the ungrateful 
wretches with farming utensils and the comforts of civilized life. The 
following letter written by Lieutenant Daniel Curtis is here given as a 
description of the Siege of Fort Wayne by an officer who experienced it : 

Fort Wayne October 4, 1812. 

Friend Cullen ; As our difficulties for the moment have in some manner subsided 



276 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

and as I have been so fortunate as to survive the seige. it affords me the highest satisfac- 
tion to have it in my power to communicate to you some among many of the most im- 
portant occurrences since my arrival at this place. I arrived here on the 5th of June after 
a successful passage, and killed two deer on the way. 1 was on my arrival and still con- 
tinue to be highly delighted with the place and my situation, except perhaps I might be 
better suited with a more active employment than 1 have had till about the fourth of last 
month. 

Shortly after my arrival Lieut. Whistler left this place for Detroit (which perhaps 
you are acquainted with) and has not yet returned ; we presume he has gone to take a peep 
at Montreal with the other unfortunate beings included in the capitulation of Gen. Hull 
to the British. Nothing of an important nature transpired till about the 7th of August, 
when our captain received a note from General Hull stating that Fort Dearborn was to 
be evacuated and requesting the Captain to communicate the same to Capt. Wells and 
Mr. Stickney, and ask them to point out the most safe and expeditious route for Capt. 
Heald to take from Chicago to Detroit. The gentlemen were consulted on the subject, 
and concluded that by way of this place would be the best route : and in order to secure 
as much of the public property at that place as possible, Capt. Wells thought proper to 
use his endeavors to that eftect. 

Accordingly on the 8th [August, liS12] Capt. [William] Wells, with a party of thirty- 
five Miami Aborigines with their pack horses, and one of our soldiers with five of our pub- 
lic horses, started to assist Capt. Heald in the evacuation of Chicago. On the morning of 
the 19th one of the Aborigines that accompanied Capt. Wells returned bringing the intel- 
ligence that on the morning of the l.">th Capt. Heald and his company with Capt. Wells 
were all cut off, the particulars of which he then related. They arrived at Chicago on the 
Kith where were encamped then about .'iOO Aborigines of different tribes, some of whom 
were known to be at enmity with our government. Capt. Wells being well acquainted with 
Aborigine customs and seeing the difficulties likely to attend Capt. Heald in getting away 
from his post, used every exertion in his power to effect an evacuation without the loss of 
men. He even gave up the arsenal and magazine stores to satisfy their savage ferocity, 
[but he poured the large stock of alcoholic liquor into the river and the powder into the 
water-well. These were the articles most desired by the savages] but to no effect, and 
then agreed to deliver up all the cattle (about 100 head) and made them several valuable 
presents, in hope of being permitted to depart in peace. 

The fatal morning arrived, and while the blood-thirsty savages were killing and dress- 
ing their beeves, the garrison [fort] was evacuated, Capt. Heald and Wells marching in 
front, the baggage wagons next, the women and children next to them, followed by the 
soldiers and the thirty-five Miamis with their pack-horses bringing up the rear. They had 
not passed one mile from their little asylum when the alarm was given that the enemy, 
about 400 in number, were close upon them. A kind of hollow square was immediately 
formed encompassing the women and children, and two rounds fired ; but being over- 
powered by numbers, the brave, the innocent, the fair and the helpless fell a prey to the 
savage cruelty of the tomahawk and scalping knife. We have since been told by another 
Aborigine that Capt. Heald and wife (both wounded) Mr. Kinzy and wife, Lieut. 
Helms and wife, and nineteen soldiers were made prisoners and are to be transported to 
Montreal or Quebec, with other prisoners taken at the capitulation, which perhaps you 
know better than I do. Thus ends the fate of Chicago and its worthy commander.* 

Thesuccessof thispost [Fort Wayne] and the fate of its great, worthy and intrepid [?] 
commander t now proceed to relate, and in some instances to particularize. The 
Aborigines, since the news of Chicago, except some of the Miamis, have expressed and 



'■'See Captain Nathan Heald's Report of the evacuation of Fort Dearborn and tlie subsequent 
massacre, M'Afee, in his History o/ the Late War (War of 1813) states that Captain Wells started from 



BEGINNING OF THE SIEGE OF FORT WAYNE. 277 

manifest a very different disposition from anything discovered in them previous to that 
event. Many attempts have been made to send expresses through to Detroit and many 
failed, either by being killed or driven back by the Aborigines. A Mr. Johnson an 
express to Piqua, Ohio, was killed on the evening of the 28th [August] before he had 
gone half a mile from the post. He was shot through the body, tomahawked, 
scalped, stabbed in twenty-three places, and beaten and bruised in the most 
cruel and barbarous manner. The next day an Aborigine came within hearing of our 
sentinels and hailed, requesting admittance into the garrison. This was the first instance 
since my acquaintance at this place of an Aborigine hesitating or expressing any fear in 
approaching the garrison. His business was to request of our captain a white flag that 
some of the chiefs might come and speak with him and the Aborigine agent, a Mr. 
Stickney. The flag was granted under a promise of its being returned that day ; but 
the rascals kept it several days, during which time they were constantly plundering our 
gardens and cornfields, and were killing and carrying away our cattle and hogs immedi- 
ately under our guns and we poor soldiers, either from cowardice or some other agency 
in our captain, were not suffered to fire a gun but obliged to suffer their repeated insults 
to pass with impunity. 

On the evening of the ith of September the Hag returned accompanied by several 
chiefs, and after being asked whether they wished to remain at peace with us or be con- 
sidered in an open state of warfare, the head chief among them observed; 'You know 
that Mackinaw is taken, Detroit is in the hands of the British, and Chicago has fallen ; 
and you must expect to fall next, and that in a short time ! ' Immediately our great 
captain invited the savage rascal over to his quarters and after drinking three glasses of 
wine with him rose from his seat and observed ; ' My good friend, I love you ; I will fight 
for you; I will die by your side. You must save me! ' and then gave him a half dollar 
as a token of friendship, inviting him at the same time to come and breakfast with him 
the next morning. The chief and his party retired to their camps, but instead of accept- 
ing his invitation to breakfast sent five of their young warriors, who secreted themselves 
behind a roothouse [house for vegetables] near the garrison, from which they shot two 
of our men about sunrise as they were passing from a small hotel near that place. 

The night of the ."ith arrived and our captain had not drawn a sober breath since the 
chiefs left the garrison the night before. From the movement of the Aborigines in the 
course of the day, Lieut. Ostrander and myself expected to have some sport before the 
next morning and were not disappointed in our conjectures, for at about 8 p. m. a gen- 
eral shout from the enemy was heard, succeeded by a firing of small arms on every side 
of us. The alarm post of every man, as well as the respective duties of Mr. Ostrander 
and myself having been regulated during the day, the enemy had not time to fire a 
second round before we were ready and opened three broadsides upon them, and sent 
them a few shells from our howitzer which we presume must have raked the skins of 
many. We exchanged three general shots when I discovered from the flash of their 
guns that they were secreted behind the building, fences and shrubbery near the gar- 
rison, and ordered the men to cea,se firing till further orders, thinking the enemy would 
conclude that we were either frightened or scarce of ammunition, and perhaps would 
venture a little nearer. Although our ceasing to fire did not appear to bring them 
nearer, yet it tended to concentrate them more in a body though they continued an 
irregular fire about half an hour, without our returning a shot. As soon as a large body 



Fort Wayne about the 3rd .■\ufe'U5t, 1813. witli about fifty Miamis, and arrived at Chicaj^o on the l:ith, . . 
that the garrison of Fort Dearborn numbered seventy soldiers. . . That at the massacre of the gar- 
rison the head of Captain Wells was cut oft. and his heart cut out and eaten by the savages who were of 
the Winnebago. Pottawotami. and Ottawa tribes — principally of the two last named. They were 
directly incited to this massacre by Tecumseh. 



278 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

had collected at one point we threw a couple of shells from our howitzers which soon 
made them disperse, and but few shots were received from them the remainder of the 
night. The next day they kept up a firing from behind fences, buildings and shrubbery 
near the garrison, till about ii p. m. in order, we presume, to disturb our rest, knowing 
that we had been all night on the alert. Our captain still continued drunk as a fool, 
and perfectly incapable of exercising rationality on any subject whatever, but was con- 
stantly abusing and illtreating everyone that came in his presence. The night of the 
6th [September] approached; and as we' are told that caution is the mother of safety, 
we had the roofs of our houses all watered, as well as the pickets on the inside, our 
water casks all filled, and buckets all ready in case of the enemy's attempting to throw 
fire, which they had endeavored several times to do without success. This was all done 
and every man at his post before dark. Between 8 and 9 p. m. we heard a most tremen- 
dous noise, singing, dancing and whooping, and when they arrived within a proper dis- 
tance they hailed and asked us in plain English what we intended to do, whether sur- 
render or to fight ? They said they had .'iOO men with them and that they expected 700 
more the next day, and that in three days' time they would show us what they could do. 
We answered them that we were ready, and bade them to come on ; that we were 
determined to a man to tight till we should lose our lives before we would yield an inch 
to them, and then we gave a general shout round the works in true Aborigine style, 
which they instantly returned, commencing at the same time a general fire which was 
kept up on both sides with much warmth till about 11 o'clock, without the loss or injury 
of a man on our side : but, from appearance, they must have lost many as they were 
very quiet till towards night. 

The siege continued from the morning of the 5th till the morning of the 10th, both 
day and night, much in the manner abo\'e described, and the fears and troubles of our 
great and intrepid commander were continually drowned in the excessive use of the 
ardents. Our fears and apprehensions from the disorder and confusion he created 
among the men, were one of our greatest troubles, and we had everything prepared at 
one time to silence his noise and clamor by coercive measures. He would frequently 
talk of surrendering if the Aborigines were likely to be too much for us, and particularly 
if they or the British were to bring one or more pieces of cannon* which they took at 
Chicago and place them near the garrison, when he knew that the largest piece at 
Chicago was only a three-pounder ; and when told by one of his subalterns, that the first 
person in the garrison who should offer to surrender to the Aborigines or British at the 
approach of no heavier piece than a three-pounder should instantly be shot, he offered 
no resistance, but remained silent on the subject. 

After the 10th we rested in tranquility, but could see large bodies of Aborigines 
between that time and the 12th running in great haste across the prairies, and many 
without arms. We were at a loss to determine the cause of this movement, but con- 
cluded that they must have met with some opposition or discovered the approach of an 
army between this place and Piqua, as they were running from that quarter. About 



* Tlie armament of Fort Wayne at this time consisted of four small cannon — M'Afee's History of 
the War, page 137. On tiie night of the 6th September the whole body of Aborigines, supposed to have 
been six hundred strong, attacked the Fort. Tliey attempted to scale the palisades, but so vigilant and 
skillful were the garrison that the savages were not permitted to do any damage. Perceiving such 
assaults to be useless, they resolved to employ strategy in the morning. Two logs were formed into the 
shape of cannon and placed in battery before the Fort. A half-breed with a flag approached and in- 
formed the comnrandaiu that the British, then on the march, had sent them two battery cannon, and if 
surrender was not immediately made the Fort would be battered down. He also threatened a general 
massacre of the garrison within three days as a reinforcement of seven hundred Aborigine warriors 
were expected the next day. The troops were not frightened by the ' Quaker guns' — M'Afee, page 126. 
Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812, page 314. Different later writers have amplified 
their supposition:, regarding phases of this siege for local newspapers, and for local addresses. 



ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF FORT WAYNE. 279 

3 o'clock p. m. of the 12th [September] to our great joy we discovered the approach of a 
small troop of horses, and on their coming up to the garrison, we learned it was the ad- 
vance guard of an army of about oOOO men [the number here given is about twice too large] 
under the command of Brigadier General Harrison. You may rest assured friend C. that 
we lost no time after the general had pitched upon and regulated his encampment, in 
making known to him the late conduct of our great, worthy, and mortal Captain James 




A sword twenty-one inches lone tliat was plowed up a few years aiiO while ^iradini^ the Lakeside 
Addition to Fort Wayne on the site of the ancient Miami Village at the head of the Mauinee River. See 
No. 2 A on Map page 97. Probably this weapon was made by a French Armorer (who accompanied 
some of the early French troops) for a savage warrior who presented a bone from one of his human 
victims for the handle. Possibly it was made somewhat in imitation of and to cope with the 'long 
knives ' of tlie Kentuckians which the savages dreaded. In the Author's Collection. 

Rhea. The General, after hearing with great attention what we had to relate, expressed his 
great astonishment at the breach of confidence in the captain, and desired to have 
everything reduced to writing and the charges produced in regular form, which was done 
that evening and the next morning handed in. About 10 o'clock the captain was hon- 
ored with a note from the General, requesting him to deliver the bearer his long knife 
and consider himself under arrest till his late conduct should be brought to a public 
investigation. Shortly afterwards the General sent one of his aids to us, requesting to 
know whether we would withdraw the arrest in case the captain would resign. We at 
first declined, but on further request of the General, we consented, on the consideration 
of his having been a long time in the service, but more particularly on account of his 
having a young family. His resignation was sent in and accepted, to take effect on the 
31st of December next, and in two days he left this place for the state of Ohio. Thus 
ends the success of this place so far, and thus you see the evils, the disappointments and 
mortifications, attendant upon cowardice and intoxication in mortal men. 

Yours, Daniel Curtis. 

Major Benjamin Franklin Stickne}' United States Agent to the 
Aborigines ■was stationed at Fort Waj'ne in 1H12 and, in later years, 
wrote something of a description of the Siege. His manuscript reads, 
in part, that after the massacre at Chicago, those Pottawotamis en- 
gaged in it, and who promised safe escort of the garrison to Fort 
Wayne, spent some time about Fort Dearborn dividing and enjoying 
the spoils which had been given to them by Captains Heald and Wells 
just before the massacre. They then went to the St. Joseph River of 
Lake Michigan where the}' were assembled in council by British 



280 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

emissaries who instigated the sieges of F"ort Wayne and Fort Harrison 
on the Wabash. The British agents promised that in case the Aborigi- 
nes would besiege these forts, and prevent their evacuation by the 
garrisons, they should be joined in one moon by a large British force 
from Maiden and Detroit with artillery which would be able to 
demolish the stockades and give up the garrisons to massacre and spoil 

— and their success in this would eX]iose the whole frontier to their 
devastation. The siege was to be commenced in twent\' davs after 
the council adjourned. 

yVntoine Bondie, who had lived with the Aborigines from his 
twelfth year, was at this time about fifty years of age; had married a 
Miami and been a member of the tribe many years, conforming to their 
habits and mode of life. He had also been a trader among them in 
their village near Fort Wayne. He was notified by Me-te-a, Potta- 
wotami chief, of the proposed siege for the purpose of saving him from 
the destruction they planned for the garrison. Bondie told Mr. Stick- 
nev of the designed siege and he informed Captain Rhea, commandant 
of Fort Wayne, and Captain Zacharv Tavlor of Fort Harrison, also 
General Harrison. Captain Rhea discredited the report, but Agent 
Stickney sent the women and children at Fort Wayne to Piqua; and 
within a few hours after these several expresses were sent the Aborigi- 
nes drew their lines of guard around Fort Wayne. On the 5th August 
Agent Stickney was prostrated by a severe illness from which he be- 
came convalescent only after twelve davs. He was then conveyed 
from the Agency' House to the Fort for safety. Bondie and his family 
also moved into the Fort. 

The number of the Aborigine warriors around was estimated at five 
hundred. They were secreted around, hoping to catch the sentries care- 
less or off guard. They essayed strategy. They killed Stephen Johnson 
clerk in the Agency Store who started for Piqua to visit his wife. They 
killed the garrison's cattle and hogs, stole the horses, and committed all 
depredations possible. Both parties wished to delay tlu' final conflict 

— the Americans for General Harrison's arrival, the Aborigines for the 
arrival of the British — but they kept up their efforts at strategy. 

One day the Aborigines expressed a desire to be admitted to the 
Fort to see the Agent, to agree upon some terms for 'burying the toma- 
hawk' and asked for a signal by which they might approach the Fort 
and be permitted to talk with their 'white father.' A white cloth was 
sent to them to be used as a flag of truce. For several days they de- 
layed making use of the flag, and continued their depredations. Agent 
Stickney sent a message to them by an Aborigine, that they had 
soiled his flag and he could not suffer them to retain it any longer; they 
must return it imniediateh'. The next dav the whole bod\- moved up 



SCHEMES OF SAVAGES AT SIEGE OF FORT WAYNE. 281 

to the Fort bearing the white flag in front. The gates of the Fort had 
been kept closed but the savages were in hopes by this scheme to 
obtain the admission of a large number. The Agent, still ver\- weak 
from his sickness, with difficult\- walkid to the gate and designated by 
name the chiefs to be admitted, who upon their entrance within the 
stockade, one by one, were examined closely and disarmed li\' the 
guard. Thirteen were admitted, and they followed the Agent to his 
sleeping apartment. The officers of the garrison remained in their 
quarters. The Agent addressed a note to Captain Rhea requesting 
that the guard be paraded and kept under arms during thi' continuance 
of the council. As usual tobacco was given to the chiefs. When their 
pipes were smoked out, Winnemac arose and, addressing the Agent, 
said the Pottawotamis did not kill his clerk Johnson: but the young 
men could not be controlled. The soldiers had been killed, and the 
horses taken without the knowledge or consent of the chiefs. 'Hut,' 
he continued, 'if my Father wishes war, I am a man.' With this ex- 
pression he struck his hand upon a knife that was concealed under his 
blanket. The Agent at this time did not understand the language, but 
saw there was something sitIous impending. Antoine Bondie, who 
was present and understood the whole force of what was said, sprang 
to his feet and, striking his own knife, shouted in Pottawotami I am a 
man also.' This excited the interpreter, but the savages, contrary to 
Winnemac's expectations, remained quiet. Winnemac, turning to the 
principal chief, An-ouk-sa, who had been watching the soldiers through 
the window, received from him signs intimating that their intended 
strategy was at an end. Their plans as later divulged were for Winne- 
mac to assassinate Agent Stickney, and others to kill the militarv 
officers, while the others opened the gates for the outer savages to 
enter for a general massacre. 

About the 1st of September William Oliver, Captain John Logan 
and thirty other Shawnees, arrived at the Fort on hoiseback at full 
speed and in full yell' of triumiih. Oliver was then about t\vent\- 
three years old. He had been a sutler at the Fort, and went to Cincin 
nati on business before there was a suspicion of siege. After a short 
rest his escort started southward to hasten forward the relieving arm\-. 
The garrison was doomed to a longer state of suspense. The anxietv 
became intense I and it was through extreme good fortune, perhaiis 
mere accident, that the garrison did hold out with so little good 
management. The commanding officer was drunk nearly all the time, 
and the two lieutenants were inefficient men, entirely unfit to hold 
commissions of anv grade. ' The non-commissioned officers and 



'■' Probably these extreme statements of Acent Stickney should be received with some allowance. 
it is signiticant that neither the letter of Lieutenant Curtis, yiven in full on preceding pages, nor Captain 



282 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

privates, eighty in number, behaved very welL The Aborigine Agent 
was feeble. and incapable of much exertion. William Oliver, though a 
private citizen, was the most efficient man in the Fort after his return." 

During the siege the garrison lost but three men killed. From 
subse(4uent information it was believed that the savages lost about 
twentv-five. 

The savages, before retrt-ating from the Siege of Fort Wayne, 
destroyed all the food they could not take away, cattle and crojis. 
The)' also burned all the buildings outside the stockade, includ- 
ing those of thL' United States Trading Agency a little southwest of the 
Fort, and those belonging to the family of William Wells who met 
death in the massacre at Chicago. 

The next day after his arrival at Fort Wayne General Harrison sent 
Colonel Payne with troops down Little River to the Wabash. The}- 
destroyed several Miami villages and corn, Init did not find any Abo- 
rigines.'^ The command of Colonel Samuel Wells was also sent the 
13th on like mission to the Elk Heart River, about sixty miles distant, 
where they destroyed the town and supplies of the Pottawotamis under 
chief Onoxse or Five Medals. t This was a forced and very exhausting 
march. Many of the infantry sickened on the return and came strag- 
gling in, helped along by the cavalry, after the arrival of the main body 
on the 18th September. Another detachment under Colonel Simrall, 
who followed the army to Fort Wayne with three hundred and twenty 
dragoons with muskets and a company of mounted riflemen arriving 
on the 17th September, was sent on the evening of the IMth to Eel 
River about twenty miles to the northwest, where the}' destroyed Little 
Turtle's townj leaving onl}' the house built for him by the United 
States in recognition of his adherence to tht- Treaty of Greenville. 

General Winchester arrived at Fort Wayne September 19th to 
take command of the entire army. James Winchester was born at 



Robert B. M'Afee who was with the relieving army, do not mention tlie arrival of William Oliver in 
company with Captain Logan. 

•' In one of these villages an unusual mode of burial was recognized in a tomb built of logs with 
the interstices filled with wet clay. The body was that of a chief and the articles noticed as having 
been deposited with the body, were a blanket underneath, his gun and pipe by his side, a small tin pan 
containing a wood spoon on his breast, and a number of ear rings and brooches. 

t A pole before the cabin of chief O-nox-se supported a red flag with a broom above. A white flag 
was waving at the tomb of an old woman. This tomb was not desecrated by the soldiers ; but they saw 
the body in a sitting posture with face toward the east; with a basket at her side containing the bills 
and claws of owls and hawks, a variety of bones, and bunches of roots tied together, from which it was 
inferred that she was respected as a sorceress. In one of the huts was found a morning report of one of 
General Hull's captains at Detroit; a copy of the Liberty Hall newspaper printed in Cincinnati which 
contained an account of General Harrison's army: several coarse bags which appeared to have con- 
tained shot; and pieces of boxes with the name London and Maiden painted on them— M'Afee, page 130. 

+ Early in the year the Miamis, excepting those associated with Little Turtle, joined Tecumseh 
and the Prophet and. after the death of Little Turtle Uth July, 1H13, and of Captain Wells at Chicago, 
the others went to the British, 



GENERAL WINCHESTER TAKES COMMAND. 283 

White Level (now Westminster) Maryland, 6th February, 1752. He 
was appointed a Lieutenant in the Third Rey.iment Marylajrd Infantry 
■27th Mav, 1778, and served in the Continental Army until captured by 
the British a few months later. He was exchang^ed 22nd December, 
17^0, and soon thereafter he removed to Sumner County, Tennessee, 
where he married. He there attained a good property and maintained 
a liberal establishment on a large estate. He wascommissioned Briga- 
dier General in the United States Army 27th March, 1812, and after 
the surrender of General Hull he was directed by the Secretary of War 
to take command of the Army of the Northwest. With commendable 
promptitude he started northward, stopping in Kentucky to learn of 
the preparations there. Upon his arrival at Cincinnati 9th September 
he wrote to Governor Meigs announcing his mission, asking for rein- 
forcements of Ohio militia, and for a meeting at Piqua. With a small 
detachment of troops he moved northward along the wav of the jire- 
ceding army to Fort Wayne. General Harrison received him with due 
deference, and the command of the armv was at once given over to him 
in complete exhibition of the ready obedience of the true soldier to his 
ranking officer under ver\' trying conditions. General Harrison had 
been an efficient aide-de-camp to General Wayne in his successful 
campaign against the Aborigines in this Basin in 1794: later, he served 
as Secretarv of the Territory Northwest of the Ohio River; and he had 
been an efficient first Governor of Indiana Territory, and Superin- 
tendent of the Affairs of the Aborigines during the last eleven years. 
No man knew this frontier and wilderness region, and the /Aborigines, 
better than he from long personal experience. He had met the differ- 
ent tribes of Aborigines in thirteen imjiortant treaties and they, to the 
utmost of their ability and in their calmer moments, had acknowledged 
his superiority and his fairness. He had later experience in the com- 
mand of an army against treacherous and impetuous night assault in 
the Battle of Tippecanoe. The soldiers of Ohio and Kentucky, as well 
as of Indiana, knew his wisdom and his bravery which inspired confi- 
dence, and they wanted him as their commander. The Governors of 
Ohio and Kentucky were of like mind, and they had commissioned him 
accordingly. Notwithstanding all this, General Harrison in obedience 
to the command of the Secretary of War at once accepted as his rank- 
ing officer a stranger to himself, to the soldiers, to this wilderness 
country, to the ways of the Aborigines and to the condition of affairs. 
He did this September 19th and immediately, after issuing orders to 
the army introducing General Winchester and urging strict obedience 
to his commands, started on his return. 

At St. Marys General Harrison wrote to Governor Meigs under 
date of the 20th, and to Governor Shelb\- the 22nd September, that 



284 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



from Fort Wavne there is a path, which has been sometimes used bv 
the Aborigines, leading up to St. Joseph, and from thence by the head- 
waters of the River Raisin to Detroit. By this route it appears to me 
very practicable to effect a coup-de-main upon that place, and if I can 




A GLIMPSE OF THE VILLAGE OF FORT JENNINGS 

Putnam County, Ohio, May 28, 19()2. Looking westward up the AuEiaise River at low stage of 
water. The first small building on the right inarks the site of the Fort Jennings built in October, 1812, 
and abandoned late in the year 181-1. 



collect a few hundred more mounted men I shall attempt it.'* This 
route, however, was not entered upon. There had arrived at St. 
Marvs up to this time, of Kentucky troops. Colonel Joshua Barbee's 
regiment which was ordered to build there a fortification and stockade 
as a storehouse and protection for supplies, which was named Fort 
Barbee ; Colonel Robert Rogers' regiment, and Colonel William Jen- 
nings' regiment of riflemen; also, of Ohio men, a corps of cavalry 
commanded by Colonel Findlay. The cavalry was ordered to burn the 
Ottawa towns by the Blanchard Rivert while Colonel Jennin,gs was 
ordered to open a direct road toward Defiance, and to build a post by 
the Auglaise River for the protection of supplies. This post was 



. * Lossing's Pictorial Field-Boolt of the War of 1812 page 326. 

t There were two Ottawa (often called Tawa) towns by the Blanchard River at this time, the 
Upper and the Lower, about two miles apart, the lower being at the site of the present Village of 
Ottawa, seat of government of Putnam County, Ohio. 



HARRISON GIVEN COMMAND NORTHWESTERN ARMY. 285 

named Fort Jennings in his honor, which name the pleasant village at 
its site yet retains. 

Governor Isaac Shelby of Kentucky on the 5th September, ISl'J, 
addressed a letter to William Eustis, Secretary of War, suggesting a 
Board of War for this western country : also recommending General 
Harrison as commander-in-chief, and mentioned evils that would result 
from continuing General Winchester as chief in command. Mr. Eustis 
replied under date of the 17th that General Harrison would at once be 
given chief command: and at Piqua on the 24th September, General 
Harrison received a letter from the Secretary of War stating that ' the 
President is pleased to assign to you the command of the Northwestern 
Army which, in addition to the regular troops and rangers in that 
quarter, will consist of the volunteers and militia of Kentucky, Ohio, 
and three thousand from Virginia and Pennsylvania, making \our 
whole force ten thousand men. . . Colonel Buford, deputy com- 
missioner at LexingtoUj^ is furnished with funds, and is subject to your 
orders. . . You will command such means as may be practicable. 
Exercise your own discretion, and act in all cases according to your 
own judgment." . . Thus General Harrison was invested with all the 
powers necessary or desired for the proposed Board of War, while 
immediately subject to the President. 

General Winchester wrote from Fort Wayne 2:2nd Se]5tember to 
Governor Meigs that I rejoice at the i)rospect of regaining lost terri- 
tory . . and with hope to winter in Detroit or its vicinity. 
You will please furnish two regiments of soldiers to join me at the toot 
of the lowest Maumee Rapids about the 10th or loth of October, well 
clothed for a fall campaign. Arms and ammunition can be drawn 
from Newport, Kentucky. It is extremely desirous to me that no time 
be lost in supplying this requisition. The cold season is fast ap- 
proaching, and the stain on the American character by the surrender of 
Detroit not vet wiped away. If \'0U can furnish one regiment to rendez- 
vous at Piqua, and proceed to open and improve the road, by cause- 
ways, etc., to Defiance, it would greatly facilitate the transportation of 
supplies to this army, which is im]5eratively requisite to its welfare. 
This latter regiment might then return or proceed on after the army as 
circumstances should dictate." . . The soldiers forming his advance 
army, about two thousand in number each carrying six days' provisions, 
were started down the north bank of the Maumee River, retracing the 
route of General Anthony Wayne eighteen years before, after issuing 
the following carefully prepared Order of March: 

Camp Head of the Maumee, ■22nd September. 1S12. 

The front guard in three lines, two deep in the road, and in Aborigine files on the 
flanks at distances of fifty and one hundred yards, as the ground will admit. .\ fatigue 



286 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

party to consist of one captain, one ensign, two sergeants, and two corporals, with fifty 
men. will follow the front guard for the purpose of opening the road. The remainder of 
the infantry to march on the flanks in the following order ; Colonels Wells and Allen's 
regiments on the right, and Lewis and Scott's on the left. The general and brigade 
baggage, commissaries' and quartermasters' stores, immediately in the rear of the fatigne 
party. The cavalry in the following order : Captain Garrard and twenty of his men 
to precede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of each line ; a lieutenant 
and eighteen men in the rear of the whole army and baggage ; the remainder of the 
cavalry equally divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental baggage 
wagons will fall according to the respective ranks of their commanding officers. 

The officers commanding corps previous to their marching will examine carefully 
the arms and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they are in good order. 
They will also be particularly careful that the men do not waste their cartridges. No 
loaded muskets are to be put in the wagons. One half of the fatigue party is to work at 
one time, and the others will carry their arms. 

The wagon master will attend to loading the wagons, and see that the various 
articles are put in in good order, and that each wagon and team carry a reasonable load. 
The hour of march will be !• o'clock this morning. The officer of the day is charged 
with this order. 

The line of battle will be the same as that of General Harrison in his last march to 
Fort Wayne. J. Winchester, Brig. Gen. Commanding. 

These precautions were well taken as companies of Aborigines 
were several times seen. A volunteer company of spies organized 
under Captain Ballard and Lieutenant Harrison Munday of the rifle 
regiment and Ensign Leggett of the 17th U. S. Infantry, marched in 
advance to reconnoiter the country. Ensign Leggett obtained permis- 
sion the 25th SeiJtember to go forward with four men of the Woodford, 
Kentucky company, as far as the ruins of Fort Defiance. While pre- 
paring their evening meal by the way, a Frenchman and eight savages 
surprised, assailed, and put them to death. The next day Captain 
Ballard's company discovered their bodies, and savages near who en- 
deavored to draw the Americans into ambush, but they returned safely 
to the army. Lieutenant Munday with other spies soon discovered the 
same enemv and charged against them; but discovering their superior 
number while they were running to ambush, he hastily turned and re- 
treated. Scouts Hickman and Riddle on the 26th crossed to the south 
side of the Maumee River and passed to the Auglaise which they also 
crossed and went thence to the Maumee about two miles below De- 
fiance, thence, crossing to the north outer bank, they returned to the 
army having encircled an invading army without discovering any of its 
parts. Captain Ballard with his scouts, and forty of Captain Garrard's 
dragoons, were ordered to bury their dead comrades and, when nearing 
the Tiffin River on the 27th September, they discovered and charged 
an ambuscade of the same savages lingering near the bodies the day 
before, who now fled beyond pursuit. They were the advance line of 
the armv marching against Fort Wayne, composed of two hundred 



AN INVADING ARMY OF BRITISH AND SAVAGES. 287 

British Rf^ular troops under Major Muir, and one thousand or more 
Aborigines under the notorious Colonel Matthew Elliott. A report 
received at Piqua that this army was about to start from Maiden, de- 
cided General Harrison to hasten to the protection of Fort Wayne. 




WINCHESTER FORU OI- THE MAU.MEE 

At the low place just beyond the Fishinc Lodye on the Left. Lookin^i west up the river, in 
the north central part of Section 30. Defiance Township. Ohio, 31st October. 1902. 



They brought four cannon and other heavy equipment by boats as far 
as the ruins of Fort Defiance, and thence they continued up the south 
bank of the Maumee on foot. They had advanced about twelve miles 
above Defiance when their spies captured, and took before Major 
Muir, Sergeant M'Coy one of General Winchester's scouts who exager- 
ated the strength of the American Army, and reported that it was soon 
to be reinforced by like numbers comin.g down the Auglaise River 
which would cut off the chance of the British retreat. This report 
agreeing quite well with that of his own spies alarmed Major Muir who 
ordered a retreat to Defiance where his boats were prepared for hasty 
return down the Maumee. Desiring to form an ambuscade for General 
Winchester's army at the ford across the Tiffin, he attempted to gather 
his forces for that purpose on the 2Mth but found that his Aborigine 
allies had largely deserted. The report of Sergeant M'Coy, the retreat 
to Defiance, the preparation of the boats, and the successful charge of 
Captain Ballard the 27th, were enough for them. Fresh reports of the 



288 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASfN. 

advance of the American Army decided Muir and Elliott to hastily 
retreat; and to facilitate the speed of their boats they threw into the 
river one cannon, at least, with part of their heavy ammunition. These 
were thrown into deep water toward the north shore about one-half 
mile below Fort Defiance point, nearly opposite the mouth of Shawnee 
Glen : and they were removed from the water and used by the advanc- 
ing Americans. 

General Winchester advanced cautiously and, fearing that the 
enemy would oppose his crossing Tiffin River, he crossed to the south 
side of the Maumee four and a half miles above the Tiffin and about 
six miles bv river above Defiance. Here he found the trail of the re- 
treating army, showing signs of artillery. Four mounted squads of 
soldiers were dispatched, one to notify General Harrison of the enemy 
and that the army was short of food, and the others to determine the 
whereabouts of the enemy. These squads soon reported that the Brit- 
ish had retreated many miles down the Maumee, leaving some Abo- 
rigines on horses to watch the movements of the Americans. General 
Winchester advanced and September 30th fortified an encam^iment 
(Number 1 see map ante page 191) on the high south bank of the 
Maumee opposite the mouth of the Tiffin River. The bushes had grown 
so thick and high since General Wayne's clearing here in 1794 that it 
recjuired much labor to clear the desired ground across to the Auglaise 
River and to Fort Defiance point. The soldiers had been on short 
rations and, as the work of clearing began, they joyfully hailed the 
return of Captain Garrard's dragoons which had been sent a day or two 
before to hasten supplies from Colonel Jennings. 

General Harrison received his commission of ajipointment to suc- 
ceed General Winchester September 24th while at Piqua, whereupon 
he renewed his efforts to hasten forward troops and supplies. On the 
30th General Winchester's dispatch regarding the enemy was received ; 
and a few minutes afterward a letter was received from Governor Meigs 
also informing him of the strong British forces opposing General Win- 
chester. There were at this time about three thousand troops at Fort 
Barbee embracing the cavalry comjianies of Captains Bacon, Clark and 
Roper, and the volunteers gathered by Major Richard M. Johnson who 
had been chosen Colonel of these combined forces; also the Ohio 
cavalry under Colonel James Findlay. These cavalry commands had 
been organized into a brigade under the general command of Brig- 
adier General Edward W. Tupper 'a gentleman about fifty years of age 
of a respectable soldierly appearance ' who had gathered a thousand 
men for the war. General Harrison at once set this army in motion 
for Defiance with three days rations. Notwithstanding a severe rain 
they arrived at Fort Jennings the first night and there laid in the cold 



HARRISON RESTORES ORDER AT DEFIANCE. 289 

without tents till early morning on hastily arranged brush from the 
beech trees used in building the fort. Intelligence was here received 
that the enemy had retreated without attack. 

Colonel Barbee's regiment was ordered back to Fort Barbee, and 
Colonel Poague was ordered to clear a road to Defiance. After opening 
this road he was ordered to build a fort at the Ottawa town by the 
Auglaise River about twelve miles northward from Fort Barbee. This 
fortification Colonel Poague named Fort Amanda in honor of his wife.* 

General Harrison with the cavalry continued down the Auglaise, 
the latter encamping for the night at Three Mile Creek (see map ante 
page 191 ) while the General with his guard rode into Winchester's en- 
campment by the Maumee early in the evening of October 2nd. Here 
he found a sad state of affairs. The food supplies had become very 
short, and the men were suffering from insufficient clothing and sick- 
ness. They had not been favorably impressed by their General ; one 
regiment in particular had become fully discouraged : had murmured, 
and the men were talking about returning to their homes which thev 
would probably have done but for the efforts of Major Hardin and 
Colonel Allen. The ne.xt morning the cavalry marched by the camp 
and came to a parade dress. A special call to Winchester's troops 
promptly brought into ranks every man who was able for duty. They 
were paraded to the best advantage, and there was read to them the 

following General Order: 

Camp at Defiance, October 3. 1812. 

I have the honor of announcing to this army the arrival of General Harrison who is 
duly authorized by the executive of the Federal Government to take command of the 
Northwestern Army. This officer is enjoying the implicit confidence of the States from 
whose citizens this army is and will be collected and, possessing himself great military 
skill and reputation, the General is confident in the belief that his presence in the army, 
in the character of its chief, will be hailed with unusual approbation. 

J. WiNCHE.sTER, Brig. Gen. U. S. Army. 

The soldiers greeted General Harrison with great warmth ; and he 
addressed them as a kind father would talk to his children (Atherton). 
He told them of expected bountiful supplies. He gave those who 



■•' The site of Fort Amanda is on the left bank of the Anelaise River in the present Auclaise County, 
Ohio, near its north line. Before the organization of Auclaise it was in Allen County, This was also 
the site, or near the site, of General Wayne's Fort at the Head of the Auglaise — See ante paces 218, 227. 
There is now nothint; to mark the place but remains of the water well, luxuriant vegetation, and grave 
stones recently erected by the United States Government in the garrison cemetery where seventy-live 
soldiers were buried. The fort enclosure was quadrangular in form with the usual blockliouse at each 
corner, the one at the southeast being the largest and used as otficers' quarters. There was a well and 
a large storehouse in the center of the enclosure. This fort was an important station for rest and for 
the storing of supplies to be boated down the Auglaise River at proper stages of water. The boats for 
this purpose were built here, and this work, and the transportation of the supplies from Fort Loramie, 
required a good force of men. The la>t half of March, 1813, Colonel Miller arrived here from Chilli- 
cothe with one hundred and fifty men to build boats. The storehouse and blockhouses were used in 
after years by families, for religious and other meetings, and as the first postoiSce. See J. D. Simkins" 
Early History of Auglaise County. 



290 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

desired it liberty to return home; but he could not refrain from allud- 
ing to the mortification which he anticipated they would experience 
from the reception they would meet from the old and the young, 
who had applauded them on their march for the scene of war, as 
their gallant neighbors (M'Afee). The food brought with the visitors 
gave the hungry soldiers a better breakfast than they were accus- 
tomed to, which, with the parading and fraternizing of the cavalry, 
renewed the soldierly spirit; and the fact that General Harrison 
had been appointed chief in command went yet further to change 
the resolves of the disaffected ones and to bring about a settled state 
of feeling among all the men to remain and to endure all hardships. 

New plans were entered upon. They found General Wayne's 
Fort Defiance in ruins; and had it remained in good condition its size 
would have been inadequate for the demands at this time. The area 
embraced within the palisades of Fort Defiance was about ten thous- 
and square feet, or about one quarter acre. General Harrison selected 
the site and drew the plan for a new fort to embrace over twelve times 
the ground space of Fort Defiance. A fatigue force of two hundred 
and fifty men was detailed under Major Joseph Robb with axes to cut 
timber for the buildings and palisades, and the work progressed as fast 
as the weakened condition of the men and the weather admitted. 

A new encampment, Number Two, was established one mile south- 
east of Number One. It was located on the high left bank of the 
Auglaise River about one mile and a half above its mouth, by river, 
and occupied the ground north of Coe Run that is now the north part 
of Riverside Cemetery of the City of Defiance. A line of trees was 
felled across the neck of land between Encampments Numbers One 
and Two, to serve as an abatis and breastworks for the army's outpost 
guarding the entire peninsula between the Maumee and Auglaise 
Rivers — see map page 191. General Harrison, accompanied by Col- 
onel Richard M. Johnson and his original battalion including Ward's 
and Ellison's companies, returned to Fort Barbee where these troops 
were honorably discharged October 7th, their term of enlistment hav- 
ing expired. 

The feelings of General Winchester upon being superseded in 
command, have not been recorded. General Harrison treated him 
with great consideration and assigned him to the command of the Left 
Wing of the Northwestern Army, to include the United States troops 
and six regiments of Ohio and Keptucky militia. These troops were 
to superintend the transportation of supplies to the new fort in readi- 
ness for the advance movement; and they were instructed to possess 
the corn and other crops as soon as possible that had been abandoned 
by settlers along the lower Maumee. 



FORT WINCHESTER NAMED. OTHER FORTS. 



291 



The Riyht Winn of the Northwestern Arm\- was to be composed 
of the brigades from VirKinia and Pennsylvania, and one briijade from 
southeastern Ohio. This Winfj was to proceed down the Sandusky 
River. Durinsj the latter part of the year 1^12 the soldiers of the 











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gjipll 




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Lookini.' north of we^t up tht Au^lai^e River lo Apiil, !9nl. fiom the foot of Wayne Stieet. De- 
fiance, Ohio. The distant hii^li bank sliows the site of General Winchester's Encampment Number 
Two. and the Standpipe of the City Water Works toward tlie riyht marks the site of his Encampment 
Number One on bank of the Maumee River. See Map ante pajje 191. 



Right Wing built Fort Feree at Upper Sandusky: Fort Ball at the 
present Tiffin: and Fort Stephenson at Lower Sandusky, now Fremont, 
Ohio. General Tupper's command was stvled the Center of the 
Northwestern Army, and was to move alon.g Hull's Road by Forts 
M'.\rthur, Necessity, and Findlay. 

As further evidence of the desire to respect and honor the com- 
mander of the Left Wing, the new fort at Defiance was duly christened 
Fort Winchester. This Fort was completed by the soldiers working 
with short and often unwholesome rations, thinly clad, and with much 
suffering from inclement weather: but it was happily completed and 
fulfilled its mission during the war as an important stronghold for the 
defense of the territory of the upper rivers, as a rendezvous for troops 
and, later, for the storing of supplies to be boated down the Maumee 
River as wanted by the advancing troops. For some length of time it 
was the only obstruction against the incursions of the British and Abo- 
rigines into Northwestern Ohio, 



292 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

Fort Winchester was styled a beautiful fort by William Atherton 
who was present during its construction.* It was built along the high 
and precipitous west bank of the Auglaise Rivir, a line of apple trees 
planted bv the earlv French alone intervening. Beginning about 
eighty yards south of the ruins of Fort Defiance, near the present First 
Street of the City of Defiance, Ohio, Fort Winchester extended south- 
ward to, or south of, Third Street a distance of over six hundred feet, 
and including the highest part of the natural terrace thereabout. Its 
east line was in or near Washington Street. It was in the form of a 
parallelogram, and extended in width to about Jefferson Street, its 
palisades including three acres or more of land. There was a strong 
two-story blockhouse at each of its four corners, a large gate midway 
of each side and end with a sentinel house, above each one, and all 
were connected bv a strong palisade of logs set on end deep into the 
ground snuglv matched together and extending twelve to fifteen feet 
above ground, all pointed at the upper ends. A cellar was excavated 
under the blockhouse at the northeast corner, and from it a passage 
way under ground was made to the rock-bed of the Auglaise River 
and was there jirotected by logs so that abundance of water could 
be obtained from the rjver under protection from the enemy. The 
onlv ditches made were for drainage. 

While at Defiance General Harrison suggested to General Win- 
chester that two regiments of infantry be sent southward to be near the 
base of food and clothing su])plies; and that General Tupper with all 
the cavalry, nine hundred and sixty in number, be sent down the Mau- 
mee beyond the lowest rapids to disperse any of the enemy who could 
be found, thus saving the crojis there abandoned bv the American set- 
tlers, and to return to Fort Barbee by way of the Ottawa ( Tawa ) towns 
by the Blanchard River. These suggested orders were not executed, 
the last one for several reasons principal among which were, damaged 
powder and scarcity of food which made it impossible to take adequate 
supplies for an expedition that might last a week or ten days; also lurk- 
ing savages who were a constant and harassing menace at Fort Win- 
chester; the dissatisfaction of some of the Kentucky troops with the 
command of General Tupper of the Ohio Militia; a misunderstanding 
between Generals Winchester and Tupper and the unfriendly treatment 
of the latter by the former; the weakening of Tupper's force by the 
withdrawal of Kentucky troops and Simrall's dragoons; and the dis- 
missal of Tupper from the command of the expedition by Winchester 
who gave it to Colonel Allen of the regulars, which caused the Ohio 
troops to recross the Auglaise and positively refuse to march under an}' 



* Narrative of the Sufferings and Defeat of the North- Western Army by William Atherton, 
Franl<fort, Kentucky. 1842. 



QUARREL AMONG OFFICERS AND TROOPS. 



295 



other than their own chosen leader. * The quarrel was between the reg- 
ular and volunteer soldiers as well as their officers: and it defeated the 
proposed expedition of the Left Winjj; of the Army, which, Tupper 








FORT WINCHESTER 

With Ruins of Fort Defiance at the junction of the Auylaise River on the right with the Mauniee 
beyond. From personal interviews with persons who saw it, from researches, and from surveys, by 
Charles E. Slocum. Fort Winchester was cnniplf ted \rtih October. 1H12, and was abandoned by United 
States troops in the spring of 1815. 



* See General Tupper's report to General Harrison under date of Urbana October 12, 1H12, yiven in 
full in Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the United States During the War with Great 
Britain in the years 18J2-15-14 and 1815, etc., collected and arranged by John Brannan, Wasliinaton. 1H23. 
Also History of the late War in the Western Country by Robert H. M'Afee. pages 148,149; Brackenridge, 
page 59; Perkins, page 97; Lossing. page 331. 



294 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

wrote, was at one time capable of tearing the British flag from the walls 
of Detroit. The time of enlistment of about three hundred mounted 
riflemen having expired, they were discharged, and they returned to 
their homes. Instead of leading his command down the Maumee River 
and then to St. Marys, as he was ordered to do, General Tupper went 
direct to Fort M'Arthur by way of the Ottawa towns. General Win- 
chester preferred charges of insubordination against him, and General 
Harrison ordered his arrest: but at this time he was on an expedition 
to the lower Maumee and his trial did not occur until the next year after 
the defeat of Winchester's army at the River Raisin when the witnesses 
were captives with the British; and he was acquitted. 

Ambuscades by the savages continued about Fort Winchester. Five 
soldiers who had strayed somewhat from their duty to gather wild plums 
were killed and scalped. Soldiers in Encampment Number Two were 
also fired upon from across the river, and one was killed. This caused 
an alarm call to arms, but the enemy escaped punishment. Scouting 
parties met the savages and suffered wounds from them, resulting in 
an occasional death. Comparative quiet, however, gradually pervaded 
the encampment. 

Some breaches of discijiline were noted, and their jmnishment re- 
lieved the monotony of camp life. On the 8th October Frederick Jacoby, 
a young man, was found asleep while posted as guard. He was sen- 
tenced bv court martial to be shot. A platoon was ordered to take pla- 
ces before the paraded army and twenty paces from the prisoner who, 
blindfolded, was on his knees preparing for the order to the soldiers to 
fire. A great stillness pervaded the army, just as the suspense was at 
its height a courier arrived with an order from General Winchester 
saving his life by changing the sentence ( Atherton ). This sentence and 
scene produced a profound effect upon the soldiers. It was their first real 
view of the sternness of military discipline : and they recognized its neces- 
sity and justness while in the country of the stealthy and savage enemy. 
Later, as the savages became less numerous, hunting for wild game was 
permitted, and soon all game was killed, not even a squirrel could be 
found within reasonable distance of the encampment for the soldiers to 
hunt. 

While on his way from Defiance, General Harrison was informed 
by express from Fort Wayne that the savages were again besieging that 
fort. He proceeded to Fort Barbee where he found Colonel Allen Trim- 
ble with five hundred Ohio cavalry. This force he immediately ordered 
to the relief of Fort Wayne, with orders to proceed thence against the 
town of the Pottawotomi chief White Pigeon by the River St. Joseph 
of Lake Michigan. These troops expected to join General Tu])per's 
command and proceed against Ditroit. IIo\ve\er, they obeyed orders 



FORT WINCHESTER COMPLETED. CHANGE OF GAMP. 295 

to march to Fort Wa\-ne, whence the savages fled as they ap- 
proached. Here about half of the soldiers refused to go further north- 
west. Colonel Trimble, however, obeyed the orders of his superior 
officer with those who would accompanx' him. They destroyed two vil- 
lages of the savages, but on their approach a treacherous guide gave 
alarm to the denizens in time for them to escape punishnrent. 

Some sachems of the Miamis, whose warriors had gone to the British, 
were brought before General Harrison by messengers, for them to show 
their willingness to live peaceably on the benefactions of the United 
States. Five of their number were to be sent to Piqua as hostages for 
the good behavior of the others — but they did not come according to 
promise. 

Fort Winchester was completed the loth October, 1812. The con- 
dition of affairs with General Winchester at this date is set forth in his 
letter to Governor Meigs, viz: 

Captain Wood, commanding a small party of spies, came into camp yester- 
day and reports that he was detached from Urbana to visit the [foot of the Maiimee] 
Rapids, etc. ; that he fell in with other spies who had just returned from that place, and 
had obtained all the information that he possibly could. I therefore have directed him 
to return and report, deeming it unnecessary that he should proceed, as the information 
required had been obtained, and being desirous too, to communicate to your excellency 
that this army could immediately march and take possession of the Rapids if supplies of 
provisions, etc., could certainly reach us in a few days after our arrival. Many days 
provisions could not be carried with us, because they are not here. Neither have we 
the means of transportation ; but it is important that the corn at that place should be 
saved if it could be done. 

At this place [Defiance] a picketed post with four block houses, two storehouses and 
a house for the sick, will be finished this day. Then I shall turn my attention to build- 
ing pirogues for the purpose of transporting heavy baggage and provisions down the 
river, and anxiously wait your answer with relation to supplies. I shall remain in 
readiness to march as soon as it is received. If General Harrison is at Urbana, you will 
communicate the contents of this letter to him. If I knew where he could be found. I 
would address a letter to him on the subject. . 

Soon after the completion of Fort Winchester, and the detachment 
of a garrison for its defense, the army moved to the present central 
part of Land Section Nineteen in Richland Township on the north 
side of the Maumee River one mile and a half below the mouth of the 
Auglaise. This site is on the lower land, and protected from the north 
and west winds, and it is designated by the letter H on the map ante 
page 191. With continued short rations, delay in the receipt of winter 
clothing and the increasing severity of the weather, the sufferings and 
sickness of the soldiers were increasing, and this change of encamp- 
ment was made for sanitary reasons and that the men might be nearer 
timber for fuel. The ground of this Camp H proving too wet, the 
armv soon occupied a dryer place two miles further down the Maumee, 



296 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



in the north part of Section Twenty-one. This Camp J soon showing 
great exposure to the wind yet another site, the historic Camp Number 
Three, was chosen. Its site is nearly two miles below Camp J, in the 
present Land Sections Twenty-two and Twenty-three, Richland Town- 




SITE OF ENCAMPMENT NUMBER THREE 

of General Winchester's Army from last of October until :^Oth December, 1SI9. Looking south- 
west 27 November. 1903. from the N. W, corner of Land Section 2M, Richland Township, Defiance County, 
Ohio. Graves of Pioneer settlers from 1822 in foreground. The Maumee River in distance, flowin^; from 
rii:ht to left. The Cemetery of the Encampment is supposed to be near the river, on the left. 



ship, Di'fiance County, Ohio. This site proved favorable, with al)und- 
ance of good firewood, and here the army remained aliout eight weeks. 
At these several encampments of General Winchester's army there 
was as much suffering as an army could endure, it culminating at 
Camp Number Three. Hunger impelled many lireaches of discipline. 
Soldiers wandered from camp, against orders, in search of game and 
fruit. One man started to desert. He was caught and sentenced 'to 
ride the wooden horse before the whole army.' This penalty consisted 
in his being placed astride a bent sapling and being there subjected to 
a series of tossings and joltings to the great amusement of the soldiers 
who entered with zest into everything affording diversion from their 
sufferings. We get other gliinpses of the life and experiences of Fort 
Winchester and its neighboring Encampment Number Three. Special 
orders signed J. Winchester, Brig. Gen'l, and dated Camp Winchester 
read that "James Givins, private in Captain Croghan's Company, 
charged with sitting down near his post, apparently asleep with his 
gun out of his hands, last night, October 25th, 1812, found guilty and 
sentenced to receive ten cobs on his bare posterior, well laid on with a 



SUFFERINGS AT ENCAMPMENT NUMBER THREE. 297 

paddle four inches wide and one-half an inch thick bored full of holes. 
Thomas Clark, charged with altering; his uniform without leave, sen- 
tenced to a reprimand on parade." 

Sickness increased. The rations were constantlv short, beinsi re- 




SITE OF ENCAMPMENT NUMBER THREE 

Of General Winchester's Army. Looking northeast 15 May, 19(11. from riftht bank of Maumee River, 
middle of Section 22. Richland Township, Defiance County, Ohio. The graves of the soldiers buried 
here are supposed to be near the distant bank of the river. 



ceived in small fjuantities and consisting some days only of beef, and 
again only of flour, and of some hickory nuts gathered near the camp. 
The beef was of poor quality, the cattle being greatly reduced from 
want of food and the cold like the soldiers.* Complaints were also 
made of the want of salt, to the liberal use of which the Kentuckians 
had been habituated at their homes. To cheer the discouraged and 
languishing army by renewing hope there were issued November 1st, 
1812, from Fort Winchester the following General Orders: 

With great pleasure the General announces to the army the prospect of an early 
supply of winter clothing, amongst which are the following articles shipped from Phila- 
delphia on the !)th September last ; 10,000 pairs of shoes, ,">000 blankets, .lOOO round 



* When reduced to necessity, the skins of animals were eaten even after being dried. They were 
cut into pieces, boiled and the soup eaten: and then the pieces were roasted so fully that they could be 
eaten. 



298 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

jackets. ."^OOO pairs pantaloons, woolen cloth to be made up, besides the underclothing for 
Colonel Well's regiment, 100 watch coats, .")000 blankets and 10000 yards of flannel, 
10000 pairs wool socks, 10000 wool hose. 

This bountiful supply evinces the constant attention of the government to the com- 
forts of its armies although the immense distance this wing hath been detached into the 
wilderness has prevented its receiving those comforts in due season, owing to causes not 
within the control of human foresight, yet a few days and the General consoles himself 
with the idea of seeing those whom he has the honor to command clad in warm woolen 
capable of resisting the northern blasts of Canada, either from the bellows of Boreas or 
the muzzles of British cannon. 

These promised supplies of clothing came not to Fort Winchester 
nor to its neighboring Encampment Number Three. Sickness found 
the weakened and shivering soldiers an easy prey. Typhoid fever pre- 
vailed. The list of those sick increased to over three hundred, with 
often three or four deaths a day. So many funereal rites had very de- 
pressing effects. Everything militated against proper camp sanitation; 
and probably the efforts to maintain a good sanitary regimen were not 
so thorough as those in later times; certainly the ways and means were 
not so ample as now. On account of their hurried march to the relief 
of Fort Wayne much of the soldiers' clothing was left at Piqua, and 
many of the men were yet wearing the linen hunting coats in which thej- 
started from their homes in Kentucky the 12th August; and these were 
in rags from natural wear and from the brush and timber with which 
thev had been obliged to contend. Man}' were so entireh' destitute of 
shoes and other clothing that thev must have frozen had they been 
obliged to go much distance from their campfires.''' In fact the sufferings 
of the soldiers in the fall and winter of 1812 at Fort Winchester and its 
Encampments, are altogether the saddest that have been experienced 
in the Maumee River Basin ; and these sufferings were probably the 
greatest of their kind that .\merican soldiers have endured. 

General Harrison, at his headquarters in Franklinton now Colum- 
bus, kept informed regarding the condition of affairs and put forth great 
efforts to gather supplies and men and to advance them toward Detroit. 
The 13th October he wrote to the Secretary of War that 'I am fully 
sensible of the responsibility invested in me. I accepted it with full 
confidence of being able to effect the wishes of the President, or to show 
unequivocally their impracticability. If the fall should be very dry, I 
will take Detroit before the winter sets in; but if we have much rain, it 
will be necessary to wait at the Rapids until the Miami of the Lake 
[Maumee] is sufficiently frozen over to bear the army and its baggage.' 
The 22nd October he again wrote, 'I am not able to fix any period for 
the advance of the troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident that it cannot 



* Captain Robert B. M'Afee and William Atlierlon, wlio were witli General Winchester's army, 
recount in their books many otlier details of the sufterings here of tliis unfortunate army. 



NEW ROADS AND EFFORTS FOR ADVANCE OF ARMY. 299 

be done upon proper principles until the frost shall become so severe 
as to enable us to use the rivers and the mars<in of the lake for trans- 
portation of the baggage and artillery upon the ice. To get them for- 
ward through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles, in wag- 
ons or on packhorses which are to carry their own provisions, is 
absolutely impossible. . . My present plan is to occupy Upper San- 
dusky, and accumulate at that place as much provision and forage as 
possible, to be taken from thence upon sleds to the River Raisin. At 
Defiance, Fort Jennings, and St. Mary, boats and sleds are preparing 
to take advantage of a rise of water or a fall of snow. 

After personal examination of diverse reports General Harrison 
ordered, the latter part of October, General Reazin Beall's command of 
five hundred men at Mansfield to join General Elijah Wadsworth's com- 
mand of eight hundred which was near the mouth of the Huron River, 
Ohio, and General Simon Perkins was given chief command of these 
and other soldiers composing the Right Wing of the Northwestern 
Army. This Wing was directed to clear and make a road from P'ort 
Stephenson to the foot of the lowest Maumee Rapids. 

Captain Hinkston with a small detachment was sent by General 
Tupper from Fort M'Arthur, to reconnoiter at these Rapids. He soon 
returned with a prisoner, one Captain Clarke, who was captured a short 
distance from his command of about seventy-five British regulars 
at the foot of the Rapids where they had come in boats for corn there 
planted by Americans. They also reported a force of three to four 
hundred Aborigines at the Rapids. General Tupper reported to Gov- 
ernor Meigs November 9th that he had decided to capture these British 
or drive them from the Rajiids and save the corn. He wrote . . 'A 
moment is not to be lost. We shall be at the Rapids in three days. I 
have also sent an express to General Winchester, advising him of the 
situation of the enemy, and of our march ; but as we can reach the 
Rapids one dav sooner than General Winchester waiting for my express, 
I could not think of losing one day, and thereby suffer the enemy to 
escape with the forage.' He detailed the condition of the forces and 
the operations at Maiden the British headquarters, now Amherstburg, 
Canada, and to some extent the condition at Detroit, as obtained from 
Captain Clarke adding 'they [the British at Maiden] are apprised of 
General Winchester's force, but understand he is building a fort at 
Defiance and is to remain there during the winter. They have no 
knowledge of any other preparations making in the State of Ohio.' . 

General Tupper proceeded on his march November 10th, along 
the roadway cut by General Hull's army, with six hundred and fifty 
men, and a light six-pounder cannon which they were obliged to leave 
at one of the forts along the wav on account of the mud. When with- 



300 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

in a few miles of tfie foot of tlie Rapids fiis scouts informed him tfiat the 
enemv was still there. He halted his soldiers until evening and then 
passed down the Maumee to a ford about two miles above the enemy's 
camp. Here scouts again reported that the enemy was closely en- 
camped and was singing and dancing. General Tupper decided to 
cross the river and make ready to attack at daybreak. Leading the 
van of the first section through the cold, swift current which was waist 
deep to his men in places, they crossed in safety; but the second sec- 
tion was not so fortunate, some men being carried down by the cur- 
rent, losing their guns, and being themselves rescued by horses with 
difficulty. The night was passing, the soldiers were fatigued and 
cold, and those who had crossed were ordered back to the main force 
on the south bank where all hastily sought a camp in the woods near-b\-. 
Earlv the next morning messengers were dispatched to General Win- 
chester for food and reinforcements. A few scouts were sent down 
till' river opposite the enemv's encampment desiring them to be 
pursued, biit the enemy could not be decoyed.' General Tupper then 
moved his entire fcyce and displayed it to the enemy, whereupon the 
squaws ran to the woods, the British ran to their boats and escaped, 
and the Aborigines, more brave than their allies, paraded and fired 
across the river at the troops with muskets and a four-pounder cannon, 
but without doing any damage. The Americans feinted a retreat to 
draw the savages across the river, but only a few mounted on horses 
were seen to pass up the river, the main body remaining near their 
camp. Thinking themselves secure from attack many of the soldiers, 
contrary to orders, began to gather corn in a near-by field. Others, 
while endeavoring to catch some hogs that had come in sight, were 
impetuously attacked by the Aborigine horsemen, and four of their 
number were killed. The soldiers rallied and repulsed the horse- 
men, when they were met bj- the main body of Aborigines led by 
the noted Chief Split-Log, who had crossed the river above. A 
sharp engagement ensued with Bentley's battalion and the enemy was 
soon driven away, but not without some loss to the Americans. The 
food brought with them was nearly gone. They could have subsisted 
on the corn and other food growing thereabouts that had been planted 
and early cared for by the American settlers who had been driven away 
by the savages; but they decided to return to Fort M'Arthur, and the 
march was begun that evening 'leaving accidentally in the camp a sick 
soldier who was unable to march and who fell a prey to the tomahawk 
and scalping knife' — M'Afee page 17L 

When General Tupper's express arrived at Fort Winchester, a 



It is probable that the eneitiys encampment was in tlie vicinity of the former Britisli Fort Miami. 



UNNECESSARY AND SEVERE MARCH. SCOUTS. 301 

detachment of three hundred and eighty of the most alile men* was at 
once equipped at Encampment Number Three to aid Tujiper's com- 
mand at the foot of the Rapids as desired, notwithstanding the great 
amount of sickness prevailing, and the want of food and clothing. 
This detachment started down the north bank of the Maumee in the 
morning of November 15th ; and later in the day General Tupper's 
second dispatch from the Rapids urging re-inforcement and food, 
arrived at Fort Winchester from along the south side of the river. 
The information in this dispatch was at once hastened to the marching 
column, which laboriously forced its way forward until nine o'clock the 
night of the second day when fatigue necessitated a halt. 

Colonel William Lewis, who was in command, sent Ensign ( after- 
wards Colonel ) Charles S. Todd with a few of the hardier soldiers, pre- 
ceded by five guides, forward to reconnoiter. They crossed the Maumee, 
entered the deserted camp of General Tupper's command about mid- 
night, found the deserted American dead and scalped, fiut found no 
word of explanation— the road only showing evidence of the hastv re- 
treat. These scouts returned to Colonel Lewis who decided to return 
to Encampment Number Three. They had not struck fire from fear 
of discovering the detachment to the enemy's scouts, and they were 
obliged to keep huddled and stirring to keep from freezing. Their 
weakened condition before starting on this forced march, the fatigue 
consequent upon it, the keenness of the cold in their thinly clad condi- 
tion, their loss of sleep and continued vigils, being prepared every 
moment for an attack of the savages, all caused acute and intense 
physical suffering which was not at all alleviated by thoughts of the 
unnecessary march and of General Tupper's thoughtlessness in not 
sending them notice of his retreat. Two da\s were required for many 
to get back to camp, and the second night was nearly as bad as the first 
on account of indications continuing of nearness of savages. 

There were employed and fed by the armies several scouts. Aborig- 
ine as well as American. Captain ( John ) Logan with a small ]-)arty of 
his tribe of Shawnees, including 'Captain John' and 'Bright Horn' 
were sent by General Harrison to reconnoiter down the Maumee. They 
soon came to Winchester's Camp Number Three and reported that 
they had been pursued so closely by overpowering numbers of the 
enemy that they escaped with difficulty. Their sincerity being 
questioned Captain Logan, being one of the most sensitive and trust- 
worthy of the Aborigines, felt aggrieved that he was suspected either of 
cowardice or treachery, and he determined on another scouting expedi- 
tion to the Rapids, declaring at the time that something should be done 



* See the Narrative of the Sufferings and Defeat of the Northwestern Army page 30, by William 
Atherton who was a member of this detachment. 



302 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

before his return that would convince all concerned of his bravery and 
friendship to the Government of the United States. 'Old Captain John 
and Lightfoot [or Bright Horn] if I mistake not, accompanied him' 
— Atherton. They started down the river November 22nd, were soon 
captured by a British officer, the eldest son of Colonel Elliott, and his 
escort of five savages including Win-e-mac who recognized Logan 
and gloried in his capture. The prisoners in due time, when about 
twenty miles below Camp Number Three, found opportunity to use 
their code of signs and attack their captors. Logan killed Win-e-mac, 
or Winnemeg a noted Pottawotami chief and enemy before mentioned, 
and the others killed Elliott and a young Ottawa chief. Logan was 
shot through the body and Bright Horn through a thigh ; but they were 
able to mount the empty saddles of the slain and escape to Camp Num- 
lier Three, where Logan died two days later from his wound notwith- 
standing careful attention of the surgeon and the soldiers as nurses. 
His loss was lamented by the whole army. A detachment of troops 
under Major Hardin bore his body to Wapakoneta the county seat of 
the present Auglaise County, where his family lived and where he was 
buried with mixed military honors and savage rites. Captain John 
carrying at the end of a long limb of a tree the scalp of the young 
Ottawa that he had slain at the time of their escape. Most of the im- 
portant information regarding the enemy, however, was obtained by an 

American 'Old Man Riddle' (Ruddle?) who would advance into 

the region of the enemy and there linger until he learned quite fully 
the particulars desired. 

The 15th November General Harrison wrote to the Secretary of 
War that he thought it unwise to attempt moving beyond the Maumee 
Rapids before spring on account of the insurmountable difficulties 
attending the trans])ortation of supplies. And about the same time in 
a letter to Governor Shelby he wrote . . ' 1 know it will be mortifying 
to Kentucky for this armv to return without doing anything; but it is 
better to do that than to attempt impossibilities. I wish to God the 
public mind were informed of our difficulties, and gradually prepared 
for this course. In my opinion, we should in this quarter disband all 
but those suffiicient for a strong frontier guard, convoys, etc., and pre- 
pare for the next season.' . 

The latter part of November heavy rains were experienced at Fort 
Winchester and Encampment Number Three and, the prospects of the 
army's advancing not being improved in any way, the soldiers were 
ordered about the first of December to build huts from saplings and 
bark for their better protection from the wet and cold, their frail tents 
being now of little worth. The supplies that were received continued 
inadequate, and were seldom varied. Often the army was wholly with- 



GREAT DIFFICULTIES IN TRANSPORTATION. 503 

out food. A^ain, for eleven days they had nothing but pork, just killed, 
without salt. Reconnoitering parties kept the vicinity of the camp free 
from savages, and gathered in everj'thing vegetable and animal that 
could be eaten. 

The difficulties attending transportation of supplies through these 
'Black Swamp' regions accounted in most part for these privations and 
sufferings. The roads were bad beyond description. From Fort Lor- 
amie on the south to the River St. Mary, and thence to Defiance at the 
north, was ipne continuous swamp knee deep to the packhorses and up 
to the hubs of the wagons — M'Afee. Most of the time it was impos- 
sible to move a wagon through the mud, even without a load; it would 
mire and become completely blocked. Packhorses were brought into 
use, but many horses, and their packs, were lost by the thoughtless, 
careless, and sometimes dishonest, drivers; the depth and consistency 
of the mud ; the want of food for the horses ; and the wet, cold weather.* 
The food supplies that were brought to the army were often in spoiled 
condition. Nor were the difficulties of transportation by river less, as 
described by Captain Robert B. M'Afee, viz: 

About the first of December Major Bodley. an enterprising officer who was quarter- 
master of the Kentucky troops, made an attempt to send near two hundred barrels of 
flour down the Kiver St. Mary in pirogues to the Left Wing of the army below Defiance, 
Previous to this time the water had rarely been high enough to venture in a voyage on 
these small streams. The flour was now shipped in fifteen or twenty pirogues and ca- 
noes, and placed under the command of Captain Jordan and Lieutenant Cardwell, with 
upwards of twenty men. They descended the river and arrived about a week afterward 
at Shane's Crossing [the present Rockford] upwards of one hundred miles by water [?] but 
only twenty by land from the place where they started. The river was so narrow, crook- 
ed, full of logs, and trees overhanging the banks, that it was with great difficulty they 
could make any progress. And now in one freezing night they were completely ice- 
bound. Lieutenant Cardwell waded back through the ice and swamps to Fort Barbee 
with intelligence of their situation. Major Bodley returned with him to the flour, and 
offered the men extra wages to cut through the ice and push forwards ; but having gained 
only one mile by two day's labor, the project was abandoned, and a guard left with the 
flour, A few days before Christmas a temporary thaw took place which enabled them 
with much difficulty and suffering to reach within a few miles of Fort Wayne, where they 
were again frozen up. They now abandoned the voyage and made sleds on which the 
men hauled the flour to the Fort [Wayne] and left it there. 

In a letter to the Secretary of War December 12th, 1812, General 
Harrison used the following emphatic lau,guage : 

Obstacles are almost insuperable ; but they are opposed with unabated firm- 
ness and zeal. . . I fear that the expenses of this army will greatly exceed the calcu- 
lations of the government. The prodigious destruction of horses can only be conceived 



* The only persons who could be procured to act as packhorse drivers were generally the most 
worthless creatures in the community, who took care neither of the horses nor the t:oods with which they 
were entrusted. The horses of course were soon broken down, and many of the packs lost. The teams 
hired to haul were also commonly valued so high on couiinp into service that the owners were willing to 



504 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

by those who have been accustomed to military operations in the wilderness during the 
winter season. . . I did not make sufficient allowance for the imbecility and inexperi- 
ence of the public agents, and the villainy of the contractors. . . If the plan of ac- 
quiring the naval superiority upon the lakes, before the attempt is made on Maiden or 
Detroit, should be adopted, I would place fifteen hundred men in cantonment at the Miami 
[Maumee] Rapids — Defiance would be better if the troops had not advanced from there — 
retain about one thousand more to be distributed in different garrisons, accumulate pro- 
visions at St. Marys, 'Tawa Town [Fort Jennings] Upper Sandusky, Cleveland, and 
Presque Isle, and employ the dragoons and mounted infantry in desultory expeditions 
against the Aborigines. The villages south of Lake Michigan might be struck with effect, 
by making a deposit of corn and provisions at Fort Wayne. I am dissappointed in the ar- 
tillery which has been sent me. There are in all twenty-eight pieces of which ten are 
sixes, and ten twelve-pounders. The former are nearly useless. I had five before, and 
if I had a hundred I should only take three or four with me. You will perceive by the 
return of Captain Gratiot, which is enclosed, that all the carriages for the howitzers, and 
eight out of the ten for the twelve-pounders, are unfit for use. 

A large number of hostile Miamis, who had lived at the head of 
the Maumee, at Eel River, and along the Wabash, had been gathering 
by the Mississinewa River fifteen to twenty miles from its mouth, and 
had attracted thither the Delawares from the White River in Indiana. 
In November General Harrison ordered Lieutenant Colonel Campbell 
of the 19th Regiment U. S. Infantry, with a detachment of Kentucky 
and Pennsylvania cavalry and infantry, to dislodge those savages if they 
would not consent to remain peaceful. This command moved from 
central Ohio rapidly to and down the Mississinewa about the middle of 
December, each man carrying ten daj's rations, and as much food for 
his horse as practicable. They destroyed four villages of the savages, 
killed eight warriors and took eight more, with thirty-two women and 
children, prisoners. Early in the morning of December 18th the main 
body of savages rallied, stealthily approached and impetuously 
attacked the .\mericans. The savages fought desperately but were 
obli.ged to retreat, leaving fifteen of their killed on the field. The 
American loss was eight men killed and forty-two wounded; and one 
hundred and seven horses killed. Lieutenant Colonel Campbell being 
informed at this time that Tecumseh had been only eighteen miles 
lielow him on the river, thought it prudent to return as fast as pract- 
icable, and to communicate the presence of Tecumseh's force to 
General Harrison. The return march to Ohio was very slow and 
laborious, seventeen of the wounded being carried on litters. The 
entire command suffered greatly from the cold: and three hundred 
soldiers were so frozen as to be for some time unfit for duty. This 
expedition had a wholesome effect on the savages. The Delawares had 



drive them to debility and death with the view of getting the price Lfrom the Governtnentl. In addition 
to this no bills of lading were used, nor accounts kept with the wagoners, and of course each one had an 
opportunity to plunder the public without risk of detection— M'Afee. 



ADVANCE OF WINCHESTER'S ARMY DOWN MAUMEE. 305 

before been requested to return to Ohio; and after this chastisement 
they did return, and settled alon^^ the upper Au^laise River. 

General Harrison dispatched Ensig'n Charles S. Todd, with an 
escort of two soldiers and three Wyandots, from Fort Stephenson to 
General Winchester, instructing him to advance to the lower Maumee 
Rapids as soon as he could accumulate twenty days' food supplies, and 
there to build huts thus to lead the watchful scouts of the enemy to infer 
that he intended to pass the winter there; then to build sleds to be 
ready to advance to Maiden when ice formed sufficiently to hold. The 
messengers were instructed to further inform him that the three lines 
of the Northwestern Army would be concentrated at the Rapids for the 
advance, and that secrecy regarding these orders and preparations 
should be maintained. 

The '2'2nd December flour and some other supplies, including a 
partial supjily of clothing from the ladies of Kentucky''' were received 
at Fort Winchester and Encampment Number Three, with the most 
welcome intelligence that a constant supply would follow. Prepara- 
tions were at once made for the armv's advance. The sick were 
removed to Fort Winchester, and a sufficient garrison left for their care 
and protection. The soldiers were greatly inspirited by the order to 
prepare for the march, and . . . 'On the 25th December, 1812. 
[M'Afee recorded this march as beginning 30th December] at sunrise 
we bade adieu to this memorable place. Camp Number Three, where 
lie [yet undesignated] the bones of manv a brave man. This 
place will live in the recollection of all who suffered there, and 
for more reasons than one. There comes up before the mind the 
many times the dead march was heard in the Camp, and the solemn 
procession that carried our fellow sufferers to the grave; the many times 
we were almost on the point of starvation; and the many sickening 
disappointments which were experienced by the army from day to day, 
and from week to week, bv the failure of promised supplies' — Ather- 
ton page 26. 

Leslie Combs and the noted guide and scout A. Ruddle (Riddle?) 
were sent to inform General Harrison of the advance; and he, having 
just received the express from Lieutenant Colonel Campbell that Te- 
cumseh and his large body of savages might invade Ohio along the 
Mississinewa, sent orders to General Winchester to turn his army south- 
ward to Fort Jennings to protect the supplies being gathered along that 
military' road ; but General Winchester persisted in his march down the 
Maumee. Had he followed the orders of his ranking officer the signal 



* Much of the clothint; sent from Kentucky was lost on the way, like the food, owiny to the mis- 
conduct of the wagoners and wacon-inasters, and the insuperable difficulties of transportation — M'Afee 
pace 183. 



306 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

defeat and massacre to which he led his army would have been pre- 
vented. His soldiers proceeded under great difficulties, and slowly. 
In addition to the great weakness and insufficient clothing of his men 
they were obliged to haul much of their provisions and equipment on 
sleds through a deep snow that had fallen on the wet ground made soft 
by a general thaw. The gullies and other depressions contained much 
water which, with the snow, wet the provisions and the men's clothing. 
The weather soon became colder and there was intense suffering. The 
clearing of ground for the night encampments, and the making of fires 
by the uncertain process of sparks from striking flints with steel, and 
kindling with wet wood, were slow, cold and fatiguing processes. The 
greatest suffering, however, was at night when thev laid down and at- 
tempted to sleep. 

Some complaints being made agamst Doctor William Eustis Secre- 
tary' of War, he resigned that office, and James Monroe was appointed 
his successor by President Madison. Secretary Monroe was a practical 
soldier: was quick to recognize General Harrison's worth and wrote to 
him to prosecute the campaign in pursuance of his own views. General 
Harrison replied from Franklinton under date of January 8, 1813, as 
follows : 

When I was directed to take command in the latter part of September, I thought 
it possible by great exertions toeUect the objects of the campaign before the setting in of 
winter. I distinctly stated, however, to the Secretary of War that there was always a 
period of rainy weather in this country in the months of November and December in 
which the roads within the settlements were alinost impassable ; and the swamps which 
extend northwardly from about the 40th degree of north latitude, entirely so ; and that 
this circumstance would render it impossible to advance with the army before that period 
without exposing it to inevitable destruction, unless a sufficiency of provisions could be 
taken on to subsist it until the severe frosts should remove the impediments to trans- 
portation. 

The experience of a few days was sufficient to convince me that the supplies of pro- 
visions could not be procured for our autumnal advance ; and even if this difficulty was 
removed, another of equal magnitude existed in the want of artillery. There remained 
then no alternative but to prepare for a winter campaign. But in order to take advantage 
of every circumstance in our favor, boats and pirogues were prepared in considerable 
numbers on the Auglaise [at Forts Amanda and Winchester] and St. Marys, in the hope 
that when the land transportation could not be used, we might by means of these rivers 
take on large supplies to the Rapids of the Miami [Maumee], An effort was made also 
to procure flour from Presque Isle [the present Erie, Pa.] by coasting the lake with small 
boats. These measures were calculated on as collateral aids only. The more sure 
one of providing a large number of packhorses and ox teams was resorted to, and the 
Deputy Quartermaster General, Colonel Morrison, was instructed accordingly. 

Considering the Miami [Maumee] Rapids as the first point of destination, pro- 
visions were ordered to be accumulated along a concave base, extending from St. Marys 
on the left to the mouth of Huron River and afterwards Lower Sandusky, on the right. 
From this base the [foot of the Maumee] Rapids could be approached by three routes, or 
lines of operation, two of which were pretty effectually secured by the posts which were 



HARRISON'S REVIEW. MISTAKE AT DEFIANCE. 307 

established and the positions taken on the third [by way of the Sandusky River]. St. 
Marys, M'Arthur's Blockhouse, and Upper Sandusky were selected as principal deposits. 
The troops, excepting those with General Winchester, were kept within the bounds 
of the local contractors, that they might not consume the provisions procured by the 
United States' Commissaries, and which were intended to form the grand deposit at the 
Miami [Maumee] Rapids, It was not until late in October that much effect could be 
given to these arrangements; and for the six following weeks little or nothing could be 
done from the uncommonly unfavorable state of the weather which afforded just rain 
enough to render the roads impassable for wagons, and not a sufficiency to raise the 
waters to a navigable state. Great exertions however were made to prepare for the change 
which might reasonably be expected. 

The last twenty days of December were entirely fa\'orable to our views, and were so 
well employed by Colonel Morrison as to afford the most flattering prospect of being 
able to take on to the Rapids early in this month [January] a sufficiency of provisions 
and stores to authorize an advance upon Maiden from the 2.5th instant to the 10th of 
February. Our hopes were again a little checked by a general thaw, succeeded by a 
very deep snow whilst the ground was in that soft state. It is however cold again, and 
we calculate on being able to use with effect the sleds, a considerable number of which 
I had caused to be prepared. 

My plan of operation has been, and now is, to occupy the [foot of the] Miami 
[Maumee] Rapids, and to deposit there as much provisions as possible, to move from 
thence with choice detachment of the army, and with as much provision, artillery and 
ammunition as the means of transportation will allow, make a demonstration towards 
Detroit and, by a sudden passage of the strait upon the ice, an actual investiture of 
Maiden ... It was my intention to have assembled at [the foot of] the Rapids from 
4500 to .5000 men, and to be governed by circumstances in forming the detachment with 
which I should advance. This is still my plan, and it was always my intention to dis- 
miss at that period all that I deemed superfluous. The nominal amount of the army 
was ten thousand, but the effective force was much less . . You will read with as 
much pain as I write it, that a fine body of regular troops belonging to the 17th and l!Hh 
Regiments under Colonel Wells, has been nearly destroyed by the want of clothing. 
The whole of the effective men upon this frontier does not exceed six thousand three 
hundred infantry. 

Upon the whole sir, my reaching Maiden this winter depends upon circumstances 
which I cannot control — the freezing of the strait in such a manner as to enable me to 
pass over the troops and artillery. General Winchester is I hope now, or will be in a 
day or two, at the Rapids. Provisions in large quantities are progressing thither. I 
calculate onbeing there myself by the 20th [January 1 SI 3] instant with the troops which are 
intended for the march upon Maiden. . Should our offensive operations be sus- 

pended until spring, it is my decided opinion that the most effectual and cheapest plan 
will be to obtain the command of the Lake. This being once effected, every difficulty 
will be removed. 

You do me justice in believing that my exertions have been unremitted, and I am 
sensible of the commission of one error only that has injuriously affected our interests ; 
and that is in retaining too large force at Defiance. The disadvantages attending it 
were, however, seen at the period of my committing the management of that wing to 
General Winchester. Possessing a superior rank in the line of the army to that which 
was tendered to me, I considered him rather in the light of an associate in command 
than an inferior. I therefore recommended to him, instead of ordering it, to send back 
two regiments within the bounds of White's contract. Had this measure been pursued, 
there would have been at Fort Winchester 100,000 rations more than there is at present. 



508 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The General, who possesses the most estimable qualities of the head and heart, was 
deceived as I was with regard to the period when the army could advance, and he did 
not think that the reduction of issues would be so important as it is now ascertained it 
would have been. 

General Winchester's army of about thirteen hundred men, arrived 
at Presqu'ile on the south-west side of General Wayne's Battle Field 
of Fallen Timber January 10th. Here an encampment was fortified to 
some extent and a larg^e storehouse for provisions and heavy baggage 
was built within the enclosure. This has been termed by the writer 
Fort Deposit — see accompanying map. It was situated' about three 
miles down the Maumee from Roche de Bout the site of General 
Wayne's Fort Deposit. Corn (maize) was gathered from a near-by 
field, hastily boiled whole and greatlv relished bv the soldiers whose 
supplies had continued limited in quantify and variety. Devices were 
soon made for pounding the corn, and from thi' meal thus obtained 
bread was made. Additional supplies were here received, including 
some clothing from their homes and the soldierlyspirit was soon revived. 

General Payne with six hundred and seventy soldiers had early been 
sent forward by General Winchester to rout a gathering of Aborigines 
which had been reported to General Harrison as gathered 'in an old 
fortification at Swan Creek.' Possibly the old fortification here men- 
tioned was the remains of Fort Industry of 1^05. No Aborigines could 
be found by General Payne's scouts. Captain Williams with twenty- 
five men discovered another deserted camp and, following the fresh 
trail, overtook the Aborigines and hastened their retreat by an exchange 
of shots from which a few persons were wounded on both sides. The 
11th |anuar\- General Winchester sent notification of his arrival at the 
Rapids to General Harrison by the persons who were taking in the 
starved and worn out packhorses to General Tapper's camp at Fort 
M'Arthur, a place as distant from the Rapids as the headquarters of 
Harrison, and from which the messenger must then pass through a 
swampy and pathless wilderness of forty miles to Upper Sanduskv, 
where he did not arrive until General Harrison had left that place; and 
the notification was ultimately received by him at the Rapids, where it 
started — M'Afee page 202. 

The advance and occupation of the lower Maumee Rajiids by Gen- 
eral Winchester without opposition by the enemy was reassuring to 
the officers and to the ranks, and this had much influence in inducing 
the unwise advance to the River Raisin. In compliance with several 
requests for protection received from Frenchtown (now Monroe, Mich- 
igan, then a settlement of thirty-three families) Colonel William Lewis 
was dispatched liy General Winchester with five hundred and fifty 
soldiers January 17th for that jmrpose. A few hours later Colonel 



WINCHESTER'S FATAL MOVE TO THE RIVER RAISIN. 509 




John Allen followed with a force of 
one hundred and ten, which over- 
took the former opposite Presqu'- 
e of Maumee Bay, where they 
were informed that there were four 
hundred Aborigines then at 
Frenchtown, and that Colonel 
P211iott was detaching a force at 
Maiden to proceed against the 
Americans on the Maumee. These 
rumors were dispatched to General 
Winchester', and he sent them to 
General Harrison with a statement 
of the movement of his main force 
against the enemy. The sending 
of this small force with only small 
arms near Maiden the headquart- 
ers of the British and their Abori- 
gine allies, without the order of 
General Harrison and a near re- 
serve force, was the third in the 
series of grave errors on the part 
of General Winchester which was 
soon to cause the complete de- 
struction of his army and to ob- 
scure, at least, what little honor 
was attached to him. Colonels 
Lewis and Allen rapidly advanced 
over the ice along the shore of the 
Lake, engaged the enemy, about 
one hundred British troops and 
four hundred Aborigines, near 
Frenchtown and drove them 
across the River Raisin notwith- 
standing their opposing howitzer. 
They then dispatched for re- 
enforcements and began prejsara- 
tions for defense against oncoming 
superior numbers. 

General Winchester, on learning 
of the success of his Colonels, left 
a guard at Fort Deposit, and start- 
ed January 19th with all the force 



310 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

that could be spared from this Fort, two hundred and fifty in number, 
for Frenchtown where he arrived in the night of the 20th. There his 
former thoughttulness and care for the safety of his command were 
relaxed. He established headquarters in the comfortable residence of 
Colonel Francis Navarre on the south side of the river about nine hun- 
dred feet from the camp of his soldiers. The next day he was informed 
bv Peter Navarre and his four brothers whom he sent out to recon- 
noiter, that a large force of British and Aborigines would attack him 
that night. A Frenchman, Jacques La Salle commonly termed locko, 
who was in SA-mpathy with the British, persuaded the General into a 
disbelief of the report. His vigilant and successful Colonels also 
received and communicated to him evidences of the oncoming of large 
forces of savages and British with artillery. But the General was 
under an evil spell. The reports were discredited; no other scouts 
were sent out by him: no definite precautions against a night attack 
were ordered : nor special preparations for the comfort and safety of 
his small armv. To what subtle and soothingly disastrous influences 
had the General been subjected by association with his liberal host, and 
the voluble and genial Jocko! Habituated to an easy, luxurious life, 
the General had been for many weeks in the midst of forest wilds, pri- 
vations and sufferings, and now had headquarters in a comfortable 
house as the guest of a man with similar tastes in a social way, and 
with well stocked cellar. The successes of his Colonels and his re- 
liance on their vigilance brought relaxation on the part of the General, 
on whom they relied, and he settled down to some enjoyment, soothed 
by the kind and ample hospitality of his host and the false assurances 
of the enemy's friend ! He was under the magic spell of security and 
peace which, like the brief calm preceding a disastrous burst of the 
tempest, lulled to inactivity ! Very early in the morning of January 
2"2nd the brave American troops, yet weak from their former sufferings, 
were surprised by the stealthy foe and quite overwhelmed by superior 
numbers with six cannon. About three hundred were killed in the 
fierce onslaught and later messacred direct and by the burning of build- 
ings in which the wounded were placed ; five hundred and forty-seven 
were taken prisoners by the British and forty-five by the Aborigines; 
only thirty-three escaped ! General Winchester, aroused by the guns, 
strove in the biting cold to join his army. Mounting his host's horse 
he rode in what he supposed to be the proper part of the camp of his 
soldiers — Hosmer. He was soon captured by Jack Brandy, an Abo- 
rigine of Round Head's band, who divested him of his outer clothing 
and led him half frozen to Colonel Proctor the British comriiander who 
persuaded him to order his troops to surrender. The white flag was 
started with this order towards the garden pickets behind which the 



WINCHESTER'S SURRENDER. MASSACRE. 511 

Americans were well holding their position. They refused to surrender. 
Thrice did the flag pass from the British headquarters to the American 
line' once accompanied by Major Walter H. Overton of General Win- 
chester's staff and by Colonel Proctor, before the courageous Major 
George Madison would surrender, and he then consented onlv after 
promises by Proctor of protection from the Aborigines. How these 
promises were ignored by the British regarding the wounded and manv 
of those captured by the savages, and how fully the intoxicated savages 
reveled in the butchery of their helpless victims and left the remains to 
be eaten by dogs and hogs, has been described bv manv persons whose 
writings are readily accessible. 

Most of the American prisoners who could march with the British 
were led to Amherstburg (formerly Maiden ) the morning of januar\' 
23rd. The 26th they were marched toSandwich, whence some were 
sent across the river to the I:5ritish garrison at Detroit, and the others 
to Fort George at Niagara where nearly all of them were released 
on parole not to bear arms against his Majesty or his allies [the 
savages] during the war or until exchanged.' General Winchester, 
Colonel Lewis and Major Madison, were sent to Quebec and, some 
time later, to Beauport near (Juebec, where they were confined 
until the spring of 1814 when they were exchanged with manv 
others. t Colonel Proctor reported the British loss in this battle at 
twenty-four killed and one hundred and fiftv-eight wounded. No 
accurate estimate of the loss of their savage allies could be made. 
The enemy numbered about two thousand, one half being British 
regulars and Canada milita. Round Head and Walk-in-the-Water 
were the principal chiefs of the savages. Tecumsch was then in 
Indiana. Proctor's report, and commendation of his savage 'allies' 
led the Assembly of Lower Canada to extend to him 'and his men' 
a vote of thanks: and the part he acted also led to his promotion to 
the rank of brigadier general. 

This great disaster at the River Raisin, though most deeplv la- 
mented, was not without good results in its lessons. 'Remember the 
Raisin' became the slogan that spurred many other Kentuckians to 
enlist in the army and to do valiant service for their country, and it al- 



••■ American State Papers, Military Aifairs, volume i pa^te 367. See, also. General Winchester's 
report to the Secretary of War written at Maiden January 33. 1^13, while a prisoner — Brannan's Official 
Letters pajje 132. 

tGeneral Winchester was transferred toconttnand at Mobile ; and the last report from him seen by the 
writer was to the Secretary of War announcing, under date of February 17, 1815, ' his duty to communi- 
cate the very unpleasant news of the loss of Fort Bowyer 'situated by Mobile Bay, which was captured 
by the British the 13th February with its garrison of three hundred and sixty men — Brannan's Official 
Letters. He resigned his commission in March, 1H1.5, and returned to his home in Tennessee, where he 
died 27th July 1836. He is described as a ' fussy man. guite heavy in person, and illy fitted for the 
peculiar service in which he was eneayed.' — Lossiny's Pictorial Field-Booli of the War of 1812 page 361 , 



572 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

so incited the officers to greater thout;"htfulnfss, and to a greater sense of 
responsibility.* 

General Harrison, upon receipt at ITpper Sandusky of General 
Winchester's express that he was advancing to the Raisin, urged for- 
ward troops and artillery from his headquarters, and from Lower San- 
dusky. He preceded the troops and, upon his arrival at Fort Deposit, 
ordered General Payne with the garrison there, forward to the support 
of his General. The cold was severe, the snow-covered road was 
rough, and mirey in places, and the troops were slow in arriving at the 
lower rapids. As they arrived in small bodies they were hastened 
onward toward the Raisin, led b}- General Harrison. They had not 
proceeded far, however, before some fugitives were met and, as they 
advanced, others confirmed the total defeat of General Winchester's 
command. A council of officers in the saddle decided to return the 
main body to Fort Deposit, while scouts were sent forward to aid those 
escaping. t Upon arrival at Fort Deposit a council of the general and 
field officers was called. This council decided that 

The position of General Winchester's Camp [Deposit] was injudicious and un- 
tenable against any formidable force. The position was on the wrong side of the river ; 
for it frequently happens in the winter that heavy rains suddenly swell the current and 
break the ice so as to render the stream wholly impassable for many days together. 
This would prevent the convoys from reaching the camp, whilst the enemy might cross 
on the ice at the mouth of the Bay and destroy them without opposition. The attempt 
to fortify the position had also destroyed all its natural advantages. The camp was a 
parallelogram with its longest side on the river, corresponding to the form of the rise 
of the ground [Presqu'ile] on which it was placed, the abrupt declivity of which afforded 
the enemy a better fortification, at point blank shot in the rear, than the breastwork of 
logs by which the lines were protected. The flanks were also at a convenient distance 
from the ends of the rise of ground to be annoyed from them by the enemj'. By revers- 
ing the order and making the flank lines the longest so as to extend quite across the 
prominence the rear would have been rendered secure, and the flanks would have 
been at too great a distance to be annoyed from the extremes of the eminence. On the 
next morning therefore the army abandoned the Rapids, having first set fire to the 
blockhouse in which there was a quantity of provisions that would be useful to the 
enemy if they advanced to that place. 

The few troops there assembled retired to the Portage River, about 
eighteen miles on the road to Lower Sandusky, where they strongly 
fortified a camp to there await the oncoming regiments, including the 
artillery, when they would return to the Maumee with all the supplies. 
Copious rains, however, delayed all the forward movements. Fort 



*The Legislature of Michigan, session of 1903-04, appropriated five tliousand dollars for the erection 
of a monument at Monroe commemorative of the .Americans who were there killed in this battle. The 
commission awarded tlie contract to a Toledo firm in February, 1904. and the monument was unveiled 
the 1st September, 1904, in presence of several thousand people, including prominent Kentuckians. 

t See General Harrison's report to the Secretary of War, Brannan's Official Letters paye 135. 



ACTIVITY OF AMERICAN TROOPS. 



313 



Winchester again became the frontier position of defense in the Maumee 
Valley, and a shield to the forts and settlers to the south and southwest 
who were again experiencing great alarm. 




Poniard, found without scabbard many \ears ayo soutlieast of Defiance. Tlie reverse side of 
blade is hollowed. Lentjth over all eleven inches. In the Autlior's Collection. 



CHAPTER XI. 



The Second .\nd Third (Final) Years of the War of 1812. 

The scouts of the army by the Portage River kept the movements 
of the savages under observation. The 9th of February they reported 
about six hundred gathered on the north shore of Maumee Bay. Gen- 
eral Harrison detached six hundred soldiers with one cannon, and led 
them in person to the savage encampment which was abandoned on 
his approach. The troops were ordered to march in pursuit on the ice 
near the shore. Near the lowest part of the Bay the horses with the 
cannon liroke through the ice. The cannon was not recovered until 
the next day and after great exertion and much suffering from the 
severe cold. Meantime the main body, which had again pressed for- 
ward, was met by the scouts with the information that the savages had 
escaped to Maiden, and the detachment returned to camp. General 
Harrison wrote to the Secretary of War from 'Headquarters, Foot of 
the Miami [Maumee] Rapids, February 11, 1S13,' that 

Having been joined by General Leftwich with his brigade, and a regiment of the 
Pennsylvania quota at the Portage River on the i'Oth ultimo, I marched thence on 
the 1st instant and reached this place on the morning of the 2d with an effective force of 
sixteen hundred men. I have since been joined by a Kentucky regiment and part of 
General Tapper's Ohio brigade, which has increased our numbers to two thousand non- 
commissioned officers and privates. . . I have ordered the whole of the troops of 
the Left Wing (excepting one company for each of the six forts in that quarter) the 
balance of the Pennsylvania brigade, and the Ohio brigade under General Tupper, 
and a detachment of regular troops of twelve-months volunteers under command of 
Colonel Campbell, to march to this place as soon as possible. . . The disposition 
of the troops for the remainder of the winter will be as follows ; A battalion of 
militia lately called out from this State, with a company of regular troops now at Fort 



314 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



Winchester [Defiance] will garrison the posts upon the waters of the Auglaise and 
St. Marv. The small block-houses upon Hull's trace [M'Arthur, Necessity, and 
Findlav] will have a subaltern's command in each. A company will be placed at Upper 
Sandusky, and another at Lower Sandusky. All the rest of the troops will be brought 
to this place, amounting to from fifteen to eighteen hundred men. 

I am erecting here a pretty 
strong fort [Meigs] capable 
of resisting field artillery at 
least. The troops will be 
placed in a fortified camp, 
covered on one flank by the 
fort. This is the best position 
that can be taken to cover the 
frontier, and the small posts in 
the rear of it, and those above 
it on the Miami [Maumee] 
and its tributaries. The force 
placed here ought, however, 
to be strong enough to en- 
counter any that the enemy 
may detach against the forts 
above. Twenty-five hundred 
would not be too many. But, 
anxious to reduce the expenses 
during the winter within as 
narrow bounds as possible, 
I have desired the Governor 
of Kentucky not to call out 
(but to hold in readiness to 
march) the fifteen hundred 
men lately required of him. 
All the teams which have been 
hired for the public service 
will be discharged, and those 
belonging to the public, which 
are principally oxen, disposed of in the settlements where forage is cheaper, and every 
other arrangement made which will lessen the expenses during the winter. Attention 
will still, however, be paid to the deposit of supplies for the ensuing campaign. Im- 
mense supplies of provisions have been accumulating along the Auglaise River, and 
boats and pirogues prepared to bring them down as soon as the river opens. 

The building- of the strong- fort (Meigs) mentioned in the preced- 
ing letter was under the immediate supervision of Captain, afterward 
Colonel, Eleazer D. Wood chief engineer of the army. General Har- 
rison's experience with General Wayne along the lower Maumee, and 
his later observations, led him to choose as the site of this fort the 
high right bank of the river, a short distance below the lowest fording 
place and near the foot of the lowest rapids. The first plan of this fort 
and encampment embraced soi-nething over eight acres of ground. In 
the words of Captain Wood 




WILLI.4M HENRY H.\RRISON 
Major General, and Fourteenth President of the United 
States. Born at Berkeley, Virginia, 9th February, 1773. Died 
4th April, 1841, at Washington, D. C, when one month President. 



FORT AND CAMP MEIGS. UNSUCCESSFUL VENTURE. 315 

The camp was twenty-five hundred yards [over one mile and one-third] in irregular 
circumference. With the exception of short intervals for blockhouses and batteries, 
this extent was picketed with timber fifteen feet long, from ten to twelve inches in diam- 
eter, set three feet into the ground. The army at this camp then numbered about 
eighteen hundred, and as soon as the lines of the fort were designated, large portions of 
the labor were assigned to each corps in the army, by which means^a very laudable 
emulation was easily excited. To complete the picketing, to put up eight blockhouses 
of double timbers, to elevate four large batteries, to build all the storehouses and maga- 
zines required to contain the supplies of the army, together with the ordinary fatigues 
of the camp, was an undertaking of no small magnitude. Besides, an immense deal of 
labor was likewise required in excavating ditches, making abatis and clearing away the 
wood about the camp ; and all this was done, too, at a time when the weather was 
inclement, and the ground so hard that it could scarcely be opened with the mattock and 
pickaxe. But in the use of the axe, mattock, and spade consisted the chief military 
knowledge of our army ; and even that knowledge, however trifling it may be supposed 
by some, is of the utmost importance in many situations, and in ours was the salvation 
of the army. So we fell to work, heard nothing of the enemy, and endeavored to busy 
ourselves as soon as possible. 

The scouts kept the General informed resjarding the enem\' ; and 
when they reported the armed vessels of the British frozen in the ice 
near iVIalden he conceived a plan for their destruction. A detachment 
for this purpose was made the 26th Februar\' of sixty-eight regulars, 
one hundred and twenty Pennsylvania and Virginia militiamen, a 
special company of thirty-two soldiers, twenty-four sled drivers, with 
guides and twenty-two friendlv Aborigines. All were placed under 
command of Captain Augustus L. Langham of Ohio and M. Madis 
from France then serving as conductor of artillery. They started 
March "2nd with sleighs containing provisions for six days and combust- 
ibles with which to set fire to the vessels and whatever storehouses 
they could approach. Their route was eastward and, at the Portage 
River, the destination and object of the expedition was more fully ex- 
plained to the soldiers, and permission to return was given to all who 
desired so to do. Aborigine and French spies abounded, and the ]iro- 
ject appeared so hazardous that twenty of the militia and six Aborigi- 
nes returned to the Maumee. The others continued through Lower 
Sandusky and out on the ice covering Lake Erie. They were to leave 
the sleighs at Middle Bass Island and proceed noiselessly with moc- 
casins. The next day General Harrison started with a protecting 
detachment, and at Maumee Bav met Captain Langham's command 
returning, they being turned back without fulfilling their mission, 
partly on account of desertions, forerunning spies from the enemy and, 
principally, by the weakness of the ice from the moderated weather. 

Soon after the favorable beginning of the important fortification 
by the lower Maumee General Harrison started southward to urge for- 
ward additional troops in person, and to visit his sick family at Cincin- 
nati. Cajitain Wood had been sent by him to Sandusky to plan a 



316 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



fortification for that place. General Leftwich of the Virginia militia, 
whom Captain Wood afterwards called 'an old phlegmatic Dutchman 
who was not even fit for a packhorse master much less to be entrusted 
with such an important command' as this, was left in charge of the 



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COL„MA»«« GROUm PLm OF ^ R™g«*R.,A.„5H0M '^l 

r. f^fWMAGAKME Cy^DT "^ JlAj^iCQ S. BUH(AcGflOUNO.-ATT«vKcBlUO 

H.CATEWAYSwTMGMNBTWrtWE g \J I\ I f /tLfvX^ T CflWlSON BuRlAL 6RoUNO 

The siipyestion of the United States Kiiyineers wlio made survey of this place in 1888, was 
tlie purchase of fifty-five acres of land, the erection of a principal nionuinent \vithin the site of 
the Fort to cost $10,000 and three minor monuments in the burial places to cost with fences 
$1.5, (XX); but Congress has not made any appropriation for this purpose. The Maumee Valley 
Pioneer and Historical Association, however, has undertaken to commemorate the history here 
enacted. In October, 1903, eight and a half acres of the eastern part of Camp Meigs including 
the burial ground of Kentuckians was purchased, and a United States flag has been raised over 
it. An Act of the Ohio Legislature of March, 1904, gives historical and like organizations the 
right of eminent domain: also mention was made of a monutnent. but without appropriation of 
money. 



camp and the building of the fort. He permitted the work to cease 
and, further, permitted the soldiers to use the gathered timber for fuel 
while there was much material better adapted to their use, and neces- 
sary to be cleared away, within easy distance. Captain Wood re- 
turned the 20th February to find, also, that there had been considerable 
destruction of the work that was done before his departure. 

The time of enlistment of the Virginians, and some Pennsyl- 
vanians, soon expired and they started for home, leaving only about 
five hundred soldiers at this important camp. Cajitain Wood, how- 
ever, recommenced work on the fortifications and pressed it forward 
as fast as possible. In honor of the Governor of Ohio at this time 
this, the largest and most important defensive work of the Army of the 
Northwest, was named Fort Meigs. It was both a fort and a fortified 



BRITISH DESIGNS. PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE. 317 

camp. Its limits were extended to embrace fourteen acres or more of 
land for the purpose of encompassing and protecting the entire army, 
with the horses, cattle, and all trains and supplies, in case it be 
besieged. The batteries of cannon and howitzers were distributed 
around its entire oblong and irregular limits, the largest and strongest 
being toward the river. The palisades on the north or river side and 
those on the east end were set in ground declining from the enclosure 
and nearly perpendicular to the slopes thus being more of a i:>rotection 
against an assailing force than against shot and shell from the oppo- 
site bank. 

About the first of March a small party of citizens of Detroit 
arrived at Fort Meigs and reported that General Proctor had ordered 
the assembling of Canada militia on the 7th April at Sandwich pre- 
paratory to an attack on Fort Meigs : and the mode of attack, as dis- 
cussed b^- the British officers, would be by constructing strong bat- 
teries of cannon on the opposite side of the river to be manned l)y 
British artillerists while the savages would invest the fort on the 
other sides. In the opinion of Major Muir 'a few hours action of the 
cannon would smoke the Americans out of the fort into the hands of 
the savages.' Many other boastings of the British were reported. 

British scouts, both Canadian and Aborigine, continued active. 
The yth of March a small conijiany of soldiers were permitted to shoot 
some game while reconnoitering. When near the ruins of Fort Miami 
they were shot at by savages and Lieutenant Walker was killed. 
Another bulb-t lodged in a bible or h\-mn-book carried by a soldier in 
his breast pocket and he was thus saved from being wounded if not 
killed. The body of Lieutenant Walker was recovered the next day 
and buried at Fort Meigs. 

Under date of 'Headquarters, Chillicothe March 17th' General 
Harrison wrote to the Secretary of War opposing Cleveland as a point 
of embarkation of troops, or dejiository for provisions, as . . . 
'There are already accumulated at the Rapids of the Miami [Maumee] 
or in situation to be easily sent thither, to an amount equal to the con- 
sumption of a protracted campaign. . . I am well aware of the 
intolerable expense . . . Upon the whole it is m_v decided opinion 
that the [foot of the] Rapids of the Miami [Maumee] should be the 
point of rendezvous for the troops, as well as the principal depot. 
The artillery and a considerable supply of ammunition are already 
there. Boats and pirogues have been built in considerable numbers 
on the Auglaise and St. Mar>- Rivers and every exertion is now making 
for the double purpose of taking down the provisions to the Rapids, 
and for coasting the Lake with the baggage of the army in its advance. 
I had calculated on being able partially to use this mode of transport- 



318 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

ation, even if the enemy should continue his naval superioritv on the 
lake . . . Amongst the reasons which make it necessary to employ 
a large force, I am sorry to mention the dismay and disinclination to 
the service, which appears to prevail in the western country.' 

Chief among the continued difficulties attending' General Harrison's 
work was the keeping of enough soldiers, and supplies, for an advance 
movement. The terms of enlistment were short, and often more were 
departing than arriving. He had early in the winter called on Gover- 
nor Shelby of Kentucky for fifteen hundred men to report at head- 
ipiarters immediately. Governor Shelby's special message to the 
Legislature then in session was well received and promptly favored by 
an offer of seven dollars a month additional pay to any fifteen hundred 
Kentuckians alreadv in the service, who would remain until others were 
sent to relieve them. This information was brought to the troops 
February Sth by Colonel Anthony Crockett. The Ohio and Pennsyl- 
vania troo]:)s were similarly ajipealed to, and fair success resulted. 
Governor Meigs ordered the organization of two additional regiments, 
and Kentucky ordered by draft an additional fifteen hundred militia 
forward to reinforce General Harrison's army. 

At this time, when an army of four thousand men was almost 
assured for an early advance on Maiden, a letter was received by 
General Harrison from General John Armstrong then Secretary of 
War, requesting him to dispense with militia as much as possible, to 
fill up the 17th, 19th and 24th Regiments of United States troops, to 
garrison the forts built, and to make feints toward the enemy, but no 
actual attack, until the contemplated vessels were ready to advance by 
the lake. General Harrison replied to this letter with sufficient argu- 
ments to iirove to the Secretary that he should not urge his plans 
regarding militia as these plans were inadequate — and the Secretary 
wiselv refrained from further meddling with the conduct of the Army 
of the Northwest. With date of 21st March, 1813, General Harrison 
wrote to Governor Shelby that 

Last night's mail brought me a letter from the Secretary of War in which I am 
restricted to the employment of the regular troops raised in this State to re-inforce the 
post at the Rapids. There are scattered through this State about one hundred and forty 
recruits of the l'.)th Regiment, and with these I am to supply the place of the brigades 
from Pennsylvania and Virginia whose time of service will now be daily expiring. By a 
letter from Governor Meigs I am informed that the Secretary of War disapproved the 
call for militia which I had made on this State and Kentucky, and was on the point of 
countermanding the orders. I will just mention one fact which will show the conse- 
quences of such a countermand. There are upon the [banks of the] AuGlaise and St. 
Mary Rivers eight forts [Forts Winchester, Brown, Jennings, .\manda, Barbee, Adams, 
Decatur near the present Decatur, Indiana, and Wayne] which contain within their 
walls property to the amount of half a million of dollars from actual cost, and worth now 
to the United States four times that sum. The whole force which would have had 



SAVAGE ENCOUNTER. SUPPLIES AND TROOPS ARRIVE. 519 

charge of all these forts and property would have amounted to less than twenty invalid 
soldiers. 

The garrison of Fort Meigs had enjoyed comparative quiet for two 
or three weeks when, about tht_' first of April, the soldiers liecame 
excited over a desperate encounter of aliout a dozen French volunteer 
comrades who, while reconnoitering by boat the channels around the 
large Ewing Island below the Fort, were surprised and violently 
assailed at close quarters by two boat loads of savages who were 
watching for them. In the encounter that ensued but one savage 
escaped death ; several of the Frenchmen were killed and of the others 
but three escaped wounds.'^' 

Following the moving of the ice from the rivers, advantage was 
taken of the high stage of water to boat supplies to Fort Winchester 
and to Fort Meigs from the u])-river forts named above. The Ken- 
tuckv troops were sent northward as fast as possible by way of Hull's 
road, passing Forts Necessity and Findlay. General Harrison also 
took up his return march as soon as possible by way of Forts Barbee, 
Amanda, Jennings, and Winchester and, learning on the way that the 
enemy was becoming active about Fort Meigs, he dispatched a mes- 
senger to Governor Shelby to send him the entire force of three thous- 
and men drafted by Kentucky. lie also gathered from the forts last 
named all the troops that could be spared, about three hundred in 
number, to accompany him down the Maumee against any of the 
enemv gathered at Fort Meigs. I'pon their arrival April Il'th they 
were pleased to find peace prevailing, and that upwards of two hun- 
dred Pennsylvania militia had been infiuenced to remain past their 
enlistment time by Doctor Hersey their chayilain. Upon the arrival of 
three of the advance Kentucky companies, these Pennsylvanians were 
permitted to return home. 

General Proctor had been informed at Maiden of the building of 
Fort Meigs, of the great amount of supplies being there collected, and 
of the departure of troops. He had been gathering a force sufficient 
in his opinion for the capture of all; and he boasted to the savages of 
their easv work to secure the prize. Had the orders of the Secretary 
of War prevailed, his desire would have been accomplished, not only 
regarding Fort Meigs but with Fort Winchester and all the other forts 
throughout this western country. 

It was gathered from Maiden by scouts that about the first of 
April Tecumseh was there with about fifteen hundred savages, fully 
six hundred of whom were from the region between Lake Michigan and 
the Wabash River, and with many others who formerly ranged along 



' Journal of Lieutenant Larwill copied into Howes Historical Collections of Ohio. 



520 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



tht' Maumef and its tributaries. The fact of their lieing collected at 
Maiden, so as not to molest the lijfhtly garrisoned forts and his rear, 
pleased the General and he notified Governor Shelby that he would not 
need all the drafted Kentuckians, some of whom hv had designed to 
place at Fort Wayne to keep in check these savages. 

The Canada militia assembled at Sandwich the 7th April and on 
the 23rd General Proctor's army, consisting of five hundred and 
twenty-two regulars and four hundred and sixty-one militia, embarked 
at Maiden on a brig and several smaller vessels for Fort Meigs, con- 
voyed by two gunboats with artillery. Nearly all their savage allies, 
or about fifteen hundred of them"^ crossed the Detroit River and made 
their way on foot: others accompanied the British in small boats. The 
vessels arrived at the mouth of the Maumee River on the 26th, and 
the army landed the 28th April near the ruins of Fort Miami about two 
miles below and on the opposite ( left ) bank of the Maumee from Fort 
Meigs, where they made and continued their principal encampment on 
the high ground. General Harrison was kept informed of their ap- 
proach by Cai-itain Hamilton's small detachment of troops who were 
reconnoitering along Maumee Bay, accompanied by the serviceable 

Peter Navarre as runner. The 
General dispatched Navarre with 
letters to inform the garrisons at 
Lower and Upper Sandusky, and 
Governor Meigs at Urbana, of the 
formidable force api^roaching him. 
The effective force at Fort 
Meigs numbered about eleven 
hundred soldiers which was inade- 
quate to cope with the well-trained 
and far better equipped enemy, 
about twenty-five hundred in 
number. Most of the savages 
were taken across to the right 
(Fort Meigs) bank of the Mau- 
mee to invest and harass the Fort 
at every possible point and noth- 
ing but tlieir hideous yells and 
firing of musketry were now to be 
heard - Lorraine. The ground had been cleared for a distance of six 
to nine hundred feet of the heavy oak and beech trees excepting stumps 



- ---^ 




• vW^ 




W-i^'^Wi 




■ ''"jSk 




^^M 




iSS^^^^^^^'i^^^^M 


^ 


^^^^^^^^Hi 


^ 


-^^^^^ 





PETER NAVARRE 

urn at Detroit about 1785; Died at East Toledo 
20th March. 1874. 



* In this, as in most other events, there are various statements. M'Afee records the British army 
as composed of six hundred reeulars, eight hundred militia of Canada, and eighteen hundred savapes; 
and the Amerinan force at about one thousand eftectives. 



KENTUCKY TROOPS APPROACH. BRITISH BATTERIES. 521 

and an occasional log. Behind these the savages would advance in 
the night and occasionally wound a picket-guard ; but generally the 
savages suffered most during the day. They also climbed the trees 
back of the Fort, and an occasional one on the other side of the river* 
from which vantage points they were finally routed. 

Knowing that General Green Clay's Kentucky troops were well on 
their way to Fort Meigs, General Harrison dispatched Captain William 
Oliver Commissary of the Fort with an oral message to hasten their 
coming. Oliver and his one soldier and one Aborigine attendants 
were escorted some distance on their way by a company of Captain 
Garrard's dragoons, and they hastened without opposition to Fort 
Winchester where General Clay's command of twelve hundred men 
had just arrived — a part under Colonel William Dudley by way of the 
Auglaise and the others under General Clay by way of the River St. 
Mary, Fort Wayne and the Maumee. They had already heard of Gen- 
eral Harrison's danger and, two days before, had sent Leslie Combs 
then a Captain of riflemen scouts, with soldiers Johnson, Paxton, and 
two brothers Walker and Black Fish Junior a Shawnee warrior guide, 
to inform General Harrison of their approach. These messengers 
were attacked by a superior number of Pottawotamis just as they had 
sighted the flag of Fort Meigs. Johnson and Paxton , were wounded 
and taken prisoners. The former soon died from his wounds, and the 
latter was finally restored to his friends. Combs and Black Fish 
escaped and returned to Fort Winchester about the time of the 
arrivals there of General Clay and Captain Oliver. 

There had been continuous rain, and the efforts of the British to 
move their heavy cannon (with two hundred men and several oxen to 
each twenty-four-pounder ) and construct batteries, were very laborious 
and attended with delays. The work was carried forward first only at 
night and later uninterruptedly* day and night with strong relays, not- 
withstanding the rain and shots from Fort Meigs which killed some of 
their men and wounded others. 

By the early morning of the 30th April they had completed two 
batteries nearly opposite Fort Meigs, on the sites of the present Meth- 
odist and Presbyterian Churches in Maumee Village, the first mounting 
two twenty-four-pounder cannon ( the heaviest at Fort Meigs being 
two eighteen-pounders ) and the other mounting three howitzers, one 
eight inches and the other two five and a half inches caliber. During 
the mounting of these cannon several more were killed by the good 



* Residents of the ViUai^e of Maumee yet point to ' the old elm' tree on the hik;h bank opposite 
the site of Fort Meius, and task the credulity of visitors re^iardiny the shooting qualities of the muskets 
and rifles of 1K13, by repeating to them the tradition of the soldiers at Fort Mei^'S killinc savages who 
were perched in this tree, and who had from it wounded and killed some of the garrison. It is an aged, 
larce. tall, and fair tree to look at, nevertheless. 



322 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

aim of the American artillerymen at the Fort. At the coming of the 
British, General Harrison issued an address to his soldiers appealing 
to their patriotism as follows: 

Can you. the citizens of a free country who have taken arms to defend its rights, 
think of submitting to an army composed of mercenary soldiers, reluctant Canadians 
goaded to the field by the bayonet, and of wretched naked savages ? Can the breast of 
an American soldier, when he casts his eyes to the opposite shore the scene of his coun- 
try's triumphs over the same foe [the site of the flight of the enemy from the Battle 
Field of Fallen Timber] be influenced by any other feelings than the hope of glory? Is 
not this army composed of the same materials as that which fought and conquered 
under the immortal Wayne ^ Yes, fellow soldiers, your General sees your countenances 
beam with the same fire that he witnessed on that glorious occasion ; and, although it 
would be the height of presumption to compare himself with that hero, he boasts of 
being that hero's pupil. To your posts, then, fellow citizens, and remember that the 
eyes of your country are upon you ! 

Stakes had been placed behind the tents to outline the traverses 
shown on the accompanying ground plan of Fort Meigs, and the throw- 
ing uyj of earth had progressed rapidly, so that when the first British 
battery was complete many of its shot were opposed by solid walls of 
earth twelve feet high and twenty feet thick at the base, behind which 
the soldiers and the tents were hastil\' removed, and the main body of 
the army was thus protected from the heavy guns across the river. 
Another well for water was also dug behind the Grand Traverse. The 
British observing these heretofore hidden means of protection sent a 
detachment of soldiers under Major Muir and of Aborigines under 
Tecumseh across the Maumee below Fort Meigs, under protection of 
their gunboats (the shots from which did no damage to the Fort) to 
build batteries there. General Harrison, understanding this movement, 
directed the throwing up of other traverses, and the strengthening of 
the encampment defenses as much as possible. William Christy of 
Kentucky acting C|uartermaster was directed by the General to nail an 
American flag on each of the batteries ; and there they remained during 
the siege. 

The rain continued, but it did not stop the cannonading. But little 
damage was done to the Fort. Two Americans were killed the first of 
May and Major Amos Stoddard was wounded by a fragment of shell so 
that he died of tetanus ten days later. It was estimated that the large 
guns of the British threw not less than five hundred balls and shells at 
Fort Meigs during the most active day of the siege. The Americans 
dug holes in the ground and covered them with timber and earth, and 
some were floored with timber: but when not covered with tents these 
bomb-proof cellars would leak from the drenching rains, and ditching 
became necessary. 

The American supply of balls and shells for their twelve-pounders 
was limited to about three hundred and sixtv : with about the same 



SIEGE OF FORT AND CAMP MEIGS. 



323 



number for their eighteen-pouiidurs. These Runs, therefore, answered 
those of the i3ritish only occasional!}-, and then to the best advantage. 
To increase the supply, a gill of whiskey was offered for every British 
ball of these sizes delivered to Thomas L. Hawkins the keeper of the 




THE VILLAGE OF MAUMEE, LL'CAS COUNTY. OHIO. 

Lookinti north from the Grand Traverse of Fort Meiiis 1st December. 19t.)2. The Presbyterian 
Church, beyond the end of the bridce on the ri^'ht, marks the site of the first British battery in the Siege 
of Fort Meigs; the Methodist Churcll. the belfried bnildinij to the left of the middle distance, is on the 
site of their second battery, of howitzers; the Roman Catholic Church, with spire, is about the site of 
their third battery, of cannon; and on the lower land between the end of the bridce and the Public 
School Building, was placed their fourth battery, of mortars. Something of the earthworks of the 
batteries of Fort Meigs yet exist, as shown on the proximal river-bluff line. 



magazine. It was estimated that over one thousand balls from the 
British guns were thrown during the five days' siege. The balls ac- 
cepted for the reward were from tlu' twelve-pounders and less — the 
British having no eighteen-pounder cannon, and the Americans having 
no use for their twenty-four-])ounder balls. 

The British completed a third battery of three twelve-pounder 
cannon the night of May 1st between the other two. A battery of 
several mortars was also put in ojieration nearer the river the 3rd of 
May: and that night smaller cannon and mortars were taken across 
the river below the Fort and were mounted on mounds prepared by the 
soldiers who had crossed earlier — some of which mounds were within two 
hundred and fifty yards of the rear angles of Camp Meigs. Additional 
traverses of earth were made so that the shots from these batteries had 
little effect; and a few well-directed shots from the American guns 



324 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

caused hasty removal of the nearer cannon to the ravine on the east at 
greater distance. 

Reverend A. M. Lorraine, who was at Fort Meigs at the time, 
published in March, 1845, his recollections of the siege, viz:'^ 

One of our militia-men took bis station on the embankment, and gratuitously fore- 
warned us of every shot. In this he became so skillful that he could in almost every 
case predict the destination of -the ball. As soon as the smoke issued from the muzzle of 
the gun he would cry out 'shot' or 'bomb' as the case might be. Sometimes he would 
exclaim 'block-house No. 1' or 'look out. main battery'; 'now for the meat-house;' 
'good-by, if you will pass.' In spite of all the expostulations of his friends, he main- 
tained his post. One day there came a shot that seemed to defy all his calculations. 
He stood silent, motionless, perplexed. In the same instant he was swept into 
eternity. Poor man ! he should have considered that when there was no obliquity in the 
issue of the smoke, either to the right or left, above or below, the fatal messenger 
would travel in the direct line of his vision. 

The Aborigines, climbing up into the trees, fired incessantly upon us. Such was 
their distance that many of their balls barely reached us but fell harmless to the ground. 
Occasionally they inflicted dangerous and even fatal wounds. 

The number killed in the fort was small considering the profusion of powder and 
ball expended on us. About eighty were slain, many wounded, and several had to suffer 
amputation of limbs. The most dangerous duty which we performed within the pre- 
cincts of the fort was in covering the magazine. Previous to this the powder had been 
deposited in wagons and these stationed in the traverse. Here there was no security 
against bombs ; it was therefore thought to be prudent to remove the powder into a 
small block-house and cover it with earth. The enemy, judging our designs from our 
movements, now directed all their shot to this point [particularly from their twenty-four- 
pounder battery]. Many of their balls were red-hot. Wherever they struck they 
raised a cloud of smoke and made a frightful hissing. .An officer passing our quarters 
said, 'bovs, who will volunteer to cover the magazine ? ' Fool-like away several of us 
went. .As soon as we reached the spot there came a ball and took off one man's head. 
The spades and dirt flew faster than any of us had before witnessed. In the midst of 
our job a bomb-shell fell on the roof and, lodging on one of the braces, it spun round for 
a moment. Every soldier fell prostrate on his face and with breathless horror awaited 
the vast explosion which we expected would crown all our earthly sufferings. Only one 
of all the gang presumed to reason on the case. He silently argued that, as the shell 
had not bursted as quick as usual, there might be something wrong in its arrangement. 
If it bursted where it was, and the magazine exploded, there could be no escape ; it was 
death anyway ; so he sprung to his feet, seized a boat-hook and, pulling the hissing 
missile to the ground and jerking the smoking match from its socket, discovered that the 
shell was filled with inflammable substance which, if once ignited, would have wrapped 
the whole building in a sheet of flame. This circumstance added wings to our shovels; 
and we were right glad when the officer said 'that will do; go to your lines.' 

General Proctor sent his Major Chambers with a white flag' May 
4th, to demand surrender of the Fort. General Harrison promptly re- 
plied: 'Tell General Proctor that if he shall take the Fort it will be 
under circumstances that will do him more honor than a thousand sur- 
renders.' That night about eleven o'clock General Harrison's anxiety 



^ Ladies Repository, 1^4,1. Copied into Howe's His. Collections of Ohio. vol. ii, paries H68-69, 



DEFEAT AND MASSACRE OF DUDLEY'S MEN. 325 

regarding reinforcements was largely relieved by the return of Captain 
Oliver accompanied bv Major David Trimble and fifteen soldiers who 
had evaded the savages, to report that General Green Clay's command, 
eleven hundred in number in eighteen large flatboats with high sides to 
protect the soldiers from the bullets of the savages they might meet, 
were tied on the left bank of the Maumee at the head of the Grand 
Rapids, the river being so high that the pilot declined to run the rapids 
in such a dark night unless commanded so to do. Captain Hamilton 
with a subaltern and canoe was dispatched to meet General Clay and 
say to him as the command of General Harrison: 'You must detach 
about eight hundred men from your brigade, who will land at a point I 
[Hamilton] will show, about one or one and a half miles above Fort 
Meigs and I will conduct them to the British batteries on the left bank 
of the river. They must take possession of the enemy's cannon, spike 
them, cut down the carriages, then return to their boats '' and cross over 
to the Fort. The balance of your men must land on the Fort side of 
the river, opposite the first landing, and fight their wav to the Fort 
through the savages. The route they must take will be pointed out by 
.a subaltern officer now with me, who will land the canoe on the right 
bank of the river to point out the landing for the boats." 

It was some time after daylight before the oncoming boats arrived 
at Hamilton's station about five miles above the Fort. Colonel William 
Dudley was in the first boat and General Clay in the thirteenth from the 
front. When the orders were delivered to him General Clay ordered 
Colonel Dudley as the senior Colonel to assail the batteries as directed 
by General Harrison, with the men in the first twelve boats ; while he, 
with the others, would go forward to the Fort. 

Colonel Dudley executed his prescribed task most gallantly and 
successfully' up to the capture of the batteries. His command arrived 
near the batteries (which were in full action) unobserved, the right led 
by Dudley the left by Major Shelby and the center as a reserve by Act- 
ing Major Morrison. Captain Combs with thirty riflemen, including 
seven friendly Aborigines, were in front and on the left flank a hundred 
yards distant. The columns marched so as to present a semicircular 
front to the enemy. Major Shelby's command passing around between 
the batteries and the British camp. The orders were to move quietly, 
but savages fired on Dudley's troops when near the batteries and, with 
a shout, they charged. The gunners fled, the Americans rushed for- 
ward to the guns, spiked eleven of the largest^ and hauled down the 



* Writing of General Green Clay May 13, 1H13. Brannan's Official Letters, DSLge 158. 

■^ Unfortunately, thespikeing of the cannon could then be done only with ramrods (instead of with the 
usual files or other short, hard pieces of metal that could be broken at level with guns) which were readily 
removed by the British after their recapture, and the Kuns were ayain used against the ,\mericans. 



526 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

enemy's flag, which action caused loud applause at the Fort. Not one 
American had been killed in this successful charge — but dire results 
awaited the exulting soldiers from their non-compliance with the orders 
of General Harrison to start for the Fort as soon as the batteries were 
disabled. Some savages fired at Captain Combs' riflemen, the fire was 
returned, and others on both sides rushed to the support of their friends. 
The Americans were anxious for a combat and, notwithstanding their 
short thirty days presence in the army and want of discipline, they im- 
petuously drove their opposers back into the woods, pursuing them 
promiscuouslj' until the pursuers were confused, and surrounded by 
superior numbers of Aborigines and British who rallied, particular!}- 
between them and the river, preventing their escape. Major Shelby 
remained at the captured batteries until a rallying force of British drove 
his soldiers toward their boats, regaining their batteries ; he rallied a 
few of his men and endeavored to follow after Colonel Dudley, but 
they, like the main force, were soon involved in disorder and captured. 

Colonel Dudley landed with eight hundred and sixty-six men — his 
regiment numbering seven hundred and sixty-one and, in addition there 
were sixty of Colonel William E. Boswell's regiment and forty-five 
United States troops. Only one hundred and seventy escaped to Fort 
Meigs. Many were killed, including Colonel Dudley, in thefierce contest 
that continued about three hours. Many others were wounded, scalped 
and stripped of clothing by the savages. Those who could walk were 
taken prisoners b}- the British and were started for the ruins of Fort 
Miami near their encampment. Some were slain by the savages while 
on this march; and the stripping of Americans dead and alive of their 
clothing and possessions was freely indulged in. At Fort Miami the 
prisoners were compelled to run the gauntlet where many more were 
killed by the savages with war clubs, scalping knives, tomahawks and 
pistols. 

Descriptions of this great tragedy were afterward given by three 
participants in the battle, and extracts will follow from the writings of 
each one, to elucidate the foregoing outline, viz: From Joseph R. 
Underwood First Lieutenant in Cajatain John C. Morrison's company;* 
Captain Leslie Combs of the Riflemen Scouts;! and Major Richardson 
of the British 41st Regiment J as follows: 

In effectuating the plan of attack, Captain Morrison's Company was thrown by the 
river above the battery. While passing through a thicket of hazel, toward the river in 
forming the line of battle, I saw Colonel Dudley for the last time. He was greatly ex- 



* Copied from an old public print into Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio volume ii, page 869. 

t Official Report to General Oreen Clay 6th May. 1815, Print of Spiller and Gates, Cincinnati, 1869. 

t Copied into Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio, volume ii, page 87:^, et seq., from the London New 
Monthly Magaz ne for December, 1836. 



DESCRIPTION OF DUDLEY'S DEFEAT AND MASSACRE. 327 

cited; he railed at me for not keeping my men better dressed [in better line]. I replied 
that he must perceive from the situation of the ground, and the obstacles that we had 
to encounter, that it was impossible. When we came within a small distance of the 
river we halted. The enemy at this place had gotten in the rear of our line, formed 
parallel with the river, and were firing upon our troops. Captain Morrison's Company 
did not long remain in this situation. Having nothing to do, and being without orders, 
we determined to march our company out and join the combatants. We did so accord- 
ingly. In passing out we fell on the left of the whole regiment and were soon engaged 
in a severe conflict. The Aborigines endeavored to flank and surround us. We drove 
them between one and two miles, directly back from the river. They hid behind trees 
and logs, and poured upon us as we advanced a most destructive fire. We were from 
time to time ordered to charge. The orders were passed along the lines, our field officers 
being on foot. . . Captain Morrison was shot through the temples, the ball passing 
behind the eyes cutting the optic nerve and depriving him of sight. . . Having made 
the best arrangement for the safety of my much esteemed Captain that circumstances 
allowed, I took charge of the company and continued the battle. We made several 
charges afterwards and drove the enemy a considerable distance. . . At length 
orders were passed along the lines directing us to fall back and keep up a retreating 
fire. As soon as this movement was made the Aborigines were greatly encouraged, and 
advanced upon us with the most horrid yells. Once or twice the officers succeeded in 
producing a temporary halt and a fire on the Aborigines, but the soldiers of the 
different companies soon became mixed, confusion ensued, and a general rout took 
place. The retreating army made its way towards the batteries, where I supposed 
we should be able to form and repel the pursuing Aborigines. They were now 
so close in the rear as to frequently shoot down those who were before me. 
About this time I received a ball in my back which yet remains in my body. 
It struck me with a stunning, deadening force, and I fell on my hands and knees. I rose 
and threw my waistcoat open to see whether it had passed through me. Finding it had 
not, I ran on and had not proceeded more than a hundred or two yards before I was 
made prisoner. In emerging from the woods into an open piece of ground near the 
battery we had taken, and before I knew u'hat had happened, a soldier seized my sword 
and said to me, 'Sir, you are my prisoner! ' I looked before me and saw, with astonish- 
ment, the ground covered with muskets. The soldier observing my astonishment, said 
'your army has surrendered' and received my sword. He ordered me to go forward and 
join the prisoners. I did so. The first man I met whom I recognized was Daniel Smith 
of our company. With eyes full of tears he exclaimed 'good Lord, Lieutenant, what 
does all this mean?' I told him we were prisoners of war. . . — Underwood. 

In small parties, by tens and twenties, they arrived at the batteries, thereby falling 
an easy prey to the regular force of the enemy who, early in the action, had retaken the 
batteries from our right columns — Combs. 

On our march to the garrison [ruins of Fort Miami] the Aborigines began to strip 
us of our valuable clothing and other articles. One took my hat, another my hunting 
shirt, and a third my waistcoat, so that I was soon left with nothing but my shirt and 
pantaloons — Underwood. Some lost their pantaloons. He who did not instantly give 
up his clothes frequently paid his life for it. This was done before the British guard, 
also before General Proctor, Colonel Elliott, and other officers who were riding up the 
lines. No difference was made between well and wounded in this as well as what fol- 
lowed. It would be almost impossible to relate all the acts of individual outrage that 
took place. I shall never forget the demoniac look of the villain who stripped me. 
I showed him my wound. 'Twas vain ; before I could unfasten the bandage, regardless 
of my pain, he tore my coat off from my shoulders. I had gone but little further before 
I saw ten or twelve men lying dead, stripped naked, and scalped — Combs, page '.). 



328 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

I saved my watch by concealing the chain, and it proved of great service to me 
afterwards. Having read when a boy Smith's narrative of his residence among the 
Aborigines, my idea of their character was that they treated those best who appeared 
the most fearless. Under this impression, as we marched down to the old garrison 
[ruins of Fort Miami] I looked at those whom we met with all the sternness of counte- 
nance I could command. I soon caught the eye of a stout warrior painted red. He 
gazed at me with as much sternness as I did at him until I came within striking distance, 
when he gave me a severe blow over the nose and cheek-bone with his [gun] wiping 
stick, I abandoned the notion acquired from Smith, and went on afterwards with as 
little display of hauteur and defiance as possible. On our approach to the old garrison 
[fort] the Aborigines formed a line to the left of the road, there being a perpendicular 
bank to the right on the margin of which the road passed. I perceived that the prisoners 
were running the gauntlet and that the Aborigines were whipping, shooting and toma- 
hawking the men as they ran by their line. When I reached the starting place I dashed 
off as fast as I was able, and ran near the muzzles of their guns, knowing that they 
would have to shoot me while I was immediately in front or let me pass, for to have 
turned their guns up or down the lines to shoot me would have endangered themselves 
as there was a curve in their line. In this way I passed without injury except some 
strokes over the shoulders with their gun-sticks. As I entered the ditch around the gar- 
rison the man before me was shot and fell, and I fell over him. The passage for a while 
was stopped by those who fell over the dead man and me. How many lives were lost at 
this place I cannot tell, probably between twenty and forty. The brave Captain Lewis 
was among the number. . . — Underwood. We heard frequent guns at the place 
during the whole time the remaining prisoners were coming in. Some were wounded 
severely with war clubs, tomahawks, etc. The number who fell after the surrender was 
supposed by all to be nearly equal to the killed in the battle. As soon as all the surviv- 
ing prisoners got within the stockade the whole body of Aborigines, regardless of the 
opposition of our little guard, rushed in. There seemed to be almost twice our number 
of them. Their blood-thirsty souls were not yet satiated with carnage. One Aborigine 
shot three of our men, tomahawked a fourth, and stripped and scalped them in our 
presence. . Then all raised the war-hoop and commenced loading their guns. 

Tecumseh. more humane than his ally and employer [Proctor] generously interfered and 
prevented further massacre. Colonel Elliot then rode slowly in, spoke to the Aborigi- 
nes, waved his sword, and all but a few retired immediately. . . — Combs. 

When we got within the walls we were ordered to sit down. I lay in the lap of Mr. 
Gilpin a soldier of Captain Henry's Company from Woodford. A new scene com- 
menced. An Aborigine painted black mounted the delapidated wall and shot one of 
the prisoners next to him. He reloaded and shot a second, the ball passing through him 
and into the hip of another who afterwards died of the wound at Cleveland. I was 
informed. The savage then laid down his gun and drew his tomahawk with which he 
killed two others. When he drew his tomahawk and jumped down among the men they 
endeavored to escape from him by leaping over the heads of each other, thereby to place 
others between themselves and danger. Thus they were heaped upon one another and, 
as I did not rise, they trampled upon me so that I could see nothing that was going on. 
The confusion and uproar of this moment cannot be adequately described. There was 
an excitement among the .aborigines, and a fierceness in their conversation, which 
betokened on the part of some a strong disposition to massacre all of us. The British 
officers and soldiers seemed to interpose to prevent the further effusion of blood. Their 
expression was Oh nichee wah! meaning. Oh, brother quit. After the one who had 
occasioned this horrible scene had scalped and stripped his victims he left us, and a 
comparative calm ensued. The prisoners resumed their seats on the ground. While 
thus situated a tall stout Aborigine walked into the midst of us, drew a long butcher 



TECUM SEH INTERFERES TO STOP MASSACRE. 529 



knife from his belt and commenced whetting it. As he did so he looked around among 
the prisoners, apparently selecting one for the gratification of his vengeance. 
After exciting our fears sufficiently for his satisfaction, he gave a contemptuous grunt and 
went out. About this time, but whether before or after I do not distinctly recollect. 
Colonel Elliott and Tecumseh rode into the garrison [Fort Miami earthworks enclosure]. 
When Elliott came to where Thomas Moore of Clarke County stood, the latter enquired 
if it was compatible with the honor of a civilized nation, such as the British claimed to 
be. to suffer defenceless prisoners to be murdered by savages ? Elliott desired to know 
who he was. Moore replied that he was nothing but a private in Captain Morrison's 
company ; and the conversation ended. . . Elliott was an old man. His hair was 
more white than gray, and to my view he had more of the savage in his countenance 
than had Tecumseh. This celebrated chief was a noble, dignified personage. He wore 
an elegant broadsword, and was dressed in Aborigine costume. His face was finely 
proportioned, his nose inclined to be aquiline, and his eyes displayed none of that savage 
and ferocious triumph common to the other Aborigines on that occasion. . . I saw 
him only on horseback. . . Upon the arrival of Elliott and Tecumseh we were 

directed to stand up and form in lines, I think 
four deep, in order to be counted. After we were 
thus arranged a scene transpired scarcely less 
affecting than that which I have before attempted 
faintly to describe. The Aborigines began to 
select the young men whom they intended to take 
with them to their towns. Numbers were taken. 
I saw Corporal Smith of our company bidding 
farewell to his friends, and pointing to the Abc- 
rigine with whom he was to go. I never heard 
of his return. The young men, learning their 
danger, endeavored to avoid it by crowding into 
the center where they could not be so readily 
reached. Owing to my wound I could not scuffle, 
and was thrust to the outside. An Aborigine 
came up to me and gave me a piece of meat. I 
took this for proof that he intended to take me 
with him. Thinking it the best policy to act with 
confidence. I made a sign to him to give me his 
butcher knife, which he did. I divided the meat 
with those who stood near me, reserving a small 
piece for myself, more as a show of politeness to 
the savage than to gratify any appetite I had for 
it. After I had eaten it and returned the knife, he 
turned and left me. When it was near night we 
were taken in open boats about nine miles down the river to the British shipping. On the 
day after, we were visited by the savages in their bark canoes in order to make a display 
of their scalps. These they strung on poles perhaps two inches in diameter and about 
eight feet high. The poles were set up perpendicularly in the bows of their canoes, and 
near the top the scalps were fastened. On some poles I saw four or five. Each scalp 
was drawn closely over a hoop about four inches in diameter, and the flesh side was 
painted red. . . We remained six days on board the vessel — those of us who were 
sick, or wounded. All were discharged on parole. . . The wounded and sick were 
taken in a vessel to the mouth of Vermillion River and there put on shore — Underwood. 
[Another report set them ashore at the mouth of Huron River, where General Harrison 
had them cared for and protected on their way home]. 



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TECUMSEH 

In his dress as a British officer. Born near 
Chillicothe, Ohio (?) about 1770; was killed 
in ihe Battle of the Thames October f>. 1H13. 



330 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

The victory obtained at the Miami [Maumee] was such as to reflect credit [sic] on 
every branch of the [British] service ; but the satisfaction arising from the conviction 
was deeply embittered by an act of cruelty, which, as the writer of an impartial memoir, 
it becomes my painful duty to record. In the heat of the action a strong corps of the 
enemy, which had thrown down their arms and surrendered prisoners of war, were 
immediately dispatched under an escort of fifty men for the purpose of being embarked 
in the ,gun-boats, where it was presumed they would be safe from the attacks of the 
Aborigines. This measure, although dictated by the purest humanity, and apparently 
offering the most probable means of security, proved of fatal import to several of the 
prisoners. On reaching our encampment, then entirely deserted by the troops, they 
were met by a band of cowardly and treacherous Aborigines who had borne no share in 
the action, yet who now, guided by the savage instinct of their nature, approached the 
column and, selecting their victims, commenced the work of blood. In vain did the 
harassed and indignant escort endeavor to save them from the fury of their destroyers. 
The frenzy of these wretches knew no bounds, and an old and excellent soldier named 
Russell, of the 41st, was shot through the heart while endeavoring to wrest a victim from 
the grasp of his murderer. 

Forty of the.se unhappy men had already fallen beneath the steel of the infuriated 
party when Tecumseh, apprised of what was doing, rode up at full speed and, raising his 
tomahawk, threatened to destroy the first man who refused to desist. Even on those 
lawless people, to whom the language of coercion had hitherto been unknown, the threats 
and tone of the exasperated chieftian produced an instantaneous effect, and they retired 
at once humiliated and confounded.* 

The survivors of this melancholy catastrophe were immediately conveyed on board 
the gunboats, moored in the river, and every precaution having been taken to prevent a 
renewal of the scene, the escorting party proceeded to the interment of the victims, to 
whom the rites of sepulture were afforded, even before those of our own men who had 
fallen in the action. Colonel Dudley, second in command of General Clay's division, 
was among the number of the slain. 

On the evening of the second day after this event I accompanied Major Muir, of 
the 41st [British Regiment] in a ramble throughout the encampment of the Aborigines, 
distant some few hundred yards from our own. The spectacle there offered to our view 
was at once of the most ludicrous and revolting nature. In various directions were lying 
the trunks and boxes taken from the boats of the American division, and the plunderers 
were busily occupied in displaying their riches, carefully examining each article, and 
attempting to define its use. Several were decked out in the uniforms of officers; and 
although embarrassed to the last degree in their movements, and dragging with difficulty 
the heavy military boots with which their legs were for the first time covered, strutted 
forth much to the admiration of their less fortunate comrades. Some were habited in 
plain clothes ; others had their bodies clad with clean white shirts, contrasting in no 
ordinary manner with the swarthiness of their skins; all wore some articles of decoration, 
and their tents were ornamented with saddles, bridles, rifles, daggers, swords and pistols, 



*A letter from William G. Ewint; to John H. James, Esq., of Urbana, Ohio, as quoted in Drake's Life 
of Tecumseh. reads that Tecumseh . . . sprans from his horse, caught one savage by the throat and 
another by the breast, and threw them to the ground. Drawing his tomahawk and scalping knife he ran 
in between the Americans and savages, brandishing them with the fury of a madman, and daring anyone 
of the hundreds that surrounded him to attempt to murder another American. They all appeared con- 
founded, and immediately desisted. His mind appeared rent with passion, and lie exclaimed almost 
with tears in his eyes, ' Oh ! what will become of my Aborigines ?' He then demanded in an authoritative 
lone where Proctor was; but casting his eyes upon him at a short distance, sternly inquired why he liad 
not put a stop to the inhuman massacre? Sir, said Proctor, your Aborigines cannot be commanded. 
Begone ! retorted Tecumseh witli the greatest disdain, you are unfit to command : go and put on petticoats ! 



BRITISH ACCOUNT OF SAVAGES EATING AMERICANS. 351 

many of which were handsomely mounted and of curious workmanship. Such was the 
ridiculous part of the picture. 

But. mingled with these, and in various directions, were to be seen the scalps of the 
slain drying in the sun. stained on the flesh side with vermilion dyes, and dangling in air 
as they hung suspended from poles to which they were attached, together with hoops of 
various sizes on which were stretched portions of human skin taken from various parts of 
the human body, principally the hand and foot and yet covered with the nails of those 
parts ; while scattered along the ground were visible the members from which they had 
been separated, and which were serving as nutriment to the wolf-dogs by which the sav- 
ages were accompanied. 

As we continued to advance into the heart of the encampment a scene of a more 
disgusting nature arrested our attention. Stopping at the entrance of a tent occupied by 
the Minoumini [Menomeni] tribe we observed them seated around a large fire over which 
was suspended a kettle containing their meal. Each warrior had a piece of string hanging 
over the edge of the vessel, and to this was suspended a food which, it will be presumed 
we heard not without loathing, consisted of a part of an American. Any expression of 
our feelings, as we declined the invitation they gave us to join in their repast, would have 
been resented by the savages without ceremony ; we had, therefore, the prudence to 
excuse ourseh'es under the plea that we had already taken our food, and we hastened to 
remove from a sight so revolting to humanity. . . — Major I^ichardson, of the list 
British Regiment. 

This description does not accord with the previous statement that 
the British buried the American dead before their own dead. D(mbt- 
less the savages took all the bodies of the Americans they desired as 
food for themselves and their dotfs before the bur\'ing began. Another 
report reads that parts of the large, muscular Colonel Dudley was one 
of those eaten bv the cannibals. (See report on a later page of the 
number of fragmentary bodies afterwards found and buried by the 
Americans). The foregoing statements by Major Richardson, Captain 
Combs, and Lieutenant Underwood, corroborate the testimony of manv 
witnesses heretofore mentioned, and of many yet to be mentioned, that 
the British authorities did not discourage the inhumanities of their 
savage allies; but that many encouraged their savagery — were even 
tutors of the Aborigines to make their acts more poignant to the 
Americans ! 

The 4th of Ma\' was a sad day at Fort Meigs on account of this, 
the third great loss suffered by the Army of the Northwest in less than 
one year after the beginning of the War of 181:2. General Harrison, 
from his outlook, saw the beginning of the fatal error of Colonel Dud- 
ley's doomed troops. He signaled, repeating his former command to 
come at once to the Fort, but his signals were lost to the enthusiastic 
men 'whose excessive ardor . . always the case when Kentucky 
militia were engaged . . was the source of all their misfortunes"'' 
A volunteer was called for to convey to Colonel Dudley the 



* From General Harrison's General Orders, May 9. 1813. 



552 THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 

imperative command of the General to retreat to the Fort. Lieutenant 
Campbell responded: but he arrived near the farther shore too late. 

The soldiers in the other six boats of the reinforcing Kentuckians 
met with better success. General Clay's boat, containing beside him- 
self Captain Peter Dudle\- and fifty men, was separated by the swollen 
rapid current from the other five after the detachment of Colonel Wil- 
liam Dudley's command, and was carried further down the stream than 
the others before a landing could be effected; and landing on the right 
shore opposite Hollister Island, notwithstanding opposition of savages 
who policed the shores and roads leading to the Fort, General Clay 
led the soldiers to the Fort without loss of life: but their boat contain- 
ing four sick soldiers and their baggage became separated from them 
and was secured by the savages. Colonel William E. Boswell com- 
manding the other five boats landed at Turkey Point above, formed 
his men in open order, rapidly crossed the flood-plain intervening, 
charged the savages who were firing on them from among the trees of 
the slopes and, being reinforced by Majors Alexander and Johnson's 
commands, and the companies of Captains Nearing and Dudley sent 
out of the Fort b>' General Harrison, they drove the savages, though 
superior to them in numbers, half a mile into the woods. General 
Harrison seeing from his high point of observation that they were going 
too far and that the British and their main body of savage allies nearest 
the Fort desired to involve them in a dangerous ambuscade, at once 
sent a volunteer, John T. Johnson, to recall them with imperative 
orders. Johnson started on this perilous mission on horseback and 
succeeded, notwithstanding the killing of his horse by the enemy. 
General Harrison also ordered John Miller, a native of Ohio and Col- 
onel of United States troops, to sallv from the Fort and do what he 
could, safely, to attract the enemy's attention. Three hundred and 
fifty soldiers, regulars and Captain Uriel Sebree's company of Ken- 
tucky militia, were hastily chosen, and they were soon impetuoush' 
charging the battery nearest the Fort. The enemy at that point, esti- 
mated at eight hundred and fifty British and savages, were driven back 
into the ravine, their cannon were spiked and, before the enemy could 
rally in force, the victorious Americans returned to the Fort with forty- 
three prisoners. This brilliant sortie resulted, however, in the loss of 
twenty-eight Americans killed and twenty-five wounded. Captain 
Sebree's company would have been entirely cut off but for the timelv 
charge against four times their number of investing enem\- bv Lieu- 
tenant Gwinn's squad from the 19th Ignited States regiment.* 



'■ At this moment a white fiag was observed waving on the ramparts of the Fort, and the courage and 
perserverance of the [British! troops appeared about to be crowned with the surrender of the fortress, 
the siege of which had cost tliem so much toil and privation. Such, however, was far from being the 



THE RAISING OF THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. 555 

Following these engagements General Proctor again sent Major 
Chambers with a white flag to demand that General Harrison sur- 
render. The reply was such as to indicate that the demand was 
considered as an insult. When this reply was received by the 
British commander he began preparations to raise the siege. His 
efforts to remove his siege guns, however, were dela>'ed by the 
American cannon, although his gunboats were taken as near Fort 
Meigs as practicable to divert their attention. The last shot from the 
boats killed several Americans, including Lieutenant Robert Walker of 
the Pittsburg Blues. In his report to Governor Sir George Prevost, 
General Proctor wrote regarding his raising the siege as follows : 
" I had not the option of retaining my position on the Miami [Maumee]. 
Half of the militia had left us. . . Before the ordinance could be 
withdrawn from the batteries I was left with Tecumseh and less than 
twenty chiefs and warriors — a circumstance which strongly proves that, 
under present circumstances at least, our Aborigine force is not a dis- 
posable one, or permanent, though occasionally a most powerful 
aid." . . Notwithstanding this, Governor Prevost was led by a 
later report, and perhaps by his own want of accuracy of statement, to 
proclaim that the battles on the Maumee 'terminated in the complete 
defeat of the enemy, and cajiture, dispersion, or distruction of thirteen 
hundred men.' The British loss was reported as fifteen killed, forty- 
seven wounded, and forty-four taken prisoners. The Americans ac- 
knowledged a loss of eight\-one killed and one hundred and eighty- 
nine wounded, of which number seventeen were killed and sixty-five 
wounded within the enclosure. 

Proctor made a proposition to exchange the American prisoners 
for the Aborigines of the frontiers who were not prisoners of the United 
States but nominally friends. Whether he made this proposal for an 
insult, or for the purpose of recruiting his allies, is known only to him- 
self. General Harrison, through courtesy, told him he would refer the 
subject to the President — M'Afee, page 27"2. 

The savages kept between thirty and forty American prisoners. 



intentions of General Harrison. Availini; himself of the cessation of hostilities which necessarily en- 
sued, he caused Lieutenants M'Intyre and Hailes and tlie privates he liad just captured to be sent 
across the river for the purpose of beinc exchanired ; but this was only a feint for the accomplislinient of 
a more important object, Drawinc up his whole force, cavalry and infantry, on the plain beneath the 
fortress, he caused such of the boats of General Clay's division as were laden with ammunition, in which 
the garrison stood in much need, to be dropped under the works, and the stores immediately disembarked. 
All this took place in the period occupied for the exchance of prisoners. The remaining boats [probably 
those lost of Colonel Dudley's command and one of General Clay's, are here referred to] containing 
the private bacyavie and stores of the division, fell into the hands of the Aborigines still enyaged in the 
pursuit of the fugitives, and the plunder they acijuired was immense. General Harrison having secured 
his stores, and received the officers and men exchanged for his captives, withdrew into the garrison, 
and the bombardment was recommenced — From the British Major Richanison's account, published in 
fhe London New Monthly Magazine for December, 1836, 



334 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



concealing' them after the battle, and hurrying them away the next day. 
Tin- main body of savages now retired, temporarilx', from the British 
command on account of their being tired of the continued siege, and 
sated with their butchery and booty from strijiping the captured Ken- 




view Northeast from the Giaiid Tiavcr^e of Fort Meigs 1st December, ]9t)2. Perrysbury at ex- 
treme riuht, Ewine Island in middle distance, and site of Fort Miami beyond and left of the center. 



tuckians. An ignoble part of the character of Tecumseh is demon- 
strated by his continued adherence to Proctor, probably not from any 
valid respect for the man but for the emolument he might receive. 
General Proctor, on giving up the siege, returned with his remaining 
force to Amherstburg ( Maiden) where he disbanded the militia. The 
savages remained near enough to receive regular rations : and some of 
them were constantly employed as spies. 

General Harrison on May 9th, immediately after the departure of 
the enem\-, sent out a detachment to gather all the bodies of the killed 
that could be found — and the search was successful; but general muti- 
lations marked the work of the savages. The indifference or oversight 
of the British in their nominal burying of the dead of Colonel Dudley's 
command, in contradiction to Major Richardson's statement, was shown 
by finding fragments of forty-five Kentuckians, which the Americans 
conveved across the river and buried with the honors of war like the 
others near Fort Meigs. '" 



■' These different burial places are indicated on the ground plan of Fort and Camp Meigs ante page 
;ilH. These graves remain without monument up to the time of this writing [summer of 1904) but the 
Manmee Valley Pioneer and Histori':al Society (organized May", 1S64; reorganized and incorporated in 
1S03) has taken up the work of the extinct Maumee Valley Monument Association (incorporated July 28, 



3S4 



THE MAUMEE RIVER BASIN. 



concealint;- them after the battle, and hurryins,^ them away the next dav. 
The main l)od\- of savaijes now retired, temporarily, from the British 
command on account of their beint;" tired of the continued siege, and 
sated with their butchery and booty from strijiping the captured Ken- 




\'iew Northeast from the Grand Traverse of Fort Meigs 1st December. 1902. Perrysbury at ex- 
treme rit-'ht. Ewinir Island in middle distance, and site of Fort Miami beyond and left of the center. 



tuckians. An ignoble part of the character of Tecumseh is demon- 
strated b\' his continued adherence to Proctor, probably not from any 
valid respect for the man but for the emolument he might receive. 
General Proctor, on giving up the siege, returned with his remaining 
force to Amherstburg ( Maiden ) where he disbanded the militia. The 
savages remained near enough to receive regular rations: and some of 
them were constantly employed as spies. 

General Harrison on May 9th, immediately after the departure of 
the enemv, sent out a detachment to gather all the bodies of the killed 
that could be found — and the search was successful; but general muti- 
lations marked the work of the savages. The indifference or oversight 
of the British in their nominal burying of the dead of Colonel Dudley's 
command, in contradiction to Major Richardson's statement, was shown 
l)v finding fragments of forty-five Kentuckians, which the Americans 
conveyed across the river and buried with the honors of war like the 
others near Fort Meigs. '^ 



^' These different burial places are indicated on the cround plan of Fort and Camp Meics ante page 
:^lfi. These graves remain without monument up to the time of this writing (summer of 1904) but the 
Maumee A'alley Pioneer ::nd Historical Society (organized May 7, 1SG4; reorganized and incorporated in 
lSt)3) has taken up the work of the extinct Maumee Valley Monument Association (incorporated July 38, 










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^^^^^^S!3^"Ti:|^ y^DJACENT Watersheds 

SS-vB^J^-ft^^^l-Ti-^P^^B^i^ ENORAVED FOR THE HISTORY 



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5?^'.£lfes45iSCT"K^"H-£S?ls»g^^^^ ;rr^^^S?V"K ofthemaumee river basin. 

""'""' CHARLES E.SLOCUM. 

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J HMsorj I.E.'' fV V/HMeotP-A"' V'* 



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40'l5 
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84' GREENWICH 83"30„ucM»ii« raoRAviNtl c . 83° 



40" 



NAMES OF SOLDIERS PROTECTING FORT MEIGS. 335 



In his reports of the siege to the Secretarj' of War, General Har- 
rison described the enemy and mentioned the savages as the most 
efficient force. He commended the efficiency of his entire besieged 
force, and made special mention of Colonel John Miller and Major Todd 
of the 19th Regiment United States Infantry: Major Ball of the dra- 
goons and Major Sodwick, Colonel Mills and Major Ritzer of the Ohio 
Militia, and Major Johnson of the Kentucky Militia, and Adjutant 
Brown; Captains Eleazer D. Wood, Engineer, Gratiot and Gushing 
of the Artillery; Mr. Timberlee and sergeants Henderson, Tommes 
and Meldrum, each in charge of Battery or Blockhouse; Captain 

Sebree's company of Kentucky Mili- 
tia; the Pittsburg Blues under Lieu- 
tenant M'Gee ; the Pittsburg Volun- 
teers and Lieutenant Drum's detach- 
ment ; Cai)tains Croghan, Bradford, 
Langham, Elliott, Nering, and their 
detachments of the 17th and lOth 
Regiments; Lieutenants Cam]i|i(ll, 
Gwinn, Lee, Kercheval and Rees ; 
Ensigns She]), Hawkins, Harrison, 
Mitchell and Stockton; To General 
Clay, Colonel Boswell, Major 
Fletcher, Captains Dudley, Simons 
and Medcalf, Kentuckians. Also to 
members of his Staff, Major Hukill 
Aide-de-cam]), Acting Insjiector Gen- 
eral, Major Graham Aide-de-camp, 
J. Johnson, Esq., volunteer Aide-de- 
camp, Lieutenant John O'Fallon 
Acting Assistant Adjutant General, 
and Deputy Quartermaster Euliank. 
The injuries received by the Fort during the siege were carefully 
examined by the Generals and Engineers, and methods of repairs and 
strengthening devices were discussed and the work at once entered upon. 
Leaving General Clay in command of Fort Meigs, General Har- 
rison started eastward with an escort of cavalry ( mounted riflemen ) 
under Captain Robert M'Afee. He arrived at Lower Sandusky (now 
Fremont, Ohio) May Pith and there met Governor Meigs with a strong 











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GENERAL GREEN CLAY 



Born 14 August, 1757, in Powhatan County 
Virginia. Died 31 October, 1826, In Kentucky/ 



1885) and in October. 1903, purcliased eiglil and tifty-five one-luindredtlis acres of land embracing ilie 
burial ground of the Kentuckians. Communications have been had with the Governors and Legislatures 
of Kentucky and Ohio and, n