THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
HISTORY
OF
MEDIAEVAL HINDU INDIA
( Be^ng a History of India from 600 to 1200 A. D.)
Vol. i
( Circa 600-SOO A. D. )
BY
C. V. VAIDYA» M. A., LL. B.,
HoNY. Fellow Bombay University
AND Author of
Mahabharata: a criticism,
Riddle of the Ramayana,
AND Epic India
THE ORIENTAL BOOK-SUPPLYING AGENCY,
POONA CITY
1921
( All Rights Reserved. \
Printed at the 'Aryabhushan' Press, Poona City, by
Anant Vinayak Patvardhan, and published by
Chintaraan Vinayak Vaidya, at Poona.
7)3
QP
DEDICATED
to the beloved memorv
of
Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak
in token of
admiration for hi s learned researches
and affectionate interest in studies
relating to the ancient
greatness of India.
2(X}4724
CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
HARSHA AND HIS TIMES.
CHAPTER. PACJES
I Accession of Harsha ... ... ] — 9
II Harsha's Empire ... ... 10 — 15
III The Kingdoms in India in Harsha's Time... ... 16 — 32
Notes— 1 The Maukharis of Kanauj ^ ... ... 33—34
2 Devagupta of Malwa ... ... 35 — 38
3 Sir V. Smith on Maukharis and Guptas ... 3y— 4(1
4 The Date of Harsha's Birth ... ... 41—42
5 Bana on Harsha's Exploits ... ... 43 — 44
6 Siladitya of Molapo ... ... 44—47
7 Indian Kingdoms described by Hiuen Tsang. 48 — 57
IV The People* ... ... 58—75
Note — Jats, Gujars and Marathas ... ... 76 — 88
V Social Condition ... ... 89—99
VI Religious Condition ... ... 100-114
VII Political Condition ... ... 115-127
VIII Civil Administration ... ... 128-141
IX Army, Nobles and Court ... ... 142-155
NOTES — 1 System of Valabhi Administration about
A. D. 500-700 ... ... 156-157
2 7H Lakhs Rattapadi ... ... 158-160
BOOK 11.
THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS.
■CHAPTER. PAGES.
I Revolution in Sind ... ... 161-167
II Conquest of Sind by the Arabs ... ••• 168-186
III Sind down to the end of the 12th Century ... 187-189.
IV The Shahis of Kabul ... .- 190-198
Note— Was the 1st Shahi dynasty Turki ? ... 199-201
V The Karkotakas of Kashmir ... ... 202-219
VI Later History of Kashmir ... ... 220-231
Notes— 1 Political Condition of Kashmir. ... 233-235
2 Genealogy of Kashmir kings ... ... 236-237
3 Some Notable facts about Kashmir ... 238-240
4 Exactions of Sankarvarman .. ... 241-
11 CONTENTS
V[I The Maitrakas of Valabhi ... ... 242-250
VIII The Gurjaras of Broach ... 251-257
IX The Chalukyas of Badami ... ... 258-276
Note— Flight of Vijayaditya ... ... 276-278
. X The Pallavas of KanchI ... ... 279-293
Notes— 1 Kuram Pallava grant. 2 Some NasikCave
Inscriptions ... ... 29t-296
XI The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi and Kalinga ... 397-311
Notes— 1 The Chandravarasa pedigree in later
Chalukya grants ... ... 312
2 Andhra ... ... 313
3 Aryan Advance into South India ... 314-317
XII The Kesari dynasty of Orissa ... ... 318-326
XTII The Eastern Kingdoms
1 The Guptas of Gauda ... ... 327-330
2 Vanga ... ... 331
3 Karaarupa ... 332
XIV The Varmas of Kanauj ... ... 333-342
Note— Gaudavaho, Conquests of Yasovarman and
Paraslkas ... ... 343
XV The Haihayas of Kosala ... ... 344-347
Note— Chhattisgarh or Ancient Kosala ... ... 348-349
XV[ The Kainkila Yavanas of Andhra ... ... 350-35 4
XVII The Western Kingdoms
1 The Gurjara Chapas of Bhinmal ... ... 35^-35
2 The Vardhanas of Western Malwa ... ... 359
3 Central Malwa ... ... 3 60
4 Jejakabhukti and Mahesvarapura ... ... 361-362
XVIII Himalayan States ... ... 363-364
Nepal ... ... 365-376
Notes— 1 Lichhavis ; 2 Minor Himalayan States ... 377-381
XIX The Kingdoms of the Panjab • ... ... 382^388
Note — Why the Panjab remains Indo-Aryan ... 3S9-394
APPENDIX— Some Inscriptions in the Original ... L95-400
INDEX
PREFACE.
In these volumes it is proposed to give the history in
detail of India during what may be called the Mediaival
Hindu period. The histor}'' of India naturally falls into
two main portions, the ancient and the modern. It is
plain that the modern history of India commences from
the establishment of the Slave Dynasty of Mahomedan
emperors and is divisible into three periods viz. ( 1 ) the
Mussalman period from about 1200 A. D. to roughly 1650
A.D. ( 2 ) the Maratha period from 1650 A.D. to 1818 A.D.,
the date of the fall of the Peshwas and ( 3 ) the British
period from 1818 A. D. down to the present day. The
ancient history of India also sub-divides itself into three
main periods which may be called the Aryan period, the
Aryo-Buddhistic period and the Hindu period. The Aryan
period commencing from the most ancient times variously
considered to go back to from 4000 to 2000 B. C. comes
down to about 300 B. C. and closes with the invasion of
India by Alexander. Ancient Aryan Kshatriya kingdoms
then disappeared and the Sudra Maurya dynasty, of em-
perors was established in India, ushering in the supremacy
of Buddhism under Asoka. The second period is remark-
able for the alternate triumphs of Buddhism and Aryanism
politically as well as religiously, and this period may,
therefore, be called not Buddhistic but Aryo-Buddhistic.
It extends from 300 B. C. to 600 A. D. and closes with the
final and greatest triumph of Buddhism under Harsha.
The third period of ancient Indian history wliich it is
proposed to treat of in these volumes begins with the fall
of Buddhism after Harsha and the rise of new Hindu (not
Arj'-an) kingdoms in India. Hinduism, as it is to-day,
was then formed and gathering strength it finally overthrew
Buddhism by the aid of the revived PurvaMimainsa philoso-
phy which re-established the supremacy of the Vedas and
ii Preface
the Vedic sacrifices. The long prevalence, however, of
the religion of non-salughter had created sentiments
among the people too strong to be suppressed; and although
Buddhism was extinct in India excepting IMagadha, that
sentiment /eared its head again in the rising popularity
of Jainjsm and Vaishnavism and in the reviving ascen-
dancy of the Uttara Mimamsa philosophy of the Vedanta.
The first Hindu kingdoms established after the death of
Harsha about 650 A. D. fell about 800 A. D. both by na-
tural decadence which overtakes kingly dynasties after a
period of about 150 to 200 years, and by other causes
which will be presently discussed. About this time, how-
ever, fresh orthodox Hindu kingdoms of Rajputs arose to
withstand the first onslaught of the Mahomedau religion
on India under the Arabs and raised Hinduism to its
climax. These kingdoms lasted from about 800 A. D.
to about 1000 A. D. when they fell before the
second onslaught of Mahomedanism under the Turks of
Mahmud of Ghazni. He, however, retired from India
excepting the Panjab and a third set of Hindu kingly
dynasties ruled in India for about 200 years m.ore and
these finally fell before the third onslaught of Mahome-
danism under Turks and Afgans who now settled in the
country and established Mahomedan rule in India on a
permanent footing. The principal Hindu period thus ranges
from 600 to 1200 A. D. and it may also be called, by refer-
ence to time, the Mediaeval period of Indian history. But
although in Hindustan, or Northern India, the Hindu period
thus closed about 1200 A. D. Hindu independent kingdoms
continued to rule in the Deccan for a hundred years more
and these fell before the conquering expeditions of
Allauddin Khilji and his general Malik Kafur in about 1300
A. D. South India rallied again for the last time and
reared a strong independent Hindu kingdom viz. that of
Vijayanagar, and this kingdom, after a brilliant career
of about 200 years, was finally defeated and completely
destroyed bv the Mahomedan powers of the Deccan at
the battle of Talikot in 1561 A. D.
The reader will now see that the history of the
Mediajval Hindu period which we propose to write in
these volumes falls into three sub-periods viz. first from
647 A. D. the date of Harsha's death to about 800 A. D.
Preface iii
the date of the full of the empire of the Varmas of Kaiuiuj,
second from 800 to lOOO A. D. that is the period of the
supremacy of the Pratihara emperors of Kauauj and
third from 1000 A. D. to 1200 A. D. the date of the fall
of the Gaharwar Rathod emperors of Kanauj. It must be
mentioned here that during the whole of the Hindu period
Kanauj was looked upon universally as the capital of
India just as in the previous Aryo-Buddhistic period,
Indian kingdoms looked up to Pataliputra as the Urbs
Prima of India. In the Deccan, these three sub-period >s
were distinguished by three Maratha kingly dynasties viz.
the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed
and the later Chalukyas of Kalyan, brought on in the rear
by the Yadavas of Devagiri from 1200 to 1300 A. D. These
three sub-divisions of the Hindu period we propose to
treat of in three separate volumes to which a fourth
volume may be added dealing with the history of the Deccan
during the fourteenth century and the history of South
India down to the final fall of the Hindus of Vijayanagar
in 1561 A. D. In fact our history may well be described
as the history of the decline and down-fall of the
Aryan empire in India, like the immortal work of
Gibbon on the decline and fall of the Roman em-
pire ending with the fall of Constantinople in 1453 A. D.
We have, however, called this work of ours by the more
modest name of the history of Medictval Hindu India con-
taining as it does the history of the several Hindu
independent kingdoms which ruled in India in medireval
times. This first volume contains the history of the first
set of Hindu kingdoms which ruled in India from about
650 to 800 A. D. though in particular cases like that of
Kashmir it has been found advisable to bring the history
down to the end of the Hindu period i.e. to 1200 A. D.
AVe have, however, followed the example of Gibbon in one
important respect and have given in Book I a detailed
account of the reign of Harsha which is in a manner the
basis of this history, and we have also taken a survey of the
political, social and religious condition of the country in
the time of that emperor, a condition which furnishes the
starting point for the subsequent evolution of the Hindu
people. As the reign of the Antonines was the culmi-
nating point of the Roman empire so was the reign of
Harsha the culminating point of India's evolution, and
iv Preface
curiously enough it will be found from these pages that
Harsha resembled the two great Roman emperors in many
and most marked points. And it is interesting to note
that as reliable materials are available for giving an
account of the reign of Harsha and the condition of hii.
times, as were available to Gibbon in writing about the
age of the Antonines. The records of the travels of Hiuen
Tsang and the life of Harsha written by the court-poet
Bana, supply us with two most vivid and detailed pictures
drawn by eye witnesses, which are invaluable to the his-
torian of ancient India. It is no wonder, therefore, that
we have in this volume based most of our remarks on the
observations of these two writers who, it is refreshing to
find, corroborate each other in the minutest details.
The momentous question will here be naturally asked —
a question to which the writer of these pages is expected
to give a reply — what were the causes which led to the
decline and down-fall of the Aryans in India ? They
had withstood successive invasions by the Greeks, the
Sakas, the Kushans and the Huns. They had not only
stubbornly resisted these invasions but freed India
within a hundred years each time. What is it that made
them unable to beat back the Arabs who permanently
enslaved Sind in 712 A. D. and the Turks and the Afghans
who finally subjected India to Mahomedan rule in
1000 and 1200 A. D. ? What was it in the history of
India from 500 A. D., when approximately the last foreign
rule of the Huns was overthrown, down to about 1000 A.D.
that sapped the strength of the Indian people and made
their warriors fiill like card-board sepoys before the Turks
of the Ghaznavide Mahmud 'i The historian of India who
lias studied this period of about 500 years of Indian
history is bound to throw light on the solution of this
momentous question and we proceed to indicate our views
succinctly in this matter.
The first and the foremost cause of the fall of the Indo-
Aryans was the complete ascendancy gained during this
period by what may be called the doctrine of the divine
right of kings. During the Aryan period Indian kingdoms
were lookied upon as belonging to the people. In Alexan-
der's days there were even some states where there were
Preface v"
HO kings and which are described by Greek writers as re-
publics. States and even kings were then known by
the names of the peoples and not by the names of
kingly families. Gradually during the Aryo-Buddhistic
period, owing to the recurrence of foreign invasion and
foreign rule, the people were less consulted in governmental
concerns, the kingly power gradually became absolute
and kingship was eventually looked upon as derived not
from the people but from divine favour. It came to be
believed that those who had performed severe austerities
in their previous births became kings in this. During the
Hindu period, therefore, kingdoms came to be known
by the names of kingly families or by the names of
the capitals they ruled. Instead of the Kurus and the
Panchalas, the Madras and the Surasenas of the Aryan
period we find in Hiuen Tsang, the same kingdoms called
by the names of Thanesar and Kanauj, Jalandhara and
Mathura. The mass of the people ceased to care who \
ruled them and were in fact ready to transfer their j
allegiance to any new king or kingly family which
was strong or fortunate enough to establish his or its
power. As explained in Chapter VII Book I at length,
under such view the sentiment of patriotism had no scope i
and in fact did never develop in India. The sentiment
of loyalty alone could flourish and did develop in
this country. But this system of political philosophy
conduced to the development of treason also along with
loyalty and treason has consequently always been
more in evidence in the history of India than in the
history of the West. Not only, therefore, did the Indian
people as a whole never fight against the Mahomedans but ,
traitors were always found ready to serve as instruments i
in the hands of foreign invaders. For Hindu superstition '
looked equally upon foreigners as enjoying divine favour, as
is illustrated by the history of Sind recorded in this volume.
Where the feeling of nationality is well-developed
and strong, not only is there less inclination towards
treason, but the whole people offer stubborn resistance
at each point in time and space to foreign conquest
and make it almost impossible. The case in India during the
Hindu period was exactly the reverse of this.
The people of India were prevented b)^ another and
more important reason from offering resistance as a whole
-vi Preface
to the Mahomedans. It is our view that one of the three
or more main causes of the fall of the Indo- Aryans
was the prevalence of Buddhism in this country'. As
Gibbon has shown that the spread of Christianity was one
of the causes of the decline of the Roman Empire, an
impartial historian of India cannot help declaring that the
prevalence of Buddhism in India operated in a similar
manner. Buddhism worked to bring about this downfall
of Indian kingdoms in more than one important direction.
The high esteem in which Buddhism held sanyasa and the
fact that it allowed people of all castes, men and women,
old and 5'oung, to flock to the fold of recluses and pass a
life of idleness and begging spread among the people a
sense of carelessness about their political condition and
worldly prosperity, which materially impaired their
capacity to offer resistance to foreign invaders. The
history of the conquest of Sind as described in these pages
^vill afford the most lamentable illustration of this
tendency of Buddhism. Mediaeval Hinduism indeed tried
to eradicate this morbid feeling of the people towards
sanyasa, but the sentiment was now too deep-rooted in
the minds of the people and as we shall have to relate in
9ur second volume, the greatest philosopher of India
Sankara had to recognise it and inculcate it as a tenet
of the new doctrine he preached, although he tried to
restrict Sanyassi to Brahmins and to males only. The Hin-
duism of modern days does not respect this restriction and
thousands of Sadhus of all castes, young and old, male
and female live in temples and Mathas which have
practically replaced the Sangharamas of the Buddhists so
vividly described by Hiuen Tsang, and pass their time, not so
much in devotional prayers as in an unceasing struggle to live
by begging. Such a philosophy must act prejudicially
on a people's capacity to resist and it is no wonder
that the Indo-Aryans fell before the Mahomedans in a
manner they had never done before.
The second direction in which the prevalence of Bud-
dhism impaired the capacity of the people to resist was
the remarkable change which the practice of the principle
of Ahinisa effected during the Hindu period
in the food of the people. Like sanyasa, Ahirnsa too
belongs to the old Aryan religion, but Buddhism so com-
Preface vii
pletely identified itself with that tenet that Buddhist kings
in India's early history often employed their political
power to prohibit animal food along with animal sacrifice
in their kingdoms. Meghavahana of Kashmir and
Siladitva of Malwa were two most renowned kings in this
respect. The latter, as Hiuen Tsang relates, gave strained
water even to elephants and horses " lest insects might
be killed." The efforts of Emperor Harsha in this direc-
tion were more extensive and more successful and Huien
Tsang records that animal slaughter and animal food
ceased throughout the Five Indies. Now there can be no
question that a nation which adopts and practises absten-
tion from animal food as a high principle deteriorates in
its capacity to hold its own in the struggle of nations, unless
special efforts are made to keep up the fighting capacities
of the people. A non-flesh-eating people cannot possess the
physical stamina, the mental grip and tenacity, the restless-
ness, and even the ferocity so necessary for success in fight-
ing which, unhappily throughout history, characterizes the
evolution of the human race. The history of Mediaeval
Hindu India establishes the same fact. The Hindu king-
doms again and again gave their adhesion to the old Aryan
religion of animal sacrifice and again and again the senti-
ment of Ahimsa asserted itself till at last Hinduism accepted
abstention from animal food as one of its foremost te*nets,
and Hindu India finally fell before Mahomedans as we shall
have to relate in our third volume. Even now the fight-
ing portions of the people of India, viz. the Rajputs and
the Sikhs, the Marathas and the Jats, not to speak of the
outside Gurkhas, are flesh-eating people and these in
modern Indian history have certainly proved their capa-
city for resistance.*
Now we yield to none in our conviction that Ahimsa is
one of the few highest principles which the Indian Aryans
in their spiritual progress have evolved. As we have said
in this volume, there is no example in the history of the
world of a great people having given up animal food in
the pursuit of a high spiritual ideal, involving the loss of
so valuable a possession as political independence. The
*0f course flesh-eating cannot supply the went of martial instinct-
and several flesh-eating peoples are devoid of military qualities.
VIU
Preface
beneficial influence of Buddhism and Jainism cannot but
be acknowledged in stopping animal sacrifices in this
country. And if we cannot sacrifice animals to propitiate
the deity, we cannot, religiously speaking, partake of animal
food. The position which Jainism has taken in this respect
is the only logical one and INlax Muller has properly com-
plimented Indian thinkers on their fearlessness in taking up
the position at which they logically arrive. It would, there-
fore,be both illogical and unspiritual for us to recommend ani-
mal food much more animal sacrifices. The Vedas again do
not prescribe animal sacrifices only and we can still retain
our allegience to the Vedas if we make inanimate offerings
to the Vedic deities in the sacrificial fire. We need not,
therefore, recede from the high spiritual position at which
we in our evolution have arrived. Especially, the Hindus
including the Sikhs will never countenance the slaughter of
cows which have been sacred to them even from Vedic
times and which have become still more sacred in con-
sequence of their association with Shri Krishna. But
what we have to emphasize here is that the people of
this country have as a matter of history lost their politic al
independence, to a large extent, because of their havi ng
given up animal food in obedience to their higher spiri-
tual aspirations. The political danger involved in this
change of the food of the majority of the people was not
foreseen and as we shall see in our third volume no con-
scious effort was made to counteract the evil resulting
from the change. For, as we have said in the body of the
book, we believe that even a non-flesheating people can
hold their own in the struggle of nations, if they are inured to
arms and lead an abstemious life. Such unfortunately
ceased to be the case during the 12th and 13th ceiituries,
and India fell an easy prey to the inroads of the more
ferocious and sturdy flesh-eating peoples of the north.
We will lastly refer to the third most important cause
which impaired the power of the people of India to resist
foreign conquest as a whole. The ramification of the four
main castes or vainas which also took place during the
Mediaeval Hindu period contributed, in our view, very
largely to weaken the power of the people for resistance.
History shows that at the beginning of the Hindu period,
there was not an}^ extensive subdivision of the four main
Preface ix
castes and these again were not water-tight compartments
distinguished by the interdiction of marriage and even of
food. By the operation of several causes during the Hindu
period main castes began to subdivide themselves into innu-
merable subcastes not in consequence of any Buddhistic
influence, but in spite of it, till at last about the end of the
Hindu period that stupendous structure of caste, with its
jealousies and its prejudices, with its rigorous restrictions
on food and marriage which we see today was completed.
The natural result was that the people were divided and
could not and did not offer that united opposition which is
necessary to successfully resist foreign attempts at
conquest.
Whatthen is the message we have to give to our Hindu
country-men through the pages of this history? It is this:-
first and foremost conscious efforts must be made to develop
the sentiment of nationality among the people of this coun-
tr}', overriding all the jealousies and differences created by
provincial or linguistic separation and even by religion.
Secondly, we must recognise more acutely our worldly
duties and responsibilities and systematic efforts must be
made, especially by those of us who do not eat flesh, to
develop our physical and mental capacities for fighting.
And thirdly all subcastes must be obliterated by free inter-
course in food and gradually even in marriage, though of
course it must be admitted that the division of the Hindu
society into the four main castes or Varnas is in-effaceable
and its obliteration should not be attempted. Every
religious revolution in India attempted it and failed.
Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, Aryanism successively tried
to destroy varnas and so did even Christianity. Each and all
not only failed, but eventually succumbed to the
influence of caste. Subcastes, however, have no sanction
in the Hindu Sastras and systematic efforts to obliterate
them will be successful, especiall}- because they are the
growth of recent times only.
It remains for us to add a few words with regard to
the contents and the printing of this volume. It consists,
as stated before, of two books, the first treating of H^rsha
and his times, and giving the history of India from a bout
600 to 650 A. D. and the second giving the history of the
first set of Hindu kingdoms whicli ruled in the whole of
X Preface
India from about 650 to 800 A. D., though in particular
cases as stated above, the history has been brought down
to the end of the Hindu period. At the beginning of each
chapter we have indicated the materials on which the
account in that chapter is based. Following the example
of Sir V.Smith's Early History of India we have thrown all
controversial matter in notes in small type. Further,
Sanskrit quotations and words have been avoided as far
:is possible, translations being usually given. In spelling
Sanskrit words, the usual rules of transliteration have
been followed (except in words like Brahmin which have
become thoroughly anglicised) but mistakes have often
crept in such transliteration which the indulgent re ader
will, it is hoped, overlook. Lastly, we have thought it
expedient to give in an appendix certain inscriptions in
the original, which will serve as examples and which may
be read with interest by those who can read and under-
.stand Sanskrit. An index and a religious map of India
of the time of Hiuen Tsang have been added and will
be found useful and interesting.
PooNA City,
I St January I g2 1. C. V. Vaidya.
BOOK I
HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
( Circa 600-650 A. 0. )
CHAPTER I
ACCESSION OF HARSHA
[The broad facts mentioned in these Chapters are of course taken from
Sir V. Smith's now standard work on the early history of India. I have,
however, studied the materials referred to by him in the original and by
their help aiid the help of the Harsha-Charita of Bana have tried to
throw additional light on many incidents in Harsha's life. On two
points I have ventured, with some diffidence, to put iorward views
diifering from those of Sir Vincent Smith. I have further added a few
detailed notes embodying discussion on the most controversial points.
And lastly I have attempted to determine, on data supplied by th»
Harsha-Charita, the exact date of the birth of Harsha. ]
When the seventh century of the Christian era opened
Prabhatvaravardhana of Thanesar was undoubtedly the
premier king of Northern India, He had defeated and
humbled the Huns who, notwithstanding their signal de-
feat in the previous century by the combined forces of
India led by Yasodharma of Malwa and Baladitya of
Magadha, were still a powerful people in the Panjab and
had their kingdoms at Gandhara or Peshawar and at Sakala
or Sialkot still in existence- He had defeated the ruling
kings of Sind and Gurjara, the chief state in Rajputana,
and had also corquered the kings ruling in Malwa and
Gujarat at the cli se of the sixth century.^ In the eastern
portion of Northern India the Maukharis of Kanauj held
sway very prohal)ly as far east as the Brahmaputra called
Lauhitya in ancient days and southwards as far as the
1. See |;3i?HOT%-frO- fffj-^-.ra-j^fl- 3j;^si^Fr^: iTRTtTTi'^TfifcT^Tt arOTR^-
MM^Cr TIcJ^^^^lcTrfrNi^: I H. C, p. 174.
2 BARS HA AND HIS TIMES
Vindhya range which extends accross India into Magadha ;
and they were connected with him by marriage, his
daughter Rajyashri being married to Grahavarmjl of Ka-
nauj. Thus Prabhakaravardhana of Thanesar was in 605
A. D. by far the most powerful king in Hindustan and he
was well justified in assuming the title of Maharajadhiraja
Faramabliattaraka, whereas his father^ and grandfather
were simply Maharajas, as the seal of Harsha found at
Sonpat shows.
But within a year "there was a sudden change in the
fortunes of Prabhakaravardhana though not of his people
or country. The Huns suddenly invaded the northern
boundaries of his dominions and he had time only to send
his elder son Rajyavardhana to oppose and chastise them.
The Maukharis of Kanauj also appear to have fought with
the Huns often, probably in conjunction with the forces of
Thanesar^; but there was no time to call in their aid. Ra-
jyavardhana, the elder son of Prabhakara, was a youthful
prince of about nineteen or twenty at this time and must
probably have been anxious to save his father the trouble
of proceeding against the Huns in person, which he had
often done before. Rajyavardhana proceeded with all haste
towards the Huns of the Panjab, and his younger brother
Harsha followed him as a matter of exercise and hunted
in the jungles at the foot of the Himalayas. Rajyavar-
dhana decisively defeated the Huns and drove theni away
and came back in triumph to Thanesar only to find the
capital immersed in grief by the sudden death of his father.
1, Gupta inscripttons (No. 52) Corp. Ins. Ind. Vol III., p. 231 : —
iTfR'^r-iTfrTr:?rrf5r^iT-?Tr5rw"nfrTT':pr?ff?^^: '4'mc^j^wrmE^^- "^c^fnTT: (<tt*t-
2. See Aphsad Inscription of Adityascna to be noted more particularly in a note. The
words important here are ^ hIt^T: mi^\^'^;§7^^^^( ^^^ZT ft^J^T-S^TiT'JrrTrq; I
translated as follows : — " BreakinS up the proudly steppins; array of el-phanis belonSinj;
to the Maukhari which had thrown aloft in battle the troops of the Huns " ( page 206. >
Thus the Maukharis of Kanauj seem to have had fisihts with-the Huns, of course of the
Panjab, '•nd must be supposed to be allied in these conflicts with the iroops of Thanesar
whose country intervened between Kanauj and the country of the Huns.
ACCESSION OF HARSHA 3
llarsha had already returned from his hunting trip on
Hearing of his father's sudden illness and had been by his
bedside at the time of his death. His mother Yasomati
with more than Rajput instinct had preceded her husband
by burning herself on a pyre in spite of the implorations
of Harsha. Thus, by a sudden turn of the wheel of fortune,
Rajyavardhana found himself raised to the throne of Tba-
nesar though rendered inconsolable by the sudden demise
of both his parents. The Buddhist Rajya thought of re-
tiring in favour of the astounded Harsha ; but all such
thoughts were laid aside when just at that momentja mes-
senger arrived with news of the strangest character. The
Guptas of Malwa seem to have been the hereditary enemies
of the Maukharis of Kanauj.' When news spread abroad,
and in ancient India, in spite of the absence of railways
and telegraphs, news always spread very quickly, that
Prabhakara was dead and that his son Rajya had gone
on an expedition against the Huns, Deva Gupta of Malwa
thought it an opportune moment to attack the young king
Grahavarma of Kanauj. He suddenly marched on that
city, killed Grahavarma in a surprise attack and taking
his queen Rajyashrl a prisoner, inhumanly confined her
like an ordinary deliquent, loaded with iron fetters, in a
prison. He thought himself now strong enough to invade
the kingdom of Thanesar itself and commenced his march
towards its capital, though his ally and friend Sasanka
Gupta of Karnasuvarna or Bengal, who had already
marched to his assistance, had not yet arrived. It is not
difficult to understand that the Guptas of Bengal like the
Guptas of Malwa were smarting under the supremacy of
the Maukharis of Kanauj, who had supplanted the power
of th Imperial Guptas and established their sway upto
the Brahmaputra, and were only waiting for an opportu-
nity to wreak their vengeance on them. It is also possible
to c i"fO've that the two Guptas were leagued against
1. ie note on vlaukharis. The enmi'.y of ilie Guplas and the Maukharis seems to
have'' ' h-^reditary and it is p-obably this enmity which explgins the sudden attdalr
•on i\ ly Deva Gupta. The Maukharis seem to have aenerally had the'upperhanc
as a^^ , ■•rom H. 0. (Bdui.) p. 252 KM^f'?T(^^i■ ^>: ^f q'rf^H'^f HT^^- Tltfl?"-
Who ij \ 1 Gupta was we will also try to explain In a special note.
4 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Thanesar and Kanauj, because the kings of the latter two-
were now Buddhists. No doubt religious differences, in;
ancient India, at least in the seventh century, were not
of much animosity but still such differences might accen-
tuate political enmities already existing and the kings of
Bengal and Malwa might have been united in harbouring
a wish to run down Grahavarma of Kanauj and Rajyavar-
dhana of Thanesar who were also both young and inexpe-
rienced at this time.
Such was the grave news which reached Rajya, just
raised to the throne of Thanesar and not yet rested from
his fight with the Huns. He was, however, a valiant and
an undaunted warrior. Setting his grief aside he started
immediately, with a view to speedily reach his enemy,
with a mobile force of 10,000 horse under the command of
his trusted general, Bhandi, who was his compeer and
cousin, being a son of his maternal uncle. In spite of
entreaties he left Harsha his younger brother behind at
Thanesar both as a matter of convenience and precaution.
He surprised his enemy Deva Gupta by the suddenness
of his movement and totally defeated him, the latter being
probably killed in action. He marched on to the relief of
Kanauj and met Sasanka of Bengal on the way. The
wheel of destiny which was evidently working from the
first in favour of Harsha now had a third turn and engulfed
Rajya in its working. Sasanka was unequal to face
Rajya and resolved to rid himself of his enemy by a
bold stroke of treachery. He offered his submission to
the youthful king of Thanesar and promised to give his
daughter in marriage to him in atonement for his fault.'
Such was the usual Kshatriya fashion to patch up differ-
ences between contending kings. Rajyavardhana, straight
and confiding, without arms and with a few followers only^
went to the camp of Sasanka and while at a feast was
treacherously murdered by that unscrupulous king. He,
1. The commenta'or on Harsha-Charita makes this sufiSestion which is very likely
n^=:^^ "^"^ ^^^ s^TTlT^: 1 1 H. C„ p. 241.
ACCESSION OF HARSHA &
.then, without attempting to try conclusions with Rajya'a
army commanded by Bhandi, as suddenly marched back
from Kanauj to his kingdom as he had marched to it ;
while a Gupta chief who was in charge of the city of
Kanauj quietly released Rajyashri from confinement' and
sent her away, in order probably to divert the attention of
Bhandi.
Such were the strange, yet not improbable, circum-
stances which, within a few months of the year 606 A. D.
(about May), placed Harsha on the throne of Thanesar
at the early age of 16 '^. They have been very eloquently
■related by Bana, the most famous prose writer of Sanskrit
literature, who was Harsha's contemporary and protegee,
and they are supported to a considerable extent by the
account of Hiuen Tsang, the most famous and trustworthy
traveller of China who was honoured for his Buddhist
learning and piety by Harsha. Young as he was, Harsha
was a man of extraordinary courage, ability and good
fortune like his remote successor Akbar who fought his
first battle at 14, ascended the throne of Dehli a few
months later and assumed absolute power at 18. Harsha
resolved at once on punishing the dastardly Gupta of
Bengal and on rescuing the unfortunate queen of Kanauj.
"He harnessed his army of elephants, horses and* men
with a view not only to conquer Bengal but the whole
of India, for he well surmised that the whole country
would be arrayed against him, unfriended and inexperi-
enced as he apparently was. To quote the poetic ex-
pression of Bana he therefore asked his foreign secretary
1. +i'-4j-<xiis(l'^^'9Tt srarfr wnm w^^m rwth^ i^wnrr ttsttt-^'^-ji^w-
«f^ . . . ^5rtJT3JDfl?qf^nipTcT: II H. C, p. 232.
2. From the Harsha-Charita some idea may be {ormcd of Ihe probable and exact
age of Harsha. We have added a note tryiiift to fix his exact aflc. But it may be noted
here that Raiya appears from Harsha-Charita to have been three years older than Harsha
and Harsha about two years older than Rajyashri. When Kumara and Madhava were
given to them as companions Kumara is said to be 18 years of ajie, 3THT??r^'f^<r"RriT.
(H. C, p. 196). Rajyashri was married about a year after this and PrabhHkara's death
might have happened a year later. If we take Rajya to be about the same age as Kumara
Rajya seems at this time to be abojut 19 years of age and Harsha about 16 when he came
to the throne of Thanesar.
6 HAR8HA AND HIS TIMES
to write to all the kings of India to proffer either hatile
or subm7ssio7i. He started immediately on this Diyvijaya
or expedition for the conquest of the four quarters. His
first camp was pitched on the banks of the Sarasvati,
only a few miles east of Thanesar and the Patel or
headman of the village came forward to receive his
king at this first haltirg place and offered the customary
nuzzar of a gold coin marked with a bull and specially
struck anew for the occasion, on the palm of his hand-
Harsha. while picking up the coin, accidentally let it
go and it fell on the muddy bank of the Sarasvati im-
printing the soft soil with its impression. Persons present
stood aghast at this ill omen happening at the very
outset of his march for Digvijmja, but Harsha, with un-
daunted courage and wit, remarked that it was a good
augur as it plainly indicated that the earth would soon
be stamped with the sign of his sovereignty- To a
man of such strength and presence of mind no advice
was needed, yet his minister implored him to guard himself
against possible treachery giving him a score of examples
how in past times kings had been murdered by various
devices by wily persons, both male and female. Thank-
fully accepting his minister's advice and entrusting his
kingdom to the proper persons, Harsha set forth on his
conquering expedition and now marched towards Kanauj.
He met Bhandi on the way and with tears in his eyes
heard from him again the story of Rajya's murder. He
saw the army of elephants captured from the defeated
king of Malwa as also the vast treasure secured and
the family and courtiers of the king all put in chains
in return for his savage treatment of Rajyr.shri. He
learned, however, from Bhandi that Rajyashr! had been
let off from confinement, that she had taken refuge in
the jungles of the Vindhya and that in spite of efforts
made, her whereabouts were not still ascertained. In.
the impetuosity of his affection for Eajyashrl, Harsha
bade his army halt on the banks of the Ganges and with a
select retinue started off himself in search of his sister.
He came by chance to the hermitage of one Divakarmitraj
ACCESSION OF HARSH A 7
a Buddhist recluse, who turned out to .be a close friend
of his brother-in-law, Grahavarma. From one of his
disciples he heard that a lady in affliction was going
to burn herself on a pyre just in the neighbourhood and
with this man's aid Harsha reached in time to save the
queen of Kanauj, who, unable to bear her calamities,
was going thus to put an end to her life. But the calami-
ties of both the brother and the sister were now at an
end, and they joyfully went to take leave of Divakaramitra.
Rajyashri was so impressed with the sanctity and quiet of
the Ashrama of the Buddhist hermit, her husband's friend,
that she implored her brother to permit her to turn a
Buddhist nun. But Harsha and Divakaramitra both
dissuaded her, Harsha prophetically saying that he and
she would both together take the holy order when their
life's business was done. Harsha then returned with his
sister Rajyashri to his camp on the bank of the Ganges.
Here ends the romantic, but not unauthentic story
of Harsha and Rajyashri given in the Harsha-Charita of
Bana, who, to the great regret of the historian and the
general reader, unaccountably leaves off the story in
the middle. But it is of great help to us in understanding
the account recorded by Hiuen Tsang. Hiuen Tsang's
account has been to m.y mind misunderstood. It plainly
seems that that account relates to what happened sub-
sequently at Kanauj and does not relate to what had
already happened at Thanesar. Harsha probably was the
sole remnant in tlie family of the kings of Thanesar,
and his brother Rajya, young as he was, had left no issue.
Rajya was probably not even married. ' Harsha, therefore,
became king of Thanesar at once and without any doubt.
The doubts entertained bj' Harsha as to whether he should
be king or not as related by Hiuen Tsang must be referred
to his doubts as to whether he should be king of Kanauj,
The whole story becomes intelligible, if we connect these
doubts with the kingdom of Kanauj. When Harsha and
Rajyashri reached Kanauj, there must have been some
1. See H. C, p. 253. -t7^ ^i^rf^ s/f^ f^r^'^ts m^i^ i
o HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
anxious deliberation there as to the disposal of that
kingdom. From the Harsha-Charita Grahavarma appears
to have been the eldest son of his father Avantivarma '.
Should Rajyashrl be set aside and consigned to obscurity
and some younger heir of Avantivarma be raised to the
throne ? Harsha who had just brought the afflicted
Rajyashri back from a pyre and a hermitage was un-
willing to do so. He was also unwilling to sieze the
kingdom for himself, Grahavarma was a Buddhist and
presumably Kajyashri also, Harsha, too, owing to his
great and sudden afflictions in early age had Buddhistic
inclinations though he was a declared devotee of Shiva.*
It was thus naturally and perhaps astutely decided, that
the difficulty should be solved by a reference to the
Bodhisatva Avalokitesvara whose temple was outside
the city of Kanauj, and the Bodhisatva solved the difficulty
in a congenial manner, Rajyashrl, it was ordained, should
rule and Harsha should be her lieutenant. He should not
ascend the throne nor take the title of the king of Kanauj
but should style himself only R-ajaputra Siladitya. Ac-
cording to the Chinese work, Fang Chih, Harsha hencefor-
ward "administered the kingdom in conjunction with his
widowed sister" (page 33r, V. Smith's E. History, 3rd
edition). To my mind this explanation of the apparent
hesitation of Harsha is simple and plain and it also
explains why after Harsha's death there was anarchy
and disorder again in the kingdom of Kanauj as will
be related hereafter. At this stage it is difficult to under-
stand how historians came to confound Thanesar and
Kanauj '' and how it is for a moment entertained that
f See H, C, p. 200, st^p^^jH ^d<Jj^> w^^rf.
2, Tlie Banksbera inscription of the 9fh year of his reign declares Harsha to be
Parama Mahesvara still, Bana also relates that when Harsha started on his Diayijaya
from Thanesar. he first worshipped the god Mahesvara, see f%J=^C<J" TW^rfv^TT J^^iTF
=ffc^^fW^r=f?Jr I I -H. C. page 273.
3. Probably the Records mixed up the two kingdoms and hence the misunder-
standing. The words in the Records are : " The statesmen of KANAUJ, on the advice 'of
their leading man Bani invited Ilarshavardhana, the younger brother of the murdered
king, to become their sovereign. He seemed unwilling and made excuses. He then
.determined to take the advice of Avalokitevara," &c, I think Bana's account and this
must be put together and Harsha's unwillingness to take up the kingdom of Kanauj
ACCESSION OF HARSHA 9
the nobles of Thanesar hesitated to offer their allegiance
to Harsha. The nobles of Thanesar, as related by Bana,
had at once acclaimed him king of Thanesar and it was
only at Kanauj where he arrived in his conquering ex-
pedition with his widowed beloved sister Rajyashri that
doubts arose with regard to the succession to the throne of
that kingdom — doubts which were finally removed as
aforesaid. Harsha very naturally hereafter gave up re-
sidence at Thanesar and made Kanauj his capital which he
ruled in conjunction with his sister. Between the two the
fondest attachment subsisted throughout their reign. Their
Buddhistic tendencies united them in religious sentiment
also and it appears that during their long reign nothing
happened to mar their amicable relations.
should be explained as above. It is also probable that Vincent Smith's unwillinsness
to accept Kanauj as the capital of the Maukhari Grahavarma has increased the difficulty
But the fact that the Maukharis ruled at Kanauj cannot, as shown fn a note, be denied.
The Imperial Gazetteer, too, under Kanauj unreservedly accepts the theory that the
Maukharis ruled at Kananj before Harsha.
2
CHAPTER II
HARSHA'S EMPIRE
With the combined forces of Kanauj and Thanesar, it"
is not strange that Harsha succeeded in his announced
resolve to subjugate Hindustan. The augury was already
good. Kumararaja of Kamarupa (Assam) who probably
was an enemy of Sasanka sent a messenger to offer his
friendship and to present him with a priceless white um-
brella the sign of universal sovereignty according to
Indian ideas. Harsha was gratified at this voluntary
tribute and proffered friendship from Kumara and accepted
them most heartily. He then moved with his army of
elephants, cavalry and infantry east and west in a con-
tinuous march of conquest, which is said to have lasted
for about six years and established his. empire over the
kings of Northern India. It may be pointed out here that
the empire of Harsha was somewhat different from Moslem
empires. The idea still remained fixed to the Indian mind
that a Chakravarti need not dispossess the subjugated kings
of their dominions. In this respect modern empires, at
least in Hindustan, differ from ancient and mediaeval
empires. Then it was thought enough if the conquered
king offered his submission, promised to pay a nominal
yearly tribute and on occasions ot' ceremony attended
upon the imperial sovereign. Indeed it was never thought
allowable to dispossess the native kings of their particular
kingdoms where they had long ruled and annex them to
the empire- Harsha's empire, it must therefore be remem-
bered, was different from the empire of Mahommad Tugh-
lak or of Aurangzeb or, for that matter, of the British
which naturally resembles the Mahomedan f'mpires imme-
diately preceding it. In his f/i(ji;ijaij(i Harsha only exacted
submission from the various kings of India and allowed
them to rule their own territories, annexation being re-
sorted to only in exceptionable cases.
MARSHA'S EMPIRE 11
It is to be regretted that no details of this conquest or
subjugation of Northern India are available. It is not
even discoverable how Harsha punished Sasanka of Karna-
suvarna or Bengal called Gauda by Bana in his Harsha-
Charita for treacherously murdering his brother Rajya.
Probably he saved himself by another stroke of policy in
much the same way as he had saved himself from Rajya.
He was alive and ruling in 619 A. D. in which year a
vassal king of his gave a village in gift to a Brahmin
in Ganjam (Ep. Ind. Vol. VI, p. 144). This inscription
plainly shows that he enjoyed the whole of his kingdom
including those of his vassals intact. This was of course
in consonance with the ideas of empire above described-
Perhaps Harsha, in his Buddhistic tendencies, extended
forgiveness to Sasanka and did not exact from liim the
threatened reparation for murder.
The extent of the empire of Harsha can with tolerable
certainty be determined. It included probably the whole
of Northern India exclusive of Sind, the Pan jab and
Kashmir, though even over these kingdoms also he estab-
lished nominal suzerainty, for he appears to have hum-
bled all these three and exacted tribute from them.
We shall notice the rulers of different kingdoms who
were contemporaneous with Harsha in the next chapter
in which we intend to detail the various kingdoms visited
by the indefatigable Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang. Here
it will suffice to observe that Harsha subjugated almost the
whole of Northern India and established a strong and
well-ordered empire which lasted till his death. He foun-
ded as a memento of his being aChakravarti, a special era
of his own commencing from 606 A. D. in imitation of
previous emperors who had founded the Vikrama, the Saka
and the Gupta eras. Indeed the founding of an era was
now looked upon as an emblem of empire and Harsha in
response to this tradition founded his own era in 612 A. D.
after he had completed his .Di(/i)ljaya dating from his
accession in 606 A. D.
Harsha hereafter attempted to extend his empire to
the south of the Nerbudda like Samudra Gupta who had
12 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
led a conquering expedition through Southern India. But
Southern India remained unconquered owing to the vigi-
lance and valour of Harsha's great rival Chalukya Pula-
kesi II of Maharashtra. His capital appears from in-
scriptions to have been Vatapi or modern Badami but from
Hiuen Tsang's description it may have been Nasik also.
This king, namely, Pulakesi II was very powerful and
appears to have subjugated the whole of Southern India,
He came to the throne at about the same time as Harsha
i. e., about 608 A. D. and soon extended his sway down to
the southern coast. The description which the famous
Chinese traveller gives of him, his army and his people
deserves to be quoted here in extenso. "The inhabitants
of Maharashtra) were proud, spirited and warlike ; grateful
for favours and revengeful for wrongs, self-sacrificing
towards supplicants in distress and sanguinary to death
with those who treated them insultingly. Their martial
heroes went to the conflict intoxicated and their war ele-
phants were also made drunk before engagement. Relying
on the strength of his heroes and elephants the king
treated neighbouring countries with contempt. The bene-
volent sway of this king reached far and wide and his
vassals served him with perfect loyalty. The great king
Siladitya (Harsha) was invading at this time east and
west and the countries far and near were giving him
allegiance but Maharashtra refused to become subject to
him. (Records Vol. II, Watters, page 239.) The Life says,
"The king always supports several thousand men of valour
and several hundred savage elephants. These in a drunken
condition rush against the enemy and without fall put the
foe to flight. Siladitya Raja in spite of his skill and the
invariable success of his generals, marching himself at the
head of his troops could not subjugate him." ( Life of
H. T., p. 147.) By a strange concommittance thus, India
was divided at this time into two empires ruled by two
powerful kings who were a match to each other and who
came to the throne at about the same time. The dividing
line of these southern and northern empires was naturally
the Nerbudda which divides India into two portions
HARSHA'S EMPIRE 13
ditfering from each other in many characteristics both
of country and people.
Except in a passage which we will notice in a note,
it is unfortunate, that we have not an account from
Bana wi'Ji regard to the actual establishment of Ilarsha's
empire or its extent and we have to rely on the single*
testimony of Hiuen Tsang. It is from him that we learn
that Harsha conquered India during the course of six years
"during which time neither the men nor the elephants
were unharnessed," and that for 35 years more he ruled
in peace and without any conflict. Of coarse the war with
Pulakesi II which is placed by Vincent Smith about
620 A. D. and the war with Ganjam which was waged
towards the end of his reign have to be excepted. This
latter war was waged against the people of Ganjam
or Kangoda about C43 A. D. as has been inferred from
the Life of Hiuen Tsang, page 159, where it is mentioned
that"Harsha was just then returning from the subjugation
of Ganjam."
It would be interesting to quote Hiuen Tsang as
to how Harsha maintained this vast empire. " Hav-
ing extended his territory he increased his army, bring-
ing the elephant corps up to 60,000 ^nd cavalry to
1,00,000, and then reigned in peace for 30 (thirty)
years. He was just in his administration and punc-
tilious in the discharge of his duties. He forgot sleep
and food in his devotion to good works. He prohibited
the taking of life under severe penalties and caused the
use of animal food to cease throughout the five Indies.
He establishoci travellers' rests throughout his dominions.
The neigliboLiring princes and statesmen who were zealous
in good wo'ks, he called "good friends." He would not
converse w; li those who were of a different character.
The kirg mi:<le visits of inspection throughout his domi-
*We havi.' h^ .I- conf!rma'ory eptSraphic evidence that Harsha rnl-d over the
whole of Nor'.!,..- I. ■ 'a See Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, VHI, p. 82 <, where P.'' ,'r shi H is
describ vi is ^ . - - ," fl'EF^nTr^'i^'lJ^sfr^-.JjiqTrsrjil'TcJ^'^-'ITR^J^PT^rriVpr ???qT-
14 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
nion, not residing long at any place but having temporary
buildings erected for his residence at each place of
sojourn*; but he did not go abroad through the three
months of the rainy season. The king's day was divided
into three periods, of which one was given up to affairs
of government, and two were devoted to religious works.
He was indefatigable and the day was too short for
him" (Records, Watters, Vol. I, p. 344). With such diligent
habits of work and such conscientious efforts for the
cultivation of high morals it is no wonder that Harsha's
empire remained intact throughout his long reign and
prospered to the utmost. He had his own agents or officers
appointed in different regions to look to the maintenance
of justicet and his orders, autocratic as they were, were
for the good of his subjects and were promptly obeyed
by prince and peasant. Harsha's empire thus may well be
classed, like the reign of Marcus Aurelius to whom he
may fitly be likened,^ among the most enlightened and
happy empires, which have now and then, though rarely
enough, embellished the history of the world, and stands
out in brilliant relief from the surrounding chequered back
ground.
The death of Harsha is placed by historians in 647
A. D. on the evidence of relial)le Chinese records (see
V. Smith's E. H. page 352 3rd edition), Harsha having thus
ruled for about 41 years. Most probably he left no issue.
We have strangely enough no mention anywhere as to
who his wife was and what children he had. He had
a daughter no doubt and she was married to the king
of Valabhi. Had he a son, there would assuredly have been
This is corrobor.ited by Bana also who describes the sojourn of Harsha at the first
halting place from Thaneser as follows fflf^^lTrT^rf T^Rt^r'^ f%f^^ ^§"1^ ^'OfT^ ^f^f^
t Kee note follownrf aivmg an extract from H.C. containing "sf^ cTr^F^r^'f l'%5rt fl^S'
5 Like Marcus Aurelius, Karsha appears to have been an emperor cf the highest
moral natu'-e. From Harsha-charita, pages 111-113, i( appears that he had vowed
Brahmacharya or constancy to his wedded queen, upheld truth and justice aud forsworn
wine and flesh. A patron of learned men he himself was a man of great learning and ait
author.
HARSH A 'S EMPIRE 15
no disturbance after his death, and his son would have
left some record, wherein as usual his mother's name
would have been recited. We are therefore justified in
surmisinj? that he left no son. This fact indeed may
have accentuated that intense religious consciousness
which this unique emperor displayed of the emptiness
•of this world's riches and greatness, and under the in-
fluence of which he held those magnificent festivals of
almsgiving every fifth year which have been described
to us by Hiuen Tsang with such graphic detail, and in
which, as perhaps no emperor in the history of the
world did, Harsha gave away all his valuable treasures
to Buddhist, Brahmin and Jain men of piety and learning,
begging afterwards even his clothes from his sister Raj-
yashri. Such was this great Emperor Harsha at once
jnunificent, philosophic and brave.
CHAPTER HI
THE KINGS AND KINGDOMS OF INDIA IN THE
TIME OF HARSHA
The detailed information given in the records of the
'ndefatigable Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang who came to
India in the beginning of 631 A. D. and who left it about
the end of 643 A. T>. supplies us with a very full account
of the state of this country during the latter half of the
reign of Harsha ; an account which is strongly corrobo-
rated by epigraphic and other evidence available. Hiuen
Tsang often gives us the names of particular kings and
also invariably the characteristics of the people touching
their disposition, religion and history, information which
is very useful to the student of early Indian history. The
records and his life composed originally *in Chinese have
been translated by European scholars and are available to
us in an English garb. These accounts have also been
subjected to scrutiny by noted researchers like Sir A. Cun-
ningham who has succeeded in identifying most of the
places and kingdoms mentioned by the Chinese traveller
and subsequent scholars have added to the information
thus noted by Sir A. Cunningham in his well-known book
'Ancient Geography of India.' All these scholars have
thus laid students of India a history under a deep debt of
obligation which cannot but be acknowledged at this stage
when we proceed to summarise this information in a table
specially prepared for the perusal of the general reader.
This table gives the name of each kingdom visited by
Hiuen Tsang in order, the name of the king if any and in
a third column such valuable information about the people
and the country as is thought interesting and useful. (See
Note.) From this evidence and from the epigraphic evi-
dence available we shall try in this chapter to describe
the important kingdoms in India at this time, and the
kings who ruled them.
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 17
To commence from the extreme north-west we have
first to notice the country of Kapisa (Kabul) the king of
which was a Kshatriya and a Buddhist, Who this king
was we are unable to ascertain, but he held under subjec-
tion the adjoining kingdoms of Lampak, Nagara and
Gandhara, all beyond the Indus. The ruling family in
Gandhara is said by Hiuen Tsang to have been destroyed
and the country and the capital were in ruins. Probably
the Huns who ruled in this country in the days of Harsha's
father were, after their defeat by him, conquered by Kapisa.
The next important kingdom mentioned beyond the Indus
and along the Suvastu (Swat) was Udyana or modern
Swat, a stronghold of Buddhism even in the days of Hiuen
Tsang. Crossing the Indus, the third important kingdom
then was that of Kashmir which held under its sway the
three minor kingdoms of Taxila, Sinhapura and Urasa.
The king of Kashmir, at this time, was Durlabhavardhana
who according to the Rajatarangini inaugurated the Kar-
kota dynasty in Kashmir. Hiuen Tsang also notices that
the kings of Kashmir were protected by a dragon. Accord-
ing to Kalhana, this king was a son-in-law of the last king
of the Gonardiya dynasty, named Baladitya. He is said
by Kalhana to have come to the throne in 3677 of the
Laukika era or 601 A. D. and to have ruled for 36 years,
which makes him a contemporary of Harsha almost from
beginning to end. The dynasty founded by him was called
the Karkota dynasty, Karkota being the name of a dragon
by whose favour he was supposed to have risen to impor-
tance. He established his sway over the northern portion
of thePanjab as well as certain hill states adjoining Kash-
mir and was thus a powerful king. Probably it was he
who, in the diflEicult Himalayas, was made to acknowledge
the nominal suzerainty of Harsha and compelled to pay
tribute as mentioned by Bana. The people of Kashmir as
described by Hiuen Tsang were then exactly what they are
at present, handsome and fond of learning, but strangely
enough Hiuen Tsang describes them as deceitful.
The next country of importance is the one which
Hiuen Tsang calls Tekka, the former capital of which was
3
18 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Sakala and a former noted king of which was Mihirakula.
Both Sakala and Mihirakula are names of note in the
ancient history of India but this capital Sakala was now
in ruins. The new capital and the name of Tekka have
not been identified. It is possible to identify Tekka, how-
ever, with the Tak of the Chachnama and the Tak royal
family enumerated among the 36 royal families of India.
The Tak according to Todd disappeared from Indian
history owing to conversion to Mahomedanism in the
13th century A. D. The Tekka kingdom appears to have
held extensive sway, as Mulasthanapura (Multan) and
Parvata are said by Hiuen Tsang to have been subject
to Tekka in his days. All these countries were not pre-
eminently Buddhist and it may be conjectured that they
were the places where old Hindu worship then flourished.
Mihirakula was a persecutor of Buddhists, and at Multan
there was the famous temple of the Sun worshipped by
devotees throughout India, Who the Tekka king was,
it would be most interesting to discover. He was the most
important king of the Panjab so to speak, though as his
country lay between Kashmir and Thanesar, his sub-
ordination to Harsha may be inferred.
Giving up the order of Hiuen Tsang and going a little
south-west we find that the next most important kingdom
was Bind. The capital was beyond the Indus and it
held under subjection two or three kingdoms to the west
and south as far as the sea. In fine the kingdom was
as extensive as the British province of Sind. Its king
though powerful had been defeated by both Prabhakara
and Harsha. Who this king was it is somewhat diffi-
cult to determine. He was a Sudra by caste and a
Buddhist according to Hiuen Tsang. According to the
Chachanama — a history of the conquest of Sind by the
Arabs in the next or eighth century, — there ruled in
Sind before Chacha, the Brahmin king, a race of kings
whose ancestor was Dewaij and whose last king was Sahasi
Rai. After Sahasi's death Chacha the Brahmin who
was his chamberlain seized the throne and married his
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 19
•widow. When this usurpation took place we can ascertain
from the Chachanama which states that in the 11th year
of the Hejira, /. e., in 63- A, D. the first invasion of
Sind by Mahomedans took place. " Chacha was then
on the throne and 35 years of his reign had passed." The
usurpation of Chacha from this statement falls in 597 A.D.
He ruled forty years, I. e., till 637 A, D. when his brother
Chandra succeeded him and ruled for 7 years, i. e., till
644 A. D. Thus in 641 A. D. when Hiuen Tsang visited tha
kingdom of Sind, Chandra must have beeii on the throne
and he is said in the Chachanama to have been a Buddhist.
But he was a Brahmin and hence Hiuen Tsang's descrip-
tion that he was a £!udra does not apply. It is not possible
to suppose that Hiuen Tsang made a mistake. It should
rather be said that the Chachanama is mistaken, for
much of it is fanciful and it is more a hearsay history
for events before the conquest of Sind by the Arabs than the
evidence of an eye-witness. Moreover if Chandra died m
644 A. D. his nephew Dahir must be taken to have come to
throne in 644 A. D. He was the king when Sind was
conquered by Mahamad Kasim in 712 A. D., a date which
is certain and reliable. Dahir therefore must thus have
been on the throne for 68 years, a somewhat long period.
What may be surmised is that Sahasi was still on the throne
of Sind when Hiuen Tsang visited the country in 641 A.I)
He appears to have been of the Maurya dynasty as the
Chachanama represents that the ruler of Chitor was his
brother or distant relative. Chitor was not yet in the
hands of the Sisodias but was ruled by a Maurya family of
kings from whom, as the traditions of thy Sisodias declare,
the kingdom was seized by Bappa Raval. The Mauryas
were of course looked upon as Sudras. It is not improbable
that branches of the Maurya family sprung from Chandra
Gupta and Asoka still ruled in several places in India.
We would therefore give greater weight to Hiuen Tsang's
statement and hold that the king of Sind at this time
was Sahasi II and he may have been a Buddhist. It is
also more consistent to suppose that it was Sahasi II
who was defeated by Harsha and not Chacha who was
20 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
a peculiarly fortunate king and who extended his sway
north, west and south. Chacha is said to have conquered
Multan and Parvata and made his boundary conterminous
with that of Kashmir. As Hiuen Tsang states that Multan
was subject to Tekka and not to Sind when he visited it in
641 A.D. we may take it as a further argument to hold that
he visited Sind in the time of Sahasi II. Some place
the usurpation of Chacha in 631 A.D. (see Sind Gazetteer and
Gazetteer of Bahawalpur) on the authority of another
Mahomedan historian, but we must place it sometime
after Harsha's death, i.e., about 648 A.D. Chacha ruled for
40 years or till 688 and his brother Chandra till 695 and
his son Dahir must have been on the throne for about
17 years when he was conquered by Kasim in 712 A. D.
The divergence between the testimony of Hiuen Tsang
and Chachanama with regard to the caste of the ruling
king in Sind leaves us in a doubt as to whether Sahasi II
was then ruling there or Chandra, brother of Chacha. But
there is no doubt as to who was then ruling in Valabhi or
Eastern Kathiawar, the next most important kingdom
in Northern India. Hiuen Tsang describes the ruler of
this kingdom very vividly. "He was a Kshatriya by caste
and a son-in-law of Harsha. His name was Dhruvabhata.
He was hasty of temper and young but a devout Buddhist."
He is subsequently described as often accompanying
Harsha on his march and he was present at the great
alms-giving assemblage held at Prayaga where Hiuen
Tsang was the presiding priest in 643 A. D. Epigraphical
evidence is amply corroborative in this connection. The
ruling family of Valabhi was founded by Senapati Bha-
tarka, who came from Ayodhya, during the troubles of the
Huns about the beginning of the sixth century (some place
this in 485 A. D.). Their grants testify to their history and
power and they" were generally worshippers of Siva though
Dhruvabhata the son-in-law of Harsha was a Buddhist.
It was undoubtedly a premier Kshatriya family, for the
premier Kshatriya family of later Indian history, namely,
the Sisodiyas of Udaipur derive their descent from this
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHxV'S TIME 21
family of Valabhi. It is therefore not improbable that
Harsha gave his daughter in marriage to this king because
he was a Kshatriya king, as his father had given Rajya-
shri in marriage to Grahavarma, another well-known
Kshatriya king of his days. In fact, then as now, kings,
tried to give their daughters to kings of unquestioned
Kshatriya lineage for as Bana says (H. C, p. 200) ^(^cj>-ij^^
^1^ 3Tm3T^^nTg^^;?F% •4'TrF^: " Among other good qualities
•of a bridegroom wise men look to good lineage alone. "
The next important kingdom was that of Gurjara
in Rajputana. Its capital was Bhinmal. It was the princi-
pal country of the Gurjaras in those days, though now
the country is not Gujarat but Eajputana. "The king was
a Kshatriya by caste," according to Hiuen Tsang, and
**a young man celebrated for his wisdom and courage and
a firm believer in Buddhism." This king must have been
a son of king Vyaghramukha in whose time the noted
astronomer Brahmagupta in 628 A.D. composed his treatise
on astronomy. As Hiuen Tsang visited the country about
'641 A. D., Vyaghramukha's successor must have been
a young man. Gurjara was defeated by Prabhakara, the
father of Harsha as stated in the Harsha-Charita, p. 174
Though its conquest by Harsha in his digvijaya is not men-
tioned, it may be easily presumed. But Hiuen Tsang's
description of the king suggests that like Sind and
Kashmir, Gurjara was nominally subject to the over-
lordship of Harsha.
There was a Gurjara kingdom to the south of Valabhi
-also. It was very probably founded by an offshoot from
the Gurjara kingdom in the north. This was the first
incursion of the Gurjaras into this part of the country
which in later times has always borne their name. The
kingdom is called Bharukaccha by Hiuen Tsang and its
capital was Bharukaccha or modern Broach on the north
bank of the Nerbudda at the head of the estuary of that
river. It derived its wealth from sea-borne trade. The
•king who ruled Bharukaccha at this time was Dadda II
22 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
whose grants found disclose the genealogy of the family
and mention it clearly as a Gurjara family*. These kings
were worshippers of the Sun, a fact which also connects
them with the original Gurjara kingdom of Bhinmal where
there was a well-known temple of the Sun. The tree of
the family is as follows: — (1) Dadda I who came into
this part about 528 A. D. and founded the kingdom,
(2) Jayabhata I, (3) Dadda II, contemporary of Harsha and
Hiuen Tsang. He was practically an independent king
chough his titles are those of a Mahasamanta. For this
king Dadda is said to have given refuge to a Valabhi king
when he was attacked by Harsha. Probably it was Dhruva-
bhata himself who subsequently became the son-in-law
of Harsha, but perhaps his father if this invasion happened
during the early years of Harsha's reign.
We next go on to describe the kingdom of Molapo
or Malwa as described by Hiuen Tsang. "Its capital"
says he "was on the 'south-east side of the Mahi river.
The people were intelligent, of a refined speech and of
liberal education. Malwa in the south-west and Magadha
in the north-east were the two countries where learning
was prized. In this country virtue was esteemed and
humanity respected." This flattering description applies
to ancient Malwa as a whole, for Malwa throughout Sans-
krit literature bears a high reputation for learning. But
Molapo must be identified with Western Malwa (as at
present constituted politically) as the capital is said to
be near the Mahi river, which is even now a river of Western
Malwa as well as Gujarat. It may perhaps have been
Dharanagari noted in the next few centuries as the seat of
the Paramaras, the liberal patrons of learning and learned
men. Dhara is mentioned in the Jaunpur inscription of
Isvaravarma (Gupta Ins. Vol. Ill, plate No. 51, p. 230), and
thus must have been in existence even at that time. What-
ever the capital may have been, this Malwa of Hiuen
Tsang owing to the mention of the Mahi is undoubtedly
• f^^-nm-'i^ T'^ < -5rfrwr &c. (Indian Antiquary. Vol. VIT., No. 63).
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 23
Western Malwa ; Eastern Malwa, separated from it by
the Chambal river, being mentioned by him as Ujjain of
which we shall speak presently. Who the king of this
Western Malwa was it does not clearly appear. Hiuen
Tsang mentions that from the records of this kingdom,
about sixty years before his arrival, there ruled here a
Siladitya who was famous for his rare kindness and
compassion. He was a Buddhist and had a temple of
Buddha built near his palace. " This fine work had been
continued for successive generations without interrup-
tion." (See Records, Watters, Vol. II, p. 242.) The life
adds, "He would not injure even a fly. He caused the
water given to the horses and elephants to be strained,
unless he should destroy the life of a water-insect. He
impressed on the people of the country to avoid taking
life. Thus for fifty years he continued on the throne,*
p. 148. If this king ruled Western Malwa for fifty years,,
sixty years before Hiuen Tsang's visit in 640 A. D., he
must be taken to have come to the throne in 53'J A. D.
or somewhere about it and died in 580. At this time,
therefore, his grandson or perhaps great-grandson must,
have been ruling in Western Malwa. Who this Siladitya
was we shall discuss in a note.
Next we come to the kingdom called Ujjain from its
capital. This kingdom was pre-eminently Malwa and
should have been so called. But Hiuen Tsang coming to
Western Malwa first and finding it completely Buddhist,
gave it the name of Malwa and gave to the next kingdom
which was ruled by a Brahmin and which was not wholly
Buddhist the name of Ujjain. Ujjain, however, was Malwa
pre-eminently. It was the same Ujjain as is famous in
the old Buddhist and Hindu literatures. There is no
doubt about its identity for Hiuen Tsang reports that
Asoka in his youth had built outside the city a hell
( jail ) for the punishment of evil-doers. The ruler of
the country when Hiuen Tsang visited it was a Brahmin.
He was perhaps appointed by Harsha or had seized the
vacant kingdom and had been tolerated by him. Of the
24 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Gupta family which appears to have luled here lii the
beginning of Harsha's reign we shall 'speak in a note.
It may be stated that the Gupta emperors of Patali-
patra and Ayodhya conquered Malwa and Ujjain about
400 A. D., under Chandra Gupta II. His successors ruled
Malwa as well as Kathiawar and Gujarat as their coins
testify. With Skanda Gupta the regular Gupta line
ceased. It was overthrown as is well-known by the Huns.
A Budha Gupta, however, ruled between the Jumna and
the Nerbudda about 480-500 A.D. as appears from the Eran
inscription and also from his coins. Other branches of
the Guptas founded by Gupta chiefs must have established
themselves in the several provinces of their empire and
we may take it that the family mentioned in the Aphsad
plate ruled in Malwa at Ujjain until Deva Gupta the
contemporary of Rajya was killed in the battle with
him and the kingdom was seized by Harsha in 606 A. D.
After that date and between 640 A. D. a Brahmin king
may have set himself up or been appointed in Malwa.
After th^fall of the Gupta power and ofjBtidba Gupta,
who ruled between the Jumna and the Nerbudda, other
kingdoms might have been formed in this part of the coun-
try besides Malwa'or Ujjain and HiuenTsang mentions two.
namely, Chichito or Zajoti in what is row Bundelkhand
the capital being probably at Eran and Mahesvarapura
which has been identified by many with Gwalior (or per-
haps Narwar). All these three kingdoms go by the name
of their capitals and were ruled by Brahmin kings who
may well be originally only Gupta governors subsequently
assuming kingly status.*
We have thus far noticed the'|important kingdoms in
the west and south of the empire of Harsha and mentioned
the names and other [particulars of the kings who ruled
them. They were, to ' repeat, the kingdoms of Kabul»
1. The kin»; in Chichito mightl have -been a descendant of the Brahmin king San-
kshobha of the Parivrajaka family whose inscription :is given at 25 in the Corp. Ins., Vol.
Ill, p. 1 15, or he may have been a descendant of Dhyanavishu whose inscription has
been found at- Eran.
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 25
Kashmir, Tekka (Panjab), Sind, Valabhi, Gurjara, Broach,
Malwa, Uijain, Bundelkhand and Gwalior. Durlabhavar-
dhana ruled in Kashmir and SahasillinSind. At Valabhi
the premier Kshatriya king Dhruvabhata ruled and he was
the son-in-law of Harsha- In Gurjara north or Rajputana
and in Gurjara south or Broach ruled two Kshatriya
kings, viz., a son of Vyaghramukha and Dadda II, respec-
tively. In what is Central India as constituted at present
three kingdoms, named Ujjain, Zajoti, and Mahesvarapura,
besides Molapo or Western Malwa, were ruled by three
Brahmin kings. All these were probably actually inclu-
ued in Harsha's empire and Valabhi and Broach were
practically so, while Gurjara, Sind, Kashmir and Tekka
were nominally under Harsha's suzerainty. In Molapo.
which was also practically under the rule of Harsha, a
grandson of a Siladitya ruled with certainty.
Before going on to describe the kingdoms of Mid-India
we must notice a small kingdom not visited by Hiuen
Tsang, the ruler of which in the beginning of the next or
8th century laid the foundation of the Mewad kingdom so
noted in modern history for its great heroism and its cons-
tancy to Rajput traditions. This was the small kingdom
of Eder in the south-west of Mewad, founded by a son of
Guhaditya of the Valabhi family of Kshatriyas, in the
middle of the sixth century. At this time, ?'. e., in the first
half of the seventh century, the ruler in this family
was named Nagaditya Siladitya who is mentioned in an
inscription dated 646 A. D. (see Rajputana Gazetteer,
Mewad Agency, Vol. II ) In this family is said to
have been born Bappa Rawal who in the beginning
of the 8th century seized Chitod and inaugurated the
Mewad family of Rajputs as we shall have to relate here-
after. The origin of the Mewad family thus traced to the
Valabhi kings is doubted by many historians, for reasons
which we shall have to discuss in our second volume.
We now come to Mid-India or what is practically
the present United Provinces. The valley of the Ganges
and the Jumna has been the seat of Indo-Aryan civili-
26 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
zation from ancient times. Indo-Aryan mental and
physical power was developed here and from here the
Aryans dominated so to speak Northern India or Hindus-
tan as it is usually called. This part in ancient times was
called the MadhyaDesa from which Sri Krishna says in the
Mahabharata (Sabha parva) "the Yadavas were so sorry to
be ousted and whither they pined so vehemently to return."
The same name continued down to the time of Hiuen
Tsang who also calls it Mid-India and Varahamihira also
makes this part the central division of India. The climate
of this part of the country is or rather was remarkably
dry and healthy in those days, when it was not cut up by
numerous canals taken out from the Jumna and the
Ganges, which while they have added to the fertility of
the land and insured it against famine, have created a
malarial climate and detracted much from its salubrity.
The country then was and still is very fertile and hence
numerous peoples or kingdoms flourished in this very
compact territory and rose to pre-eminence in ancient
times. The principal kingdoms here at this time were
Thanesar and Kanauj both ruled by one and the same
king Harsha. These two kingdoms were in fact the ancient
Kuru and Panchala kingdoms united again as they once
were under Janamejaya and the combination was natur-
ally so powerful that Harsha like Janamejaya easily
became the emperor of Hindustan. As Harsha usually
lived at Kanauj that city now rose to the importance, and
assumed the status, of the capital of India. This status it
retained throughout tbo mediaeval period of Indian history
of which we are treating. It had already risen into some
importance during the days of the Maukhari kings Isana,
Sarva and Avantivarma who ruled there during the latter
half of the sixth century and who established overlordship
over the eastern portion of the Gangetic valley, while the
Vardhanas of Thanesar established overlordship over the
western. The union of Thanesar and Kanauj at once raised
Kanauj • to the position of the capital of India now lost
■ Kanauj is row a mere Tahsil or Taluka town in the Farukhabad District, U. P. and
iiothinft but debris remains to attest its former greatness.
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSH A'S TIME 27
completely by Pataliputra. The latter city when Hiuen
Tsang visited it was in ruins and almost deserted. It
had finished its role. Chandragupta Maurya had raised it
to the position of the capital of India and Asoka had con-
firmed it. Subsequent dynasties of emperors down to the
Guptas respected that position, but when the Guptas moved
out of it for the first time to Ayodhya for a sort of change,
its decline began, and when Harsha established the court
of his empire at Kanauj, that position was finally lost
by it after having thus retained it for about 800 years, i. e.
from 300 B.C. to 500 A.D. Kanauj remained the acknowledged
capital of India during the rest of the period of the early
history of India. Delhi was almost a village at this time.
It had shone once only during the brief reign of thePanda-
vas in the beginning of Indian history and had then retired
into shade. It came into view again in the 10th century A.D.
with Anangapala who claimed to be a descendant of the
Pandavas but remained inferior to Kanauj till the 12th
century when it threw Kanauj into shade with the victory
of Prithviraja over Jayachand. The Mahomedans who
finally conquered Prithviraja made Delhi the chief seat of
their rule and Delhi has since remained the capital of the
Indian empire down to this day.
This short account of the shifting of the centre of
political gravity westward along the Gangetic valley from
Pataliputra to Kanauj and from Kanauj to Delhi will be
found interesting. In the interval between 600 and 1200
A. D., Kanauj was the accepted capital of India as Arab
historians of this time also testify ; for when they speak
of the capital of Hind they always refer to Kanauj. The
halo of the empire of Harsha hovered long over the city
and induced each successive aspirant to imperial power
to establish his dynasty there during this period as had
happened at Pataliputra during the centuries preceding and
as happened at Delhi during the centuries following. The
city of Kanauj consequently acquired grandeur and accu-
mulated riches commensurate with its dignity. It was at
the height of its splendour in the time of Mahmud of
28 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Ghazni, who himself observed that it could justly boast to
have no equal and that it was full of palaces and temples
built of marble. Even when Hiuen Tsang visited it, it
was already a great city. It was, says he, five miles long
and one mile broad, was very strongly defended and had
lofty structures everywhere. "There were beautiful gar-
dens and tanks of clear water and in it were collected
rarities from strange lands." Kanauj was so grand in the
8th century that the Chachanama uses (Trans, p. 52) "You
want Kanauj" as a proverb meaning you want the im^
possible.
In this city reigned Harsha the patron of Bana and
Hiuen Tsang. Thanesar or Srikantha as the country is
called by Bana, and Kanauj were kingdoms directly under
Harsha. Hiuen Tsang mentions many kingdoms in the
Gangetic valley besides these two and most of them also
must have been directly under Harsha's rule. Pariyatra
or modern Alwar was however under a king of the Vaisya
caste as also Srughna (about Hardwar) and Matipura
where a Sudra king ruled, and Brahmapura or modern
Garhwal. But Ahicchatra and Pilosana, Sankasya and
Ayodhya, Allahabad and Kausambi where no kings are
mentioned by Hiuen Tsang were probably under the direct
sway of Harsha. Along the foot of the Himalayas were
small kingdoms like Sravasti and Kapilvastu, Ramagrama
and Kusinagara where petty chiefs ruled, These places
were places of Buddhist worship and hence kept up some
population ; otherwise strangely enough the country was
desolate. Many cultivable and fertile parts of India were
indeed in ancient times under jungles which have been
cleared only under the British rule. Civilization and
prosperity followed in ancient days the course of the
Ganges and the Jumna, and away from them were jungles
infested by elephants. The incessant internecine fights
between opposing kings prevented the growth of overflow-
ing population and the means of communication being
limited, the export of grain from India must then have
been almost nil. Hence the need for extension of cultiva-
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 29"
tion was not felt and it is no wonder that even the empire
of Harsha was bordered, so to speak, on both sides by wide
fringes of jungles along the Himalayas on the north and
the Vindhyas on the south. These jungles provided the
immense number of elephants required for the armies of
contending kings. Considering this state of the country,
therefore, we need not be surprised that there were 60,000
elephants in the army of the emperor Harsha alone, while
there must have been thousands more in those of other
kings.
We will now proceed to describe the kingdoms to
the east of Mid-India, or in what are now the provinces of
Behar and Bengal. The first kingdom to notice was that
of Magadha. Hiuen Tsang relates that before his time
a king named Purnavarma who was supposed to be a de-
scendant of Asoka ruled in Magadha where he had rebuilt
the wall round the Bodhi tree which had been thrown
down by Sasanka king of Karnasuvarna. Magadha was
the chief place of Buddhist worship. It contained the
Bodhi tree and Buddha's footprint stone. Besides, the
Nalanda monastery, the chief seat of Buddhist learning
was in Magadha. Beyond Magadha were Hiranyaparvata
or Monghyr and Champa or Bhagalpur, Kajugal or Raj-
mahal and Paundravardhana or Rangpur ruled by kings,
of whom we have no information. Beyond was Kamarupa
or Assam which was ruled at this time by Bhaskaravarm.a
whose other name was Kumara. He was a friend and
ally of Harsha from the first as we have already described.
Strangely enough the accounts of this king given by
Hiuen Tsang and Bana, two contemporary witnesses
agree almost to the last detail. At page 186 of the Re-
cords, Vol. II, (Watters) we read, "The reigning king who
was a Brahmin by caste and a descendant of Narayana
Deva was named Bhaskaravarma, his other name was
Kumara. The sovereignty had been transmitted in the
family for 1,000 generations. His Majesty was a lover
of learning. Men of ability came from afar to study here.
The king though not a Buddhist respected accomplished
30 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
Sramanas," Bana at page 294, H. C, says. — Jr|T^?#f^-
^PTT^: ^fPT^' Although the name Bhaskaravarma sounds as
that of a Kshatriya his being a Brahmin as mentioned
by Hiuen Tsang may be accepted to be correct. Brahmins
who followed the Kshatriya profession often took a
Kshatriya name and those who followed Vaisya professions
took a Vaisya name. The fame of Assam for learning
continued for some centuries more down to the days of
Sankara. The legendary origin of the family is, of course,
unhistorical, but that it was a long-continued family
may be believed as Assam, being out of the way, must
have remained undisturbed by the ambitions of con-
quering heroes. We shall have to speak of this Kumara
again as we have spoken of him before.
AVe now come to the three kingdoms into which
Bengal proper was then divided, namely, Karnasuvarna
(Murshidabad), Samatata (Eastern Bengal) and Tamralipti
(Midnapur). These were prosperous countries even in
Hiuen Tsang's time. The king in Karnasuvarna before
Hiuen Tsang visited it was Sasanka or Narendragupta
already mentioned as the man who treacherously murdered
Rajyavardhana and was a persecutor of Buddhism. Pro-
bably he was pardoned by Harsha, as he is shown by
a Ganjam inscription to be alive and reigning in 619
A. D. But after his death his kingdom seems to have
been given to the Kumararaja of Assam. For an undated
inscription of Bhaskaravarma, published in the Dacca
Review 1913 (noted by V. Smith), was issued from Karna-
suvarna. Hiuen Tsang does not mention the king ruling
in Karnasuvarna when he visited it ; but the above
surmise is supportable also from the statement of Bana,
that Harsha anointed Kumararaja a king ( sr^T^^ 3Tt'^!%tS:
^ffl^: H. C, p. 139 ). In Samatata or Eastern Bengal
a Brahmin family ruled to which belonged a great Bud-
dhist saint visited by Hiuen Tsang. No particulars of the
THE KINGDOMS IN HARSHA'S TIME 31
king at Tamralipti are mentioned. All these kingdoms
were, of course, subordinate to Harsha. It is to be noticed
that Hiuen Tsang does not asssign the name of Gauda
to any of these kingdoms, though the king of Karnasuvarna,
Sasanka, is described by Bana as the king of Gauda.
Gauda is a noted name in Sanskrit literature for the learned
men of Gauda have always maintained a peculiar style
and school of thought of their own. Probably the name
Gauda applied to all these three kingdoms, as also the
name Vanga which is still more ancient and which is
not noted by Hiuen Tsang.
Lastly in Northern India and in subordination to
Harsha we have to mention the kingdom of Odra or Orissa
and the kingdom of Kongadu or Ganjam along the coast
of the Bay of Bengal. These were Indo-Aryan kingdoms
on the border of the Dravidian Kalinga kingdom to the
south. With Kongadu Hiuen Tsang notices the change
in language. (Curiously enough their written language
was the same as that of India.) With Kalinga the change
in the language was complete. "In talk and manners they
differed from Mid-India" (Watters, Vol. II, p. 198). The
kings in these two countries are not mentioned by Hiuen
Tsang, nor can we find them out with certainty. Ac-
cording to the palm leaf chronicles of the temple of
Jagannath in Cuttuck, Orissa was under the Kesari
dynasty from the 7th to the 12th Century A. D., but it
is probable that that dynasty established itself there after
the time of Harsha. (See Cuttuck Gazetteer.)
This completes the list of important kingdoms'^ in
Northern India which constituted the empire of Harsha.
As we have already remarked, contemporaneous with
this northern empire of Harsha, there was at this
time the southern empire of Satyasraya Pulakesin II
of Maharashtra, which included all the kingdoms in the
Deccan and South India. These kingdoms were, most of
them, visited by Hiuen Tsang and have been described by
' Nepal is omitted as at this time, it Was subordinate to Tibet and it does not cicarU
appear that it was subordinate to Harsha.
33 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
hiiij. They were Kalinga or Rajamahendri, Kosaia or
Raipur, Andhra or Warangal, Dhanakakata or Vengi»
Chola or Nellore, Dravida or Kanshi, Malayakuta^
or Madura, Konkanapura or part of Mysore and northern
part of the western coast (the capital being probably
Banavasi above the Ghats) and lasty Maharashtra with its
capital at Badami, whose king Pulakesin appears to have
subdued all the other kingdoms noted above, (see Aihole
and other inscriptions.) The Pallavas ruled in Kanchi or
Chola and Dravida, their king at this time being Nara-
sinha Varman. In Malayakfita or Pandya country (Madura
and Tinnevelly) ruled the line of kings, called the Pandyas
who like the kings of Assam, ruled therefrom of old. In
Vengi was Vishnu Vardhana, brother of Satyasraya Pula-
kesin. Who the king of Banavasi was we cannot discover-
Probably a prince of the Kadamba family ruled there.
These kingdoms of the south were all tributaries of and
subordinate to the empire of Pulakesin II who conquered
them between about 610 and 620 A. D. By a strange coin-
cidence this southern empire of Pulakesin which came into
being at about the same time as that of Harsha in the
north, also came to an end like its northern rival about
the middle of the 7th century, Narsinha Varman of Kanchi
conquering and devastating Badami.
NOTES.
1— The Maukharis of Kanauj.
Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill, Asirgad Seal, No. 47 (page 219), gives us a seal
inscription ol Sarvavarma and this contains, in my view, the genealogy,
of the kings of Kanauj. Unfortunately in these records the recorders never
trouble themselves to mention the kingdom where the particular kings
ruled. Perhaps they omit the name of the kingdom because they think
it so well known, but this omission causes us at this distance of time
a great deal of doubt and difficulty. It is from the Harsha-Charita
that we know that the Maukharis ruled in Kanauj ; for Grahavarma
came from there and was killed there and Eajyashri was also imprisoned
there. This seal gives the following genealogy:—!. Maharaja
Harivarma;2. Maharaja Adityavarma; 3 Maharaja Isvaravarma, born
of Harsha Gupta; 4. Maharujadhiruja Isanavarma, born of Upagupta ;
5. Parama Mahesvara Maharajadhiraja Sarvavarma Maukhari. This
line of the seal may be continued by the help of the Aphsad inscription
of the later Guptas (p. 203, Corp. Ins., Vol, III); 6. Susthitavarma, and by
the aid of the Deo Barnak inscription (p. 217 ditto) ; 7 Avantivarma.
This Deo Barnak inscription is of one JIvita Gupta and mentions the
confirmation of the grant of the village of Varunika (now Deo Barnak),
u village about 25 miles south-west of Arrah, the chief town of the
Shahabad district of Bengal to a sun-worshipper, first made by Baladitya
and subsequently confirmed by Sarvavarma and again by Avantivarma
both styled Paramesvara. These two are evidently the kings of the
Maukhari line of Kanauj. We may by the help of these inscriptions,
give the Maukhari line of kings with the Gupta line as follows: —
The Maukharis. The Guptas.
1. Harivarma 1. Krishna Gupta.
2. Adityavarma, married 2. Harsha Gupta.
Harsha Gupta.
3. Isvaravarma, married 3. Jivita Gupta.
Upagupta,
4. Isanavarma 4. Kumara Gupta, fought
with Isanvarama.
5. Sarvavarma Maukhari. 5. Damodara Gupta, killed in
fight with Maukhari.
6. Susthitavarma. C. Mahasena Gupta, fought
with Susthita.
7. Avantivarma
8. Grahavarma. 7. Madhava Gupta.
Three generations of the Guptas Kumara, Damodara and Mahasena
;.iu ciplicitly said in the Aphsad inscription to -have fought with three
5
34 HA^SHA AND HIS TIMES
generations of the Maukharis, Isana, Sarva and Susthita; the first two
names of which we find in the Ashirgad seal inscription of Sarva also.
Adityavarma is said, in the seal, to have married Harsha rJupta,
and she appears to have been a sister of the contemporaneous Harsha
Gupta. Mahasena Gupta must be taken to have lived long or Susthita
to have a short reign, hence his generation covers two of the Varmas
which is not improbable, Grahavarma and Madhava Gupta, son of
Mahasena being contemporaneous with and almost of the same age as
Harsha.
It is possible to deduce a few salient facts aboutthe history of this line
of Maukhari kings from these three records, namely the Aphsad inscrip-
tion, the Ashirgad seal and the Deo Barnak inscription (Corp. Ins., Vol.
Ill, Nos. 42,47 and 46). In the first place this line of kings became
7)0werful in the days of Isanavarma who for the first time is called
Maharajadhiraja, the three before him being called Maharajas only in
the Ashirgad seal. The seal assigns the title Maukhari for the first time
to his son Sarvavarma. In the Aphsad inscription also while his father
Isanavarma is mentioned by name, his son is called by the simple name
of the Maukhari. Thus Sarvavarma appears to have been a greater
king than his father and he and probably his father also fought with the
Huns. His dominions or rather overlordship extended south upto
Ashirad where his seal was discovered and also efest as far as Bengal
where as stated in the Deo Barnak inscription he confirmed a grant
given by Baladitya of Magadha to a sun-temple which indicates that
the dominion of Baladitya's successors had been substituted by that of
Sarvavarma of Kanauj. The same grant was confirmed by the grandson of
Sarvavarma named Avantivarma, the father of Grahavarma brother-in-
law of Harsha.
We have now to consider the inscriptions of the Maukhari king
named Anantavarma given in Corp. Ins. Vol. III. In these the pedigree
given extends only over three names and these are Yajfiavarma, Sardula-
varma and Anantavarma. These seem to be a branch of the same
family, for they call themselves Maukharis. But they are distinct from
the Kanauj family aiid are of much less importance. For the greatest
of the three Sardula is no more than a Mahasamanta (see Corp. Ins.,
Vol. Ill, No. 48: ^-^sj 5T^ ^rwfefT^'T^r: ^m^dl'^rmoT:) while Sarvavarma
and isanavarma are styled in the seal Maharajadhiraja (see No.47 ibid).
These Maukharis appear to be a later branch established in the
Gaya district, where their inscriptions have been found and probably
belong to a date later than that of Harsha.
2.— Devagupta of Malwa.
We have next to determine who Deva Gupta or rather the Malava
king was who attacked Grahavarma of Kanauj and who was killed in the
battle with Rajya. The difficulties in this connection are numerous and
DEVAGUPTA OF MALWA. 35
troublesome. In the first place Bana in the Harsha Charita distincily
says that it was a king of Malava who attacked Kanauj : ^r ^To^n?:
fTIffFrr JTIcTWTi:^ #5i^nfr f^ri^: (H. C, p. -251) ; also TW I 'J ^ M ir^'%3Jr? rf^-
t^.(u|j£Trg- ff^.g HM'XMcJY ^q' (H. C, p. 303). Clearly therefore a king of
Malava attacked Grahavarraa, and Bhandi showed Harsha the people of
that Malava king enchained (the king himself being probably killed
after his defeat by Rajya.) Now in the Madhubana inscription of Harsha
Rajya is said to have punished kings like Deva Gupta. Rajya in, his
short life fought only two battles, one with the Huns and the other with
the Malava king who had murdered Grahavarma. Putting the two to-
gether the name of this Malava king, therefore, was clearly Deva
Gupta. Now in the Aphsad inscription above mentioned, we have the
names of members of a Gupta family who were the hereditary enemies
of the Varmas of Kanauj and it contains also the name of Madhava, the
companion of Harsha. This family may, therefore, be taken to be the
family of the Guptas of Malava though in this inscription the country of
the Guptas is not mentioned, nor unfortunately the name of Deva Gupta-
And we may accept the ingenious guess made by Dr. Hoernle (J. R. A. S.
1904) that Deva Gupta was Madhava's brother, with some changes to be
noted further on.
The fact is there is no other explanation possible. The Harsha-
Charita plainly states that the two princes, Kumara and Madhava,
called Guptas who were given by Prabhakaravardhana to his sons,
Rajya and Harsha, to be their companions were jtw^<I jjy^i ct sons of
the king of Malava. This Madhava Gupta who was the companion of
Harsha is very probably the Madhava Gupta of the Aphsad inscription
for he is expressly described there to be desirous of the company* of
Harsha. ( ^frfT^FrjTFi^iTft^^r '^. ) Moreover from the description of
Madhava as a tall imposing fair young man, given by Bana in the
Harsha-Charita in detail differing from that of Kumara one is inclined
to infer that Bana had in his mind the fact that this Madhava subse-
quently became a well-known king. But a difficulty presents itself here
namely, how could the king of Malava attack Grahavarma, while the
king's own brothers were the attendants of Rajya and Harsha, tha
brother-in-law of Grahavarma ? The guess of Dr. Hoernle seems to be
acceptable that they were on inimical terms and it may be supplemented
by the suggestion that Kumara and Madhava were not merely the yoitager
brothers of Deva Gupta, but were his half-brothers or sons by another
wife of Mahasena Gupta. There is always ill-filling even in ordinary
families between half-brothers, and in royal families in India such
brothers are usually at deadly enmity. By this suggestion is also
removed the difficulty of explaining why the sons of a king were given
as companions of the sons of another king. Kumara and Madhava had
no right to the throne being younger sons and their presence in Malava
* If we take this, to mean "fight" with Harsha, he is stlU Harsha's contemporary,
36 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
"wj,s not very palatable to the eldest son and heir-apparent Deva Gupta
who was most likely an impetuous man. In fine the story of the
Malavaraja in connection with Harsha may be told thus. A Gupta
family starting from Krishna Gupta reigned at Ujjain or some other
place in Malava and were the hereditary enemies of the Maukharis of
Kanauj. They were connected by marriage with the Vardhana family
of Thanesar, Prabhakaravardhana's mother Mahasena Gupta (mention-
ed in the Sonpat seal of Harsha) being a sister of Mahasena Gupta of
Malwa. The last had a long reign and had his eldest son Deva Gupta by
one wife and two younger sons Kuniara and Madhava by another wife.
These he sent to his sister's son Prabhakara to seek their fortune.
Mahasena Gupta died a little before^ Prabhakara and Deva Gupta be-
came king of Malwa. When Prabhakara died suddenly and Rajya and
Harsha and Grahavarma were left young and inexperienced,Deva Gupta,
as usual with his family, suddenly attacked Grahavarma and killed him,
Rajya with Bhandi and Kumara, half-brother of Deva Gupta; attacked
Deva Gupta and defeated him and seized all his treasure and put his inen
and family in chains for his dastardly treatment of Rajyashrl. Rajya
and Kumara both being subsequently killed treach^fously by Sasanka
Harsha became king of Thanesar and came and took from Bhandi the
charge of the booty and prisoners and the army of elephants of the Malava
king. It seems probable that for the great crime of Deva Gupta the
kingdom of Malava was seized by Harsha for a time at least and not
given to Madhava to whom it properly belonged. It appears so clearly*
from the Harsha-Charita where Bana says : aryrgt^^r cfF^Ti^wPl'JId: ^^^5
3-;!rrfWRiTIT'?t^^<T?Trr[ which means that the booty including the throne or
r^jfRTT was taken possession of by Harsha and handed over to his officers
and not to Madhava who must have been retained by Harsha as his com-
panion during all the time he conquered Northern India and founded his
empire. Subsequently, as Emperor, Harsha must have put Madhava in
possession of some eastern kingdom on the bank of the Ganges for the
Aphsad inscription of Adityasena and other inscriptions seems to indi-
cate that Adityasena's country lay in Bengal. Since this family in
Bengal had nothing to do with Deva Gupta his name does not appear in
the genealogy of Adityasena. For, as Madhava did not succeed to Deva
Gupta, his half-brother, at all, Deva Gupta's name has properly been
omitted. In the kingdom of Ujjain when Hiuen Tsang visited it there
was a Brahmin king ruling. This Brahmin king may either have seated
himself on the vacant thi one being tolerated byHarsha or he may even have
been appointed by Harsha the Emperor as Matrigupta was appointed to
K ishmir by Yasodharma Vikramaditya of the Mandsaur inscription.
Thus the difficulty created by the mention of a Brahmin king in Ujjain
by Hiuen Tsang is also removed and reconciled with the story of the
Harsha-Charita. Or we may take Deva Gupta's capital to be some other
town like Vidisa which is also a portion of Malwa. Both Bai;ia and
DFA'AGlJFfA OF MALWA 37
Hiuen Tsang are contemporary and reliable narrators anrl tbeir st.,re-
ments can only be reconciled in this way.
The line of Malava kings so to say became extinct with Deva Gupta
and the line of the Guptas of Magadha, as the Cor. Ins., Vol. Ill styles
it, continued in the person of Madhava. We may give the two lines as
follows from the Aphsad and other iBscriptions given in this volume and
■even assign some dates with corroboration, as one inscriptioji contains a
date 66, presumably of the Harsha Era. We give the Thanesar and
Kanauj lines also for comparison.
Thanesar. Malwa. Kanauj
(Sonpat seal No, 52) (Aphsad inscription and (Aphsad inscription
Deo Barnak inscription) and Ashirgad seal)
1 Krishna Gupta
I ■
2 Harsha Gupta
I
3 JIvita Gupta fights with 1 Isvaravarma
i
1 Rajyavardhana 4 Kumara Gupta „ 2 Isanavarnia
I
2 Adityavardhana 5 Damodara Gupta „ 3 Sarvavarma
m. Mahasena Gupta |
3 Prabhakaravardhana 6 Mahasena Gupta „ 4 Susthitavarma
I I I
I II I 5 Avantivarma
Rajyavar- Harsha- Deva Gupta Madhava |
dhana killed vardhana killed 606 Gupta of 6 GrahavarmS
606 A.D. king 606 A.D. Magadha killed 606 A.D.
A.D. (Malwa king- _ |
dom line Adityasena
closed) A.D. 672
i
Deva Gupta
I
Vishnu Gupta
I
Jivita Gupta
Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill, plate No. 42, mentions the erection of an
image at Nalanda in the regin of Adityasena in the year 66 (of Harsha
Era presumably) i. e. 672 A. D.. which is not inconsistent with the story
•we have sketched above. Madhava may either be supposed to have
come to power and established himself in Magadha^ after Harsha's
death or during his lifetime as stated before.
The theory of Dr. Hoernle about Deva Gupta is objected to by
Pandurang Shastri Parakhi in his Marathi Life of Harsha. He thinks
that Mahasena Gupta could not have been the sister of Mahasena
Gupta as in that case the sons of the latter Kumara and Madhava
become the brothers of Prabhakaravardhana being his maternal uncle's
sons and therefore uncles of Rajya and Harsha and could not therefore
have bowed to thera when introduced, as stated by Bana. But tbi' is
38 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
not correct. Although seniors, even a king's sons, when they come in
a subordinate position, have to bow to the master king. The master
king and his sons are above all relations in point of etiquette. I hav^e
seen even a grand-father bow to his daugliter's son, the latter being the
king. Secondly, Parakhi does not believe that Deva Gupta was Maha-
sena Gupta's son, but there can be no other person ( if we bear in mind
the Madhubun inscription ofHarsha), intended by Bana when he says
that it was a Malava Raja who attacked Grahavarma. Thirdly, Vincent
Smith also does not accept Dr. Hoernle's theory as a whole and especi-
ally that part of it which brings in Siladitya of Malwa mentioned by
Hiuen Tsang. This last portion of Dr. Hoernle's theory, no doubt, has
to be abandoned as I shall show later oa. In fact, Siladitya cannot
come in to attack Grahavarma, for his Malwa would be different from
the Malwa of Deva Gupta, Bana must be taken to use the word Mala-
va in one sense only though the Malava of Hiuen Tsang and the
Malava of Bana may be taken to be different. What I mean is this
Bana says that Kumara and Madhava were the sons of a Malava king
( *Tr?7^TT^S^ ) and that Grahavarma was killed by qrasr^^r or king of
Malava who was himself subsequently defeated by Rajya in battle.
In these two statements of Bana Malava must mean the same kingdom
and not diiiterent kingdoms as Dr. Hoernle takes by introducing
Siladitya along with Deva Gupta. Bana's statements clearly require
that Kumara and Madhava were brothers of Deva Gupta and that they
belonged to the same kingdom, which may be taken to be Ujjain or some
other town in eastern Malwa. Thus, we have to give up that part of
Dr. Hoernle's theory which brings in Siladitya. We have also to give
up the further portion of his theory which makes Yasomatl ( Queen of
Prabhakaravardhana), a sister of Siladitya and daugher of Yasodharma.
In the first place we find names of a sister and brother have some por-
tion in common but not of a father and daughter. And, secondly and
more particularly when Yasomati's brother is described by Bana as
bringing Bhundi to Prabhakara he simply says ^rWT^r ^FcTr. Had he been
akingandakingof sogreata faraeat Siladitya, Bana the contemporary of
Harslia would certainly have mentioned the name of the king or at least
affixed some epithet indicating his high position. It appears from this
plain reference that Yasomatl was not the daughter of a great king but
some Samanta king and hence her brother is mentioned without any
distinction.* Moreover from Yasomati's lamentation at the time of
burning herself (in 606 A. D.) her father and mother appear to have
been then still alive ; see H. C, page 230. Under this view, therefore,
Bhandi is not the son of a great king, but a mere Samanta and expects
not to rise to a higher position than that of a Commander-in-Chief. And
- Even if the epithet T^rg;i?rf OTfTvTr applied to WW'ffr by Bana ( H. C, p. 176) be
interpreted literally, this brother who brought* Bhandi must be taken to be a younger
brother not entitled to royal epithets. His plain mention requires this as also his hand*
in>i over his son to seek his for une
DEVAGUPTA OF MALVA. 39
further we are not reduced to the necessity of believing that he fought
against his own father Siladitya and had the hardihood or inhumanity
to present to Harsha the family and dependents enchained, and the
treasures and even the throne of his own father without any feeling. I
think this part of Dr. Hoernle's theory must be abandoned for we avoid
a great many difficulties by making YasomatJ not the sister of Siladitya
ofMalwabutof some Samanta ruler. His theory, however, that Deva
Gupta was a brother of Kumara and Madhava seems to me to be accept-
able and explains Sana's references properly as shown above.
3.— Sir Vincent Smith on the Maukharis and the Guptas.
At page 312 (3rd edn.) of his Early History of India Sir Vincent-
Smith observes : "These 'later Guptas of Magadha, ' as they are called
by Archaeologists shared the rule of that province with another dynasty
of rajas who had names ending in 'Varman' and belonged to a clan
called Maukhari. The territorial division between the two dynasties
cannot be defined precisely. Their relations with one another wero
sometimes friendly and sometimes hostile, but the few details known
are of little importance." Now it is clear from the above that Sir V.
Smith refers to the Maukharis and the Guptas discussed in the abore
two notes. It seems, however, clear to me that the Maukharis originally
belonged to Kanauj. That their kingdom was Kanauj is certain from
the statements of Bana. Grahavarma was attacked and killed there.
His father was Avantivarma from Bana's statement. This Avantivar-
ma was a grandson of Sarvavarma as seems very probable from the Deo
Barnak inscription. The seal of Sarvavarma found at Ashirgad gives
the genealogy of this line of kings which has been given above. These
Maukhari kings thus ruled at Kanauj and held extensive sway. The
description of Bana -'T^PTrMt ^^fry' R^-Tdltr ffq^^ij^^r^m^ffr JTl^M t^: !
as also r^m^?rfT?^rff ^wf ^r^sijorr iTP?"^": Tlt>T^: (H. C. pp. 200 and 252)
seems to indicate that the Maukharis of Kanauj were a powerful family
and the seal found at Ashirgad and the inscriptions found at Jaunpur and
Deo Barnak show that they held sway over a large extent of territory
southwards upto the Vindhya, northwards upto Jaunpur, and eastwards
upto the Brahmaputra. In fact I would give the political history of
India in the latter half of the sixth century as follows : — When the
Imperial Gupta line ended in 538 A. D. with Kumara Gupta II ( V.Smith
page 152 3rd edition), many of their provinces came under the sway of
the Maukharis of Kanauj. With the overthrow of the Huns by a con-
federacy led by Yasodharma and Baladitya several new kingdoms came
into importance in different parts of the Gupta empire and among
them the Vardhanas of Thanesar and the Maukharis of Kanauj who
had also their share of the fights with the Huns were the two promi-
nent. The latter extended their sway north, south and east and for a
time the eastern provinces were under their direct sway. We can only
thus exph-in the confirmation of the grant at Deo Barnak made or-
40 HAR8HA AND HIS TIMES
ginally by Baladitya, by Sarvavarma and again by Avantivarma. It
was after Harsha's death that this sway of the Maukharis of Kanauj
in Bengal was substituted by that of the'later Guptas of Magadha as'
they are called by Archaeologists. This part of my theory about the
Maukharis seems to me to be well founded and strong. As to my
surmise that the later Gupta line originally came from Malwa, I cannot
speak with the same certainty. If Madhava of the Aphsad inscription
is a brother of Devagupta, then he came undoubtedly from Malwa. But
if not we may treat his line as ruling from before in some portion of
Magadha. All the same Devagupta who killed Grahavarma and who
was killed by Rajya certainly belongs to Malwa. We may well ima-
gine that a Gupta line set itself up in Malwa after the disruption of the
Gupta empire and always fought with the Maukharis of Kanauj for
supremacy. Devagupta may also be, with fitness, assigned to the line
of Gupta princes of whom Bhavagupta of 580 A. D. was one. Madhava
andKumara the companions of Harsha and Rajya must in that case be
taken to belong to this line of Malwa kings, that is the Madhava of
Harsha-Charita must be taken to be different from the Madhava of the
Aphsad inscription. These Guptas of the Aphsad inscription even if
assigned to Magadha may also have had fights with the Maukharis of
Kanauj who were as we have said above the overlords of the eastern
portion of the Gupta empire.
We must lastly take into consideration the fact noted in the account
given by Mr. Burn of " some coins of the Maukharis " in J. R. A. S. 1906
at page 843 referred to by Sir V. A. Smith in a foot-note here. These
coins were found in a village named Bhitaura in the Zilla of Fyzabad
in Oudh. They are coins of Isanavarma, Sarvavarma and Avantivarma
and of Harsha, Pratapasila and Siladitya as deciphered from the legends.
They also contain dates which w^ith dates on coins previously found are
for Isanavarma 54, 55 for Sarva 58 (formerly found) 234, 23 ( now found )
and 57 which may be read as 67 and 71 (formerly found) and 250 (now found)
for Avantivarma. On the coins of Harsha, Pratapasila and Siladitya
the figures in the opinion of Mr. Burn " stand for regnal years. " The
three digit figures on the Varma coins now found are clearly Gupta
years. The previous figures are not well explained and Mr. Burn seeks
to explain them by reference to a supposed era started by Brahmagupta
in 499 A. D. when exactly 3600 years had expired from the begnining of
the Kali age. Whatever that era may be, the dates extending over
three digits, now found, are clearly Gupta era figures and in the opinion
of Mr. Burn this use of the Gupta era may indicate a temporary subjec-
tion to, or alliance with Guptas. But it seems to me that no such in-
ference is necessary. Indeed independent kings use the era of an empire
which has just passed away, simply because the people are accustomed
to use that era. The Valabhis used the Gupta era not because they
were subject to the Guptas, but because they established their kingdom
in a part of the country whence the Gupta empire had just passed away
SMITH ON MAUKHARIS. 41
and where the people were accustomed to use the Gupta era. As tbey
were not powerful enough to found an era of their own, they used the
Gupta era in use among the people. We may cite an instance quite
near our own times. The Marathas used the Fasli era and even the
Fasli and Mahomedan months, though they were independent and even
after the Mogul power at Delhi was reduced to a phantom, because the
people were accustomed to that era and those months. Even the British
used that era for some time. These remarks apply also to the form of
the coins. A succeeding rule generally copies the form, the weight and
even the legends or appearance of the coins of a preceding rule because
the people are accustomed to the sight of such coins. The rupee of the
British is formed after the fashion of the Mogul coin rather than of
their own coins in Britain. I offer these remarks, of course, with diffi-
dence but I may contend that the use of the Gupta era does not
necessarily indicate subjection to the Guptas. In fact, in the time of
the Maukharis, the Gupta empire and rule had passed away. To my
mind, these coins support the theoi'y already propounded, namely, that
the Maukharis succeeded to the rule of the Guptas in the Gangetic
provinces. The finding of the coin in the Fyzabad District, like the
. Jaunpur inscription of Isanavarma shows the extent of their sway. The
genealogy disclosed in the seal of Sarvavarma found at Ashirgad is also
well supported by the coins, and Isanavarma, Sarvavarma and Avanti-
varma seem to be the three powerful kings of this family. And the
dates of the coins now fouud are not inconsistent with our theory, as
the coin of Avantivarma can well make him a contemporary of Pra-
bhakaravardhana of Thanssar, and his son Grahavarma a son-in-law
of the latter. For if we take 250, certainly a Gupta era figure, we have
250 + 319 = 569 for Avantivarma. Supposing it to be a date of Avauti-
varma's rule we have Grahavarma seated on the throne of Kanuaj in
606 A. D., i. e. about 37 years after this, which is not at all improbable.
234 G. E. for Sarvavarma again means 234 + 319=553 A. D., a date
consistent with the Varma family tree and also with the genf ral history
of India as sketched above. Whatever era the two digit dates may
be in, we think, considering the other dates, that these coins support
practically the theory propounded here about the Varmas and there is
nothing inconsistent with their having ruled in Kanauj, as Bana makes
them do.
4.— The date of Harsha's Birth.
The date of the birth of Harsha can be definitely determined from
data given by Bana in his Harsha-Charita. Being given by a person,
who was himself at the court of Harsha, these data may be looked upon
as reliable. At page 183 H. C, we find rTfTST ar'^ ^^STi;??!^ JTITfl" ^^r^ ^fc?"-
7^-g[r?^ eq?fi^ srfnnTJ^^ ^rirr^^^ft ?tti^> ^«^r^:St ^H^rf^ ^j^i^-
wnJpr?^. This shows that Harsha was born in the month of Jyestha, on
the 12th of the dark fortnight, when the moon was in the Krittikas, and
6
42 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
at the hour when night was entering on her youth (?. e., about 10 p. m.)
Astronomical calculations made on the basis of these data, by my friend
Professor Apte of the Victoria College. Lashkar, show that the moon
was at 10 p. m., in the Krittikas on the 12th of Jyestha Vadya Saka 511
(589 A. D.) as also on the 12th of Jyestha Vadya Saka 512 (590 A. D.)
The latter year seems the more probable of the two, as in the former the
Dvadashl set in after sunrise. If we accept the latter year Harsha was
16 years complete in October 606 a. D. when he ascended the throne of
Thanesarandftomwhichdatehis era is believed to have commenced. The
month Jyestha mentioned by Bana must here be taken to be an Amanta
month, i. e., month ending with the new moon ; which seems somewhat
strange as Bana coming from Northern India should have used the
northern reckoning with the Purnimanta months ending with the full
moon. But the Purnimanta ^lonth Jyestha Vadya would be Amanta
Vaishakha Vadya 12, on which day neither in 58S nor in 590 A. D. as
Professor Apte has found the moon was in the Krittikas. There is
another point also rather suspicious as neither in 589 nor in 590 A. D. on
Jyestha Vadya 12 were all the planets in their Uccha or Ascendant as
Bana says they were (See J7Fvn?rr f^%tf%'^ ^TcfrTrffltt^N^r'sflT^'tnTff^ fl^l^^^
?«TPTr?y^'stt ii%is:CrT^S'Sr'i?"iT ^'^ page 184, H. C). Perhaps this was the
exaggeration of the court astrologer or else when Harsha was born his
future greatness was not known and only when his subsequent greatness
entitled him to a good horoscope was one manufactured for him by the
court astrologer. The position of the planets as calculated for Jyestha
Vadya 12, 589 and 590 A. D. are as follows, according to Professor
Apte's cakulations : —
Jyestha Vadya 12, 589 A. D. Jyestha Vadya 12, 590 A. D.
(4o ghati) 10 P. M., Tuesday, (4o ghati) 10 P. M. Sunday.
'<— =1^ — I'A
\ — ^^ X^
Although from the above, Sana's testimoney regarding the position
of the planets is found to be unreliable, his date of birth cannot be so as •
Harsha'g birthday celebrations must have taken place every year as
emperor's birthdays usually are and there could have been no mistake
about it.
^.
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DATE OF HARSHA'S BIRTH 43
To find the exact English date ;md for the purpose of corroboration
I myself made calculations from Sewell and Dexit's tables for the years
A. D. 588, 589, 590 and 591. I also found that Vaishakha Vadya would
not suit as Krittikas and DvadashT do not fall together in any of these
years but they come together on Jyestha Vadya in the years 589 and
590. Particularly in 590 A. D. there is DvadashT from sunrise and the
Tithi lasts for 22 hours and more, Krittikunakshatra beginning at
about 4 hours after sunrise. This year, therefore, suits the requirements
most correctly and the corresponding English date and day are Sunday
4th June 590 A. D.
5.— Bana o.v harsha.'s exploits.
Although Bana has not described the Digvijaya of Harsha, there is
,1 passage in the Harsha-Charita of great importance from which our
statements about it derive considerable support- Bana's brothers in ask-
ing him to relate to them the life of Harsha, extol the great exploits of
the emperor in this manner.
3T>r #^RT^^ %Tt 5%1 "TT^f^cTT W^m\^-- ' " (H. C. p. 139)
All these sentences are double meaning and poetical in a way which
is only possible in Sanskrit ; but tiie sense as applicable to Harsha is
very important in this inquiry and may be given as follows: — "He the
conqueror by force, made the several kings, their allies or supporters
being cut oft", immovable (in their kingdoms). He the lord of all peoples
pardoned (and allowed to rule) all kings and chieftains. He the great-
est of all men having conquered the king of Sind, made his wealth his
own. He of great physical strength let oft" the great elephant after
having released from its trunk the king (Kumara). He the great emperor
anointed Kumara a king. He the supreme lord exacted tribute from the
inaccessible land of the Himalaya mountains. He the protector of all
peoples appointed protectors and governors of peoples in the several
directions." From this passage we glean not only the information that
Harsha conquered all the kingdoms of Hindustan but that he allowed
the conquered kings to rule them under his suzerainty. Some particu-
lar countries are also mentioned ns humbled, namely, Sind and Kashmir
or perhaps Nepal which must be the country in the inaccessible Hima-
layas which paid tribute to him. The king anointed by him must be the
Kumararaja of Assam, whom perliaps being his first ally and willing
44 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
riend he raised to a higher dignity by crowning him himsef, or gave him
"the kingdom of Sasanka as mentioned further on. T.he letting off of the
elephant is explained by the commentator by mentioning a legend that
the Kumararaja was once seized by the riding elephant of Harsha with
his trunk, and that Harsha who •vras a man of great personal prowess
and courage rescued him by cutting off the elephant's trunk with his
sword, the trunkless elephant being thereafter let off in the jungles.
Lastly Harsha maintained his vast empire under his subjection and
•without disturbance not only by his constant movements to and fro
with a strong army of elephant and horse but he had his own governors
*o collect tribute and to maintain law and order appointed in all direc-
tions much like the present Political Agents maintained by the British
Government in Native States. This passage thus gives very import-
ant inform-atiou which coming from an eye witness is of special value.
6.— SILA.DITYA OF MOLAPO.
According to the description of this king given by Hiuen Tsang he
began to rule in 530 A. D. and died in 580 A. D., and thus lived about
6') years before his visit in 640 A. D. In the Rajatarangini we have
the mention of a Siladitya of Malwa, son of Vikraraaditya, who was
driven out of his capital by his enemies but w-ho was restored to his
throne by Pravarasena II of Kashmir. (Raj. Book III, 330.) Was he
the same king as mentioned by Hiuen Tsang ? It is conceded by Stein
that while the history of Kashmir given by Kalhana is reliable from
the Karkota dynastj- onwards, previous to it the dates and history
given by Kalhana are not so. This viewMs borne out also by the con-
temporary evidence of Hiuen Tsang. For when he was in Kashmir a
Karkota king was evidently ruling there. The Records state: "Being
protected by a dragon the kings crowed 'Over their neighbours." From
the date of Durlabha Vardhana given by Kalhana this king appears to
be on the throne of Kashmir when Hiuen Tsang visited it. His date as
given by Kalhana is 3677 of the Laukika era or 602 A. D. Now before
this king. Kalhana mentions five rulers upto Pravarasena II as follows
proceeding l)ackwards; —
Name.
Laukika Year.
L<
sngth of reign
1. Baladitya ...
...
3641
36
2. Vikraraaditya
3597
42
3. Ranaditya
...
3299
300
4. Lakhana
...
3288
13
5. Yudhishthira II ...
...
3246
39
6. Pravarasena II
3186
60
Thus Pravarasena II according to Kalhana came to the throne in
3186 L. E. or HI A. D. He took the kingdom from Matrigupta who was
SILADITYA OF MOLAPO 45'
sent to rule Kashmir during an interregnum by Vikramaditya of Malwa,
on Vikrama's death. Kalhana takes this Vikrama to be the first
Vikrama who founded the era of 57 B. C. This makes Vikrama die at
least after II 1 + 57 = 168 years of rule which is an obvious absurdity.
There is also the absurdity of Ranaditya ruling for 300 years in this
dynasty of kings. All this hopeless confusion has been caused by
• Kalhana's mistake in giving up the original tradition fortunately pre
served by Kalhana himself that Vikramaditya Sakari cr the first Vik-
rama was a different person from the one who sent Matrigupta to rule
over Kashmir. The first Vikrama according to the tradition reiected
by Kalhana was a relative and a contemporary of a previous king of
Kashmir by name Pratapaditya. If we take the Vikramaditya who
sent Matrigupta to Kashmir to be Yasodharma Vishnu-Vardhana of
Malwa who defeated the Huns in 528 A. D., and established an empire
over the whole of Nothern India as stated in his Mandsaur pillai in-
scription we get at some reliable history and dates and we are supported
also by the evidence of Hiuen Tsang. For Hiuen Tsang relates that
when he visited Kashmir the capital of that country was newly built
and the traveller speaks of the new capital as distinct from the old
Now it is certain that Pravarasena II founded the present capital
Srinagar called also from him Pravarapura. When Hiuen Tsang.
visited Kashmir in 631 A. D., we may take it that this new capital was
not yet a hundred years old. Thus Pravarasena's coming to the
throne must be placed some time after 531 A. D. — a time which is not
inconsistent with the date of Vikramaditya Yesodharma of the Mand-
saur pillar inscription of 533 A. D. We must give up the genealogy and
history of the later Gonardiya kings given by Kalhana altogether and
take two or three salient facts only as certain, namely, that Pravara-
sena II founded the new capital of Kashmir about 540 A. D., that Vikra-
maditya Yasodharma had sent a man named Matrigupta to rule
Kashmir before this Pravarasenaand that Pravarasena assisted Vikra-
maditya's son Pratapasila, also called Siladitya, to regain his kingdom
lost owing to his expulsion by enemies. This Pratapasila named alsO'
Siladitya may thus have been the Siladitya o\ Malwa who is mentioned
l)y Hiuen Tsang as ruling in Molapo.
But there is one difficulty. Hiuen Tsang states that the king of
Valabhi, son-in-law of Harsha, was a nephew of the Siladitya of Malwa.
If Siladitya of Malwa after a rule of about 50 years, died 60 years before
640 A. D., i.e., about 580 A. D., and was a son of Vikramaditya who must
be supposed to have died about 530 A.D., how can his nephew be in 6'iO
A.D. a young man? If we suppose that nephew stands here for a sister's
son, even then:this relationship cannot be accepted if we tear in mind the
disparity of age between a supposed sister of Siladitya whose father
died say about 530 A. D., and Dhruvabhata of Valabhi who was a young
man of twenty-five or thirty in 630 A. D. Of course, if we take Hiuen
Tsang's Siladitya of Malwa to be a different person from the son of
46 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
Vikramadity a it is possible to conceive that he had a sister from -whom
Dhruvabhata was born in the Valabhi family. The conclusion is that
the identity of Siladitya of Malwa with the PratapasTla Siladitya, son of
Vikramaditya mentioned by Kalhana in the Eajataranginl, is a matter of
considerable doubt.
If the identity is, however, acceptedf the history of the western
portion of Malwa becomes very easy and straight and we may believe
that the line of the great Emperor who defeated the Huns did not be-
come obscure for a hundred years at least, but ruled in Western Malwa
to which couutry we may properly assign Mandsaur where his Jayastam-
bha was found. At the time of Hiuen Tsang's visit, the grandson of this
Siladitya must have been ruling, for Hiuen Tsang relates that Siladitya
who was a most devout Buddhist had built a temple of Buddha near his
palace. "The fine work had been continued for successive generations
without interruption" (Records Watters, Vol. II, page 242). The tem-
ple must have been added to in this way, for at least three generations,
when Hiuen Tsang visited Malwa. The dynasty may be, thus, supposed
to have ruled Western Malwa from before 528 to 640 A. D., for certain
Of course, the mention of successive generations of Siladitya by Hiuen
Tsang makes:it impossible toibelieve with Dr. Hoernle that this Siladitya
could have been alive in 606 A. D., to attack Grahavarma. As we have
already said the attacker of Grahavarma was Devagupta alone.
Dr. Hoernle's idea that Siladitya of Molapo was a Pro-Hunic king
seems also to be difficult of acceptance. I believe the only basis for
this supposition is that he invoked the assistance of Pravarasena II of
Kashmir. But Pravarasena II was not a Hunic king. Even if we be
lieve that his father was Toramana he was not according to Ealhana a
on of Mihirakula. I do not think Dr. Hoernle's reference here to the
Rajataranginl bears ih'is out. Toramana was the younger brother of
Hiranya, who imprisoned him for .striking coins in his own name. His
pregnant wife escaped and gave birth to Pravarasena. After Hiranya's
death therefore, there was an interregnum for a time during which ,
Matrigupta was appointed ruler by Vikramaditya. Pravarasena coming
of age, recovered his kingdopi onVikramaditya's deaih from Matrigupta.
If we believe Kalhanaj's story, then, Pravarasena was not a Hunic king.
And Pravarasena assisted Siladitya to regain his kingdom, with the
probable object of recovering the throne of Kashmir kings which Vikrama
had removed to Malwa as mentioned in Raj. Ill, 331.
If we keep Kalhana aside we may say that there was in Kashmir an
nterval of foreign rule, probably under the Huns, which Vikrama broke
and Matrigupta was appointed by him to rule it, there being no claimant
available. Pravarasena hearing of Vikrama's, death and claiming the
t And this may be done by takinc the word nephew to mean that Dhruvabhata'
father and Siladitya of Malwa were brothers in the sense^that they were the sons of two
full sisters.
SILADITYA OF MOLAPO 47
kingdom as a scion of the old reigning family took it back from Matri-
gupta. In short, in either case Siladitya could not have been a Pro-Hun.
He was a devout Buddhist and could not have been a bad man also
Of course, his capital was not Ujjain. Kalhana, as we have already said.
confounds Vikrama S'akUri,* the legendary hero of Ujjain with Yaso-
dharma, the conqueror of the Buns, who from his pillar erected at
Mandsore may well be taken to have really ruled in Western Malwa, and
his son Siladitya naturally ruled there.
On one point, however, I think it is not impossible to accept
Dr. Hoernle's idea. His suggestion that the coins of Harsa PratapasTla
and Siladitya found with those of Isanavarma and Grahavarma ;it
Bhitaura, Fyzabad District, noticed by Mr. Burn in J. R. A. S. 1909
mentioned before, should be attributed to Yasodharma and his son
Siladitya, deserves to receive more favourable consideration than it has
hitherto done. By a strange coincidence the names Harsha, Pratapasila
and Siladitya apply to both Harsha and PratapasTla of Thanesar and to
Yasodharma and his son Siladitya. Rajtarangini (III. 125) gives Harsha
as another name of Vikramadityaand his son Siladitya had also another
name of Pratapasila (Do. III. 330. )t Theyears on these coinsareasMr.
Burn says regnal. Harsha of Thanesar established an era of his own and
his years may be regnal, but his father Pratapasila like Isana would rather
use the Gupta era or some other era. He was not an emperor nor did be
claim to be one. His titles and those of Isana are the same and hence it
is not probable that he would use his regnal years on his coins. He does
not appear to have reigned long and his years, even if regnal, could not
have been so many as 33 or 31. Thirdly, it appears from the Harsha-
Charita that the coin of Haraiia was marked with a bull. At least this
was so in the first year of his rule (^HT^T^f\v{^■^iff^cfT ffB^nsff 5^ ^ttW^
H. C, p. 274) and the same would be the case with the coins of his
father if they did not copy the Gupta coins. These arguments should
induce us to attribute these coins to Harsha Yasodharma Vikramaditya
who was an emperor of India and his son Pratapaisla alias Siladitya
whowould use his own or his father's regnal years. The name Siladitya
t The foUowinS slokas from Raiata. Ill are relevant
T^^q- 5IcTFRlT?5 g ^ft^f^r'KTfM*'^ II and
TT^f^35f?:j^qrtt m^ll'^c2I^?Pi^ in '.Ml
48
HARSHA A^'D HIS TIMES
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CHAPTER IV
THE PEOPLE
Before proceeding further it is necessary, as it would'
be convenient, to describe the condition of India which
obtained at this time in all its details The reign of Har-
sha was, so to speak, a brilliant ending to a period which
was passing away. Like the flame that bursts into brilli-
ance before it expires, the condition of the country in the
days of Harsha was flattering in every respect. But the
hey day of Aryan civilization had been reached and the
mediaeval period of Ancient Indian history was to com-
mence, in which Indo-Aryan civilization had its decline
and its fall. It would, therefore, be interesting as well as
proper at this place to take a stock of the condition of the
country at this time, in order that we may see whence and
wherefore India or rather Indo-Aryans declined and fell.
Fortunately, the materials for taking such a survey of
the condition of the country are ample and reliable. In
the first place we have the Records of the Chinese traveller
Hiuen Tsang who was a minute observer and a detailed re-
corder. Secondly, we have the Harsha Charita of Bana,
another contemporary writer of eminence and credibility.
The value of the Harsha Charita has beenmuch under-
estimated by European scholars who cannot go to the
original. His praise of Harsha is characterised by Sir
Vincent Smith, in constrast with that by Hiuen Tsang, as
fulsome and his performance is described as irritating,
although his power as a writer is admitted and his de-
scriptions are conceded as vivid. But if one dives beneath
the gingle of his words and the hyperbole of his concepts
one finds in the Hasha Charita an immense amount of de-
tailed information about the condition of the country
which can only come from a minute and accurate observer
of things. I cannot but remark here that I have drawn
much of my inspiration and information from Bana's
Harsha Charita and in depicting particularly the state of
THE PEOPLE 59'
the country and the people I shall have constantly to refer
to him. These two great authorities for this period are
supplemented and supported by epigraphic and other
materials for constructing a detailed description of the
country at this time. We proceed first to doscribe the
people of India, or rather their race and their castes, their
appearance and their occupations.
We will begin, of course, with the description recorded
by Hiuen Tsang. After stating that India was called
Shintu or Hintu ( a name which carresponds with the
Sind and Hind of the Arabs ) Hiuen Tsang says 'Among
the various clans and castes of the country, the
Brahmins were purest and most esteemed ; .so from their
excellent reputation the name Brahmins' country had
come to be a popular one for India." (Watters Vol. I p. 141).
It is indeed a matter of pride as well as regret to Brahmins
that they still maintained their pre-eminence by their good
conduct and intelligence and their reputation outside their
country in the seventh century was exactly the reverse of
what it is to-day. The land bore their name outside the
country and the name was even a popular one. Next to
the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas also maintained their charac-
ter for high morals and simplicity of life as also for valour.
At page 157 we find the further remark; "The Kshatriyas
and Brahmins are clean-handed and unostentatious, pure
and simple in their life and very frugal." Thus the Brah-
mins and the Kshatriyas, the two leading castes of India
were in those days deserving of the foremost rank which
has always been assigned to them in Indian society. At
page 168 the four castes of India are thus described by
Hiuen Tsang.
"There are four orders of hereditary caste distinctions.
The first is that of the Brahmins, they keep their principles
and livn continently, strictly observing ceremonial purity.
The second order is that of the Kshatriyas, the race of
kings. This order has held sovereignty for many genera-
tions and its aims are benevolence and mercy. The third
order is that of the Vaisyas or the class oi traders, who
60 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
barter commodities and pursue gains far and near. The
fourth order is that of the Sudras or agriculturists. These
toil at cultivating the soil and are industrious at sowing
and reaping. These four castes form classes of various
degrees of ceremonial purity. The members of a caste marry-
within the caste. Relations by the father's or mother's
side do not inter-marry and a woman never contracts a
second marriage." Here is a vivid description of Indian
caste in the first half of the seventh century, A. D., recorded
by an intelligent foreign observer who lived among the
people aud studied and understood their language. Indian
caste as we have observed elesewhere is based on both I'ace
and occupation. Both the factors are important and we
shall discuss them here in detail.
That the Indian people in their higher and many
'iower strata also, are Aryan by race, nobody can now deny
although mixture to a certain extent with the Dravidians,
the original inhabitants of the land, has taken place. The
prevailing type, however, was then and is still Aryan.
Measurements of the head and the nose taken at the cen-
cus of 1901 have indubitably proved that the people of
the Panjab and Rajputana are unmistakably Aryan and
those of the United Provinces and the Bombay Presidency
are mixed Aryans and Dravidians. The prominence and
length of the nose of the people of India is remarked even
by Hiuen Tsang. "They have long noses and large eyes",
(page 151). Bana too refers to the same pecularity when he
makes the poetical remark on Skanda Gupta's nose that it
was as long as the pedigree of his master's family.* The
people of India were then thus unmistakably Aryan and it
is therefore strange to observe that European scholars are
still labouring under the old bias of tracing the origin of
the Kshatriyas of India to Seythic and Hunic peoples.
This purity of race was greatly preserved in India in the
higher castes as well as the lower owing to restrictions im-
* In contrast with the high nose of the Aryans Bana maaks also the
low nose of the aboriginal people, sec his description of the Sahara youth
brought to Harsha in the Vindhya jungles " 3T^^r7-'m%^ f^I^?r«R^"
j)age 310 H.C.
THE PEOPLE 61
posed on marriage by inveterate custom and legal
precept. Hiuen Tsang himself remarks that Indians marry
within the caste, and there arp several classes within the
four castes according to their degree of purity. Although
outside races like the Sakas and the Hunas came to India
these were always treated as separate classes of Kshatri-
yasand they rarely married with the old Kshatriyas, This
fact coupled with the paucity of the foreigners accounts
for the still distinctly preserved Aryan type in the peoples
of the Panjab and Rajputana though these parts had es-
pecially been the scenes of the inroads of foreign peoples.
It is interesting to observe that in the matter of marri-
age, there is a distinct difference in the remark of Megas-
thenes and that of Hiuen Tsang, the former belonging to
the time of Chandragup^a of 300 B. C. and the latter to the
time of Harsha of 600 A. D. Megasthenes remarks that the
Brahmins were allowed to marry wives from the lower
castes.* In fact this tallies with the provision of Manu
which allows the higher castes to marry into the lower, the
progeny when the lower order was immediately next
being of the same caste as that of the father. This rule of
Manu has, as we know, been abandoned in the later Smritis
and in order that the progeny may be of ,the same caste
both the husband and wife must be, it is now declared, of
the same caste. This view of the later Smritis is reflected
in the remark of Hiuen Tsang. But it must be noticed
here that the old order of things of Manu's days had not
yet passed away entirely in the time of Harsha. Caste
was still somewhat loose and higher orders were allowed
to marry in the lower next without the lowering of the
caste of the progeny. Hiuen Tsang reports that Harsha's
daughter was married to Dhruvabhata and that while the
former was a Vaisya the latter was a Kshatriya. So also
Bana records that Harsha's sister was married to Graha-
varma Mankhari of Kanauj and we shall see that while
*See Mc'CRindie's Ancient India Megasthenes and Arr ai i age 86
"No one is allowed to marry out of his caste or to exchange his profes-
sion for another. An exception is made in favour of the philosopher
who for his virtue is allowed this privilege."
62 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
Harsha's family name ended in Vardhana or Bhuti indi-
cating their caste to be Vaisya, the name of the Maukaris
ended in Varman showing that their caste was Khatriya.
Thus the times of Harsha were an intervening step in the
process of the rigidilication of caste ending in the next
few centuries in the total prohibition of marriage outside
the caste.
Anuloma marriages were not thus uncommon in the
times we are describing. Such marriages took place
usually in castes only one degree apart and rarely though
that may be, they took place even in castes two or more
grades apart. For Bana records that he had two Parasava
brothers i. e., sons of a Brahmin by a Sudra wife. Here
the word Parasava is used which shows that the progeny
is not treated as illegitimate. The ca-ste of the sons was
not that of the father, but in case of Brahmins marrying
Kshatriya wives or Kshatriyas marrying Vaisya wives the
caste of the progeny was treated the same as that of the
father. For it does not appear that Dhruvabhata's son by
the daugter of Harsha was treated as less than a Kshatriya.
Ample epigraphic evidence is available to show that
Brahmins actually married Kshatriya wives, or even
Vaisya wives without loss of caste, "^ by the progeny-
We have described caste in its racial aspect and shown
that though Anuloma marriages were allowed, even in the
times of Harsha, they were being gradually "disallowed
and that such marriages taking place among the three
higher castes which were Aryan, there was not much
*The Mandsaur stone inscription given in Corp. Ins. Ill pages lbi-4
shows that Ravikirti a Brahmin married Bhanugupta a Vaisya itnd
had three sons one of -whom Abhayadatta was a viceroy in the
Nerbudda province of Emperor Yasodharraan. Dr. Fleet adds "we have
an epigraphical instance of this practice in the Ghatotkacha cave ins"
cription of Hastibtioja, a minister of the Vakataka Maharaja Devasena.
It tells us that Hastibhoja's ancestor, a Br.hmin married according to
the precept of revelation and tradition a Kshatriy a wife through whom
Hastibhoja was descepded, in addition to some other wives of the Brah-
min caste whose sons and descendants applied themselves to the study
of the Vedas." See Arch. Sur. Re. Western India vol, IV page 140.
THE PEOPLE 63
deterioration of race. We shall now advert to caste in its
occupational aspect, and the first prominent remark to
make is, that while the occupation of the first two castes
ramained much the same as in the ancient days of Manu,
the occupation of the Vaisyas had undergone a restrictioD.
They were husbandmen and cattle-breeders pre-eminently
as well as traders in the days preceding the Christian era ;
but now they remained only traders. " l^r?JTt^ ^cjlfii^4 'k^-
^ ^*n^JT/' says the Bhagavadgita but the krishi and
(jorakskya or agriculture and cattle-rearing had ceased to
be the occupation of tne Vaisyas and had now become the
occupation of the Sudras. Hiuen Tsang distinctly says
that trading was the only occupation of the Vaisyas and
agriculture was the occupation of the Sudras. The result
was, that notwithstanding that the race of many of the
agricultural classes in India was distinctly Aryan, they
came to be classed as Sudras or fourth grade of the people.
The fact that the lowest population of the Panjab and
Rajpatana is still distinctly Aryan in type also proves that
many of the peoples, now and even then looked upon a f
Sudras were in reality Aryan by race. The peoples who
have most suffered in this way are the Jat populations of
the Panjab, Sind and the United Provinces and the Gur-
jaras who were cattle breeding Vaisyas have suffered most
in the same manner and it may be added that the Mara-
thas have suffered still more in this manner on our side.
That the Jats are distinctly Aryan no body even now
doubts. " If appearance is any index, the Jats are clearly
of Aryan origin ", says the Muzzuffernagar Gazetteer.
They are fair, tall and with long heads and noses. Their
Aryan race is admitted by Sir H. Risley also in the
Census report for 1901. It seems, therefore, strange that
historians still assign to them a Scythian origin. The
Gurjaras also are in appearance Aryan though they are
darker in complexion. The Marathas too are in appear-
ance Aryan though their noses are less distinctly Aryan
there being in their case some mixture with the Dravidian
races. Unfortunately these three peoples have suffered
at the hands of both Indian and European savants. Indian
64 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Shastris of later days with their bias against agriculture
and cattle-rearing and the custom of widow marriage
which obtains among the three have treated them as
Sudras.* And European scholars have treated them as
Scythic in origin, being influenced by the strange bias
that the manlines which these races displayed in later his-
tory could not have belonged to the long settled people of In-
dia but could only have characterised fresh hordes of inva-
ders like the Kushanas and the Huns who were known to be
of the Scythian race. It is, however, undoubted that the Jats
most distinctly and the Gujars and Marathas in lesser
degree are undoubted Aryan in race and their being treated
asSudras by Indian Shastris and as Scythians by European
scholars is, historically and ethnically, incorrect.
Though these names, it must be admitted, came into
use or prominence at this time, this cannot be an argu-
ment to hold that they were new races come into India
at or a little before this time. New names arise from
various causes as we shall find in later history; and it
need not surprise us that the names Jat, Gujar and Mara-
tha came into use in the sixth or sometime before the
seventh century. The word Jat is found, first in Chandra's
grammar, where he uses the word in the sentence 3T^rt-
«T2t ipiH, given to illustrate the use of the Imperfect, Gur-
jara and Maharashtra are words used by Hiuen Tsang to
denote two kingdoms, Bana also uses the word Gurjara
as the name of a people or king in the 'word g^^El^TRR. As
already shown the word Gurjara appears in a grant of
Dadda also, Maharashtra is a name which we do not find
used earlier, though the language Maharashtri is mentioned
even by Vararuchi of the first century A. D, As applied to
the present Maratha country Maharashtra is used by
Hiuen Tsang only, previous Indian writers such as
*Hiuen Tsarg's remark that women never contract a second marri-
age must be understood as relating to the three higher grades only, as
there can be no doubt that Sudras allowed widcw mirriage even in his
days. It is possible to suppose that the Jats, Gurjars and Marathas
though Aryans have borrowed this custom from the Sudras with whom
as agriculturists or cattle grazers they must have come inte a close and
constant contact.
THE I'EOl'LE 65
Varaha Mihira using other names to denote it.* The word
Maharashtra is a Sanskrit word which can well be inter-
preted as denoting a people or a country but what do the
words Jat and Gujar or their Sanskrit originals Jarta and
Gurjara mean? They are probably the names of peoples
and not countries according to any view. There were differ-
ent castes amongtheJats except Brahmins. So also among
the Gujars some were Brahmins, some Kshatriyas,
some Vaisyasand so on, much in the same way as there
are Maratha Brahmins, Maratha Kshatriyas and Mara-
tha Vaisyas. This subject is of a controversial chara-
cter and we leave it to be discussed in a note, but we may
mention here that there is a caste of Brahmins in Ujjain
which styles itself Gujar Gaud. They do not call themselves
Gujaratis as Gujarat! Brahmins do but Gujars, and it is
well known that among the many sub-sections of Rajputs,
there is at present a section by the name of Gujars. The
mention by Hiuen Tsang of a Kshatriya king in Gurjara
need not therefore surprise us.
To return to our subject, in the days of Hiuen Tsang,
agriculture had ceased to be the occupation of Vaisyas
and had become the occupation of the Siidras, a fact that
need not therefore compel us to look upon many of the so-
called Sudras of the present day as Dravidian in race
nor treat them as Scythic in race as European scholars
are disposed to do. This change in the occupational aspect
of caste differentiates the time of Harsha from the time of
Mahu. Another important change in occupation can be
gathered from another statement of Hiuen Tsang. At page
170 Waiters Vol. 1 wefind,"sovereignty for many successive
genarations has been exercised by Kshatriyas alone. Re-
bellion and regicide have occasionally arisen other castes
assuming the distinction " In the old caste organisation
of Manu's days Kshatriyas alone could be kings. And
native tradition asserts that thisbarrier was first overthrown
])y Chndragupta who destroyed, with Chanakya's help, the
line of the last truly Kshatriya kings, the Nandas. Since then
In a gr^nt of Piilakesin of this time, it first appears.
9
^6 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
Sudras, Brahmins and Vaisyas have often become kings
in the history of India. But even if they become kings
their status in society or their caste does not rise. They
still remained what they originally were and retained their
caste by their own opinion and the opinion of the people.
It is hence we see that Hiuen Tsang mentions the different
castes of the ruling kings and his remark always should be
looked upon as neither haphazard nor erroneous. When he
«ays a particular king was a Kshatriya we must accept
the word in its true signification. For he does not make
«ven the great Harsha, his own benefactor and patron, a
Kshatriya, but states clearly that he was a Vaisya, a fact
which is also indicated by the suffix Vardhana assumed
by many kings of the family and also the suffix Bhuti''
in the name of Pushya-Bhuti, its founder mentioned by Bana.
We will presently enumerate the suffixes usually taken up
in their names by the different castes, but here this instance
of Harsha itself will suffice to show the corectness of
the information of Hiuen Tsang, as also the fact that not-
withstanding his kingly position, the caste of the ruler re-
mained what it was. We will now proceed to describe each
c&,ste separately and detail its characteristics during
this period, as can be gathered from the evidence available.
Weshallof course begin with the Brahmins who were by
long recognition at the top of the people and who
appear to have still deserved this position by their intelli-
gence and high morals. They were in fact the leaders of
thought both among the orthodox or Hindu people and
among the unorthodox or the Buddhists and the Jains.
The latter, though they in theory rejected caste appear to be
still caste-ridden and intelligent Brahmins and even
Kshatriyas without probably losing their caste joined their
ranks as teachers and thinkers for the sake of the high posi-
tion they attained to as heads of monasteries or congrega-
tions v Tho following remarks, however, should be taken to
•^prr ^a r^x'T TRf ^rirrr^ ^it = i ^j^^sa" ^ttft -^r^: ^;^w ^tn^ n ^m
quoted by Kulluka (also Vishnu P III, :0 v, Manu II 30).
t For example a brother of tho Brahmin king of Samatata was the
head of theNalanda monastery and a Buddhist teacher as mentioned by
Hiuen Tsang.
THE PEOPLE 67
apply to those Brahmins who professed the orthod(a faith.
And the first thing we have to remark is that Brahminn
yet formed one caste without subdivision throughout
India; the modern distinctions based on territorial di visions
had not yet come into existence. The distinctions now
known as Pancha Dravidas and Pancha Gaudas had not
arisen; not to speak of the many still minor sub-caste»,
into which Brahmins are at present further subdivided. The
only distinction ^en known, appears to be that <^f Sakha
or Charana i. e. school of Vedic ritual or recitation. The
gotra wa;salso always mentioned, and the pravara some-
times. In fact in this matter modern. Brahmins are dia-
metrically different from the Brahmins of the days of
Bana. The modern Brahmins scarcely know what their
gotra is and to what Vedic Sutra they belong though they
can tell at once whether they are K anoxia or Sanadhya,
Maratha or Dravida. But the Brahmin of the se^venth
centuryA.D. always distinguished himself by his gotra and
Sutra. In the Harshi Charita Bana does not tell us
whether he was aKanojia or Magadha Brahmin but simply
says that he was of the Vatsyayana gotra. In all inscrip-
tions and copperplate grants of that period we find no-
where Brahmins distigaished as Gauda or Dravida, but as
belonging to a particular gotra and studying a perticular
Sutra. It is unncessary to quote any instances here for
the fact is so patent. Any grant or inscription referred to
at random will show this. We must, however, refer to one
grant because its words have been misunderstood. The
Bulandshahar Gazetteer mentions the copper-plate grant
found at Indore near Anupshahar as important in that "in
it there is reference to the Gauda division of Brahmins."
As the grant is dated in 164 G. E. or 465 A. D. it would
follow that this division of Brahmins goes back to the
5th century A. D. or 150 years before the time of Bana.
But it seems the word Jtl^P^^T-Tvift m this grant has
been misunderstood by the Gazetteer. For it must be
remembered that the divisions Gauda, Dravida etc., are not
based on family distinctions but on territorial or provin-
cial distinctions and hence the word irt^i^-l-M-^iiiff can have
68 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
no reference to the distinctions now known as Gauda,.
Dravida and so on. Then again the word is Gora and not
Gauda. ^Of course the family name of Brahmins or what is
now calh'd the surname is rarely given in ancient epjgra-
phic records, and this mention of the family is somewhat
strange. But that there is no reference here to the pro-
vincial divisions of Brahmins is beyond question and we
may believe that upto the end of the seventh century A. D.
such distinctions had not arisen. Brahmins formed one
caste throughout India and knew no distinctions except
that of gotra and Charana or Sakha. It is difficult
to know if marriages took place then between Brahmins of
different countries. But there is nu reason why they should
not have. Smritis do noi. prohibit such marriages. Even
the present restriction of marriage within the same Sakha
is more a matter of custom than of Sastric provision. For
asamatterof factmarriages between Rigvedis and Yajurve-
dis do take place even at present among Maratha Brahmins.
Kanojiyas and other subcastes. The mention of the Sakha,,
therefore, in early epigraphic records does not import any
divisions for prohibition of marriage. The Veda and Sakha
were perhaps important as indicating fitness for performing
particular worship or religious service. The Atharvavedi
Brahmins were, for instance, considered fit to perform the
worship of the sun. It may be noted en passant that the
words then used to indicate the Veda or Sakha of a Brah-
iiiin were in some respects different from those now used
Bahvrieha was usually used then instead of Iligvedi and
Chandoga instead of Samavedi; Yajurvedi being indicated
by Vajasaneyi &c. And it may further be noted that
Bharadvaja-sgotra was the usual expression then instead
of Bharadvaja-gotra now used.
The second thing to remark about Brahmins is that
their names generally ended in particular suffixes only.
It appears that in those days particular suffixes or epithets
were added to the names of individuals to indicate their
caste. These suffixes are mentioned even in Smritis.
Sarma was the principal sui^ix indicating the Brahmin
caste. Besides Sarma the other suffixes or affixes were
THE PEOPLE 69
Bhatta, Deva and Svami.* In the Chammak copperplate
grant of Pravarasena II of the Vakatakas of Berars
(Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill p. 235 No. 88) we have many names of
Brahmin grantees mentioned and the foUowihg are some of
them viz. Satyayana Ganarya, Vatsya Devarya, Bharad-
vaja Kumarasarmarya, Parasarya Gahasarma, Kasyapa
Devarya, Mahesvararya Bharadvaja Bapparya, Gautama-
sagotra Matrisarmarya etc. The world Arya is added as a
double honorfic or it may indicate that the person came
from the southern country where Arya (modern Ayya) was
added invariably to Brahmin names by the Dravidian
people.
As mentioned before Brahmins sometimes took up the
suffixes Varma and Gupta also to indicate that they fol-
lowed the profession of warriors or traders. For the Brah-
mins in those days as now followed a diversity of professions
besides their principal professions, namely, sT^Ff and ^thh,
3T^-?f2H and ^'^WR i- e., sacrificing and officiating at sacri-
fices, learning and teaching. Bana describes his uncles as
learned men studying themselves and teaching others, per-
forming great sacrifices, keeping Agnihotra and living
a religious life appropriate to Grihastha Brahmins. And
yet for himself Bana describes his associates in his young
days, as dancers and music teachers, actors and painters,
poets and dramatists, servant girls and old women, gold-
smiths and chemists, Hindu Sanyasis and Buddhist re-
cluses and other non-descript people. It is not impossible
to suppose from the Mrichhakatika where a Brahmin thief
is introduced, that Brahmins were good and bad in those days
as they are now and followed good and bad professions
* See the Sloka already quoted from Yaraa as also Manu II 30 and
V. P. III. At the present day in Northern India the word Pandit is
often prejixed to indicate that the person is -1 Brahmin from the Deccan
or Kashmir, while Misra would indicate a Behari or Bengali Brahmin.
In the seventh century it does not appear that any differences of country
were indicated by these suffixes. Grants from the Fanjab and U. P.
show that Bhatta was as favourite a suffix in these provinces as in
Gujarat or Deccan. And Bana is often called Bana Bhatta though he
came from Magadha. At present, however, this suffix is added or taken
up only by Maharashtra Brahmins, while Arya or Ayya is affected by
Telagu Brahmins, Acharya by Karnatak Brahmins, Pandit by Kashmiri
irahmins and Misra by Behar Brahmins.
70 H.\RS>IA AND HIS TIMES
but the general ily ol them may be taken to have followed,
then as now, either a religious life or the profession of
Government servants, a profession in which they often
rose to the • position of governors of provinces. The
Mandsanr-well-inscription No. 35 Corp. Ins. Ind. Vol. Ill
gives an example of this kind. Abhayadatta, the son of
Kavikirti was a ' Riijasthaniya and protected the region
containing many countries ( presided over by his own
upright coimcillors), which lies between the Vindhya moun-
tains from the summit of which there flow the waters of
the Reva and the mountain Pariyatra up to the ocean"
p. 157. Similar instances might be quoted from other epi-
graphic records proving the frequency of such appoint-
ments in those days. And such governors eventually
')ften became kings themselves.
We will now pass on to the Kshatriyas and the first
thing to remark is that they too formed then one caste
only throughout India. As the ten subdivisions of Brah-
mins into five Gaudas, and five Dravidas had not yet
arisen, the Kshatriyas too had not yet divided themselves
into Rajputs and Khatris. In fact in modern times the
word Khatri has come to denote a lower grade than the
word Rajput. These Kshatriyas again had not yet been
divided into 36 families only, considered to be of pure
descent and restricting marriage to themselves alone. None
of the names even of these 36 families had yet come
into existence. The Chauhans 9,nd the Solankhis, the
Sisodiyas and the Rathods had yet to be born and the
Kshatriyas of India then formed one undivided caste
without probably any restriction of marriage to particular
families. Caste was, in fact, somewhat loose then as the
Kshatriyas freely married Vaisya wives from great families
which had raised themselves to the kingly status. The
instance of the Maukhari Graha,varma marrying Harsha's
sister given by Bana and that of the Valabhi king
Dhruvabhata marrying Harsha's daughter, mentioned by
Hiuen Tsang will suffice to prove this practice. But such
marriages were not common and the intermixture of castes
or rather races was strictly prevented by pious Hindu
THE PEOPLE 71
kings as may he gathered from the epithet "Varnavya-
vasthapanapara" usually applied in epigraphic records to
great kings showing the earnest solicitude of the people
to preserve the purity of Varna or race. Instances of
pratiloma marriages, or marriages above the grade do not
occur and hence the old law of the Manusmriti was
apparently still in force. When therefore Hiuen Tsang says
that a particular king was a Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra,.
he mentions a distinction which was strictly maintained
inspite of the tendency of Buddhism to overthrow caste.
The next remark to make about the Kshatriyas is that
they had not come to assign much importance to the
three great Vansas to which they now invariably trace
their descent. For none of the epigraphic records of thi.^
time mention the Vansa of the Kshatriya family. The
Surya Vamsa, the Chandra Varcsaandthe AgniVamsaare
yet not met with in grants and inscriptions. The Valabhi
grants even do not mention that the Senapati family to
which the Sisodiyas, the premier Surya-Vamsi Rajputs
of the present day trace their origin was of the Solar race.
No doubt the Solar and Lunar races distinction rather the
Aila and Aikshvaka race is mentioned in the Mahabharata
in the Sabha Parva, where Krishna says that there were 101
families then in India belonging to the Solar and Lunar
races. The idea thus of these two races must be taken
to be at least as old as the 3rd century B. C. the undoubted
date of the last edition of the Mahabharata. But it seems
probable that when in the interval between 300 B. C. and
600 A. D. various families of kings belonging to the Vaisya
and Sudra castes and of foreign races ruled in India, the
mention of the solar or lunar Vamsa must have become of
less importance and hence the neglect to mention the Vamsa
in inscriptions and grants. The grants of Valabhi kings
of undoubted Kshatriya caste do not thus mention the race.
But it does not follow that the Solar and Lunar lineage
was forgotten. Some families did take pride even
then in their Solar and Lunar race (H- C. p. 98 ^f^^RT ^ff^
'arPpRHW J^^5W# ^ 5^ iJTr%>;id[^i^v:r:). But they wer*
72 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
apparently in the back-ground. The Pushyabhuti family
of Thanesar belonged neither to the Solar nor Lunar race
and the Vaisya kings apparently did not deem the Vam?a
important or could not trace the origin of their families
to kings famous in the Puranas.* In grants of the Badami
Chalukyas the gotra of the family is mentioned as
Manavya and the kings are also called Hariti-putras.
This Manavya gotra is described in some grants as born
of the first Svayambhuva Manu and thus does
not belong to the present solar race. How the
two ancient lineages, namely, Solar and Lunar, grew
later into importance and how the subsequent addition of
the third Agni Kula was made hereafter, we shall have to
discuss in our next volume.
Thirdly, the Kshatriyas had their peculiar descriptive
epithets or name-endings like the Brahmins. Varma and
and Trata mentioned in the Smritis were the chief ones.
Other epithets may also be gathered from the records,
such as Sena and Bhata. The Valabhi kings usually
took up the suffixes Sena and Bhata. Sinha which was a
most favourite epithet withpost-Mahomedan Rajputs is not
usually met with in records of the seventh century though
we have the name Drona Sinha among tlie Valbhi kings.
We will now speak of the Vaisyas whose caste was then
and is still the third in rank. They are always treated as
Aryan in race for the word Arya occurring in the Vedas
is always interpreted by the commentator Say ana as mean-
ing Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaisya. Vaisyas, however,
generally speaking had perhaps not preserved the purity
of caste as much as the other two higher castes, and some
of them had sunk into the position of Sndras. But the
Vaisyas of the days of Hiuen Tsang, from his description
were traders and merchants, bankers and money lenders
and these might be taken to have formed themselves into
• In a Broach Gurjara pcrant the lineage is mentioned as that of
Maharaja Karna and nntiquarian.s have interijreted Karna to mean
Karna of the Mahilbharata. But I doubt it and as no grant contem-
porary or preceeding mentions the Vamsa this Karna was probably seme
«arly famous king only of the Curjara family.
THE PEOPLE 73
a restricted group. The names of modern Vaisya subcastes
again had not yet come into being and Mahesris and Agar-
vals were then unknown. The modern Vaisyas of Nothern
India divide themselves into 121 2 castes and are also sepa-
rated by an unbridgable barrier from the Vaisyas of the
south. But in the seventh century probably like the Brahmin
and the Kshatriyas they also still formed one caste only
throughout India. Their distinctive appellations or suffixes
were Gupta and Bhuti according to the Smritis already
quoted and other words were also used such as Vardhana.
And lasty as regards profession some of the Vaisya families
had raised themselves still higher than traders and
merchants and become kings by following the profession of
arms. Of these remarkable families, the Guptas of
Magadha rrust be taken to be the premier family. The
greatest king in India in its post Buddhist history next to
Asoka who was a Sudra was Samudra Gupta and he must
betaken from the name ending to be a Vaisya and similarly
the greatest king next to Samudra Gupta after him was
Harsha and he was undoubtedly a Vaisya. The suffix
Vardhana taken by his fam.ily indicated the Vaisya caste
and the testimony of Hiuen Tsang that Harsha was a
Vaisya is conclusive. Some Vaisya families in those days
therefore gave birth to heroes and statesmen and they
were even distinguished by letters also as both Samudra
Gupta and Harsha were certainly learned men. In raedi-
oeval and later history too, many Vaisya families distin-
guished themselves on the battle-field and it seems that
the modern Bais Rajputs of Oudh may be looked upon as
the descendants of some of the heroic Vaisya families df
mediaeval India though they derive their descent from the
mythical Salivahana king of Paithan in the south. The
Guptas were spread over the whole of Northern India and
names of warriors and statesmen in those days usually
ended in Gupta, showing their high qualification for
military posts.
Lastly we have to speak of the Sudras whose occupation,
according to Hiuen Tsang was agriculture. In days prece-
ding the Christian era, agriculture was the occupation of
10
74 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
the Vaisyas while menial service alone was left to the
Sudra caste. The spread of Buddhist sentiment witn its
aversion to the taking of life must be held responsible for
this change of occupation. The ploughing of land in which
action worms and insects are inevitably killed was gradual-
ly looked v.pon as sinful and was eventually prohibited to
the Dvijas^ a prohibition which is even mentioned in Manu.
These classes hence withdrew gradually from agriculture
and left it in the hands of the Sudras. InthePanjab and else-
where, however, several communities did not mind this pro-
hibition, and hence their sinking in public esiimation to the
rank of the Sudras. As already described the Jats, the Gujars
and the Marathas who are agriculturists, are thus, though
Aryan in race, looked down upon as Sudras. The original
Dravidian population of the land became now the agricul-
turists of the country and of course formed the great Sudra
class. The lower population in Northern India and the west
is thus, speaking generally, chiefly Dravidian with a large
mixture of the Aryan race. In the south or the Madras
Presidency the influx of the Aryan population in remote
times was not considerable and there the agricultural popu-
lotion is wholly Dravidian.
Besides the agriculturists there were many classes whose
profession was labour of varied kinds and these classes
were probably of mixed origin. These are noticed by Hiuen
Tsang as innumerable. Those who called themselves
neither Brahmins nor Kshatriyas, neither Vaisyas nor
Sudras were probably included by him in these mixed class-
es. "There are ", he observes, "numerous classes formed by
groups of people according to their kinds and these cannot
be described." (Walters p. 168). Their number indeed, then
as now, must have been counted by hundreds and hence
Hiuen Tsang's despairing remark that they cannot be de-
scribed. Mixed castes with special occupations have been
described in several Smritis also and each division men-
tioned therein again divided itself probably into subdivi-
sions according to minor diversity of occupation, and their
number gradually increased. They were of course a mixture
of the Dravidian and Aryan races, but the mixture must
THE PEOPLE 75-
have taken place long before the time of which we write for
marriages were now generally restricted to each class or
caste as noticed above.
We cannot close this chapter without noticing the
existence, even then, of the " untouchables, " or what
are now called in the south the Panchamas or the fifth
class. They are described by Hiuen Tsang as follows : —
Butchers, fishermen, public performers, executioners
and scanvengers have their habitations marked by a dis-
tinguishing sign. They are forced to live outside the city
and they sneak along on the left when going about in the
hamlets." (Waiters Vol Ip. 147). The practice of compelling
these untouchables to live outside the towns and villages
must of course be traced back to even the Vedic times for
the Brahmanas speak of the Chandalas living beyond
the skirts of towns and villages and of their habitations as
not fit to be visited by the Aryans. The professions too of
the Chandalas were from Vedic times much the same as
above described with the exception of butchers and fisher-
men who parhaps were now added to the list of the untouch-
ables in consequence of their profession of taking life, in
response to the prevailing Buddhist sentiment. These
depressed classes were probably composed of the lowest
dregs of the Dravidian races having filthy habits and
living on carrion. But in the Panjab and Rajputana a
mixture of the Aryan race even among these was prominent-
ly discovered at the Census of 1901 when anthropi)metri(?
meaeurements were taken-b.v Sir H. Risley. The Chamars
and theChaurahas of the Panjab are found to be distinctly
Aryan'in type and possibly these have been degraded solely
in consequence of their profession in Buddhistic times be-
fore the period of which we are treating. Or, as the Smritis
declare, the progeny of pratilbma marriages especially of
Brahmin women with Sadra husbands though they must
have been rare must have joined the ranks of the Chandalas
and thus infused Aryan blood even in their veins.
NOTE.
Jats, Gujars and Marathap.
The question ^vhetLer Jats, Gujars and Marathas are Aryan or
Seythiau is strangely enough still being controverted. It admits, how-
ever, according to our view of one solution only '/z., that they cannot but
be Aryans. This view is based chiefly on anthropornetrical considerations
and it is also supported by history. It is indeed strange that even
after the publication of Sir H. Risley's views based on anthropometric
measurements taken at the Census of India in 1901 their origin should
still be a matter of controversy. Those measurements clearly show
that the noses of Jats and Gujars are distinctly fine and that their heads
are long. It is sometimes argued by Sir H. Risley's opponents that
noses might be made tine and heads may be lengthened by manupulation.
But thi3 argument cuts off the very ground from under the feet of the
science of Authropometry. If noses could be made fine very few people in
India -would have had flat noses, for line noses are prized all over the
country and even by the Dravidians. It is because noses and heads
cannot be manupulated and have an ineradicable tendensy to persist in
difterent races, that antiiropometry has any value as a science. Wo will'
therefore, detail the anthropometncal argument first and then see
whether history supports or contradicts the inferences derivable
from it.
The following remarks of Sir H. Hisley in his Census Report for 1901
(p. 498) are pertinent in this connection. "The broad nose of the Negro
or the Dravidian is his most striking feature. This broad type of the
nose is most common in Madras, the Central Provinces and Chota
Nagpore. Fine noses are confined to the Panjab and Uajputana,
while the population of the rest of India tends to fall in the medium
.class. The pastoral Gujars of the Panjab have an index of 66'9, thi-
Sikhs of 68-9 and the Bengal Brahmins and Kayasthas 70, while the
average nasal proportions of the Mai Paharia type are expressed by the
figure 945. In other words the typical Dravidian as rein'esentod by
the Mail Paharia has a nose as broad in proportion to its length as the
Negro ; while this feature in the Indo-Aryan group can fairly bear com-
parison with the noses of fi8 Parisians measured by Tojiinard which
gave an average of 69'4." /
From this passage we clearly soo that while the people of the
Panjab and Rajputana are imquestional)ly Aryan by race, those of the
Bombay Presidency including the Marathas, and of Bengal and the U.P.
are distinctly so. And the Gujars of the Panjab stand first with regard
to the fineness of the nose their index (66'9) being lower than that of
-even the Parisians. And yt-t the fhijars are looked upon by gome as
JATS, GUJARS AND MABATHAS 77
Scythians. The similarity of sound has often misled antiquarians into-
strange theories and the attempt to identify the Gujars with the Khirar
is not less strange than the now generally abandoned identification of the
Jats with the Gietcf. It is here that anthropometry and also history
should step in to correct such wrong identification, That they do serve
to dispel such misconception in the caye of Jats and Gujars we have not
the smallest doubt. The Jats are distinctly included by Sir H. Risley
among the Indo-Aryans as their "type approaches most closely to that
ascribed to the traditional Aryan colonists of India viz. heads long and
noses narrow and prominent but not specially lotg." (Cehsus R. 1901
p. 500.) Their stature is also tall, and their complexion is fair and as
Nesfield has observed if appearance goes for anything, the Jats could
not but be Aryans," The case of the Gujars also falls in the same
category, They are men with finest noses in India and with long heads
and tall statures. They are no doubt dark in complexion but com-
plexion does not count much in the determination of race. "The most
important points to be observed in the Indo-Aryan series of measure-
ments are the great uniformity of type, and the very slight differences
between the higher and lower groups." And this type is so persistent
that the Jats and the Gujars wherever they are found present the same
characteristics of head, nose and stature and even complexion. Under
these circumstances ethnologically speaking the Jats and the Gujars are
decidedly Aryan in race and similarity of sound in names ought not to
mislead us into believing them to be descendants of the Gsetoe or
Khizars who were undoubtedly;Mongolian in race.
The Marathas present less distinctive characteristics, yet they must
be classed among the Aryo-Dravidians and not as Scytho-Dravidian as
Sir H. Risley strangely enough has done. Their heads are broad; but the
head is not the determining factor in the assignment cf race. The
Mongolians have indeed broad heads but some of the Aryan races too
have broad heads such as the Celts. The Census Report for 1911 ex-
presses a doubt as to the conclusion of Sir H. Risley that the Marathas
are Scythians and adverts to the opinion of ethnologists that they are
probably descendants of Alpine Aryans. (Haddon, Wanderings of people)
The second race of Aryan invaders of India who principally settled in
the U.P. and the Deccan appear to have been Aryans with broad heads.
Otherwise it is impossible to explain the medium heads of the people
of the U.P. who are looked upon by Sir H. Risley as Aryo-Dravidians.
The Draridians have long heads and if they mixed with the tirst race of
Aryan invaders with long heads who are to be found in the Panjab and
Rajputana the mixture of these races, both with long beads, cannot lead
to medium heads. We have, therefore, perforce to hold that the second
liorde of Aryans who carae into the U. P. and who mixed themselves
with the Dravidian people there were Aryans with broad heads.
The head, however, as we have said above and as has been observed
by Sir H. Risley-.bimself, is not the most distinctive sign of race. The
78 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
feature most distinctive of race is the nose. The nose distinguishes the
Aryan both from the uravidian and the Mongolian types. The
fine nose of the Aryan is distinct from the broad nose of the Dravi-
diau and the flat nose of the Scythian. The flatness of the Scythiun
or Mongolian face strikes every observer as the root of the nose
'does not appreciably rise above the level of the eyes. To measure this
rise the orbito-nasal index has been invented by anthropometrists and this
index has been used, at Sir William Fowler's suggestion; especially -where
there is reason to suspect intermixtrue with the Mongolian type. (Cen-
sus Report 1901 p. 497). To determine, therefore, if the Marathas have
any Scythian or Mogolian blood in them we have to look to this index"
Let us see what the indices are in this connection. The flat-faced Mon-
golians are called platyopic, their index being below 110 Those who
have indices between 110 and 112"9 are called mesopic, while those
whose index is 113 or above are called pro-opic. The last can have no
mixture with Mongolian blood. Now all the members of the Indo-
Aryan type are placed by their high averages in the pro-opic group
(Census Report for 1901 page 602) and thus it is impossible that the JatS
and the Gujars can have any Mongolian blood in them. The case of the
Marathas apparently presents some ditticulty. Their orbito-nasal index
is medium, that is they are mesopic and hence it is difficult to decide
whether they have Scythian blood in their veins. For this mesopic
nature of their nose may as "well be due to. mixture with Dravidian
blood.* Moreover Aryan characteristics do tend to assert themselves
in the Marathas whenever their position unproves as may be observed
by every careful observer, the nose getting liner and higher at the
bridge. We have treated of this subject at greater length in our book
"Epic India" and it is sufficient to further I'eraark here that the Census
Report fcr 1911 has given up the classification of Marathas by Sir H.
Risley as Scytho-Dravidians and tends to treat them as Aryo-Dravi-
dians i.e. born of mixture of abroad-headed Aryan type with the
Dravidian type.
Historial considerations, we will now go on to show, support, the
conclusions thus far set forth on anthropometrical grounds, espe-
cially with regard to the doubtful case of the Marathas. The mate-
rials for constructing the ancient history of the Marathas are ample and
trustworthy They have already been put together by noted scholars
like Sir R. (r. Bhandarkar and others. The foremcst observation to
make is that the fact that the Aryans did enter into and settle in the
Deccan long before the beginning of the Christain era, is universally
■ In fact as the Dravidlans are not pro-3pic, their mixture with Scythians cannot lead
to tlie Mesopic nature of the Maratha no^. If at all the Marathas should have been
treated by Sir H. Risley as Scylhs-Aryans. As already shown with regard to the
head Sir H. Risky was misled with regard to the Mar.ithas apparently owinj; to
his prejudice aftainst them, observable in his remarks about them in the Census
Report (1901).
J ATS, GUJARS AND MARATHAS 79
accepted by all scholars. On the other hand, history tells us that the
Sakag or Scythians invaded the Deocan in the first century A. D. and
that their stay in the Deccan was limited to about 25 years only, being
finally driven away by SatavahanaGautami-putra of Paithana. If this is
so how can the people of theDeccanbeScytho-Dravidian? How is it that
the Aryans who settled in the province long before the Scythians came
have left no trace of their blood in the population V That they settled
here is a fact which can not be gainsaid. The history of this settlement
of the Deccan by the Aryans is given by Sir R. Bhandarkar as follows :
"The first and the oldest Aryan province in the southern country was
Vidarbha or Berar. The Ramayana and tlie Mahabharata show that Vi-
darbha was inhabited when Dandakara^ya or Maharashtra proper was
a forest". (Bhandarkar's History of the Deccan page 314.) It may be
added that the people who settled in Vidarbha were called Bhoja, that
Damayanti was the daughter of a Bhoja 'king and that Nala when
showing, in the Mahabharata, to Damayanti the way to her father's
country, distinctly points to Berars.
The Aryans hereafter settled in the Dandakaranya or Maharashtra
proper the chief river of which is the Godavari. The original inhabitants
being few, the language of the new settlers became the language of the
people generally though in a corrupt or Prakrit form. As the country
to the south of the Krishna was more populously inhabited by Lravi-
dians, it became the boundary, so to speak, of the Aryan settlement as
also of the Aryan language. Bands of settlers no doubt penetrated
further south down to Cape Comorin and impressed their Aryan
civilization and religion on the people but being few they could not im-
pose their language upon them. On the contrary they adopted the
language of the peop.e there and even some of their customs. This
in a nutshell is the account of the Aryan advance into the south.
The Deccan being originally a forest and being settled principally by
people of the Aryan race became Aryan in population and in speech
while the portion to the south of the Krishna remained Dravidian in po-
pulation and speech, a fact which squares in exactly with the ethno-
Ic.gical aspect of the two parts of the southern peninsula.
The date of this settlement of the Aryans in the Deccan is placed
by Sir R. Bhandarkar in about the 7th Century B. C. on incontrover-
tible grounds, especially oa the fact that while places to the south of the
Vindhya are not mentioned by Panini they are added by Katyayana
in his Vartikas. We come to still firmer ground when we come to the
inscriptions of Asoka of the 3rd century B.C. as they distinctly mention
the Rastikas the Pettanika? and tho Aparantas. The last is Northern
Konkan and its then capital was Surparaka. ( It may be added that
Buddhistic sacred books speak of Surparaka and Paithana even before
this time). Pettanikas are tho people of Paithana or Pratishthana and
Rastikas are the Rashtrikas, who are clearly the ancestors of thf
PO HARSHA AiSD HIS TIMES
nioderii Marathas. Asoka's inEcriptions a'30 speak of the Bhojas. Now
as the Kuden inscription speaks of Mahabhojas also, in the same way
the Rasbtrikas must have spoken of themselves as Maharashtrikas.
and the country ia which they lived came to be called Maharashtra.
"Thus a hundred years before Patanjali, the whole of the southern
peninsula was in direct communication with the north. Maharashtra or
Deccan had kingdoms governed by Rattas and Ehojas."
These Aryan settlers in Berar and the Deccan were Aryans of the
Lunar race 1. e. of the second-race of Aryan invaders who came through
the Gangetic basin and who principally occupied the hot lands of the
Madhyadesa to the south of the Gauges and the Jumna. We have this
tradition preserved in the story of Srikrislina given in the Harivamsa
which is certainly the oldest Purana extant. The Harivaiiisa says that
when Srikrishna fled from Mathura against the threatened invasion of
the city by Jarasandha he was asked to go to the four countries in the
Deccan which were founded by four sons of Yadu. These four sons of
Yadu by Naga wives it is said had founded four kingdoms one in Mahish-
niatl, another on the tableland of Sahyadri, a third in Banavasi and
the fourth in Ratnapura on the southernmost sea. This tradition clearly
indicates that the people who settled in the Deccan and southwards
along the west coast were people born of Aryan fathers-and Dravidian
mothers. With regard to the Bhojas of Berar, the Mahabharata says
tbat RukmT was king of the Dakshiniityas and was a Bboja
king. Thus Puranic tradition clearly indicates that the Bhojas
and the Rattas were born of Aryans of the Lunar race.
Foreign evidence also substantiates the same theory. In the Peri-
plus, this part of the country is described as Ariake or the country of the
Aryas, a name given probably on set purpose to distinguish it from
Damai'ike i. e. the country of the Dravidians immediately to the south
of it.
We are not concerned here with the political history of Maharash-
tra which we will detail in the next book but we may advert to it in a
general way in order to show how this tradition of the Bhojas and
Rattas being descended from Aryans and Aryans of the lunar race con-
tinued to be entertained among the people down to the 7th century A. D.
In the time of Agnimitra (2nd Century B.C.) Vidarbha was ruled by
Madhava Sena and Yajna Sena names clearly Aryan and Kshatriya-
From the 2nd century B. C, to the 3rd century A. D. Maharashtra was
ruled by the Satavahanas who called themselves Andhral)hrityas but
the people were called Rattas and Maharathlsas inscriptions of their time
testify. After these Andhrabhrityas who themselves were Aryo-Dravi-
dians as we shall show hereafter, tne Rashtrikas again asserted their
independence and it seems certain that from the ord century A. D.
down to tue 6th Rashtrakuta kings ruled in the Deccan, for the Chii-
lukyas in their inscriv'tions say that they established their power by
JATS, GUJARS AND MARATHAS 81
conquering a Rashtrakuta. Now the Rashtrakutas are in inscriptions
represented as descendants of Satyaki, a Yadava well-known in the
Puranas, while the Jadhavas or Yadavas represent themselves as
descendants of SrTkrishna himself. Thus the two leading Maratha
families who ruled Maharashtra entertained the tradition that they
were Yadavas. Hence it maybe said that the Marathas by long tradition
believed themselves to be Aryans by descent.
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar in his history of the Deccan says the same
thing. "We have seen from cave inscriptions," says he, "that from
remote times, tribes of Kshatriyas calling themselves Bhojas and Rash-
trikas or Rattis were predominent in the country. In the northern
part of the Deccan they called themselves Maharathls. But in other
parts the name was Rattis, since we know that many modern chiefs of
the Southern Maratha Country call themselves Rattis. Some of these
tribes must have called themselves, Rashtrakuta. The Rashtrakuta
family was in all likelihood the main branch of the Kshatriyas who gave
their name to the country and who were found in it even in the time of
Asoka (P. 62.) " The Rashtrakutas, " Sir Bhandarkar goes on to add
"the real native rulers of the country were sometimes eclipsed by enter-
prizing princes of foreign origin such as the Satavahanas and the Cha-
\ukyas." We have already adverted to the Satavahanas and they were
fffom Andhra and therefore foreign to Maharashtra, but they were Aryo-
Dravidians as we shall show and we may now go on to see who the Cha-
lukyas were. These too appear of foreign origin, but they were Aryans
and Sir R. Bhandarkar by foreign merely means foreign to Maha-
rashtra.
The Chalukyas ruled principally form Badami in the Southern
Maratha Country but they were not Dravidians; they were pure
Aryans from the north and belonged to the solar race of Ayodhya. This
tradition has been preserved by Bilhana in the Vikramankadevacharita
and is also mentioned in the inscriptions of the Eastern Chalukyas.
Hiuen Tsang clearly says that Pulakeshin IT whom he visited was a
Kshatriya and belonged to the Maharashtra country. The inscriptions
of these Chalukyas themselves state that they were borh in the
Manavya gotra and were Haritlputras. What Haritlputras meant
we will try to elucidate when we coma to their political history, but the
Manavya-gotra indicates the tradition that they belonged to the Solar
race. The Chalukyas of the north are represented by Chanda bard of
Prithviraja as belonging to the Agnikula. The theory of Chanda about
Agnikulas has been proved to be unfounded (we believe that the Rasa
itself is misunderstood on this point as we shall have to show in our
next volume) and that the four Agnikula families really belong to other
races the only Agnikula family being the Pararaars with the Vasishta
gotra. For the Chalukyas of Maharashtra are shown in inscriptions to
hare married into the Rashtrakuta family. In a grant of Danlidurga
11
82 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
of the Rashtrakuta family (J. B. R. A. S. Vol. 11) it is said that the
queen of Indra belonged to the Lunar race on the mother's side and to
the Shalikya race on the father's ( Tr?fr «mi'^r cTrT fWoT^ff ^lfe--HJ jIF ).
This opposition indicates the fact that the Chalukyas were looked upon
as belonging to the Solar race. The eastern Chalukyas represented
themselves as born of the Lunar race. Whether they belonged or not to
the Lunar race it is certain that inscriptions of date earlier than Chand
show that they were not looked upon as Agnikulas which affords to
some a ground to believe that they were foreigners admitted into the
Kshatriya caste by purification in fire. Chalukyas are in our view
clearly Aryans and of the Solar race.
It is remarkable indeed that this tradition of race is still preserved
among the Marathas of even modern days. It is well-known that the 96
/.•uZis of Marathas believe in three vattsas viz., Soma,Surya, Sesha plainly
proving that the Marathas are Aryo-Dra^idians, and not Scytho-Dravi-
dians. Now strangely enough the Chalukyas or Chalakes who are still
one of the leading Maratha families are still assigned to the Surya-
vamsa, see the noted po^'it issuad from Kolhapur and called ^Tr^tsT^Tm':
or »iTr?r ^TiTr^nirf f #. Now another Maratha family viz., the Kadams
who are plainly the Kadambas of asoient inscriptions assigned in them
to the same iTFT'^ gotra as the Chalukyas (Ind. Ants VI page 24) aro
also assigned to the Suryavamsa in the above book of the modern
Marathas. Thes 3 facts prove that thesa 96 families' traditions of the
Marathas are not imaginary productions but are supported by inscrip-
tional records which go back to the fifth and sixth centuries A. D.
According to both of them the Chalukyas and the Kadambas are Solar
race Kshatriyas while the Jadhavas and the Rashtrakutas (Ratakute in
the modern Maratha books represented by vrra, ^^STTT^ &c., see 5T|5r^5T
3rFT( page 45) are believed to be Lunar race Kshatriyas.
History and tradition, therefore, does not contradict the inference
drawn from the features of the Marathas that they are Aryo-Davidians.
There can be no Scythian blood in their veins and their Aryan blood is pro-
minent. Sir R.G. Bhandarkar has shown that the ancient Aryans settled
and founded kingdoms in Maharashtra, that thefe was one incursion of
The Scythian or Sakas about the beginning of the Christian era but within
a few years Gautamlputra defeated and drove them away and 'left no
rumnant of the race of Khagarata'. Inscriptional records of the Cha-
lukyas, the Rashtrakutas and the Yadavas show that they belonged to
the Solar or Lunar races of Kshatriyas, and the modern representatives
of these Maratha families the Jadhavas, the Chalkes or Salankhis, the
Kadams, the Bhaleraos and others still maintain tlie|same tradition of race
We are justified in holding that a tradition continuing after so many
centuries must be accepted and it proves in our view indisputably that
the Marathas are Aryans. If there is any mixture in their blood it is of
the original peDple belonging to the Nagavamsa or the Dravidian race.
JATS, GUJARS AND MARATHAS 83
We ■will now pass on to consider how far the history of the Gujars
■oontradicts the inference drawn from their physical characteristics viz.,
that they must be treated unquestionably as Aryans. A great deal of
unhistorical bias has confused historians on this point and has misled
them to consider them as foreigners and Mongolians. There is no
doubt that historically speaking the word Gujar or Gurjara occurs from
about the 7th century A. D. and prominently in the work of Bana and
Hiuen Tsang. The former mentions them as being conquered by.
Prabhakaravardhana, much in the same way as he conquered the
Huns ; while the latter mentions two Gurjara kingdoms
one in Rajputana at Bhinmal and the other at Broach
From this, historians suddenly jump to the conclusion that
the Gujars were foreigners who came into India along with
the Huns in about the 6th century. (V. Smith E. H. 3rd Edn. pages 322
and 412). But Smith is candid enough to admit that the Gurjaras
are believed to have entered India either along with or scon
after the White Huns and to have settled in large numbers in Raj-
putana, but that there is nothing to showiwhat part of Asia they came
from or to what, race they belonged (p. 412). If there is no mention any
where in history as to where from, when and whether the Gujars
came into India from outside, why should historians have believed that
they came at all from outside? It seems that this is merely a suggestion
made by bias and in defiance of the ethnological argument which clear-
ly proves that the Gujars belong to the Aryan race.
But the bias has so far predominantly acted on Sir Vincent Smith's
Tiews in spite of the above can did statement, as to make him observe
elsewhere that the Parihar Rajas of Kanauj were the descendants of
'barbarian' foreign immigrants into Rajputana in the fifth or sixth cen-
tury and first cousins of the Gujars, a theory of Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar
elucidated in his article on the "Foreign elements in the Hindu popula-
tion" in Indian Antiquary Vol. XL. in which he puts forth the sugges-
tion that the Gujars are the descendants of Khazars who must have
come into India along with the Huns. It is, therefore, necessary to
examine the arguments of Mr.D.R. Bhandarkar in detail and to see how
far they are correct. Let us first see from the Encyclopoedia Britannica
who the Khazars are. "'The Khazars are historic figures on the
border-land of Europe and Asia for at least nine hundred years (A. D.
190-1100.) Their home was on the spurs of the Caucasus. They were
the Vene ians of the Caspian Sea and the Euxine, the universal carriers
between the East and the West. The origin of the Khazars is much
disputed but they are regarded as akin to Georgians, Finns Ugriansand
Turks. The Khazars were fair-skinned, black-haired and of a remarkable
beauty. The Kara (black) Khazars were however ugly, short and almost
as black as Indians". Now from this description of the Khazars, it is
absurd to identify the Gujars with the Khazars. There were black
Xliazars indeed but they were ugly and short. The Indian Gujars are
84 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
all tall and with fine features, though dark in complexion. The tall
beautiful Khazars are on the other hand very fair and not dark like
the Gujars. They again are allied to the Finns and the Urgaa, and
must be Mongolian in face as indeed the Huns were. But the Gujars
can never be said to be Mongolian in face, their features especially the
nose being distinctly Aryan.
The history again of the Khazars as detailed in this article does not
show that they ever left their country, like the Sakas, the Yue-chi or the
Huns. "Throughout the 6th century Khazaria was a mere highway
for the wild hordes, to whom the Huns had opened the passages into
Europe and the Khazars took refuge (like the Venetians from Attila)
"among the seventy months of the Volga" Then again we are told that
their county bordered on Persia and Byzantine, the southern boundary
of which never greatly varied and they were for the most part restricted
within the couped up area ". It is therefore difficult to bplieve that the
Khazars ever came to India. It is certain that history contains no
mention of their having done so.
The disposition and the occupation of the Khazars seem also to
differ diametrically from those of the Gujars. As above quoted " they
were the Venitians of the Caspian and the Black Sea, a civil coraniercial
people and founders of cities" The Gujars on the otherhand are nomadic
peoples and cattle breeders by profession. They in fact never trade and
are not a city settled people with elaborate civil organisation. It soems
clear, therefore, that the Khazars could not have been the forefathers of
the Gujars of India. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has certainly beon misled
by similarity of sound and by the mere mention of Khazars along with
Huns in western history.
Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar's other arguments adduced in his paper
need not be scrutinized, as they do not pertain to historical consi-
derations. We need not stop to see whether Gurjara, the Sanskrit
word, has been coined from Gujar by Sanskritists though apparently
there is no reason why they should have done so, for they could have
pronounced Gujar as well as Gurjara, or whether Gujar, Gujar, Gurjara
names still surviving are the natural Prakrit forms coming out of a'n ori-
ginal Sanskrit word Gurjara. But it is necessary to examine his opinion
carefully whether Gujars being known as foreigners could have, owing to
their success in conquest, been admitted by Hindus to the rankof Kshatri-
yas.Hiuen Tsang distinctly mentions that the king of Gurjara (Bhinmal)
was a Kshatriya. "This is interesting" observes Mr. Bhandarkar "that
as early as the first half of the seventh century i. c. about a century
after their coming into India the Gujars had become Hindus and had
actually acquired the rank of Kshatrips" Ordinarily the inference should
have been the opposite of this viz. that the Gujars could not
have been foreigners as they could not have succeeded in
gaining the status of Kshatriyas within a lunidred years of thoir
JATS GUJARS, AND.MARATHAS 85
coming into India. For we are historically certain that caste was not
so fragile in the sixth and seventh centuries A. D. The inscriptions of
the Guptas and even of Harsha's father show that kings were particular
in preserving the purity of caste (see Varnavyavasthapanapara applied
to Prabhakara Vardhana Ep. In. Vol. V. p. 200.) Mr. Bhandarkar
similarly twists a third fact into an argument in support of his
theory, though it is in reality an argument against him. The
Gujara Gauda Brahmins are also foreignrrs a'jcording to Mr.
Bhandarkar. The argument that foreigners 1 ocoming kings could
enter the Kshatriya caste might be plausible though even that is
weak Init they could not become Hrahmins for there could not have been
any incentive to admit them as Brahmins. Moreover the Khazars do not
appear to have had castes among them. Hence why should some
Khazars alone become Brahmins'? The fact that there is an ancient class
of Brahmins called Gujar Gaud is an argument for holding that the Gujars
were an Aryan people with their usual four castes. This also explsiins
how there are Gujar Bauias and Gujar cultivators or Gujar Sutars
( carpenters ) and so on. The existence of a Gujar Karhada Brahmin
family is also of no importance as it may have got that name by even re-
sidence in Gujar country as the addition of the surname th^v^ suggests.
Mr. Bhandarkar's fourth argument is still more strange and based on
wrong information and wrong inference. ( Padihara is the usual
Prakrit form of ^rfWT and yet Mr. Bhandarkar takes the opposite line
and says that Pratihara is the Sanskritzed form of qrlFP". Why again we
ask should Sanskrit change ff^lK into Pratihara? But this is by the bye)
An inscription from Jodhpur gives the origin of Padihars ^s follows.
There was a Brahmin who married two wives a Brahmin woman and a
Kshatriya woman. The descendants of the Brahmin woman are called
Brahmin Padihars while the descendants of the Kshatriya woman are
called Kshatriya Padhihars. '"The marriage of a Brahmin" says Mr.
Bhandarker /"with a Kshatriya woman with the result as related in
this inscription is curious and can only be accounted for us being of
foreign importation. How this inference follows from the first premise
-will be a puzzle to many. Moreover the marriage of a Brahmin with a
Kshatriya woman is not curious. It is provided for in Smritis and
it once was a living practice in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries
as many inscriptions (see Corp In III) as stated further on show. And
the result was exactly as stated here; the sons of the Brahmin women
became Brahmins and of the Kshatriya women became Kshatriyas. As
Brahmins and Kshatriyas ate the same food even up to the 7th century
such marriages were not offensive. The history of the development
of the caste syscem in India may be given here in a nutshell. The
race being the same, caste in ancient times among the Aryans was
merely occupational. Hence Brahmins often married Kshatriya wives.
In oldest times their progeny was treated as of the Brahmin caste. By
degrees, however, caste became rigid and the progeny of such marriages
86 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
was treated as intermediate between Brahmins and Kshatriyas. In fur-
ther process of rigidification of caste the progeny followed the caste of the
mothers. Such was the case in about the 6th century A. I). Lastly from
about the 8th or 9th century onward marriage was restricted to the same
caste only. This history is easily deducible from a comparison of the
Sm-itis and from inscriptions. As this is not the place to discuss the
subject, we stop here. But what has been said here is enough to
show that the progeny of a Brahmin man and a Kshatriya woman being
treated as Kshatriya is not curious (see Manu ws^t^h j j1 M I ti i'^^<:-<rMlT-^dl^
SfTrs[ I JTT?rr>f ?Tr^*Tr?f)Twf^V7 n Vt. 10 ). But supposing it was so. the
curiosity is not great, nor does it follow that therefore the Padhihars
were foreigners.
We shall discuss the origin of each of the Rajput families in India
in our next volume. Here it is, however, necessary to state that Mr.
Bhandarkar has attached too much weight and importance to the
legends about the progenitors of many families given in inscriptions or
in traditions. The legends of Kshatriyas being born of fire or of
Lakshmana brother of Rama, or of the Manavya Risi are all imaginary
and very little historical information is derivable from these stories.
Mr. Bhandarkar's treating the Chalukyas and Kadambas as of priestly
origin is indeed ridiculous. Because in one inscription Manavya Rishi
is said to be the progenitor of the Kadambas it does not follow that the
Kadambas were at any time Brahmins, for the progenitors of all castes
or peoples in India are believed to be Rishi^ especially the seven Rishia.
But this origin is imaginary. Again Manu is also looked upon as the
progenitor of all human beings and hence it cannot be argued
that all people.^ were Kshatriyas in origin. In short, it is
strange that Mr. Bhandarkar should seek to derive any historical in-
ference from these imaginary legends about the progenitors of
peoples. Such legends are important only as traditions and if
traditions are long current they may be treated as proof of race. The
Chalukyas of the Deocan looked upon themselves in their oldest docu-
ments as born of the Manavya gotra and hence they should be looked
upon as Aryan in race. The Kadambas also thought they were bora
of the same gotra and hence they also might be looked upon as Ksha-
triyas and allied in race to the Chalukyas. Tho Sindas looked upon
themselves as born of Sesha and hence they may be looked upon as
Dravidians by race. MV. Bhandarker admits that the Sindas were a
class of the Naga tribe and yet begins a para (p. 27 ditto) with the
sentence: ''Anothev foreign tribe which came from the north to the
south is Sindas." The word foreign plainly means foreignto India and
cannot therefore fitly be applied to the Sindas nor does any thing show
that the Sindas came from the north. Mr. Bhandarkar seems so far
obsessed by his theory of foreign origin of noted peoples of India that
even Brahmins if mentioned as coming from Ahicchatra in the north
JATS, GUJARS AND MARATHAS 87
appear to him to be foreigners. If Chahumans and Padhihars and Para-
mars and Chalukyas are said to have ccnie from Ahichhatra they
appear to him to be foreigners. But Ahichhatra was a famous centre of
Aryan settlement and civilization being the capital of the Panchalas so
well-known in the Vedic literature and it is not at all strange that
Kshatriyas and Brahmins should represent themselves as coming frcm
Ahichhatra. One fails to see, however, how this tradition of coming
from Ahichhatra can make any people foreigners. One is constrained
to set down Mr. R. D. Bhandarkar's theory especially about the Gujars
as absurd and there is, to sum up, nothing in history to show that
Gujars were foreigners or Khazars, or that they came into India frcm
outside along with the Huns of the fifth or sixth century A. D. Their
anthropometrical characteritics are purely Aryan, and history does not
It ;ill contradict this inference.
Lastly we have to speak adout the Jats. Their ethnological chara-
leristics also, as we have already seen, are clearly Aryan. They are fair,
tall, high-nosed and long-headed. Does their history contradict their
being Aryans? It may be stated at once that the Jats have very little
history of their own till we come to quite recent times w^hen the present
Jat kingdoms both Hindus and Sikhs in the U. P. and the Panjab were
founded. But the Jats have the oldest mention of the three. They are
mentioned in the Mahabharata as Jartas ( iT^r:) in the Karnaparva. The
next mention we have of them is in the sentence ar^^R jfJr fW^ in the
grammar of Chandra of the fifth century. And this shows that the Jats
were the enemies of the Huns and not their friends. The Jats opposed
and defeated the Hubs ; they must, therefore, have been the inhabitants
of the Panjab and not invaders or intruders along with the Huns. Does
the above sentence indicate that Yasodharma of Mandsaur inscription
who decisively defeated the Huns was a Jat ? He may have been so as
Jats have been known to have migrated into the country of the Malavas
or Central India as into Sind. But this is not material to our inquiry.
The sentence amply shows that the Jats were not invaders alongwith the
Huns but were their opponents. Nay it may be taken for certain that the
Jats are the Vis of the Vedas. They are even now preeminently agri-
culturists. Agriculturists in Vedic times were Aryan and classed as the
Vaisya caste.* The warrior class or Kshatriyas frequently married
Vaisya wives being immediately below them. This custom has obtained
throughout ancient times and is still preserved and Rajputs frequently
take Jat wives. The almost innate sense of caste prejurdice in India has
greatly prevented the mixture;of races (Rajputs and Jats are of the
same Aryan race) and the Jats have preserved their Aryan race almost
uncontaminated. Though treated as Sudras by modern opinion owing
to their being agriculturists, and the practice of widow marriage they
are the purest Aryans in India and belong to the first race of Aryar
' Al-Beruni says that Nanda the reputed father of Krishna was a Jat,
88 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
invaders according to our view, the Solar race of Aryans who origin-
ally invaded and settled in the Panjab, being the first settlement of the
Indo-Aryans in this country. The following remarks of R. G. Letham
in 'Ethnology of India' page 254 may here be usefully quoted; "As a
general rule a Rajput is a Hindu and a Jat a Mahomedan. Asa general
rul3 a Jat is also a peaceable cultivator. For all this, the Jat is in
blood neither more nor less than a converted Rajput and vice versa : a
Rajput may be a Jat of the ancient faith. That other diffierences might
hdve been effected by this difterence of creed is likely; the difference
between arms and tillage as profession, between bauglity automony
and submissive dependence are sure in course of time to tell upon tem-
per and the features." It may be added "that conversion from Hinduism
to Islam has not necessarily the slightest effect upon caste and that the
Mahomedan Jats are still as caste-ridden at the Hindu Jats."
We may in conclusion quote some remarks of Sir D. Ibbetson
from his "Punjab castes" (1916) regarding Jats and Gujars. ''It may be
that the original Rajput and the original Jat entered India at different
periods, though to my mind, the term Rajput is an occupational rather
than an ethnological expression. But if they do represent two sepa-
rate waves of immigration, it is exceedingly probable, both from their
almost identical physique and facial character and from the close
communion which has always existed between them that they belong to
one and the same ethnic stock.'' "It is certain that the joint Jat
Rajput stock is in the main Aryo-Scythian if Scythian be not Aryan".
(Page 100). So again about Gujars he writes : "The Gujars are the
eighth largest caste in the Pu.^jab, only the Jats, Rajputs, Pathans,
Arains andBrahmins araongthe higher and Chamars and Chuhras among
the lower exceeding them. They are fine,;stalwart fellows of precisely
the same type <s the Jat. He is of the same social standing as the Jat
perhaps slightly inferior and the two eat and drink in common without
any scruple" (p. 184). It is, therefore, strange that inspite of the fact that
every person who has had intimate acqaintance with the peoples of the
Panjab has marked the ethnic identity of the Jats, Gujars and Rajputs
plainly Aryan and not Scythian, theories have usually been propounded
by scholars about their being Scythian, Getoe, Yue-chi, Khizar and what
noT and about their having come into India within historical times, nay,
on this side even of the Christian era. There is not a scrap of historical
evidence even to suggest much less to prove such immigration (there
is neither foriegn mention of their coming into India nor have they any
tradition of their own of sometime coming into India nor is there any
historical Indian record, stone-inscription or other, of their so coming)
and we can only ascribe such theories to that unaccountable bias of the
minds of many European and native scholars, to assign a foreign and
Scythic origion to every fine and energetic caste in India.
CHAPTER V
SOCIAL CONDITION
Having described the people we will now pass on to
describe their social condition that is, their dress and
ornaments, their customs and their manners. In these
respects too, the days of Harsha stand as a dividing line
between ancient and modern India, constituting as it were
the last ring in the chain of ancient times. The dress of
the people in India, is thus described by Hiuen Tsang.
"The inner clothing and the outward attire of the people
Jiave no tailoring. As to colour, a fresh white is esteemed
and motley is of no account. The men wind a strip of cloth
round the waist and up to the armpits and leave the right
shoulder bare. The women wear a long robe which covers
both shonlders and falls down loose. The hair on the
crown of the head is made into a coil, all the rest of
the hair hanging down. Some clip their mustachios
or have other fantastic fashions. Garlands are worn on
the head and necklaces on the body." ( Watters Vol. I.
p. 150) This shows first, that up to the days of Harsha
tailoring had not yet been introduced into India The
clothing both of men and women consisted as of old
of one piece of cloth wound about the loins, and taken
up above one shoulder in the case of men and above
both in that of women. The Uttariya or the second or up-
per piece of cloth was used by both men and women some-
times but not necessarily as Hiuen Tsang does not mention
it. This dress is noticed not only in the Manusmriti, but
also by Greek writers. In fact, the Greeks themselves and
even the Romans used only two long robes, similarly worn
over the shoulders and falling fellow in folds. At the pre-
sent day the one cloth dress of women has still remained
in vogue in Bengal, in Madras and partially in Boraday
i. e. in the east, the west and the south but has been sub-
stituted by a sewn petticoat in the north, though even there
the women in their houses use often the one cloth covering.
For men, the Dhoti or the lower cloth has still remained the
12
90 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
usual clothing used in public. Except in the south and west
sewn clothes have now become the fashion; and for the upper
clothing or uttariya sewn clothes have everywhere been
substituted. The institution of tailoring was probably in-
troduced after Harsha's time by the Arabs in the eighth
century and perhaps even later by the Turks in the eleventh.
How Hiuen Tsang's description is accurate to the last
detail is borne out by the following description by Bana of
Harsha when he started on his dirjcijaya or expedition for
universal conquest; "'iRwi-il vj^i^jh ft ^jiT^*fpjft ^T^tt 5^, qW'^-
i%^fTt ijirii+c^ifqqf ^f^m^"^ T%dt> y^ii'^^^TTT^^FTq/' H. C. page 274.
'"Harsha wore two like Dukulas orfine cloth pieces marked
with pairs of swans and wore round the top of his head, like
the moon cresent on the head of Siva, a garland of white
flowers indicative of the sovereignty of the world." If
two white fine garments marked with pairs of swans and
a white garland on his head formed the auspicious dress
of even a king aspiring to be an emperor, the dress of
ordinary men in ordinary times could not have been
anything else but two white cloth pieces, now-a-days
called Dhotis (called so probably because they are daily
washed). The custom of wearing garlands on the head
like a crown has now ceased entirely, and the turban
has been substituted for it. A turban, however, (Ushnlsha)
is spoken of in the Harsha Charita also and even in
the Mahabharata, but the description recorded by Megas-
thenes serves to indicate that the upper garment and the
turban often formed one piece of cloth. It is probable,
therefore, that no third cloth was ordinarily used for cover-
ing the head. The difference l>etween the great and the low,
the dress being the same two pieces of cloth, consisted in
the fineness of its texture and the whiteness of its colour.
Hiuen Tsang speaks of different fine cloths of wool, silk
and cotton as follows ; "Kausheya being of silk, Kshauraa
a kind of linen, Kambala a texture of fine wool and
Holala (or Horala V) made from the wool of a wild animal,"
and I suppose cloth made of cotton. The art of making
fine cloth of silk, wool and cotton had then reached pec-
SOCIAL CONDITION 91
fection and it may be believed that cloth finer than that
woven even now in England was then produced, as even now
in cities of India like Dacca. This advance or perfection
in the art of weaving is to be gathered from a description
by Bana of pieces of cloths collected for the marriage of
Rajyashrl. "ajr^aj ^r^2J ^^^^j cilc^ld'i^^t^^ ?i3r^ f^^iw.-
H. C. 202-3. ''The palace was strewn with Kshauma (silk)
Badara (cotton) Dukula (linen) Lalatantuja (?) Ansuka (?)
Naitra (?) cloths glistening like serpant's skin, fit to be
blown even by a breath and inferrable only by touch, of all
colours of the rain-bow," Some of these materials of cloth
cannot now be ascertained, but that the cloth was of the
finest texture need not be doubted. The white was the
colour esteemed by men but probably women liked different
colours and different designs of patches of ornamen-
tation such as pairs of swan mentioned above. Plain,
borderless white cloth was, then as now. not liked by
women for it appears that this sort of cloth was distinctive
of widows.'' Of course Buddhist monks and nuns wore
simple cloth coloured red, though in this colour there
must have been different shades in the different schools
as Hiuen Tsang says that the size and colour of the
plaits vary in different schools ( Watters I page 150. )
Jain recluses affected cloth coloured yellow and Hindu
recluses or Sanyasis used cloth coloured soiled red.
These colours these three religions probably chose of
purpose to distinguish themselves from one another.
Plain white clothing of widows is noticed even in the
Mahabharata ( Asramavasi Parva ) when describing the
widowed daughters-in-law of Dhritarashtra. This dis-
tinctive colour of widow's clothing has now been thrown
into shade by the red colour perhaps taken in imitation
of Buddhist runs among the women of the south and by in-
digo colour by women in the north and west. Strangely
enough white cloth is affected by and is distinctive of pub-
lic women at the present day.
' See H. C,_page 236. "■Trnnit '4^^ ^raift WW^" Let the earth (widowed by the
death of Prabhakara) wear white clothes.
92 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES-
If the Indian people wore simple dress they were very-
fond of ornaments. In fact the taste of the Indian people
is in this respect exactly the reverse of the people of
the west ( who spend more on dress than on ornaments ).
Contrasted with the simplicity of their dress and
habits Hiuen Tsang thus speaks of their ornaments.
*' The ornaments of the kings and grandees are very
extraordinery. Garlands and tiaras of precious stones are
their head ornaments and their bodies are adorned with
rings, bracelets and necklaces. Wealthy merchantile
people have only bracelets" (Watters I p. 51). Even now
the rage for ornaments in India is excessive chough per-
haps want of gold and precious stones has now compelled
men to go about without ornaments. But mercants,
sardars and princes even now wear profusion of orna-
ments according to their means. The tiara, however, has
now disappeared and properly enough as perhaps
since the days of the Mahomedans there has been no
crowned king as such, (except Shivaji alone) in India.
Harsha is said by Bana to have put on one bracelet in-
dicative of his sovereignty but strangely enough is not
said to have put on a crown. He was presented with a
necklace of big pearls by Divakaramitra as a fitting per-
son to wear such a priceless ornament. Armlets or Anga-
das have also not been noticed by Hiuen Tsang though
they are by Bana as also Kundalas and Keyuras or ear-
rings (see Bana's description of Kumaragupta and Madha-
vagupta pages 197-198 where both are shown to have
garlands on the heads and the first a bracelet and Keyura
and the latter a necklace.) The case of women is differ-
ent. They, even the poorest in India, must have some orna-
ments on their person while as for rich women, they have
a profusion of gold, pearl and stone ornaments.
We must give some further minor details given by
Hiuen Tsang about dress and appearance. "Most of the
people go bare-foot and shoes are rare". Women even now
go bare-foot and even though they may afford to use shoes,
■while country people and poor men have Derfoiv»o to do
SOCIAL CONDITION 93
so. "They stain their teeth red or black, wear their hair
cut even, bore their ears, have long noses ami large eyes,
such are they in outward appearance." (Watters, Vol. I
p. 151 ). The practice. of boring the ears even now is, and
must then have been universal for it is a practice prescri-
bed by the Hindu Sastras and hence the appellation 'un-
bored' applied to people other than Hindus. As for the
hair, the Brahmins must have usually shaved their heads
as also their chins ; but their description does not indicate
so. Previously we are told, the hair on the head hang
loose and hence they gannot have been cut even. This
probably applied to the Kshatriyas and kings. The mili-
tary officers allowed beards to grow and even wore whis-
kers. Bana's description of the Commander-in-chief of
Thanesar is very interesting in this respect. "%^5^f3Tc^;
rarT^^RT^"^ ^^^RTn^eJit^T i'^^^'t^" "with tangled hair on the
head, his cheeks covered with white bunche's of whiskers
and with his long white beard falling on his breast, as if
fanning his master seated in the heart, though dead, with
a chamara" H. C. p. 257-258.
We will now go on to describe the manners and cus-
toms of the Indian -people and will speak first of their
marriage customs. The foremostv observation to make in
this respect is that the custorn of child-marriages had yet
not arisen in India. Had it been otherwise Hiueu Tsang
would undoubtedly have mentioned it as he mentions the
custom of the prohibition of widow marriage. From
Bana's description of the marriage of Rajyasri also the
same inference can be drawn. Rajyasri was married
when she was physically fit to be married and consummation
of marriage is spoken of on the day of marriage itself.
Perhaps it may be argued that this was Kshatriya fashion
but apparently there was no difference between Brahmins
and Kshatriyas in this respect. Bana himself married the
grown up sister of Mayura as tradition relates. In this
matter also Harsha's times thus are the parting link be-
94 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
tween ancient and modern India as hereafter we shall see
that child marriage was gradually introduced.
The description of Rajyasri's marriage ceremony given
by Bana in the HarshaCharita is indeed masterly, poetical,
picturesque and true to fact and nature. The extreme anx iety
of the parents, all powerful as they were, is graphically
described, and the grand preparations made on the occasion.
It appears that it was then the custom for intending
bridegrooms to demand girls in marriage. (In modern
India the contrary practice holds the ground among the
higher classes at least.) The father or guardian of the girl
then chose from among the suitors the best, chiefly on
account of high family and then poured water on the hand
of the emissary solemnly declaring the gift of the girl. The
bridegroom and his party thereafter came to the town of
the bride and were suitably lodged. On an auspicious day
and at an auspicious time (astrology then being as powerful
as now) fixed by the astrologers, the bridegroom came in
procession to the house of the bride and was received at
the door by the bride's father, conducted to the assembly
and duly honoured. The Kshatriyas apparently observed
Tiurdah then as now and the actual marriage took place in
the purdah where Brahmins were admitted. The immortal
Bana describes the bride anxiously waiting near the mar-
riage Vedi surrounded by her companions and incessantly
chiding both her own heart and the companions for
prompting her to raise her head to have a look at the
bridegroom, as he entered the inner apartment. For
Indian brides then as now usually hung down their heads
before the bridegrooms. At the arrival of the exact aus-
picious moment the bride and bride-grooms joined hands,
kindled the sacrificial fire, threw in it the oblations of
Laja or fried rice and walked the seven steps constituting
lifelong friendship, the most vital part of the ceremony of
marriage according to the Smritis. The bride and bride-
groom then bowed to their parents and elderly ladies and
relations and Brahmins. Strangely enough Bar,a does
not describe that there was a feast hereafter. He describes
SOCIAL CONDITION 95
their repairing to the Avasa griha or specially prepared
decorated honeymoon room where they passed their
first night of conjugal happiness. The bridegroom is
described by Bana as residing for about 8 or 10 days here-
after at the father-in-law's house and trying to gratify in
every way his mother-in-law. He then departed with his
bride after receiving suitable presents, servants and para-
phernalia, to his own country.
From the above detailed description it will appear
"that although the ritual of marriage has remained almost
the same, there is a difference in the then and the present
custom of marriage in two important points namely, that
then the bridegroom usually sought the bride and secondly
that consummation took place on the first day of marriage
indicating of course that the girls were grown up at the
time of marriage.
The next observation to make with regards to marri-
age is that women once married could not be remarried,
at least, in the three higher castes as now. But the tonsure
of widows is apparently a custom later than the times of
Bana, for in one place, Bana speaks of the peculiar Veni.
i. e. braid of hair of widows, see ^wrg '^'t^q%rrff ^^[Tj^^^f^l-.
H. C. p. 236. What this particular mode of Veni or braid
of hair of widows was, there is no indication. In the
Eamayana we have the expression ^'-h'^'JM'cKl applied to Sita
when she was in Havana's house separated from her hus-
band and this kind of Veni is also frequently mentioned
by poets in connection with women whose husbands are
away. Happier women put on the three braided Veni but
what difference was made between the Ekaveni of wives with
husbands living but away and the Veni of widows we can-
not discover. Widows had also, as already stated, a dis-
tinctive colour of their clothes, namely, the white, other
women wearing coloured clothes and clothes with borders
probably.
The custom of enforced widowhood, not accompanied
by that of child marriage must not then have been felt a
96 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
grievance though pitiable instances of women widowed
in early age like Rajyasri must have occurred now and
then. To these women Buddhism offered an asylum and
the order of Buddhist nuns must have been principally
composed of such women. Though thus enforced widow-
hood did not then exist in its cruellest form, we have to notice
another inhuman custom which appears to have then
obtained from the writings of poets and even the descrip-
tions of Banain the Harsha Charita. Widows of kings con-
quered and slain in battle appear to have been reduced to
the condition of servitude in the family of the conqueror.
It is no wonder, therefore, such women often preferred
death to servitude. It is strange that the woes of the
widows of conquered kings are a favourite topic for the
poet's art to exhibit itself. Widow marriage not being
allowed, such women in the family of the conqueror might
have also often been reduced to the condition of concubines.
The harems of kings, it must also be noticed, consisted of a
number of wives and a still larger number of concubines
or courtezans. The latter, of course, easily exchanged their
position with one king for that with another and greater
king."^ But that the widowed queens of conquered kings
should usually have been reduced to the status of servants
andsometimesof concubines seems rather strange and crue;
compared with the otherwise well ordered and moral con-
dition of the Hindu society and we would not have believed
in it, but for such passages as the following one from
<r;Tt5i^'-T{t ^^'^ H. C. p. 231.
With these exceptions the condition of women was
generally very good. They were well treated and well
educated. Rajyasri was well versed in various Kalas and
Sastras and was a learned lady. Nay she was taught
singing and dancing (H. E. page 197) arts which are now
looked down upon as prohibited to respectable women in
the Hindu society. Bana's description of the dancing of
See the mention of the concubines of the king of Malwa who was conquered and
killed by RSjya. presented by Bhandi to Harsha. ^"^T^ 5^ ^f ?T^^ff ^f^STRF^ro?'
^[Ti^f?Trfl"^r. H, C. P. 302
SOCIAL CONDITION 97
the ladies of sardars and princes on the joyous occasion of
the birth of Harsha is remarkable. Of course the dancing
of such respectable women was different from that of
public women and was not open to men to gaze at. And the
dancing of men and women together did not exist as may
be gathered from the fact that purdah was in force in those
days and hence mixed gatherings of men and women were
impossible.
The custom of Sati was of course prevalent. And Marsha's
mother is discribed by Bana to have burnt herself even before
her husband was actually dead. The practice of burning
oneself in fire, was resorted to even by men who did so
often to express their intense affection for a deceased mas-
ter, or for the mere sake of merit or to avoid misery and
pain. Bana describes Rajyasri as about to burn herself in
her destitution and also the friends of Prabhakaravar-
dhana like his physician Rasayana and some of his favouite
ministers and servants burning themselves before or after
his death much in the manner of the Japanese minister
who shot himself after the death of the last Mikado. These
discriptions of Bana might have been treated as mere poe-
tical hyperbole had it not been for corroborating epigraphic
evidence. In the Aphsad inscription (Crop. Ins. Vol. Ill
P. 225) we find king Kumara Gupta burning himself in
fire at Prayaga. Why he did so does not appear, but
from the fact that he burnt himself at Prayaga, he may be
believed to have done so merely for the merit of it. " ^r^-
^fc!T5Tc[*<T<t W' WU^^^'f^ 1 3TWRfT^^Fnwn^ J??T: W- 5^qijprci:" The con-
tempt of death exhibited in these acts of self-sacrifice is
indeed remarkable. Then there were other modes of putting
an end to one's life, such as falling from a precipice or
swallowing dire poison and so on. These are described
even in the Mahabharataand the custom of putting an end
to one's life for various allowable reasons seems to be
very ancient.*
*As for instance Arjuna's preparation to burn himself in a fire for not being able to
kill Jayadratha or the Prayopavesana of BhCrishrava on the battlefield (smothering
oneself to death ). The custom of self-immolation at Prayaga is described even by
Hiuen Tsang.
13
98 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
We will lastly speak of the funeral customs of the
people. The dead were usually burnt on pyre, except per-
haps in the case of hermits whose dead bodies were buried.
On the third or tenth day bits of bones of the burnt body
were collected and generally sent to some sacred place to
be thrown into a river or pond considered sacred. Sraddhas
were performed at which Brahmins were fed and gifts
of several kinds were made to Brahmins. It does not, how-
ever, appear that the gifts mentioned in modern Puraiias
and later books had then come into vogue. The following pas»
sage from Bana'sHarsha Charita describing what was done
at the time of the obsequies of the deceasedPrabhakara father
of Harsha will show this — "arq" 5% 5l^-W5frTf^a^f% rj^:^^
%3, ^RPT f^^RFT ?Tirf5n%RT U^JT--F3: H. C. p. 241 " When the
Brahamin (one) eating the first oblation to the dead had
been feasted, when the bed, the seat, the Chamara, the um-
brella, the drinking bowl, the carriages and the arms and
other belongings of the deceased monarch, which could not
be looked at without pain, had been given away to Brah-
mins, when his bones had been sent to a holy place and
when the great riding elephant of the king, who had won
many battles had been let off in the jungles.". This speaks
it may be noticed, of only one Brahmin being fed, it speaks
of the royal elephant as let off, not given in gift and of the
king's belongings being given away to Brahmins, not be-
cause they would be of use to his soul in its progress across
the river of the Dead in the Yamaloka, but because their
sight gave impetus to grief. This description of the obse-
quies of even a great king will show that the Garuda
Purana theory of gifts of various things for the benefit of
the soul had not yet arisen. The expression g-'-TTR^^TI^^f^flT-
"^c^rf^^ which we have omitted from the above quotation
is somewhat difficult to understand but it seems that the
custom of raising some temple at the place of burning the
the dead body of the kings was then prevalent as now. A
mark of such memorial temple was promptly made by a
lieap of whitened stones and the memorial temple was sub-
SOCIAL CONDITION 99
sequently raised. In the case of ordinary funerals such
memorials were not raised as will also appear below.
It is necessary to add here the description of the funeral
customs of the people recorded by Hiuen Tsang. He says
(Watters,Vol. I p. 174) "At the obsequies of the deceased tne
relatives wail and weep, rending their clothes and tearing
out'their hair, striking their brows and beating their breasts.
There is no distinction in the styles of mourning costume
and no fixed period of mourning. There are three recognised
customs for disposing of the dead. The first of these is
cremation, a pyre being made on which the body is co]i-
sumed. The second is water-burial, the corpse being put in-
to a stream to float and dissolve; the third is burial in the
wilds, the body being cast away in the woods to feed wild
animals. Meritorious appellations are conferred on the
living, the dead have no honorary distinctions. No one
goes to take food in a family afflicted with death. But
after the funeral, matters are again as uaual. Those who
attend the funeral are all regarded as unclean and they
all wash outside the city wall before entering. These
who become very old or are afflicted by incurable dis-
ease, who desire to cast off humanity, are given a farewell
entertainment by friends and relatives and are taken in a
boat to the middle of the Ganges with music, that they may
drown themselves in it, saying that they would be born in
heaven. The Buddhist brethren are forbidden to wail
aloud. On the death of a parent they read a service
of gratitude "their following the departed is securing bliss
in the other world.
CHAPTER VI
RELIGIOUS CONDITION
The most prominent characteristic of the religious con-
dition of India in the days of Harsha was the complete toler-
ation which distinguished the two or rather three religions
which claimed the people of the country for their adher-
ents. Buddhism and Hinduism flourished side by side and
Jainism too. In the same kingdom, in the same city, in
the same family even, Hindus, Jains and Buddhists lived
peaceably, amicably holding discussions without embitter-
ment on the most abstruse questions of man and God. If
the father was a devotee of Siva, the son was a devotee of
Buddha and the same man in his own life might change his
religion without causing disturbance either in the family
or the society. The reason of such toleration lay probably
in the fact that the people of these diverse religions were
of the same race and had the same habits and customs, and
partook of the same kind of food and drink. It appears
even probable that the instinctive tendency of the peo-
ple for the observation of caste distinctions was not at all
obstructed in the different religions and lay Buddhists and
Jains probably observed caste as much as the Hindus, The
recluses or monks alone of Buddhism or Jainism throwing
away caste, the unity of the three religions remained un-
disturbed.
Hiuen Tsang's description of the several kingdoms in
the country shows thatthepeopleof India, generally speak-
ing, were at this time equally divided between the orthodox
and the heterodox faiths. Of course Jainism was not yet
a prominent religion, its adherents being found chiefly in
small tracts in the Panjab, in Beneral and in the south. In
the map appended hereto has been depicted the condition
of the prevalence of the diiferont religions at this time in
India, the religions being marked in separate colours and
it will appear therefrom that while in the extreme North-
RELIGIOUS CONDITION IGI
west in Kapisa or Kafiristan there was practically no other
religion but Buddhira prevalent and in the extreme North-
east that is in Assam no other but Hinduism, in the rest of
the country with few exceptions, Hinduism and Buddhism
claimed equal adherents as well among the people as
among the ruling kings; and this equal prevalence of the
two religions among the peoples and the princes was
another cause which preserved their amicable relations.
Such relations were also preserved by another fact. Both
Hinduism and Buddhism were equally idolatrous at this
time. If anything, Buddhism perhaps beat the former
in its intense idolatry. That religion started, indeed, with
the denial of God, but ended by making Buddha himself
the Supreme God. Later developments of Buddhism added
other gods like the Bodhisatvas and the idolatry of Bud-
dhism especially in the Mahayana school was firmly esta-
blished. It flourished in and out of India so much that the
word for an idol in the Arabic has come to be Buddha
itself. No doubt idolatry was at this time rampant all over
•the world. From the Atlantic to the Pacific the world was
immersed in idolatry, Christianity, Semiticism, Hinduism
and Buddhism vying, so to speak, one with another in
their adoration of idols*. The natural result was, of course,
the birth of an idol-denying and an idol-breaking religion
at this time, but that religion had not yet reached India.
India was thus, at this time, studded over literally with
thousands of temples raised to the principal gods of the
two or rather three religions. There were temples in which
immense statues of Buddha and Bodhisatvas and of the
Jain Tirthankaras were worshipped by thousands of devo-
tees and there were other temples in which the Hindu gods
chiefly Siva, Vishnu and the Sun were adored by the Hin-
du devotees. The historical work, Rajatarangini testifies
to how hundreds of temples were raised in Kashmir to Siva
and Buddha by pious kings of either religion, and from
epigraphic records may be gathered that idols of Siva, Vi-
shnu, the Sun and the Buddha were set up by kings and
"' And Jainism too was deeply steeped in idolatry in the worship of naked standing
idols of Jina or its Tirthankaras. If the Budhhist's favourite idol was the seated Buddha,
ihe Jain idol was a standing Jina in his naked asceticism.
102 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
rr.erchanc princes in other parts of India also. Itwould be-
impossible to describe all the famous temples, Hindu and
Buddhist, which existed at this time and many of which
have beeti described in detail by Hiuen Tsang. But two
Hindu temples of great fame described by him may well-
be mentioned here. In Miilasthanapura ( Multan ) there
was a magnificent temple to the sun. "The image was of
gold, ornamented with precious substances. It had mar-
vellous powers. There was a constant succession of
females performing music. Lights were kept burning all
night and incense and flowers were continually offered.
The kings and grandees of all India gave precious sub-
stances as offerings and erected free rest-houses with food
and drink and medicine for the sick and needy. At this
temple there were constantly 1000 pilgrims from various
lands offering prayers. All round the temple were tanks
and flowery woods making a delightful resort." (Watters,
Vol. 2 p. 254). Along with this famous temple of the sun at
Multan may be noticed a temple of Siva at Benares,
"where there were 10,000 professed adherentsjof Siva," and
" where there was a metal image of the Deva (probably
Siva) nearly 100 feet high which was life-like in its awe-in-
spring majesty".
These two instances will suffice to show how the
liberality of kings and grandees had contributed to the ac-
cumulation of riches in temples both of the Hindus and the
Buddhists and how these in later times became the objects
of the cupidity of impious and irreligious brigands: An image
is after all an emblem of a higher original but when the sense
of its being an image is lost and it becomes truly the
god himself the growth of pious ignorance is unavoid-
able. Not only riches accumulate in temples by the adorn-
ment of idols, but superstitious beliefs also accumulate
touching their miraculous powers. In the times of which
we are writing, Hindus and Buddhists appear io have vied
with each other in their superstitious beliefs about the
potency of images. Superstition is the bane of every re-
ligion and Buddhism was not an exception to the rule. As
RELIGIOUS CONDITION 103
Buddhism had started with the denial of God it had
also started with the denial of all superstitious beliefs.
But with the installation of Buddha as the supreme
god, the personal worship offered to him was carried to
such excess, that bits of his bones and flesh, the parings of
his nails and portions of his hair were greedily taken hold
of and enshrined in temples and Stupas which gradually
came to be invested with miraculons power. The Records
of the travels of Hiuen Tsang are full of stories of the
wondrous powers possessed by Buddha's images, and his
relics or Sariras as they were called. It creates a smile in
the reader to see that the same Hiuen Tsang who could
laugh at the credulity" of the Hindus in believing that the
waters of the Ganges (at Hardwar) could save the souls of
the dead by mere fretting them and raising the waves or by
throwing their bones into it, ( Watters Vol. I p. 319), could
believe that the Sariras of Buddha enshrined in a tower near
the great Nalanda monastery inMagadha could emit brilli'
ant light at night. He relates having himself seen " the
relic tower bright and effulgent as the sun, while from its
summit proceeded a lambent flame of five colours reaching
to the sky. Heaven and earth were flooded with light, the
moon and the stars were no longer seen and a subtle per
fume seemed to pervade the precincts" (Life p. 157). Per-
sonal adoration can go no further 1 1 !
Not only Buddha's relics and Buddha's images, but
even Buddhist monks were attributed superhuman powers
And in this Hindu ascetics were not to be left behind. Such
powers were believed to be attained by the practice of Yoga
which both Buddhism and Hinduism had made their own
and raised to the skies. Buddhist and Hindu Yoga
practices were, however, not of a repulsive cha-
racter. The practices of some devotees of Siva
Hiuen Tsang relates a story that Deva Pusa from Sinhala once came here
and finding simple people fretting the water and raising the waves, he bent his head
down to check the water. On being asked by Tirthikas what he was doing he said
he was sending water back to reach his relatives in Sinhala, who were thirsty. On being
told that it was an absurd proceeding he replied, if sinners in the world beyond received
benefit from agitating th's water, it must save his relatives in spite of the intervening
mountains and rivers. " His arguments convinced the hearers v/ho acknov/Iedged their
error and became Buddhist" (Watters Vol, I p. 321).
104 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
were almost staggering and their beliefs indeed
strange. They believed in a set of demons, who were
the followers or companions of Siva and who were to be
propitiated by human sacrifices or by oblations of the flesh
of the dead. Such Pasupatas wore garlands of human
skulls as described by even Hiuen Tsang. (Watters, Vol. I).
The principal god of this terrible worship was probably
Mahakala of Ujjain and his lieutenant was Vetala the
chief of demons. He was to be propitiated by a sacrifice in
fire kindled in the mouth of a corpse and on the burial
ground and so on. Their highest aim was to obtain the con-
dition of a Vidyadhara a supposed blessed being in attend-
ance on Siva. Harsha Charita ( p. 161-6 ) relates how Pu-
shyabhiiti, the founder of the Vardhana family of Thane-
sar, assisted ajBhairavacharya to attain to this state of be-
ing a Vidyadhara by such a revolting sacrifice, and thus
himself attained eminence as a king. However imaginary
such stories may be, they testify to the strange supersti-
tions of the Siva cult and their prevalence all over the coun-
try. This Tantric Siva worship appears to have come
from the south, the Dravidians, particularly the Andhras,
being always spoken of as the chief priests in its rites •.
( H. C. 214 ) The superstitious practices of the allied wor-
ship of Chandika were not much better than those of the
worship of Siva and there-in too the Dravidians and the
Andhras were the worshippers. Whether the superstition
came from the south or not it is clear that the Tantrika wor-
ship was prevalent and its superstitions rampant at this
time from Kashmir and Kabul to Bengal and to the south-
ernmost point. From Hiuen Tsang's Records as well as
from epigraphic evidence it appears that the worship of
Siva was most extensively spread. Its adherents were more
numerous than those of Aditya or Vishnu both among the
people as among the princes. Among other Hindu gods
Kumara and Chandika were prominent, Ganapatit being
rather scarcely mentioned.*
"^f^^J^ etc. 37R^ is explained by the commentator as meaning Vetala.
+ His name, as is now usual, is not recited at the beginning of the copperplates of
Ihis centurv.
RELIGIOUS CONDITION 105
Along with the worship of these gods there still sur-
vived the old Vedic worship of fire. The Brahmins seems to
have generally kept up the agnihotra and the Kshatriyas
appear to have performed more elaborate sacrifices. Asva-
medha or horse sacrifice is shown by epigraphic records to
have been performed by powerful kings in different coun-
tries. It is not, therefore, improbable that the prohibition
of this sacrifice in the Kaliyuga dates later than this period.
In fact according to our view the Kalivarjas arose here-
after for reasons which will be discussed in our next vo-
lume. This and kindred sacrifices were performed by Brah-
min, Kshatriya and Vaisya kings* and not by Sudra or
foreign kings. This explains the spread of Buddhism among
the Sudra and foreign kings who being debarred from
performing these Vedic sacrifices leaned naturally towards
the Buddhist religion opposed to sacrifice. During the
reign of Harsha, however, these bloody sacrifices involving
as they did the killing of cows, horses and other animals
must have ceased to be performed causing dissatisfaction
among orthodox kingly families and constituting one of
the grievances which led after the death of Harsha to
a concussion between Hinduism and Buddhism. For, the
Vediccultof sacrifices too was not without its superstitions.
Sacrifice was believed to be potent in obtaining anything
a man desired in this or the next world and in enabling
the sacrificer to wield power over the forces or deities of
earth and heaven. For a time, however, while the strong
hand of Harsha wielded the sceptor of the world all
slaughter, as mentioned by Hiuen Tsang was stopped
and bloody sacrifices were again in abeyance, after having
"■ The Badami cave inscription of Kirtivarman dated A. D. 878, represents the
Chalukyas as having performed the ASnishtoma, Vajapeya, Paundarika, Bahusuvarma
and the Asvaniedha sacrifices. Ind. Ant. Vol, VI p. 363,
Corp, In. Vol, ni no. 12. Bihar stone pillar inscription of Skanda Gupta men-
tions that Samudra Gupta performed 'the long neglected' Asvamedha sacrifice f^Y-
?^T^W<TFffn) p. 50.
Corp, In. Vol. II] no. 3fi p, 15» shows that a Brahmin king Indra Vishnu per-
formed several Kratus or sacrifices Etv(l<4ll Jlrt: p. 159.
Corp. In. Vol. in Nos. 36, 33 Vakitaka inscriptions at p.. 168 of Pravarsena II
14
106 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
flourished for about two centuries during the Gupta supre-
macy, Samudra Gupta having revived the orthodox Asva-
medha sacrifice which had long been in abeyance during the
Buddhist supremacy of the Kushans.
The ordinary Agnihotra, however, still flourished and
was generally observed by Brahmins, at least of the priestly
profession. Howthereligiousof such worship Brahmins was
a blend of the old Vedic sacrifice and the later idol wor-
ship appears pleasantly clear from the following passage
in the Harsha-Charita (p. 91-92) in which Bana describes
the religious ceremonies performed by him at the time of
his starting on the most important journey in his life,
namely to pay his first visit to the emperor Harsha.
g?.wfg?iiHiT^'-T'-^5Rf^(5f^'-iiT5r<fq^|^ %rR qfJT^rr vf^^rr ^ 5f«m-
" Rising early in the morning and having bathed
he wore a fresh washed white cotton piece of cloth
and then with a rosary recited many times the Vedic
mantras to be recited on a journey. He then worshipped
an idol of Siva the god of gods by first bathing it with
milk and offered it with great devotion fragrant flowers,
incense, pigment, Dhvaja, Bali, Vilepana and lights. He
then sacrificed to the god fire, whose flames going towards
the right were increased by the pouring of ghee and sesa-
mum. . He then gave Dakshinas to Brahmins according to
his means. Having then gone round the sacrificial cow
which stood facing the east, and applying white powder
to his body, putting on white garlands and wearing white
clothes, he put r%5p| (V) in the hair of his head. He was
then smelt on the head by elders and putting forward his
right leg first he started from Pritikuta village followed by
■RELIGIOlfS CONDITION 107
his Brahmin relatives, having in their hands flowers and
fruits and reciting Vedic Suktasto be recited on a journey."
Such is the interesting picture of the religious aide of the
life of a great Brahmin of the seventh century ( who was
not a priest). As compared with the life depicted in the
old Grihyasutras ( see even the picture drawn by Kalidasa
of the starting of Sakuntala) we find that his religion was
still chiefly Vedic. He recited the Vedic mantras and
sacrificed to the Vedic fire. But he also worshipped idols
of Siva or Vishnu or other gods and believed in many
practices based on astrology. In modern times on the
other hand the Vedic worship has gradually dropped and
the worship of idols and astrological practices have re-
mained. Thus in religion too, Harsha's time stands
as a transition period between ancient and modern
Hinduism.
While the old Vedic Agnihotra was still kept up
among the Brahmin-householders and the sacrifical fire
was kindled morning and evening, the later Vedic Sanyasa
was not without its votaries."* In every town and in
every Hindu temple these Sanyasis resided and lived by
begging and passed their time in calm contemplation or
strangely enough as described by Bana, in bowing to the
idols in the temple. They are called Parasaris in the
Harsba-Charita and elsewhere probably because they
followed the rules laid down for Sanyasis by Parasara,
They were generally Brahmins and although they had
given up the world and wandered about they lived in
towns as sustenance was only obtainable in human habi-
tations. A few of them indeed were really good and
learned men but the majority of them were in Bana's days
irreligious and uneducated and had brought their
order into contempt. Sanyasa, therefore, had naturally
come at this time into disfavour and Parasari had become
a synonym for a bad man. Among the associates of Bana
^'Ht-^^M ^<r^3T% ( H. C, p. 126, )
108 BARSHA AND HIS TIMES
in his early undisciplined life he mentions Parasaris as
well as Bhikshus and in a passage evidencing great power
of social observation at page 249 H. C. remarks that there
was not a Parasari but was not an irreligious man.* They
were yet, however, objects of respect and were patronised
by kings and grandees, for among the visitors to the
Emperor Harsha Bana describes Parasaris as well as
Buddhist and Jain recluses. ( ^H<l^ri'- ^\^%' TRRtRr: ^Sff^f:
etc. p. 97.)
The rage for Pravrajya or giving up the world is a
strong passion of the Indian mind from ancient times. It
was due to the belief that this wurld was full of misery^
that the soul was bound in the chain of transmigration
from body to body according to its Karma and that the
only escape from the misery of the present and future
births lay in Pravrajya or giving up the world and ceasing
to act.t Under this belief the Rishisof the Upanishads gave
up living in towns and went to forests. The same belief
was placed in the forefront by Buddha, who added to it
the institution of monasteries. While Brahmin Sanyasis
were enjoined to live singly, Baddha not only allowed men
and women of all castes to become recluses, but for their
secure maintenance and quiet, established Sangharamas or
monasteries and directed lay devotees to feed them.
Sangharamas or monasteries, therefore, sprang into
existence and as Buddhism spread, multiplied. Thousands
of Bhikshus of all castes lived a life of ease and quiet in
these splendidly endowed institutions and they had line
halls and temples and stupas built for them by pious kings
and grandees. These monastic institutions of the
Buddhists were undoubtedly the parents of the
monastic institutions of Christianity and eventually
succumbed to the same causes as led to the downfall of
the latter. The downfall of the Buddhist monasteries
had, however, not yet commenced. From Hiuen Tsang's
t 3^Ra pjiA I 'j^ w'l'npRof fi JTisTifr sTsnr^ ( h. c, p. 338. )
RELIGIOUS CONDITION 109^
records and also from the Harsha-Charita, India was at
this time covered all over its extent by monasteries inha-
bited by thousands of monks and they were a set of well
behaved and moral people, generally speaking, and had
not yet come into disrepute like the Hiudu Parasaris-
Jainism too had its recluses and its monasteries though
they were yet a small community from Hiuen Tsang's
account. Saivism too had its recluses or ascetics and
these lived probably in temples of Siva and burial grounds.
Among all these different recluses namely Jainas
i^:) or Buddhists, Arhatas ( ant^* ) or Jains, Pasupatas,.
Parasaris, Variiis (Brahmacharis) -(H, C. above quoted)
and others were to be found men learned in the philoso-
phies of their respective doctrines and a peculiar charac-
teristic of this time was the extreme fondness of the
people and the princes to hear learned discussions on
philosophical questions between the professors of the
different doctrines. The Indian religion, strangely enough,
combines the highest philosophy with the grossest super-
stition. The Indo-Aryans in times remote, grappled with
the most abstruse problems relating to God and soul, and
have left us speculations in the Upanishads and the Vedas
beyond which no people have yet gone. Imbued with a
deep sense of the miseries of this world the Indo-Aryans
applied themselves to a consideration of the world beyond
while the western Aryans applied themselves to the pro-
blems of this world. And in their speculations, as Max-
Muller has observed, they never shrank from accepting
conclusions at which they logically arrived. Hence the
diversity of schools in Indian philosophies and hence also
their freedom from bigotry or intolerance of other opi-
nions. The Indo-Aryan mind always took delight in
logically discussing the various questions of religious
philosophy. Buddhism especially was fond of such dis-
cussions. The development of Nyaya philosophy which
Buddhism to some extent made its own lent indeed a
scholastic character to such discussions and there was no
criterion of truth except the opponent's defeat in discussion.
Yet they have an interest and a value of their own as
110 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
reason was held supreme or in c ther words as the argu-
ment from revelation was never resorted to. Bana's work
gives ample testimony to the popularity of such discussions
in his time. Especially, Hiuen Tsang records the great
assemblies of learned men which were convened at the
time of the quinquennial alms-giving ceremonies which
Harsha used to hold at Prayaga and at the last of which
Hiuen'Tsang himself was the president of the assembly.
The usual procedure in such assemblies was that some
one made a declaration of his doctrines and called upon
all present to refute them. Sometimes a written declara-
tion was posted at the gate of a monastery calling upon
adversaries to tear it. Hiuen-Tsang tells us of one such
declaration posted by a Brahmin opponent to the door of
the Nalanda monastery which no body daring to tear, he
himself tore and then entering upon a controversy with the
Brahmin defeated him, he having first sworn to be a slave
of the man who would defeat him. Hiuen Tsang, however,
relieved him from his oath and allowed him to depart a
Buddhist. The Buddhist monasteries appear to have been
constant scenes of such disputations, for the monks resid-
ing therein having no care for their maintenance had
ample time for study and discussion besides performing
their religious exercises. Hiuen Tsang notes also this
feature of the life in Buddhist monastaries. The Buddhists
themselves were divided into 18 sects and had as many
disputations among themselves as with outsiders. "The
Brethren are often assembled for discussion to test in-
tellectual capacity and bring moral character into pro-
minence. Those who bring forward or estimate aright fine
points in philosophy and give subtle principles their pro-
per place, who are ornate in diction and acute in refined
distinctions ride richly caparisoned elephants," preceded
and followed by a host of attendants. Bana's discription
in the Harsha-Charita evidences also the assembling
of opponent philosophers at the hermitages of Buddhist
recluses, and the passage is interesting as giving us a
catalogue of the various schools which then contended in
the field of discussion. In the Asrama of Divakaramitra
RELIGIOUS CONDITION 111
were assembled, Bana tells us at page 316 H. C. Arhatas/
(Jains), Maskaris (Sanyasis), Svetapatas ( Svetambara
Jains), white-clothed Bhiksus, Bhagavatas, Varnis
(Brahmacharis), Kesalunchacas ( those who rooted out
their hair), Kapilas (Sankhyas), Lokayatikas ( atheists).
Jains (Buddhists), Kanadas (followers of Kanada's Vaise-
sika philosophy), Aupanishadas (Vedantins), Aisvara
Karanikas ( Naiyayikas), Karandnamas (the philosophers
of •'^Tig^^ or elements ), Dharmasastris, Puranikas, Sapta-
tantavas(?),Saivas, Sabdikas (gramarians), Pancharatrikas
(followers of the Pancharatra sect of Vaishnavas ) and
others. This catalogue of the philosophies which were
current in the seventh century is historically important.
The Buddhists are here called Jains, Jina being a name of
Buddha while what are now called Jains are called
Arhatas. The Bhagavatas are again distinguished from
the Pancharatras. The Mimansakas are probably
intended by the term Dharmasastris for they based their
arguments on revelation. Lastly, Varnis or Brahmacharis
are distinguished from the Aupanishadas and these again
from the Maskaris. It is difScult to find out the nature
of the exact differences in these several allied philosophies
and we must content ourselves with noting the fact of
the distinction.
However much these different philosophies might
contend with one another, on two or three points all of
them seem to have held only one view. Firstly they all
believed ( with the exception of Lokayatikas or atheists
alone ) in the existence of the soul and its metempsychosis
through numberless births according to Karma. The
belief in the Karma doctrine and in the doctrine of the
transmigration of the kouI prorainentlydistinguishes Indian
philosophy from the philosophy of the West. We are not
concerned here either with its truth or otherwise or with
the history of its origin. But it is pertinent to remark
* 3TT|^: JT?^!^- ^fnl": q!i'g<!>§TTO": >J|-'mrf4iu||^: %7T^»^: ^rf^: ^tWl-
■!jfr(^^- E?ru^\trTRT^: ^'BWKl^: ^nT^^TT^fiT: vr^|%fH-: 'f|icrl%^: ^nrcT^%:
112 HAR3HA AND HIS TIMES
that this belief was a potent and living force at the time
of which we are writing. It had a great effect in main-
taining the morals of the people at a high level. The
following extract from Hiuen Tsang a foreign and unbiassed
writer is relevant in this connection '* They are of hasty
and irresolute temperament but of pure moral principles.
They will not take anything wrongfully and they yield
more than fairness requires. They fear the retribution of
sins in other lives (ind make light of what conduct produces
in this life." (Watters Vol. I P. 171.) And further, "As the
government is honestly administered and the people live
together on good terms the criminal class is small "
(Ditto). The same cannot be said of the present state of
the Indian society and apparently the credit of this high
moral condition of the people is due to the teachings of
Buddhism which lays stress upon this doctrine of trans-
migration of soul and its moral lessons with the greatest
force, though it has taken it from Hinduism itself.
Secondly, the doctrine of Ahinsa had become accept-
able to almost all the different schools of religious thought
m India. Its opponents were chiefly the Mimansakas or
the upholders of the old Vedic sacrifice, besides of course
the Lokayatikas or atheists and perhaps Pasupatas. but
even these Mimansakas had already come round to
accept it so far as ordinary slaughter of animals was
concerned. From the Mahabharata we already find the
compromise arrived at namely that although slaughter for
purposes of sacrifice and Sraddha was no slaughter it was
so for all ordinary purposes. We have shown elsewhere
(Epic India) that the Ahinsa doctrine was originally
started by Hinduism itself against animal sacrifice. ( See
Brihadaranya and other Upanishads). But it was taken up
by the Buddhists and the Jains and placed in the foremost
rank of their tenets. Whenever Buddhism flourished
animal sacrifices, therefore, fell in abeyance and along
with it naturally animal food also. The growth of the
worship of Krishna had made cows and bulls objects of
special adoration to the Hindus also and the slaughter of
RELIGIOUS CONDITION 113
cows and bulls had entirely ceased, as also that of certain
larger animals. When Hiuen Tsang visited India this
prohibition had become so strong " that the flesh of oxen,
asses, elephants, horses, pigs, dogs, foxes, wolves, lions,
monkeys and apes was entirely forbidden and those who
ate such food became pariahs" (Watters' Records V.I. P.178).
But the flesh of other animals was still permitted and
probably even Brahmins and Kshatriyas ate mutton and
venison as also fish. Besides during the Gupta supremacy
Asvamedha had been revived and at this sacrifice bulls and
horses must have been slaughtered, the sacrificers taking
refuge under the formula " slaughter for sacrifice was no
slaughter." Such practices must have given offence to
strong rulers of the Buddhistic faith and they must have
used their political power for the suppression of all slaugh-
ter. Hiuen Tsang tells us of Siladitya of Molapo prohi-
biting slaughter and animal food in his kingdom in the
latter half of the 6th century. This king himself was so
punctilious that he gave strained water to his horses and
elephants lest insects might be killed (Life p. 148) The.
Rajatarangini (III 6) mentions the efforts which Meghava-
hana made to prohibit slaughter in Kashmir. All such
partial attempts were now cast ino shade by the systema.
tic efforts of Harsha who wielded absolute power over the
whole of Northern India. " He prohibited the taking of
life under severe penalties and caused the use of animal
food to cease throughout the five Indies." (Watters' Vol. I
p. 344). Harsha was the master of four Indies only namely
the middle, the north, the west and the east. But in the
south probably his directions or requests must have been
complied with by the several kings in the south, the
people being already in favour of the prohibition of
animal food. Harsha's efforts appear to have been successful
■^nd although there was a rebound for a time against
Ahinsa after Harsha's death as we shall have to relate
hereafter, it became finally fixed in the Hindu mind and
strangely enough more completely in the south than
in the north- At this day Brahmins of the south are total
abstainers from flesh while in Northern India they are
15
114 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
only generally so. The Kshatriyas of the whole of India
who, it may be a surprise to read, are the most con-
servative people of the land, still use animal food but
the prohibition of animals enumerated by Hiuen Tsang as
above, is observed even by them. The Vaisyas are total
abstainers all over the country and other castes follow the
Kshatriyas, but habit of centuries and example of Brahmins
make them also generally abstainers from flesh. The non-
slaughter of cows and bulls has, it may be added, become so
completely the chief dogma of each and every follower of
Hinduism that its contempt rouses them as is well known,
even now, sometimes to the verge of religious frenzy.
Such is the great change in religious sentiment which
came over the people with respect to animal slaughter in
the momentous reign of the emperor Harsha. There is no
example in history of a great and vast people giving up
animal food for the sake of religious merit. The Ahinsa
doctrine has indeed raised Hinduism to a high position
of glory and has added to its spiritual power. But the
historian cannot but observe with Max-Muller that while
it has enabled India to live a higher spiritual life,
it has contributed largely to bring about its political
death. For a vegetarian people cannot ordinarily hope to
compete with thp flesh-eating peoples of the world in the
struggle for existence, as the history of India in the suc-
ceeding centuries but too painfully proved.
CHAPTER VII
POLITICAL CONDITION
Sir Vincent Smith observes at page 357 of his ' Early
history of India ' 3rd Edition, that when " the wholesome
despotism of Harsha terminated by his death, India
instantly returned to her normal condition of anarchical
autonomy. " This is, I am afraid, a wrong and an unhis-
torical view. To those who look upon India as one country
and who consider a despotic imperial rule as the only
remedy for her political ills, the political condition
which usually obtained in ancient India may appear as
one of anarchical autonomy. But it must be remembered
that India never was one kingdom at any time except the
present, when the British rule has brought the whole
country under subjection. India may indeed be called
one country from certain aspects of race, religion and
tradition, but it cannot be denied that it never was, at
least in ancient history, one country politically. It gener-
ally consisted of a number of kingdoms and these were
usually at war with one another. To apply to this
condition the term anarchical autonomy would be
improper.
For what was the condition of Europe at this time or
for that matter at any time in its history ? Europe may
fitly be compared to India in every respect. Exclusive of
Russia, Europe is almost equal to India in extent and
population and its people are practically of one race,
namely, Aryan and of one religion, namely, Roman
Christianity. In the seventh century Hiuen Tsang de-
scribes India as divided into about seventy kingdoms
( Watters' Vol. I p. 140 ). Europe in the seventh century
could not have been divided into less. England itself was
divided into five kingdoms, France, Germany and Italy
into many more. Indeed the condition of society, civi
lization and the means of communication in ancient times
116 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
prevented the formation of kingdoms larger than those
that existed in India or Europe at that time. And history
shows that these kingdoms of Europe were constantly at
war with one another. European history is indeed a terri-
ble history detailing the constant and usually sanguinary
wars waged by the several kingdoms with one another.
Now would it be proper to describe this condition of
Europe as one of anarchical; autonomy, or to make the
comparison still more complete, to say that when the
Empire of Charlemagne fell to pieces after his death.
Burope reverted to her usual condition of anarchical
autonomy ? Even now when railways and telegraphs have
made the growth of large kingdoms possible, Europe is
still divided into a number of small kingdoms which are
not larger than the kingdoms in India described by Hiuen
Tsang. If we take 6000 li or 1200 miles as the average
circumference of a large Indian kingdom like Maharashtra
the area of an average large kingdom in square miles comes
to about 1,20,000 sq. miles. Or we may make calcuation
in another way and divide the total present area of India
viz. 18,02,629 sq. miles, by 70 and arrive at the area
25,752 sq. miles of an average kingdom in India as it existed
in the seventh century. The smaller kingdoms existing
in Europe at this day, Belgium ( 11,373 sq. ms. ), Holland
(12.582), Portugal (32,000), Italy ( 1,10,632 J, Bulgaria
( 33,645 ), Roumania ( 53,489 ) and Greece ( 25,014 ), not to^
speak of the small states of which the German Empire is
composed, are not thus larger than the kingdoms existing
in India in Hiuen Tsang's days, and these states of Europe
are normally in a condition of war. A decade does not pass
without a fight somewhere, and yet these small states are
alive and flourishing ; and history cannot describe the
normal condition of Europe as one of ' anarchical
autonomy'. The mistake lies in looking upon India as one
country or a territory that deserved to be one country
under one rule and hence, I apprehend, the use of the
word anarchical.
The question for the historian is why did the small
kingdoms of India succumb to the Mahomedans in the
POLITICAL CONDITION 117
12th century ? Why did they not live and develop into
strong kingdoms like the states of Europe ? It is usually
suggested that the Indian kingdoms ought to have fore-
seen the danger of foreign invasions and that they should
have laid aside mutual feuds in order to gather strength
against them. It is argued, for example, that after the de-
feat of the Huns, under Mihirkula in 528 A. D. India
was free from fc/eign invasion till the invasion of Mahmud
of Ghazni about 1000 A. D,, and she was free to work
out her destiny. This involves not only the previous
misconception that India was one country but also the
further misconception that such foreign invasions oould
have been foreseen. In fact we usually look upon the
condition of the seventh century, from our state of
knowledge in the twentieth century. But the invasions of
Mahmud could not have been foreseen by any the
wisest man, in the seventh century. No body in those days
or even later could have dreamt that the Turks, fired with
the fanaticism of a new creed and cursed with the bar-
barism of new invaders, would devastate India in the 11th
and the 12th centuries. Even the loss of Sind in the
beginning of the 8th century could not have served as a
warning. The conquest of Sind, in India, by the Arabs
may fitly be compared to the conquest of Constantinople
in Europe by the Turks. The Turks have remained in
Europe like a thorn in the side of Europe for these five
centuries in the same way as the Arabs remained in Sind
for five centuries before the 13th. The Arabs from Sind
molested the Hindus east, north and south much in the
same way as the Turks harassed Europe in t'ne west,
north and south. Yet Europe never thought of laying
aside her internal animosities and combining under one
empire. Why should then the kingdoms of India have
thought of combining under one sceptre to drive away
the Arabs ? Nay, the parallel goes much further. Mr.
Sardesai accuses the Rashtrakutas of having actually
taken the assistance of these Arab foreigners in their
fights with the Gurjaras. But it must be remembered
that in advanced Europe the same thing was done and is
118 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
being done. History tells us that Francis I of France
excited the Turks against the Germans in his war with
Charles V, Emperor of Germany, in the 16th century. And
curiously enough the debt has been paid back in the
present 20th century by the last Emperor of Germany by
raising the Turks against the French and their allies
although the latter are of the same religion, race and civi-
lization as the Germans. The reason is, that in political
struggles, even religion and race are not of much account.
The Buigars are at present fighting against the Russians
though of the same race and even of the same religious
church. We need not, then, feel wonder if the Rashtra-
kiltas sought the assistance of the Arabs, against their
own co-religionists. We must remember that the Gur-
jarasand Rashtrakutas formed two distinct kingdoms with
distinct political interests. The real difference between
Europe and India lies in the fact that while both the
Gurjaras and the Rashtrakutas have eventually succumbed
beforethe Arabs, the French and the Germans are still alive
and not likely to succumb to the Turks. The real question,
therefore, for the historian is why did the Gurjaras and the
Rashtrakutas succumb ? In other words why did thp king-
doms in India not develop into strong nations ? What
was the political condition in the seventh' and the pre-
ceding centuries which led to her decline and downfall ?
That is the question which we really have to solve and
which requires to be carefully tackled in the light of
western and easten history past and present.
The main cause of this difference in the vitality of
the nations in the west and the nations in the east
appears to be the complete divergence in the develop-
ment of their political ideas. While in the west the high-
est ideal of a state was evolved at a very ancient date in
Greece, in India the Indo-Aryan intellect not only failed
to grasp the essentials of a perfect state but developed
ideas which were diametrically opposed to them. Per-
haps the Indo-Aryan intellect was. as said before,
engrossed with the idea of the nothingness of this
POLITICAL CONDITION 119
world's prosperity and devoting itself to spirtual spe-
culation spurned the limitations of a limited state
and concerned itself with the welfare of the whole
world, man and beast, animate and inanimate. In Europe
the small citizen states of Greece were led by the Hellenic
intellect to a very high political development and the
Romans by their legal temperament carried it to the far-
thest limits. The duties and the dignities of a citizen of
the Roman Empire, a word which still reminds us of the
ancient develpment of city-states, were now clearly under-
stood and defined and they in their turn moulded the
development of political ideas in the Germanic peoples
who added their own political instincts and notions to the
ideas inherited from the civilizations of Greece and Rome.
The German states were, indeed, not republics like the
ancient states of Greece and Rome, but the power of the
king in these was limited by institutions of states-general
or representative assemblies of the people; and these have
developed into the modern kingdoms of Europe with their
limited monarchies. The rights and duties of the citizens
or rather members of a state have further been developed
by French thinkers preceding the French Revolution and
their ideas have now permeated to the lowest class in each
and every state of Europe. Under their influence each
individual citizen in the western states believes that he
is a partner in the political partnership of the state and is
thus both its master and servant in his own small capacity.
Each citizen again is bound to the state not only by ties
of affection or patriotism but also by the ties of self-interest,
for each one shares in the prosperity of the state or its
adversity and is thus ready to make any sacrifice for it by
self-interest as well as by patriotism. Such a state must
necessarily be a strong organisation and cannot be
suppressed or killed except by the greatest exertion of
enemies, Nay, it has come to be a maxim with political
philosophers in the west that no people, however few,
imbued with the instincts of true citizenship, can ever be
suppressed by force.
120 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
The development of political ideas in India was exactly
in the opposite direction. The Indo-Aryans were indeed
in the beginning imbued with the same racial tendencies
as their brethren in the west. The sovereignty so to speak
belonged to the people and the king was merely their
leader and agent. There were public assemblies of the
people which advised the king on all important matters.
Taxation was levied apparently with the consent of the
people. The later tradition that the people promised Manu
^^th of their land produce in consideration of his accepting
their kingship contains the germ of this principle. Kings
were often elected and in some tribes there were no kings
at all, the people themselves regulating their affairs by a
council of elders. In short, in the earliest period of Indian
history the political condition of the people was developing
in the same direction as in the west. Indeed the union
of the people with the state and the king was so complete
in ancient times that the names of the three were
identical. The state was still tribal and the same word
n the plural indicated the state and the people, while in
the singular it meant the king. In the Vedic and even in
Epic times this was the rule. For example the Kurus, the
Madras, the Panchalas, the Kosalas and so on meant both
the people and the country; and the singular Kuru,Madra,
Panchala and Kosala and so on meant the king. A similar
state of things obtained in the west. The land was there
also called after the people and the king was called by the
same name. France was the land of the Franks, England
of the Angles and Saxony of the Saxons ; and France?
England and Saxony meant also the kings of those lands*
Thus the name of the people gave the name to the country
and the king, both in the east and the west.
Such was the state of things in India down to
Buddha''=; time. In the succeeding centuries this condition
gradually changed. The people gradually receded from
view, probably because they were now composed largely
of Sudras and not of the Aryans as in previous times.
The kings who were often non-Aryan and sometimes even
POLITICAL CONDITION 121
foreigners, gradually assumed absolute power. The people
thus became accustomed to the rule of kings who were not
of their own race and of the Kshatriya caste. They gradu-
ally ceased to take interest in politics, being less or never
consulted and eventually came to believe that it was
none of their business to rneddle with state affairs. Parti-
cular persons of the three higher castes, Brahmins,
Kshatriyas and ,Vai?yas did take some interest in politics
being soldiers and olificials, but the generality of the people
being Sudra, was debarred from all participation in
political activities. And eventually the people lost all
idea as to their possessing any rights of participation in
the government of the country.
In this way diverged the political development of
the Aryans in the east and in the west. Not that in the
west the factor of a lower class did not arise. In Greece
there were the Helots ; in Rome the Plebeins ; in France
the Gauls ; in England the Britons. In Germany alone,
perhaps, the people were homogeneous. But in all these
cases the lower classes were not racially very distinct
from the higher and not very inferior in physical and
mental capacities- In all these countries, therefore, they
struggled to obtain political rights. For instance the
persistent efforts of the Plebeians in Rome to obtain politi-
cal and even social equality are well known and these
struggles themselves were an education to the people. In
India, on the other hand, especially in the north, the
Dravidian lower classes were very inferior in capacities,
and being different in complexion, features and habits re-
mained distinct in position, social and political, and never
struggled for equality of rights. Political power, there-
fore, gradually centered primarily in the higher classes»
especially in the Kshatriyas and in the kings next. The
king was invested with divine attributes in public esti-
mation by superstition as well as by craft, and the despotic
power of kings without any restriction by popular assem-
'blies was eventually firmly established during the Bud-
dhistic period of Indian history.
122 HAR8HA AND HIS TIMES
Such remained the political condition of India in the
seventh century. The king was absolute and possessed
of despotic power unrestricted by the voice of any
public assemblies. The kingdom and the people belonged
to him, so to speak, as his private property. The kingdom
naturally ceased to be called by the name of the people.
Among the seventy or so kingdoms mentioned by Hiuen
Tsang only a few bear the name of the people. The old
names of Kuru, Panchala, Anga, Vanga &c. are gone and
we have the names of Thanesar, Kanauj, Karnasuvarna,
Tamralipti and so on. They are names taken generally
after the capital town or some physical feature of the
country. The kings are not named after the people but
after a Vansa or family as the Vardhanas, the Maukharis,
the Guptas and so on.
And these families did not attain to kingly position
by the consent or approbation of the people or by here-
ditary rights of several generations even, but by divine
favour obtained, it was believed, by reason of austerities
performed by certain individuals in their past
lives. Under this superstitious view anybody might be-
come king or had the right to become king if only he
succeeded in establishing himself on the throne by hook
or crook. For, the people's consent or acceptance was
never thought of as having anything to do with the aifair.
The story related by Kalhana about how Ranaditya
(Raj. Ill) became king is typical of this popular supersti-
tion. The Harsha Charita also relates how Pusyabhuti
obtainted a boon by assisting in a Pasupata sacrifice, that
a Chakravarti would be born in his family. When the
Brahmin Chacha usurped the throne of Sind, he is said in
the Chachanama to have observed " It is written in the
books of Hind that whenever a person who has trained
his soul to austerities dies, his soul transmigrates to the
child of a king or a great man in return for his good
deeds." The people thus had not only no political rights
but had no hand whatever in the acceptance of kings, as
persons became kings by reason of their austerities per-
POLITICAL CONDITION 123
formed in former lives. Under such a view of the
organization of a state, there can scarcely be born that
national vitality which is the essential factor in the
strength of nations. Naturally enough patriotism was a
virtue which never arose in India. There are, in Indian
history, no noble examples of patriotic sacrifices such as
are to be found in Greek, or Roman history or in the later
history of the European nations. The feeling of love of the
country or the nation cannot arise when the nation itself
has no existence. 'Ihe place of patriotism was supplied by
the feeling of loyalty. The king being the absolute master
of the state or the people, appointed by divine will, the
people could naturally be actuated only by the feeling of
loyality or love to the divine king. Loyalty has been the
distinguishing characteristic of the people of this country
from the most ancient times. In the Harsha Charita
we find many such examples recorded by Bana and inthese
servants or officers give up their lives simply for the
grief they felt on the death of their sovereign. And if the
royal family continued steady on the throne for genera-
tions it did so not by the patriotism of the people but by
the loyalty of their servants and officers. The people
generally were also loyal to the reigning king. But their
loyalty must always have been lukewarm and they were
generally willing, or felt no concern, when one rule was
substituted by another.
What the condition was in individual kingdoms also
obtained in empires. Harsha's empire was the culmina-
ting point of the Buddhist period of Indian history
which was passing away. He founded and maintained an
empire as strong as the Gupta empire and in the history of
the following mediaeval period no kingdom approached
either the extent or the solidarity of Harsha's rule.
Harsha again was one of the most righteous emperors in
the history of the world, conscientiously endeavouring to
secure the happiness of the people. And yet the poli-
tical conceptions of the people remaining the same, he could
not infuse into his empire any national vitalitj'. On the
124 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
contrary the very extent of this mass of kingdoms held
together by force, increased its aptitude to topple down at
the slightest shock, like a pile of stones heaped one upon
another without any cement- Of course, we cannot blame
Harsha for not introducing the cement. For, India had
not then evolved representative institutions nor had the
Indian intellect evolved proper conceptions of a political
state. That department of enquiry remained a blank in
the Indian intellectual activity. Harsha, therefore, could
never have thought of giving to the people any rights of
participation in the government of the country. His
maintenance of order by sheer force but confirmed the
current opinions about the absolute power of kings, and of
God's favour as the origin of all kingly power.
Under such a view, kingdoms and even empires could
not have any vitality. Harsha's empire fell to pieces,
immediately his strong arm was removed from the
administration. The subject kingdoms immediately
became independent while Kanauj itself fell into disorder,
Harsha having left no son. For in such a state of political
views not only the virtue of patriotism cannot be fostered,
bmt the contrary vice namely treason cannot but have
ample scope to flourish. Every ambitious person who can
by force or treachery seize the throne has the assurance
that the people's allegiance will be transferred to him as a
matter of course. The people having no voice in the matter
or rather believing that they had no voice were naturally
held of no account in such revolutions and the successful
usurper was always accepted without demur. Traitors
were, therefore, not uncommon. The punishment for unsuc-
cessful rebellion or treachery was indeed drastic, then as
now, traitors being imprisoned for life and ' dead or alive
nobody took any account of them ' as Hiuen Tsang
observes. But such drastic punishment did not deter
ambitious and bold persons, especially as success was not
^ery difficult when opportunities offered. These revolutions
or rebellions were never of the people but of a few
individuals only. Ministers and commanders-in-chief,
POLITICAL CONDITION 12S
were generally the usurpers in such revolutions and they
were usually successful whenever the reigning king died
without issue, or was an incapable person. Such has
indeed been the trend of Indian history from the days of
the Sungas down to the days of the Peshwas and their
lieutenants, even throughout the Maliomedan times. Had
the people had a proper conception of their duties as
citizens of a state they would not have tolerated such
revolutions nor would the ministers have dared to seize
thrones. Only since the establishment of the British rule
are we getting accustomed to the sight of ministers never
aspiring to place themselves in the position of their
masters.
We have discussed, heretofore, at length what in our
opinion was the main cause of the weakness of Indian
states. To put it shortly, the absence of representative
political institutions prevented the people from feeling
self-interest in the maintenance of the state intact and the
belief that kings were appointed from heaven in reward
for their austerities in past lives made the people thorough-
ly unconcerned as to who ruled them. The king enjoyed
absolute power and was the master of the state or kingdom
as if it were an item of private property. Patriotism was
naturally absent and though its place was tolerably
supplied by the feeling of loyalty, disloyal and treason-
able persons were not uncommon, those who were
successful in their usurpation being accepted by the
people without demur. This state of things continued
down to the latest period of Indian history, for we find
in the last successful usurpation by Raghoba, hundreds
and thousands came forward to support his cause. Had
the people a proper conception of their rights and duties
as members of the Maratha state, not a man would have
been found to stand by that misguided person in creating
the unfortunate cleft in the solidarity of the Maratha
state which eventually destroyed it. The greatest benefit
of the Britisti rule in India is the awakening of the people
to a sense ( f their essential rights and duties as citizens
126 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
of the British Empire. And it will be wise for the British
government to take note of this awakening and to admit
people to their due share in the government of the country.
British statesmen should remember that even the British
government in India is comparatively weak if it is not
supported by the co-operation of the people rendered not
merely by the sentiment of loyalty but by the feeling of
self-interest engendered by self-government through
representative institutions.
The question why nations fall is one of extreme com-
plexity and difficulty. But there can be no doubt that
representative government creates a feeling of self-
interest in the people which is the great backbone of a
nation's strength. History indeed records the fall of the
brilliant city-states of Greece and of Rome inspite of such
national sentiment. But we must remember that that senti-
mept had been completely undermined in Greece and Rome
by demoralization and luxury and hence it was that these
states succumbed and fell. But they rose again when the
same sentiment became strong. The Indian states on the
other hand never developed the national sentiment at all
and hence were never strong. They could not have deve-
loped into strong states in the succeeding centuries. On the
contrary, coming under the influence of certain causes
which we shall discuss in another place they gradually
became enervated and hence fell easily before the advanc-
ing tide of Mahomedan invasions.
It is, however, necessary to state before concluding this
chapter that the despotic states of India of the seventh cen-
tury were certainly strong as compared with the contem-
porary despotic kingdoms of Asia and it is hence that they
could beat back the Huns who in Europe could not be beat
away. The physical and moral capacities of a people
are also an important factor in the vitality of nations.
Even a vegetarian people inured to arms and abstemious
in habits can hold their own in the struggle of nations. In
the seventh century the people of India were habituated
POLITICAL CONDITION 127
to the use of arms owing to the constant warfare waged by
the different kingdoms. They were also, as Hiuen Tsang
testifies, simple and abstemious in habits. The Indian
states of the seventh century were strong and warlike in
spite of their despotic constitutions and were neither ener-
vated by luxury nor enfeebled by want of martial exercises.
The prominent index of the enervation of a people is their
employment of mercenary forces and neither Hiuen Tsang
nor Baiia mentions any mercenary troops in the army of
-Harsha,
CHAPTER VIII
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION
The kingdoms of India of the 7th century A. D., not-
withstanding their despotic or autocratic nature, were
usually well-governed and happy and were probably better
off in this respect than the kingdoms contem.porary with
them in the West The Indo-Aryans, while they acquiesced
in or rather preached the divine nature of the kingly
authority, at the same time sought to impose a check on
the autocracy of kings by holding that laws were also
divine and incapable of being changed. In fact in the
Indian kingdoms every thing from the life and conduct of
the king down to the taxes and punishments was fixed by
the divine ordinance of the Smritis. In the West the king
is believed to be the source of all laws. In India the source
of law is the Sruti and the Smriti and no human agency
can change it. The kings with even the consent of the
people had thus no legislative power. Their duty was
simply to administer justice according to the divinely
ordained law and to keep peace and order by punishing
robbers and other evil-doers. They were to receive taxes
from the produce of land and trade and handicraft for per-
forming this service and the amount was fixed at one sixth
of the former and c»ne-fiftieth of the value of the latter.
The former amount in case of necessity might be increased
to one-fourth. The expenses of government, as Hiuen Tsang
has noted, were very limited and the kings probably never
found it necessary to levy taxes beyond what were sanc-
tioned by the Smritis. The people again with their highly
religious nature were generally free from crime and thus
was caused that usually happy condition of the ancient
kingdoms if J,adia which so favourably impressed impartial
foreigners like Hiuen Tsang who themselves lived under
widely different conditions in the imperial kingdom of
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 129
( !hina.* With these preliminary remarks we shall try to
<lescribe in detail the administrative condition of the 7th
century from the evidence of the Harsha-Charita an -
of epigraphic records of that time. The provisions of the
Smritis also will assist us in this inquiry to a considerable
extent.
The country was called in those days l)y the name of
Desa a word which Varahamihira and others also use. The
former appellation of a country was Janapada or 'people'
showing, as we have already noted, the changed condition
of kingdoms which no longer consisted of homogeneous
peoples bearing particular names. In the south, hov^'ever,
the word Mandala was more widely used than Desa in
such words as Chola Mandala, Tonda Mandala, Kongu
Mandala and so on, wherein the first word probably means
a particular people. Mandala often also indicated a
division of the country or Desa according to its people and
the word Rashtra iu Maharashtra or Rajya in Kashmir
also occurs and conveys the same idea as Mandala.
The Desa or country was usually divided for adminis-
trative purposes into divisions which were in the north
called Bhukti and which in the south were called Vadi or
sometimes Mandala. This division corresponds with
the district of the British rule. The word Bhukti perhaps
referred to so much tax collected and might be fitly trans-
lated by the word coUectorate. The Bhukti or District
was again subdivided into smaller portions which were
called Vishaya everywhere and which correspond to the
modern Tehsil or Taluka. In Tamil and other cQuntries
of the extreme south Vishaya was often called Nada and in
Gujarat we meet sometimes with the word Ahara. Vishaya
' This is what Hiuen Tsang records; — " As the Government is generous and official
requirements are'fevv, families are not registered and individuals are not subject to
forced labour and contributions. Taxation bein^ light and forced labour being spa-
ringly used, every one keeps to his hereditary occupation and attends to his patrimony.
The king's tenants pay one-sixth of the produce as rent and tradesmen go to and fro
bartering their merchandise after paying light taxes at the ferries and the barrier
stations.
17
130 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
vas not fnvther subdivided though we sometimes find
further subdivisions of the Vishaya into portions — East,
West, North, and South as in modern or Mahomedan
times into Tarafs.
The Vishaya consisted of a number of villages or
gramas. Thus the lowest administrative unit was the
villagu, a village being usually described as situate in a
particular Vishaya of a particular Bhukti or Mandala.
The Vishaya was named usually after the chief town of it
•while the Bhukti had a name which sometimes referred
to a people. Thus Khetaka Ahara means the Kheda Tehsil
and Jejaka Bhukti or China Bhukti (HiuenTsang, Watters
I p. 391 ) meant the collectorate of the Jejaks or Chinas.
Bhukti also was sometimes named from a big town or city
e. g. the Ahicchatra Bhukti mentioned in the Banskhera
grant of Harsha.
The grama or village formed the backbone of the
country and its administration and had fixed sites and
boundaries For the villages remained undisturbed in the
internecine wars that were constantly going on and found
no difficulty in transferring their allegiance to any new
king or any new power. The important towns no doubt
suffered in the wars waged and were frequently devastated
entirely. But the villages were undisturbed and remained
self-contained in their administration, having their here-
ditary headmen and bead registrars corresponding to the
Patels and the Patwaris of modern days. From the
Harsha-Charita it appears that the former's name was
STSN^fe^. and the latter's name was cRf'JT^. Karana is
obviously the re^^ister of tenancies in the village and the
Patawari is still called in the south ^qq;and ^M-^ and
Kulakarana in the Deccan also means the same thing. The
word Patil is derived in my opinion from '^TiTT?^ which word
occurs in Kautilya's Artha-Sastra also (page 6'Z) and which
there plainly means an office building for keeping records
It seems clear from this that there were record offices or
government offices so to speak in every village. In fact
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 131
5TRTT^n5c5 would mean something like the Chavdi of a
Deccan village, where government work is ordinarily done
and the man in charge of it was called ^vmtf^W'/^. He is
thus clearly the headman of the village, and had a right
to present nazar tt> the kings as described by Bana. (H, C.
The word Mahakshapatalika occurs in a grant of Dhara-
sena dated A. D. 512, see] Corp. Ins. Ill p. 180, and indi-
cates that there was a chief revenue or record officer for
the whole state. In this way the ordered nature of the
administration is testified to by the maintenance of records
in every village, town^ chief town and the capital. Hiucn
Tsang also states that regular records were maintained in
each kingdom. The ^]Wi>f^ft^> is, therefore, the parent
of the modern Patel and was the chief government official
in each village. This village officer is also mentioned in
another inscription ( Corp. Ins. Ill p. 257 ) where the word
3T^5rRTiTT5^Tf^=f occurs and indicates the appointment of
the officer in every village.
The existence of other village-officers or rather
servants is indicated by the word ?i^^'+:<Ri'.|[v'+,< in the extract
from Bana given above. The headman of the village (Patel)
registrar (Patwari,) and the other servants of the village
were apparently hereditary (or Dhruva a word occurring
in Gujarat grants and still used in Gujarat ) and they
constituted a unit vi administration which was self-
contained and sufficient. They collected the chief land-tax
viz, one-sixth of corn and also the minor taxes which were
rather numerous and inconvenient. We may quote here
the usual expression used in the grants of villages of that
period and try to understand them. Take for instance
the Khoh grant of Maharaja Hastin ( Corp. Ins. Vol.
Ill p. 96 ) ^i?jt: ^Ti^R-lT^: 'd^=^\ZV{Z^kw- or the grant of Dhara-
senai of A. D. 571, (Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill page 167) where it is
said that the land was granted to the grantee #f3;Ti ^ni^^^ 'T^-
cTilff'-:fT?3T%oqr?3t ^\r^^i^jp.f^%fM, or the grant of Siladitya VII
(Crop. Ins. Ill p. 179) WJT-"^' MTK^^: ^\^^^J^y^W^ ^"^^McTH^^r-
132 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
^33": etc. In all these the word 3^ must be taken to mean
the principal tax i. e. the land-tay. This word has not been,
yet traced by me to any ancient works. But as Dr. Fleet
has suggested in a footnote at page y? of the Corp. Ins. Vol
III, it is plain that it means the chief income from the
village. ci'-iK'+'< seems, in my opinion, t) mean extra taxes
and not taxes on extra cultivators as Dr. Fleet suggests.
V/hat these extra taxes were may be discovered by the Mid
of the Smritis and the inscriptions also in this volume
The Manu Smriti provides for taxes on various articles
besides corn in the following slokas-irTTi^TST q^^^irr^fn^^JT^^-
W!m\^ "^ '^Vi'^J^ m^lW^=W^ "^ vj-i/i-;v. These things may
be taken to be such things as were sold and not things
which any person reared or produced for his own consump-
tion. That these taxes were actually levied in the 7th
cantury appears probable from epigrophic records of the
time. The Chammak copperplate grant (Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill
p 238 ) deserves to be quoted here at length. It grants
the village, ST'T?:TTT3fr arvf^ST^t?^: Wi^,^l^]^^^f:^ ^"^^K
T^: ST^RTT^r^JTT^^TT: 3T^^'^l^%M'jR^: 'I^f%l%[RfR'TT?fc[: w'^f^:
^Nf^'^ '• ^A-^M' ^nrf^H: etc. This may be translated as
follows. — ' The village is not to pay taxes. It is not to be
entered by soldiers or the police. It is not to give the
increase of cows and bulls. It is not to be subject to the
payment on flowers and milk or on pasturage, hides and
charcoal. It is not to pay tax on salt or wet salt, on sale and
purchase and on mine produce. It is free of forced labour
of every kind. It is granted with treasure trove and other
minor finds and with klipta and mrnor klipta. ( I follow
here the translation by Dr. Fleet with some exceptions ).
The words Ri% and W^ followed by the words ^^TT^f'T and
^^^f{ meaning the same things but of a minor kind suggest
that ^i^i and ^^fr^^ may also be taken to be the same
tax on the chief produce viz. that of land and on
minor products such as flowers, fruit, milk, etc. brought
for sale as is provided for in the Manu Smriti. How the
"3^ or land tax was levied, whether by apportioning from the
actual produce or by average yield, is not clear. Land was
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 13<5
•certainly measured, for the measurements of land are
often given in inscriptions of the time. Thus in Cop. Ins.
Vol. Ill No. 28 grant of Dharasena p. 166 lands in several
■villages with particular names even are given and the
measurements mentioned are Padavarta Satam ( 100 ) c r
Padavarta Navati ( 90 ) or Padavarta Ashtavinsati ( 28 ).
Padavarta probably means so many square paces, pada
being not the actual foot but the pace or two feet. These
fields are small indeed but they belong, it must be remem-
bered, to Gujarat where land is very fertile. For other
less fertile tracts the measurements must be different, for
instance the grant of Pravarasena (Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill 241)
made in the Bhojakata Rajya ( or modern Berar ) a village
is measured by <ici4^w or royal measure. What this royal
measure was is not mentioned ; the word used is ^fiRTR'T.
»|i^^^S<ra^: 8000 and Dr. Fleet thinks thac the name of the
measure was Bhfimi. Apparently however ht^ is a plot or
land. The 8000 measures of land of the village granted ti>
1000 Brahmins would probably constitute a large modern
village of about 4000 acres and the measure would thus
approximate to a Bigha or l^ acre of modern times. The
word R^^ ( Nivartana ) is not found in grants given in
this volume.* That word however appears to be a very old
one. It occurs in the Kautiliya Arthasastra at page 107
where its meaning is given in the following table of space
measures; 4 cubits = 1 Danda (stick) 10 Dandas =
1 Raiju ( chain ) and 3 Rajjus = 1 nivartana. This makes the
nivartana equal to 120 cubits^ i.e. 180 feet or 60 yards,
length. The field or square nivartana would be a square area
with nivartana as one side i. e. 3600 sq. yards. As acre
consists of 4840 sq. yards which makes the acre equal to
approximately 1 }i nivartanas. The measure of the bigha
of the Mahomedans was also based on the danda or stick,
being taken to be 20 sticks long by 20 sticks broad and
was nearly one half of the nivartana. Perhaps the
Bhumi mentioned in the above grant may be the nivartana
which certainly was an old measure. In whatever manner
*^It occurs in many grants of older date in the south (even Nasik cave inscriptions), It
.tbus was preserved in the south and wrest ; in the north other names had taken its place.
134 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
realised, the "3?n" or land tax was received in kind and proba-
bly the i'-iK-+,* or minor taxes were alsi) received in kind.
The grain was stored by a special officer oi the State called
the ^ISTTTTT'^^^, who was also in charge of the minor articles.
These were either immediately sold or were stored for
future use, according to their nature. Interesting details
of the manner of sale or storage are to be found in the
Kautiliya Artha Sastra, pages 93-99.
Let us next try to understand village life and adminis-
ration from inscriptions as also from the Harsha-Cha/'ita'
The grants of villages were addressed either to the villagers
or to government officers; thus the grants at page 193 and
195 Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill are addressed to the villagers
f 5T%^TRR: fffi^"- TJTTfTqqr^ ) who are ordered to pay the
the taxes to the grantees. The villagers are said to belong
to all castes among whom the Brahmins were the foremost
( see Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill p. 216 STf^^fT^T^ sfr^'iTrFRT:). Where
grants are addressed to government officers, the latter are
asked not to interfere with the enjoyment of the villages by
the grantees. The grantees in their turn were required to
,be of good behaviour. The following expressions in the
Chammak grant ( Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill page 239 ) are very
interesting. 'Mil^/A-i^J^ iTsT^fTW^TT5^rR-T?T^q^-3TWr?:iT*i^Rt 3T^-
^ f^rTt 'i^Hi^'i^•^H'-l^^'■T^^RP^:^•■|,chK^P^: which has been trans-
lated as follows:-"The grant will last with the moon and the
sun provided that the grantees commit no treason against
the state, that they are not slayers of Brahmins, thieves,
adulterers, poisoners of kings, that they do not wage war
or commit offences in other villages, otherwise the grants
were revokable." This condition not only proves the moral
and ordered life in the villages but also shows the circum-
spect nature of the administration.
The chief requirements of Indian villagers for their
material well-being are salt, fuel and grass or grazing.
The villagers appear to have had a free and sufficient sup-
ply of these things, though these when taken for sale to
the market were subject to the -tax of H. We have al-
ready seen that inam villages are often expressly stated
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 135
to be free from tax on salt both dry and wet and on
grass. It seem there was then no monopoly of salt-
manufacture by government. In many villages there were
wells of salt water and in some places salt was dug out
from hills. Such quantities were of course limited and salt
manufactured on a large scale for sale was an important
commodity for taxation which even the ancient govern-
ments did not disregard. As for grass and grazing, there were
apparently common grazing grounds in every village.
Pasture-plots enclosed and giving valuable grass are noticed
in Smritis and are called vivita. When grass was taken
from these ^for sale to the market it paid the government
the usual tax. Lastly, fuel was obtainable by the villagers
for their own use in the forests of their own villages.
Each village had its own forest. And there were forests
on the borders of kingdoms invariably. These forests are
treated by the Smritis as ownerless. However portions of
forests called Nagavana where elephants abounded were
preserved. But other forests and village forests were
open free for villagers. Bana describes tracts bordering on
forests and forest villages and the forests themselves with
that love of interesting detail which constitutes the singular
charm of the Harsha Charita- Some of these details are
worth quoting here. Unrestrained forest guards often seized
the hatchets of wood cutters of otlter villages going to cut
wood in forests ( iTrffqT^cR^qTc5?^f^J7PTiq?:5iT^Tq^TT5^f3fr- H. C.
page 304). There were small fields in these forests tilled
not by ploughs and bullocks but by hand spades. There
were prapas or water-providing huts at the entrance of
waterless forests. In some places great heat was created
by the burning of wood for charcoal. At some places you
would meet with bands of wood-cutters with bodies exer-
cised with the constant cutting of wood, having long
hatchets on their shoulders to which were slung their
breakfast baskets. At others you would meet with people
carrying loads of honey, makshika, feathers of peacocks,
honey-combs, barks of khadira tree, &c. as also women of
forest tribes having on their heads basketfuls of forest
flowers and fruit, going to villages to sell them. These and
336 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
other details show that people had free access to forests for
jangle produce and iungle tribes freely took forest produce
for sale to the bordering separate villages.
Village? thus in those days were usually well re-
gulated and self-sufficient cttmmunities whose life was
easy, and well ordered. They were not however quite
without their own troubles though petty. The usual pest
of the villages then as now was the policeman and the
soldier: the Chata* and the Bhata as they are called
in grants. The grantees of inam villages were, therefore,
specially granted the privilege that their villages would
not be entered by the policeman and the soldier. The
word 3T^5vi53T^5^ occurs in almost every grant and con-
veys this important privilege to inam donees. Sometimes
an excepticm was made by the word ^r<^^q;. Dr. Fleet
translates it by 'with the exception of fines imposed on
thieves.' I would however translate it by 'with the excep-
tion that villages may be entered for the purpose of pursu-
ing or catching thieves.' The exception plainly relates
to the sr^ or entry of village. The word ^^ is sometimes
further added e. ;/. =q'T^rpf^: in Khoh grant of Samkshobha
(Corps Ins. Ill p. 115), and it shows that the right to enter
inam villages extended to the pursuit or detection of
traitors. It would be natural to expect that the state
would not allow, as has been already noticed, inam vil-
lages to which the privilege of 'non-entry by policemen and
soldiers was granted, being the centres of the activity of
robbers or traitors. The state villages of course remained
open to the unavoidable oppression of the policeman and
the soldier. The latter, however, must have troubled them at
rare intervals only that is when on march or doing fight,
The villages were usually prosperous in spite of these
occasional troubles; and they were expected to perform
certain charitable duties. The prosperous village was
expected to keep a Sadavarta or alms' house where grain
''The woid Chata or Chutra as it some limes occurs means umiuestionably the police.
man. ]( occurs in H. C. also ( p. 286) as noticed further ou. It occurs also in the
Yajnavalkya Smrifi, but I am afraid it is -wronjilv interpreted by Vijnanesvara who
Hvtd in the I2lh Century.
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 137
was given to every needy person everyday. It was also ex-
pected to keep open a jirapo ov water-house, where water
was served to every thirsty person throughout the day.
It was also expected to open a rest house or Sabha and a
pragrattsd or sacrificial room. Bana in describing the
prosperous condition of the Srikantha or Thanesar king-
dom under Prabhakara Vardhana refers to this duty in
the expression ^f|^T^f%?=Tm=^'7"'!l*!3>J3rT3^^?T'J5q: 'A^\f^^ ^W
(H.C. p. 176) which means that outside every village were
erected spacious mendaps for sabJ.a, satra, prapa and prag-
ra/>sa. These mandapas were of course temporary sheds
erected for temporary purposes, that is, to be kept open
during the summer and winter seasons and not during
the rainy season and autumn, when travellers were not
expected to move or be in need.
We will now pass on from the village to the
Vishaya or Tehsil. As the headman of the village
was its chief officer, so for the Vishaya there was neces-
sarily a chief government officer called Vishayapati in
several inscriptions (e. g. i%q?rTi'"riq^3T^l?ri%jt) (Corp. Ins.
Ill p. 70). Manu declares that there should be a chiefnian
for each village, a chief man for ten villages, for twenty,
for one hundred and for one thousand. (VII, 115).
MiJdlVl 51^51 ^ tlf^^^f^W^ =^ II
This is perhaps academical but we have clear references
to the Vishayapati in records and the Vishaya consisted of
a number of villages, the average of which was a hundred.
The district i.e. Bhukti or Mandala may be taken to con-
tain one thousand villages more or less, and there was a
district officer also called Mandalesvara or Eashtrapati.
The Vishayapati and the Mandalesvara represented the
king and hence they often are called Rajasthaniya in in-
scriptional records.* Subordinate to these there were
other officers also, chiefly a police officer and a magistrate.
The duty of catching thieves and exterminating robbers
'See e.g. Corp, Ins, III p.eSi. ( TTPRy m". .J ^ rj,' [ &c.)
138 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
was always considered paramount and police stations were
established for every ten or less number of villages as pro-
vided for even in the Manusmriti VII. 114. ( 5#T^^-i(i'iit t^tt-
iTt JT^% gcfFH^^ i i=f?^ iTfT^^TRt ^ f fe'^^ 'T5T?q I ) The police
officer of 100 villages or rather of the Vishaya ( Tehsil or
Taluka) is called Chauroddharanika (wr^^'Jl^), while the
magistrate or dispenser of punishment was called ^??fnr=fi.
These names occur in several inscriptions of the time. Of
course, in different states, names of officers sometimes
differed, but apparently the system was generally the
same. We give below some names of officers appearing in
the Deo-Barnak inscription (of Bengal) Corp. Ins. Vol.
Ill p. 216 ^tt^Qt^ ^^^^r^i^RT^ >Tr^TT^''kiT:;^:'Tn%k.l'ij|'-f, I nm- . ...
%^ ^Iwmw. *T^-3T vuii^^vi^ii^^irJjq^o^ffT^r^ JTgTSl^rfTv:. C illegible )
^WnJ. . .^JHKm!c'TTr^'^I^ft^%. . . 1%^ =^Tyi4<l^l'+' TTfo^^^^T%^. The
officers whose names can well be ascertained in the above
are the ^fj or envoy, the ^JRi^^ or ma rker of boundaries, ^r^JT^^
the heir apparent or king's eldest son, JTSfuncq" king's minis-
ters, JTfT^^3^'2f«fv the chief dispenser of punishments for the
whole state, JTfrJlfrT^rri the chief usher, UHlr]] the measurer,.
t'^WJfTTc5T minister in charge of princes, frir^RTsr the repre-
sentatives of the king (i. e. District and Taluka or Tehsil
officers), =^r:5^Mcpthe pursuers of robbers, ^fo^^ magistrates
and ^(J^n^t^ executers of sentences. These names indicate
that almost all departments of administration which are
necessary for a well ordered, civilized government existed
in those days. The boundary settlement officer, District
and Taluka chief officer, the surveyor or measurer, the
magistrate, the police officer, and the ^:^Tl\f^W< or jailor are
there and do the work required of them in a complex
administration.
It does not appear that in ancient India there was
any distinction observed in civil and criminal cases.
Probably civil cases were very few and far between, dis-
putes being settled by Panchayats; but when they went
to the state, either to the king's own court or to the court
of the chief judicial officer, they were treated as cases for
tine, the party losing having to pay a penalty so to speak.
The Rajasthaniya or the Mahadandanayaka or the chief
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 139
magistrate probably derided all such cases, on oral or
documentary evidence and by the advice or opinion of
assessors or what is called the Parishad. We have of
course no reference to the Parishad in the inscriptions but
probably the provisions of the Smritis must have been
observed. Hiuen Tsang describes that in case of doubt
ordeals were resorted to. and the four kinds of ordeals are
worth being quoted here.
" These are by water, by fire, by weighing and by
poison. In the water ordeal the accused is put in one sack
and a stone in another, then the two sacks are connected
and thrown into a deep stream ; if the sack containing
the stone floats and the other sinks, the man's guilt is
proven. The fire ordeal requires the accused to kneel and
tread on hot iron, to take it in his hand and lick it. If he
is innocent he is not hurt, but he is burnt if he is guilty.
In the weighing ordeal the accused is weighed against a
stone; and if the latter is lighter the charge is false^ if
otherwise it is true. The poison ordeal requires that the
right hind leg of a ram be cut off and according to the
portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisons are put
into the leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and if
not the poison takes effect. " Watters' Vol. I, p. 172.
The appointment of officers and of courts requires the
maintenance of records as we have already stated and
that such records were maintained is proved by the
testimony of Hiuen Tsang. He says (Watters' Vol. I page
154) "As to their archives and records, there are sepa-
rate custodians of these. The official annals and state
papers are called collectively ' nilapitha. ' In these good
and bad are recorded and instances of public calamity
and good fortune are set forth in detail. '" The name
nilapitha reminds one of the blue state publications of the
British government. The historian of Kashmir, Kalhana
states that he wrote his history from the nilamata. The
existence and maintenance of such records should dispel
the common notion that India had no historical records.
Unfortunately these have been lost in the convulsions
attending the conquest of India by the Mahomedans.
140 HARSH A AND HIS TIMES
The Vishaya or Ahara (Gujarat) or Nadu(siiuth
India ) was like the village a fixed (luantity which did not
vary with the growth or decay of kingdoms. They had
fixed natural boundaries and were in fact natural divisions
of the country. They corresponded to the modern Tehsils
or Talukas and like the villages exist in my opinion in the
same form now, as they existed in the 7th century. The
number of villages in each Vishaya was thus naturally
fixed. The total number of villages in a Bhukti or
Mandala was also normally fixed, though perhaps the
extent of a Bhukti was more subject to modifications than
the extent of the Vishaya. Several Bhuktis or Mandalas
corresponding to modern districts constituted a kingdom
i. e. the Desa or Rashtra, and the number uf villages in
a Desa was also approximately fixed. We hence see in
ancient inscriptions countries described as consisting of
so many thousand or hundred villages and gradually this
number became a traditional one. In the Aihole ins-
cription the Maharashtra country is said to consist of
99,000 villages and is also described as comprising* three
Maharashtras. What these three Maharashtras were we are
not told. But if we take the larger Maharashtra subject
to theChalukya Pulakesin as consisting of the Nagpur and
Berar divisions of the C. P. and central and southern
divisions of the Bombay presidency with the two districts
of Thana and Surat of the Northern division and the Mara-
tha districts of the Nizam's state, we have at present the
following number of villages in these : — Nagpur and Berar
Dvns, 165o5, Central and Southern divisions 17699, Nizam
state Maratha Districts 17000 approxmately and Thana
and Surat 4000 — total 55264. This number falls short ct»n-
siderably of 99000 villages assigned to the Maharashtra of
Pulakesin but perhaps a larger portion oi the Hydrabad
State was included in the ancient kingdom of the
Chalukyas.t The discrepancy would not be very consider-
i The same kingdom but of the later Chalukyas is also described in old records
as Kattapadi seven and a half lakhs including the Andhra Mandala ; we \7ill discuss this
number in a note.
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 141
able, supposing even that Maharashtra under Pulakesin
was more flourishing than under the Britishgovernment.
The numberusually attached to certain names of Rashtras or
Mandalas is, however, not always the number of villages
in that Rashtra but something else, unless it is expressly
stated that the number relates to villages ( see note
at the end ).
We have thus far elucidated the civil administration
in a kingdom as it existed in the 7th century. The unit
was the village with its head-man 3T8r[q5ra^ or q^fT^and its
registrar the •+,vT'Jl'-f- The Vishaya or Taluka consisted of a
certain number of villages and there were officers for each
Taluka. These were j^^^f^, the ^RF^^^M^ and the ^o^^iRnF.
Similar officers were appointed to the Bhukti or District,
ar.d there were chief officers for tlie whole state who were
called fffTa^Tzfci^, ^7J^^^]Wf: and so on. These officers were
paid by the assignment of certain lands or villages or
towns even as their grade rose higher. The Manu Smriti
provides that the gramika (headman ) should get for the
year what the king gets for one day and the head of a
hundred villages should get one whole village for his
pay and of a thousand, one town. ( qiR ?ra3T^2nH W^t
5rrJi^Frm:i ^^i^wjj^^^jtjf^ mfw^rw^j^^^qj?^ ii jtw w^'^rwi^s^: ^w-
f^T^rfT: ^Jl 117, 118, 119. ) This direction appears to have still
been in force in the 7th century as Hiuen Tsang records
"that ministers of state and common officers all have
their portion of land and are maintained by the cities
assigned to them. "
CHAPTER IX
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT
We will now pass on to the army. It consisted of
foot, horse and elephant. The fourth arm, the chariot is
mentioned no doubt by Hiuen Tsang but probably he here
mentions the conventional four arms or chaturanga of the
Indian army. Bana describes most minutely the army of
Harsha and we find no mention therein of the chariot.
Hiuen Tsang also does not mention chariots when he de-
tails the strength of Harsha's army. The elephant was
from ancient days the most formidable arm of the Indian
forces. Foreigners feared Indian armies for the elephant
corps. Elephants were then what artillery is now-a-days
in Europe. And the greater the number of elephants, the
greater was the power of the army in much the same way
as the greater the nuaiber of cannon in modern armies, the
greater is their power of destruction. These numerous
elephants were supplied by the immense forests fringing
the Himalayas and the Vindhyas as already mentioned.
The art of catching elephants, of rearing them and of train-
ing them to fight had almost reached perfection in the 7th
century and there were regular treatises on all these sub"
jects. The use of the elephant again developed the courage,
the strength and the skill of fighters with elephants. The
Indian soldiers and horsemen often grappled with ele-
phants with effect. And when put to flight the elephant
force was usually a nuisance to its own employers. The
elephant arm was thus both a source of strength as well as
of weakness to Indian armies as history has often record-
ed. Probably the commander nianoeuvered the elephant
force in battles in such a way that in the event of its
turning back it could not do harm to the rest of the army.
On the march the elephant force was always kept at a
distance as Bana has described ( see below ).
The cavalry came next. India supplied the horses
required, but Indian horses were ranked lower than horses
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 143
imported from Persia, Arabia and Afghanistan. In the
inner camp of Harsha, Bana describes the royal horses as
^^rinf' ^RTJ^, f^'pT, 'iTT?7iT, vfR^TiT and imJW. (H. C.p. 100).^^'tit
is Afghanistan and 77^4f'T is Persia. W'-pi meant probably
Arabian horses, being brought to Sind by the sea. What
^?n^, 3{Tf? and vTirgT^oT are it is difficult to state.
Unfortunately we have not been able to identify
these countries. ( Bharadvaja seems to be some Hima-
layan tract from Varaharaihira's list of peoples and Aratta
probably means the Panjab). In the training and raising
of horses the same pitch of excellence had been attained
in India as in that of the elephants. The marks of a good
horse, the nature of his diseases and the modes of treating
them are detailed with fullness in the treatises of Sali-
hotra, some of whose principles are referred to even in
Bana's Harsha Charita. Strangely enough, Bana mentions
the grooms to be always Chandalas.
The infantry came the last as it was not counted of
much value. The soldiers were armed with bucklers and
swords. The foot archer does not seem to be a promi-
nent feature of the Indian army in Harsha's days,
though the riders on elephants usually used the bow and
the arrow. Every prince and Rajput appears to have
practised archery. Bana's description of Harsha, Rajya,
Kuraara, Madhava and others mentions their wrists and
arms as blackened by the constant drawing of the bow,
Harsha's army on the march has been graphically de-
scribed by Bana, who in the Harsha Charita at least, is
remarkably true to fact and nature. It would not be im-
proper if we give here a few extracts from that description
though it must be admitted that very many passages in it
cannot be well understood at this distance of time and in
the present state of our imperfect knowledge of the San-
skrit of things used in the army. " One prahara (3 hours)
before sunrise exactly, the royal marching drum began to
send forth its sound, and shortly after a pause, there were
eight distinct strokes given on it intimp.ting that the army
was to march that day eight kos (or 16 miles). Other royal
144 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
sounding instruments followed naniely the Nandi ( or
triumphal drum), Kunja. Kahala and Sankha ( or conch).
The army was immediately in a bustle, people got up and
struck off their small tents, boxes were filled with the
m arching materials and other paraphernalia.Elephants were
roused from their sleep and taken out of their sleeping
places and harnessed. Horses too were roused and taken
out and made ready. Mad elephants were moved out of
the way with heavy iron chains clanking behind them, as
their hind legs dragged them. Families of Kulaputras
( relatives ) and Samantas ( chiefs ) were got into bullock
carts or on elephants and moved. The royal kitchen ser-
vants with their paraphernalia and animals of food (Harsha
appears to have been a flesh-eater in his young days ) and
with pots of milk and other preparations covered and
sealed, walked fast and pushed people here and there. The
princes in attendance, well attired and seated on female
elephants, with umbrellas on their heads and with foot
soldiers walking about them, hurried to the gate of the
royal camp."
" As the sun was rising, the royal intimation conch
began to send forth its peculiar notes"announcing that the
king was ready and donning his accoutrements. Within
a few minutes Harsha came out of the gate riding a richly
caparisoned she-elephant. ( she-elephants appear to
have been used by royal personages for riding on the
march), surmounted by a white umbrella, with Tambiila or
bstelleaf in his mouth ( he had already bathed and taken
some refreshment ). wearing a very delicate white piece of
Naitra cloth. Exchanging glances of greeting with the
princes and speaking a word here and a word there, he
moved on to a place preceded by hundreds of gold mace-
beaiers who were making room in the crowd and staying
"there he saw the whole army pass on, an army as vast as
the creation itself coming out of the milky ocean." Then
the army marched swiftly to the next halting place at a
distance of 8 krosa. Bar.a true to nature also depicts the
many interesting incidents that usually happen on a Royal
march. "At some villaqes the villagers curious to see the
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 145
king would turnout preceded by their Mahattaras or Patils
and by women having pots full of water on their
heads and when turned back by the mace-bearers running
and falling and yet looking at the king. At others, people
would cry out complaints against the evil doings of
lax-collectors (vfiw^) and the past delinquencies of police-
m en wz). H. C. p. 286. At others still, the people reck-
less from rage at the pilfering of their crops and grass
would pour denunciations on the king, crying ' Who is
the king? Whence does '^e king come? What sort of
man is the king? At ^ spillage two Brahmin disputants
got into high trees *" • fear of being hustled away by the
mace-bearers an, rrom thence kept crying out their own
complaints." Such amusing incidents so characteristic
even of the present Indian ryot happened in the days of
Harsha also. The array contained contingents of cavalry-
detachments commanded by their own Rajput leaders.
There is no description of the cavalcade of the Royal
seraglio which formed so conspicuous a section of the
Mogul army on march as described by Manucci. Probably
Harsha was unmarried at this time, that is, when he
started for his digvijaya and no sergalio hampered his
movements. Having arrived at the next halting place
Harsha dismissed his attendant princes at the gate of the
royal enclosure and is shown to have entered it alone.
There does not appear to have been any mercenary
forces in the army of Harsha.* It consisted generally of
Rajputs and other lower castes of the king's country. The
Kulaputras ( or relatives of the kingly family or king's
clansmen ) seem fo have always been of importance. What
they represent in modern times we cannot exactly say. (Per-
haps they are the modern Bhaiband of Rajput states).
Each arm had its commander, and the whole was under the
commander-in-chief. The description by Bana of Harsha's
commander-in-chief is as detailed and complete as any by
Curiously enough ^RT^TF'^ or Deccan horsemen are mentioned by BSiiia in the
description of Harsha's army. Perhaps -they were few. But the reference testifies to
the ancient sk:U of the Marathas in horsemanship,
19
146 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
a modern English novelist. ( E. C. p. 257 ) He was a tall,
yellow-complexioned, massive, deep-voiced, bearded and
whiskered man of about 80 bearing many scars on his half
hare body. The mention of many scars seems somewhat
strange, for the higher grades of officers must have worn
an armour when in fight. Armours however are not men-
tioned in the descriptions given by Bana. All the same,
they must have been used as they are mentioned even in
the Mahabharata and the Ramayana.
The army was maintained by the king from his own
revenues. The men were probably paid yearly in kind and
money, corn being given from the granaries of the state filled
with grain collected in every district in the form of revenue
from lands. This is the mode of payment mentioned by
Manu though there is no reference to it in the Harsha
Charita or Hiuen Tsang's Records. The maintenance
of a vast army of elephants was indeed a matter of
very great expense. Probably the 60,000 elephants men-
tioned by Hiuen Tsang as eventually forming the force
of Harsha", the emperor, is an exaggeration. At all
events it could not have been maintained at one place,
but in sections kept at several places, throughout the
empire. The feed and nuisance of so large an elephant
force are almost incalculable. The permanent camping
of an elephant force is indeed a novel affair to us at this
distance of time. Bana with his usual liking for details
has described the elephant camp at Sthanesvara with all
its intricate paraphernalia, when Harsha was not yet an
emperor but merely king of Sthanesvara, the commander
of the elephant force being one Skandagupta with his
prominently long nose " as long as the pedigree of his
master." We will give some of the interesting details in
this description. 'There were physicians of elephants who
reported every day the health of the bigger ones to the
commander. There were drivers ornamented with peacock
feathers on the head and followers of elephants propitiat-
ing newly caught elephants with green cane grass. Some
reported the fresh rutting of elephants; some sought orders
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 147
for mounting heavy drums on the vicious ones. There
"were foresters reporting the capture of elephants in jungles
by the help of what are jokingly called ^fwf:] or curtezan
she-elephants (these were female elephants who enticed by
their blandishments wild elephants within enclosures).
There were bogus elephants made of hide with which
elephants were taught to fight. There were purchasers
of grain from towns and villages for the food of elephants.
These and other details of the working of an elephant
camp are indeed interesting at this day when the elephant
arm has disappeared from Indian armies-
l^efore proceeding further we may cite the description
•of an Indian army recorded by Hiuen Tsang for the sake
of comparison as well as further detail.
"The national guard are heroes of choice valour, and
as the profession is hereditary, they become adepts in
■military tactics. In peace they guard the sovereign's
residence and in war they become the intrepid vanguard.
The army is composed of foot, horse, chariot andt
elephant soldiers. The war elephant is covered with coa
of mail and his tusks are provided with sharp barbs. On
him rides the commander-in-chief and there is a soldier
on each side to manage the elephant. The chariot in
which the officer sits is drawn by four horses while infan-
try guard it on both sides. The infantry go lightly into
action and are men of intrepid valour. They bear a large
shield and carry a long spear. Some are armed with
swords or daggers and dash to the front line of the advan-
cing battle. They are perfect experts withall the implements
of war having been drilled in them for generations. '
Waiters' Vol. I p. 171.
SAMANTAS OR NOBLES
The Samantas or Sardars as they are now called in
India or the nobles as they are called in the west, were
a necessary and a usual part of the administrative machi-
nery of a country in ancient India. The word Samanta is
148 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
clearly derived from Samanta or vicinity and means ety-
mologically those who are near the king. The Samantas
were mostly the king's kinsmen and relatives or such
families as had rendered meritorious services in past
times or scions and representatives of dispossessed kingly
families. They appear to be always territorial lords and
were miniature kings in their own subject territories. For
they clearly had the power to make grants, as inscriptions
show many grants made by Samantas, They were also
masters of small armies, with which they were bound to
assist the king whenever he moved against his enemies.
They were also bound to assist the king on other necessary
occasions as Bana mentions an Atavika Samanta {i. p.. a
feudatory chief of the forest country) coming to assist
Harsha in his search for his sister. ( H. C. p. 309 ). These
feudatories or nobles or Sardars lived usually, however, at
the capital town and graced the Darbar on all state
occasions. Their wives similarly attended on the queen.
Bana describes the wives of the Samantas as coming
in "hundreds to the palace at the time of Harsha's birth
and keeping the birth festival by dancing as has already
been stated. ( H. C. p. 186 ?TJT^cTi?^rfF=n^:3^^^05T?^i=[). The
Samantas with their wives thus exactly fulfilled the func-
tions which dukes and duchesses and other noblemen
and noblewomen discharge in European countries. Besides
this duty of attending on the king and queen on state occa-
sions, the Samantas often appear to be employed as officers.
Bhandi for instance was the son of a Samanta chief and
was the commander of the Thanesar cavalry force. Skanda-
gu;jta, again, the leader of the elephant force of Thanesar
■was himself a Parthiva or king ( H. C. p. 267 ) i. e. a
feudatory chief or Samanta. The Samantas were usually
then as now employed in the military service, but perhaps
they must sometimes have been employed even in the
capacity of ministers of whom we shall now go on to speak.
The ministers were certainly as necessary a part
of the administration as the nobles. They were called
Mantris ( councillors. ) or Sachivas ( helpers ) or Amatyas.
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 149
( those who live with the king, the word being derived
from Ama together ). Their number was not fixed, but
they had separate departments to look to, or functions
to discharge. The most important and usually mentioned
is the 'm^'-Tf^rnp: or the minister of peace and war, in
other words the minister for foreign affairs. Thus Bana
describes Harsha as asking his foreign minister to write
to all other courts ( JTfT^^T^it^J I'm t":1^'=IM'+'^ M'+i'!:^-Ti^ I K^il H. C.
p. 263 ). These officers are called maha or great because
they belong directly to the court and attend on the king.
They were often hereditary, See Corp. Ins. Ill p. i55.
SF^RTHTTl^^T oJ-ll^d-Hl^-lRi^: In grants of inam villages
the names of such officers frequently find mention. These
Sasanas ( or Sanads ) are written by a responsible officer
who is usually described as ^"tt%r, one who is entrusted with
the collection of w^ or tax /. e. a revenue officer, sometimes
even the foreign minister also. It was customary to give
the name of the father and the grandfather also of the
writer. See e. g. Corp. Ins. Ill p. 104. f^5%?[ =^ ^^^mP^^w^v
^jfmMi'i^ri'^'W mw-f. ?m^rr5^ ^^]m^'^^^%W. ^^y=\^. See also
ditto p. 119. fe%a: jr^TT m^w. ii^^--^. i m i ^.^-H'Zh n?rasq^rr^nJt^
3^lwf^T. Bhogika has noc been explained by Dr. Fleet but
as we have just said he probably was a minister of
Bhoga or revenue.' The grants also always mention a
Dutakara ( messenger ) who is always an important
person. It appears that a minsiter or other important
officer was specially deputed to deliver on the spot the land
or village to the grantee and to make the grant known
to the villagers and village officers. For instance, in the
grant at page 119 ditto, the Dutaka is ^qrt^-^'rfajcT-^fTfcT
?'-^'T%-'dMi?;^i4^TT: 'who was the chief of sacrificers, house-
holders and sthapatis', probably the head of the department
of religion or state church. Sometimes the grant deed was
written out at the king's own dictation and the word
^^^sm^T is used, see Corp. Ins. Ill p. 199. And it is curious
to note that grant deeds were sometimes signed by the
" See aisD H. C. p. 288. sfir^pr ^fvfT'niT^tnrn^rT^fr^': '• «• villagers complain
n& of imaginary evil deeds of past taxacollectors
150 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
king himself. Harsha's own signature is thus before us
in the Banskheda grant.* Probably the king signed the
deed written on paper and the copyist engraved its exact
counterpart on copper, for the real signature is on the
copper plate. The signature of Harsha is in a very ornate
hand. Ornate letters were then usually written. And
it is further curious to add that the word for signature is
its exact English equivalent in the expression "given under
my own hand," (t^tIJ^ ^^ ^^irr^w^'m). Further the sig-
nature is not sutficient and must be supported by the seal
as in English documents. The seal or ^ of Harsha is
thus also known to us, and usually the seal was impressed
on the linking of the copperplates. Strangely enough our
connection with our own past is so completely broken
by the intervening Mahomedan rule that we have forgotten
our ancient words for seal and signature namely 53T and
fci^.fi and know only the Mahomedan equivalents namely
Muhr and Sahi. The use of the king's own signature shows
that the ministers had not the power to make valid grants
of lands and villages. Their authority was restricted.
Besides the ministers there were other important
officers called superintendents or btejt^ namely, the superin-
tendent of 5j^ or customs, of ^"[^[ttr or storehouses, of
^ or fort and so on. They did not enjoy the rank of w^j^
or minister but yet were important officers. We have already
described the district officers but these A.dhyakshas
seem to be officers of the whole state and as such
may be ranked next to the ministers. These may not have
been hereditary though the tendency has always been
in India to make offices hereditary. The grant of Pravara-
sena of the Vakatakas Corp. Ins. Ill page 237 mentions
these officers in the line ^^JW^^^^^^^A T^-'^STn^-ijl'il M^f^-chTiaiin^-
=£m^^35r5fn' "+1312? ^JT^^ f^^^q ^\^->Ji\^\v^r[^^' ( Translated as
follows by Dr. Fleet " our obedient and highborn officers
employed in the office of general superintendents, " )
Lastly, we come to the court. The centre of the
court was of course the king. He was an absolute
t Thus Dharsena's Srant and tbat of Siladitya are also signed by them. Sec Corp
Ins. in pages lfl7 and 180.
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 151
monarch; he was, however, bound by laws of divine
origin and therefore of an unchangeable nature. He
was, again, considered the father of his people and was
also the dispenser of justice. Except in a few exceptional
cases, the king though despotic, was therefore generally a
just and an affectionate ruler and was also in return loved
by the people. The king of course was born to enjoy and
had come to the royal station, so the people believed, by
reason of austerities performed in former lives. He was,
therefore, always surrounded by young and beautiful
women. He was attended on by these damsels as his
Chamara-bearer, Tambula-Karanka-bearer and so on.
They stood about him even in open court. This feature of
an ancient, king's life strikes us as almost voluptuous. But
it was a long established practice of the court. Even Manu
Smriti ( 7,224 ) describes the king as always surrounded by
women.'^ Megasthenes also does the same. (Ancient India
Mc. Crindle's Megasthenes page 71 & 72 ). Kalidasa
also describes the king as attended by Yavanis and lastly
Bana describes even the chaste and self-restrained Harsha
as attended by beautiful young women in court when Bana
went to see him. (H. C. p. 118). Even on elephants when
marching or fighting, the king had young women for his
arm-bearers. Probably this custom was originally borrow-
ed from the Persians by Chandragupta or even theNandas
who copied the forms of the Persian court, then the most
powerful and magnificent imperial court in the world,
It is hence that we can explain the mention of Yav'inis by
Kalidasa as attending kings. In Bana's days these women
were not probably Yavanis as they are not so described.
They were always selected for their strength, health
and beauty. Except for great kings like Harsha who was
martial and of great moral strength, these women must
generally have been a cause of great moral degeneracy
in Indian kings.
The king had an anointed queen and several other
wives who were, however, subordinate to the former. The
'' Though according to the Mahabharata ancient kings before Chandragupta's days
bad no such attendants.
152 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
anointed queen had a Pattabandha about her forehead. It
was a narrow golden belt ornamented with jewels.
The palace had besides the harem always more than
three kakshas or courtyards; the outer one being for people
and for state reception, the next inner one for Sardars
and the third for intimate persons only. The palaces were
stately buildings, though not of stone. The floors, however,
are described as made of shining stones. The columns and
walls were ornamented with gold and even precious stones.
The palace was usually a several-storeyed building with
inner gardens of flowerbeds and large fruit trees ( see the
description of the palace of PrabhakaraVardhana at Thane-
ear by Bana, H. C. pages 215-6.)
The king was then theoretically and usually practically
both the leader of armies on the battle-field and the dis-
penser of justice at home. The throne room or audience
hall was also the house of justice and Manu and other
Smritis require the king to attend court every morning to
dispense justice to the people. Here everybody had admis-
sion as a matter of course. Suitors were sometimes per-
mitted to draw the attention of kings to their wrongs by
ringing the bell of justice hung in the audience hall."
The king dispensed justice with the help of Brahmin and
Kshatriya and Vaisya assessors.
The Smritis direct the king to divide his time for con-
venience of business into three portions : one devoted to
dispensation of justice, one to administration and the third
to his own recreation and pleasure. Harsha followed
this practice most scrupulously as Hiuen Tsang has
recorded and his times were most punctually
observed. Drums and conches announced to the public
what the king was doing at any particular time. Some
sounding instruments were looked upon as royal i. e. to be
used by kings oniy. These instruments are described as
five in number in the epithet ^iwf'T'RrT^W^^i^- which usually
occurs in inscriptions as applied to kings, and even Sa-
mantas or feudatory chiefs (see Corp. Ins. p. 294). What
* AiVang^r's Ancient India p. a*fi.
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT IM
these five were has been discussed in a note at p. 296-29 ditti)
where Prof. Pathaka's view is referred to(Iu. Ant. Vol. XII
p. 98.) and the instruments are stated to be the Sringa or
horn ( trumpet ), the Rammata (tambour), Sankha (conch),
Bheri(kettledrum)and Jayghanta (gong). But it seems they
are mentioned in the following line of Bana : ^5?TJf ^^T-
'^, 2W^ f^^rpi w:!^pm^ 5T1;% ( H.C. p. 275). The Pataba
or drum and the Sankha or conch were of course promi-
nent and are easily recognisable.* Hiuen Tsang mentions
that Harsha's drum was given a stroke with a golden stick
for each pace that he walked, a distinction which was not
allowed to any other king. Perhaps this was done in
special honour of Harsha as Emperor or king of kings. We
may well imagine the importance of royal drums and
conches in those days when cannon had no existence.
The king was usually surrounded by his body-guard
which consisted of select strong men of hereditary service.
Bana describes the guardsmeu of Harsha as devoted men
with strongly exercised half-bare bodies, yellowish fair in
complexion, standing arround him in a row at fixed dis-
tances and poetically compares them to a colonnade of
golden pillars surrounding the king. (H. C. p. 110). The
king's seat was usually a couch, the four feet of which
were inlaid with ivory and the surface covered with a slab
of stone sprinkled with sandal pigment. There was also
a small portable seat of the king called Asandi. When
the Malava king was conquered and slain in battle the
things seized in plunder were his Sinhasana ( throne )
Sayana (couch) and Asandi (chair) (H. C. p. 103). For the
resting of the foot there was always a jewelled footstool
called Padapitha-
The Pratihari or the usher of the king was an import-
ant personage about him- The head usher had several
subordinates under him. The head Pratihari of Harsha
is minutely described by Bana as a tall.gold-complexioned,
broad-chested man with his body encased in a fresh washed
' Of the rest NSndi is given is M, William's dictionary as in music a measure
Dvadasaturya-ihosha and Kabala is given as a large drum (Panchatantra).
20
154 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
kanchuka or coat, wearing a golden belt about the waist,
provided with a jewelled buckler, a necklace about hi&
chest, and kundalas in his ears, a white turban on his
head, a pearl-hilted sword in his left hand and a golden
wand in his right (H. C- p- 98). The Pratihari is always
called Kanchuki which shows that he alone used a coat-
His white turban is also peculiar to him for the others had
usually bare topknot hair surmounted by garlands. This
description probably proves that like the Yavani attendants,
the Kanchuki was also borrowed from the Persian court-
In one important particular, however, in the seventh
century the Persian court system appears to have been
abandoned. I find no mention of eunuchs in the descrip-
tion of the royal household in Bana's Harsha Charita and
elsewhere. The Varshavaras or eunuchs were undoubtedly
employed by Chandragupta. They are mentioned along
with the ?Rs^#ujiiiq"j|: or Usiiers by Kautilya, see hiss Artha
Sastra. They are also mentioned in the Brihatkatha as
employed in the palace at Pataliputra. Of course the in-
human practice of castrating men for the use of the
harems of kings was originally a practice of the Semitic
peoples. From the kings of Babylonia and Nineveh the
eunuchs were borrowed by the Persians and from them by
Chandragupta (or his predecessors the Nandas) and suc-
ceeding Mauryas. But later the supply of such persons
probably ceased and from the Guptas onwards they are not
found in India. This moral reclamation of Indian courts
continued down to the time of theMahomedans who intro-
duced eunuchs again but since the establishment of the
civilized and more moral British rule, this pest has coased
to disfigure even the courts of Indian princes.
A study of the inscriptions recorded in the Corp. Ins.
Vol. Ill discloses that dependent kings used the title
Maharaja, independent kings Maharajadhiraja and also
Parama Bhattaraka; while emperors added to this the
title Paramesvara. The Chalukya king Pulakesin as-
sumed this title, it is expressly said, because he defeated
the Emperor Harsha. Besides these titles generally used
ARMY, NOBLES AND COURT 155
particular kings affected particular adjuncts or rather
epithets. For instance, the Chalukyas called themselves
Prithivivallabha, the Valabhi kings called themselves Sena-
patis, the Guptas used the word Vijitavani Avanipati on
"their coins. The Vakatakas called themselves Parivraja-
kas because perhaps they were Brahmins, and so on.
Every line of kings had its separate banner or Dhvaja
and Lanchhanas or crest as it is translated by Dr. Fleet.
The Lanchhana was used no doubt on coins and seals, but
it is not certain if the same symbol might not often be
used on the Dhvaja also. The symbol was always an animal.
Strangely enough even countries in the west ancient and
modern also adopt particular animals only as t-heir sym-
bols. The Lanchhana of the Guptas appears to have been a
peacock, that of the Vardhanas of Thanesar a bull. That
of the Chalukyas appears to be a Varaha or boar. The
Lanchhana of the great conqueror Yasodharman of Mand-
saur inscription was the Aulikara (Corp. Ins. Ill p. 151-
153). Aulikara must be some animal* but what animal it
is has not yet been determined. The Dhvaja or banner
had also distinctive animals on them such as a lion, a
monkey and so on. The colour of the Dhvaja also seems
to have been distinctive in each royal family-distinctions
-which are still observed.
The royal umbrella was always of the white colour.
The emblems of royalty as enumerated in a Sloka of the
Bhagavata Purana were (1) Chamara, (2) Vyajana, (fan)
(3) Sankha, (4) White Umbrella, (5) Crown, (6) Sinhasana and
(7) Sayyana or Couch. These things those who were not
kings were not allowed to have (Bhagavata X, 26-61).
» 5^ is given in dictionaries as a wild animal —.entioned in the Atharvaveda.
NOTE— I.
System of Valabhi Administration A. D. 500-TOO.
(We give below an extract from Bombay Gazatteer, History of Gujarat p. 81-8J
detailing Valabhi administration between 500-700 A.D. with our observations )
The Valabhi grants supply information regarding the leading office,
bearers in revenue, police and village administrators whose names
generally occur in the following order: —
1 Ayuktaka ; ") . . ^ , .,
f meaning appointed, appearently any supperior
2 Viniynktaka:) o^^^^'"-
3 Drunghika: apparently an officer in charge of a town as
Drangha means a town.
4 Mdhattara or Ser.ior: has the derivative meaning high in rank*
Mhatara, the Marathi for an old man is the same word. In the
Valabhi plates Mahattara seems to be generally used to mean
accredited head-man of a village, head man recognised both by
the people of the village and by the government.
5 Chatahhata: i. e. Bhatas or sepoys for Chatas or rouges,* police
mounted or on foot, represent the modern police Jamadars
Havaldars and constables. Kumarapala Charita mentions that
Chatabhatas were sent by Siddharaja to apprehend the fugitive
Kumarapala. One plate records the grant of a village ' unen-
terable by Chatabhatas.'
6 Dhruva: fixed or permanent, is the hereditary officer in charge
of the records and accounts of a village, Talathi or Kulkarni
of the modern times. One of the chief duties of the Dhruva was
to see that revenue farmers did not take more than the royal
share. The name is still in use in Cutch where village accoun-
tants are called Dhru or Dhruva. Dhru is alSo a common
surname among Nagar Brahmins and Modh and other Vanias
in Cutch, Gujarat and Kathiawad.
7 Kd/nkaranika: means the chief judicial magistrate or judge
of a place.
8 Dandapasika : literally holding the fetters or noose of punish-
ment, is used both of the head of the police officer or of the
hangman or executioner.
9 Chauroddharanika: the catcher of thieves. Of the two Indian
ways of catching thieves, one of setting a thief to catch a thi&^
• Our view is that chata is a policeman and bhata is a soldier see above.
SYSTEM OF VALABHI ADMINISTRATION A. D. 500-700 157
the other of pagi or tracking system ; the second answers well
in sandy Gujarat and Kathiawad whero the tracker or pagi is
one of the Barabalute or regular village servants.
10 Rajasthaniya: the foreign secretary, the officer who had to do
with other states and kingdoms or Rajasthanas. Some authori-
ties take Rajasthaniya to mean viceroy. ( We look upon him as.
Govt. District officer ).
11 Amatya: Minister and sometimes counciller, is generally
coupled with Kumara or prince. (Kumaramatya is Amatya for
princes and differs from Rajamatya )
12 Anutpannadanasamudgrahaka: the arrears gatherer.
13 S' aulkika : the superintendent of tolls or customs.
14 B/iof/ika: or Bhogoddharanika : the collector of the Bhoga i. e.
the state share of the land produce taken in kind, as a rule,,
one sixth. The term Bhoga is still in use in Kathiawad for the
share usually }.^th which land-holders receive from land cultivat-
ing tenants.
15 Vartmapala: thejroad watch were often mounted and stationed
in Thanas or small road side shades.
l<i Pratisaraka: patrols, night-guards or watchmen of fields or
villages.
17 Vishayapati : Axyis'ion lord, probably corresponded to the modern
subha ( rather mamladar )
18 Biishtrapati : the head of a district.
19 Gramakata: the village headman.
Territorial Divisions
The plates show traces of 4 territorial divisions.
1 Vishaya the largest corresponding to the modern administra'
tive division.
2 Ahara or Aharani that is coUectorate ( ahar, collection )
corresponding to the modern district or zillah.
3 Pathaka, of the road, a subdivision, a place named and its
surroundings.
4 Sthali : a petty division of a place without surroundings.
The district of Kaira and the province of Katbiawad to which tlie
Valabhi grants chiefly refer appear to have had separate systems
of land assessment, Kaira by yield, Kathiawad by area. Under the
Kathiawad system the measurement was by the padavarta literally the
space between one foot and the other that is ihe modern Eadam or
158 HARSHA AND HIS TIMES
pace. The pace used in measuring land seems to have differed from
the ordinary pace as most of the Kathiawad grants mention the
bhupadavarta or land pace. The Kaira system of assessment was by
yield, the unit being pitaka or basketful, the grants describing fields as
capable of growing so many baskets of rice or barley, (or as requiring so
many baskets of seed.) As the grants always specify the Kaira basket
a similar system with a diCfersnt-sized basket seems to have been in
use in other parts of the country. Another detail 'which the plates
preserve is that each tield had its name called after a guardian or some
tree or plant. Among tield names are Kotilaka, Atimenakedara, Khan-
dakedara, Gurjarakshetra, Bhimakshetra. ".
(In the above Ohauroadharanika is a higher police officer than the
mere pagi. For the word occurs in nothern grants also. Again
Rajasthaniya cartainly means the representative of the king in the
district or tehsil and has nothing to do with Rajasthan a modern word
for state. This word occurs in the Mandsaur inscription also as already
Stat ed.and there stands for the suba or viceroy. By Vishaya I would
takethe modern tehsil and Vishayapati, Tehsildar and not suba who
would be Rashtrapati more properly.
It may be added that nearly the same names were used in nothern
India as we have shown in our extact from the Deo-Barnak inscription
already given.)
2.— 7U LAKHS RATTAPADI.
S. Krishnaswarai Aiyangar in his Ancient History of India gives
discrepant explanations of this figure. In a foot-note at page 40, he
says that this figure refers either to the revenue or the number of
villages. In a footnote at page 78 explaining Gangavadi 96000, Nolara-
bavadi 36000 and Banavasi 12000 he says that these figures refer either
to the revenue or the value of the produce, and refers to the opinion o^
Mr. Rice that they indicate the former and also to the opinion of
Dr. Fleet that they refer to the number of townships in spite of the
apparant exaggeration. Contrary to his previous note Mr.
Aiyangar adds that this cannot be from the existing practice
and that it must be either revenue or income or thirdly the
quantity of seed required. Now these figures are indeed a riddle, but
they cannot apparently stand for the number of villages which for
Maharashtra's Rattapadi has been expressly stated to be 99000. The
proportion of 99000 to 750,000 is approximately 7' a. This cannot be
either the revenue or the amount of produce nor the number of ploughs
as the average of ploughs for a village is about 25. Yet the agricultural
statistics of India for 1904 gives the number of ploughs for the^Bombay
Presidency as 9,34.031. The extent of the later Chalukya Empire may
be taken a little less and the number 7}<^ lakhs may even stand for
7i<j LAKHS RATTAPADI 159
ploughs. We shall, however, leave the question undecided and refer tu it
again hereafter. The word saptardha laksha as applied to Rattaparti
cannot be referred to the number of villages even in the whole portion of
India to the south of the Narmada. For even the whole of India does
not contain at present more than 730, 806 villages. (Of course we are
here arguing on the supposition that the number of villages in India or
in any part of it cannot vary far from the number of villages existing
in the 7tb century A. D., (such variation at best not exceeding 10 or 12
per cent).The number of villages to the south of the Narmada at present
is approximately. Bombay Presidency 56,593 Madras Presidency 59858,
Hydrabad Stale 20,089, Mysore 17,012, total 1,33,552. But as a matter
of fact Rattapadi probably includes only Bombay Presidency two divi-
sions, Berar, Nagpur, Hydrabad and a part of Mysore being the extent
of the territory subject to the Chalukyas. The number of villages given
for this tract in the Aihole inscription viz. 99,000 is approximately correct.
Previously the Satavahana kingdom of Paithana extended over nearly the •
same territory. And this explains why the word saptardha laksha occurs
in a Bana inscription also* (Ind. Ant. XV, 195) of about 420 A. D. The
word may thus be of old standing even and includes the Andhra territory
also. Even in Bana's time the word Dakshinapatha meant the Deccan
exclusive, of South India that is the Deccan plateau down to the Malaya
mountain. The following extract from H.C.p. 288 is geographically interest-
ing Trirrrt"^: fqrxj^^q ^c=rf%'snT: 5IT^: TlT^nF^^r: W^Ti ?r^fS!TITOl ^imn^^'^im^K
=?7r^rT»TTrfrfri7<ri?r'^TiTf^f^nj-re t^'t: Jre^r^rg" '^^^^ ^^- i The ^fBrwR'-'-T of
this passage corresponds with the above described territory and
does not include South India or India south of the Malaya. This
country is always called ?rrTr^^T or 7'^ lakh territory in inscriptions, a
number which cannot represent villiages nor ploughs as we have
already stated.
What does it then represent ? That is almost a riddle. Can it be
the amount of land produce paid as government share ? This question
it is very diflScult to answer. The amount then collected was
in kind and not in coin as now. Moreover the government share then
was not what it is now, though I think that the British Government
does not now take much more than the i/fltli traditional revenue demand
in India. Prices moreover have largely changed and we cannot argue
from the revenue in money now derived. Yet the produce of land has
not much varied, agriculture-still remaining primitive, nor the number of
villages in the same tract of the country. Hence an estimate may be
made of the share of government then realised in kind. Taking the
cultivable average of a village as 1000 acres and the produce of one
acre as 10 raaunds we may take the government share of one village's
* '^rpa^cY^g^r?^ *^^^ jj mffqif^ ?im'%^rm^rma' : &c.
160 HARSHA AXD HIS TIMES
produce — . maunds. Here another difficulty intervenes. The pre-
sent measures of capacity or weight have been introduced since Maho-
medan tinoes ; the ser, the maund. the Khandi ?re all Mahomedan. The
old measures were Prastha, Adhaka and Drona for measures of capacity
and also weight. To what an Adhaka or Droiias comes as compared with
the maund or khandi, cannot possibly be determined with any pretence
of exactness. The Manu Smriti gives a Drona of corn as a month's
sustenance wage of a labourer ■-Jr=^T3T'Ji"=^ iT;r^^: which at present is
taken to be 1^4 maund. Placing these data before the curious reader, we
remain content and leave this subject unfinished.
BOOK II
THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
( Circa 650-800 A. D.)
CHAPTER I
REVOLUTION IN SIND
( The following arcount is based on Chacha-nama a Persian trans
lation of an Arabic account of the 12th century A. D. The account is
reliable in many ways, being based on contemporary records, but the
dates are usually misgiven, even the conquest of Sind by the Arabs
being placed before 712 A. D. by some years. We have tried to give our
estimate of the dates by reference to Hiuen Tsang's account who
personally visited Sind in 641 A. D. and who mentions that the king
there was a Sudra and not a Brahmin. There are certain legendary
stories especially of astrologers' predictions which we omit as usually
added afterwards in popular tradition almost all over the ancient world
With these corrections; Chacha-nama may well be followed and it
atfords us interesting materials for many historical deductions ).
At the time of Marsha's death Sind was ruled, as we
have already noted, by a Sudra king named SahasI of the
Maurya clan a branch of which ruled at Chitor in Raj-
putana. Sahasl's capital was Alor a'town situated on the
left bank of the Indus, now in ruins, the river also having
changed its course here. Subject to Sahasi were three or
four smaller kingdoms ruled by Jat and Kshatriya princes
the chief two being the Lohana prince of Brahmanabad
and the Rajput prince of Siwistan. What Brahmanabad,
which is of course an Arabic name, was in ancient Indian
geography it is difficult to determine. But it was a town to
the south of Alor and some-where near Hydrabad* and
' In Alexander's time there was a city of the Brahmins which he conquered and
where he killed many Brahn-.ins for instigating its revolt. Hermatalia is the supposed
name of it which is usually taken to be Erahmana-sthala of nrhich Brahmanabad would
be the Arabic translation (see Alexander's invasion by McCrindle).
21
162 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
its sway extended upto Debal a town on the sea- coast
near modern Karachi. Siwistan seems to be nothing more
than thf country of the Sibis a noted Kshatriya clan in
the Mahabharata acd even in Alexander's time. The Sibis
had a principality to the west of the Indus and it was
from ancient times subject to Sind. For even in the
Mahabharata Jayadratha king of Sind, is said to be lord of
Sind, Sauvira, and Sibi (Vana P. ch. 267) and is accom
panied by the princes of the two latter when he goes by
way of the Kamyaka forest on his expedition to the Salva
country. (Vana P. Ch. 26-5). These three are undoubtedly
Alor, Brahmanabad, and Siwistan of the Chacha-nama.
Sind had subject chiefships in the north also towards the
Panjab and this extensive country was ruled by Sahasi
with whose account the story of the Chacha-nama begir.s.
The whole country was thoroughly Buddhistic both the
ruling king and the subordinate princes and the people
generally being Buddhists even according to Hiuen
Tsang. The country appears to have been, though nomi-
nally only, subject to the Emperor Harsha of Kanauj.
Some time about 6-50 A.D. (so it may approximately be
taken) Sahasi fell ill and died without issue. And his
kingdom was seized by Sahasi's minister Chacha, a Brah-
min, and an ambitiou'?, energetic and unscrupulous man-
The Chacha-nama relates that he did so with the assist-
ance, nay, by the instigation of Sahasi's queen who had
fallen in love with him. They kept the death of the king
a secret, enticed the turbulant nobles and relatives of the
king who were likely to oppose them to the palace and
imprisoned them. Then as by an order of the sick king, the
government was publicly entrusted to Chacha whose
authority was already well established. Chacha made
many nobles his partisans by giving them estates of the
imprisoned Sardars and when he had a strong party in his
favour, he anncunced the king's death and his own
assumption of the crown. He strengthened his position
further by marrying the guilty queen of Sahasi and thus es-
tablished his own dynasty in the kingdom on a firm basis.
REVOLUTION IN SIND 163
Whatever the truth of the story of the queen's love, the
usurpation by the minister Chacha is not a strange e r
improbable event. Similar events in ancient and modeix
Indian history can be quoted, for example the usurpation of
the Pataliputra empire of the Sungas by their minister the
Kaiiva or the supplanting of the last Bahmani king of
Bedar by his minister Kasim Bereed. Nor is Chacha"s
marrying the queen an unreliable incident. The wives and
concubines of deceased or deposed kings have usually been
appropriated by usurpers even in Indian history as in
Denmark of Shakespear's Hamlet. We may therefore well
believe the story of Chacha's usurpation given in the
Chacha-nama though the queen's part in the affair may be
set aside as improbable.
The usurpation by a minister is not an improbable
«vent but was it a religious revolution ? We shall pre-
sently see. Chacha was a singularly fortunate usurper. He
defeated the king of Chitor who was, as we have said, a
relative of Sahasi and presumably a Buddhist and who
came to lay claim to the crown and to dethrone the usurp-
ing minister. Chacha thus confirmed further strengthened
his position and reputation by conquering the northern
subject states of Sind and taking Multan made his
boundary conterminous with Kashmir, so the Chacha-nama
relates, in the east.
When Chacha had also conquered the northern states of
Iskania and Babia \j'ith the eastern states of Multan and
Karur, he turned his arms towards the west, crossed the
river Mekran (Arabic for the Indus) and conquered Mattah
the king of Siwistan or the country of the Siwis (Sibisj.
He then finally turned towards the south (probably the.
Arab historian had the story of Chacha related to him by
some native reporter who has given it the form of a Di^jfvi-
jaya by Chacha) and called upon Agham Lohana the
powerful king of Brahmanabad to submit. But the latter
decided to oppose Chacha and a battle was fought outside
the town in vv^hich Agham was defeated. He retired into
the town to which Chacha laid siege. The besieged Agham
164 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
who was a Buddhist sent for aid to the ruler of Kananj the
then capital of Hindustan but before a reply could be re-
ceived Agham died. His young son submitted to the fortunate
Chacha who then entered the city and allowed the un-
molested inhabitants to remain in the town as before,
subject to himself.
The deplorable state of Buddhism of this time can be
gathered from the story of the Samani (Sramana) recluse
of the Navavihara related in the Ctiacha-nama. Like
Hinduism Buddhism had drifted by this time from the
highest philosophy into the grossest superstition and idola-
try. This monk was supposed to be a great sorcerer of
wonderful powers and Chacha was told that he had assis-
ted Agham with his powers and enabled him to prolong the
siege for more than a year, Chacha resolved to have him
killed by his swordsmen and went to see him. He was
fashioning clay idols of Buddha with his own hand. He
did not at first notice the all-powerful king Chacha who
for a time stood by him. Having finished his work
of idol-making the Samani noticed the king and
asked him to sit down offering him a grass mat. Cha-
ciia sat and eventually left, not only without having him
killed but after promising to help him in repairing the
Navavihara. When asked why he had changed his mind
Chacha said he saw a devil hovering above himself ready to
pounce upon him! Such were the strange superstitious be-
liefs of the day about the necromancy of Buddhist monks.
But though Chacha spared the Samani, he was a big-
goted Hindu and his usurpation appears to have been actu-
ated by religious motives also. The Chacha-nama relates
that Chacha while at Brahmanabad made certain rules by
which he degraded the turbulent Lohanas and Jats in
social position. He made it a rule that they should not
carry swords except on occasions of urgent necessity, that
they should not wear silken cloth, that they should use
scarfs of black or red colour, that they should ride horses
without saddle, that they must walk about bare-headed
and bare-footed, that they must always, when they went
REVOLUTION IN SIND 165
out, have with them dogs to distinguish them and that
they should supply firewood to the ruler of Brahmanabad,
serve as guides and spies, and be trustworthy and honest.
The story is cartainly well founded that Chacha made
these rules. They were enforced during his son's time
also and even in the time of the Arabs who conquered Sind,
for the Chacha-nama relates that Mohomed Kasim en-
forced the same conditions. In fact some of these restric-
tions are still observed. Many tribes of Jats go about
bare-headed still. Even in Rajput times, the Jats were
not allowed to cover their heads with turbans or to wear
red clothes, or to put a crown on the head of their bride-
groom, or to put a nath in their women's nose. " The
Ghatwals obtained success over the Rajputs and removed
the obnoxious provisions. They thus are called Malik and
wear red. turbans." (Ibbetson's caste in the Panjab p. 130.)
It does not appear that these restrictions were imposed
solely because the Jats and Lohanas vt^ere troublesome and
riotous and committed robberies on the roads as perhaps
it might at first sight appear. For the restrictions given
above explain at once the meaning of the whole story if
this prohibition. It seems that the Jats and the Lohanas
claimed to be Khhatriyas and to have all their privileges,
viz. wearing the sword, riding a horse, having a red turban
while the orthodox Hindu population denied thest:
claims. Ir. is easy to surmise, that during the preceding
period of Buddhistic supremacy, many castes had thrown
away Vedic practices and rites and had thus forfeited their
title to be treated as Dvijas or Aryans. Now we have al-
ready seen that the Jats were Vaisyas of Vedic times,
and their occupation was agriculture which was not then
exclusively the occupation of the Sudras. The Lohanas
appear to have been originally Kshatriyas, but they had
during Buddhistic times become peaceful traders. Yet both
must have kept up Kshatriya pretensions as every one na-
turally desires to raise himself up in social position. As
Hinduism now gathered strength, Hindu society began to
confirm each caste in the status which it held by its
166 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
practices. The Jats who were agriculturists and who
had lost entire touch with Vedic rites, became Sudras
in public estimation and were confirmed in that
pofc-ition and the Lohanas who now followed trade the
profession of Vaisyas became Vaisyas in the Hindu view
and were therefore confined to that status. Both appear
to have practised widow marriage which was repugnant
to the orthodox Hindu and the rigid Kshatriyas who did
not practise it and this was a further reason in the con-
firmation of Lohanas as Vaisyas and the Jats as Sudras.
These two races have still kept up their martial instinct
but the historian cannot but observe that the gathering of
strength by Hindu orthodoxy led to the demartializing of
certain races which had an unfvourable influence on the
future course of events.
Strangely enough in spite of this order Chach'a married
tne widow of Agham Lohana much in the same way
as he had married the widow of Sahasi for political reasons.
Tiie power of Chacha was now firmly established and he
ruled Sind successfully for several years. When he died
we cannot well determine. Sind was conquered by the
Arabs in 712 A. D. and Dahar the successor of Chacha the
Brahmin king of Sind, so the Chacha-nama relates, had
ruled 33 years. It may be said therefore that Dahar came
to the throne in 679 A. D If we take Chandra, Chacha's
brother between Chacha and Dahar for 7 years as the
Chacha-nama relates, Chacha may be taken to have died
in 672 A. D. after a rule of about 22 years.
As Chacha left sons behind him it does not seem
probable that Chandra ruled for 7 years after Chacha as
the Chacha-nama states. Perhaps Dahar was a minor and
hence Chandra's rule for a brief period. Chandra is said
to have become a monK or Buddhist. Probably the Bud-
dhists were yet powerful in Brahmanabad where he resi-
ded. After him or when Dahar came to majority Dahar
became the king in 679 A.D. Dahar certainly ruled in
Alor the capital of Sind and Brahamanal)ad the subordi
nate kingdom was in charge of Daharsia, Dahar's brother
REVOLUTION IN SIND 167
(it is probably a mistake that the latter is supposed to be
an elder brother). There was some rivalry or dispute
between them and their quarrel about the marriage of Bai
their sister and the stories of the sagacity of Budhiman
minister of Dahar in saving him from the attempts on his
life by Daharsia we omit as rathar unhistorical. What we
are certain of is that Dahar was a strong ruler ^ and his
brother and his kinsmen including sons of Chandra
were in charge of subordinate provinces or states.
Whether Dahar was a son of Chacha by Sahasi's
widow as the Chacha-nama states can not definetely be
determined. Dahar, Daharsia and Bai are said in
the Chacha-nama to be her children, but the same work
states further on that Bai was Chacha's daughter by a Jat
woman. It seems probable that Chacha as usual with
Indian kings had several wives, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Jat or
Vaisya and Sudra /. e. the queen of Sahast, Dahar was
probably his son by a Brahmin or Kshatriya wife. For
Dahar was treated as a Brahmin by the Brahmins of his
time as the Chacha-nama distinctly states. Whether
Dahar is one of the 36 orthodox Rajput families, as Tod
relates we will discuss in our second volume and will now
proceed to describe the destruction of Dahar and the
conquest of Sind by the Arabs, an epoch making event in
the historj'- of India.
'' We may believe the story of an invasion of Sind by Kanauj incited by Matta
of Siwistan who after his defeat by Chacha had taken refuse with the Kanauj kinjj, They
vrere both Buddhists. Chacha had Siven a daughter in marriage to the Kaihmir king
and her son together with Sahiras king of Kanauj and Rasil his brother invaded Sind
but Dahar defeated them by a stratagem. The details are of course not very historical
and Sahiras of Kanauj is unquestionably Sriharsb." whose name still rang in India when
the Arabs conquered Sind. But since Harsha had long Iain in rest in Dahar's time it
must have been some other king if an invasion ot Sind by tCanauj did take place in
Dahar's regime. The Chacha-nSma also speaks of an i.nva3;on by a king of Ram.il which
in Arabic means sand and this may have been a Bhati king of the desert, that is, what
Bahavalpur or Jaisalmere now are.
CHAPTER II
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE aRABS
Like the nose of the alligator Sind is the most vulner-
able part of India being exposed to foreign attack. The
back of the country is covered by the Himalayan mountain
chain and is therefore like the back of the alligator im-
possible to assail. The head of the country and its fore-
head too are protected by the Hindukush and the Suleiman
ranges and are therefore practically unassailable. It is
lower down where the river Indus falls into the sea that
there is no natural obstacle in the path of a foreign invader.
This nose of India is doubtless approachable through a
sandy desert country without much water but to those
who are accustomed to traverse deserts on camels and
mules, Sind is easily accessible and hence it is that it has
frequently fallen a prey to foreign invaders in the history
of ancient India,
But though frequently thus attacked and conquered
b;^ the Persians before the period of which we treat the
Indians of Sind as frequently asserted themselves and
gained back their independence. The dynasty which
Chacha subverted had ruled in Sind for about 150 years
and Chacha and Dahar had ruled for about 60 years. The
conquest of the country by the Arabs in Dahar's time,
however, proved permanent and from 712 A, D. down to our
day ( with the apparent exception of a few years ) Sind has
remained under foreign subjection. We will, therefore,
describe the conquest of Sind by the Arabs in detail and
see what causes operated towards that eventually
permanent enslavement of the country which overtook
Sind at the beginning of the 8th century and the rest of
the country at the end of the 12th. Many details are fortu-
nately available in the Chacha-nama an almost contem-
porary account for this event.
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 169
The Arabs, it is said in the Chacha-nama, made several
abortive attempts during the reign of several Khalifas to
conquer Sind but when they had fully conquered
Iran and had thus a nearer and a stonger base for
their operations they made really earnest efforts to
subjugate the country. A good pretext soon offered itself.
Some ships conveying Mahomedan male and female pil-
grims from Screndib or Ceylon (it is strange that the Arabs
had already by this time taken their religion to Ceylon
probably directly by sea from Arabia ) with many valuable
presents in jewels and pearls from the king of Ceylon to
the Khalifa Walid who ruled in Baghdad, by way of the
Persian gulf were compelled by adverse winds to go to
Debala seaport town of Sind situated on the western bank
of the Indus. The Indus delta was then infested by robbers
as even Hiuen Tsang has described. They were very bad
men according to him though nominally Buddhists. These
men attacked these ships, conveyed the treasure to Debal
and imprisoned the Mahomedan men and women pilgrims.
The authorities of the town ought not to have countenan-
ced this act, but probably they had their due share in the
spoils and so perhaps Dahar himself to whom a complaint
was formally made on the subject by Hajjaj the governor
of Iran. Dahar is said to have replied " That is the work
of a band of robbers than whom none is more powerful-
They do not even care for us." This was certainly not a
fair reply for a powerful king to make and Hajjaj easily
induced the Khalifa Walid to declare a hoty war against
Sind promising him in spoils twice the amount of money
he would spend on an expedition for the conquest of Hind
and Sind as the Arabs styled it.
Great preparations were made at Kufa the capital of
Iran by Hajjaj who placed the expedition under the
command of his nephew and son-in-law Mahomed Kasim,
an upright true Mahomedan and a discreet energetic com-
mander. 6000 men of good family from Sham (Syria)
joined the expedition. There were battering rams and
catapults also taken to assail fortified towns and these
were put on board ships near Shiraz from whence they went
22
170 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
by sea to Debal, while Mahomed Kasim marched by-
land through Mekran towards the same town. The army
arrived fist at Arraan Bela and from thence proceeded to
Debal where it was joined by the ships. The whole army
with battering rams and catapults now encamped before
the fortified town of Debal and socn invested it. Hajjaj
kept up constant communication by means of swift run-
ners ( on camels ) with the expedition and minutely direct-
ed and supervised its operations.
Dahar seems to have done nothing to save Debal.
There was a band of 500 Arabs under one Alafi in Dahar's
service, Alafi having fled from his country in consequence
of a murder committed by him. The Chacha-nama states that
Dahar consulted Alafi who said that Mahomed Kasim was
invincible and thereupon Dahar kept quiet. But probably
Dahar thought the place strong as it had withstood attacks
by previous Arab expeditions. This present expedition was
however more serious than others that had preceded it
and Debal fell before the conquering Kasim. One inci-
dent of the attack and capture requires to be noted. There
was a high temple with a higher flag in the town and
people said there was a talisman in it. So long as the
tower and flag stood, Debal would not fall. Mahomed
•Kasim had that temple's tower and its flag-mast thrown
down by the charge of the Khalifa's catapult an engine
worked by 500 men and thus the city fell. Talismans and
magic were believed in bothby the Arabs and the Buddhists
in those days and the magical absurdities related in the
Arabian Nights of the day of Haroun-al-Rashid Khalifa
of Baghdad are well known. The historian may set magic
aside, but he cannot but remark that improved weapons
of warfare are an important factor in the success of
armies. The Arabs were skilful in the use of catapults
which then were what cannons are now and catapults and
and battering rams were not much known to the Indians.
Their subjugation by the Arabs may therefore particularly
be attributed to better weapons of destruction possessed
by the Arabs.
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 171
The conquerors gave the first lessons of terrible Ma-
honiedan warfare to the Hindus and Buddhists of Debal.
For they massacred all the male population of the town.
The people stood aghast and prayed for mercy ; but
Mahomed Kasim said he had no orders to show mercy ;
probably he wanted to make an example by inflicting a
terrible lesson. When Mahomed Kasim came to the
temple whose tower had been thrown down, he found
" 700 beautiful females under the protection of Buddha
who were of course made slaves." The temple was prob-
ably a Buddhist female Vihara. Debal was mostly
Buddhist. The Governor was also a Buddhist and
called in the Chacha-nama Jahin Budh. He escaped,
and joined Jaisiah son of Dahar who was then at Nerun
Mahomed Kasim had already granted pardon to
certain persons who had promised to show the imprisoned
Mahomedan male and female prisoners. These m'en
were spared on bringing out the prisoners and also a
Hindu otficer who had charge of them for having treated
them, kindly during their confinement. What a great
difference between the cruel treatment of prisoners by
Mahomedans and their kind treatment by Buddhists!!!
That officer, however, had to become a Mahomedan. The
town was of course pillaged and the valuable plunder was
divided into five parts one of which was sent to Hajjaj for
the Khalifa as the government's share "according to the
religious law" and the rest were shared between the com-
mander and the soldiers according to fixed rules. In this
manner the Arabs strove for conquests all the more for it
was thus the self-interest of the governm.ent, the
commander and each soldier to conquer. This proce-
dure had its own share in the causes which maybe assigned
for the success of the Arabs.
Such was the terrible beginning of the eventual con-
quest of India by the Mahomedans, Debal being its first
victim. The male population was mostl massacred,
the town was completely plundered, many willing and
unwilling people were converted, and beautiful females
172 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
were carried away into captivity. It was a terrible exam-
ple and when Mahomed Kasim after having arranged for
the government of the town proceeded towards Neruii. the
next city higher up the Indus, also on the west bank, near
modern Hyderabad, the city .submitted without fighting.
It had indeed shut its gates in the absence of its Samani
or Buddhist governor ; and Jaisia, Dahar's son who was
there with some force had by Dahar's order crossed the
river and gone to Brahmanabad. But the Samani soon
returned, went to Mahomed Kasim's camp and tendered
his allegiance. He also gave plentiful supplies to the
army. Nerun was therefore spared. Mahomed Kasim
entered the town and built a mosque in place of a temple
and made arrangements for the government of the place.
In order to leave no unconquered territory behind
before he attempted to cross the Indus, Mahomed Kasim
led his army towards Siwistan. The Sibis were a warlike
people and probably Kshatriyas. The ruler of the fortified
town was a cousin of Dahar, named Bachchra ( Vatsaraj )
son of Chandra. He resolved to fight and closed the gates.
But the population was Buddhist. And there was a Samani
party ( Buddhist ) within. It said to Bachchra " We are a
priestly class ; our religion is peace. According to our
faith, fighting and slaughter are not allowable. You are
moreover sitting in a safe place. We are afraid the Arabs
will take our place and will deprive us of our life and
property. So we advise you to make peace. " But Bach-
chra did not accept their cowardly advice and fought. Ma-
homed Kasim who brought up his battering rams and cata-
pults up the Indus river in boats to Nerun and from there
took them by land to Siwistan now invested the town
and fort. The Samani party in the town sent word to
him : " All the people whether agriculturists, artizans,
merchants, and others have left Bachchra's side and do not
acknowledge allegiance to him. " The result was, the
town was soon taken and Bachchra finding it difficult to
hold the fort, fled with his men at night towards Budhia.
Mahomed Kasim entered the fort, plundered the town
except the Samani party and made arrangements for the
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 173
due government of the fort and the country. He sent the
usual one-fifth of the plunder to Hajjaj and gave the rest
to the army. He then moved in pursuit of Bachchra to
Budhia where the Arabs had to fight, but eventually all
the country to the west of the Indus was reduced to
subjection and Kasim came back to Nerun, without leav-
ing any enemy behind him, to consider the means of
crossing the Indus which it must be stated here has in
recent times changed its course considerably. For it is
now to the west of Hyderabad the modern substitute of
Nerun but in Kasim's days it was to the east of it.
We cannot but pause here to reflect upon the conduct
of the Buddhists of Nerun and Siwistan. Indeed the
verdict of history cannot but be that given by Giboon viz
that as Christianity enfeebled the Romans and was one
of the causes of Rome's downfall ; so in India the spread
and paramountcy of Buddhism was one of the causes of
the fall of India's independence. Of course Christianity
has not enfeebled the Teutonic races, so has Buddhism
not enfeebled the Mongolian races notably the Japanese.
But as the tenet of Ahimsa or non-slaughter of living
beings, together with the abandonment of animal food
took strong root in India and became the supreme article
of faith and conduct of the people martial spirit naturally
declined. Cruelty has its dark side, but without cruelty
there can be no martial spirit. The Budahist Harsha did
succeed in establishing a widespread empire by his military
achievements, but he was a meat-eater from his childhood
though perhaps not to the end of his life. The Guptas
who were orthodox Hindus and followers of the religion
of animal sacrifice were of course a flesh-eating clan and
during their days the middle class, the traders and agri-
culturists, the Vaisyas so to speak were also carnivorous-
and were consequently as martial as the Brahmins above
and the Sudra population below them. It is hence that the
Guptas of Magadha and the Vardhanas of Thanesar though
Vaisyas were able to drive away such ferocious foreign
invaders as the Kushans and the Huns, But Harsha's
Buddhistic zeal and his imperial power succeeded in
174 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
abolishing animal-slaughter and animal food from the
land. The natural effect of this prohibition, working for
nearly half a century, became visible among the middle
classes of the country, the orthodox Brahmins and the
strong Kshatriyas, however, evading the prohibition as
well as the lowest classes. The middle class thus at the
beginning of the 8th century was completely emasculated
for ever ( and it remains so to this day ) and thus half
nay more than half the population of the country was,
when the Arabs came to India, as tame as sheep, only fit
to be slaughtered by the ferocious Arabs. The Buddhists
as we have seen openly declared that their article cf
faith was no slaughter and no fighting and we thus find at
Neriin and a^ Siwistan the people divided into two camps;
those whc' did not want to fight and those who did. The
former usually consisted of the agriculturists, the merchants
and the artizans or the Vaisyas and the quieter portions
©f the Sudras, the middle class of the people so to speak.
They were both averse to kill and afraid to be killed and
they always sided with the Arabs when they foand they
were strong and likely to be victorious. The Brahmins
and the Kshatriyas, however, fought vigorously. Bachchra
and his Thakurs, the Chacha-nama says, lost their lives
'' in trying to accomplish their sinful deeds " '.'.'. The turbu-
lent Jats too, though degraded by Chacha to the position
of Sudras fought valiantly. But as one-half of the population
was cowardly and even favourable to the Arabs, Sind could
not avert its fate. Fortunately at that very time Aryanism
( we will not call it full Hinduism yet) or the religion of
animal sacrifice revived elsewhere. Buddhism was conquer-
ed or driven into the background and the downfall of the
rest of India was averted for three centuries more. Sind
of course fell a prey to the Arabs and remained aMahomer,
dan province throughout the succeeding centuries of
ndian hist<jry.
To return to our story, Mahomed Kasim was encamped
on the west bank of Hhe Indus for a long time unable to
find a way to cross it. The river was certainly a great
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 175
•obstacle before him and Dahar was not unmindful of his
• duty and his opportunity. He made preparations to oppose
the Arabs there. He had already called Jaisia his son
from the opposite bank to his and now posted him with a
strong force to oppose the crossing. He himself came
down with a large army from Alor his capital and encamp
ed in the open plain at some distance from Jaisiah. He
even came down to the bank of the river opposite to the
Arabs. He was a strong powerful man and a great archer.
The Mahomedan historian himself relates how he strung
his strong bow which none else could string and drawing
it to its full length shot an arrow accross the river and
killed an Arab horseman who also wanted to shoot Dahar
from his side. This brave deed testifies to Dahar's strength
and fearlessness which were not inferior r-^ rhose of Poros
before him and Prithviraj after him. But tne strength and
bravery of one man or many Rajput warriors was not o^
m-uch avail against the bigotted impetuosity of the Arabs
aided by defection on the side of the Indians. For here
we come to the third cause of India's fall viz. the defec-
tion and treachery of its own sons which we proceed to
describe as related in this Arab history itself.
Unable to secure boats, with scarcity of provisions in
his camp and with sickness too among his men and horses,
Mahomed Kasim was in great difficulties. But he was a
resolute and a fortunate man. Hajjaj who backed him
from Iran was also a resolute and a fortunate man. He
sent him 2,000 fresh horses and a contingent of fresh
soldiers and he gave him sound advice which is well worth
repeating here. He wrote him "there are four ways of
acquiring a kingdom : 1st conciliation and alliance, 2nd
expenditure of money and generous gifts, 3rd adoption of
expedient measures at the time of disagreement and 4th
the use of overpowering force, strength and majesty. Try
to grant every request made by the princes and please them
by giving solemn promises, " These four methods are the
. same as mentioaed in Indian books on politics viz. Sama.
Dana. Bheda and Dandaor conciliation, payment, division
and punishment. You can conquer an enAiy by conci-
176 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
liating him or paying him large presents or by creating
division in his camp or finally by using force pure and
simple. The first two ways were not to be thought of for
Dahar was implacable and rich. The other two remained
and Mahomed Kasim succeded in finding an opportunity
of creating division and defection. There was an island
in the course of the river and this Bet was in possession
of one Mokah Bassaya. He had probably cause to be dis-
satisfied with Dahar and he went over by a stratagem to
Mahomed Kasim who promised to make him big grants of
territory. And Moka Bassaya in all subsequent opera-
tions of the Arabs faithfully and zealously assisted Maho-
med Kasim. He was in fact the Bibhishana of the story
of the conquest of Sind. He was a Rajput and perhaps
even a Brahmin and was conscious apparently of his duty
to his country for he is said to have written to Kasim as
follows (p. 106 Chachanama): "The country of Sind is our
native country. It is an acquisition of our fathers and
grand- fathers and our heritage. There is a consanguinity
between us and Rai Dahar. He is also a king over other
kings of Hind. It should be our duty therefore to stand by
him and co-operate with him. We are also affected by his
pleasure and pain and we are partners in the same country.
But reason and wisdom suggest and mystic philosophy
proves that the country will go out of our hands" and there-
fore it is wiser for him to surrender to Kasim. Traitors
like Moka Bassaya have usually betrayed their country's
cause with similar casuistry to save their conscience in
the history of India from the king of Taxila in Alexander's
days down to the Nagara minister of RaiKarna of Gujarat
in later days and these traitors in whatever country found
can never indeed be too much execrated.
Moka Bassaya master of the Bet ( Mahomed Kasim
promised him the province of Bet as his own estate and
passed a written document to that effect with his own
signature and seal) not only now supplied provisions to
Kasim but assisted him in crossing the river. He furnished
him with boats and advised him to cross it at the Bet
( island ). A bridge of boats was made of length corres-
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 177
ponding to the breadth of the river at this place along-side
the western bank. When Rai Dahar heard of the defection
of Moka Bassaya he appointed his ( Moka's ) younger
brother Rasil to oppose the Mahomedans in crossing the
river. He too was a renegade and also lukewarm though
appointed governor of Bet by Dahar. The Arabs were also
assisted by many Thakurs and Jats besides Moka who
had paid homage to the Arabs and joined them. These were
posted at the island or Bet to assist the Arabs in crossing.
Fixing one point of the long bridge of boats on the west
bank, the Arabs moved the other which under the force of
the "stream reached the opposite coast. It was immediately
made fast there with moorings by intrepid warriors
amidst divided opposition by the Indians, Mokah Bassaya
and his Jats and Thakurs interfering with the opposers
under Rasil. Thus the Arab army was able to cross the
Indus without much difficulty. Jaisiah with his force
fought with this army of Arabs on the east bank but was
defeated Jaisiah a brave man was unwilling to fly but
the driver of his elephant in his loyal solicitude addressed
the elephant. " Do you want to escape " "How can that
be done " said Jaisiah and the clever intrepid driver drove
his elephant against the Arabs who had surrounded him,
forced his way out and safely took Jaisiah to his father
Dahar who was glad to see his son safe and sound.
The Arabs having succeeded in crossing the river and
in driving away Jaisiah placed there to oppose them, their
subsequent victories need not be detailed at length. Dahar
who had left Alor and had come down with his most
efficient forces, to the district of Jhim ( somewhere to
the south of Brahmanabad ) fought a determined battle
with the Arabs, resolved like the ancient Kshatriyas to die
or conquer. The contest was terrible. Dahar had accor-
ding to the Chacha-nama about 5000 horsemen, 100 elephants
and 20,000 foot soldiers with complete armour or coat of
mail. Dahar himself was seated on a furious elephant
with a litter lashed to it and an iron coat spread over it.
He was armed cap-a-pie and had a tightly strung bow in
his hand. Two maid-servants were sitting with him in the
23
178 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
litter, one of them handing him arrows and the other
giving him betel leaf. His right was commanded by Jai-
siah, his left by his nephew Jahin. His son Daharsia with
many chief men of Sind (many names are given here ) and
all the Jats of the eastern part of the country brought the
rear. How many men Mahomed Kasim had is not clear.
He had probably 6000 horsemen and they used bows carry-
ing lance also with arrows- He had infantry also and he had
the assistance of renegade Indian forces Mich as those of
Moka Bas-'saya and otHers, — Thakurs and Jats of the
western portion of Sind ( to the left of the Indus ). But
these must not have been considerable. The contest was
fierce and determined and lasted from morn to about 4 in
the evening when an unfavourable accident happened. The
god of battles had decreed the day to the Mahomedans.
Dahar was fighting determinedly with arrows as also with
discs (the peculiar Indian weapon called chakra ) which
was not known to the Arabs and which he threw with such
force and aim that "it severed the head of ahorse, a horse-
man or a foot at whosoever it was thrown." But at this time
naphtha arrows shot by Arabs set the litter of Dahar's
elephant on fire. The Indian battles show usually similar
accidents. The commanders strangely enough always
ride elephants which give sure targets to assailants. The
elephant unable to bei.rthe heat, disobeyed the driver, rush-
ed out of the battle-field towards a lake that was near and
plunged hi mself into the water. The driver as well as Dahar
were thrown down violently. They came or they were
rescued out of the water but a party of Arabs assailed them
and killed them. The army of Sind when the elephant of
the king thus fled out of the battle as usual gave way and
dispersed. The rout was soon complete and many were
massacred, but a few reached the fort of Raor ( not Alor )
which was nearest the battlefield. Thus ended the chief
battle in this conquest in favour of the Arabs on the 10th
day of Ramzan of the 93rd year of the Hezira ( 712 A. D. ).
Enormous plunder fell into the hands of the victor.
Elephants, horses, wearing stutfs, cattle etc. were seized.
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 179
a fifth part of the value of which was sent to Hajjaj as
also the head of Dahar and the heads of his tributary
princes together with their ensigns and royai umbrellas,
with a letter of exultation and thanks given by Mahomed
Kasim. Among the slaves was a wife of Dahar and
several daughters of princes and Ranas and a niece of
Dahar. They were sent further of course to the Khalifa
with the exception of Ladi, Dahar's wife whom Mahomed
Kasim ransomed and married according to the usual pre-
dilection of conquerors for the wives of conquered princes.
One great incident which happened before this battle
requires to be related at length. There were as already
stated, 500 Arabs under Alafi in the service of Dahar and
on the eve of battle Dahar asked them to lead the vanguard
in fighting. Alafi said, "Oh king! we are indebted to you
for many acts of kindness. But we are musalmins and
cannot draw our sword against the army of Islam. If we
are killed, we die the death of pointed wretches. If we
kill we are responsible for murder and our punishment
will be fire of hell." Alafi and his 500 Arabs thus refused
to fight against their brethren and correligionists and had
to leave the service of Dahar. It is said they went to
Kashmir immediately. Others state they remained
behind assisted Jaisiah for a time and when he left Sind
and went towards the modern Rajputana then they
went to Kashmir. This incident shows the glaring
contrast between the conduct of Hindus and Mahomedans
on this eventful day. There were Hindus who fought
against Hindus in this memorable battle but there were
no Mahomedans against Mahomedans. This incident not
only illustrates the stern religious earnestness of the early
A.rab Mahomedans but their elevated morality also. The
500 Arabs of Dahar did not act the treacherous part which
the Mahomedans of Ramrai of Vijayanagar played in
later history at the famous battle of Talikot. The latter
showed as if they fought with the Mahomedan enemies of
Ramrai but when the proper time came they turned their
arms against the Hindus themselves. Alafi could have
180 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
done that, but treachery was no part of the Mahomedan
religion in his days. It was not a tenet of that religion
then that one may without sin be treacherous to an
infidel. Christianity in later days preached and practised
this debased doctrine and Mahomedans of later history
also did the same. But the Arabs of Mahomed Kasim's
days kept their promises most scrupulously. To massacre
opposing Indians and to appropriate their women was
their nvowed creed. But if they promised pardon to any
infidel Indians, they never broke their word. Even in
religious matters they kept theie promises. The question
whether those who had accepted subjection and payment
of tribute for freedom of religious worship should be allow-
ed to build their temples and to worship their idols was
referred to Hajjaj and even that stern and cruel man
said " Since we have accepted their tribute, we must allow
them freedom of their own worship." It is clear then that
the conquering Arbs of the early days were distinguished
not only by religious zeal but high morality and the latter
seems to be as much a requisite of success in war as un-
ity and military superiority.
Jaisiah with a few followers escaped from the bloody
battlefield and went to Raor. That fort was not thought
safe and he went to Brahmanabad where were the accum-
ulated riches of his father and sufficient forces to oppose
the Arabs. Dahar's another queen Bai remained in Raor
with 15000 warriors and opposed Kasim who soon invested
it with his victorious army. Bai found that " She could
not escape the clutches of those chandalas and cow-eaters"
and resolved to burn herself. "She and many Rajput women
were of one mind and so they entered a house, set fire to it
and soon were burnt to death." This was probably the first
immolation of Indian women in its history. The Indians
no doubt fought among themselves in former times and
even sometimes appropriated the women of the conquered
princes as has been stated before. But there was no
compulsion in these cases. If they refused to be wives
and concubines of the victors they remained only as
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 181
servants and were even allowed to go away as Buddhisr
nuns or other recluses. And there was no loss of religion
or of caste. But with the Mahomedan conquerors the case
was entirely different. Women were forcibly appropriated
by them as wives or as concubines or as slaves and were
also forcibly converted. And the eating of cows' flesh and
the slaughter of cows were the most abominable things witii
the Indians. The courage of Indian women had always
been exhibited in the long established practice of sati
and thus Indian women during Mahomedan times often,
nay almost always, made those terrible holocausts of
themselves which make the history of the Mahomedan
conquest of India hideous and painful. This sacrifice by
Bai said to be Dahar's step-sister and wife and other Raj-
put women was thus probably the first of its kind in
Indian history.
Raor was taken and plundered. The fighting people
were massacred and the women enslaved. Altogether there
were, it is said in the Chacha-nama, 60000 slaves including
many beautiful women of princely families. These were
like the plunder, divided between the governnient and the
soldiers. From thence Kasim went to Brahmanabad,
capturing two towns and forts on the way, Bahror and
Dahlila. Jaisiah not finding it safe even at Brahmanabad
left it with many followers and took his position in the
desert, deciding to harass Kasim's forces during invest-
ment of the city. It was well prepared for the siege and
withstood it for six months. There were about 40 thou-
sand fighting men in the city and they made frequent
sallies fighting with determination from sunrise to sunset.
Jaisia also harassed the Arabs from behind. In this way
Mahomed Kasim was sorely troubled, but Moka Bassaya
came to his relief. He gave him accurate information
about Jaisiah and asked a force to be sent against him.
Jaisia was finally defeated (much like Indrajit of Ravana
defeated by Bibbishana's aid) and he betook himself to
Chitore. The fate of Brahmanabad was now sealed. » It
fell in the usual way. The merchants and other non-fight-
Iii2 THE MRST HINDU KINGDOMS
ing people threwr themselves on the mercy of Mahomed
Kasim and opened the gates. The city was immediately
taken possession of. the merchants we re spared, the warriors
were slaughtered and the city was plundered. Women
slaves were captured; among them were two virgin daugh-
ters of Dahar who were sent to the Khalifa along with the
fifth royal share of plunder. These as is well-known even-
tually became the cause of Kasim's downfall and death.
As Moka Bassaya said, Brahmanabad was the chief
city of Sind and when that was conquered the whole of
Sind carfie into Kasim's possession. He made a long stay
r£iere and made arrangements for the administration of the
country. One day it is said a thousand Brahmins came
before him with shaven heads and beards. On inquiry
they said "We are Brahmins; many of us had killed them-
selves when our Brahmin king Dahar was killed. We have
shaved our heads and beards in token of our loyalty to
him." Kasim pardoned them, extolled their conduct and
asked them to serve the country as before. They were
asked to do -the same duties to government as heretofore
and were reinstated in their offices. Those who were
actual priests were allowed to worship the idols in the
temples as before and were allowed even to beg as before
" with a copper-bowl collecting corn in it. " This descrip-
tion probably applies to the Buddhist monks. Kasim even
allowed the cultivators to give three out of every hundred
Dirbams of revenue to the Brahmins and to pay the rest to
the treasury. This toleration of the religion of the people-
their being permitted to build their temples, to worship,
their idols and to pay their priests is in strange contrast
with the policy of the Mahomedan conquerors in succeed-
ing centuries. As we have said before, Kasim followed this
wise and honourable policy with the consent of Hajjaj who
said that ouipayment of tribute the subjects had a right to
worship in their own way. The tribute was fixed at 48
Dirhams on rich men (about 12 rupees in weight of silver),
24 for the middle class and 12 for the poor yearly. As the
old revenue administration and even old officers were con-
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 183
firmed we may take it that the old system of revenue
taxation remained in' force and was not changed and
taxation increased as in later times. The whole policy
of Mahomed Kasim and his superiors was thus generous
and truly wise.
But he was not equally generous in his treatment of
the Lohanas and the Jats or as it is said here of theLakhas
and Sammas. Perhaps policy also dictated that these
turbulent and warlike tribes should be kept down rather
than relieved of the disabilities imposed upon them by
( '.hacha. Perhaps orthodox Hindu feeling also was against
cr>9m. Vazir Siyakar, minister of Dahar ( now converted )
bajd that they were compelled by Chacha to wear coarse
cloth, to take dogs with them when they went out in order
to be distinguished, and not to fide horses or take swords.
*' If any headman or Rana was obliged to use a horse, he
was to ride without a saddle. If any accident occurred to
any traveller, the Jat tribes were called to help; if any one
committed theft his children were thrown into flames, that
is, burnt. They guided caravans at night." Mahomed Kasim
dealt with them exactly in the sanie way and further
directed, following the rule made by Umar about the people
of Syria, that " they should entertain a traveller within
their limits for one day and if he fell sick for three days. "
Mahomed Kasim now turned his attention towards
Alor and Multan, the northern chief cities of Sind. He
first came to a town called Musthal with a beautiful lake
in its vicinity. The inhabitants were all Samanis and
Buddhists and these submitted as also t;he Jats of the
surrounding country. They were pardoned' and subjected
to tribute. Then he came to the country " where the
Sammahs lived. They came forward dancing to the music
of drums and pipes and said that was their way of receiv-
ing a king. He then came to the country of the Sahtas.
These came out bareheaded and bare-footed and implored
pardon. They were taken under 'subjection and tribute
imposed on them. Taking guides from this place he came
befor Alor " the biggest town in the whole of Sind. " Tofi
184 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
son of Dahar was there. He still believed that Dahar was
alive and had gone to Hind to bring an army, ( a belief
like that which prevailed after the battle of Panipat about
Sadashivrao Bhau. ) The place was invested and the
warriors fought valiantly. But Dahar did not come with
any rdliefs. As usual the merchants and artizans were
not fighters and dreaded being massacred. They sent word
toKasim imploring pardon. Tofi finding the temper of the
people changed, sought safety in escape and joined his
brother Jaisiah at Chitor. The city fell into the hands of
Kasim who spared the merchants and the artizans for
Ladi's sake and even the fighters who submitted, slaughter-
ing only those who opposed the Arabs. Hajjaj blamed him
for leniency and declared that all fighting people or races
should be killed-, a practice which was certainly safe for a
conqueror but which the great Kasim did not always follow
upto this time. He, however, observed it more truly in his
conquest of Multan towards which he now turned and
which offered him more stubborn resistance.
He first came to Babia on the Beas where Kaksa son of
Chandra and thus a nephew of Dahar, after Dahar's death
at the memorable battle of Zhim where he was present,
had taken refuge. Kaksa submitted without opposition.
He was the most prominent man of his time and was
placed in charge df the treasury of the kingdom. But at
Golkondah Kasim was opposed and here the wariors suf-
fered the same fate as at Alor and Brahmanabad, 4000
men of the military class being killed. Again at Sikkahhe
was opposed by Bachera Taki (belonging to the Takshaka
tribe of Rajputs of the Panjab ). Here for 17 days bloody
battles were fought and many noted Arab chiefs fell. Ba-
chera eventually left the fort, crossed the river and went
to Multan where Kasim followed him destroying all
neighbouring towns. At Multan Kundrai and Bachrai
fought with him every day for two months (Kaksha
couisn of Dahar is strangely said here to have despaired
of success against the Arabs and to have gone to the king
of Kashmir ! Did he leave the Arabs and join the Hindus?)
CONQUEST OF SIND BY THE ARABS 185
Eventually a traitor showed a place where the fortress or
Multan could be burrowed under and thus enabled tiie
Arabs to gain it. 6000 warriors were put to the sword and
merchants, agriculturists and artizans as usual were
spared. But a heavy tribute was exacted from them.
60000 Dirhams in silver were collected by the nobility and
gentry and were given to the soldiers. Kasim deman-
ded more tribute for the Khalifa. In this extremity a
Brahmin showed a temple where in the midst of a beauti-
ful pond was a golden image in a small chamber placed on
copper vessels full of gold coins: '" The idol was per-
fectly like a man with two rubies in its eyes. It weighed
330 maunds of gold and 40 copper jars under it contained
1320 maunds of gold. " These were of course seized. Does
this refer to the idol of the sun for which Multan was so
famous as described by Hiuen Tsang ? It looks like it but Al-
Beruni has stated tlp,t Mahomed Kasim conquered Multan
but left the idol of the sun intact; but Jahan-Ibn-Shaiban
broke the idol and killed the priest. But this must
have been later on. Alberuni also describes the idol as
a wooden one covered with a red coat of leather though
that idol too had two rubies for its eyes. Perhaps there
might have been two idols one immoveable and the other
moveable made of gold to be carried in processions.
The whole of this plunder was to be sent to Hajjaj but
that religous man wrote " You have already paid 120000
dirhams and over i. e., twice the sum expended on your ex-
pedition and you can now build mosques for the faith-
ful." Accordingly Mahomed Kasim laid the foundations
of splendid mosques at Multan. He made this city his
place ot residence as it was a strong place on the frontier.
He had 50,000 horsemen with him for its protection.
He is said to have conquered the country as far as the
boundary of Kashmir as settled by Chacha by the planting
of fir trees and he himself planted some more there. He
also sent a message to Rai Harichandar of Kanauj, asking
him to bend his neck to the yoke of Islam. Rai Hari-
chandar replied " This kingdom has been in our possession
24
186 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
for 1600 years and no enemy has ever set foot in our
territory. When the strength of both sides is tested on the
field of battle then we . shall decide," Mahomed Kasim
decided to make war against Kanauj which he said was
proud of its men and elephants and asked his followers to
be ready. But the fates had decided otherwise. The
tide of Mahomedan conquest was to stop here for three
hundred years more. Next morning a camelman came
post-ha^te from the Khalifa bearing a letter containing a
command to Kasim "to put himself, wherever he might be,
in raw leather immediately and come back to the Khalifa."
Mahomed'S' stern religious sense of duty to the Khalifa a*'
the spiritual and temporal lord of Islam was so strong-
that he there and then asked his men to put him into a
fresh hide. . The box was immediately sent to Baghdad
where on its being opened by the Khalifa the corpse of this
famous conqueror of Sind was taken#out. Thus did the
two daughters of Dahar take revenge upon the man who
bad killed their father and doomed them to their sad fate.
The story is undeniably true, for this end of the famous
Arab conqueror of Sind could not have been fabricated.
But this event together with the previous history shows
clearly one fact viz. that the Arab empire in its early days
was singularly strong in consequence of unity, discipline
and strong religious conviction.
CHAPTER III
SIND DOWN TO THE END OF THE 12th CENTURY.
Sind was conquered by the Arabs in 712 A. D. and
remained under their sway for full three centuries until
its conquest by Mahumd of Ghazni in 1025 A. D. The
Khalifas of Baghdad were the distant masters and they
ruled Sind through their governors. These governors
resided at Multan and there were subordinate governors in
rhe minor towns on the Indus. The local officers in o^K' .
district were no doubt Hindus, Brahmins and Rajputs. The
Buddhists naturally declined as the government was not
theirs. There were remnants for a long time of ancient
Rajput princely families which are given by Tuhfal-ul-
Kiram as follows in the reign of Aram Shah king-of Delhi.
(History of Sind by Mirza Kalich Baig Vol. II, p. 28)
1. Rana Bhanar Sahta Rathor in Darbelah.
2. Rana Sinyar Sammah of Tong in Ropah.
3. Jesar Machhi Solangi of Maniktarah.
4. Wakhia Son of Punhun, Chanon at Dara Siwi
5. Chanon Chana at Bhagnahi.
6. Jiya of Jhim i. e. Himah Kot.
7- Jasodhan Agra of Men Takar in Bhanbhor
( Brahmanabad )
We find here many noted Rajput names such as Samma,
Sahta, Rathor, Solunki etc. but we do not find the name of
Dahar in the above. The family of Dahar appears to
have left Sind altogether and lived subsequently inRajputa-
na, the Panjab and Kashmir. The towns noted in Sind
Hindu history still survived such as Alor, Brahmanabad,
Jhim ( Hydrabad ), Schwan but during Mahomedan
times, new towns became of note such as Ucha, Bakkar and
Thatta. The last especially supplanted Debal on the sea-
coast and the latter is not found mentioned hereafter at
all. It must be noted that during the reign of Haroun-Al-
Rashid or before, about 780 A. D. Sind was visited by a
188 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
great earthquake which destroyed Brahmanabad and Alor
and other old towns and which changed the course of the
Indus also for it flows now to the west of Nerun where-as
in Hindu times it flowed to the east of it. It may there-
fore be said that even nature changed the face of the
country. Many people were converted to Mahomedanism
including some princes. But the population generally
remained Hindu. Mahomedan saints, however, attracted
now the public attention and gaze and naturally supplan-
ted the Buddhistic monks. Noted saints have still their
holy places and mosques in Multan and other towns which
are revered both by Hindus and Mahomedans. The early
religious zeal and sincerity of the Arabs was undoubtedly
remarkable and Sheikh and Sayyad saints could not but
be attributed as great Ajmat or spiritual power as the
Buddhist.
It is strange that the Arabs did not much try to extend
their conquests. Probably as has been said, the rest of
India was now stronger having revived its Aryan spirit.
Perhaps the Khalifas themselves declined and became
luxrurious. The Ummiya Khalifas reigned only till
754 when the Abbassadies drove them out. These reigned
from ^53 down to 1025 A D. Kadir Billa the Khalifa in
Mahmud of Ghazni's days gave shelter to Ferdusi whose
story is well known, he having incurred Mahmud's
displeasure by writing a satire on Mahmud's illiberality.
Mahmud demanded Ferdusi from Kadir Billa, but the
latter declined to surrender him and Mahmud thereon
conquered Multan in revenge and sent bis vazier Abdur-
razak to conquer Sind in 1025 A. D. In the course of one
year Sind was conquered and lost to the Arabs finally.
Thus was Sind returned to Indian history over a quarrel
between patrons of learned men-not a bad lot. Sind re-
mained part of Mahmud's Empire or kingdom down to
about 1200 A. D. when Muhammad Ghori conquered India
and after him when Kutubuddin became independent king,
Sind became a part of the Turkish Mahomedan Indian Em-
pire, at the beginning of which our history ceases.
SIND DOWN TO THE EJSD OF THE 12th CENTURY 189
The Samma and Sumra dynasties of Indian Mahome-
dan rulers of Sind in the 14th century may, however, be
noted in the end. When the Moguls under Timur,-came
to India and shook the Delhi throne, Sind like other
Indian provinces of the Delhi empire attained indepen-
dence. The first dynasty of the Sumras ruled from 1338
as independent rulers till 1357 when the Sammah dynasty
came in and ruled till 1519 A, D, The Sammas* appear to
be converted Hindus. By the strange fascination of religious
zeal they claim descent from the Arabian prophet's family.
But their pedigree consists wholly wholly of Hindu names
like Bharata and Satrughna and the Chacha-nama also
states that the Sammas were Lohanas. They were descen-
ded apparently from Samba son of Srikrishna, a Yadava
and he was a sun-worshipper of Multan ( this sun temple
in the Hindu Puranas is said to be founded by Samba). The
Sammas, therefore, were clearly Aryans and Kshatriyas
degraded by Chacha to the position of Sudras. They were
converted to Islam but they still possessed great influence-
and were warlike in character and thus established an
independent dynasty which ruled Sind for about 200 years
After them the Moguls of Babar came and ruled till 1762
During a short interval after the Moguls, Sind was again
independent under its Amirs. The country finally fell
before the English in 1843 A. D.
*= The Sumras too appear to be converted Rajputs though like many people conver-
ted to Islam in the Panjab they also trace their origin to the Arabs. Sir D. Ibbetson
in his Punjab castes says of the Sumras in the Panjab that they were Rajputs originally
in 750 A. D. They expelled the first Rajput invaders from Multan and Sind and founded
a dynasty." Tod describes them as one of the t\vo great clans Umra and Sumra of the
Sodha tribe of Punwar Rajputs the first giving their name to Umrakot and both
giving the name Umra-Sumra to the Bakkhar country. The Sodhi are probably the
Sogdi of Alexander's historians.
CHAPTER IV
THE SHAHIS OF KABUL
(This history is chiefly taken from Raverty's Afghanistan wherein he
has collected together very many material statements with dates from
Arab historians about Kabul. I have alsocompared with this information
such information as is derivable fromHiuen Tsangandthe Rajatarangini
and also Cunningham's "Coins of Mediaeval India. " It is unfortunate
■ that no detailed account is possible but such facts as are known are
very interesting especially a statement of Alberuni as given below ).
Kabul has always been in ancient history a part of
India. In the Vedas the river Kubha and Kramu are
mentioned along with the five rivers of the Panjab and
form what is called the Sapta Sindhu of Vedic as also of
Avestic literature. Kubha is the river of Kabul and
Kramu is the modern Kurrum both names being derived
from these ancient Vedic names. The Gandharas of the
Upnishads are the people who inhabited the level region
to the west of the Indus and east of the hills. But Kabul
which extended up to the Hindu Kush, a significant name,
seems to have been separate from Gandhara, the capital of
which was Purushapura or modern Peshawar.
In ancient Persian history Rustam (the Persian Bhima)
is said to have married a daughter of the king of Kabul
and also an historical Persian Emperor married another
king's daughter. Persian Empire often included Kabul
and Zabul (modern Ghazni) and adjourning territory upto
the Indus. The people of Kabul and its king were thus'
undoubtedly Aryans and had mo.rriage relations with the
Iranian Aryans as well as with the Indo-Aryans. Ethno-
logically the Afghans are shown by Risley as Turko-Ira-
nians i. e. Aryans mixed with Turkish blood. But they
are certainly mainly Aryans though their own beliefs in
modern days point to a different origin. They claim
descent from a Jewish ancestor a belief which can be easi-
ly explained. It is a remarkable fact observable even in
THE SHAHIS OF KABUL 191
the Panjab that Indo-Aryans when converted to Maho-
medanism turn by the stronger influence of religious zeal
from the east to the west for the tradition of their descent.
Many Rajputs, therefore, who plainly by appearance, cus-
toms and history are none but Indian Kshatriyas claim
descent from members of the family of the Arabian pro-
phet and thus pose as true Sayyads. The Afghans similarly,
since their conversion, look for descent among the an-
cestors of the Arabs in the mythological history of Ebra^
him and Musa (Abraham and Moses). But they are un-
questionably Aryans by ethnology and by history. During
the invasion of the Greeks too we find they are treated as
Aryans and Indians. The country from Haraivati (Saras
vati) a name of the Persians is called Arachosia and
Archosia is said by L-iidorus to be also called by the
Parthians "White India" (p. 319 Ancient India by Ploteray
McCrindle). Kabul is not mentioned by Greek writers ;
perhaps it was not then in^portant. But Kabul was treated
as India by later Persians and also Arabs as appears from
their maps. "In the map given in Masatch or Mamatcb,
the Hirmand (Helmund) is styled the river of Hind and
Sind i. e., its western boundary and east of it was Hind
and Sind and Kabul was a province of Hind". Thus it
continued to* be down to its conquest by the Turks (p. 62
Raverty) about 1020 A. D.
We know very little of the ancient history of Kabul
and we are in fact not concerned with it in our work. At
the commencement of our history /. e. about the beginning
of the 7th centurj'^ A. D. it was certainly governed by a
Kshatriya king who was a Buddhist. Pliuen Tsang who
visited it in 630 A. D. (see his itirinery Appendix p. 563
Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India) states so and
further adds that Lampak, Nagar, (Jallalabad) and Gan-
dhara were subject to it. It was thus an extensive king-
dom. Its king undoubtedly bore the title of Shah, a title
which it must have borrowed from the Persians under
whose empire this country frequently was. The king was
thus a Buddhist, a Kshatriya and a Shah, a combination
192 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
of three traditions and civilisations viz. Chinese, Indian
and Persian. This title Shah of the Kabul king is frequent-
ly mentioned both by the Arabs and the Rajatarangini as
we shall notice further on. The subjects of these kingdoms
were generally Buddhists though in Lampaka and Gan-
dhara. the majority were of the Hindu faith (Hiuen
Tsang). The inhabitants of Lampaka, tlie Chinese traveller
states, were ignorant and ugly and thus do not appear to
be fair Aryans like the rest of the Aryans whose fair com-
plexion, not blackened by the fierce heat of the Indian
plains but rather preserved by the cold climate of the land,
had given the country the title of "White India." What
race the people belonged to and what family of Kshatriyas
the kings claimed to be born in is not yet traceable. The
Arab writers who hereafter came into contact with Kabul
call the king Kabul Shah Zantbil which Raverty says may
have been really Ranapal, the Persian letters r and j and
b and p being undistinguishable. It is indeed impossible
to guess what this name really was though some support
may be found for this guess in the references in theTaran-
gini, very meagre though they are. The Arab historical
references are continuous from 640 A. D, down to the
Turkish conquest about the 11th century. It is probable
that during these three hundred years or more there must
have been more than one dynasty. But the Arabs use the
same word Kabul Shah Zantbil throughout.
The Arabs conquered Mekran in 640 A. D. and Herat
in 650 A. D. and thus came to the frontiers of Kabul.
Their first invasion of the|country was however in 663 A.D.
( 4-'^ A. H. ) under Abdul Rahman who laid siege to Kabul
for one year and eventually took it. As in Sind, the
Arabs massacred the warriors, enslaved the women and
children and spared the Kabul Shah only on his consent-
ing to be a Mahomedan. The Arabs retired leaving him
a king paying tribute. But unlike Sind, Kabul was intrac-
table and the people again asserted their independence.
The same Hajjaj Viceroy of Iran who sent Mahomed
Kasim to conquer Sind sent one Abeiddulla to again
THE S?{AHIS OF KABUL 1'33
reduce Kabul. The Shah retired into the mountains much
like what the Afghans did in later history and cut off the
invader by seizing the passes by which he had followed
him into mountainous country. He was reduced to sub-
mission by starvation and allowed to return on payment
of 7 lakhs of dinaras (697 A. D. ). The implacable and
energetic Hajjaj sent another expedition under Abdul
Rahman and Kabul Shah again retired into the mountains
(700A. D. ). This time also the expedition failed because
Abdul Rahman himself rebelled against the haughty
Hajjaj, a conduct which is certainly strange and inconsis-
tent with the strong discipline of the early Arabs (compare
the conduct of Kasim )• Abdul Rahman made peace with
the Kabul Shah. Indeed he was supported by the latter
when he was invested by the force of Hajjaj, and rescued
Hajjaj died in 713 A. D. and Kabul remained unmolested
for several years thereafter. Under the Khalifa Haroun-Al-
Rashid in 786 an expedition under Abbas invaded Kabul
He seized and plundered a great Vihara outside Kabul
called Shah Bihar, a place still known. It appears the
king and the people were still Buddhists. But the Shah
and the country escaped subjugation by retiring as usual
into the mountains. For two centuries more the kingdom
of Kabul and the Hindu Shahi dynasty flourished. Ghaznl
meanwhile fell and was taken possession of by a Samani
dynasty of Arab Mahomedan kings and they conquered
Kabul also. But the Hindu dynasty was still allowed to
rule in subjection to Ghazni for nearly a century more.
The Turks now began to invade the country and in
934 A. D. took possession of Ghazni under Alf Tegin
( these are two words which are often wrongly combined ).
The Shah of Kabul assisted his suzerain of Samani dynasty
to fight against the Turks. Kabul became now indepen-
dent for a few years. But Sabak Tegin conquered it
probably in 975 A. D. and Kabul again became dependent
on the Turkish rule at Ghazni and we find a Kabul king
(see Alberuni) offering his aid to Sabak Tegin to fight
against his enemies. But the kingdom of Kabul coutd notlast
25 ■' '
194 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
before the growing ambition of Mahmud and after a final
terrible conflict (A. D. 1021 ) as we shall presently relate
Kabul was finally conquered by him and completely blotted
out as an Aryan kingdom, so much so that not even the me-
mirry of Kabul being once a Hindu kingdom remains. The
people were forcibly converted. Alberuni mentions an in-
teresting story of this conversion ( Vol. II p. 157 ). The
Ispahadad (governor) of Kabul consented to be a Mahome-
dan on two conditions viz: that he would not eat cow's flesh
ii7s4 that he would not follow another repugnant practice !
The people, however, were soon so completely changed in
sentiment that they too soon forgot not only these condi-
tions but the very fact that they were once Indian Aryans,
We now go on to notice the few important glimpses
which we get of the Shahi kings from the Rajatarangini.
King Sankaravarman who ruled between 884 and 902 A. D.
conquered the Shahi king Lalliya and seized the kingdom
when Lalliya fled from it and took refuge with Alakhana
Ourjara. This must have been in the time of the Samani
Mahomedan kings of Ghazni who were overlords of Kabul,
I as stated above, about that time. Then again Prabhakara-
deva after Sankaravarman's death during the regency of
his widow,queen Sugandhafor her minor son Gopalavarman
is said to have conquered the Shahi kingdom- ( it must
have rebelled against Kashmir sovereignty ) and placed on
the throne Toramana son of Lalliya. § This indicates that
for some time Kabul was under the direct government of
Kashmir during the period 884-904 A. D. Thereafter we
read that a grand daughter of a Shahi king and a daughter
of a king named Sinharaja of Lohara, by name Didda was
married to Kshemagupta king of Kashmir who reigned
fiom 26 to 34 Laukika era ( Raj. VI, 187 ) i. e. between 951
to 959 A. D- This Shahi king's name is available as he
built in Kashmir in honour of his grand daughter a temple
<)f Vishnu called by his own name Bhimakesava. + The
• g^WTc-^gf"^^ ^Fif^rTit '^^<riUd 232 t.
■§ Wyryi^srrT^or: W: W'-^ ^»T«?^r'^''nJT i fl1<Him^ ^^r^-grr^i c7f^^T^> V. 233.
:i nrfTfi#i 5g«,-^v^?ft7n- ^^t;^ i •-iftjfm^nfl'Tl^nrsiRnft kft»T^^R: ii Vli, 78.
THE SHAHIS OF , KABUL 195
name of the king was thus apparently Bhimashah and ■ e
was a Vaishi.ava and not a Buddhist. It shows how in
the tenth century Buddhism in India was generally dead
and was changed into Vaishnavism by Buddha being
admitted into the Indian godhead as an Avatara of Vishnu
as we shall have to show later on.
Lastly we have a graphic description of the fall of
Kabul in the 7th Taranga or chapter of the RajatarangiLi,
It was in the reign of Sangramawho succeeded, Anantadeva
and who was a member of the Lohara royal family, that
Trilochanapala, Shah of Kabul, implored the aid of Kash-
mir against the Turks (under Mahmud). Sangrama sent
Tunga a famous minister with a large army. He was ad-
vised by Trilochana to follow the usual Kabul tactics of
retiring into and taking support of the mountainous countiy
But Tunga declined the advice and fought a battle in the
plains. A terrible conflict took place between Hamir (Amir)
of the Turks and the combined army of Kashmir and Kab'.;l.
Several Kashmir chiefs named in the Rajatarangini distin-
guished themselves and fell in the battle and Trilochanpa]?.
only retired when the struggle became hopeless. There
-was frightful massacre then of the remainder of the army
and the kingdom of Kabul was finally lost to the Hindus.
The patriotic poet-historian could not but shed a tear
■over the final fall of Kabul. " The very name of the
splendour of Shahi kings has vanished. What is net
seen in dream, what even our imagination cannot con-
ceive that destiny accomplishes with ease" (VII 67). The
complete separation of Kabul from India has however to be
attributed to the forcible conversion of the whole populace
a measure which Mahoinedans did not adopt beyond :he
Indus. The reason of this we shall have to discuss later on.
Trilochanpala sought shelter in foreign countries
never to return. His sons are again mentioned in Kashmir
history as refugees in Kashmir and as receiving splendid
allowances from the state. Their names are Rudrapala
and others. Even in Kashmft* the family appears to have
196 THE FIRST HINDU KINDOMS
fiHally been extinguished. These family naoies ending in
Pala give support to the theory that the Arabic name-
Zantabil might have originated in Ranapala, a possible
ancestor of one of the kings of the Shahi family of Kabul
finally overthrown by the Turks. This was probably not
the same family of Kshatriyas as Hieun Tsana: saw in 630
A. D. Sangrama ruled Kashmir from 1003-2S A. D. and the
fall of Kabul during his reign must have been somewhere
about 1010 or 1021 in which year Alberuni places it.
Sir V. Smith observes in his history, '' During his
reign ( Sankaravarman's 883-902 A. D. ) the last of the
Turki Shahi kings, desendants of Kanishka was over-
thrown by the Brahmin Lalliya ( p. 373 V. S. 3rd Edn. )
Lalliya undoubtedly founded a dynasty but the dynasty he
supplanted was not a Turki dynasty founded by Kanishka.
( The Palas appear to be the descendants of Toramana son
of Lalliya. They seem to be Brahmins from the Rajata-
rangini also, but their daughters were indiscriminately
^'iven. One grand daughter Didda was married to
Kshemagupta ; another was married to Tunga's son,,
and another to the Lohara king ). For the Kshatriya
dynasty noticed by Hiuen Tsang was not descended from
Kanishka as Sir V. Smith holds. The Kanishka family
no doubt reigned in Gandhara at Purushapura ur Pesha-
war where his famous Stupa existed for a long time. But
this family was overthrown already in Hiuen Tsang's
time as mentioned by him, Gandhara being stated by him
as reduced to subjection by the Kshatriya king of Kabul.
It may be surmised that this Kshatriya dynasty of Kabul
terminated sometime before 883 and a Brahmin dynasty
came into its place of which Lalliya was probably the
founder and which had marriage relations with Kashmir
kings. We will discuss the question whether the dynasty
overthrown by Lalliya was Turki as Alberuni thinks or
Kshatriya as Hiuen Tsang describes in a separate note.
Lastly, we have to collate the information derivable
from coins information which, though in the absence of
dates it is often imperfect, is so far as it goes unchalenge-
THE SHAHIS OF KABUL 197
able. Cunningham gives this informatton in his valuable
work " Coins in Mediaeval India " and formulates some
theories also two of which are in our opinion not tenable.
One great fact which appears from the so-called Gandhara
coins is that the king is called Spalapati on the
coins. Now Cunningham explains that Spalapati in
Persian means war-lord and is the equivalent of Sanskrit
Samarapati. Kallar the Brahmin minister who accord-
ing to Albevuni ( see note ) seized the throne like Chacha
must therefore have been the commander of forces and his
Persian title ( as the king's also was Shah ) was Spalapati
which he may well have retained afterwards. This Kallar
may be equated with Lalliya of the Rajatarangini, Lalliya
being the correct word and Kallar being misread for it in
Arabic letters or Lalliya ( Prakrit of this is the modern
Lala ) was his favourite nickname. The coins of Spala-
pati Deva have a humped bull with Siva's trident on them
on one ?ide and a horseman on the other with lance in the
right hand. Now this type of coin remained long curren-t
in Kabul and even the Panjab and was so far popular
that even Mahmud ( and after him Mahamad Gori) issued
similar coins with the name of Mahmud in Sanskrit above
the horseman.
The coins found belong to and mention kings Spala-
pati Deva, Saraanta Deva, Kharmarayaka and Bhimadeva
and these coins are assigned by Cunningham properly
enough to Kallara, Samanta, Kamalu, and Bhima, men-
tioned in succession by Alberuni in the Brahmin dynasty.
We may also add that in the Tarangini we find the names
of Lalliya for the first, Kamaluka for the third ( alias
Toramana ) and Bhima. No coins are found of Jaipala,
Anandapala and Trilochanapala. Cunningham surmises
that these Palas formed a different dynasty and belonged to
the old Turkish Rajput dynasty supplanted by Lalliya.
But this would be against the evidence of Alberuni who
living about the same time as Trilochanapala mus^
certainly have known the fact. He calls them all of the
same Brahmin dynasty. Deva is certainly indicative of
198 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
a Brahmin; but it may mean king also. And as we have said'
]>efore, Brahmin king! v dynasties of those days by marriage-
with Kshatriya princesses became in tilne Kshatriyas to
all practical purposes. The name-ending Pala is not therefore
strange and need not indicate a second dynasty. A third
g::3S8 made by Cunningham from the Jhusi copperplate
is also not well founded. For this grant inscription
( Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII) on inspection will show that it
does not belong to Trilochanpala of Kabul at all.
There the ShaJ^i dynasty is not mentioned. The copperplate^
again has been found at Allahabad and belongs to that
province. The father ofTrilochana is further given asRajya-
paia and the grand father Vijayapala, It grants a village
v.'Bar AUahabad prohobhj to all Brahmins at Pratisthana, a
tiling which Trilochana of Kabul could scarcely do. And
lastly the grant is dated 1027 A. D. when Trilochana was
no longer a king and when probably he was not even alive.
This Trilochana of the Jhusi grant is plainly and entirely
a different person, the names Pala and Trilochana being
vary common all over Northern India. We do not think
the Shahi dynasty as kingly dynasty survived Trilochana.
as it was extinguished with him in about 1021 A. D.
NOTE
Was the first Shahi dynasty of kabul, Turki in Origin ?
Sir V. Smith observes at page 373-4 of his Early history ot Indiai
(3rd Edn.) under Kashmir "during his (Sankarwarma's) reign, the last
of the Turki Shahiya kings, the descendants of Kanishka, was over-
thrown by the Brahmin Lalliya. The Turki Shahiya kings had ruled im
Kabul until the capture of that city by the Arab general Yakub-i-Lais
in A. D. 870." We have already shown that the last dynasty over-
thrown by Mahmud of Ghazni at Kabul was a Brahmin dynasty, the
mention of whose king Trilochanpala has already come in Kashmir his-
tory. We have here to inquire: was the first dynasty Turki in origin and
descended from Kanishka? Smith's observations are plainly based on
Alberuni as interpreted by Stein in his Rajatarangini, Note I, Vol. 11
p. 336 "Shahi of Udabhanda." Let us first see what Alberuni states
(Vol. II, p. 10 trans, by Sachau).
"The Hindus had kings residing in Kabul, Turks who were said to
be of Tibetan origin. The first of them Barahatakin came into the-
country and entered a cave. (Here is given a strange legend which we-
omit). He became a king under the title of Shahiya of Kabul. The rule
remained in his family for 60 generations. I'nfortiinately the Hindus do
not pay much attention to historical order of things, and they are veryi
careless in relating the chronological order of their kings etc., and when
pressed for information they not knoiving what to say, invariably take to
tale-felling. One of this dynasty was Kanik (another strange story
is here given of Kanishka of theBuddhists and we omit his history). The-
last king of this race was Lagaturman and his Vazier was Kallar a
Brahmin, Lagaturman had bad manners and worse behaviour and
people complained of him. So the Vazier put him in chains and occu-
pied the royal throne. After him ruled Brahmin kings named Samand^
Kamaiu, Bhim, Jaipal, Anandpal and Tarojanpal. The latter was killed
in A. H. 412 (A. D. 1021) and his son Bhlmpala 5 years later." We can-
not finish this quotation without giving a few further observations of
Alberuni in which he like Kalhana sheds a tear over the downfall of
the Brahmin kings of Kabul.
"The Hindu Shahiya dynasty is extinct and of the whole house
there is not the slightest remnant in existence. We must say that in
all their grandeur, they never slackened in the ardent desire of doing
that which is good and right, that they were men of noble sentiment and
noble bearing. I admire the following passage in the letter o: Ananda-
pala which he wrote to Prince Mahmud. "I learned the Turks have
rebelled against you. If you wish I shall come to you or send my son with
200 THE SHAFII OF KABUL
500 hor^e. 1000 soldiers and 100 elephants. I have been conquered by
you and therefore -wish that another man should not conquer you". The
true Rajput valoiirous and generous character appears here plain. Desti-
ny -was adverse and the Kabul Shahi Brahmin dynasty was extirpated
as-vve shall have to relate later on.
To return, -vve are concerned here with the question was the first
dynasty which the Brahmin minister supplanted Turki in origin ?
Alberuni's information is plainly based on vulgar tradition which he
himself remarked was clearly absurd. Now Hiuen Tsang distinctly
says that the king of Kabul was a Kshatriya (this was in 630 A.D.).
Hiuen Tsaiig knew well enough what a Turk was for he had come
to Kabul through their country and he knew the difference between
a Turk and a Kshatriya. As against the contemporary evidence of
Hiuen Tsang, therefore, an absurd tradition related by Alberuni after
400 years and with evident reluctance and disbelief in it cannot be taken
for history. And we can very easily show the absurdity of the tradition.
Firstly, a dynasty cannot last in history for 60 generations or 1200 years.
Secondly, Kanishkamay have been a Turk but he lived nearly a thousand
or 900 years before Alberuni. His descendants cannot have ruled in Kabul
so long. We know that Kanishka ruled not in Kabul but in Peshawar
or Purushapura of Gandhara. Thirdly, history tells that after Kanishka
several incursions of foreigners occurred notably that of the Huns under
Mihirakula., If any descendants of Kanishka had remained, they must
have been swept off by the Huns. The Huns themselves were over-
thrown in India and in Persia and hence we believe that in 630 A. D.
when Hiuen Tsang visited Kabul there was an Aryan Kshatriya king
ruling there. The kings called themselves Shahis because they copied the
title from the Persians as the most powerful of their neighbours. After
630 A. D. down to Mahmud's time, the Turan people, Turks or Huns, did
not invade India aswe know it from history and Kabul had a tranquil
rule for about 400 years. They were no doubt threatened by the Arabs
in the beginning ; but the internal dissensions of the Arabs soon stopped
their progress beyond Sind. In short we do not believe there was any
Turki dynasty of Kanik ruling in Kabul in 630 A. D. Kabul according
to Hiuen Tsang had just conquered Gandhara where some Huna king
must have been supplanted. Udabhandapura so frequently mentioned in
Kashmir history was hence under Kabul. Stein has rightly identified
this town with Wahind of the Mahomedan historians. The Prakrit of
UdabhSnda would be properly (da being dropped and bha being changed
to ha) Uahind ; but it does not appear that Kabul was given up and the
latter made their capital by the Brahmin Shahi kings.
We. however, obtain some information of the Brahmin dynasty which
supplanted the Kshatriya dynasty of Hiuen Tsang from Alberuni, in-
formation which being near his time is more reliable. The supplanting
of an effete dieclining dynanty by a Brahmin minister is an ordinary
THE FIRST SHAHI DYNASTY OF KABUL 201
•«vent in Indian history (we have the example of Chacha of Bind and
others), and the taking of Kabul by Yakub Saffavi about A. D. 878 must
have assisted this event as stated above. Alberuni mentions six kings
as noted in the margin, and their dates may be taken approximately
1 Kaliar ... 880-900 A. D. ^^ ^" ^^« "^^"^sin, at the average rate
2 Samanta ... 800-920 „ of 20 years for each king. No-w we
3 Kamaiu ... 920-;mo „ have the mention of three of these
4 Bhima ... M0-fl60 „ kings in Kashmir history with deli-
6 Javaoala ... .WO— ."80 „ . , ^ _, ^- ii ♦^ii™
'i AnandapBa ... 09u.K.)0 „ "'^^ ^^^^^' ^hese practically tally
7 TriiochanapSla with their probable dates here given,
"/"■ooted by First going backwards Sangrilmaraja
Mahiiud of * " o o =
Ghazni ... looo-ion „ assisted Trilochanpala in his last
struggle with Mahmud. This Sangrama died in 1828. Secondly. Bhima-
pala's grand-daughter the notorious Didda was married to Kshemagupta
and BhTma himself erected a temple in Kashmir to commemorate his
name. Kshemagupta died in 958 A. D. BhTma can certainly be his con-
temporary. Thirdly and lastly, s'ankaravarman is said to have conquered
Lalliya Shahi king. This Sankaravarman came to the throne of
Kashmir in 885 A. D. and died in 902. His conquest of Lalliya was about
the beginning of his reign. From the above Lalliya may be taken to
have seized the kingdom of Kabul in 880 A. D. Sankarvarman very soon
after this must have uprooted him. The verses in the Taranginl are
here somewhat obscure and I take them differently from Stein's
Trans. (V. 15-5). It seems to me that Lalliya took refuge with Alakhana
king of the Gurjaras of the Panjab. And Kashmir retained possession
of Kabul for some time. It was restored after Sankaravarman's death by
Prabhakaradeva minister of s'ankara's widow, Sugandha, to Toramana
son of Lalliya. This happened after Lalliya's death which equally with
that of Sankara took place about 902 A.D. Alberuni gives the second king
as Samanta. Now this word Samanta indicates that he was more a sub-
ordinate than independent king and as we have shown elsewhere Kabul
remained subordinate to Kashmir for some time. The Kabul Aryans
however in ancient as in modern times were greatly addicted to indip-
pendence, for even the Arab historians say that " the people loved their
own king and recognised none who was not crowned in Kabul." The
people therefore rebelled after Sankaravarman's death during his son's
minority and the minister Prabhakardeva went and conquered them but
like the English in later Kabul history thought it prudent to give the
kingdom back to Toramana son of Lalliya. From the Rajatarangini
slokas it appears that this king was given another name Kamaluka (see
the verse already quoted). Thus we have every corroboration of Albe-
runi from Kalhana and the tirst three Brahmin kings were 1 Lalliya
2 Samanta (some relative of Lalliya) and 3 Kamaluka (originally called
Toramana). Coins of all the three have also been found as shown in the
body of the look.
26
CHAPTER V
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR,
i For the history of Kashmir we have, as for Sind, a reliable history,
not indeed written by outsiders, but by a native historian in Sanskrit.
Kalhana wrote the well-known RajataranginT in Saka 1070 or A. D. 1148.
He mentions in the introduction many previous authors on the same
subject as Suvrati, Kshemendra, Nilamata, Chhavillakara and Helaraja-
Unfortunately their works are unavailable at present probably because
the RajataranginT supplanted them, But as Kalhana has given up their
versions in several places it would have been most useful for us to see
what their version was and how far that version corresponds with other
facts and with modern views. However, regret is of no avail and we
have to rely upon Kalhana unless it is impossible to do so. Stein who
has studied the work most carefully opines that Kalhana's history frora
our period onward is reliable. Kalhana says he has got his statements
verified by grants, inscriptions and other records. He appears to have
been a state ofl&cer himself. We may, therefore, safely follow him
assisted by Hiuen Tsang, Chacha-nama and such historical data as may
elsewhere be available. )
We know from Kalhana that the mediaeval period of
Indianhistory actually commenced in Kashmir in the very
beginning of the 7th century A. D. by the establishment of
a new dynasty of kings. The ancient mythical Gonardiya
dynasty came to end inLaukika era 3677. This era com-
menced 25 or 26 years after Kaliyuga which in the opinion
of all begins in 3101 B. C. Thus the Laukika era which
obtained in Kashmir down to Kalhana's days begins with
3075 B. C. This Gonardiya ancient dynansty accord-
ingly ended in (3677-3075) 602 A. D. The last king Bala-
ditya had no son, nor probably any other male heir. In
order to preserve the kingdom in his own line through a
female, he gave his sole daughter in marriage, not as usual
to a king ruling elsewhere in India but to an officer of
his own named Durlabhavardhana. After the death of
Baladitya, Durlabhavardhana ascended the throne in
602 A. D. His dynasty is called the Karkotaka dynasty,
inasmuch as it was protected by the mythical serpant
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 203-
Karkotaka mentioned in the Mahabhslrata. Probably of
obscure origin, Durlabhavardhana allowed court poets to
create the myth of his descent from the Karkotaka serpent.
Or perhaps he was born in a Naga or aboriginal family
and hence this natural myth. Whatever the explana-
tion, this belief did obtain in his time a« Hiuen Tsang also
notices it and says that the kings of Kashmir crowed over
other kings, because they were protected by a dragon-
The Tarangini represents Durlabhavardhana as a Kayas-
tha. It is difficult to believe that Baladitya would con-
descend to give his daughter to a Kayastha. He was
probably a local chief of Naga descent and his name-end-
ing, Vardhana, clearly indicates that he was a Vaisya and
and not a Kayastha and a supplier of grass to the state
cavalry. He was certainly a discreet and careful man
and governed his kingdom successfully for 36 years. He
founded a line of kings capable and energetic, called by the
name of the Karkota dynasty which according to the
Tarangini ruled for 254 years i. e. from 602 to 856 A. D.
through 17 kings.
It may be noted here that the kings of this line were, like
the Vardhanas of Thanesar, worshippers of Siva. That
was the usual worship among the Hindus at that time.
They were also in addition worshippers of Vishi u and
Aditya. The Buddhistic religion had already fallen into
disfavour in Kashmir. The days of Meghavahana were lonz
gone by. Slaughter of animals was no longer prohibited
by the state nor " were the butchers by profession com-
pensated for their loss of work by grants from the state
treasury" as in his days. The penalty of the profession of
ft religion of non-slaughter had already been paid dearly
by Kashmir when the Huns under Mihirakula had enslaved
the people for a time. Pravarasena a remnant of the
Gonardiya line had established Hindu sovereignty again
in Kashmir with Siva worship about a hundred years or
so before Durlabhavardhana. The kings of this dynasty
were therefore powerful owing to the revival of the orthodor
sacrificial religion. They built temples chiefly to Siva and
504 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
often to Vishiitt and to Aditya which are mentioned in
detail in each reign by Kalhana but which we may pass
over as not being of much importance to the general
history of India.
Hiuen Tsang visited the country in the reign of this
king and notices the downfall or rather decline of his reli-
gion in Kashmir. There were still many monasteries then
and the Chinese traveller resided in one of them while in
Kashmir. Viharas are doubtless often mentioned by
Kalhana as built by queens of the Karkota dynasty. But
these were probably not Buddhist Viharas, though the
name sounds Buddhistic. Saivas and Vaishnavas also had
Viharas of their own in which their Sanyasis or recluses
dwelt as is evidenced by Hiuen Tsang himself. It seems
therefore that Buddhism was not only not the sta*te reli-
gion during this dynasty but also was not much professed
hy the people. The kings and even the queens were
rigidly othodox and were devoted to Siva or Vishnu or
Aditya. The religion of pure sacrifice also flourished
but apparently the bloody sacrifices of the Vedas had
fallen into desuetude. For none of the powerful kings of
this dynasty performed the much-honoured Asvamedha
performed by ancient Kashmir kings and even by kings of
the Gupta Udc. Probably Hindu orthodox sentiment had
changed. For the non-performance of Asvamedha even
in the case of Lalitaditya who made a digvijaya throughout
India like Samudra Gupta as we shall have to relate fur-
ther on, cannot be explained on the ground that the Karko-
ta kings were not Kshatriyas. The Guptas indeed were
most probably not Kshatriyas but Vaisyas and yet they
performed the Asvamedha. Surely the Brahmins of
Lalitaditya would have found ways to enable him to per-
form a horse sacrifice if he had wished it But it seems
general sentiment amongst the orthodox Hindus had by
this time set in against the more horrid animal sacrifices
of the Vedic ritual and thus the Buddhistic religion pro-
fessed by Kashmir so long had by that time triumphed at
least in Kashmir and put a period to these bloody sacrifices-
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 205
Tha people of Kashmir appear to have been, in the
lower strata, aboriginies. They were called Damaras a
name which still survives. The upper layers of the
population were the three Aryan castes, Brahmins,
Kshatriyas and Vaisyas with the mixed castes Kayasthas
and others. The Brahmins were of course ministers
of religion as also the conservers of learning sacred and
profane, i. e. Vaidikas and Pandits, but they were also
generally as a class, government servants evei> as now.
From the ministers downwards to the revenue collectors
and accountants the public servants were Brahmins in
Kashmir as in Sind where as we have already seen in the
last chapter even Mahomed Kasim had to retain their
services for revenue administration. The ministers were
indeed usually Brahmins ( as in Sind and elsewhere, wit-
ness Chacha himself). The Kshatriyas were usually in the
military service but the same was open to Brah-
mins and to Vaisyas also like the warlike Guptas.
Unlike Sind and the, Panjab, however, agriculture was in
the hands of the Sudras or the aboriginal Damaras. In
Sind and the Panjab the Jats and the Gujars were the
true Vaisyas of the Aryan ancient social arrangement, the
persons in charge of krishi and gorakshya of the Bhaga-
vadgita. The Panjab was par excellence the land of the
Aryans and Sind followed it closely. Kashmir was half
non-Aryan. We have already described the Kashmir
Aryans as they appeared to Hiuen Tsang in those days.
viz: handsome, learned, yet deceitful.
Having described the social and religious condition
of Kashmir at this time we may return to its political
condition in the 7th century A. D. A new dynasty, as
usual strong, energetic and as yet not depraved had begun to
rule. Durlabhavardhana appears to have extended the sway
of the kingdom, chiefly by conquering smaller kingdoms in
the Panjab such as Taxila (which Hiuen Tsang expressly
declares to have come under Kashmir), Sinhapura and
Urasa. Various hill states such as Punach and Rajaouri
are also mentioned by Hiuen Tsang as under the rule of
-206 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Kashmir. The sub-montane part of the Paniab down
to the Salt Range was thus reduced to subjection by Dur-
labhavardhana. The modern Panjab in its east and
south parts only was under a separate line of kings by the
name of Tekka but the rest was either under Kashmir or
under Sind, the boundaries of which, as the Chacha-nama
relates, were then conterminous- Harsha was the Emperor
of Northern India at this time and he is said to have
defeated Kashmir, which perhaps nominally acknowledged
his supremacy. Bana says Harsha exacted trilute while
Hiuen Tsang relates that Harsha obtained by force a valu-
able relic viz. a tooth of Buddha which was triumphantly
conveyed to Kanauj. Durlabhavardhana not a Buddhist
himself was probably not very averse to part with that
precious relic.
Durlabhavardhana died in 637 A. D. having ruled for
36 years. He was succeeded by Durlabhaka or the
younger Durlabha. As grandson of the old dynasty king
Baladitya, he assumed the name of Pratapaditya. He is
said to have reigned for 50 years which coming after a long
reign is not quite probable, He was a most meritorious
king and many stories of his justice and solicitude for the
welfare of his people are related by Kalhana. He esta-
blished a Matha called Nona Matha for Brahmins of the
Rohitaka country. When he built the temple ofTribhuvana
"Svami a shoemaker refused to give up his hut which
stood in the way of the building. Durlabhaka declined
ro oust him by force whereon the tanner, moved by the
king's high sense of justice, delivered up the land of his
own free will. His queen Prakasadevi built a Vihara.
called Prakasika Vihara, perhaps a Buddhist monastery-
She was a Vaisya lady and Vaisyas have throughout
Indian history usually shown a predilection for the
religion of mercy unA non-slaughter, that is t<' s^y Buddhism
and Jainism as we shall see further on. Thcr king's guru
by name Mihiradatta ( a Brahmin ) built a fomple to Siva
( Vishnu probably ) by name Gambhira Svami. We men-
tion these temples as typical of the practice of these
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 207
kings, their queens and their ministers to build temples to
their favourite deities. Thus the king enjoyed a long rule
endeared to his people by his religiousness and justice.
Duilabhaka had three sons, Chandrapida, Tarapida
and Muktapida. Perhaps Bana's Kadambarl had already
become popular and names ending in Apida had begun to
be liked by kings. Chandrapida succeeded his father ne-
cessarily at an advanced age and reigned for 8 years and
8 months only. He was like his father a very good ruler
but his ambitious brother Tarapida had him killed by
Abhichara or magic, belief in which in those days was
universal. Perhaps Chandrapida died of some sudden
illness and people attributed it to the incantations of his
base brother Tarapida. The latter next ruled but for a
short time only viz. 4 years and one month, less by six
days (such exact statements show that we are entering
upon history based on records). Cruel and tyrannic'al as he
was, he fell a prey to his own instrument and some one of
his oppressed subjects had him also killed by incantations
or Abhichara. He was succeeded by the third and young-
•est son of Durlabhaka named Muktapida alias Lalitaditya
who turned out to be, if not the most, one of the most illus-
trious kings of Kashmir.
The most attractive greatness of a king has always
been his extensive conquests. Universal dominion has
been the constant ambition of capable rulers in past and
present history. What Caesar and Augustus desired, what
•Charlemagne fought for, what Charles V and Louis XIV
attempted, what Napoleon aspired to and what the last
German Emperor Kaiser William III has sacrificed
millions of lives for, is the same goal of ^universal dominion.
It has attracted in all times graet sovereigns in the East.
and in India, like Asoka and Samudragupta, Akbar and Au-
ranzeb. The vivid example of Samudragupta was before
Lalitaditya and of Harsha also. The Rajatarangini de-
scribes in detail the digvijaya of Lalitaditya i. e. his con-
quest of the four quarters. East, South, West and North
an achievement which is not much remembered nor much;
208 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
described by modern historians. Perhaps like the pane-
gyric of Yasodharman of Mandsaur, famous in ancient
Indian history, by his court poet who recorded a
glowing description of his greatness on his Jayastam-
bha, this description in the Raiatarangini may at first
appear fulsome and imaginary. But we have found a
peculiarly strange confirmation of this event in theChacha-
nama, a contemporary foreign account of the conquest
ofSind. In a letter addressed by Dahar to Mahomed
Kasim (p. 87) occurs the following passage: "If I had
sent against you the king of Kashmir, on whose royal
threshold the other rulers of Hind had placed their
heads, who sways the whole of Hind, even the countries of
Makran and Turan, whose chains a great many noblemen
and grandees have willingly placed on their knees, and
against whom no human being can stand etc." This
passage occurring so unexpectedly and without necessity
and without any temptation for addition or interpolation
is of great value as corroborating the account given in the
Rajatarangini of the extensive conquests of Lalitaditya.
His achievements are therefore historical and stand on a
par with those of Samudragupta and Harsha, and we will
without hesitation, place them before readers of ancient
Indian history, on the cotnbined testimony of the Rajata-
rangini and the Chacha-nama.
The above quoted passage occurs in the Chacha-nama
in a letter written in 712 A. D. The conquests of Lali-
taditya must therefore be placed a few years only before
this, as they appear to be fresh in Dahar's mind. They
must have occupied Lalitaditya for half a dozen years
at least. The date assigned by Kalhana to his accession
is therefore correct and reliable. Durlabha ruled for 36
years, Durlabhaka for 50, Chandrapida 8, and Tarapida 4.
Thus Muktapida alias Lalitaditya came to the throne in
G02 + 36 + 50 + 8 + 4-= 700 A. D, which is not at all inconsis-
tent. Like Harsha and others Lalitaditya must have started
immediately after accession on his world-conquering
expedition. Of course he had at his back the resources of
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR, 201^
a large kingdom well-governed for 100 years besides his
own valour and engrossing ambition. His first enemy
was Yasovarman of Kanauj who as we shall relate in the
history of Kanauj had at this time attained to nearly the
sovereignty of the whole of Northern India by his conquest
of the king of Gauda or Bengal. The conflict consequently
between Lalitaditya and Yasovarman was severe; but
Lalitaditya was victorious and Yasovarman fled the field
of battle or as the poetical historian relates served the
rising and resplendent sun with his back. It is not quite
clear whether Yasovarman was deprived of his kingdom.
For in one verse Kalhana says that Yasovarman was totally
uprooted (samulam udapatayat) but in another following
verse he says that Yasovarman who had such famous court
poets as Vakpatiraya and Bhavabhuti, himself turned a
court poet of Lalitaditya. The services of Mitra-Sarma,
Peace and War Minister of Kashmir were duly rewarded
by his being made a prince entitled to the five royal instru-
ments of sounding (pancha-maha-sabdabhak ). He also
obtained the title of Shah, a Persian title about which we
shall spaak later on. He also appointed five new officers
with the same title Shah for his new imperial concerns,
viz. the great Chamberlain Maha Pratihara, the great
foreign minister Maha Sandhivigrahika, the great cavalry
commander Mahasvasala, the great treasurer Mahabhanda-
gara and the great commissariat minister Mahasadhanika.
It appears that Lalitaditya's chief arm of offence was
cavalry and not the elephant force as with Harsha, and
naturally enough, for the countries of Kashmir, Afghanistan,
Persia and Turkestan supply more horses than elephants.
But he had elephants also no doubt and he is said by
Kalhana to have compelled the Gauda king to give him
his whole elephant force for his further progress.
Who this Gauda king was whom he next conquered
the Tarangirii does not tell us nor the name of the king of
Kalinga nor of the king of Karnata, nor of the Kaveri
region, nor of the seven Konkanas, nor of Saurashtra or
Dvaraka, nor of Avanti or Malwa which countries ha
27
210 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
•successively traversed and conquered. The absence of the
mention oi rhe kings of these countries may perhaps be
looked upon as suspicious and imaginary (Stein). But we
think there is no reason to disbelieve this march of Lalita-
ditya resembling the march of Samudragupta through the
then known countries in India. For the kingdoms mentioned
were assuredly the most prominent ones in north and
south India at that time viz. Kanauj, Bengal ( or Gauda )
Kalinga, Karnata or the country under the Eastern Chalu-
kyas, the Kaveri or Kanchi country of the Pallavas and
the seven Konkanas belonging most probably to the
Gangas. In Saurashtra we had the Valabhi kingdom and
and in Malwa there was the kingdom of Avanti or Ujjain
where the famous temple of Mahakala was situated.
Curionsly enough in Karnata we have the particular men-
tion of a Ratta queen who preferred submission willingly.
Who was this queen ? The Chalukya Vallabha king at this
time i. e. about 700 A. D. in the Deccan or Dakshinapatha
wasVijayaditya whose rule is assigned as we shall see later
on from 696 to 736 A. D. He was undoubtedly a Ratta or
Maratha. He was for some time in captivity at Kanchi
and hence his queen might have proferred submission. But
we think Lalitaditya did not go to Vatapi at all. He
moved along the coast and hence he conquered the Eastern
Chalukyas. The mention of Vindhya here is therefore
proper and of course refers to the eastern Ghats. Here
were also the same Rattas. The queen, as we shall show
later on in Vengi history, must have been Jayasinha's
widow with her son Kokkili after whom there was some
family dispute as described in that history.
We have no mention of the conquest of Sind and
probably Lalitaditya did not go to Sind. Dahar must have
proferred sui»mission when the latter was inDwarkaon the
southern frontier of his kingdom. His letter above quoted
clearly admits his submission to the suzerainty of Kash-
mir. Having K-turned to Kashmir after conquering east,
south and west, Lalitaditya undertook the most difficult
task of conquering the north which in the case of Kashmir
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 231
-meant the conquering of Tibet and Turkestan, an apparently
difficult task. He is said to have conquered the Daradas
and Karabojas (Tibet) which was ea-^y enough, b\it he con-
quered the Turks also and their king Mummuni is said to
have been thrice defeated. This is perhaps the first and the
last mention in Indian history of an Indian king going out
of India into the country of the fierce and warlike barbari-
ans of Turan. But there is no doubt of the truth of this con-
quest or rather success in battle. For we have not only the
mention of Mummuni their king but the extract above given
from the Chacha-nama also states that the king of Kashmir
had conquered Mekran (Baluchistan ) and Turan (Turkes-
tan). India has always been conquered by hordes
•oming from Turan but this singular exploit t f Lalitadit-
ya in going out of India and conquering Turan deserves p.-
prominent record in the mediaeval history of the country.
Turan seems to have offered stubborn resistance and Mum-
muni had to be thrice vanquished. In fact, Lalitaditya
subsequently led many expeditions to the north of Kashmir
and is said to have even crossed the Gobi desert. And he
is said to have lost his life eventually in these regions,
historians of Kashmir did not know how. Of northern
barbarians Tukkharas and Bhauttas are mentioned. Frag-
iyotishapura and Strirajya are also mentioned probably
to fill up the usual Mahabharata story ( they are evidently
Assam and Burma or Manipur ). And the mythical
Uttarakurus finally come in to finish his Digvijaya.
The jJartial poet declares in the end that in order to
emphasise his conquest of the north and the south, La-
litaditya compelled the Turushkas in the north to half
shave their heads and to hold up their hands in token of
their being prisoners and he compelled the Dakshinatyas
of the south- ( the Deccanese ) to wear long kachhas reach-
ing the ground like tails in token of their being beasts ! ! '.
It is really wonderful how poets represent already existing
local customs as contributing to the praise of their fa-
vourite king. It seems however certain that the practice of
half shaving their heads is very old among the Turks and
212 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
did not originate with Mahomedanism. And the practice-
of having long kachha among the Deccanese ( Marathas )
is also very ancient, Northerners putting on tight kachha
(the Kashmiris too doing the same). The modern practice of
wearing payajamas prevalent in Kashmir is not thus as
Old as Kalhana but is of still recent date being borrowed,
very clearly, from the Mahomedans.
The internal administration of Lalitaditya was also
remarkable. From his foreign conquests immense wealth,
and treasure came into Kashmir and it was naturally
spent on the building of temples and Viharas. He gave
ilcrores of golden money to the temple of Bhutesa (Siva),
Ke built a Martanda temple ( Sun ) with a great uncut
stone-wall which is still famous. He built a bridge over
the Vitasta at Chhatrapur. He built a town outside Sri-
nagar and at some distance and called it Parihasapura and
built there a famous temple to Vishnu called Parihasa
Keshava where he placed a Garuda image on a one-
stone pillar 54 cubits long. Many gold and silver im-
ages of Vishr.u, Varaha etc. are also spoken of. The
Parihasa Keshava image was of silver adorned with valu-
able jewels. Gold and jewels began thus to accumulate
in temples, a necessary evil of idol worship, an evil which
in consequence created a counter religion of idol-breaking
and the jewelled golden idols of India added the temptation
cf greed to the promptings of religious zeal among the
Mahomedans. We shall have to speak of this strange
infatuation of kings and grandees to stuff temples with
immense portable riches in gold andsilver and in diamonds
and rubies. The practice was older than Lalitaditya,
but here we have a sure mention of it, Kalhana observing
that " the wealth offered and dedicated in temples could
not be counted ". The queens also as usual built temples
to their favourite deities. Chankuna, a Tukkbar minister
gave two magical stones to the king and purchased from
him an idol of Buddha which had been brought from his
conquest of Magadha. He placed it in a Vihara which he
dedicated to the Buddhists. It seems clear from this as is
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 21-3
also otherwise well-known that before Mahomedanisin,
Buddhism was the prevailing religion among Turks,
Tukkhars and other barbarians of Turan.
These temples to Siva. Vishnu, Aditya and Buddha of
course satisfied the religious cravings of those times. To
the modern historian it is interesting to note that
Lalitaditya had many halls established in his king-
dom for the feeding of the hungry and for giving water ta
the thirsty. These chhatras and prapas testify to his
humane disposition and his care for his subjects. He is
also said to have excavated wells and springs in the nor-
thern sandy regions of the Turks where for many miles
water is often unobtainable. These, the historian says
are still visible and supply water to the thirsty traveller
of these inhospitable regions. Thus Lalitaditya appears
•to have been a true Kritayuga or golden age king in the
otherwise not very happy history of Kashmir.
But there is one bad act of this famous king which
Kalhana says was prompted by the Kali or iron age. He
had the Gauda king killed in spite of his promise not to
harm his life given on oath of his favourite god Parihas?.
Keshava of his favourite town- Who this Gauda king was
and why Lalitaditya did this horrible deed so unlike him-
self, Kalhai-a does not describe. He however relates that
when the most loyal servants of the Gauda king heard cf
this slaughter, they started at once for Kashmir and having
got entrance to the kidgdom on pretext of visiting the
Sarada temple they came to Parihasapura. The king was
fortunately absent on an expedition to the north- The
exasperated men in their mad zeal went to the temple of
Parihasa Keshava to take vengeance on the god who had
allowed his oath to be broken. Finding the temple of Rama-
svami* open they mistook that god for Parihasakeshava
threw down the silver idol, broke it into pieces and even
atoms and strew them on the road as they went back.
•This idol was believed to have been made by Rama himself and viras found in a
tank. The names of idols in Kashmir often end in Svjimi which means of course
'Lord" Lord of Rama and so on.
214 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Such is the strange story of the slaughter of the Gauda
king and the religious frenzy of his loyal servants.
The end of this wonderful king was alike wonderful.
Where and when he died is not known to Kashmir his-
torians. He certainly did not die in Kashmir. A mes-
senger arrived from his camp somewhere among the North-
ern barbarians announcing that the king could not return
and that the ministers should proclaim his son king. He
is said to have ruled for 36 years and thus his reign came
to end in 736 A. D. Comparing this account with the account
derivable from foreign sources as related by Smith we may
say that an embassy from China in 733 A. D. may have
been received, investing Lalitaditya with the title of king.
Of couse it must be taken subject t(.) Chinese misrepresen-
tation in that the Chinese Emperor was believed to be the
Tuler of the whole world. Lalitaditya also looked upon
himself as Emperor and the embassy must have been
nothing more than greetings between rival emperors
claiming sovereignty over Turkestan. As for the date of
his victory over Yasovarman, Smith on the authority of
Levi and Chauvanes places it in 740 A. D. But this does
not seem to be correct. It is against the authority of the
Tarangini which places his death in 736 and also against
the evidence of the Chacha-nama which seems clearly to
place this victory before the conquest of Sind by the Arabs
in 712 A. D. This date will be further discussed in a note.
Lalitaditya was succeeded by his son Kuvalayapida a
very sensitive man. When a minister disobeyed his order
he was so incensed that he passed a sleepless night, but re-
flecting in the morning in the opposite strain he resigned
sovereignty as full of difificulties and disquiet and retired
to a forest. He ruled for one year only and 15
days. He was succeeded by his brother Vajraditya
a man of an exactly opposite temperament. He imme-
diately threw himself headlong into the pleasures of
kingly power and naturally succumbed after a bad reign
of 7 years and some days. He was succeeded by his elder
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 215
son Sangramapida who too died after a short reign of
7 years. His brother Jayapida and a grandson of Lalita-
ditya now came to the throne of Kashmir. Kis goodness
and greatness had already been marked and foretold by
his grandfather and we come to the reign of another
brilliant king as illustrious as Lalitaditya and only next
to him in foreign conquests.
Jayapida like his grandfather commenced his reign
by issuing out for world conquest a favourite game with
powerful Indian kings. His first enemy was of course
tlie king of Kanauj name not mentioned. Conquering him
he proceeded as far as Prayaga where he made liberal gifts
to Brahm.ins. His army, however, afraid of long journeys
into the south as in the days of Lalitaditya, returned to
its native country. Nothing daunted Jayapida is said to
have gone into Bengal single-handed. He came to
Paundra Vardhana town ruled by one Jayanta Having
killed a tiger which had become a terror to the town he came
to the notice of Jayanta who gave him his daughter
Kamaladevi in marriage. This story sounds more as fable
than as history. Jayapida then subdued five Gauda princes
in Bengal in behalf of his father-in-law and then returned
in triumph to Kashmir with his bride. On his way back
he seized the precious throne of Kanauj and took it t-o
Kashmir. In his absence his brother-in-law, one called
Jajja,had seized the Kashmir throne. Jajja was overthrown
and killed in a battle and the country was proud and glad
to be again under the rule of its rightful king Jayapida.
But Jayapida became more famous than his grand-
father Lalitaditya as a patron of letters. He himself was
a great pandit ; and the poet historian says that he was as
jealous of a rival in the field of arms as in the field
of letters. He revived the study of the Mahabhashya (the
great work on grammar by Patanjali) and appointed Kshi-
rasvarai as teacher of grammar. The head of the council
of pandits was L'dbhata the well-known author of Udbha-
talankara on poetics and paid him as pay one lakh of
Dinaras per day (most certainly a hyperbole of the poet
•216 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
historian even if like Mahmud of Ghazni Jayapida gave
coppei- Dinaras instead of silver or gold ones). Other
famous literary names are Manoratha, Sankhadanta,
Chataka and Sandhiman poets, Vamana (writer on both
grammar and Alankara), Damodargupta author of Kuttini-
inata (mathematics) and Thakkiya who was originally
superintendent of granary in the service of a minister of
his. The best men in the whole land of India were
called and patronised by Jayapida, so much so that
Kashmir became famous as the land of learning and as
the poet historian remarks, there was a famine of learned
men in other countries of India. Though a conqueror he
assumed the title of Vinayaditya or the sun of education.
The poet historian observes, "Equally divided between
va,iour and learning, as if placed between two reflect-
ing mirrors, the king seemed not doubled only, but made
hundred fold."
He renewed his foreign expeditions many times, ac-
companied by many subordinate kings among whom is
mentioned strangely enough Mummuni. But in Nepal he
had a reverse unlike his grandfather and fell a prisoner
into the hands of the king of Nepal, named Artundi. In
this misfortune he was saved by his minister who brought
another army into Nepal and by a stratagem enabling
Jayapida to escape from the castle where he was impri-
soned, by the sacrifice of his own life placed him in pos-
session of new forces. Nepal was defeated and Jayapida
returned triumphant to Kashmir, mourning, however, for
the death of his faithful minister Devasarma son of Mitra-
sarraa the famous minister of his grandfather.
It is unfortunate that this valiant and learned king
became in his later days a tyrant and an oppressor of
Brahmins. Perhaps his misfortunes in spite of his victo-
ries left him poor. It is said that a serpent having pro-
mised to reveal to him a mountain of gold revealed in the
€nd, owing to his mistake, only a mountain of copper
situated in the Kramarajya ( a province of Kashmir ) and
lie had 99 crores of copper dinaras struck. But he had a
THE ARKOKTA.KAS OF KASHMIR 217
dirth of gold and for the sake of gold he began to oppress
his sul)3ects through his Kayastha officers. We must speak
here of the Kayasthas, a caste to whom Kalhana always
refers with contempt and disapprobation. The Kayasthas
are found in the history of Kashmir onward, always assist-
ing oppressive kings with their bad counsel and are
generally associated with a rapacious administration.
Kayasthas did not meet us in the history of Sind. They
are in fact (even now) not found in large numbers either in
Sind or in the Parijab, where their place is taken by the
Khatris who like the Kayasthas were the competitors of
Brahmins in the ranks of government servants. Even
now Kayasthas are to be found predominant in Kashmir,
in the U. P. and in Bengal both in the population and in
government service. They are not found to the south of
the Nerbuda except in the Konkan. In the Deccan and in
the south they are not to be seen. Undoubtedly the Kayastha
claim to Kshatriya origin is correct though there is
admittedly a mixture of blood. The mixed caste of Kaya-
sthas is not mentioned in the earlier Smritis and finds
mencion only in one or two latej ones. They are
mixed Kshatriyas whose caste occupation is writing and
government service as we find even in the Mrichhakafcika.
By intelligence and energy they are undoubtedly Aryans
and Kshatriyas. But strangely enough Kayastha public
servants are, though efficient, generally unpopular and
oppressive. In the Panjab, government service is almost
monopolised by Khatris. They are clearly Kshatriyas who
have given up the sword for the pen and their intelligence
as certainly indicates their Aryan origin as their physique,
but they are not specially mentioned in ancient history like
the Kayasthas. To return to our history from this digression;
Jayapida through his Kayastha officers began to oppress
his subjects by various exactions. He was opposed by the
Brahmins who are usually a fearless out-spoken people
Jayapida now became unpopular even among the pandits
who at once turned their wit against him. The following
verses are typical and well worth quotation. They are of
2i
218 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
course based on pun of words. Jayapida who prided him-
self upon his learning is said to be not inferior to Panini
the grammarian. "f?RTRctf^^r?TT^ 5^^%-Tl^^: l -^ju^-iivh-ii'ik'A
qiwR^j f%??7r^i^ II fdHMiTe^RT ipr^grf^i-TTRrs: i ^ri^^rr'TT^t^rRT tttw-
^aj f^JT^'i^iT II ." The king, however, was incorrigible and
ill-treated aud despised the Brahmins the more till at last
by the curse of a Brahmin, so the poet relates, the golden
pole of his tent fell upon him and he died of the wound
received. He is said to have ruled for 31 years. Thus his
reign may be said to have ended in 736 -^l-f7 + 7 + 31 = 782
A. D. the kings intervening between him and Lalitaditya
ruling for one, seven and seven years only.
We may close this chapter with a short account of the
remaining kings of the Karkota dynasty which coming to
a decline was now represented by incompetent men. The
same spectacle of worthless sovereigns set up and deposed
hy ambitious and unscrupulous officers as is witnessed at
the end of Mogul or Abbaside Khalifa or other kingly dy-
nasties appears. Lalitapida son of Jayapida ruled for 12
years and squandered the riches unjustly amassed by his
father on courtezans and sycophants. His brother San-
gramapida ruled after him for seven years and was suc-
ceeded by a minor king named Chippata (the lesser) Jaya-
pida son of Lalitapida son of the elder Jayapida. His ma-
ternal uncles Utpala and Mamma ministers fought for
power. Now Utpala to secure power in his own hands set
up another minor Ajitapida in place of the now major
Jayapida while Mamma set up another. The two minis-
ters fought a battle between themselves and Utpala was
successful. The last minor king hereafter set up was
Anangapida who was eventually set aside by Avantivar-
man grandson of the powerful Utpala and he founded the
Utpala dynasty in about 855 A. D.
Kashmir during the reign of the Karkota dynasty
enjoyed great power politically being twice the overlord
of the whole of Northern India. Within the empire it had
several provinces or rather districts of the Panjab under it
and the territory of Kashmir itself is shown to be divided
THE KARKOTAKAS OF KASHMIR 219
into several divisions called Rajyas in the [RajataranginT
(Kramarajya, Maclavarajya etc. appear to be divisions of
Kashmir). The kings were usually worshippers of Siva
and also often of Vishnu (Vishnu temples being styled by
names ending in Svami and Siva temples in Isa or
Isvara — a distinction which is clearly apparent iu the
Rajatarangini). The people were bothSaivites and Vaish-
navites but there were also some who were Buddhists,
especially among lower orders and foreigners. Under this
dynasty Kashmir not only maintained but even increased
its renown for learning and many noted names in Sanskrit
literature belong to this period. We can thus understand
why it was an ambition with Indian pandits to conquer
the pandits of Kashmir as is apparent from Sankara's
visit to the temple of Sarada in that country to which we
shall have to refer in our next volume.
C HAPIKK V
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMx-
Though not connected with the period treated of in this
volume, we shall go on to relate succintly the later history of
Kashmir down to the end of the Hindu period, as Kashmir
in the next portions of that period seems to be practically
cut off from India. This history has not much importance
for the general history of India, but it has an importance of
its own. It exhibits on a smaller scale how despotic kingly
government always tends to abuse after a period of glorious
exhibition of justice and valour, how degenerate and debau-
cherous kings succeed highly vigorous and conscientious
kings in the same line, how while kingly power is borne
with a great weight of conscience by some kings, in the
hands of others it becomes the instrument of oppression
and opportunity for licentiousness, how for some time
able ministers under the firm guidance of able rulers
achieve great progress in administration, and how during
another period unscrupulous ministers keep the country
under their heel by bribery and terrorizing under incap-
able masters, how while under some kings an organised
army is the means of securing peace at home and respect
abroad, under others it becomes the de facto master of the
state raising to the throne puppet after puppet, and how
lastly the love of kingship sets father against son
and son against father, not to speak of brother
against brother and even mother against son and
wife against husband. These and similar regular tenden-
cies of despotic rule are as fully exhibited in this history
of Kashmir as they were at Rome or at Baghdad, at Delhi
or at Cairo. We will, therefore, describe this history in
some detail and show how after all, a form of government
combined of king and people is the best for securing con-
tinuous good government and progress.
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIR 221
When the Karkota dynasty came t'l an end, as usual
by becoming old and rotten, Avantivarman came to the
throne by his own power and founded the Utpala dynasty.
Utpala being his grandfather and the first minister of the
tottering Karkotakas who tried to seize the kingly status.
Avantivarman as usual with founders of dynasties was a
most capable and conscientious sovereign. Tales of his
extreme sense of justice are related in the Tarangini, which
we may pass over. But his revenue administration was
equally most successful. With the help of an able and
imaginative minister named Suyya, he excecuted various
works of irrigation by damming the Vitasta and other
rivers of Kashmir. Hundreds of new villages sprang into
existence and thousands of acres of land came under
cultivation. The poet historian relates that whereas
from the most ancient times a Khari ( Khandi ) of grain
(rice) sold in the m.ost prosperous days for 200 d:naras,
the same Khari in the same Kashmir land began to be sold
for 36 dinaras (V. 117).
The king was highly religious and of course built
several temples to Siva and Vishnu and so also his minis-
ters and queens. But he was also so liberal to the Brah-
mins and held riches of so little count thathe finally gave
away all his wealth to Brahmins except as the poet says
his sceptre and umbrella. He also appears to have been a
perfect Vaishnava and an upholder of the tenet of Ahimsa
(the mantle of Buddhism had in this respect now fallen
upon Vaishnavism ). He, therefore, prohibited totally
the slaughter of animals and the historian records that
for ten years as in the days of Meghavahana no animal
was killed throughout the kingdom (V. 64). The poet re-
marks that "tortoises leaving the cold waters of rivers in
winter securely basked in sun-shine on the banks". Bhatta
Kaliata it is further on said, and other sages were born in
the days of Avantivarman 'for the salvation of the coun-
try'. Who this Srikallata was we have not been able to
find ; but he must have been some Vaishnava writer. The-
king died as religiously as he had lived, hearing during his
222 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
last moments the Bhagavadgita recited. (This is the first
mention in history of the Bhagvadgita as a book of reli-
gious recitation). He died in 59 in the month of Ashadha
Shukla 3. (This according to Kashmir reckoning which
omits hundreds means 3959 Laukika era i. e. deductint;
3075, 884 A. D.) V. 123. He thus ruled for 29 years from
855 to 884 A. D.
His son Sankarvarman succeeded him. But it appears
there was a faction among the ministers and a party
appointed a cousin of his as Yuvaraja. He and his cousin
both being strong men, fought for power and many faith-
ful adherents on both sides lost their lives in this civil
war. Sankarvarman eventually got the upper hand and
ruled singly. He now led his forces in Digvijaya most
probably with a view to lead the fighting spirits of
the people into other channels. The names of the
countries and kings he conquered are important histoi>ical-
iy. He subjugated a king of Darvabhisaraand imprisoned
a king named Harigana. AVhile yet fighting with the
Gurjara king he put to flight Prithvichandra king of Tri-
garta and gave his kingdom to his son Bhuvanachandra
who had already submitted to him. He is said to have
9 lakhs of foot-soldiers and 300 elephants (the infantry
number is plainly exaggerated). With this immense force
he defeated Alakhana king of the Gurjaras (Alakhana
appears to be the name of a king and not of a place). The
Gurjara king handed over to him the Takkadesa "giving
up his own body in fact". He reinstated the descendant
of Thakkiya who had been ousted by Bhoja. "He lay
unconquerable between the Daradas and the Turushkas
like the country of Aryavarta lying between the Hima-
layas and Vindhyas". He remained firm in Udabbanda-
pura (perhaps a battle was fought here with the Northern-
ers.) "The Shahi king Lalliya was not reinstated owing
to his anger and took refuge with Alakhana."
The above account requires to be co-ordinated with the
history of other countries and we shall try to do so. Here
it may be noted that a gloss in the commentary of Rajata-
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIR 223
rangini, says Trigarta meant Nagarakota andTakka coun-
try meant 't^Wi^V^ 3[1^R^ ^TTJT and on Jj4<^>,i the remark is
^^jj[<;ijl<|/^i;l:. These remarks show that Sankaravarman's
Digvijaya was confined to the countries about Kashmir, to
the Gujar king in the Panjab and the Shahi king in Kabul.
He conquered the Daradas on the east and the Turushkas
on the west and the north only nominally. Who Thakkiya
was is not clear but he must have been king of Rajapur
overthrown by Bhoja, Pratihara king of Kanauj who ruled
about that time. The Shahi king Lalliya seems to have
taken refuge with the Gujarking and his country remained
under Kashmir not being returned as usual to the sub-
jugated monarch. This was eventually done, for the
country seems to have again risen after Sankaravarman's
death. His minister Prabhakaradeva suppressed the rebel-
lion but restored the Shahi dynasty by placing Toramana
son of Lalliya on the Shahi throne at Kabul (V, 233.)
Sankaravarman was a valiant king but unlike his
father he turned out an oppressor of his people. We will
notice the ways of his oppression separately, but the poet
says that fifty sons of his died in youth without disease by
the curse of his subjects- This is probably an exaggera-
tion as we shall presently see. While returning from an
expedition, he encamped in Urasa (Hazara country) of
Hiuen Tsang and in a sudden quarrel with its people a
random arrow pierced his throat. The army proceeded on
its way back to Kashmir under the guidance of discreet
commanders ; but Sankaravarman died on the way as the
arrow was being extracted. The body was burnt in Kash-
mir territory and three of his queens, two of his servants
and one faithful minister burnt themselves on the same
pyre. This fact shows that he was not quite unpopular.
It also shows that the practice of servants a,nd ministers,
faithful and affectionate, killing themselves on the funeral
pyre of kings described by Bana also in Harsha Charita
was still prevalent. (In fact it obtains in Japan even at
this day.) Sankaravarman died in 77 in Falguna (V. 222)
/. e, in 902 A. D. after a rule of 8 years.
224 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Before passing on we may state that this greedy king
was not a friend of poets and Bhattata and other learned
men fallowed other professions. Only one poet called
Lavata was in the pay of the king.
Sugandha widowed queen carried on government
during the minority of his son Gopalavarman. He died
a minor and so too his brother Sankata. The dowager
queen now herself ruled with the help of soldiers called
Tantris who held somewhat the same position at Srinagar
as the Janizaries did at Constantinople or the Prijetorian
Guards at Rome or the Turks at Baghdad or the Marathas
at Delhi. A ten year old prince of a collateral branch
was placed on the throne. The exactions of the Tantris
were unparallelled. In 93 there was a terrible famine (399-^
- 3075 = 918 A. D.) and the Hundiku or tribute of the Tantris
had to be made up by the ministers by selling young peopl.= .
"Tnus" observes the poet, "the people protected by pros-
perous kings like Tujjina and Chandraplda were led to
destruction by these demons of ministers." The Tantris
now raised another scion of the family by name Chakra-
varman and the government went from bad to worse owing
to the corruption of ministers and the oppression of the
Tantris. Chakravarman, however, proved a capable king.
In order to get rid of the Tantris he once sought the help
of one Sangrama Damara. The Damaras were a warlike
aboriginal people inhabiting the country and cultivating
the land- The Damara said that if Chakravarman could
assert himself the Tantris were of no account. Accord-
ingly Chakravarman rose against the Tantris, and with
the help of the Damaras killed or drove them away.
As predicted by Sangrama Damara, however, Chakra-
varman turned out an oppressor. He oppressed the Damaras
themselves and led a licentious life. The same misrule
continued under his successor Partha. The poet observes
( V. 439) " The country was plundered by Damaras when
Chakravarman died and his successor ( Partha ) again op-
pressed it by raising the wicked Kayasthas" (government
servimts). It is unncessary to describe the many heart-
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIil 225
less acts of this king. He died in the summer of 15
(4015 = 939 A. D. ). At the same time one Kamalavardhana
leader of Tantris and other disaffected people surrounded
the capital and defeating the Damaras entered the city.
Partha's widow fearing misfortnne hid herself with her
infant son.
Here the poet historian describes a remarkable scene.
The tactless Kamalavardhana instead of seizing the throne
left vacant asked the Brahmins to elect a king, hoping in
his heart that they would elect him. The Brahmins
assembled in the Goshala of the palace and wrangled over
the election for five days. "With beards besmeared with the
smoke of sacrifices, these Brahmins or bullocks without
horns fought among themselves for want of unaninimity.
Instead of sprinkling a fit person with the water of sover-
eignty, they wetted their beards only with their own spit
thrown out in wrangling." It is strange that Kalhana,
himself a Brahmin, thus rails at these deliberations nf
Brahmins " who will never be unanimous." That is their
great bane throughout their history. But it must be noted
here that Brahmins always enjoyed a great power
politically and had the election of a king to a vacant
throne in their hands. Thus it appears in the Puranas
for when Vena the oppressor was killed, the Brahmins
created a successor to the kingly power by creating Prithu
from his thighs. Whatever the old theory, the election of
a king to a vacant throne was this time at least in Kash-
mir left to the Brahmins. By a sudden freak of fortune, one
Yasaskara, a Brahmin himself, son of Prabhakaradeva,
the powerful minister of Sugandha who had left ihe
country owing to misfortune, accidentally came back at
this time and was hailed by the Brahmins as king on the
sixth day. Kamalavardhana and the people acquiesced
and Yasaskara was anointed king amisdst public acclama
tions.
Yasaskara as usual with the founder of a new dynasty
proved a capable, energetic and conscientious king. He
of course sent back the Brahmins to their sacrifices and
29
226 TiHE I'^IRST HINDU KINGDOMS
ruled with regour and scrupulousness. The poet's re-
marks here are worth quoting: "In his days people slept
in their houses with open doors and travellers moved
without peril on their paths owing to the destruction of
thieves. Villagers were engrossed in cultivation and had
no occasion to visit the court and Brahmins remained
engrossed in their studies and had no occasion to take up
arms. Brahmin sages on pretext of reciting Samas did
not drink liquor nor did ascetics tend sons, wives, cattle
or fields. Nor did religious men with fools for their
teachers sacrifice with fish and Apupa or cakes, disputing
with their own compositions based on Tarka or guess the
principles of Veda. Nor did house-wives, worshipping
false 'gurus', with shakes of their heads transgress their
husbands. And lastly no astrologer, physician, juryman,
teacher, counsellor, preceptor (purohita), herald, judge, and
writer was uneducated in his days ". This gives a
very vivid picture of the social and political condition of
the country under good and bad rulers. Yasaskara, how-
ever, had only a short reign of 9 years and he was suc-
ceeded by his son Sangramadeva in 24 (4024-3076 = 948
A. D.) He was a minor and the forces of disorder, oppres-
sion and licentiousness soon took possession of the land.
Parvagupta, a leader of Ekangas, Samantas, Kayasthas.
aad Tantris seized the throne. After a short rule he was
succeeded by his son Kshemagupta (either a Kshatriya or
a Vaisya) who married the notorious Didda daughter of a
king of Lohara named Sinharaja and grand-daughter of a
Shahi king of Kabul named Bhimapala. This Didda had a
long reign after Kshemgupta who died in 34 (see VI, 187)
i. ('. in 4034 - 3076 = 958 A. D. During the minority of her
son Abhimanyu and after his death in 44 in minority,
during that of her grandson Nandigupta and after his
death, during a similar minority of hisbrotherBhimagupta
and when he died or was killed she herself in her own name,
ruled by the aid of Tantris and a minister-lover named
Tunga a Khasa by race- She eventually elected her
brother's son Sangramaraja of the Lohara family as her
successor and thus began the Lohara dynasty in Kashmir-
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIR 227
This heartless queen noted for her great oppression of the
people enhanced by the machinations of unscrupulous
ministers ranging themselves on one side or an<^ther died
m 79 after a disreputable rule of 45 years from 34 to 79 i.t'.
958 to 1003 A. 1).
The Lohara dynasty being near Kalhana's time is
circumstantially described in the Rajatarangini but we
may summarise the events in its time, as to us it is long
gone by- The first king Sangramaraja was as usual a good
and a prosperous king. In his reign began the final over-
throw of India by the Mahomedans- Kalhana gives a
graphic description of the battle fought by Trilochana-
pala Shahi king of Kabul, assisted by Tunga sent by the
Kashmir king Sangramaraja, to help him against the Turks
under Hamir (Amir, name not given). Trilochanpala was
■defeated and fled to Kashmir and Kabul was finally lost
to India. The poet mournfully observes, " We have
described the prosperity of the Shahi country during the
days of Sankaravarman. Now we think in our minds
with great grief, where is that Shahi dynasty with its
ministers, its kings, its great grandeur V Did it exist
really or did it not ? Tunga returned to his own country
Kashmir, totally defeated and left the whole Bharata-
land open to the descent of the Turushkas." Tunga
was in Kalhana's view the cause of India's mis-
• fortune. Sangramaraja was already weary of this
paramour of Didda and he was murdered in open
court by dissatisfied courtiers. Many men of his party
fell and the country was cleared of the Tungas. After
a reign of 24 years Sangrama died in 4 (i. e. 4104 = 1028 A.D.
Hariraja succeeded him ; he too was a good king but died
early. His minor sc^n Ananta succeeded him. His friends
were the sons of the dispossessed Shahi king, named
Rudrapala, Diddapala, Kshemapala and Anangapala who
had ample allowances settled on them by Sangrama and
who yet were so spendthrift that they were always in
need of money. They therefore by bribes oppressed the
people, "So they too in a short time came to an end.'"
228 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
178). But they were a valorous set of warriors and were
of great use to Anantaraja in his fight with the Turks
For in the usual manner of the Indian people a disaffected
sardar of Kashmir brought in the conquering Turks to
overthrow Ananta. This was a formidable combination
of seven Mlechha chiefs, Damaras, the king of Darada
and the disaffected sardar Brahmaraja. But Anantaraja
was a valiant warrior. The conflict was of course terrible.
The poet observes "There was that day the marriage festi-
vity of heavenly nymphs marked by the fire kindled out
of the clashing of weapons. The Darada king was killed
by Rudrapala whose fame spread higher. The Mlechha
chiefs got slaughter and imprisonment while the king of
Kashmir got gold and jewels." This clearly shows that
the Turks were totally defeated. Smith says in his Early
History " In the reign of her nephew, Sangrama, the king-
dom suffered an attack from Mahmud of Ghazni and
although its trcjops were defeated by the invader, pre-
served its independence which was protected by the in-
accessibility of the mountain barriers "(3rd Edn. p. 375)
This is against the testimony of the Rajatarangini. As we
understand it, it relates the defeat of Sangrama's forces
not in Kashmir, but in Kabul where they had been sent to
assist the Shahi king. Kashmir was not invaded in the
days of Sangrama at all. There was this expedition of seven
Mlechha chiefs brought in by a traitor in the reign of
Anantaraja and it was a signal failure.
Anantaraja married a daughter of the king of Jalan-
dhara by name Suryamati- The king and his queen were
both very religious persons. They built,as usual, several
temples to Siva to commemorate their name and they gave
108 agraharas to Brahmins to enable them to study un-
molested. KingBhoja of Malwa is said to have constructed
a kunda in his days to commemorate his own name in
Kashmir which shows the amicable relations existing,
between these two contemporaneous sovereigns. The queen
Suryamati often assisted the king in the governmeiit of
the country and sometimes took sole responsibility upon
herself, the king merely executing her commands and
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIR 229
devoting himself solely to a religious life/ This happy
royal couple, so rare in Indian history, was however
extremely unhappy in later life. For An9,nta by the advice
of his queen in old age placed on the throne their son
Kalasa and retired. Kalasa turned out a vagabond and
when taken to task by his father for his licentiousness
attempted to takeAnanta's life. The aged king and queen
in their retirement were surrounded and their place of
residence set on fire. They with their followers issued out
and wished to leave the kingdom, but they were implored
by their subjects to stay. Kalasa's son Harsha was
called by them to their side and he left his father and
went to his grandparents and comforted them. Still per-
secuted by his heartless son, king Kalasa, Anantadeva
one day killed himself. The queen was a most partial
mother and every time espoused her son's cause. But the
son did not even go to comfort his bereaved mother. She
immolated herself on her husband's pyre like a true Hindu
Sati cursing the ministers of Kalasa who had taken her
son away from her.
Kalasa now induced his son Harsha to return to
him and all the wealth of the aged king Ananta was kept
separate and sealed as his separate portion. Kalasa turned
a good king after Ananta's death and he too had a long
reign. Harsha lived quietly at his court and attained
great renown, asKalhana records, throughout; India by his
great accomplishments. He was a master of learning
like his namesake Harsha of the 7th century. He was
also a master of music and his musical compositions were
greatly appreciated even by his father. But unlike his
namesake, Harsha was unfortunate. Unscrupulous
courtiers tried to set the son'against the father and suc-
ceeded after a time. Harsha unfortunately rebelled and
being overpowered he was placed in confinement. Some
jealous queens and ministers tried even to poison him
through food sent to him daily in prison. Coming to knowx
of it, Harsha refused to take food and for a long time
Tr^J|^fi>4ir-^rMa"l: I fM'1M'd"^^T g^f^Hf HMl'^dr: i! VII 20
230 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
fasted. Kalasa like his father died mourning for his dis-
loyal son and wishing even to name Harsha his succes^cr.
Bat Nonaka the inimical minister intervened and Utkar-
sha another son of Kalasa ascended Ihe throne. Kala?a
is said to have died in 49 Margashirsha (4149 Lauk. = 1073
A. D.) The people generally were in favour of Harsha,
but CJtkarslia ruled cruelly in spite of them for a
time. Vijayamalla. a third son of Kalasa, however, made
efforts to release Harsha and in this attempt he was joined
by many. A battle was fought and Utkarsha was defeated
and killed. Harsha was set at liberty and was crowned
king of Kashmir.
Harsha ruled for a time justly aad with great love
and gratefulness to his brother and liberator Vijayamalla.
Of course Nonaka and other ministers, partisans of Ut-
karsha, were sent to prison, but after a time even they were
pardoned and appointed to offices.
Harsha's court now became the resort of learned mea
and he patronised them so much that Bilhana, the poet-iiis-
torian observes, who had left Kashmir in the days of Kalasa
and who had been patronised by Parmadi Vikraraaditya
of Karnataka so liberally that Bilhana's elephant rode in
front of his army, regretted he had left his native land.
The accomplishments and the learning of the king himself
were past all description. "His time was passed in sinj^:-
ing and hearing music, in composing musical pieces. He
slept three hours by day and waked the whole night. In.
halls lighted by a thousand lights his nights passed in'
learned conversations or in singing and dancing. In his
court both Kubera and Yama were constantly present and
gifts and punishments flew ab.out equally." (VII, 948). Yet
his reign in the end was terribly unfortunate and his death
resembles that o-f the unfortunate Dara Sikoh of Mogul
history.
For unscrupulous persons again triumphed and poi-
soned the amicable relations between Harsha and Vijaya-
malla. In fact under a despotic form of government,
where any body can become king if he had only the auJa-
II LATER HISTORY OF KASHMIR 231
city, the unscrupulousness, the power and the good luck
necessary, irrespective of the consent of the people, such
things will always happen. It was represented to Vijaya-
malla that he had almost got the throne himself and had
wrongly allowed Harsha to reap the fruit of his own victory.
Vijayamalla was influenced and after a time rebelled. Ha
was, however, defeated and compelled to fly the country. It
appears that the reign of Harsha hereafter was one unend-
ing series of persecutions of Vijayamalla's partisans and
oppression of the ryots also. Even Harsha's own son Bhoja
was mistrusted by him and he too fled. Eventually, Harsha
was overthrown in a rebellion by Ucchala, a collateral of
thesame Lohara dynasty. His army was defeated, and the
capital was taken possession of by Ucchala. Harsha's
queens burnt themselves to death and Harsha attended by
one faithful servant fled and concealed himself in a Matha
where he was found out and surrounded by Uccliala's men.
Then, says the poet, Harsha remembered the sloka of the
Rishls." "The fire born of the exasperation caused by the
oppression of subjects does not stop until it has burnt
the prosperity, the family and even the life of the king. "
He even heard that his son had turned back to avenge him
but had been killed in a battle. Thus bereft of every blessing
in life, Harsha threw himself upon those who had surroun-
ded the house and was killed. With Ucchala's permission
unwillingly granted, a merciful person burnt the dead
body of Harsha like that of a beggar andthat of his faithful
servant Prayaga who had also been killed in the conflict.
Harsha is said to have had the same astrological con-
junctions at birth as Duryodhana and other destroyers of
their own family.'" He died in the Bhadra month of 77
( 4177 Lauk, = 1101 A. D. ) and was 42 years and 8 months
old ( One would have expected him to be older ). With
him, the first Lohara line came to end and the Sata-
vahana line of Ucchala commenced. This line was still
reigning when Kalhana wrote his Rajatarangini in Saka
232 THE FIRST HIXDU KINGDOMS
1070 or 1148 A. D. Ucchala ruled from 1101 to 1111 A. D.
and was succeeded by his brother Sussala who reigned till
1128. Sussala had a strong reign but he was for a time
dispossessed by Bhikehu a grandson of Harsha who had
taken refuge at Dhara. He, however, regained the throne
and reigned securely till his death. His son by name Jaya-
sinha a good and virtuous king succeeded him and was on
the throne when Kalhana wrote. Kalhana has given such
3. detailed account of the reigns of this last dynasty that
it covers nearly one-half of his work ( 47 years' history as
compared with about 3000 years' history), but to the ordin-
ary reader and student of general Indian history of the
present day, the details of the intrigues and revolutions
and counter-revolutions in this period are not of itnportance'
The history of Kashmir subsequent to Kalhana may be
finally given, before proceeding, in a few words. It remained
a petty Hindu kingdom torn by internal dissentions while
the whole of northern India came gradually under Maho-
medan rule. At last a Mahomedan adventurer from the
south named Shah Mir deposed Queen Kota widow of
he last Hindu ruler and founded a Mahomedan dynasty
(1339 A. D.). Islam hereafter made its way among the
population not by forcible conversion but by natural muta-
tion. But the Brahmins though still sticking to their old
religion retained the ascendant power in the land by their
learning and their employment as government servants.
Strangely enough till Akbar's final conquest of Kashmir in
1586 A. D. and its reduction to the status of a province of
the Mcgul Empire, Sanskrit remained the official language
of the country, no doubt with many words borrowed from
Persian and Arabic CStein's Raj. Vol. I).
NOTES
1— POLITICAL CONDITION OF KASHMIR
The political condition of Kashmir was not very different fi-ora
that of the rest of India but there are certain peculiarities which appear
from the RajataranginT and which are worth noticing separately. It is
to be pitied that no inscriptions or copperplate grants have been found
in Kashmir to assist us in this work, notwithstanding the fact that nu-
merous temples were built and Agraharas to Brahmins given by almost
every king and queen and minister. Invaluable contemporaneous records
are thus net available. But the RajataranginT itself is based on many
previous histories and the author says he has consulted grants and in-
scriptions also, as he could probably very easily do, being a government
officer himself. His work, therefore, as we have before obs_rved, is
reliable to a great extent from the Karkota dynasty onwands i. e.
during our period and we give below such information as can be
gathered from it relating to the form of goverment in Kashmir.
The government was of course as usual despotic, the powers of the
king who was anointed by the Brahmins and who sat on a consecrated
throne, being unlimited. His power was thus derived from the religious
ceremony, in other words from God and was attested to by the Brahmins.
These kings belonged to the Kshatriya, Vaisya or Brahmin castes ; but
whatever their original caste they married into royal families of
India and became Kshatriyas for all practical purposes. They were
usually both valiant and learned men. No cowardly or ignorant man
appears in the list of Kashmir kings. They usually dispensed justice
impartially but were tyrannical in their exactions. In their private
life they appear to have been very licentious. In fact it was then be-
lieved that kingly power was granted by God for earthly enjoyment to
one who had in his previous life performed the most torturesome aus-
terities. They,'therefore, in this life went to the opposite extreme and
threw themselves headlong into sexual enjoyment. Even the best Kash-
mir kings appear to have had several nay hundreds of queens, wives
and concubines for carnal pleasure (with probably the single exception
of Anantaraja who was satisfied with one wife only.) This conduct is
singular and is not reflected in the history of other kingdoms. (Perhaps
we have no veracious and outspoken historian like Kalhana
for them). It resembles rather the Mahomedan and Roman practices
than Indian. In the Christian history of the west, however, the beneficial
imfluence of Christianity with its principle of monogamy cannot but be
admired. Copying the conduct of kings, queens whether wives or widows
were often as licencious, but examples of noble women are not wanting.
The wonder is that both ill-behaved and well-behaved queens immolated
234 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
themselves on the funeral pyres of their husbands. Such is the force-
ot custom and the intense power of the human desire for the good
opinion of the world.
The king was assisted in the Hclrainistratlon by ministers appointed
at will who were usually both able as well as unscrupulous. The names of
ministers are somewhat different from those in other countries. There
does not appear to be any chief minister (indeed as in the polity of other
countries in India.). But the minister called Dvaradhipa or master of tne
royal door in Kashmir seams to be the most important person. He was so
to speak thr^ High Chamberlain and had the control of the access to the
king ( VIII 576). Then there was the Kampanadhisa %vhich office cannot
be well understood. He was probably the head of the army (579 ditto),
and there was the Nagaradhlsu or head of the capital city (530), Thero
was also the head of the treasury and the foreign minister Sandhi-
vigrahika is also mentioned ( these two are general names and not
special to Kashmir like the first three). There was again an of&cer of
Ganjas which may ba taken to be markets. Now markets are often
said to be opened by kings, queens and ministers in their names.
These places are places of barter and commerce and the head officer of
them had the revenvie collection of Sayar or custom duties and also the
regulation of trade under him and v/as thus a great power. The king had
over these cfficials absolute power of appointment and dismissal. There
WHS also an Akshapataladhyaksha or chief of land revenue records,
None of these officers was hereditary but sons of ministers usually
became ministers in one or another department.
Very great opprobrium attached to the name of the Kayasthas.
It is not quite clear if this was a separate caste in Kashmir. The
greater ministers were usually Brahmins or Kshatriyas or of families
belonging to the royal caste or clan. But the Kayasthas in Kashmir
appear to include all revenue collection officers. Probably they formed,
a class among themselves. They were always the most willing instru-
ments in the hands of oppressive kings on whom, however, the blame for
oppression must really rest. Those officers and and officers of armies
and the soldiers called Tantris were also very corrupt and Utkocba or
l)ribe is a word that constantly occurs in the KajataraiiginT.
There is one department mentioned in the Rajatarangini which it is
difficult to understand. It is called Karmasthana and its officer was also
an important officer. Periiaps it meant the public works department.
All construction of buildings, temples, mathas etc. must have been in his
charge and as head of a great spending department the officer must have
had splendid opportunities for embezzlement.
The king's darbar was, as in oldest times, the court of justice and
kings are described as most zealously hearing every morning the com-
plaints of Arthis or plaintiffs. The vivadas or cases were inquired into
with the assistance of fixed jurors who are called stheya and sometimes
I— POLITICAL CONDITION OF KASHMIR 235
even these stheyas were partial and just kings by curious artifices found
out the truth. In a case*)f treasure deposited -witli a person one king is
said to have detected misappropriation by the defendent by inspecting
the sealed deposit and finding therein rupees stamped with the name of
kings who had not even come to the throne at the time of the deposit-
This also shows that each king struck coins in his own name when he
came to the throne as in these days. The coins are called Dinnaras
(with a double n}. And these were of gold and silver as well as of copper.
The servants of government were paid so many copper Dinnaras a day, a
couri poet as already stated being described (of course by exaggeration),
as receiving one lakh of Dinnaras every day.
. The king could not have always presided in the court of justice and
there was always a Rajasthaniya or diputy of the king appointed.
(Stein also translates Rajasthaniya by Chief Justice VII 573 ). There
was cigain a Dandanayaka for the state who was probably the chief
police officer with the jails in his charge and thus he was the master
of punishments. Both those officers and of^hers previously mentioned
such as the Dvaradhipati, Ganjadhipa etc. were persons expected to lead
military expeditions and were in fact generals and warriors also. For
the king sent anyone of them according to his pleasure to chastise
rebels. Of course kings usual'y led armies in person on all important
occasions.
The kingdom seems tc have been divided into districts which were
called Rajyas. The Madavarajya and Kramarajya so often mentioned
in the Tarangani were clearly divisicns of Kashmir and their chief
officers were usually king's relatives for they are often called Rajas
also. There were no Tehsils or Pnrganas as are now called below the
Rajya but the usual revenue unit was tlie village. Village officers are
not mentioned, but there must have been the usual ones. The heads of
villages appear to be generally Damaras, a warlike and turbulent race
which required often to be kept in check by severe punishments such as
impalement or sularopana. But they often also supplied peasant
voluntary armies to the king. The revenue of the state must have been
derived in kind.
There were certain other officers called Diviras ; who they were it is
difficult to find. Stein translates Divira by wi*iter or secretary. It may be
stated that these secretaries of the king (Diviras) are mentioned even in
Valabhi grants. Then again the military officers or men called Tantris
and Ekangas are also ununderstandable. These names are not found
elsewhere. Are the Ekangas equivalent of the Ekandas of the Maratha
armies? Or do we recognise in them the Yekangbaj of Ahmednagar
Mahomedan warriors who fought with one weapon only, mentioned by
Fehrista? "They made both offence and defence with the same sword."
The kingdom of Kashmir had a few subordinate feudrstory states
always dependent upon it and these appear to be Lohara, Urasa
and Rajapuri (kingdoms mentioned even by Hiuen Tsang as subject to
Kashmir in 630 A. D.) In the time of Kalasa in 63 (4163 Lauk. = 1087
A. D. ) eight kings came together to pay respects to him and there were
great celebrations. {The minister Vamana is described as having so
successfully made arrangements for their reception and entertainment
that nothing_was left to be desired ). These were Kirtini king of
Abbapura, Asata king of Champa, Kalasa son of Tukka king of
Ballapura, Sangramapala king of Rajapuri. TJtkarsha king
236
THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
of Lohara. _Muu.ia king of Urasa Gamblurasin/ia of Kandesa
and Uttamaraja king of Kashthavata. Th^se appear to be small
kinddoms on the frontier of Kashmir. They had usually marriage
relations with the Kashmir royal families. Where these states Avers
situate we cannot clearly determine.
The sorrounding independent states wereGurjara in the south, Shahi
or Kabul in the west. Turushkain the nor.h and the Darada in the east.
The Daradas (also sometimes spelt Darad) seem to have had constant
■conflicts with the Kashmiris.
Kashmir was always famous for its learned men and the kings
usually were patrons of learning. King Harsha was a great pandit
himself; so also JayapTda. The settlements of: Brahmins were
numerous and had Agraharas or inam villages assigned to them.
These were in fact learned Universities well endowed by kings. The
Xashmir pandits were famous throughout India. Their names have ^
peculiar turnworthy to be mentioned. They always ended in <a. or na. such
as Udbhata, Mammata, Lavata and so on or Salhana, Kalhana, Bilhana
and so on. Kashmir names generally strike us as peculiar in these days,
but they are not of Turkish origin.
II— Chronological list of Kashmir kings 601 A. D.— 1148 A D.
Jst Dynasty { Karkota )
Durlabhavardhan
36 years 601-637 A. D.
I
Durlabhaka
50 years 637-687 A. D.
Chandrapida
8 years
Taraplda MuktapTda
4 years Lalitaditya
36 years 699-735 A. D.
Kuvalayapida
1 year
Vajrapida
7 years
Sangramaplda
7 years
Jayaplda
Vinayaditya
31 years 751-783 A.
Sangramaplda
7 years
(LalitapTda)
I
ChippatajayapTda
Utpalaplda
Ajitapida i
L I
Anangapida '
deposed 855 A. D.
by Avantivarman
Bon of Utpala
Minors ii; the
hands of Ut-
pala mater-
nal uncle
of Chippata.
[I— CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF KASHMIR KINGS 237
2nd Dynasty ( Utpala)
Avantivarman
29 years 855-884 A. 1).
[
Sankarvarraan
18 years 884-902 A. D.
I I.
Gopalavarman Sankatavarman
minor minor
mother Sugandha regent
902-906-914.
Minor kings of a collateral branch like Pangu, Chakravarman
Partha ruled from 915 to 939 A. D. '
3rd Dynasty {Vnadeva)
Yasaskaradeva
8 years 940-94S A. D.
I
Sangramadeva 949
4(h Dynasty (Di' ira)
Parvagupta
8 years 950-958
Kshemagupta — ni. Didda
958-972 grand daughter of Shahls
Abhimanyu 973 d. Regent and.
I for herself
980-1003 d.
Nandigupta Tribhuvana Bhima
975 d. 980 d.
■5t/i Dynasty (Lohara)
1st Branch :2nd Branch
Sangraraaraja Didda's brother's son 1004-1029 A.D, (Malla)
I '
Anantaraja 1059 A. D.
Ucciiala Sussala
Kalasa 1073 A. D. 1111 A. D. 1128 A. D.
I j Jayasinha
Harsha Utkarsha ruling v/henKa;han3
1101 d. 1089 d. wrote in 1148 A. D.
1
Bhoja
killed in battle ^
I
Bhikshu
1130
238 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
III Some notable facts about Kashmir
1. Kashmir is a large valley between two extensive ranges, almost
impassable, of the Himalaya mountains. The river ^'itasta passes
through this valley rind comes out into the plains of the Panjab through
a narrow gorge, at which is placed the principal gateway into Kashmir.
This has enabled Kashmir to shut entrance to it to foreigners, to such
an extent that Kashmir maj' be shut like a castle. And Kashmir has
always, unlike other Indian kingdoms, taken care to shut out foreigners.
We read that the Gauda people who wished to take revenge on
Lalitaditya, obtained entrance to Kashmir only on the pretext that
they were going on a pilgrimage to the Sarada temple. The three or
four minor passages into Kashmir besides this chief one at Varahareula
(modern BaramuUa ) were also always shut ard guarded.
2. The river Vitasta is joined by another river in the centre of the
valley. This river is called Si«dhu ( different from th;» chief Sindhu or
Indus ) and is looked upon as the Ganges of Kashmir and the confluence
of Vitasta and Sindhu is considered sacred like the confluence
of the Ganges and the Jumna at Prayaga. In fact f%T^?TrilT^'}?r^^ is a
great TIrtha in Kashmir and is also called Prayaga. Near this Tirtha
Lalitaditya founded his city Parihasapura ( no longtr existing). The
third important river of Kashmir is called the Krishna ■ modern Kishen-
ganga ) which joins the Vitasta lower down at the end of the valley.
3. Srihagar'the capital is an ancient town. An older city exists
said to be founded by Asoka. The modern city was founded by Pravara-
sena about 553 A- D. at the latest ( some years before Hiuen Tsang's
visit in 630 ) and was also called Pravarapura. It is situated upon the
Vitasta higher up than Parihasapura and is laid on both banks of the
river, there baing many bridges of boats for communicatior.
4. The chief product of the valley besides saf'ron ( called Kashmir
in Sanskrit for this reason ) is rice. In ancient times nee was also the
chief article of barter. Government due was of cnurso paid in kind
and hence there was a large quantity of rice collected for government
and government gave rice naturally to its servants as pay. Cnher people
also usually gave rice in payment for services ; nd in exchange for
other things purchased. This state of thin^^s m,.y remind any old
inhabitant of Konkan of what happened there before 'he advent of the
British. Kashmir was in fact a counterpart of K' -in this respect,
5. In another respect also Kashmir resemble The people
whether higher or lower subsist on rice and hence intelligent.
The lower people in both are aboriginal and m fhe higher
viz. the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas and the Kayast an and are
found in both The Brahmins are equally orth ligious in
both. The Kashmiris "have overspread Northe iMiui mid equally
the Konkan Brahmins Southern. Strangely "igh iu Northern
Ill— SOME NOTABLE FACTS ABOUT KASHMIR 239
India the title of Pandit is even nov ^ivon only to Kashmir Brahmins
and Konkan (and other M^ratha) Brahmins, testifying to the reputa-
tion of both as learned men.
6. Kashmir coin was Dinnara. It is the Roman coin Denaris. It ori-
ginally must have been the Indo Scythian coin. There were however gold'
silver and copper Dinnaras. The wordwas the same for all and itappears
even that the lowest value was also called Dinnara. European scholars
whose indefatiguable labours cannot but be always acknowledged have
collected many coins of Kashmir kings and tested their metal and weight.
The incredible number of coins mentioned by Kalhana as the daily pay
of poets like Udbhata or princes like Rudrapala are well explained by
Stein. It appears that the Kashmirians devised lowest divisions of value
c'.nd introduced a system of counting Dv hundreds and thousands. The
modern words still current in Kashmir viz: Pachisa, Hatha and Sisnu
are evidently 25 ( sk. Panchavimsati ) 100 { sk. Sata ) and 1000 ( sk-
Saliasra). Thus the credit ol first introducing a decimal notation in
coins belongs to intellegent Kashmir. In this way though rice often may
in actuality be given in pay, the amount could be expressed in thousands
of the lowest coin value.
7, The number of villages in Kashmir is given by Stein as 66,063.
Every country in ancient India had traditionally a fixed number of
villages; e. g. the three Maharashtras had 99000. The number for
Kashmir looking to its extent seems exaggerated. But we may state here
that this traditional number is also given by the Skanda Purana in
which in Chapter 39 Maheshvara Khanda, the names of countries with
their numbers of villages is given. Therein the number for Kashmir is
given as 66000. All towns etc. are included in these and perhaps towns
must have been counted as more than one village.
a. We have said the Kashmiris resemble the Konkanasthas and their
countries also resemble as they both produce rice. But in two respects
the two people differ. The Kashmiris are eaters of flesh from ancient
times and have not given up flesh-eating even now. The Konkanasthas
appear to have been vegetarians from ancient days. The former ag^in
usually wear the beard but the latter do not. Beards in Kashmir are
ancient and pre-Mahomedan as we have already seen from Kalhana's
description of Brahmins collected for the election of a king.
IV. Chronology of the karkota dynasty.
Stein divides Kashmir history by Kalhana into three portions : I
history of legendary kings down to Karkota dynasty. II. history
of this dynasty and III history of later dynasties. The chronology of
ilie first is distorted and unreliable while that of the last two given
by Kalhana is correct. The chronology, however, of the Karkota
dynasty though generally reliable requires a correction of 25 years
according to Stein and others. This opinion has been propounded by
240 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
scholars on a comparison with dates in Chinese history which contain
references to Kashmir kings. Tlius Chandraplda is assigned by Kal-
hana to 686 — 695 A. D. But Chinese history sjys that Chandraplda
sent an embassy in 713 A. D. to China and was recognised as king by
China in 720 A. D. Then agaii. Lalitaditya Muktapida who according
to Kalhana ruled from 699 to 735 sent an embassy to China after 736-7
( Stein Vol. I p. 67 ). There seems to be a reference also to the first
king Durlabha ( 602-635 ) as Dulope is said in Chinese history to have
been asked to give safe conduct to Kipisi ( Kabul ) envoys between
627-649. Lastly a poet, Ratnakara, wrote during the reign of " the
young Brihaspati last king of the Karkotakas ; but he is also said by
Kalhana himself to be a poet in the court of the next king Avantivarman
who ruled correctly enough from -855 to 883 A. D. How can Brihaspati's
date be 814, scholars ask, as assigned by Kalhana to his death?
Such are the arguments on which Stein and other European scholars
bring Kalhana's dates for Karkotakas down by 25 years. These corrected
dates are of course followed by Sir V. Smith, who has accordingly
placed the conquest of Kanouj by Lalitaditya after 736 A. D. ( also on
other authorities of Chinese historians ).
But we have followed Kalhana'sdatesand not these in our summary
of ;^ashmir history given here. For the dates of Kalhana are supported
by the Chacha-nama wherein the conquests of Lalitaditya are dated
before the Mahomedan conquest of Sind in 712 A. D. as we have stated
here. We may, therefore, accept Kalhana -.supported by the foreign
Arabs as against the Chinese who were always impressed by their own
greatness. They even represent Lalitaditya to l.e a subordinate king of
the Chinese emperors which is absurd. The difficulties pointed out
above are not insuperable. Durlabhaka was the name of the first king's
son and successor and the Chinese dates 636 to 649 may refer to his
reign. Chandrapida and Muktapida may have been moved 25 years
later by Chinese historians to suit their history; and lastly Ratnakara
may have written his poem Haravijaya in his youth under Brihaspati
alias ChippataJayapida in 813 A.D. and yet may have been a court-poet of
Avantivarman in 855. This instance of an active life ofSOyearsis not at all
strange nor is a life of 80 or £0 years in Kashmir an absurdiiy. Ratna-
kara may be 30 years old in 813 and 70 or 80 years old in 855-GO under
Avantivarman.
V— Exactions of s'ankaravarman (883-902 A. D.)
We have already stated that the exactions of this king were most
oppressive and that they will be noticed separately. They are described
by Kalhana in V. 167-183. The translation of the slokas concerned is as
follows (Stein Vol. II page 298-9).
107 — This robber of the temples possessed in villages and other pro-
perty two new officers called Attapatibhaga (share of the lord of the
market) and Grihakritya (domestic affairs).
V— THE EXACTIONS OF SAN KARAVARMAN 24L
168 — He took from the temples the profits arising from the sale of
incense, sandal- wood, and other articles of worship under the pretext
that they were the king's legal share of the price.
169 — Then again he plundered straightway 6-i temples through
special officers placed under pretence of supervision.
170 — The king resumed the villages belonging to the temples against
compensatory assignments (pratikara) and then cultivated the land him-
self as if he was an agriculturist.
171 — He reduced the weight in the scales by one-third and still
made out that he gave more to tho temple corporation (parishad) than
the due annual allowance, pretending that the deductions were due to
food- supply, price of woolen clothes and the like.
172 — When he was in another region he fined those villagers who
did not come and carry their loads for one year by the value of the load
according to higher prices.
173^In the next year he fined without any fault all villagers in the
respective villages by the value of the load according to the same
calculation. •
174 — Thus he introduced that well-known system of forced carri-
age of loads which is the -harbinger of misery for the villagers and
which is of thirteen kinds.
175 — By levying contributions for the monthly pay of the skandha
kas, village clerks (gramakayasthas) and the like and by other exac-
tions he drove the villagers into poverty.
176 — Thus by deducting or adding to the weights, by fines on the
villagers and similar imposts, he amassed revenue for Grihakritya.
177 — He appointed in this special office five secretaries (divira)
and the sixth the treasurer (Ganjavara Sakana who was also called
Lavata ?)
178— Thus this foolish ruler accepted hell for himself in order to-
benefit by his acts future kings or functionaries.
The above description will give an idea of the many imposts intro-
duced by Sankaravarman. The Rudhabharodhi or begar of villages has,
Stein says, remained to this day. The ways of plundering temples and
villagers are, however, usually the same with all rapacious kingsin India.
31
CHAPTER VII
THE MAITRAKAS OF VALABHl
( Before taking up the history of the Panjab, Rajputana and Mid-
India which constitute India par excellence, we shall first relate the
history of the surrounding kingdoms and first those in the west which
are of importance. These are of course Valabhi and Broach mentioned
by Hieun Tsang. For the history of Valabhi we have only inscriptional
records to rely upon, in fact copperplate grants only ; but these
are numerous enough and they supply very valuable information
which has already been collated and given at length in thk Bombay
Gazetteer Volume on Gujarat. We shall rely mostly on this and give
the history of Valabhi or Eastern Saurashtra. The only question in
dispute is about the origin of this dynasty and we shall have to insist
upon our own opinion in contradiction to the almost unanimous voice of
Western antiquarian scholars supported by that of many. Indian).
The kingdom of Valabhi was situated in Eastern
Kathiawar or ancient Saurashtra. The old town of Valabhi
has been discovered recently, a few miles to the north-
west of Bhavnagar. The kingdom, though small, was im-
portant enough to be visited by Hiuen Tsang in 640 A. D.
Nov. 1. (see itinery in Cunningham). He states two facts
in connection with it viz. that the king was a Kshatriya
his name being Dhruvasena, and that he was son-in-law
to Harsha the Emperor of India and king of Kanauj-
These particulars tally well with what we find in the inscrip-
tions and copper-plate grants themselves; as also with the
tradition about the origin of the Valabhi kings as current
amongtheSesodiasofUdepur who trace their origin to them
and who are by common consent of India, considered to
be the best and most ancient Kshatriyas being the direct
descendants of Rama of the premier solar race of Ayodhya.
Now European Scholars impelled by a strange bias
have tried latterly to show that the Valabhi
kings belonged to the Gujar race and were therefoie
foreigners who are alleged to have come with the Huns in
about 500 A. D. and founded this kingdon on the
THE MAITRAKAS OF VALABHI 243
rains of the Gupta empire. But there are no grounds
whatever for this strange opinion. The Valabhi grants
usually begin with the words ^quoted below which show that
Valabhi kings were descended from one Batarka of the Mait-
raka family. Now what is meant by the word Maitraka ?
Western scholars seem to say that Mitra is the sun and
therefore is equivalent of Mihira and therefore Maitrakas
were Mihiras 1 ! ! A strange theory indeed. The simple
explanation is that Maitraka was the name of the family
like Maukhari, Chalukya etc. and that it must be left un-
translated, and no conjectures should be hazarded about its
meaning. But if any are to be made, why not say that Maitra-
ka means Mitra-born or solar? It would be best, however, to
leave these scholars to their biassed opinions and to explain
our theory. The Valabhi kings were certainly known to be
the best Kshatriyas in Harsha's time i. e. about 620 A. D.
Hiuen Tsang calls him straightly so while he distinctly
declares that Harsha was a Vaisya. That he was of the
best family of Kshatriyas may be believed in from the fact
that Harsha gave him his only daughter in marriage. We
have already seen that Kshatriyas in those days married
Vaisya girls especially if they were daughters of kings.
It must have been an ambition with Vaisya kings to
give their daughters to the best Kshatriya princes in mar-
riage. We have seen how Rajyasri, Harsha's sister, was
for this reason given to Grahavarman Maukari of Kanauj.
We have already quoted Bana's words in this connection^
"Wise men look for noble descent only in the bride-groom
among his other qualifications." We may, therefore, well be-
lieve that Harsha gave his daughter to Dhruvasena be-
cause in his days (in the 7th century) Valabhi kings were
looked upon as best Kshatriyas. It seems also perfectly
certain that kingly families in the days of Harsha sought
to assign themselves to the ancient solar or lunar races
•mH^T>=ST?frMdl'+"|(j[ ( Epi. Ind. VIII p. 190.)
244 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
described in the Puranas and the Mahabharata. We have-
quoted Bana's evidence on this point also. "Show me if
you find such a resplendent kinp: (like Harsha) in your
vaunted solar and lunar lines." It is clear, therefore, that
the belief that certain families of Kshatriyas were solar
and certain others lunar in decent is as •)ld as Bana and
Harsha of 620 A. D. It is on the other hand impt)ssible to
believe that foreigners or mlechhas who came to India
about 500 A. D. could have, within a hundred years, so
palmed themselves off upon the people as to be looked
upon as the best Kshatriyas in India. Powerful kings in
India like Pratapavardhana and others were very careful to>
prevent mixture of Varnas and such an event was therefore,
impossible. They might have succeeded in getting into
Kshatriya fold with Kshatriya names. But as Hindu so-
ciety always did, they would be looked upon as one more
branch of Vratya Kshatriyas added to the hundred and one-
Kshatriya sub-castes guarded by marriage restriction.
Nor does the history of Valabhi kings as given by tra-
dition seem inconsistent with the natural course of events
and require a conque.st by fcjreigners. Their tradition is
that one Kanakasena of the solar family from Ayodhya
came first to Lohak.)t which need not be Lahore, and from
thence to Birnagar in Saurastra. There he took posses-
sion of it from a local prince in A. D. 144, Four genera-
tions later, Vijayasena founded Vijayapur (now Dholka)
and subsequently the family founded Valabhipur (Todd).
Now this tradition does not contradict known history or
the inscriptions. Kshatriya adventurers were always ready
to go where they could found a kingdom and Kanakasena
might have found opportunity to become a Thakur under
the Saka kings of Kathiawar of A. D. 144. Later on when
the Guptas conquered the country the Senas might have
been the sub-lords of the Guptas. Now Bhatarka is styled
Senapati in early copperplates. He was probably a gene-
ral of the Gupta forces in Saurashtra and must have fought
their battles witli invaders either in Saurashtra or in the
Panjab and elsewhere. When the Gupta empire fell, he
THE MAITRAKAS OF VALABHI 245
must have become independent in his own small state of
Valabhi, still preserving the title Henapati as one of
honour- Such things have constantly happened in Indian
history from the most ancient times to the modern. When
empires fall, the governors of provinces become indepen-
dent and still preserve their former titles of honour.witness
the Vazier of Oudh or the Nizam of the Deccan. These
titles are of those offices which they actually filled under
the Moghals, and when they became independent they still
kept them as honourable ones. This will suffice to explain
the title Senapati, and others taken by Bhatarka of the
Maitraka family. (The word Maitrakanam had wrongly
been interpreted previously as applying to his enemies. It
has been rightly now explained as belonging to Bhatarka;
but it is indicative of his family and as we have shown
above it does not make him a meher. ) The epithet st^^tR-
Jfk^';JcT^'^-=f^rcFRT^^^'ft shows that Bhatarka was born in a
kingly family and had many TCshatriya followers who were
servants of the state for many generations. This proves
that it was not Bhatarka who first rose to royal dignity.*
Having thus dispelled the clouds that have gathered
about Bhatarka's family and race, we proceed to sketch
in short the history of the family onwards which
can be gathered from the inscriptions in a continuous
stream down to about the middle of the 8th century. This
history is undisputed and we copy it from the Bombay
* It is curious to nole th'at this theory of ours turns out to be not a new one and tha*
it was propounded years ago by Major Watson and accepted by Cunningham. It seems
that it has been left out in later histories in conscQuence of the new theory started
that the Valabhi kings were Gujars by race This is what Cunningham writes in Arch
S. R. Vol. XIX Central Provinces p. 28 "1 am willing to accept Major Watson's traditonal
account that he (Senapati Bhat^rta) was the governor of Surashtra under Skandagupta
As his son Dharasena takes only the same siirple title I conclude he remained tributary
to Budhagupta. His second son however not only bears the title Maharaja but records
that he was installed by the king of the whole world. As I have pointed out, this was
probably the last act of supreme soyereignty performed by Budhagupta" " The coins
.■which I now notice also confirm the same state of things. No. 23 Rev. Legend in
modified Gupta character " MahSrSjno Mahikshatra parama Samanta Maha Sri Bhatta-
rakasa" One of Mr Newtons coins and several of myjown read " Rajno Mahakshatra,
ParamSditya Rajno Samanta Mahasri Ehattarakasa, No. 24 Rev. Legend in modified
GUPta character "MahSrajno, Mahakshatra Samanta Mahesha Paramaditya Dhara
senasa" The word Mahakshatra on these coins distinctly proves that theee Senas prided
rthemselves on being true Ksbatriyas,
246 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Gazetteer Gujarat Volume. It may be added that the Valabhi
copperplate grants use invariably the Gupta era, so much
so, that it has come to be called also the Valabhi era (see-
Alberuni ). They were originally subjects of the Guptas
or they use this era because it was then prevalent in
Saurashtra. Secondly the seal of all these grants is the
same, viz. a bull with the legend under it Sri Bhatarka
( in Prakrit ) showing that the family never lost its respect
for its founder Bhatarka.
No copperplate comes from his time but we have one
from his son Dhruvasena. Bhatarka is therein styled
Senapati. He had four sons who seem to have succes-
sively ruled viz. 1 Dharasena. 2*Dronasinha 3 Dhruvasena
and 5 Dharapatta. Dharasena is called Senapati like his
father, and Dronasinha is styled Maharaja '" invested with
royal authority by the great Lord of the whole world. "
The Gazetteer looks upon this as ambiguous but this is plain
enough as it shows that the kingship was formally acknow-
ledged by the declining Gupta Emperors, The Valabhi
family appears during the first reigns to have also recog.
nised the Guptas as their overlords, and when that line
was extinct then only they styled themselves Maharajadhi-
raja. They till then also took the title of Mahasamanta
as Dhruvasena's grants still declare. Dharasena probably
ruled from 526 A. D. to 535 A. D. His two brothers ruled
before him and probably Dharapatta younger brother ruled
after him. Guhasena a son of the last, ( 539-569 A. D. )
has left three copperplate grants and an inscription. He
seems to have become the first independent sovereign and
later grants mention his name first after Bhatarka Indeed
we find the last Gupta Emperor Kumaragupta II ruled
about 535 A. D. V. S. E. H. p. 312. Guhasena is also called
Gohila and according to Rajput fashion his descendents in
collateral branches called themselves Gehlots ( Gohila**^
putra, Prakrit Gehlot ).
Guhasena was succeeded by his son Dhruvasena II.
Five of his grants have been found. In two he is called
Mahasamanta; this may be by habit or the Gupta Empire;
THE MAITRAKAS OF VALABHI 247
still survived in a moribund condition like the Mogul empire.
He may be supposed to have ruled from 569 to 589 A. D^
He was succeeded by hi< son Siladitya I. His grants
have also been found. He is as usual Parama Mahesvara or
great devotee of Siva though he gives donations to Buddhists
also. He may be placed between 590 and 609. A. D.
He was succeeded by his brother Kharagraha ( 610-615 )
He has left no grants. He was succeeded by his son.
Dharasena III ( 615-620 ). His successor was his brother
Dhruvasena (620-640). He is the famous son-in-law of
Harsha who accompanied him on his many expedi-
tions and was present at his great alms-giving ceremony
at Prayaga as described by Hiuen Tsang. Hiuen Tsang-^
gives his name as Dhruvapotta which is the same as
Dhruvabhata. From a Broach grant it appears that this
king had been defeated by Harsha and had sought refuge
with the Broach king Dadda. This must have been before
his marriage. ( He may have refused to marry Harsha's
daughter but in Rajput fashion consented after defeat ),
He was latterly entirely Buddhist perhaps for his father-
in-law's sake.
He was succeeded by his son Dharasena IV " perhaps
the most powerful of the Valabhi kings." His copperplate
grant dated Gupta 330 or 649 A. D. shows that he assumed
even the title of Chakravarti alongwith other high sound-
ing titles. This may be a reality for his successors omit
this title for themselves and use only Maharajadhiraja. It
was during the reign of this king that Bhatti composed
his Bhattikavya at Valabhi as is stated at the end <of
the poem.
Dharasena IV had no son and therefore a son of a
collateral and chief of some district in Khaira near the
Vindhya mountains succeeded him as Dhruvasena III
( 650-656 ). A copperplate grant of his has been found
recording the grant of Pedhapadrain Vanthali (the modern
248 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Vanthali in Navanagar). He was succeeded by his elder
brother Kharagvaha who has also left one grant. He was
succeeded by his son Siladitya III (666-675). His titles
are Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja and Paramesa
which are now always taken by his successors as also
the name Siladitya which is henceforth like Vallabha of
the Chalukyas the nick-name of the Valabhi kings. We
have thus in succession Siladitya IV and V and VI and
VII the last being also called Dhruvabhata. One grant of
his dated 766 A. D. has been found.
The story of the destruction of Valabhi which pro-
bably occurred during this king's reign is told by Alberuni.
Ranka a disaffected subject of Valabhi called the Arabs of
Mansura, the new capital of Sind founded byMahamadKa-
sim's son (now not in existence). They sailed in ships down
the Indus and came by sea suddenly into the estuary of
Bhavnagar and made a night attack on Valabhi whicb
was not then far from the head of the estuary. The town
was sacked and destroyed. The king was killed and the
population dispersed. Thus was the usual cause viz.
treachery, responsible for the destruction of a flourishing
kingdom. Valabhi town continued for some centuries
more, in a dilapidated condition and is mentioned by Arab
writers of the 10th century even. But the kingdom no
longer existed and the town too disappeared finally, to be
discovered quite recently in ruins near Bhavnagar which
in modern history has taken the place of Valabhi.
Thus the Valabhi dynasty lasted from about 509 to 775
A. ©. in which year this event is usually placed. For 275
years thus, Northern Gujarat and Eastern Kathiawar were
in a prosperous arid happy condition. This was due both
to the people and the ruling dynasty. The people of Guja-
rat appear to have been then as now peaceful, industrious
and thrifty. The kings appear to have been simple, straight-
forward and unavaricious. They Lried to please the people
THE MAITRAKAS OF VALABHI 249
as a king ought to do (see ranjanad raja ofKalidasaand the
grant quoted at the end, of these Valabhi kings.) The adminis-
tration seems to have been most orderly and systematic.
We have already noted the names of officers which appear
from the grants of these kings viz. Ayuktaka, Dranghika,
( Dranga-town), Mahattara, Chatabhata (Policeman), Dhruva
(hereditary accountant of the village, a name still current
in Gujarat), Adhikaranika (Judicial officer), Dandapasika
Chaurodharanika, Eajasthaniya, Amatya, Shaulkika (toll
officer),Bhogika (revenue collector),Vartmapal a, Pratisaraka,
Vishayapati (Mamlatdar), Rashtrapati and so on. (Bombay
Gazetteer Gujarat p. 182). The land was fully cultivated,
every field being measured and named. The collection of
revenue was in kind and called Bhoga as everywhere else
a word still surviving in Gujarat. The kings have signed
the grants with their own hand being usually learned men.
And the kings do not appear to have been licentious or
oppressive as in Kashmir. In fact it njay be said that
they were not unmindful of their duties as descendants of
Rama, the ideal good king of ancient India.
The extent of the dominion of Valabhi was not wide.
It included, however, a great part of Kathiawar and of
Gujarat, Kaira district and some portion of Western Malwa
also, as is apparent from some of their grants. The small-
ness of the kingdom may explain to someextent why Vala-
hbi fell so easily before the Arabs. Of course the immediate
explanation is the treachery of Ranka. But we may also
add a third explanation viz. the unwarlike character of the
people and even the rulers which must have resulted from
the wide spread of the Buddhistic principles, chiefly the
principle of Ahimsa of which Gujarat is even now the
stronghold. Gujarat appears to have imbibed this principle
during the rule of many kings including the Siladitya of
Molapo described by Hiuen Tsang.
250
THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Ge^tealogy of the Valabhi dynasty
(A. D. 509-76 G)
Bhatarka
Dharascna I Drooasinh Dhruvasena I Dhruvapatta
grant 526 A. D. |
found. Guhasena
(grants 559-65-67 A. D.)
Dharasena II
(grants 581-88-89 A, D.)
Siladitya I
(grants 605-609 A. D.)
Kharagraha I
Derabhata Dharasealll
Kharagraha
(grant 656)
Siladitya II
I
Siladitya III
(grant 671)
Siladitya IV (grant 691-98)
Siladitya V (grant 722)
i
Siladitya VI (grant 760)
I
Siladitya VII (grant 766)
Dhruvasena II
son-in-law of
~" p Harsha
Dhruvasena III (grant 629)
(grant 651 AD. |
Dharasena IV
(grants 615-649 A. D.)
( Bombay G^nzettcer Gujarat p. 93. )
CHAPTER VIII
THE GURJARS OF BROACH
(For this history we have the evidence of copperplate grants of
this dynasty found and the history is vsrell collected in the Gujarat
Gazetteer. We may also take the help of other inscriptions and Puranas
specially Skanda Parana ).
Valabhi may practically be looked upon as Saurashtra,
or modern Kathiawar while Broach may be looked upon as
modern Gujarat. The grants of the Gurjara kingdom of
Broach disclose that there were six kings of this family
with authentic dates as given in the margin. They seem
Dadi A D 580 ^° have ruled in Broach and
Jayabhata I 605 Nandipur ( modern Nandori in
Dada II 63"3 the Rajpipla state) from the
Jayabhata II 655 middle of the sixth century
Dada III 680 ^.^ ^^^ n^iddle of the 8th. They
Jayabhata III 706-734. ,, ^, , ^, . , .
call themselves Gurjara and m
the last two kings* grants they claim to be descended
from one Maharaja Kama. It does not appear who this
Kama is. Most take it to be, the Kama of the Mahabharata.
But this does not seem correct, for Kama would never be
called Maharaja and Kama was only a Suta or mixed
breed and not a Kshatriya. If a false genealogical descent
is to be concocted why should a bastard Kshatriya be
chosen? Kama seems to be some lamous king of the
Gurjaras themselves whose history has been lost to us.
How the Gurjaras came so far south it is difficult to know
but they must have come from Bhinmal which according
to Hiuen Tsang was the Gurjara kingdom pre-eminently
so called in his days. The kings of Broach call themselves
in their grants Samantas and not fully independent kings.
They must have been dependent upon the Gurjaras of Bhin-
mal as no other kingdom can be assigned as their overlord.
Gujarat is a border state between north and south; it
is in fact a meeting ground for both. The Gurjaras thera-
"252 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
selves are admittedly northern people ; but the Gurjaras
of Broach use in their grants the Traikutaka otherwise
called the Kalachuri era ( starting point 249 A. D. ) Their
grants are also written in the Oujarati style of the south-
•ern Indian character while the royal signature at the
•end is northern (Bombay Gaz. Gujarat p. 114 ), thus show-
ing that while the kings were northerners the people were
southerners. It is clear that the rule previous to that of
the Gurjaras was that of the Traikutakas who claimed to
be Haihayas by descent and whose capital Trikuta not
yet well identified is mentioned even in the Raraayana and
in Kalidasa's Raghuvansa.
We may note here that Gujarat may be divided into
three parts ( the chief rivers of modern Gujarat being the
Tapi, the Nerbudda, the Mahi and the Sabarmati in their
later courses as they join the sea ). South Gujarat may be
taken to extend upto the Nerbudda; middle Gujarat upto the
Mahi and north Gujarat beyond the Mahi. In ancient
times south Gujarat was first called Paranta as we see in
the Mahabharata and thereafter Lata, as we see in
many grants and in Varahamihira. Middle Gujarat was
called Anarta, This name has disappeared finally. It
was first substituted by Bharukachha while northern
Gujarat is called Anandapura by Hiuen Tsang. Now
south and mid die Gujarat were formerly under the Traiku-
takas who came from the Deccan and hence they gave
their characters and their era to the grants of the Broach
Gurjaras. These latter sometimes held sway over south
Gujarat also; but the Chalukyas of the Deccan soon
conquered this part and established at Navasari a Gujarat
Chalukya branch. A copperplate grant of these Chalu-
kyas ( also using the Traikutaka era ) is very important.
It shows that the Arabs having conquered Sind in 712 A-
D. made several attempts, as may be expected, to conquer
the adjoining kingdoms in succession. And one
attempt of this kind was frustrated in a hard fought battle
by these Chalukyas near Navasari. This grant of the
■Gujarat Chalukya branch of Pulakeshin date A. D. 739
THE GURJARS OF BROACH 253-
(Tr. 390 ) is interesting for the general history of India.*
The Arabs were called Tajikas by the Indians. They are
said in this grant to have assailed Sind, Kachhella, Saura-
shtra ( Valabhi ) Chavotaka ;and Maurya ( to bo noticed
hereafter ) and Gurjara and then come to Navasari country
" with the object of attacking the Deccan through it and
conquering all the Deccan kings." We have here the king-
doms existing in 738. A, D. between Sind and Navasari.
Gujarat in this grant represents very probably the king-
dom of Broach including; that of the Gurjaras of the north.
Middle Gujarat was generally subject to the Broach line
of Dadda though parts were sometimes under Valabhi;
but Anandapura and Kachha even were in the time of
Hiuen Tsang under Malwa. The rule of the Gurjaras
lasted, as we have said, about 200 years and the Broach line
disappeared, like Valabhi, somewhere about the middle
of the 8th century; how we have no mention yet in his-
torical records. It was certainly not destroyed by the
Arabs. It may have been destroyed by the Chalukyas or
by the Chavotakas. It is, however, a mere guess and we
find the Gurjara kingdom of Broach finally disappear,
leaving its name ineffaceably attached to the country.
The names of countries are sometimes inexplicable.
England is called after the Angles, though they are an
insignificant part of its people, the Britons, the Saxons, tne
Normans, the Danes being all ignored. India is known
now by all its inhabitants as Hindustan and yet this name
is not the one which the people gave it. It is a name given
by foreigners. The people themselves called it originally
Bharata Khanda a name now not used or only rarely used.
Panjab again is a foreign name, the original name
being Panchanada which remains now only in the
Vedas and the Mahabharata. So it seems that Gujarat
is a name given by foreigners and then adopted by the
people as Gurjaratra. But the Gurjaras have left nothing in
etc. ( Bombay Gaz. Guj. p. )
254 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Gujarat. The ccmmon people are not Gurjara by descent,
being totally different in character and features from the
Gurjaras of the north. The Brahmins are not Gurjaras.
The Nagars are not Gurjaras, though antiquarians tell
them that they are Gurjaras and foreigners. The Bhar-
gavas are also not Gurjaras, nor are the Audichyas
Gurjaras for they are declared late-comers and northerners.
The Gujarat Brahmins both Nagars and Bhargavas are
treated as southern Brahmins by themselves. The Ksha-
triyas too of Gujarat are Dot Gurjaras. Neither the Valas
nor Chavadas, neither Guhelots nor Jadejas, neither Solan-
khis nor Chudasamas call themselves, or believe
that they are, Gurjaras. Of course Indian savants call all
these people Gurjaras and foreigners in spite of their
repudiation, their traditions and history. But their own
traditions, as we shall show hereafter, are correct and
historical. In fine neither the Kshatriyas nor the Brah-
mins are or believe themselves to be of Gurjara origin;
nor are the common people Gurjaras by ethnology or history.
And yet this country has received the name of Gujarat
simply because a Gurjara dynasty which in its grants
declared itself to be Gurjaras ruled in this part of the
country for 200 years from about 550 to 720 A. D. They
have left their name supplanting older names viz : Anarta
and Lata. Their administration seems to have been
successful and their rule happy like that of the Valabhis.
In fact the very circumstance that there are no details in
their history to be recorded shows the happy uneventful
character of their rule and hence perhaps the continuous
remembrance of their rule as enshrined in the name of
the country.
But Gurjaras have probably also left their language
impressed on the people and hence their name. The
language is undoubtedly northern, Gujarati being more
akin to Sauraseni than to Maharashtri. Yet originally
the Maharashtri language seems to have been once predo-
minent in Gujarat. Under the Traikutaka rule that lan-
guage must have impressed itself on the people ; the
THE GURJAR6 OF BROACH / 255
written characters and the era were certainly theirs. In
Kathiawar and in Gujarat the Jains used the Maharashtri
for their srcred writings and they stiil use it. This fact
can only be explained by believing that the language of
the common people was then Maharashtri or some form
akin to it. Or the Deccan Jainas seem in- centuries older
than the sixth to be the chief and prominent Jains in
India and Gujarat may have got its Jainism from them
and therefore taken up Maharashtri for their sacred
literature. Whatever the reason may be, the sacred
writings of the Jains are in Maharashtri as those of the
Buddhists are in Pali. We will leave this question of the
ancient language of Gujarat unsolved and merely observe
that the modern Gujerati must have been formed from a
language used by the Gurjara kings, brought from the
north and hence it is akin to the Sauraseni. The name
and the language C)f Gujarat thus date from the 8th cen-
tury A. D. though this is a point which is disputed b\
many Gujarati scholars.
The Gurjaras appear to be worshippers of the sun
from their grants. This is not strange- There was a
temple of the sun in Bhinmal also But this worship of
the sun need not indicate the foregin origin of the Gur-
jaras. In fact sun-worship in India is as old as the Vedas
and the most sacred prayer of the Brahmins, the Gayatri,
is addressed to the sun. In later times the worship of
Siva and Vishnu no doubt became predominant, but sun-
worship was never entirely supplanted. As early as
400 B. C. Ktesias mentions that there was a place fifteen
days' journey from mount Abu where the people worshipped
the sun and the moon. ( This place must apparently be
somewhere in Marwar. Bombay Gaz. Guj. p. 532). Thus we
have a mention of sun-worship even before there was any
conquest of India by Persians. The temple of the sun in
Marwar probably at Bhinmal we may thus look upon as
very old. (The worship of the moon atPrabhasa is also very
old). Kings, therefore, are often described to be great wor-
shipers of the sun, and such kings are found in the Var-
256 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
dhana family at Thaaesarand the Valabhi family inKathia-
war. Sometimes this family worship is changed in indivi-
dual kings and some are hence dascribed as Mahesvaras
or Bhagavatas. Sun-worship is even now recognised as
a part of the orthodox worship in the Panchayatana.
That the Magas were specially respected appears simply
due to the fact that they were worshippers of the sun only
and in a peculiar way and hence they have gained an access
to and a position in the Hindu society. But this does not
indicate that every sun-worshipper in India is a Maga or
foreigner from Persia. The Gurjaras were, as we have
shown before, the ancient Aryans of the second horde of
invaders i.e. of the moon race and were mostly Vaisyas i.e.
those whose avocation was agriculture and cow-breeding
the Kiishi and Gorakshya of the Gita. How they moved
from the Panjab their original home to Bhinmal we shall
discuss when speaking of that country.
In the Skanda Purana ( which we assign to the 8th
century A. D. ) three or four famous holy places in Gujarat
and Kathiawar are mentioned and there-in many ingenious
and imaginary stories about the origin of Tirthas are given.
We shall notice them in our next volume. But we may say
thatBharukachha on theNerbudda(the hermitage of Bhrrigu)
the Mahi-Sagara-Sangama, and Kumari Tritha at Stambha
pura ( Khambayat in Gujarati and Cambay in English ),
Anandpura of the Nagara Brahmins and Prabhasa near the
confluence of the (supposed) Sarasvati with the sea, with
the temple of Somanatha or the lord of the moon were
very famous in those days and highly venerated.
It would be interesting to close this chapter with the
mention of the maritime trade carried on at the important
seaports of Gujarat viz. Broach, Cambay and Prabhasa
( as noticed by the Gazetteer ) even from the most ancient
times. The Periplus mentions the following exports and
imports of Broach; imports: — wine, bronze, tin and lead,
coral and gold stone, cloth of all sorts, variegated sashes,
storax, sweet clover, gum, stibium for the eyes, gold and
silver coins and unguents; for the kings specially, musical
THE GURJARS OF BROACH 257
instruments, handsome girls for the harem (Yavanis), high
class wine and apparel. The export;- of Barygaza were
spikenard, costus, odalbium, ivory, onyxes, porcelain,
cotton, silk, silk thread, long peppar (chillies) and other
wares. This was in about 100 A. D. Let us compare with
this what the Arabs say in the 8th century. Gold and
silver mines are said to be worked in Gujarat. In spite of
India's having plenty of gold anc even silver, coins were
formerly imported because of their good appearance. For
Dinaras were used in Gujarat, a name which is not Indian.
Then again teak wood and bambv)o of Sindan ( Sanjan )
were largely exported. Broach lance shafts were famous
and prized abroad as also shoes of Cambay ( still famous ).
Emeralds were also exported. (Formerly Yavanis were
imported and now Tafan fair girls were exported for the
Arab chiefs, a strange vicissitude.) Import of horses must
lastly be noticed. They came from Persia and Arabia. Of
course, Broach cotton and cottons were famous still as in
the days of the Mahabharata and must have been exported
though cloth of other sorts is mentioned among the
imported articles.
33
C'HAl'TlvK IX
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI
( For this history we have excellent materials viz. copperplate
grants and inscriptions and this history has already been' compiled by
Dr. Bhandarkar. We have added certain observations of our own
drawn from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana and from a study of
t.he inscriptions themselves in the original)
The chief kingdoms in the south noticed and visited
by Hiuen Tsang were Maharashtra, Kanchi, and Konkana,
the first having, however, subdued almost all others and
established an empire over the peninsula. We shall now
go on to describe the history of these kingdoms as far as
it is traceable from inscriptions.
The kingly families in all these kingdoms according to
our view were what are now called Marathas. It may
seem strange but it is a fact which cannot be denied. The
modern representatives of these families are found among
the Marathas alone. The Chalukyas are Chalke or Solan-
khi. The Pallavas of Kanchi are now represented by the
family surname of Palave and the Kadambas of Konkana-
pura or Banavasi are represented by theKadams. Thus all
the three important kingdoms in the south in the beginning
of the 7th century were Maharattis or Marathas or in
other words mixed Aryans speaking the Prakrit language
Maharashtri and originally inhabiting the country round
the Godaveri.
This is a fact which has not been seen by many. Some
think that the Chalukyas of Badami were Kanarese, in
other words Dravidians. Pallavas according to most are
a riddle, while the Kadambas are supposed to be a Brah-
min family probably of Dravidian origin. But this is not
correct. All these three families were by origin Aryan
and having mixed themselves with the local sovereign
Dravidian families of the Deccan they may be said to
have become mired Aryans, But they still preserved their
THE CHALUKYAS OF BAUAMI 259
Aryan characteristics, Aryan religion and Aryan lang-
uage as we shall notice further on. To understand their
history properly we must take a short resume of the an-
cient history of the south beginning with the very advent
of the Indo-Aryans into the southern peninsula.
That the Aryans invaded and settled in the Decoan
nobody now denies. This event is placed by Dr. Bhandarkar
between Panini and Katyayana ; i. e. approximately bet-
ween the 9th and 4th centuries B. C. But it is possible
even to go earlier. For Panini explains in a sutra that
Asmaki is the name of the king as well as the king's son.
and this Asmaka in Panini is probably the country about
Paithana though Asraaka as a northern country or people
does find a mention in ancient books. The first settlement
was Vidarbha or modern Berar. And the next settlement
was Paithana or Pratishthana on the Godavery. The region
of the Godavery pleased the invading Aryans so much that
this land is praised in many Puranas as the best in the
world. The river struck the Aryans forcibly and was at
once likened by them to the Ganges of their old country.
The town too was named Pratishthana after its namesake
on the Ganges namely modern Prayaga- Thereafter the
new-comers settled in many parts further south and the
different countries or districts settled were called by the
name of Rashtras. Their names occur in the Mahabharata
list of kingdoms in the Bhishma Parva chapter 9, namely
Pandu Rashtra, Gopa Pashtra and Malla Rashtra which
together with Asmaka form the modern Maharashtra. W^
shall show further on that Rashtra was a favourite name
■with the Maharashtras for a district < r a small kingdom.
Then there was the Kuntala country on the upper course
of the Krishna. This country is strangely included both
among the countries of the north and the south in the
Mahabharata list i. e. among Aryan countries or countries
which had come under Aryan influence and were mixed
Aryans in the language of the Mahabharata as also among
the southern mlechchha kingdoms. It was most probably
the meeting ground between the Aryans and non-Aryans.
The Aryan advance and settlement received a check pro-
260 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
babiy at the lower Krishna and the Tungabhadia beyond
which the country was more thickly populated by the Dra-
vidians. The Mahabharata gives all the countries and people
to their south, in a separate list and this list is headed as
usual by the noted Dravida peoples Chela, Pandya, Kerala
and so on. These were undoubtedly aboriginal peoples
and aboriginal kingdoms i. e. kingdoms which in the
beginning did not claim to be Aryans.
Now the question naturally occurs why was the large
tract of the country to the north sparsely populated compar-
ed with the tract to the south, of the Tungabhadra? Answer
to this natural question is supplied by the story of the
Ramayana interpreted historically. The whole of this tract
was certainly covered with forest and was called Danda-
karanya. From Chitrakuta down to Rishyamuka in the
Malaya mountains (i. e. from Rewa down to Mysore) was
Dandakaranya clearly enough. For Rama could not have
taken his abode on Chitrakuta if it was not in Dandaka-
ranva. Now it is possible that the hilly portion of this
country was covered with forest in those ancient days down
to about 1000 B. C. For it was still covered with forests at
the beginning of the British rule ; the Vindhya, the Satapuda
and the Mahendra mountainous tracts were under forest
even so late as 1858 A. D. But why should the level country
inBerar or about Paithana and in theDeccan be under for-
est ? It should have been and still is an open country.
The explanation is that it was infested by Rakshasas or in.
historical language by car nibals. Sociology tells us that
the man-eating tribes do not prosper and hence this country
was only sparsely populated. The Mahars and the
Mangs who subsist on carrion, appear also to be other old
inha])itants of this land. The invading and settling
Aryans felled the jungle and brought the land under culti-
vation, retaining the Mahars and the Mangs (Sanskrit
Matangas) as an out-cast people. It may, therefore, be said
that the Aryans did not so much conquer the Deccen as
settle it. They killed the few cannibals, cleared the for-
ests and founded towns and villages compelling the
Mangs to live as out-casts outside each village. It is
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 261
thus that the cultivating population of the Deccan is
Aryan. The significance of this fact we shall notice
elsewhere. They were not perhaps pure Aryans but; mixed
Aryans or Yaduvansi Aryans of the second race of
invaders called the Lunar race which first settled in
Xurukshetra, and then in Surasena, Surashtra etc. These
had already taken Naga women to wife and were therefore
mixed to a large extent.
A second cause of this difference in populonsness
which may also be noticed here is that the seaboard of a
country is usually more fertile though less healthy than
the inner tableland and that it is also more prosperous on
account of trade. The Dravidian population therefore on
the sea-coast of the Madras Presidency was thriving and
denser and more advanced than the population of the
tableland of the Deccan and it is hence that we find the
real Dravidian peoples (treated as Mlechha even in the
Mahabharata) settled all along the coast viz. Chola, Dra-
vida, Pacdya and Kerala, (Kalabhra ? ) on the eastern
and western coast upto Malabar. There were Kalinga and
Andhra on the eastern coast and Konkan on the western
higher up. But the former two had come before the Maha-
bharata under Aryan influence though not completely
settled by the Aryans and they are included in the list of
northern kingdoms or peoples in the Mahabharata, while
Konkana was not yet in the days of the Mahabharata
under Aryan influence and hence is given in the southern
list, only a part viz. Aparanta or modern Northern Konkan
being mentioned in the north.
Such was the condition then about 300 B. C. the date
of the Mahabharata in its last form. The same thing
appears to be true of later centuries. The Rashtrikas
Peithanikas and Assakas mentioned in Asoka's edicts are
all Deccan Aryan people now being called Maharathis or
Maharattis as can be seen from the Nasik cave inscrip-
tions. The Periplus and Ptolemy also call this country
Ariake or the country of the Aryans and mention three
parts of it viz. the western coast, now come under Aryan
26'i THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
influence and Aryan speech and the Maharashtra and
Kuntala presumably, as they are called in later Sanskrit
with Paithan and Koihapur or Karahata as their chief
towns. The kings through all these days i. e. from the
earliest settlements down to Asoka's time were of course
Aryans and Maharathis. But we come now to the Satava-
hanas or Andhrabhrityas from the first century B. 0.
to the 3rd century A. D. as overlords of all this vast
country including Konkan, Maharashtra, Kuntala" and
even further south as far as Banavasi.
Who were the^e Satavahanas ? Were they mixed
Aryans or non-Aryans, Marathas or Dravidas? That is the
next question, difficult yet important, which has not yet
been answered. As we solved the first question by the aid
of the Ramayana, we will try to solve this question bj' the
aid of inscriptions and the Puranas. The latter call them
Sudras. The popular tradition which of course is usually
absurd with some truth behind it tells us that Satavahana
or Salivahana was born of a Brahmin girl from Sesha or the
sacred Serpent. The Andhras appear to be distinct from the
other Dravidians. They came under Aryan influence very
early and their country is mentioned (as we have seen) in
the Mahabharata among the northern i. e. Aryan or mixed
Aryan peoples and not among the southern ralechchhas.
Were the Andhras Nagas ? Apparently the Naga popula-
tion is still predominant in the Nagpur division which is
contiguous to the Andhra or Telagu country. The Telagu
Brahmins are unquestionably Aryans and have still mar-
riage relations with the Maharashtra Brahmins. The
Telagu Kshatriyas so to speak have however no marriage
relations with the Maratha Kshatriyas^'. It may be sur-
mised that the Satavahana family was a family belonging
to the Naga race which became predominant in the middle
country by conquering Pataliputra about the middle of the
1st century B. C. — and conquered Maharashtra also.
They made Pratishthana or Paithana their capital as it
' The Andhra Kshatriyas however were probably the descendants of the same
mixed Aryans from whom the Marathas are descended. See note on Aryan Advance
ir. the Eouch added further on.
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 265
must have been the capital already of Maharashtra during
the times of Asoka and earlier kings and thus made it the
centre of an extensive empire. They called themselves
Andhrabhrityas because they still owed allegiance to the
Andhra original seat of power at Dhanakataka. But
Paithana was their favourite seat. Being the capital of
a vast empire extending from the north to the south of
India ( from Patna to Mysore ) Paithana became famous
and a centre of commerce and of rich manufactures. Hence
its fame in the days of Ptolemy and hence the name
Paithani in Marathi des-ignating a silk gold bordered
cloth. The Satavahanas also appear to have been learned
men themselves and patrons of learned men. And Pai-
thana became the chief seat of learning in India next only
to Benares. Paithana retained this predominance through-
out the succeeding centuries down even to the end of the
Mahomedan power. Maratha kingdoms after the Satava-
hanas never ruled in Paithana. But their new capitals
Vatapi or Mankhed, Kalyan or Devagiri never rose to the
importance of Paithana which still remained the chief
place in Maharashtra for learning and for rich manu-
factures. Strangely enough, its pre-eminence remained so
far recognised that even during Mahomedan and Maratha
times complicated cases were settled at Paithana under
the Panchayats of its learned men. All this pre-eminence
is of course due to its being the capital of the extensive
empire of the Satavahanas who therefore must have been
thoroughly orthodox Hindus although some kings of the
family may have extended patronage to Buddhists also.
They were, as we have said, originally of the Naga
race but they appear to have married Kshatriya wives.
The Sakas of Ujjain a foreign people, yet perfectly Hindu-
ised, were predominant beyond the Nerbudda, and it appears
from inscriptions that Rudradaman's daughter was married
to a Satavahana king. That is not strange. For Chandra-
gupta married a daughter of a Yavana king Sudra, nay
oven Kshatriya kings may takeMlechha girls in marriage.
But it is strange that the Satavahana Naga kings were
264 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
given Kshatriya daughters, as appears quite clear. F(iv
what is the significance of the name Gautamiputra and
Vaishthiputra which appear so conspicuously in theiv
inscriptions? The epithets admittedly mean son of a queen
born of the Gotaraa or Vasishtha gotra. Was the name
of the gotra of the queen mother of importance? They
were certainly not Brahmin women for their mention
would not be of importance. It therefore seems that they
were daughters of well-known Kshatriya kingly families in
the Deccan. And the Satavahanas lower as they them-
selves were in the social scale deemed it honourable to
mention the gotra of their Kshatriya mothers. The mention
of the gotra of the mother was not a new thing to Aryans.
We find in the Brihadaranya Upanishad in the Vamsas so
many names given by the gotra of the mother e. g.
^rai^'ig^T, 3lTi=iq'T35,', TTfTS'TTS^ and so on. (See ff^Rt^f i^ VIII 5)
And even in modern times Rajput kings call their queens
by their honoured father's families such as Rathodani, Cho-
hani and so on. A queen born of a royal family would
insist on her gotra being mentioned and hence we surmise
that these Satavahanas married Maratha Kshatriya
daughters, and honourably mentioned their gotras. It
also foilow^s that these Maratha Kshatriya royal families
had particular gotras which they then carefully remem-
bered and proclaimed. The Satavahana marriage relations
thus give a historical basis of very old standing to the
generally accepted three Vamsas among the Maratha
Kshatriyas viz: Surya, Soma and Naga. There were Naga-
vamsi Mtaratha Kshatriyas in later history of the seventh
century also as we shall notice hereafter.
We now come to the history of the Chalukyas of
Badami. How the Satavahana rule came to an end we do
not know. By the usual decrepitude which, from history,
overtakes every royal family after two or three hundred
years, these Satavahanas from the 1st century B. C. to the
end of the 2nd century A. D, flourished at Paithana and
then declined. Before 500 A. D. i. e. during a period of 300
years we do not definitely know what happened in Maha-
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 265
rashtra. Dr. Bhandarkar has held that there must have been
petty Maratha kingdoms among whom the Rashtrakuta
family was one. Of this family we shall speak later on.
But we can make another surmise." We believe that the
heart of Maharashtra at least, viz. Paithanaand the country
around came under the sway of the Vakatakas. This was
a Brahmin family ruling in the present Nagpur division as
ppears from their many inscriptions found. Their founder
/indhyasakti is mentioned in an inscription in the Ajanta
caves which Dr. Bhau Daji had the honour to first decipher,
though Dr, Bhau Daji's surmise that this Vindhyasakti was
the same as is mentioned in Vishnu Purana is not correct
as we shall show in the chapter on Andhra history. These
Vakatakas held extensive sway over the northern part of
Maharashtra and A«inaka was under their suzerainty, a
subordinate king of Asmaka being also mentioned in these
cave inscriptions. The original founder of the Vakataka
family and his immediate successors were certainly or-
thodox Aryans who performed the Asvamedha and other
Vedio sacrifices. But the people of the Vakataka country
and some ministers of the family were Buddhists and these
buiit many caves at Ajanta. This Buddhist tendency of the
ministers and the people naturally led to the reassertion of
the orthodox religion under Rashtrakutas and Chalukyas
in the sixth century A. D. For as usual these Chalukyas
signalise their rising power by performing the Asvamedha
and other Vedic sacrifices.
Coming to our period of Indian history and the
Chalukyas in Maharashtra, we may first observe that it
is difificult to decide whether the Chalukya family was
founded by a Kshatriya .warrior from Ayodhya as later
inscriptions declare or whether it was a local Maratha
family. The earliest grants give only the information that
the Chalukya family was of the Manavya gotra and were
Haritlputras. The importance of this latter epithet will
appear clear from what we have said above about Gauta-
The same surmise is made by G. Jouvean Dubreuil in his book Ancient History
of the Dcccan recently issued p. I'l,
34
266 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
miputra and Vasishthiputra. In fact this epithet Haritl-
putra connects the Chalukya tradition with the Satavahana
forms of titles. This family was certainly Kshatriya both
on the father's side and on the mother's. The gotra of
the founder of the family was Manaya on the father's
side and Harita on the mother's side and hence the family
takes pride in calling itself Haritiputra as well as Manaya-
sagotra. It rose to power according to earlier grants by
conquering Govinda a Rashtrakiita king. Its greatest re-
presentative Pulakesin the first performed the Asvamedha
sacrifice so c|;iaracteristic of the Kshatriya race and power.
It also indicates as we have said, that this family came
to power by opposing Buddhistic tendencies and by
establishing the ascendancy of the Vedic religion much
in the same way as the rise of the Guptas in the north
may be said to represent the ascendancy of the orthodox
Vedic Aryans, against the Buddhists of the north. These
Guptas, though Vaisyas apparently, also performed the
Asvamedha. In the same way the first assertion of
power by this Pulakesin Kshatriya Maratha king was the
celebration of the Asvamedha a fact of which the family
appears to have been proud and always made mention.
That these Chalukyas were not DravidiansorKanarese
as their capital Badami would induce some to believe is
quite clear from the fact that Hiuen Tsang states that
Pulakesin was a Kshatriya and that he reigned in Maha-
rashtra. In fact, as stated before, when an empire falls the
provinces are usally seized by great officers and feudatory
chiefs and we may thus explain the rise of the Rashtra-
kutas, the Chalukyas, the Kadambas. and the Pallavas all
Maharashtra or Marathi speaking Aryan Kshatriya
families. The Kadambas were, also of the same race as
the Chalukyas. They claimed to be of the Manavya gotra
and sons of a Harita-gotra mother. They could have there-
fore no marriage relations with the Chalukyas, but with
other Maratha kingly families. The later legends of both
we shall presently discuss. The Kadambas had possession
of Banavasi and Konkanapura. The Pallavas simply ,
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI 26?
called themselves of the Bharadvaja gotra and ha^
possession of Vengi and other eastern districts of the
Satavahanas. We shall speak of their rise in the next chap-
ter. And now we may discuss the origin of the Chalukyas
as given by their later documents and tradition.
This tradition is given in the grants of the Eastern
Chalukyas of Vengi. The legend given by Bilhana in
the Vikramankadevacharita in the time of the
later Chalukyas wa may at once set aside as absurd and
imaginary. Bilhana poetically changes the name Chalukya
into Chaulukya and says that the first progenitor was born
from the chuluka or handful of Brahma who, as he was
giving water-oblations, was approached by Indra and re-
quested to create a warrior to punish irreligious men i'n
the Kali age. The Eastern Chalukya tradition is not
poetical but is genealogical and as mentioned m their in-
scriptions is as follows. ( See e. g. Ranastute grant of
Vimaladitya No. 36 p. 357 Ep. Ind. Vol VI ). First we have
the genealogy of the whole lunar vamsa given from the
moon through the Pandavas down to Udayana ( we will
discuss this genealogy in a note ) and then we are told : —
"After 59 kings (Chakravartis) in unbroken line had
ruled in Ayodhya, a descendant by name Vijayaditya came
to the south with a desire to conquer the Deccan. He had a
fight with Trilochana Pallava and was killed in battle. His
queen being pregnant was received by one Vishnubhatta
Somayaji in a Brahmin Agrahara. There she gave birth
to a prince named Vishnuvardhana. The priest performed
all the ceremonies necessary on the birth of a Kshatriya
of the m^j3T(t^]5{ and fTT^cff^^'^ This prince having learnt every-
thing of his family, performed austerities on the chalukya
mountain and having propitiated the goddess Gauri and
Kuraara and Narayana got through their favour white
umbrella, Eka-Sankha, the five great Sabda, Paliketana,
Pratidhakka, Varaha Lanchhana, Panchakanta Sinhasana,
Makara Torana, Kanakadanda and Ganga Yamuna and
other signs of royalty of his family and having conquered
'268 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Kadamba, Ganga and others ruled the whole of Dakshina-
pathi:, from Setu to the Nerbudda, oil\i lakhs. Vijayaditya
was born of this Vishnuvardhana king from a Pallava
princess His son was Bollakeshi Vallabha. His son
was Kirtivarman." Here curiously enough the newly added
portion ends and the grant begins again with the tradi-
tional beginning of Chalukya grants ^sf^'"^'^ JT^R^JipH-^rl:
^^■v^-^^Mc^Ji^i\\';im etc. to w^\-'jr^^i^*{^^ v^mr f^^f^'^^'^^^-iM mm i I'^^i
%^c^i:WM'^?T^ ' Now in this added part at the beginning, the
only credible part appears to bethat Vijayadityacame from
Ayodhya Eifter 59 generations from Udayana. If Udayana
be placed in 600 B. C. we have 59 generations or 1180 years
after him, thus assigning Vijayaditya to about 580 A. D.
This is late by about a hundred years. Of course the
average of 20 years for a king, over 59 generations cannot
give us an exact date and hence we may say that Vijaya-
ditya's coming to the Deccan is probable.
All else is fable. The early grants of the Chalukyas
do not state whether they were of the Lunar race or Solar
race. Eastern Chalukya tradition finally assigned them to
the Lunar. But even this tradition as recorded in this
grant of 933 Saka or 1011 A. D. cannot explain the mean-
ing of Haritiputra in the usual formula of the Chalukya
kings. Then again the fight between Chalukya and
Pallava kings being a hereditary fight in later years may be
taken to be reflected back to the first king and so their also
marriage relations In fact Chalukyas and Pallavas like
England and France in the middle ages were always fighting
and always marrying one another's daughters Lastly, the
story of the founder of a dynasty being born fatherless of
a mother in adversity and then gaining power by the
favour of gods is the usual story in every dynasty and may
therefore be treated as imaginary. It is not untrue that
Kshatriya war^^iors often came from the north to seek for-
tune in the south and founded families like the forefather of
Sivaji and others, yet as this theory is given in a later
grant we will confine ourselves to the grants of the
earlier Chalukyas themselves and give their history as it
appears from them.
THE CH5LUKYAS OF BADAMI 269
From these the Chalukyas appear to be a Maratha
Kshatriya family of the Manavya gotra. The founder was
also a Haritiputra i. e. son of a Kshatriya princess born
in the Harita gotra. The Aihole inscription of this family
is very detailed. From it and other grant-inscriptions it
appears that Jayasinha was the tirst king who made
himself conspicuous by conquering the Rashtrakuta
family. His son was Ranaraga. His son was Pulakesin
the first who founded the kingdom of Maharashtra
and performed an Asvamedha. He made Vatapi his
capital and conquering many provinces, established
an overlordship. He assumed the title of Satya-
sraya Prithvivallabha. This title Vallabha became the
patronymic with all Maharashtra kings in later times and
was also favourite with foreigners. They also called
themselves Asraya of something as Sryasraya, Janasraya
and so on. The date of Pulakesin's death may be taken-
tobe Saka489 or A. D. 567.
He was succeeded by his son Kirtivarman who con-
quered the Kadambas of North Kanara and the Mauryas
of North Konkan. He was succeeded (in 59L A. D.) by his
brother Mangalisa. He conquered the Chedis of Tripura
near Jubbulpur. He was lord of the country from^sea to
sea (Western to the Eastern). After him (in 610 A.D.) came
Pulakesin the second, the greatest monarch of this line ;
he was the son of Kirtivarman. His exploits are extolled
by the Aihole grant. He conquered the Pallavas of Kanchi
and in fact became the lord of the whole of Dakshinapatha
i. e. from the Nerbudda to Cape Kamorin. He was the
direct "lord of the three Maharashtras containing 99000
villages." And his greatest exploit was that he defeated
Harsha Emperor of the North. He was visited by Hiuen
Tsang whose most flattering description of him and his
Marathas we have already quoted. In fact this was the
most flourishing period of ancient Maratha history. He
cocquered many kings in the West, also, such as kings of
Lata, Gurjara and Malava. He established his brother
Kubja Vishnuvardhan in the Vengi country on the east
270 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
coast where these Eastern Chrllukyas continued to rule for
a long time. And he established his other brother Jaya-
sinha in the Lata country where the Gujarat Chalukya
branch like the Gaikwads in modern Maratha historv ruled
for a long time His eldest son Chandraditya ruled in
■Sawantwadi and Goa where the latter's queen made grants
recorded on copperplates. Another son of his ruled in
Karnatak between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra. A
grant of Pulakesinll has been found made at the request of
his maternal uncle Senanandaraja of the Sendraka family.
This was a well-known family in these parts viz. Chiplun etc.
and is probably the same as the* modern Scindia family of
Gwalior. In fact, the Pulakesin Maratha empire of
736 A. D. was jast a protolype of the Shahu Maratha Em-
pire of 1736 A. D., a thousand years later, curiously illus-
trating the well-known maxim history repeats itself.
Pulakesin IPs reign has become memorable owing to
two events of foreign importance. He received an em-
bassy from Khushru II of Persia in reply to one sent by
him. A painting in cave No. 1 at Ajanta represents the
scene of the reception of this embassy by Pulakeshin
(625 A. D). The second event was the visit of Hiuen Tsang
who has recorded a most flattering description of the Mara-
thas and the power of this king who, as he says, "was-
obeyed with perfect submission by his many subjects" in
( 640 A, D. )
Sir V. Smith observes that this king was unfortunate in
his end. He was conquered eventually by his enemy the
Pallava of Kanchi"whotook and plundered his capital and
presumably put him to death." The authority for this is
apparently a record of the Pallavas which may be of doubt-
ful credit, and Dr. Bhandarkar does not relate this event
in his history of the Deccan ; for he merely states that
Pulakesin was succeeded by his son Vikramaditya I,
This king Vikramaditya certainly inflicted a crushing
defeat on the Pallavas and took their capital Kanchi
though he did not plunder it. He even built and repaired
certain temples in Kanchi which is still famous for its
THE CHALGKYAS OF BADAME 271
trreat temples. He was a valorous conqueror. "Seated
on the back of his horse Chitrakantha and sword [in hand
he vanquished his enemies and established his power like
his father between the three seas. " He is rightly named
Vikramaditya I.
He was succeeded by his son Vinayaditya in Saka G02
or 680, A. D. He has left three grants dated 611, 613 and
616 Saka in his 10th, ilth and 14th years of reign. Thus
his date is certain. He was also a powerful king and a
warrior. He had assisted his father in his famous fight with
the Pallavas, who were assisted by Pandya, Chola and
Kerala. He in his own time vanquished these and Kala-
bhra, Haihaya, Nlla and Malava,*and made them steadfast
allies as also Ganga and Alupa and even Sinhala. He defeated
likewise a king of the north whose name is not given ;
( this event we shall try to explain later )• These facts are
mentioned in the records of his descendants and must
have happened after Saka 616 (694 A. D.) the date of his
last grant found ( Bhandarkar). He died in 696 A. D.
He (Vinayaditya) was succeeded by his son Vijaya-
ditya who also has left many grants which give us an
idea of his reign. In one conflict with the Pallavas he
was taken prisoner by accident though he had defeated his
enemies- He, however, contrived to escape and returning
to his kingdom ruled vigorously for a long time. As we
have said in the history of Kashmir, this must have
happened a little before the digvijaya expedition into the
south by Lalitaditya of Kashmir. Lalitaditya did not go
to Vatapi as Vatapi and Maharashtra seem to have been
then under the Pallavas during Vijayadityas confinement.
The two dates agree. Vijayaditya came to the throne in
696 A. D. and had a long reign of 36 years i. e. upto 732
A. D. Lalitaditya's expedition happened as we have shown
from about 702 A. D. to 710 A. D. Vijayaditya built temples
to Brahma, Vishnu and Siva at Vatapi in 621 Saka (see
inscriptions). His grants are dated 622, 627 and 651 Saka
in the 4th, 10th and 34th years of his reign.
' These Malavas appear '.o be some south Deccan people whose naine survives in
t le modern Maratha surname 'Malapa',
272 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Vijayaditya was succeeded in 7'6'.5 A. D. by his ^on
Vikraniaditya II who was an equally successful king. He
defeated his old enemies the Pallavas, their king being
Nandipotayarman- KanchI was again entered and again
spared. The king restored on the contrary to the famous
temples of Rajasinhesvara and other gods, gold, jewels .?nd
other property taken away by many. He married two sisters
of the family of Haihayas and these two queens built two
temples in their names at Vatapi. He reigned for 14 years
i. e. down to 747 A. D.
He was followed by his son Kirtivarman II who was
the last of the early Chalukya kings. He has left one
grant dated 679 Saka. He seems to have been an able
prince and as i*sual defeated the Pallavas their here-
ditary enemies. But he was overthrown by one of his own
vassals a Rashtrakuta king named Dantigurga. As the
Rastrakutas did not hereafter reign in Vatapi, it may be
taken that they allowed the Chalukyas to remain as depend ■
ents in their own town. This event happened before
675 Saka, as in a grant by Dantidurga dated 675 Saka the
Chalukyas are spoken of as overthrown. Thus the Chalukya
overlordship lasted down to about 753 A. D. and they may
be taken to have been supreme in the Deccan for about
200 years from 550 to 753 A. D. All the Chalukya kings
appear to have been capable rulers, a fact which is credit-
able and perhaps singular and we need not wonder that
lying dormant for about 200 years, they again gained
ascendancy uader the later Chalukyas. An explanation
for this downfall of the early Chalukyas will be given
in our next volume which we will speak of the rise of
the Rashtrakutas.
Dr. Bhandarkar has shown that during the rule of the
early Chalukyas Buddhism does not seem to have been
prosperous. It was alive no doubt, but it was not the
religion of the kings nor generally of the people. In fac>;
according to our view already expressed it was as a rise
against Buddhism whose ascendancy is marked by the
Ajanta caves under the Vakatakas that the Maratha
THE CHALUKYAS OF BADaMI 273-
power under the Chalukyas was triumphant. Puiakeshin I
signalised his reign and supremacy by the performance of
the Asvamedha. The sacrificial lore was also studied and
developed under these kings by learned Bijahmins and
such learned persons, Dr. Bhandarkar thinks, were specially
called Svamins. Karkasvamin and others were certainly
commentators on sacrificial sutras. But Svamin need not
be a special name for such Brahmins. Dikshita was a title
specially given to the Brahmins learned in sacrificial lore
and performers of Vedic sacrifices. It does not also appear
that sacrificial literature was studied in the Deccan alone.
The revival of sacrificial study can be marked ail over
the country, for Bana himself states that his . parents and
uncles were great students of Mimansa. They were called
Bhattas also. Sabara.«vamin and Kumarilabhatta the well-
known writers on Vedic sacrifice belong to the north.
We shall have to speak of them later on. Undoubted y
orthodox Brahmins in the Deccan as elsewhere at this
time employed their intelligence in the refutation o
Buddhism and in the vindication of Vedic sacrifices,
and under the sympathetic rule of the early Chalukyas
they succeeded in supplanting Buddhism completely.
But the influence of the principle of non-sacrifice
was again successful latterly in the spread of Jainism.
It appears that the Jainas gained an upperhand among the
people as well as in the favour of kings towards the end of
the Chalukya rule. Jainism is even now prevalent in the
population of the southern Maratha country. In the heart
of Maharashtra, Jainism could not prosper, for the heredity
and natural patriotism of a people tend towards the religion
of their ancestors and hence among the Marathas gene-
rally the Vedic Aryan religion still prospered. But in the
varied population of the south Jainism spread. Vikra-
maditya II was partial to the Jaina religion. He repaired
a Jain temple and gave a grant of land to a successful
Jain Pandit named Vijaya Pandita who was also called
Ekavadi or the only disputant ( Bhandarkar ). The Jain
Pandits of those days, drawn of course from renegade
35
•274 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Brahmins were very ingenious and learned disputants and
they often scored success in religious disputes about the
principle of Ahimsa. The modern Jains of the S. M.
country are, however, not learned being usually cultivators
and recruits from among the Brahmins do not now join
their ranks. But in the days of the early Chalukyas the
case appears to have been different and Jainism gradually
spead among the people and gained favour in royal courts.
The religious tendencies of this period will be discussed
in our next volume.
Along with the revival of the religion of Vedic sacri-
fices under the early Chalukyas there was also the revival
of the Puranic religion viz. the worship of Siva, Vishnu,
Brahma, Surya, and the Goddess Devi and of Skanda and
temples of these gods were built everywhere during the
reign of the early Chalukyas. The rule of the next dy-
nasty of the Rashtrakutas was to signalise the further
progress of Hinduism as it may now be distinctly called.
Socially the Chalukyas appear to have been strict
Kshatriyas marrying among the families of the Aryans
and mixed Aryans. Their marriage relations were with
the Haihayas, the Rashtrakutas, the Pallavas and Sendra-
kas or Sindas who belonged to theNagavamsa, perhaps of
Satavahana. They do not appear to have married among the
Dravidian families of Pandya.Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra and
others. So far as can be seen, the queens of tho Chalukyas
appear to come from Kshatriya families of Maharashtra
and even North India and they ranked as true Kshatriyas
as distinctly declared by Hiuen Tsang himself. They
insisted on their being described as Manavya-sagotra and
Haritlputra and they clearly appear to have performed
Vedic rites. In short nothing has been discovered which
should dissuade us from treating them as Aryans and
Kshatriyas and the equals of the northern Kshatriyas,
the Rajputs. Why the northerners and the southerners
stopped marriage relations hereafter, we shall have to
discuss later on.
THE CHALUEYAS OF BADAMI 275
The Chalukyas ruled over the three Maharashtras viz.
Vidarbha, Maharashtra and Kvintala. Their territory thus
included Berar and the Marathi districts of C. P., Marathi
districts of the Nizam's dominions and those of the Bom-
bay Presidency and curiously enough also included the
Kanarese districts of Bombay. These last have always
been parts of the Maharashtra kingdom with whomso-
ever it may be and have therefore properly been called
Southern Maratha country. Even under Vijapur these
districts were with the Mahomedans and not with Vijaya-
nagar. The Eastern coast was under the Vengi Chalukya
branch and Andhra perhaps was independent. Sometimes
Andhra too came under Maharashtra. The declared number
of villages in the three Maharashtras was 99000 (see Aihole
inscription) and Andhra had 12000 villages. These numbers
of villages were, as already stated, traditionally fixed and
appear to have always been mentioned in records ranging
from 600 to 1200 A. D, i. e. the period we are treating of.
Pulakeshin II was, however, the master of the whole of
the south from the Nerbudda to Cape Comorin, a country
of 1\4. lakhs as stated in inscriptions. This number is in-
explicable. For even adding the probable number of villa-
ges in Pallava, Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Ganga, Kadamba
and other kingdoms towards the south, the number cannot
come up to 7j/^ lakhs. To what this figure applies is a
mystery as shown in a previous note.
The Chalukyas used the Saka era throughout their
supremacy. In fact from 500 A. D. or 422 Saka (the date
of Varaha Mihira's Siddhanta) onwards roughly, the Saka
era is generally used in the south by most kingdoms. The
reason probably is that the astronomers of India who pro-
pounded the Siddhantas which are the basis of modern
astronomical calculations in India adopted the Saka era
for calculation. According to our view, these Siddhantas
were the result of the study of astronomy at Ujjain with the
help and guidance of Greek astronomy (which is plainly
incorporated into Indian ancient astronomy) under the
rule of the Sakas. Aryabhatta and Varahamihira and
later, Brahmagupta promulgated the new Siddhanta system.
376 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
It was adopted all over India, and the Saka era becam&
commonly recognised. The Chalukya rule began after
these Siddhantas and accepted the Saka era without
scruple. In the north the Gupta era had been established
before the astronomical Siddhantas, and as the Guptas
destroyed the Sakas themselves, they did not take up the
Saka era but continued to use their own Gupta era. After the
Guptas. Harsha's era came into use. These two eras, however,
were gradually supplanted in the north by the Vikraraa
Samvat whose success we shall endeavour to explain when
relating the later history of the north. In-the south, Saka
era has remained supreme and the Aihole inscription uses
both the Saka and the Kaliyuga eras, a fact plainly indicat-
ing the ascendency of the new astronomical Siddhantas.
Early Chalukya dynasty.
( From Gazetteer Pombay Presidency-Deccan. Vol. I part II. )
Jayasinha
I _
Ranaraga
'!
( 1 ) Pulakesin I ( Satyasraya Sri Prthvi Vallabha )
about 550 A. D. married Durlabhadevi
I , .
1 I
(2) ,Kirtivarman I , (3) Mangallsa
Saka 489-513 (567-591 A. D.) (Saka 513-532581-610 A. D.)
I , I I
(4) ,Pulakesia II Kubja Vishnuvardhana founded Second
Saka 532 Vengi E. Chalukya K. Guj. Brach
(A. D. €09-642) 615-633 A. D. Jayasinha.
visited by Hiuen Tsang. (697-908).
(5) ,Vikrarr>aditya I Adityavarman Jayasinhavarmatt
d. Saka 602 (642-680 A. D.) 3rd Guj. Branch.
1 ,
(6» Vinayaditya Saka 602-619 (680-697 A. D.)
1 ,
(7) Vijayaditya Saka 618-655 (697-733 A. D.)
(8) Vikramaditya II Saka 655-669 (733-747 A. D.)
ra. Trailokyamati and Lokaraati of the Halhaya family.
(9) Kirtivarman II Saka 669-675 (747-753 A. !).)_
divested of empire by Dantidyrga Rashtrakuta
NOTE
THE FLIGHT OF VIJAYADITYA
Tho line of the Western Chalukyas of Badami does not appear to
have been completely extinguished with Vikramaditya II's son Kirti-
varman II. We have a very detailed and important grant of the latter
^Vakkaleri grant published in Ind. Ant. Vol VIII. p. 23 ) which shows
Ihe kingdom still surviving and reigning over a large territory. This
grant is dated in Saka 679 and in the llth year of Kirtivarma II's rei^'n.
Thus it is clear that he came to the throne in 668 Saka or 746 or 747 A.
D. and this is the year of the end of the reign of Vikramaditya II. It
may therefore be taken as certain that it was not Vikramaditya II who
was overthrown by the Rashtrakutas but his son Kirtivarma 11.
Vikramaditya II appears to have been a valiant king and can scarcely
be believed to have been so unfortunate. If this grant is believed and
we do not see why it should not be, we have a consistent and detailed
account of the whole Chalukya family of Badami. The grant begins with
the usual formula of Chalukya grants (TTpTH^^Jir^tirr etc.) and mentions
first Pulakesin I PrithvTvallabha. His great praise is that he performed
the Asvamedha. His son is next mentioned as Kirtivarman I and his
chief exploit is given as the conquest of Banavasi. His son was Pula-
kesin II whose defeating Harsha of Kanauj gave him the title of Para-
mesvara and obtained for him high renown. His son Vikramaditya I
is mentioned as riding on his favourite horse Chitra-Kantha conquering
Chola, Kerala, Pandya, Kalabhra kings and humbling the Pallava who had
thus bowed to none, adding the title Bhattaraka. Then his son Vinaya-
ditya I is noticed who even as Yuvaraja conquered and mad' tributaries
Kuvera, Parasika, and Sinhala Dvipa and who conquering the lord of
the north acquired Palidhvaja and other emblems of an emperor. Then
follows Vijayaditya who even in his grandfather's time conquered many
chiefs of the south and who assisted his father in his conflict with the
kings of the north and obtained for him emblems of empire such as
'Ganga Yamuna, Paliddhvaja and Dhakka as also Manikya and
Matangaja. And here we have a mention of a every interesting inci-
dent in the life of Vijayaditya. The words here are not properly
translated and the importance of the story is lost. The words are
f^i^r^PK*Tf Ts+- ^^iiU f rram c^ t^»r^lW^H"qTBTf5nTr%Tii^HJrn:: " This clearly
♦ shows that he was seized by his enemies though they had been put to
flight, by some bad stroke of fortune and was confined but that like the
famous Vatsaraja of the Kathasaritsagara (who escaped from Ujjain by
a, stratagem of his minister) he managed to escape from his continement
.and prevented the distress of his country caused by there being no king.
278 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
It is to be regretted that we havo no detailed account anywhere of this^
wonderful fscaoade like the account of the aboveraentioned Vatsaraja
or the account given by Kalhana of the escape of Jayapida of Kashmir
who later than Vijayaditya fell into a similar misfortune in Nepal.
Where, when, and by whom he was confined we do notkn.w, nor how-
he escaped. We have above recorded our guess that this event must
have happened about the time of the Digvijaya of Lalitaditya into the-
south i e about 700 to 710 A. D. To proceed, however, the grant lastly
refers to the greatness of his son Vikramaditya II who carrying out a
long family enmity made a vigorous attempt to conquer Kanchi, defeated
the Pallava Nandipotavarman, entered Kanchi, propitiated the
Brahmins there by genrous gifts, placed heaps of gold before the Raja-
sinhesvara idol in the great temple built by Narasinhavarman and
defeated the traditional Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra kings of the
south, even going further and raising a Jayastambha on the southern
most sea-coast. His son the donor KIrtivarraan's exploit is related as
having set out to conquer the family enemy the king of Kanchi who
unable to withstand him in the plains took refuge in a stronghold
he brought back many elephants and gems as booty. He gave a village
while encamped on the banks of the Bhimarathi ( Bhima ) to a learned
Brahmin in the Pannagala vishaya ( not identified ). This grant thus is
interesting and gives the principal event in each reign of the Chalukya
line. As no later grants of his are found we may surmise that tlie-
line ended with Kirtivarmanll.to revive again after two centuries undep
the later Chalukyas.
CHAPTER X
THE PALLAVAS OF KANCHI
( For the materials of this history we have mainly to rely on sovitli
Indian inscriptions and grants which are numerous enough and which
have been interpreted by great scholars like Hultsch, Venkayya and
others, and especially by the French antiquarian Dubreuil of Pondichery-
We have hewever to put forward our own theory on one important point
based on these very ancient records. )
Along with the Chalukyas, tha Pallavas were the
most powerful people in the south who contended with
them for the overlordship of the southern empire during
the seventh and the eighth centuries A. D. They were
settled at Kanchi (modern Conjeverum) in the midst of the
traditional Dravidian peoples, the Chola, Pandya, Kerala
and Kalabhra whom they had subdued. But they were
evidently not one of them. They were outsiders in the
Madras Presidency, so to speak, of those days. They did
not even speak the language of the Dravidian people.
Hiuen Tsang who visited Kanchi in 639 A. D, distinctiy
states that the people of Kanchi spoke a language similar
to that of Mid-India. The same position is supported by
the fact that the records of these Pallavas are all of them
in Sanskrit and not in any Dravidian language as those
of the Chola, Pandya and Kerala kings are. In fact the
records of the early Pallavas are even in the Prakrit as
we shall presently show. The Pallavas, therefore, were
evidently out-siders in the Madras Presidency from the
north. Who were they ?
The theory first propounded, though now given up
was that they were the Palhavas of the Puranas, ihri
Pehlavasof theParsis.the Palhavas whocame to India with
the Sakas of Kathiawar and others. It was suggested that
when Gautamiputra Pulumayi in the second century A. D.
drove away Saka, Yavana and Pahlava peoples from
Maharashtra as recorded in the Nasik caves, the last in-
stead of being driven back to the north succeeded in getting
280 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
further into the south and founded a kingdom at Kanchi.
This theory based upon the similarity of names has now-
been given up and the Pallavas are now supposed to be
some people between the Krishna and the Godavari, while
Sir V, Smith in his Early History 3rd Edn. simply says
that they were an indigenous tribe, clan or caste ( p. 469 ).
Although it is not necessary, therefore, to state the reasons
against the Pahlara theory, yet for the sake of complete-
ness we may as well see what these reasons are. In the
first place if Pulumayi defeated the Pahlavas, he would
not certainly allow them to push forward into his own
dominions to the south, for we know that the Satavahana
rule in those days extended far into the south even as far
as Mysore. Secondly in Sanskrit orthography which is
most perfect, Pahlava with an h cannot be confounded
with Pallava. Even in Manu and the Puranas the name of
these foreign mlechhas is given as Pahlava (w^Y/i an h) and
in Persian too it is clearly Pehlavi i. e. with /i distinct.
It may perhaps be supposed that in Prakrit the //. may
have been omitted. But it is not so. Even in the
Prakrit inscription of Gautamlputra Pulumayi the name
given is spelt as Pahlava ( see Ep. Ind. Vol. Ill Nasik
cave Ins. p. 60). Thirdly if the Pahlavas on coming to
India had taken up a mid-Iadian language it must have
been so only recently and hence when they established
themselves at Kanchi> they could not have retained it»
For even now the Dravidian languages round about
Kanchi are too strong for any new language to withstand
them. For these reasons the Pallavas are not the Pahlavas.
They cannot also be some people between the Krishna and
the Godavari for their language could not have been mid-
Jndian in that case also. They must have been people from
the Aryan population of the north of India.
It seems that they were a branch of the same Aryan
people who had settled in Maharashtra. In fact Pallava
dominion in Kanchi in ancient times was just like Maratha
dominion in Tanjore in modern history.* The Pallavas
"' Even Sir Vincent Smith is struck with this similarity a'^d gives expression to it
see p. 470 (S. E H. 3rd Edn, )
THE PALLAVAS OF KANCHI 281
^'ere Maharashtra Aryans who spoke Maharashtri Prakrit
for centuries and hence retained it even in Kanchi in the
midst of surrounding Dravidian languages. They may even
be said to be Marathas for their name is still preserved
in the Maratha family name of Palave ( which is just
the Prakrit form of Pallava). And a further corroboration
is that the gotra of the Palave Maratha family, as we have
shown before, is Bharadvaja, the same as the one which
the Pallavas take to themselves in their records. And
Hiuen Tsang calls Narasinha Varman a Kshstriya. The
Pallavas, therefore, were certainly mid-Indian Aryans gra-
dually passing into the south through Maharashtra.
We now go on to relate Pallava history as may be ga-
thered from inscriptions and grants. Mr. Venkayya has
rightly shown that this history must be divided into two
parts the earlier and the later. In fact as this history
extends from about 200 A. D. to SCO A. D. we cannot ex-
oect that the Pallava domination could have lasted so
long. Like the Chalukyas the Pallavas may therefore be
divided into two branches the earliar Pallavas and the
later Pallavas. We are in our period concerned with the
later Pallavas, the contemporaries of the earlier Chalukyas;
but we will give here the history of the earlier Pallavas
also (such as can be gathered,) for the sake of completeness
especially as it has not yet been given any where and as
in our opinion it connects the Pallavas with Maharashtra.
1— THE EARLIER PALLAVAS
Speaking tirst of the earlier Pallavas then, the first thing
to be noticed about them is that they used the Prakrit lan-
guage for their inscriptional records which in the south is
really strange. Only three inscriptions or grants have been
found as yet and we give one of them is extenso below* for
* The Mayida— voln. plates of Pallava Siva Skandavarman.Ep, Ind. Vol. VI page 86.
Wi^ <JTRq^f^ 3T^rf ^T 3T^J^fq% ['4] W^^^''^[^ ^ ^I5RR
sn'JT^RWrTW S^-hld-i^ 5TTTl%^^ifTTFf 'tl^^^RT 3^■:r^'^m ( 5ifr ) 3fJTT3TT
^fi^t'w^nTRT JT^i^il qf^fif^ ^fi^^ q%^*q*-T =^ ^ aj^r'TRR
282 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
sample. This record and the other two show that these
are a continuation so to speak of inscriptions in Prakrit
of the Satavahanas of Paithan. Firstly, the language of
both is Prakrit and it is also akin. Secondly, the dates are
in both recorded in the Buddhist Asoka fashion viz the
month is never given. The season out of the three seasons
of India is given and the fortnight ( not dark and half as
when months are named) is given by number, the number of
fortnights in a season being eight. This sort of giving the
season is clearly the Asoka Buddhist method. Asoka's em-
pire had extended far down into the south and had undoub-
tedly included Maharashtra. The Andhras succeeded to
the Buddhist Asoka rule and naturally followed the same
system of mentioning the date.* Now the Pallava early
Prakrit inscriptions contain this method of mentioning
the date viz the season and the number of fortnight. It is
thus clear that the early Pallavas are a continuation of
the Andhrabhritya rule at Paithan.
We surmise that when the Andhrabhritya Satavahana
rule came to end about 200 A. D. the early Pallavas were
viceroys in the southern Deccan and as usual asserted
themselves and became independent. The same surmise is
given by Dubreuil in his valuable brochure "The Pallavas"
He says " The Pallavas succeeded the Andhras. Their
plates mentioned the province of Satahani Rattha a
portion of the Bellary district. Thus the Pallava empire
extended along the Coromandel coast upto the Krishna
and westward in the Deccan upto the banks of the Tunga-
bhadra " (p. 13). It may be added that the mention of the
Rashtra or Rattha and Ahara as the name of a district is
indeed the Maharashtra fashion. The Maharashtras
usually adopted the name Rashtra as a designation for a
province or district. Even in Asoka's edicts they are called
the Rashtrikas, or the Ratthas. Then again the name of
Bappa is peculiarly Aryan and Maharashtriya. It is found
in one of these Prakrit grants of the early Pallavas.
" It may be pertinent to point out that there are two inscriptions of the Saka Usa-
vadata, son-in-law of Nahapan among the inscriptions in Nasik caves. These alone are
dated in Saka era and give the month and the dark or bright fortnight. They are. clearly
thus foreign i, e. foreign to the custom then paevalent in MahirSshtri.
The fallavas of kanchI 283-'
Who was the first most important king of these early
Pallavas ? He appears to be Virakurcha who in one ins-
cription is stated to have "simultaneously with the hand of
the daughter of the chief of serpents grasped the complete
insignia of royalty and became famous " ( Dubreuil p. 23 )
This Naga princess Dubreuil surmisesjto be a daughter of
the Satavahanas. Whoever she may be, we have here again
the mixture of the Aryan Pallava with local Naga families.
Like the Chalukya history Pallava history also gives an
ancient basis to the Maratha modern traditi-cn that there
are three Vamsas among the Marathas viz Surya, Chandra
and Naga.
The Velurpalaiyam plate from which the above fact is
taken is important in other respects also. On inspecting
it carefully ( Archealojical Survey Report part VJ we find,
besides the sloka about Virakurcha iz(: '^m<^^^^\ TlWfr^r
jiM'^;jl%<^ wr'<q'^: ) the following about Kumara-Vishnu son
of Skandasishya, son of this Virakurcha: — ^^M+ 1 ^-^R^PTrii^S
H?"' t>^i<i%5." ^^t^ f^^'TOj: This shows that Virakrucha's
grandson Kumara Vishnu took the city of Kanchi and
founded the Kanchi power. This statement tallies with
probable dates also. In the long list of Pallava ancestors
given in the Vayalur inscription described by Dubreuil
( p; 20 ) we have 36 kings. Of these Vishnugopa No. 19
appears to be the Vishnugopa whom Samudragupta con-
quered and who is mentioned in his famous Allahabad
stone inscription of 338 A. D. And we have Narasimha-
varman No. 34 contemporary of Hiuen Tsang and Chalukya
Pulakesin II of 640 A. D. Now from no. 19 to 34 there
count 15 generations or 300 years at an average of 20.
And this distance in time between Vishnugopa and Nara-
sinhavarman, exactly tallies with their historical dates
as given above viz. 338 A. D. and 640 A. D. Now let us go
back from Vishnugopa no. 19 of 338 A. D. to Virakurcha
no. 11 in the list of Vayalur plate. We have a difference
of 8 generations or 160 years which gives for Virakurcha
a date about 178 A. D. and brings him within the Satava-
hana rule. His grandson Kumara Vishnu, also given in
284 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
the Vayalur list, thus seetos to have become the king of
Kanchi about 200 A.D. The Mayadavollu grant in Prakrit
which we have quoted in a foot-note may be taken to have
been made by the grandson ( no. 15 ) of this Kumara
Vishnu ( no. 13 ) about 240 A. D.
The consistent history of the early Pallavas therefore
may be put as follows from the available inscriptions
and grants, A Pallava-surnamed chief ( Maratha or from
northern India) named Viraknrcha gained royal distinction
about 178 A. D. by marrying a Naga princess '' presumably
of Satavahana family), in the south of the Deccan. On the
fall of the Satavahanas the family became powerful and
independent and Kumara Vishnu grandson of Virakurcha
conquered Kanchi and founded the Kanchi kingdom about
200 A. D. In 338 A. D. it was conquered by Samudragupta
of Patna. This shock threw thePallava power into shade
for some time. But it rose again into splendour under the
later Pallavas beginning with Sinhavishnu as we shall
presently relate.
We may add that this early Pallava family was un-
doubtedly Kshatriya- As we have said onegreatproof of itis
that the records of both the early and late Pallavas always
mention that they were of the Bharadvaja gotra. The men-
tion of gotra was always deemed particularly important by
Kshatriya kings. We have already seen that the Chalukyas
similarly insisted on being called Manavya-sagotra. They
also gave the gotra of the mother to show their descent
from a Kshatriya n;other also. We have already alluded to
the meaning of the epithets Gautamiputra and Vasishthi-
putra recorded in the mention of Satavahana kings. They
clearly show that the Kshatriyas took pride in mentioning
their gotra. We may add one more instance of this from
the same Nasik cave inscriptions. Bhavagopa Senapati
is in one mentioned as of the Kausika gotra. It is here
alone that we have the mention of the gotra and the name-
ending " gopa" makes it similar to Vishnugopa and shows
that the Senapati was a Kshatriya. These name-endings
THE PALLAVAS OF KiNCHI 28."
(gopa = protector of the earth) usually taken for indicating-
caste are of great importance and the gotra mention is
still more important An inscription in Prakrit about
this very time, king and place not yet recognised, mentions
the gotra of the king as Brihatphalayana ( see inscription
of Jayavarman for grant of a villageinKndurahara Ep. Ind.
Vol. VI p. 316. In this grant also we have Ahara, northern
Sanskrit name for a Taluka and not "nadu" the Dravidian
name ). As the earliest grants of the Pallavas insist on
mentioninig their gotra as Bharadvaja we conclude that
the Pallavas were really Kshatriyas as Hiuen Tsang
describes them.
We may further add that the legend about the origin
of the Pallavas as given in the records of the later Palla-
vas is not reliable and as usual was concocted afterwards
to connect them with a Mahabharata hero. In fact it
appears that in later centuries it was an ambition with all
kingly families to connect themselves with some hero of
the great national epic (just as in the west Greek and Roman
families delighted to connect themselves with the heroes
of Homer ). The Chalukya later legend we have already
discussed. We may note here the Pallava legend. It
gives the genealogy as follows. 1 ^^r \ af/it?:^ 3 f^m ^ Wl
'" W^~^ % ?M -s W^-i^^m and c q??^ born of an Apsaras or
heavenly nymph from Ashvatthama and placed on a bed
made of soft leaves and hence called Pallava. Even Vedic
poets loved to play with names, witness the fanciful deri-
vations assigned to Agastya, Angiras, Atri etc. in the
Brahmanas and it is no wonder that later Sanskrit poets
invented absurd legends to explain the meanings of names
like Chalukya and Pallava. We may safely put these
legends aside as imaginery, as also the legend that the
first Pallava ruled the whole earth. We must take the
names of Kshalriya families as we find them, whatever
their real origin may have been and rely for facts on con-
temporary records.
True Kshatriyas, the Pallavas were orthodox and of
the Vedic religion. The son of Kumara Vishnu viz.
286 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Sivaskandavarman whose Prakrit grant has been found is
said to have performed the Asvamedha. Smith rightly
states that this Asvamedha was performed even before
that of Chandragupta of the Gupta family in the north.
The Pallavas were also devout worshippers of Siva like
the general body of Marathas. They built great temples
to Siva in Kanchi. There may be some Vishnu temples
also but Siva was their family deity. Though one Pallava
king is said to have made a grant to Buddhists at Amara-
vati, it does not necessarily show that he was a Buddhist,
The toleration by early Aryan kings of Buddhism is well
known. BuddhismandJainism both found followers in the
Kanchi empire but the religion of the ruling family and the
people generally was Saivism. Kanchi is still the greatest
strong-hold of Saivism in the south and the most devout
Saiva poets and saints belong to Kanchi. It was probably on
this account, that Kanchi has risen to the proud position
of a holy city in Hindu estimation. According to Hindu
belief there are only seven cities which pre holy in India
viz. lAyodhya, 2 Mathura 3 Maya or Haradwar 4 Kashi
5 Kanchi 6 Avanti or Ujiain and 7 Dvaraka. It is strange
that in the south the honour belongs only to one citj' and
that is Kanchi and does not belong even to Paithan or
Pratishthana, the ancient Maharashtra seat of learning.
It seems that this position was attained by Kanchi under
the orthodox rule of the early Pallavas and by the religion
of Saivism which they propagated and favoured together
with the greatness of the Saiva saints who flourished there.
The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra-gupta
records that he conquered three kings viz. Hastivarman of
dengi, Ugrasena of Palakka and Vishnugopa of Kanchi.
These two kingdoms Palakka on the Malabar ( West )
coast and Vengi on the east coast were undoubtedly
under Pallava domination and Vengi is usually called
Vengi-rashtra and was thus under the Maratha rule of
the Pallavas from the beginning. The king Attivarman is
said to be a Pallava also. The Vengi Rashtra after the
Pallavas came under the Chalukyas of Badami and an
THE PALLAVAS OF KANCHI 287
eastern Chalukya kingdom was founded there by Vishnu-
vardhana and may be said to be a continuation of the
same rale.
II— THE LATER PALLAVAS OF KANCHI
The later Pallavas of Kanchi may be looked upon as
contemporaneous with the early Chalukyas and comprised
many able kings who were always at feud with their
Chalukya contemporaries. These kings were (1) Sinha
Vishnu who is placed by Dubreuil in about 590 A. D. ; his
son was (2) Mahendravarman I, his son (3) Narsinha-
(Pallava line) (Chalukya line) varman I ; his son
e . _ T. - (4)Mahendravarman
Sinhavarraan Kanaraga
about 562 A. D. | II, his son (5j Parme-
1 Sinhavishnu S 590 A. D.— Pulakesin I svaravarman I, his
o TDT u i' T x?io Tz- ^•' son (6)Narsinhavar-
2 Mahendravarman I bI8-Kirtivarman ^ '
„ ^^ I I , man II, and his son
3 Narsinhavarman I 646— Pulakesin II /r,. t-.
I I (7) Parmesvaravar-
4 MaheDdravarman II 660-Vikramaaitya I ^^^ j j ^^^ j^ ^l^ced
5 Parraesvarvarman I fi74— Vinayaditya I Dubreuil in about
6 liarsinhavarman II 700— Vijayaditya 715 A. D. In the
? Parmesvaravarman II 715— \ margin we give the
8 Nandipdtavarman 742-Vikraitiaditya II contemp O r a n e O u s
defeated Nandi Chalukya kings,
in 740 A. D. r^^^ r,^^ ^^^ j^^^ ^^^
succeeded by Nandipotavarman of a collateral branch
who was defeated by Vikramaditya Chalukya and with him
we may suppose the later Pallavas to have gone out
of importance.
Thus from about 550 to 750 A. D. these two Mahara-
shtra Kshatriya families contended for the overlordship of
the Indian Peninsula south of the Nerbudda and aimed at
and prided upon being lords between three seas. The
Pallavas had of course already subjugated the Chola,
Pandya, Kerala and Kalabhra kings -and the latter often
sided with their Pallava overlords as feudatories in their
battles with the Chalukyas. If does not appear that the
Pallavas were ever finally successful ; in this hereditary
288 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
conflict the victory lay usually with the Chalukyas. But
the fortunes were often varying and we need not enter
into the details of these reverses and successes. Grants
and inscriptions of both the Chalukyas and the Pallavas
have been found in great numbers and sometimes contain
contradictory statements. But a consistent history
has been evolved by scholars which may be related
shortly as follows.
Sinhavishnu was the first great sovereign among the
later Pallavas. He conquered, besides the Cholas etc, even
Ceylon. His son was Mahendravarman I who was de-
feated by Pulakesin II the great rival of Harsha. When
Hiuen Tsang visited Kanchi, his son Narasinhavarman
was on the throne; he was apparently subject to Pulake-
sin II. But this Narasinhavarman I eventually defeated
Pulakesin II in 642 aud his capital Vatapi was taken and
plundered by him. The latter's son Vikramaditya I there-
after revived the glory of the Chalukyas and took revenge
by seizing Kanchi in return. The date of this conquest of
Parraesvaravarman I by Vikramaditya I isfixed by a grant
of the latter (Gadval plates, Ep. Ind. X p. 101) in 674 A. D.
( Dubreuil p. 42 ). A grant of Vikramaditya's son Vinaya-
ditya dated 613 Saka or 691 A. D. ( Ind. Ant. Vol- VI p.
89 ) contains some interesting information. The epithet
^\(^r^J^J|; ) is somewhat obscure. This has been translated
by Dr. Fleet as follows " who seized the city of Kanchi
after the defeat of the leader of Pallavas, who had been the
cause of the humiliation of the family as pure as the
rays of the moon." Now the real difficulty is in the word
T^c^q-; the Mf^cmRr is described not as qR^^5 but qRwt^%3,
T%?55T being omitted or left unnoticed by Fleet. But the
expression is indeed obscure. The Chalukya family is
here supposed to be of the lunar race as later records
represent it, but this point is also doubtful. However the
main fact is apparent viz. that the Pallavas being defeated
their city was entered. Another important epithet applied
to Vikramaditya in this grant is f^^^Tg^Tr-'W^TriScsr'qt''^^:^
THE PALLAVAS OF KlN-CHI ^9
"Which shows that he was the overlord of all the chiefs who
ruled within three oceans. And thirdly the word ^rj-pj^^.
^^s^^^4^ shows the Pallavas had three kingdoms much in
the same way as the Chalukyas had three Maharashtas
(viz, Vldarbha, Maharashtra proper and Kuntala or southern
Maratha country). And the three kingdoms of the Pallavas
were probably Vengi, Kanch! and Palakkada; but Vengi
had already been lost and taken by the Eastern Chalukyas.
Perhaps the traditional epithet Trairajya Paliava still
remained.
The Pallavas though often defeated retained, however^
their kingdom as usual in ancient times and were power-
ful for a long time. The last defeat inflicted on them
(under Nandipotavarraan ) by the Chalukyas, was under
Vikramaditya II in about 740 A. D. Kanchi was again
seized and entered. But being considered a sacred city
as already mentioned, it was never plundered by the
orthodox Chalukyas. On the contrary any plunder taken*
from temples by unscrupulous hands was restored and
many rich presents were made by the Chalukya king and
queen to its famous gods. Nandipotavarman's power may
be said to have declined from this time. He had a long
reign however of about 51 years.
The later Pallavas were like the earlier ones great
Saivas and they have left behind them temples and caves
and rock-cut rathas which are yet the admiration of the
world. They surpassed the Chalukyas in this respect.
The Rajasinhesvara or Kailasanatha temple in Kanchi
is famous. Who this Rajasinha was is not quite clear,
but he seems to have been Narasinhavarman II ( some
scholars take him to be Narasinhavarman I ). The biru-
das or titles of these kings are so numerous that it is really
difficult to identify them. These birudas are the fancies
of poet-flatterers. The Rajasinhesvara temple contains
many such e. g. Atyantakanta, Ranachanda and so on,
but as plainly showing that these Pallavas were Kshatriyas
as Hiuen Tsang states, we may quote one viz: Srikshatra-
chudamani. The Mamallapura temple of Siva contains
37
290 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
a short rascription ia it viz. 5TM<'JHii^M;*,^^^<Ji^. In the
Kailasanatha temple in an inscription the pedigree of the
Pallavas is given as ( 1 ) Brahma ( 2 ) Angiras ( 3 ) Brihas-
pati ( 4) Samyu ( 5 ) Bharadvaja ( 6 ) Drona ( 7 ) Asvattha-
ma (1) Pallava. In his line was born Ugradanda who
defeated Raiiarasika probably a Chalukya king. His son
was Rajasinha. Dubreuil opines that Ugradanda and
Lokaditya mentioned in the inscriptions of the Kailasa-
natha temple at Kanchi mean Paramesvara I and Rana-
rasika is Vikramaditya I. Thus this Chalukya after
defeating the Pallavas was in turn defeated on the
banks of the Kaveri by three kings united viz. Kanchi
Sinhala and Pandya kings. The date of this defeat is 674
A. D. (see Dubreuil p. 42 noted before ), The builder of the
Rajasinhesvara temple would then be Narasinhavarman II
of about 700 A. D. The rock-cut temples at Mammallapura
near Madras called the " Seven Pagodas " and the cave
temples at Mahendravadi and Mamandur were excavated
by order of these Pallava kings from Mahendravarman I
( Smith ). There are at Mamallapura ( the name Mamalla
is derived from Mahamalla a title of Narasinhavarman I)
three Saiva temples and one Vaishnava. Dubreuil thinks
that Mahendravarman and his father originally ruled in
the Telagu country to the north of the Krishna and the
cave works and rock-cut temples he execdted during
his reign at Kanchi were copied from similar buildings
and excavations at Amaravati. The art thus in his
opinion goes back to the Buddhistic period and is
Greek in origin,
The later Pallavas were thus great builders of temples.
Dubreuil thinks that Narasinhavarman II surnamed
Rajasinha had a long, and peaceful reign, and did nothing
else "except loading Saivite priests with favours and build-
ing temples to Siva. Besides the famous Kailasanatha or
Rajasinhesvara temple he built the Shore Temples at Ma-
habalipura and the Panamalai temple. The Airavate-
svara temple at Kanchi may also be added to this list."
(p. 45). These kings also appear to be patrons of letters.
THE PAl.LA.VAS OF KANCHI 291
A burlesque ( IT^'T^ ) has been found at Travancore of
which Mahendravarraan I is the writer. (It would be in-
teresting to read this drama or rather Prahasana). And
Dubreuil has found confirmation of this fact from an in-
scription on a cave at Mamandur and which he reads as
HT\\^^Am\2'^i ^IT^. Mattavilasa being a title of Mahendra-
varman I. The greatness of this king is described by
Dubreuil as follows, ''(1) he checked the Chalukya inva-
sion at Pallalur, (2) he gave a new impulse to Saivism, (3)
he glorified poetry and music (it appears he was himself
the composer of some svaras), (4) he transferred the taste for
rock-cut temples from the banks of the Krishna to those of
the Palar and Kaveri and (5) for administrative purposes
he built tanks at Mahendravadi, Mamandur and probably
at Dalavamir. "Thus Mahendravarman I opened a new
•era whose apotheosis we shall see in the reign of his son
Narasinhavarman I " (p. 40). This praise is well merited.
The succeesors of Narasinha too were great builders e. g,
Rajasinha alias Narasinhavarman II. They were also
great patrons of learning, the son of this Narasinhavarman
viz. Paramesvravarman being a great patron of letters.
We gi^ein the appendix a grant of thisParmesvaravarman
as much as a sample of the good poetry of the Pallava
school as proof of this fact. We shall find also mention of
many historical facts in connection with thePallavas and
the Chalukyas, (the French and the English of India)
in this inscription. The Pallavas were great patrons of
Sanskrit literature and not Dravidian literature which
latter it must be stated flourished at the court of the earlier
Pandya kings at Madura. In fact as we have already
stated the Pallavas spoke a mid-Indian language.
The social relations of these Pallavas also appear to
be with the northerners. For instance the Chalukya first
king is said to have married a Pallava princess. Then again
( Archealogical S. R. Part V ) the Vellur plate already
quoted states that the wife of Dantivarman wasaKadamba
princess* And similarly in a grant at p. 555 it is stated
292 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
that Nandivarman had married a Rashtrakuta lady.f
The name of this lady was Reva and her son was properly
called Dantivarman from his Rashtrakuta grandfather
( Dubreuil p. 75 ). Whether the Pallavas married Dravi-
dian Chola, Pandya, Kerala princesses we do not know.
But it is not strange if they did, for the Maharashtra
Aryan Kshatriyas also married Nagavamsa princesses.
The theory then was that a Kshatriya could take a wife
from any caste down to Sudras and the progeny still re-
mained Kshatriya. The southern Aryans of the lunar
race like the northern ones appear to have mixed them-
selves with Naga families freely.
The Pallavas in all their grants never use the Saka
era, in fact they mention no other years but their own
regnal years and hence their dates are open to doubt. This-
absence of the Saka era in due to their old pedigree which
goes back beyond 400 A. D, when the Saka era. as we have-
said before, was popularised by new astronomical Siddhan-
tas. In fact the Pallavas go back to the period of the
Satavahanas who never used the Saka era. The Pallavas
are thus plainly an older people than the Chalukyas.
that is to say they were settled in the Deccan much earlier
than the latter.
We may in conclusion give in brief a short history of
what we may call the last or third Pallava line. It was
composed of four kings whose dates are ascertained
by Dubreuil as in the
1 Nandivarman Pallavamalla margin. Of these we have
717-779 A. D. ,. 4U 4- at j-
I already seen that JSandi-
2 Dantivarman-77('-830 varman was defeated by
3 NandiofTellarn-830-864 Chalukya Vikramaditya
4 Nripatunga— 864-880 II in 745 A. D. The Cha-
Aparajita lukyas themselves fell be-
fore the Rashtrakutas of
Malkhed and it appears that these last Pallavas recog-
nised thereafter the supremacy of the Rashtrakutas.
THE PALLATAS OF KANCHI 293
Dantivarman is said to have been defeated by rheRashtra-
kutas about 803 A. D. After Nripatunga the Pallavas
under Aparajita* were extinguished by the Cholas in about
900 A. D. under Aditya I. Thereafter we do not hear of
any Pallava kings These last Pallavas apparently ruled
in Kanchi. They all have left many grants. They cannot
be called Ganga Pallavas according to Dubreuil and Gopi-
nathrao. The Gangas were a distinct line in Kanara and
Mysore and should not be confounded with the Pallavas.
Nandivarman II is said to have defeated thePandya kings
at Tellaru when they invaded his territories on the Kaveri
and hence Dubreuil calls him Nandi of Tellaru. Nripa-
tunga had undoubtedly Tanjore and Trichonopally under
him as his grants show and it is there that the Cholas
subsequently rose to power. These Cholas we shall have
to refer to in the third epoch of our history.
The present chiefs of Pundukotta represent themselves
to be descendants of the Pallavas and their claim may be
well founded. But it may be noted that since the Chola
supremacy the Pallavas ceased to have any connection
with the north and the Pallavas must have been confined
to marriages with Dravidian chiefs. They belong to the
latter period of Indian history when as we shall further
on relate marriage relations became strict all over India.
"■ Some scholars sav that Aparajita is but another name of Nripatunga who took
It after defeating the Pindyas In any case the name Aparajita proved untrue for the
king was finally defeated and the line extinguished by Ad-tva I.
NOTES
I— KURAM PALLAVA GRANT
South Indian Inscriptions (Hultzsch) Vol. I p. 148-50.
3^3T^aqH^[Pr^TrFrfT*TTq?^H5[a%T?I^i5, 1 fiT2;^T^5rrR^i;TfT'^=J<i=<^I^KM-
?qS?^Htf" S? II sl^'Jfllf^^l^flrTtfpqi^r^^lTl^rgT^^rrT ?M:iS>IIc^MRmrT-
^TcT^M'cTr^T*TT^fr?T?^T?^rr^^qM^lf. =^^T^H SfT^^Fn ?:i^'T^5ti-
%?^ ^Wf^JTOT: 5|^f T%rf =^R%? ar^vSJiJTr'&iT^^ ■H^.^'llttR^
tFr»;3TrfHK'?tT^'5riJT|^OT: q-fTiTa5J?rom7To5^|TJTT^q^ ^otT^^^m^^'T^
T^^^TcqT ^^f^R^ '^gq^rn=Tt wt ^^^w ^v^ ^^ '^Tosr 1
here follows a description of a hard fought battle which is both very real
and poetical; f%-TFrTf^?4 W^^^^^l^'-'J'i '^^pW^SSTRrT . . ^^ TT^'^f^ ^^TIH
'"^^^mrh
While Chulukya records represent Paliavas as defeated by Vil^ra-
maditya this grant represents him as flying from the field covered with,
a rag or rather a "langoti." to use in Marathi. However both accounts
naay be true; as there are usually successes and reverses between equally
matched opponents. The further interest of this record is that it
I— KURAM PALLAVA GRANT 29.'>
presents Paramesvaravarman as fond of poetry. And the occurrence
of the word Rashtra as the name of a division or district shows that the
Pallavas originally came from the MahSrashtras. We will refer to
this again later on.
II — Some Nasik cave Inscriptions in Prakrit as read by Senart
( latest version) Ep. In.: Vol. VIII.
( 1 ) No. 22 page 93.
( Under king Krishna of the Satavahana family this cave has been
caused to be made by the officer in charge of the Sraraanas at Nasik)
(2) No. 24 page 94.
1%'^ noTT 'TRTirnTrT^T ^nw'FFT^'JT trrrT^otH 5T^7> ?riHk '^^^j^
T% ?frfi^ -5 f^^^ q'4H ^(iwH JT?ra''JirTFRT h^^?t ^fr^^ ir^T^an-
(Tran.: — Success. On the first day of the 3rd fortnight of winter in
the seventh year of the king the lord Siriya Satakani son of Gotami. the
Mahasenapatini Vasu wife of the Mahasenapati Bhavagopa of the
Kausika family has completed and given as an abode to the Universal
Sangha of monks this cave which has been excavated for many years
but after having been created by the ascetic Bopaki had remained
uncompleted).
Ill— No. 5 page 73.
%'-T ^Tt^^^ SUH"^^ m^W'^ ^^ ^FfTTMr?t l^t nPTH'Trr^ ^T?r^-
296 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
(Tran.: — Success. Order of the king to be made over to Samaka the
officer at Govadhana in the name of the king Satakani Gotamiputa and
of the king's i]ueen-mother whose son is living. Samaka the officer at
Govadhana shall be addressed with the usual civility and then shall be
told thus: "We have here on mount Tirahnu formerly given to the
mendicant ascetics dwelling in the cave which is a pious gift of ours a
field in the village of Kakhadi. But this field is not tilled nor is the
village inhabited. Matters being so that royal village of ours which is
now here on the limit of the town, from that field we give to the
mendicant ascetics of Tirahnu one hundred Nivartanas of land and to
that field we grant immunity not to be entered (by royal officers) not
to be touched (by any of them) net to be dug for salt, not to be inter-
fered with by the district police and in short to enjoy all kinds of
immunities; invest it with these immunities and take care that the
donation of the field and the immunities are duly registered." Verbally
ordered. The deed written down:by Lota the doorkeeper. The charter
executed by Sujivin in the year 24 in the 4th fortnight of the rainy
season on the 5th day. The donation had been made in the year 24 in
the second fortnightof summer on the 10th day.
IV — Beginning of No. 12 page 82. ♦
(Tran.: — In the year-42 in the month of Vesakha, Ushavadata sou
of Dinika son-in-law of king Nahapana the Kshaharata has best I'Wtd
this cave on the Samgha generally ).
CHAPTER XI
THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI AND KALINGA
( For the materials of this history we have many inscriptions of
i:astern Chalukya kings; these and other various sources are available
and have been utilized. )
The Chalukyas of Badami under Pulakesin II were
the overlords of the whole of the south. They had con-
quered the Andhras in the east, the Pallavas in the south,
the Gurjaras in the west and the Kosalas and others in
the north. Two separate branches of these Chalukyas
were also founded in the east and the west at this time
and Pulakesin placed two brothers of his in these subor-
dinate kingdoms. The first Eastern Chalukya king is
styled Kubja Vishnu Vardhana and he began to rule in
the Vengi kingdom wrested from the Pallavas from 605
A. D. according to one view or at the latest from 615 A. D.
S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar in his history of Ancient In^ia
says ( p. 27 ) "The Pallava generals marched up to ihe
capital of the Chalukyas and so completely destroyed it
that there was an interregnum for 13 years. It was to
maintain peace in the Pallava position that Pulakeshin
organised a separate viceroyalty at Vengi under his
brother who became the founder of a dynasty ". This is
incorrect. For Vatapi was plundered about 643 A. D. and
the Vengi kingdom had already been founded in 605 or
615 A. D. Pulakesin gave it to his brother in the natural
fulfilment of brotherly affection or for policy in order to
make a separate kingly provision for a royal brother. For
his second brother, he similarly provided a kingdom in
Gujarat or Lata (capital Navasari). But Kubja Vishnuvar-
dhana was fortunate enough to found a dynasty which was
longer lived than its parent stem and which ruled in
Vengi from the beginning of the 7th to the end of the 11th
century when it was merged into the Chola kingdom the
founder of which was a daughter's son of the last king
of this line.
38
298 THE FIRST HINDU KIITGDOMS
These Chalukyas of Vengi have left many grants and
inscriptions and what is peculiar they usually mention the
whole line with the regnal years of each king. Hence
a tolerably accurate genealogy of this line can be given,
like the one given at page 32 of the first volume of " South
Indian inscriptions " by Hultzsch. The initial date of
Vishnuvardhana is subject to discussion and is given by
Hultzsch as 605 and by Dr. Fleet as 615 A. D. Probably it
must be some years before 615 A. D. Five grants of these
Eastern Chalukyas are given in the first volume of Smiths'
Indian copperplates. The earlier of these grants do not
give any history or legend before the mention of Chalukya
Pulakesin I. But the fifth which is clearly later and the
Ranastipundi grant of Vimaladitya gives at the beginning
the new legend which had become then current about the
origin of the Chalukyas and which we have already
noticed. These two grants ( Chellur, p. 51. S. I. Ins. Vol. I
and Ranastipundi grant ditto Vol. V. ) give a long list
of kings with regnal yeai's and these we will give here
in detail as they are given in these two grants. Both
these grants also give dates in Saka year and the years
of the coronation of the two last kings and hence we
have a final date from which we may count back to
the very first Kubja Vishnuvardhana as the regnal years
of each and every king are given. But the list extends
over a period of about 500 years a very long time indeed
and certainty is unattainable. Dynastic lists appear
to have been preserved in every state in India in ancient
times and the records of Vengi as of Kashmir appear to
have been particularly well preserved. But an interregnum
of 27 years is mentioned and hence the list becomes again
somewhat subject to doubt.
The names of these kings with their years and rela-
tionship as mentioned in these two grants are as follows: —
1 Kubjavishnuvardhana, 18 years.
2 Son, Jayasinhavallabha, 33 years.
3 Brother, Indraraja, 7 days.
4 Son, Vishnuvardhana II, 9 years.
THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENOI 299
5 Son, Mangi Yuvaraja, 25 years.
6 Son, Jayasinha, 13 years.
7 Brother Kokkili, 6 months. Set aside by his
elder brother : —
8 Vishnuvardhana III, 37 years
9 Son, Vijayaditya, 18 years
10 Son, Vishnuvardhana IV, 36 years
11 Son, Vijayaditya Narendra Mrigaraja a famous
king who has left a grant, 48 years
12 Son, Kalivishnuvardhana V, IV^ year
13 Son, Gunaka Vijayaditya, 44 years
14 Nephew, Chalukya Bhima, 30 years
15 Son, Kollabhi Ganda Vijayaditya, 6 months
16 Son, Ammaraja, 7 years. His child son was set
aside by: —
17 Tadapa, I month
18 Setting him aside, son of BhIma (14) Vikrama-
ditya, 11 months
19 Son of 17, Yuddhamalla, 7 years
20 Setting him aside, brother of 16 from country
Bhima, 12 years
21 Son, Ammaraja II, 25 years
22 Half-brother Dananripa, 3 years
Interregnum for 27 years.
Here the line seems to have been broken off but the
next king Saktivarman is said to be son of Danarnava
who may be taken to be the last king Dananripa No.
22, and the line proceeds as follows: —
23 Saktivarman, son of.22, 12 years
24 Brother Vimaladitya, 7 years
25 Son Rajaraja, 41 years, of the lunar race married
Ammanga daughter of Rajendra Choda of the
solar race.
26 Son, Rajendra Choda.
The last first became king of Vengi and then overlord
of the whole of the south conquering Kerala, Pandya,
Kuntala etc. He was then anointed king of the Choda
kingdom (Chola). He married the Princess Madhurantaki
300 Tf*E FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
born of the solar Chela family. He had many sons. The
account here related is not quite clear as it mixes up the
Chola and Vengi kingdoms and families. Virachoda finally
was anointed king on Thursday 13th Tithi ( #g"^f:?5?T ),
Sravana Nakshatra, Bright fortnight, Sun being in Lion
in Saka 1001. This king makes this Chellur grant of a
village in Guddavali Vishaya to a temple of Vishnu built
by his commander-in-chief Medarya born in a Brakmin
family of the Mudgala gotra. This inscription is very im-
portant (p. 57, Vol. 1 S. Ind. Ins.) and we will further on
describe it fully.
This inscription then gives us the names of kings, the
length of the reign of each, his relation to the predecessor
and the fact wherever the succession was violent. But
unfortunately we have no other materials to co-ordinate a
detailed consecutive history. Dr- Fleet has by the aid of
other Eastern Chalukya grants made out a detailed story
of this line and has also tried to fix the dates of the reigns
of each king for which antiquarians will certainly be grate-
ful to him (see his articles in Indian Antiquary Vol. XX),
But there are certain facts even unexplained by him and
we shall try to solve these difficulties- Now the first
difficulty is about the succession of "Kokkili No. 7. He
was a younger son and yet he succeeded his eldest brother
before his elder brother. After six months of possession he
was set aside by this elder brother Vishnuvardhana who
thereafter had a long reign of 37 years. What was the
probable story of this apparent usurpation of Kokkili ?
We have already made a guess and it seems to be the
proper one. Supposing that Vishnuvardhana the founder
came to the throne in 605 A. D. we have for the ertd of the
reign of Kokkili's eldest brother Jayasinha A.D. 703 (Vish-
nu 18 + Jay 33 + Vishnu 9 + Mangi 25+ Jayasinha 13 = 98
years). Now it is probable that the world-conquering
expedition of Lalitaditya of Kashmir happened at this
time. Jayasinha had just died or was killed in battle.
His full brother must have fled owing to his dissentions
with his step-mother and as stated in Kashmir chronicles
THE EASTERN CHlLUKYAS OF VENGI 301
that step-mother a Ratta lady offered submission toLalita-
ditya. When Lalitaditya went away as usual, returning
the subject kingdom to its owner, Kokkili the youngest
brother was crowned king in the absence of his elder
brother and proper claimant. He (Vishnuvardhana) how-
ever returned, forcibly ejected his younger brother and
seized the throne which was his due. ( Kokkili is said
plainly to be half brother of Jayasinha and Vishnuvardhana
may have been Jayasinha's full brother. There was Ihus
the enmity of step relation too see S. I. Ind. Vol. I page 41).
If we place the founder Vishnuvardhana's reign in 615
A. D this Vishnuvardhana's reign and Jayasinha's death
would fall in 713 A. D. Lalitaditya's whole digvijaya
ended before 712 A. D. the date of the conquest of Sind by
the Arabs as we have stated in Kashmir history. This
may at first sight make the story of Lalitaditya's coming
to the south improbable. But as there is only a difference
of a few years we hold that Vishnuvardhana the founder's
reign may well be placed in 605 A. D. According to Dr.
Fleet who takes Vishnuvardhana the founder's rule to begin
in 615 A. D. Kokkili came to the throne in 709 AD. (For he
takes for Jayasinha 30 years ). And this date 709 A. D.
also fits in with Lalitaditya's conquest of the south.*
The slokas in the Raitarangini are as follows :—
Tif^'i^ -^M ' um ' jg ? ; t^fff ^Vi^ wp?rt 5roi7fr flTifr frm \\ ^^r^-^ '-^-r--"--'^.
The translator Stein has, vre think, wrongly said in a note here that this queen was a
Rashtrakiita lady. In the Maharashtra the ChSlukya family was still supreme and the
Rashtrakutas had yet to rise for they came to power after 750 A. D. The ChHlukya king
v/as at this time Vijayaditya who may have probably been in prison at this time in
KanchI (see Chalukya history). The mention of Vindhya passes -indicates that Lalitl-
ditya crossed the Eastern Ghauts into Vensi country. These hills have to be crossed
whether you come into Vizagapattan from Orissa or from Raipur side. A Ratta Karnata
queen would again probably indicate an Eastern ChSlukya queen for they were Maha-
rashtra by origin and Karniita by language or in modern language they were Southern
Mahratta country people. North and South India appear then as nov.- differentiated in
the matter of Pardah and we need not wonder that this Ratta queen presented herself
before Lalitaditya and did him homage. She appears to have been a young lady also
from Raiatarangin; and she must have been so from inscriptions also as she v.'as a step-
mother to the last king Jayasinha and her child son Kokkili was a half-brother of the
former (see S. I. In, iiultzsch Vol. I. p. ■11>.
302 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
The next disputed succession appears to be that of
Tadapa. King Ammaraja (no. 16} left a child son and he
was set aside by one Tadapa who seems to be an outsider.
Adding up the reigns of the intervening kings who appear
to have mostly enjoyed long rule we have from 8 to 16 /. ^•
for 9 reigns 222 years and adding 703 A. D. the beginning
of 8 we have 925 A. D, approximately for the usurpation
of Tadapa. But he' was promptly set aside after one month's
reign by a younger son of Bhima the I4th king who must
have been a sardar of the kingdom enjoying a few
villages. After 11 months he was himself set aside by
another and better claimant to the throne Yudhamalla a
son of king no. 17. He reigned for 7 years. But he too
was supplanted by another still better claimant viz. a
brother of Ammaraja, the last king no 17. The expression
used here is very important viz. 5=15531557 ^[^tt^wt^stt^it:. This
is wrongly translated as "having expelled him from the
country ;" for in a similar previous mention, the w^ords
cl^'^T^ alone are used. Hence V^iPi; does not go with the
previous word but with the following. It means reaccord-
ing to our view ''coming from the mother country" i. e-
Maharashtra. The Eastern Chalukyas were Maharashtra
in origin and had full intercourse with their parent land.
A younger brother of Ammaraja must have sought fortune
in Maharashtra and gained some jaghir there. When he
found his brother dead and his throne the subject of dispute
between rival claimants he returned and succeeded as the
rightful claimant to the last king undisputed. This
happened 8 years after 925 i. e. in 933 A. D. The line con-
tinued unbroken for three generations further. He
himself ruled for 12 years, his son Amma II 25 years
and another son of his by another wife and hence half-
brother of the last king ruled for 3 years. Here an
explanation is necessary how Danarnava who appa-
rently is an elder brother of Amma II succeeded before
him. We think the facts must have been as follows.
Chalukya Bhima his father came as we have said from
the Deccan to claim his right to the Vengi throne as
THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI 303
brother of Arama I. He was most likely a jagirdar in the
Deccan. His eldest son he must have left to continue his
Jagir there. Having succeeded in getting the throne of
Vengi he married Loka Mahadevi a Chpla princess probably
and had by her Amma II who succeeded to the throne
of Vengi getting also the name of Amma. He apparently
died childless. His elder brother Danarnava, therefore,
gave up his jagir in the Deccan and came to the throne of
Vengi. He reigned for 3 years only. Clearly enough his
claims were contested and gave pretext to the Chola
rising power to overthrow him. The Vengi kingdom
remained without a king for 27 years. This explains the
interregnum as also the coming to the throne of Danarpava
later than Amma II. His son Saktivarman however
succeeded in establishing eventually his claim as we see
further on. Now the grant says "by the evil turn of
fortune the Vengi country was without a king for 27
years." Thus 12 + 25 + 3 = 40 years after 933 A. D. i.e. in
973 A. D. this interregnum began and lasted till 973 + 27 =
1000 A. D. What the cause of this interregnum really was
it is difficult to surmise. Perhaps the disputes between
rival claimants still continued and civil war was still
raging, or the now rising power of the Cholas laid the
kingdom waste. But a marriage relation between Chola
and Vengi gave Vengi a further lease of life. The line
was again established by Saktivarman a son of Dananripa
the last king. He reigned 12 years and his brother Vima-
laditya 7 years and his son Rajaraja 41. 60 years brings
the end of the reign of Rajaraja to 1060 A. D. His son
born of Ammanga daughter of Rajendra Choda and there-
fore himself called Rajendra, after 15 years' rule of an
uncle and one year's rule of a brother gave the kingdom to
his son named Virachoda also born of a Chola princess in
Saka 1001 i- e. 1079 A. D, Now from the above data we get
1076 A. D. a difference of three years only. These 3 years
may either be added to the interregnum or to the initial
date of Kubja Vishnuvardhana or may be due to the
residue months and days of intervenning rulers which are
304 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
yjiven only in whole years. The'beginning of the Eastern
Chalukya rule under Vishnuvardhana may thus be taken
at any date between 605 A. D, and 615 which last however
tallies well with a grant of this very king in 632 A. D.
in the 18th year of his reign made on account of an
eclipse in Sravana (see Ind. Anti. Vol XX p. 13).
The political history of the Eastern Chalukyas does
not seem to be very disturbed and they enjoyed a long rule
from 605 A, D. to 1078 A. D, when they were merged into
the new risen power of the Cholas. Their rule extended
much beyond Vengi itself which is now a small town
( Pedda Vegi ) between the Godavari and the Krishna.
They must have been lords of Kalinga also i. e. the
territory to the north of the Godavari as far as the confines
of .modern Orissa. Raja-Mahendri was founded by the
Eastern Chalukya later king named Arama called also by
the biruda Rajamahendra. However, Kalinga seems to
have had during this period a dynasty of its own called
in their inscriptions the Ganga family. It must be noted
that Kalinga is an ancient name and Vengi is much later.
Kalinga like Maharashtra is said to be composed of three
countries and hence the name Trikalinga which by
Prakrit phonetic change has become Telanga of the
modern times. This Trikalinga is expressly mentioned
in a grant'of Vijayaditya ( S. I. In. Hultzsch Vol. I. p. 45)
as under the king Chalukya Bhima. The expression is
??1% ^^^•^^ l ?•^^^c!>i^'^l<?'>^-^< which shows that Vengimandala was
considered distinct from Trikalinga. Vengi must, therefore,
be taken to mean primarily the eastern coast district
between the Godavari and the Krishna and Trikalinga
meant Kalinga to the north of the Godavari, Andhra inside
the Ghauts and Ganjam, in which extended territory the
Telagu language is still spoken ( we will speak of Andhra
is a special note ). The Eastern Chalukyas had also rule
in the western Madras districts though not towards the
south of the Krishna as they must have been opposed in
early days by the Pallavas and later on by Cholas in this
direction. These districts were latterly a subject of dispute
THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI 305
between the eastern Chalukyas and the Rattas i'. e. the
Eashtrakuta kings of Malkhed who were then supreme in
Maharashtra. The Chalukyas thus fought often ^ith the
Gangas in Kalinga and the Rashtrakutas in the western
districts. Their king Chalukya Bhima is said in a grant
to have fought 108 battles and to have built 108 Siva
temples. Another king is said to have even taken the
capital of Krishna and burnt it ( S. I. Ins. Vol. I p. 39 ).
The eastern Chalukyas thus kept up their prestigs
for valour.
The Eastern Chalukyas probably spoke Kanarese while
the Trikalingas i. e. Kalinga, Andhra and Ganjam spoke
Telagu and the southern country spoke Tamil. The
Eastern ChalukyaSjin the beginning however,for some years
must have spoken a Sanskrit-born Prakrit Aryan language.
They also appear to have kept up marriage relation- with
the Maharashtra and Central Indian Aryan families. A
curious fact to be noted in this connection is that in a
grant of Vijayaditya (S. In- Ins. Hultsch Vol. I p. 40) we
are told that a village was granted to a sardar whose
family name was Pattavardhana which family came down
from the time of the founder Kubjavishnuvardhana. Now
this name "Pattavardhana" is a Maharashtra name and
still survives among Marathas, Brahmins and other castes
also. This Pattavardhana family in the grant appears to
have been Kshatriya, as the names of the persons in it are
Somaditya, Kuntaditya and so on. It was a family of
warriors of long-standing. In a grant of the same Chalu-
kya king Narendra Mrigaraja, the "Ajnyapta'" or com-
mand-giver is said to be his brother Nriparudra of the
Haihaya family (S. I. Ins. Hultsch Vol. I p. 34). The
word brother here must of course mean son of his maternal
or paternal aunt. The Chalukyas clearly thus married
into the Haihaya Kalachuri family of Central India. It
need not be surmised from this that they refused to marry
into the Chola, Pandya and other Dravidian families.
For these too had become included by this; me ( about the
10th century) into the solar and lunar races and the last
39
306 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Eastern Chaiakya king did marry a daughter of the
powerful Chola kings now assigned as stated above to the
solar race. But we may believe that in the beginning for
some time at least the Eastern Chalukyas must; have
confined themseves tc marriage with well-known Aryan
Kshatriya families of Maharashtra and the north, they
priding them •selves etill on their Kshatriya descent.
A few leuiarks may be made on the form of adminis-
tration. It was apparently entirely northern. The word
for lowest revenue division is vishaya and not nadu the
Dravidian word. A_ village is always said to be situate in
such and such a "ishaya. Secondly the Ajnapta or issuer
of the command of grant is some prince but in one it is
said to be Pancha ?radhanas (q^ST'TRT:)- This is a remark-
able change. We hear for the first time the word ir-^^
Pradhana, so much used in later Maratha history. The
ministers are not eight but five ; who they were cannot
be surmised. The v ords Mantri, Amatya and Adhyaksha
are by this time left behind and may have got into special
significations. Thirdly, the grants are addressed to
Rashtrakuta-Pramukhan Kutumbinah ( f^=Tr%TRTiTt ^T?^-
i^H,<mci ^^'^s!;^: ITcJiffiTfim-iiki). Now this word TTf^jyyvjin^ is
singular in these Eastern Chalukya grants and is not to
be found in any other grants of the ancient kingdoms of
India. What does it mean? It is translated as "heads of
provinces " by the Ind- Ant. But this is not quite accept-
able. A vishaya or Tehsil is the lowest division and
above it comes Eashtra ^^) or Bhukti (i|T%)- and so on.
The word Rashiratoo occurs in these grants e. g. Krama
Rashtra and appa-ently shows a division larger than a
vishaya. Rashtraktta ordinarily means head of a province
but Rashtrakatas cannot come under vishayas. Of course
here we have a distinct clue to the fact that Rashtrakxita
is not the name of a family as many think or thought but
it is the name of an office and is the exact equivalent of
the modern De.'-.hmukh- Deshmukh and Deshpande (head
pati! and head writer) are higher officers of the District,
not the Taluka. The Rashtrakuta family of Malkhed,
THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS OF VENGI .j07
therefore, as we shall state in their history has merely ;m
official position name changed into a family surname as
Prabhu, Deshmukh and Senapati(Senvi) etc. have become
in later Mavatha history. But what we urge here is that
as Rastrakuta office cannot come under vishaya, Rashtra-
kuta had already become apparently the name of local
official families of Marathas. Deshmukhs in Vengi
were usually Marathas and it is probable that under the
Eastern Chalukyas, theDravidian country must have been
assigned to Rashtrakuta or Maratha families as hereditary
Patils in the same way as in the Deccan. The grants are
therefore addressed to the inhabitants of the vishaya
of whom the Rashtrakutas were the leading families.
However, whether Rashtrakuta indicates Maratha people
or not, this word Rashtrakuta occurring in the eastern
Chalukya grants throws full light on the origin of the name
of ^5^ ^^d shows that it means nothing more than a
Tevenue official like the Deshmukh of modern days.
The Eastern Chalukya kings were worshippers of Siva.
They usually had long reigns being apparently well be-
haved (or in the absence of a truthful and detailed his-
torian like Kalhana they appear to be so from the ins-
criptions and grants v^^hich only eulogise their merits!).
They observed Hindu religious practices rigorously and
were strict enforcers of Varnasrama. They were usually
educated persons, one king especially was proficient in
mathematics and hence was called Gunaka. The pedi-
gree of the family derived from Yaduvamsa does not
appear in their grants till about the 10th century -'Nm-ii
they appear to have entered into marriage relations with
the Cholas who were now assigned to the solar race. This
Yaduvamsa pedigree is neither taken from the Mahabha-
rata nor the Bhagavata and is a riddle as discussed in
detail in our note-
The Eastern Chalukya kings took the title usually :i
Maharaja, some adding Maharajadhiraja, Parmesvara
and Parama Bhattaraka. Their favourite Biruda was
A^ishama-Siddhi taken by (he first king Vishnuvardhana
308 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
(meaning the conqueror of strongholds or difficult places).
They sometimes called themselves the Asraya of some-
thing like the early Western Chalukyas : but they gave
np the title ofVallabha which was now appropriated, so to
speak, by Maharashtra kings namely those of the Rashtra-
kuta family, following the usage of the Early Chalukyas
Lastly, it would be interesting to notice a few further
facts mentioned by Dr. Fleet in his paper on the Eastern
Chalukyas (Ind. Ant- Vol. XX). Firstly the seal of the
Eastern Chalukyas contained the legend Sri Tribhuvanan-
kusa ( ^fr %3^^f j^ ) always. The last grant of Virachoda
however shows above it a boar— the usual Lanchana — half
standing half couchant, to the proper^eft, Sun and Moon
umbrella, conchshell, doubledrum and two Chauries ; and
the lower part an elephant, an ox-goad; an expanded water-
lily and a device resembling the letter ^. These latter are
omitted in seals on other grants. The Chellur grant of
Virachoda enumerates the Chalukya ensignias, the white
umbrella, the single conchshell, Panchamaha-Sabda,
Paliketana, double drum, boar crest, bunch of feathers of
peacock's tail, the spear, the throne, the Makaratorana,
golden sceptre, Ganga and Yamuna and others unspecified.*
A similar list occurs in the Ganga grants of Kalinga
Nagara. Their importance and meaning which is a
riddle to many including Dr. Fleet we will try to eluci-
date later on. Golden coins of these Eastern Chalukyas
are found even in Arakan-
What became eventually of the Eastern Chalukya line?
The kingdom of Vengi of course disappeared under the
Chola supremacy. Some later Chalukyas, however, still
ruled there. They claimed descent from the child son of
Amma I who was set aside by Tadapa. He was not killed
and he grew somewhere and had many generations after
him. The last Malla Vishnuvardhana has left an inscrip-
tion dated 1202 A. D. Some Chalukya kings or chiefs are
found in the west to the south of the Tungabhadra also.
* The relevent portion in the Chellur grant may be quoted here. Speaking of the
criginaHounder of the Chalukya race viz, f^TTTT'l^ v»ho was born an orphan of the
;rjf^7 queen it is said "^ ^ ^T^\■ ffffcTf^TT^: fT^ Rjffq- ^g'^PTr'td' ^T^TVR-^ m#-
r'_ \ ^^^ Ff=ss?prr r%Tr?T^ ir^Ttitw ^f^-t^^ j; ^- i ■'■^ y -t i <i f% ti t- c^ -^.mnrjm Fri^rnn^-
*rraT;^^%^r=T ?mr^nr ^P^^n^f? ^"^trrra-f^rr^ "^rgnTRTR'^r ?rr<f?TT3'^ ^i^nri?
c-RT^RHT. (S. I. In. Hultsch Vol. I p. 54).
EASTERN CH5.LUKYA PEDIGREE 309
EASTERN CHALUKYA PEDIGREE.
( As given by Hultsch in South Ind. Ins. Vol. I p. 32 and with the
•other dates as proposed by Dr. Fleet led. Ant. Vol. XX p. ]2 and 283. )
I
S. 489-56T A. D, — Klrrivarman (Western Chalukva)
\ '
_i, J
Satyasraya Pulakeshin II 1 Kubja Vishnuvardhana
the preat Western Chalukya 18 years, 526-544 saka (H.)
of 610 A. D. or 532 saka 538-556 saka F.)
I
2 Jayasinha 1 33 yrs. saka 544-577 (H.) 3 Indraraja 6 months only
30 yrs. 556-585 saka (F.) |
4 Vishnuvardhana II, 9 yrs. 577-586 saka (H.) 585-5S4 saka (F.)
5 Mangi Yuvaraja, 25 yrs. 586-611 saka (H.) 595-619 saka (F,)
! .
I „ 1 J
6 Jayasinha II 8 Vishnuvardhana III 7 Kokkili, 6 months
13 yrs. 611-624 saka (H.) 37 yrs. 625-662 saka (H.) 625 saka (H.)
^.r 619-632 saka (F.) or 632-669 saka (F.) 632 saka (F.) or
i 703 A. D. (H.) 709 A. D. (F.)
9 Vijayaditya I Bhattaraka
IS yrs. 662-680 saka (H.) or 6t9-687 saka (F.)
10 Vishnuvardhana IV
36 yrs. 680-796 saka (H.) or 687-722 saka (F.)
11 Vijayaditya II alias Narendra Mrigaraja
48 yrs. 716-764 saka (H.) or 44 yrs. 722-766 saka (F.)
12 Kalivisbnuvardhana V
V-C yrs. 764-766 saka (H.) or 766-67 saka (F.)
I
ISGunaka Vijayaditya III Yuvaraja Yudhamalla
44 yrs. 766-809 saka (H. Vikramaditya j
or 767-Sll saka (F.) | 18 Tadapa
14 Chalukya Bhinia Droharjuna one month 848 saka
30 yrs, 809-839 saka (H.) or 811-841 saka (F .) j
! 21 Yudhamalla
I _ \ '' yj-s- 848-355
15 Vijayaditya IV KoUabhiganda or 19 Vikramaditya
Kaliyarttyanka 6 months 1 yr. 847-848 saka (H.)
saka 840 (H.) or 841 saka (F.) 849 saka (F.)
T~ ' i
16 Amma I Vishnuvardhana VI alias Raj Mahendra !
7 yrs. 840-847 saka (H.) or 841-848 saka (F.) 1
I 22 Chalukya Bhima II Vish. Ill
1 I Gauda Mahendra; son of
17 Vijayaditya cSc Beta 20 Bhima queen Melarabal2 yrs.
child set aside by 855-867 saka (H.)
Tadapa 848 saka (F.) \
"I
24 Danarnava or Dananripa 23 Amma II Vijayaditya
3 yrs. 892-895 saka (H.) son of q. Loka Mahadevi
I 25 yrs. 867-892 saka (H.)
Interregnu.n for 27 years.
310 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Here ends the first section so to speak of the Eastern
Chalukya pedigree, a section which is essentially Deccani
or Maharashtri or rather Kannada Maratha. The date
of the coronation of Arama II is distinctly given in one
grant of his andat is Saka 867 Marga, V, 13 Friday etc.
which corresponds with Friday 5th Dec. 945 A. D, ( Fleet
Ind. A.nt, Vol. XX p. 271).
We now go on to the second section of the Pedigree.
II
24 Danarnava
Interregnum for
27 years
25 Saktivarman or Chalukya Chandra 26 Vimaladitya m. SvindarS.
12 yrs. 925-937 saka (H.) 926-938 saka (F.) sister of Rajendra Choda
of Suryavamsa 7 yrs.
937-944 saka (H.)
938-945 saka (F.)
I
I _ I
27 Rajaraja I Yishnuv. VIII 28 "V ijayaditya VII received
ni. Ammanga Devid of Rajendra Choda Vengi from Rajendra Choda
44yr.s 944-985 saka (H.) 954-986 saka (F.) his nephew 15 yrs.
1 985-1000 saka (H.)
Rajendra Choda or Kullottungadeva ascended Choda
throne at Kanohi m. Madhurantaki d. of Rajendra Choda
gave Vengi to his uncle No. 28 (41 yrs. 986-1035)
_J
1 n • I
Vikrama Choda 29 Rajaraja II 30 Vira Choda,
in the Choda kingdom 1 yr. 1000-1001 saka (H.) Vishnuv. IX
(ascended the throne •
in saka 1001) a grant
in his 21st year
(1022 saka) is found.
In the Chellur grant the coronation exact date of (30)
Virachoda is given as Saka 1001 Bhadrapada Vadya 13,.
Thursday corresponding to 23 August 1078 A. D. Thursday
(Fleet Ind. Ant. Vol. XX page t:84). The coronation.
EASTERN CHALUKYA PEIG-REE
311
date of Rajaraja the first is also given in a grant of his and
is equivalent to 16th August 1022 A. D.*
* The kings with Christian era dates for the end of ea.ch reign may-
be given as follows from Fleet's paper Ind. Ant. XX p. 283 : —
1 Vishnuvardhana
. 633 A. D.
2 Jayasinha
. 663 „
3 Indraraja
. 663 „
4 Vishnuvardhana II .
..672 „
5 Mangi Yuvaraja
. 696 „
n Jayasinha II
. 709 ,.
7 Kokkili
,. 709 „
8 Vishnuvardhana III..
,. 746 „
9 Vijayaditya I
. 764 „
10 Vishnuvardhana IV..
. 799 „
11 NarendraMrigaraja
or Vijayaditya II .
.. 843 .,
12 Kalivishnu.
.. 844 „
14 Chalukyj Bhimu ... 9is A. D.
15 KcUabiganda Vijaya-
ditya IT ... 918 ,,
16 Amma I Vishr.uv. VI.. 925 „
17 Beta'^Vijayaditya V ... 925 ,,
18 Tadapa ... 925 „
19 Vikramaditya II ... 926 ,.
20 Ehlraa III ... 927 ,.
21 YudhamalL-i ... 934 „
22 Amma II Vija. VI ... 970 ,.
23 Danarnava ... 973 ,,
Interregnum tor :3»> yrs.1003 „
24 Saktivarm 1. ... 1015 „
13 GunakaVijayadityalllSSS
NOTES
I— The Chandravamsa Pedigree in later ChAlukya grants.
The Ranastipundi grant of Vimaladitya (Ep. Ind. Vol. VI p. 351)
gives the Chandravarasa as follows: I (1) Brahma (2) Manasa son arf^
(3) Moon (4) f f (5) J^^T (6) s^rg (7) ^^^ (^) JT^rrfff ^sp^di' f^FFcT? (9) ^i^ic-
^^( (10) i^^'krj^r-'^-'^f^^t^ ^'^'i\ll) ^r^r^ (i2) ^f^mfrf {Id) rwit (14) ?rrw-
trm (15) ^r^+r^ (16) ^fnrm (17) >^r^5F (18) jpF'^t^^ (19) ^^t% (20) r^cjt
(21) -:«:w-T (22) JTfa^R T^irFPTPfr y^^WfTpT^i^r^T: (23) qvTrqr^^ (24) ^1??-
(?5) g i<jH (26) «T?r ^r^n^rmR =^?f^3"^ i"^^!? ittsj; i fr^r ?T^-rp^:i^-Tn5; ^t tt? r-
^.^if 3Tv5 fJrT^'=?(i?»i^ (2?) MiT^ (28) gfr^ (29) f^cfl (30) f^n"^ (31) a^^fffir?-
(32) ij^T^ from q^r^rgcfr ^T=fr (33) r<T-^r (34) q^%c3: (35) hw^ (36) ^tTt^
(37) =F^5 (38) Kf^^mq^ (39) T^f (40) five sons and s^ praised (41) aqm-
^^ (42) TRl'sr'X (43) :jffT^jT^ (44) ^^g^ (45) ^■^\^ (46) ^ffpfRr (47) g-^^r^. II
•^T^r JTW etc.
Now comparing this list with that given in the Mahabharata we find
many names common. But there are some material differences. They
are as follows:- Mbh. Ch. 95 gives the line with i7f-fc?r-5r^r. From him
we have sfff -^f^r-TJrifa'-i;?. The line then goes to :jr^jR" who performed
three 37«3^'T. This makes ^^^r^R the same as that of the ^iTTTi'T but this
is a mistake; for the :3T*iPiT<r of ^cT"T^ who performed three sf^ffPf''^' is
TrTif^^^T^^jr^ ; while this ■SvTfTrR' is son of g;^. Frqn 3H*^jiq", we have
srrf^'^^-'t^rra -BTt^rrl". (Thelp^r^rr^f and f^rri'^ of the inscription are per-
haps a mistake of reading). Then we have ?n"^^»li"q-iR-%^-3T^NTM->iKP-
T^^m.— (In the inscription 3T^p<t=T and a^Rf are omitted). Then we
have 37f^pTn'?r-37^r'T^-\wrr^pir-3Tft5-^^-frra=Tn: (for the first four we have
JL^^rFT5[r-#r^;pT. 7WI% and f^^ which does not appear to be a mistake of
eading). Matinara marrying ^vtfffr is also mentioned in both. Then
we have rt^-rr^'r-f-'T-T-ir^. (Here we have ^rtpt^ and ^ra instead of the
first two). Bharata performing BT^'^vf on the banks of the Yamuna and the
Ganges is mentioned in both and is the story of the jtcTT"-'-?" repeated. From
JTTrT we have •gJpf-'jfrsr-f' |rr-rtfn72'5T-37^JH'l?'-fl^^-f ^. (Here we have
nearly the same names but strangely there is no f^ in the inscription).
From ^^ vi-e have fff5:-3T^aj:-iTT?r%o-'fR%T-?HH-^fr5. (If wo take f^ to be
g-4^3[r we have two omitted here r%lT and STTigT). From ^cTS we have
r%^'^<r<T-q'r^f-5f'5?r-3TnTfr-5-"7''.'r^fi-3rH^3R. (The names in both are the
same). From here there is complete divergence. Mbh. gives ■rr^^^jfr
^TrTi^l^-ST^W^T^ ; while the inscription gives cfl-^='-y'g??r-T^Trf=T-?nTR?^.
And from ^Tr^rhf: the line goes at once to ^^^^H of the 6th century a con-
temporary perhaps of ^, the famous king of ^^-rr^Rf^FTT whose minister
was ^ri'ViTrnpr and who carried away ^r^^^fflT daughter of sr?7Tcf king of
Ujjain. Whence is this genealogy given in the 10th century derived V
Of course the difference from Mhb. is not strange. Some Purana must
have been followed : which we cannot yet say.
II— ANDHRA 313
II— ANDHRA.
Who were the Audhras? Where was the Andhra country ? These
questions are interesting and we proceed to solve them.
The Andhras were a well-known ancient people, different from
the Dravidas in the days of the last recasting of the Mahiibharata
I. e. about 300 B. C. Moreover in the Mahabharata Bhishma parva list
of Indian peoples, they are mentioned in the north under the Aryan and
mixed Aryan peoples and not among the nilechbas of the south such as
Dravida, Kerala, Chola etc. We therefore take it that in 300 B. C. Andhra
had come entirely under Aryan influence while the territory south of
the Krishna had not. Andhra is now looked upon as the territory on
the east coast between the Godavari and the Krishna. But in Maha-
bharata days it denoted the country above the Eastern Ghats. Aryans
appear to have settled in it from Kosala or Nagpur and Raipur. Kalinga
was also early Aryanised and it may be possible that the
Aryans went into Andhra from Kalinga: but we prefer to hold that the
Aryans penetrated into the Andhra (Warangal) country from Kosala
as there is no mountain to cross here. Now Andhra even in Hiuen
Tsang's days was the name of the country above the Eastern Ghats
and the Vengi country tract along the coast between the Godavari and
the Krishna is called by him Dhanakataka (Amaraoti), In short Vengi
is distinct from Trikalinga.
Having shown that Andhra was always the country above the
Ghats, we may state that the Andhra people wei'e principally Aryans
Even now the ethnographical characteristics of the Andhra people
Brahmins and Kshatriyas are distinctly Aryan. The Brahmins
of Andhra or Telangana still continue marriage relations with the
Brahmins of the Deccan and hence they must have been one with the
Deccan people. The Andhra kings who became powerful and conquered
Pataliputra appear to us to be thus mixed Aryans and not Dravidians
and they conquered Paithan and Maharashtra also. Their capital is
said to be Dhana-kataka, which country too must have been conquered
by them and hence its eventual inclusion in the Andhra territory. We
have therefore distinguished the Andhras from the southern Dravidas
and we hold that they were more Aryan than the latter, i.e. not only the
Brahmins, but the middle class peoples also in Andhra were mixed Aryans
The Andhras developed a fine literature of their own under the
Ea^stern Chalukya patronage and their ancient work, ''The translation
of the Mahabharata" in Telugu is dated the 10th Century A. D. and is
said to be highly poetical. Like the Tamils of the further south, the
Andhras too distinguished themselves for learning and even now the
Andhra Brahmins are learned Vaidikas. They are usually Saivas and
rarely Vaishnavas a circumstance which we shall try to explain later
on. What language these Andhras originally spoke we discuss in
the next note.
40
314 THE FIRST HINIjU KINGDOMS
III— Aryan advance into south India.
India to the south of the Nerbudda divides itself into two natural
portions the first consisting of Berar, the Nizam State and the Borabay
Deccan ; and the second consisting of what is practically the present
Madras Presidency. The former is usually called the Deccan while the
latter is called south India. The language in the first is generally
Marathi with the exception of Andhra in the south-east and of the
Southern Maratha country in the south-west. The Deccan, as we have
shown, was originally sparsely populated by aboriginies and hence the
Aryan invaders who settled the country gave their language to it. Did
the Aryans advance into Andhra and the Kanarese portions and into the
country southwards of bothV Did they advance in sufficient numbers so
as to impress their language upon the people V If so, why does not their
language now prevail there ? We will try to'answer these questions in
this note as there seems to be a great deal of haziness on this subject.
The Pandyas are the southern-most Indian people throughout
ancient Indian literature. They were known to Megasthenes whose
account of them shows that they were believed to be mixed Aryans and
Dravidians. We may, therefore, believe that the Aryans in small num-
bers did go right upto Cape Comorin sometime before Buddha and im-
pressed their religious thought, not their language, upon tlie people. The
Pandyas are frequently mentioned in the Mahabharata, but their name
does not, strangely enough, occur in the Bhishmaparva list of Indian
peoples. Probably their name is given as Dravida which heads the list
of the southern mlechhas and the Pandyas were unquestionably Dra-
vidas par excellence.
The Aryan settlement of the Deccan took place after this and in
sufficient numbers so as to impress not only the Aryan religion but also
the Aryan language upon the few people who were there. And this
advance torn place probably after Buddha but before Megasthenes. For
the Mahabharata which we place about 250 B. C. includes all the people
in the Deccan in the list of northern peoples described as Aryans
and mixed Aryans. Even Andhra and Kuntala are in this list besides
Maharashtra proper which is covered by Vidharbha. Asmaka, Pandu-
rashtra, Goparashtra and Mallarashtra. We believe that the people in
Andhra and in Kuntala who at present speak the Telagu and the
Kanarese spoke then the Prakrit Aryan language as we shall presently
show. We take it that this advance took place after Buddha because
we find many persons, specially the common people, professing the
Buddhistic faith.
In the days of Bindusara son of Chandragupta the Aryans made
conquests further s6uth and established principalities as far as the
Pennar in the east and the northern boundary of the present Mysore
state in the west. Mr. Krishnasvami Aiyangar following and agreeing
with Sir Vincent Smith says in his 'Beginnings of South Indian History'
Ill— ARYAN ADVANCE INTO 30UTK INDIA. 315-
recently published " The southern frontier of Asoka's empire may be-
flesoribed as a line drawn from the Pennar river near Nellore on the
east coast to the river Kalyanapuri on the west coast (about N. Lat. 14)
which forms the northern boundary of the Tuhiva country probably
representing the old country of theSatiyaputra. This boundary is sub-
stantially correct on the infonaation furnished by ephigrapby." This
correctness is confirmed, adds Mr. Krishnasvami, "by what we are abie-
to glean from Tamil literary sources, except on the eastern point. The
Tamils marked out the limit of the Tamil land at Pulikat" which is
further south than Nellore. Thus from about 250 B. C. to the first
century A. D. the age of Tamil poets, South India upto Pulikat a little
above Madras on the east and to about Bhatkal on the west was under
Aryan domination. A fresh attempt was made to push the Aryan
settlement further south in the days of the Tamil poets themselves. It
was defeated in the eastern portion near the Podyar Hill by the Pandyas
but it was successful in the west where in Konicanam the territory of
the chief Nannan, "in the first century of the Christian era was broken
into by a new people called Kosar and Nannan was obviously defeated."
(S. Krishnasvami's beginnings of South India p. 85). Thus Konkanam
above and below the ghats came also under Aryan influence in the
first century A. D.
Now what will be a great surprise to many is that this part of
South India not only came under the sway of the Aryan people but also.-
under the influence of the Aryan language. It seems clear from the old
Tamil poets that the language of this part of South India was Aryan.
The Tamil poets of the first century A. D. not only describe this part as
Vadukarmana, end of the Northerners' territory, hut also call it Moli-
peyartam, that is> the country where the spoken language changes to
another. Ditto page 84. At page 95 ditto, we read that the new invaders
were called in Tamil poems VadaVadukar(the northern northerners) and
VambaVadukars (or the new northerners). Further it is stated that the-
Malayaman chief of MuUer defeated single-handed the Aryans that had
laid siege to his fort. Finally in summing this chapter on Aryan in-
vasion of South India, Mr. Krishnasvami Aiyangar says : "The Aryan
invasion went along the western ghats avoiding Dandaranya asitis^
called by the Tamils. This inference is supported by the fact (1) that
the Tamils regarded the land north of Pulikat as foreign in language
and (2) their regarding the Dandaranya as the land of the Aryans.
Again in the chapter on the Dawn of the Christian era he observes at
page 128. "The northern frontier of the Tamil lands was held by
Nannan of the TuUu country in the west and Pulli of Vengadam
(Tirupati) in the east, further north being the land of the Aryas (Vadu-
kars) and Dandaranya." Thus it is clear from incieat Tamil literature
that from about 250 B. C. to the'first century A. D. South India as far as
Pulikat in the east and Bhatkal in the west was under Aryan sway and-
spoke the Aryan language.
316 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
This view of Mr. Krishnasvami Aiyangar is supported by epigra-
phic evidence. We tind inscriptions in this part of the country recorded
in Prakrit not only doAvn to the rirst century A. D , but even to the third
and the country was ruled by Kshatriyas who professed the Vedio reli-
gion. These kingdoms are given by Mr. Dubreuil in his Avork "Ancient
History of the Deccan" just published. The first inscription on a stupa at
Jagayyapetha (Krishna District) gives the name of a king called Ma-
dhariputra Sri ViraPurushadatta of the Ikshvakus, in an alphabet which
points to the 3rd century A. D." (p. 86). The inscription (Ind. Ant. XI
p. 25(5) is in Prakrit. 2. The Davanagere inscription (Ep. Kar. Vol. XI
No. 161) mentions a people called Kekayas who intermarried with the
Ikshvakus. 3. The Brihatphalayanas mentioned in an inscription of
Jayavarman who ruled in Kudura ( Krishna District again ) are also
Vedic Aryans. This inscription is in archaic Prakrit. "The language
and phraseology of the inscription is so similar to the Nasik
inscriptions of Gautamiputra Satakarni and of Vashishtiputra
Pulamayi that Jayavarman's date cannot have been distant
from the date of these two Andhra kings." ( Ep. Ind. Vol. VII
p. 315). 4. The next people are the Salankayanas also a gotra
name mentioned in an inscription found at Peddaveggi (Vengi). The
•plates of king VIra Devavarman are in Prakrit also. (Ep. Ind. Vol. IX
page 56). 5. The Vishnu Kundiras are mentioned in the Ramatirthaaa
grant (Ep. Ind. XI p. 134) and other records. This name is also a gotra
name which has now disappeared from the list of gotras. (Gotras it is
said in Dharmasastra are innumerable and many gotras have disappear-
ed.) 6. The early Pallavas also have left records in Prakrit as we
have shown in the body of the book. Lastly 7. the Kadambas of Vana-
vasi have also left early records which are in Prakrit. These records
prove that Kshatriya Aryans ruled in the frontier of the Tamil land and
spoke an Aryan language viz. Prakrit at least in the higher ranks, viz.
the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas.
The point we have further to urge is that these Aryan-Bralimins
and Kshatriyas were allied to the Deocan Aryans i.e. the ancestors
of the Marathas of the modern day. Not only do these .Aryans i.e.
Brahmins of Andhra and Kanara intermarry with the Brahmins of
the Deccan but we find from an inspection of these Prakrit records that
the language therein used is allied to the Maharashtri. Thas the in-
scription at Jagayyapetha mentions Kamakarathe the Ratraor Rashtra
' f Kamaha. The word Rashtra belongs to the Maharashtros and points
to this king being a Maratha Kshatriya. Again the word Apano instead
ofAttano (Sans. Atmano) is the Marathi word Apana. So again the
inscription of the Brihatphaliiyana Jayavarman uses the expression
'3'??'?jrfr for Sanskrit ?=frTfr^rjj??r which is plainly Marathi. Here we have
the Marathi word ^fr^r f or ^^ and the word anr for sfpf is not modera
Telagu which uses aT=:^r but is plainly the parent of the Marathi -srnrr.
'The inscriptions lastly of the Fr-'.llavas and the Kadambas about this
Ill— ARYAN ADVANCE INTO SOUTH INDIA. 317
time viz. the first to the 3rd century A. D. are in Prakrit and the re-
presentatives of these are plainly the modern Maratha families Palave
and Kadam.
The Prakrit inscription of the Kadambas on the Malavalli pillar
especially leaves no doubt that Maharashtri must have been spoken so
far south as the northern part of the present state of Mysore. On this
i nscription Mr. Rice at page 6 of his introduction to the Ep. Kama. Vol.
VII observes: "From the script, style and situation of this inscription
and the relationship of the donee, it is evidently not removed very far
in time from the first inscription of Satakarni which precedes it. I have
therefore marked its date as 250 A. D. The Prakrit employed is the
Maharashtari form, and Dr. Buhler considered the inscription as evi-
dence that this was already at that time a cultivated language in the
south." Thus -nscriptions indubitably prove that the Maharashtri
in a cultivated form was spoken in the country now the home of Kana-
rese. This is not to be wondered at as this part of the country was
ruled by Maharathis in the days of the Satakarnis and the Kadambas,
Even coins bearing the legend in Prakrit ^"S'qrcrr <+-«',<nT ^kjtQ:^ have been
for.nd in the west ofChitaldurgMysore;State. Not only this, tradition as
recorded in the Harivamsa shows that the kingdom of Banavasi was
originally founded by a son of Yadu from a Naga wife and Banavasi is
described in the Hanvarnsa as situated in a forest ivith red soil about it
Banavasi is plainly the modern Kanarese country. Thus the country
was settled by Maharathis and was ruled by Maharathis down to the
days of Kadambas. It seems probable that after their rule the language
changed into Kanarese under the rule of the Gangas.
All these facts are also admitted and recorded by V, Kanakasabhai
in his "Tamils 1 00 years ago." At page 29 he observes that the northern
limit of Tamilicam was on the east Verkadu or Pulikat and that beyond
was the country of the Vadukas. The King of Erami Nadu was also
called the chief of the Vadukars. It is evident therefore that at this
early period the jieople north of Tirupati and those who resided in
Mysore (north) spoke ine and the same language Vaduki. The Kanarese
and the Andhras this m those ancient days spoke according to our
view a rorthern languaj^e which was Maharashtri and were also related
to the Maharathi.'= of the Deccan. The Nayaks and the Reddis are de-
scended from ancestors allied in race and language to the ancestors of
the Marathas. The name Vadukar is even now applied to these and
though Dr.CaldwfU says that Vaduki meant old Telagu, the older
language of the Vadukars and the Andhras must have been an Aryan
language. Mr. S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar expresses his opinion in con-
nection with this subject as follows: "I have no doubt that the Andhras
of the Maharatta country were spoken of by the Tamils as Aryans.
That wotild only confirm the present day notion that the language
Marathi is itself called Aryan."
CHAPTER XII
THE KESAHI^ DYNASTY OF ORISSA
We come next to the bistroy of Orissa or Odra as it is
called in ancient Sanskit literature. We have a very
interesting history of Orissa from the pen of that gifted
author Sir William Hunter and we will follow him gener-
ally except in a few points. His research at the date of
his writing his history is remarkably thorough while his
manner of depicting scenes and events belongs to a higly
imxaginative writer. Sir William Hunter doubtless based
the ancient history of Orissa on the palm-leaf manuscripts
preserved in the temple of Jagannath, the most famous
temple of Orissa.
According to Hunter Orissa is the Prakrit form of the
word Odra-des'a which is very plausible. Orissa is a strip
of land bounded by the Sea on the east and the Vindhya
hills on the west. It extends length-wise from the-western
most mouth of the Ganges to a remarkable lake in the
south called the Chilka lake. This lake has been formed
owing to the low level of the land, the water from the sea
floing into it at tide-time. It is separated from the sea
by a narrow ridge of land formed by the deposit of silt from
the mountains brought down by the big rivers of Orissa the
chief of which is of course the Mahanadi. In this strip
of land owing to its fertility immigrations have come in from
time to time. The most ancient one was that of the Aryans
whose pioneers, the Brahmins, were conspicuous in founding
settlensnts even in Dandakaranya. These Aryan Brah-
mins soon imposed their religion and their language upon
the aboriginal people who were non-Aryans and Kaivartas
or fishermen by profession. Odra naturally became a
prosperous province but like Anga, Vanga and Kalinga it
continued to be a banned land for pure Aryans. The
Manusmriti mentions the Odras as mlechhas, and it was
not considered proper for good Aryans to go to this country.
THE KESARI DYNASTY OF ORISSA 319
After the Vedic Aryans, came the Buddhist. We know
that Asoka wh^n he conquered Kalinga further south
slaughtered many people and from that time by a revulsion
of feeling became inclined towards the religion of
non-slaughter. From his timei. e. about 250 B.C. Buddhism
reigned supreme in Ori^sa for several centuries. Sir
William Hunter re'ates on the authosity of the palm-lea ^
records that this Buddhist native rule was supplanted by a
king named Red-Arm (?;ffrifr^) who came about 323 A.D. and
his descendants ruled in Orissa till 474 A.D. (Hunter's
Orissa Vol. I p 206 )
Who were these invaders. The temple archives call
them Yavanas and Hunter has no doubt that they were so.
He has given a most detailed history of the ancient Yava-
nas or Bactrian Greeks who had kingdoms in the Panjab
and who invaded Ayodhya and Magadha under Menander
in the second century B.C. It is not improbable that some
of these Yavana adventurers sailed down the Ganges and
came by sea to Orissa in course of time. That there were
Yavana kingdoms in the central parts of India is proved
not only from inscriptions but from theruranas themselves
Of the Kailakila or Kainkila Yavanas mentioned in the-
Puranas we shall speak later on. Here it will suffice to
note that Yavana adventures, it is not strange, founded
a kingdom in Orissa in about 320A.D. and continued to
rule down to 474 A. D. These Yavanas were a maritime
people and it is supposed that under their guidance the
Hindus went to Java about this period. Whatever that
may be, these Yavanas appear to be Buddhists like the
Kailakila Yavanas of the Central Provinces. The fact is
that foreigners whether in past or present times are al-
ways partial to Buddhism; because Hinduism is exclusive
and there is no ready admission to foreigners in its fold
Sir W. Hunter attributes this tendency to the higher ethi-
cal excellence of Buddhism. But it seems that there was
nothing to choose between Hinduism and Buddhism of the
fifth century A.D. so far as higher doctrines were concerned
and superstition was as rempant in Buddhism as in
320 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Hinduism at that time. But Buddhism was a proselytizing
religion while Hinduism was not and hence Yavanas and
Sakas and others turned Buddhists sooner than Hindus.
But it must be remembered that caste in the fifth century
A.D. was as strong among Buddhists as among the Hindus
in spite of the fact that Buddhiism started with the denial
of caste in the beginning. The sentiment of caste is bu-
ried deep down the Indian heart and we see caste at the
present day assert itself even among tne Christian converts
of the south. Under the influence of caste a new people
though admitted to Buddhism or even to Hinduism lived
as a separate caste bound by interdiction of marriage with
others among the hundred and one castes that already
existed
To return to the Yavanas who conquered Orissa, they
were Buddhists and ruled the country according to the
chronicles till 474 A. D. These Yavanas or Greeks have
lefc Buddhistic monutments in caves and in images of
gods and men with Greek profiles unmistakably detectable
as stated by archaeolgists a fact which well fits in with the
view that these rulers were really Bactrian Greeks. This
(iynansty was overthrown by one Yayati Kesari according
to the palm-leaf records in 474 A.D. The kings of this
Kesari line were worshippers of Siva as elsewhere; though
of course they reverenced Vishnu also as the All-preserver
"For 150 years Buddhism and Siva worship struggled for
victory when the contest practically ceased. The reigning
monarch was a worshipper of the all-Destroyer with Bhu-
vanesvara the temple city of Siva as his capital. Year
after year the Buddhist hermits in their cave-dwellings
gazed across the five miles of fruit-bearing groves towards
the great tower of Siva slowly rising in the distance. Of the
TOOO shrines which clustered round it, not more than 500
or 600 survive. They exhibit every stage of Orissa art from
the rough conceptions of the sixth century through the
exquisite designs and the ungrudging artistic toil of the
12th, the exquisite friezes, scrolls, and carvings which
adorn these long deserted walls," (Hunters Orissa Vol. 1 pp.
233-234 )
THE KESARI DYNASTY OF ORISSA 321
The chronicles and SirW. Hunterplace the rise of the
Saivite dynasty of Kesari kings in 474 A. D. But they place
the success of Bhuvanesvara 150 years later i. e. in
about 624 A.D. It seems that this must be put a little later
still. As we have said before, Orissa was conquered by
Harsha and was held under him. When Hiuen Tsang
visited the land, Buddhism was still supreme there. Here-
cords "The people reverence the law. There are a hundred
monasteries and 50 temples. There were myriads of Bud-
dhists" (The fertility of the land also is noticed by the
Chinese traveller who remarks that the fruit here were
larger than elsewhere). It seems, therefore, that the Kesari
dynasty though established was not yet powerful and was
subordinate to Harsha. They must have asserted them-
selves and their religion, as elsewhere in India, after
Harsha's death.
The dates of the building of the Bhuvanesvara temple
given by the palm-leaf records also support this theory.
' The founder began the lofty fane about 500 A.D, Two
succeeding monarchs laboured on it and the fourth comple-
ted it in A. D. 657." Thus the completion of the temple of
Siva at Bhuvanesvara took place after Harsha's death.
A slab inscription further recounts that a pious princess
built another cloud-reaching temple with four beautiful
halls to Lord Siva. "The only event by which the palm-leaf
records relieve the monotonous list of kings of the ninth
century is the erection of a Siva temple in Puri, the city
which was destined, later on, to become the centre of the
rival worship of Vishnu. This Markandesvara temple in
Puri was built by Kundala Kesari in 811-829 A. D. (Puru-
shottama Chandrika p. 31 quoted by Hunter p. 237 ).
The Kesari kings were not only great builders of stu-
pendous temples to Siva-temples the adornments of which
are more decorous than those which in a sense disfigure
the later temples of Vishnu in Orissa; but they were also
great restorers of the Brahmin religion. They invited and
settled a colony of Brahmins from northern India in much
the same way as orthodox kings in Bengal and elsewhere
41
322 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
did later on. "The local legends and the palm-leaf vecords
alike relate that the founder of the long-haired orLion line
imported ten thousand Brahmins from Oudh and endowed
them with lands round Jaipur on the sacred Vaitarani
river. They professed the royal religion and were Saivites
to a man. They found already settled Brahmins who
were, however, once Buddhists. These latter were allowed
to retain the title of Brahmins but they were interdicted
all intercourse with the new settlers. They were of course
denied the Jus Connubi from the first and these nominal
Brahmins formed a distinct caste which by degrees
sank into the mass of the peasant population." "They are
still found in Orissa as good cultivators and are known as
Laukika Brahmins and still wear a dirty Brahmanical
thread over their half naked body" (Hunter's Orissa Vol. I
p. 239 ). This settlement of Northern Brahmins and the
consequent division of Orissa Brhmins into Laukika and
Vaidika is typical of the social evolution of the higher
classes throughout India with its sub-divisions of castes
which appear at first inexplicable but which show how
centuries of profession of the Buddhistic faith differentia-
ted Brahmins from Brahmins and Kshatriyas from Kshat-
riyas and led to the present strange prohibition of mar-
riage and even food between subdivisions of the same chief
caste or Varna.
Bhuvanesvara was the old capital of the Kesari line
raised within the shadow of Buddhistic remains. The
settlement at Jaipur was a new religious capital. Between
them lay the delta of the Mahanadi. The Jaipur colony
flourished. It was visited according to Cunningham by
Hiuen Tsang though this seems doubtful ; but in the six-
teenth century the great battle between the Mahomedans
and the Hindus was certainly fought under its walls and
the city was taken by the Mahomedans and was as usual de-
vastated. "Its ruins attest its ancient grandeur. Its dilapi-
dated temples and colossal images retain an inviolate
sanctity in the mind of devout Hindus. To the annalist it
THE KESARI DYNASTY OF ORISSA 323
possesses a higher interest as the greatest and best-
attested settlement of priests from the north planted by royal
authority to impose a new dynastic creed on the Indian
population." (p. 241 ditto.)
Some of these ruins and thrown down images are gra-
phically described by Sir W. Hunter and we will notice
them in brief. They are still well preserved for "even the
icono-clast fury of Islam and the vandalism of the English
public works department have failed to obliterate the
artistic magnificence of the Lion line. A well proportioned
column rises above the jungle and bears traces of the im-
potent fury of the Mussulman troops. The Afgans tried to
drag it down by chains and teams of elephants ; but the
barbarian conquerors of the sixteenth century found them-
selves unable to destroy the graceful Hindu creations of
the tenth. They, however, managed to pull down the sacred
Vulture ( TT^ ) which crowned its capital and the exquisite
shafc lifts its dishonoured head in witness against a
creed which sought the glory of God in the destruction of
the finest works of man" (ditto p. 267).
The most important and colossal statues were also pre-
served owing to their being thrown down on their faces.
They lay prone for more than two centuries when in
T866 they were raised and set up by a spirited English
magistrate; and have been placed on the river bank amid
most of the public buildings. "Three statues each of one
enormous block of chlorite towering even in their sitting
posture far above the heads of puny mortals represent the
queen of Heaven (Indrani) the Earth goddess who took
upon herself a mortal form to become the wife of the Boar
incarnation (Varahi) and thegoddess of Destruction ^Kali),
These colossal monoliths must have been dragged across
the river-intercepted delta from the mountains a hundred
miles off and their hard blue stone still bears witness to
the fine chiselling of the Hindu Art of 900 to 1000 A. D.
The queen of Heaven, a four-armed goddess, sits in calm
majesty with an admirably cut elephant as her footstool.
A muslin drapery falls in delicate curves to her feet and is
324 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
fastened by a girdle at the waist. Her hair towers up in
a cone of curls inter-woven with jewels with a single mas-
sive tress hanging down upon either shoulder. The Earth
goddess sits with her infant son on the knee and like the
other two consists of a colossal monolith eight feet high
hy four in breadth. She has four arms also and the little
finger of her left hand proves that Hindu ladies of that re-
mote period wore rings. She sits on a finely carved buffalo
the artistic lines of whose head and muzzle are striking.
A temple to her husband the Boar incarnation crowns
a time-worn flight of stairs leading up from the river.
"Themoststrikingjhowever, of the three monoliths is the
wife of the all-Destroyer — a colossal naked skeleton with
the skin hanging to the bones and the veins and muscles
standing out in ghastly fidelity. This appalling symbol
of human decay has her hair brushed back under a snake
fillet, with a death's head over the forehead and the disten-
ded hood of the cobra as ^canopy above. Her serpent tres-
ses fall down in twisted horror over her cheeks. An end-
less string of skulls winds round her neck, her breast, her
loins and her whole body. She sits upon a small figure of
her husband and the whole rests upon a lotus-leafed pedes-
tal." Figures of the seven mothers and anotber statue of
the goddess of destruction with the demons Sumbha and
Nisumbha thrown down at her feet adorn a beautiful gal-
lery carved on this very bank (H. O. Vol. 1 268-269). These
and other sculptures testify to the great skill of Hindu
workers during the Kesari rule in Orissa and bear wit-
ness to the great imagination of these sculptors and the
mechanical skill of ancient engineers who could transport
such big stones a hundred miles in those days before ths^
introduction of modern mechanical appliances.
But the skill of Orissa ancient engineers is stiil more
exhibited in the bridge which they have built over the
southern branch of the Mahanadi. " The earlier kings of
the Kesari line held their court sometimes at Bhuvanesvara
the city of temples to Siva and sometimes at Jaipur the
city of his priests on the holy river. But a warlike prince
THE KESaRI dynasty of ORISSA 325
■who reigned from 953 to 961 A. D. perceived the military
strengh of the tongue of land where the Mahanadi first
divides itself into several branches and founded Cuttack
which is still the capital of the province. He shut up the
river by means of a masonry embankment, several miles
long, which at present consists of enormous blocks of
hewn stone in some places 25 feet high. His successor
strengthened the new^ capital by an outlying fortress on
the southern bank of the river, while a century later the
reii^ning king built the massive bridge by which pilgrims
enter Puri at this day. The bridge consists of masses of
red stone called laterite ( which is soft when first quarried
but grows harder by exposure to the air ) and spans 290
feet of water-way by means of eighteen arches the cen-
tral one being 18 feet high by fourteen feet broad. " The
Hindu architects of that day did not know how to turn
an arch but they had a device of their own scarcely /ess
skilful, applied equally to the lofty towers of temples and
to 'he humblest gate-way. It is what may be called the
inverted stair" ; each stone lay projecting out from that
be'ow. Thus was the Mahanadi bridge built by skilful
engineers of the Hindus of the 10th and 11th century A. D.
Beyond their prosperity and their great temples and
buildings we have little to record of the politics of the
Kesari line of kings of Orissa. As the palm-leaf records
show, this dynasty began in about 500 A. D. but their real
power and independence began w^ith 657 A. D. the date of
the completion of the Bhuvanesvara temple to Siva after
Harsha's death. They were orthodox worshippers of Siva
and invited thousands of Saivite Brahmins of Oundh and
settled them at Jaipur where they are still to be found in
the enjoyment of lands given to them in fee by devout
kings more than a thousand years back. These kings
continued to rule down to 1132 A. D. according to the palm-
leaf records in their capital Cuttack (which was built about
1030 A. D.) when a revolution took place and the Kesari
line of kings came to an end. A religious revolution also
happened about this time and in a sense Buddhism
;)^6 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
reared its head again in the form of Vaishnavism. Both
this religious change and political revolution belong to
the third portion of our period, and we finish this history
of Orissa here to return again to it in the third volume
of our history. ^
The Kesari line rule thus lasted from about 500 to-
1132 A. D. a period of about 600 years which is very long
indeed. But we have said that in outlying territories
such long-lived dynasties are not uncommon as for instance
in Assam. The palm-leaf records of Jagannath are, how-
ever, not wholly reliable and there are other records which
contradict them as shown by Sir William Hunter him-
self. According to the palm-leaf records the Kesari line
consisted of 44 kings from 500 A. D. to 1132 A. D. ( not an.
improbable period viz. 600 years for 44 kings) when it
gave place to the Ganga line of kings. But the other
records place a sun-worshipping line between the Kesari
line and the Ganga line. These other records according
to Hunter are not quite reliable ; but the fact cannot be
denied that there must have been a sun-worshipping line
of kings sometime before the introduction of the Vishnu
worship of Jagannath. For we have in Orissa the most
beautiful temple of the sun that exists in India or any-
where else and also a monolith pillar still standing which
is almost a wonder of the world. This history of the sun-
worshippers too we reserve to our second volume.
As there is very little political history to record, we
refrain from giving a list of the Kesari kings which Hun-
ter has assiduously collected and given in an appendix.
Orissa must have been more than once conquered during
this period by kings from the north, and we have an actual
mention in the Nepal inscription of Jayadeva that
Harshadeva of Assam did conquer Odra. Yet such con-
quests either from the north or the south were always tem-
porary and only nominal and the indepndence of the Ke-
sari line was not interfered with. These kings themselves
oared very little for external conquests though perhaps
Kongadu of Hiuen Tsa.ng i. e. Ganjam in the south and
Tamraliptior Midnapurin the north may often have formed
part of the kingdom of Orissa, under the Kesari kings.
CHAPTER XIV
THE EASTERN KINGDOMS
(1) THE GUPTAS OF CAUDA
We now turn to the kingdoms of the east. This east-
ern portion of India naturally divides itself into three
parts, Behar with Magadha, western Bengal and Eastern
Bengal. The ancient names of eastern countries in India
were Anga, Vanga and Kalinga ; but Magadha and Odra
are also ancient names and all these were usually subject to
one and the same great power. When the name Gauda first
came into use for this part cannot well be determined. That
it was a new name we have not the smallest doubt. The
Mahabharata does not mention it nor even, it seems, Varaha-
mihira of the 5th century A D. Gauda or Guda is strange-
ly enough mentioned by him as the name of the country
round Thanesar,* but we had forgotten this fact so com-
pletely that it was a discovery indeed of Jackson. Gauda
according to our present notions is nothing but Bengal. We
must, however, recognise the fact that Gauda is a name
which originally belonged to the country to the north-west
of Delhi. The Brahmins of that part of the country still
call themselves Adigauda or the original Gaudas. It
seems probable that some time about the 5th or 6th century
A. D. many of these Brahmins, probably under the stress
of the Huns, migrated eastward and settled in Western
Bengal. The country thus came to be called Gauda. In
the inscriptions of the seventh and eighth centuries this
part is certainly called Gauda. Bana for instance (6i0
A. D.) in the Harsha Charita calls Sasanka king of Gauda
while Hiuen Tsang calls him king of Karnasuvarna.
Karna-Suvarna then was certainly Gauda in about 600
A.D. And Gupta kings probably a branch of thcGupta im-
perial line ruled here. Sasanka's rule continued for a long
time even after 606 A. D. i. e. after he had killed Rajya-
' Varahamihira mentions Guda among middle countries-while among eastern coun
tries he mentions Bhadra Gaudaka along with Paundra and others.
328 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
varadhana by treachery and it seems probable that Mar-
sha though he must have conquered Sasanka pardoned him
and married his daughter who had been offered to Rajya.
When Hiuen Tsang visited it, Sasanka was probably dead.
He describes the perople of Karnasuvarna (modern Murshi-
dabad) as fond of learning, with 50 monasteries and 100
Deva temples, showing that Buddhism was in a minority
in western Bengal even then.
The next mention we have of Gauda in ancient records
found so far is that of the Gupta family of Adityasena.
This must be another Gupta branch. According to our
view already detailed it was a branch Gupta line which
had come from Malwa, after Deva-gupta the enemy of
Grahavarman had been slain. Madhava Gupta, his half
brother, was a friend and follower of Harshaand during or
after Harsha's rule, his own Malava kingdom having been
seized and forfeited, he founded a kingdom in Magadha.
The Aphsad inscription describes Adityasena the donor as
a son of Madhava-gupla "a friend of Harsha" in 66 H. E. or
672 A. D, The inscription was drawn out by a Gauda
named Sukshma Siva. The literary excellence of the Gau-
das may be seen even at that time in this inscriotion an
excellence which continues down to this day. Magadha
and Gauda or western Bengal appear then to have been
under one ruler and the same thing appears from the Gau-
davaho which we next proceed to notice. In this poem,
as we have said before, Yasovarman of Kanauj is said to
have invaded Gauda and killed the Gauda king in battle.
The king is said to be Magadhadhipa also. Who was this
king? We have placed Yasovarman between 675 and 715 A. D.
following S. P. Pandit. From the Deo-Barnak inscription
of Jivita-gupta we get the following line from Madhava-
1 Madhava 2 Adityasena (672 A. D.) 3 Devagupta 4 Vishnu-
gupta and 5 Jivitagupta. The date of the latter is not given
and we have to surmise it. The king killed in the battle
with Yasovarman is said by some to be Jivitagupta himself
This battle was fought before Yasovarman was conquered
by Lalitaditya of Kashmir in about 700 A. D. Hence
THE GUPTAS OF GAUDA 329
according to our dates the king killed in Gauda must
have been Devagupta. Of course as there was no annexation
of kingdoms practically in those days his son succeeded.
And perhaps it may have been his son Vishnugupta who
was conquered by Lalitaditya and who in some year later
than 700 having again taken ud arms against the distant
Lalitaditya was again conquered and taken a prisoner to
Kashmir where, inspite of an oath to the contrary, he was
murdered as related in Kashmir history. He was succeed-
ed by Jivitagupta whose record, the Dev-Barnak inscrip-
tion, has been found. This line of the Guptas we have iden-
tified as the Mai wa branch for many reasons and two names
properly recur Devagupta and this name Jivitagupta. ( See
Gupta pedigree given in Book I). The date of Jivitagupta
approximately may be taken to be 732 A.D. taking 20 years
for each generation and Muktapida's reign Kalhana has
rightly assigned as lying between 699 and 735 A. D. (see
Kashmir pedigre Chap. I). We take it as very probable that
Jivitagupta was not the king murdered in Kashmir. From
the Dev-Barnak inscriptionof this king we find that Aditya-
sena was a worshipper of Vishnu (T^Twrr^) and his queen
was Konadevi (both facts appear from the Apsad inscription
also), that their son Devagupta was a worshipper of Siva
q^iT?TTt^ ) and his queen was Kamaladevi, that his son was
Vishnugupta also a worshipper of Siva and his wife was
Ijyadevi and that their son Jivitagupta was probably a wor-
shipper of the sun (the word here after parama is unfortu-
nately not readable) for he made or rather confirmed a grant
for the worship of the sun. Thus it will appear that these
Guptas were not Buddhists. Perhaps Madhava may have
been a Buddhist like and following Harsha, but as after
Harsha's death Buddhism was everywhere supplanted, in
Gauda too we have a revival of Hinduism or Aryanism and
the worship of Siva, Vishnu and the sun was re-established-
T-he story of the vengeance which according to the Rajata-
rangini the loyal servants of the Gauda king murdered in
Kashmir took on the god Parihasa — Keshava whose oath
^was violated is touching and illustrative of the great love and
42
330 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOiMS
personal affection which loyal servants often bore towards
their royal masters in India.
The next reference to the Guptas of Gauda is in an in-
scription of the Nepal king Jayadeva dated Harsha era
153 equivalent to 769 A. D. (Ind. Ant. IX p. 178). This in-
scription gives two important facts. Jayadeva's father Siva-
deva had married a daughter of king Bhogavarman of the
warlike Maukhari line and she was "the grand-daughter of
tke qrea' Magadha king Adityasena" Now this mention of
the grand-father shows that the Magadha king was the
greater of the two. We think that this was the same Gupta
line continued, the name Adityasena recurring in 769 A.D.
from 672 A. D. This further shows that there was a line of
Maukhari kings contiguous to Magadha probably in Bihar
to whom the Guptas usually gave their daughters in marri-
age and this Maukhari king gave his daughter in marriage
to theKshatriya Lichhavi king of Nepal which is contigu-
ous to Bihar. This Maukhari king Bhogavarman probably
belonged to the same subsidiary line as gave the kings
Sardula and others already mentioned and was an offshoot
very probably from the chief Maukhari line of Kanauj (see
Book I ). We have as yet discovered no further mention of
the Guptas of Gauda in inscriptions. Probably these later
Guptas, descendants of Madhava of about 650 A. D. disap-
peared about 800 A. D. when a new line of kings appeared
in Magadha as we shall show in our next volume.
(2) Vang A
Vanga was distinct from Gauda in the 7th and 8th cen-
turies. But Vanga is an ancient name, Anga (Bihar) and
Vanga (Bengal) being always mentioned together. The
name Vanga was in fact applicable to the whole province
and the word Bengal which is derived therefrom is proper-
ly applied to it as a whole. But Vanga was in these two
centuries denotative of Eastern Bengal. When Yaso-
varman conquered Gauda in battle he is said in theGauda-
vaho to have gone further east and conquered Vanga.
Again in two Rashtrakuta inscriptions it is said that the
ruler of Kanauj had invaded and conquered Bengal and
VANG A 331
seized two white royal umbrellas and that these were tra-ken
from him by the ruler of the Deccan. This shows that
Gauda and Vanga were two kingdoms about 700 as also
about 800 A. D. When Hiuen Tsang visited Bengal there
were five or six kingdoms there, according to the account
given in his Travels.These were 1 Hirany aparvata (Monghir)
2 Champa (Bhagalpur) 3 Kajugal (Rajmahal) to the south
4 Paundravardhana (Rangpur) to the north of the Ganges
'and 5 Karnasuvarna or Murshidabad to the west of the
Ganges with 6 Samatata (Eastern Bengal Decca etc.) to the
east of the Ganges and 7 Tamralipti or Midnapur to the
south on the Bengal coast. From the directions given in
the Travels, we find Hiranyaparvata, Champa and Kajugal
were on the south of the Ganges but these must have been,
under Karnasuvarna. Paundravardhana was on the north
while Samatata was on the east of the Ganges lower
down and Midnapur or Tamralipti was on the west. Hiuen
Tsang specially mentions that the ruler of Hiranyaparvata
was deposed recently by another ruler while in the others
no kings are mentioned. In Samatata or Eastern Bengal
or Vanga as it was also called, he mentions a Brahmin
family of rulers. In Midnapur or Tamralipti no king is men-
tioned. This kingdom was sometimes included in Bengal
and sometimes in Odra or Orissa. Thus we see that even
in Hiuen Tsang's time there were two chief kingdoms only
in Bengal viz- Gauda (Karnasuvarna) and Vanga (Samatata).
The word usually used in modern languages for this province
is Gauda-Bangala which also suggests that there were two
kingdoms connected together. Why these kingdoms became
specially known throughout India for magic and sorcery
cannot be surmised. But the reputation of these parts in
these arts cannot be denied and perhaps magic was beleived
in and practised most extensively among the lower popula-
tion of these two countries even then.
The supremacy over the smaller kingdoms in Bengal
seems to have been enjoyed now by one king and now by
another during this period viz. from 600 to 800 A. D. We
have already related the story cf the Kashmir king Jaya-
332 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
pida going alone and unattended to Paundravardhana where
a king Jayanta ruled. He gave him his daughter and the
latter is said to have conquered 5 neighbouring kings in
behalf of his father-in-law. The years of Jayapida's reign
are 751-7^2 A. D. (see Kashmir chronology). King Harsha-
deva of Kamarupa (Assam) mentioned in an inscription
of Jayadeva of Nepal dated 769 A. D. noticed before is said
to have conquered Gauda, Odra, Kalinga and Kosala {n\€]-
^TK'+k-is-^vRTcSTrrT: ). This shows that none of these Bengal
kingdoms were strong during this period and tha tthey
were constantly subject to foreign invasions.
(3) THE BHAGADA.TTA LINE OF KAMARUPA OR ASSAM
We have already noticed this line of kings of Assam
when Hiuen Tsang visited it, Kumara or Bhaskaravarman
was the king- The same line of Brahmin kings continued
through the two centuries herein treated of. We have above
noted the name of Harshadeva who is said to have given his
daughter to Jayadeva of Nepal ( +TTT^TT^r^-fJc^T ). This line
though Brahmin, as usual, gave daughters to and married
daughters from Kshatriya families. The Assam kings were
sometimes powerful enough to conquer Gauda, Vanga, Odra
etc. They themselves owing to their mountain-girdled ter
ritory continued undisturbed. Or is tradition only beguiling
us in showiog that there was only one line of kings for
thousands of years ? Such exceptional lines no doubt are
to be seen in the Himalayan regions. But even here we
may be mistaken and different dynasties may have succeeded
one another as usual after a duratioa of 150 or 20Uyears.
The traditions, however, usually give one continuous line
for thousands of years. One fact at least may be admitted;
these countries in the inaccessible Himalayan regions
continued to enjoy independence, undisturbed by the
ambitions of conquering races, which usually overspread
the. plains. How long this Bhagadatta (of the Mahabha-
rata fame) line continued we cannot say. It certainly was
ruling in Assam about 800 A. D. with which our first period
of mediaeval Hindu history closes.
CHAPTER XIV
THE VARMAS OF KANAUJ
We now came to Mid-India and the most important
kingdom of Mid-India was of course Kanauj, The whole
of Northern India or rather the present U. P. was then un-
der the dierct control of Kanauj and the rest of Hindustan
was often under its nominal suzerainty. WhenHarsha died
about 647 A. D. he left this vast empire without a claimant.
He had no son. It is not clear whether Rajyasri was then
alive; even if she were, she too was not the proper heir and
had no male issue. The kingdom or empire therefore at
once plunged into anarchy and it is natural that usurpers
should have found room for satisfying their ambition.
But the story which Sir V.Smith and other historians here
set forth about the usurpation of the whole kingdom by a
minister named Arjuna or Arunasva and his defeat by a
Chinese envoy is unreliable and has most probably been
misunderstood. It is from Chinese authorities that this
story is taken and in that story the natural desire of the
Chinese to exaggerate their own importance and valour is
so evident that the story has only to be related to be at once
rejected as unreliable. The Chinese envoy insulted by
Arjuna, escaped into Tibet, it is related, and returned
with 1200 picked Tibetan soldiers supported by a Nepalese
contingent of 7000 horsemen ( Nepal being at this time
subject to Tibet). "With this small army the er»voy Wang-
hiuen-tse descended into the plains and after a siege of
three days succeeded in storming the chief city of Tirhut.
Three thousand of the garrison were taken prisoners
and 10000 were drowned in the river Bagmati. Arjuna fled
and having collected a fresh force offered battle. He was
again defeated and taken prisoner. The victor promptly be-
headed a thousand prisoners and obtained more than 30000
horse and cattle. Five hundred and eighty walled towns
offered their submission and Kumara the king of Eastern
India who had attended Harsha's religious assemblies sent
•234 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
abundant supplies of cattle and accoutrements. Wang-
hiuen-tse took the usurper prisoner to China and Tirhut
remained subject to Tibet for some time." — (Smith's Early
Hist, of India 3rd Edn. p. 353).
The absurdity of this exaggerated story is so apparent
that it is a wonder that historians like Smith have not
seen it in its true proportions. The difference between
Jndian and Chinese or Tibetan civilizations and armaments
was then not great — was in fact nil — and it is impossible to
believe that a few hundred Tibetans could defeat several
thousand Indians and annihilate them as the English did
the Mahomedans at Plassey or the Hindus at Assaye.
Moreover, if Arjuna had usurped Harsha's throne, where
was the mighty military machine which Harsha had reared
and by which he had conquered and. kept in subjection
the whole of Northern India? And why was the fall of
Tirhut sufficient to humble the usurper and why was not
Kanauj itself besieged ? ' The scene is laid^at Tirhut and
not at Kanauj and the story may easily be reduced to its
true proportions. What really happened must have been
something like the following.
Who succeeded Harsha a/ Kanauj is not known. But
natural it is that his death was a signal for a political as
well as a religious revolution. Buddhism under Harsha's
imperial encouragement had had its last lustre, all the
effulgence which preceeds deatn and it may be believed
that the forces of Hinduism which were already gathering
strength even during the life time of Harsha (as evidenced
by the attempt on Hiuen Tsang's life at Prayaga) became
supreme after his death and it may be surmised that both
Harsha and Rajyasri being gone, an orthodox Hindu
claimant of the original Varma family seated himself on
the throne of Kanauj. In the provinces of the empire
dependent states and even governors must have become
independent. These, at the same time, being strongly in-
clined towards the reviving Hinduism were opposed to
Buddhism. Arjuna was one such petty governor or ruler
of Tirhut or modern Bihar. The Chinese Buddhistic
THE VARMAS OF KANAUJ 335
mission probably to Buddha Gaya which came to India
in 647 A.D. had to pass, on leaving Nepal, through the
territory of this Tirhut governor and it was probably set
upon by this orthodox Hindu petty Raja who might have
entertained a deadly hatred towards these Chinese
Buddhistic missions, now that Harsha no longer lived.
The envoy escaped, went back to Tibet, obtained some aid
from that country and Nepal and fought with this petty
Raja of Tirhut and perhaps even tdok him prisoner ;
Kumara who was friendly to Hiuen Tsang and to Harsha
and to Buddhism may have assisted the Chinese envoy
with supplies. In short it was a purely local affair and
Arjuna cannot be supposed to have seized the throne and
power of Harsha himself.
Who succeeded Harsha? As we have said above, it
must have been some Varma king of the Maukhari line.
There is not the least doubt that about the end of the 7th
century there was a Varma king named Yasovarman on
the throne of Kanauj and he held extensive sway and had
great power. He was a great patron of letters and he had
at his court the celebrated poets Bhavabhuti and Vakpa-
tiraj. In the Gaudavaho, a Prakrit poem by Vakpatiraj in
praise of his exploit in conquering a Gauda king we are told
that he was a Somavamsi Kshatriya. The Maukhari Var-
mas, we have already remarked, were probably lunar line
Kshatriyas. This Yasovarman aimed at the suzerainty of
the whole of Northern India like Harsha and began his
digvijaya by conquering the Gauda king who was as we
have also seen before, a hereditary enemy of the Varmas of
Kanauj. Whether this Ganda king was a Gupta, what
city he ruled in and how he was killed we are not told in
the Gaudavaho. Probably the poem as we have it is only
an introductory chapter to a bigger poem which the poet
intended to write. But the later reverses of Yasovarman
put a stop to the composition of this greater work. For
we know from contemporary records that Yasovarman
wa« certainly defeated by the Kashmir king Muktapida
Lalitaditya who also aspired to the empire of India,
336 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
and that Yasovarman was also very prvbably defeated by a
Chalukya king of the Deccan. The story of Lalitaditya's
conquest of Yasovarman we have already detailed in the
history of Kashmir and we may merely refer to the fact
that this defeat must have happened about the close of
the 7th century, only a few years after the accession of
Lalitaditya in 697 A. D. i. e. about 700 A. D., notwith-
standing the difficulty created by Chinese accounts which
we have already discussed in a note. The defeat of
Yasovarman by a Chalukya king must have happened
before this event as we now go on to relate. Here it
must first be stated by way of closing the previous his-
tory, that Yasovarman must have conquered the Gauda
king about 680 or 690 A. D. at the latest and must
theiefore have come to the throne in about 675 A. D.
Between Harsha's death in 647 and Yasovarman's acces-
sion i.e. between 647 and 675 A. D. two kings of the Varma
line must have reigned. Who they were history has not yet
discovered for no inscriptions have yet been found which
throw a light on this point. But Yasovarman's power and
ambition seem consistent with the usu.al course of history
wherein we usually find the third king in a new line
rising to the greatest glory ( witness Pulakeshin II, Akbar,
Nana Saheb Peshwa, Lalitaditya himself and many others.)
To turn to the defeat of Yasovarman by theDeccanese
we have seen in the history of the Chalukyas of Badami
that Vinayaditya, son of Vikramaditya and grandson of
the famous Pulakeshin II who defeated Harsha is mentioned
in many incriptions to have defeated a northern king.
This point has remained a riddle and has not yet been
solved. We find that this Vinayaditya ruled from 680 A. D
to(>96A. D. In his grants found dated up to 616 Saka
or 694 A. D. there is no mention of his having defeated a
northern king. Hence it must follow that he defeated a
northern king between 694 and 696 A. D. a date which
tallies well with our theory that Yasovarman in his digvijaya
attacked the south like Harsha after his conquest of the
east; but like Harsha himself sustained a signal defeat
THE VARMAS OF KANAUJ 337
at the hands of the grandson of Pulakeshin II. This fact
is mentioned in more than one Chalukya grant and is also
mentioned in later Eastern Chalukya grants. It must
indeed have been a memorable victory over Yasovarnian
like that of Pulakesin over Harsha. The grants declare
that Vinayaditya obtained certain insignia of empire such
as Palidhvaja, Makara Torana, the sun and the moon and
Ganga and Yamuna etc- The earliest mention of this
victory and the acquistionof imperial insignia is found in
a grant of S. 622 of Vijayaditya ( Ind. Ant. Vol. XX p. 127).
The battle was fought between his father Vinayaditya and
a northern king, but the son Vijayaditya was himself
present at this battle and was a great leader and by valour
acquired the imperial insignia (:3tRn2rT^l%5tTqf5^RTTcf : •'i^-H-J+iHl-
mf^'^-i'^ci^'l*l^^r'^h'i,M^^ll''J|+iiJHdS--ilc;XN'i'TTcf^JT). This grant is
dated 622 S. or 700 A. D, and this defeat must have happen-
ed some years before and certainly before 696 A. D. the
date of his father's death i. e. in 695 A. D. as said above.
The insignia mentioned are very important. They include
Ganga and Yamuna the significance of which is not un-
derstood by many as we have already remarked. These
two may be taken as showing that the sovereignty of
Mid-India with its two principal rivers the Ganges and
the Jumna was considered to be the sovereignty of the
empire of India; and this mention also makes it certain
that the king of the north who was defeated was Yasovar-
man king of Kanauj and lord of the chief Indian kingdom
the region of the Ganges and the Jumna ( see also the
epithet applied to his father Vinayaditya in this very
grant ('I^B^^q^'^:m^-T^TqTfMTT%?T-'7TR5''^"^^jm%- TfT^rT-wiT>^i%^T3j-).
There is thus no doubt left that Yasovarman aspired to be
or was paramount lord of north India and being defeated
by Chalukya Vinayaditya I was deprived in 695 A. D. of
the insignia of paramountcy.* This same grant mentions
* These insignia are detailed in many later grants also. What is Palidhavaja cannot
be determined. Sun, Moon, and Makaratorana or Fish Torana are strangely enough the
insignia of royalty even now. They were taken by the Mogul kings also and are
enjoyed by the Maharaja Scindia at the present day. It is strange how things stick. To
find the -Sun, Moon, and fish among the insignia of paramount kingship, so early as
the Chalukyas of Badami of 70ii A. D. is indead wonderful.
43
338 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
the captivity of Vijayaditya by a bad stroke of fate and
this incident may have happened even in this very war
with the king of the north though as has been held already
it may have happened in a war with the Pallavas of the
south. That it must have happened before 700 A.D. or S. 622
the date of the Nerur plate inscription in which it is first
mentioned cannot be denied. It must probably have hap-
pened after 696 A. D. and before 700 A. D. and Vijayaditya
owing to this event must have remained unmolested or
uncared for in the digvijaija of Lalitaditya who came to
the south and to the Vengi kingdom as stated in the
chapter on Vengi about 703 A. D.
Yasovarman's scheme of digvijaya failed first in the
south and finally when he met king Lalitaditya of the
north. The details of this later defeat have already been
noticed. Ya?ovarman was not killed in that campaign
though certain words in the RajataranginI would lead us
t(t believe it. He remained in nominal subjection to
Lalitaditya as usually happened in all histories of
Indian empires as they were conceived before the Maho-
medan conquest. Previous Indian empires, as we have
often said, did not mean the annexation of territory and
subdued states lived in practical independence subject to
payment of tribute only. Yasovarman must have lived
till about 710 or later. One may be in entire agreement
on this point with the late S. P. Pandit who in his introduc-
tion to Gaudavaho asssigns to Yasovarman a reign from
675 to 710 A. D.
The greatest thing to be remarked about Yasovarman
is that his reign synchronised with and marked the final
ascendency of revived Hinduism. Indeed this revival
began even during Harsha's reign. Orthodox Hinduism at
this time rallied round the sanctity of the Vedas and the
effioacy of Vedic sacrifices, two tenets on which Bud-
dhism was most opposed to it and Purva Mimansa or the
philosophy of Vedic ritual was studied most zealously
even during the reign of Harsha, Bana describes his own
uncles as great students of the Mimansa Sastra and as
THE VARMAS OF KANKUJ 339
performers of Vajapeya, Agnishtoraa and other Vedic
sacrifices. The great apostle of PurvaMimansa, Kumarila
Bhatta, according to S. P. Pandit was the Guru or teacher
of Bhavabhuti and grand-teacher of Vakpatiraj as is
evidenced by a colophon of Bhavabhuti's drama Malari-
Madhava and we may provisionally accept the dates
approximately assigned to these great men by S. P. Pandit
(Intro, to Gaudavaho p. ccix). as follows : —
Kumarila Bhatta b. 590 d. 650 A. D.
Bhavabhuti his pupil b. 620 d. 680 A- D.
Vakpati his pupil and admirer b. 660 d. 720 A. D.
Yasovarman their patron reigned 675-710 A. D.
These are of course conjectural dates but they are
supported well by the proved facts in Indian ancient
■history and we may well believe that the fame of Kumarila
had been established in the later days of Harsha and it
was his followers who offered a stout resistance to the
preachings of Buddhism in Harsha's last assemblies. Of
course we reject here the popular belief that Kumarila was
the immediate predecessor of Sankara the next grand
figure in the history of the revival of Hinduism. The
story of Kumarila's defeat by Sankara is like the story of
Vikrama's defeat by Salivahana or Kalidasa's defeat in
poetry by Bhavabhuti, — absurd and evident anachronisms.
After Harsha's death, under the re-established or later
Varmas, the Purva Mimansa philosophy became supreme
and Buddhism was finally expelled from the centre of the
Hindu empire, the valley of the Ganges and the Jumna.
Naturally under Yasovarman, Kanauj the capital of the
Hindu Central Empire became the centre of orthodoxy
and attained great religious importance which it retained
as we have said, down to the Mahomedan conquest. The
Kanaujia Brahmins became the leading Brahmins in the
whole of India and they were subsequently placed properly
enough at the head of the five Brahmin chief subcastes
of northern India as they are now enumerated. The sub-
division of Brahmins into five Gaudas and five Dravidas
had yet, no doubi, v/o arise as we shall have to relate later
340 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
on. But it is worth remarking here that the pre-eminence-
of Kanaujia Brahmins began from this reign. Gauda or
Kurukshetra and Thaneser had already sent Brahmins
and Kshatriyas into Bengal but later tradition in Bengal
relates that five Kanaujia Brahmins and five Kayasthas
were about this time or a little later after this, invited to
and settled in Bengal by the first orthodox king of
Bengal Adisura ; about whom we shall have later on to
speak. This revival of the Vedas and the science of its
interpretation Purva Mimansa was indeed not confined
to the north but was zealously carried on in the south also
i. e. in the Deocan under the Chalukyas as we have
already seen. By the efforts of both, Buddhism was finally
extinguished in India with the exception of Magadha its^
birth-place where it survived a few centuries more.
The power of the Varmas declined towards the end of
Yasovarman's reign and still more after him. One of his
successors was VajrayudhaCthe change in the name-ending
from Varma to Ayudha does not necessarily indicate
change in family though it raises a presumption of it,)
and he was again defeated by a Kashmir king named
Jayapida who wished ^o imitate Lalitaditya in his foreign
conquests but who only approached him from a distance.
The date of Jayapida according to the Rajatarangini is
751-782 A. D. and this date is according to our wiew
correct and not subject to alteration by the addition of
25 years as has been shown in the chapter on Kashmir.
Jayapida was a grand-son of Lalitaditya and apparently
Vajrayudha was also a grand-son of Yasovarman conquered
by Lalitaditya. Yasovarman's reign ended about 710 A. D.
and in 751 A. D. his grand-son Vajrayudha may properly
enough have been on the throne of Kanauj. The minister
of Jayapida was also a Brahmin named Devasarman a
grand-son of the famous foreign minister Agnisarman of
Lalitaditya. This Vajrayudha is mentioned in the
Karpura Manjari of Rajasekhara (Konow and Lenman
p. 266) as a king of Panchala reigning in Kanauj.
The next mention of a king of Kanauj of this line is
Chakrayudha mentioned in the Bhagalpnr copperplate-
THE VARMAS OF KANAUJ 341
;grant of a Pala king of Bengal. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV p. 304.)
The relevant verse is as follows : M^-i<i ^y4^i=fFRT^^ d'-JI f^cTT
"^ JTft^^f^: 1 c[tTT 5^: ^r ^fcHT-im '^i^\^r:uw^]m\f\^T^ li. This
is remarked of king Dharmapala who is said to have
obtained the wealth of Mahodaya (Kanauj) by conquering
Indrayudha or Indraraja and to have returned the same
to Chakrayudha (perhaps his son) who had humbled him-
self, as the Pandavas and Sri Krishna gave the kingdom of
Magadha after killing Jarasandha to his son Sahadeva.
In fact this was the usual practice in India upto the
Mahomedan conquest. In the Khalimpur grant of
Dharmapala himself ( Ep. Ind. Vol. IV ) it is said that
the king of Panchala was restored with the consent and
to the delight of Bhoja, Matsya, Madra, Kuru, Yadu,
Yavana, Avanti, Gandhara and Kira (^r^fl?^: ^H^- <j,^.j^^a|cJvii-
qf^^FfJTF^^cR^: I i^o3n^f^r%srJTr%rR'Jli: ?Trg m-^Mm: l ). This
verse is very important. It conclusively proves that the
empire or suzerainty of Kanauj was acknowledged
•even in its decline over a very large extent of territory.
Bhoja means probably Gwalior (Kunti-Bhoja of the Matia-
bharata ), Matsya is Jaipur, Madra is eastern Panjab,
Kuru is Thanesar or Sri Kantha of the Vardhanas, Yadu
is Mathura, Yavana is doubtful, but it may be taken to be
the Yavana king of Andhra of whom we shall speak later
on. Gandhara is certainly Peshawar, Avanti is Malwa
or Ujjain and Kira is the Vindhya or Himalayan hilly
rejiion. Thus almost the whole of Northern India west
of Prayaga was under the suzerainty of the Varmas of
Kanauj while east of Prayaga was the newly established
kingdom of the Bengal Palas- The date of this grant is
about 800 A.D. Now this great shock given by the Palas to
Kanauj could not but shake its tottering Varma dynasty
which pulled on hereafter for a little longer only. The'
•subordinate kingdoms' ambition could not be long re-
strained nor that of neighbours and the Varma dynasty oj
Kanauj fell in 816 A. D. the empire of Kanauj passing to a
Pratihara king of Bhininal named Nagabhatta who in
Rajputana was either a subordinate king or a neighbouring
342 THE FIRST HINDU KflNODOMS
king of Kanauj. This new line of imperial kings of
Kanauj will be described in our second volume.
The Varraa kings of Kanauj thus were supreme from
the beginning of the sixth century i. e. 500 A.. D. down to
300 A. D. Under Harsha there was an interruption so to
speak. But Harsha too ruled in the name of Rajyasri and
therefore of her husband Grahavarman. If we divide the
line of -Maukharis into two parts we may do so by
taking the earlier Maukharis from 500 to 608 and the later
Varmas from 647 A. D. to 816 a period of about 175 years
which as history shows is the usual period for a
dynasty of kings ranging generally from 150 to 200,
sometimes rising to 300 and rarely to 400. But the great
event of these Varma kings' rule was the final extinction
of Buddhism or the religion of non-slaughter of animals.
The Kanaujia Brahmins to this day are flesh-eaters and not
tJesi-abstainers like most of the other Brahmins of India.
NOTE
CAUDA VAHO, THE CONQUESTS OF YASOVARMAN AND THE PARASIKAS.
This poem by Vakpatiraj is in Prakrit Maharashtrl and gives a.
detailed description of a d?'gi'?jaya so to spealc of his patron kingYasovar-
man of Kanauj. But this digvijaya seems to be of doubtful authenticity.
As the poem is called Gaudavaho, or the killng of the Gauda king, that
may be taken to be the central fact and as such to be historically true.
But did Yasovarman go on a world-conquering expedition east, south,
west and north as famous kings in India from the mythical Raghu dowa
to historical Samudragupta and Lalitaditya went? There is no confirma-
tion of this in other historical documents. On the other hand Vakpati-
raj was a contemporory poet and his poem contemporary as it is cannot
entirely be disbelieved. Perhaps the non-completion of the chief poem
shows that the poet conceived the digvijaya as a probable event and
not an actual fact. The fact is that Yasovarman was defeated by a
Chalukya king in the south and a Kashmir king in the north. However
we think it necessary to give details of this digvijaya as they are
given in this poem Gaudavaho. Some facts are indeed valuable a»
historical evidence.
GAUDAVAHO, YASOVARMAN AND THE PARASIKAS 343
Yasovarman then according to this poem first came to the Sona
river (which probably was the western boundary of the Gauda kingdom
V. 240-246). He on his way visited the VindyavasinI goddess (before
whom even then human sacrifice was still made) and roamed in the
Vindhya hills (285). The Gauda king hearing of his approach fled. Here
the Gauda king is also called king of Magadha (348-354). Yasovarman,
however, entered his territory and encamped there for the rainy season.
-The Gauda king who had fled returned with his auxiliaries and a
battle was fought and Ihe Gauda or Magadha king was killed in
battle (414-417).
This should have ended the Gaudavaho poem. But it proceeds to
detail Yasovarman's further conquests. He proceeded further as far as
the sea and conquered the king of Vanga. He then moved along the
sea-coast as far as the Malaya mountain and conquered the Parasikas,
Now these Parasikas in the south are a riddle to many. But they
appear to be a reality. In fact in a Chalukya inscription of about
this time, the Chalukya king is said to have conquered along with Chola
and Pandya both Sinhala and Paraslka. These Parasikas must not be
confounded with Pahlavas. For the names are distinct and the
Parsis seem to have first gone to the further south in their flight
from the Arabs about this time i. e. 700 A. D. before their coming to
and finally settling on the Gujarat coast.
Yasovarman went to the southern-most point where the east and west-
oceans meet. Thence he is brought to the Narmada to the place where
it falls into the sea. It was here that the pot of nectar was seen by the
gods when the ocean was churned. Thence he went to the Marudesa
or Rajputana desert and thence to Thanesar or Srlkantha. Having
conquered the west he went to the north and conquered Ayodhya. In
the city of Rama and Harischandra, he built a temple in one dan. He
then went to the Mandara mountain a part of the Himalayas (the com-
mentator by mistake calls it the Mahendra mountain which lies to the
south of Kanauj on the eastern coast) and thence to the Himalayas.
This finishes his digvijaya and Yasovarman returns to Kanauj to enjoy
his conquest. ^
As no kings are mentioned by name any where not even the Gauda
king and as no kingdoms are mentioned in the south, west and north,
this description is of very doubtful historical value. Were it not for the
mention of the Parasikas in the south so strangely corroborated by con-
temporary Chalukya inscriptions we would not have given it at all
in this note. Of course Gaudavadho is a historical fact and has
been so treated by S. P. Pandit and many others.
CHAPTER XV
THE HAIHAYAS OF KOSALA
(The kingdoms noticed by Hiuen Tsang after Odra or Oris8<i upto
the Krishna river are Kongadu or Ganjam, Kalinga, Kosala, Andhra and
Dhanakataka. Dhankataka with Amraoti as its capital on the Krishna
we have identified with Vengi while Kongadu or Ganjam was frequently
included in Orissa. In Kalinga no king is mentioned by Hiuen Tsang.
'The people he says " are headstrong but fair and clean of speech. They
differ somewhat from mid-India in talk and manners. There were few
Buddhists. The majority belonged to other religions." This description
shows that Kalinga was in the higher ranks populated by Aryans and
mixed Aryans and that it was subject at this time either to Orissa or to
Vengi. After the time of Hiuen Tsang Kalinga, Kongatu and Andhra
formed one province and as we have already said this Trikalinga was long
subject to Vengi ; and hence we need not try to trace a separate history
for Kalinga. But the case is different with Kosala and Andhra above the
Eastern ghats and we will try in two chapters to trace their history.
Some inscriptions are available for Kosala and we may also glean valu-
able information from Hunters Orissa as also from the Central Pro-
vinces Gazetteer for 1879).
The valley of the Nerbadda was from ancient times
occupied by a tribe of Kshatriyas known as Haihayas. They
were lunar race Kshatriyas and their greatest ancient king
was Sahasrarjuna, killed by the Brahmin hero Parsui-ama.
Their capital was Mahishmati or Mahesvara on the
Nerbudda. They appear to have spread into the forest-clad
regions of the modern Central Provinces; and founded
several kingdoms. Kosala was certainly one of these
kingdoms and it was as old as the Mahabharata. We have
a legend in the Mahabharata that these Haihayas had a
great fight with the solar race Kshatriyas of Oudh under
Sagara. This means, it appears, that at first the solar race
Kshatriyas of Oudh held sway over this tract of the coun-
try which lay to their south, and over this country the solar
Kshatriyas and the lunar Kshatriyas of the Nerbudda valley
had a great fight ; for the tradition also exists that Rama
divided the country of Kosala between his two sons and the
' portion to the north of the Ganges called Uttara Kosala
THE HAIHAYAS OF KOSALA 345
he gave to his elder son and the portion to the south in-
cluding the jungly tract he gave to his younger son. Thus
this country came to be called Kosala and it eventually
went into the possession of the Haihaya Kshatriyas. Some
antiquarians have a doubt as to the Aryan race of these
Haihayas and as usual they are connected with some
'horse'-named Scythic people. We need not stop to dis-
cuss such strange theories suggested by similarity of sound
and we proceed to relate such historical facts as can be
gleaned about these Haihayas of Kosala or modern Cen-
tral Provinces in their eastern portion.
First, Kosala is described by Hiuen Tsang as lying
north-west of Kalinga and as surrounded by mountains.
This clearly identifies the country with the eastern portion
of the modern Central Provinces- The king was, he says, a
Kshatriya. This also shows that the Haihaya kings who
were ruling there prided themselves on their being Ksha-
triyas. The people, he further states, were tall and black.
The Haihayas were Yaduvamsi people and all lunar race
Kshatriyas like Sri Krishna were darker in complexion than
solar race Kshatriyas the first race of Aryan invaders.
But the Haihayas appear to have been the darkest of the
lunar Kshatriyas owing perhaps to their exposure to the
fierce heat of the Nerbudda valley. Even now the repre-
sentatives of these Haihayas in the U. P. are very dark.
This is what Crooke says in his Tribes and Castes of the
N. W. P. Vol. II p. 493. "The Hayobans Rajputs, settled
in the Balli district, are of the lunar race and are of the
highest rank among the tribes of the district. They claim
descent from one Chandragot king of Ratanpur in C. P-
who crossed the Ganges and conquered the aboriginal
Cheros. Their first settlement was to the south of the
Ganges at Bihia which town they still visit. They are
very dark in complexion. " This description of the
offshoot of the Hayobansa Rajputs of C. P- takes us to
Ratanpur which appears to have been their capital in C. P.
for centuries and perhaps was the capital of Kosala visited
by Hiuen Tsang.
346 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
The information given by Grant in his introduction to
the C. P. Gazetteer for 1879 is also to the same effect. He
says "the Hayobansa line of Ratanpur ruled over Chhattis-
garh for many centuries even down to the Maratha con-
quest. Their dominion is proved by a copper-plate in-
scription found near Mandla (now lost) and old as far back
as 144 A. D." Subsequent inscriptions found by Professor
Hall near Jubbulpore also testify to several kings of this
Hindu line beginning with one Kokalla Deva ; but before
him "we have independent grounds for believing that the
Haihaya kings of Chhattisgarh were at that time Buddhists.
Indeed the king of Kosala visited by Hiuen Tsang, though
a Kshatriya is said by him to have been a Buddhist." Kosala
is said by him also to have given birth to the great Bud-
dhist sage Nagarjuna. Kosala, therefore, before Harsha and
after Harsha was a stronghold of Buddhism. What kings
ruled there we are unable to state. But it may safely be
granted that as elsewhere in India the orthodox religion
reasserted itself about the end of the 8th century or even
before. The line of Kokalla was perfectly orthodox but
their history which can tolerably be ascertained belongs
to the second portion of our period and will be treated of
in the next volume.
But we may anticipate a little by saying that this
second line of Haihaya kings was distinct from the king
of Kosala or Mahakosala whose capital was visited by
Hiuen Tsang. This is what Cunningham says in his Arch.
S. Report Vol. IX Central Provinces : " In later times we
know that there were two great Haihaya states in Central
India viz. the kingdom of Mahakosala with Manipur for
its capital and the kingdom of Chedi proper with Tripura
for its capital" (p. 55) The word Chedi has wrongly been
applied, it must be stated here, to Tripura which is an
ancient town near Jubbulpore where the Kulachiiri orKala-
churiHaihayas ruled. Chedi according to the Mahabharata
was a kingdom immediately to the south of the Jumna
and it was founded by Vasu Uparichara ( ^ %f%f%q^ ^^ &c.
Mhb. Adi P.) In this line was born Sisupala. His line
was not that of the Haihayas. It appears that the Hai-
THE HAIHA.YAS OF KOSALA 347
hayas of Tripura conquered this Chedi country which lay-
immediately to their north and which consequently gave
its ancient name to the whole countr^r of the Kalachuri
Haihayas. They also obtained possession of the ancient
fort of Kalinjara in the real Chedi country and hence
they called themselves Kalinjarapuravaradhisvara. This
line of the Haihayas was distinct from the Haihayas of
MahakosalaofManipur (to the north of Ratanpur) and were
probably insignificant in the days of Hiuen Tsang who
does not notice their kingdom at all- Probably they were
subordinate to the kings of Mahakosala and when gradually
orthodox kings gained supremacy in India in the 8th
century they too gained power and subordinated Kosala.
The Kalarchuris of Tripura no doubt use an era of
their own which goes back to A. D. 248. It is called also
Chedi era and began as proved by Kielhorn (Ep. Ind. IX
p. 129 ) on fifth September 248 A. D. the year being Asvi-
nadi and the months being Purnimanta. This shows that
the Kalachuris must have attained great power in 248
A. D. It is true that as the Haihayas of Tripura held sway
for some time even in the western parts of India in
Konkan and Gujarat, their era was in use in south Gujarat
and in the Traikuta country. We know very little of the
history of these ancient times. But the name Kalachuri
does not occur before the 8th century and the era came to-
be called by that name later and not in the beginning.
These Kalachuris it is whom we shall have to describe in
our second volume.
The Haihaya kings of Kosala had probably an un-
eventful long existence from the 7th century down to the
17th as stated above upto the time of the Marathas. They
lay secluded in a mountain-surrounded tract and remained
undisturbed. They were at first Buddhists but must have
changed their religion in the 8th century as elsewhere in
India. They have left no records; but certain chronicles
which we mention in a note, give a line of kings from the
most ancient times down to the days of the Marathas, the
details of which are not interesting to the general reader of
Indian history, as the line did not produce any great kings,
NOTE
CHHATTISGARH OR ANCIENT KOSALA
We have identified Chattisgarh of the Central Provinces with the
Kosala kingdom of Hiuen Tsang and the Mahakosala of inscriptions.
The following information given by Grant in Central Provinces
Gazetteer 1879 pages 153-160 is interesting in this connection.
Chhattisgarh corresponds with the modern Raipur and Sambalpur
districts of C. P. On the north-west corner of it is the Maikala range
a continuation of Satpura and from it rises the Nerbudda flowing west
and the Sona flowing north. Amarakantaka peak is thus in this coun-
try and the Mahanadi also flows through it. There are mountain ranges
surrounding it and the whole country is drained by the "Great river".
The enclosed area is plain, for the most part culturable, and in placesvery
rich. It is called Chhattisgarh because there are 36 divisions of it, each
with a garb of its own. Its chief divisions are : I the valley of the
Sheonath river and the tract between that river and the Sale-tekdi
hill ; II the tract between the Sheonath and Hasda rivers : III the tract
between the Sheonath and the Mahanadi and IV the tract south of
Raipur extending towards the Mahanadi. The chief products are rice,
wheat, pulses and oilseeds. The jungles on the borders are full of tigers,
boars and buffalos and in the north towards Bengal side there were
wild elephants. The population in the jungles consists chiefly of Gonds,
BhumiasandBigas The latter are purely jungly tribes never mixing with
the plain people and fly into the jungles further if Europeans approach
them. In the plains a prepondering portion of the people are chamars
who are however agriculturists and being better off than usual, they
have thrown off latterly Brahminisra and started a new religion of'their
own akin to Hinduism. They are called Satn5mis. Of the rest Brahmins,
Rajputs, Kurmis and Rauts are prominent. The country is now being
opened up by railways. Formerly immense amounts of corn were
produced only to lie undisposed of. In ancient days the carriers of the
country were the Banjaras who kept hundreds and thousands of bullocks
and carried grain to Jubbulpore in the west, Benares in the north,
Nagpur in the south and Cuttack or Orissa in the east.
Hindu tradition records, (states the author) that this tract was
from ancient times ruled by the Haihayas. After the Satyuga a king
named Sudyumna ruled the East. One of his sons Naladhvaja got
Mahishmati or Mandla or Mahesvara, a second got Chandrapura or
Chanda and a third got the kingdom of Ratanpur or Manipur (Chhattis-
garh). The tenth king of the 3rd line Karnapala reigned from Samvat
172 to 251 (or 115-194 A. D.). He made a city at Amarakantaka and
CHHATTISGARH OR ANCIENT KOSALA 349
raised temples there. Between Sam. 367-467 a successor of Karnapala
named Madanpala built a city called Dhanapur on a high flat hill
between Pendra and Aniarkantaka and a formidable fort called Ajrair-
garh, ruins of which are still visible. In the 8th century two sons of
a king, Suradeva and Brahmadeva divided the kingdom, the older branch
remaining at Ratanpur the younger proceeding to Raipur. The latter
however remained subordinate. The Ratanpur Rajas ruled Bilaspur,
Sarguja and Sambhalpur, the Raipur chiefs ruled Raipur with Bastar
and Karond. These seem to have been long the limits of the Haihaya
Raj until the time of the Marathas.
The old capital of Manipur was situated on the top of the Lapha hills
15 miles north of Ratanpur. There is a large expanse of table-land
on the top of the hills at an elevation of about 3400 ft. above the sea level.
The remains of a fort, tanks, temples and buildings are still apparent
and the position possesses the advantages of prominence and security
From Sam. 895 to 1620, beyond the record of temples erected and towns
established of which no traces remain the Brahminical narrative'' is
occupied with the iraaginery virtues of different rulers. In Sam. 1620
(A. D. 1563) a Mahomedan emperor of Delhi made his influence felt and
Raja Kalyansing went to Delhi and got himself recognised as ruler of
Ratanpur after payment of tribute. His successors ruled until the
Marathas came. Under the Marathas eventually the kingdom fell as
also Raipur and under the British a poor representative of'^the
Haihaya line is in the enjoyment of a few rent-free villages. This
line seems to have been devoid of any great rulers nor are any great
buildings remaining. And there are now very few Haihaya Rajput
families in the province of Chhattisgarh (p. 161 ).
The following further facts from Cunningham's Coins of Central
India are worth noticing: "The chief cities of the country of the
Mahanadi are Rajim, Supur, and Seori Narayan, all on the Mahanadi-
At these three places there are many magnificent temples and inscrip-
tions to attest the former power and wealth of the country " (p. 73).
*• The king visited by Huen Tsang was a Kshatriya and his name
was Satavahana. But there is no name like this in the Haihaya-Vamsi
Rajas of Ratanpur and Raipur. Something like history begins with
Suradeva of the chronicles who is said to have conquered Telingana.
His date is about 749 A. D. But this should be Chedi date and hence
equal to 749 + 249=998 A. D. The earliest inscription of A. D. 1]15
mentions Sri Kqkalla Chedisvara, RatanaRaja, Prithvideva, Jajalladeva.
The only known coins upto now are those of Prithvi Deva which are of
gold and very rare and of copper. On these copper coins on the obverse
is a figure of Hanuraan with four arms. On the gold coins the figure
is indistinct. They are coins of Jajjala Deva ( 1120 ) and Ratna
Deva also ( 1140 A. D. )
The narrative has not been published anywhere and is worth securing for
purposes of history.
CHAPTER XVI
THE KAINKILA YAVANAS OF ANDHRA
"When Hiuen Tsang visited Andhra he found the
people different in speech from those. of Mid-India. The
people appeared to him to be of a violent nature and they
were adherents of different religions. The people of
Andhra are undonbtedly of Aryan origin and yet the
language of the country from before the days of Hiuen
Tsang was Dravidian. Who was the king reigning in his
days ? To what race and to what religion did he belong?
These questions are difficult of solution; but we have come
to the conclusion that at this time and during the period
of which we are writing there was a line of Yavana kings
ruling in Andhra, Yavanas whose distinctive name was
Kainkila Yavanas. They were not ardent professors of
Buddhism though Yavanas generally were and it is pro-
bably hence that Hiuen Tsang has not described the king
in Andhra. We proceed in this chapter to describe these
Yavana kings and to detail the evidence on which this des-
cription is based.
Sir William Hunter probably rightly guesses that
the Yavanas of Orissa being dispossessed in the fifth
century A. D. by the Kesari line of kings went into
Andhara and seized that kingdom about 575 A. D.
" The next kingdom to Orissa down the Madras coast was
Andhra whose capital was Warangal. The chronicles of
the Madras coast relate that the then existing dynasty in
Andhra was overthrown and was succeeded by nine kings
of the Yavana race who ruled for 458 years i. e. till 904
A. D. The period of their supremacy was in the main Bud-
dhistic and as in Orissa their downfall took place amidst
a great religious revival ending in the re-establishment
of Brahminism and of the very form in Orissa viz.
Saivism" ( p. 220 ).
THE KAINKILA YAVANA8 OF ANDHRA 351
Sir W. Hunter has given a most interesting account,
with great accuracy which for his time is certainly re-
markable, of the connection of Yavanas or Ionian Greeks
with India from the most ancient times ( about 900 B.C. )
when they were beyond the Indus) down to about 900 A. D.
when their last kingdom was found on the western coast
of the Madras presidency. He observes (p. 220), "These
southern Yavanas (of Andhra) reached their height about
782 A. D. In that year they make their appearance in the
Tuluva records on the western shores of the peninsula.
Dr. Buchanan from records shown by a Brahmin states
that a line of Yavana princes drove out the reigning house
in Tuluva in 782 A. D. and ruled for 54 years. They
claimed Andhra descent, came from the eastern coast and
were of the Jain religion into which Buddhism had by
that time disintegrated. "
This Yavana kingdom of Andhra bad thus a prosper-
ous rule from about 575 A. D. to 900 A. D. and they
reached their height of power about 782 A. D. The exis-
tence of aYavana kingdom about this time is also attested
by the inscription of Dharmapala already noticed (Khalim-
pur grant) -^HUi^P-j: W^: i-h-'A •i i| ^flT^%Tnr.T^: 1 i^5?}f^Te5#n%-
imfd'-lR'JH: 'iT-f ?ti?j?TM:ii shows that aYavana kingdom was
among the feudatories of the empire of Kanauj in the
eighth century. The mention of Yavana in this inscrip-
tion is apparently puzzling to many but the riddle is
solved if we grant and remember that there was a powerful
Yavana kingdom to the south of Nagpur and in the
Andhra country.
The evidence of the Puranas also proves the existence
of a Yavana kingdom here. The Puranic account is
no doubt a most garbled account of an unhis-
torical witness but it has much value as confirmatory
evidence. The Vishnu Purana which distinctly mentions
the Kailakila or Kainkila Yavanas requires to be specially
noticed. It has the following passage in Amsa 4 chap.
352 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
^^cTR: I acT^Jlfr 3T^^^g^ 57;':q=T?T 50YT2? ^r^ 1^*1 ^.iil W^ tTcT T
5ltl^* Tr?f ^'T^i^ '?I=rqfl% i^TcT^Tt vn%^=?n% " l Now in this quota-
tion the Yavanas are twice mentioned and at a long
interval. We should, therefore, take the first 8 Yavana
kings as the Greco-Bactrian kings of the Panjab who
ruled before the Christian era. The Turushkaras are proba-
bly the Yue-chi. Who the Mundas were and who the
Maunas it is not yet explained by any person but we shall
try later on to discover it. The rule of all these covered
1090 years. When they were overthrown the Kailakila
Yavanas ruled the earth. Their first king was Vindhya-
sakti* and he was followed by 2 Puranjaya 3 Ramachan-
dra 4 Dharmavarman 5 Vanga 6 Nandana 7 Sunandin
8 Nandiyasah and 9 Suka Pravira. These ruled for 106 years."
These details given for the Kailakila Yavanas alone lead
to two inferences viz. (1) that the writer or rather recaster
of the Vishnu Purana lived a little after these Yavanas
somewhere about the 9th century A.D. and (2) that he must
have been a native of Andhra or at least of the country
where these Yavanas ruled. As the Yavanas are men-
tioned as reigning in the Khalimpur grant of about
800 A. D. the time of these Yavana kings is tolerably
settled. And their country too though not mentioned in
that inscription must have been no other than Andhra
which might have formed part of the Kanauj empire along
with Bhoja. Matsya, Madra, Kuru, Yadu, Avanti, Kira
and others. We, therefore, hold on the authority of the
evidence mentioned by Hunter supported by the Vishnu
Purana that from before the days of Hiuen Tsang the
Kailakila or Kainkila Yavanas ruled in Andhra upto
800 A. D. and even later down to about 900 A. D.
Their mention in the Bhagavata is also confirmatory in
' This Vindhvasakti is different from the Vindhyasakti of the VSkStaka dynasty
mentioned in the Ajanta cave inscription, the successors of the latter being different
also viz. Pravarasena, Rudrasena, Prithvisena and others his date being about 300 A.D.
THE KAlNKILA. YAVANAS OF ANDHRA 3'53
this connection and is interesting. f%fei%vJnrf T^ci^r H .dW^d 'i-
^3n%FTR "T^JI (^. 3T. 1 ). Here the period 106 years is the
same ; the name Kailakila is the same though given as
that of a place and five kings are named whose names
are nearly the same as in the Vishnu. The Bhagavata
seems to follow the Vishnu Purana at a distance and
must date after the 9th century. The other Puranas too
mention Yavanas, but none mentions the Kailakila
Yavanas, Vindhyasakti and others and these Puranas not-
ably Vayu and Matsya in their present form are generally
rightly taken as the oldest Puranas and may be supposed
to refer to the Yavana kings of the Paniab alone. Munda
and Mauna barbarians are mentioned by these also and
they also preceded the Guptas most certainly.
The Kainkila Yavanas are said by the Vishnu Purana
to be 3T^wiTIT^ ^. e. not crowned religiously. But possibly
this word is i;4i<:ff^xh which shows their mixed origin. The
commentator explains the word as meaning non-Kshatriyas
but that was clear from the very name Yavana. The word
is a puzzle but it may betaken to mean that they were Bud-
dhists or Jains and did not care for religious coronations.
But these Yavanas seem to have preserved their
language though not their religion. It is indeed an in-
teresting question whether the Yavana kings of the
Panjab spoke Greek. The legends on their coins indeed
are in Greek and this clearly shows that they must have
spoken their own language. But they were in constant com.-
munication with Bactria, Syria and even Greece and their
speaking their own language is not strange. But the Yava-
nas of Andhra surrounded as they were by Sanskrit-born
and Dravidian languages, their own subjects speaking alsa
45
354 THE FIRST HINDQ KINGDOMS
the same languages could not have preserved their Greek.
Colebrooke quoting a writer of this period (8th century)
-classifies the non-Hindu languages of the time as four in
number viz. Yavsna, Parasika, Romaka and Barbara
{Hunter's Orissa Vol. I p. 222) Hunter, however, believes
that these Andhra Greeks had lost all traces of their
original language.*
* The Greek language was undoubtedly cace spoken in India as vre have shown
elsewhere that the Greek -word 'Syrinx' or Suranga is used in the Mahabharata itself
-and that Vidura spciks in Greek probably when ne cautions Yudhishthirain a Mlechha
langiiaRe against residing in the inflammable house at Varanavata built tor them.
Latin too may have been understood in India .n the first century A, D. when Rome
had commercial connection with India especially the south and when the Roman coin
the Dinar became current in India. Parasika as the language of the Persians v. ho often
contmered Bind upto the Indus, may also be well-known. But what is Barbara? The
word is indeed a puzzle. The Greeks use the word ' Barbarians ' for all Mlcchhas and so
also the Indo-Aryans speak of a Mlechha people by name Barbara. But Barbara occurs
in history as the name of an African people and these could not have come into contact
with the Indo-Aryans. Probably the African Elhiopeans traded in centuries preceding
Christ with India and the name continued to be applied to the Arabs who certainly
traded with India for n-.any centuries and \» no ;n the 8th century A. D. conquered Sind,
The Prakrit writer of the >-th century therefore refers to the Arabic language when he
■MniJons the Barbara as the fourth Mlechha language understood or current in India,
CHAPTER XVII
THE WESTERN" KINGDOMS
(1) GUJAR CHAPAS OF BHINMAL,
We will now turn to the history of the remaining
■kingdoms to the west of Kanauj noticed by Hiuen Tsang.
And the first among them was the Gujar kingdom of
Bhinmal in Rajputana. We have discussed the question
of the race of Gurjaras in a note. We have shown there
that they cannot but be treated as distinctly Aryan. Their
long heads, their fine noses (finer even than those of
Parisians, vide Sir H. Risley), their tall stature are too
strong ethnological characteristics declaring unequivocally
their Aryan origin, to be got rid of by the imaginary theory
ofMr. R. D- Bhandarkar who would assign them to a foreign
or Scythic stock supposed to be Khazar. And Sir V. Smith
himself admits that there is no historical evidence to
support the surmise that the Gurjaras at any time came to
India. "The Gurjaras are believed to have entered India,
either along with or soon after the white Huns; but there
is nothing to show what part of Asia they came from or to
what race they belonged." (V. Smith's Early History 3rd
Edn. p. 412). A similar view is expressed by him in his
paper in J. R. A. S. 1908 and also 1909. The only reason for
■such a surmise is the fact that the name "Gujar' is not
met with before the 6th century A. D. and that in Bana's
Harsha Charita the Gujars are said to have been defeated
by Pratapavardhana along with the Huns. There can be
nothing more unsatisfactory than this. The name Gurjara
is undoubtedly not yet found in any work before the 6th
century. But does that prove that it did not exist or that
the name had not been in use before? Absence of mention is
no proof whatever of non-existence. And have we found
all the inscriptions or records before the 6th century and
.have we got all books that were written before that period?
It would be ridiculous to suggest, much mere to believe this.
356 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Secondly Bana's Harsha Charita says that Pratapavar-
dhana defeated the Huns, the Gujars, the Malavas, the
Sindhus and many others. Does that mean that all these
people were Huns or came along with or after them?
There is an unaccountable tendency in antiquarians of
India to assign foreign and Scythic origin to each and every
forward people found in Indian hisiory. Thus the Jats
and even the Rajputs are assigned a foreign and a Scythic
origin. If the JatSj the Gujars and the Rajputs with their
clearly Aryan features are foreigners and Scythians where
are the Indo- Aryans, those people who spoke the Aryan
Sanskrit or Vedic language, who according to the Vedas,
and the Epics supported by the Avesta came to and settled
in the Panjab and Rajputana '? Have they desappeared ?
The lov/er strata in these parts are Dravidian by their
ethnic characteristics and if the Jats, Gujars, Rajputs and
the Brahmins are foreigners-Greek, Saka or Huna^
where indeed are the Indo-Aryans so famous in the Vedas,
the Mahabharata and the Manu Smriti? We may conclude
therefore that the ethnic characteristics of the Jats, the
Gujars and the Rajputs viz. their long heads, their fine-
noses and their tall statures are undeniably Aryan and
that there is nothing in history which suggests or proves
that they came from outside India in historic times.
The Gujars like the Jats are the ancient Vedic
Aryan Vaisyas ; and that explains why their names are
not met with in ancient records before the fifth or sixth
century. For such ancient scanty historical records as
we possess concern themselves chiefly with kings and
kingly families and rarely mention the common people.
In the third century A. D. the Vaisayas for the first time
came into prominence because (most Kshatriya kingly
families being killed or driven further south) many Vaisya
families took to the profession of arms against the foreign
invaders of Scythic origin. The Guptas thus were Vaisyas
who first opposed the Yue-chi and latterly opposed the
Huns. It seems that when the Huns first invaded India
and founded a kingdom at Sialkot, the Gujars moved
GUJAR CHAPAS OF BHINMAL 357
•down into Rajputana, the sandy deserts of which have
always afforded shelter tc Aryans of the Panjab and the
middle country when oppressed and dispossessed by
foreigners. That seems to be the reason why the Gurjaras
•came into prominence about the'time of the Huns. They
moved from the Panjab into Rajputana and founded a
•kingdom at Bhinmal about the beginning of the sixth cen-
tury. They even sent off-shoots further southwards and
we find the Gurjara kingdom of Broach founded by
Dadda at about the same rime. These two kingdoms weTe
found in a flourishing condition by Hiuen Tsang. Pratapa-
vardhana conquered the Gurjaras not because they were
Huns or foreigners ; he conquered them as every conquer-
ing hero in India did who conquered both foreigners and
Indians in his digvijaya. The Gurjaras of Bhinmal were
to his south-west and he must have established his over-
lordship over them also. Yet the Gurjara kingdom of
Bhinmal was strong and even Harsha did not entirely
disposess the Gurjaras. They were probably only in
nominal subjection to him as we have already stated. And
they not only remained strong but in the next century
grew stronger and subdued Kanauj itself.
Who was the king in the days of Harsha and what
was his family and caste ? We have already said that he
probably was soji to one Vyaghramukha mentioned by
Brahmagupta the famous astronomer who composed his
■well-known Siddhanta at Bhinmal in 628 A. D. Now this
Brahmagupta states that the king belonged to the Chapa
dynasty.* The Chapas or Chapotkatas are well-known
Xshatriyas mentioned in inscriptious of the 7th and 8th
centuries (see Chalukya Navasari grant already described).
They hereafter established the kingdom of Gujarat at
Anhillapattana as we shall have to relate in our next
volume. This king then was a Kshatriya according to
Brahmagupta and he was equally a Kshatriya according
* Dikshits Marathi history ot Indian Astronomy p. 217. The verse quoted by him
■from Brahma Siddhanta is as follows -.—
358 THE FIRST HIXDir KINGDOMS
to Hiuen Tiang. " He was a Kshatriya by casfce and u
younp man cored for wisdom and a firm believer in
Buddhism." Xow this fact is a puzzle to European
scholarsjwho look upon Gurjaras as foreigners tut they twist
it into an argument for their i»wn theory. They argue thafc
not only were the Gujars foreigners and of Scythian
origin admitted into the Hindu fold but that within a
hundred years of their coming into India their kings were
admitted to be true Kshatriyas !1I This explanation however
is untenable. It is possible for any person or people to be
admitted into Hinduism which with its peculiar insti-
tution of caste can easily admit anybody in its fold
without sacrificing the purity of existing castes but it is
not possible to suppose that when everybody was opposing
the detested Huns and i)ther foreigners, when Aryan
orthodox kings, according to inscription?^ of that very
period, were strongly enforcing caste and preventing
sankara or intermixture of races, that these foreign kings
could have been admitted to be Kshatriyas. This fact
therefore supports our view that the Gurjaras were Hindus
of ancient date and Vaisyas and their kings the Chapat
were true Kshatriyas.
We know very little of the history of these Chapaa
from 641 A. D. when Hiuen Tsang visited Bhinmal down
to about 750 A. D. The king at his time was a Buddhist but
it is probable that after his death, as in the rest of India,
there must have been a revival of Hinduism among the
Gurjaras. They appear to have been a very, powerfu 1
people and resisted tlie invasion of their country by the
Arabs who after their conquest of Sind in 712 A. D. tried
to extend their dominion and their religion to the neigh-
bouring states of India. Bhinmal the Gurjara kingdom
was undoubtedly one of .such kingdoms contiguous ta
Sind and it appears certain that the Gurjara.^ eventually
defeated the Arab-. Along with this event there appears
to have been a change of dynasty in the ruling family and
the Pratiharas appear to come in about 750 A.D. displacing
tbe old Chapas whose rule seems to have extended to
THE VARDHANAS OF MOLAPO OR WESTERN MALWA 359
the usual period of dynasties i. e. about tw) centuries.
The history of the Gurjara Pratiharas belongs tothe second
portion of our period andwill be related in our next volume.
(2) THE VARDHANAS OF 'MOLAPO OR WESTERN MALWA.
We have already given the history of the other Gurjara
kingdom to the south at Broach; and we will now proceed
ti> describe the history of Hiuen Tsan^'.s Molapo or
Western Malwa. This kingdom belongced as we have seen to
YasodharmanVishnuvardhanaof the Mandsaur inscription
In our surmise this name-ending Vardhana shows that he
was a Vaisya like the Guptas. His great exploit was
that he defeated Mihirakula the Hun. Now we have
already quoted the sentence in Chandra's grammar 3f3i^-
:3^r l^R " the Jarta conquered the Huns ". If we apply
this sentence to Yasodharman and there is none else to
whom it can well be applied, we may surmise that he was
a Jarta or Jat from the Panjab. In fact like the Gurjarasof
Bliinmal we may suppose the Jats from the Panjab to have
migrated to Malwa ( which like Rajputana is a favourits'
land with migrators ) to take refuge from the incursions
of the Huns and these Jats in Malwa getting strong under
Yasodharman inflicted in 528 A. D. a signal defeat on the
Huns who had overrun their motherland the -Panjab.
A grandson or great grandson of this kins^c was on the
throne when Hiuen Tsang visited Western Malwa. He
was a devout Buddhist and a Buddha temple near the city
was being built for several generations. We may take it
from the Rajatarangini that Ya?odharman*s son named
Siladitya ( name mentioned by Hiuen Tsang also ) being a
Buddhist was assailedby his neighbours and dispossessed,
Pravarsena of Kashmir about 540 A. D. re-established this
son on the throne of his father, and took away from him
the throne of Kashmir which his father Yasodharman had
brought away. This dynasty, therefore, had certainly
lasted from about 500-641 A. D. the date of Hiuen Tsang's
visit. What became of it after Harsha we are not in a
position to state. The history of Malwa as a whole is.
obscure until we come to the Paramara dynasty; but we
360 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
may state that Western Malwa was on the border between
'Gujarat and Central India and was often changing hands.
That it was entirely under Valabhis for some time
hereafter is certain from grants of Valabhi kings which
gave lands even near Mandsaur to donees. Apparently
therefore, when Harsha's empire fell Molapo passed into
the power of the stronger Valabhi kingdom.
(3) UJJAIN OR CENTR.\L MALWA.
Ujjain was the capital of central Malwa and whenHuen
Tsang visited it in 641 A. D. it was under a Brahmin king.
Who he was and what became of his family after Harsha
we cannot say. In fact as stated above uTitil we come to
the Pararnara rule there is no history of Malwa to be
detailed. We may however make the following observa-
tions. Malwa has always been under foreign rule. The
climate of Malwa is not fecund and is distinctly enervating.
Foreign races and tribes have consequently always come
into Malwa and ruled there. Malwa was thus directly
under the Mauryas and their heir-apparents ruled here as
viceroys. Asoka was one of such viceroys. After the Maur-
yas the Sungas similarly held Malwa and Agnimitra was a
similar viceroy who resided at Vidisa. After the Sungas
the family of Vikrama ruled in Malwa and they too were by
tradition foreigners belonging to the Pandava clan. After
Yikrama's line, Malwa fell to the Western Sakas who ruled
in Ujjain from 78 A. D. to 400 A. D. When Malwa was
conquered by the Guptas about 400 A. D., Gupta viceroys
resided at Ujjain for a hundred years. When the Gupta
empire was dismembered about 500 A. D. central Malwa
or Ujjain mast have remained with a Gupta branch. Of
this branch was Devagupta, the foe of Grahavarman and
Rajyavardhana and when in 606 A. D. he was killed
Malwa was entirely held under subjection by Harsha. The
Brahmin king seen by Hiuen Tsang according to our view
was a viceroy appointed by Harsha. After Harsha Ujjain
remained subject to Kanauj and we know Yasovarman in
about 700 A. D. was master of it. We have also seen that
Malwa or Malava was a subject province or country of
Kanauj when Chakrayudba was placed on the throne of
JEJAKABHUKTI AND MAHESVARAPURA 351
Kanauj by Dharmapala about 800 A..D. with the consent of
many dependent kings detailed. Between Yasovarman and
Chakrayudha 1. e. from 700 to 800 A. D., Malwa appears
to have been for a time under the Rashtrakutas of
Malkhed also. We indeed find a prince of Malava
mentioned but he was usually subject either to the emper-
or of the north at Kanauj or the emperor of the south at
Malkhed. In a grant of Govind III dated Saka 728 or 730
(806 A. D. ) his father Dhruva is said to have conquered a
Malava king who indeed hirnself offered submission (Ind.
Ant. Vol- XI). Then again in a grant of the Rashtvakuta
Gujarat branch king Karka we are told that he held his
arm as a bar against the encroachments of the (northern)
Gurjara king to protect Malava for his master (Ind. Ant.
XIII p. 160). This does not. make it clear if Malwa was
under a subject king or was entirely a subject province of
the southern Rashtrakuta king. It is, however, curious to
notice how history repeats itself. The Marathas in 800 A.D.
were the masters of Malava and warded off the northern
emperor of Kanauj much in the same way as they in 1800
A. D. a thousand years later held Malwa against the
Emperors of Delhi. Some time after this the Maratha
Rashtrakuta empire declined and Malwa was conquere/1
and raised into an independent kingdom by the Paramaras
who too hailed not from Malwa but from outside as we
shall relate in our second volume.
(4) jejakabhukt: and mahesvarapura
Hiuen Tsang does not mention Eastern Malwa the
capital of which was Bhelsa or Vidisa and which country
was in ancient times called Dasarna (see Kalidasa's Megha-
duta and Mahabharata also ) a name which survives in
detailed maps of Central India and still in the popular lan-
guage as Dhasana, Probably this tract was then included
in Avanti or Ujjain ( central Malwa ). Hiuen Tsang men-
tions two more kingdoms in what is now Central India
viz. Jejakabhukti and Mahesvarapura, in both of which
ruled Brahmin kings in his days. Jejakabhukti as the
name itself indicates is the province of Jejaka, "bhukti "
being as we have already shown the usual title of a divi-
46
362 THE FIRST HINDU XIN^tDOMS
sion or collectorate under a kins^doni e. g. Tirabhukti
which is now Tirhut. The province of Jejaka was there-
fore originally part of the Gupta Empire and we surmise
that Budhagupta ruled here so late as about 500 A. D.
After the fall of his line some Brahmin governor of it must
have become independent partialis )nly for he must have
been subject to Harsha. He may have been a
descendant of Dhyana Vishnu whose inscription has been
found at Eran ( see Gupta Ins. Ill ). This line must have
become independent after Harsha but must have been
subjugated again under the rule of Yasovarman and his
successors. However we know nothing about this king-
dom or province till the appearance >f the Chandels in the
9th century and their history does not belong to the first
portion of the Hindu period. The word Bhukti, however, has
stuck to this district finally although i*: became independent
and powerful under the Chandels. For its modern name
is Jajoti and the Brahmins of this country or modern
Bundelkhand are known by the title of Jajotia Brahmins.
Of Mahesvarapura we know practically nothing. It
is identified with Gwalior or with Narwar. Bhojas must
have ruled there ( See Dharmapaia's inscription noticed
above ). But it was a province so near the centre of the
empire at Kanauj under Harsha and under his successors
that it could only have had viceroys and not independent
or semi-independent kings until Kanaui declined.
CHAPTER XVIll
HIMALAYAN STATES
It is necessary to add a chapter on ttie history of the
-many states small and great which existed in the valleys
of the Himalaya mountain and adjoining: parallel ranges
on the side of India. We have already given a detailed
history of Kashmir, which was always a part of and an
important kingdom in India. Being in the north of the
Panjab it was entered by the Indo-Aryans in prehistoric
times. Although not settled and cultivated by an Aryan
population like the Panjab, the Brahmins and Kshatriyas
who formed the upper layer were numerous enough to
stamp the country as a part of India. The Brahmins of
Kashmir again took a leading part in the development of
the Aryan civilization in India itself. They also established
a reputation for learning which has existed down to
this day. For Kashmir Brahmins have always prospered
in Kashmir as well as abroad in India both as learned
Pandits and as great administrators. Hence Kashmir has
always been treated as an important part of India.
It is mentioned in the Mahabharata list of Indian king-
doms as also in Varahamihira's- Its history naturally
forms a part of Indian history.
But the case with other Himalayan states, especially
Nepal is different. These states were in the first
place inhabited by an aboriginal population which is not
Indian i. e. Dravidian, but which is Mongolian by race and
akin to the Tibetans and other people to the north of India.
( The Damaras of Kashmir appear to be neither Aryan
nor Mongolian and we are not quite sure if they are
Dravidians. Their race requires to be carefully sifted).
The Khasas, the Newars and the Bhotias are distinctly
Mongolian by race. Secondly, these states have been en-
tered into by Indo-Aryans only in historical times. Of
course only Brahmins and Kshatriyas went there for
364 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
rejigious aud political purposes and impressed upon the
local people their religion and their polity. And thirdly,
Nepal has been an amphibious state, sometimes dependent
on Tibet or China and sometimes dependent on Indian
emperors. Even now Nepal is in this double position.
While it entertains a Resident from British India, it still
sends some presents to China in token of its vassalage to
that empire. Bhotan is entirely Mongolian, it was never
subject to India, nor was it ever entered into by the Indo-
Aryans. It is, therefore, only as an adjoining state
that that state is mentioned in political relations with
British India. Nepal is sometimes mentioned in ancient
Sanskrit works, but it is not included in the list of Indian
kingdoms and is not mentioned in the Mahabharata or
Varahamihira list of Indian peoples. We will, however,
trace the history of Nepal during our period because it was
under Indian rulers at this time and of other minor states
which were more completely Indian and which lie between
Nepal and Kashmir in a note. For this history inscriptions
and coins are available as also legendery accounts preserved
in Nepal and elsewhere.
NEPAL,
The present state of Nepal is about 500 miles long and
about 100 miles broad and lies to the north of India. It
extends from Kumaon on the west to Sikkim on the east.
It is bounded on the south by the Sandstone Range of
tills which are a continuation so to speak of the Siwalik
range in the Panjab at the southern base of the Himalaya
mountains. On the north of Nepal is the chief snowy
range of the Himalayas and most of its highest peaks e. g.
Mt. Everest, Dhavalagiri and Kanchanaganga are on the
northern borders of Nepal beyond which extends Tibet.
Three principal rivers rise thence and pass through this
state viz. the Rapti in the western part, the Gandaka in
the central and the Koshi or Kausiki in the eastern, the
latter two being also called Sapta Gandaka and Sapta
Kausiki in Nepal as seven streams unite to form them
within the bounds of this state like the Sapta Ganga in
KETAL 365
Garhwal. The country is of course mostly mountainous, but
there are several open valleys which are fertile and culti-
vated though they are generally limited in extent.
The most noted and extensive of these valleys is the
valley of Nepal properly so called. It is surrounded by
mountains like the valley of Kashmir and is about 20
miles in length and 10 miles in breadth. A small river
( lesser than the Vitasta of Kashmir ) runs through this
valley and unites with another river in the centre of it.
These two riverss are named Bagmati and Vishnumati and
uniting they get out of the valley through a gorge in the
southern hills into the plains of India. The valley is
about 4700 ft. above the sea level and consequently enjoys
a very fine climate which is not very cold. The soil is
fertile and the chief crop is of courso rice as in Kashmir.
Vegetables and all sorts of fruit are grown in this and
the adjorning valleys. It. is, therefore, ver?/ thickly popu-
lated and there are several towns in it the chief being
Kathmandu or Kantipur which is situated en the con-
fluence of the Bagmati and Vishnumati and Lalitapatana
and Bhatgaon (Bhaktagrama).
The original inhabitants of Nepal are called Newars
and belong as already stated to the Mongolian race. They
are of short stature, but strong and muscular. They are
flat faced and yellow. They do the agriculture as also the
trade of the country and are thus true Vaisyas according
to the Bhagavadgita. They are characterised like many
Mongolian peoples by lax marital relations. A Newar girl
when quite a child is married to a Bel fruit which then is
thrown into a river. The girl is therefore never in want of
a man when she is grown up, but can give him up it she is
dissatisfied with him by simply placing two betel-nuts
under his bed and walking out cf his house. The
story in the Mahabharata is, therefore," not quite strange
wherein it is stated that Pandu when in the Himalayas
said to his wife " Formerly women were unrestrained."
In fact lax marital relations characterise most Mongolian
Himalayan peoples and the ideas of Gandharvas
366 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
and Apsarasas have developed out of them in the
Hindu Puranas.
The Indo-Atyans go to the other extreme in this
matter ; at least they have done so in Nepal. Among the
higher castes in Nepal the Aryans or mixed Aryans punish
adultery most severely. Tae guilty wife is imprisoned for
life, while the injured husband has the right to cut down
the guilty man in public ; the latter, however, is
allowed to run away if he can. No widows are allowed to
remarry ; while those who elect to burn themselves on
the funeral pyre of their deceased husbands are compelled
to do so, if by chance they lose heart and wish to turn
back from the burning pile. Such extremely high notions
of a wife's duty in one caste and such lax views of it
in another placed side by side in the same country
afford an interesting example of the power of ideas
on human customs-
The Indo-Aryans have immigrated into Nepal within
historical times. The latest invasion was that of the
Gurkhas who claim descent from the Sisodias of Chitore
whence after its fall before AUauddin some Rajputs
migrated into a valley to the west of Nepal. There they
appear to have mixed with the Himalayan people of
the Mongolian race and formed the present Gurkha
(or Gorkha) people. Their Aryan characteristics, however,
are still apparent. Dr. Wright who has written a detailed
history of Nepal from native chronicles says at page 25 in
describing the Gurkhas " The Gorkhas or Gorkhalis for-
merly occupied the district round the town of Gorkha
which is about 40 miles west of Kathamandu. They are
said to be of Rajput descent and to have been driven ouc
of Rajputana on the occasion of a Mahomedan invasion.
They first settled near Palpa having passed through the
Kumaon hills and gradually extended their dominion to
Gorkha. The Gorkhas are in general fine looking men.
Some of the higher castes such as are found in regiments
are tall and slim in figure and muscular and enduring
■and have high features like the natives of Hindustan.
NEPAL 367
However owing to intermarriage they have become much
mixed. They are essentially a military race. They are
temperate and hardy and make good soldiers. They are
by no means industrious and take but a small share in
the agricultural or mechanical labours of the country-
The Newars are in general a shorter set of men than
the Gorkhas and their features are more of the Mongolian
type." ( page 26 ) -^ The Gorkhas are also fairer in com-
plexion than the Newars who have more yellowish features".
Complexion, hereditary military tendencies and strict
adherence to Hindu religion, therefore, unmistakably
substantiate the tradition among the Gurkhas that they are
descended from Sisodia Ra:iputs.
Speaking of the religion of the people, the Newars and
other older people of Nepal are mostly Buddhists, though
a large minority of the Newars are also Hindus. The
higher castes especially the Brahmins and Khatris inclu-
ding the Gurkhas are orthodox Hindus and devout wor-
shippers of Siva. Indeed the great temple of Pasupati is
from ancient times the chief temple of the land and is
also famous throughout India. Siva's consort Durga and
son Ganapati are also favourite deities and have many
temples erected to them by devout kingly worshippers.
And the wonder is that even the Buddhists are worshippers
• of Devi. Indeed the Mahayana or Tibet Buddhism which is
prevalent here is so full of idolatry and superstition and
has borrowed so much from Hindu ideas that the Buddhits
of Nepal do not scruple to sacrifice cocks, goats, and
buffaloes to the terrible Durga ; for this Buddhism has
also invented its own goddesses the Taras who are five in
number and who are the wives of five Buddhas (!!!) and
have five sons. The Buddhists in Nepal like the Hindus
are also flesh-eaters. Of course cows are sacred to both
and to kill or maim a cow is as heinous a crime as to kill
or maim a human being.
* A contrary statement appears in the Imperial Gazetteer under Nepal; which is
i)robably inaccurate and is perhaps a wrong quotation of the words of Dr, Wright.
368 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Thus we see that in the physical aspects of the-
country and the characteristics of the people Nepal much
resembles Kashmir, except in the fact already noticed viz.
that while Kashmir has always been famous for the
learning of its Pandits who have in historical and modern
times too, migrated into other provinces and made their
mark, Nepali Brahmins are not known for learning.
Indeed Brahmins from outside have usually been indented
for in Nepal and we know that the worshippers of Pasupati
are Brahmins from the south (both Deccan and Madras).
There are also Brahmins from Kanauj and Tirhut or
Mithila which are contiguous to Nepal. These Brahmins
very probably in modern days have written out the chro-
nicles of Nepal from ancient Vamsavalis which as in
Kashmir give a history of the valley from the most
ancient times commencing with even Satyayuga down to
the conquest of the country by the Gurkhas under Prithvi-
Narayana in 1768 A. D. This legendery history has been
given in summary by Dr. Wright in his book entitled
History of Nepal, This account on the face of it is
legendary and jumbles facts and fancies in an undistin-
guishable mass. The chronology too is hopelessly at fault
owing to what is imaginery and later theory. Some
inscriptions, however, enable us in conjunction with this
history to give some interesting detailed facts of Nepal
history from about 600 A. D. to 800 A, D. the period we are
concerned with in this volume. Before proceeding to detail
it we must give a short summary of the preceding history.
Whether Siva worship is older in Nepal or Buddha
worship cannot be determined. But Pasupati and Buddha
equally claim the reverence of the people from ancient
times. Asoka certainly was once sovereign of this land
and visited it. He is said to have given his daughter in
marriage to a local king. Nagas, Yakshas, Kakshasas
and Durgas are common to both rleigions. And Nepal is
considered a Mahapitha" because it contains the four most
sacred shrines of the world viz, Svayambhu Chaitya,
Gujesvari Pitha, Sivalinga Pasupati and Karlie Smasan"
NEPAL 36^
(Wright H. of K- p. 91). There is a tradition current in
Nepal that Vikramajit also came to and ruled in Nepal
and laid down laws. The Bhairavas of Siva may perhaps
be attributed to his influence and were introduced along
with other attendants of vSiva. There is a jumble of dates
here which may be neglected, for a Vikramajit is also
mentioned further on. But Vikrama certainly introduced
the Samvat era in Nepal and, it is said, paid off all debts-
There is indeed a curious tradition all over India that the
founder of an era must pay off all debts existing in the
country, and thus make all men happy. There is not the
least doubt that the Vikrama era has been in use in Nepal
since a very long time. And here we come in contact
with inscriptions which have been read and translated by
two such learned antiquarians as Bhagvanlal Indraji and
Buhler. These are all given together in Indian Antiqua-
ry Vol. IX, and we quote them from that journal.
The first four inscriptions are in clear Gupta
characters"an4 are dated Samvat 386, 413, 435 and 535.
What Samvat this is we shall see further on. The next
important inscription given is that of Sivadeva of the
Lichhavi family without date and mentions Mahasamanta
Amsuvarman. The sixth inscription is dated Samvat 34
and belongs to Amsuvarman himself describing him as
a servant of Mahadeva and of Bappa and styling him as
Mahasamata. These two are in changed Gupta characters.
A third dated S. 39 belongs to the same king. Besides
other inscriptions there is next one in S. 49 by Jishnu-
gupta who was Yuvaraja to Vishnugupta in which Maha-
rajadhiraja Amsuvarman is mentioned. Next comes a
grant of Sivadeva for the maintenance of a Siva temple
Sivesvara founded by him dated S. 119 and two others of
this same Sivadeva in S. 143 and 145 in which a Yuvaraja
Vij£iyadeva is mentioned. Lastly we have a most
important inscription by Jayadeva in S. 153 which gives a
legendery predigree to the Lichhavi kings connecting them,
with the solar line, Lichhavi being said to be a descendant
of Dasaratha after 8 intervening kings. In this line were
47'
370 THE FIRST HINDU KIN./. |A>:..S
l)orn Sankaradeva, Dhiirniadj6va, Manadeva, Mulildeva and
Vasantpdeva, then afl«r 13 kings came Udayadeva whose
son was the famous Sivadeva who married Vatsadevi
dai^hter of the Maiikhari king Bhogavarman and grand-
daughter of the king of Magadha Adityasena. Their son
was Jayadeva who married Rajyadevi daughter of
Harshadeva king of Assam who had conquered Gauda,
Udra, Kalinga and other countries. He records this
inscription commemorating the plaeing of a silver lotus
above Pasupati and in this inscription are certain verses
composed by the king himself.
These inscriptions and the eras noted in them are dis-
cussed by the well-known antiquarian Pandit Bhagavanlal
Indraji in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII p. 411 along with the tradi-
tional dynastic lists preserved in Nepal also given by him
and by Dr. Wright who in his history noticed above
summarises one such Vamsavali given him by a Buddhist
monk. These Vamsavalis are all legendery but contain
-very many real facts buried under imaginary stories. Now
Pandit Bhagavanlal rightly observes that Amsuvarman in
these inscriptions is the same Amsuvarman who is spoken
of by Hiuen Tsang as ruling in Nepal about his time. He
appears to have been a Thakuri or Rajput and originally
a Samanta or feudatory of the Lichhavi king of Nepal
named Sivadeva ; but gradually to have assumed real sov-
ereignty himself. Now his first inscription is dated
Samvat 34. This Samvat is clearly, therefore, the Harsha
era. The Vamsavali history as given by Dr. Wright at
Chap. Ill p. 133 says that the first king of the new dynasty
was Amsuvarman. Just before this at p. 131 it is stated
i|jat Vikramajit a powerful monarch of Hindustan founded
a new era and came to Nepal to introduce his era here.
Now this is a second mentien of the coming of Vikramajit
and Pandit Bhagvanlal is correct in holding that 4his
refers to the conquesl) of Nepal by Harsha and the intro-
duction of his era, the legend confounding him with
ohe Vikrama of 57 B.C. The change in the era in the
inscription's also indicates the same thing. This inscription
NEPAL 371
-with th« garbled story ©f . the Vamsavalis and Hiuen
Tsang's aceount combine to prove that Harsha conquered
Nepal and introduced his era there most probably in
the days of Sivadeva Licchavi. This conquest may be
looked upon as attested to even by Bana when he says in
the Harsha Charita ^'?T: |^T: f%wf^' ^:
Our history is concerned with tfee conquest of Harsha
and with later events. But as we have said before, it
would be interesting to note here the historical facts before
this event which can be gathered from inscription's. Now
the Vsirpsavalis mention certain kings before Harsha who
are also mentioned in inscriptions and these are 1 Vrisha-
deva 2 Sankaradeva 3 Dharmadeva 4 Manadeva, 5 Mahi-
deva and Vasantadeva. They are not only mentioned in
- Jayadeva's inscription ( no. 15 ) of Harsha S. 153 i..'e. A. D.
759 but they have left their own inscriptions as stated
before dated S. 386, 435 and 535. The question here is
what Samvat is this. They certainly precede Jayadeva of
759 A. D. by many generations i. e. several centuries.
Now it is impossible to take the Gupta era here, for the
years would be, adding 320, 706, 755, and 855 A. D. Saka
era of 78 A. D. and Vlkrama era of 57 B. C. are both
admissable. But Pandit Bhagavanlal has rightly
held that the vikrama era alone is applicable
considering the number of generations that
intervened between Jayadeva of 759 A. D. and Manadeva
of the first inscription. We find from inscription no. 15
that Jayadeva was preceded by the famous 1 Sivadeva
son-in-law of the powerful Maukhari, 2 Narendradeva.
then 13 unnamed kings then 17th Udayadeva, 18th Vasan-
tadeva, 19th Msthideva and 20th Manadeva
Bon of Dharmadeva amd Rajyadevi as mentioned
in inscription No. 1 of S. 386. These 19 kings if assigned
about 437 years at 23 year's average for each generation
as usual will take Manadeva to A.D. 322 (759-437). If S. 386
be treated as Vikrama Samvat we get A.D. 326 which
is near Manadeva's date above obtained. But if we take
Samvat 386 as given in the Saka era it gives us A. D. 464,
372 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Under this view there will be between Manadeva and^
Jayadeva 759-464 = 295 years which for 19 or even 18
generations of kings in the interval gives 15 or 16 years
only for each generation. One is, therefore, convinced
that Pandit Bhagvanlal is correct in taking the Vikrama
Samvat for the early inscriptions in Nepal; though this
contradicts the view of many antiquarians, as the Pandit
himself has observed, that the Vikrama Samvat was
concocted about the beginning of the 5th century A.D. Thia
is the great importance and value of these inscriptions
as they umistaknably give us a date in Vikrama Samva*^
so old as 386 or A. D. 329 i. e. preceding the fifth century.
We will now turn to our period. The first thing to be
noticed is that Harsha seems very definitely to have con-
quered Nepal and introduced his era there. This was in
the days of a Licchavi king named Sivadeva and must have
happened very soon after Ilarsha's accesion, sometime-
about 610 A. D. The king being thus weakened his Saman-
ta Amsuvarman, a powerful prince, easily became ascen-
dent, but not so ascendent as to throw away Marsha's erar
or to throw away his own title as Samanta. Hence his two
inscriptions use the Harsha era and still retain the title
Samanta though he virtually remained the master as
ckief minister or commander. This sort of double lordship
lasted probably for some generations. Pandit Bhagvanlal
mentions a parallel in the latest history of Nepal itself
viz. of the family of the prime minister Jang Bahadur. But
there are more such parallels in Indian history and we
may quote the Peshwas themselves on our side who for
four generations were both ministers and masters while
the Satara chiefs for generations were ostensibly kings and
yet powerless. Hiuen Tsang states that " the kings in
Nepal were Kshatriyas and believed in Buddha. Amsu-
varman a recent king had written a treatise on Etymology".
This description shows that Amsuvarman was then dead
but not necessarily when Hiuen Tsang visited Sravasti. It
is probable he never went to Nepal personally but collected
information which was noted later and at that time Amsu-
NEPAL 373
-varman was dead. Inscription no. 7 is by Amsuvarma him-
self and is dated Samvat 39 which being in Harsha's era
gives A. D. 645. He must have been alive then and it can
not be explained how Sir Vincent Smith gives 641 A. D. as
the date of his death (E. H. 3rd Ed. p. 366). But Amsu-
varman must have died before Harsha very probably and
he was not the man who gave assistance to the 'Chinese
envoy who was maltreated by the ruler of Tirhut as stated
in the history of Kanauj. For it appears that Amsuvarman
at least in his later days was a staunch Hindu and
a worshipper of Siva as may be surmised from the
following epithet applied to him in this very inscription
viz. RT% R% ^i^'-h^ll^l4f^ijiiMc|VHl'T^dl'H^^M-^^T -Wn^^rU^IIrl'+.K'JI-
TT^Tr'a^TRf^PiFf trrr:. This wording not only corroborates
Hiuen Tsang's report about Amsuvarman's learning but
shows that he had seen the fallacy of the wrong philosophy
'( of course Buddhism ). The course cf history in Nepal,
therefore, at this time was the same as elsewhere.
The kings upto Amsuvarman were sometimes Buddhists,
sometimes Vaishnavites. The first Vishnudeva whose name
we have in inscription No. 1 is described in Ins. No. 15 of
Jayadeva as ^TrRTRR^^lWf i. e. favourer of the teaching of
Buddha. The Buddhist religion probably led to the enervation
of the kinsly line and Amsuvarman appears to have become
supreme, being a professor of the sturdier religion of Siva.
■It is pertinent to note that this Amsuvarman and his
successors call themselves in the beginning of their in-
scriptions q^T%*f5R:«fi'7T^5^^n i. e.. favoured by the feet of
Lord Pasupati while the first four inscriptions do not
contain this epithet. The Lord Pasupati was certainly
there before Amsuvarman. For Hiuen Tsang describing
the people of Nepal says, " The people are rude and
deceitful and ugly in appearance; but skilled mechanics
(a true description of the Mongolian peoples/. Tney believed
both the false and true religions, Buddhist monasteries and
,Deva temples touching each other" We may, therefore,
be sure that Pasupati was already there but the kings
were usually Buddhists and sometimes Vaishnavites.
Whatever be the reason, Amsuvarman established
374 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Bimseif a;; paramount Samanta and was a worshipper
of Pasupati. The other epithet ^f^qr^T^'^JfreT occurs in all
inscriptions both in Amsuvarman's as in the previous ones
dated in Vikrama Samvat. It seems that Bappa was the
name or an epithet of the founder of the royal family of
Licchavis, which was mentioned with reverence by all,
like that of Sivaji Chhatrapati mentioned both by. the
Peshwas and the Sat-ara kings. Another similarity to tbe
later pswallel may be found in the fact that while the
Licchavi kings issue their edicts from Managriha, Amsu-
varmanand his successors issue them from Kailasakuta
These palaces must be located in different towns like
Poona and Satara and the titular king ruled in OLe city
while the real sovereign held his court in another.
Amsuvarman probably died in 646 A. D. His son
Vibhuvarraan (S. 45 or A. D. 651) also filled the same posi-
tion. The king Sivadeva must have afforded assistance to
the Chinese envoy at this time against the governor of Tirhut
Inscription No. 8 (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX) of S. 49 or A. D. 655
mentions a king Jishnugupta and his heir apparent Vishnu
gupta. The change of name-ending from Varman to Gupta
indicates, probably that these were other than descendants
of Amsuvarman. But the latter is mentioned in this
record with great respect and styled as maharajadhiraja.
This indicates that they must have been his successors
and relations and they also issued orders from Kailasa-
kuta. This inscription mentions one Dhruvadeva as
king and he must have succeeded Sivadeva.
We now con. 3 to Sivadeva the second a famous king,
the father of Jayadeva- He has left three inscriptions. In
the first dated S. 119 = A. D. 725 he grants a land for the
due worship of Sivesvara temple founded by himself to
a Pasupatacharyu. In the next dated 143 S. = 749 A. D.
he assigns lands for the maintenance of Sivadeva Vihara
ror Buddhists. This is characteristic of Nepal kings who
NEPAL 375
like their subjects were worshippers of Hindu deities and
Buddhistic gods. Even Hiuen Tsang as above quoted has
noted that Buddhist monasteries and Deva temples were
close together. In the third inscription H. S. dated 145 or
751 A.D. the Dutaka or messenger is Yuvaraja Vijayadeva
who may be Jayadeva the next king himself as Pandit
Bfeagvanlal says or his elder brother predeceased. In this
inscription we come across a new sloka not yet found in
inscriptions charging future rulers against the resumption
of the gift, a sloka which may be quoted here for the in-
formation of the curious reader.: " ?f?qT ^[^ " (who says
is not stated ) :
^1^ ^:t^ %^t wr^wk't[^ Sf^m ^T^^'iJTT f^f% ^ #5: 1!
This Sivadeva married a daughter of a Maukhari king
and a grand-daughter of Adityasena, the Gupta king of
Magadha. This shows that the Nepal Lichhavi dynasty
was related to the ruling Kshatriya families in India.
His son Jayadeva came to the throne between 145 and 153
H. S. in the latter of which year his long interesting in-
scription is dated. The first portion of it gives the pedi-
gree of the Lichhavis and assigns them to the solar line.
With regard to this claim we will add a separate note.
But the Lichhavis were then in the eighth century A. D.
certainly treated as solar line Kshatriyas ; and this king
himself married a daughter of Harshadeva king of Assam,
Who ruled after Jayadeva we do not know. But the
Vamsavalis of Nepal give the chronology of early Nepal
kings in such a different manner that it is not possible to
give a connected line without the corroboration of in-
scriptions. It is, therefore, not possible to say when this
line of Lichhavi kings ended. A new Rajput dynasty was
certainly founded in the 9th century and with that two
new towns viz. Kirtipura and Bhaktapura or Bhatgaon as
it is now called were founded and also a new era called the
376 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Nepali era dating from Oct. 879 A. D. (Saka SOI) was
founded by this new dynasty. When this new dynasty
came to power is also not certain ; but certain it is that
it is not the first king of this line who founded the era.
Dr. Wright mentions in the history of the preceding
dynasty towards the end that a Brahmin who was considered
an incarnation of Sankaracharya came to visit the country
to see how the rules and customs established by Sankara-
charya were observed. This fact we will discuss at length
in oui* next volume to which it pertains. We may
generally state that the Lichhavi line of kings came to
end sometime between 759 A. D. the date of Jayadeva's
long inscription and 879 A. D. the starting date of
the Nepali era.
NOTES
(1) LICHHAVIS.
The Lichhavis, we have seen in Jayadeva's inscription dated Harsha
"Era 153 or A. D. 759, connect themselves with the solar line of Kshatri-
yas, alleging that Lichhavi was the name of a king eighth in descent
from Dasaratha father of Rama. This was of course in consonance with
the prevailing notions of the 8th century A. D. and those preceding and
following it when every king tried to assign his family either to the
solar or the lunar race. We similarly find the Cholas of the south call
themselves solar Kshatriyas in inscriptions noted in the history of the
Eastern Chaluky as and the Pandya-Chola aroDravid as pre-eminently from
the times of the Mahabharata. It seems that the kingly families in the
outlying territories who accepted the Aryan faith were, even in the days
of the Manusmriti ( 2nd century B. C. ), conceded by the orthodox
Aryans to be Kshatriyas, but a distinction was made and taey were
called Vratya Kshatriyas, that is, Kshatriyas who had lost the Samska-
ras or discontinued Aryan religious ceremonies owing to the loss of
contact with Brahmins. These Vratya Kshatriyas Manu enumerates
in the following sloka : —
=T?5Q- ^^^ W^ ^fnS ^ =TI I (iT5 X, 22).
This sloka clearly contains the names of those outlying foreign peoples
whose kingly families were admitted to be Vratya Kshatriyas. The
Dravidas are the well known Chola-Pandya-Kerala kings of the south,
while the Nichhavis or^Lichhavis and the Khasas are well known people*^
of the north. (Nata, Karana and Zalla are lost to history while the
Mallas are also lost probably, though Malla kingdoms are mentioned in
the Mahabharata list). Both the Khasas and Lichhavis are historical
peoples and undoubtedly belong to the Mongolian race. The Lichhavis
were rulers in India also and were allied to the Sakyas in which cian
Buddha was born. They were included within Aryanism in most
ancient times and a Lichhavi princess was the mother of the Gupta line
of eraperors of India. Perhaps she was a Nepal princess. It is not
therefore strange that in later history the Lichhavis were
practically treated as Kshatriyas and had marriage relations with most
undoubted Aryan Kshatriya families like the Maukharis. The Khasas
will be noticed in the next note.
(2) MINOR HIMALAYAN STATES,
Between Kashmir and Nepal there were then and there are even
now many minor hill states in the Himiilayan region. The chief in-
48
378 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
habitants of this region were the Khasas or Khasas raentioned even ici
the Manusinriti as one of the Vratya Kshatriyas. This people are cer-
tainly Mongolian in race and at one time must have had their own kings
in these regions. The Aryans, however, viz. Bcahrnins and Kshairiyas
migrated into these regions probably about the time of the Greek orSaka
or Kushan invasions of the Panjab and the Kshatriyas founded Aryan
kingdoms which have subsisted almost to this day. As has often bean
said these Himalayan dynasties of kings are very long lived like ifieat
or fruit preserved in ice. These dynasties in the cold regions of the
H-imalayan mountains continued undecayed and undisturbed for cen-
turies and many of them subsist to-day. They have also preserved old
mainuers and traditions very faithfully and we can often go to the
Himalayas for the purpose of ascertaining old customs which once pre-
vailed in India Some information relating to these states is given
below from CunniHgham's Archaeological Survey Report (Vols.Vand IX)
Chamba : — The ancient name of this state is Champa as mentioned
in the RajataranginI The state occupies the whole course of the Ravi
and its tributaries within the mountains. The Raja there is a Surya-
varpsi king and bis Purohita has preserved a genealogy of the reigning
family which as usual begins with Brahma. Some inscriptions at
Barmavar or Varraapura on the Ravi preserve a few names of kings and
the RajataranginI also mentions some.- The inscriptions mention the
Vamsr» as Moshanasva Gotradityavams'a ( jfr^pTr^Iin^rrfrq"^^ ), a gotra
name which we do not find in the modern lists of Gotras which is a
remarkable fact. The Rajas as usual are worshippers of Siva, Parvati
Ganesa, Lakshmi and NarSyana or Vishnu and have founded many
temples to them at Barmavar, and Champa. The names of the kings
all end in Varma and we give the following names pertaining to our
period from the list given by Cunningham, of course from the lists
supplied by local Rajas (Arch. S. R. Vol. IX p. 114 and 115) (1 ) Adi.
varma (2)DevaV. ( 3 ) Mandra V. (4)KantaraV. { 5) Parakalpa V.
(6) Aja V. (7) Meru V. (8) Suvarna V, and (9) Lakshmi V. said in
the local list to be killed in an invasion of Mlechhas. This invasion
Cunningham strangely enough, takee to be that of Sankarvarman of
Kashmir in 890 A. D. Taking 30 years as overage for each reign in
this Himalayan line of kings we may take it that these nine kings
ruled for about 270 years and that Adiv. began to reign in about 620
A. D. The next king mentioned isMoshana V. (who may perhaps be the
Moshanasva of the inscriptions. )
The names o: later kings need not be given but those kings who are
mentioned in the RajataranginI are the following, 1 Sala killed by
Ananta of Kashmir in 1030 A. D. 2 Asata whose sister was married by
Kalasa (A. D. 1060 ) and 3 Udaya who is mentioned about 1121 in this
history of Kashmir.
MINOR HIMALAYAN STATjIS 379
Nurpur : — The ancient name of this state was Udumbara. The
chief city is now called Pathankot which is situated in a narrow neck
of land 16 miles in width which divides the valleys of the Bias and
the Ravi. It is a great emporium of trade between the villages of Chamba
and Kangra in the hills and Lahore and Juilandar in the plains".
The name Pithan is also written Paithan which, is clearly an abbrevia-
tion of Pratisht^apa and is the same name as that of Paithan
on the Godaval^.
The old name of the country Udumbara is mentioned in Varaha-
mihira'slist of countries along with Kapisfehala who are the Kumbist/ioU
of Arrian's Indica. In the Vishnu Purana, the name is mentioned with
Trigarta and Kulinda which are Kaugra and Kulu of modern days. The
present Rajas are called Pathaniyas and trace their origin to twenty
generations back. Probably before that time the small kingdom was
under Jalandhara. The local list of kings given by Devi Sah Bral.min
to Cunningham commenced with Jayapala who is said to be a Pundir
or descendent^ of Pandu i.e. a Tomar Rajput descended from Arjuna*
The list extended from Jayapala of about 109-5 A. D. to Jaswantsing
of 1846. These Rajas of Nurpur were of great note during Mahomedan
times from the days of Raja Bakhtamalla who sided with Sikandur Sur
against Akbar and who was pufc to death by Bairamkhan who placed his
brother Takhtamalla on the gadi in his place.
Mandi : — The mountain course of the Bias is divided between the
three kingdoms of Kulu, Mandi and Kangra; Kangra being lowest; Mandi
in the middle and Kulu, highest up. The Mandi family is a
younger b-anch of the Suketa family the separation having taken
place about 1200 A. D. as the story of the family tells. But the copper-
plate inscription of the temple at Nirmand gives four names all of whom
take the suffix Sena which is peculiar to the family of Suketa and
Mundi and these four correspond to certain names in the local list of
kings. The date of the last (Samudrasena) of the four is probably
Samvat 1227 or 1170 A. D. which agrees well with the succeeding 27
names upto the death of Bala Birasena in 1857.
The letters of the inscription at Nirmand are of the Gupta type
which has misled some to believe that it must be dated in the 4th or 5th
century A. D. " But these Gupta characters have been always in use in
the hills between the .Jumna and the Indus. They are found on the
coins of the Kangra rajas so late as the time of Trailokya Chandra
contemporary of Jehangir and in all inscriptions of Kashmir, Kangra,
and Mandi whose kicg Jalamsena died in 1838 and the sati pillars in
his reign bear the words Maharaja in the same Gupta characters.
In fact the Banias of Mandi still keep their accounts in Gupta charac-
ters and a Bania could tasiiy read Saraundra Gupta's inscription on
the Allahabad PilUir when shown to him. " This illustrates what we
380 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
have said in the beginning viz. that things in the sno-ws of the Hima-
layas are long preserved.
The genealogy given by Cunningham from the local list begins with
Virasena whom he places about 765 A. D. from whom Saraundrasena the
recorder of the Nirmand inscription above noted is the 17th and his
date is 1166 A. D. The genealogy comes down to the 45th generation
in Vijayasena of 1851 A. D. The number of sati pillars here is very
large indeed the last being so late as J838 A. D.
Kuhi and Simla states — In all these States especially between
Nepal and Kangra are spread the Kunet people who are a bratch of the
Khasas. They are very numerous in these regions. These are,
according to Cunningham, the ancient Kunindas mentioned by Varalfa
Mihira and the Kulindas mentioned in the Vishnu Furilna. Kulindas are
mentioned in the Mahabharata list cf peoples also bm as no locations or
even directions are mentioned in that list it is impossible to decide
whether these Kulindas are the Himalayan Kunets, When the Aryan
immigration among them took place cannot be determined. But the
following observations of Cunningham may be given here. ■' The
Kunets and the Khasas both pi'ofess to have been the masters of these
hills before the Aryan immigration which followed the Mahomedan
conquest. All the ancient remains within the present area of Eunet
occupation are assigned to a people who are called Moi? or Mons and
all agree that these were the Kunets themselves. The fact is that
Mon is simply their Tibetan name while Kunind or Kunet is their
Indian name" (Arch. S. R. Vol. IX p. 127 ). Further " in Dvara Hath in
Garhwal there are a number of monuments like tombs built of large flat
tiles which the people attribute to the Mois or Mons. These I take to
be the ancient Kunets before they were driven from Dvara Hath
to Joshimath".
Plere is a possible explanation of the riddle in the Puranas already
noticed as to who the Monas were whose mlechha rule is said to follow
that of the Sakas and Tukharas. It seems that these Monas of the
Puranas were the very ancestors of the Kulindas who were a Tibetan
people and who ruled for some time even in the plains of the Panjab
and Cis-Sutlej provinces after the Kushans. They are said properly to be
the ancestors of the modern Kunets because they were then unmixed
mlechhas and the modern Kunets appear to be mixed Aryan and non-
Aryan people or they may have been Khasas proper who also are now
mixed. But the Kunets themselves use that name (Mona) for the ancient
possessors of these hills. These Cis — Himalayan Monas may also,
Cunningham thinks, be connected with the Mundas of Eastern India -
and strangely enough their name also appears in the Kaliyuga future
kings of mlechha race. The following line from the Vishnu Purana has
been quoted already, frrar^r JT^^iag^ J^^sc^rq- ^y^ie 5r$i^ T^l^^T tlRf "iar^
Tt^r^'TH'l: TT^J^f ^^^JTrrrf^ ^^Tr^nvT^rf^ i^^ (it. ST?T V 3TcTrr. =-»."').
The period 1090 years is absurd but probably it represents the total of
MINOR HIMAL^VYAN STATES 381
the reigns even if they were contemporaneous. However, the Mundas
and the Monas mentioned here may well be identified according to
Cunningham with these Eastern Indian and Cis-Himalayan peoples who
may have become predominant after the Turushkas or Tukharas i. e.
the Kushans were overthrown.
Whatever that may be, the Kunindas were certainly a noted people
in the days of Varaha-mihira (500 A. D.) who mentions them among the
uorth-west section of India peoples and who even mentions them sepa-
rately as pointed out by Cunningham (p. 134 ditto) where the evil influence
of bad planets on each set of triple Nakshatras is mentioned. "The
following in regular order will perish viz. Panchala, Magadha, Kalinga.
Avanti, Anarta, Sindhu-Sauvira, Harahuna, Madra, and finally, king of
the Kunindas. " Therefore there must have been in even Hiuen Tsang's
days a Kuninda powerful separate kingdom. Cunningham identified
their country with Srughna, the capital of which near Baria on the west of
the Jumna has been identified as Sugh by him. It comi rised the greater
part of the Kunet country, the remaining portion being divided between
Kuluta or Kuiu and Satadru or Panjor. "This is the very district in
which the coins of Amoghabhuti king of the Kunindas are found most
plentifully. His date I have fixed approximately as B. C. 150 as three
coins were found in company with 30 coins of the Greek king Apollodo-
tus in a field near Jvalamukhi (p. 134).*
The people of these kingdoms were then Buddhists as all Mongolian
peoples, generally were. Aryan influence must have therefore pene-
trated these hilly regions in ancient times. Who the kings were
from the 7th to 12th century we cannot say. Certain it is that the
Kunets the modern people of these parts are a mixed race " aboriginal
Tartars by the mother's side but Aryans by the fathers," sons of
Brahmins and Kshatriyas born of Kunet or Khasa women who as
mentioned in Nepal history were never unArilling to form such connec-
tions. Their progeny was and is treated as ii^shatriyas; a fact which seems
to western scholars inexplicable. But the simple explanation is that the
Khasas were from Manu's time treated as VriStya Kshatriyas (see the
sloka already quoted) and the marriage of Brahmins and Kshatriyas with
them was never illegal in ancient times down even to the mediaeval period-
The progeny was of course treated as Kshatriyas. Marriage was formal
but binding, the Ksbatriya Khasas being Vratya. Hence there was no
setting aside of Sastra in this custom which prevailed in the Himalayan
regions where the emigrating Aryans. Brahmins and Kshatriyas having
necessarily few women with them had perforce to take Kunet wives.
■" Another ancient king of Sru;4hna is mentioned ui inscriptions at Barhut vrhere
Cunningham lias found an inscription on a Torana or gatev;av mentioning a Srughna
king Dhanabhuti, whose inscription also was found in Mathura and who Cunningham
savs was contemporaneous with Aoollodotus and Agnimitra. The Kunindas tluis
had once extensive sway upto Barhut in C. See Cunningham's Barh, pp. 127-13C.
CHAPTER XIX
THE KINGDOMS OF THE PAiiJAB.
{We now come to the history of the Pan>ab-the land par excellence of
th« Indo-i» ry^ns, — during the first portion of the mediaeval Hindu period.
That history is certainly very meagre and it is hence that -we are taking
it the last. It seems there wete do powerful kingdoms in the Pan jab
during this period and the details too that ai:e to be found in the records
of adjoining countries are scanty and fitful. Yet, we may make an
attempt to understand the history of this important part of India from
such materials as are at present available)
Hiuen Tsar.g mentions in the B*anjab the following
kingdoms or rather taacts that were independent
kingdoms at one time ; for many of them in his time were
subject to Kashmir. He mentions on coming into India
proper after crowing the Indus: — 1 Taxila (Rawalpindi)
2 Sinbapura (Salt range tract bounded on the west by the
Indus ) and 3 Urasa (Haripur or Hazara). These kingdoms
were formerly subject to Gandhara but were then under
Kashmir. The fact appears to be that when the Hun
empire fell, Kashmir made itself master of most of its
Indian provinces. The seat of the Hun power was at
Gandhara and it had even engulfed Kashmir; but Kashmir
regained its independence under Pravarasena when
Mihirakula was defeated by Yaso-dharman of Mandsaur
about 500 A. D. Kashmir grew stronger still under the
Karkota dynasty before the very time of the visit of
Hiuen Tsang, i. e about 600 A. D. and ruled over Taxila,
"Sinhapura'^ and Urasa. The next kingdoms mentioned by
him are 4 Punach and 5 Rajapuri or Rajauri, Thege were
also subject fo Kashmir and were in fact normally so. The
'■'' Sinhapur of Hiuen Tsang has been identified with the Salt Range mountain
resion by Cunningham properly enough. He thinks that the capital was at Mallot
where there are ruire. The fort is situated on a precipitous outlying spur of the Salt
Range overlooking the plains at a height of about 3(100 feet above the sea-level. The
temple and gateway which are the only remains of antiquity here are in the Kashmirian
style of architecture showing that the country as stated by Hiuen Tsang was in
pjssesioi of Kashnir fo: S3 n: faie. ( A.r;i. S.- (. CiT i n i'u n Vo! VN
THE KINGDOMS OF THE PANJAB 38 »
next kingdoms mentioned are 6 Tekka 7 Chinabhukti»
8 Jalandhara 9 Kuluta and 10 Batadru. We do not know
much of Chinabhukti which was probably only a
province (Bhukti) and is mentioned by Hiuen Tsang
because it tv^as once inhabited by some Chinese princes. We
know very little also of Kuluta and Satadru where no
kings are mentioned and which probably were subject to
Kanauj in his time, for Hiuen Tsang mentions that the
Sutlej was to the west of this Satadru kingdom. We get
some information about Tekka and Jalandhara from
contemporary records which we proceed to relate.
Taking Jalandhara first, a name still surviving in
the Jalandhara city we find the following short notice of
it by Cunningham which we take from his "Coins of
Mediaeval India" ( pp. 9^-100 ) *'The rich district of
Jalandhara originally comprised the two Doabs lying
between the rivers Ravi, Beas and Sutlej. The capital of
the country was Jalandhara and Kot Kangra was its chief
stronghold. The name is derived from the Danava
Jalandhara killed by Siva.* The dead demon stretched:
it is said, across the Panjab. The Titan's mouth is said to
be Jvalamukhi and his feet are at Multan; and the part
about Jalandhara is said to be his back and hence it is called
Jalandhara Pitha a name slightly altered by Akbar to
Jalandhara Bit. Another name for this country is
Trigarta 1. e. watered by the three rivers Ravi, Bias and
Sutlej. Hemachandra in his Kosa says -ii<?'/cj<if^4|rtT: ^:
and this name Trigarta is also still in use being handed
down from the days of the Mahabharata. The royal
family of Trigarta believes that they are descended from
Susarman of the Mahabharata fame (who with Duryodhana
made a raid on Mafcsya cattle ) and who fought in the
great war against the Pandavas. They are lunar race
'The story of the demon Jalandhara is given in the Padma Purana. He is said to
b: a son of the Ganges by the Ocean and was blessed by BrahmS who asked the Ocean
to recede and make room for him and the sea accordingly receded from the Himalayas
The story is like the story about Konkan based oa the geological aspect of the Panjab
seashells being still found at the foot of the Himalayas. T.'ie idea of the demon-
stretching across the Panjab is well explained by Cunningham by the runnfng of thg
two riyers Satlej and Ravi injancient times parallel to each other upfo Multiin
384 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Kshatriyas and take the suffix of Chandra to their name
all along. An inscription in the temple of Baijanath at
Kiragrama dated A. D. 804 names Jayachandra as the
Raja of Jalandhara. The Rajatarangini states that
Prithvi Chandra the Raja of Trigarta fled before Sankar-
varman. Kalhana again mentions one Indra Chandra as
the Raja of Jalandhara about 1040 A. D. Their coins
show the same symbol viz: a horseman which symbol is used
by most coins of the Panjab and of Kabul and Prithviraj of
Delhi and even Mahomedan kings like Mahmud and
Ghori copied it".
The kings of Trigarta were sometimes dependent and
sometimes independent throughout Mahomedan times and
we shall have to relate the taking of the precipitous fort of
Kangrain the history of Mahmud's expeditions in the next
volume. As in many hill kingdoms e. g. Assam, one and
the same dynasty seems to have ruled over Jalandhara
from the most ancient times down to the modern for reasons
which we have frequently mentioned before. Jalandhara
was lost as a kingdom in Mogul days though Kot Kangra
stiU preserves the dynasty as one of local Rajas.
We go on to the Tekka kingdom. Riuen Tsang says
that the former capital was Sialkot or Sakala and that
Mihirakula ruled there. It appears that the Hun king-
dom of Sialkot which was destroyed by Yasodharman was
subsequently seized by a new dynasty of Kshatriyas called
Tak or Takshaka. This name is mentioned even in the
Chachanama. The kingdom lay between the Ravi and
the Chinab i. e. to the north of the Jalandhara kingdom.
The description given by Hiuen Tsang accords well with
this position but the remark that the Indus was on its
border seems somewhat strange unless we believe that the
kingdom stretched across the Panjab from the foot of the
Himalayas to the Indus. The people he says were not
Buddhists a fact which agrees well with the story of the
persecution of the Buddhists by Mihirakula who was him-
self a worshipper of Siva and who hated Buddhism
thoroughly though he was a foreigner. The Taks were of
THE KINGDOMS OF THE PANJAB 385
course Hindus and remained so throughout their history.
The famous chronicler of the Rajputs says that they were
one of the 36 royal families of Kshatriyas but that they
have left no trace of themselves now as they were entirely
converted to Mahomedanism in Mahomedan times
It is not quite clear if Thakkiya mentioned in the
reign of Sankarvarman of Kashmir by Kalhana is the
same kingdom of Tak ; apparently this Tak kingdom is
referred to here though Kalhana uses the word qT%3r
which is not equivalent to Tak (cTl^). The W^T was
assailed by Bhoja, king of Kanauj and was assisted by
Sankarvarman. This is the only notice we get of the Tak
kingdom during two centuries. We do not know the
name nor any detailed history of any king. That it was
a powerful kingdom and did really extend up to the Indus
is however clear from Hiuen Tsang's description of Multan^
which he visited on his return journey after Sind. Multan, h e
records, was then subject to Tekka; as also another king-
dom to the north which he calls Pofato. After Hiuen
Tsang's days i. e. after Harsha's death, when Chacha
became the ruler of Sind, he conquered Multan and added
it to his dominions. In fact many parts of thePanjab were
then either subject to Kashmir or to Sind, only two king-
doms being independent viz. Tak or Tekka and Jalandhara
in the eastern portion of the province.
We may here abstract an interesting account of Multan
from Cunningham's Archeological Survey Report Vol. V
pp 115-120: "The ancient fortress of Multan is situate about
4 miles on the left bank of the Chinab river. Originally it
stood on an island in the Ravi which joined the Chinab in
ancient times below Multan but which now joins it 32
miles above it. The Bias river also flowed in ancient
times in an independent channel to the south of Multan
though now it joins the Sutlej far higher up. In approach-
ing Multan from Sind, Chacha had thus to cross first the
Sutlej and then the Bias and he reached the left bank of
the Ravi at Sikka which was a fort just opposite Multan
on the south bank of the Ravi. The Chachanaraa always
mentions Sikka-Multan which were on opposite banks of
49
386 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
the Ravi. In Chacha's days the kingdom of Miiltan was
ruled by a Taki and was subject to Taki in Hiueu Tsang's
time. The Taki ruler must have remained under Chacha
as tributary for we find when Mahamad Kasim invaded
Multan in 712 A. D. there was one Bajhra Taki ruler in
Sikka who opposed him but who eventually left the place
and crossed the Ravi over to Multan- Multan fell before
Kasim and remained a Mahomedan kingdom throughout
the mediaeval period.
Though this ends the history of Multan we may
relate the history of the sun temple in Multan, a little
further. Multan was also called Sambapur and the temple of
the sun there was said to have been built by Samba a son
of Shri Krishna when he was afflicted by skin disease. The
sun is the god who is supposed to cure all skin diseases in-
cluding leprosy and the temple of the sun at Multan was
visi ted by Hindus chiefly from Sinrl and the Panjab but
also from other parts of India. The temple was very rich.
It is described by Hiuen Tsang as also by the Chachanama;
by Biladauri again who writing about 815 A. D. says
"The people circumambulated it and shaved their heads
and beards". "The temple" says Istakheri in 975 A. D. " is
situated in the most populous part of the city in the
market of Multan between the bazaar of ivory dealers and
coppersmiths. The idol has a human shape and is seated
with its legs bent in a quandrangular posture on a throne
made of bricks and mortar. Its whole body is covered
with a red skin like morocco leather and nothing but its
eyes are visible. 'Some say that the body is made of wood.
The eyes of the idol are precious gems and the head is
covered with a crown of gold." Some time after 976 A. D.
Multan was captured by a Karmatian chief of Zelem, son
of Shaiban, when the priests of the temple were massacred,
the statue of the sun god was broken to pieces and the
the temple itself was converted into a mosque.
"But the zeal of the Hindus and the avarice of the
Mahomedan rulers (for they profited from the offerings of
the devotees) restored the sun god and a temple seems to
have been built near the old one (as everywhere else in
THE KINGDOMS OF THE PANJAB 3S7
India e.g. at Benares, the Visvesvara temple and atUjjain,
the old Mahakala temple or at Ayodhya). Therefore
although when Abul Rihan visited the city of Multan
there was no temple nor statue, the worship of the sun god
"was flourishing when Idrisi wrote in 1130. A.pparently in
his time the Ravi had changed its course and it was now a
little river — only an overflow from it in the rainy season.
Kazwini in 1-63 gives the same account but adds that the
great mosque was near the temple i.e. in the very middle of
the fort. The temple is described by the French traveller
Therenot who visited the place in A. D. 1666. He
describes the idol as clothed in red leather with a black
face and two pearls for eyes. This was before Aurangzeb
had begun his bigoted persecution of the Hindu religion.
The jSnal destruction of the temple and the idol is rightly at-
tributed to him and the temple and the sun god exist no more.
It may be added that this worship of the sun is Indo-Aryan
und not borrowed from the Persians, as some believe. In
the first place the Persians do not worship idols and the
idol of the sun can only be Hindu. Its covering red
leather, its ruby eyes and the halo crown round its head
with its curing skin diseases are also Hindu ideas.
Even on coins the sun is represented in this way.
Thus says Cunningham'^ (Arch.S.R. Vol.V. p. 122) describing
* Cunningham describss the fort of Multan minutely. There are no remains of _
ancient structures, for in Multan stone is not available and buildings are built only of'
bricks. He therefore in order to find the history of the fort sank a-v(fell until undis-
-turbed 'mother' earth was reached about -10 feet below the surface all of which was the
accumulation of ages and he has given a most interesting description of the layers of
debris found. " The accumulation of debris seems to be about one and a half feet per
century. Two coius were discovered at a depth of about 10 to 12 feet, the upper one of
Kaikobad A. D. 12S'? the lower one of Samanta Deva of Kabul A. D. «00 or itoO. Bricks
found increase in size as one goes deeper. This shows that the ancients used larger
bricks, But the two interesting discoveries made in this Archaeological well were the
great masses of ashes found at two different depths. The upper one vyas about 3 feet
thick and found below 16 ft. The position of this deposit corresponds
with the period of Mahamad Kasim's conquest of Multan in 712 A. D. when the fort was
stormed and burnt. The other layer of ashes was found at a depth of 32 feet which
corresponds nearly with the period oE Alexander's capture of the capital city cf the
Malloi It is possible that this layer may b; the remains of some conflagration that
attended the massacre of the inhabitants committed by Grecian soldiers enraged at
Alexander's wound. Even below this layer of ash;s v.-ere found a shoemaker's sharpen-
ing stone and a copper vessel filled with about 2 coins square in shape but unrecognis-
able, being entirely coroded ". The last proves that coins were current in India long
before Alexander's invasion ( p. lii) )•
388 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
a coin "The reverse is a bust of a god which Princep
refers to as the Mithra of the Persians, but which I believe
to be the Multan sun god called Aditya. The head is
surrounded by rays after the Indian fashion and quite dif-
ferent from the head dress of the Persian Mithra. (This
coin Cunningham believes to belong to Dewaij founder of
the dynasty which ruled in Sind before Chacha about the
year 500 A. D. ).
A second coin bears the same head and the name of
Khushru Parvej of Persia showing that some parts of Sind
were conquered by that king as even the Chachanama
states. And the third coin bears the same sun god's head.
Or: the obverse is a legend with the words "king of Multan"
at the end and on the reverse the rayed headof the sun with
the name in Nagari of "Shri Vasudeva" and "Fancban
Zabulistan". This shows according to Cunningham that a
king by name Vasudeva ruled in Multan sometime very
near the days of Chacha. He was probably the same as
the Taki mentioned in the Chachanama.
Multan was known also for another temple and thence
called Pehladpuri. The city was also called Kasyapapura
noticed in Greek histories as Kaspeira. Kasyapa is supposed
to be the father of Hiranya-Kasipu and it is believed
this demon ruled here and wanted to kill his son Pralhada
for worshipping Vishnu. The temple of Pralhada at
Multan was long famous, an annual mela being held
about it on Narasimha's birth-day. This temple was blown
up by an explosion of a powder-magazine in its vicinity
about 1859 A. D.
NOTE
WHY THE PANJAB IS STILL JNDO-ARYAN
The meagre details we have recorded regarding the three
kingdoms of Tekka, Jalandhara and Multan raise the
question why in the Panjab which is the undoubted home
of the Indo Aryans and which has always been warlike, no flourishing
Hindu kingdoms are found in,this mediaeval period ci Indian history.
The fact appears to be that since the invasion of Alexander that pro-
vince has usually been under the rule of foreign races. Indeed the
Panjab has been the buffer province of India, always trampled down by
conquering hordes from the north-west. When Alexander came he
found here many kingdoms and peoples, more warlike than those he
had met with in Asia thitherto. About 70 peoples are mentioned in
the Panjab by Arrian as having opposed Alexander. The
ancient Puranas and the Mahabharata too mention many kingdoms in
the Panjab; some names stillsurvivingtothe mediaeval period. Gandhara,
Takshasila, Kekaya, Madra, Trigarta, Malava Kshudraka, Sibi, Amba-
shtha, Yaudheya, and many other warlike Kshatriya tribes had thus
kingdoms in the Panjab when Alexander invaded India. Most of them
were conquered and many Kshatriya warriors were massacred. Inva-
sion after invasion followed Alexander's conquest. For a few ye^rs
only the Panjab wus subject to Chandragupta and Asoka but since 200
B. C. Bactrian Greeks ( 200-100 B. C. ) Sakas ( 100 B. C— 100 A. D. )
Kushans (100-300 A. D.) and finally Huns 400 A. D.) invaded India and
ruled in the Panjab. Thus while Alexander had almost destroyed all
Kshatriya kingly families, the Panjab was devoid of native rule from
200 B. C. to about 500 A. D. When the Hun power was overthrown
native rule again estajlished itself; but there were no powerful Ksha-
triya kingly families to assert themselves again and the province was
ther.fcre chiefly divided between Kashmir and Sind, while Gandhara
to the west of the Indus and a seat of Hun power was. as we have
seen, taken possession of by the powerful Kshatriya family of Kabul.
Taxila arid Sinhapurwerein the apossession of Kashmir; arid Multan and
Polato were in that of Sind their boundaries being conterminous. In
eastern Panjab there were as stated above the two kingdoms of the Tekka
which had seized the Hun kingdom of Sakala or Sailkot and Jalandhara*
How did then the Panjab remain Indo-Aryan as ethnology and
tradition unmistakably prove, down to the present day ? That is a
most interesting question whish rises here. Notwithstanding foreign
rule for 1300 years in pre-Mahomedan times and Mahomedan rule
for nearly 700 years again from 1000 A. D. to 1700 A. D. Panjab still is
par excellence the laud of the Aryans as Sir H. Risley has found. He
has clearly shown that it is in the Panjab and Rajputana alone that
the popjlation is Indo-Aryan almost from the highest to the lowest
strata. To understand this condition of things correctly we must go
back to the Vedic period and trace the history of the Indian Aryans
down to modern times.
390 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
When the Indo Aryans came to the Panjab in their migrations tO'
the south in Vedic or Avestic times they found a land just to their
hearts' desire, a land plain and fertile devoid of hills and ravines. These
Aryans were an agricultural people and coming from the plains o'
Central Asia they were probably averse to living in a mountainous
country. They liked a land which Manu designates Jangala and
which he describes as a fertile plain devoid of forest and with a dry-
climate like their Central Asian habitat. They found the Panjab just
as they had wanted, but as the Avesta says it was extremely hot and
full of serpents. The aboriginal Dravidian population here seems to
have been sparse and as the Aryans settled and took to cultivation, that
population receded southwards. It is hence that the Panjab is popu-
lated from the highest to the lowest strata by an Aryan population
throughout its different layers. It may be remarked here that
a country cannot be said to be inhabited by a people unless .the culti-
vators belong to the same race as the rulers. In the Panjab the culti-
vators or the Vish are Aryans as has been said over and over again and
it is hence that the Panjab is a land of the Indo-Aryans par excellence.
The lowest strata or labourers and menials were probably of the
Dasa or Dravidian race but the province down to Alexander's conquest
was generally full of the Aryan population which in this fertile land as
in America in a short time must have multiplied and filled the
whole country.
This people belonged to the first race of Aryan invaders or the
solar race according to our view. The second race of Aryan invaders
the lunar race people came subsequently through Gilgit into the valley
of the Ganges like a wedge in the Indo-Aryan land then extending from
Gandhara to Ayodhya along the foot of the Himalayas, a tract which
has a milder climate than the parts west-wards. The new invaders
could not expand either in the Panjab or in Oudh und hence spread south-
wards along the iKinks of the Jumna as far as the Vindhya range of
mountains i.e. from Jubbulpore and Ujjain in the south to Allahabad and
Ghazipur in the north. In this tract, however, the aboriginal population
was denser and stronger and it remained practically the cultivator af
the soil except in Kurukshetra, the tract where the lunar Indo-Aryans
first settled. The condition of this southern tract, therefore, differed
from that of the Panjab as the people consisted of two layers of popula-
tion, the lower Dravidian and the higher Aryan. While the warriors
and prelsts and traders were Aryan the cultivators and the artisans and
labourers were Dravidian. The Aryans in this tract intermarried
to a larger extent with the lower Dravidian population and hence
grew up that mixture of Aryan and Dravidian races which characterises
the population of the present United and Central provinces (as noted
by Sir H. Risley. )
In Bengal the Aryans went later. Only some Brahmins
went of themseUes as religious teachers and some were even called
WHY THE PANJAB REMAINS INDO-ARYAN 391
by native kings. But into the Maharashtra the ^ndo-Aryans went
in larger numbers. For as we have said theywore fond of a dry open
fertile plain and the plains of Maharashtra were just of this kind.
There was a forest there no doubt but the country was not very hilly
and the Indo-Aryans settled in this land with great enthusiam. These
were of course Aryans of the second horde of invaders viz. of the lunar
race and with their peculiar tendency they inter-raarried with the
local Dravidian population. That population, was sparse and not
thick. Hence the Indo-Aryans though they became mixed to some
extent in Maharashtra imposed their language and their religion easily
upon the people. Hence also it is that Maharashtra including Vidar-
bha or Berars is notably a land of the Indo-Aryans though not
par excellence yet to large extent. As remarked above a land can be
said to be inhabited by a people when the agriculturists belong to that
people. In Maharashtra next after the Panjab the cultivators are
Aryans or rather mixed Aryans ; and hence it is that the
yeomanry of Maharathtra has signalised itself so often in ihe history
of India as a martial people.
To the further south i. e. in the Madras Presidency the Dravidian
population was thick along the sea-coast and much more advanced in
civilization than their brethren in the rest of the country. Brahmins
alone, therefore, migrated into this land or were specially invited.
Though they gave their religion to th3 people they could not give their
language to them but on the contrary adopted the language of the latter.
In Konkan on the west coast though the cultivators are Dravidians that
Dravidian population was sparse and hence the Aryans imposed their
language upon it but on the east coast i. e. in Andhra, ihe Dravidian
population was too numerous to be impressed and the Indo-Aryans
chiefly mixed Aryans, eventually adopted the language of the people.*
Such in short is the history of the Aryan settlement of India down
to the days of the last recasting of the Mahabharata, which as we have
shown elsewhere was contemporaneous with the invasion of Alexander.
India was certainly fully populated in his days. It contained even then
as the Mahabharata Bhlshmaparva chap. 9 itself states, an Aryan, a
raixed-Aryan, and a Mlechha population. The Aryans were in the
Panjab and Oudh. The mixed Aryans were in U. P., C. P. C. I. and
Maharashtra and in Aparanta (or modern Konkan) and even in Andhra
which the Mahabharata list of countries includes among rhe Bharata-
khanda peoples. To the south of this were the Dravidian Mlechhas
(Pandya, Chola, Kerala, and others) and beyond India to the north
were the other Mlechhas, Saka, Barbara, Kamboja and so on. It is
necessary to add that Bengal (Anga, Vanga, Kalinga and Odra) was
also included among Indian countries and had probably mixed Aryan
populations. Let us now see what happened when inroads of foreign
* We may say that even in Andhra the language of the higher classes was Indo-
Aryan for a long time, see note on the subject.
392 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Mlechhas began to come, in the wake of Alexandre's invasion and almost
destroyed all the Kshatriya kingdoms in the Panjab. We know from
verified history that though after Alexander the Panjab was for a time
included in the Maurya empire of Pataliputra yet from 200 B. C.
successive waves of foreign Mlechhas came into the Panjab and esta-
blished strong kingdoms there. First came the Bactrian Groeks, then
the Sakas, then the Yue-chi who under Kanishki had a wide empire
over lands as well beyond the Panjab to the nonh as extending south-
wards into the present United Provinces. Naturally all Aryan ruling
families in the Panjab were either destroyed ; or were forced south-
wards. The Malavas and other warlike independence-loving Kshatriyas
in this way migrated into the plains of Central India. But the settled
population of the Panjab remained Indo-Aryan as before. As water
poured over a pot full of water cannot enter or disturb the water within,
so the successive waves of invaders passed over the head of the settled
population of the province. It no doubt carried away the ruling families
but could not disturb or destroy the settled population of the country.
To understand this phenomenon we must try to realise how con-
quering fiations and peoples in later times have moved and fared. In
the primitive stages of the human evolution no doubt, settling expedi-
tions of men, women and children are found and these usually settle in
vacant or almost vacant tracts. In later history, however, conquering
peoples usually come into tracts already fully peopled and settle therein
not as cultivatfirs but as superimposed ruling peoples. The cultivation
of land and other work of labour and art are left to the already settled
people. The conquerors generally reside in capital cities and towns
and disperse over the country not into each village but over large divisions
as Jagirdars or barons. This is what happened for instance when the
Norman conquest of England took place. Tuis is what we see actually
happening in India under tho British conquest of the country. Even
when the conquering people are one in religion with the people already
settled, though not in race, the conquering people remain above the
country's old population like a separate layer. Living examples of this
are met with even in the India of to-day. The Marathas.of Scindia-
Holkar or Gaikwar or theiMoguls of the Nizam have not mingled with
the population of their territories and they still remain as distinct
layers superimposed, living mostly at the capital and in the larger
district towns, as officers or greater landlords. Now it will be clear to
Anybody that such a population does not by the very laws of nature
thrive. When the land is vacant, the population increases by leaps and
bounds and within a couple of centuries fills the land. But asuperampcsed
population enjoying the luxuries of a ruling people does not increase
For instance, the Maratha population of the Indore or BaVoda State or
the Mogul population of Hyderabad is practically stationary and has not
increased though near two centuries have passed since their rule was
©Btablished over their respective territories.
WHY THE PANJAB REMAINS INDO-ARYAN A^o
Now consider what will happen supposing their rule is overthrown
The superimposed layer of the ruling people, separata as it is, will dis-
appear without impressing the people in the least. The English, for
example, will completely disappear if they lose their rule in India ; for
they not only do not increase but do not even make India their home.
The Marathas of Baroda or the Moguls of Hyderabad will mostly
retire to their respective home lands and those that have
made the new country their home will remain if they do remain as a
distinct people. Their number may even dwindle away under the adverse
circumstances of their condition. The hypothetical case which we
have here described was what must have actually happened in the
Panjab during the successive waves of conquest over it. The Greek
Bactrian rule was overthrown by the Sakas and left no remnant of its
population. So was the succeeding Saka rule overthrown by Vikrama-
ditya of 57 B.C. and left no trace in northern India and the Panjab.
Even the Kushans who enjoyed a long extensive rule in the Panjab and
adjoining lands frem 1.50 A. D. to later than 300 A. D. left no remnant.
The Kushans even if numerous were overlords spread in cities and
towns and could not have increased in population and when overthrown
must have left the land or dwindled away. The Huns came in about
400 A. D. were supreme for about a hundred years and were over-
thrown about 500 A. D. Their Gandhara kingdom went to the Ksha-
triya kings of Kabul as we find from Hiuen Tsang and their second king-
dom in the Panjab about Sakala was changed into the Tekka kingdom-
A Huna kingdom appears to have been left in India somewhere, for a
Huna Kshatriya family is mentioned later on. But they did not
impress the rural population which lei-oained uncontaminated. And
even if some remained the facility afforded by the Indian social ten-
dency towards the formation of subcastes bound by interdiction of
marriage must have prevented all intermixture of races. If we
therefore consider carefully how foreign conquests in historical times
afifect populations fully established, we can see that the lat^r conquer-
ing peoples, the Greeks, the Sakas, the Kushans and the Huns have
disappeared rather than that the original settliny Indo-Aryan popula-
tion fully settled in the Panjab could have disappeared leaving the later
Scythic peoples in the country as many Indian antiquarians seera ' o
believe. This is the true axplanation of the undoubted ethnic fact that
the population of the Panjab is still almost pure IndoAryan though
successive waves of conquest from the Greek down to the Mogul have
from time to time passed over it.
Two important inevitable consequences, however, followed from
these successive foreign invasions and foreign rules. The people of the
Panjab Indo-Aryan as they are lost that love of independence which
always everywhere characterises the Aryan people. Strong in phv-
sique and warlike and brave in their temperament, the people of the
50
394 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
Panjab yet rarely asserted themselves in later history and became in-
dependent. The Indian theory of politics explained in the first book
also came in to aid viz. that kingship is given by God to those only
who have performed austerities in former lives; that the people have
nothing to do with the form and the personnel of government and that
their dnty is to obey rulers established by divine will. The warlike people-
of the Panjab, therefore, fretted very little if the Arabs ruled from
Multan or the Kashmirians ruled from Sri Nagara. Many Kshatriya
families no doubt still remained in the land as overlords of one village or
groups of villages. Nay, many Rajput families appear to have come back
into the Panjab from Rajputana and elsewhere as we shall have to show
in the next volume, during the period of native rule between 500 and
1000 A. D. : but they never tried to establish new Hindu kingdoms, and
remained content with their petty overlordships. We have often said a
Kshatriya or rather Rajput (for the word Kshatriya or Khatri in later
times became degraded in the Panjab and applied to Kshatriyas taking to
mercantile occupations) must have some place, a petty village at the
least, where he maybe called a raja and bowed to by a barber or a tenant
As even theBhagavadgita observes, Isvarabhava or the attribute of lord-
ship belongs to theKshatriya by his very nature. Yet in the Panjab even
among the Rajputs this natural instinct does not seem to have developed
into a strong irrepressible desire for establishing self-rule. The people
lor a long while had become accustomed to foreign rule and did not
care who ruled them so long as they were left in the enjoyment of their
hereditary lands and villages with their hereditary customs and manners.
The other point of importance to be noticed is that during the first
period|of 1200 years' subjection to foreign rule in the Panjab, there was no
difference of religion between the rulers and the ruled. The foreign
invaders were with one exception Buddhists and they too were half Hindu
and half Buddhists. There was, therefore, no bitterness of religious
difference added to the gall of foreign rule during this period. The
Huns of Mihirakula were not Buddhist.s but were Saivites. But that
too was in response to and in consonance with the changed sentiment
of the people. A reaction had already set in against Buddhism and
Mihirakula did not offend the majority of his subjects when he person-
ted the Buddhists as related bitterly by Hiuen Tsang. Under Mihira-
kula too, therefore, there was no religious difference between the people
and their foreign rulers and it is hence perhaps that the warlike sturdy
people of the Panjab remained reconciled to foreign rule. The tendencies
generated by this long subjection to foreign rule consequently were
too strong to be suppressed by even the difference in religion when
Mahomedan conquest under the Turks of Mahmud came over the land
in 10"0 A. D. How it affected the people little we shall See in our
next volume.
THE END.
APPENDIX
Some Inscriptions in the original
(1) APHSAD STONE-INSCRIPTION OF ADITYASENA
( Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill No. 42 p. 200. )
^TFTTt^^R^q?ff"T^%^T ^V^\ ^5^Tf^H II ^ I)
rf^T^^Tift 5^f \^' >^\%^^^ fi% II ^ 11
»>f[^'^^S^, f^H'RT^SmM: ^?[^^ 11
^ ?Hl[R^I<ig€^fc5=T^H'TT^W^^: II '•'
'iq^TTN ^RT^^^T^FT c^?t cr^^?R%^ II ^ II
-^^^^^. ^ ?f(fT ?^ l^ mm'\%^ ^rt^^ ii ^ II
^RT^^l^^"T^^:n^rfn^H^HTlinrfV^T^: II
^^ifWRTIRtj: ^qf^ RHm#T H'^'tH^ ^=T I! ^ H
"^B^rqcTFT'^n ^^ R^JFTrTT ^^ I
3^»WT^ ^flTP^} iT?T: H^rmf^T^: II ^ II
%?T ^rHT^>^^%^r l^ ?m f|'7: n ^ => ii
^If^m R^^'J^^R'^^I^ II
TfTTM^^^fg^pq^inl^^: II 'I'i II
'|UN<ilJ^+'??T?Ti ^HIS^T^'TI^^m'^r^ I
TRuJlRlrmM ^ ^: ^T^ H^'^HTf P!FTT^ II "i \ W
'MlH^I^'i'lHl^^rTRJTT^KR'm: gcT: I
?r^l^iTT^^ ^H ^I ^R ^RrlPT II "^ 3 II
^MIHc^l'wr^^^R^^^c^T^'T^ 5|-i,
396 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
qw Rr^i q-'tr qfrli^ ( - ) ?r^[ T [--"--".! •
--^-"''"-'^~^-- II "i^ 1!
'JTr%5T%fT JR rfrT^f^: %^T^T I
---""-" iTm?rRK^q''HTciTHR ^\V. I
^^"t ^^=?^j^ -^^q?: KT^qr j^tm^ ^t^^ i
^^''=n?^W"%?5'TI?iTc5^TFrriTrITf^^?TTi?5'5[ II ^^ II
^HTTH -"""" _""-" II
"_""^ ^Tsf'T'TJq^fT - I
'tl'TT'T ^^Tr^FPTf Tff^TmTk^: II ^< ||
Tr%rr-" "-^-11 ^B II
" -fT: ^'l^^R'T^F^-qH^^rnU^R ,
DEO-BARNAK INSCRIPTION OF JIVITAGUPTA II 397
^^FTI^^MjqHf^ "" W^'^??: II
rT^^^'^J ^^^] ssfm^ ^IK^r ^Z: I
'cTttr%¥5T: ^f^ ^Ti: g^r^nfl^Ff: ii ^^» ii
^5FJT^T'rr:r^Tr<i^l%^^<T^I%qTr^TTll^ II
^^^-^^^^^r %i^ Rri% Sin: i^Tltl^^ ^^1T% I
^Mc^idi%i^^TRr tr^wn^Fq-Mi ^: it x^ u
^]WrU ^'^^W%'JT ^MTHFTT 11 30 II
(2) DEO-BARNAK' INSCRIPTION OF JIVITAGUPTA II
( Corp. Ins. Vol. VII No. 46 p. 213 )
^^mm f j^Rmrrq ^ i^f^rt ?^ ik^ f^-^fi^Tiof^-
lo^^i^qn^^ ... ^ ... fccrT^^-5srfq;?T-i%^tKfT z^^mm ?
* This word is spelt as Baranark by the Corp. Ins. It seems how-
ever that rk must be changed into k in Prakrit. Moreover in the original
Sanskrit name there is no r here.
"398 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
...H...^M^7T...^^*T T.^^ ?T-':JlFR^I^^Hlfiqifn'^-
^ic^n^Fq^^ j^^^ira^ ^^^2-ff ^^oT ^\m^7\i^ ^ ^T'nr^Tf i?
4r^?Ri-^(^w^ qri^q^ ^^ ^i^^f ^f\^%;■'iJ'^]r^^^wl
q^^^iT^^S^q ^ HfTf T^IltTU^-T^H*^ ^TT?I^^^
aTT^^^-^qri^^spqH^'^ ?r?T ^^^ ?r^ f%Plfq XT^
...^Jr{^J^ ^rr^j^i^w^^irf ^ptw^tt-t^t ^t qf
<m^q3^
(3) AS'lRGADH SEAL OF SARVAVARMAN
( Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill No. 47 p. 219. )
(4) VALABHI INSCRIPTION OF DHARASENA
( Corp. Ins. Vol. Ill No. 38, p. 164. )
^f^ ?^Rfr R^Tq^^fcTi^RTg" ^f^w^m^^r^ i^^'iq'JTFiiiH^rmf^
3TqRra^T^^^=c«T<^q[r4?nN^ir4q^iJTHP^%l^q^R|^: qr^-
^TFT g-^ 3np;rrr: ^^H?TfnmnT!fT%: 'jar: ^?^^Ti%Ki^fK^f'^t5*Tiiq?rr-
VALABHl INSCRIPTION OF DHARASENA 399
3Tf^ qTWfTlRffHT^^Rtl%^iT?nfI^:SI'Jlf^5tT^H qRf^^^q q^??TTrTcrmirH-
Trfsf^i^Tc^qfRq^q^TR^sqiftRFf: qT^JTit^^^;??^^^?: rr^^ ri^q^fqi^rg-
t^TlFf: ^^^T^?lfmilWT(.rrHl%^%^?R^:qF^MRT^Tq": ^r^^^T rSTFTI-
^Hi^qR^m^i'(^Tc5iHJTT?i^'?.c'iiqMRi^i%?ii?^rrvra^: q^HiTi^'^^ ^mi-
^^•. ?r?q 3t^3t: FTrqr^rjsi^TrT: ^^Krnfrr^T^TO^^q^^^qi^^n^^fm^TRT^
3Tiq R^mRrTI R'a^MT^; ^I?lVl?r ^W J^T^l^: qR-,^^OTHTTn'R'TTi%Tr-
1g: -bt^^^j^j'-st: srR?:i!:priq^<Tf^rn'^'ri^Tcjg^ff%rft^i;rrTii^: ^rnri'
qKiqi|rig^?RriTr4^!Ti'^^i^ii^r5Ti|?fi^T^mT qcnrt?^: ^ip^^: spi^T
TT^^K^i^mis^^T'r^^r^^^q^m^^TfT sn^ir^tr^ii'^q^iaji^qc^Ti^n^-
.^•n^'Ji^tT^^nHq^rsn^oT^RR^n^'^w m^^^ :J^■^^]7[l^^ ^^jst^^t-
^it H^RTHq^M^^I^ ^n^ ?lqi%^afTq^ ^^Fi^lrfqcqTqR "q^i??T[lTO^[-
%q^ ^^^Tiq^i^R" #rT^RRRf^^ tr^\r^^Ri^W sr^^q^q'jfr^^ qq^sra-
400 THE FIRST HINDU KINGDOMS
<T^^ ^^T ^R: ?T^q ?R^ ?r^I TT^IT II qiH 1"$
iTTrTRlH riiH ^ ^I^ tir^: q^: 37I?[<trTll ^%'q^?.'^IM ^^^ 1^81%^'^: I
3 •;. «i ^=>T ^ 3 ^^^^^^ n
(5) AMSUVARMAN'S INSCRIPTION OF S. 39 or 635 A. D.
( Ind. Ant. IX p. 170. )
F^jlFfr^^"^! ^"^^"^15^: sii^gifq^T ^i^CTt?^T^^5TiH^: ^Tl^T'11^^IIc5%>^q':
qi^^qyf^^Hi qi%5:=q^ ^iq^Fj^Ffj??^^ '^'-iTi^i^ ^ T^^Hrt ^^ qR-
^.iqfiTiiqi^ rT?T ^^?T^^ ^I^IHT^^TTI^"^^ R^^'.^^^jfl^r ^ftrTmifTFTI^Jp -
r^ipq^rr q^r^<sq> ^ ^q ^ Jiq-i^cq[Ht Hii^PTiiq ^l^fWRwr^ri qt-
(6) MAYIDVOLLU INSCRIPTION IN PRAKRIT OF PALLAVA
KING SIVASKANDAVARMAN ( Ep. Ind. Vol. VI p. 86 )
(^r)=ql5^Tcfi ^n^m^f ^]T^]^ ^^\'^\ q?.^i?f i%^^'=*fi q^r^
RrlUH 3T^i^(gt)^^ 3Tfi5?f(^N)?inq^ 3Tq^q^I 5Tl'Sq-(^) sths^^^ 3^^<-
^.u??Ti qi??^^ qi?f.Kiq'*T =q ^"i 'vflj^i^w^ aTHi'ff^'f <i«( 5n'^^>^i (fift)-
^i^^i ^ ?i^ ^f^i miR m^^ wX^wi ^^m ^^ih -i o iitf^i q?a1
THE END.
JS
50
at*
»5
!0
CO
Budbist ,
Hindu
Budhist <t
Jain
IChinabKuKti. '
M
Hiran>a(.arvata, ;C.iPP"ona
r
INDEX
Abbapura 235
Abdul Rahim 192-3
Abhayadatta 70
Abhimanyu ( Kashmir king ) 226
Adhikaranika 249
Adhyakshas 150; 306
Adityasena Magadha 36-7; 370; 395
Adityavarma 34
Afghans 190-1-3; 209
Agham Lohana 163
Aguihotra 69; 105
Agniraitra 80
Agnipravesa (custom of) 95
Agnivamsa 71-2; 81-2
Agni-worship by Bana 106
Agrahara 233-6; 267
Ahara 129; 140- 157; 282
Aliichhatra 86;— Bhukti 130
Ahinsa, doctrine of 112-4; 173; £21
247; 274
Aihole inscription 140; 159; 275-6
Aikshvaka ( sun-race ) 71
Aila ( moon-race ) 71
Aiyangar K. S. 153; 291; 317
Aisvara-karanikas 111
Ajanta caves 270-2; 265
AjitapTda 218
Ajnyapta 305-6
Akshapatalika ( Patil ) 234
Alafi ( Arab renegade ) 170-9
Alaf Tegin 193
Alakhana ( Gujar ) 194; 201; 222
Al-Beruni 185190-4-6-7 9; 200-1; 246
Alor (capital of Sind) 161-2-6; 175-
7-8; 184-7-8j 248
Alupa 271
Ammal 303; II 302-3-4
Aramaraja 302
Amatya 149; 157; 248; 306
Amoghabhuti ( of Kunindas) 381
Arasuvarma of Nepal 369; 372
Anandapala 199; 201
Anandapura 252-3-6
Anangapala 27; 227
AnangapTda 208
Anantavarman 34
Anantadeva ( of Kashmir ) 195;
227; fights Turks 228; 229; 233
Anarta 253-4
Andhra ( Warangal ) S2; 81; 104—
mandala 140; 159; 262 3-5; 275,
297; 304-5
Andhrabhritya 80; 262-3
Aparajita 293
Aparanta 79
Aphsad inscription 24; 33-4-7; 40;
97; ( original ) 395-7
Apte Prof. ( astronomical calcu-
lations for Harsha's birthdate) 42
Arachosia 191
Arabs 18; 19; 59; 90; 117-8; 161-3;
188-9; 191-3-9; 200-1; 214; 238;248-
9; 252-3
Arabic ( language ) 161
Aramshah 187
Aratta 143
Arhatas 109; 111
■'^^^
Index
11
Arjuna or Arunasva 232
Aryabhatta 275
Aryans 26; 54; 69; Sec-characteris-
tics 60-3: advance into South
India 314-7 settlement in the
Panjab 390;-in Maharashtra 79;
391; in Madras Pr. 391
AryoDravidian 80-2
Asirgadh seal 33-7-9-41; 398
Asoka 19; 23-7-9; 79, 80-1; 207; 234;
261-2-3; 282
Asandl or royal seat 153
Asvamedha 105-6; 113; 204; 265-25-9;
273-7; 285-6
Ab'ata 235
Assessment of land 132; 158
Aulikara 155
Avantlvarma ( of Kanauj ) 8; 26
34-9 ( coins ) 41
,, ( of Kashmir ) 221; 240
Avesta 95
Ayuktaka ( an officer ) 159; 249
B
Bachhrai 172-3-4; Taki 184
Badara ( of cotton ) 91
Badami capital of Chalukyas 258;
264; 277; 286; 297; 32; 72; 81; IO5
Bahvricha ( Rigvedi ) 68
Bagamati, river in ISTepa 1365
Bai ( sister and wife of Dahar ) 167'
180-1-7
Bakkhar ( town in Sind ) 1«9
Balnditya 20-3-6; 1; 17; 33-4-9; 40-4
Baliapur ( Kashmir ) 235
Bana 5; 11; 13; 17; 21; 27; &c.
Banavasi 32; 80; 158; 258; 262-6; 277
Banias, Gujar 85
Banskheda grmt 130; 150
Bappa Kawal 19; 25; 282
Barahatakin 199
BaramulJa { Kashmir) 238
Barbara ( language )354
Bhagadatti ( of Assam ) 332
Bhagavanlal lodraji 370
Bhaghvadgita ( S e (Jita) 63- 111;
205; 222;
Bhagavata Puriina 155; 352
Bhallata'C a Kashmir poet ) 224
Bhandarkar D. K. 13; 83-4-5-6-7
BbiTndarkar Dr. ( Sir R. G. ) 81-2;
78-9; 258-9; 265; 270-2-3
Bhandi ( uncle of Harsha ) 4; 6;
35-6-8; 148
Bharukachha Broach ) 21-5; 252-6
Bhiiskarvarman ( Kumara ) 29; 30
Bhata ( suffix ) 72; 136; 158
Bhatarka 20; 243
Bhatta 69; 273
Bhattaraka 244-5-6; 277; 307
Bhatti ( i)oet ),— kavya 247
Bhau Daji Dr. 265
Bhavabhuti 209
Bhavagopa 284
Bhikshu 231
Bhima,-pala ,-shah-deva 195-7-9;
201; 226
Bhimagupta ( of Kashmir ) 226
Bhina ( of Veugi ) 302-5-9; 311
Bhinmal 21-2; 8:!-4; i'51-5-6; 356
Bhitaura ( coins found at ) 40-7
Bhoga 79-8o;_149; 157, 249
Bhogavarman Maukhari 370
Bhogika 149; 157;-oddharanika 157
Bhoja ( of Kanauj ) 222
„ ( of Malwa ) 223-228, 231
Bhojas ( people ) 81; 341; 362
Bhukti 129; 130-7; 140-1; 306; 361-2 ■
Bhumi 135;— padavarta 1-57
Bhuti ( suffix ) 62;, 66; 73
Bhuvanachiindra 222
Bhuvanesvara ( Siva temple in
Orissa ) 321
Bigha ( land-measure ) 133
Bilhana 81; 230-6; 267
Biruda ( kingly titles ) 307
Bollakeshivallabha 268
Bodyguards ( king's ) 153
Brihaspati ( king of Kashmir ) 240
Brahmacharis 1(9; 111
Brahmagupta ( astronomer) 21;40;
275; 356-7
Brahmanabad (Sind) KJl 2-3-4-"-6
172-7; 180-2- :-7-8
•iii
INDEX
Brahinaraja traitor of Kashmir 228
Brahmins (caste) 59; 61-2-5;
( characteristics ) 70-2-4-5-6; 85-
6-7-8; (fooil) 94; 105-7; 110-3; 122;
133-4; 161; 173; 145; 152-5; 162; 173;
185-7 196-7-8-9; 200-1-4-5-6; 215-
6-8; 221-5-6-8; 232-3-4 (of Koakan
and Kashmir ) 239; 254-5-8; 262-5-
7; 273-4-8: 285; 305; — Kshatriya
marriage 381 — sauyasis 108
British rule 125-6-9; 154
Brihatphalayana gotra 285
Broach 13; 242; exports 259; 356
Buchanan Dr. 361
Budbagupta 24; 245; 362
Budhia 172
Buddhism 100-1-5; 112; 206; 213; 221
272-3
Buldhists 4; 7; 8; 18-9; 38-9; 46-7-8;
63-9; 73-4-5; 96-9; ( temples ) 102-
( recluses ) 109; 100-1-3; 123; 162-
3-4-8-7-8-9; 171-2-3; 183-8; 187; 191-
2-3-9; 204; 217; 247-9; 255; 263-5-6
486; 296
Burn ( coins ) 40; 4-7
Cape Comorin 269; 275; 279
Caste system in India 85; 86
•Chacha 18; 20; 162; 164-6; 168; 174!
183-5; 189; 197; 201; 205; 122
Chachanama 18; 19; 28; 122; 161-2;
163-68; 170-1; 174-5; 177; 181; 189;
- 203; 206: 208; 211; 214; 240
"Chahumana 87
Chohan 70
ChakrayuJhi 360
Chakravarman 224
<;!hakravarti 10; 11; 247
Ohalukyas of Badami and Veng
12; 13; 72; 80-2; 86-7; 115; 140; 143;
248; 252-59; 264; 276; 278; 283-92;
297-311
Chamars 75; 88
Cbamm:\k plate 69; 132; 134
■Champa 29; 235; Himalayan State
378
Chanakya 65
Chandalas 75; 143
Chandika 104
Chandra 19; 20; 64; 87; 166-7; 184; 283
Chandraditya 270
Chandiagupta 19; 24; 26; 61; 65;
151; 154; 263; 286
ChandrapTda 207-8; 224; 240
Chandravansa 71
Chankuna 212
Chapa, -otkata 354-6 ; ( history )
3c8; -votaka 253
Chata 130-56; -bhata 249
Chhatrapur 212
Chaurahas or Chuhras 75; 88
Chauroddharanika 249; 156; 8; 138
Chavadas 254
Chedis 269
Chellur grant 308; 300
Chhattisgarh or Kosala 348-9
Chichito 24
China Bhukti 49; 383
Chinese 192; 240
ChippataJayapida 218
Chitor 19; 25; 113
Chitrakantha 271; 277
Chola or Nellore 32; 260; 271; 274;
275; 277-79; 292-3; 299-307
Cholaraandala 129
Christian 63; 73; 233
Christianity 101; 108; 173; 180
Chudasaraas 254
Coins of mediaeval India 190; 197
Cunningham Sir, A. 16; 290; 196; 240
D
Dadda ( of Broach ) 21; 25; 196;
247; 251; 253; 194; 201; 356
— family genealogy 23
Daharl9;20; 166-71; 175-187;208;21O
Daharsia 116
Dakshinapatha 80; 159; 210; 268-9
Dakshinatyas 211
Ddlavamir 291
Damaras 205; 224-5; 228; 235; 363
Damodara Gupta 33; 216
Danarnava ( or Dananripa ) o02-3
Index
IV-
Damlakaranya 79; 260
Dandanayaka 235
Dandapasiba 156; 249
Dantidurga 81; 272
Dantivarman 291-2-3
Daradas 222; 223; 228; 236
Darvabhisara 222
Debal 162; 169; 170-2; 18T
Deccan 159; 307
Delhi 187; 189; 22C; 224
— its vicissitudes-27; 40
Deo Barnak 138; 158
—inscription of 33; 34; 397
— Mahva genealogy of 37; 39
Desa 129; 140
Deva, suflSx, 67
Deva Gupta :3; 24;— history of 24-8
- 40; 46
Devasarma 216
Dewaij 18
Dhakka 277
Dharraapala 351
Dhanakakata or Vengi, kingdom
of 32; 263
Dhara 22; 232
Dharapatta 246-7
Dharasena 131; 133; 245 6.-111
-247— IV 247— copperplate in-
scription of-398.9
Dhruva 131; 156; 242; 249
Dhruvabhata ( Valabhi ). son-in-
law of Harsha, 20; 32; 25; 45-6;
61; 62; 70; 247-48
Dhruvasena 243; 246-7
Dhvaja 106; 155
Didda 226-27
Digvijaya 90; 145; 163; 207; 211; 223;
271— of Sankaravarman 232— of
Harsha-6; as per Bana 43
Dikshir -astronomical tables-43;273
Dinnaras.215; 216: 221; 235; 23&; 257
Divakaramitra 6; 110
Divira ( secretary ) 235
Drangika 156; 249
Dravida or KanthI 32
Dravidians CO; 65: 67-9; 74-79; 80-2;
8!?; 104: 121; 258; 260-62; 266- 274=
.i^'7U; 2S1; 285; 305-6-7; 293
Drona ( measure ) 150
Dronasinha 72; 246
Dubreuil 265; 279, 282-3; 287-8; 290-93-
Dukula 91
Durlabhuka 206-8; 240
Durlabhav. 17; 44; 202, 205-6; 253
Duta,— kara 138; 149
Dvaradhipa-pati 234-5
Ekasankha 267
Ekavadi 273
Ekangas 226; 235
Encyclopsedia Britannica 83
Eunuchs 154
Eran 24; 362 ( capital of Zajoti )
Female education
Ferdusi 188
Fleet Dr. 132-3-6; 150-3-8: 288; 2£8.-
300-1-8
Fowler Sir William 78
Funeral ceremonies 98-9
Gambhirasinba 236
Ganapati 104
Gandhara, 1; 17; lSO-1-2; 196; 200 ':
Ganga ( people ) 268; 27]; 275; 293;
304-5-8;
Ganga 267— Yamuna 277; 308
Gangavadi 158
Ganjas ( markets ) 231-adhipa 235
Garuda Purana 98
Gauda 11: 30; 66-7-8; 70; 209; 219>
4-5:238; 323
Gautamlputra 12; 263-6
Gehlots 246; 254
Gita 256
Goditvar; 79: 246; 258-9; 280; 304
Gonardiya ( dynasty of Kashmir )
17; 45; 21 2-3
Gopalavarmau 194; 224
Goparashtra 259
Gora ( anvaya ) 68 . - •
Govinda 266
INDEX
Grahavarnia 2: 8; 21; 33-4-5; (W-9
40-1- 6-7; 61; 70; 243
Grarnakayasthas 241
GraraakHto 157
Greek 123; 191; dress 8i) language
354; 285; 290
Guhaditya 25
Guhasena 246
Gupta 69; 73; 100; 122, 15S; 173;
186; 204-5 243-4-5-6-7; 266; 286;
106; 156; 360— of Malwa 3; 24-6
genealogy, 33; 37; 39; 40-1-7
Gupta characters 379-empira 106;
123; 156-era 246; 276
Gurjara or Gujar 11; 21-2 5, 63-4-5;
83-4-5; 118; 194; 201-5; 222-3; 236;
242-5; 257; 269; 297; 355-6— of
Bhinmal 355; 358- of Broach 251-7
Gujar Gaud 65; 74;88
Gunaka Vijayaditya 219
Gurkhas of Nepal 366
H
Haihayas 252; 271; 272-2-4; 315
Hajjaj 169; 170; 171; 173; 175; 179;
180; 182; 184; 192; 193
Harigana 222
Hariraja 227
Haritiputra 265; 268; 269; 274; 72; SI
Harivansa 80
Harivarma 32
Harsha 85; 206-09; 242-44-47; 28S
as a king 123;— his horoscope
ace. toProf.Apte 42; his exploits
43; his caste 68; his life and rule
1-15; 40-41— era 11-27-6; 372
Harsha of Kashmir 229-233
Hacshagupta 24
Hastivarman 286
Hazara 223
Helaraja 202
Helmaud 191
Hermatalia 161
Himalayan states 363 minor 378*81
Hinduism 100; 101; 112; 274
Hindus 84: 87; 88; 102; 112; 117; 188
— converted 189 — dress of sanya-
sis 91
Hiranya 46
Hiranyaparvata ( Monghyr ) 29
Hiuen Tsang 151; 152; 169 &c.
Hoernle Dr. 35; 37; 38; 39; 46; 47
Holala ( or Horala ) 90
Huns ( Hiiiias ) 83; 84; 87; 117; 126
173; 200; 203; 242--invasion of*
Thanesar, defeat 2; 17; 20-over-
throw of Gupta empire by 24; 34;
35; 39; 45; 46; 54
Hultzh 298; 305
Hunter Sir W. ( Orissa ) 318-9 &e.
Ibbetson, Sir D. 88, 189
I
India 83; 84; 86; 88; 89; 91; 115; 116
117; 118; 120— in A.D. 630 as des-
cribed by HiunTsang 48-57-people
of-59 — castes, marriage, occupa-
t.ous-60 63-68— Kshatriyas of-70;
Vaishyas-73-aucient geography
of-191 — Civil administration and
criminal-138 — Political condition
01-122
Indian-representative institutions
124-dress-89-92-women 180; 181-
cavalry 142-3-array 142-patrio-
tisra 123-State and their weaknes-
ses 125-philosophy Ill-manners;
and custome 93-99-kingdoms 117-
religious condition 100-114- dress
appearance 92-3 — ornaments 92
Indo-Aryans 31; 58; 76; 77; 88; 109
118; 120; 128; 190-1; 259
Indo-Scythians 239
Indrajit 181
Indraraju of Vengi 298; 309
Indrani (idol of, Orissa) 323
Indravishnu 105
Indus 17-18
Isana Maukhari 27; 33-4j 47
Iskania 163
Ispahadad 193
isvaravarma 22; 37-coins ©f-40-41
Jadejas 254
Judbavas 82
Jahin Budh IH: 177
Index
I
Jainisra 100: 109; 273; 274; 20G
Jains 66: 111; 255; 274-pandits-273
—recluses and their dress 91; 109
Jaisiah 171: 172; 175; 177-81; 184
Jajja 215
Jalandhara 228; 383
Janapada 129
Jangala land 390
Jats ( Jartas ) 87; 161; 164; 165-67;
174:177: 17S, 183; 205-3ppearance
and characteristics 63; 87-88—
treatment by Indian and Euro-
pean scholars-64; 65; 74; 76-88
Jaunpur, Inscription-39; 41; 22
Jayabhata I 22-2 ; 251-III ; 251
Jayachandra 384
Jayadeva-king of Nepal 369; 375-6
Jayanta 215
Jayapala 201; 199; 197
Jayapida 215-18; 236; 278
Jayapur ( Brahimn settlement in
Orissa ) 322
Jayasinha 210; 269-70; 300-01; 232
Jayavarman 285
Jejaka Bhukti 130; 361-2
Jhim ( battle of) 177; 187
Jhusi 198
Jivita Gupta II stone inscription
of 33; 397
.Todhpur inscription 85
K
Kabul 104; 190-201: 220: 223; 227
236; 240
Kachha 253
Kadambas 32; 8-i; 86; 157; 207; 256;
266; 268; 269; 275
Kabala 144; 153
Kallasanatha temple in Kanchi 289
Kainkila or Kailakila Yaranas 350-2
Kajugal ( Rajmahal ) 29
Kaksa 184
Kalabhra 287; 241; 271-4-8-9-7
Kalachuri 305; 252
Kalasa 229; 230; 235;
Kalhana 17; 44-47; 122; 139; 199; 202;
204; 206; 208: 209; 212: 213; 217;
225; 227; 229: 232: 233; 236; 239;
240; 278; 307;
Kali ( huuge of, in Orissa ) 223-4
Kalinga 209; 210; 261: 304; 305; 308
KalingaorRaiamahenrlri-Kingdom
of-31; 32
Kalivarjyas 105
Kallar 197: 199; 201
Kallata 221
KamaladevI 215
Kamalavardhana 225
Kamalu 197:199; 201
Kambojas 211
Kampanadhlsha 234
Kamarupa 10; 29: 43
Kanadas 111
Kanakasena 2i4
Kanaujl;3:9:10;25:27;67:68;83
122: 124; 164; 162; 167; 185; 186
206: 209; 210; 215; 223; 240; 242.
243: 277— You want Kanauj-28 —
kings of 6 33-6. genealogy 37; 39;
40; 41: 61
Kanaujia Brahmins c39: 342
Kanchi 32; 210: 25S- 269: 270; 271i
272; 278
Kanchukl 158
Kanarese 258; 266: 305
Kangra 383
Kanishka 196; 199; 200
Kantipura, capital of Nepal 365
Kapila^ 111
Kapilavastu 28: Kapisa 101; 17
Karahata 262
Karana 130
Karandhamas 111
Kongu Mandala 129'
Karkota 17; 44; 221; 233
chronology of-dynasty 239; 240
Karmasthiina 234
Karna 251
Karnasuvarna 3; 11; 30; 31; 122
Karna ta 207; 210— ka 230; 270
Kariir 163
Kashmir 101; 104; 113; 129; 139; 163;
167; 179; 184; 185; 187; 194-5 199;
201; 249; 271; 278 298; 300; 301;
363; 382-geography of— 238. The
Karkotakas of-202-219-The peo-
ple of- 17; 18; 20-1: 25; 36; 43; 44;
Vll
INDEX
45; 46; 205— Cbronological list of
kings of-236-37— Political condi-
tion of-205-206; 233-236
Kasnmiri Brahmins 239
Kashthavata 236
Kashyapapura 388
Kasirn Bereed 163
Kasim ( see Mahamad )
Kausambi 28
Kausheya 90
Kautilya Arthasastra 133; 130; 154
Kayasthas 76; 203; 217; ?24; 526;
234; 238
Kerala 260; 260; 277 274; 278; 279; 287
292; 299
Kesalunchakas 111
Kesari dynasty 31; 318; 326
Khalimpur grant 344; 352
Kharagraha 247-48
Khari 221
Kharmaryaka 197
Khasas 226; 370; 380
Khatris 217; 70
Khazars ( Khizars ) 77; 83; 84; 85;
87; 88
Khetaka Ahara 130
Khoh grant 131;1 36
KhushruII 270
Kipisi 240
Kirtiti 235
Kirtivarraan 105; 268; 272; 269; 275;
277; 278
Kishanganga-( Krishna ) 238
KoUabhiganda Vijayaditya 299;
309; 311
Konadevi 329
Kongadu or Ganjam, kingdom 31
Kokkili 210: 300; 301
Konkanas 209; 210; 217; 238; 258;
261; 266
Konkanapura, Kingdom of-32
Konkanasthas 239
Kosalas 120; 297 kingdom of K. or
Raipur 32
Kraraarajya 216; 219; 235
Krarau ( Kurrum ) 190
Krishna 112; 270; 280
Krishnagupta, starter of Gupta
family 36
Ksluitriyas 80; 81; 82; 84; 86; 87; 93
94; 105; 114; 121; 151; 161; 162; 165
175; 197; 189; 191; 196; 198; 200
204-5; 217; 226; 233-4; 238; 242; 243
5; 254; 262-66; 285; 289; 274; 281
284; 304-5— characteristics 70-2
74; according toHieunTsang, 59
61-2; 65-6
Kshauma 91
Kshemapala 227
Kshemendra 262
Kshemagupta 226; 194; 196; 201
Kshirasvarain 215
Ktesias 255
Kubha ( Kabul river ) 190
Kubjavishnudvardhana 297; 298j
303-5
Kulakarana 310— i 159
Kumarapala charita 159
Kulaputras 144-45
Kulinda or Kuninda ( Kunet ) 380
Kulu, Himalayan State 380-3
Kumara 104; 143; 267— raja 10; 29j
30; 36; 38-40; 43 44
Kumara Gupta 33; 35; 97; 246
Kumarilabhatta 273
Kumara Vishnu 283; 284; 285
Kundala Kesari 321
Kuntad itya 305
Kundalas 259; 262; 275; 289; 299
Kuram, Pallava grant, 190; 294; 296
Kuru, Kurus 120
Kuruksheira 261
Kushanas 64; 104; 173
Kushlnagara 28
Kuttinlraata 216
Kuvalayaplda 214
L
Ladi 179; 184
Lagaturraan 199
Lakhas 86
Lalitaditya Muktapida 204; 207-15;
218; 238; 240; 271; 300; 301
I.alliya, 194; 196-7; 199; 201; 222-3
Lampaka 17; 191; 192
Lanchhana 155; 308
Lauhitya ( Brahmaputra ) 1
Index
VI 11
Laukika era 17; 44: 194: 202; 222
Lavata 224; 236; 241
Letham R. G. 88
Lichhavis ( of Nepal ) 375-7
Lohara 195-7; 226-7; 231; 235-36
Lokaditya 290
Lokamahadev) 303;
Lokayatikas 111
Lohanas 183; 161; 164-66; 189
l.unar race 71; 72; 80; 82; 261; 268
M
Mfulhava 143— gupta 34-40-sena 80
Madhyadesa 26; 80
Madhubana inscription 35;:38
Madhuraiuakl 299
Magas 256
Magadha 103; 173; 212
-kingdom of 29; 34; 37; 39; 67
Mahabalipura 290
Mababha.<ya 215
Mahadandanayaka 133
Mahakala 104; 210
Mahakshapatalika 131
Mahamraad Gbori 188; 197
— Kasim 19; 20; 165; 169; 170-186
192; 205; 208; 248
Mahmud of Ghazni 27; 117; 187-8
1|4; 197; 199; 228; 200; 201; 216
Mahapratibari 209
Mabaraja 131; 154
Mabarajadbiraja 34; 154; 307
Mahars 260
Mabaratba, Maharatta 262 &c.
Mabarashtra ( Dandakaranya ) 12;
64-5; 79; 80; 116; 129; 140-1; 158;
239; 254-5; 258; 262-5; 269 271;
273-5; 283-8; 286-8; 292; 302; 304
306; 308; Settlement of— 391—
Political history of-80-82
Mabasanianta 22; 31-2; 34; 246
Mabasandhivigrabika 209
Mabasena Gupta 33-38
Mabattara 145; 156
Mahasvasala 209
Mahendravarman 260; 287; 288
Mabendravadi 290; 291
Mabesvarapura 24; 362
Mabi 252
Mabisbmati 80
Mahomedanism 18; 188; 191; 213
Mabomedans 88; 26; 40; 72; 92; 116
125-6; 130; 150; 154; 160; 169; 171;
175; 177-86; 188; 192-4; 212; 227;
232; 233; 235; 239; 240; 275
Maitrakas 242-245
Makara Torana 267; 308
Malwa ( Molapo ) 13; 22; 24; 25; 36-
7; 38; 40-7; 153; 209; 228; 249; 253;
269; 360-1
Malla-Visbmivardbana 308
Malaya 158; 260
Malayakuta or Madura 32
Malkhed 292; 305; 306
Mallot ( capital of Sinhapur ) 382
Mamallapura 289; 290
Mamandur 290-91
Mamascb or Mamacli ( map of) 191
Mamraata 236
Manavya72;81-6; 265-6; 274;269;284
Mandala 129; 130; 137; 140; 141
Mandalesvara 137
Mandi ( Himalayan state ) 389
Mandsaur87; 208
Mangi Yuvaraja of Veugi 309; 311
Mantris 148; 306
Manucci 145
Maratbas 63; 64; 67; 68; 74;76-88;
125; 145; 210; 212; 224; 249; 258;
262-66; 269-70; 272; 281; 286; 305-7
Marcus Aurelius 14
Maskaris 111
Matangas 260
Matbura 80; 286
Matipura 28
Matrigupta 36; 45; 46-7
Matsya Purana 352
Mattah 163
Mattavilasa prabasana 291
Maukharis 1: 3; 26; 33; 34; 36; 39;
40; 41; 61; 62; 70; 122; 243
Mauna or Mona 380
Maurya 19; 154; 161; 253; 269
Max MuUer 109; 114
McCrindle's Ptolemy 151; 161; 191
Megastbenes 61; 90; 151
Megbavahaua 113; 203; 221
IX
Index
Mekrau ( Indus ) 163; 170; 192; 211
Mewad, kingdom of-25
Mid-India 25-26; 242
Mihirakula 18; 46; 117; 120; 200; 203
MTmansa 112; 273; 111
Mihiradatta 206
Mitra 243
„ sanna 209; 215
Mlechha 261; 203; 392;
Mokah Bassaya 175-78; 181-2
Molapo 113; 243
Mongolians 83; 84; 173
Moshanasva gotra ( Champa ) 378
Muktaplda 207-8 ( see Lalitaditya )
Mnlastliauapura ( Multan ) 18; 20
Multan 102; 163; 183-89-Fort of-384-
87 note, temple c-f thesunat-386-7
Mummuni 216
Mundas 351-2; 381
N
Nadu ( Tehsil ) 285; 129; 140
Nagarkot 223
Nagaradlilsha 234
Nagas 262-3; 80 -vamsa 82-66; 203
-vana 135-264; 284
Nandigupta 226; 274; 292
Nandipotavarraan 289; 278; 7
292-3
Nandipura 251
Nasik inscriptions 284; 295; 261; 133
Narendra Mrigaraja 305
Narasiuhavarraan 288-9; 290; 278;
281; 32
Nath ( nose ornament ) 145
Nagara 254-6; 176; 156
Nagaditya 25
Nandi ( a drum ) 153
Navasari 252-3; 297
Nepal 278; 216; 43 ( history of-)
364-376 C-era ) 376
Newars ( people of Nepal ) 365
Nerun (town in Sind ) 188; 191;
172-4
Nesfield, opinion of-77
Nlla 271 Nilapitha 139-mata 202
Nivartana ( or Bigha ) 133
Nolambavadi 158
Nouaka 230 - ■^■■"
Nona Matha 206
Northern India 113; 206; 209; 198;
238; 218; 158; 10-1
North Kanara 269
North Koukau 269;79
Nriparudra ( of the llaihaya
family ) 305
Nripatunga 293
Nnrpur ( see Udumhara )
Nyaya 109
Odra or Orissa 319; 304 — kings of
318-326
Officers' pay 141
Ordeals, Kinds of-139
Ondh 40; 73; 245
P
PadapTtha 153
Fadavarta 133; 157
Padhihara i- 5; -rihara 83; Pra -223
Pa-than 73; 79; 159; 2o9; 260-1-2-4-5;
282-6; 379;-ikas
Palakka 286;-ada 289
Palidhvaja 277-ketana 267
Pallavas 32; 210; 258; 266-8-9; 270-
1-2-4-7-8-9; 287; 290-2-7; 304
Palave 258
Palhava theory 280
Panchala 26; 120-2; 87
Pancha-Dravidas 67-Gaudas 67
Panchamahasabda 152
Pancharatrikas 111
Panchayats 138; 263
Pancha Pradhanas 306
Parakhi Shastri 37-8
Pandu -rashtra 314
Pandyas 32; 260-1; 271-3-4-5-7-8-9;
290-1-2-5-7; 305
Panini 79; 259; 262
Panjab 1; 11-7-8; 60-1-3; 74-5-6-7;81.
8; 100; 143; 162; 18r.7-9; 190-1-7
201-5-6; 217-8; 223; 238; 242-4; 253-
6; 382-8. Why still Aryan 389-
394; accustomed to foreign rule
though Aryan 394
Parama Bhattaraka 2; 11; 154; 248
Paramaras 22; 81-7
Paramesa,-svara 33; i;4; 248 288;
290-1; 307
Paranta 252
Parasaris 107-8-9
INDEX
Parasava 6"2
Paraslka 277; 343
Parihasapura 212-3; 238
Parisbadl39
Pariv-rajaka 155
Pariyatra 28; 70
Partha ( Kashmir king ) 284-5
Parvagupta 226
Parvata 18 20
Pasupati ( temple in Nepal ) 367
Pasupata 104-9 122
Pataliputra 24-7; 154; 163; 262
Patanjali 80; 215
Patels-Patils 130-1; 145
Pathak Prof. 153-7
Pathankot ( Paithan ) 379
Pattabandha 152
Pattavardhana 85; 305
Patwari 130-1
Paundravardhana 29; 215; 334
Persians 151-4 161-8-9; 190 1-2-7;
209; 232; 255; 280
Pilosana 28; 49
Police ( chata ) 132; 156
Prabhakara.-vardhana 2; 18; 21; 36-
8 41; 83-5; 91-7-8; 137; 152
Prabhakaradeva ( Kashmir ) 194;
201; 223-5
Prabhasa 255-6
Prabhu 307
Pradhana 306
Pragjyotishapura 211
Pragvarnsa 137
Pralhada temple ( Multan ) 388
Prapa 135-7
Pratapaditya 45 ( Kashmir ) 207
Pratapasila 40-6-7
Pratihari; 153-4
Pratisaraka 157; 249
Pratishthana 79; 194; 259; 262; 286;
379
Pravarasena 44-5-6; 203; 238
„ ( Vakataka ) 150; 133; 352
Prithu ( Kashmir ) 225
Prithvlchandra 222
Prithviraja 27; 81; 175
PrithvTvallabha 155; 269; 277
tolemy 261
Pulakesin I Q69; 273-7; 266; 298
Pulakeshin 11, 32; 81; 141; 154; 270;
288; 297 ( Gujarat Br. ) 252
Pulumayin 280
Punach 205
PiirnavarmS 29
Purdah system 94
Puranikas 111
Purushapura 190-6; 200
Pushyabhuti 66: 72; 104; 122
R
Rajapura or Rajaori 205; 223; 235
Rajamahendra (of Kanchi) 304
Rajaraju 303
Rajasinha 290
Rajasthanlya 70; 137; 157; 235; 249
Rajendra 303 (Choda)
Rajput 65: 70: 2-3; 86-7; 143-5; 165-
7; 175; 184-7-9; 191-7; 246-7; 264:
274
Rajyapala 198
RajyasrI 2; 6; 21; 33; 36; 91-3-6-7
Rajyavardhana 2; 4: 24; 30; 34; 38;
Raktabahu (of Orissa) 39
Ramal (sand desert) 167
Rapapala 192;-6
Ranaraga 269
Ranastute grant 267^ 298;
Rai?aditya 44-5; 122
Ranka (traitor of Valabhi) 24^
Raor (town in Sind) 178; 180-1
Rashtra 129, 140-1
Rashtrakuta 80-2; 117-8; 265-9;
274-7: 292-3; 306-6-7-8; 361
Rashtrapati 157-8; 249
Rastrikas (see Rattas)
Rasil (Sind) 167; 177
Rathods 70
Ratnavura 80— of Kosala 346-6
Ratnakara (pcet) 240
Rattas 80-1; 210; 301-5
Ratta queen of Vengi 301
Raverty Major (historian o f
Afghanistan) 190-2
RavikTrti 70
Records 139
Revolution in Sind 1
Risley Sir H. 63; 75-9; 190
XI
INDEX
Kohitaka (country) 206
lindhabharodhi (Begar) 241
Euclrapala 195; 227-8: 239
SabakTegin 193
Sabarasvamin 273
Sabdikas ( grammarians )lll
Sachivas ( ministers ) 148
Sadavarta 136; 157
SahasI 16; 18-9; 20
Sahiras ( SriHarsha ) 167
Sahtas ( Sind people ) 183
S'aivas 111; 254; -aites 219; 289; 290-
— ism 109; 286; 291
Sakala ( Sialkot ) 1; 18
Saka 61; 79; 82-4; 282; era 275; 293
S'alihotra 143; 159
Salivahana 73; 262-3 ( s'atav. )
Saramas 175; 183-9: 220
Samarapati 197
Samani 152; 193-4
Samanta 144-7-8; 152; 201; 206
Saraantadeva ( Kabul ) 197
Samatata ( E. Bengal ) 30; 331
Samkshobha 136
Samudragupta 11; 73; 105-6; 207-8
210; 283-4
Sandhivigrahika 149; 234
Sangharama 108
Sangraraa 195; 201: 224-6-7
^ — pala 235; -apTda 215-8
Sankara 30; 339
S'ankaravarman 193; 201; 222-3-4,
exactions of-240-1
Sankha 144; 153-5
Sankhadanta 216
S'aktivarman 303; 310-1
Sankasya 28
Sankata 224
Saptasindhu 190
Saptatantavas 111
Sarada 213-9; 238
Sardulavarma 34
S'arvavarraa 26; 33-4-9; 40-1
seal of-( original ) 398
Sasanka Gupta 3; 10-1; 30-1-4; 327
Satavahana 80-1; 266-7; 274; 282-3
Satahani Ratta 282
Sati ( custom of ) 97
Satyasraya Pulakeshin 31-2
Saulkika 157; 249
Sauraseni 254
Saurashtra 209; 210: 242-4-5-6; 251
SauvTra 162
Scythian (ic);61-3-4-5; 76-7-8-9; 82; 88
Scytho-Dravidian 78-9; 82;
Seal of Harsha2;150
Senapati 71; :i55; 244-5-6; 307
Senanandaraja 270
Sendraka 270-5
S'esba -vamsa S2-6; 262
Sham ( Syria ) 169
Shahi 109-dynasty 199-201
Shah Mir 232
Shintu or Hintu 59
Sibi 192-3; 172
Siddharaja 156
Sikhs 76; 87
S'iladitya (of Malwa) 8; 121-3; 25j
38-9; 40; (coins of ) 40; ( history )
44-5-6-7; 113; 131
— (ofValabhi ) 247-8-9
Sind ( revolution in ) 161-7, conquest
of-by Arabs 198-186
Sindas 86; 274
Sinhapur 17
Sinhasana 153
Sinharaja 226; 194
Sinha (suffix) 72
Sinha Vishnu 284-6-7
Sisodias 19; 20; 70; 242
Siva (worship) 104; 206; 228; 247
^ 271-4
Sivadeva of Nepal 375
Sivaskandavarman 280
Siwistan 162-3 7; 172 3-4
Skandagapta 24; 60; 105; 146-8: 245
Skandasishya 283
Skanda Purana 251-56-9
Smith Sir V. 196-9; 214; 22 8; 270
280; 298-see Vincent Smith
Sodha ( people in Sind ) 189
Solankhi 70; 82; 254-8
Solar race 71-2; 81-2-8: 268
Soma 64-vamsa 82
Spalapati 197
Index
XI-
Si«ddba 98
Sramanas 30; 164
Srikantha 137
Srughna 28; 38J
Starabhapura 25G
Stein 200-2; 210; 232-5-9; 240
Strirajya 211
Stupas 104-8
^'uHgas 125
S'udras 18; 19; 60-2-3-5-6; 71-2;
characteristics of-75; 87; 106120-1
161-5-6; 173-4; 189; 205; 262-3; 292
Sugandha 194; 201; 224-5
Sumras 189
San-worship 255-6; 386-7-temple
^ in Orlssa 326
SuDgas 163
Surasena 261
Surya-varhsa 71; 82
Surparaka 79
Suryamati (saintly queen of
Kashmir ) 223
Sussala 232
Susthita Varma 34
Suyya, Kashmir minister 221
Suvrati 252
Svetapatas 111
Svarai 69; 213; 273
Suvastu (Swat) 17
T
Tadapa (E. Chalukya king) 302
Tailoring introduced by Turks 90
TajikasC Arabs) 253
Tamil 129
Tararalipti 122; 301
Tantris { Kashmir soldiers) 224-6;
234
Tai'iiida (Kashmir king ) 207-8
Tantric Siva worship 104
Taxi'la 7; 205; 176
Taxation 120; 128
Tekka (Takshaka) 17; 18; 20; 3';
384-5; 206— Desa 222-3 235
Telagu (language) 262; 290; 304-5
Telanga 304
Tellaru (battle of) 293
Thakkiya 222-3; 216
Thanesar, Kings, Genealogy of-37;
41; 47; 72
Tliatta ( Si a J oj.-c ) 1S7
Tirthikas 103
Tonda Mandala 129
Toramana 46; 223; 201; 196; 194; 197
Tofi 183-4: 252
Trata (sufiBx ) 72
Traikutakas 252
Treachery or treason 124
Trigarta ( Jalandhara) 383; 322-3
Trikalingas 304-5
Trilochana Pallava 267 -Pal (Kash-
mir) 227; 207; 195-7 198-9
Tripura 269
Tujjina 224
Tukkharas 211-3
Tuluva 357
Tuuga (a Kashmir general) 326; 195
Turan 211; 200
Turks or Turushkas 227-8; 236; 117-
8; 83; 191; 311; 213; 200; 195; 195;
199; 223
Turki Sbahiya kings 199
U
Ucchala (king of Kashmir) 231
Udayaua 267-8
Udabhandapura (Wahind) 200; 223
Udbhata 313; 237-6— alankara 215-
Udumbara 379
Udranga (laud-tax) 132
Ugradanda 290
CJgrasena 286
Ugrians 83
Ujjain kingdom of-23-5; 36; 38; 47;
65; 216; 275; 263; 277; 286j 360
Umra, Umrakot 189
Untouchables 75
Urasa (country) 7; 223; 265; 335-6
Usavadata 382
Utkarsha, Kashmir king 230; 235
Utkocha (bribe) 239
Utpala 218-dynasty (Kaslimir) 21
Vaisyas 59; 74; 84; 105; 114; 131;
153: 1()5; 173; 303: 205-6; 236; 233;
243: 356; 366
Vajraditya 214
Vajrayudha of Kanauj 340
V*kataka 69; 105; 150 155; 365; 372
Vakpfttiraja 209
Xlll
INDEX
Valabhi (Katliiawar eastern) 14;
...20; 21; 251; 45; 46; 70; 71; 72; 210.
235; 25; 253 256 used Gupta era;
40 dynasty genealogy 250-adrai-
nistration 156-58
Valas 254
Vallabha 210; 267; 308
Vamana 216
Vanga 31; 122^ 330-1
Varahamihira 129; 143: 252; 275;
Varahi, idol of-(Orissa) 323
Vardhanas of Molapo, 104; 122; 173
203;256j family 26; 33; 36;62;66;73
niMf 235; 37; 39; 41; 62; 69; 72
Varnas 244; 307
Varna-mixture prevented 71
Varnis 109; 111
Varshavara or eunuch 154
"Vartmapala 157; 249
Varunika or Deo Barnak 33
Vasantadeva of Nepal 371
Vasishthi-putra 264
Vatapi 210; 263; 271; 272;269;288:297
Vatsaraja 172, 278 .
Vayu-Purana 352
Vedic, times— state of-120 sacri-
fices 273— sanyasa 107
Vellur plate 583; 291
Vengi 210; 269; 267; 275; 289-Rash-
tra 206
Venl (hair braid) 95
Vidisa 361
Vijayaditya 210; 267-8 272, flight
of-277-, 305
Vijayamalla 230
Vijayapala or Vijayasena 244
Vikramaditya 270-273; 288 289; 290
292; 44; 47; of Pandava clan in
Nepal 360; 370; 379
Vikrama Samvat 276; 386
Village ar'ministration 134; 137
Vimalliditya 29; 267
Vinayaditya 29; 216; 271; 277; 288
Vindhyasakti 265; 352
Vincent Smith, Sir— on Maukba-
ris 369 on Bana58ca G^'nrs 83,
conaiiii^^l-
Shahis of Kabul 199; |fi Turks
in Kaslimir 228; on ArjlBa after
Harsha of Kanauj 333
Virachoda 300; 303; 308
Virakurcha 284
Vishaya or Tahsil 129; 130; 137-
8; 140-41; 158; 306
Vishaya-pati 137: 157; 259
Vishnu Gupta king 329
Vishnugopa 283; 286
Vishnumati river of Nepal £63
Vishnu Purana 265; 352
Vishnuvardhana Kubja 208; 267-8^'
287; 295; 300
Vivlta 135
Vratya Kshatriya 244; 379
Vrishadeva, king of Nepal 371
Vyaghramukha 21^25; 321; 325; 356
W
Wahind ( Udabhanda ) 200
Watson Major on Valabhi line 245
White India ( Kabul ) 191-2
Widow, braid-95 clothes white 95/
remarriage prohibited 95, tonsure
not practised 95
Wright Dr. historian of Nepal
366-8
Y
Yaduvamsa 261; 307
Yadavas 26; 81-2; 189
Yajna or sacrifice 105; 273
Yajnasena 80
Yajnavarma 34
Yakub Lais 199; Saffavi 207
Yasaskara ( Kashmir )225-6
Yasodharman, 36; 45-7; 87; 153;
208-9; 359
Yasomati queenofThatesar3;38-&
Yasovarman of Kanouj 214
Yayati Kesari 320
Yavanas 257; 263; 351-nIs 151-4;
Yekangabaj (soldiers) 235
Yoga 103 & c.
Yudhamalla, king of Vengi 302
Yudhishthira II (Kashmir) 44
Yue-chi 84; 88
Yuvaraja
Z
/abul ( Ghazni ) 160
Zajoti Kingdom of-24
Zantabil, title of Kabul kings 196
Zim battle of-( Sind ) 187
ERRATA
Incorrect
Correc t
Pag9
Line
Yasodharraa
Yasodharman
1
21
India a
Indian
16
24
^^m^f
c^I^f
30
4
Maharajadhiraa
Maharajadhiraja
34
38
brother-in-law
brothers-in-law
35
55
■^i;r%
m^"^^
39
29
his
its
U
6
Yasodharraa
Yasodharman
45 14,
26,37
ou
son
46
29
Yasodharma
Yasodharman
47
7 &c,
ST^iR-^
SqV^T^T
47
38
Budhist
Buddhist
48
2
Laghraan
Lamghan
48
9
capita 'a-
capital Sa-
48
25
besides
beside
52
15
them
Sanghararaas
52
14
Dravid
Dravida
54
16
gingle
jingle
58
30
Honorfic
honorific
69
10
that
and that
82
35
can did
candid
83
27
months
mouths
84
13
county
country
84
14
Yasodharma
Yasodharman
87
29
at
as
88
15
fellow
below
89
31.
seems
seem
105
3
Kalivarjas
Kalivarjyas
105
10
of such worship
worship of such
106
8
ino
into
113
24
Errata
Incorrect
much
raendapas
is
Lanchanas
a'toun
whosoever
wholly wholly
Kharmarayaka
ajaouri
Mitrasarma
Succintly
Scholars
him
Mankari
qualification's
decent
Pratapava-
Bhattarta
theee
Dharasena
^]^
Vaishtiputra
Kamorin
which
state
MayadavoUu
Kndurahara
Pengi
Dubreuil
Correct
even
mandapas
was
^'^^^^
Lanchhana
a, town
whomsoever
wholly
Kharmaryaka
Rajaori
Mitrasarman
succinctly
scholars
Dhruvasena
Maukhari
qualifications t
descent
Frabhakarav,
Bhatarka
these
Dhruvasena
Vasisthiputra
Comorin
in which
examine
Mayidavollu
Kudurahara
Vengi
by Dubreuil
Page
Line
117
36
132
23
137
11
138
7
14'.)
22
150
33
150
34
153
9
161
21
178
21
189
42
197
26
205
38
209
17
■220
4
227
40
242
32
243
18
243
27
243
30
244
7
244
13
245
34
245
44
246
25
253
38
253
38
253
39
264
4
269
30
272
31
230
8
234
3
285
6
286
32
287
20
294
20
294
24
Errata
Incorrect
use in
Smith's
Ind.
reaccord
torn
in
Kamaha
adventures
Oundh
latter
Decca
thatthey
Assam
preceeds
Parsuraraa
prepondering
They
KSinkila
desappeared
Vaisayas
in
Chapat
Valabhis
tills
Buddhits
Chachanama
litre e
Miihiirathra
rajil
Correct
speak
South
Ins,
accord-
took
on
Kamaka
adventurers
Oudh
last
Dacca
that they
Assam ;
precede
Parasurama
preponderating
There
Kainkila
disappeared
Vaisyas
into
Chapas
Valabhi
hills
Buddhists
Chachanama
a large
Maharashtra
raja
Page
Line
294
29
29S
11
101
11
302
21
314
31
S16
20
316
40
319
25
325
31
328
35
331
11
332
10
332
13
334
27
344
25
348
24
349
44
351
23
352
34
352
4
356
15
356
32
358
12
358
21
360
s
364
28
367
28
388
20
391
14
391
18
394
19'
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