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BANCROFT
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

18 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

sources, and set them further thinking of divorce
ment. Again, the Creoles were more intelligent,
better informed, and far more numerous than the blue-
blooded Spaniards; in view of which we can only
wonder that the people of Mexico remained in such
humiliating subjection so long. The Spaniards in
America and their children were even better educated
than the Spaniards in Spain, and the higher their
station and the more inflated their pride, the more
their minds were filled with prejudice and ignorance.
The establishment of the university at Mexico afforded
facilities to the Creoles superior to any enjoyed by
their fathers, who for the most part, exclusive of those
holding high positions, were of inferior birth and
breeding, and without title to the superiority claimed.
Students and graduates in Mexico by no means con
fined themselves to the narrow curriculum prescribed
by the university, and the prohibited works of French
philosophers, of political and moral writers, and espe
cially of Rousseau, found their way of late into the
country. Proletarian principles, and the detestation
of oppression which they breathed, were absorbed
with avidity, and stimulated the longing for free
dom. The very danger incurred by the study of
these books, and the secrecy with which of necessity
they were perused, only served to intensify insurrec
tionary ideas and provoke conspiracy.6 The liberal
principles thus acquired by the educated class were
gradually infused into the ignorant.

Nevertheless, it seems a little strange to us. to whom

the doctrine of right of revolution has become so clear,
and so cherished as the highest prerogative of liberty,
that it should have made its way so slowly among an
educated and intelligent people. But the cause is

6 It was the special province of the inquisition to guard against the im
portation of books. As late as 1807, a Mexican named Jos6 Roxas was de
nounced by his own mother for having a volume of Rousseau in his possession,
and was confined for sevei-al years in the dungeons of the holy office. He
finally made his escape, but died in 1811 at New Orleans. Ward's Mex., i.
110.

RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL LIBERTY. 19

explained when we remember the powerful hold re
ligion yet had upon these people. The first step
toward freedom is to emancipate the mind from some
of its superstitions. There can be no political liberty
without some degree of religious liberty. It was
primarily for religious liberty that the puritans had
come from England to America; and the first step
thus taken toward political liberty, they were prepared
to throw off the yoke for slighter cause than were the
people of Mexico, who were satisfied with their relig
ion, and had no desire to change it. Thus while their
religion, still the strongest sentiment possessing them,
constrained them to loyalty, they were ready to en
dure much by way of duty, and to escape damnation
• — so much that it was rather Spain's weakness than
Mexico's strength that secured independence, as we
shall in due time see.

But gradually reason, long dormant if not dethroned,
began to show signs of vitality, first in other quarters,
and finally in Mexico. It was a period of political
turnings and over turn ings in Europe and America,
and it were a pity if Mexico, ground into the very
dust by the iron heel of despotism, should not find
some relief.

The downfall of monarchy in France, and the in
dependence of the British colonies in North America,
had established precedents of the successful uprising of
peoples against the oppression of rulers. More espe
cially was the acquisition of freedom by the United
States regarded as a solution of the difficulty in re
gard to the right of revolution, as Spain in 1783 had
somewhat imprudently recognized the independence
of the English colonies, thereby tacitly excusing re
volt in her own.7

7 The reader is already aware that the conde de Aranda at this time pro
posed to Cdrlos III. the independence of the Spanish colonies in Amer
ica. See Hist. Mcx., iii. 388-90. Dr Luis Quixano, a prominent leader of
the revolution in Quito, made prisoner when Toribio Montes entered that
city, deemed it advisable to retract his views on the right of a colony to as
sert its independence. He based his reconstructed argument on the principle
that what is useful and convenient is not necessarily lawful and just. His ex-

BANCROFT

LIBRARY
<•

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

THE WORKS

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

THE WORKS

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT,

VOLUME xn.

HISTOEY OF MEXICO.

VOL. IV. 1804-1824.

SAN FRANCISCO :
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.

1885.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1885, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

u. c,

CADBMY OF
ICIFIC COAST
HISTORY

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTEK I.

EUROPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

PAGE

The Little Man from Corsica— He Makes All the World Tremble — Gen
eral View of Politics and Society — Attitude of England, Prussia, and
Austria — A Glance at Spain's History — Rulers for Three Centuries — •
Retrogressions and Reactions — Prime Ministers — Peace and War —
England and France will not let Spaniards be Free— Position of the
United States — Chronic Braggadocio — There are Soldiers and Heroes
in Mexico as Well.. . 1

CHAPTEK II.

ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

1803-1808.

Causes of the Revolution of Independence — Arrival of the Viceroy — His
Antecedents and Comportment — The Viceregal Family — Sordidness
of Iturrigaray — His Visit to the Mines — Public Improvements — In
troduction of Vaccination — Sequestration cf Property — Effect on
the Land Owners — Humboldt's Visit — International Complications —
Demands for Treasure — Difficulties with the United States — War
with England — Military Preparations — European Affairs — Abdica
tion of Carlos IV. — Iturrigaray's Indifference — Effects in Mexico of
Events in Spain — Power of the Inquisition — Attitude of the Press —
Sparks of Revolution 12

CHAPTER III.

ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
1808.

The Ayuntamiento Claims Sovereignty of the People — A National Con
gress Proposed — Opposition of the Audiencia — Glad Tidings from the
Peninsula — Four Memorable Juntas — Rival Spanish Juntas — Angry
Debates — Conspiracy to Depose the Viceroy — Ycrmo Takes the
Lead— Iturrigaray's Apathy — A Midnight Coup d'Etat— The Vice-

vi CONTENTS.

P4.GH

roy in Durance — Garibay Appointed his Successor — Fate of Iturri-
garay's Supporters— He is Sent to Spain — His Rich Sweetmeats —
Indictment for Treason — Acquittal — R,esidencia — Heavy Fines —
Change of Opinions — The Sentence Annulled — Iturrigaray's Inten
tions Analyzed — Bibliography 40

CHAPTEE IV.

VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
1808-1810.

Garibay's Character — A Badge of Loyalty — Reorganization of the Army
— Bonapartist Intrigues — Lampoons and Seditious Sheets — Effect of
Reverses in Spain — Establishment of a Junta Consultiva — Preten
sions to the Throne of Mexico — Archbishop Lizana Appointed Vice
roy — Remittances to Spain — Lizana's Character — The Junta de Segu-
ridad — Revolution at Valladolid — Spanish American Representation
in the Cortes — Lizana Removed from Office — Weak Administration
of the Audiencia — French Emissaries — Arrival of Viceroy Venegas —
His Antecedents, Character, and Personal Appearance — Titles and
Honors from Spain 67

CHAPTEE Y.

OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
1810.

Development of Quert$taro — Affairs in Guanajuato — The Town of Do
lores — Its Cura, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla — Secret Meetings of Rev
olutionists — Ignacio Allende — Plotting at San Miguel — General Plan
of Uprising — Hidalgo's Biography — Arrests — The Corregidor Im
prisoned—His Acquittal — His Biography — El Grito de Dolores —
Hidalgo Marches to San Miguel — A Tumultuous Array — The Sacred
Banner — Success of the Insurgents at San Miguel — Pillaging — Hi
dalgo Proclaimed Captain-general — He Enters (Delay a — He Ap
points a New Ayuntamiento 96

CHAPTEE VI.

THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO TAKEN BY STORM.
1810.

Local History of Ganajuato — Alarm in the City — Defensive Measures of
Inteudente Riaiio — The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas — An Interesting
Manuscript— Riano Retires to the Alh6ndiga — Hidalgo Summons
Riafio to Surrender— The Attack— A Murderous Contest— Riaiio's
Death — His Biography — Confusion in the Alhondiga — The Barri
cades Won by the Insurgents — They Gain Entrance — Berzdbal's
Fall — His Biography — Number of the killed — Acts of Heroism —
Pillage and Devastation. . . 130

CONTENTS. vii

CHAPTER VII.

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
1810.

PAGE

Military Preparation of Venegas — Action of the Church and Inquisi
tion — Hidalgo's Reply — He Abolishes Slavery — His Administrative
Measures at Guanajuato — A Refractory Ayuntamiento — Hidalgo
Establishes a Mint — Marches against Valladolid — Additional Rein
forcements — Hidalgo's Treasury — The Insurgents Move toward
Mexico — Trujillo Despatched to Oppose their Advance — Trujillo's
Character — Iturbide's Biography — Trujillo's Movements — The Battle
of Las Cruces — The Royalists Force their Way Out — Their Defeat
Regarded as a Triumph — Alarm in the Capital — Another Sacred
Banner — Hidalgo Perplexed 158

CHAPTER VIII.

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
1810.

Calleja's Preparations — His Biography — Engagement at Querdtaro — Ca,-
llcja Joins Forces with Flon — Chavez Repulsed at Querdtaro — Calle
ja's Movements — The Dispersion of the Insurgents at Aculco — Calleja
Returns to Querdtaro — Character of Torres — Defensive Measures of
Abarca in Jalisco — Insurgent Operations in Jalisco — Engagement at
La Uarca — The Royalists Defeated at Zacoalco — Guadalajara Surren
ders to Torres — Mercado Gains Possession of San Bias — Revolution
in Zacatecas — Flight of the Europeans — An Unfortunate Intendente
— Iriarte enters Zacatecas — The Commission of Doctor Cos — A
Daring Scheme — San Luis Potosi Won by an Insurgent Friar — A
Treacherous Visitor — San Luis Sacked. . . 192

CHAPTER IX.

THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.
1810.

Allende Returns to Guanajuato — Preparations for Defence — The First
Attack — Calleja's Plan — He Takes Allende's Batteries — Calleja, the
Avenger — His Proclamation — An Execution Scene in the Alhondiga
— A General Pardon Extended — The Government Reoganized —
Calleja Marches for Guadalajara — Hidalgo at Valladolid — And at
the Cerro del Molcajete — Hidalgo's Reception at Guadalajara —
Establishes a Government — Rayon's Biography — Letona's Mission
and Death — The ' Dispertador Americano ' and Printing-press — Prep
arations for War ... 216

viii CONTENTS.

CHAPTEK X.

SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION AND BATTLE OF CALDERON.

1810-1811.

PAGE

Hermosillo's Operations in Sinaloa — Successes at Rosario — His Defeat at
San Ignacio — Spread of the Revolution in Nuevo Santander — Coa-
huila and Nuevo Leon Revolt — Villagran's Doings — Biography of
Cruz — Plan of Calleja — Tumult in Valladolid — Cruz Enters Vallado-
lid — He Reorganizes the Government — Engagement at Urepetiro —
Allende Joins Hidalgo at Guadalajara — A Council of War — Hidalgo
Takes up a Position at the Bridge of Calderon — Plan of Battle-field
— Calleja's Dispositions — Flon's Impetuosity — The Revolutionists
Nearly Triumphant— Their Final Defeat— Death of Flon— His Char
acter... .. 237

CHAPTER XI.

HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.
1811.

Cruz Joins Calleja at Guadalajara — Humility of the Audiencia, Church,
and University — Calleja Establishes a Junta de Seguridad — Cruz Re
gains San Bias — Death of Mercado — Hidalgo Compelled to Surren
der his Command — The Insurgent Leaders Retire tc Saltillo — They
Decide to Go to the United States — Operations in San Luis Potosi —
Death of Herrera — Counter-revolution in Texas — Capture and Exe
cution of Ignacio Aldama — Elizondo's Treacherous Plot— Capture of
Hidalgo and Revolutionary Chiefs — Iriarte's Death — The Captives
are Sent to Chihuahua — Their Trial — Abasolo's Deposition — Execu
tions — Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction — Hidalgo's Execution — His Char
acter... . 259

CHAPTER XII.

MORELOS AND RAYON.
1811.

State of the Revolution after Hidalgo's Capture — Biography of Morelos
—His Character — His Meeting with Hidalgo and Commission—
Morelos in Michoacan— The Royalist Paris Defeated — Morelos
Marches to Chilpancingo — The Family of the Bravos — Capture of
Tixtla — Defeat of the Royalist Fuentes — A Conspiracy Suppressed
— Rayon Retreats from Saltillo — He Defeats Ochoa — A Terrible
March — The Platform of the Insurgent Leader — Rayon Evacuates
Zacatecas — Trujillo's Doings in Valladolid — Retreat of the Insur
gents .290

CONTENTS. ix

CHAPTER XIII.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

1811.

PAGE

Calleja's New System of Military Organization — Suppression of the In
surrection in Nuevo Santander — Pacification of San Luis Potosi —
Defeat of Insurgents in Guanajuato — Porlier's Operations in Nueva
Galicia — Torre's Activity and Severity — His Defeat at Zitacuaro,
and Death — Rayon Fortifies Zitacuaro — Emparan Returns to Spain —
Conspiracy to Seize the Viceroy — Proclamation of Calleja — Events
in Michoacan — Condition of Guanajuato — Spread of the Revolution. 317

CHAPTER XIV.

SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

, *-

1811-1812.

^ r

Doctor Cos Joins Rayon— The Revolutionary Press — Perplexity of Vene-
gas— Bishop Campillo's Failure as a Mediator— Second Campaign
of Morelos — Calleja Takes Zitacuaro — Destruction of the City —
Reverses of Porlier — Arrival of Spanish Troops — Triumphal Entry
of Calleja into Mexico — Jealousy of Venegas— Calleja Marches
against Cuautla — Description of the City— Llano at Iziicar — Calleja
Repulsed— Cuautla Invested— Sufferings of the Besieged— Morelos.
Evacuates the City — Calleja Returns to the Capital ............... 343

CHAPTER XV.

WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.
1812.

Financial Distress and Arbitrary Measures — Insurgents Sack Huamantla
and Capture Trains — The Suprema Junta's Movements and Acts —
Doctor Cos' Plans of Peace and War — Viceregal Course — Inde
pendent Press — Bad Guerrillas— Rosains and his Troubles — Cam
paigns in Puebla, Michoacan, and Bajio de Guanajuato — Operations
of Garcia Conde, Negrete, and Iturbide against Albino Garcia— Cap
ture and End of This Leader — Torres' Execution — 111 Success of
Liceaga and Cos in Guanajuato — Raids in San Luis Potosi ......... 376

CHAPTER XVI.

PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
1812.

Capture of Tehuacan — Massacre of Prisoners— Curates of Maltrata and
Zongolica Join the Revolution — Orizaba Captured and Retaken —
Revolutionary Plans at Vera Cruz and Perote— Communication Re
opened by Royalists — Insurgent Operations — Capture of Pachuca
with Immense Booty — Cruel Shooting of Prisoners — Towns Recap-

x CONTENTS.

PA3S

tured by Royalists — Arrest of Leonardo Bravo and Companions —
Their Execution— Noble Deed of Nicolas Bravo — Venegas Offers
Pardon to Penitent Rebels, and a Reward for Morelos' Capture—
Venegas and Calleja at Enmity — Rayon's Unsuccessful Attack on
Toluca— Defeat at Tenango — Dispersion of the Supreme Junta 397

CHAPTEE XVII.

BAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

1812.

President Rayon at Tlalptijahua — His Relations with the Villagranes —
Royalist Successes on the North of Mexico — Affairs in Michoacan —
Father Salto and his Execution — Venegas' Sanguinary Decree— In
surgent Priests Deprived of their Immunity — Episcopal Indifference
— Excitement in Mexico — Second Anniversary of Independence Cele
brated—Ramon Rayon's Profitable Movements — Attack against Ix-
iniquilpan a Failure — Rayon's Arrangements with Royalist Traders
— Proposed Negotiations for Peace — Assault of Yanhuitlan — Siege
of Huahuapan — Trujano's Brilliant Defence; — Morelos Comes to the
Rescue and Wins a Victory — Gates of Oajaca Opened to Him 420,

CHAPTEE XVIII.

AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.
1811-1812.

Government of Spain — The Cortes and National Sovereignty — Character
of the Members — The Diputacion Americana and its Policy — Its De
mands and Character of Concessions— Deputy Perez from Puebla —
Deputy Cisneros Asks for Mexican Autonomy and Eventual Inde
pendence — Arizpe — Mier — Forced Loan — Representation of the Con-
sulado of Mexico — British Offers of Mediation — National Constitu
tion as Adopted — Its Publication in Mexico — The Press — Election of
Ayuntamientos — Animosity of the Natives toward the Spaniards —
Constitution Practically Suspended 441

CHAPTEE XIX.

SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

1812-1813.

Morelos' Third Campaign — Chilapa Retaken — Reoccupation of the Coun
try to Acapulco — Matamoros at Work in Izucar — Nicolas Bravo's
Victories— Viceregal Tribulations — Publication of Decrees of the
Spanish Cortes — Death of Trujano — Morelos' Visit to Ozumba — He
Attacks a Royalist Convoy — Takes Orizaba — Defeat on the Heights
of Aculcingo — Captures Oajaca — Enormous Booty — Establishment of
Government — Victor and Miguel Bravo's Campaign to Jamiltepec —
Morelos' Plans — Venegas Superseded — Review of his Rule 408

CONTENTS. xi

CHAPTER XX.

VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.
1813.

PAGE

Calleja's Character and Appearance — How the Appointment was Deceived
— Condition of Affairs — Fresh Taxes and Loans — Reforms — Insur
gent Heroine — Constitution of 1812 Enforced — Inquisition Disap
pears — Increase of Crime — Protests and Counter-appeals — Extent .of
Insurrection — Calleja's Campaign Plan — Royalist Positions — Verdus-
co's Fiasco — Rayon's Tour of Inspection — Quarrel between the Lead
ers — Iturbide's Victory at Salvatierra 495

CHAPTER XXI.

OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON, VILLAGRAN, AND OSORNO.
1813.

Siege of Cerro del Gallo — The Poisoned Well — Insurgent Forces and
their Tactics — Movements in Guanajuato — Sway of the Villagranes
— Their Sudden Fall — Huasteca Campaign — Osorno and his Terri
tory — Terrene's Military Promenade — Osorno Irrepressible — Admin
istration of Cruz in New Galicia — Frontier Operations — Chapala Lake
and its Rovers — Division of Provincias Interims — Lara's Exploits in

Texas— A Flicker in the Orient 513

•

CHAPTER XXII.

CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.
1813.

Morelos' March to Acapulco — He Besieges and Captures It— Royalist
Reaction — Piaxtla — Guerrillas and their Doings — Bravo's Opera
tions—His Repulse at Alvarado — Siege of Coscomatcpec— Orizaba
Surprised — Second Royalist Defeat at San Agustin del Palmar— Its
Consequences— Discord in the Suprema Junta— Congress of Chil-
pancingo— Rayon's Action — Morelos the Generalissimo and Siervo
de la Nacion — Declaration of National Independence — Constitution —
Jesuits 545

CHAPTER XXIII.

FALL OF MORELOS.

1813-1814.

Morelos Marches against Valladolid — Calleja's Counter-movement — Re
pulse at the Gate of Zapote— Brilliant Charge by Iturbide — Defeat
and Death of Matamoros — The Congress Asserts Itself — Armijo
Overruns Tecpan Province — Galeana Falls — Maleadministration in
Oajaca — Alvarez's Triumphant Entry — The Enchanted Mountain —

xii CONTENTS.

PAGE

Speculations with Convoys — Quarrel and Misconduct of Rayon and
Rosains— Expedition against Zacatlan and Flight of Rayon— Man-
hunting in the Central Provinces 569

CHAPTER XXIV.

CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

1814.

Changed Aspect of the Revolution — Depression on Both Sides — Pro
posed Restriction of Passports and Export of Treasure— Causes of
the Exodus of the Spaniards— Fresh Taxes — Restoration of Fer
nando VII.— Constitution of 1812 is Annulled and Autocracy Rees
tablished — Feeling in New Spain — Insurgent Constitution— Its Pro
visions and Analysis — How it was Received — Election of Officers
under the New Constitution — Liceaga President— Commemorative
Medal— Constitution Ordered Read by the Curas— Relations with
the United States 592

CHAPTER XXV.

DEATH OF MORELOS.

1815.

The Revolutionists on C6poro Hill — Positions of the Insurgent Forces —
Determination of Calleja — Siege of C6poro — Repulse of Iturbide —
Attempted Surprise of Jilotepec — Ramon Rayon is Shorn of his
Triumph — Claverino's Movement Southward — Iturbide Chases the
Congress — Insubordination of Doctor Cos — He is Arrested and Con
demned to Death, but is Discharged— Death of Doctor Cos— His
Character — The Revolutionary Government Migrates — It is Over
taken at Tezmalaca — Capture of Morelos — His Trial — Degradation
and Penance — The Last Auto-de-fd — Execution of the Great Leader
— Reflections on his Character — Two Mexican Writers on This
Period 608

CHAPTER XXVI.

LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.
1815-1816.

Effect of Morelos' Fall — Respective Strength of Insurgents and Royalists
— Intrigues and Overthrow of Rosains — He Joins the Enemy — Teran
Rises in Fame and Influence — Arrival of the Congress at Tehuacan —
It is Forcibly Dissolved — The Goazacoalco Expedition— First Naval
Victory for the Mexican Flag— The Mounted Raiders of Apam
Plains— Osorno's Last Campaign — The Convoy Service in Vera Cruz
— Miyares' Measures for its Protection — Operations under Victoria
and his Associates — Bravo and Guerrero on the South Coast.. . . . 626

CONTENTS. xiii

CHAPTER XXVII.

VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

1816-1817.

PAGE

Causes Which Sustained the Revolution — Review of Calleja's Rule —
Character of the New Viceroy Apodaca — Measures to Gain Adhe
sion — Combined Movement against Tehuacan — Its Siege and Surren
der — Deplorable Weakness of Teran — Vera Cruz is Swept by the
Royalists — Their Successes in Mizteca — The Council of Jaujilla —
Strife in Michoacan — Tarnished Reputation of Ramon Rayon — The
Five Years' Siege of Mescala is Ended — Treachery of Vargas-
Movements in the North — The Declining Insurrection Centres in
Guanajuato — Apodaca 's Success 645

CHAPTER XXVIII.

MINA'S EXPEDITION.

1817.

A Famous Navarrese Guerrilla — Preparing for the Enterprise — The Land
ing at Soto la Marina — Alarm of the Royalists — The Victory at
Peotillos— Penetrating the Interior— Traits of Mina— Overthrow of
Ordonez and Castanon — Liberation of Prisoners — Jealousy of Torres —
Character of Mexican Guerrillas — Fall of Soto la Marina — Siege of
Fort Sombrero— Ravages of Thirst and Sword — The Bulwark of
Independence — Mina's Field Operations — Repulse at Guanajuato —
Capture and Execution of Mina — Reflections on his Undertaking —
Siege and Fall of Los Remedies — Bibliography 659

CHAPTER XXIX.

PLAN OF IGUALA.

1817-1821.

Capture of Insurgent Chiefs — Fort of Jaujilla — Dispersion of the Junta —
Pardon Accepted by Numerous Leaders — A Flickering Light —
Affairs in Spain— The Spanish Constitution Proclaimed in Mexico —
Election of Deputies — Thoughts of Independence — Iturbide Re
appears — Diversity of Political Opinions — Plots to Overthrow the
Constitution — Iturbide in Command — Well-disguised Designs —
Overtures to Guerrero — Independence Proclaimed — The Plan of
Iguala — Measures of the Viceroy 688

CHAPTER XXX.

TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

1821.

Discouraging Prospects — Independence Proclaimed at Guanajuato —
Valladolid Capitulates — The Provincias Internas Revolutionized —
Iturbide at Qucre"taro — Apodaca 's Doposal — His Conduct Discussed

xiv CONTENTS.

PAGE

— His Successor — Bravo Joins the Revolutionists — Operations in
Puebla and Vera Cruz — Santa Anna Repulsed at Vera Cruz — Vic
toria's Reappearance — Iturbide Enters Puebla — Arrival of O'Donoju
— His Antecedents — Treaty pf C6rdoba — Novella Hesitates to Recog
nize O'Donoju— Iturbide Enters the Capital— End of the Revolution. 712

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

1821-1822.

Installation of the Junta — Appointment of a Regency — Its Cabinet —
O'Donoju's Death — Iturbide's Rewards — Army Promotions — Sur
render of Perote, Acapulco, and Vera Cruz— Murder of Colonel
Concha— Flight of Europeans — The Press— Political Factions —
Measures for Convoking Congress — Iturbide's Interference— Con
spiracy — Its Failure — Condition of the Country— The Revenue — The
Mining Industry — A Forced Loan and Arbitrary Measures — Reor
ganization of the Army— Union of Central America with the Em
pire — Measures for its Representation— Reflections on the Adminis
tration of the Junta 734

CHAPTER XXXII.

THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

1822.

The Installation— Taking the Oath under Pressure— The First Misunder
standing—Political Parties— Measures for Relief of the Treasury

Disagreements on the Army Question — A Counter-revolution— Gen
eral Davila's Action— Iturbide and Congress at Open War — Progress
of Republicanism — Iturbide Proclaimed Emperor by a Popular
Emeute— A Stormy Congressional Session— Agustin I. Recognized-
Joy in the Provinces— The Imperial Family and Household— Diffi
culties of the Treasury— The Council of State— The Coronation 757

CHAPTER XXXIII.

DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

1822-1824.

Inauguration of the Order of Guadalupe— Padre Mier— Short-lived Har
mony—Arrest of Deputies— Iturbide Attempts to Reorganize Con
gress—His Preposterous Claims— He Dissolves the Assembly— A
Junta Instituyente Established— Appropriation of Spaniards' Money
—Affairs at Vera Cruz— Santa Anna in Disgrace— Iturbide Visits
Jalapa— Santa Anna Revolts— Republicanism Proclaimed— Progress
of -the Insurrection— Reverses— Influence of the Masonic Order-
Change of Tactics— Plan of Casa Mata— Iturbide's Conciliatory Ac
tion—Congress Reinstalled— The Emperor Abdicates— His Depart
ure from Mexico— His Return and Death. . 770

HISTORY OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

EUROPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

THE LITTLE MAN FROM CORSICA — HE MAKES ALL THE WORLD TREMBLE
— GENERAL VIEW or POLITICS AND SOCIETY — ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND,
PRUSSIA, AND AUSTRIA — A GLANCE AT SPAIN'S HISTORY — RULERS FOR
THREE CENTURIES — RETROGRESSIONS AND REACTIONS — PRIME MINIS
TERS—PEACE AND WAR— ENGLAND AND FRANCE WILL NOT LET SPAN
IARDS BE FREE— POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES — CHRONIC BRAG
GADOCIO — THERE ARE SOLDIERS AND HEROES IN MEXICO AS WELL.

AT the opening of the nineteenth century Europe
was in a state of unusual commotion. There had
come from Corsica to Paris a bow-legged, olive-
cheeked little man who had set the rulers of the earth
and their wise men by the ears. They were exceed
ingly frightened, and knew not what to do. For this
personage had set at work several hundred thousands
of their subjects killing each other; to what purpose,
it puzzled them to say, unless it was to show how to
make dupes and donkeys of them all — only donkeys
are too sensible beasts to cut and mangle and murder
each other in such a wholesale manner at the instiga
tion of any one.

Louis XVI. was guillotined in 1793. His prede
cessor, after a life of debauchery with his Pompadours
and Dubarrys, and under the intellectual libertinism
of Voltaire and Rousseau, had died leaving a debt of
four thousand millions of livres. After that was the
tiers etat, followed by the storming of the Bastile

VOL. IV. 1

2 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.

midst mobs and bloody revolution. Paper money was
made. Hereditary titles were discontinued. Church
property was seized. Christianity was abolished — •
though reestablished before 1801 — and reason was
enthroned. The constitution was changed, and a
species of bastard republicanism propagated. ^ As the
head of Louis Capet rolled upon the scaffold, insulted
royalty rose throughout Europe. But France was
still mad, and it was not until Robespierre was brought
beneath the guillotine that the reign of terror was
ended. And thus was opened the way for Napoleon
Bonaparte.

Taking the popular side in the revolution, and with
the aid of his matchless military genius, Napoleon was
general of the army at the age of twenty-five. In
1796 he drove back the Austrians and conquered
Italy. Venice fell the following year, and the cisal
pine republic was formed out of the Milanese and
Mantuan states. Egypt was attempted in 1798, but
Nelson was in the Mediterranean and prevented the
loss of India to Great Britain. The following year
the First Consul's proposals of peace to England were
decidedly rejected by George III. Austria's turn
came again in 1800, and in 1801 the northern king
doms were united in a league against England. In
1802 France regained her islands in the West Indies
lost by Louis XV. to the English. The Code Na
poleon was formed. Notwithstanding the peace of
Amiens, in 1803, Great Britain was pricked into fresh
outbreaks. Made emperor of France and king of
Italy in 1804, Napoleon, who was so sadly disturbing
the time-honored balances of power, now found united
against him, England, Russia, Austria, and Sweden.
The game of 1805 was played off Trafalgar and at

O it/ O

Austerlitz, and at its close all Europe lay at the feet
of the little man from Corsica. Prussia claimed his
.attention in 1806, Russia in 1807, Spain in 1808, and
Austria in 1809-10. Here marks the highest point
attained. In 1812 came the Russian campaign; in

FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 3

1813 the French armies were driven from Spain; and
in 1814 Napoleon was at Elba. Another flash of
glory; then in 1815 Waterloo and St Helena, and in
1821 — death.

Meanwhile England, having lost the fairest portion
of her American provinces, and being deeply in debt
from her many European complications and much
fighting, was reduced to an unhappy condition. The
tailors had great burdens to bear, which were placed
upon them mercilessly by all the rest, manufacturers,
land owners, and rulers. Everything was excessively
taxed, while wages were reduced, sometimes one half.
The "slave-trade obtained. Forty thousand negroes
were annually taken on board by English ships for
their West India colonies, half of them perishing by
the passage. In a word, manners were coarse and
usages cruel. Prussia was badly broken by the war,
losing large parts of her domains. There was some
disaffection among the German people, but it was
checked without difficulty by the strong arm of roy
alty. Francis and Prince Metternich ruled Austria
with an iron despotism, preventing freedom of thought
or speech, and holding over the press strict censor
ship.

With the centuries Spain has continued to decline,
until it is many times thought that the bottom has
been reached, but only after a little rise to find a
lower depth. Yet, during a portion of the three im
becile reigns of the seventeenth century — Felipe III.,
1598-1621; Felipe IV., 1621-1665; and Carlos II.,
1665-1700 — we find continued for a time the brilliant
age of literature and art, elating from the rule of
their predecessor. There are Luis de Leon, Castilian
Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Quevedo; Calderon de
la Barca, and other writers; and Ribera, Velazquez,
and Murillo, painters. Meanwhile the army becomes
greatly demoralized; the country is left almost de
fenceless; the naval strength is reduced to nothing;

4 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.

the merchant marine is next to nothing, the art of
ship-building being lost, Italy, France, and England
doing Spain's carrying; while pirates and filibusters
ravage colonial waters, and industries and trade fall
into the hands of foreigners.

The eighteenth century opens with a thirteen years'
'war for the succession, when the house of Bourbon
crowds out the house of Hapsburg. Of the Bourbon
princes before Joseph Bonaparte, are Felipe V., 1700-
1746; Fernando VI., 1746-1759; Carlos III., 1759-
1788; Carlos IV., 1788-1808; and Fernando VII.,
the same year. Following Bonaparte, 1808—1814, is
Fernando VII. till 1833, Isabel II. till 1868, a brief
period of republicanism, 1868-9, Amadeoof the house
of Savoy, 1871-3, then more republican dictatorships,
and finally the house of Bourbon again restored in
the person of Alfonso XII.

Out of the necessary discipline incident to the war
of the succession grows some improvement. Agri
culture and industry are revived. Legislation is in
some degree purified. The wings of the holy see are
clipped, and the church stripped of part of its prop
erty and influence. Fernando VI., being small in body,
weak in mind, full of fear and hypochondria, and withal
of a kind and benevolent disposition, the country re
cuperates somewhat under his rule. Retrenchments
are made. The inquisition is emptied. Some defences
are restored, industry and commerce are cultivated,
and other reforms instituted.

Carlos III. is an abler man and makes more mis
chief. Church and inquisition are still further checked
and the Jesuits are expelled. Among the reformers
of the period are Count Aranda, an Aragon grande
of French proclivities and friend of Voltaire; Count
Campomanes, a man of culture and literary activity, a
patriot and friend of progress; and Count Florida-
blanca, who in 1777 succeeds Campomanes as prime
minister. The last named is less bigoted than his
age, though opposed to French radicalism ; while re-

DECADENCE OF SPAIN. 5

straining the influence of the church, he protects it.
lie is a man of talents and culture, less statesman
than manager, and believing in autocracy and unques
tioning obedience. But whatever the principles held
in theory, put into practice through the agency of
ignorant, indolent, and corrupt officials, they fall far
short of their purpose. There is hostility with Eng
land in 1779-83. In 1781-2 Spain puts down an
insurrection of the inca, Tupac Amaru, in Peru, and
the thousand years' war with the Mahometans is ter
minated by the peace of Algiers in 1786.

With the accession of Ca>los IV. ends the epoch of
reform. Dismal indeed are the next thirty years, dur
ing which occur the grand humiliation at the hand
of Bonaparte, and the loss of nearly all the trans
atlantic colonies. The king is a handsome, ignorant,
good-natured imbecile; and his wife, Maria Luisa, an
ambitious and passionate profligate, is the true ruler
of Spain. Floridablanca and Aranda are alternately
removed and recalled, finally to make way for Manuel
Godoy, a young officer, and the queen's favorite, im
pudent, incompetent, ambitious, and thoroughly im
moral, sycophant or conspirator according to the tide,
but always villain. If politics, war, or intrigue become
tiresome, he seeks relief in dissipation.

Under these baneful influences Spain sinks lower
than ever. While the rulers are revelling in luxury
and licentiousness, the poor throughout the land are
crying for bread. Finances are wrecked, the army
is rendered weak and worthless, and education and
industry are again prostrated. Galicia and other prov
inces revolt, and presently the French are upon them,
and Spain is little better than vassal.

The peace of Basel, 1795-6 — as is called the friv
olous farce which pretended to free the country of the
French, while in reality placing the peninsula still
more in their power, besides in its results completing
the ruin of the navy, and preparing the way for the
general revolt of the colonies — gives Godoy the name

6 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.

of Prince of Peace, with rich domains and other sub
stantial gifts.

Spain still has many ships and regiments, but no
sailors or soldiers. Off Portugal, in 1797, the Span
iards are defeated by the English, who sweep the

«/ O ' L

Mediterranean and Caribbean seas, and sow discord
among the colonies. During the past three years
there has been 2,445,000,000 reals income, and 8,714,-
000,000 outgo. There is in circulation 1,980,000,000
paper money current in 1799 at forty per cent dis
count. Religion is everywhere present as the hand
maid of vice. A peace is signed in 1801 between
France and Spain, with Godoy as the creature of
Napoleon. In thick succession other wars are fol
lowed by other ignominious treaties. In 1808 the
French are in Spain ; Carlos abdicates ; Godoy flees
before the fury of the populace; and Fernando VII.,
idle, incompetent, and faithless, a coward and a hypo
crite, base, tricky, and a debauchee — these are some
of the many epithets history applies to this monarch
— is named successor.

After a royal puppet-play, with Murat as manager-
general, during which Carlos is for a moment recalled,
while Fernando abdicates, the English, thirty thou
sand strong, are in the peninsula. At Aranjuez the
supreme junta sits under the presidency of Florida-
blanca. Then comes Napoleon to Spain; and fora
time Joseph Bonaparte holds the reins of government.
In 1810 — Caracas, in Venezuela, breaking into revolt,
and Buenos Aires shortly after — the cortes assem
ble at Cadiz. A constitution is drawn up in 1812,
which, under the impulse of the universal progress of
liberty, abolishes seignorial rights, torture, the inqui
sition^ and most of the convents. It is almost repub
lican in its tenor, too liberal for the place and the
time, and so does not hold; and Spain still labors
under the crushing weight of absolute monarchy.

Fernando, reinstated in 1813, swears to the consti
tution of 1812, intending never to keep it. There

AMERICA DIVORCED. 7

never was a Bourbon who was not a despot. Four
epochs mark his reign : the transient tastes of power
before and after Bonaparte; then to the Anclalusian
revolution of 1820, during which period the Jesuits
are recalled, the party of the liberal constitution pro
scribed, certain notable Spaniards condemned to the
galleys, and the power of the freemasons put forth in
opposition to crown and clergy; the third from 1820 —
when the Spaniards rebel, and Fernando is forced by
popular clamor to convoke the cortes, call from the

gilleys to the principal portfolios Herreros, Perez de
astro, and the two Argiielles — to the fall of Cddiz
and the constitutional government in 1823, a congress
of European powers at Verona having reestablished
the authority of the king, the national militia being
meanwhile organized, the press declared free, and the
inquisition abolished; and lastly, the decade preced
ing the king's death, during which despotism is re
vived, and money matters demoralized, expenses
amounting to 700,000,000 reals per annum to be met
by a revenue of 400,000,000.

But by this time America and Europe are pretty
well separated politically, never again, thank God, to
be united. What with conventionality, bigotry, des
potism, and general decay in many quarters, the New
World can do better alone, and after its own way.
Upon the death of Fernando VII. in 1833, his
daughter Isabel II. being but three years of age,
the child's mother, Cristina, is named regent; but the
late king's brother, Don Carlos, opposes with deso
lating war. With British aid, however, the queen
triumphs in 1840. Still Spain is torn by detestable
strife. Millions of miserable wretches must starve
and bleed over the issue to determine which shall
rule of two of the vilest specimens of the dominating
class ignorance, superstition, deceit, and incestuous,
idiot-breeding marriages can produce. Now and then
the people make a noble stand for their deliverance,
when as often France or England would come with

8 EUEOPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.

armies and drive them into base obedience. There
is revolution in 1854, after which a national junta is
established. Isabel is deposed in 1868, and Amadeo,
second son of Victor Emanuel of Italy, is elected
king. After vainly striving to reconcile contending
factions, in 1872 conies the Carlist war, and the fol
lowing year Arnadeo abdicates, when a republic is
proclaimed. The failure of its forces against the
Carlists, however, brings round monarchy again in
the person of Alfonso, Isabel's son, in 1875.

Altogether this Fernando presents one of the most
contemptible characters of history. "The conspirator
of the escurial," he has been called, "the rebel of
Aranjuez; the robber of his father's crown; the worm
squirming at the feet of his enemy at Bayonne; the
captive of Valen£ay, begging bits of colored ribbon from
Napoleon while his people were pouring out their
blood and gold to give him back his crown; the jailer
of the illustrious statesman to whom he owed the
restoration of that crown; the perjured villain who
spontaneously engaged to be true to the constitution
of 1812, and then conspired to overthrow it the day
after he had sworn ; the promoter of anarchy during
the three years of constitutional government; the in-
voker of the Holy Alliance and the intervention of
France; the author of innumerable proscriptions; the
coarse voluptuary; Ferdinand leaves no memory but
that of a man worthy of our profoundest scorn."

Thus we have seen how at the beginning of the
present century all Europe was at war. The most
intelligent, civilized, and Christian nations of the
earth were hotly engaged in such senseless quarrels
as would make a savage smile; and for lack of any other
method of settlement, like savages they were falling
on each other to kill, burn, or otherwise damage and
destroy as best they were able. France in particular
was pouring out her best blood and treasure at the
caprice of a despot whose paramount aspiration was

THE BLESSINGS OF WAR. 9

self-aggrandizement, and whose exploits were destined
to plunge her in deep abasement. Even the pope
himself about that time had been upon the war-path,
sending out his armies with fire and sword where words
failed, and all greatly to his discomfiture and humili
ation.

To the principle of evil in human affairs mankind
owes much. To war, a great evil, a beastly arbitrament,
but the only ultimate appeal yet found by man with
all his wisdom, America owes much. To the silly
strifes of European powers America owes more than
to any butchering done by her own hands. It was due
to this preoccupation, and to the weakness thence aris
ing, rather than to any extraordinary display of wis
dom, patriotism, or power on the part of the colonists,
English or Spanish, that their independence was
achieved.

There are foolish wars, and there are necessary
wars: foolish sometimes on both sides, always foolish
on one side. Hundreds of wars there have been, and
will be, which leave the combatants, after tearing each
other like wolves for a time, exactly as at the outset.
Resorting to war for freedom or the integrity of the
nation is not the same as war for the arrangement of
differences which after any amount of fighting can only
be settled upon some basis of equity which has to be
determined upon other principles than those of arms.
It is better to fight than to be a slave. It is not well
to fight simply for power or aggrandizement, since
the issue is based on injustice, and is sure to be tran
sient. It is not worth while to fight purely for the
mastery, as it is foreordained that no man shall be
master on this planet.

The United States had finished the war which gave
them their freedom; and were now busy trying to
raise money, frame a constitution, and organize a gov
ernment, while turning an honest penny by furnishing
supplies to the combatants who were still destroying

10 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.

themselves in Europe. When England and France
each pronounced the ports of the other closed against
commerce, and the former persisted in claiming; a risrtit

' L O O

to search American vessels for deserters, the United
States forbid the shipment of American products to
Europe, and declared war against England. After
indulging in some foolish fightingf, uncalled for and

O O O *^ '

resulting in no adequate benefit, though attended with
much misery and loss of life, commissioners met at
Ghent and adjusted their differences, which might
just as well have been done before the war as after.

It has been the fashion, in various quarters, be
cause the northern confederation of states has pros
pered more and reached a higher plane of distinc
tion and power than the united provinces of Mexico,
unduly to extoll the founders of the former, and
ridicule the pretensions to patriotism, intelligence, and
skill on the part of those who fought for the deliv
erance of the latter. It is pleasing to tell stories to
children, and talk among ourselves of the superior
courage and self-denying heroism of those who fought
on our side in the dark days of American revolution,
above those who fought against us; but it is a form
of egotism in which I cannot indulge, unless the
assertions conform to the facts of history, which in
this instance they do not. Fortunately for the repu
tation of our early heroes, their associates and subor
dinates, our history is written by men of our own
nation, primarily to feed our vanity; to accomplish
which purpose that which is damaging to our side-
in so far as is politic and practicable — is toned down
or omitted, while that which is damaging on the other
side is emphasized and exaggerated, and vice versa.
If we would know the truth, we should sometimes
look fairly into the character and deeds of some who
were not citizens or soldiers of the United States.

Those who fought for our independence; those who
suffered unrewarded and died unknown, as well as
those whoes names are remembered and honored, and

MODERATION IN SELF-PRAISE. 11

who live to-day in our hearts, deserve all praise. But
that as a class they were superior to their opponents;
that they were so greatly superior to those who fought
for the same object in Mexico, as we have been taught
to believe, is not true. Lecky, with many others,
holds that they have been " very unduly extolled," and
that " the general aspect of the American people dur
ing the contest was far from heroic or sublime;"
while Washington himself writes in 1778 that " idle
ness, dissipation, and extravagance seem to have laid
fast hold of most of them; that speculation, pecula
tion, and an insatiable thirst for riches seem to have
got the better of every other consideration, and al
most every order of men."

Let us then learn to omit some portion of our self-
adulation in speaking of ourselves, some portion of our
spread-eagle and Fourth-of-July buncombe and bom
bast in speaking of our country, to practise a little less
hypocrisy and humbug in our politics, to say nothing
of bribery and other corruption which is quite rank
enough in our republic to-day.

Europe was bad enough, as we have seen, without
any accentuation; monarchies were bad enough, the
chief recommendation of the rulers being that they
made no pretensions to honesty or piety, or rather
made their piety to suit their honesty. And now
with this showing of the influence from which the
people of the New World determined to free them
selves, I will proceed to show how it was done.

CHAPTER II.

ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

1803-1808.

CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION OF INDEPENDENCE — ARRIVAL OF THE VICEROY —
His ANTECEDENTS AND COMPORTMENT — THE VICEREGAL FAMILY — SOR-
DIDNESS OF ITURRIGARAY — His VISIT TO THE MINES — PUBLIC IMPROVE
MENTS — INTRODUCTION OF VACCINATION — SEQUESTRATION OF PROPERTY —
EFFECT ON THE LAND OWNERS — HUMBOLDT'S VISIT— INTERNATIONAL
COMPLICATIONS — DEMANDS FOR TREASURE — DIFFICULTIES WITH THE
UNITED STATES — WAR WITH ENGLAND— MILITARY PREPARATIONS —
EUROPEAN AFFAIRS — ABDICATION OF CARLOS IV.— ITURRIGARAY'S IN
DIFFERENCE — EFFECTS IN MEXICO OF EVENTS IN SPAIN — POWER OF THE
INQUISITION — ATTITUDE OF THE PRESS— SPARKS OF REVOLUTION.

WHEN the subjects of Spain in America awoke to
a realization of their position, they found present no
lack of reason for revolt. Almost every form of op
pression that ever a people had been called to undergo
at the hand of despotism they had suffered. The worst
that had come to England's colonies we find among
the mildest of Mexico's wrongs — so mild, indeed, that
they were scarcely felt amidst the others weightier.

Hitherto, they had expected, as a matter of course,
that the king of Spain would make such laws for his
provinces as suited him. He was to his people al
mighty power, differing in degree rather than in es
sence from the power of the almighty, and they had
learned to obey the one as the other. And if at the
first there had been no more than the English colonies
had to complain of — such as the interposition of au
thority between the people and laws of their making,
dissolving or forbidding representative bodies, restrict-

(12)

POSITION OF THE CREOLES. 13

ing migration and population, regulating the admin
istration of justice, creating and sustaining unnecessary
officers, keeping among them standing armies, imposing
taxes, interference in commerce, and other likejittb [
J-.hipcypu — there might have been to this day no separa
tion from the mother country, except, indeed, it had
been the falling-in-pieces from natural decay. I say
such was the feeling before revolution was thought of;
after the people began to consider, then certain of
these minor wrongs seemed exceedingly exasperating.
But behind all these, if not indeed one with them,
were more serious evils. Looking well into the causes
of Spanish American revolt, we find there the full
catalogue of wrongs and injustice common to political
subordinations of this nature, and in addition some of
the blackest crimes within the power of tyranny to
encompass. What were such matters as duties per
cent, free coming and going, sumptuary regulations,
or even local laws and legislation beside intellectual
slavery, the enforcement of superstition, the subordi
nation of soul, the degradation of both the mental and
spiritual in man!

In regard to material impositions, probably one of
the most outrageous as well as most absurd within
the range of European colonization was that which de
naturalized the son of the Spaniard born in America.
What ridiculous nonsense for reasonable beings to act
upon, not to say believe in, that the blood of him of
pure Spanish parentage who first saw the light under
the clear skies of the New World should thereby be I
politically and socially debased ! Such was the royal :(
edict, and to the end that ajl in Mexico might the
more and forever be bound body and soul to Spain.
Thus while pretending to parental care, the Spanish
monarchs would reduce the colonists to the position
of serfs.

In New Spain the first Creoles1 were identified

1 The dictionary definition of Creole is a native of Spanish America, born
of European parents, or descended from European ancestors, as distinguished

14 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

with the European Spaniards, and for several suc
ceeding generations the ties of parentage prevailed
over the distinctions of nationality. It has been
claimed that even when these bonds of consanguinity
were loosened by the ever increasing numbers of the
Creole population and the divergence of interests,
union between the two classes was still maintained
as a security against insurrection of the native races.
Indeed, Humboldt assigns this as a reason for the
passive tolerance which the Spanish Americans ex
hibited during a long period of oppression.

But this was not all the reason ; it was not in fact
the chief or true reason. It had become so ingrained
in their nature, the doctrine of loyalty, obedience to
rulers, the divinity of kings, that to repudiate in any
wise this idea was to defy the power of the almighty,
and bring deserved death and the pains of hell. It
was sin against God to disobey the king; and this
rather than fear of uprisings held Mexico so long in
servility. While such a state of things lasted, the
Spaniards in Spain could deprive the Spaniards in
America — or rather their descendants — of their le^it-

imate political status, and aggrieve their rights with
impunity; but none the less in due time did European
pride and disdain provoke irritation and bitter jeal
ousy. A mutual antipathy was thus gradually de
veloped — an antipathy which was fostered by the ac
tion of the home government; for though by theory
and law the privileges of all subjects of the crown
were equal, in practice it was far otherwise.

Three prominent causes of disrupture were ever
actively at wrork engendering hatred and thirst for
independence. They were, in the inverse order of ef
fect, social jealousies, exclusion from preferments, and
the odious system of commercial monopoly enjoyed

from a resident inhabitant born in Europe, as well as from the offspring of
mixed blood, as of mulatto, born of a negro mother, or of mestizo, born of
an Indian mother. To this definition as regards Creole I adhere; but in re
gard to the word 'mestizo,' I apply it generally to any intermixture of native
American and European blood.

SPANIARDS ALONE SHALL RULE. 15

by the Spaniards. With regard to the first, it is un
necessary to enlarge upon what has been said in the
previous volume;2 but the question of political, mili
tary, and ecclesiastical preferments requires considera
tion, inasmuch as the exclusion of Creoles from them
is as strenuously denied by the advocates of the Span
ish faction as it is emphatically asserted by those of
the creole class. Although the Spanish American
was eligible to all offices, from the lowest to the vice
regal dignity, the higher were almost exclusively filled
by men from Spain;3 and in spite of the asseverations
to the contrary,4 it cannot be denied that promotion
to important positions was practically closed to Amer
ican Spaniards. No stronger evidence can be found
than in the opposition to American representation in
the Spanish government, and the public expressions
of scorn and odium heaped upon the race in the Cadiz
periodicals of that time.

The Spanish rulers were determined that New Spain
should be ruled exclusively by Spaniards, howsoever
the published policy of the nation might be affected
thereby; and their opportunities of obtaining political

2 Hist. Mex., vol. iii. 742-4, this series. See also Cancelada, Tel. Amer.,
146-55.

3 Walton, the author of Present State of the Spanish Colonies, London, 1810,
secretary to the expedition which captured the city of Santo Domingo from
the French, and resident British agent there, in his Expose on the Dimensions
of Spanish America, London, 1814, states, on page 47, 'that on examining au
thentic records, it results: that from the period of the first settlement up to
the year 1810, out of 166 viceroys and 588 captain-generals, governors, and
presidents who have governed in Spanish America, in all 754, only 18 have
been Creoles, and these few merely in consequence of their having been edu
cated in Spain.' Only three viceroys of Mexico down to 1813 were Creoles.
Alaman, Mej., i. 12.

4Torrente, Hist. Rev. Hispano-Amer., i. 72-4, quotes observations made
by ' un Americano delsur,'who stoutly maintains the generosity 'de una
nacion que fiaba a americanos los Vireinatos, Capitanias generates, Presiden-
cias, Magistraturas, Arzobispados i Opispados;' and gives a list of European
and American officials for the year 1811, in which he shows that 338 were of
the latter class and only 76 of the former. He moreover enumerates the
political, military, and ecclesiastical positions held by the Creoles during the
same year. But I must remark that the appointments conferred upon Creoles
at the commencement of the nineteenth century afford no criterion of the pro-
portion which prevailed during the two preceding centuries. Spain felt her
self compelled to open the doors of promotion in the hope of allaying the
gathering storm. Cancelada, Td. Amer. , 265-73, argues that the Creoles were
more favored than the Spaniards in the matter of appointments.

16 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

preferments being so much greater than those of the
Creoles, they succeeded in securing for themselves all
the higher offices. It is true that the Americans occu
pied most of the subaltern grades, but this only tended
to bring them into more jealous competition with the
Europeans by inspiring them to seek the more impor
tant. Although in the ecclesiastical preferments they
were more favored than in political and military mat
ters, during the last century of the colonial period
they were gradually excluded from the high dignities
of the church; and in 1808 all the bishoprics in New
Spain, with one exception, and most of the rich bene
fices, were held by the European clergy. In the clois
ters also of the regular orders there wras the same want
of fairness which even the alternative system failed
to correct. Thus it was that as generation after gen
eration passed away, not only in social communications
but in public careers and professions, envy and jeal
ousy became more marked, and finally developed into
a deadly hatred between the two classes.

But after all, and toward the end, though not the
most iniquitous, it was the commercial monopolies
which caused the most wide-spread discontent. The
entire control of trade by Spanish merchants, and
the exorbitant prices charged by them for every com
modity, the grinding restrictions upon such indus
tries as interfered with the commerce of the mother
country, and the limited amount of productions re
ceived by her, were more sweeping in effect, since all
classes suffered, and the poor people the more severely.
A bond of union to a greater or less extent was thus
initiated between the Creoles, mestizos, and native
Indians, all of whom at an early date exhibited incli
nations to acquire independence. The Englishman,
Thomas Gage, who was in Mexico in 1625, correctly
estimated the prevailing sentiment, and in his obser
vations about the disturbances during the administra
tion of Gelves thus prophetically expresses himself:
"The chief actors were found to be the Criolians or

TAXATION, COMMERCE, AND INDUSTRIES. 17

Natives of the Country, who do hate the Spanish
Government, and all such as come from Spain; and
reason they have for it, for by them they are much
oppressed, as I have before observed, and are and will
be always watching any opportunity to free them
selves from the Spanish yoak."5

But apart from these main causes of discontent,
other aggravations, permanent or periodical, excited
a spirit of antagonism. Excessive taxation galled
and irritated; the venality of officials and the cor
ruptness of the judicial courts caused indignation;
while the expulsion in 1767 of the Jesuits, who had
ingratiated themselves in the hearts of the lower or
ders, insulted the people in their dearest affections.
From that time conspiracy arose and became wide
spread; and the attempt at Apatzingan, prematurely
undertaken, and abortive though it proved, opened
the eyes of the Spanish rulers to the fact that ideas
of independence were abroad in New Spain. The
measures adopted to suppress such wickedness only
added fuel to the fire. Disdaining the further sup
port of the church, the government determined to
rely on military force, and organizing the army on a
much larger scale, humiliated in a variety of ways
the clergy, who thus alienated became a powerful
element in working out the independence.

While the industries of the country were cramped,
the masses were unaware of the extraordinary resources
of New Spain; but when certain restrictions were
removed by the home government, and the war with
England at the close of the eighteenth century almost
annihilated trade with the peninsula, great impulse
was given to the development of internal resources
and commerce with foreign nations. While belief in
the necessity of dependence on Spain wras thus being
weakened, Humboldt opened their eyes to their re-

5 New Survey, 145. He, moreover, states that the Indians and mulattos
'brooked not the severe and rigorous justice and judgment of the Viceroy,
no, nor any Government that was appointed over them from Spain.' Id., 142.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 2

18 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

Nevertheless, it seems a little strange to us, to whom
the doctrine of right of revolution has become so clear,
and so cherished as the highest prerogative of liberty,
that it should have made its way so slowly among an
educated and intelligent people. But the cause is

6 It was the special province of the inquisition to guard against the im
portation of books. As late as 1807, a Mexican named Jos<§ Roxas was de
nounced by his own mother for having a volume of Rousseau in his possession,
and was confined for several years in the dungeons of the holy office. He
finally made his escape, but died in 1811 at New Orleans. Ward's Mex., i.
110.

RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL LIBERTY. 19

explained when we remember the powerful hold re
ligion yet had upon these people. The first step
toward freedom is to emancipate the mind from some
of its superstitions. There can be no political liberty
without some degree of religious liberty. It was
primarily for religious liberty that the puritans had
come from England to America; and the first step
thus taken toward political liberty, they were prepared.
to throw off the yoke for slighter cause than were the
people of Mexico, who were satisfied with their relig
ion, and had no desire to change it. Thus while their
religion, still the strongest sentiment possessing them,
constrained them to loyalty, they were ready to en
dure much by way of duty, and to escape damnation
• — so much that it was rather Spain's weakness than
Mexico's strength that secured independence, as we
shall in due time see.

But gradually reason, long dormant if not dethroned,
began to show signs of vitality, first in other quarters,
and finally in Mexico. It was a period of political
turnings and over-turnings in Europe and America,
and it were a pity if Mexico, ground into the very
dust by the iron heel of despotism, should not find
some relief.

7 The reader is already aware that the conde do Aranda at this time pro
posed to Cdrlos III. the independence of the Spanish colonies in Amer
ica. See Hist. Mex., iii. 388-90. Dr Luis Quixano, a prominent leader of
the revolution in Quito, made prisoner when Toribio Montes entered that
city, deemed it advisable to retract his views on the right of a colony to as
sert its independence. He based his reconstructed argument on the principle
that what is useful and convenient is not necessarily lawful and just. His ex-

20 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

While the proclivities of the people were thus be
coming daily more dangerous, their anger was still fur
ther aroused by one of those acts of tyranny which
Spain periodically committed in order to raise money in
the colonies to meet home expenses. I refer to the se
questration of the funds of the benevolent institu
tions, a measure which seriously affected the welfare of
almost every land owner in the country. As the
particulars of this proceeding will be given later, it is
only necessary to state here that numbers of families
were ruined or impoverished by its operation. Thus
Spain kept on using the goad. It is, however, a ques
tion how long the Creoles would have suffered had
not political affairs in Spain, as we have seen, afforded
an exceptional opportunity for throwing off the yoke.
For nearly two centuries the watchfulness of the gov
ernment had prevented serious outbreak; even during
the war of succession the tranquillity of New Spain
was undisturbed. The majesty of the king was so
deeply impressed upon the masses that it is probable,
had it not been for the occupation of Spain by Na
poleon, a few salutary reforms would have secured
the loyalty of Mexico. But when two Spanish mon-
archs in succession, Carlos IV. and Fernando VII.,
were compelled to lay aside their crowns, the one in
obedience to the will of a mob and the other at the
dictation of a foreign parvenu, the glory of the Span
ish throne had departed, and the awe with which the
greatest earthly potentate had been venerated by his
transatlantic subjects was seriously lessened.

Nevertheless, when in 1808 the Spaniards rose
against the French invaders, the demonstrations of
feeling throughout New Spain showed patriotism on
the part of the Creoles, though perhaps as much by

ceedingly defective logic went no further, however, than to show that an op
pressed colony has no more right to free itself from the mother country than
has a slave to acquire freedom without the consent of his owner! 'Annque a
un esclavo le sea litil gozar de su libertad, el no se la puede tomar por si mis mo
contra la voluntad de su amo.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., v.

MISRULE IN NEW SPAIN. 21

reason of hatred for the French as of any lingering
affection for the Spaniards; and this, notwithstand
ing that the American deputies to the Spanish
cortes, in their address on the 1st of August, 1811,
represented that the Spaniards of America were so
closely connected with the peninsula by the ties of
interest and relationship, that leading men among
them proclaimed the doctrine that the colonies ought
to follow the fate of Spain, even if she succumbed to
the power of Napoleon.8 Some go so far as to at
tribute outright the outbreak of the revolution to
the fear of subjection to the French.9 Be this as it
may, the repeated defeats of the Spanish arms during
the following year, the incompetency of the junta
central in the peninsula, and still more its popular
origin, destroyed any favorable impression which
might have been created in the discontented ranks,
and afforded an example to them of delegates, elected
by the people, investing themselves with the supreme
government. Thus revolutionary impressions became
yet more strongly confirmed; for the Creoles could not
recognize the right of a mob-appointed government
claiming obedience from the subjects of a mighty mon
arch v.

And during this period, so critical to the existence
of Spain's future hold upon the colonies, there was no
viceroy in Mexico capable of appreciating the true
condition of affairs; none who had the ability either
to avert revolution or best serve Spain in accepting
the situation. The incompetency and vacillation of
the next three viceroys hastened the culmination of
events, and during the years 1809 and 1810, the con
spiracy to throw off the yoke of Spain spread fast and
far throughout the land. It was on the 15th of Sep-

8 Such a course would certainly relieve them from the persecution of Spain,
though neither covert irony nor hibernicism were intended. ' Muchos de los
mismos gefes y otros Europeos proi'erian d las claras, que la America debia
seguir la suerte de la Peninsula,- y obedecer d, Bonaparte, si ella le obedecia. '
JHpntac. Amer. Represent., 1° de Agosto de 1811, 6.

9 Id., 8; Guerra, Hint. Rev. N. Esp., i. 138.

22 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

tember of the year last named that the strife began,
and which was marked by reprisals as vindictive and
cold-blooded as the annals of any Christian nation can
record, as we shall see.10 With these preliminary re
marks on the political attitudes of the two classes,
and on the origin of their divergence, I now proceed
to narrate the historical events which preceded the
final rupture.

The fifty-sixth viceroy of Mexico, Jose de Iturri-
garay, arrived with his family at Guadalupe, and took
charge of the government on the 4th of January,
1803. He held the rank of lieutenant-general in the
royal army, as had nearly all those who filled this
office during the rule of the house of Bourbon in
Spain. A veteran soldier and sexagenarian, he still
retained a youthful energy and vigor.11

Iturrigaray was a native of Cadiz, descending from
a genteel but not illustrious family. With an honor-
able record in the Spanish militia, he had served with
some distinction as a colonel of carabineers in the cam
paign of Roussillon, at the beginning of the French
revolution in 1792. His reputation, however, as a
military commander was not of the best;12 and his
elevation to the viceregal office was due to the favor
•of Godoy, the Prince of Peace, who still maintained
influence over the weak and incompetent king.13
His reception at Guadalupe and in the capital was,

™ The same causes were at work in all the Spanish colonies in America;
and it is significant to note the unanimity of the feeling entertained everywhere
by the Creoles, as well as the synchronism of their start for the goal of free
dom. In this same year five revolutions broke out in South America: that,
of Caracas on April 19, 1810; that of Buenos Aires on the 25th of May fol
lowing; that of New Granada on the 3d of July; that of Bogota on the 20th
of the same month; that of Cartagena on the 18th of August; and that of
Chile on the 18th of September. Diputac. Amer. Rep.y 181 1, 2-3.

11 As a Mexican writer says, 'Con el arrebatamiento y fuego de un franco's
atolondrado. ' Medidas, Pad/., MS., 57.

12 'Hombre de una mediana reputacion militar en su patria.' Ellndicador,
111. 215. Compare also Dispositions Farias, i. 120; Bmtamante, Caad. Hist.,
i. 10-11; Ratzd, Aus. Mex., 344-5; Gazcla Mvx., xi. 222-3.

; 'No fuel-on estos me~ritos los que lo elevaron al vireinato, sino el favor
deD. Manuel Godoy.' Ataman, Hist. Mcj., i. 40. Tavorecido del principe
de la Paz.' El Indkador, iii. 215.

THE VICEREGAL FAMILY. 23

unlike that of Marquina, most flattering and obse
quious. The festivities, begun in the former place,
were continued in the latter with the customary pro
cessions and bull-fights. This unchecked privilege of
the populace, in such agreeable contrast with the un
welcome prohibitions of the former viceory, combined
with the gracious deportment of Iturrigaray and the
affable demeanor of his stately spouse, gained him at
once the favor of the people. Erelong, however, it
was discovered that his condescension was but a cloak
to less worthy traits of character.14 Branciforte's cor
ruption was barefaced; dissimulation under a fasci
nating exterior was the prominent feature in Iturri
garay 's character.15

The family of the viceroy consisted of his wife,
Dona Ines de Jauregui y Aristegui, who although
no longer young possessed many attractions, a grown
up son, several younger children, and a numerous
train of relatives, all bent on amassing fortunes.
This was also the dominating passion of Iturrigaray,
whose first act on taking charge of the government
was to defraud the crown. Following the example of
Branciforte, he had obtained a royal decree before his
departure from the peninsula, permitting him to in
troduce free of duty into New Spain unfinished fam
ily apparel.16 Under this pretence he landed a cargo
of merchandise at Vera Cruz, which he sold in that
port, netting an enormous profit.17 Moreover, he at
once began a system of sale of offices and employments
on his own account, and by an abominable venality
established for his benefit an impost on quicksilver,

11 The character of Iturrigaray was ' estremaclamente popular.' Zavala,
Rev. Mex., 30. The populace was 'complacida con el trato afable y popular
de la Vireina, senora de regular figura, y de un comportamiento airoso y
galan. ' C'avo, Tres Siglos, iii. 200.

15 'Su caracter estremadamente popular disimulabasus sordidas ganancias.'
Zavala, Rev. Alex., 30; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 47.

1G According to Real Ordcn, Sept. 12, 1802.

17 The sale amounted to 119,125 pesos, as attested by Rcl., Real Acuerdo,
Nov. 9, 1808, in Arch. Gen'l Mex. This fraud was the first of many serious
charges proven against him in his residencia, of which an account will be
given later.

24 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

by which he unjustly secured to himself large sums
from the sales of that metal.18

Other frauds were perpetrated in contracts for
paper used in the government cigar manufactories,
the contractors charging fictitious prices and paying a
bonus to Dona Ines.19 The administration of Iturri-
garay was modelled after that of his protector, Godoy,
and it was believed that the king's favorite shared in
the profits.

Sumptuous entertainments, presided over by Dona
Ines, were given at the palace, with the twofold ob
ject of pleasure and profit. Thither assembled grave
oidores, hypocritical inquisitors, venerable prelates,
and members of the most distinguished families, who,
to win the good favor of their viceregal hostess, vied
with one another in their efforts to please, and in the
costliness of their gifts.20

Marquina never gained the affection of the people,
because of his restrictions on all kinds of excesses.
Iturrigaray would try the opposite course, and make
the capital the centre of pleasure and dissipation.
To the discredit caused by the venality of the father
were added the profligacy and vulgar passion for play
of his son Jose, who was a constant visitor to the

18 He received generally a gold ounce per quintal of quicksilver delivered.
Represent. Mm. Gnan., in Cancelada, Conducta Iturr., 92-5. Alaman states
that the traffic in offices was managed through one of the vice-queen's maids,
an^ elderly person, named Joaquina Aranguren, wife of Gabriel Palacios.
Hist. Mej., i. 47. Some few miners, with whom a secret compact was made,
were greatly favored, while the majority suffered for want of mercury, result
ing in immense profits to the viceroy. These frauds are given in detail with
attestation, in Uepresentacion, Dip. Mm. Guan., Oct. 31, 1808. Compare also
Cancelada, Conducta, Iturrigaray, 92-5; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 43-4.

19 SSe justifica el robo que hizo al rei argandole un peso mas en cada resma,
con las cuentas misrnas de los que lo vendieron, que existen en autos de
infidencia/ Cancelada, Conducta, 11. This author also charges Iturrigaray
with shipping surreptitiously many millions of treasure out of the country, in
English and neutral ships. This was the popular belief, but no proofs were
brought forward. Id., 11-12. From the two contracts of 1806 and 1807 the
viceroy's wife received 6,633 ounces of gold. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 47. Con
sult also Hernandez ?/ Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 643-4.

;0 'Hacia descender la corte hasta sobre el teatro, 6 subia el teatro d la
corte por la aficion que tenia d esta clase de diversiones. La conducta de la
de Madrid bajo Maria Luisa, era el ejemplo que se seguia.' Zarala, llev.
Mcx., 30; Ellndicador, iii. 216-17.

GUANAJUATO MINES. 25

cock-pit.21 Sucli conduct on the part of the viceroy
and his family, though fascinating at first, could not
fail to produce the same effect as the over-scrupulous
proceeding of his predecessor; the halo of royalty
which had protected viceregal authority for centuries
was dimmed, and the respect formerly offered to Casa-
fuerte, Revilla Gigedo, and others was now with
held.22

All the same the viceroy managed to accumulate a
large fortune, consisting of coin, jewels, and plate,23
which was a great comfort, and this notwithstanding
his extravagance and the enormous expenses of his
court, which far exceeded his salary of sixty thou
sand pesos.24

The desire to visit the rich mines of Guanajuato
was obviously natural; he wished to see whence came
the wealth he coveted.25 Without precedent in this
respect, and without royal permission, Iturrigaray set
out on this journey by way of Queretaro, Celaya,
Salamanca, and Irapuato. The inhabitants of these
regions, who had never Beheld a viceroy, were over
awed by the magnificence of his appearance, and
thousands assembled to pay their respects. His
arrival at the city of Guanajuato was celebrated by a
triumphal procession and festivities. Among the
presents graciously accepted by him was one of a
thousand ounces of gold, upon the occasion of his
inspection of the Ray as and Valenciana mines.
Mining operators soon discovered how to gain the

21 ' La inclinacion de aquel al juego de gallos, concurriendo d la plaza
piiblica en que se lidian.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 48.

22 The avarice of this vicergal family was one of the chief causes of their
downfall. Dispositions Varias, i. 120; Bustamante, Medidas, MS., 57; Id.,
Cuarl. Hist., L 10-11; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 46-9; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii.
296-350.

"And 400,000 pesos invested in the funds of the mining institute, the
safest place of investment at the time. Further on, after the removal of the
viceroy, an account of the treasures found in the palace will be given.

a4 According to the subsequent declaration under oath of his mayordomo,
Antonio Paul. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 48.

25 ' En la larga serie de los vireyes que tuvo Nueva Espana, 6ste fiie* el
iinico que conocio una parte del interior del reino.' Negrete, Mex. en Siglo
XIX., i. 49.

23 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

favor of this great man.23 In return for homage re
ceived, Iturrigaray magnificently granted the town
of Celaya the privilege to celebrate occasional bull
fights to defray the expenses of a bridge over the
Laja.27

In the matter of material improvements, we find
little during this administration not started under
former viceroys. There was the completion of two
roads to Vera Cruz; one of them, passing through
Orizaba and Cordova, begun by Branciforte, was in
charge of the consulado. Credit, however, must be
given Iturrigaray for his exertions to secure the cap
ital against inundation. To inspire zeal, he deigned
occasionally to labor on the works with his own hands,
and by his care the city was saved from inundation in
1806. Yet this praiseworthy caprice eventually gained
for him the enmity of the fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta,
as well as of Aguirre and the other oidores. Funds
being required to carry on the works, Iturrigaray in
creased the impost on cattle, and to this Zagarzurieta
raised objections, to which the viceroy would not listen ;
because, he said, Zagarzurieta was connected with the
family of the greatest cattle-dealer in the country, and
therefore was not disinterested.28

Existing literary and benevolent institutions were
favored to some extent, not, however, in a manner
sufficiently effective to reflect unusual credit on the
viceroy. Mining, internal commerce, and agriculture

26 'A poco tiempo se advirtib que no le era desagraclable recibir dones y
regalos, y sucesivamente cantidades de dinero y alhajas por las provisiones
que se llamaban de gracia.' Cancdada, Conducta, Iturrigaray, 10. See also
Pena, Arenga Civic., 19-20. It is gratifying to us to learn from Bustamante,
in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 204, that 'the presents then received by the viceroy
relieved partly the great necessities in which he stood.'

27 In connection with bull-fig lits, Bustamante takes occasion to slur Mar-
quina, congratulating the people that the government had passed into the
hands of a man 'accesible, jovial y divertido,' from the 'ttitrico y adusto de
un hombre anciano, que merecia estar en una porteria de capuchinos.' Cavo,
Tres Siglos, iii. 201.

28 ' Porquo su hija estd casada con el primogenito del Marque's de S. Miguel
de Aguayo, que es el primer ganadero y de los principales abastecedores de
Mexico.' /</., 244-5.

VACCIXATIOX. 27

continued to prosper, owing to the efficient measures
of his predecessors. An important event during this
period, which marked a new era in medical science,
but iu which Iturrigaray merely complied with the
royal orders, was the introduction of vaccination into
New Spain.29 In the course of this history the ter
rible ravages of small-pox at different periods have
been dwelt upon. Tenner's discovery, after having
met with long opposition on the part of the medical
faculty, finally overcame the prejudices of the age.
In 1801 its value was recognized by the government
of Spain, and its introduction in America intrusted
to Alejandro Arboleya, professor of medicine, who
came over with Iturrigaray. His method of preserv
ing vaccine matter, however, was defective, and its
application was not successful till two years later,
when the home government sent out a special com
mission of medical men under Francisco Javier do
Balmis.80 They arrived at Vera Cruz in July 1804.
Some months previously Iturrigaray had imported
vaccine matter from Habapa, but found the prejudice
against it so strong that only ten soldiers could be
induced to use it. After the arrival of Balmis, how
ever, the remedy was soon introduced throughout
the country, when of course the horrors of smallpox
were greatly diminished.31

29 Jenner, the discoverer, was a native of Berkeley, England ; he was born
May 17, 1749, and died January 24, 1823. For his biography, see the excel
lent work of Dr Baron, of Gloucester, 2 vols., 1827, 1838.

30 He was honorary physician to the king and honorary counsellor of the
treasury. The other members of the expedition were Antonio Gutierrez,
professor of medicine and surgery, Angel Crespo, secretary of the commis
sion, Francisco and Antonio Pastor, Pedro Ortega, Dona Isabel Cendal, and
lastly, 26 infants from a foundling-house, on whose bodies vaccine matter was
preserved during the voyage. Lerdo de Tfjada, Apunt. Hist., pt v. 342-4.
This author received the particulars from two members, Gutierrez and
Crespo. See also Ilumboldt, Essai Pol. The first child vaccinated was that
of the viceroy. Alaman, l)isert., iii. app. 87; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 207;
lilvcra, Gob. de Alex, i., 522; Zamacoi*, Hist. Mcf., vi. 15.

al Balmis extended his labors to Manila. Some of the commission went
to South America, and one to Guatamala. The historical infants were
reared at the expense of the government, and finally adopted by respectable
families. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt v. 344; Cavoy Tres Stylos, iii.
207.

28 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

During this period great increase of material wealth
is noticeable. After the last peace with England,
Spanish commerce revived; in 1805 one hundred and
fifty thousand quintals of quicksilver were transported
from Vera Cruz to Mexico for the mines, and during
the same year more than twenty-seven millions of
pesos were coined at the mint. But this epoch of
opulence was soon to be terminated by fatal disasters,
marked by bloodshed and ruin. A series of calami
ties, caused by foreign convulsions and misrule at
home, was approaching Spain.

The Spanish government, involved under Godoy's
rule in political difficulties, corruption, and extrava
gance, and harassed by the exorbitant demands of
Napoleon, brought fresh discontent to the colonies by
the adoption of a new method to draw from them the
necessary funds to save the mother country from ruin.
Spain's plight was desperate, and desperate must be
the remedy, if, indeed, there was any. And woe in
consequence must fall on Mexico!

It was decreed by royal order of December 26,
1804, to sequestrate all the real estate belonging
to benevolent institutions,32 chiefly under control of
the clergy, including the sums, by far the greater
part of their wealth, invested by them as loans on city
and rural property, the mortgages on which had lapsed.
The amounts collected were to be appropriated by the
crown for the amortization of government bonds, the
obligation being recognized by the payment of inter
est.83 Though in Spain similar measures had been
adopted,34 the attendant circumstances were different
from those in Mexico. In the Old World most of the
church property consisted of real estate, which being
sold, the clergy received a perpetual income from the

32 Obras pias, or funclaciones piadosas.

33 The sums were to be applied to the 'Caja de consolidacion de vales
reales,' with interest to the respective benevolent institutions at 3 per cent,
payable from the royal revenues. Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97.

34 According to Heal Cedufa, Oct. 15, ISOo, the amount of ecclesiastical
property permitted by the pope to be sold under bull of June 14th of the
same year was such as to yield in interest §020,000.

FORCED LOANS. 29

government equal to the interest on the capital rep
resented, while the purchasers were obliged to con
tribute to the royal treasury by the payment of taxes.

Throughout New Spain the accumulation and in
vestments of the funds of these institutions had be
come enormous. There was scarcely a land owner,
great or small, whose estate was not hypothecated to
one or another of the benevolent institutions.35 The
loan once effected, restitution of the capital was not
demanded as long as the interest was punctually paid;
nor did the debtors ever prepare for such an event,
although most of the mortgages had lapsed.36 The
sudden demand for the payment of these sums carried
consternation throughout the country, and brought
ruin on many proprietors. For all to raise money
on short notice was impossible; so the sale of the
property had to be forced — not alone what belonged
directly to the church, but that of the farmer, the
merchant, the miner, and the mechanic. Thereby all
industries suffered, while in the end the crown was no
gainer, since the ruin of property holders cut down
the revenue.

The execution of the decree was intrusted to a
junta presided over by the viceroy, and composed of
the principal civil and ecclesiastic authorities, and of
special commissioners appointed by the crown.37 In
order to stimulate the zeal of these functionaries, and
to make the sequestration more productive, they
were allowed a percentage of the sales.38 Such an
incentive with such men as Iturrigaray left little hope

35 The value of the real estate and the funds so invested of the obras pias
in New Spain amounted in 1804 to $44,500,000. Humloldt, Essai Pol., ii.
476. In Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletm, ii. 3.3-6, the most moderate calculation of
the value is, in the archbishopric of Mexico $20,000,000, and in the eight
bishoprics, $30,000,000.

30 These- loans, made for the term of nine years, were at the expiration suf
fered to continue in force at the option of the contracting parties. See Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., i. 138.

37 'Qui porte le titre de Junta superior de Real Hacienda.' Iluniboldt,
Ewai Pol., ii. 476.

38 See the royal order in Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97; also Humboldt. Essai
Pol, ii. 47G-7; Alaman, IJixt. Mcj., i. 139; Not. de N. Esp., in Soc. Mex.
Geofj. Boletin, ii. 35-6; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., vi. 16-19.

30 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

for the people; and great was the clamor among all
classes, especially the clergy, who were far from satis
fied with this enforced investment.39

Formal protests were made by many,40 and the per
nicious effect of the measure was duly set forth; but
no notice was taken of this action by the authorities.
To make matters worse, Iturrigaray received orders
from Spain that while steps were being taken to ac
complish the sequestration, all funds belonging to cor
porations and communities, deposits of Indian tributes,
the treasures lodged in sacred shrines, and even
moneys designed to ransom prisoners should be ap
propriated. "Peace has been preserved at the cost
of millions!" was the cry; "so pay! pay!" But the
clay was fast approaching when Spain's peace would be
of small moment to Mexico. Never had royal license
to fleece the colonists been more barefaced ; never had
the robbery of a people by their rulers been more
merciless or infamous. And after all, only about ten.
millions of pesos were secured, when in 1809 the
order was rescinded.41 Of this sum twenty-four mill
ion francs were delivered to Napoleon in May 1806,
by Eugenio Izquierdo, Godoy's special agent at Paris,42
after a large amount had gone as commissions to royal
officials in Mexico.43

39 ' La resistance fut si forte de la part des proprie" taires, que depuis le
mois de Mai 1805 jusqu'au mois de Juin 1806, la caisse d'amortissement ne
percevoit que la somme modique.de 1,200,000 piastres.' Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
ii. 477.

•"'One by the merchants and laborers of Michoacan, under the direction
of Abad y Queipo, afterward bishop elect; and another by the mining board,
headed by Miguel Dominguez, corregidor of Quertitaro, for which presump
tion he was removed from office by the viceroy. Bustamante, in Cavo, Trcs
Stylos, iii. 222-3.

41 'Toda esta trapala,' says a marginal note on the c^dula in Cedulario,
MS., i. 179-97, 'del malvado Godoy, Soler, y sus sequaces se suspemlio pr
R1 Ordn ...de 26 de En° de 1809, pero ya no remedio los estragos incal-
culables y desastrosos que aquellos malvados y sus sequaces hicieron, con
esta infame trapala, sin el mas minimo provecho del erario. ' See also Hum
boldt, Essai Pol., ii. 476-7.

42 Toreno, Hist. Rev. Esp.,tom i. lib. ii. 12.

43 The sum produced by the sequestrations, according to Cancdada, Tel.
Mex., 29, was $10,509,537. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 140, and Bustamante. in
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 250, give $10,656,000. 8oc. Mex. Geocj. Boletin,' ii.
35-6, gives productos $10,507,957, and reditos $524,904 pesos. Of the com-

MORE MONEY REQUIRED. 31

The merciless rigor with which the viceroy executed
every oppressive decree, and the irritating fact that
he and a host of officials profited by the ruin of others,
gained him the odium of the sufferers. Any discus
sions of a scientific or practical nature on the part of
her subjects was at this juncture bad for Spain. Per
mission had been granted Humboldt by the court to
visit the New World, with the privilege of access to
official archives. The result of his sojourn in Mexico
was his famous treatise on New Spain,44 containing
abstracts of his political and economical observations.
Some new ideas crept in upon the people concerning
possibilities. With freedom, what might they not
achieve! Such was the prevailing feeling which, min
gled with the odium against the home government,
increased by late acts of oppression, prepared Creoles
and natives alike for revolution.45

When Carlos IV. ratified the humiliating treaty of
1796, which made him a subject rather than an ally
of France, he considered neither the money he would
have to pay, nor what would be the attitude of Eng
land. To annoy Napoleon, Great Britain offered the
means of prolonging the war which broke out in 1803,
while Spain, asserting her obligations to pay France
former subsidies, maintained that she would be sub
ject to far greater expense in case of further hostili
ties. This led to rupture with England; for though
that power at first manifested no desire to declare
open war with Spain, in 1805 neutrality was broken

missions known to have been paid to officials, who at the same time drew
large salaries, the diputado principal Arrangoiz received $124,000; Iturri-
garay, $72,000; the archbishop Lizana, who, according to Bustamante, was
not a favorite with the Mexicans since his arrival in December 1803, $22,00,0;
ministers of the treasury, $50,000; the secretary, $40,000; and so on to the
amount of half a million. Cancelada hurls invectives against all connected
with this wholesale robbery.

ilEssai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, 1811. For
biographical notice, see Hist. Mcx., iii. 513, this series.

45 'Este proyecto fud, sin duda, la primera Jornada de los desastres de la
America— la, insurreccion fue" la segunda.' Marginal note on royal cedilla, in
Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97.

32 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

by the seizure by Nelson of four treasure-laden ships
bound from America to Cadiz.46

And now commerce again wanes, being carried on
in neutral vessels only, while free intercourse with
Spain is greatly interrupted. Moreover, besides be
ing pressed by Napoleon for prompt compliance with
the treaty of 1796, Spain is beset with calamities.
Famine and pestilence are decimating her population;
earthquakes destroy several towns in Andalusia ; debts
are enormous, and the exchequer empty; and lastly,
England has lately seized her treasure-ships, and will
probably capture others. More and more urgent,
therefore, are the appeals to the viceroy for Mexican
silver and gold.

Iturrigaray seems in every respect equal to the
emergency. The colonists are made to bleed. From
corporations, from the clergy, and from private indi
viduals, thirteen millions of dollars are secured at
this juncture, and shipped in four frigates, some five
millions more being retained for later transportation.
To make up this amount, he has not only seized any
deposits, however sacred, he could lay his hands on,
and forced money from the poor, but he has resorted
to a swindling system of lotteries.47 It is true that in
the matter of forced loans promises to pay are made,
and a small annual interest promised.48

The French just now are as much feared in New
Spain as the English. French ships anchored at
Yera Cruz are jealously watched by the viceroy, who
refuses to furnish supplies to French troops stationed
at Santo Domingo.

Difficulties, moreover, threaten with the United

46 The vessels were seized in reprisal for the assistance alleged by England
to have been rendered by Spain to France during the war; more subsidies
having been paid the latter than those stipulated for in the treaty of 1796.
Bustcimante, in Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 209.

47 See Gaz. de Mex., from 1804 to 1810, passim.

48 The viceroy was admonished, however, to come to some understanding
with the archbishop and bishop, so as not to impede the process by preju
dicial disputes with the clergy. This accounts for the $22,000 commissions
to Lizana. See Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 29.

THREATENING DANGERS. 33

States. In 1801 Philip Nolan makes an incursion
into Mexican territory as far as Nuevo Santander,
under the pretext of purchasing horses, and erects
some small forts. He is, however, attacked on the 21st
of March by a force sent against him by the viceroy,
and slain, his followers being dispersed or made pris
oners. A few years later Burr attempts the invasion
of Texas. During this period the first cloud arises
between the United States and Mexico on the ques
tion of limits. Monroe's efforts at Madrid to arrange
an amicable settlement are fruitless, and the Amer
ican government orders troops to her southern fron
tier.49

Having thus the United States to watch, the long
coast lines to guard against the English, and the ever-
present pirates to beat off, Iturrigaray is like a hyena
at bay. It is no easy matter amidst the dissatisfaction
attending the royal robberies to enlist the colonists to
fight. Of what avail is this pouring-out of their treas
ure if the old mother cannot protect them from her
enemies?

It is in 1805 when the news of this rupture of Spain
with England reaches Mexico, and spreads consterna
tion among the people. Besides orders to prepare for

49 Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 145-6. In 1805 James Monroe, U. S. minister at
London, and Mr Pinckney, minister at Madrid, failed to agree with the Prince
of Peace as to the limits of Louisiana, Texas, and Florida; the relations be
tween the two countries assumed a delicate nature, and Monroe asked for his
passport and returned to London. Consult Amer. State Pap., xii. 1-327; ii.
596-695, 798-804. On the feeling at this time in New Spain against the
United States, I quote from the irascible Bustamante, who, in connection with
the viceroy's military prepai-ations, thus gives vent to his ire: ' Esta nacion,
si puede darsele tal nombre a un erijambre espesisimo de aventureros, emigra-
dos de la Europa por la miseria 6 por sus crimenes, presenta la anomalia mas
extraiia y ridicula en la historia.' 'She proclaimed,' the author continues,
' the freedom of nations; developed the theories of Rousseau's social contract,
which was followed by France and cost torrents of blood,' winding up with a
pious exhortation against American slave-holders. See Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii.
217-1 8. Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 525-6, limits himself to stamping the claims of
the U. S. against New Spain as 'el colmo de la injusticia y de exhorbitantes
pretensiones, hijas de la ambicion . . . inicua . . . absurda.' Of what the Spanish
population in Mexico consisted at the time, a contemporary of Bustamante
gives, us an idea in El Indicador, iii. 216-17: 'Unos hombres semi-salvages,
como los espanoles avecindados en el pais, que nacidos los mas en su patria,
en una condicion muy obscura, apenas habian podido medio civilizarse eu
Nueva Espaiia '

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 3

34 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

defence, the viceroy is told to furnish Habana, Puerto
Rico, and other exposed points with the necessary
supplies. He is moreover authorized to increase the
permanent forces by enlisting natives for service on
the frontier, the veteran troops not being sufficient
for that purpose. Two Spanish regiments stationed
in Cuba are also ordered to Mexico.

But the viceroy is more clever than his master.
Notwithstanding the many difficulties in the organi
zation of troops, he soon has nearly 18,000 men at
his command.50 Recruiting offices are established
throughout the country; deserters are pardoned; the
old militia, scattered or disbanded, are reunited and
increased in number. The defences of San Juan de
Ulua, where Lieutenant-colonel Juan Maria Soto is
in command, are improved. To discipline the troops
a camp is established at Jalapa. Command of the
army is given to Garcia Davila, governor of Vera
Cruz, efficient and experienced. Indeed, he is the
only officer of rank in New Spain competent to fill
the place. There are two other generals, Pedro Ruiz
Davalos and Pedro Garibay, but both octogenarians
and subject to consequent infirmities.

The troops are exercised and drilled under the eye
of the viceroy. There are reviews and manoeuvres
which awaken a military spirit in the Mexicans, who
have never before witnessed spectacles of the kind.51

In 1806 intelligence of two events is received
which spreads alarm throughout the country — the
destruction of the combined Spanish and French

50 Bustamante says 1 8,000 well disciplined troops. Medidas para la Pacif. ,
MS., 58. Queipo, in Pap. Far., 164, no. i., states that there were stationed
in the canton of Jalapa, serving under the viceroy's orders, 11,000 men, and
that there were 6,000 more elsewhere ready to march when called upon.
Alaman gives the number as ' cosa de catorce mil hombres' in the year 1800.
Hist. Mej., i. 146.

61 Mex. Mem. Guerra, 10. On October 14, 1805, the spectacle of troops
being landed and engaging in sham-fight with the enemy was witnessed by
the inhabitants of Vera Cruz, the viceroy displaying great enthusiasm, taking
part in the exhibition. 'No pudo el ingenio militar de Su Escia olvidar su
aficion, y montando a caballo mando por esquadrones varies rnovimientos de
exercicio a los lanceros.' Diario de Mex., i. 92.

PRIXCE OF PEACE. 35

fleets at Trafalgar by Lord Nelson on the 21st of
October, 1805,52 and the attack on Buenos Aires by
the English. It is thought that an attempt will
presently be made on New Spain. Iturrigaray's
friends begin to fall off. Several officers of high
rank and merit withdraw from the encampment at
Jalapa, among others Count Alcaraz, of the Spanish
dragoons, Manuel Garcia Alonso, Manuel Garcia
Queritana, and Lejarza, all commanders of high stand
ing. He who becomes the most determined enemy,
however, is the ex-corregidor of Queretaro, Miguel
Dominguez.53

Meanwhile the star of Godoy, the scourge of Spain,
is still in the ascendant. He puts on the titles
of royalty, and holds compiunion with Napoleon, if
indeed he does not conspire to sell Spain. At one
time, all the strongholds of the peninsula being occu
pied by French, Godoy advises the king to take his
family to Mexico. The court is at Aranjuez, and the
intended flight becoming known, the populace rise and
cry vengeance on Godoy. The tumult is only allayed
by the abdication of Carlos in favor of the prince of
Asturias, who assumes the crown as Fernando VII.
on the 19th of March, 1808. Godoy escapes popular
fury by secreting himself,54 but his house and those of
his satellites are stripped, and everything in them is

52 A subscription for the relief of the widows and orphans of those who
fell in the engagement was raised in Mexico. The amount contributed up
to Sept. 30, 1807, was 31,235 pesos. Gaz. Mex., xiii. xiv. xv., passim, and xvi.
641.

53 Dominguez was afterward reinstalled in his office by order of the king,
dated September 11, 1807. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 223. When
Iturrigaray's residencia was taken he was condemned to indemnify Domin
guez for loss of salary, and pay him danos y perjuicios. This was not dona
till 1824, when on Iturrigaray's death his heirs, after contesting the case in
the courts, were compelled to pay 12,000 pesos to Dominguez. Alaman. Hist.
Mej., i. 265-7.

54 ' Fu6 confundido por la debil voz de un anciano Ministro. Ved aqui el tray-
dor; el pueblo pide su cabeza: dijo Caballero 4 Carlos IV. seiialando a Godoy;
y este cobarde como si oyera el estampido de un trueno, calla, teme, huye, y
temblando se oculta del Cielo y de la tierra. Asi permanece dos dias ator-
mentado de la sed, del hambre, por las imprecaciones de los hombres, y loa
remordimientos de su consciencia. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 841.

33 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURBIGAKAY.

delivered to the authorities. The fallen Prince of
Peace is afterward placed under arrest by Fernando
and his ill-gotten property confiscated.

The downfall of Godoy was hailed in New Spain
with universal satisfaction. Spaniards and Creoles
were equally demonstrative in their loyalty to the
king, confident that any change in the government
which excluded the influence of Godoy must be for
the better. On the arrival of the news of the abdi
cation of Carlos and the decrees of Fernando/5 Iturri-
garay was attending the cock-fights at San Agustin
de las Cuevas, now Tlalpan, where the festivities of
pentecost were being celebrated. He commanded
the decrees ^to be read, and then went on with the
games. Dona Ines was disgusted over the abdica
tion, and the regidor Azc£rate displayed his contempt
by flinging aside the journal containing the news.53

The festivities at Tlalpan continued for three days,
and not until they were concluded did the viceroy
give orders for a public demonstration in honor of
Fernando VII. This manifest indifference, which
did not fail to create much bad feeling, was in truth
owing to the fall of Godoy, his protector, and some
began to suspect treasonable designs.

On the 23d of June the departure of the royal
family to Bayonne and the abdication of Fernando
were known in Mexico.57 Then my lord Iturriga-
ray wore a pleasant countenance, and he was over-

55 The abdication of Carlos IV. and accession of Fernando VII. were pub
lished on the 9th of June, 1808, by an extra issue of the Gaz, de Me.x.t q. v.

5GCancelada, who was present during the occurrences at San Agustin de
las Cuevas, says, in Iturrirjaray, Conducta, 14: 'La vireina, oida la abdica-
cion y suerte del ex-principe de la Paz, dixo: Nos han puesto la ceniza en la
f rente; y el regidor Azcarate al llegar con la lectura a los decretos del Senor
Don Fernando VII. tir6 la gazeta con desprecio en ademan de quererla pisar.'
Xegrete maintains that there is no proof of these assertions, although both
Bustamante and Alaman accept them as true. They emanated, he says,
from the statements of Cancelada, a bitter enemy of the viceroy, and should
not be received as historical. Mex. Siglo XIX. , i. 78.

57 The intelligence was brought by the ship Corza, which anchored in the
harbor of Vera Cruz on the 21st of June. Gaz. de Mex., 1808, 424; Cancelada,
Conducta, 15-16. Negrete commits an error in stating that this was theoccasion
when Iturrigaray received the news of Fernanclo's accession to the throne while
diverting himself in the cockpit. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. G9.

EUROPEAN POLITICS. 37

heard to say that the king would never return to the
throne.58

These tidings of the dethronement of the royal
family, and the assumption of the crown by Joseph
Bonaparte, arrived in the midst of preparations for
the solemn festivities to be held on the occasion of
swearing allegiance to the young monarch. The im
pression which these events created in Mexico was at
first painful. Creoles as well as Spaniards hated the
French. Napoleon was their arch-enemy. They
swore they would never be ruled by him, or any of
his creatures. On the 14th of July, the viceroy re
ceived copies of the Madrid official gazettes confirming
the news, and on the following day he convoked a
council of the real acuerdo, at which it was resolved
neither to obey the decrees of Murat, then command
ing at Madrid, nor those of any government other
than that of the legitimate sovereign.59 The official

O O

portions of the Madrid gazettes were, moreover, or
dered to be published.60

But the first surprise over, very different and ve
hement feelings began to spring up among the people.
Their ideas were confounded at the possibility of being
without a king. Those who had hitherto regarded a
monarch as an infallible personage remembered the
fate of Louis XVI., and beheld with consternation the
sudden removal of their own kings, father and son.
That a mob of his own subjects should effect the down-

58 * Los oidores creyeron ver en esta vez en el semblante del virey pintado
la alegria, y que se complacia en decir que el Hey no volveria al trono. ' Cavo,
Tres &V//O.S-, iii. 227. This conduct and the occurrence at Tlalpan were sub
sequently brought forward in the accusations of treason against the viceroy.
Compare Cancelada, Conducta Jturr. , 15-16.

69 The revisor Oidor Aguirre added the words: 'Que S. E. y el real Acuerdo
estaban penetrados de unos mismos nobles y leales sentimientos. ' These Itur-
rigaray tore off, objecting to their publication. Cancelada, Conducta Iturr.,
18-19; Verdad Sabida, 19. This action of the viceroy was considered by his
enemies as a mark of disloyalty. The Verdad Sabida of Cancelada is severely
criticised and the statements it contains denied by Lizarza in his Discurso vin-
dicando Iturrigaray. For his reply on the above question, see p. 16. Much
sympathy for Fernando was shown by the citizens of Mexico. Guerra, Rev.
N. E*p., i. 3-18.

60 They appeared on the 16th of July in the Gaz. de Mex.< 1808, xv. 465-
75.

S3 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.

fall of Carlos IV. was not likely to maintain that faith
in the high majesty of the Spanish sovereigns which
for ages it had been impious to hold in doubt. Re
spect for monarchy was weakened, and the more re
flective and enlightened recognized with satisfaction
that these convulsions would augment the possibilities
of independence for New Spain. The holy inquisition
still maintained its power, and indeed we find it at
this period more zealous than ever in attempting to
stifle the progress of the age. Libertinism and im
piety, as it was called,61 were so great, that there were
over a thousand cases pending before that tribunal.62
One of the victims of an auto de fe at this time was
the presbyter Juan Antonio Olavarrieta, curate of
Axuchitlan. In his possession was found a work writ
ten by himself, entitled Man and Beast. On the fron
tispiece was a representation of a tyrant king. The
author had come well recommended from Spain to the
chief inquisitor, Bernardo de Prado y Obejero,and great
was the scandal. The auto was celebrated with more
than ordinary solemnity in the presence of the secular
and ecclesiastical authorities, the nobility, and principal
persons of the city. Olavarrieta was sentenced and
shipped to Spain, but managed to escape during the
voyage. Soon after this the same ceremonies were re
peated on the person of Jose Rojas, professor of math
ematics in the college at Guanajuato. A man of ex
traordinary talents and great learning,63 he possessed
but little knowledge of the world. Carrying on a corre
spondence on philosophical and theological topics with
a woman at Guanajuato, he was denounced by her and
imprisoned. After sentence by the holy office, Hojas
escaped to New Orleans. There he published in
flammatory proclamations against the Spanish gov-

ultttrrigaray, in Carta dCaballero; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 208.

62 Bustamante remarks that a great number of these cases must have been
of a political nature, 'pues este tribunal era el brazo derecho del despotismo.'
Id.

63 ' Y de una memoria tan feliz, que aprendio literalmente las priucipales
actuaciones de su causa, con solo habeiios oido leer.' Id., 207-8.

POSITION OF THE PRESS. 39

eminent, which being clandestinely introduced into
Mexico caused no little annoyance to the political
authorities and the inquisition. This institution con
sisted at the time of thirty-one officers, exclusive of a
multitude of secret agents and spies, and their labors
were so arduous and important that the inquisitors pe
titioned for an increase of salary on that ground.
Such was the powerful array of zealots, ever on the
alert to persecute those whose religious and political
views dared to pass the bounds prescribed by church
and state.

The deplorable condition of the press was another
proof of the incessant endeavors on the part of the
authorities to keep the people in intellectual bondage.
It was not wrell for subjects of Spain to know too
much of what was going on in the world. Four daily
papers appeared in Vera Cruz between 1804 and 1807;
three of them were soon discontinued, and the other
was prohibited from publishing any political news from
foreign countries, that being a privilege granted only
to the Gazeta de Mexico.64" In 1805 the Mexican writer
Carlos Maria Bustamante, and the alcalde del crimen
Jacobo de Villa Urrutia, established the Diario de
Mexico with .but little better success. Being sup
pressed at one time, this periodical was allowed to ap
pear again only on condition that it should be subject
to the personal revision of the viceroy.

64 ' Escepto en casos muy estraordinarios, para no perjudicar a la Oaceta
de Mexico, que era la que tenia el privilegio de publicarlas. ' Lerdo de Tejada,
Apunt. Hist., pt v. 344. The editor of this gazette was Juan Lopez Cance-
lada, author of several philippics against Iturrigaray, and whom Bustamante
calls an 'espafiol irrequieto, atrevido y charlatan, que habia insultado al Virey.'
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 215.

CHAPTER III.

ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

1808.

THE AYUNTAMIENTO CLAIMS SOVEREIGNTY or THE PEOPLE — A NATIONAL
CONGRESS PROPOSED — OPPOSITION OF THE AUDIENCIA — GLAD TIDINGS
FROM THE PENINSULA — FOUR MEMORABLE JUNTAS — RIVAL SPANISH
JUNTAS — ANGRY DEBATES — CONSPIRACY TO DEPOSE THE VICEROY —
YERMO TAKES THE LEAD— ITURRIGARAY'S APATHY— A MIDNIGHT COUP
D'ETAT — THE VICEROY IN DURANCE — GARIBAY APPOINTED HIS SUCCES
SOR — FATE OF ITURRIGARAY'S SUPPORTERS — HE is SENT TO SPAIN —
His RICH SWEETMEATS — INDICTMENT FOR TREASON — ACQUITTAL— RE-
SIDENCIA — HEAVY FINES — CHANGE OF OPINIONS— THE SENTENCE AN
NULLED — ITURRIGARAY'S INTENTIONS ANALYZED — BIBLIOGRAPHY.

THUS stand matters in Mexico in 1808. The times
are out of joint. Tradition is failing. Old maxims
no longer hold good. The minds of men are dimmed
by the dust arising from the clash and clatter of events.
Born in ignorance; cradled amidst the occult forces of
nature ; looking along the centuries for that power and
protection from the creature found only in the creator
—it has taken all these thousands of years for man to
find out his mistake, to find out that all men come into
the world on terms of equality,^ that no man or class
of men are born almighty, either by virtue of blood,
inheritance, occupation, or wealth, and that all have
equal rights.

At length the time has come. All the world is
astir, and Mexico must be moving. Three centuries
back there had been a grand awakening, one of those
spasms of progress in which intellect is wont to disiri-
thrall itself; now there is at hand another. Half the

UO)

ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS. 41

world are in arms. The few are fighting to be mas
ter; the many are struggling to be free. The result
is predetermined.

In Mexico opinion is becoming somewhat clarified;
ideas are coalescing and action concentrating, particu
larly in the capital. And yet all is dim and indistinct
enough. The leaven of liberty is- working; but be
ware the fangs of superstition, beware the sword of
Spain, beware the dungeons of the inquisition and
tortures beyond the grave ! And where shall be found
a leader? Here is opportunity; where is the man?

Perhaps through Iturrigaray's brain run ambitious
dreams. As likely there as anywhere. He is none
too good to play the part of traitor to his king; though
if successful revolution makes of him a thing for popu
lar worship, he is indeed in a dilemma, for nature has
not endowed him with one spark of nobility or patri
otism. Most justly upon the head of this vile repre
sentative of a vile monarchy has fallen the curse of the
colonists. He and his associates, like their master,
have made themselves rich over the ruin of the most
industrious and worthy of Spain's subjects. Yet he
may be deemed useful. A bad man is sometimes
better for the furtherance even of a good cause than
a good man. But Iturrigaray is a coward and a
hypocrite — a man not the best either for traitor or
patriot. He has no thought of self-sacrifice; on the
contrary, should he perchance make Mexico free, he
must be well paid for it. Mexico may be freed from
France, from Spain perchance; but not from him, not
from Spain's officials. If he can save Mexico to
Spain, of course Fernando, or whoever may be at
Madrid to draw and spend the revenues, will remem
ber it. So day after day this dog waits to see which
way the French cat will jump.

When the intelligence reaches Mexico that the
Spanish crown has slipped from the fingers of Span
ish kings, it seems to the people as if the earth was
loosened from its orbit. Groups of anxious men,

42 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

greatly concerned about their fate, gather in the
streets and discuss the situation. Public meetings —
a rare occurrence in that quarter — begin frequently
to be held, at which much is said and nothing done.
Placards are posted by the several factions of city
government, cautiously hinting their own views, or
feeling for the views of others. There is manifest
every phase of feeling from loyalty, wholly or partially,
to independence, wholly or partially. Pasquinades
are sent to high officials, and some even propose a
crown for Iturrigaray.1

On the 19th of July, at the suggestion of the regi-
dor Azcarate, the municipal authorities presented to
the viceroy a memorial,2 claiming that as the throne
of Spain was not occupied by the lawful sovereign,
the government devolved upon the people, and that
the city of Mexico, as the metropolis and representa
tive of all New Spain, would sustain the rights of the
deposed house. The address concluded with the
request that the viceroy would assume provisionally
the government of the kingdom, and that he would
surrender it neither to any foreign power, nor to
Spain herself while under foreign rule; and that he
would not receive any other viceroy or accept a new
appointment from the usurping power.3

1 On the 9th of August the consulado of Mexico addressed a petition to
Iturrigaray requesting him to adopt measures for the suppression of these
seditious demonstrations. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 511.

2 "Bajo de mazas y en coches.' Bustamante, Suplemento, in Cavo, Tres
Siglos, iii. 228.

3 ' Pidiendose al Exmo. Senor Virrey que interin llega el momento felis de
que saiga de Francia S. M. y Altesas, 6 el Reyno elije persona de la Keal
familia para que lo mande y govierne como su Key y Senor natural, permanesca
de Virrey Gobernador y Capitan General de esta Nueva Espafia, entendien-
dose con la calidad de provicional, sin poderlo entregar a Potencia alguna
extrangera, ni a la misma Espana aun quando para ello se le presenter, ordenes
o del Serior Carlos quarto 6 del Principe de Asturias bajo la deriominacion tie
Fernando Septimo antes de salir de Espana,. . .que no entregue tampoco el
Virreynato y Govierno del Reyno a ningun Virrey que hayan iiombrado el
inismo Sefior Carlos quarto 6 Principe de Asturias: . . .Que aun quando S. E.
inismo sea continuado en el Virreynato por Real orden de S. M. 6 de Prin
cipe de Asturias. . .no la obedesca ni cumpla, sino que continue encargado
provicionalmente en el mando del Reyno.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.
i. 477-8. Such were the expressions contained in the address of the ayunta-

EVOLUTION OF OPINION. 43

Iturrigaray received the address graciously, affirm
ing that he would shed the last drop of his blood in
the protection of the country, and that he was ready
to take the oath of loyalty.4 A crowd had gathered,
for all was done openly, and when the viceroy dis
missed the regidores the people shouted, and among
them largess was liberally flung by supporters of the
project. The audiencia did not like it, and their wrath
waxed hot when, during the day, Iturrigaray laid the
address before the real acuerdo and asked their vote
upon the matter.5 The ayuntamiento was presump
tuous; further, the members were mostly Creoles. So
the audiencia rejected the proposition, as contrary to
law and the public weal,6 thereby bringing chagrin
upon Iturrigaray, who of course regarded with favor
a change which would have secured him in power,
whatever turn affairs might take.7

As nearly as we can interpret ideas so vague as
were these in the minds of those who held them,
the several shades of opinion, of inclination, hope,
fantasy, were somewhat as follows : The viceroy

miento to the viceroy, the whole of which interesting document is supplied
by Davalos, who expresses his thanks to Jose' Maria Andrade for his kindness
in furnishing him with a copy of it.

4 ' Termin6 pues esta escena, en la que todo estaba convenido, de antema,no
entre el virey y Azcarate.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 170.

5 Copy of note to the real acuerdo will be found in Hernandez y Davalos,
CoL Doc., i. 486.

6 In the reply of the real acuerdo, these words are used: 'Aquel nombra-
miento provisional y juramento, debilitarian mas bien que afirmarian aquellos
sagrados inalterables vinculos y constituirian un gobierno precario expuesto
a variaciones, y tal vez d, caprichos ahora 6 en lo venidero, y por tanto seria
ademas de ilegal, impolftico este paso.' The viceroy is advised .to assure the
ayuntamiento 'que cuando convenga y nos hallemos en circunstancias que lo
eidjan, no se desentenderci V. E. ni este Real Acuerdo de convocar 6 al cuerpo
entero 6 a sus representantes. ' Hernandez y Davalos, CoL Doc., i. 487,

7 On the occasion of the ayuntamiento having sent two commissioners to
the viceroy a few days afterward, one, the marque's de Uluapa, as affirmed by
the alcalde Fagoaga, reported to the corporation that he had protested to the
viceroy 'que el ayuntamiento no descansaria hasta colocarlo sobre el trono.'
Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 173. A short time later, in the disposal of civil and
military positions Iturrigaray's assumption of prerogatives never before exer
cised by any viceroy caused grov/ling. 'Tales disposiciones se citaban como
ejemplares del poder soberano que empezaba d ejcrcer el virey y como esca-
lones para el trono a que intentaba subir.' Id., 233-4. Jose" Lnis Alconedo,
a silversmith, was charged with making a crown for Iturrigaray's coronation.
Id., 295. Guerra disbelieves in Iturrigaray's aspirations to a throne. Hist,
fav. N. Esp., i. 70.

44 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

thought that almost any change would be beneficial
to him so long as he remained at the head of affairs.

If the people desired him to hold the country for
Spain — well; Spain would hardly object to that. If
France was to rule, then he could be for France — par
ticularly if Godoy was on good terms with Napoleon.
And even if New Spain broke into full rebellion, de
clared absolute independence, and he could be their
king or president — why, that would be well too; and
if afterward France or Spain should prove too much
for Mexico, then he had only done his best for
France or Spain.

The audiencia, the church, the inquisition, all sus
pected the viceroy, and regarded with contempt the
ayuntamiento. If there was to be a change, each of
these powers desired to be at the head; they were
each determined at the least not to lose what influ
ence they had, and to gain as much more as possible.
In regard to the people, the military, officers of the
government, ecclesiastics, and the rest, there was
held every phase of ideas. The sympathies of some
were with Fernando; many prided themselves in
their loyalty to Spain; all hated France; the bolder
dreamed of actual independence. The Creoles and
the viceroy acted together in favor of a national con
gress, but for widely different ends: the former being
for the liberty of the nation, the latter for personal
aggrandizement. One looked to the representative
body as the first movement toward securing that
quality of self-government so lately secured by the
United States ; the other regarded it only as an agent
to do him service— perhaps to place upon his head a
crown, either in his own name or in the name of Spain.

Out of these several phases of opinion arose several
factions. But the two great final divisions, of course,
were the royalists, who would have America always
ruled by Europe, and the independents, who would
have America always free. In the main, the Span
iards in America belonged to the former faction, and

HATRED OF THE FRENCH. 45

tlie Creoles to the latter. Yet, when it came to im
portant ecclesiastical, political, or commercial bodies,
whose pecuniary or other interests were paramount
to those of birth and blood, this distinction did not
hold good. Thus it was that at each step in march
ing events, new issues divided anew people and opin
ion; and so matters progressed until principles and
positions could be more defined.

The feeling between the audiencia and the ayunta-
miento increasing, Iturrigaray threatened to resign;
but he was easily dissuaded by his friends. Peace
was not restored, however, and finally the alcalde de
corte, Villa Urrutia, suggested that, the infante Don
Pedro be invited to assume the government as regent.
This proposal did not, however, meet with approval,
whereupon he proposed to call a representative junta
of the kingdom, the supreme authority remaining
with the viceroy when necessary. The audiencia re
jected this proposition also. But Urrutia's scheme
was submitted to the authorities of several places, and
was not unfavorably received. Even the ayunta-
mierito of Vera Cruz, whose members and policy were
almost wholly European, saw no objection to it; while
the authorities of Jalapa and Queretaro expressed
their willingness to send deputies at once to the pro
posed congress.

Meanwhile a vessel had arrived at Vera Cruz, with
information that Spain had risen against Napoleon.
The news reached the capital on the night of the 28th
of July, and at daylight guns were fired, bells were
rung, and all was joy. The enthusiasm was universal,
for Napoleon was much hated, as I have said.8 Alle-

8 To illustrate the detestation in which Napoleon was held, it will be suffi
cient to quote from the dedication in a published exhortation of the cura of
Pure"pero in Michoacan to his flock on the 15th of August of this same year.
'A Napoleon Bonaparte ex ecracion delos pueblos espanoles,'and after inform
ing the 'infame corzo ' that this small and remote parish had proclaimed for
Fernando VII. , he concludes: ' Desiste pues, desisto, oh monstruo de ambicion,
de tus delirios, porque la America espanola esta bien penetrada de tu caracter
impio, feroz y sanguinario: y te aborrece como a furia desatada del abismo,
que solo espira a destriur la religion verdadera, la moral sana, y la f elicidad tern-

43 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

glance to Fernando VII. was proclaimed, and volun
teer corps were ready to aid him in escaping from the
meshes in which he was entangled,9 while Godoy and
Napoleon were burnt in effigy.10

Thus it would seem that the first cry for indepen
dence is smothered by hatred of an invader and loyal
sympathy for a fallen' monarch. But we may see now
how a bad man may help a good cause. Iturrigaray
hates Fernando, though he pretends to serve him. If
he does not secretly favor the French, he is easily
reconciled to their success so long as his patron Go
doy is permitted to worship before Napoleon. Nev
ertheless, the viceroy puts on a smiling face, and is
wheeled in a chariot of state through the city, accom
panied by over two thousand horsemen, who publicly
offer their services in defence of the Spanish sover
eign. The viceroy is gracious, and praises their
horsemanship and their steeds; nevertheless, he does
not fail to reiterate soon after that Spain could not
resist the arms of France. Such speech and conduct
on the part of the chief ruler is the surest road to
revolution, and the viceroy is well aware of it.11

The question now arose whether to recognize the
junta governing at Seville in the name of Fernando.
The viceroy convoked a general council, composed of
the audiencia, the ayuntamiento, the different tribu
nals, the archbishop, and the most prominent members
of the community. On the 9th of August the junta

poral de los pueblos. Tu mas mortal enemigo. Filopatro Angelopolitano.'
Diario de Mex., xii. 219.

9 Id., ix. 165-8, 343-4; Orizava, Libra Cur., MS., 2-3; Pap. Var.. xxxvi.,
no. Ixviii., ii. 21-2. The sindico procurador proposed that $12,000,000 be em
ployed in effecting the escape of Fernando from France; six million to be
paid to the commander of the fortress in which he was confined if he would
conduct him to Vienna and thence to England ; and six million to that nation
for his safe conveyance to Vera Cruz. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 489-
90. El real cuerpo de mineria, or mining corporation, offered to provide at
its own expense 100 pieces of field artillery and equip and maintain eight
companies to work them. Id., i. 505-6.

10 'En 1° de Agosto del afio de 1808 quemaron en estatuas al traidor de
Godoi, y al intruso Emperador de los franceses Bonaparte.' Orizaba, Libro
Cur., MS., 1.

11 JBustamante. Suplemento Hist. Hex., in Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 230; Ala-
man, Hist. Mex., i. 181.

LOYALTY TO SPAIN. 47

met. The discussions were warm, the viceroy being
somewhat ill-tempered. Verdad, the syndic of the
ayuntamiento, proposed the establishment of a provi
sional government, still maintaining the previous the
ory that in the absence of a legitimate monarch the
sovereignty reverted to the people. These views were
strenuously opposed by the audiencia, which repre
sented the Spanish faction, arid regarded Verdad's ex
pressions as seditious.12 Allegiance to Fernando was
agreed upon, and he was proclaimed king of Spain
and the Indies; an oath was taken to obey no orders
proceeding from the emperor of the French or his rep
resentatives; and the viceroy was recognized as the
king's lieutenant in New Spain, the audiericia and
other royal tribunals retaining their authority. These
decisions were drawn up in the form of an act, which
was signed by those present.13

A disturbance occurred at Vera Cruz, occasioned
by the arrival of a French vessel bearing despatches
from Joseph Bonaparte. The ship was fired upon
from Ulua, and was not allowed to enter port until
she had lowered her colors and hoisted a white flag.
When the documents were read they were found to
contain orders of Joseph, confirming in their several
positions the Mexican authorities in that port, and
extending to them various favors. The despatches

12 Rev. Verdadero Origan, no. ii. 34-7.

13 See copy of the act in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 513-16.
There are eighty-two signatures, comprising those of the viceroy, archbishop,
oidores, and principal authorities. It was declared null by the audiencia of
Guadalajara, Id., i. 534; while Riano, the intendente of Guanajuato, consid
ered that certain expressions might be improperly interpreted, ' pueden mo-
tivar alguna siuiestra inteligencia que conviene evitar.' Id., i. 529. On the
llth of August Iturrigaray proclaimed the result. The document was se
verely criticised by Fray Melchor de Talamantes, of whose political tenden
cies mention will be made later. Talamantes charges the viceroy with having
his own interest more at heart than those of the kingdom. ' Qu<§ debe espe-
rarse de vos,' he asks, ' que habeis velado hasta ahora sobre vuestras propios
intereses y no sobre los del reino y en su organizacion; que no habeis tenido
otra ley que vuestros caprichos, que solo habeis consultado a vuestras diver-
siones y paseos mirando con indiferencia la administracion piiblica. ' Id. , i.
510-7, where see copy of the proclamation with Talamantes' annotations. On
the 13th of August allegiance to Fernando was expressed by a celebration in
his honor, solemnized by religious ceremonies, and enlivened by processions
and illuminations. Id., i. 518-19; Gaz. de Mej., 1308, xv. 508-70.

48 ITURKIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

were burned in the plaza. A rumor having spread
that two commissioners by this vessel were secreted
in the house of Ciriaco Ceballos, the comandante of
the port, a mob broke into and plundered it. The
host was taken to the house to allay the tumult, but
the crowd was only dispersed by a heavy fall of rain.14
Iturrigaray heard of it on the 13th of August, the
day on which the oath of allegiance to Fernando was
taken, and it ought to have been a warning.15

On the 30th two commissioners from the junta of
Seville arrived at Mexico demanding recognition of
its sovereignty over New Spain.16 They were Juan
Gabriel Jabat, a naval commander, and bitter enemy
of Iturrigaray,17 and Colonel Tomds de Jauregui, a
brother of the viceroy's wife. They were instructed
to arrest the viceroy in case he refused compliance.
A junta was convened on the following day, at which
Iturrigaray expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone
and want of courtesy of the despatch.13 The debate
which ensued was warm and lengthy, and tended in
no way to procure harmony. Oidor Aguirre pro-

14 ' Lo que realmente resfri6 a los amontinados, y los disolvi6, fu£ un fuer-
tfsimo aguacero, que hubo en aquella liora.' Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no.
xxxvi. 535. Bustamante states that the tumult was occasioned by the indis
creet action of Ceballos, who prohibited under pain of death any one from
visiting the French ship. This gave offence to the sailors in Vera Cruz, and
led to the sacking of Ceballos' house: 'la chusma marinera. . .arrojd sus
muebles a la calle, quem6 su quitrin, y rob<5 sus pianos de la comision hidro-
grafica que habia levantado, y juntamente una porcion de instrumentos de
marina. ' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 232-3.

15 ' El modo facil con que se inici6 la asonada, y que manifestaba el grado
de exaltacion en que se hallaban los animos, indico al virey lo predispuesto
que estaba el pueblo a lanzarse a la revolucion. ' Negrefp, Mex. Si/jlo XIX. , i. ,
89. This author states that it was believed in Vera Cruz that Jose" Miguel
de Azanza, formerly viceroy, and at this time minister of war of Joseph
Bonaparte, had arrived on the French vessel.

18 Three days before, Iturrigaray had deemed it advisable to issue a proc
lamation exhorting the people to maintain allegiance to Fernando and unite
in resisting Napoleon. Diario, Mex. , ix. 239-42.

17 i porque este le habia hecho salir mal de su grado dos auos antes para
Espana, porque queria percibir los sueldos sin trabajar.' Cavo, Tres Siglos,
iii. 233.

18 Villa Urrutia thus expresses himself: 'Celebr6se la junta, se vieron los
papeles de aquella' — the junta of Seville — 'reducidos a una proclama, y a
dos ordenes en tono soberano, confirmando la una a todos en sus respectivos
empleos, y mandando por la otra qe se embiasen los caudales qe ubiese.'
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 535-6.

JUNTAS CONVENED. 49

posed that in all matters belonging to the war and
treasury departments, the sovereignty of the Seville
junta should be acknowledged, but not in those of
patronage and justice. These views were opposed by
the Marques de Rayas and Villa Urrutia,on the ground
that the sovereignty was indivisible. Although the
plurality of votes was in favor of Aguirre's motion,
the result was ineffective, owing to further complica
tions caused by the arrival that same niodit of de-

«/ O

spatches from deputies of the junta of Oviedo, which,
like that of Seville, claimed royal authority, as holders
of the crown for the lawful king of Spain.19 On Sep
tember the 1st the viceroy summoned another coun
cil, at which he stated that Spain was in a state of
anarchy, since all juntas wished to be supreme. The
complication caused by the claim of two separate
Spanish juntas to the supreme power led to a sus
pension of action, and a resolution to wait for further
news was passed. But the indiscreet language of the
viceroy was construed into a hint that he intended to
depose Aguirre and Bataller and other oidores,2a and
it was suspected that he was fully aware of nightly
meetings which were now being held by the faction
opposed to him, and at which were discussed plans
of overthrowing him.

Again and for the last time Iturrigaray convened a
junta on the 9th of September. The main point dis
cussed was the convocation of a general congress and
the establishment of a provisional government. Great
confusion marked the proceedings. Villa Urrutia was
the main promoter of the idea, and to him were

19 Id., i. 536; Negrete, Mex. Siylo XfX., i. 102-104. Called by Villa
Urrutia 'la junta de Asturias.' Pap. Var., clvii., no. xxxiv. 7.

20 Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, 30-7. The fiscal Borbon, in a long address,
made use of expressions highly flattering to Iturrigaray, whom he called the
vicegerent of the king. 'Bien, bien,' replied the viceroy, 'pues si yo lo soy,
cada uno de V. SS. guarde su puesto, y no extraue si con alguno, 6 algunoa
tomo providencias. ' 13ustama>/te,in.Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 235; Rev. Verdadero

., ii. 38. Guerra ascribes still stronger language to Iturrigaray. 'Cada
uno guarde su puesto, que yo hare" que todas lo guarden, y si se viere que
hago alguna demostracion con algunos Senores, no sera extraiio porque
habra fundamento para ello.' Rev. de N. Esp., i. 93.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 4

50 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

opposed the three fiscales, Francisco Xavier Borbon,
Ambrosio Zagarzurieta, and Francisco Robledo, all
of whose opinions and votes were read before the
junta. The eldest inquisitor denounced the pro
posed convention as seditious.21 The oider Miguel
Bataller looked to Villa Urrutia to reply to the
objections, upon which the oidor Aguirre proposed
that those favoring the junta should confine them
selves to the discussion of five points, namely: the
authority to convoke it; the necessity of so doing;
the benefit to be derived; the persons who should
compose the congress; and whether their votes should
be decisive. The city procurator-general, Agustin
Rivero, then boldly stated that although the syndic
could only represent the plebeian element, he him
self, from the nature of his appointment, could be
the representative of the other classes. This caused
additional commotion. The archbishop at once ex
pressed his utter disapproval of such a claim, while
others also vociferously denounced it. And he said
further: "If such dissension is occasioned by the
simple suggestion, to what extent will matters go if
it be realized?" He then declared himself opposed
to a convocation, although he had previously been in
clined to favor it. While discussion was at its height,
a voice was heard: "If the municipalities are not
convoked they will assemble of their own accord."
By some this bold speech was attributed to Rivero.22
Meanwhile the viceroy maintained an affable de
meanor toward all. He even condescended to ex
plain that he had been informed that some of his
expressions at the last junta had caused offence, had
been regarded as a threat against certain members;
and thereupon he declared that his language was only

!l ' SostendreV he said, ' que tales juntas son por su naturaleza
b k lo me"nos peligrosas y del todo inutiles.' Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii.
38.

22 ' Pero como el senor fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta, redarguyera al in-
stante aquella proposicion sediciosa. . .y siguiera el confuso murmullo, quedo
sin apurarse.' lb.; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. C32.

INDISCRETION OF THE VICEROY. 51

directed against the authors of certain pasquinades
of a seditious character.

During this session the rumored intention of the
viceroy to resign was brought forward. The regidor
Antonio Mendez Prieto23 arose; and having stated
that such a report had reached the ayuntamiento,
requested Iturrigaray, if he had such intention, to
reconsider the matter and remain at the head of
affairs, since grievous evils would be certain to follow
at such a critical time, if the country were left with
out a chief so capable of defending it. The viceroy
said he wished to resign; he was getting old and diffi
culties were thickening — all the same he had no in
tention of laying aside sweet authority. Then Ver-
dad spoke in support of the representations of Prieto,
and after a few words from Rivero and Uluapa, a pro
found silence reigned while they were waiting to hear
from the opposition. Not a word came from them,
however, and Iturrigaray finally ordered the business
of the junta to proceed.24 The debate continued, but
with no other result than to increase feeling between
the two factions.

Had the viceroy at this crisis exhibited a prudent re
straint the storm might have passed ; but he persisted
in a congreso consultivo, and had indeed already on
the 1st of the month issued circulars to the ayunta-
mientos of the principal cities, instructing them to
send deputies to the capital. His assumption of pre
rogatives, moreover, his failure to seek the approval
of the acuerdo, and his order for troops to move from
Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to the capital, confirmed

23 Called by Zainacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 48, Antonio Mendez Cano.

2 'The viceroy was at this time 60 years of age. The silence of the other
members of the junta was held as indicating their wish that he should resign.
That he never had any intention of doing so may be drawn from the fact that
a few days later, assuming a prerogative never claimed by preceding viceroys,
he appointed Garcia Davila mariscal de campo, and Jose" Maria Laso to be
Superintendent of the real aduana, besides granting a subsidy of 400,000
pesos from the royal treasury to the consulado of Vera Cruz for the continu
ation of the road to that port. This administrative act was done independ
ently of the approval of the junta superior as required by law. Rev. Verda-
duro Oriyen, no. ii. 39.

52 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

opinion that his intention was ultimately to govern
without dependence on the crown. The party op
posed to him, therefore, determined to hasten their
plans. There was organized against him what the
viceroy would probably call a conspiracy.25 Those
composing it were mostly European Spaniards, and
were supported by the commercial class. Believing
that the convocation of a national congress, deter
mined upon by the viceroy, would bring to a conclu
sion Spanish rule in Mexico, they resolved to stifle
all tendency to what they might call disloyalty to
Spain, by the seizure of the viceroy and his principal
supporters. Gabriel de Yermo, a native of Vizcaya,
and warmly attached to the party of the oidores, was
selected as their leader. Nor was the choice ill made.
Courageous, energetic, possessed of ability and cau
tion, Yermo was in every respect the man to take
the lead. Moreover, he had at his command wealth,
and the affection of liberated slaves and other de
pendents on his large estates.26 Though he con
sidered that the condition of affairs required a des
perate remedy, he did not immediately accept the
invitation of the conspirators to put himself at their
head. Having, however, consulted with his confessor,
he at last expressed his willingness to act as their
leader, and as no time was to be lost, he acted prompt
ly.27 At a close meeting it was determined that the

z5Negrete, Hex. Siglo XIX., i. 108.

M GabrielJoaquin de Yermo was born in the neighborhood of Bilbao on
the 10th of September, 1757. He married his cousin Maria Joscfa Yermo in
Mexico, who had inherited from her father valuable sugar-cane haciendas in the
valley of Cuernavaca. On the birth of his son Jfose" Maria in 1790, he liber
ated his negro and mulatto slaves to the number of more than 400, and again
in 1797, when he purchased the estate of Jalmolonga, he enfranchised '200
more who belonged to it. The freedmen ever afterward exhibited underrating
fidelity and affection for him and the cause of the king of Spain. His success as
an agriculturist was well known in New Spain. Speaking in defence of his ac
tion in this conspiracy, he thus alludes to this occupation: 'He sido y soy
puramente un agricultor industrioso, cuya riqueza tal cual es, dimana exclu-
sivamente de los frutos de mis haciendas, mcjoradas en mi poder extraordi-
nariamente, como sabetoda la Nueva Espana.' Pap. Far., xxxvi., no. Ixviii.,
ii. 54-9; Cancelada, in Id., ccxv., no. iii., xliv.-l. ; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 238.
He died in Mexico on the 7th of September, 1813, being nearly 56 years of
age. Id., i. 503.

27 Iturrigaray's defenders assert that Yermo's decision was influenced by

YERMO AS LEADER. 53

person of the viceroy should be seized, and the govern
ment of the country held for Spain. Yerrno told his
associates that if he took the lead the affair must be
conducted without display of any rancorous feelings,
that bloodshed must be avoided, and the proposed
coup d'etat accomplished in a single night.

Assembling in the city a force composed of faithful
laborers on his estate,28 he next proceeded to gain over
the officers of the palace guard. This force was com
posed of a company drawn from the infantry regiment
organized and paid by the merchants of the capital,29
who moreover had the appointment of the officers.
These, being selected from the commercial class, were
with few exceptions devoted to the European faction,
and it would not be difficult to win over the officers of a
single company. The troops of the viceroy were al
ready drawing near to the city, and the active conspira
tors, who numbered three hundred, appointed the
night of the 14th of September. The viceroy had
been several times warned of the plot, and had it not
been for his egotism, apathy, and obstinacy, he might
have prevented it.30

resentment against the viceroy for interfering with his interests as a contrac
tor for meat for the city, and because the viceroy was active in prompting the
sequestration of the estates of the benevolent institutions to which his own
property was mortgaged in the sum of 400,000 pesos. Yermo, moreover, had
taken an active part in a suit brought by the producers of aguardiente to pro
tect themselves against a heavy and irregularly imposed tax upon that liquor.
By the extreme and free opinions which he expressed on the subject, he in
curred the anger of the viceroy, who ordered his imprisonment, from which
ho wao only saved by the influence of one of his countrymen, who was a friend
of Iturrigaray. Alaman defends Yermo against the charge that personal mo
tives influenced him in the action he took against the viceroy. Id., i. 239-43.
NcgrcuG takes a different view. Hex. Siglo XIX., i. 118-19; Rev. N. E$p.t Ver-
dade.ro Origen, no. ii. 53-6.

23 Hustamante, in making mention of this fact, apologizes to Yermo's family
for doing so. ' Protesto . . . no es mi animo ofender en nada a la virtuosa
famil a do aquel ciudadano, justamenteapreciada hoy en Mexico.' Cavo, Tres
Si'jh*, iii. 238.

™ ' 'ailed cl regimiento del comercio. Each day a company of this regi
ment formed the guard of the viceregal palace.

au ' Conduciase en toclo como un hombre narcotizado. ' B ustamante, Cuadro
7/i.sf., i., carta la, 5. A month before Bustamante had informed Iturrigaray
thr.t a conspiracy was on foot to seize his person and depose him, but the
viceroy paid no heed to him. A woman, also, presented a paper to him one
d.:y ai3 he was leaving the palace and implored him to read it, as it revealed
a plot to make him captive. Others warned him to no purpose. Cavo, Tres

54 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

Plans for the 14th were frustrated by the fears of
Juan Gallo, captain of the guard, who, while sympa
thizing with the movement, refused to join in such
arbitrary measures, though he promised not to betray
them. They therefore tried Santiago Garcia, who
would be in command on the following day. He also
at first refused to admit them into the palace, but was
finally won over by the arguments of his lieutenant,
Luis Granados, the captain of the artillery, who ac
cepted a bribe of eight thousand pesos.31

Thus all was made ready. The oidores 32 were ad
vised of the meditated attack, and the conspirators,
who had assumed the name of Volunteers of Fernan
do VII., and were afterward distinguished by the
appellation of Cbaquetas,33 cautiously assembled in the
portal de las Flores at 12 o'clock on the night of the
15th.34 Yermo placed himself at the head, and they
proceeded silently to the palace gates. The guard
had been locked up in their quarters, and the senti
nels at the entrance stood mute and motionless.35
Connected on the north side with the palace stood
the court prison, and the sentinel on guard there, not

Siglos, iii. 236-7. Iturrigaray states in his defence that at the commence
ment of the conspiracy a youth unknown to him informed him that the oidorea
were forming a design to seize him. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 244-5.

31 This, according to the statement of Iturrigaray. Alaman discredits the
assertion. Granados was afterward banished by Garibay to Acapulco, where
he died shortly after. Id., i. 240. Bustamante accepts Iturrigaray 's state
ment. * Captain D. Luis Granados estaba vendido d la faccion, y en la tarde
liabia mandado al mismo Palacio ochenta artilleros para que hiciesen cartuchos
y tuviesen la artilleria d punto. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, \ iii. 236.

32 With regard to previous and final communications with the oidores, con
sult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii., no. vii. , 211-24.

33 Referring to the jackets worn as part of their uniform.

31 The portal de las Flores was opposite the palace; but the conspirators
were screened by the parian which intervened. Bustamante states that mauy
of them went to the archbishop 'd recibir su bendicion, les deseo buen suceso,
y exhort6 como si fuesen d guerra de moros.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 237.
Alaman denies this. Negrete considers that the conspirators actually did re
ceive the archbishop's benediction. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 117.

35 The mayor de plaza, Coroiiel Juan de Noriega, was afterward charged
with having been bribed, and having cooperated with the conspirators by
giving orders that the troops should not leave their quarters on that night.
Noriega defended himself by depositions taken from a number of the princi
pal actors. lu 1821 his family caused this vindication of his character to be
printed and published, a copy of which is to be found in Pap. Var., clvii.,
no. xxxiii. Consult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii. 218-19.

CHARACTER OF ITURRIGARAY. 55

being in the secret, challenged them as they ap
proached. Receiving no reply, he fired on them, and
was preparing to reload when he was shot down.36
Recovering from this mishap, they entered the palace
without further opposition; and notwithstanding the
two shots which had been fired without, they found
Iturrigaray asleep in his chamber. Aroused, the
viceroy found himself a prisoner, and having given up
the keys of his cabinets, he was conducted with his
two eldest sons in a carriage to the inquisition, and
lodged in the house of the inquisitor Prado. His
wife and two children of tender age were at the same
time conveyed to the nunnery of San Bernardo.37

Thus fell this vacillating viceroy, whose medioc
rity of character, courage, and ability rendered him
signally unfit to govern during this most critical pe
riod. Intriguing but feeble in design, ambitious
but timid, he could neither skilfully plan nor boldly
execute, while his temporizing policy encouraged his
enemies and disappointed his friends. Had he at the
first adopted with decision the views of either faction,
and supported them by positive measures, he would
doubtless have retained control of affairs. Although
the arbitrariness of his final acts, and his intention to
concentrate forces in the capital, seem to indicate that
at last he had determined to support the Creole party
with a view to independence, his want of caution in
allowing his action to outstrip his power to maintain
it by the presence of troops which he could rely upon
was his ruin, and he was seized in the viceregal palace

36 Bustamante makes the strange assertion that this sentinel, whose name
was Miguel Garrido, after having fired, attacked them with his bayonet, and
that they fled ' como timidas palomas;' but that they afterward attacked him
from behind as he was returning, and wounded and disarmed him. But Busta
mante is here strongly partisan, and not to be trusted.

37 A few days later Iturrigaray was removed to the convent of the Bethle-
hemites. His fall, without tho effusion of blood, was considered by many as
miraculous. 'Muchos — acaso los mas de estos habitantes — atribuyen tan feliz
suceso a la milagrosisima Madre de Dios Guadalupana, cuya No vena en su
Sautuario, acaba de verificarse, y en la que las almas devotas derramaron
muchas lagrimas pidie"ndole el remedio de los males que nos amenazaban.'
Gaz. Mex., xv. 688-9.

56 ITURKIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

when his regiments were almost at its gates, by a
band of civilians led by a wealthy farmer.33

No sooner had the successful chaquetas lodged their
prisoner within the walls of the inquisition, than they
summoned the archbishop, oidores, and other author
ities to council, and demanded the deposal of the
viceroy. By six o'clock in the morning of the 16th
their decision had been given. Iturrigaray had been
deposed, and the mariscal de campo, Pedro Garibay,
appointed as his successor ad interim. At seven
o'clock a proclamation to that effect was posted on all
the corners of the capital by order of the archbishop as
president of the council.39 Then followed arrests of
the ex-viceroy's principal partisans, and other individ
uals suspected of revolutionary tendencies. Yerdad,

38 For a concise outline of Iturrigaray's administration, and the course of
action which led to his downfall, see Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep.,
i. 043-52. The document here used was published Nov. 9, 1808, and com
mented upon by the oidor Aguirre. Cancelada, the editor of the Gaz. Alex.,
xv. 687, thus holds up to praise the action of the merchants and their de
pendents: 'La Nueva Espaua sabra con el tiempo lo mucho que debe a todo
el Comercio de Mexico por esta accion, la cual se execut6 sin efusion de san-
gre:. . .Asi se sabe portar la Juventad (sic) espniiola reunida para exterminar
los malvados y proteger los hombres de bien.' Cancelada published this extra
number of his gazette without having submitted it to the revision of the oidor
decano as required by law. Garibay reprimanded him, and ordered him to
call in all the copies issued. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 222-6. Consult
Yermo's account of the viceroy's deposition addressed by him to the Spanish
junta. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 655-60.

39 A copy of the proclamation is found in Gaz. Hex., xv. 679-80. It in
forms the inhabitants of Mexico that ' El Pueblo se ha apoderado de la Persona
del Exmo Sefior Virrey: ha pedido imperiosamente su separacion por razones
de utilidad y conveniencia general: han convocado en la noche precedente a
este dia al Real Acuerdo, Illmo Sefior Arzobispo, y otras autoridades: se ha
cedido a la urgencia, y dando por separado del mando a dicho Virrey, ha re-
caido conforme a la Real Orden de 30 de Octubre de 1806, en el Mariscal de
Campo Don Pedro Garibay, interin se precede a la abertura de los pliegos de
Providencia. ' At eleven o'clock Garibay, according to this government or
gan, was recognized by all the government authorities. Id. The oidores in
their report to the junta de Sevilla, dated the 24th of September, represented
that on the 17th preceding the people demanded that the pliego de provi-
dencia should not be opened, but that Garibay should continue at the head
of the government. In accordance with this wish, the opening of the pliego
was deferred. In Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 239-42, is a copy of this report,
Lizarza gives a very different reason. He states that it was presumed that
the successor to Iturrigaray appointed in the pliego was the Marqu6s de Some-
ruelos, the governor of Habana; but that the audiencia were anxious to have
at their head Garibay, an octogenarian, to direct in such a crisis, and who
would offer no opposition to their views and measures. Discurso, 6-7.

THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 57

Azcdrate, and Rafael Ortega were imprisoned in the
archiepiscopal jail, and shortly afterward Francisco
Cisneros,40 the abbot of Guadalupe, the canon Jose
Mariano Beristain, Jose Antonio Cristo, and Fray
Melchor Talamantes of the order of la Merced.41

The new government at once proceeded to take pre
cautions to secure itself in its position. Despatches
were sent to all the principal cities with news of the
occurrences in the capital. Instructions were given
to the colonels of the regiments from Jalapa and
Nueva Galicia to fall back. Garcia Davila was
removed from his command as mariscal de campo,4'2
and the conde de Alcaraz appointed in his place.

40 Called by Alaman, Jos6 Cisceros. Hint. Mej., i. 250.

41 Talamantes was a native of Peru, and a strong advocate for independence,
as is proved by papers in his own handwriting which were seized at the time
of his capture, and among which was found the sketch of a plan of indepen
dence. It begins: ' El congreso nacional Americano debe cjercer todos los
derechos de la soberania;' and then the duties and power of the congress are
laid down in 13 items, which include extensive reforms in political, ciyil, and
ecclesiastical administrations, the regulation of commerce, and the promotion
of agricultural, mining, and manufacturing industries, 'quicandoles las tra-
bas. ' The last item in this interesting document is to the effect that an am
bassador should be sent to the U. S. 'a tratar de alianza y pedir auxilios.'
In another paper he uses these words: 'Aproximandose ya el tiempo de la in-
dependencia de este reino, debe procurarse que el congreso que se forme lleve
en si mismo, sin que pueda percibirse de los inadvertidos la semilla de esta
independeucia: pero de una independencia solida, durable, y que pueda sos-
tenerse sin dificultad y sin efusion de sangre.' Cancelada, Conducta IturrJr/a~
ray, 119-22. Alaman compared the above quoted documents with the origi
nals of Talamantes, which exist in the general archives. The friar was also
the author of a work entitled Hepresentacion de las Colonias, which he dedi
cated to the ayuntamiento of Mexico under the nom de plume of Irza, verda-
dero patriota. In this, the most important of his productions, he establishes
twelve cases in which a colony can with justice free itself from the molher
country. Hist, Mej., i. app. 36. Talamantes was conveyed on the Gth of April
to the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, where he was confined in irons. He died
shortly afterward of yellow fever, his jailers not having the compassion even
to remove his fetters during his sickness. Rivera, Hist. Jala/>a, i. 231. Za-
macois does not believe such unnecessary inclemency credible. /list. Mrj., vi.
63; Guerra states that <le aiiadieron otro par de grilles.' Rev. N . Esp., i. 230.
Bustamante asserts: 'No se le quitaron los grilles. . .hasta el momento de cn-
terrarlo. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 238. Verdad died in prison on the 4th
of October, 19 days after his capture, not without suspicions of having been
poisoned, while Azcarate was seized with an attack of epilepsy, induced, it
was also believed, by poison. He however recovered, and having vindicated
himself, was afterward set at liberty by Viceroy Venegas. Cisneros, Beristain,
and Cristo were liberated soon after their incarceration. Ib.; Kamacois, Hist.
Mcj., vi. 62-3; Rosa, Diwurso en la Alamcda, 11.

42 Davila, having obtained his appointment from Iturrigaray, had offered
to resign if the authorities deemed it advisable under the new order of
things. Gaz. Mex., xv. 700.

58 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

The dragoon regiment of Mexico was ordered in all
haste to the capital, and measures were taken to pre
serve public order and tranquillity. Nor were these
precautions unnecessary. Confusion and tumult pre
vailed in the city. Armed bodies of Creoles and
natives thronged the streets with threatening demon
strations, while fears were entertained that an attempt
at rescue would be made by a division of the Jalapa
regiment, whose captain, Joaquin Arias, and his
brother officers declared that they would liberate
Iturrigaray or perish in the attempt. They were
finally, however, dissuaded from their purpose. For
greater security Iturrigaray was removed to the fort
ress of San Juan de Ulua,43 being conducted thither
on the 21st by a guard of sixty soldiers of the volun
teers of Fernando VII. and fifty dragoons. A few
days later he was joined by his wife and family, and
on the 6th of December embarked with them on
board the San Justo for Cadiz. On his arrival at
that port he was confined in the castle of San Sebas
tian, whence he was removed to that of Santa Cata-
lina. There, impeached for treason, and accused of
extortion and maladministration, he awaited his trial.
Meanwhile, all the hoarded wealth in his palace be
sides other property was sequestrated,44 and the oidor

43 At attempt at rescue was made, of which Vicente Acufia was the insti
gator. Acufia was sent prisoner to Spain, where he was acquitted. Return
ing to Mexico three years later, he was arrested at Perote, 'and shot under
sentence of the council of war stationed there. Bustamante, Sup., Tres Sighs,
iii. 243-4.

44 His accumulations were immense. In three apartments of the palace
were found, besides a great quantity of diamonds, snuff-boxes, ornamental
bouquets, breakfast services, knives, forks, and spoons, all of solid gold, a
gold writing-desk, gold cigar-cases, and costly ornaments, trinkets, and
bric-a-brac almost without number. The silver ware was hardly less valuable;
no fewer than 50 dozen sets of plates, knives, forks, and spoons were found,
with corresponding dinner-services and table ornaments. Behind his cabinet
a box was discovered, labeled 'Dulce de Querdtaro.' The sweetmeats it con
tained were 7,383 gold ounces. In another chest was a massive circular ingot
of gold and a great variety of rare trinkets of the same metal, ' quo no serd,
muy comun hallarlas en los palacios de los monarcas.' In the corners of these
apartments were found more than 30,000 duros in bags. Moreover, among
the spoil were four interest-paying bonds of 100,000 duros each. (The cluro
was the same coin as the peso fuerte. ) Vcracruzano, i. 76-7. The editor of
this periodical states that the document from which the above particulars
are taken is a copy of the original manuscript. The same is to be found

TRIAL OF ITURRIGARAY. 59

Bataller was commissioned to draw up indictments.
The first process despatched to Spain, being hastily
prepared, was not couched in legal terms,45 and the
proceedings instituted were delayed until an instru
ment in proper form, supported by the necessary docu
ments, was obtained from New Spain, and it was not
until August 1809 that the trial proceeded.46 The ac
cusations were then divided into two classes, forming
two distinct suits, the prosecution for treason and the
residencia of the accused. On the 9th of November
following, Iturrigaray submitted his defence to the
council of the Indies, in which he claimed acquittal of
the charge of treason, on the ground that he had

tD * O

cleared himself of the accusations before the Spanish
junta central. With regard to his residencia, he main
tained that it ought not to be taken while he was in
captivity, with his salary suspended, his property se
questered, and his honor aspersed. He then petitioned
that he might be permitted to reside in the neighbor
hood of Cddiz, that the arrears of his salary should be
paid, or the income of his sequestrated capital be al
lowed him, and that the documents necessary for the
proof of his innocence be obtained.

Before any decision was arrived at, Iturrigaray ad
dressed a similar petition to the regency created by
the c6rtes January 29, 1810, and installed on the
island of Leon, requesting, moreover, permission to
reside with his family in Habana. This met with a
more speedy result, and his trial for treason was sus
pended and leave was granted him to reside in any
province of Spain which he might select, or in the

almost verbatim in Cancelada, Conducta fturrigaray, 88-91, and in Alaman
Hist. Mej. , i. app. 41-3, copied from Cancelada. Before the wife of Iturri
garay left Mexico she petitioned that the jewelry of which she had been de
prived, and the bonds of her children, might be returned to her, and also that
her husband's plate and ornaments be restored to him. The audiencia ac
ceded to her request as regarded the jewelry and plate, but refused to surren
der the bonds. Id., i. 260-1.

45 Pedimento del fiscal del consejo de Indias en la causa de Iturrigaray, in
Hernandez y Duvalos, Col. Doc., i. G93-4.

46 Id., i. G93-6.

60 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

Balearic Islands.47 Two days later, on February 12th,
a royal order was issued still more favorable to the
unfortunate man, now broken in health. By it the
sequestration of his property was removed, with the
exception of forty thousand pesos to be left on deposit
as a bond for his residencia. To this clemency the coun
cil of the Indies was strongly opposed, as being incon
sistent with the gravity of the case, and the fiscal, sup
ported by all the members of the council, requested the
regency to revoke the orders.43 No notice was taken
of this address, and Iturrigaray was released, when
he retired to Algeciras. On the 28th of October,
1810, however, the second regency having been elected,
orders were issued therefrom that he should again be
placed under arrest, his property sequestrated, and his
case proceeded with in the most expeditious manner.
It was, however, too late for this action to have any
effect. Iturrigaray 's property had already been re
turned to him, and apprehensive of the result if he
should again be arrested and put on trial, he crossed
over to Africa, leaving it to his wife and friends to
fight the case. These so successfully conducted mat
ters that after much debating he was allowed, by or
der of the cortes, on the 26th of November, the
benefit of the general pardon, which in the mean time
had been extended to the revolutionists in New Spain,
and the impeachment for treason was removed.

In the matter of his residencia, Iturrigaray did not
so fortunately escape. Ramon Oses, alcalde de corte
in the Mexican capital, was appointed his judge, and
as he was a man of high integrity, and had not been
a member of the audiencia when Iturrigaray was de
posed, Alaman is doubtless correct in concluding that
the investigation was conducted with fairness. Yet

*7Copy of the decree of the consejo de regencia, dated February 10, 1810,
is given in Rev. Verdadero Oriyen, no. ii. 47-8.

48 The fiscal advanced numerous reasons in support of the objection raised,
and concludes: 'Vuestro fiscal en su respuesta, qne apoya enteramente el
consejo, dice cuanto se halla de repugnante en derecho y politica a que se
lleve a efecto lo mandado en las Reales ordenes de diez y doce del corriente. '
Id., 49-50.

THE FAMILY ESTATE. 61

the late viceroy was mulcted in the sum of $435,413,
$119,125 of which he was condemned to pay as
the value of the invoice of goods which he illegally
introduced into New Spain on his arrival there in
1803. The other amount was for money fraudulently
obtained from the distribution of quicksilver, and sales
of offices and contracts, to each of which original sums
was added a fine of equal amount.49 To secure pay
ment, Iturrigaray's interests in the mining tribunal of
Mexico, amounting to $400,000, were attached.50 He
appealed to the council of the Indies, but the sentence
was confirmed by it in February 1819, and later by
the supreme tribunal of justice.51 Its execution, how
ever, was interrupted by the declaration of inde
pendence in 1821, and Iturrigaray having died a
short time before, his widow52 and family went to
Mexico and petitioned that the sentence might not
be carried out. The arguments now employed were
exactly opposite to those advanced by Iturrigaray,
who maintained that he had ever remained loyal to
Fernando.53 The family claimed that the deceased

49 He received from his quicksilver frauds $36,816. In 1806 and 1807
his receipts from illegal contracts for the manufacture of cigarette paper
amounted to $106,128. The legal price of this paper as sold from the factory
was $12 a ream. During the year mentioned it was raised to $13, one dollar
being paid by -the manufacturers to the viceroy for their monopoly. Id., 24-5;
Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 45-7. Zamacois, who copied extensively from
Alaman, has given in app. no. 7 of his Hist. Mej., vi., a verbatim duplicate of
the latter's appendix, but has failed to detect certain errors of Alaman.
Iturrigaray's wife was his principal agent in these nefarious transactions, and
into her hands most of the sums were paid. He feebly attempted to defend
his conduct by the support of precedents supplied by the action of his pre
decessors.

50 Bustamante states that the total amount in which Iturrigaray was con
demned was 384,241 pesos. Cuadro, Hist., i. 9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 265;
Sup. Cavo, Tres Sirjlos, iii. 245.

51 For copy of sentence, see Ateneo, Mej., i. 234.

52Bustamante writing in 1821 says: 'Con la muerte de dicho Gefe, su
f amilia se ha acabado de arruinar, y a la sazon en que escribo, yace su esposa
paralitica en una cama en Jae"n.' Cuadro, Hint., ed. 1823, i., carta la, 16.
Iturrigaray died in 1821, at the age of nearly 80 years. Neyreie, Hex. Siglo
XIX., i. 134.

53 Alaman met and conversed with Iturrigaray in Madrid in 1814. The
ex-viceroy was then 72 years old, and on all occasions when Mexican events
were the topic, he assured Alaman that he had never entertained the thought
of effecting the independence of New Spain. Indeed, it was impossible to
prove the charge of treason against him, as the only ground for supposing

62 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

viceroy had really been the first promoter of inde
pendence, and had fallen a victim to the cause I And
further, the claim was respected. The Mexican con
gress in 1824 stopped proceedings, and restored to
Iturrigaray's heirs the $400,000 invested in the rain
ing tribunal. Such was the result of one of the

most important and memorable investigations made
during the whole period of viceregal administration.54

The trial of Iturrigaray, while exposing his grasping
avarice and nefarious transactions, throws little light
upon his political pretensions. It is only by a consid
eration of the discussions carried on by his supporters
and opponents, by an impartial estimate of the effect
of his administrative acts,55 and by a close study of
his character that we may reasonably expect any light
on his secret intentions or expectations. Not only
did his enemies directly accuse him of treasonable
designs, but even insinuated that he was not unwilling
at one time to recognize Murat, Napoleon's representa
tive in Madrid.56 But this is far fetched ; and in regard

that he meditated the independence of New Spain was his intention of con
voking a national congress. Hist. Mej., i. 270.

54 Alaman states that the heirs surreptitiously obtained from the audiencia
archives the original process against the ex-viceroy. Proceedings were insti
tuted against Guiol, who abstracted them. Alaman received his information
from Senator Olaguibcl, who defended Guiol at his trial, and authorized Ala-
man to use his name in proof of the fact. Hist. Mej. , i. 267.

55 Nothing gained for him more hostile feeling than the strictness with
which he conducted the consolidation of the funds of the Obras Has: 'In-
teres61e en este maldito negociado en un tanto por ciento el Ministerio
Espanol, y asi procure hacer efectivas sus proviclencias con un rigor, que le
atrajo el odio del Reyno.' Thus writes Bustamante, one of his principal
defenders. Cuadro, Hist., ed. 1823, i., carta la, 15.

56 At the junta held on the 9th of August, 1808, according to Martinena,
the viceroy used these words : 'Seiiores, aim estamos en tiempo de reconocer
al duque de Berg, jque dicen V. SS.?' and when all exclaimed, *No Seuorf
no &e/lor/f Iturrigaray, observing that the oidor decano Ciriaco Gonzalez
Carvajal was conspicuously emphatic, asked him. ' Y quo dira V. S. si lo ve
autorizado con la firma del Seuor Porlier?' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 36.
Bustamante's version is very different. He states that when the question
of submission to the orders of Murat was put, the oidores turned pale, 'mas
el virey con animo denodado la decidi6, diciendo, que no lo obedeceria
inientras mandase un ejercito.' He afterward cast this timidity in their
teeth : 'Eiciendoles a los mismos oidores. . .Que. . .solo despues que han visto
mejorarse las cosas era cuando estaban valientes.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TIMES. 63

to the independence of Mexico, whatever he thought
of it, I am sure he did not look much beyond present
issues. Independence as a principle was with him a
small matter; independence as a means of profit de-
.pended greatly upon relations between France and
Spain. Hence his anxiety to provide against the con
tingency of being thrown over by a new power on
the convocation of a national congress; for he doubt
less believed that Spain would be unable to cope suc
cessfully with the arms of Napoleon. Under such
circumstances, if New Spain declared herself inde
pendent, there would be no special disloyalty on his
part to the mother country.

But Iturrigaray had not the sagacity to recognize
that the Creole faction which he favored was laying
deeper plans, and would not be satisfied with only
temporary freedom. He was not aware that beneath
his feet was a political vortex, a fact which the Span
ish element appreciated more clearly. His want of
tact, moreover, and his intemperate language,57 had
given great offence, and he was cordially hated by
the oidores and their party. During the latter days
of his administration every expression of his counte
nance was watched by his opponents; every syllable
that fell from his lips was caught up, and, if possible,
interpreted as significant of his want of loyalty to
Spain. That the European party were fully per
suaded that he was aiming at the independence of
Mexico, there is no doubt, giving as proof his dis
mantling the seaward battery of Ulua, and convey
ing its guns into the interior, the changes made by

57 At the session held on the 9th of August, when the archbishop, perceiv
ing that the discussions were becoming interminable, proposed that they
should be contined to essential matters, Iturrigaray rudely and angrily
replied: 'Quo alii cada uno tenia libertad de hablar lo que quisiese, y que si
le parecia larga la junta, desde luego se podria marchar & su casa.' .Alanian,
Hist. Mej.j i. 196. On the same occasion Oidor Aguirre rose and said:
'Senor Exmo. La resolucion de defender estos dominioa necesita alguna ex-
plicacion.' The viceroy immediately answered: 'No hay nccesidad de ex-
plicacion: <5l que no lo entienda que se vaya, abierta tiene la puerta.' Rev.
Vtrdadc.ro Ori/jen, ii. 36.

64 ITUKRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

him in military chiefs, and his intended establishment
of a national congress.58

These arguments were combated by his supporters,
who noted the fact that Iturrigaray had taken the
oath of allegiance to Fernando, and denied any inten
tion to establish an independent government. The
removal of the artillery from San Juan de Ulua was
done, they asserted, for the purpose of avoiding the
mortality which prevailed among the troops stationed
at Vera Cruz59 by placing them in more healthy local
ities. While they thus repudiated the accusations of
treasonable designs, they nevertheless acknowledged
many grave defects in his administration.60

58 How strongly opposed the European party was to such a congress may
be seen from Bishop Qucipo's views expressed on the 2Gth of September:
' Una junta nacional. . .es una verdadera rebelion.' Col. Doc., 29; Pap. Var.t
62, no. 19, 28-34.

5a'Que en Veracruz perecerlan, como siempre, a millares.' Rev. de N.
Esp., Ctnsura Particular, 3. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 362, makes the
strange statement that Iturrigaray entertained such an infatuated belief in
his military skill that he dismantled the battery for the purpose of enticing
the English to make an attack on Vera Cruz, being confident of victory.
'pero afortunadamente para el virey, no sucedi6 asi, y a esto debio el que su
reputacion militar no quedase tan perdida como la de gobernante.' Lacunza,
Doc. Hist. Museo Mex., 534, makes the same statement.

60 Bustamante, one of his stanches b defenders, remarks: 'Conozco los
graves defectos de su administracion; uno de ellos es la venta escandalosa de
los empleos que hizo.' Sup., Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 245. The deposal of Itur
rigaray was the subject of various works and the theme of innumerable dia
tribes which rancorously discussed the cause of his fall, and its bearing on the
future destiny of Mexico. These writings embrace productions of every di
mension, from the size of a volume to small pamphlets or a couple of leaves in
a periodical. _ They were issued during a period which extended from the
time of Iturrigaray's trial before the council of the Indies till long after the
declaration of independence. A large proportion of the pamphlets and smaller
essays are anonymous. Their style, which is usually virulent, shows the
bitterness with which the two chief factions regarded each other. By far the
most important of these productions are published by Cancelada, Lizarza,
Mier y Guerra, and Martifiena. Juan Lopez Cancelada, the editor of the
Gazeta de Mexico, represented in Spain the interests of the commercial com
munity of Mexico which endeavored to obtain a revocation of the decision
which liberated Iturrigaray, released him from the accusation of treason, and
restored his ill-gotten wealth. Cancelada proved himself an inveterate enemy
of the fallen viceroy, and probably was influenced by personal feeling. In the
Gaz. de Mex., xv. 522, of the 2d of August, 1808, the editor published a rumor
that Fernando had been restored to the throne. This incensed Iturrigaray,
who summoned Cancelada before him and banished him. By the intercession
of the vice-queen, however, the order was withdrawn, and Cancelada allowed
to remain in Mexico, but was made to retract his assertion. After the de
posal of Iturrigaray, Cancelada assailed Villa Urratia by petitioning the audi-
encia to pronounce him a traitor, and punish him as such; but his language
was so malignant that he was condemned in a fine of 500 pesos for calumny,

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. 65

or to imprisonment for two months. Ho later addressed the archbishop, then
viceroy, in such discourteous and unmeasured terms that he was arrested and
tried before the junta de seguridad y buen orden. Numerous persons brought
against him charges of insults and grievances, and his fractious and turbulent
tendencies being well known, the junta condemned him to banishment to
Spain. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. xix.-xxiv. There he occupied himself
in writing on the political affairs of New Spain, displaying therein a vicious
enmity toward tho Creole and revolutionary party. In 1811 he published in
Cadiz La Verdad Sabida y Buena Fe Guardada, in which he maintains that
the revolution which broke out in Mexico in 1810 originated in Iturrigaray
and his treasonable designs. He asserts that a revolutionary tendency did
not exist at the time when Humboldt was in New Spain, as affirmed hy 'el
Espanol escritor en Londres,' and said that Humboldt's travels in Mexico
were too limited to admit of his understanding the spirit of the people. The
Verdad Sab/da gave great offence to the ayuntamiento of Mexico, and the
regidores petitioned the supreme council of the Spanish regency to order his
arrest on the charge of abominable libels principally directed against that
municipality. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 725. In Mexico Cance-
lada for some years followed the avocation of a pedler. He was of a quar
relsome and rancorous disposition, and is described by the ayuntamiento of
Mexico as 'hombre bien conocido en este reyno por su cavilosidad, estupidez
y audacia.' Id. Of low origin and uneducated, it is a matter of surprise that
he obtained the position as editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, the official organ
of the government, which was under his direction for some years. Fernando,
on his return to Spain, caused him to be placed in a convent, from which,
however, he was liberated in 1820. He died a few years afterward. Besides
the Verdad Sabida, he was the author of many other works, among which
may be mentioned Ruina de la Nuera Espana si se declara cl comercio libre
con los eztrangeros, Cadiz, 1811, 4to, pp. 84; Conducta. del Excelentisimo Seilor
Don Jos6 Iturr/cjaray, Cadiz, 1812, 4to, 2 1. pp. 135; and the TeUcjrnfo Ame
ricano, a periodical which he published in Spain, and which was opposed
in the Censor by Alcocer of Tlascala. In reply to the Verdad Sabida,
appeared in the same year the Discurso que Publica Don Facundo de Lizarza
Vindicando. . .Iturrifjaray. It handles Cancelada with great severity, and
frequently gives him the lie direct. Lizarza, who was Iturrigaray 's law
yer, was not the author of the Discurso, but Jose Beye de Cisneros, the
brother of the abbot of Guadalupe, who was imprisoned on the downfall of
the viceroy — and at that time Mexican deputy to the c6rtes at Cadiz.
Alaman, Hist. RIej., i. 268. The work displays considerable acumen in the
refutation of Cancelada, and supplies many facts favorable to Iturrigaray
purposely ignored in the Verdad Sabida. Although Cisneros is not sparing
in severe animadversions upon the dissertation, describing it as a texture of
lies, falsifications, and fiction, he has the good taste to retrain from the gross
vituperation so noticeable in the writings of that time. Cancelada in reply
published his Conducta del Exmo. Sefior. . .Iturrigaray, Cadiz, 1812, which
is valuable as being composed mainly of transcripts of official documents bear
ing upon Iturrigaray's fall and trial. Among these appear the report of his
administration and conduct from the time of his arrival to his deposal, drawn
up by the real acuerdo of Mexico, November 9, 1808; official accounts of the four
memorable juntas convoked by him on the 9th and 31st of August, and the
1st and 9th of September, 1808; the royal orders issued by the regency of
the isla de Leon; and other official papers quoted in this chapter. With re
gard to the report of the real acuerdo, to which Cancelada triumphantly ap
peals as conclusive evidence 'of Iturrigaray's aspirations to the sovereignty of
New Spain, I have only to remark that the members of that court were bit
terly hostile to the viceroy, and that their representations cannot be accepted
as impartial. Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva Espana, etc., Escribia fa Dn
Jose Guerra, Londres, 1813, 2 vols, 8vo. This work was first undertaken by
Jose" Servando de Mier y Guerra, with the object of defending Iturrigaray
against the defamatory attacks of Cancelada, but the author, being supplied
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 5

G6 ITURRIGABAY'S DEPOSAL.

with a great quantity of material for the history of subsequent events, carried
it forward and included the iirst years of the revolution in Mexico. The first
volume is almost entirely devoted to the vindication of Iturrigaray ; in the
second the progress of the revolution is narrated clown to the year 18i"2.
Guerra in his preface supplies us with a biographical sketch of Cancelada's
life down to the date of the publication of the Historia, and exposes his
career with most contemptuous irony. His work is largely taken up with
extracts from official documents, of which he possessed a great number.
For the insertion of so much of such material lie excuses himself upon the
plea that having been far from the scene of events, and having undertaken
to refute the false representations of one who professed to have been present
at them, he was compelled to support his arguments by documentary evi
dence. Guerra, after the fall of the viceroy, narrowly escaped arrest, and
fleeing from Mexico took up his residence in London. There he became the
most able defender of Iturrigaray, who, according to Alaman, Hist. Mfj.,
i. 2G8-1), supported him in London until his tendencies inclined to the sup
port of the involution. His work displays great talent and skill. While
the style is elegant, the author had at his command a sarcasm that could
bite. Alaman speaks highly of this work, which, party spirit aside, will,
he says, be ever appreciated for the amount of information which it contains.
Verdadero Origen. . .dela Revolution de Nueva Espaila, etc., Mexico, 1820, fol.
pp. 17. (Followed by) Manijiesto a Todas las Nadones por el Superior Gold-
erno de Nueva Etpaila. The author of this angry treatise was Juan Martin
de Juan Martinena, who in 1816 took up the gauntlet in defence of Iturriga
ray 's deposers. Martinena quotes extracts from Lizarza, Cisneros, Busta-
mante, and other supporters of Iturrigaray, and condemns these writers with
vehement asperity. ' How degrading it is, 'he exclaims, 'to find in them the
same language, the same ideas, object, and even vulgar outcry — voces materialcs
— as in the rebel leaders with respect to Iturrigaray and the faithful patriots
who put a stop to his criminal proceedings, the only difference being that
the former affect peace, harmony, and fidelity, which the latter do not, being
in a position to explain frankly their true sentiments!' The historian has,
however, to thank Juan Martin de Juan Martinena for his transcript of the
Manifesto, but particularly for the large number of interesting documents
appended thereto. The publication of the Verdadero Origen, etc., immediate
ly brought out a number of anonymous replies, from among which I will make
mention of C en sura Particular e Impartial del Cuaderno Titulado: Verdadero
origen, etc. ; Breves Reflexiones que pneden anadirse por via de impunnation
at, id.; and Conwjos al Sr Autor, Editor y A notador del Cuaderno en Folio
Titulado, id. With regard to the Manifiesto above mentioned, it was issued
on the 16th of January, 1816, by the government of New Spain, in refutation
of the ' falsehoods, calumnies, and errors which the rebels of Mexico have
given utterance to in a paper entitled El Supremo Congreso Mexicano d todas
las Naciones, escrito en Puruarun a 28 de junio de 1815.'

CHAPTER IV.

VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

1808-1810.

GARIBAY'S CHARACTER — A BADGE or LOYALTY — REORGANIZATION OF THE
ARMY — BOXAPARTIST INTRIGUES — LAMPOONS AND SEDITIOUS SHEETS —
EFFECT OF REVERSES IN SPAIN — ESTABLISHMENT OF A JUNTA CONSUL-
TIVA— PRETENSIONS TO THE THRONE OF MEXICO — ARCHBISHOP LIZANA
APPOINTED VICEROY — REMITTANCES TO SPAIN — LIZANA'S CHARACTER, —
THE JUNTA DE SEGURIDAD — REVOLUTION AT VALLAPOLID— SPANISH
AMERICAN REPRESENTATION IN THE CORTES— LIZANA REMOVED FROM
OFFICE — WEAK ADMINISTRATION OF THE AUDIENCIA — FRENCH EMIS
SARIES — ARRIVAL OF VICEROY VENEGAS— His ANTECEDENTS, CHARAC
TER, AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE — TITLES AND HONORS FROM SPAIN.

WHEN the chaquetas conceived the design of seizing
and deposing the viceroy, they imagined that they
would thus be cutting off the hydra's head, that by
one bold stroke they would annihilate the monster of
disloyalty. But they erred in their calculations.
The Creole party, disappointed that their hope should
fail in a season so fair for its accomplishment, were
doubly embittered. They believed that as matters
stood in the mother country, they, and not the Span
iards, were the power in the land. Rivalry and hatred
between the two factions increased, and henceforward
the revolutionary spirit spread silently and far with
rapidity.1

At a time so fraught with difficulties, arising from
violent political change, no more incompetent man

1In 1811 the Mexican deputies to the Spanish c6rtes represented that the
imprisonment of Iturrigaray had provoked the rivalry between the Spaniards
and Creoles, ' difundiendose sordamente por el Reyno, y creciendo de dia en
dia.' Diputac., Amer. Hep., 1° de Agosto de 1811, 3.

(67)

68 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

could have been placed at the head of affairs than
Pedro Garibay, field marshal of the royal armies.
Infirm of body2 and weak of will ; of meagre resources,
lacking ability, and wanting in authority even in his
own household; a victim, moreover, to the anxiety
attending poverty — he was undergoing the penalties
which those must pay who by reason of great strength
arrive at the age of fourscore years.3 Nevertheless,
he eagerly accepted the high position offered him.
In the early part of his life lie had served in the wars
in Italy and Portugal, and in 1764 went to Mexico
with General Villalva. By slow promotion he at- .
tained the grade of brigadier in 1789, and at a later
date was allowed to retire on account of his infirmities,
with the rank of mariscal de campo de los reales
ejercitos. His poverty was such that he was fre
quently compelled to borrow small sums from his
acquaintances.4 He was honorable, and well liked by *
high and low. Such as he was, however, his insuf
ficiency was the reason of his election. The oidores,
whom he regarded as his protectors,6 were not desir
ous that a strong man should be at the head of affairs;
and during Garibay's short administration, in all acts
of government he was but the mouth-piece of the
audiencia.6

As soon as the coup d'etat in the case of I turn-,
garay was accomplished, the new government, with
out formally recognizing either of the Spanish juntas,
proceeded to rule in the name of Fernando VII. ; and

2'Padecia una enfermedad de est6mago. . .teniendo que apoyarse en un
criado cuando salia d la calle.' Rivera, Gob. Mcx., i. 545.

3 Bustamante states that he was over 80. Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 250. Ala-
man says, 'era un anciano de mas de setenta aiios.' Hist. Mcj., i. 279. But
as he entered his military career in 1742, the former's statement must be
nearer the truth. He was unable from his infirmities to sign documents, and
was compelled to use a stamp. Disposic. V arias, i. f. 134.

*Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 280.

5 ' Vio su exaltacion como un gran beneficio, y en los oidores unos pro-
tectores, cuyo titulo no les negaba en sus contestuciones secretas. ' Bustamante,
ut cit.

6 ' Era todo de ellos, y haciaprecisamenteloque le mandaba Aguirre, capa-
taz de la Andiencia.' 76. ' Pero este era el hombre que convenia al Acuerdo
y a sus miras.' Mora, Mcj. y sus Rev., iii. 347.

DISBANDMENT OF THE CHAQUETAS. 69

an order was issued that the inhabitants of the capi
tal, in token of their loyalty, should wear on their
persons a badge bearing his name.7 The tribunal del
consulado . was instructed to communicate the same
order to all corporations within the jurisdiction of
that court.8 The first important step which the new
government took in order to insure its stability was
the reorganization of the army. Neither the vol
unteers of Fernando VII. nor the forces at Jalapa
were regarded as supports free from objection. The
party from which the former were drawn seemed to
expect their own political views adopted in the new
order of affairs which they had created, and the
oidores feared that the freedom of their own action
would thereby be impeded. Accordingly the chaque-
tas were disbanded by Garibay, who would no longer
detain such loyal and self-denying persons from their
commercial occupations. He thanked them in the
name of Fernando for their patriotism, for the ever
memorable services they had rendered, and informed
them that he should not fail to place a memorial of
their merits at th>: feet of his majesty.9 In breaking
up the encampment at Jalapa the oidores were in
fluenced by still more forcible reasons. The regiments
which composed the army stationed there were drawn
from the different provinces, and the ranks filled by
Mexicans, whose loyalty could not be safely relied
upon if the flag of independence should be raised.
Orders were therefore issued that each corps should
return to its respective district; the reason assigned
being that, in view of the alliance which had been
formed between Spain and England,10 the concentra
tion of so large a force for defence was no longer nec
essary. It was further urged that the government,

7 Gaz. deMex., xv. 687. Many persons had gold medals made, and wore
them on their coat collars. Alainan possessed a collection of them, and states
that they were of poor workmanship. Hist. Afej., i. 282.

8 Gaz. de Mcx., xv. G99.

9 Id., 804. The order was given on the 15th of October. Hernandez y Da-
valos, Col. Doc., i. G1G-17.

10 England had made peace with Spain in July 1808.

70 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

in its efforts to send pecuniary aid to the peninsula,
could not afford the expense of maintaining a stand
ing army.11 A regiment of grenadiers was organized,
and this with the dragoons of Mexico constituted the
military force in the capital.

During Garibay's rule the revolutionary tendency
advanced apace. Secret meetings were held at pri
vate houses.12 A society known as the Racionales
Caballeros was organized at Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and
Mexico, which by its machinations greatly aided the
cause of independence.13 Further than this, the secret
agents of Joseph Bonaparte were actively at work
inciting the inhabitants to rebellion.14

11 Manuel Abad y Queipo condemns this action of Garibay, stating that he
did so 'por habcr entendido quo, entre algunos oiicialcs se hablaba con lib-
ertad sobre independencia, y por remediar este mal. . .incurrio en otro mayor,
que fue" poner en contacto a los rnilicianos con sus vecinos, sus parientes y
amigos, en que es imposible que el contacto de los unos deje do contauiinarse
con los otros. ' The bishop says that he ought to have punished these free-
spoken officers, and placed others in command who could have been relied
upon. Inform?, dirig. alrey., in Zamacois, Hi$t. -3/e/., ix. 867—8.

12 A prominent personage now was the marques de Rayas, who was a
stanch adherent of Iturrigaray, and espoused the cause of independence
after his fall. The proofs of disloyalty against him were so strong that he
wras sent prisoner to Spain, but was detained at Vera Cruz by sickness. In
1821 he returned to Mexico. Refutac. Artie, de Fondo, 19-21.

13 Their mode of operation was to work on the government so to act as to
foment discontent. The efforts of this society were particularly successful
with Viceroy Iturrigaray, according to Queipo, who states that by flattery
and cajoling they so influenced him that ' lo hizo titubear en la fidelidad de
tal modo, que su conducta ambigua hizo creer d los sediciosos que estaba de-
cidido en su favor, y con esto arrojaron la mascara y atacaron cara descubi-
erta los derechos de la monarquia.' Informe dirlg. al rcy., in Zctmacois, Hist.
Mcj., ix. 802.

14 'Pcro no olvidando tampoco Napoleon el objeto interesante de las Ame'-
ricas, envi6 comisionados d, seducir y comprar los virreyes, gobernadores y
demas personas que por la fuerza 6 por su influxo pudiesen clominar el pue
blo.' 6'«2. de Mcx., xv. 933. In August 1808, among other seditious papers
seized at Vera Cruz was a despatch from Champani, the French minister
of foreign affairs, officially recommending a system of operations to pro
mote rebellion. Arrillaya, Informe, in Ce;iulario, iv. f. 59, no. 1. The same
year General Octaviano d'Alvimar, having been authorized to expend large
sums of money with this object, entered Mexican territory from the U. 8.
He was arrested at Nacodoches, in Texas, in August 1808, and proceedings
were instituted against him as an agent of Napoleon. Garibay sent him
prisoner to ISpain in 1809, and after the independence D'Alvimar attempted
to recover damages for his imprisonment and loss of personal effects. Gaz. de
Jlex., ut sup.; L'iwra, Gob. de Mcx., i. 549; fiwtamantp, in Caro, Trex Sighs,
iii. 259-01. D'Alvimar, while being conducted to the capital, passed through
Dolores, and had several interviews with Hidalgo, whom he earnestly en
couraged, it is asserted, in revolutionary designs. Diaz ('alvitlo. Sermon,
107-8. Hidalgo, however, at his trial asserted that his conversations with

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION". 71

Lampoons and scurrilous pasquinades were posted
on the walls; insulting caricatures of the leading mem
bers of the government and loyalist party disfigured
the public buildings; and seditious sheets in print
were scattered on the floors of the cathedral and
churches.15 The image of his majesty, moreover, was
grossly disfigured on the coinage/6 and the supreme
junta of Spain ridiculed. And all these seeds of
insurrection were so secretly and warily sown that
no efforts of the government were effective in sup-

D'Alvirnar had no political significance. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 359-60.
Monsieur Desmolard was Joseph Bonaparte's agent at Baltimore, and the
French usurper issued instructions to him which disclosed the plan to excite
revolt in Spanish America. The main points were to declare to the Creoles
that his imperial majesty had solely in view to give liberty to Spanish Amer
ica, the only return expected being the friendship of the people and com
merce with the country. To effect their independence, his majesty offered
all necessary troops and stores. The emissaries were further instructed to
point out the advantages which would accrue by suspending the heavy re
mittances to Spain, and by the acquirement of freedom from commercial and
agricultural restrictions. The good-will of the ecclesiastics especially was
to be gained, with the object that at the confessional they should urge the
necessity of independence. The injustice to which the Creoles were subject
in the disposal of public appointments was to be dwelt upon. At the same
time the agents were to be careful not to declaim against the inquisition or
the church, and on the insurrectional standards the motto 'Viva la Religion
catolica, apostolica y romana! Perezca el mal gobierno!' was to be inscribed.
The servants of governors and high officials were to be won over, and sub-
agents were to keep the principal agents duly informed of the progress made,
and these in turn were to communicate with Joseph Bonaparte's envoy in
the U. S. A copy of these instructions was found in Caracas, in the office
of the secretary to the suprema junta, and forwarded by the junta to the
English admiral at the Barbadoes station. Rev. in Span. Amer., 80-7; Wal
ton's Espost, app. 2-7; Calvo, Annales Hist., i. 43-5. The Spanish govern
ment warned the colonial authorities of Bonaparte's machinations. A royal
address, dated May 10, 1809, exhorting the inhabitants of New Spain to main
tain their loyalty, and be on guard against French intrigues, says ' para que
haciendolo publico,' that is, the address, 'en esos Dominios se precavan sus
naturales de las impresiones siniestras que podrian causarles las maquinacioncs
d intriguas que iiuestros feroces enemigos emplean ahora con mas arte que
nunca.' Disposic. Varias, i. f. 141. Garibay on April 18, 1809, published a
proclamation forbidding the landing of Frenchmen at the ports, whether
they had passports or not. All French settlers also were ordered to appear
within eight days before the alcaldes, by whom they were examined. If sus
picion attached to any of them, such were to be imprisoned. Gaz. de Mex. ,
xvi. 337-40.

15 On the 6th of October, 1808, Garibay published a decree with the object
of suppressing these papers. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 608-9.

16 Garibay on the 19th of May, 1809, issued a proclamation offering 2,000
pesos for the discovery of the mutilators of the coins. Ho says: 'Prctenden
ven gar el mal dxito de sus maquinaciones en el real busto de las monedas, de
las que han llegado a mis manos varias piezas senaladas cle modos diferentes,
todos enormemente ofensivos a la magestad, y en odio de la dinastia rey~
nante.' Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 423.

72 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

pressing the hostile demonstrations. In vain the use
and sale of hand printing-presses were prohibited/7
and in vain rewards were offered for the detection of
the authors of these treasonable acts.

In April 1809 news of reverses sustained by Span
ish arms in the peninsula reached Mexico, and Gari-
bay issued a proclamation on the 20th,18 exhorting the
public to show their loyalty by contributions in aid of
the mother country, by sentiments expressing a closer
union in mind and heart,19 and above .all, by refusing
to be influenced by the secret operations of those
who were endeavoring to seduce them from their al
legiance. But this proclamation had no effect in
arresting the steady advance of the revolutionary
party. Its adherents were jubilant, and did not re
frain from openly expressing their joy at the news.
They greeted with delight the intelligence of disas
ters suffered by the Spanish forces; and while they
exaggerated their defeats, they underrated and derided
the advantages which they gained.

Day by day the government was losing its influ
ence over the public mind, and becoming more and
more an object of ridicule on the part of the disaf
fected. In the hope of changing the current, Gari-
bay, or rather his advisers, established a junta con-
sultiva, composed of three oidores, before which all
cases of treason were to be tried instead of in the
criminal court. This tribunal was formed in June

17 On the 27th of April, 1809, the viceroy published a proclamation order
ing that all such presses should be delivered up to the judge of the tribunal
de la Acordada within three days. Diario de Max., x. 508. Yet on the 20th
of May following he found it necessary to offer a reward of 2,000 pesos for
the discovery of the persons who had scattered treasonable sheets in the
churches during holy week. Gaz. de Mcx. , ut cit. These sheets \vere di
rected against the Spanish junta central, and invited the people to assert their
independence. The junta central of Spain was recognized by the viceroy by
decree of March 16, 1809. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Cot. Doc., i. 680-3.

18 Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 365-8.

9 ' Olvidad descle ahora para siempre esos apodos de cri olios y gachupines,
de que haceis una aplicacion odiosa 6 ideal, supuesto que todoa los miembros
de una nacion no deben ser conocidos sino por el nombre mismo que lleva la
nacion de que son parte: ademas de que es tan ridiculo como absurdo hacer
inerito de una cosa que no esta en nuestra mano: es decir de nacer aqui 6 del
lado- de alia del mar.' Id., 368.

AX AZTEC MONARCH. 73

1809, and some arrests were made, but instead of
tending toward suppressing sedition, its creation was
turned to advantage by the independents, and sup
plied additional means of fomenting discontent. The
innovation made by transferring the prerogatives of
the sala del critnen to an extraordinary court arbi
trarily established, and employing a great number of
spies, was seized upon as an illustration of despotism,
on the part of the government. A rumor was spread
that the prisons were crowded with innocent victims;
households were filled with fear of arrests, and the
public were taught to believe that the mere suspicion
of free opinions being entertained by a man was suffi
cient to cause his being sent prisoner to Spain.20
Outward demonstrations were, it is true, for the time
suppressed; but none the less did the cause of indepen
dence gain ground under the more cautious and se
cret operations of its promoters.

Illustrative not alone of the anomalous position in
which New Spain stood with regard to the mother
country during this period, but also of the unsettled
and somewhat incongruous ideas as to government
and succession, was a claim in 1808 of an Indian to
the throne of Mexico. This personage alleged that
he was a descendant of the emperor Montezuma,
and maintained that in view of the downfall of the
Spanish monarchy he had a right to the crown of the
Aztec royal line. Had the native population been as
well prepared for revolt as they were two years later,
such a claim might have caused much alarm, and
probably bloodshed. As it was, ridicule was the

20 Alaman attempted to trace the grounds for these reports, but could only
discover the names of the following persons arrested : The Franciscan padre
Sugasti, the silversmith Jose Luis Alconedo, charged with making a crown
for Iturrigaray, the escribano Peimbert, Antonio Calleja, the cura Palacios,
and the licentiates Vicente Acuna and Julian Castillejos, 'todos acusados
y muchos convencidos de ser autores de papeles 6 maquinaciones sediciosas. ' Id.
Compare Bustamante, in L'avo, Tre.s Siylos, iii. 253. Negrete agrees with Busta-
mante's statement that the jails were filled with prisoners. Hex. Stylo XIX.,
i. 181.

74 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

only weapon employed, and the pretender came to be
regarded by many as a madman.'21

On the 13th of March, 1809, the English brig
Sapplio arrived at Vera Cruz from Rio Janeiro, bear
ing despatches from the infanta Dona Maria Carlota
Joaquina, the sister of Fernando, The letter was
addressed to the viceroy, audiencias, governors, and
municipalities of New Spain, and contained her wishes
and expectations that her son, the infante Don Pedro,
would be received and acknowledged . as regent and
lieutenant of the king. Such pretensions caused the
viceroy and audiencia much inquietude, and they en
deavored, though in vain, to keep the matter secret.
In their reply to the infanta they confined themselves
to expressions of courtesy, reporting that tranquillity
reigned in the country.22 Not long after, the viceroy
received a letter from the junta central of Spain, in
forming him that it had become aware that Napoleon
meditated sending Carlos IV. to reign in New Spain,
with the object of creating a division in the Spanish
monarchy,23 and instructions were given him to pro
hibit the landing of Carlos, and arrest him if he per
sisted. With the approval of the real acuerdo, the
viceroy issued the corresponding orders to the authori
ties at the ports.

21 'Los Europeos hicieron la mas alta burla de esta solicitud y su apoyo.'
His pretensions were finally crushed by a poetical burlesque, one of the lines
of which ran thus: 'Y treinta mil Indies guerreros vestidos a su usanza —
esto es cencueros,' etc. Cancelada, Venlad Sabida, xx. The whole story ia
denied in Lizarza, Discurso Vind. Iturr., 16—17.

22 Bustamante furnishes a copy of a portion of the infanta's despatch, the
tone of which is somewhat assuming. She thanks the members of the au
diencia and the archbishop for their zeal and wachfulness in having saved
the country; urges the viceroy to be vigilant in maintaining order and the
prosperity of the country; and wishes to be supplied with an exact account
of all notable events in the capital and kingdom, 'y si posible es de toda esa
America Septentrional.' Bustamante remarks: 'Su Alteza sin duda estaba
inuy ociosa cuando escribio dicha carta, y al tenor de ella otras muclias ; pudo
haber, ocupado el tiempo en hacer calzeta para sus hijos.' Cavo, TresSiglos, iii.
261-2. The letter is dated Rio de Janeiro, May 11, 1809.

23 Bustamante discredits any such idea on the part of Napoleon. 'La
Junta de Sevilla'— he means the junta central, which had withdrawn to
Sevilla — 'teniatan anchas tragaderas para engullir las mentiras mas absurdas,
como las tenia Garibay y su Cousejo de Oidores ; ' but was coniident that if
the attempt had been made Carlos would have triumphantly entered Mexico.
Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 2G2-3.

WEAK RULERS. 75

During the first six months of Garibay's rule no
formal recognition of the Spanish juntas had been
made. The decrees of the junta de Se villa had been
published and acted upon, but no oath of allegiance
to it as representative of the king was ever taken.
After the defeat of the French at Baylen, by Cas-
tanos, and their evacuation of Madrid, the juntas of
the different provinces came to an understanding, and,
the suprema junta central was installed at Aranjuez
on the 25th of September 1808. In March 1809 its
authority was recognized in Mexico, and the viceroy,
audiencia, municipality, and tribunals took the oath
of allegiance. The occasion was celebrated with sal
voes of artillery and illuminations.24

The mental and physical incompetency of Garibay,
who possessed neither bodily activity nor intellectual
vigor, soon made it apparent to the Yermo party that
the political situation was daily becoming critical. Un
der the misrule of the oidores they observed that revo
lutionary principles were spreading instead of being
suppressed, and there were those who foresaw the
coming struggle.25 Warnings were whispered to the
oidores, but passed unheeded, and the party which had
overthrown Iturrigaray represented the true state of
affairs to the junta central, urging the appointment of
an able and energetic viceroy without delay. By
such a measure only could the tranquillity of the coun
try be maintained.26 The Spanish junta accordingly

2iGaz. de Mex., xvi. 207, 205-70, 294-5; Disposlc. Varlas, i. f. 135-6; Di-
ario Mex., ix. G32. On April 5th the bishop of Oajaca delivered an oration
in support of this recognition. Id., x. 451-5.

25 Manuel Abad y Queipo in March 180D addressed the real acuerdo, urging
the necessity of augmenting the military force in order to insure internal
tranquillity and protection against invasion. With regard to the danger
threatened by the prevailing discord, he remarks in a note that at the time
when he wrote the representation 'no se podia entonces ponderareste peligro
sin aumentarlo en realidad por cuya razon solamente lo indique, en concepto
de quo esto era bastante para unos majistrados sabios e ilustrados en el asun-
to.' Represent, al Real Acuerdo, in Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. 119-26, and Col.
Escritos Import., 124-31.

2li Bustamante assisted in drawing up the ' instruccion, clamando por el
justo castigo de unos oidores revoltosos que nos iban orillando a la revolu-
cion.' Cavo, TresSlglos, iii. 204.

76 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

appointed Francisco Javier de Lizana y Beaumont,
archbishop of Mexico, to be viceroy in the place of
Garibay, whose election had riot been confirmed by
the home government, and whose elevation could not
be deemed legal. On the 19th of July Garibay sur
rendered the place, having been nominally the head
of the government for a period of ten months, but in
reality the political tool of Oidor Aguirre, who, in
some alarm at the change, requested leave to retire
from office four days previous to Lizana's installation.
Garibay returned to private life and poverty. From
the latter, however, he was relieved by the generosity
of Yermo, who made him a monthly allowance of five
hundred pesos. He was afterward decorated with
the grand cross of Carlos III., and granted a pension
often thousand pesos a year.27 Pie died on the 17th
of July, 1815, at the age of eighty-six.

During his brief administration he exerted himself
in raising remittances for Spain, and when news of
the victory at Baylen arrived, he issued a proclama
tion, on October 4, 1808, asking for war contributions.
His call in the general enthusiasm was liberally re
sponded to, and the subscriptions, headed by the arch
bishop with 30,000 pesos, amounted to 716,346 pesos
by the end of the year.28 A few days after its publi
cation the Spanish man-of-war San Justo arrived at
the port of Vera Cruz in command of the marques
del Real Tesoro, who had been commissioned by the
junta of Seville to obtain all the funds that could
be raised in New Spain and other American colonies.
At this time there were fourteen and a half millions
pesos in the treasury, nine millions of which, together
with two millions more contributed by wealthy indi
viduals, were at once transported to Vera Cruz for
shipment to Spain.29

27 Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 301; Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 765.

28 By the end of June 1809 these donations reached the sum of 1,482,131
pesos. /-/., xvi. 580.

89 Eight millions were put on board the San Justo, and the remaining three
millions were shipped on two English frigates which entered the port at that

FROM BAD TO WORSE. 77

The new viceroy was no better than the old one.
Had Spain specially desired to throw away Mexico,
the appointment of Archbishop Lizana was the very
thing to do. Old, sickly, as feeble in mind as in body,
he was fitter for a hospital than for the viceregal
palace.33 In one sense he was too good for the place.
Spain wanted there a mean man, a hypocritical, lying
trickster; one who could be false to all the world except
Spain — particularly one who would be false to Mexico.
Now Lizana was none of these. He was passably
honest. He had a good heart, and a benign disposi
tion; he lacked altogether the force of will to hold
down insubordination, or regulate contending factions.
Yet it was a lucky choice for the cause of indepen
dence. The policy of such a ruler must necessarily
be timid, and his purpose vacillating.31 Episcopal
pastorals were employed where viceregal orders should
have been presented on the point of the sword. Frank
and sincere, he had no insight into human character,32
and he allowed himself to be entirely swayed by the
oidor Manuel de la Bodega and his cousin, the in
quisitor Alfaro, to whose charge he committed the
administration of his archiepiscopal government. Al
faro, spurred by ambition but blinded by his vanity,
soon fell into the toils of the racionales caballeros; and
Lizana, under his guidance, adopted administrative
measures which, while they excited the spirit of re
time. Alaman, Hist. M?j., i. 286. Ncgrete makes no mention of the $2,000,-
000 contributed by private subscriptions. Mex. Siylo XIX., i. 156.

30 His state of health frequently compelled him to transact the public
business in bed. Alaman, 1 1 lit. Afej., i. 303.

31 As already related, the archbishop was at first favorably disposed to the
convocation of a general congress; but alarmed at the angry disputes on the
question, he suddenly changed his opinions, and took part with the deposers
of Iturrigaray. He as quickly, however, repented of his action, ' confes6 d
la Junta Central que habia sido enganado en la separacion de Iturrigaray, y
que estaba arrepentido de haber cooperado a la ejecucion cle tan horrenda mal-
dad.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 265, also 244. Henceforth he
favored the party which had advocated the convocation of a general congress.

32Bustamante describes him as 'eandoroso como ttno nino,'and Abad y
Queipo says: 'Este virtuoso prelado era un hombre muy sencillo, que no cono-
cia el corazon humano, ni tenia luces en materias politicas ni de gobierno.'
Informe diriy. al rey., in Zamacois* ix. 863,

78 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

bellion, conduced even more directly to the advance
ment of the intriguers' designs.

Thus led bv the craft and machinations which were
brought to bear upon his adviser, Alfaro, he entered
upon a system of opposition to the Yermo party and
the stan chest loyalists. Their dissatisfaction at his
official action was so marked that the intriguers had
no difficulty in persuading the guileless archbishop
that a plot was hatching among the gachupines to
capture or assassinate him; whereupon he fortified the
viceregal palace with artillery and increased the
guard. He placed all that portion of the city under
martial law. The patrol force wras augmented, and
detachments were stationed at all important points.
Orders were issued that the patrols should arrest
after eleven o'clock at night all persons on whom arms
were found; and should more than six men in one party
be met, they were all to be arrested.33 Military offi
cials of unquestionable loyalty to the mother country
were removed. Aguirre arid other prominent Span
iards were threatened with banishment,34 and Lizana,
abhorring the Yermo party, and hoodwinked by the
racionales caballeros, who about that time were loud
in their protestations of loyalty, identified himself with
the Creole faction, which so eagerly had advocated the
convocation of a national congress. He could not see

33 Ib. A copy of this brilliant 6rden de la plaza, dated November 3, 1809,
is supplied by Martinena and JJernandez y Ddvalos, Col. JJoc., i. 715-
16. I copy the instructions given to the palace guard as indicating the extent
to which the fears of Lizana had been worked upon. 'La guardia del arzo-
bispado y casa de Moneda, no abriran las puertas principales de la calle aun
cuando oigan tiros de fusil 6 canon durante la noche, a menos que no vaya
mandarlo personalmente uno do los ayudantes de S. E. I.' Rev., Vcrdadcro
Orirjen, no. 1, 78-9. Consult Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 254. Mora, how
ever, states that a formal plot against his government and person actually
existed, the conspirators being of the Yermo faction, with Aguirre at their
head. M?j. y sus Rev., iii. 364-5.

34 Aguirre was ordered to Puebla, and it was rumored that he would be
sent to Spain. The excitement was so great that Lizana recalled him, and
Aguirre returned to the capital in triumph, 'con gran discre'dito del arzobispo,
quien con esta facilidad en dictar providencias contrarias, daba a conocer que
6 no meditaba debidamente lo que hacia, 6 que despues de hecho no tenia
firmezaparasostenerlo.' Alaman, Hist. Mej.,i. 312; Biistamante, in Cavo, Tres
Sirjlos, iii. 2G8-9.

HATH A DOG MONEY ? 79

that it was identical with the independents, and the
partiality which he displayed, far from appeasing the
spirit of discontent, only served to fan the flames by
undesigned encouragement. It was as cunning a by
play as the age can boast, and most successful withal.35
And all the while the good old prelate was thus un
wittingly playing into the hands of independence, he
was in truth intensely loyal to Spain. Money he sent
without stint, and money was always Spain's most
chronic desire. Besides obtaining large donations, he
surrendered all the surplus funds of his ecclesiastical
revenue, and even threw in his salary.36

On the 26th of July an Englishman, Andrew
Cochrane, arrived in Mexico, the bearer of an order
from the junta central of Spain for the sum of three
million pesos, on behalf of the British government.
The treasury was empty, and again the colonists were
asked to give, give !37 The viceroy appealed for a loan;
the call was answered with astonishing promptness, and
by the 7th of August $2,955,435 had been subscribed
by the commercial class and other persons of wealth.
The remainder was soon made up; and the commis
sioner, after being royally entertained, returned to his
vessel, bearing with him the three million pesos, and a
high appreciation of the wealth of Mexico33 and the

35 Lizana was by no means a supporter of independence, except by acci
dent, and without knowing it. 'Este prelado en ningun sentido podia lla-
marse amigo de la independencia; pero testigo de los escesos cometidos en
muclios meses por los Espafioles, aprensores de Iturrigaray, habia concebido
por ellos una conocida aversion.' Mora, Mej. y sus Rev.> iii. 303.

36 ' He cedido gustosamente para las urgencias de la corona el sobrante de
mi renta episcopal; y cedo gustosisimo para el mismo efecto los sueldos del
virreynato.' Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 700.

37 Cancdada, Tel. Mex., 32. Consult also Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 619-20, 703;
Diario de Mex., xi. 119-20.

38 Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 7G1-4. Among the subscribers of large sums to the
loan, I notice the names of Antonio Bassoco, $200,000, Domingo de Acha,
$150,000, and Prior Francisco Alonso Teran and his brother Antonio, $200,000.
The total, as given by Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 36, was $3,210,435. Cochrane
was entertained with great hospitality. At Puebla he was presented with
two valuable paintings by Murillo! Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 304. This last
author states that $400,000 of the above contribution were forcibly taken
from the house of the duke of Terranova, marques del Valle, and a descend
ant of Cortes. Id. , 305—6. Bustamante, however, informs us that Lizana had
received orders to confiscate the property of Terranova, who had attached
himself to the party of Joseph Bonaparte. The sum which was seized, as

80 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZ AN A.

senseless stupidity of the people in thus spending
their lives and substance to minister to the follies of
Spain's licentious and imbecile rulers.

In regard to his government, the viceroy fully be
lieved that his conciliatory policy toward the discon
tented would allay any spirit of revolt that might
exist; nevertheless, he deemed it right to carry out
the measure adopted by his predecessor for the main
tenance of public tranquillity, and on the 21st of
September, 1809, permanently established the court
initiated by Garibay, under the name of junta con-
sultiva. This court, which Lizana named the junta
de seguridad y buen orden, was composed at first of
three members of the audiencia and a fiscal,39 and its
jurisdiction extended to all cases of French tendencies
and infidelity to the crown of Spain.40

Hitherto the independent party had formed no con
certed plan of operation. The arguments, however,
which had been employed by the partisans of Iturri-
garay, and their opponents, suggested ideas which led
to the belief in the possibility of independence. The
former, in defending Iturrigaray's character from the
aspersion of disloyalty, urged that had he established
an independent nation, it could not long have con
tinued as such. Whether Spanish or French arms
prevailed, an invincible force would quickly be sent
against the revolted colony. Their opponents in reply
imprudently endeavored to prove that Mexico could
well sustain her independence. The force of their ar
guments was such that the more eager of the revolu-

given by this author, was 700,000 pesos. Cavo, Tres Sifjlos, iii. 2G5-6. On
March 23, 1809, the Spanish government ordered the confiscation of the prop
erty of French partisans. Gaz. Mex., xvi. 769-70; Disposic. Varies, i. f. 140.
The repayment of these loans was commenced in the following September, a
date earlier than that promised by the viceroy as the time for their liquida
tion. Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 826-7.

39 The members appointed by the viceroy were the regent of the audiencia,
Pedro Catani, the oidor Tomas Gonzalez Calderon, the alcalde del crimen of
the audiencia, Juan Collado, and the fiscal of the criminal court, Francisco
Robledo. (Jaz. de Mex., xvi. 867.

40 ' Sobre el delito de adhesion al partido frances, y sobre papeles, conver-
saciones, 6 m urmuraciones sediciosas 6 seductivas con todas sus conexiones
<§ incidencias.' Id., 868.

PLAN OF REVOLUTION. 81

tionists decided to act, and in September a formal plot
was laid at Valladolid in Michoacan for the overthrow
of the government.41 The principal persons in the
scheme were Jose Maria Obeso, captain of the militia
regiment of Valladolid; a Franciscan friar, Vicente
de Santa Maria; Manuel Ruiz de Chavez, cura of
Huango; Jose Mariano de Michelena, lieutenant of
the Spanish infantry, and at this time engaged at Va
lladolid in recruiting for his regiment; his brother, the
licentiate Jose Nicolas Michelena; Mariano Quevedo,
lieutenant of the regiment of New Spain, also present
on recruiting business ; and the licentiate Soto Saldafia.
These and some others met and discussed a plan of
action. With great caution they endeavored to ^con
fine discussion to two questions: whether they would
be able successfully to resist the French in case Spain
succumbed, and thereby preserve the dominion for
Fernando; and whether, such being their object, they
ought to maintain their ground if opposed. Adher
ents to the cause were despatched to Piitzcuaro,
Queretaro, Zitacuaro, and other places to promulgate
the scheme; and by the middle of December their
operations had been so successful, that the 21st of that
month was appointed as the day on which to raise the
standard of revolt; their intention being first to seize
the asesor of the intendencia, Jose Alonso de Teran,
and the comandant Lejarza, and then proclaim the
revolution in the intendencia of Guanajuato. The
regiment of native infantry, commanded by Obeso,
could be relied upon, as also the detachments with
Michelena and Quevedo; and it was confidently ex
pected that with the promise of release from the pay
ment of tribute, eighteen or twenty thousand Indians
would immediately join their standard. Hitherto the
plans of the reA^olutionists had been conducted with
such caution that the government officials appear to
have been wholly unaware of the movement; but on the

41 See Michelena's account of the influence which these arguments had upon
in

the independent party. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 5.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. '

82 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

14th of December Francisco de la Concha, cura of the
cathedral parish, warned Teran of the impending dan
ger. One of the revolutionists, Luis Correa, had com
municated particulars of the scheme to the cura of
Celaya, who in turn revealed them in confidence to
Concha. Teran acted with wariness and circumspec
tion, and instead of proceeding to make arrests, was
contented for the time silently to watch the persons ac
cused. On the morning of the 21st, however, Concha
again visited him and urged the necessity of immedi
ate action ; whereupon he caused the padre Santa
Maria to be arrested. This was immediately known
by the principal revolutionists, who met to plan his
rescue, while Correa in alarm for his safety hurried to
Teran and divulged all that he knew. Summoned by
the comandante Lejarza to appear before him, the
revolutionists, deeming it prudent to obey, were made
prisoners. Soto Saldaiia, who was not with the ar
rested party, rashly attempted to rouse the native
population, but was discovered; he escaped, however,
and hid himself.42

Teran now proceeded to prosecute the accused with
activity, and with a vigor which eventually was the
cause of his assassination.43 But the viceroy, more
inclined to mercy, and believing that severity would
only fan the revolutionary flame, listened to the rep
resentations made to him in favor of the prisoners.44
He ordered in January following the proceedings to

42 This account has been mainly derived from Michelena's narrative, sup
plied by him to Bustamante, a copy of which is furnished by that author in
his work Cuadro Hist., i. 12-16. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 314-17, has also been
consulted, and his version of the denunciation been adopted.

43 His severity 'le atrajo el 6dio publico, por lo que en la revolucion del
ano 1810 fu4 cruelmente asesinado. ' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sirjlos, iii. 268.

44 Bustamante, counsel for the accused, pleaded for them personally with
Lizana. ' El oidor Aguirre, ' he said, ' opina que el dia que se ahorque el primer
insurgente, Espaua debe perder la esperanza de conservar esta America.'
'Yo soy de la inisma opinion,' replied the viceroy, 'vuya V. seguro de que
mandare sobreseer en esta causa.' Cuadro Hist., i. 17. Abaci y Queipo re
presented to Lizana that 'cste primer movimiento se debia tratar, 6 con
munho vigor, 6 con muohoindulgencia,' but remarks, 'Laenormidad deldelifco
exigia la enormidad de la peaa.' Informe dirig. alrey., in Zamacois, Hist.
Mcj., ix. 865-6.

ALARM IN THE CAPITAL. 83

be stopped. Obeso was sent to serve in the military
camp at San Luis Potosi, and Michelena in that at
Jalapa; the rest were released from prison, but con
fined to the limits of Valladolid and its suburbs.45

This affair thus nipped in the bud, in spite of the
failure to prove its connection with Hidalgo's later in
surrection, was in fact the initiation of active move
ments in the revolution. The views and intentions
of the leaders had been widely spread; numbers of
their associates having escaped zealously carried on
the work, and in nine months after the failure at
Valladolid the battle-cry of freedom was raised at
Dolores.

In order to allay the excitement caused by the dis
covery of the affair at Valladolid, the viceroy, on the
22d of January, 1810, proclaimed that there was no
reason for alarm, as the late occurrences had only
arisen from a difference of opinions relative to the re
sult of affairs in Spain. He himself was wholly free
from anxiety, and the public were exhorted to rest
without dread of popular commotion.411

45 When the revolution headed by Hidalgo broke out in September 1810,
these conspirators were again placed under arrest, and their case continued
by the junta de seguridad. No connection, however, between the Valladolid
conspiracy and that at Dolores could be proved against them, and in 1813
they were released under the pardon granted to revolutionists by tho Span
ish c6rtes on the 15th of October, 1810. Copy of decree in Dublan and Lo-
zano, L^fjis. Mex., i. 336. Michelena on the occasion of his second arrest was
treated with great severity by Viceroy Venegas, who imprisoned him in the
fortress of Ulua. There he was cruelly dealt with, though suffering from
rheumatism, and was finally shipped in a helpless condition to Spain where
he served as a captain in the regiment of Burgos. Padre Santa Maria hav
ing escaped from the convent of S. Diego where he had been confined, died
of fever at Acapulco, whither he had gone to join Morclos, who was besieging
the castle. Obeso died soon afterward, having been imprisoned for more thau
two years. Few of these early patriots lived to see the day of independence.
Michelena says: 'Casi todos murieron ysolo vimos realizada la independencia
D. Antonio Cumplido, D. Antonio Castro, D. Jose" Maria Izazaga, D. Jose"
Maria Abarca, D. Lorenzo Carrillo, yo, y no s6 si alguno otro.' JJustamante,
Cnad. Hitf,, i. 16. The same authority states that both Allende and Aba-
solo, so conspicuous at a later date as leaders in the revolution, were con
nected with this affair. Bustamante is of opinion that Iturbide was the
informer, offended at not being given a high command by the revolutionists
whose meetings he attended. Alaman, however, advances arguments to dis
prove this. Hint. Mej., i. 317-19.

46 'Y pucs vuestro virey estd tranquilo, vivid vosotros tambien seguroa.'
Mex. Proc. del Virey, 12.

84 VICEROYS GAEIBAY AND LIZANA.

While thus blindly affording every encouragement
to rebellion at home, Lizana took great precaution
against the less imminent danger of foreign invasion.
Out of the scattered companies formed by Iturrigaray
in various towns, he organized battalions;47 the regi
ment of Yera Cruz was increased, and arms were or
dered to be purchased in London and the United
States. In the exhausted condition of the treasury,
the viceroy once more appealed for money to pay for
these weapons, and considerable sums were contrib
uted. A cannon foundry was established in the
capital, Francisco Dimas Rangel engaging to furnish
the government weekly with one piece of artillery.
The cost of the establishment was $8,000, which
amount was contributed by the dean and chapter of
Valladolid.48

Meanwhile disaster attended the Spanish arms!
After the battle of Talavera, Wellington had retired
into Portugal, leaving the Spaniards to cope with
the French as best they could; and Venegas, the fu
ture viceroy of New Spain, rashly giving battle at
Almonacid was routed on the 9th of August, 1809.
Then followed the defeat at Osana, and the retirement
of the junta central from Seville to the island of Leon.
The unpopularity of the junta was so great, however,
that the members recognized the necessity of dissolv
ing, and their last official act was the creation, on the

O *

29th of January, 1810, of a regency composed of five
members, the bishop of Orense, Pedro de Quevedo y
Quintano, who had firmly opposed the projects of
Napoleon at the congress of Bayonne; Francisco de
Saavedra, president of the junta de Se villa; Fran-

47 This was the origin of the battalions of Tula, Cuautitlan, Tulaucingo,
and others. Alaman, Hist. Alej., i. 321.

**Gaz. de. Mex.t 1310, i. 247-8; Diario, Mex., xii. 535-6. The celebrated
sculptor Manuel Tolsa was also engaged at this time in casting 100 cannon at
the expense of the tribunal de mincria, the cost of which was §...00,003. These
cannon as already mentioned had been offered l>y that tribunal to Iturrigaray,
and Tolsa commenced work at the close of Garibay's administration. Ataman,
Hint. Mcj., i. 300, 321.

AFFAIRS IN SPAIN. 85

cisco Javier Castaiio, the victor at Baylen; Antonio
de Escano, a distinguished naval officer; and Fernan
dez de Leon, a member of the council of the Indies.
On the 14th of February this change in the gov
ernment was communicated to the viceroy of New
Spain, and on the 7th of May following the oath of
allegiance to the regency was taken by Lizana and
all the royal officials, the occasion being celebrated for
three days in the usual manner.49 In the same decree
by which the junta central appointed the regency, it
was ordered that the members, when they took the
oath of office, should also swear to convoke the c6rtes
at the earliest opportunity. As the American colonies
were for the first time represented in the cdrtes when
they finally assembled, it will be necessary to give
some account of the admission of colonial deputies into
the legislature.

The critical position of Spain at the close of 1808
induced the junta central — which had been compelled
to withdraw from Aranjuez to Seville — to consider
by what means it might hope to secure the fidelity of
the colonies. To admit them to a share in the national
government appeared the most pacifying offer; and on
the 22d of January, 1809, a decree was passed recog
nizing the Spanish dominions in America as no longer
colonies but an integral part of the nation,50 and de
claring their right to representation in the Spanish
cortes. It is then ordered that the viceroys of New
Spain, Peru, New Granada, Buenos Aires, and the
captain-generals of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Chile, Vene
zuela, and the Philippines proceed to the election of
one deputy for each of those dominions.51 On the

*9Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 2; Diario de Mex., xii. 511-12; Gaz. de Mex.,
1810, i. 378-84, The oath was also ordered to be taken in all other places of
the kingdom. New Spain was the only Spanish colony which recognized
the consejode regencia. Rivera, Hist. Jal., i. 273.

50Considerando que los vastos y preciosos dominios que Espana posee en
las Indias no son propiamente colonias 6 factorias como los de otros naciones,
sine una parte esencial 6 integrante de la monarquia Espaiiola.' Gaz. de Mex.,
xvi. 326.

51 New Granada expostulated against this small concession, and Mier y
Guerra comments upon such inadequate representation in the cortes, which

86 VICEROYS GAUIBAY AND LIZANA.

14th of April following, this regulation was pro
claimed by Viceroy Garibay; but the concession had
been granted grudgingly and under the pressure of
circumstances, and the junta central was in no haste
to see the cortes assembled. Although on the 22d
of May following it proclaimed the establishment
of the old form of representation, and convoked the
cortes to meet on March 1, 1810, it took no prepara
tory steps for such an event.52

When, however, the junta central was compelled to
resign the affairs of the nation to the care of a re
gency, it required the new government, as already
narrated, to convoke the cortes at the earliest oppor
tunity. This could not be immediately accomplished,
since there were difficulties which rendered it no easy
matter to readopt the ancient mode of government,
and assemble in one congressional body the cortes of
the various kingdoms of Spain. While these king
doms respectively retained their cortes, the general
assembly of them for purposes of government had
during the dynasty of the Bourbons been neglected,
and they were seldom convoked except to do homage,
or sanction a succession to the crown. The cortes
formerly had been composed of three classes repre
senting the nobility, church, and burghers; and the

would be composed of 36 European members, 9 American, and one from the
Philippines. Rev. de N. Esp., i. 253, ii. 638-9. The election of an American
deputy was to be thus conducted : The ayuntamiento of the capital town in
each province of a viceregal kingdom was to nominate three competent persons,
one of whom was then to be elected by casting lots as the representative
of his province. When all such representatives were elected, the viceroy and
real acuerdo wefe to select by vote three of them, from whom the deputy to
Spain was finally appointed by lot. Gaz. de Mex. , xvi. 325-8. In New Spain
the ayuntamientos which sent up candidates to Mexico were those of Puebla,
Vera Cruz, Me"rida de Yucatan, Oajaca, Valladolid, Guanajuato, San Luis
Potosi, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, Tabasco, Queretaro, Tlascala, Nuevo Leon,
and Nuevo Santander. Id., 1810, i. 420.

62 This decree was published in Mexico on the 14th of August, 1809. Di*-
pos. Varias, i. f. 139; Interfer. Brit. Gov., MS., in Mayer MS., no. 27, p. 2.
On the 4th of October the deputy for New Spain was appointed, the lots
having decided the election in favor of Miguel Lardizabal, a Creole of Tlas
cala resident in Spain. Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 901 (Gaz. Ex.); Alaman, Hist.
Mej., i. 308. He was afterward appointed member of the regency for the
American colonies in place of Fernandez de Leon, who suffered from ill
health. BustamanteinCavo, Trcs Slylos, iii. 269; Cortes, Diario, 1810, i. 8.

AMERICAN REPRESENTATION. 87

junta central bad decided that the cortes convoked by
them on the 22d of May should be divided into two
houses, the one formed by the deputies popularly
elected, and the other by the church and nobility.
Just before its dissolution53 it modified its former de
cree relative to American representation, and for the
speedy assembly of the cortes ordered that forty sub
stitutes should be selected by lot from the number of
American Creoles resident in Spain, out of which num
ber twenty-six were to be finally elected to the cortes,
also by lot. This decree was not published, however,
and the regency being in no greater haste to assemble
the cortes than the junta central had been, published
one on the 14th of February, 1810, ordering the elec
tion of American deputies to be proceeded with, and
extending their number to representation of each dis
trict,54 instead of each dominion. But this increase
was virtually no nearer an approach to equality in
representation than the first concession had been, since
the number of Spanish deputies was proportionately
increased, by allowing a member for each fifty thou
sand souls. In fact, though both the junta central
and the regency acknowledged equality of rights,
they could not admit Creoles to be represented in con
gress in the same ratio as the inhabitants of the pe
ninsula. The unjust disparity again caused dissatis
faction in the colonies, which was still further excited
by an order of the 28th of June limiting the total
number of American representatives to twenty-eight,
without designating how many should pertain to each
province. The consequence was that in some districts
no elections were held, while in other cases the for-

53 On the 31st of January 1810, Ataman, Hist. Mej., i. 334. The regency
was installed on the 2d of February. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 380.

4 ' Estos diputados seran uno por cada capital cabeza de partido de estas
diferentes provincias.' Id., 419. The decree was published in Mexico on the
16th of May following, and no less than 17 deputies elected, representing
Mexico, Guadalajara, Valladolid, Puebla, Veracruz, Me"rida, Guanajuato,
San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Tabasco, Queretaro, Tlascala, Nuevo Leon, Oajaca,
Sonora, Durango, and Coahuila. They were all natives of the districts in
which they were elected with one exception, and were nearly all ecclesias
tics. For a list of their names see Alaman, Hist Mej., i. app. 49-50.

88 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

mally elected deputies declined going to Spain in the
expectation that some new order would exclude them
from the cortes on their arrival.

Such treatment of the colonies did not tend to pro
mote more loyal feelings toward the mother country,55
in spite of the regency's proclamation that Spanish
Americans were raised to the dignity of free men, and
the extraordinary admission that hitherto they had
been crushed by an oppressive yoke, regarded without
consideration, and made the victims of avarice.56
Eventually on the 24th of September, 1810, without
waiting for the arrival of the American deputies, the
c6rtes were installed in the theatre of the island of
Leon, and in the list of members I find New Spain
represented by seven substitutes.57 But it is time to
consider how affairs were progressing meanwhile in
that country, and narrate the events which immedi
ately preceded the revolution of independence.

Great as had been the sums of money contributed
by the inhabitants of New Spain in the form of
loans and donations for the support of the mother
country, they seemed only to encourage further de
mands. On the 12th of March, 1809, the junta cen
tral issued a royal cedula for the negotiation of a loan

, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., ii. 640. The regency had been stimulated to
action by the representations of some provincial juntas which had assembled
iu Cadiz; and on the 18th of June a decree was issued to hasten the appoint-
ment of deputies, who were to meet in the island of Leon during the month
of August, and hold sessions as soon as a sufficient number had assembled.
Those provinces of Spain which were occupied by the French were represented
by substitutes selected from natives of such districts resident in Cadiz, while
28 substitutes for the deputies of American and Asiatic colonies who could not
arrive in time were also provided from American Creoles residing in the same
city. Ib.; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 33G; Diario de Mex., xiii. 385-6.

56'0sveis elevados a la dignidad ' are the words used in the regency's
proclamation of the 14th of February. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 418 — 'de hom-
brcs libres: no sois ya los mismos que antes encorbados baxo un yugo mucho
mas duro mientras mas distantes estabais del centro del poder, mirados con
indiferencia, vexados por la codicia, y destruidos por la ignorancia.'

57 Their names were Andre's Savariego, Francisco Munilla, Jos6 Maria
Gutierrez de Teran, Jos6 Maria Couto, Salvador Samartin, Octaviano Obregon,
and Maximo Maldonado. Cortes, Diario, 1810, i. 2. By decree of August
20, 1810, Indians and Spanish-Indian offspring were made eligible to the rank
of deputies. Diario de Mex., xiii. 689.

A NEW LOAN ASKED. 89

in New Spain for twenty millions of pesos. This
demand was published in Mexico on the 9th. of August
following, at the very time when three millions were
being so cheerfully contributed to meet the order pre
sented by Cochrane. The colonists were disgusted at
old Spain's avarice. This incessant drainage of specie
was crippling commerce and impoverishing the peo
ple. They were neither able nor willing to respond.58
A second attempt to raise this amount made in 1810
by Viceroy Venegas was equally unsuccessful.59

In addition to the discontent thus created, and
naturally tending to independent thought and action,
the defeats sustained by the Spanish forces at the
close of 1809 still further influenced the colonists,
who now regarded the cause of the mother country
as lost. The news of these disasters was received at
Vera Cruz on the 25th of April, 1810; and so fully
convinced were the viceroy and oidores of the irre
trievable prostration of Spain by France, that in
secret sessions they discussed their future course of
action, and had already decided to invite the infanta
Dona Carlota Joaquina, previously mentioned, to as
sume the government as regent of her brother Fer
nando,60 when intelligence of the installation of the
regency caused them to abandon their intention.

But the administration of Lizana was drawing to
a close. The commercial class, thoroughly conserva
tive in principles, and unyielding opponents of the
Creoles, was disgusted with his conciliatory system;
and informed the junta of Cd/diz,61 composed of lead-

58 Abaci y Queipo pointed out to the viceroy the impracticability of effect
ing it, and suggested plans for the relief of the junta central by increasing
the alcabala duty two per cent, and the price of tobacco from ten reals to
twelve or even fourteen reals as the urgencies of the nation might call for.
Col. Eficritos Import., 132-48; fiivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 272; Bustamante, in
Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 2G6.

&Gaz. de Hex., 1810, i. 797-801.

60Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 324-5, asserts that he derived this information
from manuscript notes of his brother Dr Arechederreta, who was an intimate
friend of the oidor Tomas Gonzalez Calderon, from whom Arechederreta
must have heard these particulars, which were kept very secret.

01 This junta had been established by popular demand for the protection

90 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZ ANA.

ing merchants in accord with those of Mexico, of the
direction affairs were taking under his management.
The pressure brought to bear by this junta upon the
regency caused that council to issue a decree on the
22d of February, 1810,62 relieving the archbishop, in
consideration of his advanced a^e and failing health,
from the labors of administration, and placing the
audiencia in charge of the government until the arrival
of a new viceroy. Lizana immediately obeyed the
command, and on the 8th of May following surrendered
the viceregal power to the audiencia, and retired to
his archiepiscopal palace.63

Though Lizana's rule tended to foster the revolu
tionary spirit, it was not owing to any infidelity on
his part, but to a mistaken principle and a childlike
trust in men. A few days before his retirement, he
issued an exhortation to loyalty, denouncing a procla
mation of Joseph Bonaparte which he publicly burned
in the principal plaza of the capital.64 He recognized
later some of his mistakes, and endeavored with the
ecclesiastical weapons of excommunication and pasto
ral circulars to rectify the evil which he had uninten
tionally fomented. The Spanish regency decorated
Lizana with the grand cross of Carlos III., an
honor conferred upon him a few months before his
death, which occurred on the 6th of March, 18 II.65

The removal of Lizana in no way improved matters.
There was want of harmony among the oidores ; when
unanimous accord was the only road to successful ad
ministration, the audiencia was divided into two fac
tions. The regent Catani was influenced by the same
ideas and the same advice which had so ill directed

of the city; but its influence soon became greater than that of the regency.
Id., 226-7; Junta Sup. de Cadiz, d la Amer. Esp., 3.

62 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 21.

™Gaz. de Hex., 1810, i. 391-2.

^Prodama del Arzob. Virey, 24 de Abril de 1810; Bustamante, in Cavo,
TresSiglos, iii. 272; Diario de Mex., xii. 674; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., ii. 28-32.

6*Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 206-13.

RULE OF THE AUDIENCIA. 91

the archbishop, and was, moreover, at enmity with
the oidor decano Aguirre. These members were the
heads of the two parties, Aguirre being recognized as
the enemy of the Creoles and Catani as their supporter.
On the 9th of May the audiencia organized its gov
ernment, by declaring that to it as a body pertained
the superior administration and the captain-general
ship of the kingdom, while Regent Catarii wa.s in
vested with the presidency and superintendence of the
royal treasury. The oidores Blaya and Calderon,
in view of their increased duties, were removed from
the junta de seguridad, and their places supplied by
the governor and the two eldest alcaldes of the crim
inal court. The ordinary business in the different
departments of the government was to be despatched
by respective oidores commissioned for the purpose; a
council of military chiefs was to supply all necessary
information and advice relative to the condition of
the army; and in all the more important cases of the
tribunal de la Acordada the regent was to be con
sulted and his approval obtained for the execution
of the heavier sentences.68

During the administration of the audiencia, exhibi
tions of natural phenomena occurred, presaging dis
aster. On the 20th of May, the church of Nuestra
Senora de los Remedies was struck by lightning; and
a great portion of the edifice being destroyed, it was
found necessary to remove to the cathedral the sacred
image, which was greatly venerated by the native
Mexicans. It was afterward borne in solemn proces
sion to the different churches of the capital, and the
demonstrations of devotion were noticed as being ex
traordinarily earnest. When on the 10th of August
the image was returned to its sanctuary, it was accom
panied by an immense concourse, who in tears chanted
prayers for divine protection.67 But in the night

de Mex., 1810, i. 411-13.
6T Bustamante, who was an eye-witness of these religious observances,

92 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

which preceded this auspicious day, a furious hurri
cane had spread desolation in Acapulco, no less than
124 houses being torn down, while orchards and plan
tations were destroyed. On the 18th Vera Cruz was
visited by a terrible storm which wrecked and dam
aged much shipping.63

The discord in the audiencia was favorable to the
development of revolution. Apart from the absence
of secrecy which want of unity naturally entailed, the
annoyance which each party experienced by the oppo
sition of the other created a feeling of indifference,
and a consciousness that efforts to arrest the public
will would be unavailing. Consequently apathy and
toleration marked the sluggish proceedings of the au
diencia, affording an unwonted freedom of discussion
on political topics. The spirit of revolt was further
aggravated at this time by the unjust illiberality dis
played by the regency in the matter of colonial rep
resentation at the forthcoming congress of the cortes.
If the mother country in her apparent death agony
refused to do justice to her American colonies — which
in the past had so loyally aided her, and in which she
seemed to rest her only hope for the future — no relief
from her oppression could be expected in case her
arms triumphed.69 Moreover, the continued procla
mations of Joseph Bonaparte, and seditious papers
issued by his agents, gave additional impetus in the
direction of independence.70

wrote a detailed account of them bearing the title : Memoria piadosa que re-
cordard d la posteridad, la piedad de (os Mexicanos manifestada en la venida
de Ntra Sra de los Remedies, y contiene dos paries. Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 274-5.

™G«z. de Mex., 1810, i. 686-7.

™Mora, Mej. y mis Rev., iii. 372-4.

70 Bonaparte in 1809 openly announced: 'Qne era ya llegado el tiempo de
cjue las Americas espauoles quedasen independientes, y que el gobierno fran
cos no se opondria a este paso necesario.' Mora, Mej. y sits Rev., iii. 368.
The inquisition in vain attempted to suppress the circulation of such sheets.
In the months of April, June, and September, 1810, it published proclama
tions against King Joseph, and under threats of excommunication ordered all
papers of the kind to be delivered up that they might be publicly burnt by
the executioner. Diario Mex., xii. 463-8; Dispos. Varias, iii. f. 153, vi. f.
58, 60. French emissaries were a constant source of alarm, and measures to

VICEROY VENEGAS. 93

On the 25th of August, 1810, the frigate Atocha
dropped anchor in the port of Vera Cruz. The ves
sel brought to the shores of New Spain her fifty-
ninth viceroy, Francisco Javier de Venegas, knight
of the order of Calatrava.71 Venegas was in no haste
to reach the seat of his government, but journeying
slowly from Vera Cruz to the capital, made himself
conversant with the state of affairs, and formed
friendly relations with persons whose services he con
sidered useful. For Campillo, the bishop of Puebla,
and Flon, the intendente of that city, he contracted a
sincere attachment. On the 13th of September the
audiericia surrendered the government to him at
Guadalupe, and on the following day he made his
public entry into the capital with the customary
pomp and ceremonies.

Venegas, who had retired from the army with the
rank of lieutenant-colonel, returned to active service
in 1808, on the invasion of Spain by the French, and
won distinction in the memorable battle of Baylen.
Henceforth his promotion was rapid, and he soon
obtained the grade of lieutenant-general. Although
he suffered defeat at Almonacid72 by imprudent self-
confidence, he enjoyed a high reputation in New
Spain as a courageous military chief. Birstamante,
in somewhat disparaging and ill-measured language,
thus describes his personal , appearance : "Tall and
robust of frame, the expression of his countenance
was sour, and his glance angry and threatening; his
lips were thick, and his head, which he held inclined

prevent their operations and destroy their influence were taken both in Spain
and Mexico. For copies of instructions given to these agents, their procla
mations, and descriptions of their intrigues, consult Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon,
153-8; Manificsto contra las Iiistruc. Emperador; Calvilio, Discurso; and
Diario Alex., xiii. 43-4.

71 For a list of his names, titles, and decorations, see Cedulario, i. f. 92,
and Dispos. Farias, ii. f. 3. In the latter document appears his rubrica.

72Guerra states that he lost the army of the centre at the two battles of
Tarancon and Ucles, 'que di6 y perdio por su ineptitud, como consta del
Manifesto del Duque del Infantado. ' Cuesta went so far as to state that Vene
gas 'by gross ignorance, want of skill, envy, or malice, lost, perhaps forever,
the only opportunity of saving Spain.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 296.

94 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.

over the left shoulder, was of enormous size. His
whiskers were of the same cut and shape as those of
the myrmidons of the acordada, desperadoes, and bull
fighters; and his impetuous gait was similar to that
of an ill-tempered corporal."73 Venegas was, how
ever, honest and disinterested, an indefatigable worker,
and energetic and quick in the despatch of business.
Distrustful when in security, he was calm and self-
possessed in danger, but displayed a sanguinary and
cruel disposition.74

On the 18th of September the new viceroy con
voked an assembly composed of the audiencia, all the
principal civil and military authorities, the dignitaries
of the church, prelates of the regular orders, the
nobility, and prominent land owners and members of
the commercial class. To this numerous attendance
a proclamation addressed by the regency to the Ameri
cans on the 5th of May was read. In it the condi
tion of Spain was set forth, and an appeal made for
still further contributions in order to continue the
war. A list also of patriotic individuals on whom had
been conferred titles of nobility and honors was also
read. A plan for the collection of donations suggested

73His dress and personal appearance were the subject of numerous pas
quinades which were posted on the corners of the principal streets. One
quoted by Bustamante was as follows: ' De patilla, botas y pantalon, hechura
de Napoleon.' Cavo, Tres Si(jlos, iii. 277. Another which was posted on the
palace gate aggravated the viceroy to make reply. It ran thus:
' Tu cara no es de excelencia
Ni tu trage de virey,
Dios ponga tiento en tus manos
No destruyas nuestra ley.'

Venegas caused the following lines to be posted in the same place:

' Mi cara no es de excelencia,
Ni mi trage de virey,
Pero represento al rey,
Y obtengo su real potcncia.
Esta sencilla advertencia
Os hago, por lo que importe :
La ley ha de ser el norte
Que dirija mis acciones.
j Cuidado con las traiciones
Quo se ban hecho en esta Cortel*

Rivera, Gob. de Hex., i. 564.

74 Opinions with regard to the abilities of Venegas are diametrically oppo
site according as they are regarded by his friends or opponents. Abad y Queipo
describes him as a talented, learned, and upright man, Informe, in Zamacois,
Hist. Mf-j., ix. 867-8; while Zavala states that he possessed neither political
nor military talent. Rev. Hex., i. 43. Consult Adalid, Causa, MS., i. 134-6.

FURTHER DISCONTENT. 95

by the fiscals was then discussed and approved, many
of those present subscribing at once, the archbishop
heading the list with thirty thousand pesos. Among
the recipients of honors were Garibay and the arch
bishop, both of whom were decorated with the grand
cross of Carlos III., while Gabriel de Yermo, Diego
de Agreda, Sebastian de las Heras Soto, and Jose
Mariano Fagoaga were raised to the dignity of tftulos
de Castilla.75 Other honors were conferred upon a
number of individuals corresponding to their positions
and the services rendered by them, and it was observed
that many of the recipients had been principal actors
in the deposal of Iturrigaray.

Both the demands for money and the awards of
honor were offensive to the Spanish Americans. The
appeal to them for more gold and silver in the same
breath that bestowed titles and distinctions upon
their opponents was an insult, and their indignation
drove them in still greater numbers to the ranks of
the revolutionists who were already in the field.76 For
Hidalgo had given the signal for revolt; the grito de
Dolores was already echoing throughout the land, and
thousands were rising in arms to do battle for liberty
and the rights of man.

73 Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 764-5, 776-86; Diario de Mex., xiii. 347-8. The
titulo de Castilla was a title of nobility intermediate between those of the
grandees and hidalgos of Spain. Salvd, Nuevo Dice. , 1054. Yermo and Fagoaga
declined the honor. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 343-4.

76 The Mexican deputation to Spain stated in August 1811 that 'las gra-
cias que Ilev6 el Virey Don Francisco Venegas para los autores complices de
la faccion' carried alarm through the country. Diputac. Amer. Hep., 3.

CHAPTER V. *;

OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
1810.

DEVELOPMENT OF QUERETARO — AFFAIRS IN GUANAJUATO — THE TOWN OF
DOLORES— ITS CURA, MIGUEL HIDALGO Y COSTILLA — SECRET MEETINGS
OF REVOLUTIONISTS— IGNACIO ALLENDE — PLOTTING AT SAN MIGUEL-
GENERAL PLAN OF UPRISING — HIDALGO'S BIOGRAPHY — ARRESTS — THE

CORREGIDOR IMPRISONED— HlS ACQUITTAL — HlS BIOGRAPHY— EL GRITO

DE DOLORES — HIDALGO MARCHES TO SAN MIGUEL — A TUMULTUOUS
ARRAY — THE SACRED BANNER — SUCCESS OF THE INSURGENTS AT SAN
MIGUEL —PILLAGING — HIDALGO PROCLAIMED CAPTAIN-GENERAL—HE
ENTERS CELAYA— HE APPOINTS A NEW AYUNTAMIENTO.

FROM the time when Viceroy Velasco made grants
of town lots arid agricultural lands to settlers in Quere-
taro,1 the progress of that place was rapid. Beauti
fully situated in a sheltered valley, the fertility of the
soil and the pureness of the air invited immigrants
from the capital and other populous towns Iving to
the south. In 1592 municipal books were opened,
and henceforward its prosperity was such that in 1655
Felipe IV. elevated it to the rank of city, with the
appellation of Santiago de Queretaro, and the hon
orable title of muy noble y real ciudad. A coat of
arms was also granted, significant of the miraculous
manifestation witnessed by the opposing armies in
that strange battle which was fought in 153 1.2 The

Consult Hist. Mex., vol. ii. 544-5, this series.

2 See Id., 540-4. The arms consisted of a cross with the sun for its
pedestal and a bright star on either side. The figure of Santiago on horse
back occupies the dexter base, and a palm tree and other plants the sinister
base. The whole is surmounted by the royal arms of Castile and Leon. I
give herewith a plan of the city from Quere.taro, Orden. que para la Division.
See also Zdaa 6 Hidalgo Glorias de Quer., 2-3, containing plan of city, p. 243.

(96)

HISTORY OF QUERfiTARO. 97

position of Queretaro on the borders of the uncon
verted Chichimecs attracted at an early date the at
tention of the regular orders. The first monastic
establishment was the Franciscan convent of Santa
Cruz, the date of the founding of which is, however,
uncertain, although its origin wras the humble her
mitage which was constructed at the time when the

miraculous stone cross was erected on the Sangremal.
The first convent and its church were in time re-

PLAH OF QUERETARO, 1796.

placed by larger buildings, and in 1666, when the
new edifices were completed, the convent was made
the casa de recoleccion of the pro vine ia under the
name of San Buenaventura. In 1683 it was con
verted into the apostolic college of propaganda fide,
founded by Fray Antonio Linaz de Jesus Maria —
the first establishment of the kind in the Indies.3

3 Id., 38-40. Linaz was born at Arta, in the island of Majorca, in January
1635, became a friar in 1653, and presbitero in 1659. His name, Jesus JMaria,
was derived from the convent in which he was novitiate. In 10(54 he arrived
HIST. ME*. , VOL. IV. 7

98 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

By the enthusiastic members social reforms were
introduced, which, however beneficial to the poorer
classes, grievously interfered with public and private
amusements. Balls, comedies, and public games were
discontinued; certain feasts in which bulls, Moors,
and Christians were represented in procession, were
also done away with. These festivities were so attrac
tive to the lower orders that in order to participate
in them with appropriate display they would sell their
household chattels. Another abuse corrected was the
promiscuous bathing of the sexes in the river, to the
sound of music, and midst the noise of feasting on the
banks. Henceforth the inhabitants of Queretaro
were, doubtless, a devout and moral community,
though much against their will.4

o o

After the surrender of their convent of Santa Cruz,
the Franciscans erected what may be considered the
third monastery of the order built in Queretaro, and
which was the capitular convent of the province.
Annexed to it is a sumptuous church, which was
greatly embellished by Fray Jose de Soria, who died
in Mexico in December 1734. Within the limits of
its cemetery various other sacred edifices were erected,
among which may be mentioned the church of the
Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia, in which
the noble and the wealthy performed their devotions
and penitential vows.

in Michoacan from Spain and was elected guardian of the convent of Valla-
dolid in 1C71, and in 1074 was appointed custodio to attend the general
chapter held in Spain in 1G82. He returned in 1083 to found the colegio de
propaganda fide. Linaz fasted much, and at times fell into ecstatic trancus
while at prayer. Miraculous virtues are attributed to him, which he con
tinued to manifest after his death, which occurred at Madrid on the 29th of
June, 1093. Etpinosa, Cron. Apost., i. 93-251, 320-1, 80-4.

4 Espinosa, after describing the reforms, speaks of a citizen, who having
been absent for some time, on his return as he approached the city inquired
of one whom he met on the road what news there was in Quere" taro. ' Seuor, '
replied the man, ' Quer6taro is no more Quere"taro; some priests have come,
and no longer are there fandangos as before; sadness prevails, no harp or gui
tar is heard; there is nothing but praying and preaching, so that the place
has lost its mirth.' Id., 54-5. Consult also Arricivita, Cron. Seraf., 8-9,
34-5, 174-82, 201-6. The miraculous cross was removed from its original
site in 1701 and placed in the crucero of the church of this convent,
no*a, Cron. Apost., i. 19; Glorias de Quer., 39.

DESCRIPTION OF QUERETARO. 99

Numerous other convents added to the sanctity and
embellishment of the city, but special notice must be
taken of the convent and royal hospital of the Puri-
sima Concepcion. This hospital was founded by Diego
cle Tapia, son of Fernando de Tapia, the conqueror,
about the year 1586. The same benefactor founded
the Franciscan nunnery of Santa Clara, which was
transferred to a new site in 1633, and thither were
conveyed the same year to their final repose the
bones of the founder. Other religious establishments
were the monasteries of the Franciscan order of
barefooted friars and the barefooted Carmelites; the
Jesuit church and college of San Ignacio de Loyola
founded in 1625; the Dominican convent of San Pedro
y San Pablo; the royal college of Santa Rosa and
its magnificent church; the Capuchin, Austin, and
Carmelite nunneries, and other religious institutions.
By royal cedula of October 10, 1671, permission
was granted to the congregation of our lady of
Guadalupe founded in 1669 to erect a church in San
tiago de Queretaro; and in 1680, owing to the mu
nificence of Juan Caballero y Osio,5 by whom the
greater part of the expenses were defrayed, the build
ing was so far advanced as to admit of its being dedi
cated. The ceremony took place on the 12th of May,
and was conducted with a solemnity and splendor
never before witnessed in the city. Visitors from all
parts of New Spain assembled on the occasion, and the
festivities which followed were continued for eight
days. The church is the most sumptuous in Quere
taro.6

The success of the religious orders in the conver-

6 Oslo had previously proved himself a munificent benefactor by his liberal
donations to numerous religious institutions, in several instances defraying the
entire cost of the erection of chapels and convents. He was a captain of in
fantry, became alcalde mayor of Quer6taro, and was finally ordained priest.
He possessed a large fortune which he devoted to such purposes and charity.
He died in Quer6taro on the llth of April, 1707, at the age of 73, ' y fue" sepul-
tado en la Santa Casa de Loreto, dentro de una caxa de hierro, mandando poner
por epitafio solo estas breves palabras. Hcec requies mea.' Sigiienza y G6>i-
gara, Glorias de Quer., 19; fg/esias, AW., 157-8.

6Id., 95-171; Medina, Chron., S. Diego Hex., 254; Diario, Mex., 117.

100 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

sion of the Chichi mecs was signal, and the missions
they founded in the Sierra Gorda had more effect
in reducing them to submission than the steel and

gunpowder of the military. In time, however, the
missions became secularized, and in 1785 only two out
of the twenty established remained under the con
trol of the friars, namely San Miguel de las Palm as,
administered by the Dominicans, and Concepcion
Soriano, or Bucareli, by the barefooted friars of San
Diego.7

Although the Indians of Sierra Gorda were occa
sionally troublesome during the eighteenth century,
their insubordination did not interfere with the growth
of the city or the development of industrial interests.
In the architectural beauty of its churches, religious
establishments, and public buildings, Queretaro is
equal to any city in Mexico, except the capital. In,
1796 it had 272 streets with twenty-one public foun
tains and six plazas. Its length from east to west at
this date was nearly two miles and three quarters, and
its wridth from north to south over one mile and a quar
ter.8 The water supply of Queretaro, obtained at a dis
tance of two leagues, is conveyed into the city by its
celebrated aqueduct, a structure of singular solidity and
architectural beauty. The arches are supported on
seventy-two pillars of hewn stone, eighteen varas apart,
and twenty-seven varas high. The work was begun in
January 1726, and completed in October 1735, at an
expense of $124,800, $82,000 of which were donated
by Juan Antonio Urrutia y Arana, marques del Vi-
llar de la Aguila.9 But the pride of the place is La
Canada, a beautiful glen penetrating for two leagues
the mountains which surround the city, and affording
views of such exquisite loveliness that no city in the

ipinart, Col. "Doc. Hex., MS., 271-3, 457-8. In 1740 the number of mis
sions was 17, ten of which were founded by Franciscans and seven by Domi
nicans. Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 260-1; Arricivita, Cron. Scrdf., 169-
71; Sigiienza y Gongara, Carta al Almir, MS., 10-11.

^Queretaio, Ordenanzaque jiarala Division.

9 For an account of the festivities held in celebration of the completion of
the aqueduct see JSavurrcte, lleiac. Peregrin., no. i. 03-163.

QUERETARO OFFICIALS. 10.1

world can surpass them, or offer suburban recreation
grounds more attractive.10 About five leagues to the
south-east of the city are the hot mineral springs of
San Bartolome, situated about a mile from the
pueblo of that name, the medicinal properties of which
both as a beverage and for the bath have proved effi
cacious in a variety of diseases.11 Although Queretaro
is signally exempt from epidemics and physical catas
trophes,12 it has occasionally been visited by disasters.
The year 1786 was noticeable for the severity of a
famine which caused much suffering, and in 1806
great mortality of children occurred from an epidemic
lung disease.13

The agricultural and manufacturing industries in
dicate great prosperity when compared with those of
larger and more populous provinces. The cotton and
woollen factories in 1793 worked up 200,000 pounds
'of the first-mentioned staple and 63,900 arrobas of
wool, equivalent to 1,597,500 pounds, affording em
ployment to three thousand operatives. The tobacco
factory also employed three thousand workmen and
women, producing annually cigars and cigarettes to
the amount of $2^200,000.14

Such was the city of Santiago de Queretaro at the
time when the spirit of Mexican independence broke
out. The reader will recollect that Miguel Domin-

10 Navarrete says: 'Esta Canada es para Queretaro lo q^^e Aranjuez para
Madrid, Versallas para Paris, Frascati para Roma, y la Favorita para Viena. '
Relac. Peregrin., 6.

11 A full account of these springs is given by Beaumont, Trat. de la Aqua
Mineral. Mexico, 1772.

12 ' Goza el grande, raro y apreciable privilegio de que jamas se ha experi-
mentado en ella temblor alguno de tierra.' Zelaa 6 Hidalgo, Glorias de Quer.,
10.

13 Queretaro, Dos Palabras, 4-5; Diar. Mex., ii. 167.

14 Humboldt, Essai Pol, G66-9; Raso in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 198-9. In all
the manufacturing industries 9,216 persons were employed, of whom 2,700 were
women. In commercial and agricultural pursuits 2,234 persons were occupied.
From this date to 1810 an increase in industries of one fifth is observable. Id.,
200. In 1803 the population of the city was 50,000 souls. Its ayuntamiento
was composed of a corregidor, two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores, two hon
orary regidores, a procurador, syndic, and escribano mayor y de cabildo.
Glorias de Quer., 5-6.

102 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

guez had been reinstated in the office of corregidor of
Queretaro, after having been deprived of it by Itur-
rigaray. From that time forward he was a secret sup
porter of the independence party. After the collapse
of the Valladolid plot, meetings of the chief revolu
tionists were held at Queretaro in houses of the pres
byter Jose Maria Sanchez and the licentiate Parra,
The corregidor attended the assemblies at the first-
mentioned house, which passed under the name of a
literary academy, while his wife Dona Maria Josefa
Ortiz took still more earnest interest in the suc
cess of the undertaking. In Parra's house secret
meetings were held and plans of operations discussed.
Here met the principal promoters of the revolution,
the licentiates Laso and Altamirano, captains Allende
and Aldama of the queen's regiment, Joaquin Arias,
captain of the , Zelaya regiment, Francisco Lanza-
gorta, lieutenant of the dragoons of San Miguel, the
two brothers Epigmenio and Emeterio Gonzalez and
others of less note.

While these preliminary matters were in progress
in Valladolid and Queretaro, the leaven of liberty was
working in Guanajuato; and indeed to this province
may be more specially given the proud distinction of
cradle of Mexican independence. And forever famous
above all must remain the town of Dolores, situated
in the higher level of the sierra de Guanajuato, eleven
leagues from the provincial capital. Its beginning
dates from the sixteenth century, when viceroys En-
riquez and Velasco exerted themselves in uniting the
Indians in municipal communities called congrega-
ciones, Dolores receiving the name of Congregacion de
Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, and being included
in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the curato of San
Miguel el Grande. In 1717 it was elevated to the
dignity of a pueblo, and somewhat later became an
independent curacy.

As usual in places of this kind, the parish church

MANUEL HIDALGO Y COSTILLA. 103

overshadowed the other buildings, being an extensive
structure, and completed about the middle of the
eighteenth century. The exterior presented quite an
imposing appearance, the front having two towers and
an ornamented entrance. At the close of the eight
eenth century a church of the third order of San Fran
cisco was erected which, though small, was of beauti
ful design and construction. There were also several
smaller churches or chapels. In 1826 the constituent
congress of Guanajuato bestowed upon the town the
title of villa. It contained later about 9,000 inhabi
tants, while the number of those within its civil and
ecclesiastical jurisdiction was between 35,000 and 40,-
000, scattered over a territory of sixty-eight square
leagues. Agriculture constitutes the chief occupation
of the people, a few only being engaged in retail traf
fic, and in the manufacture of common woollen goods,
of 'bricks, and in tanning. The district of Dolores is
better adapted for the culture of the vine than any
other part of Guanaj uato. Though silver deposits ex
ist in many places, the mining interest is not large.

The cura of this parish was Miguel Hidalgo y Cos-
tilla, a name forever to be honored as one who gave
his life to his country, who sacrificed himself for the
right as against injustice and oppression. Past mid
dle age, as he was now approaching fifty-eight, he had
reached the period when most men are ready to lay
aside some portion of life's burdens ; yet he was about
taking upon his shoulders the most vital issues of his
country, and that before his country was ready fully
to respond to his efforts.

Rather above than below medium height, of some
what stout proportions, large lirnbs and ruddy-brown
complexion, he presented altogether a robust constitu
tion. The head was large and well modelled, bald and
shining on the top, with many brain-compelling bumps ;
hair, what there was of it, nearly white; massive
features; forehead of course high, neck slightly twisted
to the left, nose straight, lips thin, eyebrows pronri-

104 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

nent, and as usual with the cloth, face clean-shaven.
He wore at this time short black trousers and stock
ings of the same color, leathern shoes with buckles,
and a long gown with cape. His heart was kind and
sympathetic; his manner soft and winning; his voice
sonorous, vibrating, and most pleasing to the ear; and
his deportment was natural and attractive. He had
the true scholarly stoop; and in all his features, air,
and attitude a profoundly meditative expression — a
fitting incarnation of a great soul bathed in settled
calm. Yet the clear, black, brilliant eyes betrayed
the activity of the mind, and through them shone the
light from the burning fires within.

It does not appear that Hidalgo attended the early
meetings of the revolutionists with regularity. In
deed, from his own statements I conclude that he
visited Queretaro only on one occasion for that
purpose, although he frequently held conversations
elsewhere with Ignacio Allende and others on the
subject of independence.15

Allende was certainly one of the moving spirits of
the revolution ; and although his fame as a patriot has
been eclipsed by that of Hidalgo, it is only justice
that his merits and patriotism should be fully recog
nized. He was born on the 21st of January, 1779,16
in San Miguel el Grande, his father being a Spanish
merchant and estate owner, named Domingo Narciso
de Allende. When Don Domingo died, which was
while Ignacio was of tender years, his affairs were
greatly embarrassed, and had it not been for the high
character of his executor, Domingo de Berrio, the

15 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 9. At these conferences with Allen
de, Hidalgo continually and prophetically expressed his opinion that 'the
authors of such enterprises never enjoyed the fruits of them.' Ib. Negrete,
however, states that he went several times to Quer6taro. ' Varios viajes aunque
de una manera occulta, hizo a Queretaro Hidalgo, con el objeto de f omen tar la
revolucion. ' Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX. , i. 83.

16 Copies of his baptismal certificate can be seen inLiceaga, Adlc. y E^ctific. ,
210-11, and in Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii.,app. 75-6. Liceaga, ut sup. 15, 17,
however, and Zamacois make the mistake of assigning 1769 as the year of hi3
birth.

IGXACIO ALLENDE. 105

house would have been bankrupt. The creditors,
however, were tolerant, and in some years the debts
were paid, and the means of livelihood saved to the
family.17

Being passionately fond of dangerous sports and
martial exercises from early youth, Ignacio was con
spicuous for his boldness and skill as a horseman, and
frequently signalized himself in the bull-ring, from
which he did not always escape unharmed, being crip
pled in the left arm from injuries received there. His
strength was so great that he could hold back a bull
by the horns,18 and he was ever ready to employ it
in defence of the weak. Before he had attained the
age of seventeen he was appointed provisionally a
lieutenant in the queen's dragoons, was confirmed in
the appointment in the following year, and in 1807
promoted to the rank of captain. He was present
with his company at the military encampment estab
lished by Iturrigaray at Jalapa, and won for himself
the marked approbation of the viceroy by his soldier
ly bearing and ability.19 According to Mier y Guerra,
his regard for the viceroy was such that he took an
oath to avenge his deposal on the Europeans, and
thenceforth began to form a definite plan of indepen
dence. Allende was an extremely handsome man,
of engaging manners and captivating address. To
resolution he united a perseverance which never
yielded to obstacles or opposition. His daring both
in the field arid in the expression of his opinions

17 Ignacio had two brothers, Domingo and Jose" Marfa, the former dying
before the reN^olution, the latter taking no part ia it. Id., 355. There were
also three sisters, Josef a, Mariana, and Manuela. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific.,
15-16.

18 ' Era un sugeto bien educado, insinuante y fino, de tal f uerza que deteuia
un toro por las hastas. ' Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp. , i. 290. See also Zerecero,
Mem. Rev. Hex. , 27. Pedro Jose" Sotelo, an eye-witness, speaking of a bull
fight in which Allende took part, says: 'En esta corrida tore6 D. Ignacio
Allende, y lucho con un toro, con cuya accion dej6 admirados a los especta-
dores.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.

19 'Habia merecido los elogios del virey Iturrigaray, principalmeute porque
adiestrando este el ex<3rcito acantonado en las maniobras y ardides de guerra
aquel le sorprehendi6 en una noche con toda su guardia.' Guerra, Hist. Rev.
N. Esp., i. 290.

106 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

exposed him to unnecessary dangers.20 At an early
age he entered the marriage state, and betrothed in
April 1802 Dona Maria de la Luz Agustina de las
Fuentes.21

When the encampment at Jalapa was broken up,
at the close of 1808, Allende with all the determina
tion of his nature put his shoulder to the work. Hav
ing returned with his command to San Miguel, he
gradually associated himself with a number of con
federates22 who were leading inhabitants of the town.
To avert suspicion and cloak their proceedings, balls
were frequently given at the house of his brother Do
mingo, in the festivities of which they joined, different
members occasionally retiring from the dancing-hall
to a room below to hold consultation. Ramifications
of the plan were extended to the principal neighbor
ing towns, where branch societies were established by
Allende and Aldama, who were appointed commis
sioners for- that purpose.23

The general plan of the uprising was the simul
taneous seizure of the rich Spaniards and authorities
in the important towns and then to raise the stand
ard of independence. This was to be accomplished
with as little violence as possible, and the captives
were to be allowed the privilege of remaining with
their families in the country,24 or returning to the
peninsula, in which case their property was to be confis
cated and appropriated for the public treasury. In
case the government, after this coup de main, should
be able to offer resistance, Allende acting as generalis-

20 Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 9.

21 A copy of the marriage document is supplied by Liceaga, ut sup. 211-
12. 'Alauian,' Hist. Mej., i. 356, 'anade con su bondad acostumbrada, que
era muy inclinado al juego, a las mujeres y a toda clase de disipaciones; pero
no he encontrado hecho alguno que justifique estas aseveraciones. ' GaMo,
11 ombres llust. Mex., iii. 351.

w Liceaga on p. 18 gives a list of 22 of his principal associates.
^ 23 Liceaga argues forcibly that the San Miguel meetings were organized
prior to those held in Quer6taro, and that Allende was the first promoter of
the revolution. Adic. y Rectijic., 21-7.

24 Mora makes no mention of this intention of mild treatment. Mej. y sus
Rev., iv. 13.

MEETINGS OF REVOLUTIONISTS. 107

si mo would organize the forces in different districts
and maintain the struggle. The government proposed
to be established was a senate of representatives ap
pointed by the provinces, which should rule in the
name of Fernando VII., ignoring all submission to
Spain.

To accomplish their designs, Alleride and Aldama
visited Mexico, Puebla, and other important places in
New Spain, while Hidalgo assisted in the cities of
Valladolid and Guanajuato, his efforts being espe
cially directed to gaining over the clergy. During
1810, Queretaro appears to have been the centre
of action, and Allende and Aldama frequently at
tended the meetings there.25 More than half the
year had gone and the plans of the revolutionists
were almost ripe. There were as yet no signs of dis
covery or treachery. Then the day was appointed on
which the cry of independence should be sounded.
The great fair held at San Juan de los Lagos, com
mencing on the 8th of December, offered a good op
portunity. Amidst the gathering crowds their move
ments would escape observation, and enable them to
concentrate their forces without detection.26 It was
accordingly decided that Allende and Aldama should
meet there by different routes on the 1st of that
month, and prepare matters for the proclamation of
independence on a concerted day of the fair. Events,
however, occurred which frustrated this design.

As the cura Hidalgo will presently become the
principal leader and most prominent character in the

KAlaman, Hist. Mej., i. 348; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 160-1. Mora,
however, states that ' Sun Miguel el Grande . . . se constituy6 el centro y f oco
de la revoiucion.' Ut sup., 15.

'^Liceaya, ut sup., 19-20. Mora states, however, 'se fijo el dia 1 de
octubrepara hacerel prommciamieuto en Queretaro, Guanajuato, San Miguel,
y otros lugares.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 16. Again from an official document in
the national archives it is reported to the government that 'segun dijo Laiiza-
gorta a Galvan, el proyecto debia tener efecto en todo Septiembre.' Zerecero,
Disc. Civ., 21. Guerra gives November 1st as the date. Rev. N. Esp.. i. 291.
Hidalgo states that October 2d was the day finally appointed for the upris
ing. Hernandez y Ddvcdos, Col. Doc., i. 14.

108 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

early revolution, a better acquaintance will aid our
purpose. His father, Cristobal Hidalgo y Costilla,
was a native of Tejupilco in the intendency of Mex
ico, and established himself in Penjamo in the province
of Guanajuato. There he betrothed and married
Ana Maria Gallaga,27 and in May 1753, Miguel Hi
dalgo y Costilla was born.28 Don Cristobal presently
removed to the hacienda of Corralejo with his wife
and four children, of whom Miguel was the second.
Their father afterward sent them to Valladolid to be
educated, and there Miguel distinguished himself in
philosophy and ecclesiastical studies at the college of
San Nicolas, where his fellow-collegiates gave him the
name of The Fox, an appellation intended as compli
mentary by reason of his sagacity.29

So highly did the ecclesiastical chapter of Vallado
lid estimate his theological acquirements, and the
ability he displayed in the public discussion of cer
tain themes, that it gave him $4,000 to enable him to
go to Mexico and obtain his degree of doctor of the
ology. Hidalgo, however, spent the money — some
say at play and in dissipation — before accomplishing
his journey.30 Nevertheless, in 1778 and 1779 he
went to the capital and was there ordained, receiving
the degree of bachelor of theology. On his return
to Valladolid he obtained successive appointments as
cura to two of the richest benefices in the diocese,31

27 Tradition affirms that Ana Maria was an orphan in the house of Gallaga,
and that while waiting at table, on the occasion of Don Cristobal's first visit,
her grace and beauty won his heart. Gallo, Hombres Illust. , iii. 240.

28 A copy of his baptismal registry will be found in Alaman, Hist, Mcj.,
iii. app. 75. Documents establishing the place and date of his birth are
supplied by Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , i. 455-72.

'^Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 351. Montana, Caracter Pollt. y Martial, in a
metrical fable published shortly after the battle of Aculco represents Hidalgo
as a fox, and Allende as a serpent, leading their followers, 'una lucida tropa
polla,' to destruction. The closing lines are:

' Lector, si tu no entiendea
Lo quo quiere decir la fabulilla:
No importa: entenderAlo la gabilla
Quo a log Hidalgos siguo y los Allendes.'

z°Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 291. 'Los perdi6 al juego enMaravatio,
al hacer el viaje & Mexico para solicitarlo.' Alaman, ut sup., 352.

31 1 have in my possession an original autograph letter of Hidalgo written
while he was the cura of Colima. It is dated Colima, July 20, 1792, and signed

LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HIDALGO. 109

and eventually on the death of his elder brother Joa-
quin succeeded him as cura of Dolores, a town at that
time of 18,000 souls, yielding him a stipend of from
§10,000 to $12,000.32 Here he devoted himself to a
variety of occupations, independent of his clerical du
ties, and congenial with tastes acquired in his boyhood
on his father's hacienda. He established a porcelain
factory, improved the cultivation of the vine, planted
mulberry trees, and grew silk-worms. But his mind
was not satisfied with industrial pursuits and experi
ments alone. The seclusion of his library often won
him from more practical life, and there he studied the
sciences and political economy,33 perused French phil
osophical works,34 and investigated .the doctrines pro
pounded in unorthodox books.35 It was during these
years of self-education that he acquired those en
lightened views which enabled him to recognize the
injustice which marked both the ecclesiastical and
temporal governments, and caused him to look with
indignation upon the warped tenets and proceedings
of the church, and with detestation upon the despot
ism exercised by the state.

Hidalgo was a brave and determined man; he was
a pleasant conversationalist, and, though quick-tem
pered, had an obliging and kindly disposition. The
interest which he took in the welfare of his flock by
the development of industries and his lavish expen
diture of money on such enterprises gained for him

'Migl Hidalgo y Costilla,' with his rubrica affixed to the signature. It is ad
dressed to the cura of the pueblo de Elagualulco, and relates to ecclesiastical
formalities required to be observed with respect to the second marriage of an
Indian named Pascual de los Santos with a free mulatto woman.

32 Gucrra, loc. cit. Negrete says $8,000 or $9,000 'un afio con otro.' He
generously divided this stipend with a clergyman named Francisco Iglesias,
whom he employed in assisting him in his clerical duties. Hist. Mil. Sig.
XIX., I 79.

33 This study attracted his attention while at the college of San Nicolas,
of which he was appointed rector, 'y la desarrolld cuando fud cura en la villa
de S. Felipe y congregacion de Dolores.' JBustamante. Cuadro Hint., i. 264.

34 Hidalgo knew French well, 'cosa bastante rara en aquel tiempo en es
pecial entre los eclesiasticos. ' Alaman, loc. cit.

35 'Leia y tenia algunas _obras literarias y politicas proibidas severamente
por la inquisition y desconocidas para el comun de loa Mejicanos.' Mora,
Mej. y sun Rev., iv. 8.

110 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

the lasting affection of the Indians, in whose languages
he was proficient. Extremely enterprising, he was,
however, too precipitate in action. With regard to
his moral character, many vices are laid at his door,33
which were made the most of by the opposite party
after he raised the standard of revolt. From the fact
that as early as 1800 accusations of immorality were
preferred against him before the inquisition by two
women, it ma}^ be concluded that his life was not of
that purity which his clerical calling would seem to
demand; but as the inquisition did not at the time
proceed against him, although the accusations in
cluded charges of heresy, it may be inferred that
proofs were wanting, or that his derelictions were not
of a flagrant nature.37

As early as the llth of August the government
had intimation of a plot.33 One Mariano Galvan, an
official in the post-office, gave information about the
secret meetings to Joaquin Quintan a, chief of the
department, who communicated with the postmaster-
general of Mexico. By him Aguirre was made ac
quainted with the danger. He, however, contented
himself with giving orders that the revolutionists
should be watched, without bringing the matter to
the notice of the government. Meanwhile Hidalgo

36 'Poseido del abominable vicio de laluxuria.' Diaz Calvillo, Sermon (1811),
107.

37 Consult Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 78, et seq. Afterward the
inquisition continued the charges with additional ones, and proceeded against
Hidalgo with every severity, publishing a memorable edict on the 13th of
October, 1810. In it heresy, blasphemy, and profession of the doctrines of
Luther were charged. On the score of morality it contains this extraordinary
accusation: 'Teneis por inocente y licita la polucion y fornicacion, como efecto
necesario y consiguiente al mecanismo de la naturaleza, por cuyo error habeis
sido tan libertino, que hicisteis pacto con vuestra manceba de que os buscase
mugeres para fornicar, y que para lo mismo le buscariais a ella hoinbres, asegu-
randola que no hay infierno, ni Jesucristo.' Dispos. Varias, iii. f. 152. Con
sult also Mora, Mcj. ysus Rev., iv. 60-1. This author considers that the early
inaction of the inquisition was partly due to the fact that Bishop Abad y
Queipo, in matters of opinion, was somewhat implicated with Hidalgo. The
fact that these charges were brought against an excommunicated and rebel
priest renders them unworthy serious consideration.

38 For minute particulars consult extracts from documents in the Mexican
archives supplied by Neyrete, Mex. Si/jlo XIX., i. 286-97.

TREACHERY AND EXPOSURE. Ill

was endeavoring to gain over the provincial infantry
battalion of Guanajuato, and to that end opened his
plan to several of the subaltern officers. One of these,
Garrido, the band-master, exposed the affair on the
13th of September to his captain, Francisco Busta-
mante, who lost no time in informing his superior
officer, Diego Berzabal, who communicated the mat
ter to the intendente Riailo, and offered to arrest
Hidalgo. Riano, however, preferred to watch affairs,
and instructed Francisco Iriarte, who was going to
San Felipe, to report occurrences in Dolores, and sent
orders to San Miguel to arrest Allende and Aldama.

The despatch was, however, intercepted by Allende,
who received timely warning of the denouncement
made by Garrido, and thus gained some little time to
deliberate with his associates at San Miguel39 as to
their proper course.

While this was taking place in Guanajuato, Cap
tain Arias turned traitor in Queretaro, and to secure
his own safety denounced the plot on the 10th of
September to the alcalde Juan de Ochoa.40 This of
ficer immediately despatched a courier with a written
account drawn up by the escribano Juan Fernando
Dorninguez to the viceroy, who was already on his
way from Yera Cruz. Again, on the 13th, a man
named Francisco Bueras informed Padre Gil, cura of

S9Mora, Mej. ysus Rev., iv. 18-9. Alaman states that he was playing at
cards in the house of Camufiez, the major of his corps, when he received the
advice from Guanajuato. Hist. Hej., i. 373. Riaiio's action with regard to
Hidalgo was probably influenced by friendship, as the cura was a frequent
visitor at his house. See JSustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 42.

40 Such is Alaman's account of the discovery of the plot. Hi*t. Mej. , i.
361-6. Guerra says: 'Pero abort6 el plan por la confesion en el articulo cle
la muerte del Can6nigo de Valladolid Iturriaga, c6mplice en la conspiracion,
al cura de Queretaro Gil.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. Bustamante states
simply that an ecclesiastic denounced the plot at 10 o'clock of the night of
the 14th of September. Cuadro Hist., i. 31. Liceaga considers it probable
that Arias first gave information. Adiciones y Rectif., 43. Consult also Zere-
cero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 52-58, for copies of documents addressed to the audi-
encia on the llth of September; and the same author, Discur*o Civic., 19-25,
for information conveyed to the capital from August llth to the above named
date. Ochoa, on the 10th and llth of September, sent despatches to Aguirre
and the viceroy informing them of the meditated revolution, and forwarded
a list of the principal persons concerned in it. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., ii. G4-8.

112 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

Queretaro, that there was a plot to assassinate all the
Spaniards, and that a quantity of arms were stored
in the houses of one Samano and Epigmenio Gonza
lez. He also stated that the corregidor knew of it.
The cura , being a friend of Dominguez, at once placed
the facts before him, advising him either to proceed
against Epigmenio Gonzalez or share imprisonment
with him. Whereupon the corregidor went to con
sult with the escribano, who, already aware of the
corregidor's complicity, dissimulated by declaring that
he did not believe a word of the statement. Corre
gidor Dominguez, however, persisted that his infor
mation was correct, and Juan Fernando suggested
that he should ask assistance of the cornandante Ig-
nacio Garcia Rebollo, and search Gonzalez's house.
This was done, and forty men placed under arms,
twenty of whom under the corregidor surrounded the
house of Gonzalez while the comandante, with the
remaining twenty, invested that of Samano.

Had the corregidor been fortunate enough to avoid
communication with the escribano, all might have gone
well with the revolutionists and himself; but the es
cribano displayed such zeal, and instituted so thorough
a search of the house, that the escape of the inmates
was rendered impossible, and a quantity of ammuni
tion and weapons was discovered. The corregidor,
however unwilling, was now compelled to arrest
Epigmenio, his brother, and all the household. While
he was thus occupied, his wife, faithful to the cause,
devised means41 to communicate with Allende at San

41 Alaman says that Dominguez locked the entrance gates of the house on
his departure, and that Dona Josefa signalled to Ignacio Perez, the prison al
caide, whose room was immediately beneath her recamara, by tapping thrice
on the floor. Perez, being an ardent supporter of the revolution, considered
the intelligence which she communicated through the wicket-grating so
important that he undertook to convey the message himself. Not finding
Allende at San Miguel, where he arrived at daylight on the 15th, he sought
Aldama and informed him of what was taking place. Hist. Mej., i. 3G8-9.
Liceaga states on the authority of a manuscript that two messengers, Fran
cisco Lopez and Francisco Anaya, were also sent by the corregidora, the for
mer alone arriving at the destination, and as late as five in the evening of the
loth. That Allende, however, should have already left for Dolores on the
arrival of Perez, being informed of danger by the intercepted order for his

ARRESTS AND IMPRISONMENTS. 113

Miguel, informing him of the serious position of af
fairs. She also informed Arias, but received a reply
so unsatisfactory as to cause her much anxiety.42

On the following morning the corregidor began
proceedings against the accused, but conducted them
in so procrastinating a manner that evidently his heart
was not in the work. Probably Arias was right in
representing to the alcalde Ochoa that Dominguez
was endeavoring to gain time, and that the plot was
rapidly approaching its denouement. A little by-play
was enacted: the traitor, with his own connivance,
was arrested on the evening of the 15th, and on his
person were discovered papers implicating Hidalgo
and Allende. But this was not enough. The letters
spoke of friends who could be relied on; and when
closely questioned Arias admitted that these friends
were the corregidor, his wife, and a number of others
who were wont to assemble at the revolutionary meet
ings. The subordinate officer, the alcalde Ochoa,
supported by the Spanish faction, now proceeded to
act. The comandante Rebollo, who hitherto appears
t;> have been quite unaware of the magnitude of the
revolution, placed under Ochoa's directions three hun
dred soldiers;43 and Dominguez, his wife and family,
with a number of other suspected persons, were
arrested and imprisoned during the night.44 The
corregidor was closely confined in a cell in the college

arrest, he considers not probable, since his inactivity under the circumstances
for 24 hours would be inexplicable. Moreover, citizens of San Miguel affirmed
that he was in that town on the morning of the loth, attending with his
troops a religious ceremony, and was seen there as late as 5 o'clock in the af
ternoon. From the evidence, therefore, this author concludes that Hidalgo
and Allende acted immediately upon receipt of the news from Quere"taro, and
did not waste a day in indecision. Adiciones y Rectific., 44-5. Liceaga's con
clusion is proved to be correct by the statements of Sotelo, a participator in
the proceedings. --He asserts that Allende arrived at Dolores at ten on the
night of the loth of September. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.

42 ' Pero aquel contesto de una manera desabrida, diciendo quo se veia en
aquel compromiso por haberse fiado de quienes no debiera y que ya tenia
tornado su partido.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 309.

43 ' La manana de 15 al 16 una faccion de europeos regentados por el alcalde
ordi.na.rio D. Juan Ochoa, y como trescientos soldados del regimiento de Cclaya,
auxiliados por Garcia Rebollo, sorprendieron al Lie. Dominguez. ' Bustamante,
Cttadro Hist. , i. 31.

** Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 74-5.
Hisx. HEX., VOL. IV. 8

114 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

of Santa Cruz, without being allowed to communicate
with any one. His wife was conveyed to the convent
of Santa Clara, and although enceinte, was deprived
of the company of her friends, and even of her children,
who were separately imprisoned.45

It is difficult to account for the subsequent proceed
ings of the government against Dominguez, unless
they can be explained by the contemptuous regard
with which Oidor Aguirre viewed the political atti
tude of the Creoles. Information of the corregidor's
arrest was conveyed without loss of time to Venegas,
who consulted with Aguirre. That minister expressed
such disdain for any attempt that could be made by
'Americans' to overthrow Spanish rule, that he as
sured the viceroy that at an official piece of parchment
on a stick they would be frightened like asses.46 He
concluded by suggesting that Juan Collado, the al
calde del crimen, should be sent, with an escribano
and minor officials, to investigate the matter.47 The
viceroy acted upon this advice, and Collado briefly
dismissed the charge against Dominguez and rein
stated him in office.48

45 Bustamante states that her daughters were not allowed to speak with
the servants who attended on her. Cuadro Hist., i. 32.

46 Throughout this war the Mexican people, Creoles, Indians, and mestizos,
are often called 'Americanos,' and sometimes 'gente del pais. '

47 Bustamente regards this exhibition of authority with great contempt.
He ironically represents Aguirre as suggesting, ' que en el caso, lo que con-
venia hacer, seria mandar al alcalde de crimen D. Juan Collado a Querdtaro
con un escribano y algunos porquerones,' and adds that the viceroy accepted
the advice and Collado the office, the latter appointing Jose" Maria Moya his
escribano, and 'corchete mayor a D. Antonio Acuua que en Mexico desempe-
naba la plaza de capitan de sala. ' Ib.

48 Venegas disapproved Collado's action and removed him from the audicn-
cia. Id., 36. Dominguez was a man of great literary ability and acquire
ments. As a magistrate, both his talents and integrity were justly appre
ciated by the public. Having occupied in the Mexican capital an official
position of importance and trust with regard to both public and private
business of the viceroy, his strict attention to his duties and his fidelity
gained him the favor of Marquina, who appointed him to the corregimiento
of Quer6taro, an office so important and lucrative that it was regarded as
equal to an intendencia. The salary was 4,000 pesos, and other sources of in
come amounted to as much more. Under the administration of Iturrigaray,
Dominguez was instructed to reform the abuses which existed in the clouh
factories at Quer^taro. The system under which these were conducted
reduced a large proportion of the operatives to actual slavery — a pecuniary
advance making them subject to thraldom remorselessly exacted by their

ENFORCED ACTION. 115

No sooner had Allende received news of the arrest
of the Gonzalez family and household than he hast
ened to Dolores, being now aware that his purposes
were widely known to the authorities.49 His inter
view with Hidalgo was marked by rapid deliberation
and prompt decision. When Allende and his com
panions arrived at Dolores the cura was entertaining
visitors, and the revolutionists remained outside until
they had departed. When admitted, they informed
Hidalgo of the arrests which had been made, and the
discovery of their plans. The cura, who had listened
to their statements with imperturbable calmness, ex
claimed, "Action must be taken at once; there is no
time to be lost; we shall yet see the oppressors' yoke
broken and the fragments scattered on the ground!"50
He then ordered the street watchmen who were at
tached to the cause to be called in, and sent them to
summon the workmen in his* pottery and silk factories.
These soon assembled to the number of fifteen or six
teen, to whom Hidalgo communicated his intention of
immediately raising the cry of liberty.

employers. Dominguez effected the necessary reforms, and drew upon him
self the enmity of the owners, who were mostly Europeans. Nevertheless,
his public conduct, and the faithfulness with which he managed the large
estate and fortune left in his charge by Dona Josefa Vergara for beneficent
purposes, won for him the regard of the inhabitants of Quere'taro. Zamacois
attributes the easy acquittal of Dominguez either to policy on the part of Col-
lado, who considered it might be prudent to show generosity when the revolu
tion had already commenced, or to the pressure of a threat expressed by the
Indian inhabitants of the Canada that they would rise in revolt if the corre-
gidor were not released. Hist. Mej., vi. 324. That the corregidor was
enabled to maintain bis position at such a crisis speaks loudly to his credit as
possessing a strong hold on the regards of both parties — or as a consummate
political craftsman.

49 Guerra states that Allende ' conocio su peligro por este murmurio piiblico,
6 tal vez, por que su mismo gefe Canal le avis6 de la orden que habia recibiilo
de Mexico para prenderle.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. As 'este murmurio'
has reference to the arrest of Dominguez on the night of the 15th, Guerra is
in error, since Allende was at that time on his way to Dolores.

50 This is the statement of Sotelo, an eye-witness. Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. DOC.+ ii. 322. Alaman gives a different account, derived from state
ments made1?frth.e trials of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and others. He
states that Allende went to Dolores on the 14th, and that the news of the ar
rests at Queretaro was brought by Aldama, who only arrived at Dolores at
two o'clock in the morning of the IGth; that the cura was roused from his
bed, and exclaimed: 'Gentlemen, we are lost; the only resource left is to seize
gachupines.' Hist. Mej., i. 373-4. In view of the narration of Sotelo, who
was present on the occasion, and taking into consideration the statements
made in the trials, I follow Sotelo's version.

116 OPENING OF THE WAB OF INDEPENDENCE,

A rumor of what was transpiring had, however,
spread, and a number of the populace assembled be
fore the cura's gate, ready to take part in the enter
prise. Weapons, which had been secretly made and
hidden, were now brought out, and Hidalgo distrib
uted them with his own hand. The first step taken
was to secure the person of Padre Bustamante, the
sacristan mayor of the parish, who was a Spaniard.
Hidalgo then addressed a few animating words to
those assembled, raising in loud voice as he concluded
the cry, " Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupel Viva
la independencia!"

The revolutionists now sallied forth,51 and having
first liberated the prisoners in the town jail,52 thus
swelling their numbers, they made captive the princi
pal Spaniards.53 Dawn was now approaching. It
was Sunday. Hidalgo caused the church bell which
summoned his flock to mass to be rung at an earlier
hour than usual. The townspeople came forward and
gathered in groups before the church door, and from
the neighboring haciendas countrymen on foot and
mounted were seen flocking in and congregating in

51 Accounts differ -as to their number. Sotelo gives a list of twenty-one
names, without including any of the leaders and others whose names were
not known. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 330. Negrete supplies a
list of 43 names, only two of which appear in that of Sotelo. Hist. Mil. S'uj.
XIX., i. 134-5. The number in all must have been far in excess of that given
by many Mexican historians, the smallness of which is incompatible with the
success attained. Alaman states that Hidalgo, supported by his brother
Mariano, Jos6 Santos Villa, Allende, Aldama, and ten armed men whom he
retained in his house, 15 in all, proceeded to execute the design of seizing
the Spanish residents. Hist. Mej., i. 375. Liceaga maintains that there were
only ten engaged in the undertaking. Rectific. y Adic., 53. Mora, who incor
rectly mentions Abasolo as being present, as also does Negrete in his list, says:
' Con diez hombres pues, de los cuales cinco eran forzados, so procedio a
prender los Espafioles del lugar.' Mej. y sus Rev., 20. Guerra's statement
that Allende left San Miguel with 50 soldiers of his company on the 13th of
September for Dolores, and increased his force to 800 men on his march by de
claring that' he was going to liberate the corregidor Dominguez, is utterly at
variance with facts.

02 Liceaga disputes this fact, but the evidence is conclusive. Consult Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 17, 40; ii. 323.

53 On page 55 of his Adic. y Rectific., Liceaga gives a list of 13 names of
Spaniards made prisoners. Bustamante states that only seven were seized.
Cuad. Hist., i. 22. Alaman says the number was seventeen. Hist. Mej., i.
376-7.

GRITO DE DOLORES. 117

the sanctuary.54 But it was the matters of this
world rather than those of the next that were now
to claim their attention. Deliverance was demanded,
and from the evil one; but it was from Satan in the
flesh, from devils incarnated as temporal masters, in
flicting wrongs and injuries and infamies without
number — time enough left when men are free from
the tyraraiies of their fellows to continue the eternal
battle with the powers of darkness !

There was no mass that day. The cura entered
his pulpit and looked abroad upon the sea of upturned
anxious faces with deep and yearning solicitude.
"My children," he said, "this day comes to us a new
dispensation. Are you ready to receive it? Will
you be free? Will you make the effort to recover
from the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your
forefathers three hundred years ago?" Thus the
great project of independence was laid before them,
and they were called upon to prove their devotion to
their country. For the last time Hidalgo addressed
his flock as cura of Dolores. Henceforth he would
be their guide to liberty; they would fight for it;
they would die for it; he would lead them himself
to battle and to victory! "To-day," he continued,
"we must act. The Spaniards are bad enough them
selves, but now they are about to surrender us and our
country to the French. Danger threatens our religion,
and oppression our homes. Will you become Napo
leon's slaves? or will you as patriots defend your relig
ion and your rights ? " " We will defend them ! " shouted
the people. "Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe,
muera el mal gobierno, mueran los gachupines!"55
" Live, then, and follow your cura, who has ever watched
over your welfare," was Hidalgo's answer. The Grito
de Dolores has gone forth! The poor and ignorant

54 During the morning a message was sent to Mariano Abasolo, inviting him
to join the cause, which he did without hesitation, according to Sotelo's state
ment. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 323.

55 Long live our lady of Guadalupe, perish the bad government, perish the
Spaniards !

118 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

and down-trodden of this little Indian town proclaim
the future independence of a great nation! Enthusi
asm rises to religious height, and unarmed as they
are, they will follow no matter where, and fight and
die no matter how.

It is somewhat strange that independence should
be born in such a quarter and of such parentage; yet
perhaps not more wonderful here and thus than else
where and in some other way. Its days were now
fully come, and it must be brought forth. We know
after what manner religions have come to man; we
have seen great spasms of enlightenment fall at vari
ous epochs on the race; we have seen the intellect
awaken as from a dream, and re-awaken again and
again — but what it all is, or how, or why, no man can
tell, howsoever hard our teachers may try.

In the evolution of human affairs two elements are
essential to progress, the opportunity and the agent.
There may be and often is one condition without the
other. Opportunity may be ripe arid no one at hand
to act; or the individual may be present and lack op
portunity; or the agent may be before his time, act
prematurely, and so spoil all. Under such conditions
there can be no great bririging-forth.

It was a question how far such auxiliaries could be
of service in the coming crusade. Hidalgo maintained
that the display of numbers would be beneficial to
their cause. Allende, however, entertained grave
doubts, but he finally acquiesced. To provide their
followers with arms was the great difficulty. The
houses of the Spaniards were ransacked; lances which
Hidalgo had already provided were brought forth;
the Indian seized his machete^ and those who could
obtain no better weapon supplied themselves with
clubs, slings, and bows and arrows. Fire-arms they
had few; but San Miguel would furnish them some

56 An implement for cutting grass, sugar-cane, brush, etc., in the shape of
a broadsword without hilt, and sometimes slightly curved, the sharpened
edge being in that case on the convex curve.

ON THE MARCH. 119

munitions of war, and thither Hidalgo and Allende
led their rabble, which soon numbered nearly 4,000
men.57

Some attempt at military order was made. The
mounted herdsmen of the haciendas, carrying lances,
were formed into a troop of cavalry, while the better
armed Indians on foot represented the infantry. Then
followed a promiscuous crowd, in which women and
children joined. The die was cast; and the aroused
people hastened onr The maize was in full ear, and
haciendas abounding in cattle lay on their line of
march. There was no lack of food, and they took
wrhat they wanted. As they passed through the vil
lages volunteers swelled their ranks, and other Span
iards were added to the number of the captives. On
their arrival at Atotonilco, Hidalgo halted in order
that he might surprise San Miguel at nightfall.
Here a picture of the virgin of Guadalupe was ob
tained,58 and raised on high above the throng, amidst
shouts of "Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, y
mueran los gachupinesl" Henceforth it became the
banner of the crusade; and while it waved on high,
emblem of peace and intercession, many a brave deed,
many a bloody deed, was done for those rights and
liberties which on no other ground than violence and
force would ever be vouchsafed to them.59

57J/ora, Mej. y sus. Rev., iv. 21. Negrete states that Hidalgo marched
ont of Dolores with only about 80 men, which number as he advanced was
increased to 300. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 19-20. Sotelo says: 'Mirando que ya
se contaba con un numero considerable de gente adicta, resolvio organizarla
en forma cle tropa. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 323.

58 Alaman states that Hidalgo took it from the sacristy and raised it on a
lance in order to support his enterprise by the religious devotion which his
followers entertained for the sacred emblem. This is refuted by Liceaga,
who explains that one of the insurgents procured a copy of the picture from
'Dona Ramona N. que vivia alii como otras, con el nombre de beatas,' and
that it was hoisted upon a clothes-pole. The enthusiasm it roused caused
the leaders to adopt it as a banner. A die. y Rectijic., 58. Zamacois supports
Alaman 's statement on the strength of Hidalgo's declaration. Hist. Mej.,\7i.
253; Hernadez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 13.

59 Other banners with a like design were in time procured and borne along
in all parts of Hidalgo's army. 'Ami existe en poder del hi jo del denodado
insurgente Victor Resales, el diseno original de la primera bandera de Hidalgo
que tenia la forma de un estandarte, que fue hecho con uno de los palios de la
parroquia de Dolores, y sobre el cual se puso un escudo muy parecido ai adop-

120 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

Meanwhile intelligence of the uprising had reached
San Miguel,60 and the Spanish residents, aware that
they could not rely upon any Creole or native servant,
and informed by Colonel Canal that no dependence
could be placed on the regiment, assembled in arms at
the municipal buildings for self-defence. As the dusk
of evening fell, Hidalgo entered the town. The ex
citement was intense, the population cheering the in
surgents and hurling bitter denunciations against the
Spaniards. Allende placed the prisoners brought from
Dolores in the college of San Francisco de Sales, un
der the guardianship of Aldama, while he proceeded
to arrest the Spaniards of the town. Through the
representations of Canal, after some parley the latter
were induced to yield without opposition and surren
der their arms. Allende assured them that while he
lived no harm should befall them, and thereupon they
were removed to the college.

The Spaniards having thus been secured without
bloodshed, no difficulty was found in winning over
the soldiers of the garrison. The officers and troops
of the queen's regiment of provincial dragoons were
already predisposed to support Allende. In vain Ma
jor Camunez endeavored at the barracks to hold them
to their loyalty by representing that the rebels were
partisans of the French. His words were received
with an ominous silence, and when two of the officers
raised a cheer for Allende and independence, Carnunez
was made captive,61 and the whole regiment joined
the insurgents. A portion of the Celaya infantry

tado despues de la independencia y era de papel negro recortado.' Gallo, Horn-
Ires I I mt., 272.

60 Authors differ with regard to this statement. Mora asserts that the
authorities were completely surprised, and knew nothing of the movement
until Hidalgo was at their door; but Liceaga more reasonably affirms that
news of what had taken place in Dolores reached San Miguel early. I have
accepted his version as being the more probable. He gives a list of the prin
cipal Spanish residents in San Miguel. Adic. y Rcctific., 58-60.

61 Colonel Canal, if he did not actually favor the movement, was indiffer
ent. He had, however, been succeeded in the command by Caimiuez that
morning. Liceaf/a, ut sup., 61.

PILLAGE AND MURDER. 121

stationed there also declared for the cause of inde
pendence.

During the night and on the following morning the
populace began to exhibit symptoms of violence, which
afterward became uncontrollable. Having liberated
the prisoners in the jail, with much uproar and cries
of "Death to the gachupines!" they assembled in
dense throngs before the houses of the Spanish resi
dents, intent on pillage and destruction. Stores and
private dwellings shared a like fate. Doors were
battered in and the rabble ransacked and robbed ad
libitum.62 .Hidalgo endeavored to moderate these wild
passions, and Allende, sword in hand, rode through
the crowds threatening their death, until the disorder
was stopped.

Our standpoint of morality depends on our teach
ing, if we still hold to our teachings, or to our line of
independent thought, if we have any. The merchant's
morality is different from that of the doctor, the priest's
from that of the military man. While Hidalgo had
as much conscience, as much heart and humanity, as
Allende, whose profession was that of man-killer, he
was now out on the work of an avenging angel, in so
far as it was necessary for his work to assume that
form. The Spaniards had robbed and insulted these
many years. This was now to be stopped, whatever
the cost. If the permission of pillage would add to
the power of his cause, it were but small difference
when the demon of murder was abroad. Our most
refined and Christian civilization will kill human be
ings in battle by the hundred thousand, will commit
horrible and wholesale butcheries without justice and
without mercy, employing all the arts and advantages
the mind can invent to injure and destroy the enemy —
all for the cause, killing to prevent further killing;
but over some few minor and comparatively insig-

62 According to Torrente, 77is£. J&IL+ i. 143, not-even Creoles' houses were
spared. ' Se lanzaron como lobos rabiosos contra todos los europeos i contra
sus propiedades, sin perdonara sus mismos compatriutas. '

122 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

nificant injuries it raises its hands in holy horror,
and cries out against them as barbaric and savage.
Stuff and humbug! Savage warfare is no worse than
civilized warfare, no less necessary, no less righteous.
It may be a little less decent and refined; but what
are refinement and decency beside butchery and body-
mangling machines ! All is as bad as it can be ; the
civilized men are the more to blame, however, for they
should know better.

Hidalgo was a far more self-sacrificing, honorable,
and humane man than the average military leader.
But he was not hypocrite or fool enough to pretend that
it was worse to take a dead man's goods than a living
man's life. But the killing in war is done for the
cause. True; and now pillage is permitted for the
cause. It was not that he was in favor of robbery.
But sacking a town he regarded as no worse than kill
ing the people; and in his present emergency he
deemed one as much a matter of necessity as the other.
In any event, he would win this cause if within his
power to do so.

Allende thought differently. He was a man of nar
rower mind, of more restricted ideas; he was a soldier,
and felt bound by conventional rules and the regu
lations of his craft. He urged that they ought
not to rely upon the common people, who were ad
dicted to pillage, but upon disciplined troops. The
discussion was continued with considerable warmth,
until it became evident that two leaders at discord
might prove fatal to the cause. Hidalgo, therefore,
suggested that his own and Allende's authority should
be defined, in order that each should act within the
limits of his own powers, and Allende at once offered
to surrender the supreme command to the cura,
whose ability and influence he very sensibly deemed
superior to his own. He expressed the determi
nation, however, to separate himself from him if
they should be unable to act in harmony. But all
thought of independent action on the part of Allende

MILITARY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. 123

was set at rest by the arrival somewhat later of a de
spatch from Riano, the intendente of Guanajuato, ad
dressed to the subclelegado Bellogin, who was a prison
er at the time, and ordering the immediate arrest of
Allende, Aldama, and, if possible, of Hidalgo, " because
his talents, character, and reputation would render the
revolution more vigorous and formidable." The post
master having been also made captive, the letter was
delivered to Allende, who, recognizing the truth of its
comments on Hidalgo, insisted that the cura should
retain supreme command, which he did.63

The suddenness with which the insurgents had been
compelled prematurely to proclaim their purpose had
entirely overthrown their previous plans, and their fu
ture operations would in a great measure have to be
guided by circumstances. To discipline overwhelm
ing numbers, provide their followers with arms, and
institute some degree of military tactics was now their
object. In order to provide for public tranquillity, a
conference was held in the evening, to which the prin
cipal citizens were convoked, and a junta, presided over
by Aldama, was established.64 On the following day
the work of organizing the forces was commenced.
Officers from the grade of corporal to that of colo
nel were appointed; recruits were obtained from the
surrounding haciendas, and lances constructed with
the greatest diligence. A quantity of gunpowder,
also, which was being conveyed from Mexico to the
mines of Guanajuato, fell into the hands of the in
surgents.

On the morning of the 18th Hidalgo led his forces,
now counted by tens of thousands, out of San Miguel,
after having appropriated what money there was in
the treasury, and some belonging to the Spanish cap
tives.65 Marching through the towns of San Juan

e3Liceaya, Adic. y Recti/ic., 65-7.

64 The other members were, Padre Manuel Castilblanque, Felipe Gonzalez,
Miguel Vallejo, Domingo Unzaga, and Vicente Umaran. The administra
tion of the aduana and of the tobacco monopoly was given to Antonio Aga-
ton de Lartiendo, and that of the post-office to Francisco Rebelo. Id., 68.

65 Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., 22. Mariano Hidalgo, brother of the cura, was

124

OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

cle la Vega and Chamacuero,66 he moved toward Ce-
kya, and approached the town on the evening of the
1 9th. The officers in command of the troops stationed
there, deeming resistance useless, retired at night with
some companions of the provincial regiment to Que-
retaro, accompanied by the European residents. On
the night of the 19th, Hidalgo and Allende conjointly
addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento, summoning
the town to surrender, and threatening to put to death

PROVINCE OF GUANAJUATO.

their prisoners to the number of seventy-eight if op
position was offered.67

appointed treasurer. One dollar a day was paid a cavalryman and half that
sum to a foot-soldier. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 381.

60 At this last place he made captive the cura, who was a European. Gaz.
deMex., 1810, 811.

67 The captive Spaniards had been brought with them, surrounded by the
dragoons of the queen's regiment. The following is a translation of the doc
ument, a copy of which is to be found in Alaman, Hint. Mej., i. app. 50-1:
'We have approached this city with the object of securing the persons of all
the European Spaniards. If they surrender at discretion, their persons will
be treated with humanity; but if on the contrary resistance should be made,

ENTRY INTO CELAYA. 125

A man is never so old as to cease to be an enigma
to himself, provided he continues to place himself in
new and untried fields, and has sense and patience
enough fully and fairly to regard himself. The bur
glar does not know how he would behave as a banker ;
the merchant does not know what his price would be
were he a politician. So the lately humane man may
become a bloody fanatic, and the soft radiance of char
ity may make tender the heart of the cruel. Men
pride themselves upon their character as something
adamantine, when all the time it may be but putty,
never having been tried; were it so, it would change
to white or black twenty times under as many and
weighty influences.

The man of God behaves badly in the livery of the
devil. He behaves worse than the devil. War is
Satan's enginery, and he is the only one worthy to
employ it, the only one who seems to win at it. God
lights his enemies, we are told, and yet his enemies
everywhere abound; he does not wholly overcome
them. The sterner qualities of the soldier, resolved
to win at all cost, were being developed in the parish
priest of Dolores. Happily for these unfortunate
Spaniards, no event occurred to cause the leaders to
put their dreadful threat in execution. A copy of the
despatch was sent by the ayuntamiento three hours
after midnight on the 20th to the municipality of
Queretaro, and on the same day Hidalgo was informed
that no resistance would be offered to his entrance.

On the 21st the insurgents marched into the city.
At the entrance of the plaza a spectator had stationed
himself on a house-top to witness the marshalling of
this motley army. The man was shot dead;63 and as

and the order to fire upon us be given, they will be treated with a correspond
ing rigor. May God protect your honors many years. Field of battle, Sep
tember 19, 1810. Miguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Allen cle. P. S. The moment that
the order is given to open fire upon our troops, the seventy-eight Europeans
whom we have in our power will be beheaded. Hidalgo, Allende. Sres. del
Ayuntamiento de Celaya. '

68 Alaman states that he was the coachman of Manuel Gomez Linares, and
denies Abasolo's statement during his trkl that the man first fired at the in-

126 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

if the report of this murderous gun were the precon
certed signal for onslaught, the work of violence be
gan.69 Joined by the populace, the insurgents rushed
in excited bands through the city, and erelong the
houses of the Europeans were broken into, their fur
niture battered to pieces and cast into the streets,
and every article of clothing, of common requirement,
or of use in war, was carried off, and the rest was
wantonly destroyed. Again remonstrances were laid
before Hidalgo; but he maintained his previous views
that numbers would insure success, and that a sys
tem of plunder would both weaken their foes and at
tract partisans to their own cause.70

In taking this ground Hidalgo, as patriot and rev
olutionist — for he was both — has been severely cen
sured. But there is much to be said in extenuation.
Hidalgo claimed that the Indians had been wrong
fully dispossessed of their lands, property, and rights
in the first instance, and consequently the wealth the
Spaniards and their descendants had thereby acquired
was not theirs, but belonged to the aboriginal occu
pants of the soil and their descendants. Robbery
and murder had been employed by the Spaniards in
wresting the country from the Indians, and they
would adopt the same measures to win it back. Fur
ther than this, he argued, it was his only resource.
He had but few trained soldiers, and he had no money
to pay these except what he could take from the en
emy. If war is ever justifiable, this one was; there
is no more sacred cause man can fight for than per
sonal and political independence. If it is right to
wage war and afterward force the losing side to pay
the cost of all, as the great nations of the earth seem
agreed, it is equally right to rob and plunder as hostil-

surgent troops, fd., 384. This incident is not accepted by some authors.
Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 24.

09 Mora says: 'La senal de posesion que se di6 al vecindario file" una cles-
carga general de todas las annas de fuego verificada en la plaza, y que fue el
toque de llamamiento para el destrozo y el saqueo.' Max. y sus Rev., iv. 20.

70 Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 288; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,\. 10.

CAPTAIN-GEXERAL OF AMERICA. 127

ities proceed. All war is murder and robbery; it is
in order to murder and rob each other that men go
to war. I do not attempt to justify this course ; I
only say that such were the opinion and custom, to a
great extent, in Mexico at this time, arid were held
and practised alike by both sides throughout the war
for independence.

Before Hidalgo's entrance into Celaya his follow
ers, who now amounted to fifty thousand, proclaimed
him Captain-general of America,71 and he had con
ferred the rank of lieutenant-general on Allende, and
corresponding grades on Aldama, Abasolo,72 and other
leaders. Here also he was joined by Captain Arias,
whom the reader has lately seen playing the role of in
former, while cautiously scheming for his self-protec
tion.73

The recognition of Hidalgo's rank and authority by
the ayuntamiento might be beneficial; he therefore
called a session of its members and the principal citi
zens on the 22d. Only two regidores presented
themselves, the rest, being Europeans, having fled to
Queretaro, whereupon the captain-general appointed
others to the vacant offices, nominating Carlos Camar-
go subdelegado.7* The new municipality acknowledged

71 Id. , ii. 107, 109. See his summons to surrender, addressed to the inten-
dente of Guanajuato, in Alaman, ut sup., 421. Mora comments on the ab
surdity of this title. True, it smacks somewhat of worldly vanity; but after
all, I do not see why it is not as good as another. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 27.
Two companies of the Celaya regiment, which had failed to unite with the
troops that retired to Queretaro, joined the insurgents.

72 Mariano Abasolo was at this time 27 years of age. He was a native of
Dolores, and the son of a wealthy Spaniard who left him a large fortune,
which was still further increased by marriage with the heiress Dona Maria
Manuela Taboada. At his trial, some months later, he deposed that he had not
been connected with the revolt previous to the grito de Dolores. The influ
ence of Hidalgo, and his friendship for Allende, being a captain in the same
regiment with him, appear to have induced him to join their cause. His ser
geant, Jose' Antonio Martinez, afterward executed in Mexico, declared that
Abasolo commanded him to deliver tip to Hidalgo the arms in the barracks
at San Miguel. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 356-7; Dice. Univ. Hist., i. 12-13.

73 Alaman states that Arias was always regarded with suspicion by the in
surgent leaders, while Zamacois affirms that he was received by Hidalgo with
delight, and repudiates the charge brought against Arias of having given in
formation about the revolt. Hist. Mej., vi. 292.

74Camargo did not sympathize with the movement; and he advised the
viceroy of the circumstances, protesting his iidelity. Venegas ordered him to

123 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

the authority of Hidalgo/5 who, having thus arranged
matters in Celaya, and fearing that Queretaro was too
well defended to be successfully assailed under the
present condition of his troops, inarched on the morn
ing of the 23d in the direction of Guanajuato.76

remain in the position, with the full consent of the government. The insur
gents in Celaya, however, discovered this sicle-play, and Camargo escaped
to Quere'taro, pursued by a troop of cavalry. The exertion and agitation
threw him into a fever, and he died a few days afterward. Liceaga, Adic. y
Rectific., 100. Liceaga obtained his information from Abasolo's family, which
was intimate with Camargo.

75 See Hidalgo's letter, Doc. 3, in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectiftc., 212. Alaman
erroneously states that the municipality conferred the rank of captain-general
upon Hidalgo. Liceaga corrects this mistake. The municipality had no
power to appoint military commanders: it was by the proclamation of his
troops that Hidalgo was made captain-general.

76 Additional authorities consulted for the preceding chapters are: Busta-
mante, Defensa, 27; Ouad. Hist., i. 1-11, 33, and iv. 40, 87-111, 138-40;
Gampanas de Callejd, 1-8; Martirologio, 4; Mcdidas Pacification, MS., ii.
45-59; Mem. pa. la Hist. Mex., MS., i. 47-9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i., passim;
Diaertacion, iii., ap. 86-7; Zavala, Rev. Mex., passim; Torrente, R. Hisp.-Am.,
i. 58-64; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., passim; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i.,
passim; also ii. 5-42, and v. 60-3, 837-38, 853-60; Cancelada, Verdad Sabida,
passim; Conducta Iturrigaray, 27-135; Tel. Mex., 415-20; Ruina de la N.
Espan., passim; Gaz. Mex., x'i.-xvi., passim; Diar. Mex., i. 91-2; iv. 65; also
v. 149, 533; vi.-ix., passim; xi. 119-20, 350, and xii. 185-6, 219; Cedidarlo,
MS., iv. 25; Guerra, Rev. de N. Mex., i., passim; Mayer, Mex. Azt., i. 127-
281; Mora, Mex. y Sus Rev., i. 284-8; iii. 193-369; iv. 10-17; Rev. N. E«p.
Censura, passim; Consejos, passim; Breves Reflex, passim; Fisiologia Cosa
Pub., 35-6; Rosa, Discurso, 11; Lizarza, Discurxo Vind. Iturrigaray, passim;
Queipo, Canon. Peniten., passim; Col. Eacritos, 70-131; Lull, Refutation, 21;
Rev. Verdad. Orig., no. i. 67-84; no. ii., passim; Lizana y Beaumont, Cart.
Past., passim; Pradt, Hist. Revol. Espan., 40-1; Pretensiones Anglo- Amer., 2;
Noriega, Vindication, passim; Urrutia Jacobo, Voto, passim; Represent, al
Virey, no. i. 6; no. ii. 5-8; Frost, Pict. Hist. Mex., 149; Indicador, iii. 221-
73; Calvillo, Oration, passim; Entrada, Representation, passim; Fernand<-zt
Engatios que a los Insurgentes, passim; Lastarria, La America, passim; Lnfond,
Voyage autour du Monde, i. 217-24; Galiano, Hist. Espana, vi. 337-8; Gon
zalez, Hist. Est. Aguascal, 496; Guiridi y Alcocer, Sermones, passim; Presets
Juicio Impartial, passim; Kottenkamp, Unabhangig., 1-45; Kennedy, Texas,
i. 270-1; Rev. N. Espana, passim; Perez, Proclama, passim; Orizava, Ocurr.,
MS., 1-3; Michelena, Relation, ii. 7; Martinez, Rev. Mex., i. 215-17; Mofras,
Exploration de V Oregon, i. 1-38; Modern Travels, Mex. and Gnat., i. 101-2;
Lerdode Tejada, Apunt. Hist., no.v. 362-4; Las Clases Pro-l. Guadalaj., Sept.
15, 1878, 3; Mosaico Mex., ii. 462; Mendibil, Resumen, 1-6, 93; Mex. Album,
Fotog., i. 14-15; Mex. Scraps, ii. 60; Lacunza, Discursos, xxxvi. 535; Arran-
g6iz, Mej., i., passim; Hidalgo, Biog. Cura, 30-1; Humboldt, Essai Pol, ii.

763-9; ix. 864-5; x. 1335-84, 1422-8; xi. 649; Dublan y Lozano, Ley' Mex.,
i- .326-7; piiverr<pis,_Franz6. Inierven. Mex., 18-21; Domeiiech, Hist. Mex., i.

AUTHORITIES. 129

no. 7, 206-24, 236-55; no. 8, 236-55; Annals Congress, 1806-7, 913-26; Aizer.
State Pap,, ii. 596-695, 798-804; xii. 1-327, 388-434; Amer. Register, i. 71-3;
ii. 79-83; Bib. Mex. Trat., i. 496; Beulluch, Mex., i. xx.-xxxv. ; Campillo,
Manifesto, 7; Carbro, Proclama, passim; Chevalier, Exped. Mex., 4-5, 17-40;
Mexique, 331-8; Chateaubriand, Congress de Ver., ii. 230-43; Carson, State
Register; Calvo, Annales Hist., vi. 11-34; Yucatan, Diccion. Hist., i. 295;
Young, Hist. Mex., 73; Walton's Expose, app. 7-10; Ward, Mex., vi. 155-6;
Veracruzano, i. 76-7; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mcj., 3; Strieker, Bibliothek,
36-40; Squier, Travels C. A., ii. 371-5; Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 62-7, 566-75; Salo,
Diar. Ofic., 5; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 212; Rivera, Gob., i. 127-8; Hist. Jalapa,
i. 198-268; Revilla, Dice. Univer., v. 429; Mayer, MS., no. 11, passim;
Quarty. Review, vii. 248-9, 257; xvii. 530-40; xxx. 171-2; Portilla, Expana en
Mex., 117-98; Pike, Explor. Travels, 370-1, 386-436; Pinkerton, Mod. Geog.,
iii. 159-60, 174-6; Qu'mones, Descripcion, passim; Palafox, Iturriqaray, 21-2;
Campillo, Exhortacion, passim; Tapia, Exhortacion, passim; Perez, Orar.
Funeb., nos. ii. and iii., passim; Robertson, Reminiscences, 1-45; Robinson,
Mex., 11-29; Iturrigaray, i. 18-20; Rev. des Deux Mondes, 1862, 516-32;
Ordenes Corona, MS., iii'. 141, 155; v. 60, 128.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 9

CHAPTER VI.

THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO TAKEN BY STORM.

1810.

LOCAL HISTORY OF GUANAJUATO — ALARM IN THE CITY— DEFENSIVE MEAS
URES OF INTENDENTB BJANO — THE ALH6NDIGA DE GRANADITAS — AN IN
TERESTING MANUSCRIPT — RIANO RETIRES TO THE ALHONDIGA— HIDALGO
SUMMONS RIANO TO SURRENDER — THE ATTACK — A MURDEROUS CONTEST
— RIANO'S DEATH —His BIOGRAPHY — CONFUSION IN THE ALHONDIGA —
THE BARRICADES WON BY THE INSURGENTS — THEY GAIN ENTRANCE —
BERZABAL'S FALL — His BIOGRAPHY — NUMBER OF THE KILLED — ACTS OF
HEROISM— PILLAGE AND DEVASTATION.

THE province of Guanajuato was the theatre of
the first tragic events of the revolution, and no city
in the kingdom of New Spain suffered more cruelly
in loss of life and ruin of prosperity than its capital,
Santa Fe de Guanajuato, from which the province
derived its name.1 At the time of the conquest this
territory was inhabited by barbarous tribes living on
the produce of the chase, and the first Spaniards who
penetrated it were the conquerors of Acdanbaro, in
which exploits joined the cacique of Jilotepec, Nico
la's Montanez de San Luis, a near relative of Mon-
tezuma. In 1526 these adventurers apportioned out
among themselves the districts of Acambaro, Jere-
cuaro, and Coroneo.2

1 The word is of Tarascan origin, and corrupted from Quanashuato, mean
ing cerro de ranas, or froghill, a name given to the site, because of a rock
shaped like a frog which was an object of worship to the natives. Medina,
Chron. de S. Dieyo, 257-8. The capital at an early date was known by tho
single appellation of Guanajuato.

2'Segun aparece de la relacion ine'dita escrita por Montauezque copia in-
tegra el P. Fr. Pablo de la Concepcion Beaumont en su historia manuscrita de
la provincia de Franciscanos de Michoacan, que existe en el archivo general.'
Romero, Mich., 149-50.

(130)

GUANAJUATO HISTORY. 131

In 1531 ISTuno de Guzman passed through Penjamo
to the vicinity of the site of Guanajuato, and added
the territory to his conquests. For seventy years the
Chichimecs disputed with persistent bravery their
right to the soil, until in 1598 peace was established
by Rodrigo del Rio, who, in the name of the king of
Spain, promised to supply the Indians with food and
clothing on the conditions that they should tender alle
giance and keep in subjection the refractory. At the
same time the viceroy caused to settle there some Tlas-
caltecs and Aztecs, who instructed the Chichimecs in
agricultural and mechanical industries, all under the
guidance of missionaries. The first settlements in this
province grew out of the establishment by Viceroy
Yelasco the first, of the presidios at the places now
known as San Felipe and San Miguel, as a frontier
protection against the Chichimecs; but on the discov
ery of the Guanajuato mines, as narrated in a previous
volume,3 a small fort was erected in 1554 on the site
where Marfil stands, and was called a real de minas.
A few years later another real de minas4 was estab
lished at Tepetapa, which is the name of one of the
wards of Guanajuato city. For many years this lat
ter settlement was a place of little importance and few
inhabitants, and was under the jurisdiction of the al
calde mayor of Celaya. At the close of the sixteenth
century a curacy was founded, the population at that
time being about four thousand. From this date, ow
ing to the richness of the mines in the vicinity, the
prosperity of Guanajuato increased rapidly, and in
1679 the king of Spain granted it the title of villa y
real de minas de Santa Fe de Guanajuato.5

3 Hist. Mex., iii. 588, this series.

4In the times of the conquest, the site on which a Spanish army encamped
was called 'real,' and not ^infrequently was partially fortified. Real de
minas, therefore, means a military station in a mining district.

5 The name of Santa F6 had been given to the place in 1658 by the oidor
Antonio de Lara y Mogrovejo, who had been commissioned by Viceroy Albur-

Suerque to preside over the elaboration of the silver accruing to the crown in
lat district. Medina, Ib.; Romero, Mich., 157. ' Elle re9tit le privilege royal
de villa in 1C19.' Humboldt, Essal Pol., i. 247. This date must be a misprint.

COAT OF ARMS OF THE CITY OF GUANAJUATO.

132 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

From this time the district remained under the rule

of the ayuntamiento and
subdelegados, subject to
the audiencia of Mexico,
until 1786, when the in-
tendencias were estab
lished,6 of which Guana
juato became one of the
principal. In the mean
time the town had been
raised in 1741 to the dig
nity of city, an appro
priate coat of arms being
granted it.7 At the open
ing of the nineteenth cen
tury, the progress made
by Guanajuato and its
prosperity were almost
unprecedented.
The reader will be able to form some idea of the
wealth and activity of the district at the time when
the revolution broke out from the fact that in the
year 1800 the mines, including those worked and those
exhausted, numbered 1,816, employing 1.16 mills, 1,898
arrastras, and 366 establishments for the elaboration
of the metal. There were crushed daily 11,500 quin-
tales of ore, and 9,000 operatives employed. At this
time the population of the city, including those occu
pied in the mines, was 66,000. Nor were the agricul
tural industries of the province, which embraced about
1,750 square leagues, less thriving; the numerous pop
ulous towns were surrounded by rich pastures and
lands covered with maize and other grain. But now,
like a flail of destruction, war falls on the unhappy city,
and at its conclusion the population has diminished to
six thousand souls, the unfrequented streets are cov-

6 Consult Hist. Hex. , iii. 452, this series.

7 The coat of arms consists of a draped female figure blindfolded, holding
in her right hand a chalice, and supporting a cross with her left arm. The
design is" symbolical of faith.

TIDINGS OF REVOLUTION. 133

ered with grass, and the abandoned houses are offered
rent free.8

The first church established in the city was the edi
fice known to-day as the chapel of the college of La
Purisima Concepcion, and in it Rivera placed the im
age of the santisima virgen in 1557. A few years later
another chapel was erected near by, and these two
buildings were used as hospitals, the first one for the
Tarascans and the second for the 0 torn is, a third
being built for the benefit of the Mexican settlers. In
1671 was commenced the parish church, which was
completed and dedicated in 1696, and thither was con
veyed in the same year the image of our lady from
the church of the hospital. The parish church of
Guanajuato is one of the finest edifices of the kind in
the Mexican republic. The ecclesiastical government
of the province is under the bishopric of Michoacan.
In 1663 Viceroy Serda and Bishop Ramirez del Prado
granted permission to found the Franciscan convent
of San Diego, but the work was stopped by order of
the council of the Indies in the following year, because
it had been begun without royal license. In 1667,
however, the king's permission was granted, and the
convent was erected into a guardiama in 1679. This
church and convent were almost destroyed by the in
undation of 1780, but were restored by the conde de
Valenciana and some members of the brotherhood of
el Cordon.9

On the 18th of September, Intendente Riano re
ceived intelligence from Iriarte of the occurrences in
Dolores and San Miguel. He immediately ordered
the call to arms to be sounded, believing that Hidalgo
was already on his march against the city. The

8 After the independence Guanajuato again rapidly advanced, and in 1825
the city had a population of over 33,000, according to the census taken by the
governor, Carlos Montesdeoca. Soc. Mc,x. Geog., ix. 93.

9 According to Fernando Navarro y Noriega, the intendencia of Guanajuato
comprised in 1810 three cities, four villas, and G2 towns, the total population
amounting to 576,600 souls. Soc. Mex. Geoy., 2a ep., i. 290-1.

134 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

guards and battalion of provincial infantry were has
tily formed into line, while the principal citizens and
the commercial class, hurriedly seizing their weapons,
rushed with crowrds of the populace to the buildings
of the intendencia. All was confusion and terror;
the stores were closed and house doors barred; the
plazas were deserted by the hucksters; frightened
women hurried along the thoroughfares for their
homes; while horsemen at full speed spread wider the
consternation as they galloped in different directions
through the streets with orders from headquarters.10
Hiano explained to the assembled throng the cause of
the alarm, and the populace expressed a desire to en
gage the enemy,11 believing that the insurrection was
a demonstration in favor of the French.12 At two
-o'clock in the afternoon the intendente convoked a
junta of the ayuntamiento, the prelates of the relig
ious orders, and the principal citizens, at which he
expressed his apprehension that the danger was great,
but declared that he was determined to take every
defensive measure possible.13

After some consultation it was decided to defend
the city, and during the day barricades were thrown
up at the entrances of the principal streets. Spaniards
and Americans — as the Creoles and Indians are now
called14-— were assembled in arms, and outlying de-

10 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 277.

11 ' Los que segun el general entusiasmo si entraron en aquel dia hubieran
perecido sin remedio. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 23.

12 Liceaga, Adic. y Eectific., 73-4.

13 The ayuntamiento of Guanajuato in February 1811 states to the viceroy
that several of its members proposed to Biaiio that he should immediately
march against Hidalgo with the provincial battalion, which numbered more
than 400 men, and with such armed citizens as could be mustered; and that
had this measure been adopted the revolution would have been nipped in the
bud. Ouan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 10-11. Brigadier Miguel Costansd, the com
missioner appointed to report on the matter, approved of Eiano's action in
refusing to accede to the proposal, by doing which he would have left the
capital of his province defenceless. Id., 71-2. Liceaga, with tedious length,
also supports the intendente. Adic. y Rtctific., 71-89. Alaman, on the con
trary, considers that the proposed movement would have been the best that
could be adopted, and supplies the additional information that Major Ber-
zabal was one of those who proposed it. Hist. Mej., i. 407.

14 We have here the most proper use, except as applied to the aborigines,
of the many-sided and generally misappropriated word Americans. In treat-

ACTION OF RIAftO. 135

tachments posted on the Santa Rosa and Yillalpando
highways which lead to Dolores and San Miguel.
A third body of troops was stationed on the Marfil
road. Squadrons of the cavalry regiment del Prin
cipe were ordered in, and advice asking for aid sent
to Brigadier Feliz Calleja, in command of the troops
at San Luis Potosi. On the following morning a
fylsQ alarm was raised that the enemy was approach
ing on the Marfil road; and the tardiness of the
lower orders to assemble for defence amounted almost
to indifference — a state of things significant of im
pending misfortune. For six days these defensive
measures were maintained, and still no enemy ap
peared.15 The intendente displayed an energy and
endurance which only the conviction of his perilous
position could have called forth; but day by day he
became more certain of the disaffected inclination of
the lower classes. "The seeds of rebellion spread,"
he writes to Calleja on the 26th, "security and confi
dence are gone. I have neither rested nor undressed
myself since the 17th, and for the last three days
have not slept an hour at a time." Indeed, he could
no longer rely upon the fidelity even of his own
troops. The responsibility of saving, if possible, the
royal treasury and archives increased Riano's anxiety;
and deeming his present arrangements defective, since
he could avail himself neither of the barracks, the
plaza, nor any of the churches, owing in part to the
threatening attitude of the populace,16 on the 23d he
decided to retire to the alhondiga de granaditas, or
government granary — a building which from its size
and strength would afford the advantages of a fortifica
tion.

ing of the aborigines the term properly fits all races indigenous to America.
Next it may be employed, as in the present case, to designate a mixed mass
of Indians, Creoles, and mestizos as distinguished from European Spaniards
with whom they are at war. But when we come to use the word Americans
as opposed to Canadians, or still worse as in California to Mexicans, it is
reduced to an absurdity.

15 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 277-8.

16 ' Manifestandose con chistes y con burlas contrario & la causa de gobierno
espanol.' Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 89.

136 TAKING OF THE ALH0XDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas, as famous in the
history of Mexico as is the Bastile in that of France,
had been erected by Kiafio for the purpose of storing
in it a quantity of corn sufficient for one year's con
sumption as a provision against failure of the crop.
During such periods of scarcity not only did the lower
orders suffer, but the mining industry was seriously
interrupted through want of food for the mule-trails
employed at the mines. The building was begun in
January 1798, and finished in August 1809. It is a
massive oblong two-story structure, 80 by 54 varas,
and cost $2 18, 263. 17 The exterior is void of ornament,
and its lofty solid walls pierced by windows opening
into the numerous store-rooms give to it quite a for
midable appearance. In the interior a portico of two
stories surrounds the spacious patio, or open court,
the lower columns being of Tuscan architecture, and
the upper ones, between which a balustrade of stone
extends, of Doric. Two magnificent flights of stairs
connect the stories, which consist of independent store
rooms.

On the northern side is the principal gateway, and
another opens at the eastern end of the building,
adorned with two columns and a Tuscan entablature.
It stands at the south-western entrance of the city, on
a rising ground which terminates the height called the
cerro del Cuarto by which it is dominated. Stored

17Liceaga, followed by Zamacois, here falls into several errors; but I am
enabled to rectify their mistakes from the original statement of March 1810
passed by the intendente and audiencia. This document, which is in my pos
session, is particularly interesting as bearing the autograph signature of the
unfortunate Riafio, as well as those- of the members of the ayuntamientos for
1809 and 1810. Among these I may mention Maranon, Septiem, Jose" Ignacio
Rocha, Martin Coronel, and Ginori, all of whom signed the Publica Vindica
tion del Ilustre Ayuntamiento de Santa Fe de Guanajuato Justificando ftu Con-
dncta Moral y Politica, a representation addressed to the viceroy in January,
1811, relative to the occurrences at Guanajuato, and printed by permission
the same year. The intendente's and above mentioned names, with the ex
ception of Ginori's, appear twice. The building accounts occupy nine folios,
and are preceded by the order of the municipal junta on sealed paper for
their examination by Martin Coronel. The document is inclosed in and at
tached to a portfolio of native leather on which is engrossed : Tomo 5°, 1809,
Contiene la Cuenta General de la Fdbrica de la Famosa Alhondlga de Grana
ditas.

DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 137

with maize and supplied with water, the alhondiga18
was the only place where the intendente could hope
to hold out till the arrival of Calleja, whom he ex
pected within a week. Anticipating that the move
ment would meet with opposition, on the night of the
24th he caused secretly to be conveyed thither all
the royal and municipal treasures, amounting to over
$620,000 in money, bars of silver, and gold ounces,19
the archives of the government and ayuntamiento,
and eventually the treasures of many private persons,
estimated at three million pesos.20 Thither, also,
were removed the arms and ammunition of the bar
racks, sacks of flour, and other provisions. Ln the
dead of the night, too, the barricades were taken down
and the material carried to the alhondiga. Then the
troops were withdrawn from the barracks and out
lying posts, numbers of the Europeans mustered to
gether, and soldiers and civilians, in one common lot,
took refuge within the walls of this building.

When morning dawned and the city was astir the
news spread. The unguarded streets, the disappear
ance of the barricades, and the silent barracks pro
claimed to the populace that their reluctant allegiance
had been recognized, and that they were left to choose
between loyalty and rebellion. Fear fell on all. The
ayuntamiento in great excitement requested the in
tendente to preside over a junta composed of its own
members, the curas, prelates of the religious orders,

18 An anonymous correspondent in a letter to the in tendente's brother,
dated Guanajuato, October 2, 1810, says: 'Este edificio es una verdadera for-
taleza, y acaso la unica que hay en el reino. El Sr Riauo cuando la hizo se
propuso formar un Castillo para defensa del lugar, dandole el nombre de Al
hondiga.' Zerecero, Disc. Civic., 30.

19 'Se pasaron de las reales caxas a la alh6ndiga trescientas nueve barras de
plata, ciento setenta y quatro mil pesos efectivos, treinta y dos mil en onzas
de oro, treinta y ocho mil de la ciudad, que estaban en las areas de provincia,
y treinta y tres mil que se hallaban en las del cabildo; veinte mil de la miu-
erfa y depositos, catorce mil de la renta de tabacos, y mil y pico do correos. '
Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 14-15. A bar of silver weighed 135 marcs and its
standard value was 1,100 pesos.

23 Bustamante states the value of property in the precious metals, jewelry,
and valuable merchandise that was removed into the alh6ndiga during the
night and following days amounted to 5,000,000 pesos. There were also 700
quintales of quicksilver deposited there. Cuad. Hist., i. 25.

138 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

and principal citizens, in the municipal hall. Riano
declined on the plea of weariness, but expressed his
willingness to attend a junta in the afternoon; but it
must be held in the alhondiga de granaditas, and not
in the municipal hall. The meeting took place; but
civil officers, priests, and prelates in turn vainly en
deavored to induce Riano to change his purpose.
The intendente was inflexible, and according to the
representation of the ayuntamiento to the viceroy a
few months later, he bluntly dismissed them with the
assurance that, in the interest of the king, he should
remain with the troops where he was, and that as for
the city it might defend itself as best it could.21

During that and the two following days the inten
dente devoted all his energies to the defence of his
position. Additional provisions were introduced into
the alhondiga; strong barricades were thrown up at
the only three points by which attacks could be made
through the streets; the eastern gateway was closed
with solid masonry; the iron quicksilver flasks, charged
with gunpowder, were converted into grenades, and
further information was despatched to Calleja,22 set
ting forth his want of arms, and the doubtful fidelity
of his troops.23

In order that the reader may understand Riano's
position, and the mode of attack adopted by the in
surgents in the ensuing engagement, a brief descrip
tion of the city of Guanajuato will be necessary.

zlGuan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 17-20. Bustamante also affirms that the in
tendente thus expressed himself. Cuad. Hist., i. 24. Consult also Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. l)oc., ii. 278.

22 This was sent on the 26th. The bearer of the first despatch left Guana
juato at 1 P. M. on the 23d, and on his return left San Luis at 11 P. M. of the
24th with Calleja's reply enjoining Riano to hold Guanajuato, and promising
to be before the city during the next week. With regard to the speed of the
courier Bustamante remarks: ' Que activos andaban estos hombres por sal-
varse!' Cuad. Hist., i. 25. The distance from Guanajuato to San Luis
Potosi is some 52 leagues.

23 ' Tengo poca polvora porque no la hay absolutamente, y la caballeria mal
montada y armada sin otra arma que espadas de vidrio, ' that is swords brit
tle as glass, 'y la infanterfa con fusiles remendados, no sieiido imposible el
que estas tropas sean seducidas.' Id., 24-5.

SITUATION AND SURROUNDINGS. 139

Situated at the bottom of a deep and narrow hollow,
round which on all sides rise lofty mountains, its po
sition in a military point of view is one of the worst.
On the south side rises the hill of San Miguel, while
from the north the cerro del Cuarto24 extends like
a wedge into the city. So irregular is the site that
it might well be described by crumpling a sheet of
paper. On the plaza itself but few level spots can be
found, and few of the streets accommodate carriages.
Most of the houses occupy slopes so steep that in
many cases the floor of one is on a level with the roof
of another. An extension of this rugged hollow runs
off in the form of a rocky valley south-westerly to
Marfil, a league distant, and known by the name of
the canada de Marfil. Its whole length was occupied
by workshops, mills, and other buildings connected
with mining. Formerly the only carriage entrance
into the city lay through this glen.25 To the east
of the city rises the river Guanajuato, here a mere
mountain torrent, which sweeping in a winding course
through the city unites with the Rio de la Cata flow
ing from the north-west. Although situated on a
rising ground, the alhondiga was so close to the cerro
del Cuarto that the houses built on the steep of that
height were only separated from it by a narrow street
arid a small plaza, not more than twenty-five yards
wide. On the south-east of the alhondiga was the
convent of Belen, from which it was separated by the
descent of Mendizdbal, and on the south and west
were the extensive workshops and premises of the
hacienda de Dolores where the precious metals were
treated. On the north, extending east and west, was
the street of los Pozitos in a straight line with the
descent to the Rio de la Cata, which was spanned

24 So called because on it was exposed in early times one portion of the
body of a malefactor who had beeu quartered. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 403.

25 The difficulties of this road were such that in 1822 a new one was com
menced over the hills, and this required a fine bridge to be built across the
river Cata. It was completed in 1835. Liceaya, Adic. y jRectific., 7-8.

140 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

by a wooden bridge. Herewith I give a plan of the
alhondiga and vicinity with explanation.26

From this description the reader will observe that
the only three directions from which an assault could
be made upon the alhondiga were from the street of
los Pozitos; up the cuesta de Mendizabal; and up the
ascent from the Rio de la Cata. These approaches
were obstructed by the barricades, already mentioned.
Riafio did not confine his defence to the alhondiga,
but included in his lines of fortification the house
owned by Mendizdbal and the hacienda de Dolores,
which were surrounded by strong walls and separated
from the alh6ndiga by two narrow streets.

*""•:• ^3 T^N'— --- = ^ ^ f \ . Pi n'\^

PLAN OF

26 A. The Alh6ndiga. B. Convent of Belen. C. House of the hacienda
de Dolores. DDD. Premises and work-shops of the same. E. The well. F.
Barricade at the foot of the hill of Mendizabal. G. Hill of Mendizabal. H.
House of Mendizabal whence the hill derived its name. I. Barricade in the
street of los Pozitos. J. Street of los Pozitos. K. Ascent to the mines. L L.
Entrances to streets which Riauo closed with masonry. M. Descent to the
Rio de la Cata. N. Barricade preventing approach from the river. 0. Prin
cipal entrance of the alhondiga, the only one not closed. P. Eastern entrance
closed with masonry. Q. Opening on to the flat roof. B. Window from
which Riaflo was shot. S. Cemetery of Belen. T. Street of Belen. U U.
Bridge and causeway of Our Lady of Guanajuato. V. Bio de Guanajuato.
X. Rio de la Cata. Y. The wooden bridge, Z. Workshop of Granaditas
and ward of Tepetapa. Z' Z'. The cerro del Cuarto covered with houses com
manding the alhondiga. * Spot where Berzabal fell.

ADVANCE OF HIDALGO. 141

Meanwhile, Hidalgo, marching through Salamanca,
Irapuato, and other places which voluntarily joined
his cause, approached Guanajuato in the early morn
ing of the 28th. He was well informed of the position
of affairs in the city. Arrived at the hacienda of
Burras he sent forward Ignacio Camargo and Mari
ano Abasolo27 with a communication to Kiafio inform
ing him of the proclamation of independence, and
urging a peaceable surrender. The letter terminated
with a declaration of war to the uttermost in case of
refusal.28

27Liceaga was a relative of Abasolo, and being in Guanajuato at the
time tried to see him, but was prevented by the dense crowds. Adic. y Rec-
ti/ic., xi. and 103.

28 1 translate the document and a private letter which accompanied it;
also Biano's reply. The originals remained in possession of Ignacio Carnargo,
and were given by him to Liceaga, who was his school-fellow. The official
communication of Hidalgo is the more important as it refutes Alaman,
who misleads regarding the proclamation of independence. He erroneously
charges Bustamante with interpolating expressions, claiming that he himself
had been supplied with a correct version by Benigno Bustamante, one of the
Europeans present in the alhondiga, and remai'king: 'La sola palabra inde-
pendencia basta para demonstrar la inexactitud de este relato, pues Hidalgo
ocultaba este intento cuidadosamente, y nunca tomaba en boca piiblicamente
esta voz.' Hist. Mej., i. 421. Liceaga rightly points out the impossibility of
Benigno Bustamante being able to obtain a correct copy of the communica
tion. Adic. y Rectific. , 103-4.

Hidalgo's despatch to Riafio. ' Headquarters at the Hacienda de Burras,
28th of September, 1810. The numerous army which I command elected me
Captain General and Protector of the nation in the fields of Celaya. The
same city in the presence of fifty thousand men ratified this election, as have
also all the places through which I have passed; which will make your honor
cognizant that I am legitimately authorized by my nation to undertake the
beneficent projects which have appeared necessary to me for its welfare.
These projects are of equal utility and advantage to the Americans and those
Europeans who are disposed to reside in this kingdom, and they are reduced to
the proclamation of the independence and liberty of the nation. Consequently
I do not regard the Europeans as enemies, but only as an obstacle which em
barrasses the successful issue of our enterprise. Your honor will be pleased to
inform the Europeans who have united together in the alhondiga of these ideas,
in order that they may decide whether to declare themselves as enemies, or
agree to remain in the quality of prisoners, meeting with humane and kind
treatment, such as those whom we bring with us have experienced, until the
liberty and independence indicated shall be acquired, in which case they will
be included in the class of citizens with the right to the restitution of their
property, which for the time being we shall make use of for the urgencies of
the nation. If on the contrary they do not accede to this demand I shall use
all force and stratagem to destroy them, without leaving them the hope of
quarter. May God protect your Honor. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, Captain
General of America.'

The private letter from Hidalgo to Rlaiio runs as follows: 'The esteem
which I have ever expressed for you is sincere, and I believe due to the high
qualities which adorn you. The difference in our ways of thinking ought not

142 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

Before nine o'clock the messengers reached the bar
ricade at the foot of the cuesta de Mendizabal, arid
Camargo was conducted blindfolded into the alhon-
diga. Riano on receiving Hidalgo's communication
assembled the Europeans on the flat roof of the build
ing, apart from the troops, and having read it to them
asked their decision. For some moments there was
a mournful silence, till finally their captain, Bernardo
del Castillo, after a few brief remarks declared for
war. He would fight till he died in maintaining the
right; and thereupon raised the cry of "Death or vic
tory!" in which the Europeans now joined.29 Riano
then descended to discover the intentions of the troops.
"And my children of the battalion," he asked, "can
I doubt about their resolution to do their duty?"
Whereupon Berzabal raised the cry of "Viva el rey!"
and the soldiers vociferously responded. Neverthe
less, before sending his reply, Riaiio considered it right
to communicate with the ayuntamiento, and sent by
the procurator Pedro Cobo, who being a Spaniard had
taken refuge in the alhondiga, copies of Hidalgo's let
ter and his intended reply.30 Much delay was occa-

to diminish it. You will follow the course which may seem most right and
prudent to you, but that will not occasion injury to your family. We shall
tight as enemies, if so it shall be decided; but I herewith offer to the Senora
Intendenta an asylum, and assured protection, in any place she may select
for her residence, in consideration of the ill health to which she was subject.
This offer does not spring from fear, but from a sensibility which I cannot
discard from me.'

Riaiio's reply: ' Sr Cura of the town of Dolores, D. Miguel Hidalgo. I
recognize no other authority, nor is it evident to me that any such has been
established, nor other Captain General in the kingdom of New Spain, than
His Excellency Sr Don Francisco Xavier de Venegas, its Viceroy; nor more
legitimate reforms than those which the Nation at large may adopt at the
general Cortes to be held. My duty is to fight as a soldier, which noble senti
ment animates all those around me. Guanajuato, 28th of September, 1810.
Juan Antonio Riaiio. ' And to the private letter: 'The exercise of arms is
not incompatible with sensibility; this demands of my heart the gratitude
due to your offers for the benefit of my family, whose lot does not disturb me
on the present occasion.' Id., 212-14.

29 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 279-80. Mora, who gives a
slightly different version of this proceeding, insinuates that the Europeans
were inclined to yield, and passes a reflection upon the indiscretion of Cas
tillo, whom he describes as ' uno de aquellos raptos indiscretos y compromete-
dores que no faltan en semejantes ocasiones.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 32. This
author states that Camargo read Hidalgo's communication to the troops, a
most improbable proceeding.

z y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 117.

DISPOSITIONS FOR DEFENCE. 143

sioned in assembling the members, who had retired to
their houses, and when they met they had no advice
to offer. Calling attention to the fact that they had
neither troops, arms, nor funds any longer at their
disposal, they said that it remained with the inten-
dente to act under the circumstances as it seemed best
to him. Riafio's reply was at last written and Ca-
margo sent back, but the long delay had caused Aba-
solo to return, and Hidalgo was already approaching
up the Marfil road. The intendente then wrote Ca-
lleja: "I am about to fight, for I shall be attacked
immediately. I shall resist to the uttermost, because
I am honorable. Fly to my succor."

Riano now disposed his forces, which consisted of
four companies of the provincial infantry, commanded
by Captain Manuel de la Escalera, in the absence of
the lieutenant-colonel, Quintana,31 and scarcely num
bering 300 men. Besides these was a company of
armed Europeans, which raised the number to about
500, and two troops of dragoons, not mustering more
than seventy, under the command of Captain Jose
Castilla.32 A portion of the infantry and of the
European company was stationed on the roof of the
alhondiga, and detachments of the provincial battal
ion were posted at the three barricades. The cavalry
were drawn up inside the barrier at the descent to the
Rio de la Cata; to the remaining armed Europeans
was assigned the defence of the hacienda de Dolores,
while a body of reserves was retained within the al-
hondiga.33 While these preparations were going on,
it was noticed that the surrounding heights were oc-

81 Liceaga states that Quintana, the Conde de Perez Galvez, colonel of the
dragoon regiment del Principe, and a number of Europeans had suddenly
left the city, while others did not cooperate with those in the alhondiga, but
remained in their houses. He gives a list of 20 names cf these latter. Adic.
y Rectlfic., 79. This is confirmed in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 279.

82 Mora says six hundred in all. Ut sup., 29.

33 Alaman conjectures that Biano intended to sally with the reserves and
cavalry, and attack the enemy at the most assailable points, ' plan cicrta-
mente de muy aventurada ejecucion, con el corto mimero de tropa de que se
podia disponer.' Ut sup., 424.

144 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

cupied by crowds of the populace, who seated on the
ground calmly looked on as if at a bull-fight.

Shortly before midday, Hidalgo's army appeared in
sight, approaching by the Marfil road.34 Advancing
along the causeway of Nuestra Senora de Guanajuato,
the van, composed of a strong body of Indians armed
with lances, clubs, and bows and arrows, crossed the
bridge and arrived in front of the barricade at the
foot of the cuesta de Menclizabal. Gilberto de Riano,
son of the intendente,35 who was in command at this
point, opened fire on them as they continued to ad
vance, when ordered, in the name of the king, to halt.
Several Indians fell; the rest retreated, and guided by
a native of the place, took up a position on the cerro
del Cuarto. The main body now formed into two
divisions, one of which, making a detour, approached
by the cerro de San Miguel, and entering the city by
the causeway of las Carreras,36 liberated the jail pris
oners, and then occupied the cerro del Venado. The
other division made a detour by the hacienda de
Flores in order to occupy the cerro del Cuarto.

The city was now in possession of the insurgents,
and, as they marched through the streets, thousands
of voices raised the dreadful battle-cry, while they
waved hundreds of different colored banners, on which
was depicted the sacred emblem. The miners, a brave

34 The number of armed men in Hidalgo's force is not exactly known.
Robinson, Mem. Max. Rev., i. 27, says that he left Celaya with nearly 20,000.
Bustamante, Torrente, Alaman, and others also place the number at 20,000.
Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic. , 82, raises it to 25,000 men of all classes, 2,000 of
whom were regular troops of the San Miguel regiment of dragoons de la Ileina,
and of the provincial infantry regiment, companies of which joined the in
surgents at Celaya, Salamanca, and Irapuato. Mora, on the contrary, gives
14,000 as the estimated number, besides 400 regulars, 'sin con tar con la
tropa reglada que no pasaban de cuatrocientos, y se hallaban como perdi-
dos y absolutamente embarazados para obrar entre esta multitud disordenada.'
Mej. y sus Rev. , iv. 33-4.

35 Gilberto was a lieutenant of the line regiment of Mexico, and was staying
with his father on leave of absence. He was a young man of considerable
military ability. The construction of the barricades was intrusted to his
direction, and he devised the plan of converting the quicksilver flasks into
grenades. Alaman, flist. Mej., i. 417.

36 On the summit of the cerro de San Miguel was a small plain where the
people were wont to attend horse-races on days of festivity. • Hence its name
of las Carreras. Id., 408.

THE ATTACK. t 145

and hardy class, and the populace joined Hidalgo,
and soon all the heights which commanded the al-
hondiga were occupied. Soldiers of the Celaya regi
ment, armed with muskets, and a host of Indian
slingers were posted on the cerro del Cuarto ; a simi
lar disposition was made on the cerro del Venae1 o.
The houses in front of the alhondiga on the north skle
were filled with sharp-shooters, and swarms of In
dians in the river bed broke stones for the slingers,
others carrying them up the heights. Hidalgo, pis
tol in hand, at the head of about two thousand
mounted men, among whom were the dragoons of the
regiment de la Reina, hastened from point to point,
encouraging his men, giving instructions, and making
his dispositions for the assault.37

At length the performance begins. Hidalgo's sol
diers open fire on the besieged, while from the heights
and house roofs a furious discharge of stones is rained
down on the alhondiga. Dense masses of Indians
assault the barricades, and though the slaughter from
the enemy's volleys, fired at close range into the com
pact mass, is terrific, it fails to repel the assailants.
As the front ranks fall, others supply their places,
pressed onward by those behind; and thus over the
bodies of the dead and dying the contest rages unin
terruptedly. For the besieged the position is terrible.
The reports of the muskets, the hiss of bullets, the
hoarse hum of the jagged stones as they whirl through
the air and fall on the roof as from an emptying
volcano is worse than the infernal din of Satan's en
ginery.38

For half an hour the battle rages. The assailants
show no intention of ceasing their efforts to storm
the barricades. The carnage among the assailants is

37 Liceaga points out a flagrant misstatement of Alaman's, to the effect that
Hidalgo remained during the whole of the contest in the cavalry barracks at
the farther end of the city. Adic. y Retific., 108-10.

38 So furious and continuous was the discharge of stones that after the
action the floors of the alhondiga roof and the open court were found! to be
raised eight or nine inches above their proper level by the accumulation.
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 37.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 10

146 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

fearful, but to see their comrades shot down by their
side only the more enrages them. The defenders of
the barrier at the street of los Pozitos are being hard
pressed, and Riafio sallies with twenty men to their
support. His courage outstrips his prudence; yet,
si itioning the men, he returns to the alhondiga un
scathed through a storm of missiles. He mounts the
steps of the entrance and turns round to see how the
battle goes — then he drops dead, struck through the
brain by a bullet. A soldier of the Celaya regiment
had marked him for his own. The body is dragged
within,39 and the hearts of those present sink as they
gaze on their commander's lifeless form.

Thus fell the first man of note in the revolutionary
war, a man whose death was much lamented. Riafio
was an incorruptible and just but merciful magistrate.
He was headstrong and rash, yet he was honest and
humane. The beneficent measures adopted while he
was intendente of Guanajuato raised the province to
its highest prosperity. It is claimed for him that
liberal and enlightened views led him to recognize the
blessings of independence; and to his friends, of whom
Hidalgo was one, he did not hesitate to express liberal
opinions. It is further urged that, had the declara
tion of independence come from a more legitimate
source, had it been proclaimed by the constituted au
thorities, as might have been the case if Iturrigaray
had not been deposed, Riano would unhesitatingly

89Bustamante gives a different version of the intend ente's fall. He states
that Riano, having observed that the sentinel at the gate had abandoned his
post and musket, took up the piece and commenced firing at the enemy, and
that he was killed while so occupied, CuacL Hist. , i. 38. Mora gives a simi
lar account, Mcj. y sus Rev., iv. 34-5; and so does an anonymous narration
in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 281. Alarnan with reason points out the
improbability of the intendente acting thus when the serious duties of a
commander required his attention. Moreover, Bustamante states that a cor
poral who was standing close by was wounded in the head by the same bullet
which passed through Kiailo's skull, proving that if the sentinel had deserted
his post there was another to take his place. Alaman asserts that the shot was
fired from the window of one of the houses opposite the alhondiga. Hist. Mcj. ,
i. 42G-7. Liceaga, followed by Zamacois, considers that it was fired from the
cerro del Cuarto. Adic. y Bectific., 114-15.

DEATH OF RIA$0. 147

have supported it; but he could not countenance
what he deemed a lawless movement, a movement
whose origin was so humble, and whose agents were
so ignoble. But we may well doubt, if the independ
ence of Mexico had been left wholly to Spanish offi
cials, the corrupt and mercenary minions of a corrupt
and mercenary monarch, that it would ever have been
achieved. New Spain was in no sense a confederation
of states, like the English colonies in America, with
men at the helm native-born and of independent
thought and action. Conditions were different here,
and the desired results must come through different
means. I believe this uprising of the native and mixed
races to have been one of the inexorable dispensations
in the case. It was meet that a remnant of that peo
ple, who had suffered so gross and long-continued
wrongs at the hands of Europeans, should be the first
to rise in rebellion against them, when onco opportu
nity offered a reasonable hope of success.

Riaiio was a better man than the average Spanish
official in America; but it was not at the individual
the blow wras aimed, We all recognize his simple and
modest deportment, his kindness and accessibility to
the poor, his pleasant companionship and literary at
tainments, which made him alike popular with high
and low.40

The death of the intendente carries confusion and
disorder among the besieged. A dispute arises be
tween Manuel Perez Valdes, asesor of the intenden-
cia, and Major Berzdbal, each claiming the right to
the chief command. There is no time to settle it;
the assault is continued with increased obstinacy, and
for hours the fierce contest rages. Heavier falls the
stone deluge, and fiercer is the rush at the barricades.
All discipline is lost; as first one and then another

40 He was born on the 16th of May, 1757, in the town of Lierganes, in
Santander, Spain, being in his tifty-fourth year when he met his death. Ala-
mem, Hist. Mej., i. 427.

148 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

issues orders, the soldiers of the line only obeying
their respective officers. The defenders of the barri
cades can hold their positions no longer, and are or
dered to abandon them and retreat to the alhondiga.
The ponderous doors are then hastily closed, leaving
the cavalrymen outside, and cutting off from place of
refuge those in the hacienda de Dolores. The former
are instantly surrounded, and Cast-ilia, their captain,
and many others slain; of the rest, some few escape
in the crowd, and some take part with the insurgents.
The roof of the alhondiga is no longer tenable, and
those posted on it retire below. Surrender, however,
is not thought of; and in the dense masses of the
revolutionists as they throng in front of the building
the slaughter caused by the fire of the besieged from
the windows is fearful. Presently miners, partially
protected by huge earthen vessels/1 creep up to the
building and work with crow-bars at the wall, trying
to effect a breach. But the walls are thick arid
strong, and Hidalgo, seeing that the door, though of
massive wood, can be more quickly broken through,
orders crow-bars. A more ready way is found, how
ever, by a young mirier standing near, who offers, if
provided with pitch and combustibles, to set fire to
it.42 These are procured from a neighboring store,
and the intrepid youth, under cover of one of the
earthen vessels, makes his way up to the entrance
and accomplishes the daring feat.

41 'Cubiertos con cuartones de lozas, como los romanos con la testudo.' Al
aman, ut sup. , 430.

42 Bustamante's account, which is repudiated by Alaman, is that Hidalgo
addressed one of the crowd standing near him, and asked him if he had the
courage to set the gate on fire. The man said 'Yes,' and did it. 'Este Idpero
comparable con el carbonero que atac6 la Bastida en Francia. . .sin titubear
dijo que si.' Ut sujJ., 39. In the text I have followed Liceaga's version, who
took great pains to arrive at the true account of this event. See his pages
112-14. He states that this young hero, well known in Guanajuato, was a
miner 18 or 20 years of age, and named Mariano. He left Guanajuato the
same evening, in the direction of Mellado, where he lived, accompanied by
several others, carrying bags of money, and under the guard of some insurgent
soldiers. As he was never seen again, Liceaga conjectures that he was mur
dered for his money. Bustamante gives to this youth the appellation of
Pi'pila, a name unknown in Guanajuato according to Alaman and Liceaga.

ROAR AND RAGE OF BATTLE. 149

When they see their barrier yielding to the flames,
consternation falls on the besieged. As the fire eats
its way into the wood, the impatient assailants rush
at the door. It does not yet yield. Berzabal draws
up in line before the entrance such soldiers as he can
collect, to resist the attack. The deadly grenades are
brought into play, and the havoc they cause is terrible.
Gilberto Riano, maddened at his father's death,43
thinks only of revenge, and the infernal engines
which he had contrived are hurled rapidly through
the windows upon the multitude. Each bomb as it
explodes sows the ground with dead and mangled
bodies. But like the rushing-in of mighty waters,
every space thus cleared is quickly filled.

The European civilians in the building are demoral
ized by panic fear. Some shower down among their
foes money from the windows. Vain effort! As well
throw crumbs to hungry wolves. Are not all the treas
ures of the alhondiga theirs? Some throw aside their
arms in despair and seek to disguise themselves; others
wildly shout out that they will capitulate, and others
betake themselves to prayer. A few, brave to the last,
resolve to die rather than yield. Finally, confusion
increasing and all hope abandoned, the asesor Valdes
causes a white handkerchief to be hoisted as a signal
of surrender. In denser crowds the besiegers surge
forward. But Gilberto Riano and others, ignorant
of what Valdes has done, still cast their destructive
bombs.44 Whereat the besiegers in fury are beside
themselves. The roar of the multitude as they raise the
cry of Treachery ! treachery! is heard all over the city,

43 Bustamante relates that Gilberto, having embraced his father's body,
seized a pistol with the intention of taking his own life. Those present, how
ever, caused him to desist, by offering to post him at the most dangerous
point, that he might have an opportunity of avenging his father's death. Ut
sup., 38.

il Both Mora and Bustamante state that the mistake was caused by the
firing from the hacienda de Dolores, the defenders of which could not possibly
see the signal. But as Alaman and Liceaga were both in Guanajuato at the
time, I prefer to follow the account adopted in the text, and in which they
agree.

150 TAKING OF THE ALHOXDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

and the order is issued to kill and spare not.45 Against
the burning door, although not yet consumed, they
throw themselves until it yields, and the maddened
crowd rush like a torrent of flame over the burning
debris through the entrance. A deadly volley at
point-blank range is poured into them by Bcrzabal and
his men, strewing the ground with the dead. But
their impetus is irresistible. Surging onward over
the fallen, the human wave overwhelms or drives be
fore it the defenders at the entrance, and Berzabal
with a few survivors makes his last stand in a corner
of the court.

The struggle is brief. His soldiers are soon
stretched upon the pavement; the standard-bearers
fall; but Berzdbal, supporting the colors with his left
arm, for a while defends himself with his sword, till
pierced by a dozen lances he sinks lifeless on the
ground,46 still clinging to the standard in his death
agony. The victors now rush forward into every part
of the building, killing without mercy and without dis
crimination. Surrendered soldiers are cut down, and

45<Gritaron todos como si los inflamase un mismo espiritu, traicion! trai-
cion! y los gefes dieron 6rden de no otorgar la vida a nadie!' Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., i. 40. ' La algazara era espantosa, y se oia en todo Guanajuato,
multiplicandose su e"co por las quiebras y canadas.' Ib.

46 According to Bustamante, Berzabal fell before the alh6ndiga was gained,
his death being attributed to one of his soldiers, who shot him because of a
reprimand. Ib. The father of Diego Berzabal, Don Baltasar, arrived in Mexico
in 1743 and married Dona Juana Duarte, a lady of noble family. Four sons
and two daughters were the result, Diego being born in Oajaca in November
17G9, thus being a Creole. At the age of twelve he was sent to Spain as a
cadet in the regiment of Granada. Having returned to Mexico in 1789, he
received an appointment in the regiment of Nueva Espafia, and served in
Santo Domingo during the revolution in that island. Having obtained the
grade of captain, he was promoted to the rank of sargento-mayor of the pro
vincial battalion of Guanajuato. As already noticed in the last chapter, it
was to Major Berzabal that Garrido denounced Hidalgo's conspiracy. Ber
zabal was forty-one years of age at the time of his death, twenty-eight of
which he passed in exemplary military service; 'sin haber sufrido jamas un
arresto iii tenido una nota en sus hojas de servicio.' Alaman, Hist. Mej.,i.
app. 51-2. He left one son and three daughters. Berzabal was a zealous,
loyal, and well educated officer. In 1811 his widow caused two official inves
tigations to be made of her late husband's conduct as a military officer, the
depositions in which constituted high testimonials of his merits, and en
tirely refute Bustamante's account of his death as given above. Alaman ob
tained the particulars from the documents in possession of Berzabal's family,
and which were placed at his disposal. Id., app. 51-4.

SPOILS OF WAE,. lol

civilians who have secreted themselves among the
stores are dragged forth and ruthlessly butchered.
Above the din, shots still are heard in different parts
of the alhondiga, as here and there some one still un
daunted dearly sells his life and kills as he dies. But
fainter and fainter grow these sounds, which presently
cease ; then for a brief space the dull, heavy thud of
the death-blow is heard; and then all is still; resist
ance is at an end.

Pillage is next in order. From the living, the dy
ing, and the dead, the clothes are torn. The store
rooms are ransacked and the treasures carried off, the
plunderers fighting among themselves for the spoils.
What a sight is here, oh God ! and all for liberty, all for
tyranny ; liberty or tyranny among some, with others,
glory, gold, or plunder — among all with more or less
of that horrid gratification a bloodhound feels as it
tears its victim limb from limb and scatters around
the bloody fragments. Blood ! blood and mangled
humanity everywhere. Nude, distorted forms lay
stretched on heaps of maize saturated with blood,
and on piles of silver bars dyed crimson; blood-stained
pillagers bear off their blood-bespattered plunder over
the pavements slippery with gore; while the wild ges
ticulations, the exultant shouts, and the savage oaths
of the frenzied victors, would put to shame hell's
banqueters !

When the Europeans who were in the hacienda de
Dolores saw that the revolutionists had possession of
the alhondiga, they meditated escape by a side door
on the north-west, which opened to the wooden bridge
over the Rio de la Cata. It had, however, already
been broken open by the insurgents, who were pour
ing in in overwhelming numbers. The doomed band
— among whom was Francisco Iriarte, who, as the
reader is aware, had been commissioned by the inten-
dente to report to him Hidalgo's proceedings at Do
lores — then retired to the well, which was situated in
an elevated position. There they defended them-

152 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

selves till their last cartridge was spent, inflicting
heavy loss upon their assailants, Iriarte alone killing
eighteen. But the crowd now closed in upon them
in overpowering numbers, and the ground was quickly
covered with the slain. It is said that some, to avoid
death by the hands of the merciless victors, threw
themselves into the well.

By five o'clock in the afternoon the contest, which
had lasted for four hours, ceased, and orders were
given to take the prisoners to the jail from which the
criminals had been released. Naked and wounded
and bound with cords, the wretched survivors were
dragged and driven along with insults, blows, and
threats of death, many of them dying on the way.
Others perished in the prison. Gilberto Riano and
Bernabe Bustamante, both badly wounded, were per
mitted to go into a private house, but died a few days
afterward. Among the slain were sons of the first
families of Guanajuato, and many of the principal citi
zens. With regard to the number killed no certainty
can be arrived at, but it probably amounted to over
six hundred men, soldiers and civilians.47

Of the insurgents, exclusive of the regular soldiers

47 According to Bustamante, 105 Spaniards and an equal number of soldiers
perished. Id., 41. Alaman says about 200 soldiers and 105 Spaniards, follow
ing Bustamante, but remarking in a note, ' Creo que muri6 mayor numero de
espaibles.' Hist. Mej., i. 434-5. Zamacois considers that more than 200
soldiers were slain, and not less than 150 Spaniards. Hist. Mej., vi. 394.
But Liceaga examines the question with some closeness. He argues that
the number of Europeans as given by Bustamante only included known in
habitants of the city whose deaths were noticed at the time. A large num
ber of Europeans, estimated by him at not less than 300, had, however, flocked
into the city as a place of refuge from the surrounding towns as soon as the
news of the rebellion reached them. The greater part of these were unknown,
their arrival even being unnoticed. Most of them perished; and he considers
that 400 Europeans fell as well as nearly all the soldiers. Adic. y Rectiftc., 117.
Although Liceaga has, perhaps, overestimated the number of Europeans,
bearing in mind the exterminating character of the contest, I think it proba
ble that the survivors bore a comparatively small numerical proportion to the
slain; and as there were many Europeans in the alh6ndiga other than those
who bore arms, I think the numbers given by the three first named authors
underrated. I may add that Torrente, whose unmitigated partiality to
Spanish domination in the colonies leads him to make assertions which can
only be classed as mendacious, boldly states that 2,000 loyal victims were
killed and 2,000 more cast into dungeons. Hist. Rev. Hisp. Am., i. 145.
Robinson says: 'The unfortunate' Spaniards, and all who adhered to them,
were sacrificed by the infuriated Indians.' Mem. Hex. Rev., i. 28.

THE FIRST VICTORY. 153

who fell on their side, at least two thousand Indians
perished, the wounded being in small proportion to
the dead, having been trampled to death by their in
furiated comrades as they rushed forward to avenge
them.43

The victory was dearly purchased, the loss sus
tained being so heavy that the revolutionary leaders
deemed it prudent to conceal it. During the night
great trenches were dug in the dry bed of the river
and into them the dead were thrown. Some of the
slain royalists were draped bv their arms and legs from

c/ OO »/ c"5

the alhondiga on the following morning and cast naked

48 * Seguramente pasaron de tres mil muertos los que hubo, aunque procu-
raron ocultar esta pordida, enterrandolos secretamente en zanjones one hicie-
ron en el rio.' Gnan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 22. Liceaga considers that the
3,000 slain as reported by the ayuntamiento to the viceroy represent nearly
accurately the total number killed on both sides. Alaman regards the num
ber as greatly exaggerated. Bustamante states that it was not known, on ac
count of the Indians having buried their dead in the channel of the river by
night. Zamacois places the number of victims at not less than 2,500.

The action of Riafio in withdrawing to the alhondiga and leaving the
city defenceless lias been severely censured by some, who regard it as the
cause of the disaffection of the populace and the future disasters which be
fell. The ayuntamiento, in its Publlca Vindication. . .already quoted in
note 13, urges that but for the abandonment of the city the populace would
have remained loyal; but that when they perceived that the troops and Euro
peans had retired to the alhondiga, they considered themselves deserted by
them, 'comenzo a decir publicamente: que los gachupines y sefiores. . .que-
rian defenderse solos y dexarlos entregados a el enemigo, y que aun los viveres
les quitaban para que perecieran de hambre.' Guan., ut sup., 16. There is,
however, little doubt that the lower orders would have joined the insurgents
in any case as soon as they appeared, and Riano was well aware of this. Com
missioner Constans6 in his report, already mentioned in note 13 of this chap
ter, entirely exonerates Riauo from blame, considering his action 'conforme
al dictamen de la sana razon y a la maxima cle sabios militares. ' Id. , 74-5.
Liceaga also argues in exculpation of the intendente, and asserts that it is
falsely stated by the ayuntamiento that the populace only exhibited symp
toms of disaffectation after the removal to the alhondiga. One of the prin
cipal causes which influenced Riafio in his decision was the contemptuous
manner in which the abolishment of tributes, published by him on the 21st,
had been received; the proclamation being made a subject of ridicule, and
the unfavorable feeling toward the government being apparent. The same
author refutes both Alaman and Bustamante, who state that the abolishment
of tribute was proclaimed 011 the 2Gth. Adlc. y Rectlfic. , 74-5. Bearing in
mind the responsibility of Riafio for the protection of the royal treasures and
archives, his knowledge that the populace of all towns which Hidalgo had
approached had enthusiastically declared for the revolution, his doubt about
the fidelity of his own troops who had already been tampered with; and
bearing in mind, also, the insolent bearing of the populace of Guanajuato, and
the intendente's conviction that Calleja within a week would arrive to his
support, I cannot but indorse Liceaga's views, and consider that the repre
sentations of the ayuntamiento were warped for the purpose of palliating
the political outbreak which involved a fearful chastisement.

154 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

into the burial-ground of Belen, the body of the in-
tendente alone being covered with a miserable shroud
supplied by the friars of the convent.49 Any mani
festation of pity for the dead was dangerous."0

The capture of the alhondiga was accomplished by
no regular military tactics. Hidalgo's dispositions
were only general, and confined to directions given to
occupy the commanding heights. After the first at
tack the leaders had little control over their followers,
who were little better than a mob of ill-armed and
unorganized Indians. Yet there was courage among
them, and love of country, self-sacrifice, and true
heroism. With all the valor of veteran warriors,
they here fought for the first time in their lives.
Hidalgo's followers, united with the populace of the
city, once launched against their oppressors, moved
onward with irresistible force. At the sight of blood,
their own blood, that of their comrades and of their
enemies, they became demons infuriate. Bustamante
relates that an Indian seized a bomb thrown at
him and vainly strove to tear out the fuse with his
teeth. The bomb exploded, blowing him to pieces.
"It matters not/' cried his comrades, "there are others
behind."

Such were the first men who shed their blood
in the cause of independence. On the side of the
loyalists also individual acts of bravery were fre
quent, which bring to mind the dauntless bearing of
the conquerors. Conspicuous among the cavalrymen,
when they were surrounded, was Jose Francisco Va-
lenzuela, who three times charged up and down the
hill alone, clearing his way with his sabre. When

49 Alaman relates that the body of Riaflo was exposed for two days, to
satisfy the curiosity of the populace as to whether he had a tail. It is said
that the belief prevailed among some of the lower orders that all Spaniards
had tails. Hist. Mcj., i. 435. Jews were thought to have tails, and as the
Indians were taught to believe that the Spanish authorities were imbued
with the anti-catholic doctrines of the French, they placed them in the cate
gory with the Jews. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., vi. 394-5.

50 'A imamuger le dieron una cuchillada en la cara, tan solo porque a la
vista de uu cadaver grito despavorida. . .\Ay \ ; pobrecito !' Bustamante, Cuad.

., i, 44.

PILLAGE AND DRUNKENNESS. 153

dragged at last from his saddle on the points of lances,
he still fought and slew his foes, shouting with his
dying breath, Viva Espana!51

When victory had declared for the insurgents, those
who had remained inactive on the surrounding heights
swarmed into the city to join in the plunder. As
soon as the alhondiga had been stripped of its treas-
"ures, a general assault was made on the shops and
houses of the Europeans. During that night and for
several succeeding days, pillage, devastation, and riot
reigned. Above the noise of human voices were heard
the hollow sounds of axe-blow and crow-bar on the
doors, the rending of timbers, and the crashing of fur
niture wantonly destroyed. From the commercial
stores merchandise of every description was seized.
Bales of cambric and of cloth, sacks of cacao, and bar
rels of spirituous liquors were rolled into the streets,
and sold to any who would buy for anything that
could be obtained.52

Drunken Indians arrayed themselves in stolen
clothing, and staggered along barefooted in bright
uniforms and embroidered coats. The iron railings of
the balconies were torn from the houses and the grat
ings from the windows. At night the streets were
illumined by smoking torches, around which weird
human forms, in every stage of drunkenness, yelled
and gesticulated. The mining establishments in the
city and neighborhood were ransacked, the precious
metals, quicksilver, and implements carried off, and
the machinery destroyed. In vain Hidalgo sought
to arrest the depredation and disorder. A proclama-

51 Valenzuela was a native of Irapuato and lieutenant of the cavalry troop
of that town. Members of his family still lived there when Alaman wrote.
Hist. My., i. 429, and app. 77.

52 Aguardiente was sold for five dollars a barrel, a sack of cacao or al
monds for two dollars, a bale of cambric for four dollars, and bars of silver
brought from the alhondiga for five dollars. So ignorant of values were the
country Indians that they sold their gold ounces for three or four reales to the
men of Guanajuato, who told them that they were copper medals. 'Nothing,'
says Robinson, 'can more strongly elucidate the wretched ignorance and pov
erty of the great mass of Indians. ' Mem. Mex. Rev. , i. 29. Consult Ltceaya,
Adlc. y Ilectific., 121.

156 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.

tion issued by him to that effect on the 30th was un
heeded, and the rioters only ceased when their work
was finished. The scene in Guanajuato was pitiahle.53

53 Hidalgo lias been greatly blamed for the frightful excesses, as if it had
been in his power to prevent them. Robinson holds that it was not extraor
dinary he should permit the Indians to enjoy the first fruits of their exer
tions. He considered it politic to let them have palpable proofs that they
would profit by the revolution; and with regard to the slaughter of the Span
iards, it was impossible for him to prevent it. Nevertheless, many Euro
peans and Creoles owed their lives to his protection, members of these latter
incurring the same danger and violence as the former, their houses being
sacked and their persons exposed to continual peril. The historian Alanian
narrowly escaped ill treatment if not death, and Hidalgo, in person, with the
sacred banner went to the succor of him and his family. Even his authority
failed to disperse the crowd bent upon plundering the wealth of a Spaniard
that had been secreted in Alaman's house, and it was only by Allende freely
using his sword that the mob was driven back. Hist. Mej., i. 438-41. The
main authorities consulted for the above account of the taking of the alhon-
diga de granaditas have been Alaman, Liceaga, and Bustamaiite. The testi
mony of Liceaga is of especial value, since he was a witness of the whole af
fair from the balcony of a house which commanded a view of the alh6ndiga,
and which he gained at the risk of his life. The object of his work Adi-
ciones y Rectificadones d la Historla de Mexico que escribiti D. Lucas A laman,
published in Guanajuato in 1868, was, as its name implies, to correct mis
takes which appear in Alaman's history, and fill up vacancies in the sequence
of events by information which Alaman could not obtain. Liceaga, while
complimenting Alaman for his diligence, close research, good judgment, and
learning, and pronouncing his history the most complete of the kind and
worthy of all appreciation, points out that in many portions of his work ho
had to depend upon the accounts of previous writers, which he himself asserts
to be full of errors arising from the want of knowledge of some authors and
the prejudiced views of others. Alaman consequently, with all his care,
could not avoid falling into mistakes which Liceaga felt himself able to cor
rect from personal observation and contact with eye-witnesses. The additions
and corrections supplied by Liceaga do not form a connected history of the
revolution, but they constitute a valuable supplement to Alaman's work, and
throw light upon many points previously obscure. Many of his details, how
ever, are of minor importance. His comments are generally sound, and his
arguments commonly lead to correct conclusions, though more lately ob
tained evidence shows that occasionally his deductions have not hit the mark.
With regard to the author himself, he was born in the city of Guanajuato on
the 4th of July, 1785, his parents being Ramon Guillermo de Liceaga and
J >ofia Ana Catarina de Espinosa. His early education was received in the
college of la Purisima Concepcion and the convent of San Francisco in that
city. In 1803 he entered the college of San Ildefonso in the city of Mexico,
where he studied jurisprudence until 1806, when he commenced practical
work under the licenciado Josd Domingo Lazo. In 1810 he received his di
ploma from the colegio de Abogados, and during the period of the revolution
followed the legal profession. After the independence, he filled several high
offices in his State, being appointed magistrado decano of the Suprema Tri
bunal de justicia del Estado in 1824, and district judge in 1827. In 1864, af
ter several changes of position in office, owing to his advanced age and
infirmities, he retired from public life in the nominal enjoyment of his full
salary, but of which he succeeded in obtaining only a small portion. Liceaga's
volume covers the historical epoch of 1808 to 1824, and the work which he
performed in its production extended over a period of fifteen years. He
penned his final remarks on the 27th of June, 1870, exactly one week before
the completion of his 85th birthday.

A PICTURE OF WOE. 157

The streets were cumbered with the wrecks of furni
ture, debris, and destroyed goods. Hundreds of fam
ilies were hopelessly ruined. Silence reigned within
the bare walls of the deserted houses, and the curse
of the destroying angel seemed to have fallen on the
so lately thriving city.

CHAPTER VII.

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
1810.

MILITARY PREPARATION OF VENEGAS — ACTION or THE CHURCH AND INQUI
SITION — HIDALGO'S REPLY — HE ABOLISHES SLAVERY — His ADMINISTRA
TIVE MEASURES AT GUANAJUATO — A REFRACTORY AYUNTAMIENTO —
HIDALGO ESTABLISHES A MINT — MARCHES AGAINST VALLADOLID — ADDI
TIONAL REINFORCEMENTS — HIDALGO'S TREASURY — THE INSURGENTS
MOVE TOWARD MEXICO — TRUJILLO DESPATCHED TO OPPOSE THEIR AD
VANCE — TRUJILLO'S CHARACTER — ITURBIDE'S BIOGRAPHY — TRUJILLO 's
MOVEMENTS — THE BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES — THE ROYALISTS FORCE THEIR
WAY OUT — THEIR DEFEAT REGARDED AS A TRIUMPH — ALARM IN THE
CAPITAL — ANOTHER SACRED BANNER — HIDALGO PERPLEXED.

WHEN Viceroy Venegas discovered how rapidly the
rebellion was spreading, as day after day intelligence
came of Hidalgo's progress and the defection of pro
vincial troops, he saw that the affair was of a more se
rious nature than he had supposed possible. Without
any definite knowledge of the country and its inhabi
tants, he had not the experience of even a few months
of quiet administration to enable him to gain an in
sight into affairs. His position was a difficult one;
but he applied himself with energy to the task of
holding New Spain to its allegiance. The dispersal
of the army concentrated by Iturrigaray now proved
prejudicial to his purpose. Scattered as the troops
were in provincial towns widely separated, it was not
only a difficult matter to collect on the moment any
considerable force, but an opportunity of spreading
disaffection in the ranks had been afforded the insur
gents, and the military were already widely infected
with revolutionary sentiments.

(158}

VICEREGAL MEASURES. 159

At this period there were no European troops in
New Spain; and though at a later date Spanish forces
were sent into the country, their number was always
greatly exceeded by that of the native regiments.
Thus the combatants on either side were sons of the
soil; and it is necessary to bear this in mind in order
to appreciate the critical position in which the viceroy
found himself at the outbreak of the rebellion, as well
as the political division which existed in the ranks of
the oppressed portion of the population. The total
number of men which Venegas could count upon did
not exceed ten or twelve thousand, the ranks and
lower-grade officers of which were drawn almost exclu
sively from the mestizos, mulattoes, and other castes,
the Indian element being small, since that race was ex
empt from military service. These troops, composed
of regiments of the line and the provincial militia, al
though commanded by Spanish-European chiefs, were
officered to a great extent by Creoles. It is not, there
fore, a matter of surprise that the viceroy's anxiety
was extreme, in view of the doubtful loyalty of the
military and the smallness of their number; although
in this latter respect less fear was entertained by rea
son of the excellence of their organization and arms.

The first measure adopted by Yenegas was to es
tablish at Queretaro a force sufficient for the protec
tion of that city. For this purpose, he ordered the
provincial dragoon regiment of Puebla to hasten to
the capital by forced marches; and on the 2Gth of
September the Mexican infantry regiment of la Co
rona, under the command of Manuel Flon, conde de
la Cadena and intendente of Puebla, was despatched
from Mexico for Queretaro. A battery of four can
non, under the direction of Colonel Ramon Diaz de
Ortega, was sent with these troops, who were joined
a few days afterward by the Mexican dragoons of the
line and those lately arrived from Puebla, with two
battalions of grenadiers, each seven companies strong.
The grenadiers were commanded by Jose J-alon, an

160 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

officer who had accompanied Venegas from Spain, the
whole force being under the direction of Flon as corn-
mander-in-chief. In order to provide for the security
of the capital, now almost without garrison, the in
fantry regiments of Puebla, Tres Villas, and Toluca
were withdrawn from those towns, and two battalions
formed from the crews of the frigate Atocha and oth
er vessels at Vera Cruz, and placed under the com
mand of the naval captain Rosendo Porlier.1 Several
battalions also of the volunteers of Fernando VII.
were again raised in the city;2 and Yermo, in his
patriotic zeal for the mother country, equipped and
maintained at his own expense five hundred cavalry
men drawn from the laborers on his estates.3 More
over, Colonel Diego Garcia Conde was appointed
comandante of Valladolid and sent thither without
delay in company with Manuel Merino, the intendente
of that province, and the conde de Rul, colonel of
the provincial infantry. Meanwhile the comandantes
Felix Maria Calleja and Roque Abarca, of San Luis
Potosi and Guadalajara respectively, were getting
their brigades into efficient condition.

But military operations were not the only means
employed to crush the rebellion. Prices were put
upon the heads of Hidalgo, Allende, and Aldama by
the government;4 the church excommunicated them,5

1 These troops caused general disgust by their uncleanliness and want of
soldierly deportment, and especially by their obscene and blasphemous lan
guage. The contrast between them and the provincial troops was marked.
Sufstamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 35; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 387.

2Caz. de Mex., 1810, i. 838-40; Diario Hex., xiii. 890-2.

3 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Cot. Doc.,ii. 165. Jose" Maria Manzano also sup
plied from his haciendas horsemen to the number of fifty. Ib.

4 Viceroy Venegas, by proclamation of September 27th, offered a reward
of 10,000 pesos for the capture or death of these leaders. Dispos. Varias,
ii. f. 5; Gaz. de Mex., 1810, 796-7. At a later date this sum was offered for
the head of any one of them ; and Guerra states that money and arms were
advanced to a gambling officer who engaged to assassinate Hidalgo, 'pues
este lo recibiria sin recelo como que era su compadre.' Hist. JRev. N. Esp., i.
301-2; Dispos. Farias, ii. f. 8.

5 Manuel Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, published his excom
munication by edict of September 24th. Abasolo was also included in it.
The excommunicated were declared to be 'sacrilegos, perjures, y que han
incurrido en la excomunion mayor del Canon, Siquis suadente Diabolo.' All
who aided or succored them were threatened with the same punishment- of

HIDALGO ANATHEMATIZED. 161

adding the usual anathemas; the inquisition cited
Hidalgo to appear before it, charging him with
heresy and apostasy, and raking up old accusations
brought against him ten years previously.6 From
the pulpit he was described as a demon of impiety, a
monster of bane; and the royal university of Mexico
gloried in the fact that he had never acquired the
degree of doctor in that institution!7

Every means, in fact, which would tend to prejudice
the cause of independence was employed. The bish
ops and the higher clergy issued exhortations to loy
alty, representing, in the darkest colors, the object of
the insurgents as selfish, and their intentions as im
pious. The archbishop published edicts and pasto
rals;8 politicians and officials, barristers, learned doc
tors of theology, and scribblers, heaped execrations on
the authors of the revolution, and the press teemed
with loyal productions in prose and doggerel verse,
heaping abuse upon Hidalgo, and printed by per
mission of the supreme government.9 The viceroy

greater excommunication. The validity of this excommunication was ques
tioned by many, on the ground that Queipo had not yet been consecrated
bishop. In order to terminate these doubts, Archbishop Lizana y Beaumont
ratified it by edict of the llth of October following. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev.*
iv. 52-8, supplies a copy of these edicts. Guerra maintains that Queipo had
no power to excommunicate. Hist. Rev. N. Esp., L 311-16. The bishops of
Puebla and Guadalajara also fulminated excommunications. Zerecero, Hem.
Rev, Mex., 64-5.

GDispos. Varias, iii. fol. 152; vi. fol. 59; Diario de Mex., xiii. 425-7.
The edict of the inquisition was issued on the 13th of October.

7 The rector of the university addressed an official communication to the
viceroy, requesting him to make public the fact that Hidalgo's name did not
appear in any of the books in which were registered the higher degrees con
ferred on its members. The request was made because the title of doctor
was being constantly given to Hidalgo in the papers and public sheets of the
day. Id., 386-7. According to the citation of the inquisition, the cura of
Dolores entertained a supreme contempt for the university faculty, which
he regarded as a body of ignoramuses, 'y finalmente, que sois tan soberbio
que decis, que no os habeis graduado de Dr en esta universidad, por ser su
claustro una quadrilla de ignorantes.'

8 Consult Id., 433-6; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 100-4, 167-9;
Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 7; Lizana y Beaumont, Exhortation, . . . Mex. 1810;
Id., Carta GratuL, Mex. 1810; Queipo, Edict. Instruct., Sep. 30, 1810; Id.,
Edict., Oct. 8, 1810; Leon, El cura... a sus fieles habit., Quere"taro, 1810;
Mendizdbal, Sermon, Mex. 1810.

9 Consult a series of letters written by a Mexican doctor, as a specimen of
the style of abuse. They are thus addressed to Hidalgo: 'Carta primera De
un DrMexic'mo al Br. D. Miguel Hidalgo Costilla, ex-Curade Dolores, ex-Sa-
HIST. MKX., VOL. IV. 11

162 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

issued proclamations, and denounced the rumors which
prevailed of the cession of Mexico to France as
groundless, attributing their origin to Hidalgo.10 At
the same time, town officers, governors, and other au
thorities were urged to express their fidelity to Spain,
and their detestation of the revolution; while in order
to conciliate the Indians they were relieved from the
payment of tribute,11 and measures taken for the im
provement of their condition.

This action at first was not without effect, and the
capital and many other cities remained loyal. The
heaviest blow sustained by the revolutionists was that
dealt by the church and inquisition. The awful de
nouncement of the leaders as heretics, their terrible
punishment of greater excommunication, and the dread
of the same appalling fate falling on them, working
upon an -ignorant and superstitious people, decided
for a time the vacillating and deterred the disaffected.
Hidalgo fully recognized that he had to fight with

cerdote de Cristo, ex-Cristiano, ex- Americano, ex- ff ombre, y Generalislmo Ca-
pataz de Salteadores y Asesinos.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 625-
95. Out of the innumerable publications issued during the first months of the
revolution, I refer to the few following, anonymous and otherwise, all bearing
the date of 1810: San Salvador, Reflex. Pat. Am.; Id., Mem. Crist. Pol; Id.,
Carta de un padre d sus hijos; Calvillo, Discurso sobre los males, etc. ; Garcia
y Garcia, Prosper. Union; Comoto, Discurso Patri.; Belderrain, Exhort. In
struct.; Campo y Rivas, Manif. Filant.; Monterde, Proclamaque el Intendente,
etc.; Rivera, Manif.; Exhort. Diputac. Cortes; Montana, Reflex. Alborotos;
Mex. Alocuc. Real Col. Abogados; Exhort. Col. Abogados; Criollo Sensible,
Proc.; Proclama (signed L. B. J. G. ); Exhort. Patriot. Am.; Centinela con
tra los Seductores. Among such expressions of loyalty, I find an appeal made
to Hidalgo by one of his fellow- collegians in the Real y Primitivo Colegio de
San Nicolas Obispo de Valladolid. It is signed Dr Bias Abadiano y Jasso.
After briefly calling to mind Hidalgo's collegiate success, the high reputation
he had acquired, and his preferments to the benefices of San Felipe and Do
lores, the writer brings to notice his backsliding from the church, and in
dorses the action of the inquisition. 'Ah y con quanta razon el Santo Tribu
nal de la Inquisicion os ha declarado por herege formal ! pues esta es una
prueba nada equivoca de que pretendeis apagar la luz del Evangelic.' He
then points put the irreparable harm done by Hidalgo, and implores him to
cast aside his apostasy and rely upon the mercy of the inquisition. Carta de
un Concolega d Don Miguel Hidalgo.

10 Venerjas, Manifesto, 27 Oct.' 1810.

11 The order for the remission of tribute had been issued by the regency on
the 20th of May preceding, negroes and mulattoes being included with Ind
ians. Venegas published it on the 5th of October. Dispos. Varian, ii. fol.
6-,Zerecero, Rev. Mcx., 173, 180-1; Negref.e, Hist. Mil. 8 iff. XIX., i. 195-
205. The proclamation was published in the Spanish and Aztec languages.
Hernandez y Ddvalos,, Col. Doc., ii. 137-41.

LIBERAL MEASURES OF HIDALGO. 163

weapons other than those used on the battle-field;
and some weeks later he caused to be published in
Guadalajara, which had fallen into his power, a reply
to the citation of the inquisition and its charges
against him. In this proclamation he solemnly de
clares that he had never departed from the holy cath
olic faith; he rebuts the accusations of heresy by call
ing attention to flagrant contradictions in them;12
points out the evils with which the people of New
Spain were oppressed, and calls on them to burst their
bonds and establish a congress that shall dictate be
neficent and discriminating laws suited to the several
requirements of the different districts.

But other measures, also, were adopted by Hidalgo
which inspired confidence in the uprightness of his
motives, and afforded palpable illustrations of the
benefits to be derived from independence. He ordered
the emancipation of slaves, under penalty of death
to their owners; he released Indians and persons of
all castes from the payment of tributes;13 and on the

12 ' Se me acusa de que niego la existencia del infierno, y un poco antes se
me hace cargo de haber asentado que algun pontifice de los canonizados por
santo esta. en este lugar. i Como, piies, concordar que un pontifice esta. en el
infierno, negando la existencia de este.' And again: 'Se me imputa tambien
el haber negado la autenticidad de los sagrados libros, y se me acusa de se-
guir los perversos dogmas de Lutero: si Lutero deduce sus errores de los
libros que cree inspirados por Dios, £c6mo el que niega esta inspiracion sos-
tendra. los suyos deducidos de los mismos libros que tiene por fabulosos? Del
mismo modo son todas las acusaciones. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist,, i. 439.
This writer obtained an original copy of this document from the licentiate
Mariano Otero, who assured him that it was one of very few which had been
saved in the town of Tizapam in Jalisco. Hidalgo's reply was so convincing
that the inquisition felt compelled to issue another edict in defense of the
glaring contradictions contained in the first. In this it was stated that al
though the heresies imputed to Hidalgo were contradictory in themselves,
they had not been developed in him at the same time, but in distinct epochs.
Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 65. By the detractors of Hidalgo, his defence of
his reputation is regarded as the admission of weakness. It was, however, a
political necessity. Personally he cared nothing either for the inquisition or
the bishops, but lie well knew their power over the people, and it was in the
highest degree important to refute their statements, especially as in August
1808 the inquisition had condemned as heretical the principle of the sover
eignty of the people. Copy of edict in Diario de Mex., ix. 271-3, 275.

13 See Ansorena's proclamation at Valladolid Oct. 19,^ 1810, issued iu
compliance with Hidalgo's orders. Hernandez y Ddvalo's, Col. Doc., ii.
1C9-70. On the 29th of Nov. Hidalgo published a decree commanding the
manumission of slaves within ten days. This was confirmed by another of
the 16th of Dec. Both these documents exist in the collection of Hernandez

164 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

5th of December ordered the restoration of their
lands to the Indians of the district of Guadalajara.14
By this policy Hidalgo succeeded in greatly counter
acting the expedients to which his opponents resorted.

When some degree of order had been arrived at in
Guanajuato, Hidalgo proceeded to make arrangements
for the further progress of his enterprise. The more
grievously wounded of the European prisoners were
removed to the alh6ndiga, where they were duly cared
for; others were confined in the infantry barracks,
while some few were allowed to return to their homes.
At a later date all the European captives, including
those brought from the different towns which the in
surgents had passed through, were collected in the
alhondiofa to the number of 247. Those who were

allowed their liberty were, however, required to sign
a written engagement not to take up arms against the
independent cause, under penalty of death.15 Spanish
ecclesiastics of both the secular and regular orders
were also left free, and Hidalgo issued especial com
mands that they should in no way be molested.

Having secured for administrative expenses but a
small proportion of the treasures deposited inHthe al-
hondiga, he appropriated, as an unavoidable necessity,
considerable sums belonging to private individuals.16
He next proceeded to organize the civil government
of the province. Having summoned the ayuntamiento,
he demanded to be recognized as captain-general of

y Davalos; copies of them are to be found in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2aep., iii. 54-6.
Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 88, finds fault with Hidalgo for abolishing slavery
without compensation to the owners. Alfredo Chavero remarks that Alamaii
considered the question in a financial point of view, like the abolition of a
tobacco privilege, whereas Hidalgo only regarded the emancipation of his
brethren. Soc. Mex. Geog., utsup., 56.

14 Copy of order is supplied in Hex. Refut. Art. de, Fondo, 26.

15 A distinction was made between Spaniards who had offered resistance in
the alhondiga and those who had remained in their houses, the latter being
allowed to remain at liberty under the condition mentioned in the text.
Liceacja, Adic. y Recti/ic., 124-5.

16 From the house of Bernab6 Bustamante he took 40,000 pesos which had
been concealed in the water-cistern, the secretion of which a faithless servant
revealed. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 442.

REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT. 165

America, as had been clone at Celaya, and stated that
as it was his prerogative he should proceed at once to
the appointment of alcaldes ordinaries. Thereupon he
named Jose Miguel de Rivera Llorente and Jose Maria
Hernandez Chico. A few days later he called an as
sembly of the ayuntamiento, the clergy, and principal
citizens, for the purpose of appointing officers of the
civil government. The ayuntamiento, however, was
not well disposed to the new order of things; and when
Hidalgo nominated the regidor Fernando Perez Ma-
rauon intendente, he declined the position, as also did
the regidores Jose Maria Septiem, Pedro de Otero, and
Martin Coronel. Hidalgo now became irritated, and
when the regidores endeavored to explain that they
could not reconcile ideas of independence with their
oath of allegiance to Fernando VII., or the motto on
his own standard, he angrily exclaimed: " There is no
longer a Fernando VII. !"17 Finding the ayuntami
ento thus intractable, without further delay Hidalgo
appointed Jose Francisco Gomez, who had been ad
jutant major of the provincial infantry regiment of
Valladolid, intendente of the province, with the rank
of brigadier, Carlos Montesdeoca his asesor ordinario,
and Francisco Robledo prornotor fiscal, giving them
to understand that they must accept the appointments
without demur.

The captain-general now turned his attention to the
organization and equipment of his army. The cavalry
was quartered in the mining establishments which had
been sacked, and for the future protection of which he
appointed Pedro Marino as overseer, charged with the
care of them. Two additional infantry regiments were
raised; one at Valenciana, of which he appointed Ca-
simiro Chovell colonel,13 and the other in Guanajuato,
the command of which Hidalgo gave to Bernardo

17 Guan., Pub. Vinci. Ayunt., 37. According to the same authority, the
standard bore the words: ' Viva la Religion, viva Fernando VII., y viva la
America. '

18 Chovell was the superintendent of the Valenciana mine. Alaman, ut sup.,
446.

166 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

Chico.19 These troops were armed only with lances,
an attempt made to convert quicksilver flasks into
hand-mortars having failed. Hidalgo also endeavored,
with but partial success, not only to cast cannon, but
t6 fabricate them of wood, both kinds proving unser
viceable. Numerous were the military appointments
made by revolutionary leaders, among which may be
mentioned that of Jose Maria Liceaga as lieutenant-
colonel of the last-named regiment,23 who played a
prominent part during the course of the revolution.
Although Hidalgo's treasury now contained more than
half a million pesos, inconvenience arose because so
much of it was in silver bars. The establishment of
a mint was therefore necessary, and on the 5th of
October the work of constructing the machinery and
dies was commenced, Jose Mariano de Robles being
made superintendent. The establishment was almost
completed by the 25th of November, when the Span
ish army under Calleja entered Guanajuato and took
possession of it.21

Hidalgo was fully informed of the preparations for
the suppression of the rebellion which were being
made by Calleja at San Luis Potosi,22 as well as of
the measures that had been taken for the protec
tion of Queretaro, and therefore decided, to umarch
against Valladolid. On the 8th of October he sent
forward a detachment of three thousand men under
the command of Mariano Jimenez, whom he had made
colonel, and on the 10th followed with the main body,

19 Son of a European of the same name, ' unico de las^Tamilias respetables
de Guanajuato que tomo parte en la revolucion.' Ib.

20 This Liceaga was a cousin of the author of the Adlc. y Rectific., already
frequently quoted. Their Christian and surnames being -the same has caused
some confusion. See note 2 on pages 131-3 of Liceaga 's work.

21 The artisans displayed great skill in the construction of the machinery
and implements and in the engraving of the dies. These were so perfect as
to rival those in the mint at Mexico. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47; Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., i. 448-9.

22 Much alarm was caused in Guanajuato Oct. 2d by the report that Ca
lleja was marching on the city, and had already arrived at Valenciana. Hi
dalgo sent out troops to verify the statement, Aklama going to San Miguel
and Celaya, but the report proved false. Liceaga, Adic. y Itctijic., 127-9;
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47-8; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 449-50.

VALLADOLID ANNALS. 167

leaving the European prisoners still in the alhondiga
under guard.23

The reader will recollect that when the bishopric
of Michoacan was established in 1536, Tzintzuntzan
was elected as the cathedral town.24 In 1554, how
ever, the episcopal seat was removed to Patzcuaro,25
whence it was finally transferred in 1580 to the city of
Valladolid, in conformity with a bull issued by Pius
V. in 157 1.26 This city was originally founded by
Cristobal Olid in the valley of Guayangareo, which
name was bestowed upon the town and retained until
1540, when it was refounded and formally settled by
Viceroy Mendoza, who changed the name to that of
Valladolid in honor of his birthplace in Spain. For
the purpose of insuring its stability and prosperity,
Mendoza sent several noble Spanish families from
Mexico to the revived settlement, and among the first
settlers mention must be made of Juan de Villasenor
Cervantes, from whose family Iturbide was descended.
In 1553 Charles V. ennobled the city and granted it
a coat of arms.27

23 Hidalgo's route lay through the valley of Santiago and Acumbaro.

2*See Hist. Mex., ii. 392, this series. Tzintzuntzan is Tarascan for hum
ming-bird, a name which the town derived from the great numbers found in
the vicinity, the capture of which and the use of the plumage in ornamenting
mosaic and hieroglyphical designs constituted an important occupation of the
inhabitants. Romero, Notic. Mich., 78.

*5 N. Esp. Brev. lies., MS., ii. 247. Romero states that the removal took
place in 1540. Notic. Mich., 71. Patzcuaro, before the conquest, was a sub
urban ward of Tzintzuntzan, and became the pleasure resort of the Michoacan
monarchs who built their court there. According to some linguists, the
meaning of the word is 'the place of joy.' Ib.

™N. Esp. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247.

27/Z>.; Villasenor, Teat., ii. 8-9; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teat. Ecles., i. 107;
Romero, Notic. Mich., 40. In Gonzalez Davila, page 136, is given a wood-cut
of the arms. The shield, which is surrounded by a crown, is divided in
three parts, two occupying the upper portion and the third the lower. In
each division is the representation of a crowned king holding a sceptre in
his right hand, the left being extended with the palm open. The field ia
surrounded by a scrolled border. The arms first granted in 1553 were dif
ferent. They consisted of a plain unoruamented shield, surmounted by a
crown and divided horizontally. In the upper half is a lake with a penol in
the centre, on the summit of which stands a church of St Peter. Three
smaller eminences rise from the lake at the base. In the lower half is a rep
resentation of the cathedral, which was dedicated to San Salvador. I(L, 110.
The three kings according to Romero were intended to represent Carlos V.,
his brother Maximiliano, and Philip II.

168

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

From the time of the removal of the episcopal seat
to Yalladolid the progress of the city was steady; and
though not situated near any of the great commercial
highways, its population so increased, owing to the
general prosperity of the province, that at the be
ginning of the eighteenth century the number of fam
ilies there was some five thousand. At this time
Michoacan had become one of the largest and most
important divisions of New Spain, its principal wealth
being derived from its prolific soil, which yielded two
crops annually.28 It was during this century that the

ARMS OF VALLADOLID.

ARMS GRANTED IN 1553.

province underwent a great physical convulsion. In
the department of Ario, in the southern portion of
the territory, extends a vast plain of wonderful fruit-
fulness, occupied by rich plantations of cotton, indigo,
and sugar-cane. Here was situated the hacienda of
San Pedro de Jorullo, famous throughout Michoacan
for its size, value, and productiveness. On this estate

28 It is related that a farmer named Francisco de Torres harvested on one
occasion GOO fanegas of wheat in return for four fanegas sown, or 150 fold.
Santos Cron. , ii. 400-7.

NOTABLE EARTHQUAKE. 169

immense herds of cattle were raised, and extensive
tracts planted with sugar-cane and indigo.29

Toward the end of June 1759, the people on the
hacienda were thrown into great alarm by the sound
of subterranean rumblings and heavy, dull reports.
Later these noises were accompanied by shocks of
earthquake, which kept increasing in number and in
tensity. A prediction was current among the labor
ers that the hacienda would be destroyed by fire issu
ing from the bowels of the earth on San Miguel's
day, and wild consternation now prevailed. In Sep
tember great numbers of them abandoned their work
and fled to the mountains for safety. Spiritual aid was
sought, and on the 21st a no vena of masses was com
menced and confessions were heard. But these cere
monies were ineffectual to quell the subterranean thun-
derings, or allay the agitation of the Indians, who
continued to take refuge on the neighboring heights.
On the 29th, San Miguel's day, with fearful uproar
the laboring earth burst open at about a mile from the
buildings of the hacienda, belching forth flames and
hurling burning rocks to prodigious heights through
a dense cloud of ashes rendered lurid by volcanic fire.
A new volcano had arisen. The ground to the ex
tent of three or four square miles swelled up like
a bladder, the centre of which burst, exhibiting a
fiery abyss, surrounded by thousands of small cones
or earth-bubbles.33 Into the chasms the waters of
Cuitamba and San Pedro were precipitated, increasing
the commotion. Deluges of hot mud were hurled
over the surrounding land, while columns of flame
blazed upward to such a height that they were visible
at Patzcuaro. The houses of Queretaro, distant more
than forty-eight leagues in a straight line, were cov-

_29 The possessor of this magnificent estate was J. Andre's de Pimentel, a
citizen and regidor of Patzcuaro, according to an official report of the occur
rence in Soc. Max. Geog., 2a ep., ii. 561.

30 Called by the natives hornifos, or ovens. Humboldt visited the scene of
this catastrophe in 1803, and found that the thermometer when inserted into
crevices in these ovens rose to 202°. For his account of the occurrence, see
Easai Pol, 248-54.

170 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

ered with ashes. The beautiful hacienda of Jorullo
was destroyed, as well as other plantations, by the
volcanic deposits of sand and mud and stones.31 Great
numbers of live-stock perished, and hundreds of fami
lies were reduced to want. In the centre of the ovens
six enormous masses were projected to the height of
from 1,300 to 1,650 feet above the old level of the plain.
The most elevated of these is the volcano of Jorullo.
The limits of Michoacan were not distinctly defined
till 1787, when the intendencias were founded, previous
to which time the political government had been in
vested in alcaldes mayores and corregidores, and gov
ernors.82 The extent of the ancient province was much
larger than the state of the present day-, since it com
prised the territory of the modern state of Guerrero.
Besides this reduction, minor variations have been
made in its boundary lines, and its present area con
tains about 3,620 square leagues, its greatest length
being 94 and its greatest width 66 leagues. On the
south-west it is bounded by the Pacific, its coast line
being thirty-nine leagues in length. Michoacan is
abundantly watered by rivers abounding in fine fish
of many varieties, from the quantity and excellence
of which the state derives its name, which means in
the Tarascan tongue the land of fish.33

When the authorities at Yalladolid became aware of
the danger wrhich threatened their city, they were
greatly disturbed, the more so because they found
themselves without a governor or military chief. They
nevertheless made some show of preparations for de
fence, beginning to cast cannon and enlist soldiers un
der the direction of the bishop Abad y Queipo and
the prebendado Agustin Ledos. News, however,

31 The value of the buildings and working establishments on the hacienda
de Jorullo were alone valued at $150,000. Soc. Mex. Geog., 2a ep., ii. 563.

3- Gonzalez Ddvila, Teat. Edes., i. 107. The first governor of the prov
ince was Colonel Martin Reinoso, who arrived from Spain in December 1755.
Castro, Dlario, 193. Juan Antonio de Riafio y Burcena was the first in ten-
dente. Cedulario, MS., iii. f. 2.

, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 212; Romero Notic. Mich., 33.

PHASES OF CHARACTER. 171

presently arrived of the capture near Acdmbaro of the
intendente Merino, the cornandante Garcia Conde, and
Colonel Rul by the guerrilla chief Luna,34 and this so
disheartened them that, on the approach of Hidalgo, all
thought of resistance was laid aside, and the bishop,
most of the chapter, and many Europeans hastily left
the capital and proceeded by different routes to
Mexico.35

In following the career of a great personage, we
cannot but note how easily and naturally genius falls
into any position, and adapts the man to the circum
stances. So it was with Hidalgo: lately a humble
priest, now at the head of a large army, fighting
battles, making and unmaking rulers, and all with
calmness and facility as if he had been accustomed to
the work from his youth. Not that the cura was by
any means a proficient soldier; on the contrary, he
was no soldier at ail, did not pretend to be one, and
would have been filled with joy unbounded were there
any other means at hand to secure his sacred cause.
He was not even a cunning man of the world. He
was not working for greatness of name or ambition,
or for money or power. He would have his country
move toward independence. The full glory of it he
never expected to see. Yet he would do what he
could; his life he would cheerfully give. Such was
the quality of his greatness, patriotic, pure, amiable,
ethereal, not crafty, not subtle, and not always the
most successful.

On the 15th of October the van of the insurgents
arrived at the suburbs of Yalladolid without opposition;

34 For an account of their capture, see Garcia Conde, Informe, in Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 208. It was during this period that the guer-
rilleros sprung into existence in Mexico. Bold and lawless men, when
Hidalgo's army became dispersed, carried on hostilities against the royal
ists independently, yet they rendered important services for the revolu
tionists during the whole course of the war, and many of their leaders were
conspicuous for their heroism and noble qualities. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mcx.,
109-11.

35 The asesor, Jose" Alonso do Teran, with many others, was detained at
Hue" tamo by the cura, who roused the people of the town. They were sent
back to Valladolid and delivered up to Hidalgo.

172 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

and on the 17th Hidalgo came up in person, the num
ber of his forces now amounting to sixty thousand.36
His reception was not wholly to his liking; for al
though a commission came out to meet him, and the
bells sounded a welcome, when he found that the
cathedral was closed on dismounting in front of it to
render thanks for his successful entry, he was very
indignant. Nor was his anger allayed when, the gates
having been at last opened by the servants of the sac
risty, he was received only by the chaplains of the
choir, and the te deum was badly chanted to peals of
the organ abominably played.37 He resented the slight
by forthwith pronouncing vacant all the canonical
seats except three.38

On the departure of the bishop, the canon, conde de
Sierra Gorda, had been left in charge of the mitre, and
Hidalgo intimated to him that it would be well to re
move the excommunication fulminated against himself
and his followers by the fugitive prelate. The obsequi
ous canon complied; the proclamation was taken from
the doors of the churches, and circulars sent to the
curas in the diocese, informing them that the leaders
of the revolutionists had incurred no ecclesiastical cen
sure, and instructing them to read to their flocks on a
feast day the removal of the excommunication.39

Before entering the city, Hidalgo had promised a
commission sent out to receive him that rights of
property should be respected, and during the entry
no violence was attempted. But the taste for spoils

36 According to Bustamante. Mora, however, places the number at 40,000.
Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 68. Hidalgo had with him two bronze cannon and two
wooden ones.

87 For these particulars and antecedent events, consult Canon Betancourt's
report in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 406 et seq., and the manifesto
of the ayuntamiento of Valladolid, in Id. , v. 86-7.

38 According to Betancourt, those of the conde de Sierra Gorda, Gomez
Limon, and his own, 'porquefueal Parlamento.' The ayuntamiento states
that Hidalgo said, 'dare por vacantes todas las prebendas por la impolitica
con que se ha portado el Cabildo en mi recibimiento. ' /&., and Id., iii. 411.

39 Ihe conde de Sierra Gorda exculpated himself to the viceroy by declar
ing that he had acted under compulsion, 'desdiciendose de lo que habia ejecu-
tatlo con prudencia, imputandolo d coaccion, terror y violencia.' Bustamante,
Cuad. Hint., i. 72; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 166-7, 313-4.

DISCIPLINE REQUIRED. 173

among the natives once gratified was not easily con
trolled. Next day several Spanish houses were as
saulted and sacked. Hard as it was to learn, a lesson
of discipline must be given. Allende opened fire on
his men. Several were killed and wounded ; the crowds
dispersed and the disorder was stopped.40 It had
hardly ceased, however, before a more serious trouble
occurred. The Indians, accustomed to simple diet,
had given themselves up to gluttony and drunkenness,
gorging themselves with sweetmeats and fruits, and
pouring down spirituous liquors like water. The con
sequence was that a deadly sickness broke out, carry
ing off many in a few hours. The cry was raised
that the aguardiente had been poisoned. Allende,
by his presence of mind, however, suppressed the
tumult. Drinking in the presence of the multitude
a cup of the condemned liquor, he proved to the
Indians that their fears were groundless.41

At Valladolid Hidalgo's force was increased by the
important addition of well armed and well disciplined
troops. They consisted of the regiment of provin
cial infantry, the regiment of the Michoacan dra
goons, more generally known by the name of the Patz-
cuaro regiment, and eight companies of recruits lately
raised and equipped by the bishop and chapter. Ad
ditional cannon were also added to his artillery, a
means of warfare which the first leaders of the revo
lution regarded with too high an estimation, direct
ing their principal attention to the casting of as many
and as large pieces as possible. Experience taught
them their mistake; for to unskilled gunners artillery
was of little service.

Having concluded his military preparations, and
placed Jose Maria Anzorena at the head of the gov-

40 Ansorena, Defensa, 10. Bustamante makes the assertion that the artil
leryman fired without orders, killing and wounding 14 of the Indians. Cuad.
Hi*t., i. 75.

41Betancourt narrates that dining with Hidalgo he was compelled by
Allende to drink a glass of the liquor supposed to be poisoned. Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 413-14.

174

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

ernment,42 Hidalgo, who had already decided to march
against the capital without delay, left Valladolid on
the 20th of October,43 taking with him nearly all the
church funds, and those of private individuals de
posited for security in the coffers of the cathedral.
Besides these funds, which amounted to $200,000,
he obtained other large sums from the residents of
Valladolid. Aware that Calleja's preparations would
soon be completed, Hidalgo hurried forward. At
Acd,mbaro he held a review of his forces, now num
bering 80,000, an unwieldy, disorderly mass, which

HIDALGO'S MARCH AGAINST MEXICO.

he divided into regiments of infantry and cavalry,
each 1,000 strong. Here he was proclaimed generali-
simo44 at a council of the chiefs, and he conferred

42 Anzorena, as the sequel will show, proved himself a stanch partisan of
the revolutionists.

43 This is the date given positively by Betancourt. Bustamante gives the
19th of Oct. as the day of Hidalgo's departure.

^Garcia Conde, Informe, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 270-1.
Hidalgo's uniform was a blue coat with red cuffs and collar bordered with
gold and silver galloon, his shoulder belt being of black velvet similarly
bordered. Suspended from his neck he wore a large gold medal bearing the
image of the virgin of Guadalupe. The uniform of Allende consisted of a
jacket of blue cloth with red cuffs and collar, the seams being covered with
silver galloon. Around each shoulder was a silver cord with pendent button.
The lieutenant-general's uniforms were distinguished from his by having only

TEUJILLO'S ADVANCE. 175

on Allende the rank of captain-general; Aldama,
Ballerza, Jimenez, and Joaquin Arias being ap
pointed lieutenant-generals. From Acdmbaro the
generalising directed his march by way of Mara-
vatio, Tepetongo, and Ixtlahuaca, and rapidly ap
proached the capital.

When intelligence was received in Mexico of Hi
dalgo's coming, Venegas laid his plans to oppose him.
He had already at his disposal forces amounting to
7,000 men,45 and despatched Lieutenant-colonel Tor-
cuato Trujillo with a portion of them to watch Hidal
go's movements, and, if possible, arrest his advance.48
Trujillo had accompanied Venegas from Spain, and
the viceroy, who as yet had but little confidence in
Mexican commanders in spite of their protestations,
deemed it prudent to place one of his own men at the
head of so important an undertaking. It was not
altogether a happy choice. Trujillo, indeed, was
faithful enough; but he had one fault, he was a fool.
Conceited, shallow-headed, he soon succeeded in ex
citing the profound disgust of all around him. As a
man, his followers hated him ; as a soldier, they held
him in contempt. His conduct as a military corn-
one shoulder cord, that on the right. Ib.; Guerra, Hist. Rtv. N. Esp., L 305-6;
Resum. Hist. Insurr. N. Esp., 8.

4:> Bustamante says the force consisted of the infantry regiment of New
Spain, a battalion of infantry of Mexico, another called the Cuahutitlan bat
talion, a battalion del fijo de Mexico, the provincial militia regiment of Pu-
ebla, the city bakers' dragoons, two infantry battalions of merchants, three
of the patriots of Fernando VII., a section of artillery, in addition to the
veteran artillery, a troop of cavalry of the patriots, the militia infantry regi
ment of Toluca, and the Tulancingo, and various other pickets — in all 7,000
men. Cuad. Hist., i. 76.

40 The forces placed under Trujillo's command were the infantry regiment
of Tres Villas, which had lately arrived, a battalion of the provincial militia
of Mexico, and a portion of the dragoons of Spain. These were afterward re-
enforced by 50 volunteers with two cannon, commanded by Juan Batitista do
Ustariz, a lieutenant of the navy, and about 330 men drawn from the haci
endas of Yermo and a Mexican named Manzano. Authors differ as to the
total number. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 475, states that it barely reached
1,400; the author of Inwrrec. Resum. Hist., 9, makes it amount to 2,000; Mora,
Mex. y susRev., iv. 73, raises it to 2, 500; while Torrente, Hist. Rev. llisp. Am.,
i. 151, places the number at about 1,200. Guerra makes it 1,500. Hist. Rev.
N. Esp., i. 325. Negrete considers that the number may be safely estimated
at 2,500. Hint. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 354.

176 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

mander was marked by cruelty and treachery. In
after days the sound of his name did not ring pleas
antly in the ears of the revolutionists.

There was at this time in the city of Mexico a
young lieutenant, who had lately come from Valla
dolid flying before Hidalgo. His name was Agus-
tin Iturbide. The first historical mention of him is
found in the official journal of September 21, 1808/7
where he is commended for his zeal in offering sup
port to the new government after the deposal of Itur-
rigaray. At this time he was a lieutenant of the
provincial infantry regiment of Valladolid. He was
born in that city on the 27th of September, 1783,
his father, Joaquin de Iturbide, being a native of
Pamplona, in the kingdom of Navarre. The fami
lies of both his father and mother, whose maiden
name was Josefa de Aramburu, were distinguished.
Agustin while a child narrowly escaped death by
fire, being rescued almost miraculously from his burn
ing home. His school education was limited, he
having applied himself to the management of one of
his father's haciendas when only fifteen years of age;
at which time also he entered the regiment of pro
vincial infantry of Valladolid as ensign, and hence
forth adopted the military profession. In 1805 he
espoused Dona Ana Maria Huarte, a creole of good
family. He was present with his command at the
military encampment at Jalapa, and in 1809 assisted
in suppressing the premature attempt at revolution
in his native city.

When Hidalgo took the field he invited Iturbide to
join him, offering him the rank of lieutenant-general.
The latter, however, refused;48 and when Hidalgo
drew near Valladolid, Iturbide, seeing no prospect of

,xv. 702.

48 Hidalgo sent this invitation while he \vas approaching Valladolid, ac
cording to Iturbide in his manifiesto. Alaman points out that this evidence
refutes Rocafuerte's statement — published in his pamphlet directed against
Iturbide under the title of El Picjmalion Americano— that he declined to take
part in the revolution because he could not obtain the same grade as in the
royalist army. Hist. Mej., i. 463.

MEETING OF THE ARMIES.

177

a successful defence, repaired to the capital with
seventy soldiers of his regiment who remained loyal
to the service. When Trujillo was sent to oppose
Hidalgo's advance, Iturbide obtained permission to
accompany him, and thus he found himself afloat on
his ambitious career.

Meanwhile the two armies approach, and one must
give way before the other. But first it is destined
that they fight. Trujillo, having arrived at Toluca,49
sent forward a detachment to occupy the bridge of
Don Bernabe over the River Lerma and intermediate
between Toluca and Ixtlahuaca whither Hidalgo had
arrived. On the 27th the royalist leader moved for
ward his troops with the intention of attacking the
insurgents at the latter place, distant nine leagues, but

PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELD OF LAS CRUCES.

49 Explanation of the plan.

A. Infantry of the royal army.

B. Infantry of the insurgents.

C. Cavalry of royal army.

D. Cavalrj7 of the insurgents.

E. Royal troops on the march.

F. Insurgent troops on the march.

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 12

178 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

meeting his advance guard in full flight, and learning
that Hidalgo was approaching with all his forces, he
fell back to the small town of Lerrna, where he hoped
to hold the enemy in check by barricading arid de
fending the bridge. On the 28th, as no enemy ap
peared, Trujillo suspected that Hidalgo had directed
his march to the bridge of Atengo, with the object
of occupying the Santiago road and attacking the
royalists in the rear, at the same time cutting off their
retreat to the capital. He therefore sent a detach
ment to defend that point, and gave orders to the
subdelegado of Santiago Tianguistengo to destroy the
bridge. This order, however, was not carried out,
and on the 29th Allende, with a large body of troops,
forced the defenders from their position and gained
the Santiago road.

Meanwhile Hidalgo with the rest of his forces
marched toward Lerrna; and Trujillo, as soon as he
learned that the bridge of Atengo, had been lost, saw
the necessity of retreating toward the capital, and
accordingly withdrew to the mountain pass called the
monte de las Cruces,60 leaving Jose de Mendivil with

* O

one of the two battalions of which the regiment of
Tres Villas was composed, and Francisco Bringas
with a troop .of cavalry, to hold the Lerma bridge
until the different sections of the army had united at
las Cruces. At five o'clock in the afternoon, Mendi
vil, supported in the rear by Bringas, commenced his
retreat, leaving only a small force under Captain Pino
to defend the bridge; and so well did this officer per
form his duty that he did not retire until late at night.
The position to which Trujillo had withdrawn was a
strong one, but it had the disadvantage of being com
manded on the south by neighboring hills covered
with forest, and by other heights on the north side of
the Toluca road. Allende well knew the importance

50 So called because of the numerous crosses erected there to mark the
places where travellers had been murdered by bandits; that hill being a fa
vorite resort of robbers.

BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES. 179

of the situation, and had made all haste to occupy it
from the Santiago road; but Trujillo's march had
been equally rapid, and the royalists gained the emi
nence first, anticipating, however, the insurgent force
only by half an hour.

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 30th, the
action commenced by light skirmishing between the
royalist cavalry and guerrilla bands in advance of the
main body of insurgents. Opportunely for Trujillo,
he received at this time a reenforcernent of two can
non, with an escort of fifty Spanish volunteers, under
Captain Antonio Bringas, and 330 mounted lancers
from the haciendas of Yermo and Jose Maria Man-
zano,51 the whole force being placed under the com
mand of Juan Bautista de Uzt^riz, a lieutenant of the
royal navy. About eleven o'clock the attacking col
umn of the insurgents, with the artillery in front,
came in sight on the road from Toluca. It consisted

of the infantry provincial regiment of Valladolid, the
Celaya companies, and the Guanajuato battalion, which
were flanked by the provincial dragoons of Patzcuaro
and la Reina, the rear being brought up by the dra
goons of el Principe — a force in itself greatly superior
to that of Trujillo, but which being without efficient
officers had already lost much of its discipline. These
were preceded on the front and flanks by crowds of
ill-armed Indians, and numerous bands of horsemen,
who streamed along the Toluca road or wound round
the sides of the hills wherever the ground was practi
cable for horses. Trujillo now made preparations to
receive the coming attack. His two field-pieces were
placed in position so as to enfilade the road and ad
jacent ground, and were hidden from sight with

51 The stanch loyalist Gabriel Yermo, who had displayed such tact in the
deposal of Iturrigaray, supplied at his own cost 400 lancers from his hacien
das, while his brother Juan Antonio furnished 100 more. These troops were
known by the name of the negros de Yermo, and did good service during the
war. Of these lancers 279 were sent to Trujillo, according to Yermo's
statement of services rendered, Rev. N. Esp. Verdad. Orig., 110. ii. 56-7, al
though Trujillo in his official report to the viceroy states that there were only
150. Gaz. deMex., 1810, i. 923.

180 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

branches of trees, in order to increase the confidence
of the enemy. The cavalry was ordered to fall back
upon the line without engaging in action, and the fifty
volunteers lately arrived, with the lancers of Yermo
commanded by Captain Antonio Bringas, supported
by two companies of the Tres Villas regiment under
the command of Lieutenant Ramon Reyes, were
placed in ambush on a wooded height at some distance
from the left flank. Trujillo commanded the centre
in person, occupying the level summit which over
looks the pass, and on which was planted one of the
field-pieces, while Mendivil with the other occupied
the front, covering the main approach.

Hidalgo had left the formation of the plan of bat
tle to Allende, and that officer made preparations to
surround Trujillo while the main attack was being
made in front. For this purpose strong detachments
of the better armed Indians, both of foot and horse,
were sent by long detours to take possession of vari
ous heights commanding Trujillo's flanks, and a force
of 3,000 foot and horse was despatched to occupy the
road to Mexico in the rear of the enemy. Moreover,
a select body of 1,200 of the best disciplined men of
all arms was thrown out on the right flank, and took
up a position out of range of Trujillo's artillery, and
opposite to the place where Bringas was ambushed.
The command of the infantry was given to Juan Al-
clama and Luis Malo, and that of the artillery to
Mariano Jimenez, while Allende himself commanded
the cavalry.52

At eleven o'clock the attacking column, preceded
by the four pieces of artillery already mentioned, ap-

52 Licearja, Adic. y Rectific., 139. According to Mora, Allende thought
the undisciplined masses should not take part in the general action, but
should be posted as rear-guards to the different divisions, where they might
pi-ove of service as occasion offered. The Indians, however, were offended at
being so placed, and Hidalgo insisted that Allende should assign to them places
in the front. Though Allende represented strongly the danger of so doing,
Hidalgo so pressed the matter that Allende was obliged to yield. Mex. y
sus Rev., iv. 27. Mora's statements, however, must be taken with allow

ance.

DEATH OF EPJXGAS. 181

preached within close range. Trujillo now opened
fire with grape and canister from his masked batteries
with such deadly effect upon the crowded masses in
front, that they were soon thrown into confusion and
driven back, causing some disturbance to the disci
plined troops. These, however, held their ground, and
replied with their artillery, while a brisk fire was main
tained all along the fronts, with no little loss on both
sides, the insurgents suffering most. Trujillo, perceiv
ing that he could hold the enemy's centre in check,
now ordered Bringas to engage their right wing, and
sent a detachment of three companies of the Tres
Villas infantry under the command of Iturbide to oc
cupy an almost inaccessible height covered with pine
trees, at a considerable distance on his right flank.

Bringas now charged with great impetuosity, and
engaged with the 1,200 picked men opposed to him.
The contest was long and fierce, but eventually ter
minated in favor of the insurgents. These, encour
aged by the bravery and example of Aldama and
Malo, who commanded in person in that part of the
field, maintained their ground with unflinching firm
ness, in spite of the heavy loss inflicted by the loyal
ists; but it was not until Bringas fell mortally wound
ed that they succeeded in repulsing his troops.53 Nor
was Trujillo more successful in his manoeuvre on the
right. Allende also had marked the importance of
the position which Iturbide had been sent to occupy,
and, unnoticed by the royalists, had already proceeded
in person with 300 of the infantry and one piece of
artillery to take possession of it, approaching unseen

53 Bringas after being wounded was lifted upon his horse, and with great
intrepidity still encouraged his men, effecting his retreat in good order. Tru
jillo, in Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 925. He died on the 3d of Nov. in the city of
Mexico, and was honored by command of the viceroy with a magnificent fu
neral. A few days after a Creole officer died of the wounds he had received,
and was buried without display. As Bringas was a Spaniard, this was not
unnoticed, and the viceroy was satirized by the following epigram:

i Bringas era gachupin?
Su cntierro fuj un S. Quintin.

iN. era amcricano?
Su entierro fue liso y llano.

Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 482.

182 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

in a direction opposite to Iturbide's line of march.
When the royalist officer had pushed forward half
way up to the summit, he suddenly came in contact
with Allende's force, and a brisk engagement followed,
which resulted in the repulse of Allende. The disas
ter sustained by Bringas, however, and the exposure
to the enemy of Trujillo's manoeuvre by this skirmish,
caused the royalist leader to recall Iturbide. Where
upon the insurgents rallied and took possession of the
height.54

Trujillo's position was now hopelessly exposed ; in
fact, he was completely surrounded. On his right the
piece of artillery planted by Allende on the aban
doned height was in a position to enfilade his ranks;
a large force of the enemy lay between him and the
capital ; on his left was Aldarna now strongly reen-
forced, and with twro pieces of artillery mounted in a
commanding position; while in front Mendivil was
not only himself severely wounded, but many of his
most efficient men were slain or hors de combat, and
his artillery ammunition was exhausted.55 It was
now about three o'clock in the afternoon, and the in
surgents had pushed on down the heights on Trujillo's
left so near that the combatants were at speaking dis
tance. At this juncture the royalist leader perpe
trates an act which places him before the world for
ever in his true character of villain, and enshrouds
his memory with lasting infamy. The insurgents,
masters of the position as they feel themselves to be,
invite the royalist troops to join their cause; and so

54 Liceaga attempts to show that Iturbide did not engage with the enemy;
but due weight must be given to Trujillo's own statement. 'Se encoiitraron
con los enemigos que subian y rompieron el fuego contra ellos, rechazaiido-
los;' and after recounting the repulse of Bringas, clearly explains the reason
of Iturbide's recall. 'Las demas compafrias de mi derecha se volvieron a re-
plegar a la linea, pues el gran mimero de enemigos y lo dilatado del cerro,
hacia entrasen hasta mi centre, por lo qiie me vi en la precision de reconcen-
trar mi linea en el pequeno piano que hay sobre el camino real a donde te-
nia colocado tin canon giratorio.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 924-5.

53 Mendivil defended his post with exemplary bravery, and after his field-
piece was no longer of service, held his ground with the infantry under his
command. His wounds were so serious that it was long before he recovered.
Mora, Mcj. y sus Rev., iv. 80.

TREACHERY OF TRUJILLO. 183

favorably are their proposals regarded by some of
Trujillo's officers, that they induce him no less than
three times to hold a parley with the enemy in front
of his line of infantry. Hostilities, meanwhile, have
ceased. Friendly and specious are the words which
Trujillo uses, and at each conference the insurgents,
gathering in crowded ranks about their spokesman,
draw nearer and nearer. At the third parley he has
enticed the unsuspecting revolutionists close up to
his bayonets; then he throws off the mask and orders
his men to fire.56 The volley which follows stretches
more than sixty victims to his perfidy dead upon the
ground.57

This treacherous act infuriated the insurgents, and
the battle was renewed with increased vigor. Trujillo,
however, maintained his position until half-past five
in the evening, when, having lost one third of his
force in killed and wounded, among whom were many
of his best officers, his ammunition, moreover, be
ing wellnigh exhausted, he decided to force his way
through the enemy in his rear. His position was
indeed no longer tenable. His ranks were being deci
mated by the insurgents' artillery, his troops, worn
out with fatigue, were without provisions; while num
bers of the enemy were hastening to reenforce those
who were waiting to intercept his retreat. Abandon
ing his cannon, therefore, he put himself at the head

56 His own words are: 'Los acerque hasta bien inmediato de mis bayo-
netas, y recogiendo el teniente coronel D. Juan Antonio Lopez un estandarte
de N. 8. de Guadalupe que venia en las sacrilegas manos de estos infames,
mandc la voz de fuego & la infanteria que tenia.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 926.

57 Bmtamante, CuacL Hist., i. 82. According to Liceaga, a kind of armis
tice had been established, during which Aldama and Jimenez sent in pro
posals to the native-born soldiers and officers to join the independent cause,
at the same time guaranteeing the lives of Trujillo and the Spaniards who
were with him. Whether this was done with the approbation of Allende or
rot the author does not know. Adic. y Rectlfic., 140. Trujillo, as is
sometimes the case with base natures, instead of seeing anything disgrace
ful in his act, glories in it. It was, however, severely condemned even in
the Semanario Patriotico de Cadiz, no. 45, of Feb. 14, 1811, in the follow
ing words: 'Hacer fuego sobre estos rebeldes al tiempo de estar parlamen-
tando con ellos, . . .111 file" justo, ni honesto, ni politico.' The defence urged is
that the insurgents were not sincere in their offers, which were made only for
the purpose of hemming in the royalists, which is pure subterfuge. Gaz. de
Hex., 1811, ii. 348-9.

184 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

of two companies of the Tres Villas regiment, and
followed by the remainder of his forces in closed col
umns, successfully fought his way way out, and ar
rived at Cuajimalpa with some little loss. Here he
was compelled to make a stand in order to repel a
body of cavalry which was harassing his march and
tampering with his men. This effected, with the loss
of some killed on the part of the insurgents, he pur
sued his way unmolested to Santa Fe, where he took
up quarters for the night, and on the following day
entered the capital.58 Then, having no one to dispute
him, he made his defeat appear a victory; and a
medal was struck off in commemoration of his glori
ous achievements, and the success of the royal arms.59

58 Bustamante states that Trujillo's retreat was conducted in the greatest
disorder as far as Cuajimalpa, and that thence 'escap6 como pudo en dispersion
para Mexico,' Quad. Hist., 82; that Trujillo entered the capital with only 51
soldiers, 'resto unico de toda la fuerza que sac6 de esta capital;' and intimates
that the regiment of Tres Villas had almost ceased to exist. Mora also as
serts that the greater portion of the soldiers deserted on the retreat, so that
when Trujillo left Santa Fe" he had little over 40 men. Mej. y sus .Rev., iv.
81. Now, although it is probable that some of his men deserted, since he
himself mentions that attempts were made to seduce them from their allegiance
while retreating, it is not possible that the retreat was conducted in disorder;
had such been the case, none would have escaped, much less the wounded,
who were brought to Mexico, as Alaman reasonably observes. But the author
who advances the most incredible conjectures as to what was probably Tru
jillo's ability as commander and his deportment in the field is the licenciado
Don Anastasio Zerecero. He gravely relates that Trujillo, after having given
the order to fire upon those with whom he was holding parley, disappeared
disguised, as it was said, in the habit of a friar and hastened to Santa F6; and
then, because Trujillo, in his report dated Nov. 6th — that is, seven days
after the battle — says that he cannot state the exact loss sustained, and be
cause, moreover, he admits that he was the first to leave the field, Zerecero
comes to the conclusion that everything tends to justify the opinion that
Trujillo fled at the very first, and did not even see the battle, writing his
official despatch from the account supplied him by Iturbide. The same au
thor asserts that Trujillo had 3,000 troops, only 500 of which returned to
Mexico. Mem. Rev. Mex., 86-7, 107-8. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., 330,
states that 200 royalists escaped to the capital. Though a coxcomb, a liar,
and a villain, Trujillo was no coward on the field of battle. Negrete reason
ably concludes that the viceroy and Trujillo were of accord that it would
not be safe in the excited state of the community to publish at once the
official account of the action, which had been reported as a victory; when,
however, the insurgents had retreated, there was no danger in doing so. Hist.
Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 361-2, 364.

69 The medal was presented on the'Sd of Feb., 1811, on which elate the vice
roy issued a proclamation in praise of the gallant conduct of the regiment of
Tres Villas, and tells them to assume Monte de las Cruces ! as their future
battle-cry. 'Os remito,' he says, 'los escudos de distincion que mere-cisteis
el dia 30 de octubre por vuestra brillante conducta en el monte de las Cruces
. . . que el monte de las Cruces sea vuestro grito guerrero en el momento de

A COSTLY VICTORY. 185

Although Hidalgo thus remained master of the
field, his victory had been dearly bought. The Ind
ians were terror-stricken over the dreadful slaughter
which had been inflicted upon them by the fire of the
artillery, the deadly effect of which they had witnessed
for the first time;60 while the disciplined troops were
dismayed at the long resistance which so small a force
had been able to make against such overwhelming
numbers. Thus on the following morning the insur
gent army, instead of being flushed with victory, were
despondent; and Hidalgo when he arrived at Cuaji-
malpa halted, although Allende urgently pressed upon •
him the necessity of marching upon Mexico at once.61 '

The capital was filled with foreboding. From the
time intelligence arrived of Hidalgo's departure from
"Valladolid, fear had fallen on the people. And now
when Trujillo returned with but a remnant of his force,
notwithstanding his braggadocio, many gave up all
hope. Guanajuato had fallen; Valladolid had sur
rendered; it was Mexico's turn next! Treasures and
jewelry were carefully concealed or confided to the
sacred protection of convents. Women sought asy
lum in nunneries; and the city, which for years had
been free from popular outbreak, presented a scene of
confusion and panic. Even Venegas, taking into con
sideration the numbers of the enemy, the distant po-

vuestros futures combates, y la voz quo os conduzca a la victoria. ' Gaz. de
Mex., 1811, ii. 123-4. It bore the names of Trujillo, Bringas, and Mendivil.
Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp.t i. 330.

co Trujillo estimated the number of insurgents killed and wounded at
2,000; Liceaga says that on the two sides more than 4,000 were killed: *Se
calcula haber quedado en el campo, mas de cuatro mil caddveres de uno y
otro bando, siendo sin comparacion mayor el numero de los que pertenecian
d los invasores.' Adic. y Rectific., 148. Again, Diego Garcia Conde in his re
port to the viceroy after his release from captivity states that the loss to the
insurgents in killed, wounded, and deserters was more than 20,000. Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 273. For more than five years after the engage
ment, on either side of the pass of Monte de las Cruces, both on the ascent
and descent, for the distance of over a league, great heaps of human bones
could be seen piled underneath the trees. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 109.

C1 The difference of opinion which not unfrequently occurred between these
leaders terminated in unfriendly relations. Speaking of this dispute, Busta-
mante says: 'Desde esta <3poca comenz6 (Allende) a desabrirse con 61 (Hi
dalgo) desazon que se aumento cada dia mas, y que termin6 con la desgracia
personal de entrambos gefes.' Cuad. Hist., i. 87.

186 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

sition of Calleja, and the want of spirit observable in
his own troops, at first meditated flight to Vera Cruz.
The earnest appeals of the Spaniards and royalists,
however, induced him to change his mind, and take
measures for the defence of the city.62 Such forces as
he had were placed on the causeway of la Piedad and
the paseo de Bucareli. Cannon were planted at Cha-
pultepec,63 and troops of cavalry detached to watch
the movements of the enemy. Internal defence was
intrusted to the regiment of the Cornercio, the city
squadron, and some newly levied bodies of patriots.64
When the news of Trujillo's failure reached the capi
tal, Venegas had immediately despatched a courier to
Calleja, ordering him to hasten by forced marches to
the defence of the capital. He also sent instructions
to Captain Rosendo Porlier, directing him to unite the
crews of the vessels at Vera Cruz, and march them
up the country to his aid.

To inspire the fainting hearts of the people with
some confidence, Yenegas caused the sacred image of
los Remedies65 to be conveyed from its shrine to the
cathedral. These were the days of signs and wonders,
be it remembered, and this was a time of great tribu
lation. The viceroy was ready to act, and was well
up in his part. Betaking himself to the cathedral,
he threw himself upon his knees, and devoutly ad
dressing the image, meanwhile invoking its aid, Yene-

™Negrete, Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., 357, 363; Zerecero, Rev. Hex., 88-9.

63 Venegas' dispositions in a military point of view were extremely bad,
and placed his troops in a position where it was impossible for them to ma-
nceuvre. Bustamante states that on the 39th, in company with a military
friend, he visited the encampment, and that the officer pointed out to him
the want of military skill displayed by Venegas in thus placing his troops.
* Muy luego me hizo notar la ignorancia del que lo habia situado en aquel
punto.' Cuad. Hist., i. 78.

6lAlaman, basing his estimation on the enumeration of available forces
given by Bustamante — see note 45, this chapter — calculates that there were
only 2,000 efficient troops. But he does not include those stationed in the in-
terior of the city, which he considers to have been of little use. Hist. Mej. ,
i. 485.

65 This image belonged in the sanctuary of Totoltepec; and on several oc*
casions had been conveyed to the capital, during which visits miraculous pow
ers had been displayed. It was greatly venerated, as we know. Calv'dlo, Ser
mon. 69-106.

MEXICO FRIGHTENED. 187

gas placed in its hands his viceregal staff of office, and
solemnly hailed it as lady captain-general of the army.
The religious fervor of the assembled multitude was
unrestrained, and tears of thankfulness from a thou
sand eyes watered the cathedral floor.66 The presence
of this protecting image greatly allayed the panic,
while the soldiery, confident of victory with the queen
of heaven on their side, begged for medals stamped
with her likeness.67 The royalists, after the example
of Hidalgo, erected a sacred banner, which bore the
venerated form of Nuestra Senora de los Remedies.
Thus on the future battle-fields during the war of in
dependence, opposing armies fought under emblems
of the same divine interceder for mercy before the
heavenly throne.

The excitement and apprehension on the 31st of
October was intense throughout the city, and every
cloud of dust seen on the road from Toluca was thought
to presage the coming of the foe. But the day passed
and no enemy appeared. Hidalgo remained inactive,
and on the following day sent commissioners with
an official communication to the viceroy. Having
arrived at Chapultepec, the envoys sent the despatch
to Venegas, who was near by. but he peremptorily
refused any answer; and in language by no means
refined ordered the commissioners to take their de
parture immediately, under pain of being shot.68

66 Mora, Max. y sus Rev., iv. 84. Calvillo gives a detailed account of
the way in which the image was brought from Totoltepec. It being the vice
roy's design to have it introduced secretly into the city, he sent a carriage
for it; but the Indians in the neighborhood of the shrine became aware of the
intention to remove their adored protectress, and assembled in great crowds
with demonstrations of sorrow. With much persuasion they were calmed,
and then in their veneration accompanied the carriage to the capital, causing
no little apprehension to those who were conducting the image, that they
would be mistaken for Hidalgo's army and fired on. Id., 115-22.

67 A private individual, whose name Calvillo does not mention, distributed
5,930 such medals among the officers and soldiers of the line regiments of
New Spain, the provincial regiments of Mexico, Toluca, Quautitlan, Tres
Villas, and Tulancingo, and the city squadron. Id., 121-2.

68 Lull, Rpfutac., 11. This writer states that the contemptuous bearing of
Venegas increased the hatred of tyranny. With regard to the language of
the viceroy, Bustamante, in describing it, expresses himself in his usual ran
corous way: 'Se desato en palabrotas tan groseras y torpes, que no estarian
bien ni en la boca de un grumete 6 carromatero despechado.' Cuad. Hist., i.

188 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

Hidalgo's position was now becoming serious. Up
to this time his success had been brilliant. Forced
prematurely into action, into the promulgation and de
fence of long-cherished principles, his people had gath
ered round him, and after that a large army had come
to his support. They were unlettered, untrained, but
they were trustful. Thousands of them had already
laid down their lives for their country ; thousands more
were ready to die rather than relinquish their hope of
liberty. Here were many, but why were there not
more ? Why were the men of America so slow to move
in this matter? Here was the priceless boon held out
to them; why would they not stretch forth their hand
and take it ? True, fifty thousand had come forward —
eighty thousand; but why do not they all come — five
hundred thousand, five millions — why do not they
come and be free ? Oh, base apathy, offspring of iron-
bound ignorance!

He had sent agents into the capital, and to the
neighboring towns, to stir up the people and make
them ashamed of their bonds. Not hearing from
them, he had sent others, and these found the first
fallen away from the cause. Some of his emissaries
had been captured.69 Evidently the country here
about was not ripe for revolt. His warmest adher
ents a little distance away from him became cold.
He had no helper, no one with whom to share his
heavy load of responsibility. Allende was a good man,
a brave soldier, a faithful adherent ; but he was noth
ing more than a fighting man, and like fighting men
frequently, he was inclined at times to be rash and
reckless, and then to be angry if checked.

The capital city was the tempting prize, the city of
Montezunia, of Cortes, a city classic in the annals of
America ; and it was so near. But he well knew that
he was in no condition to march on Mexico. He has

87. The envoys were General Jimenez, Abasolo, Montemayor, and another
insurgent officer.

t9 Centeno was one of those captured, and was hanged in Mexico in Feb
ruary following.

AFTEE THE BATTLE. 189

been blamed for his three days of inactivity here ; he has
been called too slow, too careful, too fearful, a dreamer
and no soldier, and, when advised, too obstinate;
some think Allende should have had supreme com
mand. It is easy to criticise. A man must be judged
according to means and conditions. His associates
urged that the inhabitants would arise and assist them.
Some had so arisen, it is true, but there were few hopes
held out thus far from the direction of the capital,
and these very officers, who were loudest in their desire
to advance, railed most contemptuously of all against
Hidalgo's rabble army, as worse than none. In the
capital were men, money, arms, and ammunition ; even
if they had few soldiers just then, the whole city
would fight before they would see it sacked. He had
few real soldiers, few men who could be relied upon ;
he had few and poor arms, and his store of ammunition
was wellnigh exhausted. He was still further dis
couraged by the contents of a despatch intercepted by
his followers. It was the duplicate of Venegas' in
structions to Calleja to hasten to his support. He
was now fearful of being caught between two opposing
armies. In vain Allende advocated an immediate ad
vance on the city. Hidalgo, with cooler and truer
judgment, knew that it would not do. Better find
more soldiers, drill his men, and practise for a time on
a less formidable foe; and so after lingering another
day at Cuajimalpa, Hidalgo moved away.70

70 Herewith I give fuller reference to authorities on this early epoch of
Mexican independence: Diar. M<'X., ii. 167, v. 217, 228, vi. 117, ix. 326,
371-4, 632, x. 451-5, 48o^8T497-8, 508, xi. 80, 86, 125-7. 199-200, 681-3,
xii. 120, 271-2. 288, 403-92, 511-55, 602-94, xiii. 13-70, 245-7, 272, 300-386,
414-16, 629-31, 689-90; Gaz. Mex^ 1810, i. 39-114, 210-91, 313-84, 404-39,
530, 717-801, 871-3, 906-54, 1088; Id., 1811, ii. 13-254, 274-393; Id., 1789,
iii. 18-397; Id., 1790, iv. 9-25, 120-89, 245-6, 313-81, 425-33; Id., 1792, v.
9-10, 81, 261-2, 341-2; Id., 1794, vi. 1-2, 313, 341-2, 442; Id., 1795, vii. 17-
18, 153-4; Id., 1796-7, viii. 10, 51, 85, 109-90, 238-301, 365-81; Id., 1798, ix.
1-51, 138-86, 329; Id., 1800-1, x. 2, 49-209, 235, 242, 329-30, 369; Id., 1802-
3, xi. 2, 9, 105-194, 220-6, 285-350; Id., 1804-5, xii. 17-81, 153-63, 230-54,
317, 342-4; xiii. 638, 656-9, 779; Id., 1806, xiv. 47, 56; Id., 1807, xv. 363,
416, 623-6, 699, 707-40, 1010-12; Id., 1807, xvi. passim; Dj&Qtt&&e*J%3&2£>
i. 134-44, ii. 2-10, iii. 153, vi. 58, 60; Cortes, Diario, 1810-11, i. y ii. 10, 12-
13, 24-5, 45, vii. 7, 1812, xiv. 205-9; Diario Congreso, ii. no. 31, 460-1, 465-
8; 470-3, vi. no. 143, 2804-5; Col. J)pc,t i.. 40^1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 258-72 j

190 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL

Calle, Mem. y Not., 77; Hernan. y Ddv. , Col. Doc., i. 9-14, 17, 39-40, 455-72,
ii. 63-84, 92-4, 107-11, 110-25, 142-57, 172-92, 207-14, 244, 276-91, 320-30,
387-402, 593-4, 695-739, iii. 905-11, vi. 35; Espinosa, Chron., 12-259, 286-308,
320-1, 530-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 12-20, 30-6, 44-5, iv. 35-136,
308; Mem. Hist. Hex., MS., iii. 42; Matirologio, 44-5, in Soc. Alex. Geog.,
vii. 535-8; Defensa, 15-16; Gonzales Ddvila, Teat. Ecles., i. 108; Gomez,
Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. 2, vii. 434-5; Beaumont, Tratado Agua.
Min., passim; Cr6n. Mich., iv. 541-84; Alegre, Hist. Comp., ii. 163, iii. 242-3,
284-0; Arevalo, Compend., 109, 149, 198-9, 253-5; Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/.,
38-9, 109-71, 245-312, 317-20, 431-49, 579-82; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 246-
7, ii. 6GG-7, GG9; Tablets Estadis., MS., 42-3; Guerra, Rev. N. Espana, i.
138-56, 187-95, 209-13, 253, 288-329, ii. 564-778; Iglesias, Ed., 154-63, 245-
64; Calvillo, Sermon., 107-14; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 2-187, 212-18; Medina,
Chron. S. Diego Mex., 53-4, 58-62, 200-6, 254, 257-8; Navarrete, Eelac.
Peregrin., no. i. 4-29, 66-103, ii. 14-25, 28, 31-4, 243, iii. 3-53, 96-7, 347,
358-70, iv. 8-9, 18-19, 38-51; Negrete, Hist. Mil. Mex., 75-156, 205-252,
258-GO; Torrente, Rev. Hisp.-Am., i. 51-105, 72-80, 140-61; Romero, Mich.,
150, 157, 159-61, 167-9, 188-199; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 235, 239-40, 259-
68, 271-3, 275, 278-357; Soriano, Prologo, MS., 4-7, 14-19, 23; Pinart, Col.
Doc. Mex., 271-3; Villasenor y Sanchez, Teatro, i. 90-7, ii. 35-47, 105-
10, 2GO-1, iii. 34-47; Soc. Mex. Geog., i. 63-4, ii. 8, 18, iii. 198-200, 205-6,
viii. 404-5, ix. 130-1, 140, 151, 107; Santos, Chron. Hisp., ii. 470, vii. 470-
72; Diar. d<l Imper., 18G6, 509; Salazar, Serm. Funeb., passim; Semmes, Ser
vice Afloat, 9-10; Semanario Politico, ii. 149-64; Siguenzay Gdngara, Gloria,
deQuer., pp. 235; Carta al Almirante, MS., 10-11 ;Shepard, Land of the Aztec,
83-100; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 207-13; Strieker, Bibliothek, 41-9; Thompson,
Recoil. Mex., 55-7; Texeda, Rep. Mex., passim; Tornel y Mendoil, Heros de
Dolores, pp. 16; Velasquez, Carta al Regente Roma, MS. , orig. ; Venegas, Prog.
Felic. Amer., pp. 11; Valdovinos, Contest., 15-17; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 107-
10; Wadd y Thompson, Recoil. Mex., 55; Walton, Exposed, ap. 2-7; Ward,
Hist. Mex., 105, vi. 120, 126-30, 134-50, 156, 160-3, vii. 58; Ximenez, In-
quisidor Fiscal. . .Contra, MS., pp. 281; Young, Hist. Mex., 75-8; Zelaa,
Gloria de Quer., 125-33, 171-235, 241; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 43; Yen. Cong. S.
Felipe Neri, pp. 137; Pap. Derecho, 3; Disc. Civic., 19-2D; Rev. Mex., 26, 43-
58, 89, 129, 143-6; Hassel, Mex. y Gnat., 99-100, 135-40; Hidalgo, Exped.
Lugar Nacim., pp. 47; Id., Biog. del Cura, 39-177; Holley, Texas, 302; Insur
rection, Resum. Hist., pp. 32; Instruc. Vireyes, 148; Junta Sup. Cadiz, pp. 8;
Kollonitz, Court of Mex., 253-4; Kotteml-amp, Unabhangigkeitskampf, 58-67;
Navarro, Soc. Mex., i. 291; Niles, S. Am. y Mex., i. 129-42; Norman, Ram-
lies, 185-08; Over, Mex., 406-20; Ordenes Corona, MS., vi. 113; Otero-Mari-
ano, Oi'acion Civ., pp. 21; Ocios, Espan. Emigrad., vii. 95-6; Calvo, Annales
Hist., vi. 43-5; Orozcoy Berra, Carta Etnog. , 260-1; OlaguiM, Arcnga Civ.,
pp. 16; Oraciones, no. 3; Chevalier, Mexique, 339-47; Cancelada, Cond. Itur-
rigaray, 67, 98-100; Verdad Sabida, ix.-xii.; Col. Diarios, MS., 240; Pinart
Col.; Cerlif. de las Mercedes, MS., 13-14; Pinart Col.; Reales Cedulas, MS., i.
f. 8, 73-4; Id., MS., ii. f. 167; Cedulario, i. f. 92; Campillo, Edicto, pp. 8;
Castaiieda, Oration Civ., pp. 16; Chijnoweth, Max., 3-6; Carlos III., Solemne
Action, pp. 47; Perez, Dice. Geog., i, 356-9; Proclama, Arzob. V. Rey, pp. 22;
Id., pp. 16; Poinsett, Mex., ap. 30-1; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 29, 1866;
Proyecto Monarq., 3-13; Doc. sobre Mex., no. iv. ; Pedraza., Oration Encom.,
pp. 15; Quintana Roo, Dtscurso, pp. 17; Queretaro, Orden., pp. 14; Id., Dos
Palabras, 4-5; Id., Not. Estad., 73-4; Quarterly Rev., vii. 240-54, xvii. 540-
2, xxx. 172; Recop. de Ind., i. 565; Roux de Rochelle, Etats Unis, ii. 385-6;
Robinson, Mex., 13-29; Id., i. 21-7; Ramirez, Lecturas Hist., in Mex. Soc.
Geog. Bol, iii. 231-33; Roblas, Diario, in Doc. Hist., Mex., ser. i. iv. 117;
Raso, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 208; Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., i. ser.
iii. 493-4; Rep. Mex. Ligera Resefia, 2, 51-2; Rev. Span. Amer., 80-7, 290-
311; Rafut. Artie. Fondo, pp. 32; Refutation de un Espauol-Am., Mex. 1810,
12pp.; Diaz, Sermon, pp. 32; Diputac. Amer. Repres., pp. 17; Democ. Rev.,
i. 272; Del Mar, Hist. Prec. Metals, 146; Dill, Hist. Mex., 2G3-91: Dillon,

FURTHER REFERENCES. 191

viii. 151, 206, 300, 513-16, 643-4; Id., ix. 288, 372-3, 377, 414, 429, 446-8
577, 606, 800-10, 862; Id., x. 82; 284-6, 373, 798, 815-16, ap. i. 56, 410-12;
Escatera y Liana, Mex. Hist. Descrip., 1-6; Escudero, Not. Estad. Son., 43;
Fonte, Pastorales, no. i.; Frost. Pictl. Hint. Mex., 148-64; Fossey, Mex., 139-
46; Zamacols, Hist. Mex., i. 641, v. 315-16, 573-6, 641-2, 645, vi. passim, vii.
passim, viii. 25-7, 40-8, 55, 89-92, 400-4, 448-59, 464, 474, 488, 514-20, 524,
532-3, 547, ix. 33-9, x. 57, 63-5, 905-22, 969, 1364, 1387-9, 1392-6, 1402, xi.
265, 545, 649; Alaman, Mex., i. passim, ii. 45, 57, 81-4, 89-90, 104, 110-14
186-7, 208-26, 548-9, 583, ap. 19-20, 24-6, iii. 1-58, 69, 9G-8, 101-3, 213-20,
250, ap. 3-5, 75-6, iv. 480, 701-3, 724, ap. 19-25; Id., Disert., iii. 382, 391,

no. i.; Abbott, Mex. and U. S., 42, 243-6; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 161-80,
383-6; Armin, Heutige Mex., 32-40, 108-9; Arellano, Oration Civ., pp. 26;
Arronis, Biog. Mex., 12-15, 188-95, 232-5; Arrangoiz, Max., i. ap. 101;
Arrillaga, Recop., Enero-Junio 1S3G, 51; Alvares, Estudios, iii. 459; Diario
Mex., 432-4; Bazancourt, Mex., 35-71; Berghes, Zac., 3; Bell, Geog., 527-35;
Beavfoy, Mex. Illus., 81-90; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 154; Bolet, Geog.
Estad. Mex., ii. 8, 19, 23; Id., Institut., i. 63; Basil, Mex., 233-43; Barcena,
Cal. Hist., 81-213; Id., in Mex. Mem. Sec. Just., 1873, 227; Bergosa y Jordan,
Sermon, pp. 34; Barreda, Oration Civ., pp. 11; Gleeson, Hist. Oath. Church,
ii. 104; Gregory, Hist. Mex., 41-2; Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, 231-6, 347-92;
Gac. Mex., ser. ii., in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. ii., iv. 159-60, 209, 287-8, 342-3,
504-8; Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. i., pt i. 4, 335; Galvez, Informe.
Visitad, MS., 11-35, 54-63; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 155-213; Gomez, Vida
Antonio de S. Jacinto, pp. 62; Garcia y Garcia, Prosperid. Union, pp. 11;
Mich. Prov. S. Nic., 115, 145-6; Mex. Zast. Jahren, 1830-2, vi.-xxxii. ; Mar
tinez, Sermon Paneg., 1785, pp. 23; Marmier, Voyag. Nouv., iii. 295-348;
Interfer. of Brit. Gov. between Spain and her Am. Col., MS., in Mayer MSS.,

Mayer, Mex. Aztec, 237, 276, 279-91; Mexico in 1842, 12-13; Macgregor,
Prog, of Am., i. 305-9; Mex. Bosquejo Revol., 8; Moreno, Vida y Mem., 131-
40; Mex. Scraps, ii. 61; Museo, Mex., iii. 32-7, iv. 206-10; Halliard, Hist.
Texas, 12-17; Modern Trav. Mex. Guat., i. 84-99, 102-8; Lopez (J.), Dis-
curso, pp. 7; Lopez (S.), Despcrt. Chris.-Pol, pp. 38; Lizana y Beaumont,
Exhortation, pp. 10; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 415; Laharpe, Abreg6 Hist.
Voy., x. 253—4; Laris, Discurso Civ., pp. 15; Garibay, V. Ray, Proclam., pp.
7; Lancaster-Jones, Oration Civ., pp. 4; Lafond, Voy. aut. du Monde, i. bk.
i. 225-04; Lazcano, Vida Oviedo, 273-5; Lacunza, Discur. Hist., no. xxxvii.
536-9; Lempriere, Notes on Mex. 423-4; La Cruz, v. 207-15.

CHAPTER VIII.

PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION".
1810.

CALLEJA'S PREPARATIONS — His BIOGRAPHY — ENGAGEMENT AT QUERETARO —
CALLEJA JOINS FORCES WITH FLON— CHAVEZ REPULSED AT QUERETARO —
CALLEJA'S MOVEMENTS — THE DISPERSION or THE INSURGENTS AT ACULCO
— CALLEJA RETURNS TO QUERETARO— CHARACTER OF TORRES— DEFENSIVE
MEASURES OF ABARCA IN JALISCO— INSUPVGENT OPERATION^ IN JALISCO —
ENGAGEMENT AT LA BARCA — THE ROYALISTS DEFEATED AT ZACOALCO —
GUADALAJARA SURRENDERS TO TORRES — MERCADO GAINS POSSESSION OP
SAN BLAS — REVOLUTION IN ZACATECAS — FLIGHT OF THE EUROPEANS — AN
UNFORTUNATE INTENDENTE — IRIARTE ENTERS ZACATECAS— THE COM
MISSION OF DOCTOR Cos — A DARING SCHEME — SAN Luis POTOSI WON BY
AN INSURGENT FRIAR— A TREACHEROUS VISITOR — SAN' Luis SACKED.

WHILE the events narrated in the two preceding
chapters were taking place, Calleja in San Luis Po-
tosi was making preparations, with extraordinary ac
tivity, to take the field; but at the same time with
that avoidance of unprofitable haste which character
ized all his movements.1 The cornandante of San
Luis was first apprised of the occurrences at Dolores
on the 19th of September. He had a few days before
received warning of Hidalgo's meditated insurrection,
through information supplied to him by Jose Gabriel
de Armijo, and conveyed through the subdelegado
Pedro Garcia. At that time he was at the hacienda
de Bledos, a property belonging to his wife. While
returning to San Luis he narrowly escaped capture
by a troop of horsemen sent by Hidalgo to make him

1 Abad y Queipo, in his report to Fernando VII. in 1815, says of Calleja:
'Sicmpre obro con lentitud, dando mucho lugar a los enemigos para aumentar
BUS reuniones y defensas.' In forme, in Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 871.

(192,

FELIX MAPJA CALLEJA DEL KEY. 193

prisoner, the soldiers arriving at the hacienda only two
hours after his departure. Without waiting for in
structions from the viceroy, Calleja issued orders to
place the two provincial dragoon regiments of San
Luis and San Carlos under arms, and to draw recruits
from the different towns and haciendas of his district.
This could not be very quickly done, scattered as the
troops were in different localities; nor was it a matter
of small difficulty to convert into an efficient force
men drawn from their agricultural pursuits. Calleja,
however, was ably seconded by the authorities and
proprietors of estates, as he had their full confidence.

Felix Maria Calleja del Hey, the future viceroy of
New Spain, was a native of Medina del Campo in old
Castile, and a member of a distinguished family. He
commenced his military1 career as an ensign in the

i/ O

disastrous expedition against Algiers conducted by
the conde de O'Reily in the reign of Cdrlos III. At
a later date, he was appointed captain and instructor
of one hundred cadets at the military school in the
port of Santa Maria. In 1789 he came to New Spain
with the viceroy Revilla Grigedo; and with the rank of
lieutenant-colonel, served in the frontier states, suc
cessfully levying and organizing troops in Nuevo
Santander and Nuevo Leon, the defence of which ter
ritories was intrusted to him by the viceroy Branci-
forte.2 When the government at Madrid adopted the
system of dividing the provincial militia into ten brig
ades,3 the command of that of San Luis Potosi was
bestowed by Viceroy Azanza upon Calleja, with the
corresponding rank of brigadier.4 During his resi-

* Brand forte, Instruc., MS., 31, in Linares, Tnstruc., MS.

3 Consult Hist. Mex., iii. 415, this series.

4 /(/. , 491. Calleja's military services were such as to gain for him the rec
ommendation of the six viceroys who preceded Venegas, one of whom says:
'Calleja era nno de los pocos oficiales de graduacion, de quienes podria valerse,
con seguridad, por las ocasiones dificiles que presentasen, por su inteligeucia,
actividad y conocimiento. ' Prov. Intern., Meal tfrden, in Mayer MS., no. 7.
In 1794 he was selected by the viceroy for important work. N. Esp. Acuer-
dos, MS., 185.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 13

194 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

dence in that city he espoused Dona Francisca de la
Gdndara, daughter of the alferez real, who possessed
considerable wealth. His personal influence over the
country people was great, and his abilities and cul
ture gained admiration; but he had an inordinate
love of flattery, and was obstinate, hard-hearted, and
remorselessly cruel.

In order to drill and place upon an efficient war
footing the new levies, Calleja established a camp at
the hacienda de la Pila, situated in the vicinity of San
Luis; and so ably was he seconded by the authorities
and leading men, that he soon had more recruits than
he could furnish with arms and equipments.5 Various
urban companies were raised for the protection of the
city; officers were appointed; and the Europeans who
were flying from Guanajuato to the coast were de
tained and pressed into the service.6 As the troops
consisted principally of cavalry, a battalion of light
infantry, six hundred strong, was organized;7 cannon
were ordered to be cast; in the camp at la Pila a
portrait of Fernando VII. was put up, and Calleja
issued a proclamation to his troops,8 from whom the
oath of allegiance was again exacted.9 Calleja's money
was a great help to him, as he was enabled to meet
preliminary expenses, as well as those of the ensuing
campaign,, for a considerable time.10

"Conspicuous among those who rendered him aid was Juan Moncada,
marque's del Jaral de Berrio, who armed and took command as colonel of a
considerable body. According to Alaman, Allende had reported to Hidalgo
that Moncada was disposed to support the revolution. Hist. Mej., i. 453.

6 Many afterward became distinguished leaders, among them Meneso,
Armijo, Orrantia, Aguirre, Barragan, the Beistiguis, and Bustamante. Id.,
454.

7 Known by the name of los Tamarindos, from the color of their uniform,
which was similar to that of the tamarind fruit. Id. , 455. They were com
manded by Juan Nepomuceno Oviedo. Id., ap. 78.

8 The proclamation, which is given in full by Bustamante, Camp. Cullcja^
13-15, is an exhortation to allegiance; it attributes the revolutionary move
ment to the machinations of Napoleon. It is dated the 2d of Oct.

9 A Carmelite friar with a crucifix in his hand administered the oath to
each soldier. Of the influence which these religious exercised over the
soldiery, Bustamante remarks: 'Prevalido del ascendiente que gozan alii
estos religiosos sobre el bajo pueblo, logrd entusiasmarlos de tal manera, que
cuando march6 con sus tropas creian cstas que iban d, medirselas con hereges
y & defender la religion de Jesucristo. ' Cuad. Hist., i. 48.

10 The intendente of San Luis Potosi placed at his disposition 382,000

MEASURES AGAINST HIDALGO, 195

Venegas, before he was aware of the outbreak of
Dolores, and without knowing the extent of the rev
olution, had by despatch of the 17th of September
ordered Calleja to hasten to Queretaro for the pur
pose of preventing an uprising in that city. Calleja,
however, replied that he had already discovered a
concerted plot in San Luis, and that it would be im
possible to leave until he had completed his arrange
ments; at the same time explaining to the viceroy his
proposed plan to raise a considerable force and take
the field against Hidalgo, after having put San Luis
in a state of defence. Upon receiving this informa
tion, Venegas, perceiving the prudence with which
Calleja was acting under the new aspect of affairs, per
mitted him to continue his operations, and instructed
him to unite his forces when in readiness with those
of Flon, now on his march to Queretaro.

No sooner had Flon arrived at Queretaro than an
engagement took place between a detachment of his
men and a body of three thousand insurgents in the
vicinity of that city. When the enemy appeared in
sight on the road from San Miguel, Flon sent out a
force of six hundred under the command of Major
Bernardo Tello, all of whom except one hundred and
eighty, with the single officer, Captain Linares, hastily
dispersed when they found the enemy to be much
more numerous than they had supposed. Linares,
however, made a resolute stand, and the division re
covering itself, attacked and inflicted great slaughter
upon the Indians with their artillery, the effect of
which they were so ignorant of, that they attempted
to protect themselves by putting their straw hats

pesos from the royal coffers. Besides this, as soon as he heard of the up
rising he ordered a conducta of silver which had been detained at Santa
Maria del llio by the subdelegado Garcia, to be sent to San Luis. This con
sisted of an ingot of gold and 315 bars of silver. In addition to this, he
received as a loan from wealthy mining speculators of Zacatecas 225,000
pesos en reales, 94 bars of plata quintada, and 2,800 marks of plata pasta,
Id., 5G-7; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 450.

106 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

over the mouth of the cannon.11 The result was not
long doubtful; the insurgents were dislodged from
their favorable position with heavy loss, the royalists
losing only one man.12

On the 24th of October, Calleja broke camp and
proceeded to Dolores, where he had arranged with the
conde de la Cadena to unite their forces on the 28th.
This was accordingly done, the latter having left Que
retaro on the 22d.13 After leaving an efficient garri
son in San Luis,14 Calleja's force, nevertheless, mus
tered 3,000 cavalry and 600 infantry, with four cannon.
These united with Flon's troops formed an army of
about 7,000 men, with eight pieces of artillery, and
which henceforth assumed the name of Ejercito de
operaciones sobre los insurgentes. As Flon passed
through San Miguel el Grande, he had the satisfac
tion of permitting his soldiers to sack the houses of
Colonel Canal, Allende, and Aldama, while a similar
gratification was indulged in by Calleja in Dolores by
the sacking of Hidalgo's house and the ill treatment
of the inhabitants.

The project of Calleja had been to proceed to the
capital by way of Celaya, Acambaro, and Toluca, fol
lowing, in fact, Hidalgo's line of march; but while at
Dolores he received a despatch from the comandante
of Queretaro, Garcia Rebollo, stating that the city
was threatened with the whole force of Hidalgo's

11 Alaman remarks: ' Este heclio apenas creible, me ha sido asegurado por
todos los que han tenido conocimiento del suceso.' Hist. Mej., i. 459.

12 According to Tello's version, 200 Indians were killed; the royalist slain
met his death by accident while passing in front of a cannon. Gaz. de Me.x. ,
1810, i. 850. Tello does not say anything about his own hurried depart
ure from the field. The most reliable particulars are those given in the text,
being the statements of Linares in a representation setting forth his services,
and addressed to Viceroy Apodaca. Alaman obtained a copy of this docu
ment. Hist. Mej., i. 459.

ia Before leaving Querdtaro Flon addressed a proclamation to the inhabi
tants, describing to them in sanguinary terms the manner in which he intended
to suppress the insurrection, and concluding by threatening to make the streets
of Queretaro flow with blood if, during liis absence, they acted disloyally.
Id., 469; Negrete, Hist. Mil. S'KJ. XIX., i. 292; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
ii. 173-4.

14 This consisted of 350 foot, 110 horse, and three companies of the urban
troops. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 55.

CALLEJA AT QUERETARO. 197

army. Calleja accordingly marched to Queretaro, but
found that an insignificant attack on the city by a
band of ill-armed Indians had been all.15 One Miguel
Sanchez had raised the cry of insurrection on the ha
cienda de San Nicolas, belonging to the augustinians
of Michoacan, occupied Huichapan and the neighbor
ing towns, and being joined by Julian Villagran,, a
captain of the militia of Huichapan, attempted in the
absence of Flon to gain possession of Queretaro.
Leading his rabble into the town, they broke and fled
at the first cannon-shot, which killed a considerable
number of them,16 while their opponents lost not a
single man. This futile movement of Sanchez was
attended, however, with most important results; for,
as will be seen, it saved Queretaro from being occu
pied by Hidalgo, and was the indirect cause of the
insurgent leader's later defeat.

Calleja arrived at Queretaro on the 1st of Novem
ber, the engagement having taken place on the 30th
of October, the same day on which was fought the
battle of the monte de las Cruces. Finding himself
obliged to approach Mexico by a different route, he
now directed his course by way of Estancia, San Juan

15Calleja's report in Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 965.

16 By some this defeat of Sanchez was considered one of the reasons for
Hidalgo's retreat. ' Se tuvo por cierto entonces qiie habia recibido la noticia
de la derrota del general Sanchez en Queretaro. ' Insurrec. JV. Esp. Res. Hint. ,
10. Bustamante's account of this affair, deemed improbable by Alaman, is
as follows : Brigadier Sanchez, after raising the standard of revolt, marched
to San Juan del Rio, where he captured the oidor Juan Collado, who, having
concluded his commission, was returning to Mexico. He also made prisoner
Antonio Acufia, 'Teniente de corte de la sala del crimen,' who beguiled San
chez into believing that if he would allow him to return to Queretaro he could
by his influence succeed in winning over the garrison for him, the signal to
be the firing of a cannon from the fort de la Cruz. Sanchez consented, but
Acuf.a disclosed the plot, so that the city might be put in defence. The sig
nal was given, nevertheless, and the credulous Sanchez entered the city with
the result narrated in the text. The same author states that their whole force
was only 500 men, who had only 14 muskets amongst them, and that 31 were
killed on the spot, without counting the wounded and others killed in the
pursuit. Cuad. Hist., i. 88-9. The version of Comandante Rebollo is, how
ever, very different. He states in his report to the viceroy that there were
4,000 or 5,000 of the insurgents; that the engagement lasted from half-past
nine in the morning till half-past seven in the evening, and that 300 of the
enemy were killed and as many more taken prisoners. Gaz. de Mex. (1810),
i. 929-30.

198 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

del Rio, and San Antonio, arriving at Arroyozarco
on the 6th of November. Meanwhile Hidalgo, re
treating by the same way by which he had approached
the capital, arrived at Ixtlahuaco. Unaware of Ca-
lleja's last movement, and confident that Queretaro
could now be taken possession of with little difficulty,
he directed his march toward the city, and the two
opposing commanders were thus approaching each
other without either of them knowing it. Hidalgo's
force was reduced to one half its previous number,
thousands of his followers, who had been attracted by
the prospect of sacking the capital, having returned
to their homes.17 But what is more significant of the
waning star of the first leaders of the revolution is
the disagreement which existed among themselves,
and the growing jealousy which Allende and his
friends, the Aldamas, began to entertain for Hidalgo.18
Where there was so much fighting to be done, these
military men did not like to be led by a priest; they
were determined to submit to him no longer than was
necessary.

On the 6th of November the advance guard of
Calleja's army came in contact with a detachment of
Hidalgo's forces at Arroyozarco, and after a sharp
skirmish put the enemy to flight, killing some and
taking others prisoners. From the captives, and
from Colonel Ernpdran, whom Calleja at once sent
forward with a strong force to reconnoitre, it was
discovered that the insurgents were at the neighbor
ing town of Aculco. Calleja at once made his ar
rangements for battle, taking up a military position
two leagues distant from that of Hidalgo. The in-

17 The captive Garcia Conde afterward stated to the viceroy that although
Hidalgo's loss after the battle of las Cruccs amounted to 40,000 in killed,
wounded, and deserters, there still remained to him 40,000 followers. Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 274. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. E*p., i. 339,
thinks this an exaggeration although confirmed by Calleja. Gaz. de Mex.
(1810), i. 9G7-8.

15 According to Garcia Conde, when speaking of Hidalgo, they used to call
him ' el bribon del cura,' that knave of a priest. Alaman, Hist. Hcj, , i. ap. 66.

AFFAIR AT ACULCO.

109

surgents were drawn
of

up in two lines on the summit
rectangular hill which overlooked the town13
and was almost surrounded by barrancas and gullies.
Within the lines numbers were drawn up in the form
of an oblong, the artillery being stationed in the front
and on the right flank, while the rear was occupied
by disorderly crowds. The encounter which followed
was not properly an engagement, but rather a feint
on the part of the revolutionary leaders, who had dc-

^%iii;|

=15= :**&

''- ***** ~ . .—.- -> °======* ~

PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELI> AT AOULCO.

19 A

Line of battle of the royalist army.
Park of artillery in position.
Cavalry on the left.
Cavalry on the right.

Body of cavalry covering the flank of the infantry.
Bodies of infantry.
Reserve of cavalry.

6, 6 Cavalry on left and right in column.
Company of volunteers.
Cavalry on left flank of infantry columns.
Reserve cavalry of same columns.
Columns of infantry.
Park of artillery in second position.
12, 12 Park of artillery opening fire.

13 Columns of infantry mounting the hill to attack.

14 Cavalry in reserve.

15, 15 Position of the insurgent army.

16 Insurgent artillery.

17 Equipage, ammunition, and carriages.

18 Companies of patriots of Sail Luis doing service as light troops.

200 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

cided not to give battle, but effect a retreat under cover
of a show of resistance.20 Calleja, undeterred by the
difficulties presented by the enemy's position, com
menced the attack with three columns of infantry,21
on the morning of the 7th of November. For some
twenty minutes the royalists pushed on,22 exposed to
the sluggish fire of the insurgents, whose cannon-balls
flew high above their heads. Unscathed they reached
the foot of the steep on which the enemy was posted,
but when the stormed columns had scaled the heights,
the foe had fled. Meanwhile Calleja had marked the
disorder in the revolutionary ranks, caused, as he sup
posed, by his well directed fire; and thereupon or
dered the cavalry on his right flank to attack the en
emy's left, which could only be done by a long detour, y

Doubtless it would have pleased him — as he affirmed
that he did23 — to commit great slaughter by his caval
rymen who pursued the enemy two and a half leagues
over the hills and through the glen; but the truth is,
they did not kill a hundred.24 He lost, however, only

580 Hidalgo published at Celaya on the 13th of Nov. a circular giving an
account of the affair, assigning as a reason for his not engaging the enemy
his want of ammunition. He says: 'Solo se entretubo un fuego lento ya
mucha distancia, entro tanto se daba lugar a que se retirara la gente sin ex-
perimentar quebranto, como lo verifico.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.
ii. 221. A quantity of cannon-balls and grape-shot and 120 cans of powder
were left on the field. Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 22. Zerecero re
gards the sudden flight of the insurgents as a skilfully executed retreat,
which the leaders considered necessary in the present condition of their
troops, and to effect which they were willing to sacrifice their artillery.
Mem. Rev. Mex., 114, 117.

21 Calleja boasts of the coolness and precision displayed by his well drilled
troops. Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 90S. At the same time Zerecero was informed
by his uncle, Jose Azpeitia, an officer in the regiment of la Corona, that
those troops, and a part of the second battalion of la Columna, were wavering
in their allegiance when the order was given to advance. Mem. Rev. Mex.,
115. Bustamante inclines to this opinion. 'He hablado,' he says, 'con per
sona presencial de este suceso, la cual me ha asegurado que los cuerpos prin-
cipales del ejercito real estuvieron vacilantes y a punto de pasarse. ' C'uad.
Hist., i. 91-2.

22 Garcia Conde timed the duration of the firing, and states: 'En veinte y
dos minutos seso el fuego. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep. , ii. 275.

23 Calleja estimated the entire loss to the insurgents in killed, wounded,
and prisoners at 10,000. 'Pasa de cinco mil,' he says, 'el niimero de los ten-
didos en el campo.' And he adds this pious reflection: ' Dexando el campo
lleno de cadaveres, y el espectaculo horrible que presentaba, y de que son
responsables ante Dios y los hombres, los traidores Hidalgo, Allende y sus
sequaces.' Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 909.

21 Manuel Perfecto Chavez, the justice of Aculco, in an official despatch

NEW COMBINATIONS. 201

one man killed and one wounded, while he captured all
of Hidalgo's cannon,25 ammunition, and baggage, a large
number of cattle, sheep, and horses, and a quantity
of merchandise,26 besides rescuing the captives Garcia
Conde, Rul, and Merino. Thus terminated the af
fair at Aculco, which, trivial as it was, regarded as a
martial achievement, was important as effecting the
dispersion of Hidalgo's forces and frustrating his de
sign against Queretaro. Had the insurgents not
abandoned their position, they would probably have
gained a victory. But the leaders were at variance;
the soldiers were disheartened; the Indians were dis
appointed at not having been led to the capital ; and
all were affected by the demoralizing consequences of
a retreat. As it was, a great victory was celebrated
by the royalists in the capital, and solemn thanksgiving
offered to their divine general, our lady of los Reme-
>dios.27

About the movements of the revolutionary chiefs
during the ten days following their departure from
Aculco, historians are strangely silent; but one fact
is certain, namely, that they effected their retreat to
Celaya with insignificant loss.23 Here Hidalgo and
Allende formed new combinations, and it was decided
that the latter should inarch with the forces to Guana
juato, while the former, accompanied by a few fol
lowers, should return to Valladolid, and there repair
losses by the manufacture of arms and the levying of
fresh troops.

of the 15th, reports to Calleja that the killed at Aculco, together with those
slain in the skirmish of the clay before, were 85 — 'y nada mas;' and that of
53 wounded, ten died subsequently. Bustamante, Campauas de Calleja, 23.

25 Twelve, including the two abandoned by Trujilloat las Cruces. Id., 22.

20 ' Equipages, ropa, papeles, y...ocho muchachas bieii parecidas (quo
Calleja llama el serrallo de los insurgentes).' Jb.

27 Salvador, Action de Gracias, 1-8. The accounts of the battle of Aculco,
as it is called, are extremely contradictory; but I have no hesitation in ac
cepting the version of it given by Nescrete, Hist. MIL Sig. XIX., i. 375-8, as
correct, and, in the main, I have followed it in the text.

28 Hidalgo, in his circular dated Celaya, Nov. 13th, states that his forces
had been reunited, and that he had more than 40 pieces of artillery already
mounted, and was well provided with ammunition. Hernandez y Dc^alos,
Col. Doc., ii. 221.

202 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

Meanwhile Calleja retraced his steps and marched
toward Queretaro. As he repassed through San
Juan de los Bios he made proclamation offering ten
thousand pesos for the head of any one of the five
leaders, Hidalgo, Allende, the two Aldamas, and
Abasolo.29

Though the revolution had apparently received a
deadly blow7 at Aculco, and the royalists confidently
expected its near termination, the end was not yet.
Hidalgo's agents had not been idle. Though often dis
appointed, they were not wholly cast down. In the
northern provinces, and in those bordering on the
Pacific, the revolution had widely spread. At the
time of the disaster at Aculco, the arms of the inde
pendents had triumphed in Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas,
and San Luis Potosi, and those provinces were wholly
in their power. In the south the star of Morelos,
Hidalgo's worthy successor, was just rising above the
horizon. At Huichapan a body of insurgents, headed
by Julian Villagran,30 interrupted communication on
the highway between the capital and Queretaro, cap
turing convoys, killing royalists, and when threat
ened with capture, escaping to the mountains. Thus
it was that a movement, regarded by the government
as an affair of two short months, now about ended,
was indeed but begun, and was practically never to
be extinguished. As the future operations of Hidalgo

29 The offer was ratified by the viceroy. Calleja on previously passing
through San Juan de los Rios, which had been held for a time by Sanchez,
demanded all arms to be delivered up within six hours, extending on those
conditions a pardon to those who had aided the insurgents, adding that in
case of further disobedience the inhabitants 'seran tratadossiii conmiseracion
alguna, pasados a cuchillo, y el pueblo reducido a cenizas. ' The viceroy ap
proved of the edicts of Calleja, and extended the indulto to all towns in New
Spain, promising that if one of the leaders would deliver up the rest he should
benefit by the pardon. JDispos. Farias, ii. f. 8; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Due., ii. 206, 219-21.

30 This movement was initiated, as before stated, by Miguel Sanchez. Villa-
gran, who was of a ferocious character and addicted to drunkenness and all
other vices, murdered Sanchez for some slight offence soon after his repulse
at Queretaro. His son Francisco, known by the name of Chito, and as noto
rious for his crimes as his father, was also one of these insurgents. Busttmu&Ue,
Cuad. Hist., 135-C.

AFFAIRS IN GUADALAJARA.

203

and Allende will be more particularly confined to the
provinces of Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas, and San Luis
Potosi, it will be necessary to give some account of
the events there occurring during these same two
months.

INTENDEXCIA OF GUADALAJARA.

While Hidalgo was in Guanajuato, Jose Antonio
Torres, who had joined the revolutionary standard
with a few followers at Irapuato, asked for and ob
tained authority from Hidalgo to occupy Guadalajara,
Torres was an honest, conscientious man, without ed
ucation, being a peasant of San Pedro Piedragorda
in Guanajuato; but he was not without talent, and

204 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

possessed unbounded enthusiasm in the cause of inde
pendence. Energetic, intelligent, brave, and honor
able, he was nevertheless modest and had good com
mon sense. When he entered Guadalajara as victor
he molested no one, and interfered with the adminis
tration of affairs no more than was necessary.

At this time Brigadier Roque Abarca governed in
Guadalajara, holding the three-fold office of coman-
dante, president of the audiencia, and intendente. As
soon as he received intelligence of the grito de Dolores,
he took measures to exclude revolution from his prov
ince; but not being well regarded by either the audi
encia or the European commercial class, on account
of his disapproval of Iturrigaray's deposal, he was
fettered in his operations. Finally, instead of assert
ing his authority, he consented to the establishment
of a junta composed of lawyers, ecclesiastics, and
others,31 which styled itself the auxiliary of the gov
ernment,32 though it seemed satisfied with little less
than supreme power. By order of this junta a con
siderable military force was collected. The divisions
from Tepic, Colima, and Colotlan were called in and
the provincial militia got under arms, while two com
panies of volunteers were raised from the commercial
class in the city.33 In a short time Abarca, by levy
ing recruits, had no less than 12,000 men under arms;
but being of weak resolution, and wanting in military
ability as well as in courage, his action benefited the
revolutionists rather than the royalists. In truth,

3lCarta de Abarca; Bustamanle Campanas de Calleja, 97-8.

32 ' Junta Superior auxiliar de Gobierno, seguridad y defensa. ' See Tier-
nandez y Duvalos, CoL Doc. Indep., iii. 693-4, where will be found the names
of the members who composed it.

33 The bishop, Juan Cruz Ruiz Cabanas, in his zeal against the heretical
insurgents, raised a regiment composed of both the secular and regular
clergy, and any others who might wish to join. The name given to this ex
traordinary body was La Cruzada, and each member wore a red cross on his
breast. Morning and evening this band of church militants issued from the
episcopal palace on horseback, sword in hand, and, as they paraded through,
the streets, the staring rabble raised the cry, Viva la f6 catolica! Busta-
mante calls the regiment ' una piadosa compafiia de asesinos.' Cuad. Hint., i.
138-9.

MOVEMENTS OF TORRES. 205

all of his newly levied troops soon deserted to the
enemy.

In the mean time Torres had raised in revolt the
towns of Colima, Sayula, Zacoalco, and those of the
districts of the tierra caliente,34 while other revolu
tionary chiefs, Gomez Portugal, Godinez, Alatorre,
and Huidrobo, were no less active among the pueblos
on the Rio Grande,35 so that by the end of October
all the districts bordering upon Guanajuato and Mi-
choacan were in insurrection. Though day by day
the danger became more imminent, the want of har
mony in the city of Guadalajara still prevailed. In
vain Abarca, in view of the continued desertion of
troops, represented to the Europeans that they should
take arms and defend themselves. They would not
listen to him, and would neither fight nor pay.36 Nor
was the action of the junta auxiliar any more favor
able to the success of the royalist cause in Jalisco.
Regarding as traitors efficient officers in whom Abarca
had confidence, the members of the junta appointed
the oidor Reeacho, and Villasenor, a rich landed pro
prietor, commanders of two divisions to be sent against
the insurgents. Guadalajara was by this time threat
ened on the south by Torres, who had occupied Za
coalco, and on the east by Huidrobo, Godinez, and
Alatorre, who were at La Barca. Villasenor com
manded the division despatched against Torres, and
Recacho that opposed to Huidrobo, each detachment
being five hundred strong. Recacho, on arriving at
La Barca, discovered that the enemy had abandoned
the town, and on the 1st of November entered it with
out resistance. On the 3d, however, Huidrobo at
tacked the royalists with a large body of Indians, but
was repulsed with some loss, Recacho having taken
up a position in the plaza. On the following day the

34 Thus it was charged against him in the sentence of death pronounced
on the 12th of May, 1812. Id., 144.

3j Known as the Rio de Santiago de Lerma.

S6Carta de Abarca; jBuatamante, Campailas de Calleja, 99-100.

236 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

insurgents again assailed the royalist forces with great
intrepidity, but with no better success.37 Recaeho,
however, having lost several of his best officers, deemed
it prudent to retreat to Sula and wait for reinforce
ments. There he received orders to return to Guada
lajara, and the expedition ended without any serious
blow having been inflicted upon the insurgents.38

Still more unsuccessful was Villasenor in his opera
tions at Zacoalco. Torres was a military man by in
stinct. It is stated that before the engagement he
showed the Indians, with a stick on the ground, how
to deploy, in order to surround the enemy.39 Be this
as it may, his manoeuvres were so successful that Vi-
llasefior's division was shortly overthrown and almost
destroyed, no less than 276 being slain.40 So great
was the shower of stones discharged by the Ind
ians that the enemy's muskets were badly battered.
The flower of the youth of Guadalajara who formed
the newly recruited volunteer companies, deficient in
training and unaccustomed to hardship, perished.
Villasenor and the captains of two companies were
made prisoners, and Gariburu, a lieutenant of the
regiment of la Corona, was killed.41

37 Recacho, in his report to the viceroy, says that the enemy marched up
to the cannon's mouth, and when fired upon with grape and canister closed
their ranks and boldly charged again, 'avauzando con una temeridad increi-
ble.' Gaz. de Mex. (1811), ii. 159.

38 'El destacamento de la Barca volvio lleno de terror.' Carta de Abarca,
tit sup., 100. Mora's account of this engagement is incorrect. He states that
Torres was commander of the insurgents, and that Recacho was completely
beaten. Mej. y sus Rev.,iv. 92.

39 Buitamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 142.

40 Of these, 100 were Europeans, the remainder Creoles pressed in the
service. Oftcio de Torres, Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. ap. 59-60. In an account of
this engagement, obtained by J. Hernandez in January 1867 from three natives
who were present at the action, the number of killed is stated to have been
257. Torres instructed the Indians to throw themselves upon the ground at
each discharge of the artillery, and then keep closing in as quickly as possible.
These tactics were so successful that the insurgents lost only two killed and
thirteen wounded. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 202-3.

41 During the action, which took place on the same day that Calleja dis
persed the insurgents at Aculco, the militia of Colima passed over to the
enemy. Bustamante relates that before the battle, Torres proposed to Villa
senor that the Americans should retire and leave the Europeans to engage
with him if they wished. Villasenor's reply was that if he had Torres in
his power he would hang him, ' que era un indecente mulato.' Cuad. lli-st., i.
142, 145.

IN NUEVA GALICIA. 207

After this tragical defeat, consternation prevailed
in Guadalajara. There was no thought of further re
sistance. The bishop, in spite of his previous military
ardor, ignominiously fled to the port of San Bias, fol
lowed by most of the Europeans, who carried with
them what they could. The junta hastily dissolved,
and the warlike Recacho, with the oidor Alva, hur
ried with all speed to the same port, not forgetting,
- however, to collect on their way the royal revenues.
Abarca endeavored to reanimate the Europeans who
remained, and induce them to take up arms in defence
of the city. "We are not soldiers," they said, "and
our only duty is to take care of ourselves."42 The
only force left at his disposal was 110 raw recruits.
In this hopeless condition he fell grievously ill, and
while on his bed the ayuntamiento surrendered the
city to Torres.43 The insurgent forces entered Guada
lajara on the llth of November. Torres kept faith
fully the terms of the capitulation. Both the prop
erty and persons of the citizens were respected; the
malefactors in the jails were not released, and to pre
vent violence he would not allow his troops to quarter
themselves in the city.44

With the exception of San Bias, the whole prov
ince of Nueva Galicia was now in possession of the
insurgents; and the ease with which that port fell
into their power is somewhat remarkable. Jose Ma
ria Mercado, the cura of Ahualulco, obtained from
Torres a commission to go in pursuit of the fugitive
Europeans; and raising forces in the villages on his
way to the port, he entered Tepic without opposition,
and was there joined by the garrison of the town.
Mercado then hastened to lay siege to San Bias, and
sent in to the comandante de la plaza, Jose de Lava-

42 Carta de Abarca, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., in. 401.

43 The ayuntamiento petitioned the insurgent chiefs to grant Abarca re
lease from confinement in consideration of his ill health and advanced age.
Id., ii. 228-9.

** liespuesta al Papel, 19. The property of Spaniards was, however, em
bargoed, and commissioners were appointed to attend to the matter. Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 229-30.

208 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

lien, a formal summons to surrender, accompanied with
a threat to burn the town in case of refusal. His
whole force did not exceed three thousand Indians
and a few hundred mounted lancers, while all of his
artillery were six cannon brought from Tepic. The
position of San Bias was such as to render it most
difficult of assault. It was defended, as well as com
manded, by a castle mounted with twelve 24-pound
guns. In the harbor lay a frigate, two brigantines,
a schooner, and two gunboats; the place was well sup
plied with provisions; there were forty mounted pieces
of artillery and 800 able men in the place, and yet
such was Mercado's cool impudence45 that Lavallen
sent Agustin Bocalan, alferez de fragata of the royal
navy, to capitulate. This was on the 29th of Novem
ber, and Bocalan so reported the numbers and strength
of the enemy on his return, that the comandante sur
rendered without further parley,46 and the royalists
had no longer a foothold in the intendencia of Gua
dalajara.47

In Zacatecas the news of the revolt at Dolores was
known on the 21st of September, and the intendente
Francisco Rendon at once took the same precaution
ary measures as those employed by Calleja and
Abarca, He, moreover, applied for aid to those in-
tenderites, but without success. From the governor
of Colotlan, however, he obtained two companies of
the militia dragoons, which he stationed at Aguasca-
lientes, and shortly afterward the same governor

45 ' Por tanto,' he says in his ultimatum to the comandante, ' esta es la iil-
tima intimacion, y la falta de respuesta a ella sera la seiial segura del rompi-
miento; pero en la inteligencia de que cuando peleen de esa parte los niiios y
las mugeres, les tocaraii cliez soldados a cado uno; pero diez soldados decididos
a veneer y a avanzar hasta la misma boca de los caiiones. ' Bustamante. Cuad.
Hist., 150.

_ 46 The military bishop, Recacho, Alva, and the Europeans went on board the
brigantine San Carlos, and steered for Acapulco.

47 Lavallen, Bocalan, and other officers who signed the capitulation were
afterward tried for treasonable surrender. After a tedious trial they were
acquitted. An almost complete copy of the proceedings as well as other docu
ments is supplied by Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 236-427.

IK ZACATECAS. 209

arrived at Zacatecas with four additional companies.
But Rendon's position was even worse than that of
Abarca. The province was almost entirely without
arms, and he had to provide with lances even the
horsemen who arrived. His call, also, upon the dif
ferent districts for recruits was almost unheeded.43
While in this strait he received some partial relief
by the arrival of the conde de Santiago de la Laguna
with 200 mounted men and some arms.49 These the
count placed at the disposal of Rendon, and offered
to use all his influence to maintain order among the

populace. On the 6th of October the intendente re
ceived a despatch from Calleja informing him of the
capture of Guanajuato by the insurgents, and of the
immediate danger which threatened Zacatecas, proba
bly the next place to be attacked. Rendon convoked
a general junta, at which it was declared that the city
was not defensible, surrounded as it was by command
ing hills.

That same afternoon the Europeans, the members
of the municipality, and the employes in the different
government offices fled; and on the following morning
the governor of Colotlan verbally informed the inten
dente that his troops had intimated to him that they
had only followed him because he was a Creole, but
that they would take no action in the cause of the
Europeans. Rendon allowed the governor to depart,
but himself remained. The same day the populace
rose in revolt, and only by the exertions of Laguna
were they prevented from sacking stores and murder
ing objectionable residents. So violent were their
demonstrations, that the cura implored Rendon to save

48 ' Las demas cabeceras de partido,' he says in his report to the viceroy of
the 27th of Jan. 1811, 'no me remitieron tin solo liombre, y hasta el G de
octubre solo me llegaron 21 de a caballo, a quienes armd con otros (sic) taut
as lanzas.' Expowc. Rendon, Buttamante, Campailas de Calleja, 46.

49 The conde Santiago de la Laguna was the most opulent hacendado of
the province, arid much respected by the lower orders, over whom 'he had
great control. After the death of Hidalgo, Laguna, who had been accused
of treason, owing to his action during the events about to be related, was
allowed the benefit of the indulto. Zamacois, Hist. Mej. , vii. 10, 253.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 14

210 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

himself. Laguna offered to escort him beyond reach
of danger, and on the morning of the 8th the inten-
dente and his family left Zacatecas for Guadalajara.
On the following morning Laguna returned to Zacate
cas, having been appointed, by a popularly elected
ayuntamiento, intendente ad interim of the province,
which office he deemed it his duty to accept in the hope
of preventing excesses. He left an escort of twenty
men for Rendon, who continued his journey. On the
29th, although reenforced by a troop of twenty-five
lancers and four dragoons sent to his assistance by
Abarca, Rendon and his family were captured by a
body of insurgents, who after appropriating their
clothes, conducted them to Guadalajara, where they
arrived after thirty-three days, and were delivered to
Hidalgo, who in the mean time had reached that city.50
The revolt in Zacatecas was spontaneous, and not
allied with the insurrection in other provinces. The
latter were directed by the leaders either in person or
by agents, to whom Hidalgo extended commissions of
various grades. No such commissioner, however, had
appeared in Zacatecas, and the outbreak was due to
the excitement produced by news of the grito de
Dolores. The people, after the first agitation, were
moderate and tractable, and the conde Santiago de
Laguna succeeded in suppressing pillage. About the
middle of October, Rafael Iriarte,51 styling himself
lieutenant-general, appeared at Aguascalientes at the

50 Rendon escaped the massacre of Europeans at Guadalajara in December
following; and when Calleja entered that city after the battle of Calderon,
he appointed him intendente del eje"rcito del centro. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii.
138.

51 Of Iriarte's antecedents but little is known. According to Mora, he had
previously at different times been known by the names of Martinez and
Laiton. Mej. y sus Rev. iv. 96. Zerecero and Liceaga state that in San
Luis he went by the name of Cabo Leyton, and had been a scrivener in the
secretary's office of the comandancia. Mem. Rev. Mex., 385; Adic. y Rectific.,
151. His first commission as an insurgent officer, from evidence given later
by Pedro de Aranda at his own trial, was to arrest and appropriate the prop
erty of the Europeans in the villa of Leon, situated between Guanajuato and
Aguascalientes. In the execution of this commission he acted with great
cruelty, 'prendia d los europeos de aquella villa, devoraba sus bienes y de-
jaba dperecer sus familias.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. app. 60.

JOSS MARI'A COS. 211

head of a large body of insurgents, and having been
joined by the dragoons stationed there, proceeded to
take possession of Zacatecas, which he occupied with
out opposition.

It was while Iriarte was at Aguascalientes that
Laguna took action which brought his loyalty under
suspicion. He convoked a junta for discussing the
propriety of communicating with Iriarte. At that
session it was decided to send Jose Maria Cos, cura of
San Cosme, to inquire of the insurgent leader whether
the war then waging was without prejudice to re
ligion, king, and country; and whether any ex
ceptions would be made in case they succeeded in
expelling the Europeans ; and if so, what. These ques
tions were asked with a view to uniting the provinces
under an alliance in peace or war. Laguna, in a letter
dated the 26th of October, reported this to Manuel
Acebedo, intendente of Durango, who forwarded it
to Calleja. The mere fact that Laguna entertained
doubts was enough for Calleja, and he cautioned
Acebedo in his reply to avoid all expressions show
ing want of confidence which might drive Laguna to
espouse the insurgent cause.52 Cos, who will appear
prominently later, was received by Iriarte with marked
demonstration, but greatly against his will was com
pelled to carry the insurgent standard on his entrance
into the town. The explanation given by Iriarte of
the object and plan of the revolution was equally un
satisfactory to Cos, and deeming himself compromised
by the part he had been obliged to play, instead of re
turning to Zacatecas, he proceeded to San Luis and
informed Calleja, who listened to his statement, and
advised him to present himself before the viceroy.
While on his way to the capital, Cos was arrested at
Queretaro by the commander Rebollo and imprisoned
in the convent of San Francisco.

52Bnstamante supplies copies of the correspondence on this matter in
Companas de Calleja, 51-7.

212 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.

Although Calleja took every possible precaution
before his departure from San Luis Potosi to insure
the preservation of that province, his efforts were un
availing. When Hidalgo at the opening of his career
passed through Celaya, he was joined by Luis de Her-
rera, a lay friar of the order of San Juan de Dios of
the province of Mexico. For some time this man
followed the army in the capacity of chief surgeon;
but being compelled to go to San Luis on private
business, he was arrested as a suspicious person, and
imprisoned in the jail, it not being known that he was
a friar. Heavily fettered and with no prospect of re
lease, he disclosed himself in order to escape from du
rance, and was removed to the Carmelite convent, in
which Calleja had imprisoned suspected persons. Ere
long Herrera prevailed on the comandante, Cortina,
to allow him to retire to the convent of his order in
San Luis, the prior and other conventuals becoming
his sureties. Having thus secured comparative free
dom, he conceived, in conjunction with Juan Villarias,
a lay brother of the same convent, the daring scheme
of getting possession of the city during a single night.
With this intent they instigated Joaquin Sevilla y
Olmedo, an officer of the San Carlos lancers, to place
at their disposal a few troops, and some arms which
he had in his house. Sevilla entered into their de
signs, and on the night of the 10th of November,
meeting a patrol of his own corps and another of the
cavalry, he called on them to assist him in the execu
tion of an order of the commander. With this small
force he proceeded to the convent of San Juan de
Dios, where he was joined by the two friars. The
revolutionists then went to the Carmelite convent,
and ringing the night-bell,53 requested that a priest
might be sent with them to confess a prominent citi
zen who was dying. The door-keeper opened the gate,

53 In every convent was a door-bell called the campana de miserieordia,
which was rung by those who, during the night, sought the assistance of con
fessors for persons dangerously ill.

IN SAN LUIS POTOSI. 213

and the insurgents rushing in seized and disarmed the
guard. They then released the prisoners, many of
whom daily expected death, and supplying them
with the weapons thus obtained, proceeded with the
utmost caution to the city jail, having first secured
the Carmelite friars, all of whom were Spaniards.
With equal success they surprised the guard at the
jail, and their numbers being now greatly increased
y the prisoners whom they liberated, they directed
their course to the artillery barracks. Here they met
their first mishap. Opposite the barracks stood the
house of the comandante, Cortina; and the guard,
more vigilant than those hitherto encountered, fired
on them, killing four. Undeterred, they rushed for
ward and quickly made themselves masters of the
barracks. Ten cannon were immediately brought out
and planted at the entrances of the plaza, one being
trained upon Cortina's house.

The desperate design of Herrera was now all but
accomplished. The remaining barracks of the city
were soon in the power of the insurgents, and Cor
tina alone continued to offer resistance. Beinof

wounded at last in the jaw, he was made prisoner by
his own guard, who had hitherto kept up a vigorous
fire, killing sixteen of the assailants and wounding
many more. After the insurgents had thus gained
possession of the comandante's house, it was delivered
over to pillage; likewise his store and storerooms;54
but this appears to have been the only excess com
mitted. By seven o'clock in the morning the affair
was over. The usual arrest of Europeans — to the
number of forty — followed their triumph, but order
and tranquillity were maintained.53 Miguel Flores,
one of the principal citizens of San Luis, was ap-

54 Cortina was one of the principal merchants in San Luis.

55 The only violence occurred on the night of the 12th, when a patrol
guard was fired on from the house of a European named Ger6nimo Berdiez.
This so incensed the officer in command that he forcibly entered the house
and mortally wounded Berdiez with his sword. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i.
97.

214 PROGRESS OF TBE REVOLUTION.

pointed political chief and intendente, and the absence
of popular commotion is sufficient evidence of the
prudence which guided the revolutionists.

But the spirit of discord was at hand. Iriarte,
who was at this time in possession of Zacatecas, and
had been apprised of the successful coup d'armes at
San Luis, despatched a courier to Herrera, proposing
to recruit his forces at San Luis on his march to
Guanajuato to join Allende. No objection to the
reception of a brother-in-arms could be made, and
Iriarte, with a disorderly rabble of several thousand
Indians, armed, as usual, with clubs, slings, and bows
and arrows, entered Sari Luis. The arrival was
hailed with demonstrations of joy. The bells were
rung and cannon fired. Festivities and balls for
three days celebrated the meeting between these
champions of the cause of independence.

In return for all this kindness, Iriarte deemed it
his duty to give an entertainment, and do honor to
those wTho had done honor to him. So he invited
Herrera, Villarias, and Se villa to a great ball, and
when the merriment was at its highest a troop of
soldiers rushed in and arrested them. Villarias man
aged to escape, and with fifty men fled to Guanajuato
to inform Allende of the treachery. Herrera and
Sevilla were thrown into prison; the barracks were
taken by surprise; the artillery was seized, and
Iriarte was master of the town. At dawn the cry
was raised, "Death to the San Luis traitors!" Sack
and pillage were proclaimed. The public treasury was
ransacked, and the houses and stores of private per
sons were broken open and emptied.

One more turn of the wheel comes with the celebra
tion of the occasion by a banquet to which Iriarte in
vites his captives. At first he gave them to understand
that they were to die ; even now they were going to ex
ecution. After thus amusing himself for a while, he
embraced the victims of his sport, and seating them at
the table, informed them that their imprisonment had

IRIARTE'S FACETIOUSNESS. 215

been effected only for the purpose of insuring their
safety, as they would have proved an impediment to
his intention of sacking the city. He then appointed
Herrera field-marshal, and raised Sevilla to the rank of
colonel. During his occupation of San Luis the wife
of Calleja fell into his power, and Iriarte, the treach
ery of whose future action makes it reasonable to sup
pose that he entertained no serious intention of aiding
Allende, after loitering till it was too late to do so,
returned to Zacatecas.66

56The above account of the revolution in San Luis Potosi is derived from
Bustamante,. Cuad. Hint., i. 95-9. That author's information was supplied to
him by a report of the affair obtained in the city. Alaman states that he was
careful to verify the facts. Hist. Mej., ii. 23.

CHAPTER IX.

THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.
1810.

ALLENDE RETURNS TO GUANAJUATO — PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE — THE
FIRST ATTACK— CALLEJA'S PLAN — HE TAKES ALLENDE'S BATTERIES —
CALLEJA, THE AVENGER — His PROCLAMATION — AN EXECUTION SCENE IN
THE ALH6NDIGA — A GENERAL PARDON EXTENDED — TlIE GOVERNMENT
REORGANIZED — CALLEJA MARCHES FOR GUADALAJARA— HIDALGO AT
VALLADOLID— AND AT THE CERRO DEL MOLCAJETE— HIDALGO'S RE
CEPTION AT GUADALAJARA — ESTABLISHES A GOVERNMENT — RAYON'S..
BIOGRAPHY — LETONA'S MISSION AND DEATH— THE * DISPERTADOR AME
RICANO ' AND PRINTING-PRESS — PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.

WHEN Allende arrived at Celaya he found there a
body of two thousand insurgent horsemen under Tori-
bio Huidrobo, and about thirty dragoons of the regi
ment of la Reina. These troops were almost desti
tute of arms; but the importance of defending
Guanajuato was so great that, uniting them with his
other forces, he hastened thither. He took with him
eight pieces of artillery; and as a number of cannon
had been cast in the mean time, he hoped, by erecting
batteries in commanding positions, to frustrate any
attempt upon the city by Calleja, who would doubt
less make its capture his first object. Allende, with
all the forces he could muster, entered Guanajuato on
the evening of the 13th of November, accompanied
by the principal leaders, who preferred to follow his
fortunes rather than cast their lot with Hidalgo, whose
popularity with them was diminishing daily.1 His

1 Those who accompanied Allende were Juan and Ignacio Aldama, Ma
riano Jimenez, Joaquiii Arias, Mariano Abasolo, and Juan Ocon. Liceaga,

(216)

APPROACH OF CALLEJA. 217

arrival was celebrated by the intendente Gomez with
enthusiastic demonstrations. The bells were rungc and

guns fired ; but as in formal procession the authorities
and principal citizens entered the municipal hall to
receive the insurgent leader a ghastly spectacle pre
sented itself. Allende's horsemen dashed into the
plaza, and drawing up in front of the building, exposed
to view a hacked and blood-stained corpse lashed to
the back of a mule. An unfortunate Creole, named
Manuel Salas, a native of Dolores, had taken part
with Calleja when he passed through that town, and
having fallen into the hands of the insurgents had been
brought by them to Guanajuato and put to death at
the entrance of the city. Having given the mem
bers of the ayuntarniento ample time to reflect upon
the significance of this portentous exhibition, the
body was paraded through the streets as a warn
ing.2 The ayuntamiento felt conscious that this ac
tion of Allende was intended to intimidate them, but
although, in conjunction with the other authorities,
its members sallied forth to meet him, they claim to
have preserved their dignity and allegiance by not
giving to their procession the character of an official
reception.

Allende then made his preparations to engage
Calleja. According to despatches written by him
to Hidalgo on the 19th and 20th of November, I
gather that when those leaders separated they made
an agreement that they should support each other
against Calleja. It was now no longer doubtful that
the latter would march against Guanajuato, and
Allende strongly urged Hidalgo to come to his aid
as soon as possible. He, moreover, sent instructions
to Iriarte, who was now at San Luis Potosi, to join
him at once. The forces at Allende's disposal were
in all respects inadequate to cope with the royalists,

Adic. y Rectific., 149. Negrete, however, doubts that there existed at this
time any ill feeling between Hidalgo and Allende. Alex. Slglo XIX., ii. 313.
2Guan.Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 43-4.

218

THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

and deficient as they were in discipline and arms, he
could only hope to maintain his position by means of
his artillery if no assistance arrived.3 But both Hi
dalgo and Iriarte neglected to come, and Allende's

EredK^IHS^

PLAN or BATTLE-FIELD.

3 A. Positions occupied by the insurgents.

B. The royalist army before the attack. •

March of column led by Calleja.

March of column led by Flon.

This plan is obtained from that formed b • Calleja's staff according to his
orders, and published by Torrente, being reproduced by Bustamante in his
Cund. Hist., i. 100.

ALLENDE AND HIDALGO. 219

letters to the former show bitterness. His last com
munication even charges Hidalgo with the intention
of collecting money at Guadalajara and escaping with
it by way of San Bias. But Hidalgo, informed of
the successes in Nueva Galicia, had determined to
go to Guadalajara, and had left Valladolid before
Allende had written him.

Meanwhile batteries were placed by Allende on no
less than ten different heights commanding the Marfil
road, besides two outlying points which occupied hills
on its left at a place known by the name of Rancho
Seco. In the narrowest part of the road, with infinite
labor, fifteen hundred holes were drilled for blasts.
These were connected by a single fuse, the intention
being to fire it as Calleja's troops passed. The de
sign, however, became known to the royalist leader
and proved ineffectual.

Calleja, whose movements were never marked by
rapidity, left Queretaro on the 15th of November, and
passing through Celaya, Salamanca, and Irapuato, re
established obedience in those towns, and reorganized
their governments. On the 23d he arrived at the
rancho de Molineros, distant four leagues from Guana
juato, and on the following morning advanced to the
entrance of the Canada de Marfil, intending to recon
noitre; but being interrupted by the batteries at
Rancho Seco, he decided to attack at once. Accord
ingly he threw out on his left a strong body of cavalry
and infantry under General Empdran, with the two
fold object of occupying the Silao road and executing
a flank attack, while Captain Linares charged the
positions from the front. The assault was successful.
Ill served and badly directed, the artillery of the in
surgents did no execution; indeed, so miserably had
the cannon been mounted that they could only be fired
in the one direction pointed; and the royalists, charg
ing up the slope at places out of the line of fire, quickly
routed the insurgents, capturing four pieces of artillery
and a number of prisoners. The facility with which

220 THE EOYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

this success had been accomplished induced Calleja
to follow up his advantage the same day, it being as
yet only eleven o'clock.

His plan was to assault in detail the ten positions
occupied by the enemy on each side of the Marfil
road, upon which they had trained their artillery. For
this purpose he divided his army into two columns,
one of which was placed under the command of Flon,
who was instructed to dislodge the insurgents from
the heights on the right of the road; while the other
was led by Calleja in person against the batteries on
the left. Both generals were successful, and one after
the other the enemy's positions were taken with little
loss to the assailants. Flon, though severely bruised
in the left shoulder by a slung stone, gained the heights
on the right, and finally drew up his forces on the
hill of San Miguel and the height of las Carreras,
both of which positions commanded the city. Mean
while Calleja, advancing up the Marfil road some
little distance, turned off to the left by that leading
to the real de minas of Santa Ana, thus avoiding; the
defile where the blasts had been prepared.* While
his infantry dislodged the enemy from their positions
the cavalry scoured the glens and more level ground,
cutting off the retreat of the insurgents, slaughtering
them without mercy, and driving them in their panic
over the precipices.5 This series of assaults lasted for
more than six hours; the difficulties encountered by
the loyalists being from the steepness of the heights,
rather than from opposition of the enemy, whose

4 Bustamante states that information of this plan of the insurgents was
given by a regidor of Guanajuato 'que merecia el mejor concepto entre sus
conciudadanos, ' and that his correspondence with Venegas was intercepted
by Villagran, but too late to be of any benefit to Allende. Cuad. Hist., i. 100.
Alaman reasonably assumes that the regidor intimated at was Fernando Perez
Maranon; but throws considerable doubt upon the statement of Bustamante,
remarking that, 'Sus noticias cuando no espresa de qu6 origen las toma mere-
cen muy poca confianza. ' Hist. Mej. , ii. 47. Negrete considers it improbable
that Maranon gave the information. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 320.

5 ' La caballeria . . . cortaba a los enemigos en las canadas y los persequia en
su huida pereciendo muchos a sus manos, quedando el campo lleno de cadd-
veres, y otros precipitados en las barrancas de este pielago de mon tafias.'
Calleja, in Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 1057.

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 221

want of arms rendered them incapable of making a
stand. Shortly after five o'clock, Calleja encamped
for the night on the hill of Yalenciana.

The result of the day's fighting was the capture of
twenty-two pieces of artillery,6 the dispersion of a body
variously estimated at 10,000 to 70,000 Indians,7 and
the investment of the city on the north and south.
Of the number of revolutionists slain it is impossible
to form any estimate with certainty. The ayuntami-
ento places it at 8,000,8 but this is doubtless an exag
geration, and Alaman's estimate of 1,500 is probably
not wide of the mark.9 The loss on the side of the
royalists was insignificant; according to Calleja's first
report to the viceroy it was limited to four killed and
seven wounded;10 the casualties in the column led by
Flon raised the number of wounded to about a score,
a convincing proof of the want of forethought dis
played by the insurgent leaders in presuming that
Calleja would necessarily inarch up the Marfil road,
and in mounting their cannon so as to be immovably
directed.

Had Allende been supported by Hidalgo and
Iriarte, and had Calleja been assailed in the rear ac-

6 According to the detailed report of Calleja, dated December 12th. In a
previous report, written at 12 o'clock on the night of the 25th, he states that
25 pieces of artillery were taken. These cannon were made by order of Hi
dalgo during his campaign in the direction of Mexico; they were cast by the
engineer Rafael Davalos, who also assisted Casimiro Chovell, superintendent
of the Valenciana mines and works, in sinking the blasts on the Marfil road.
Alatoian, Hist. Mej., ii. 29.

7 Calleja states that the inhabitants of Guanajuato estimated their num
ber at 70,000. Gaz. de Hex. (1810), i. 1059. Alaman considers this a great
exaggeration, remarking that there could not have been even half the number,
' pues no concurri6 d la accion mas que la gente reunida en algunos puntos
comarcanos, y una parte de la plebe de la ciudad y de las minas. ' Hist. Mcj. ,
ii. 48. Liceaga conjectures that the insurgents did not number more than
10,000. Adic. y Rectific., 154.

*Guan. Pui). Vind. Ayunt., 54.

9 The bodies of a considerable number of the fallen were never recovered
from the barrancas, the shafts of old mines, and other inaccessible places.
The cura of Marfil, who was charged with the collection and burial of the re
mains, reports on the 10th of December that the total number interred was
246, but thinks he succeeded in collecting only a small proportion. Busta-
mante, Cuad. Hist, i. 108-9. Liceaga considers that scarcely 400 insurgents
fell. Adic. a Rectific., 154.

10 Oa&. de Max. (1810), i. 994.

222 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

cording to the plan proposed to Hidalgo,11 it is not
improbable that the royalists would have been de
feated. As it was, Allende despaired of success
from the first, and with unusual apathy assigned the
direction of the batteries and troops to Jimenez, re
maining himself in the city.12 When the news ar
rived of the capture of the outlying batteries at
Kancho Seco, he endeavored to arouse the inhab
itants by ordering sounded the general call to arms;
but this had the effect only to increase the consterna
tion. The more respectable families took refuge in
the churches and convents, or barricaded themselves
in their houses, while a large portion of the populace
betook themselves to the hills. Allende was helpless
to awaken resistance. As height after height was
stormed by the victorious royalists, and aware that
all was lost, accompanied by his brother officers and
a few horsemen, he fled from the city in the direc
tion of San Luis Potosi, taking with him what treas
ure he had remaining/

And now the Alhondiga de Granaditas is again
brought forward in the history of this unfortunate
city as the scene of another appalling massacre. No
longer restrained by the interference of military chiefs,
early in the afternoon the populace throng the streets
with demonstrations of mingled fear and anger. They
collect in dense crowds about the alhondiga, and with

1 'No puede ni debe V. ni nosotros pensar en otra cosa, que en esta preciosa
ciudad. . .y asi sin pe>dida de momentos ponerse en marcha. . .y atacarlo con
valor por la retaguardia, dandonos aviso oportuno de su situacion para hacer
nuestra salida, y que cerrado por todas partes, quede destruido y aniquilado,
y nosotros con un complete triunfo.' Allende, Garta, in Alaman, Hist. Alej.,
ii. 37-8.

12 According to Alaman; Id., ii. 49. Negrete, on the other hand, asserts
that Allende during the engagement passed from point to point as they were
attacked, with the greatest activity. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 321.

13 According to Liceaga he left about two o'clock in the afternoon. Adic.
y Rectijic., 153. Bustamante states that Allende remained in the city till the
following morning, directing the fire of a heavy piece of artillery placed on
the cerro del Cuarto. This is denied by both Liceaga, Ib., and Alaman,
Hist. Mej., ii. 49. Calleja states that he left with about 40 followers. Gaz.
de Mex. (1810), 994. Negrete says that he could not have had more than
2,COO. Mex. 8ifjlo XIX., ii. 405.

ANOTHER MASSACRE. 223

threatening gestures and inflamed eyes regard the
building in which the Spaniards left by Hidalgo are
imprisoned, and for whose blood they are athirst.
As yet, however, they are restrained by the presence
of the guard commanded by Captain Mariano Covar-
rubias. But as Allende and his party turn the corner
to take the road leading to the mines,14 one of them
cries out, "Why do you not finish with them?" in
dicating the captives. The words act on the mob
like fire on saltpetre.15 Under apprehension that
Calleja is already at hand, they think only of ven
geance, and with wild yells, and clubs and bran
dished knives, they rush toward the gateway. All
efforts to oppose them are useless. The soldier's
sword and the priest's entreaty alike fail. Mariano
Liceaga, after wounding several of them with his
sabre, is stretched senseless on the ground; the cura
Juan de Dios Gutierrez and other ecclesiastics are
thrust aside; the guard is overpowered;16 and the
maddened crowd throw themselves upon their victims.
The work begins, and the alh6ndiga again becomes
hideous with mutilated corpses, stripped of every
shred of clothing. A few of the captives barricade
themselves in some of the storerooms, and manage to
escape during the temporary dispersion of their assail-

uSee plan of the alh6ndiga and surroundings in previous chapter.

15 Alaman is the authority for the statement that the crowd received this
encouragement. He refers to the evidence in the trial of Covarrubias, whose
cousin, Benign o Bustamante, supplied him with the above particulars. Allen
de, Aldama, and Chico, however, in the declarations taken at their trials,
imputed the massacre exclusively to the voluntary action of the populace,
which tends to prove that they were unaware of the fury incited by their
comrade, who was probably riding in their rear. Hist. Mej., ii. 50. Busta-
maiite, Cuad. Hist.,L 100-1, followed by Liceaga, records that a negro named
Lino, a native of Dolores, incited the people to commit the deed by represent
ing to them that Calleja had gained the victory, and was advancing upon the
town with the intention of putting them all to death. Abad y Queipo states
that Allende gave the order for the massacre — which is contrary to Allende's
persistent efforts to suppress outrages — accusing him also of never placing
himself within reach of a bullet. He forgets his own cowardly flight and de
sertion of his flock. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 839. Compare Anso-
rena, Dcfensa, 17.

16 Liceaga states that a portion of the guard took part with the assailants.
Utsup., 155.

224 THE ROYALISTS HECAPTUBE GUANAJUATO.

ants from a cry raised that the royalists are upon
them.17

While Calleja halted at Valenciana he confirmed
the magistrate of that town in his office, although he
had received his appointment from Hidalgo. He also
supplied him with copies of the proclamation extend
ing pardon to those who returned to their allegiance,
and of the edict of the inquisition issued against Hi
dalgo, instructing him to publish them. Chovell and
other residents, fearing for their lives, were meditating
flight, but learning of these measures, they remained
in their houses. At daylight on the following morn
ing Calleja resumed his march against the city, but
before doing so he had received intelligence of the
massacre in the alh6ndiga,18 and had caused the imme
diate arrest of Chovell and other persons living in
Valenciana. The insurgents had planted a heavy can
non on the cerro del Cuarto,19 and during the even
ing of the 24th and early hours of the following day
had maintained a vigorous fire with Flon, who replied
from the hill of San Miguel. As Calleja advanced,
the insurgents' gun was trained on his line of march,
but the royalists, having placed two cannon in a
favorable position, succeeded in dismounting it at the
first discharge. This was the last effort at resistance;
and Calleja and Flon entered the city simultaneously.

17 Those who thus escaped took refuge in the convent of Belen and private
bouses. The number of those slain is not accurately known. There were
in the alh6ridiga at the time 247 captives, many of them being Creoles who
favored the royalist cause. Of these, Bustamante states that a few over 30
escaped. Cuad. Hist. , i. 101. According to the report supplied afterward by
Marafion to Calleja, only 138 recognized bodies received burial, 'habiendo
muchos quo habiendoseles visto entre los presos, no se supo despues de ellos ;
por la que se supuso estar entre los muchos eadaveres que se sepultaron sin ser
conocidos.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. app. 6-7. A list of the principal victims,
as \vell as of those who escaped, is given in Liceaga, Adic. y Itectific., 156-7.
Pedraza states that more than 200 were slain. Cdeb. N. Indep., 1.

18 Captain Linares on the previous evening, fearing that some such catas
trophe might occur, had urged Calleja to march at once upon the city; Linares
made this statement frequently to Alaman, Hist. Mcj., ii. 53, believing that
the lives of the captives might have been saved. But the massacre was per
petrated in the afternoon of the 24th, and Calleja did not arrive at Valen
ciana until after five o'clock.

laThis battery is said to have been directed by a man from the U. S.,
' estaba servido por un uorte americano. ' Liceaga, Adic. y Itectific. , 161-2.

CALLEJA'S RETALIATION. 225

So enraged was Calleja at the barbarous murder of
the Spaniards that he issued orders to his troops to
put the city to fire and sword, and numbers of the
inhabitants were slaughtered in the streets. He
soon, however, countermanded the order,20 recogniz
ing that many innocent persons would be put to
death.21 He did not, however, intend that vengeance
for the dead should terminate with this first ebulli
tion of wrath; he would proceed with the punishment
in a more deliberate and formal manner. During the
day he made proclamation,22 setting forth that al
though, influenced by humanity, he had suspended his
order of extermination, such an atrocious crime could
not be left without expiation, and he demanded all
arms to be delivered up on the following day, under
pain of death. Other items of the proclamation were
to the effect that all persons were expected to give
information of secreted weapons, and of those known
to have favored the insurgent cause; persons congre
gating in the streets in greater number than three
would be dispersed by shot, and those who engaged
in seditious speech would be punished with death
without respect of person.

But while this proclamation might leave the inhab
itants to suppose themselves exempt from further pun
ishment, Calleja was planning merciless retaliation.
There should now be a srand massacre on the royalist

O «/

side, wide-extended and direful, such as would do
honor to the cause. On the morning of the 26th the
carpenters of Guanajuato were employed in erecting
gallows in all the principal thoroughfares of the city,
and in the plazas of the neighboring mining towns.23

20 'Me obligaron h mandar a las tropas que entrasen a sangre y fuego en la
ciudad, y en efocto muchos fueron acuchillados en las primeras calles; pero
movido de sentimientos de hurnanidad. . .y que no pereciese una multitucl de
personas honradaa que en confusion salieron a favorecerse del exdrcito, mande*
suspenderlo.' Callc ja, in Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 994.

'n Among others, Agustin Calderon, an uncle of Alaman's, and by no
means a partisan of the revolutionists, was killed in the calle de los Pozitos.
Ataman, Hist. Mej., ii. 54.

22 A copy of it is found in Gaz. de, Mex. (1810), i. 997-8.

23 'Horcas que hizo poner (a mas do la que esta en la plaza mayor) en frente

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 15

226 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

While this was being done, from those arrested
the previous day between sixty and seventy were
drawn for examination.24 These were sent to Flon,
who had occupied the alh6ndiga, and who was in
structed to pass sentence upon them. Twenty-three
were sentenced to death, among whom were the in-
tendente Gomez, the unfortunate Rafael Ddvalos,
under whose directions the insurgents' cannon had
been constructed,25 and three military officers who had
espoused the revolutionary cause. The examinations
were of the briefest, and the executions immediate,
the place being within the walls of the alhondiga.
The description of the scene as given by Manuel Go
mez Pedraza, an eye-witness, is harrowing. After the
sentence of death had been passed by the conde de la
Cadena, the condemned were hurriedly shrived by a
priest in one of the storerooms, then led to the door
way which had been bricked up by Riana, and there
blindfolded and shot. As victim after victim fell,
their dead bodies being dragged aside to make room
for their companions, the pavement became covered
with fragments of skulls, scattered brains, entrails,
and blood. By this human debris, progress was im
peded, and before the horrible work was done the floor
had to be cleared of its slippery and loathsome cov
ering.20 The gallows came into play next.

de Granaditas, en la plazuela de S. Fernando, en la de la Compauia, en la de S.
Diego, en la de S. Juan, en la de Mcxiamora, y una en cada plaza de las minaa
principales. ' The plazas in Guanajuato were little more than streets, some
what wider than the ordinary tortuous thoroughfares. Buslarnante, Cuad.
Hist., i. 104.

21 Manuel Gomez Pedraza, who was captain of a company, states that Ca-
lleja placed under his charge, with instructions to deliver them to Flon, GO or
more prisoners, 'no hago memoria del niimero.' Celeb. N. Jndepend., 1.

25 The temerity of Gomez and others implicated in the revolution in not
effecting their escape is inexplicable. Davaloa carried his rashness to such
an extent as to walk in the street among the troops. He was arrested, and
would have escaped but that, after having had the good fortune to obtain
his release, a paper was discovered secreted in the sleeve of his coat, by the
soldier who was untying the cord with which his arms were bound. The doc
ument was taken to a commanding officer, and proved to be an account of
the cannon cast by Davalos. This discovery decided his fate. Alaman, Hist.
Mej., ii. 56.

26 'Para ejecutar esta operacion, se trajeron de la calle algunos hombres, y
con sus mismas manoa echaron la sangre y las eatranas despedazadas de los fusi-

FURTHER EXECUTIONS. 227

But in the economy of revenge, it will not do to
ignore the benefits of spectacular exhibitions. So
at nightfall following, eighteen prominent men are
dragged out and hanged by torchlight in the plaza.
It seems as if the curse of Sodom has fallen on the
place. Round this plaza, like an amphitheatre, the
houses stand tier above tier on the surrounding hills,
so that the people can sit in them and look down
upon the tragedy as at a play. Are these cattle or
swine, that are being butchered for the market? Or
has the old Aztec rite been revived among these chris-
tians? No, it is no mediaeval or barbaric slaughter,
but a nineteenth-century sacrifice of human beings
on the altar of liberty! The air is thick with tyranny
and blood. The stillness of an unpeopled world per
vades the scene, there being heard only the low- voiced
exhortation of the priest, or the cry of some faint
hearted wretch for mercy.27 On the 28th eight
more persons, among whom was the hapless Chovell,
met the same fate in the plazuela in front of the al-
hondiga, and on the following day four more were
doomed to die. But tbe gloorn of despair which had
settled upon the city, the. spiritless state of abjection
to which the population had been reduced, and the
meek surrender of every article of use that might
serve as a weapon pacified at^ last the avenger; and
in the afternoon the ringing of the bells announced
that Calleja had proclaimed a general pardon. Too
late, however, was the mercy extended for two of the
four last condemned, who had suffered but a few min
utes before; the remaining two, in the very act of
taking as they supposed their last look at earth and
sky, with the halters round their necks, were allowed
the benefit of the pardon, and released.

These executions have been regarded by writers of

lados en grandes bateas, hasta desembarazar el lugar de aquellos estorbos para
seguir la horrible matanza. ' Celeb. N. Independ., 3.

27 Alaman says: 'Muchos afios han trascurrido desde ent6nces, y nunca se
ha podido debilitar en mi espiritu la profunda impresion que en <§1 hizo aque-
lla iioche de horror.' Hist. Mej., ii. 59.

228 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

the independent party as acts of unmitigated bar
barity, but I see little to choose between them and
the doings of the revolutionists. If we condemn the
massacres of one, we must those of the other. Even
though Hidalgo fights for liberty and Calleja for tyr
anny, if we are disposed to overlook the barbarity of
the former in letting loose his Indians on the Spaniards,
we must not expect otherwise in regard to the lattei
than that he will retaliate as opportunity offers. Men
are so made. It is idle to argue the point on which
side of this war the greatest cruelty was displayed.
So far there is riot difference enough apparent to talk
about; both sides were about as blood-thirsty as they
could be.

The extension of the pardon was hailed by the peo
ple with demonstrations of joy. Crawling forth from
their houses and hiding-places, they crowded into the
plaza in front of the royal buildings in which Calleja
had made his abode.23 The royalist leader addressed
them from the balcony, enlarging upon the great clem
ency which had been extended to them ; the subjugated
populace meanwhile sending forth loud acclamations
of allegiance to the king and obedience to his general.

In reorganizing the government of the province, Ca
lleja appointed Fernando Perez Marafion intendente
ad interim;29 he reinstated Miguel Arizmende in his
office of alcalde, from which he had been deposed by
Hidalgo, and caused a new election for another to be
held. All other offices which had become vacant were
provisionally filled by Calleja's nominees. This clone,
Calleja decided to march against Guadalajara, and

w€fuan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 56-7.

29 The appointment of Marafion, approved by the viceroy, Gaz. de Mex,,
1810, i. 1001, and the high terms in which Calleja speaks of him, led some to
think that he was in communication with Venegas. Alaman does not see suffi
cient reason for such conclusion. Calleja thus recommends Marafion to the
viceroy: 'A sus notorias circunstancias de honrade'z, fidelidad y patriotismo,
agrega la de obtener la aceptacion y confianza de este insolente y atrevido
pueblo. ' These expressions seem to indicate that Maraiion gave information
to Calleja of the insurgents' operations, as stated by Bustamante. Consult note
4 of this chapter.

CALLEJA'S MANIFESTO. 229

left Guanajuato with all his forces on the 9th of De
cember, having previously despatched a convoy to
Mexico with the king's silver and that of private per
sons, amounting in all to six hundred bars. He also
sent the machinery and dies of Hidalgo's mint, and,
as a trophy of his victory, the heavy piece of artillery
taken on the cerro del Cuarto, which the insurgents
had vainly named El defensor de la America. With
this convoy went most of the principal families of
Guanajuato, deeming their future residence in that
city unsafe, from the fact that no garrison or other
protection was left in the place, except a company of
armed citizens. This abandonment of Guanajuato by
the more wealthy inhabitants completed its ruin. The
mortality occasioned by war and typhus fever, which
raged in the city during this period, the departure of
great numbers of the populace with the insurgent
leaders and the flight of others, caused within a few
months a depopulation amounting to over 25,000.
The mining and agricultural industries were for years
next to nothing, and stillness and stagnation reigned
in the once busy and thriving city.30

At Silao, a town five leagues from Guanajuato,
Calleja halted his army for several days. While at
this place, on the 12th of December, with the object
of preventing further atrocities, he published a singu
lar edict. After exhorting all to unite with the author
ities, clergy, and honest citizens in preserving the peace,
he declared that in every town in which soldiers, ser
vants of the government, municipal and other author
ities, or honest citizens, whether Creole or European,
should be assassinated, four of the inhabitants, with
out distinction of person, should be selected by lot
for each man murdered, and without further formal
ity be put to death.31 It was but an idle threat, how
ever, no attempt being made to carry it out. From

30 Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 177-
81 Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 10C3.

230 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

Silao, Calleja advanced to Leon, and proceeded by
way of Lagos toward Guadalajara.

Except that Hidalgo was at Celaya on the 13th of
November, nothing is known of his movements after
the flight from Aculco until we find him at Valladolid,
where he arrived on the 14th or 15th of the same
month.32 On the 14th he received intelligence of the
late successes of Torres. The importance of this
news, and the disagreements which had arisen between
Torres and the other insurgent leaders, relative to
priority of command, were undoubtedly the reasons
which induced Hidalgo to abandon the arrangements
made with Allende. During the few days that he
remained in Valladolid, he published his reply to the
citation of the inquisition already mentioned, and
issued a proclamation exhorting sons of the soil to
desert the European cause and take part with the
independents.33 On the 17th he left Valladolid for
Guadalajara. But before his departure he issued or
ders which show how far the gentle priest was car
ried away by the spirit of his purpose. The royalists
had glutted their vengeance; it was now his turn.
At dead of night on the 13th of November, forty of
the European prisoners, who were told that they were
to be sent to Guanajuato, were marched to the bar
ranca de las Bateas, three leagues from Valladolid,34 and
after being butchered, their stripped bodies were cast
into the depths, and left as food for beasts and birds
of prey. On the 18th another band of victims was
under similar circumstances conducted to the cerro
del Molcajete, and there met with the same fate.35

, Mex. Siqlo XIX., ii. 396.

33 'Si querns ser felices, desertad de las tropas de los europeos, y venid d
uniros con nosotros; dejad que se defiendan solos los ultramarinos y vereis
esto acabado en un dia.' Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 259.

34 This barranca was in the gaping crater of an extinct volcano. It was
also called 'cerro pelon,' because destitute of trees. In that country hills
reft with the cavity of an extinct volcanic crater were called cerro de la Batea,
or cerro del Molcajete. Alaman, Hist. Mrj., ii. 40.

35 According to Alaman, 44 Europeans were massacred on this occasion.
Among the first victims was the asesor and acting intendente Jose" Alonzo

TRIUMPHAL MARCH^OF HIDALGO. 231

Notwithstanding late reverses, Hidalgo was en
thusiastically received wherever he went. The hope
of liberty, once having been harbored in the breasts
of the people, could never be relinquished. The
march to Guadalajara was triumphal; and at every
town the .people sallied forth to welcome the apostle
of independence and do him honor. At Zamora,
solemn mass was held, thanksgivings were offered, and
contributions poured into his coffer. During the few
days he remained in Valladolid he displayed a won
derful energy. Besides the writing he had to do, and
the political matters to regulate, he organized a force
of 7,000 cavalry and 250 infantry, with several pieces
of artillery. With these troops he approached the
capital of Nueva Galicia. On the 24th of November
he arrived at the hacienda of Atequiza, a few leagues
from the city. Here all the authorities, municipal
corporations, and distinguished citizens had made
preparations to meet him. These, in twenty-two
carriages, arrived at the hacienda, and a duly ap
pointed commission offered him congratulations, placed
all Nueva Galicia at his disposal, and invited him to

Gutierrez de Teran, who displayed great fortitude. Id., 41. Hidalgo states
that the total number was about 60. Hern, y Ddvalos, CoL Doc., i. 14. The
two men under whose command the orders were executed were Manuel Muuiz,
captain of the provincial infantry regiment of Valladolid, and Padre Luciano
Navarrete, who acquired an infamous notoriety for his cruelty. Id., i. 839.
It was an ecclesiastic also who made out the death lists, and thereby obtained
the name of Padre Chocolate, because he said the victims were going to take
chocolate that night. The intendente Ansorena, it is asserted by Alaman,
who gained his information from Mucio Valdovinos, conducted the arrange
ment for the departure and execution of the two bodies of Spaniards. See
Doc. i., in Hist. M<y., ii. ap. Alaman's statements were replied to by the son
of Ansorena, the licentiate Jos<§ Ignacio de Ansorena. In this pamphlet,
published in 1850, he defends his father's memory by maintaining that he was
ignorant of the purpose for which the prisoners were removed. He assails
Mucio Valdovinos with some acerbity, but his arguments amount to simple
personal statements without the production of any evidence. Ansorena,
Defensa. This met with a retort from Valdovinos, who produces some evi
dence, but hardly to more effect than that the popular opinion was that An
sorena was fully implicated. Valdovinos, Content., pp. 55. This provoked a
second pamphlet, written by Josd Mariano Ansorena; and with it the tedious
and inconclusive controversy ends. Ansorena, Respuesta. Negrete points out
the contradictions observable between Alaman's account and that of Valdo
vinos, and believes that the butcheries were committed on one day, or two con
secutive days, the 17th and 18th, and that Hidalgo was not in Valladolid at
the time. ilex. Slg. XIX., ii. 271.

232 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

the capital. Thence he proceeded to San Pedro
Analco, about a league from Guadalajara, and was
entertained with a sumptuous dinner. His entry into
the city was arranged to take place on the 26th, and
the joyful demonstrations and formal expressions of
honor on that occasion soothed his greatly harassed
mind and revived his hopes. Had he been a crowned
monarch, his reception could not have been more
brilliant. The streets, crowded with the inhabitants,
were adorned with hangings and devices of bright
colors; the troops of Torres were drawn up in two
long lines reaching to the gateway of the cathedral,
in the atrium of which was stationed the battalion of
provincial infantry to salute the chief with military
honors.

As the cortege entered the city and passed along
the dense lines of people on either side, from thou
sands of voices rang the welcoming Viva! mingled
with salvoes of artillery, the reports of soaring rock
ets, and the silvery sound of bells arid soft-toned
marimbas.36 At the door of the cathedral an altar
had been placed, beside which stood Dean Escandon
in canonical robes to present Hidalgo with holy water.
This ceremony being performed, accompanied by many
of the chapter, the revolutionary leader proceeded to
the presbytery, where a solemn te deum was chanted.
Thence he went in state to the palace, and, in the
grand saloon, beneath a richly ornamented dorsel, re
ceived the authorities, civil corporations, and ecclesi
astical communities.37

Hidalgo, thus installed, proceeded to decide exist
ing differences between the military leaders, and to
organize a formal government. The first having been
arranged, he appointed two ministers to take charge

3(5 For a description of this musical instrument, see my Native Races, i.
664. To defray the expenses of Hidalgo's reception, the ayuntamiento appro
priated 1,000 pesos of the fondo de Propios. This sum the regidores were
compelled by Calleja to refund. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 492-9.

37 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col, Doc., i. 123-4.

IGNACIO LOPEZ RAYON. 233

of public affairs, Jose Maria Chico,33 with the title of
minister of grace and justice, and Ignacio Lopez
Rayon, with that of secretary general.39

Ignacio Lopez Rayon, who became a prominent
revolutionary general at a later date, was born at the
mining town of Tlalpujahua, Michoacan, in the year
1773. At an early age he displayed a studious turn
of mind, and his parents, who were in moderate cir
cumstances, were enabled to cultivate his taste for
learning. His early education he received at the
college of Valladolid, where he concluded a course of
philosophy. He thence removed to the college of
San Ildefonso in Mexico city, where he studied juris
prudence and took his lawyer's degree. Having suc
cessfully practised his profession for some time in the
capital, the death of his father recalled him home; he
then devoted himself to mining operations. In August
1810 he betrothed Maria Ana Martinez de Rulfo, a
member of one of the principal families in that dis
trict. When Hidalgo entered the province in Octo
ber 1810, Rayon espoused the revolutionary cause,
and on the 24th issued a proclamation in Tlalpujahua,
inviting Americans to join the just and holy enter
prise.40 After the first events at Guanajuato and
Valladolid, he proposed to Hidalgo a plan for the
avoidance of similar excesses. His purpose had be
fore this been reported to Yenegas, and a detach
ment of soldiers was sent to arrest him, but he escaped
as they came in sight. Hidalgo was at this time at
Maravatio, at no considerable distance from Tlalpu
jahua, and Rayon immediately repaired thither, openly
joined his standard, and was appointed his secretary -
in-chief. He accompanied Hidalgo to the monte de

38 He was also made president of the audiencia of Guadalajara. Chico
was a native of Guanajuato, his father, although a European, being a sup
porter of the revolution. Hidalgo made him his secretary, and was accompa
nied by him from Guanajuato all through the campaign. Alaman, Hist. Alej.,
ii. 81-2.

39 ' Secretario de estado y del despacho, lo que parece que le daba las facul-
tades de un ministro universal.' Ib.

™Gaz. de Alex., 1811, ii. 103.

234 THE EOYALISTS EECAPTUEE GUANAJUATO.

Las Graces, Aculco, and in the remainder of his move
ments to Guadalajara.41

Hidalgo's object was to establish a national inde
pendent government; and besides the appointment of
ministers of state, he reorganized the audiencia by the
appointment of oidores,42 and nominated Pascasio Le-
tona as envoy plenipotentiary to the United States,
with the object of making, if possible, a treaty of
alliance and commerce with that republic.43 But
these efforts were doomed to failure. The unfor
tunate Letona, having proceeded on his journey as
far as Molango in la Huasteca, Vera Cruz, excited
suspicion by trying to change a gold ounce, and was
arrested. His baggage was examined, his credentials
as a revolutionary ambassador were discovered se
creted in his saddle, and the justice of the town sent
him with his papers to Mexico. Letona, well know
ing the fate awaiting him, took poison before arriv
ing at the capital, and was buried at Guadalupe. It
was indeed dangerous to serve Mexico at this juncture.

While Hidalgo remained in Guadalajara he issued
several edicts which he deemed essential to the cause.
He proclaimed the emancipation of slaves, the restora
tion of their lands to the Indians,44 and prohibited
pillage and all excess on the part of his followers45 —
all wise and humane measures, and proving that he
did not delight in robbery and murder, as his ene
mies have charged.

ilGalloy Horn. Ilust. Hex., in. 395-8; Biistamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 146-7.

42 The new audiencia was composed of Chico, president, and Jose" Ignacio
Ortiz de Salinas, Pedro Alcantara de Avendafio, Francisco Solorzano, and
Ignacio Mestas, oidores. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 172.

43 A copy of Letona's credentials, dated Dec. 13, 1810, can be found in
Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 79-81, and in many other works. Pas
casio Ortiz de Letona was a native of Guatemala, and was a devoted student of
the natural sciences, especially of botany. He was residing in Guadalajara
as protege" of the royal official Salvador Batres, and was made a mariscal de
campo by Hidalgo. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 83.

44 Already mentioned in chap, v., this volume.

45 In this proclamation he points out that these robberies were carried on
without discrimination, the property of Americans, 'mis amados americanos,'
being frequently appropriated. Copy of document in Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX.,
ii. 399; Mex. Ifefut. Art. de Fondo, 25-6.

THE PRINTING-PRESS. 235

The possession of Guadalajara supplied Hidalgo
with a powerful means of advancing the cause of the
revolution by extending more widely and generally
the principles upon which it was based, and by plac
ing within reach of the reading public his replies to
proclamations of the royalists, and his refutations of
attacks upon himself. For there was in this city
a printing-press. When the revolution broke out
there were but few printing-presses in all New Spain,
one at each of the cities of Mexico, Puebla, Guadala
jara, and Vera Cruz;46 and all being under the control
of the government, the independents not only found
great difficulty in publishing accounts of their opera
tions, but were also unable to contradict false repre
sentations, issue appeals, or counteract the exhorta
tions to loyalty widely spread by Venegas. This
obstacle was now removed, and Hidalgo established a
periodical which he called the Despertador Americano,
and caused it widely to be circulated.47 Replies to
numerous proclamations, pamphlets, and other papers
that had been issued by the opposite party were now
published, and among them Hidalgo's memorable one
to the citation of the inquisition which he had lately
penned in Yalladolid.48

All the while his attention was closely given to mili
tary preparations. The arsenal at San Bias supplied
him with cannon and munitions of war, and he caused
no less than forty-four pieces of artillery to be trans
ported thence with incredible labor over a most diffi
cult road to Guadalajara. He ordered a large num
ber of men to be recruited; and to supply the want of
fire-arms, quantities of grenades and iron-pointed rock-

46 The one at Vera Cruz was worked but a short time. Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., i., iii. preface.

47 A copy of the first number is given in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
ii. 309-12. It was issued on the '20th of Dec. 1810.

48 Hidalgo states in his deposition taken at his trial that only two manifests
published in the Despertador Americano were written by him, the reply men
tioned in the text and another 'cuyo objeto es probar que el ^me'ricano debe
gobernarse por Americano, asi como el Aleman por Aleman, etc. Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 12.

236 THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.

ets were manufactured. Every preparation to meet
Calleja in the field was energetically made; but there
was still lacking the one great element of success, dis
cipline. While the father-patriot is here striving to
strengthen himself as best he is able with poor officers
and worse soldiers, let us glance at the progress of
the revolution in other parts.

CHAPTER X.

SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION AND BATTLE OF CALDERON.

1810-1811.

HERMOSILLO'S OPERATIONS IN SINALOA— SUCCESSES AT ROSARIO — His DEFEAT
AT SAN IGNACIO — SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION IN NUEVO SANTANDER —

COAHUILA AND NUEVO LEON REVOLT— VlLLAG RAN 'S DOINGS — BIOGRAPHY

OF CRUZ — PLAN OF CALLEJA — TUMULT IN VALLADOLID — CRUZ ENTERS
VALLADOLID — HE REORGANIZES THE GOVERNMENT — ENGAGEMENT AT
UREPETIRO — ALLENDE JOINS HIDALGO AT GUADALAJARA — A COUNCIL OF
WAR — HIDALGO TAKES UP A POSITION AT THE BRIDGE OF CALDERON —
PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELD — CALLEJA'S DISPOSITIONS — FLON'S IMPETUOSITY
— THE REVOLUTIONISTS NEARLY TRIUMPHANT — THEIR FINAL DEFEAT —
DEATH OF FLON— His CHARACTER.

ON receiving intelligence of the occupation of Gua
najuato by Calleja, Venegas regarded the suppression
of the insurrection as almost accomplished,1 when in
reality it was more widely spread than ever. We
have seen how completely the provinces of Nueva
Galicia, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosi were now in
the power of the independents ; and it was not likely
that they would relax their efforts at this juncture.
An expedition into the provinces of Sinaloa and Sonora
was planned by Gomez Portugal, and placed under
the command of Jose Maria Gonzalez Heraiosillo,
accompanied by the clominican father, Francisco de
la Parra, in the character of director and adviser.2

1In a letter to Calleja, dated Dec. 16, 1810, in reply to the brigadier's
request that a medal might be presented to his soldiers, the viceroy, speaking
of their toil, says: 'Contemplo proximo el fin y la coronacion do ellas, y en
los pocos dias que probablemente se terminarun, se arreglaran con aquella de-
tencion que hace apreciables los premios, los que deban concederse. ' Busta-
mante, Quad. Hist., i. 118.

2 Parra rendered the revolutionary cause great assistance. The charge of
the printing-press was intrusted to him by Hidalgo, and its expenses were

238 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

It set out with a force of about 2,500 men, and ar
rived at Tepic on the llth of December, where it was
still further augmented by volunteers.

On the 15th Hermosillo reached Acaponeta, the
border town, distant 115 leagues from Guadala
jara; and on the 18th engaged with Colonel Pedro
Villaescusa, who was in command of the troops at the
real del Rosario. The royalists were defeated, and
the town remained in possession of the independents.3
Herrnosillo gave Villaescusa a letter of safe-conduct
to rejoin his family, exacting from him an oath not to
take up arms against the independents. Villaescusa,
taking advantage of this clemency, retired from the
town with more than seventy of his troops, and hav
ing recruited on his march all whom he could induce
to join the royalist cause, reached San Ignacio de Pi-
astla. He now sent information to the intendente of
Sinaloa, Alejo Garcia Conde, who resided at Arizpe,
and who hastened to his aid with a company of Ind
ians.4 Meanwhile Hermosillo entered San Sebastian
on the 27th of December without opposition, having
been previously joined by the garrison of Mazatlan.
His army now numbered nearly 5,000 men,5 and on
the 29th he took up a position on an eminence which
commanded the town of San Ignacio de Piastla, a
considerable river intervening. Misfortune here

temporarily defrayed by him. Hidalgo appointed him as leader of the expe«
dition, with the rank of brigadier, Hermosillo being nominally the commander,
as Parra did not wish this appointment to be made public, it not being in
conformity with his position as a friar. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i.
379.

3 Padre Parra relates that the alcabalero, a European, had made a final
but unsuccessful stand with a piece of artillery and been slain, 'y para
suciar mas los indios su corage, al Europeo artillero le cortan los genitales,
quo pendientes de una cuerda los paseaban por toda la poblacion, lo que in-
fundio tan to terror a aquellos habitantes, y a los soldados realistas, que en
uii momento quedaron las calles limpias de toda gente enemiga.' Hernandez y
Ddvnlos, Col. Doc,., i. 380. Hidalgo promoted Hermosillo to the rank of
colonel for this victory, and promised him a brigadiership if he captured
Cosala. Id., 24-28.

4 ' Con refuerso de cuatrocientos indios Opatas de caballeria armados de
fusil, lanza, rodela y pistolas, y iin canon de a seis.' Id., 382.

5 ' Se contaron 4, 125 infantes, 470 caballos, OOOfusiles, algunas escopetas y
carabinas. 200 pares de pistolas y mucho numcro de lanzas. . ,sc condugcron
tambien los seis cauones que se le quitaron a Villaescusa.' Id.t 381.

REVOLUTIONARY SUCCESSES. 239

awaited the insurgent chief. On the 2d of January,
1811, Padre Parra, having discovered a ford, while
crossing it in company with five soldiers was taken,
prisoner.6 On the 8th Hermosillo, after fording the
river, fell into the hands of 400 royalists secreted in
the brush on either side of his line of march. So
deadly was the fire opened upon him, that in less than
ten minutes more than 300 of the insurgents were
slain, and the rest fled panic-stricken. Hermosillo lost
all his cannon, baggage, and munitions of war, and
the expedition so successfully begun was thus sud
denly ended.7

But in another direction success attended the revo
lution. In the eastern provinces it spread with ra
pidity. After San Luis Potosi had thrown off the
yoke, the neighboring district of Nuevo Santander
was awakened by the spirit of independence. The
governor, Lieutenant-colonel Manuel de Iturbe,8
was compelled to retreat to Altarnira by the revolt of
troops which he had raised under the same delusive
expectation indulged in by Abarca and Rendon. The
country was now overrun by revolutionists. Span
iards were dragged from their homes and cast into
dungeons from which the vilest criminals had been
released ; their wealth was appropriated and their prop
erty destroyed. The mines were deserted and enter-

6 One of the soldiers was killed, the other four escaped. Padre Parra
went through great hardships. He was afterward sent to Durango and de
livered to the asesor Pinilla Perez, who 'habia jurado no dejaren este suelo
gota de sangre Americano.' Id., 383. Parra, knowing that he had little hope
of life, contrived to escape, ' contrahaciendo en el pasaporte que fingio la firma
de Bonavia.' Ib. Bonavia was the intendente of Durango.

7 This account of the Sinaloa expedition is taken from the narrative of
Parra, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 378-83, and given in brief by
Bustamante, in Cuad. Hist., i. 176-81, and in Campanas de Calleja, 62-8.
The original document belonged to Bustamante, and Hernandez y Davalos is
indebted for it to Jos<5 Maria Andrade. Alaman is inclined to discredit Bus-
tamante's account relative to the dishonorable action of Villaescusa. Hist.
Mej., ii. 93. But the statements of Parra copied by Bustamante are corrobo
rated by another document, a despatch written by Jos6 Lopez, an officer
under Hermosillo, and who makes the same statements. Hernandez y Ddva
los, Col. Doc., i. 376-7. The total dispersion of Hermosillo's army may be
gathered from Oaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 173-4. Negrete omits all mention of
Hermosillo's defeat. Mex. Sig. XIX., iii. 82-3.

8 This officer married a sister of the historian Alaman. Hist. Mej., ii. 94.

240 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

prises abandoned. Many sought escape to the sea-
coast, or a refuge in some principal town. Great
numbers flocked to Saltillo from the mining district
of Catorce and neighboring places. Colonel Antonio
Cordero was at that time governor of Coahuila, and
was organizing a body of troops for the purpose of
marching against San Luis Potosi, according to the
plan formed by Calleja.9 The arrival of so many
Spaniards at a time so critical might have been turned
to good account by an able and energetic commander;
but Cordero was not such a man. He was unable to
harmonize differences, or secure unity of action, and
his attempt to organize them proved a failure.

Hidalgo now appointed his lieutenant-general, Jime
nez, to the command of San Luis Potosi and the ad
joining provinces. At the close of 1810, Jimenez, at
the head of some 10,000 men, marched against Sal
tillo, and met Cordero on the 6th of January, 1811,
on the field of Aguanueva at no great distance from
Saltillo. Cordero's force, which was well organized
and armed, numbered 2,000; and had his troops re
mained faithful, he would probably have dispersed
the army of Jimenez; but they deserted as soon as
they came in sight of the enemy, and Cordero, who
sought safety in flight, was made prisoner on the
following day. Jimenez next morning entered Sal
tillo without opposition, and like Hermosillo at
Acaponeta, he treated the captive enemy with every
consideration.10

This bloodless acquisition of Coahuila was followed
by the declaration of the governor of Nuevo Leon,

9 The instructions Calleja submitted to the approval of the viceroy rela
tive to the movements of Cordero's troops were the following; 'Las tropas de
Cordero que se hallan, seguii las ultimas noticias, en las inmediaciones de
Matehuala, distautes 35 leguas de San Luis Potosi, deberan bajar & esta ciu-
dad a restablecer el orden y castigar los pueblos de Dolores, San Luis de la
Paz, Sichii, etc., y manteniendose en las inmediaciones de San Miguel, Guana
juato y Queretaro.' Calleja, in Ncyrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., ii. 408. The date
of Calleja's despatch is Dec. 16, ISlO.

l°Parte de Jimenez, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 332-4; Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., ii. 94-6.

VILLAGRAN. 241

Manuel Santa Maria, in favor of the revolution,11 and
the whole of that province acquiesced in his action.
In Texas, also, the royalist party for a time suc
cumbed to the independents. On the 22d of Janu
ary, Juan Bautista Casas made himself master of San
Antonio de Bejar, the capital, capturing the governor,
Manuel de Salcedo, the lieutenant-colonel, Simon
Herrera, commander of the frontier militia, and a
number of officers and Europeans.12 Thus without
much bloodshed the whole of that portion of New
Spain which extends from San Luis Potosi to the
borders of United States declared for independence.
The sufferings and indignities, however, to which the
fallen Spaniards were subjected were in many cases
very great, not even priests13 escaping by reason of
their cloth.14

Shortly after the grito de Dolores, Villagran, as the
reader will recollect, established himself at Huichapan,
and proved extremely troublesome to the royalists by
interrupting their communication between the capital
and Queretaro. With him two others later associated,

11 Santa Maria was a native of Seville, but having arrived in New Spain
when quite a child, was regarded as a Mexican. Id., 96.

"Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1087-8. Western Florida, the present state of
Louisiana, had declared its independence on the 26th of Sept. previously, and
Salcedo informed the vicero}^ of this event on the 21st of Nov., at the same
time begging for reenforceinents, since he feared to be invaded from the re
volted province. Salcedo considered the movement at Baton Roiige, where
the insurrection broke out as a sequence to the conspiracy of Burr, and the
effect of French emissaries acting upon his suggestions, Burr having been in
Paris during the previous year. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 121-4.

13 Jimenez at Saltillo not only left the Spaniards at liberty, but extended
to them letters of safe conduct. Many availed themselves of this opportunity
to seek the protection of Calleja; contrary to promise, when near Cedral they
were seized, beaten, and stripped. Amid the maledictions and curses of the
populace they were then conducted to Cedral, where they were kept impris
oned for a month, whence they were eventually conveyed to San Luis Potosi,
and confined, to the number of eleven, in the jail. By order of Herrera, they
were put to death with one exception, in March 1811, Juan Villarguide only
escaping, having been left for dead. Villarguide, in Hernandez y Ddvaios, Col.
Doc., ii. 913-22.

14 The cura of San Sebastian, Jose" Mateo Braceras, a Franciscan friar, and
a secular priest Francisco Fraga were submitted to every kind of ill treat
ment on their attempting to go from San Luis to Queretaro. They were sent
back to San Luis, where they were imprisoned by Herrera, but were eventually
released. Alum<m, Hist. Mej., ii. 100-2.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 16

242 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION".

Cayetano and Mariano Anaya. On one occasion Venc-
gas despatched under a strong escort a quantity of
stores to Queretaro, and with it travelled the newly
appointed auditor de guerra, Ignacio Velez de la
Campa. The insurgents, however, attacked it in the
narrow defile of Calpulalpan, and killing the passengers
and part of the escort, carried off the stores. A huge
rock was rolled down upon the carriage of Velez, crush
ing his head, after which he was despatched. Venegas
decided to send a force to Huichapan for the se
curity of the highway. The brigadier Jose de la Cruz
had just arrived from Spain, and to him the viceroy
gave the command of the expedition, with Torcuato
Trujillo, of Las Cruces renown, as his second.

Jose de la Cruz does not appear to have begun his
military career before 1808,15 when owing to the in
vasion of Spain by the French, he like many others
abandoned his university for the profession, of arms.
His rise was rapid; and after two years' service under
General Gregorio cle la Cuesta he was made brigadier.
His success in New Spain was no less conspicuous than
it had been in the peninsula, but it must be attributed
to accident rather than ability. He was truculent
and cruel. His rapid promotion was owing to the
jealousy with which the viceroy came to regard the
successes of Calleja; and such was the influence of
Venegas in Spain, that after his return thither and the
accession of Calleja to the viceroyalty he maintained
Cruz in the high position to which he had elevated
him,16 in order to mortify one whom he could never
pardon for having succeeded him in his role of vice-king.

On the 16th of November, Cruz marched out of
Mexico, his force constisting of the infantry regiment

15 According to Fray Tomds Blasco, howe\Ter, he was in active military
service against the French during the years 1793-5. Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., iii. 246.

16 As the sequel will show, Venegas appointed him comandante general of
Nueva Galicia and president of that audiencia — in fact, made him a second
viceroy. Mora, Mcj. ysus Rev.,iv. 1 10-11, 231, 437, 440-2; Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., i. 133, and Campanas de Calleja, 58-9, 96, 107.

JOSE DE LA CRUZ. 243

of Toluca, 250 dragoons, and two pieces of artillery,
afterward reenforced by the provincial infantry regi
ment of Puebla, and a battalion of marines com
manded by Captain Porlier, of the frigate AtocJia.
Arriving at Nopala on the 20th, he proceeded on the
following day to Huichapan, hoping to come in con
tact with the insurgents; but Villagran, timely in
formed of the danger, had retreated with all his follow
ers to the sierra of the Real del Doctor and taken up
a position on the inaccessible heights of Nasteje or
the Muneca. Cruz on arriving at the town recovered
the merchandise and ammunition which had lately
been taken by the insurgents in the Calpulalpan de
file. His reception by those of the inhabitants who
had not fled was joyful; but in order to prevent any
further insurrectionary acts, he deprived them of every
article of use that could be converted into a weapon,
sparing neither the housewife's scissors, the laborer's
implements, nor the artisan's tools.17 He gave im
perative orders to the commander of a detachment
which he sent out in quest of the Anayas, to put to
death the inhabitants of every town or hacienda in
which insurgents might be found, or where they had
received shelter, reducing the places to ashes.18 Be
fore his departure from Huichapan, Cruz amply
avenged the death of Velez; pendent from the trees
on the roadsides all through the defile where the
deed was perpetrated swung the corpses of victims
hanged in reprisal.19 On the 14th of December, in

17 In a letter to Calleja, dated Huichapan, 23d of 'Nov., he says: 'Los cu-
chillos de la mesa, las tijeras y todo cuanto pueda ser ofensivo recojo; instru-
mentos de herreros, cerrajeros, etc., estoy encajonando.' Alaman, Hi.tt. Mej.,
ii. ap. 17. Negrete states that this letter, as well as the one mentioned in the
following note, was addressed to the viceroy. Mex. 8ig. XIX., ii. 250.

l8Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. ap. 18. The date of this letter is the 29th of
Nov. On the previous day the Anayas had killed seven Europeans, and Cruz
suspects that his correspondence had been intercepted, as he had received no
despatches from Mexico for four days, whereas he expected daily communi
cation. The expression he uses, ' Supongo que me han interceptado la cor-
respondencia, pues que hace cuatro dias que no tengo pliegos de Mexico, que
debia recibir toclos los dias, 'and the tone of the letters, lead me to agree
with Aiaman that they were addressed to Calleja, and not to the viceroy.

19 Alaman, who saw the bodies hanging in Dec., does not mention the nuin-

244 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

pursuance of the plan of military operations proposed
by Calleja,20 he left Huichapan for Queretaro on his
march for Valladolid, having been joined by the re-
enforcement above mentioned.

Calleja at this time was at Leon, and the plan he
had formed for conducting the campaign was such as
would, he hoped, confine the insurgents to the province
of Nueva Galicia. Cruz was instructed to march to
Valladolid, reducing to obedience the disaffected towns
on his way, and so regulate his movements that he
would arrive at the bridge of Tololotlan near Guada
lajara on the 15th of January, on which date Calleja,
approaching by way of Lagos, expected to reach the
same important point. Meanwhile Cordero, the gov
ernor of Coahuila, who was supposed to be at Mate-
huala, was to advance against San Luis Potosi, re
store order in that district, punish the towns of
Dolores, San Luis de la Paz, and others, and remain
in the neighborhood of Guanajuato and Queretaro;
and lastly, Bonavia, the intendente of Durango, at
this time in Sombrerete or Fresnillo, was to descend
upon Zacatecas and Aguascalientes, and keep in sub
jection the districts extending southward as far as
Leon and Silao. The design was well conceived, and
would enable Calleja and Cruz with their united forces
to assail Hidalgo at Guadalajara with a larger and
better appointed army than had yet been sent into
the field by the royalists; but, as the reader has
already been informed, Cordero's troops joined the in
surgents; the projected movement from Coahuila upon
San Luis Potosi was reversed; and the cordon around
Hidalgo was rendered incomplete.

ber, but they were scattered at intervals from the hacienda de la Goleta to
the pueblo of San Miguelito, and one of them was that of the Indian gov
ernor. San Miguelito was burned. Hist. Mej., ii. 71. Bustamante says: 'Cruz
marc6 muy luego sus pasos con torrentes de sangre, el rastro de esta y los
cadaveres que dejaba a su transito senalaban al viagero la ruta que Hevaba.'
C'uad. Hist.., i. 137.

20 Calleja submitted his plan to the viceroy by despatch elated Leon, Dec.
10, 1810, and it was approved. A copy of the plan is supplied by Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 304-5.

LOXG LIVE THE KING I 245

Having remained a few days at Queretaro, Cruz
left on the 20th for Valladolid. His march was un
eventful; for although a hostile force threatened to
oppose his progress in the neighborhood of Acdmbaro,
it retreated to Valladolid as he approached.21 Pedro
Celestino Negrete, a naval officer, was sent with a
detachment in pursuit, but was unable to overtake
the retreating enemy. I mention this apparently
trivial • circumstance because the name of Negrete,
who afterward greatly signalized himself and contrib
uted to the success of Cruz by his victories, appears
for the first time in history on this occasion. On the
27th, passing through Indaparapeo, Cruz approached
Valladolid and bivouacked for the night on the
heights above the city.

As the royalists drew near, the revolutionary inten
dente, Ansorena, convinced that the forces which he
had at his disposal would be unable to cope with those
of Cruz, on the night of the 2Gth and 27th secretly
left the city for Guadalajara, escorted by fifty chosen
men; and on the following morning the officials ap
pointed by Hidalgo also left, taking with them such
treasures and archives as were under their charge.22

On the 27th, as soon as the flight of the intendente
became public, the populace rose in tumult, and led
by a blacksmith of Toluca, who was from the United
States,23 raising the cry of death to the gachupines,
broke into the college formerly belonging to the Jes
uits, in which a number of Europeans were con
fined,24 and put three of them to death before they

21 The insurgents numbered 3,000 or 4,000 horse and foot, and had six can
non. Gas,, de Mex., 1811, ii. 17-19.

22 A nsorena, Defensa, 16.

23 Described by the viceregal government as an * anglo-americano de na*
cion,' Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 19; and by Ansorena as 'un toluqueno, a quien
llamaban el anglo-americano.' Defensa, 16.

24 After the massacres at the Bateas and cerro del Molcajete the remain
ing Spanish captives, to the number of 170, were distributed at the interces
sion of ecclesiastics in the convents and colleges. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 19.
Ansorena's son, however, makes a different statement. His version is that
on the 25th of Dec. the intendente convoked a junta, and stating that the
forces in the city were inadequate to oppose Cruz, declared his intention of
retiring to Guadalajara. He then proposed for the safe custody of the pris-

246 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

were restrained by the canon, the conde de Sierra
Gorda, and other ecclesiastics, who, at the risk of
their lives, quelled the tumult by elevating the liost.
Cruz entered "Valladolid on the morning of the
28th, having given orders to the officer in command
of his advance guard to put all the male inhabitants
to death, and set fire to the city if any further at
tempt should be made to take the lives of Euro
peans.25 His entrance was signalized by the usual
expression of welcome extended to either royalist or
revolutionist when in power. The cathedral chapter,
the ayuntamiento, and different corporations escorted
him into the city, and in the cathedral te deum was
chanted. The municipal and ecclesiastic cabildos vied
with each other in representations of their past fidel
ity, and in the expression of their future zeal for the
royalist cause.26 The conde de Sierra Gorda, who
two months before had removed the excommunica
tion fulminated against Hidalgo and his followers,
now gracefully annulled his former action, explained
the reason of his unorthodox proceeding, and ordered
the validity of the excommunication to be proclaimed
throughout the diocese.27 In order not to be behind
hand in offering a sop to the royalists, the rector of
the college of San Nicolas petitioned the bishop
that Hidalgo's name might be struck off the books of

O O

that institution. Thus, as blew the political breeze,
so turned like a weather-cock the civil and ecclesias
tical authorities of Valladolid.

One of the first acts of Cruz after his entrance into

oners that they should be removed to the convents and clerical college.
This proposal was carried out, though strongly opposed by the military offi
cers. Ansorena, Defensa, 15.

25 'Si la infame plebe intentase de nuevo quitar la vida a los europeos,
entre V. en la ciudad, pase a cuchillo a todas sus habitantes, exceptuando
solo las mugeres y niilos, y pegdndole fuego por todas partes. ' Such are his
instructions, a copv of which he forwarded to Calleja. timtamante, Campanas
de Calleja, 59.

2(5 See the alcalde Ramon de Huarte's proclamation to the inhabitants, and
the address of the cathedral chapter to the viceroy, dated respectively Dec.
30, 1810, and Jan. 2, 1811. Gas. d« Mex., 1811, ii. 28, 31-3.

27 A copy of his circular is given in Id., 20-8.

RUPERTO MIER. 247

the city was the extension of the general pardon, of
which many availed themselves. In reorganizing the
administration, he appointed Torcuato Trujillo co-
mandante general of the province,28 whose associate,
the brigadier Garcia Davila, presently arrived in com
pany with the bishop elect, Abad y Queipo, Merino,
the intendente ad interim, and other officials, who,, as
the reader will recollect, had fled from the city at the
first approach of Hidalgo.

Calleja in his plan of operations had calculated that
Cruz would be able to leave Valladolid on the 1st of
January; he was however detained in that city until
the 7th. This delay necessarily interfered with the
carrying-out of Calleja's arrangements, but in addi
tion to this, Hidalgo was forming plans for the pur
pose of preventing the union of Cruz's forces with
those of Calleja, and had instructed Colonel Ruperto
Mier, who was stationed at Zamora, to oppose the
former's advance. Mier, therefore, at the head of
10,000 or 12,000 men, with twenty-seven pieces of
artillery, took up an almost impregnable position on
the heights commanding the mountain gorge of
Urepetiro, about four leagues to the south-east of
Zamora, and through which Cruz would necessarily
have to pass.

On the 14th of January Cruz, whose force num
bered 2,000, principally infantry, with eight pieces of
artillery, approached the mountain pass, which he
found occupied by the revolutionary army. He forth
with ordered his advance guard to open attack by
moving against the enemy's position along the banks
of a stream flowing down the gorge. The insurgents'
batteries, however, commanded the approach, and a
well-sustained fire being opened upon the assailants,

28 Trujillo had accompanied Cruz from Mexico as far as Huichapan, whence
he returned to the capital and rejoined Cruz at Valladolid Jan. 2, 1811. The
viceroy associated with him in his command the aged brigadier Garcia Ddvila,
'paraque contuvierasu juvenil ardor.' Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 59.
Calleja described Trujillo as a madman with a sword. Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 78.

248 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

the officer in command, in view of the extreme diffi
culty of the ascent, retreated. Cruz now threw out
detachments on his right and left, with the object of
occupying commanding heights above the road, send
ing two cannon with the troops directed against the
enemy's right, and planting his remaining six pieces
in the most advantageous position at the foot of the
gorge. In spite of the ruggedness of the ground,
both movements were successful. Meanwhile Mier,
regarding the retreat of the advance guard as a flight,
unwisely made preparations to pursue, and exposing
his left, one of his batteries was assaulted and taken
by Negrete, and the insurgent force in that part of
the field dispersed. While Negrete was thus en
gaged, a vigorous attack, supported by the two
pieces on Cruz's left, was made upon the insurgents'
centre and right, which resulted in the total rout of
Mier's forces and the capture of his artillery and am
munition.29

Although this attempt to arrest the advance of
Cruz was unsuccessful, it contributed to the causes
which prevented his taking part in the momentous
battle fought on the 17th at the bridge of Calderon.
At Zamora he was detained some time in repairing
his gun-carriages; and when he arrived at the rio
Grande de Lerma, although he met with no opposi
tion, the transportation of his army was tediously
slow, from the fact that at the crossing there was
only one boat available for the purpose. When he
arrived at the point of rendezvous the important bat
tle had been fought and won.

Allende, after his flight from Guanajuato, hastened
to Zacatecas, whither Iriarte had proceeded after his
departure from San Luis. Although this city was
occupied by a large body of insurgents, the command

29 The insurgents lost 600 men, while the royalists had only two killed and
one wounded. For a full account of this engagement, see the reports of Crua
in Gaz. de Max., 1811, ii. 53, 81-8.

ALLENDE AND IRIARTE. 249

of which Allende could rightly assume in his position
of captain-general, he perceived that the assertion of
his superiority over Iriarte would in all probability
provoke a mutiny. Of Iriarte's good faith he was
more than doubtful; and his own prestige and popu
larity had seriously diminished, owing to his late dis
comfiture, as was indicated by the unsuppressed mur-
murings of the troops. He therefore decided to join
Hidalgo at Guadalajara, and on the 12th of December
arrived at the city. Hidalgo went out to meet him,
with every demonstration of friendship.

That night a band of captive Spaniards was led out
into the darkness, marched a few miles from the city
to a lonely spot, and there butchered. And on other
occasions the same ceremony was repeated.30

Meanwhile Calleja was rapidly approaching. The
army which Hidalgo now had under his command
was far superior to any force which the insurgents had
hitherto brought into the field. It numbered no less
than 80,000 men,31 20,000 of whom were cavalry, with
ninety-five pieces of artillery, many of them of heavy
calibre.32 No exertion was spared by the revolutionary
leaders to render this large force as effective as possi-

30 Marroquin, in his testimony at the trial of Hidalgo, states that he assisted
at one, and one only, of these massacres, on which occasion 48 victims, more
or less, were put to death. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , i. 41 . Abad y
Queipo in his pastoral of September 26, 1812, says: 'Luego que se entronizo en
Guadalajara comenzd a degollar en la misma forma, esto es, en partidas diarias
de 60, 80 y 100,J^s muchos europeos y algunos criollos.' Id., 839. Says Jose"
Maria Chico: 'Mand6 varios asesinatos, y lo mismo es publico y notorio que
mando en Guadalajara, sin embargo de haberlo hecho con tal reserva.' Id., 41.
These are the instructions Hidalgo gives to Hermosillo Jan. 3, 1811: 'Depon-
ga U. todo cuidado a cerca de los indultos y libertad de europeos, recogiendo
U. todos los que alia (sic) por esa parte para quedar seguro, y al que fuere
inquieto, perturbador y seductor, 6 se conosca otras disposiciones, los sepultara
en el olvido ddn^oles muerte con las precauciones necesarias en partes ocultas
y solitarias para que nadie lo entienda.' Id., 24. In his own declaration he
says: 'Se, ejecutaban en el campo a horas deshusadas y lugares solitaries.'
Id., 14. '

31 This is the number given by Jose" Maria Zabalza in a letter dated Jan.
18, 181 1, and addressed to Mercado. Id., i. 386. Calleja, followed by Alaman,
states that the insurgent army numbered 100,000, an estimate which I con
sider less reliable. Id., ii. 338, 342, 355; Id., iv. 180. Calvillo raises the num
ber to 103,000. Sermon, 138.

32 Besides 44 brought from San Bias, a large number had been cast in
Guadalajara, many of them very inferior.

250 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

ble. The enthusiasm of the troops was stimulated
by encouraging addresses; the necessity of discipline
urgently pressed upon them ; and drills and manoeuvres
were daily practised on the plains outside the city.
Though their arms were far inferior to those of the
royalists, they were better than on former occasions;
most of them were still only the sling and bow, but
for the former great quantities of small grenades
had been manufactured — missiles much more de
structive than rough stones. A great improvement
had also been effected in ridding the camp of hordes
of unarmed hangers-on, who followed merely with a
view to pillage.

With regard to the plan of operations, a diversity of
opinion prevailed among the leaders. At a council
of war Hidalgo expressed his conviction that the
whole army ought to take up a position at the bridge
of Tololotlan, and there engage Calleja, while Iriarte
with his forces moving from Zacatecas should assail
the royalists in the rear. Allende disapproved of
this plan, and bearing in mind the disastrous results
at Las Graces and Guanajuato, expressed his want of
confidence in directing their whole force against the
enemy, arid exposing their fortunes to the hazard of
a single battle. He proposed that several divisions
should be formed out of the army, that Guadalajara
should be evacuated, and that Calleja should be
attacked by these corps d'armee consecutively, thus
avoiding the risk of a general rout. The debate was
long and warm, but eventually Hidalgo's plan was
adopted.33

On the 13th of January, Hidalgo was advised that
Calleja was advancing by forced marches toward
Guadalajara; and he immediately made preparations
to occupy the bridge of Calderon, eleven or twelve
leagues from the city. On the following day Hidal
go led out his host. As he compared his now com-

83 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 185; Alaman, Ilisl. Mej., ii. 114; Neyrete,
Hex. Sig. XIX., ii. 413.

BRIDGE OF CALDERON.

251

paratively well organized force with the rabble he had
lately led, he felt confident of victory.34 At sunset
he halted at the bridge of Tololotlan, six leagues from
the city, and having received fresh information of
Calleja's advance, he again convoked a council, at which
the same questions were discussed with the same re
sult. Proceeding on the following morning, he occu
pied the bridge of Calderon, and took up a strong
position commanding the approach to Guadalajara.
On a steep height on the left side of the river a bat
tery of sixty-seven guns was planted. This position

FLON'S ATTACK

BATTLE-FIELD OF THE BRIDGE OF CALDERON. 35

was almost inaccessible in front, was protected in the
rear by a deep barranca, and nearly surrounded the
open ground on which Calleja would have to advance
his troops. Flanking this main battery, minor ones

S4'Repiti6 muchas veces que iba a almorzar enj^^pjiente de Calderon, a
comer en Queretaro, y a ceiiar en Mexico.' C^c'-f'o, Mention, ISO. Negrete in
making mention of this boast remarks: 'Creo que esto no pasa de una vulga-
ridad.' Mex. Sifj. XIX., iii. 4. See also Ca'lcja, in Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., ii. 300. This bridge is over a small affluent of the rio Grande
de Lerma, about five leagues to the north-east of the bridge of Tololotlan.

35 This plan is taken from the work of Torrente, who copied ifcfrom a draft
which was in the war department at Madrid. Bustamante reproduced it in
his Cuad. Hist., i. 188-9. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 584.

252 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

were established on heights to the right and left of
it, the latter one being on the other side of the river,
the access to each being up steep and rocky ascents.

On the 16th the royalist army appeared in sight,
and Calleja, finding this almost impregnable position
occupied by the enemy, sent forward a reconnoitring
detachment, which, becoming engaged with the out
lying insurgent troops, succeeded in gaining possession
of the bridge. Calleja thereupon ordered reenforce-
ments to advance to its support in order to hold the
point, and it being now nightfall, both armies en
camped without farther movements on either side.
As the small army of the royalists bivouacked on the
ground, the vast number of their foes was made ap
parent by the fires on the opposite heights, which Hi
dalgo caused to be built along the whole extent of his
line, three quarters of a league in length.

Calleja's force consisted of 6,000 men,86 one half of
whom were cavalry; but although his army bore no
numerical comparison with that of the revolutionists,
it was perfectly equipped and disciplined. He had
also ten pieces of artillery admirably served, and a
magnificent supply of war material; while the insur
gents had but few muskets, and many of their cannon
were of no service, some being fastened to clumsy carts,
and others being manufactured of no better material
than wood bound with iron hoops.

Calleja decided to attack without waiting for Cruz.
In the morning he formed his army into two divisions,
one of which he placed under Flon, who was to assail
the enemy's right, while he with the other attacked
their left. The assaults were to be made simultane
ously, in order that the two commands might fall at
the same time on the insurgents' centre. A ford
some little distance above the bridge had been found
the night before, and Flon leading his force across it

36 Verdla, Apunt. Moy., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iv. 180. Cal-
villo, however, says: 'Nuestro pequeuo exe'rcito. . .no pas6 de quatro mil y
quinientos hombres. ' Sermon, 135.

FLOX'S IMPETUOSITY. 253

immediately began to ascend the heights. Such was
his impetuosity that he would not wait for his artillery,
which consisted of four field-pieces, and which owing
to the extreme ruggedness of the ground had to be
dragged up by hand. Perceiving that it could not be
brought with the infantry, he led his men at once
against the first insurgent battery, consisting of four
guns, and guarded by a strong body of the enemy.
Hash as was the deed, he was so ably supported by
his troops that he drove the insurgents from their po
sition and captured their guns. Pursuing his advan
tage, as soon as his artillery arrived, he succeeded in
dislodging the revolutionists from the minor batteries
on the right of their main position, compelling them
to fall back upon their centre.37

Meanwhile Calleja advanced with the rest of the
army toward the bridge, supporting Flon's move
ments with the fire of his advance guns, and sending
him a reinforcement of pioneers of the grenadiers of
la Columna. When Calleja arrived near the bridge,
and could survey the whole position of the enemy, he
recognized the danger of attempting an assault by
that direction, and, wheeling to the right, occupied
with four cannon and a considerable portion of his
troops a small eminence, from which he opened fire
upon the enemy's nearest left battery. At the same
time he sent forward on the old road, on the right-
hand side of the stream, Colonel Empdran with a
squadron of dragoons of Spain and the cavalry regiment
of San Carlos, with the object of assailing the enemy in
the rear. Colonel Jalon, moreover, was sent to assault
a battery of seven guns situated lower down the
stream.

While these movements were being made by Ca
lleja, Flon, urged by his uncontrollable desire to win
the glory of the day, exceeded his instructions,38 and

37 Callrja, in Hernandez y Ddvalo*, Col. Doc., ii. 356-7.

SB « parece que Flon traspaso las ordenes de Calleja, para llevarse el solo
la gloria cle la batalla. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 342. 'El resultado
dc la accion. . .habria sido mas feliz, si el Sr Conde de la Cadena, llevado de

254 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

without waiting until Calleja was prepared to act in
concert with him, attacked the main battery of the
insurgents with his division. The attempt was un
successful. The enemy was able to concentrate over
whelming numbers at the point assailed, and twice
his troops were repulsed. His artillery ammunition
at this crisis gave out; his men lost confidence, and
began to retreat 'in great disorder.

At this moment victory inclined to the insurgents.
The detachment under Emparan on the right had
also sustained two repulses, he himself was severely
wounded in the head, his horse killed, and the regi
ment of Sari Carlos was already in flight.39 Nothing
but the ascendency of Calleja's presence, his coolness
and military skill, saved the day. Jalon, who had suc
cessfully forded the river and captured the revolution
ists' battery, hastened to the assistance of Emparan;
and interposing his troops between him and the dense
masses of the enemy in pursuit, restored this part of the
field, resulting in great slaughter of the independents.*0
To restore the left was more difficult, and required im
mediate attention. A strong column of infantry, sup
ported by two squadrons of horse with two field-pieces,
was sent over the bridge to the support of Flon. This
movement had some effect in arresting the disor
der, but it was obvious to the leader of the royal
ists that his left division held their ground in
front of the great battery with difficulty, and that
an extraordinary and decisive effort must be made
in order to dislodge the enemy. He therefore
marched with all the available troops of his divi
sion over the bridge, and deploying into line, as soor*

su ardiente espiritu, no se hubiese apartado del plan que me propuse y le fija.'
Calleja, in Id., ii. 339.

•"" Owing, according to Calleja's report, to the want of courage of the col
onel, Ramon Cevallos, 'siendo causa de que su regimiento retrocediese por dos
veccs, y empezase d huir siguiendo el ejemplo de su coronel y poniendo en
desorden d los demas.' Bustamanle^ Cuad. Hist., i. 1GO.

40 'Me asegura,' says Calleja, 'su comaiidante no haber bayoneta alguna en
todo el primer batallon que no este* tenida en sangre de insurgentes. ' Her
nandez y Ddvaios, Col. Doc., ii. 358. Jalon's report is found in Id., 361.

DEATH OF FLON. 255

as the ground allowed his doing so, joined his forces
with those of Flon. He then caused his ten pieces
of artillery to be collected on one point, and directed
against the main battery of the insurgents. While
these were playing vigorously upon the enemy at half
musket shot, a general charge along the royalist line
was ordered.

And now occurred an accident which overruled the
power of battle, and held back the cause of indepen
dence, it may be, for eleven tedious and bloody years.
A bomb from the well directed artillery of the royal
ists struck an ammunition wagon of the enemy, and a
terrific explosion occurred, scattering the dead and dy
ing in all directions. But this was not all. The
ground at that season of the year was covered with
a thick matting of dry grass, and this taking fire a fear
ful conflagration ensued. The wind blew full in the
face of the revolutionists, and the fire spreading with
awful rapidity, they were soon enveloped in dense clouds
of smoke and roaring flames. Before the fiery blast
they could not stand. Some fell asphyxiated; others
were horribly burned. Flight was inevitable.41 The
disorder caused by this catastrophe and the firm ad
vance of the royalists, who were now encouraged by the
presence and intrepid bearing of Calleja, struck panic

41Calleja makes no mention of this conflagration so favorable to his move
ments; and Alaman — Hist. Mej., ii. 132-3 — generally partial to the royalists,
receives the statement with such expressions of doubt as to leave the im
pression on the reader's mind that he did not wish to believe in it. He does
not even accept the testimony of Colonel Villamil, who was sent with two
field-pieces to the assistance of Flon, and who says: 'Se empeso el fuego con
los dos cailones que llevaba hasta que este ces6 por haberse incendiado cl
campo.' Hernandez yDdvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 361. But this royalist testimony
is strongly corroborative of statements more particularized. In the Bosqwjo
de la BatcdlcC de Calderon, I find this account: 'Una granada del calibre de a
4 tirada contra la ordeii de que no se hiciese fuego, pego en su carro de
municiones de los enemigos, lo inflamo y se observo una grande explosion.'
And further on: 'Se encontro con muchos cadaveres asi por el fuego de ioa
ataques de Flon como por el de la esplosion del carro y de los cajones de
polbora que abia disperses en varies puntos.' Id., ii. 342. Verdia, in Id., iv.
180-1, attributes in a great measure the disaster of the day on the side of
the independents to the explosion of some ammunition wagons, caused by a
grenade discharged by the royalists and the spread of fire thereby through the
camp. Bustamante and Ncgrete take the view given in the text. Mora
attributes the fire in the camp to the simultaneous discharge of the C7 guns
by order of Allende. Max. y sun Rev., iv. 135.

256 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

into the insurgents. All along the royalist lines the
charging troops pressed upward with but little loss,
and cavalry, infantry, and artillery at last gained the
height together.42 But the enemy was in full flight,
and their abandoned guns were found still loaded with
grape-shot. A solitary battery of six heavy pieces,
situated on the summit of an eminence on the in
surgents' left, still maintained its fire. Thither had
congregated great numbers of the dispersed army,
but a detachment of the triumphant troops being
sent against it, it was captured with little difficulty;
and after a contest of six hours the royalist victory
at the bridge of Calderon was complete.

Then followed the pursuit. Over the charred
ground the horsemen urged their steeds after the flying
bands. Foremost amongst the pursuers was Flon.
Enraged at the unsuccessful part which he had played
in the late battle, and eager for revenge, or determined
not to survive his disgrace/3 he outstripped them all,
and plunging among the insurgents, fell covered with
wounds. At night his absence was noticed and a party
was sent in search of him, but it was not until the fol
lowing day that his mutilated body was found.4*

Of the military antecedents of Colonel Manuel de
Flon, conde de la Cadena, little is known. His repu
tation as a public man was, however, well established
in New Spain, and his character for honest}^ and in
tegrity, as well as his ability in the performance of
political and magisterial duties, universally recognized.

42'Siendo obra de pocos minutos el acometer la bateria y apoderarse de
ella, no obsfcante el inmenso mimero de insurgentes que la defendian y la
resistencia que opusieron sostenie'ndose hasta el te"rmino de que las tres armas
llegaron d, un tieinpo, y la artilleria misma a tiro de pistola.' Calleja, in Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 358.

*3 ' Parece se fue a buscar la muerte entre enemigos para no sobrebir (sic) &
aquella desgracia.' Id., ii. 342.

41Alaman states that a soldier of the provincial regiment of Valladolid
slew him, remarking, as evidence in a foot-note, that this soldier produced in
Guadalajara a pocket-book belonging to Flon, which he had taken from his
dead body. Hist. Mej., ii. 130. But the condition of the corpse, covered with
wounds and contusions inflicted by every kind of weapon, is sufficient evidence
that he was overpowered by numbers, and that he did not fall by the hand of
a single man.

RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 257

His impetuosity and strong passions, it is true, not un-
frequently led him into errors, causing him to over
look individual rights and disregard law. He held
the same political opinions as his brother-in-law Riano.

Flon was about sixty years of age when he met his
death at Calderon. Pedraza, who witnessed his ac
tion in the alhondiga, says that he "was of ordinary
height, with broad and arched shoulders. His coun
tenance was of a dark brown and wrinkled, the ex
pression of it being frowning and severe; his eyes
were sunken, penetrating, and fierce, and his look proud
and disdainful, while his long, heavy, gray eyebrows
gave to his features an imposing and unpleasing as
pect."45 The portrait is not a pleasing one. His re
mains were temporarily deposited in the neighboring
parish church of Zapotlanejo, whence they were trans
ferred to the cathedral of Guadalajara and there in
terred with solemn obsequies.46

Calleja on the following day rested his troops on the
battle-field, and then pursued his march to Guadala
jara, taking with him all the serviceable cannon of the
insurgents, after having destroyed and buried the rest.
The revolutionary leaders fled by different routes to
Zacatecas, Rayon succeeding in carrying off the army
funds, which amounted to $800,000.47

The loss on the side of the insurgents, as on previ
ous occasions, is unknown, but that it was very con
siderable may be inferred from the fact that in the
part of the field alone where Jalon went to the support
of Ernparan more than 1,200 fell.48 That sustained by
the royalists was 49 killed, 134 wounded, and ten miss-

45 Celebridad Independ. , 2; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 45-6.

46 ' Con los huesos de los espaiioles degollados en las barrancas cercanas & la
ciudad.' This occurred on the llth of Feb. folio wing. Ataman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 130.

47 Zabaha, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , i. 386. Alaman says about
300,000 pesos. Hist. Mej., ii. 127.

48 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 361. According to a letter addressed
by Navarre to Mercado, 4,000 were calculated to have fallen, 'aunque sobre
esto no hay dato cierto.' Id., i. 390.

Hisx. HEX., VOL. IV. 17

258 SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

ing.49 This insignificant loss in the achievement of so
great a victory was due first of all to the accident, and
secondly, to the superiority in arms and discipline of
the royalists. Henceforth the royalist cause was for
some time ascendent, but the principles of indepen
dence were too deeply rooted ever again to be wholly
eradicated.

49 Id. , ii. 364. Calleja says 50 killed and 125 wounded. Id. , 359. Alaman
erroneously gives the numbers as 41 killed and 71 wounded. Hist. Mej., ii.
129-30. Those given in the text are taken from the official returns.

CHAPTER XL

HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.
1811.

CRUZ JOINS CALLEJA AT GUADALAJARA— HUMILITY OF THE AUDIENCIA,
CHURCH, AND UNIVERSITY — CALLEJA ESTABLISHES A JUNTA DE SEGU-
RIDAD — CRUZ REGAINS SAN BLAS — DEATH OF MERCADO — HIDALGO
COMPELLED TO SURRENDER HIS COMMAND — THE INSURGENT LEADERS
RETIRE TO SALTILLO — THEY DECIDE TO Go TO THE UNITED STATES —
OPERATIONS IN SAN Luis POTOSI — DEATH OF HERRERA — COUNTER
REVOLUTION IN TEXAS — CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF IGNACIO ALDAMA: —
ELIZONDO'S TREACHEROUS PLOT — CAPTURE OF HIDALGO AND REVOLU
TIONARY CHIEFS— IRIARTE'S DEATH — THE CAPTIVES ARE SENT TO
CHIHUAHUA — THEIR TRIAL — ABASOLO'S DEPOSITION — EXECUTIONS — EC
CLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION — HIDALGO'S EXECUTION — His CHARACTER.

CALLEJA entered Guadalajara on the 21st of Janu
ary. His reception was similar to that of Hidalgo a
few weeks before. With wonderful facility these peo
ple could be royalists or revolutionists as occasion de
manded. In their principles they were governed
greatly by the weather. If Hidalgo rained his rabble
upon them in the morning, the town — all that were
left in it — was for the country; if Calleja's sun shone
bright, it was for the king. And luckily so; else
by this time, between the several retaliatory leaders,
there had been few left. Yet there were many in
Mexico firm enough in espousing the cause, and nobly
enduring, pledging themselves irrevocably to it, know
ing that such action was almost certain death.

The demonstrations on this occasion were unusually
prolonged, from the fact that in the afternoon of the
same day Cruz unexpectedly arrived. This leader,

(259)

260 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

after the delays which embarrassed his advance until
he had crossed the Lerma, had hastened forward by
forced marches to join Calleja. Personally these two
commanders .were unknown to each other, but al
though latent feelings of jealousy might exist, their
meeting was cordial in the extreme. Nor did Cruz's
seniority of rank as a brigadier interfere with an ami
cable arrangement as to their respective positions; he
waived his right to take the chief command in favor
of Calleja.1 It was afterward agreed that each should
retain command of his own division, and that Cruz
should march at once to San Bias to recover possesion
of that port, while Calleja remained in Guadalajara to
reform the government.

On the 22d and 23d Calleja issued two proclama
tions: the one congratulating his troops upon their
late victory and exhorting them to abstain from ex
cesses; the other was addressed to the inhabitants of
Nueva Galicia, and was of the usual tenor, containing
threats of death in case of future disobedience, and
to all caught with arms in their hands.2 Moreover,
he caused ten of the prisoners taken at Calderon
to be shot as traitors.3

The late action taken by the audiencia and the ec
clesiastical powers on the entrance of Hidalgo into
Guadalajara was not likely to win favor for them in
the eyes of the viceroy; and they now hastened to
send to him protestations of fidelity and explanations
of their conduct. The former expressed its unbounded
joy at the late victory, and the restitution of its func-

1 This action of Cruz was highly approved by the viceroy, who writes: * Con
lo que ha dado V. S. la prueba mas convincente de su conducta, y de que
nada ama tan to como el buen servicio del rey.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 137.

a Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 345, 349-50; Gaz. de Hex., 1811, ii.
107-9.

3 One of these, Simon Fletcher, was from the U. S. He was one of Hi
dalgo's captains of artillery, and had commanded a battery at Calderon. Al
though severely wounded, Calleja caiised him to be taken from the hospital
and shot. 'Era tal el deseo de Calleja de fusilar a alguno de los de aquella
nacion que andabanfomentando la revolucion.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 154-5j
Bustamante, Campafias de Calleja, 104. The latter gives the names of those
executed. They were all shot with their backs to the firing platoons.

CALLEJA IN GUADALAJARA. 261

tions, which had been interrupted during the occupa
tion of the city by the "insurgent monster, Miguel
Hidalgo;" while the ecclesiastical chapter drew a
pitiable picture of the degradation its members had
been subjected to in having been compelled to repress
any utterance of their sincere loyalty and fidelity.
The university, moreover, in all humility, declared
that it had made no demonstration in favor of Hidalgo
such as was offered to a legitimate government, in
formed the viceroy that a donation of $1,510 had been
contributed by the members of the faculty for the
benefit of the army, and said that certain of them had
been commissioned to preach and write in refutation
of the proclamations and pamphlets printed by the
insurgents. The faculty, moreover, petitioned the
viceroy to appoint Calleja president, governor, and
captain-general of Nueva Galicia.4 Venegas gra
ciously received these explanations, and in his reply to
the ecclesiastics, expresses the hope that time will
prove that he has not been deceived in forming the
high opinion which he entertained for them.

When Hidalgo departed from Guadalajara, the
audiencia and other authorities had reestablished
themselves. President Abarca and others, who had
lain concealed, as soon as Calleja's victory became
known, issued from their hiding places and reassumed
their previous positions. Nevertheless Calleja closely
investigated the conduct of those oidores and other
officials who had remained in the city,5 and consider
ing that the weak and vacillating character of Abarca

*Gaz. de Hex., 1811, ii. 109-^12, 246-8; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
ii. 377. The viceroy, Jan. 19th, ordered Hidalgo's proclamations, his reply
to the inquisition, and other seditious publications to be burned by the execu
tioner in the plaza of Mexico. On the 26th the inquisition issued an edict
pronouncing the greater excommunication against all who should keep such
papers in their possession. Copies of both documents can be found in Nearete,
Mex. Sirj. XIX., iii. 85-97.

5 The regent Antonio Villa Urrutia, feigning sickness, attended no session
of the audiencia during the time that the city was occupied by Hidalgo, who,
however, frequently visited him. He was reinstalled in his office, as also
\vas Oidor Sousa, who had attended only once, and then under a public pro
test before the escribano Arroyo de Anda. Adrade was another member who
had refused to join the sessions. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 140; iv. ap. 63-4.

262 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

rendered him unfit to fill the position he had held, made;
corresponding representations to Venegas. Abarca
asked for a formal investigation, which, however,
was denied him;6 and his petition that he might be
allowed to return to Spain having been granted, he
departed, but died at Panama" some time afterward,
on his journey thither. Besides reestablishing the
royalist authorities, Calleja formed a junta de seguri-
dad, with Velasco de la Vara7 as president, the pre
rogatives of which consisted in the right to try all
persons suspected of treason. He also instituted a
junta de caridad y requisicion de bienes europeos, the
object of which was to protect the property arid in
terests of Europeans who had fled or been put to
death, and administer aid to their families. This court
was also charged with the duty of collecting and in
terring the remains of the Spaniards lately slain.8

Having thus arranged affairs in Guadalajara, with
out waiting for the return of Cruz, who in the mean
time had been appointed president in place of Abarca,
and military commander of Nueva Galicia and Zaca-
tecas, Calleja left for San Luis Potosi. His army
was at this time much reduced in numbers by sick
ness, desertion, and excessive venery;9 and when in
forming the viceroy of his departure from Guadala
jara, he felt it necessary to remark that he observed a
want of enthusiasm in his troops, and little inclination
to engage in fresh campaigns.10 His march to San
Luis was conducted with all possible pomp, and with
such assumption of almost courtly display as greatly
to disgust the viceroy.11 But while outriders pre-

6 'Es natural,' writes Calleja to the viceroy, 'que intente justificarse ante
nif; pero yo no piensooirle.' Bustamante, Campauas de Calleja, 102.

7 Abarca had married one of the daughters of Velasco. Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 138.

8 On the same day on which these obsequies were held, viz., Feb. llth,
the executions previously mentioned in the text took place. Id. , 1 54.

9 In a confidential letter to Cruz he says that 'las putas y el calor le aca-
baban su tropa.' Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 105.

10 Id., 102. He moreover, in a letter to the viceroy dated January 28,
1811, accuses the Spaniards of want of patriotism and of criminal indifference.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 354.

11 His action in this respect was the subject of conversation in Mexico,

CRUZ AND MERCADO. 263

ceded his carriage, and military music entertained the
company at his table and evening receptions, want of
provisions and pasturage made his march slow; and
his long straggling line, composed of soldiers, women,
camp-followers, and hungry beggars, presented an
array far from military in appearance.12 On the 5th
of March he arrived at San Luis, which place had
been in the power of Herrera until his approach.

During this time Cruz, who had left Guadalajara
on the 26th of January, was successfully engaged in
reducing the north-western portion of the province to
subjection. On the 28th he entered Ahualulco, and
there proclaimed the general pardon extended to all
who returned to their allegiance.13 With regard to
Mercado, he even intimated that he would restore his
benefice to him if he would avail himself of it.14" As to
whether it was the intention of Cruz to carry out to
the letter these fair promises, I leave it to the reader
to judge. Mercado had evidently no confidence in them.
The disastrous news of the loss of the battle at Cal-
deron did not deter him from making further efforts.
He ordered the concentration of troops; issued a proc
lamation exhorting Americans to join his standard
and fight for the cause of independence ; and gave in
structions to Captain Ibarra to scour the district and
seize the funds and all available property belonging
to Europeans. As Cruz approached, Mercado took
up a strong position commanding the difficult pass at
the barranca of Maninalco. But the royalist victory

and Venegas used to remark that 'Calleja corria con batidores toda la tierra
dentro como si fuera un virey.' Bustamante, Campafias de Ca/leja, 105—9.

12 ' Pudiendo decirse que caminaban tres eje'rcitos d un tiempo, a saber : uno
de soldados, otro de meretrices y perros, y otro de vivanderos, mendigos, y
arrimados.' Id., 105.

13 The pardon was extended to the inhabitants of Nueva Galicia by the
viceroy on the 31st of Dec. 1810. Hernandez y Ddvalos, GoL Doc., ii. 315.
The acceptance of the general pardon was vehemently protested against by
the independent leaders, and proclamations were issued exhorting Mexicans
not to avail themselves of it. Id., ii. 133-4.

11 Manuel Alvarez, a friend of Mercado's, writes to him to this effect, and
strongly urges him to accept Cruz's clemency. The original document is in
the possession of Hernandez y Ddvalos. See his Col. Doc., i. 394.

264 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

at Calderon, and the offer of pardon, had a bad effect
upon his men. His troops broke and fled after firing
some cannon-shots, and Mercado betook himself with
a few followers to San Bias. Both in that port and
in Tepic a reaction had set in. Francisco Valdes, who
had been temporarily placed by Mercado in command
of the first division of the coast militia, took the op
portunity of exciting a counter-revolution at Tepic
in favor of the government, and immediately apprised
Cruz of the state of affairs. Cruz sent a detachment
thither at once, and that important town fell into his
hands without a blow.15 Captain Salas, the com
mander of the troops sent to Tepic, was instructed to
proceed thence to San Bias and occupy that port,
where he was to make every effort to secure the per
sons of Mercado and other insurgent leaders, as well
as to arrest Lavallen, Bocalan, arid others implicated
in the surrender of the port to Mercado.16 But that
town had already been lost to the revolutionists, and
Mercado killed.

When, after his failure to arrest the advance of Cruz,
Mercado had returned to San Bias, Padre Nicolas
Santos Verdin, cura of the town, formed a plot with
the royalists to seize him and the comandante Ko-
mero. On the night of the 31st of January they
made the attack. Romero, however, with barred
doors defended himself by firing from a window until
he, Estevan Matemala, commander of the artillery,
arid one other were killed; the assailants having two
of their party slain and four wounded. The particu
lars of Mercado's death are not known. On the fol
lowing morning his body was found at the foot of a
precipice, down which it was conjectured he had fallen
during flight. But there is reason to suppose that he
was killed while defending himself; and that those

l"°Oaz. de Max., 1811, ii. 129-32. Cruz received the communication of
Valdes on the 3d of Feb. , being then at Iztlan.

16 A copy of the original instruction is to be found in Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., i. 398.

FLIGHT TO ZACATECAS. 265

who slew him, in order to avoid the opprobrium at
tached to priest-killers, threw his body over the cliff.17
Cruz, who had hitherto remained at Iztlan, having
sent his officers in advance to conduct his military op
erations wherever any show of danger appeared, now
fearlessly proceeded to Tepic, which he entered on the
8th of February. Here he remained for three days;
during which time he issued a proclamation, unusually
mild in expression, reorganized military and civil af
fairs, and hanged several adherents of the indepen
dent party, leaving their bodies suspended as a warn
ing to others. On the 12th he marched to San Bias,
where he arrived late at night. The activity he dis
played here as elsewhere was surprising. Whatever
his faults, he cannot be accused of indolence or want
of administrative ability. The civil government was
reorganized, the offices for the collection of the reve
nue were re-established, maritime and military mat
ters put in order, artillery was mounted sufficient for
the defence of the place — the superfluous guns being
placed on board the frigate Princesa — and numerous
directions were issued by him for the future guidance
of officers left in command. He, moreover, convoked
a council of war, at which the father of Mercado was
-condemned to be hanged, which sentence was carried
into execution on the 14th.18 The same day Cruz re
turned to Tepic, where he remained two days. On
the 1 7th, having sent forward detachments to Say ula,

17 Negrete says that a reliable witness testifies that he saw the wounds on
the body, and that they were like those of a sword, or similar pointed weapon;
and that a relative of Mercado is still in possession of the undershirt worn
by him when he met his death. Mex. Sig. XIX. , iii. 77. Mercado was born
in Tcul and educated in Guadalajara, where he devoted himself to the study
of theology and was ordained priest. He was afterward appointed cura of
Ahualulco. When Torres gained possession of Guadalajara he joined the
revolutionary party with enthusiasm. Mercado possessed both ability and
determination, as is evidenced by his career, brief though it was, as an insur
gent leader. Verdin, in Id., iii. 383-93. Consult Verdin's account in Gaz. t(e
Mex., 1811, ii. 142-4.

18 It does not appear that any other of the captured insurgents was exe
cuted at this town. Cruz says to the viceroy, ' Todos los deinas curas, f rayles
y demas cabecillas, no pudieron ser sentenciados, y vienen marchando hacia
Guadalaxara para ser alii juzgados.' Id., 181.

266 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

Zapotlan, Zacoalco, and other places threatened by
the insurgents, and having arranged that the different
divisions of his army should arrive at Guadalajara on
the 27th and 28th, he resumed his march to that city.

After the dispersion of the insurgents at Calderon,
Hidalgo continued his flight to Zacatecas, whither
Iriarte had retired with a considerable force19 and a
large sum of money. But before reaching that city
he was deposed. Overtaken by Allende, Arias, and
other leaders at the hacienda del Pabellon, he was
compelled by them to resign his position as general
issimo in favor of Allende. From the first, Allende
had not been fully in accord with Hidalgo; he had
constantly disagreed with him as to the conduct of
the war. But Allende and the others could not draw
people to the standard like Hidalgo. They were bet
ter soldiers, perhaps, but were not necessarily better
men. Allende was a strict disciplinarian, a humane
man as the times went, and honorable far above the
average leader on either side. He and his fellow-offi
cers were dependent on Hidalgo at the first more than
now; at all events, they now conspired against his
authority, and threatened him with death if he de
clined to surrender his command.20 Henceforth he
was little more than a prisoner in their hands. He
was used as a figure-head; his presence was deemed
necessary, but he was allowed no voice in the move
ment he had been the first to take part in. His
presence with the army was still deemed necessary,
but his influence with regard to future action was
gone, his advice was not sought, and his authority
a mere show. His movements, moreover, were
closely watched, and he understood that orders were

19 Bustamante, followed by Alaman, incorrectly states that Hidalgo joined
Iriarte a b Aguascalientes. Iriarte had retired to Zacatecas when Calleja passed
through Lagos. Calleja, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 355.

20 The surrender was made only verbally in the presence of the chiefs.
This informal action caused Negrete to disbelieve the whole statement, Hex.
Sly. XIX., iii. 53-4. But Hidalgo himself so stated it at his trial. Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 8.

ALLENDE'S MOVEMENTS.

267

given to kill him if he attempted to separate himself
from the army.21 In all this Hidalgo cared less for
himself than for the cause. Personal fame had never

©S.LUIS POTOSI

HIDALGO'S FLIGHT TO MONCLOVA.

been his object. If they could better carry forward
the revolution alone, he was content. But from the

21 The same order applied to Iriarte and Abasolo. Ib. Of the former's
conduct and supposed intentions Allende appears to have formed a most un>
favorable opinion, and the latter hud fallen under grave suspicion.

268 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

sequel we should judge that they could not, for de
struction falls quickly upon them.

From Zacatecas Allende decided to retire with his
forces to Saltillo, where, united with Jimenez, his posi
tion would be more secure than elsewhere. At this
time a royalist force under the command of Melgares
was threatening to attack Saltillo;22 and Allende hav
ing received a letter from Jimenez dated the 17th of
February, hastened to his assistance with a portion of
his forces, leaving Hidalgo at Matehuala. Jimenez,
however, had already engaged with the enemy and
defeated them when Allende arrived.23 The Europe
ans who fell into his power were put to death.24

The situation of the revolutionary leaders, how
ever, daily became more desperate. Of all the host
routed at Calderon only an insignificant number fol
lowed their chiefs, and the whole force that could be
mustered at Saltillo did riot exceed four or five thou
sand ill-armed men. Allende had hardly marched out
of Zacatecas when it was assaulted and taken by
Captain Ochoa,25 and Calleja shortly afterward en
tered San Luis Potosi. Under these circumstances
further action here would be useless. But they would
not abandon the cause. The northern provinces were
still in the hands of the independents, as they sup
posed, and they would go to the United States with
their treasures, purchase weapons there, and solicit
aid of that new and patriotic republic. Then they
would return and meet the royalists in the field with

22 Ochoa's despatch to Calleja, in Gaz. de Hex., 1811, ii. 183.

23 The battle, of which no particulars are to be found, was probably
fought on the 18th of Feb., since Jimenez says in his letter to Allende: 'Me
hallo d seis leguas del enemigo con quien me vatir6 mailana seguramente. '
Hernandez y Ddvalo*, Col. Doc., i. 233.

24 Villarguide states that the Spaniards in Matehuala and Cedral had their
heads sawn off. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 150. Hidalgo supposes of course that
the Spaniards thus disposed of on the march to Saltillo were executed by or
der of Allende, 'quien tenia yd todo el mando.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., i. 14.

25 On the 17th of Feb., according to Ochoa's despatch to Calleja. Gaz. de
Mex., 1811, ii. 182. Ochoa had three days after the battle of Calderon
been defeated by Jimenez at the mountain gorge of Carnero. Bustamanie,
Cuad. Hist., i. 198.

OFFER OF PARDON. . 269

equal arms and superior numbers. Delusive dreams!
Far different was the fate in store for them. Al
ready death had them in its horrible toils.

About this time Hidalgo received a letter from
Cruz,26 enclosing a copy of the general pardon extend
ed to insurgents by the Spanish cortes,27 and exhort
ing him to accept the clemency offered,28 and avoid
the further shedding of blood. But this was not for
a moment to be thought of, and for two reasons : Hi
dalgo would not trust him. or his promises, and he
would never abandon the cause. Let him now recant,
and what hope would there be for another? Perhaps
his death would better serve the revolution than any
action of his while living; if so, he would cheerfully
die. He therefore not only emphatically declined to
accept the present offer, but kept the matter secret
among the leaders.29

Previous to the arrival of Calleja at San Luis Po-
tosi, that city had been held by the insurgents under
the leadership of Herrera. By directions of Iriarte,
he had successfully attacked two royalist officers,
Reyes and Ilagorri, at the hacienda of San Pedro

26 Dated the 28th of Feb. Qaz. de Hex., 1811, ii. 322-3.

27 Decree of Oct. 15, 1810. Cortes, Col. Dec., i. 10; I>ublan y Lozano, Leg.

- 336.

23 Cruz prophetically remarks: ' Y quiza linico instante de piedad que la
suerte le prepara.' Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 322.

29 His not having made public the indulto, of which his followers might
have availed themselves, constituted one of the charges against Hidalgo. He
answered, even if he had been so inclined, ' Ya no tenia autoridad ni carac-
ter.' Hernandez y Duvalos, Col. Doc.,1. 11. The question was discussed by
the other leaders, but rejected on the ground of restrictions in regard to
themselves with which the offer came. Ib. Hidalgo wrote in answer — at
least, so it is said — 'In the discharge of our duty we will not lay aside our arms
until we have wrested the jewel of liberty from the hands of the oppressor.
"We are resolved to enter into no arrangement which has not for its basis the
liberty of the nation, and the enjoyment of those rights which the God of
nature has given to all men — rights inalienable, and which must be sustained
by the shedding of rivers of blood if necessary. . .Pardon, your Excellency,
is for criminals, not for defenders of their country. Let not your Excellency
be deluded by the ephemeral glories of Calleja; they are only so many light
ning-flashes which blind rather than enlighten . . .The whole nation is in a fer
ment; these commotions have roused those who lay in lethargy. . .The agita
tion is general, and Mexico erelong will discover her mistake if these evils
are not opportunely ended.' Jjustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 237-8.

270 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

Piedra Gorda. Their force consisted of 700 men
with eleven pieces of artillery. The two leaders were
slain, and the Europeans captured were shot. Her-
rera then returned to San Luis, where the house of
the intendente Flores was sacked, it being believed
that he was in collusion with the royalists. On the
approach of Calleja he abandoned the city, taking the
direction of Rio Verde and Yalle del Maiz. Under
Garcia Conde, Calleja sent a detachment in pursuit,
and Herrera sustained an overthrow at the latter place,
losing seventeen pieces of artillery, and a great quantity
of ammunition, baggage, and plunder.30 He however
took revenge by ordering twelve Spanish captives
put to death, one of whom miraculously escaped to
tell the tale.31 After this defeat Herrera retired to
Agayo,32 where he expected to be joined by the re
volted troops of Iturbe. Venegas had, however, in
the mean time despatched Colonel Arredondo with a
force via Vera Cruz into the disaffected district; and
his approach, together with the offer of pardon,
caused a counter-movement in favor of the royalists.
Herrera and other chiefs were seized in their quar
ters and delivered up to Arredondo, who summarily
executed them.83 Thus terminated the career of the
lay-friar Herrera, charged by some with more than
ordinary cruelty, yet whose high courage and ability
in the field were second only to his love of country
and devotion to the cause of independence.34

80 Garcia Conde, in Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 332-7. This action took place
on the 22d of March, though Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 196, carelessly
gives the 25th as the date. Garcia Conde after his liberation at Aculco fol
lowed Calleja, and proved one of his most efficient officers.

31 Mariano Calderon, the subdelegado of Valle del Maiz appointed by the
insurgents, on the entrance of Garcia Conde into the town, was shot, having
been proved, according to Garcia Conde's statement, to have given his con
sent to the massacre. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 334.

32 The present city of Victoria, in Tamaulipas.

33 Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 356-7, 414.

31 Alaman indulges in some rather severe strictures upon Herrera's charac
ter. ' biendo su conducta una de las mas feas manchas de la insurreccion y
tanto, que el congreso de Tamaulipas, que en 1824 cambi6 los nombres de
casi todas las antiguas poblaciones del Nuevo Santander. . .no se atrevio por
respeto & la decencia publica, a poner el de Herrera a ninguno de aquellos
pueblos.' Hist. Mej.t ii. 163.

REVOLUTION IN TEXAS. 271

While these events were taking place in San Luis
Potosi and Nuevo Santander, changes, unfavorable to
the independent cause, were also occurring in Texas
and Coahuila. About the beginning of February,
Ignacio Aldama had been elected by the revolutionary
leaders as minister plenipotentiary to the United
States,35 Padre Juan Salazar being commissioned to
accompany him and act in his stead in case of accident,
sickness, or death. He took with him no less than one
hundred bars of silver, besides a large sum of money for
the purpose of purchasing arms and procuring the as
sistance of 30,000 auxiliaries. At the time when Al
dama arrived at Bejar the action of Captain Casas was
causing general dissatisfaction : and a counter-revolu
tion was already in secret operation, headed by the
subdeacon Juan Manuel Zambrano. Zambrano and
his confederates took occasion to spread suspicions
about the object of Aldama's mission. He was repre
sented to be an emissary of Napoleon, as evidenced
by his uniform, which was ornamented like those of
French officers. If, indeed, he brought auxiliaries
from the United States, would they not probably
avail themselves of the opportunity to gain posses
sion of the province which was regarded with such
covetous eyes? On the night of the 1st of March
Casas was made prisoner, while Aldama, Salazar, and
their escort were detained under the pretence that
their passports were not in order. A new govern
ment was then formed, with Zambrano as president.
This at once proceeded to establish itself as firmly as
possible ; troops were organized, partisans of the revo
lutionists were deposed from office, and the imprisoned
Europeans released. The unfortunate Aldama and
Salazar were afterward conveyed to Monclova in
Coahuila, condemned to death by a court-martial, and
executed.38

35 The certificate of the authenticity of the signatures on his appointment
is signed on the 6th of Feb. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 231-2.

™Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1087-^j Id., 1811, it 741; Hernandez y

272 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

^ These momentous matters were wholly unknown to
Allende, as well as to the revolutionists at Monclova,
which were destined to prove most fatal to himself and
his associates. Lieutenant-colonel Ignacio Elizondo
had at first favored independence; but having taken of
fence at Allende's refusal to promote him to the grade
of lieutenant-general in reward for his services, he
secretly became disaffected, and cast about him in
search of means of revenge. When Zambrano had
gained control at Bejar he sent two commissioners,
captains Munoz and Galan, to communicate with Ca-
lleja and the viceroy; and these finding the conspir
acy ripe at Monclova, disclosed to Elizondo Allende's
intentions. He therefore determined to delay mat
ters no longer, but seize the persons of the revolution
ary leaders on their arrival. Accordingly, on the
night of the 17th of March, at the head of two hun
dred troops and armed citizens, he made the revolu
tionary governor Aranda prisoner, surprised such
soldiers of the garrison as had not entered into his
designs, and possessed himself of the artillery. He
then proceeded to establish a government council,
which appointed Simon Herrera provisional governor
of the province on the 25th of March.37 Measures
were now adopted for the seizure of Allende and his
associates. Guile and perfidy were brought into play
without scruple. The regulations of the more refined
civilizations have proper murder and improper mur
der, righteous and unrighteous robbery, holy and
unholy treachery, and the like; but these Spanish
royalists paid little attention to such rational and be
neficent rules. The utmost precaution was taken that
Allende should receive no intelligence of what had
occurred at Monclova, and remarkable as it may seem,
that leader entertained not the slightest suspicion of
the trap which was being laid for him. Advised that

pdvalos. Col. Doc., i. 198-226. The first authority supplies a copy of amani-

repentance.
lo XIX., iii. 137-9.

fest published by Aldama expressing his repentance.
37 Cai'ta de Vela, in Nejrete, Mex. Siglc

ELIZONDO'S PLOT. 273

the revolutionists would arrive at the wells of

on the morning of the 21st, Elizondo arranged to

meet them with all due honors; and on the 19th sal

lied forth with 342 well appointed troops, having in

formed Jimenez that he would welcome them on the

road.

Previous to starting on their ill-starred journey,, a
council was held by the revolutionary leaders in order
to arrange about the chief command and the manage
ment of the cause during their absence. This was on
the 16th, and in turn both Abasolo and Arias — who,
as the reader will recollect, played a somewhat du
bious role at Queretaro — declined to accept the re
sponsibility. The command was finally given to
Ignacio Rayon, the licentiate Arrieta being his sec
ond, and Jose Maria Liceaga his third officer.

All was now ready for their departure from Saltillo.
Their road lay through a rugged desert in which
water could only be obtained at long intervals and in
small quantities, even when the occasional wells were
not dry.33 The thirsty men and animals would hast
en to the wells of Bajan to refresh themselves; and
there Elizondo waited for them. The ground was
favorable for his design. Concealed in a recess, he
left in his rear fifty of his men, and in his front placed
an equally well hidden ambush. At nine o'clock on
the morning of the .21st, Allende appeared in sight.
He had left Saltillo with a force of nearly 2,000 men,
twenty-four pieces of artillery, a great quantity of
jewelry, and more than half a million of money. He
was accompanied by all the principal leaders, who, to
the number sixty, travelled in fourteen carriages.
The march across the desert was most toilsome, and
such was Allende's confidence that no military order
was preserved, and a long straggling line enveloped
in dust revealed to Elizondo how easily his design
would be accomplished. The carriages and horsemen

38 Mora, Mcx. y sus Rev., iv. 145, states that the wells were filled up by
Elizondo's order. I see no ground for the assertion.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 18

274 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

in different groups were far in advance of the main
body,33 the artillery being slowly dragged along in
the rear.

Fray Pedro Bustamante with five soldiers was the
first to approach. Passing through files drawn up by
Elizondo to receive the chiefs, they were saluted and
unsuspiciously continued their way till they arrived at
the ambush in the rear, where they were compelled to
surrender. Then followed a troop of sixty men, who
were similarly made captive and safely bound. Hith
erto no opposition was met. Presently the first car
riage arrived, escorted by about a dozen soldiers.40
These attempted to resist, but were overpowered,
and three of them killed. And thus fell into Eli-
zondo's hands the occupants of carriage after carriage,
till all the chiefs were captured with the exception of
Hidalgo, who was far in the rear. Allende, however,
had not yielded without a struggle. . Elizondo called
upon him to surrender. "Traitor!" cried Allende,
and fired. But the shot was without effect. Elizondo
then ordered his men to fire into the carriage. Allende
was accompanied by one of his sons, who was a lieu
tenant-general; also by Jimenez and Arias. By the
discharge his son was shot dead and Arias mortally
wounded.41 Thereupon Jimenez surrendered him
self, and Allende was overpowered. Both were se
curely bound and conveyed to the rear. The last
to arrive was Hidalgo, who might still have escaped
had any suspicion of these occurrences been excited;
but even the firing created no alarm. When called
upon to surrender, the stout old hero prepared to de
fend himself, pistol in hand ; but his escort, composed

39 This order of march had been suggested by Elizondo. He had sent to
Jimenez a soldier of Monclova, named Pedro Bernal, who said that on account
of the scarcity of water it would be better for the carriages and all the prin
cipal officers to go well in advance of the main body. If all inarched together
the supply in the wells would be quickly exhausted, while by this arrange
ment the wells would be replenished by the time those in the rear came up.
Jimenez replied: 'Pues bien, asi lo hard, me parece muy bien lo que vd. dice.'
Relation, in Hernandez y Ddcalos, Col. Z>oc., ii. 417.

40 It was occupied by women. Cavillo, Sermon, 144.

41 He died a few hours afterward. Ib.; Aeyrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., iii. 146.

FALL OF THE ARMY. 275

of a score of horsemen, intervened and entreated him
to surrender, representing that resistance would be
useless. Finding himself unsupported by his men, he
laid aside his weapon, and with undisturbed serenity
yielded himself a prisoner. Well might he have
cursed Allende, and the want of watchfulness and
generalship that brought them all to such a pass,
after wresting the management from his hands.

So Elizondo's treachery triumphed. In his power
were now all the great chiefs and originators of
the revolution.42 Never was plot more perfidiously
planned, or more successfully accomplished. Leaving
his prisoners securely bound and in charge of a strong
force, Elizondo at the head of 150 men now marched
against the main body, consisting of some 1,500, a
league behind. The fiofhtin^ was all on one side. The

o o o

artillerymen in the van were slain, a portion of the
troops which followed passed over to Elizondo, and
the rest were dispersed. About forty of the revolu
tionists were slain, 893 taken prisoners, and all their
guns, equipage, and treasure fell into the hands of the
victors.43

The only person of note who escaped was Iriarta,44
who fled at the first attack upon the artillery. This,

42 The captured leaders consisted of four members of regular orders, eight
of the secular clergy, and 49 officers of all grades. An official list can be
found in Net/rete, Mex. Sig. XIX., iii. 144-5, and Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., ii. 418-9.

43 This account is mainly from the report of the provisional governor Her-
rera, in Gaz. d$ Mex., 18.11,. ii. 360-3, the same source which supplied Cal-
villo, Alaman, "and Negrete. According to Vela, the amount of treasure
captured in silver bars and coin was about 2,000,000 dollars. Gaz.de Mex.,
ISllj ii. 321. Important documents in lJ^ymajide2L^Ddj^a]b^Col^MQC.j^
416-24, 489-90,'-;517-18, have also been consulted /"TsTizoiido met withnw
death not long after. In 1813 he went on an expedition to Texas, and in
Sept. was mortally wounded while in bed by one of his lieutenants, who, it is
asserted, was losing his reason by witnessing the executions ordered by
Elizondo. The name of this avenger of Hidalgo was Serrano. Elizondo died
on the bank of the river San Marcos, and was there buried. Bastamante,
Cuad. Hist. , i. 349-50.

**(>'(&. de Mex., 1811, ii. 320. Negrete, however, considers it doubtful
whether Iriarte accompanied the retreating chiefs. ' Es punto, pues, que no
se puede resolver con datos fehacientes si iria 6 no.' Mex. Sig. XIX., iii.
136-7. Bayon's statement, however, that Allende took Iriarte with him, and
that the latter returned, removes all doubt. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.y
v. 588.

276 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

however, only hastened his doom, for Allende, con
vinced of his perfidy, had left orders with Rayon to
have him beheaded if he returned, which was prompt
ly done.45 The prisoners were conveyed to Monclova,
and every precaution taken to prevent their escape.
The principal chiefs were lodged in a house provided
for the purpose by Herrera, the others being confined
in the public jail. Great excitement prevailed in the
city, and Elizondo, not considering his captives in
safe keeping, sent to Ochoa, who was approaching
Saltillo, requesting of him a reinforcement of 500 men,
which was immediately despatched to Monclova by
forced marches.

As the capture had been made on territory under
the government of the comandante general of the
interior provinces, it was necessary to send them to
Chihuahua for trial, where resided the brigadier Ne-
mesio Salcedp, who then held that position. On the
26th of March the principal prisoners,46 including Hi
dalgo, Allende, Jimenez, and Abasolo, as also the reg
ular and secular ecclesiastics, were led forth on their
long journey to that city. Shackled hand and foot,
mounted on miserable beasts of burden, and escorted
by a strong guard, these unhappy men painfully
travelled the two hundred leagues of rough road
which connected the two cities.47 Their sufferings
were painful in the extreme; even their halt by night
afforded little relief to their strained muscles, as their

45 Manifesto de CallejapublicadoporJuanMartiiiena; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 246; Bu*tainantcy Cuad. Hist., i. 199. According to this last author, the
reason for Allende's order was 'porque era seilal dc que habia jugadole otra
nueva perfidia sobre las anteriores. ' Ib. Negrete states that Iriarte'a death
was determined upon because he had failed to attack the royalist army in the
rear during the engagement at Calderon as ordered. Rayon distinctly states
why he was put to death: neglect to render aid in the engagements at Guana
juato and Calderon, though summoned by both Allende and Hidalgo; his
waste of the great treasure which he obtained at San Luis and Zacatecas; and
the grave suspicions of treachery with which his conduct was regarded.
Rayon adds: * Y volvi6 inniciado (sic) de haber influido en la prision de loa
generales.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 588-9.

4(5 Official list of names is given in Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 3G5-6.

47 At Parras the commander of the escort, Manuel Salcedo, the governor
of Texas deposed by Casas, sent all the ecclesiastics with the exception of Hi
dalgo to Durango. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 48.

ACCUSATIONS AND DEPOSITIONS. 277

fetters were never for a moment removed. On the
23d of April they reached their destination. The
comandante Salcedo had already made ready for
the occasion. It was not every day Chihuahua of
fered such a spectacle as Hidalgo and his generals
conducted in chains through her streets! So on the
21st Salcedo issued a proclamation granting permis
sion to all the inhabitants of the city to witness the
entrance of the prisoners, and prescribing rules to be
observed on the occasion, the infringement of which
would be visited with severe punishment. Any ex
pression of either sympathy or hate was forbidden.48
Having passed through this ordeal, the prisoners
were incarcerated without removal of their fetters, in
the places assigned for that purpose.49

On the 25th Juan Jose liuiz de Bustamante was ap
pointed to draw up the preliminary proceedings for
their trial; and on the Gth of May following a mili
tary court was established, composed of a president,
auditor, secretary, and four voting members. The
prosecution rested entirely upon the declarations of
the prisoners, special judges being appointed to ex
amine them and take their depositions. These were
then submitted to the above-mentioned tribunal, which
pronounced its verdict in accordance, and passed sen
tence. The members of the court were Manuel Sal
cedo,^ president; Rafael Bracho, auditor; and captains
Pedro Nolasco Carrasco, Jose Joaquin Ugarte, and
Simon Elias Gonzalez, three of the voting members.51
Angel Abella, the director of the postal service at
Zacatecas,52 was appointed on the same day on which

48 No groups were allowed to be formed nor any weapons carried ; the in
habitants were to take position in files, two or three deep, on each side of
the streets, and return to their occupations as soon as the prisoners were in
carcerated. Sliced-"), Bci;ido, in Id., i. 5-6.

49 Hidalgo, Alleiide, Jiuui Aldania, and Jimenez were confined in separate
apartments of the college of the expelled Jesuits. The other chiefs were
lodged in the Franciscan convent. Ncyrete, Max. Si.<j. XIX., iii. 143-30.

50 The late governor of Texas, who conducted the prisoners to C.iihuahua.
51 1 have nob been able to discover the names of the secretary and fourth

voting member.

52 He escaped with difficulty, through the assistance of the conde de San-

278 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

the court was formed to take the depositions of Hi
dalgo, Allende, Juan Aldama, and Jimenez. On the
7th he commenced his duties. It would be out of place
to enter into the details of the numerous depositions.
Hidalgo and Allende, instead of favoring, rather op
posed each other.

Allende had met with much to trouble him since
his seizure of the general management and his fail-

o O

ure.53 It had been a fearful responsibility, for he well
knew that failure was almost certain death. Hidalgo
was mild and moderate in all his actions and expres
sions. He could make allowances for the temper of
the soldier, and for so good a soldier as Allende, and
one engaged in so noble a cause; he could even forgive
the unjust reproaches of a friend, but he could not
forget the sad failure, the lost cause — no! it was not
lost. As sure as the sun continued to rise and set,
the grito de Dolores would never cease ringing
throughout the land till Mexico was free !

The deposition of Abasolo displayed the character
of that leader as one of the most pusillanimous. He
never had been greatly trusted by his associates.
£)uring the latter days of disaster his lukewarm-
ness had been apparent, and now, in peril of his
life, he left no means untried, however dastardly, to
save it, accusing everybody while shielding himself.
He had known nothing, he testified, about the revo
lution until the grito de Dolores had gone forth; he
had attempted to give Colonel Canal at San Miguel
information; he had wished at the commencement to
separate himself from the rebellion — every one of
which statements was a lie. Though he had been
made colonel, and after that major-general, he was
withal a coward. When Hidalgo attacked Guana-

tiago de la Laguna, from that city, when it fell into the hands of the insur
gents. Alaman, J/iftl. Mcj., ii. 19.

53 Hidalgo claimed that it was by order of Allende that the Europeans at
Matehuala and oilier places were killed, and Allende charged Hidalgo with
being the cause of all the evils which had befallen them; he confessed that
he wished. to poison him. llernandtz y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 14-15, 39.

TRIALS AND EXECUTIONS. 279

juato, he remained in the house of his friend Pedro
Otero during the contest, and though he was present
at the battle of Calderon, it was not with a willing
heart, he said, and he was one of the first to flee!

His accusations against the leaders of the insurgents
were villanous; he brought unjustly on Hidalgo's
minister, Chico, a doom which otherwise he would
have escaped.54 Between Abasolo's inherent base
ness and the high-minded conduct of his wife. Dona
Maria Manuda cle Rojas y Taboada, his worthless life
was spared to him. Of all the principal promoters of
the revolution, he alone did not hesitate to crawl away
from a death which posterity will forever proclaim
glorious. His property was confiscated, his offspring
was attainted, and he was condemned to ten years im
prisonment. He was sent to Cadiz and incarcerated
in the castle of Santa Catarina, where he ended his
days, attended and consoled to the last by his faith
ful wife.55

The trials were conducted with every possible de
spatch, and on the 10th of May three of the cap
tives were led forth to execution.56 On the llth two
more met the same fate, and on the 6th of June five
others, among whom was Mariano Hidalgo, brother of
the general. Allende suffered on the 26th of the
same month, in company with Jimenez, Juan Aldama,
arid Manuel Santa Maria, the governor of Monterey ;

54Cbico Lad been regarded as a prisoner of minor importance, and was left
in Moiiclova. When Abasolo testified that he transacted Hidalgo's cabinet
business, and had been appointed by him in Guadalajara minister of grace
and justice, orders to send him to Chihuahua were despatched to the author
ities at Monclova. This sealed his fate; he was condemned and executed.
Ala-man, Hist. Mej., ii. 18G-7.

55 He died in 1819. Mora, Mex.-y.ms Rev., iv. 152. Negrete states that
he was imprisoned for life, although producing an official document in which
the term of his imprisonment is given as ten years. Mcx. Sir/. XIX., iii. 203.
See also Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 48, and Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii.
190-1. Abasolo's wife after his death returned to New Spain, where she de
voted herself to the benevolent assistance of the unfortunate, and the educa
tion of her son JRafael. Ib.

56Ignacio Camargo, who had carried to Biaiio Hidalgo's summons to sur
render; Juan Bautista Carrasco, brigadier; and Agustin Marroquin, a crim
inal liberated at Guadalajara, and employed by Hidalgo to conduct the mas
sacre of Spaniards there. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 76, 41.

280 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

and on the following day the unfortunate Chico and
three others were put to death.57 All these victims
to the cause of independence were shot with their
backs to the firing platoons as traitors, and their prop
erty confiscated.

With regard to the prisoners who had been left in
Monclova and those -who had been sent to Durango,
the more prominent of the former were shot, the
common soldiers being condemned to imprisonment.
In the case of the friars and clergy, more formality
had to be observed out of respect to ecclesiastical ju
risdiction. Six of them were condemned to death,
but their clerical degradation was necessary before
they could be executed according to established form.
Doctor Olivares, the bishop of Durango, however, re
fused to degrade them, and angry passages were inter
changed between him and the intenderite Bonavia on
the matter. The prelate was inflexible, but the in-
tendente was not to be defeated. By his command
the condemned priests were brought from their cells
without" their ecclesiastical robes, and so executed.
Their bodies were then dressed in the habiliments of
their respective orders and delivered to the cura for
burial.53

The execution of Hidalgo was for some time de
layed by these ecclesiastical formalities. On the 14th
of May the bishop of Durango commissioned Fran
cisco Fernandez Valentin, canon of that cathedral, to
act as ecclesiastical judge in the case; and to him had
been submitted by the military court the declarations
taken by Abella. On the 14th of June they were
approved by him and ordered to be returned to the
auditor Bracho. The arrival of additional evidence,
however, still protracted Hidalgo's trial, and it was
not until the 3d of July that Bracho presented to

57 Six others were sentenced to imprisonment for ten years, with one excep
tion, Andre's Molano being sentenced for life. Jd. , 70.

'^Negrete, Mex. Sly. XIX., iii. 323-4. This author supplies a copy of
Bonavia 's order for the execution, which contains an injunction that the pla
toons were not to lire at their heads.

COURAGE AND CALMNESS. 281

the court his opinion, advocating sentence of death.59
But before this sentence could be either pronounced
or executed, civil and canonical law required, as in
the case before mentioned, that the prisoner should be
degraded and formally handed over by the ecclesi
astical judge to the secular authorities. Bishop Oli-
vares was unable from age and infirmity to undertake
the tedious journey in order to perform these cere
monies in person,63 and a further delay was caused
by the demurs of Dr Valentin, who hesitated to act
upon the authorization first extended him by the
bishop,61 and suggested that Hidalgo should be sent
to Durango. The prelate, however, explained his
right to delegate his powers under certain difficul
ties to another, and confirming Valentin's previous
commission, expressed the expectation that he would
at once proceed in the matter.62 Accordingly, on
the 27th of July, with the cura, the chaplain of
the army, and the local superior of the Franciscan
convent as his associates, he pronounced the sentence
of degradation against Hidalgo,63 and on the 29th
proceeded to carry it into execution by divesting him
of his sacerdotal robes, according to the prescribed
form of the church.

In clerical habit Hidalgo was conducted into the
presence of the ecclesiastical commissioner judge, and
for the first time since the day of his capture was re
leased from the fetters which oppressed him. Then
he was robed in the sacred vestments of his priestly

59A copy of Bracho's dictamen is supplied in Id., iii. 192-8. No dis
graceful death he considers would be too severe a punishment for the atroci
ties committed by Hidalgo. But he respects his priestly calling, 'pero es
Ministro del Altisimo, marcado con el indeleble caracter de Sacerdote de la
ley de gracia,' and as there was neither hangman nor gallows, he proposed
that he should bo shot.

60 The ceremony of degradation of a priest could only be performed by the
bishop, according to canonical law.

C1 ' Autorizo a U. en debida forma, para cuanto se le ofrezca en la caiisa del
espresado cura Hidalgo hasta llegar en caso urgente y necesario a degradarlo.'
Zcf.,iii. 199.

6- His letter is dated July 18th. Id., 214-16.

63 A copy of the sentence is supplied in Id., iii. 229-30, and Hernandez y
JDuvalos, Col. Doc., i. 5o-7.

282 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

calling, and, on his knees before the judge, heard him
explain to the assembled witnesses of the ceremony
the cause of his degradation. The sentence was now
read to him, after which his sacerdotal garments were
taken from him, and he was handed over to the secu
lar authorities, an earnest appeal being made by the
ecclesiastical judge that his punishment might be miti
gated, so that neither the death penalty nor mutila
tion should be imposed.64 When the ceremony was
ended, Hidalgo was again fettered and conducted to
his cell.

Before daybreak on the morning of the 31st of
July,63 Hidalgo was led forth from the prison in which
he had been confined for more than three months.
With his usual perfect tranquillity, he had received
those sent to take him to the place of execution, and
having finished his last breakfast,66 he rose and indi
cated that he wras prepared to accompany them. The
place selected was an enclosed court in the rear of the
hospital ; and as he slowly proceeded thither, impeded
by his shackles, his fortitude and serenity did not for
a moment desert him. Remembering that he had left
some sweetmeats under his pillow, he stopped and re
quested that they might be brought to him. These
he distributed among the soldiers that composed the
firing platoons, assuring them of his forgiveness.
Aware that orders had been given not to fire at his
head, and as it was not yet light, he told them that in
order to guide their aim he would place his hand over
his heart. After being bound upon the seat of execu
tion, raising his hand without a tremor to his breast,
he reminded the soldiers that it was the mark at which

64 Id., i. 57-S. This ceremony was called the degradacion verbal y real.

65 This is the date given by Negrete. Max. Sifj. XIX., iii. 339. The 27th,
as reported in the official document supplied to Cruz and bearing date of Sept.
5, 1811, is obviously a mistake, since Hidalgo was degraded on the 29th.
Id., 268. Bustamante, followed by Alaman, states that Hidalgo was ex
ecuted 'al tercero dia de haberse verificado la llamada degradacion.' Ouad.
Hist., i. 262.

66 Observing that less milk than usual had been supplied him, he requested
that he might have the same quantity as previously, observing that though it
was his last, he ought not on that account to drink less of it. Ib.

ANALYSIS OF CHARACTER. 283

they were to aim. Then the signal was given and the
platoon fired. Though one bullet pierced his hand, it
failed to touch the heart, and Hidalgo still remained
erect in his seat, uttering words of prayer. A second
volley was discharged, cutting the cords which secured
him. He now fell upon the ground, but life was not
yet extinct; and it was only after three more shots
were fired, the muskets being held close to his breast,
that he breathed his last.67

The heads of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and Jime
nez were sent to Guanajuato, and suspended in iron
cages at the four corners of the alhondiga. Their
bodies were interred in the chapel of the third order
of Franciscans in Chihuahua, where they remained
till 1823, when, by order of congress, the remains
were transferred with the skulls to the cathedral of
Mexico, where they were deposited with solemn hon
ors in the chapel of los Reyes, the former burial-place
of the viceroys, and later that of the presidents of
the republic.63

67 Excu dero, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 603-4; Neyrete, Mex.
Sifj. XIX., iii. 335-6; Bustamante, CuaL Hist., i. 262-3. During his incar
ceration Hidalgo had been attended by a corporal named Ortega and Melchor
Guaspe, a Spaniard of Majorca. These men treated him with great consider
ation, and in token of his gratitude, the evening before he was executed he
wrote on his prison walls with a piece of charcoal two stanzas, which were
preserved, with the exception of one line. They are as follows:

Ortega, tn criun^a fina,
Tu hulolo y o.st.lo ainable

* Siempro to liar 11 aprt-ciable

Aun con jronto peregriua.
Tionc proti-ccion Divuia
La piedad quo has ejorcido
Con uu pobre desvalido
Quo manana va .\ niurir,
Y no puedo rc'tribuir
Kingun favor rccibido.

Melchor, tu buen corazon
Ha adunado ion pericia
Lo quc pidu la.justicia
Y exijo la companion ;

Das consticlo al dcsvalido

En cuanto to os penniiido %

Partes cl postro con ^1

Y agradecido Miyut-l

To da las gracias rcndido.

Id., 270-1. This apophthegm was also found written on a wall of his cell:
'La lengua guarda el pescuezo' — The tongue ia guardian of the breast. Ala-
man, Hint. Mej., ii. 206.

68 Consult official documents in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii.
605-11.

284 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

Since the beginning in 1810 of Hidalgo's short ca
reer, he has been held in varying esteem, at different
times and by different persons and classes. He has
been placed in about every category of humanity, and
adjudged to be of every order of being, every shade
of quality, from an angel of light to a bloody-minded
and revengeful monster. A brief analysis of his char
acter, from a standpoint intended to be impartial,
brings the following results:

We will take it for granted that the cause in which
he engaged was just, that the impulses prompting to
it were noble; for it is not necessary to say at -this
day that it is right to overthrow tyranny, to achieve
liberty, to deliver one's country, or that his memory
should be held in holy repute who lays down his life
for these things.

Before embarking in his high enterprise, Hidalgo
was an humble priest, of more than ordinary gentle
ness of nature, and refinement of intellect and culture.
Some have sought to besmear his fair fame with

charges of conduct not consistent with strict morality;
but nothing of moment has ever been proved against
him in this direction; and were it so, those who hold
such matters in such serious esteem will have little
to say if they will examine into the state of society
in the place and at the time he lived. It shows a
small mind to attempt thus to belittle great men;
and it is still worse when the charges brought forward
are palpably false.

Almost without knowing it, and surely before he
intended it,69 this gentle priest found himself at the
head of his people crying aloud to heaven for liberty,
swearing to heaven that his country should be free I
It has been said of him that he was not a great gen
eral; he never pretended to be one. He has been
charged with extreme cruelty. From some stand-

69 In his declaration he states that he decided to join the revolutionary
party very suddenly, 'y que su inclinacion a la Independencia fue" lo que le
oblig6 4 decidirse con tanta ligereza 6 lliimase frenesi.' Hernandez y l)dva-
los, Col. Doc., i. 10.

THE NATION'S HONORS. 285

points this, no doubt, is true; but the time and place
must be remembered, and also that it was the cruelty
of the surgeon to save the body rather than that of
the savage who delights in torture. Hidalgo had his
work to do ; if cruelty could not be avoided, then there
must be cruelty. He would purchase the highest bene
faction within the reach of humanity; if robbery and
murder were part of the price, still it must be paid.
Yet for all this, judging the man fairly, passing under
review his past life and his present purpose, his mind,
heart, and disposition, and I do not think he can be
called cruel, revengeful, and bloody-minded, as some
would stamp him. War is a great wickedness; and
if this species of robbery and murder may ever be
justified, there is so little difference between the
orthodox article arid the quality of reprisal as prac
tised in the present crusade that it is not worth dis

cussing.

Some have said that Hidalgo's intention was to es
tablish a republic; it may have been so, but it is no
where shown. Zavala holds to the contrary opinion.
There appears to have been no political or military
plan adopted by the leaders of the revolution, hurried
along as they were upon a tide of events which they
could hardly control.

The large class in Mexico, of those who ever since
the grito de Dolores have seemed to delight in gath
ering evidence and making charges damaging to the
fair name of Hidalgo, is gradually becoming less.
I would hide nothing in any historical character. I
would not be blind to the faults of my hero. Neither
would I magnify flaws of character until a little fault
is made to appear larger than a great principle.
Moreover, there has been much speculation as to
what would have been the result had he pursued a
different course, His firmness of purpose and opinion
has been called obstinacy, because he would not yield
to Allende and the others. Had he marched on Mex
ico; had he retired part of his force to the mountains

286 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.

and drilled them, dismissing the great rabble and his
army of pillagers; had he proclaimed a system of
liberal institutions; had he been slower to rob and
butcher Spaniards; had he better protected the Creoles;
had he done 'differently in a hundred other ways — the
result would have been different. Doubtless. But the
question is not what might have come to pass if the
prime mover in Mexican independence had been a
different man and acted differently. As it is, though
not without his faults, Mexico may well be proud of
her hero. Let his memory be honored! Let his
name be enrolled among the world's champions of lib
erty!

• His countrymen, grateful to one who, in the gloomi
est hour of hope, stood forth so fearlessly as their de
fender, have rightly embalmed his memory; and his
name, growing brighter and brighter as the ages
pass, will be handed down unsullied to remotest
generations.70

70 On the 19th of July, 1823, a congressional decree was passed, declaring
Hidalgo and the other principal leaders in the struggle for independence to
be ' benemdritos de la patria en grail o her6ico,' and ordered a monument in
their honor to be erected in Chihuahua. Gaz. de Mex., 5 de Agosto, 1823;
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 005. In 1863 Benito Juarez, having re
tired with the government to Dolores on account of the French invasion,
passed a decree elevating the town to the rank of city, and ordering that a
monument bearing a statue of Hidalgo should be erected in the principal
plaza. He pronounced the house in which Hidalgo had lived to be the prop
erty of the nation, and provided that it should be protected and preserved in
its original state so far as possible, at the expense of the government. Id., ii.
611. In 1873 the congress decreed that the national flag should be annually
hoisted on the 8th of May, Hidalgo's birthday, and raised half-mast high on
the 30th of July in commemoration of his death. Id., ii. 614-15. President
Porfirio Diaz in 1878 ordered that the monument at Dolores, which had
hitherto not been erected, should be built. The estimate of its cost was
$40,000, which amount was covered by pro rata contributions levied upon
the states. In the same year General Diaz decreed that a monument should
also be erected in Hidalgo's honor on the spot where he was executed in Chi
huahua. Id., ii. 615-19. In the Gazeta de Mexico of August 3, 1811, was
published an alleged copy of a declaration professed to be Hidalgo's solemn
recantation of his errors, made some weeks before his death, and dated Chi
huahua, May 18, 1811. This spurious statement was probably promulgated
in order to turn independents against the cause. It is superfluous to deny
such an assertion. No attempt which can properly be called such was ever
made to establish its truth. He who for a moment could hold to such an
opinion totally misconceives the character of the man. To death Hidalgo was
indifferent; and he would be the last man on earth to uphold to his followers,
according to the tenor of this declaration, the enormity of their crime in re-

BIBLIOGRAPHY. £87

belling against the government, and to entreat them to return to their duty.
But this artifice was commonly employed by the royalists; to almost every
prominent patriot chief who was executed during the war of independence
such a recantation was attributed and published.

The documents which contain the alleged proceedings at the trial of Hi
dalgo, a copy of which is supplied by Hernandez y Davalos in his Col, Doc.,
i. 7-01, aro open to grave doubts as to the authenticity of all the tes
timony produced. Much of the evidence is warped and garbled so as to
represent Hidalgo in the most odious light possible. Many of the admissions
appearing in the documents were never uttered by him, and most of the
statements attributed to other declarants are not to be relied upon as genu
ine. I cannot, however, agree with Negrete, who endeavors to show that
these documents are wholly apocryphal, and 'que esos documentos no pueden
hacer f<3 en ningun sentido, ni considerarse como aute~ntico lo en ellos con-
tenidp.' Mex. Siylo XIX., iii. 274. I have found many of the statements
therein contained corroborated or supported by other authorities of reliabil
ity, and to ignore entirely the Declaration del cura Hidalgo and the accom
panying papers would scarcely be wise.

The official organs of the government naturally magnified the successes
of the royalists and the reverses of the revolutionists. Pompous reports
from generals narrating victories were invariably published, but many of
their despatches which represented the true conditions of affairs were con
signed to the secrecy of the government archives, from which they have
been brought to light by different researchers, as Bustamante, Hernandez y
Davalos, and Negrete, and used by numerous authors. With regard to
those published during the war, they are valuable and reliable in so far as
they represent the movement of armies, the general results of engagements,
and a broad view of the condition of the country. But in regard to the re
spective numbers of opposing forces, of insurgents killed and casualties sus
tained by the government troops, they are untrustworthy; while from the
documents that were shelved a true picture of the position is obtained.
The press being under the control of the government during Hidalgo's career,
it teemed with productions laboring to advance the royalist cause and hold
up to detestation that of the independents. Learned men printed heavy
essays attempting to prove on philosophical and political grounds the illegal
ity and want of justice in the movement; bishops issued pastorals and long
dissertations arguing on the iniquity of the insurrection and proclaiming the
perdition of the leaders; and poets sang the praises of the royalist command
ers, comparing them with the heroes of antiquity and renowned Roman gen
erals. Calleja was superior to Fabius Maximus, and Cruz the supporting
pillar of the tottering nation. The adulation was truly affecting ! In honor
of Calleja Dr Jose Mariano Beristain composed a drinking-song drawing a
parallel between him and Fabius; to which the oider Melchor de Foncerrada
replied with the following decastich, supplied by Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX.,
iv. 394-5:

Fabio gano retirando,

Calleja acometiendo,

El Fubio triunfj cansando;

Pero Calleja venciendo :

Y ti lo poco quo yo cntiendo

En cl arte militar,

No so puedo comparar

Un Fabio con un Callcjas,

All'i hubo accioncs porplexas;

Todo aqul puro triuniar.

Effusions of minor geniin, too, swarmed, scurrilous in abuse, vile in vitupera
tion, against the one side, and sickening with flattery and sycophant hom
age offered to the other. But no language, however shameful, however fal
lacious, was unpalatable to government, if it brought odium upon the
revolution.

General list of authorities for the last four chapters: Bustamante, Cam-
paftas de Calleja, 1-103, passim; Id., Cuad. Hist., i. 20-292, 437-42, iv. 53-

288 HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH,

61, 74-87, 526-7, ap. 1-4; Id., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 333; Id., Gdbinete
Mex., i. 114; Id., Voz Patria, v. sup. no. 3; Alaman,_Hi& Hex., L 75-6,
124-5, 224, 259, 350-4, 392-3, 44G-7, 504, ap. 77, ii.~2-77, 114-72", 182-282,
438-9, 544-8, ap. 31-4, iii. ap.75, iv. 77, 724, ap. 60-2; Mora, Rev. Mex., iv.
3_4, 49_SO, 114-60, 217-34, 440-2; Id., Obras Sueltas, i. 145-56; Zerecero,
Rev. Mex., 28-95, 109-92, 207-93, 299-303, 3GS, 384; Id., Discxrso Civ., 29-
34; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. and ii.. passim, iii. 246-7, 291, 339,
399-401, 404-23, 618-20, 693-4, 705-22, 733-47, 762-4, 873-903, 911-26, iv.
176-81, 672-3, 882-90, v. 87-9, 588-9, 801-4, 886; Dispos. Variat, ii. f. 5-10,
iii. f. 152, vi. f. 59, 61; Diario Mex., v. 210, xii. 447-8, xiii. 340, 38G-7, 390-

6, 425-7, 453-6, 471-2, 709-10; Ncgrete, Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 103, 169-
205, 255-3, 280-312, 319-32, 336-67, 372-404; Gaz. Mex., i. 1764-5, 17-288,
313-80, 431-8, 474-82, 488, 507-14, 556-8, 565-6, 593-6, 012-10, 624, 656-60,
675-6, 681, 705-30, 746-74, 785-94, 814-66, 873-4, 881-2, 008-28, 943, 955-6,
991-2, 1039-34, 1049-72, 1082-6, ii. 1811, 1-281, passim, 309, 453-4, 467-8,
684-8, 763-70, 969-70, iii. 1788-9, 217-18, 247, 366, 405, 415, iv. 1793-1, 25-
85, 117-19, 141, 174-5, 295-6, 301-8, 337-8, 389-413, v. 1792-3, 141, 181-3,
245, vi. 1794, 9, 397, 417, 637, vii. 1795, 9-10, 25-0, 121, 154, 335, viii. 1796-

7, 9, 33, 165, 197, 237,. ix. 1800-1, 1, 58, 81-2, 137-8, 18J, 231-2, 241, xi.
1802-3, 1, 17, 177, 217, 253, xii. 1804-5, 117-20, 164-5, 221, xiv. 1807, 46-7,
xv. 1808, 75, 673, 734; Cortes, Col. Decret., i. 6-7, 10, 20-4, 23-33: Id., Diario,
1811, v. 175; Id., 1811-12, xi. 282-3; Id., 1813, xx. 205-C; Id., Diario Extr.,
1822-3, viii. 18-19; Cavo, Tres Sig., ii. 172, iii. 194-5, 272-33; Guerra, Rev.
N. Espana, i. 291, 301-6, 312-15, 317-19, 325-64; Romero, Soc. Mex., viii.
532-5, 543, 555, 610, 621; Id., Noticias, Mich., 34-5, 200-7; / ., in tfoc. Mex.
Geog., viii. 610; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 278-357, 234-8; Lireaga, Adiciones y
Rect., 188-209, 218-19; Robinson, Mex., 29-42; Zavala, Rev. Alex., 48-70;
Alegre, Hist. Comp., i. 88-93, ii. 195; Gaz. Mex., Feb.-Dec. 1728 and 1730, in
Arevalo, Compend., 13-104, 205, 236-7, 283; Vitla-Senor y Sanchez, Teatro
Am., 1-110; Gonzales Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 107-30; Viagero Universal,
xxvii. 87-92; Ward, Hist. Mex. in 1827, i. 158-80; Cancdxda, Tel. Am., 9-15,
26-9, 193-6; Id., RuinaN. Esp., passim; Escakro y Liana, Mex. Hist., 9-10;
Estado de Sinaloa, June 29, 1873, 4; Ilumboldt, Essai Polit., i. 218-56;
Hidalgo, Biog. Cura, 9-18, 135-43; Defeusadel Cura, pp. 8; Exhortation Pat.,
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N. Leon, 153, 213-40; Id., Hist. Aguas C., 77-88; Venegas, Manifesto, pp.
10; Id., Ordenanza, 7; Id., Manifiesto, pp. 10; Abad y Queipo, Informe, in
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Instruc., pp. 8, 24, and 24; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 164-5; Id., fiiog. Mex.,
185; Monglave, Resume Vllist., 133-213; Mendib'd, Resum. Hist., 7-G3, 373-5;
Mex. Rej'ut. Art. de Fondo., 3-18, 25-7; Mnseo, ii. 121-G, 182-9, 529-37, iv.
203-4; Niles, Register, i. 270, ii. 59-60; Perez, Dice. Geog. Estad., i. 117-20,
284-6, 321-6; Pinart, Col. Mex. Doc., 269; Bustamante, in Alegre, Hist.
Comp., iii. 178; Id., in Cavo, Tres Sig., iii. 326-9; Brancifcrte, luxtrucc., MS.,
31, in Linares, Instrucc., MS.; Quarterly Review, vii. 254-7, xxx. 172-4;
Quiros, Voz Imperiosa, pp. 14; Valdovino, Contestation, 1-55; Walton, Expose",
356-64; Ximeno, Declaration, pp. 30; Young, Hist. Mex., 20, 86; Zaftiga,
Calendario, 114, 118; Zamacoi*, Hist. Mex., i. 129, 513, ii. 105, v. 533, 718,
vi. 63, 115-341, passim, 419, 439, vii. 29-337, passim, 650, GG3-77G, 789-800,
viii. 110, ix. 737; Reygadas, Discurso, pp. 35; Luli, Refutation, pp. 24; Bury,
Exodus, ii. 363-4; Beltrami, Mex., i. 384-6; British Quart. Rev., vii. 254-7;
Bincjley, Travels, 240-2; Bolet. Geog. Estad., ii. 17-19; Soc. Mex. Geog., i.
229-30, ii. 561-5, 624-9, 54, 56, 190, 201, v. 160, viii. 306-8, ix. 49; Santos,
Chron., ii. 466-7, 486; Salo, Diar. Ofic., 26 Jan. 1875, 5; Hamox, Derrota
Cruces, iii. passim; Robinson, Mex. and Mil., 29-43; Id., Mex. R<jv., i. 43-1;
Rev. in Span.- Am., 63-4; Rev. des Deux Mondes, Apl. 1, 18G2, 532-48; Pino,
Nuev. Mex., 44; Puerto, Convite, pt iii. 2-3; Payne, 302-4; Ponton, Earth
quakes and Vol., 279-82; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 29, 1866; Ponsett,
Notes on Mex., ap. 32; Pedroza, Biog. Caudillos, 3-20; Ponce de Leon, in
Medena, VidaS. F. de Jesus, pp. 147; Nouo. Annales, Voy., xxxii. 93; Niles,

FURTHER REFERENCES. 289

S. Am. and Alex., i. 134-42; Nevares, Memoria, pp. 71; Nuev. Esparia, Acuer-
dos, MS., 185; Id., Brev. Res., ii. 247-50; Moreno, Fragments, 89; Mich. Prov.
S. Nic., 102-5, 182-4, 188-91, 189-96, 200-6; Mateo, Sacerdote, 22; Monaico
Mex., ii. 345; Muller, Reisen in Mex., 227; Montiel y Duarte, Discurso, 18;
Mills, Hist. Mex., 145-9; Mayer, Mex. Aztecs, i. 283-6, ii. 286-7; Martinez,
tiinop. Hist. Mex. Rev., i. 31-58; Id., de los Rios Apuntes, pp. 18; Mex. hi-
formes, in Pacheco Doc., xv. 451-2; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1834, pp. 4; Mex.,
Col. de Ley. D. C., 63-7, i. 27; Ramos, El Puente de Calderon, pp. 214; Al-
zate, Gazetas, iv. 163; Gac. 2?ic., 27 Jan:. 1866, 30; Apunt. Hist., in Pan. BoL
Ojic., 27 May, 1868; Pinart, Col.; A.liren, Mex. and Mex. Indians, 5-11;
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54; Valladolid, Exhortacion, pp. 19; Vdasco, Observations, pp. 17; Verdia,
Apuntes Biog., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iv. 180-1; Ortiz, Mex. In-
dep. Libre, 9-49; Gomez del Campa, Apuntes Hist., from La Sombra de Zara-
(joza, in La Estrella de Occidents, Sept. 4, 1868, 3; Gregory, Hist. Mex., 48-
51; Gallo, Hornbres Ilustres, iii. 237-392; Garcia Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog.,
v. 279; Garcia y Garcia, Prosperidades, pp. 11; Guerra, Doc., vi. 161-7; Gaz.
de Mex., ser. 2, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. 2, iv..!70; Gregg, Commerce of the
Prairies, ii. 116-17; Findlay, Directory, i. 254; Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp.
Jesus, 212-14; Ferry, Scenes de la Vie, 1-27; Ferri, Escenas de Vid. Mil. Mex.,
4-12, 82-4, 95-6, 192-5; Frost, Hist. Mex., 148, 152-3; Convite Catdlicos Am.,
pp. 12; Mex. Fiel y Valiente, pp. 7; Montana, Reflexiones, pp. 22; Calvillo,
JJiscurso, pp. 16; Monterde, Proclama, pp. 11; Criollo Sensible, Proclama, pp.
4; Mex., A locution del Real Colegio de Abogados, pp. 34; Carta de un Con-
colega, pp. 8; Belderrain, Exhortacion, pp. 20; Mendizdbal, Sermon, pp. 11;
L. B. F. G., Proclama, pp. 9; Campo y Rivas, Manifiesto Filantrdp., pp. 20;
Campillor, Manifiesto, pp. 20; La Erudita, Dialogo, pp. 7; Plausible Gozo, pp.
4; Celebridad Nues. Independ., pp. 8; Beristain, Nos el Presidente, pp. 15;

"»; /te

Mex., Parto Of.cial del Gefe Realista, pp. 38; Collado, Informe, pp. 12;
esta al Papel, pp. 20; Cor. Fed. Mex., 18 Ener. 1827, 2-3; Pleitos, no. i.; An
sorena, Defensa, 17; Ctirdova, Hist. Elemental, passim; Cuevas, Porvenir M ex. ,
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in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 610-11; Sanchez, Villa Pueb. Sagrad. Prof., 124;
Scrope on Volcanoes, 261-70; Son. Libro Hacienda, 1770, MS., 92; S. Amer. and
M(>X., i. 148-56; San Salvador (A. P. F. de), Action de Gracias, pp. 8; Id.,
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F.), Reflexiones, pp. 17; Toral, Desengano de Falsas Imposturas, pp. 35;
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Ilurribania, in Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 291; Igl.esias, Intervention, ii. 7-8; Illust.
Mex., 219-28; Provincias Intern., in Mayer, MS., no. 7; Derecho, i. 13-264;
ii. 10-456, iii. 31-396, iv. 60-531, v. 13-313; Cmdadde Mex., Proclama, pp.
10; Centinela contra los Seductores, nos. i. ii. aiid iii. pp. 12; Diar. de Mex.
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1883; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 8-9, 12-13, 19, ii. 34-9, 62-3, iv. 453-8, v.
335-70, x. 694; Derecho Intern. Mex., pt iii. 118; Dunbar. Mex. Papers, 220;
Rios, Hist. Mex., 237-51; D'Avity, De*crip. Gentrale Amer., 80-1; Diaz Cal
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dcDiarios, MS., 239; Pinart Col; Discurso, Prelimin., Madrid, 1820, pp. 120,
in Constitutions, ii. ; Hassel, Mex. and Gnat., 146-55; Kennedy, Texas, i. 271;
Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 18; Kendall, Nar., ii. 69-75; Las Clases Produc-
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Gratulatoria, pp. 5; Last Amer. Descript., 263, 268-71; Lowenstern, 346-8;
Sammlung, Reisebesch., xiii. 481-2; La Ilust. Mex., iv. 212, 271; Lefevre, Doc.
Maxim., i. 13-22; Leon, Cura de Sant. de Queret., pp, 3; Linares, Cuadro
Sinoptico, in Mex. Soc. Geog. BoL, 2a ep. iv. 637-8.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 19

CHAPTER XII.

MORELOS AND RAYON.
1811.

STATE or THE REVOLUTION AFTER HIDALGO'S CAPTURE — BIOGRAPHY OF Mo-
RELOS — His CHARACTER — His MEETING WITH HIDALGO AND COMMISSION"
— MORELOS IN MlCHOACAN — THE ROYALIST PARIS DEFEATED — MORELOS
MARCHES TO CHILPANCINGO— THE FAMILY OF THE BRAVOS— CAPTURE OF
TIXTLA — DEFEAT OF THE ROYALIST FUENTES — A CONSPIRACY SUPPRESSED
—RAYON RETREATS FROM SALTILLO — HE DEFEATS OCHOA — A TERRIBLE
MARCH — THE PLATFORM OF THE INSURGENT LEADER— RAYON EVACUATES
ZACATECAS — TRUJILLO'S DOINGS IN VALLADOLID — RETREAT OF THE IN
SURGENTS.

WITH the heads of the leaders cut off, many thought
that the revolution was forever at an end. ' And so it
might have been had the movement rested in man's
hand — that is, had it originated solely with those men,
or with any one set of men, or had it been dependent
for its final success on aught else than the mighty power
of progress. Independence was not an accident. It
had waited its full development in the womb of time,
and now its bringing-forth was certain. The birth of
freedom in America had long been predetermined.
Cut off the head of every revolutionist twenty times,
and twenty times new armies would arise until the
great dragon was slain.

When tidings of the capture of Hidalgo, Allende,
and their army reached Mexico, the rejoicing of the
royalists was great, as we may imagine. The first re
port was conveyed without particulars in a despatch
from Ochoa; and though the viceroy could rely upon

(29J)

ROYALIST REJOICINGS. 291

the statement,1 and caused the bells to be rung, and
salvoes of artillery to be fired, the independent party
in the absence of details was loath to accept it as true.
Later information, however, confirmed the intelligence,
and despondency prevailed among its ranks. Venegas,
on the contrary, was jubilant, and regarded the suppres
sion of the rebellion as essentially accomplished. But
he did not recognize the extent and degree to which
independent principles had pervaded the lower classes.
It is true that from the sweeping disasters which had
lately been sustained, the ordinary observer might won
der that the cause was not already abandoned. But
during the year 1811, thus far, the insurrection had
spread with surprising rapidity, which had carried it
over the greater portion of New Spain. The aspect of
the revolution was, however, materially changed since
its incipiency, and the struggle had now assumed more
the color of individual and predatory warfare. With
out any form of government, or even a recognized head
after Hidalgo's capture — for Rayon's commission as
commander-in-chief was not generally acknowledged
— each provincial leader acted independently accord
ing to his pleasure. Arms and money were wanting,
as wrell as leaders ; and owing to this lack of plan and
principle, and the absence of cohesion, the successes
which they repeatedly gained were but temporary.
Too often, moreover, their chiefs knew little of the
art of war, and many of them were wholly unlettered.
On the other hand, the royalists had among them
leaders not only trained to the military profession, but
of practical experience in warfare. They were in pos
session of nearly all the arms in the country; their
troops were well disciplined; and above all, they held
the ports, and could therefore supply themselves from
abroad. Nevertheless, over a vast area detached
bodies of insurgents sprung into existence, led some
times by noble and patriotic men, but too often by
desperadoes and escaped criminals, who carried on

lGaz. dellex., 1811, ii. 301-2.

292 MORELOS AND RAYON.

little better than a guerrilla warfare in their vicinity.
Such bands generally kept themselves in impregna
ble positions, making descents upon unprotected towns,
and desolating the surrounding country. Although
the royalist forces occupied all the most important
towns and the immediate vicinities, the revolutionists
gradually gained control over the country at large.
Guanajuato, Jalisco, Michoacan, Zacatecas, and large
portions of Puebla, Vera Cruz, San Luis Potosi, and
Mexico at the close of 1811, were almost completely
in possession of the insurgents; and their enemies,
confined to the fortified cities, were not sufficiently
numerous to assail in all parts the numerous hordes
which infested the country. The main efforts of the
royalists being directed against the better organized
armies of the independents, they could send out only
detachments against such guerrilla bands, as, gather
ing strength, made themselves, from time to time, the
terror of particular districts. In these cases the in
surgents were generally routed and temporarily dis
persed with heavy loss, no mercy being shown to those
taken with arms in their hands.2 It was, perhaps,
the very best policy the revolutionists could have pur
sued, although adopted without policy — these incessant
diversions wThich weakened the efforts of the royalists,
and rendered useless the concentration of their forces.

There was at this time one man only who stood
forth conspicuous among the revolutionists as an ad
mitted chief, a leader round whom they might with
some degree of confidence rally, a fit successor of Hi-
clalgo; and somewhat strange to say, this new man
was the friend and disciple of Hidalgo, like him an

2 On the 30th of July, 1811, Venegas issued a proclamation to the effect
that the period for which the induito had been extended was expired, and
that such as had not availed themselves of it were to consider themselves ex
cluded, especially those who still continued to excite or aid insurrection. Id.,
690. Nevertheless, it was still not refused to those who begged that it might
be granted to them. Many of those thus pardoned again took part with the
revolutionists when the temporary peril in which they found themselves was
passed. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., ii. 231.

JOSE MARlA MORELOS Y I»AVOST. 293

ecclesiastic, and like him a devoted lover of his coun
try. His name was Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon. .
He was born on the 30th of September, 1765, on the
ranch o Tahuejo el Chico, near Apatzingan.3 His
parents were honest and respectable people, the father,
Manuel Morelos, being a carpenter, and the mother,
Juana Pavon, the daughter of a school-master in
Valladolid. Jose's education was the most element
ary, and on the death of his father, his widowed
mother was in so straitened circumstances that she
gave the care of her son to his uncle Felipe More
los, who owned a mule train, and trafficked between
Mexico and Acapulco. The young man sometimes fol
lowed the train, and sometimes looked after the stock
on the rancho;4 although his ambition, supported by
his mother's wishes, had ever been a place in the
church. At the age of thirty-two, by great effort
and self-denial, he succeeded in gaining admission into
the college of San Nicolas as a sizar, or servitor.5
Here he studied natural and moral philosophy under
the guidance of Hidalgo, who was at that time the
rector, and for whom Morelos ever afterward enter
tained the greatest regard and veneration. Having
been ordained, he was appointed temporarily to the
cures of Churumuco and Huacana ; and later the ben
efice of the towns of Caracuaro and Nucupetaro, in
the department of Tacd-mbaro, was conferred upon
him. The stipend of this curato was small, but the
hardships of his early life had instilled into Morelos
habits of frugality, and he managed to save enough

3 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , ii. 408. It was generally believed that Valla
dolid was the birthplace of Morelos, and the name of that city was conse
quently changed in 1828 to Morelia, in honor of the patriot. Alaman, how
ever, supports Bustamante. Hist. Mcj., iii. ap. 85. In Id., iv. ap. 47-8, will
be found a copy of Morelos' registry of baptism at Valladolid. The full
name given to him was Jose1 Maria Teclo.

4 On one occasion, while pursuing a bull, he was thrown senseless from his
horse by coming in contact with the branch of a tree. The blow caused
a permanent scar on his face. Id., ii. 316.

5 The Spanish expression for this grade of collegiate is capense. Some au
thors state that he entered the college at the age of twenty-five. Negrete,
Hist. Mil. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 313.

294 MOEELOS AND RAYON.

of his income to purchase a modest house in Valla-
dolid in 1801. This dwelling was the only private
property he ever owned.

At the date of the grito de Dolores, Morelos was
about forty-five years of age. He was strong phys
ically, with plenty of brain power. Not above me
dium height, thick-set and solid, he was capable at this
time of great endurance. His complexion was of a
healthy dark brown; eyes clear, dark, and brilliant,
with a glance now quick, searching, magnetic, now
stern and meditative, and again lapsing into profound
reverie. Yet he was no dreamer; he was more man
of the world than Hidalgo, though in regard to learn
ing he would be almost called illiterate beside the sage
of Dolores. But he had sufficient education to an
swer every purpose of his genius, which must ever
be regarded as among the greatest of his age.

There was a whirlwind of energy in his face; the
very atmosphere about him seemed impregnated with
the latent force emanating from his form and presence.
The eyebrows were heavy, and met, giving the coun
tenance an expression of invincible determination.
The shape and size of the head also showed great men
tal power. About the mouth and lower jaw the char
acter lines were deeply traced, features generally well
chiselled, the chin being rounded like Caesar's on a
Roman medal, here again displaying the presence of
an indomitable will. He was grave and gay at once;
if you would dwell upon the former phase of his dis
position, let your eyes rest on the upper part of the
face; if upon the latter, then look at the lower part.
There was about the mouth an expression at times of
almost repulsive firmness, yet tempered always by
frankness; there was about the whole face a harmony
and equilibrium always present in some form and de
gree in great men. His energy was of the devouring
type. In battle his eyes flashed with a sinister light;
his voice assumed a depth of tone which his soldiers
thought was like the thunder of a gocl; and he some-

CHARACTER OF MORELOS. 235

times became so hungry when thus aroused that he
would pause in the heat of fighting and call for some
thing to eat. He thought no more of danger there
than when reciting prayers in the cloister. And not
withstanding all this, in the ordinary affairs of life he
displayed a decided impassiveness, a countenance so
serene as never in the slightest degree to reveal the
workings of the mind. Nor was he lacking in con
versational powers, in courtesy, or even in sprightly
good humor. Nature made him master of all her
varying moods, and gave him the discretion to use them
to good purpose as occasion demanded.

He wore various uniforms during his military ca
reer; before he became a soldier his dress was the
usual habit of a cura, not the extreme priestly robe,
but a long black frock coat, black vest, knee-breeches,
stockings, and buckled shoes. He suffered constantly
from headache, which was greatly relieved by a ker
chief always worn wound round the head, and usually
supplying the place of hat or hood.

The character of Morelos will stand the most
searching scrutiny. Under closest analysis, its strength
and beauty shine brightest. His originality and
sound judgment command our highest admiration.
Together with great military ability, which enabled
him to design wise combinations, he possessed excel
lent discrimination. He knew how to select his offi
cers and agents. Uneducated though he was both in
the arts of war and policy, his marvellous instinct and
prevision, united with sound common sense, gained for
him high renown, not only as war commander, but as
political chief. The most minute affairs and matters
of apparently insignificant importance never escaped
his watchful eye. He recognized the importance of
attention to trifles. It seemed as if everything re
ceived his attention. A rigid catholic, he always con
fessed himself before going into action ; and his relig
ious scruples were such that after his first engagement
he never personally celebrated mass, but delegated

296 MORELOS AND EAYOX.

the performance of that ceremony to an army chap
lain. Like Hidalgo, he has been charged with cruelty;
but reiterated accusations of this kind seem silly as
brought against one who makes it his business to kill
and damage his fellow-creatures for the time as much
as possible. The difference drawn between the kind
man-killer and the cruel one is little else than con
ventional subterfuge.6 Here in particular it was the
exterminating system of warfare pursued which im
posed upon revolutionary leaders severity and a rig
orous system of death-sentences. The devotion of
Morelos to the cause was unbounded, and his firmness
of soul held him to whatsoever course his judgment
marked out as the best. He was thoroughly consis
tent; for the attainment of independence he spared
neither himself nor his enemies. Serene withal and
impassive, alike in prosperity and disaster, he neither
gave way to arrogant self-assertion nor yielded to
dejection. But conspicuous among all his great qual
ities was his perfect disinterestedness. No personal
motive influenced him in his valiant struggle for lib
erty. His own aggrandizement was what he least
thought of. To decorations and titles earned by his
victories he was wholly indifferent; he preferred the
simple appellation of 'Servant of the Nation.'7

When Hidalgo moved toward Valladolid after his
capture of Guanajuato, Morelos, whom the news of
the insurrection had already reached, hastened thither
to learn what it all really meant. Hidalgo, however,
had left the city; Morelos followed the army toward
the capital, and overtook Hidalgo at the town of
Charo. Thence he accompanied him to Indaparapeo.

6 'Aquella crueldad calculada, con que friamente volvio sangre por sangre,
y pag6 a sus enemigos centuplicados los males que de ellos recibio.' Such
is Alaman's unfair appreciation of him ! Hist. Mex., ii. 342.

''Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 284-9; jBmtamante, Elogio Morelos; Alarnan,
Hist. Mej., ii. 315-16, 342-4, 423-4; Mex. Refat. Art. Fondo, 12-15; Zere-
cero, Rev. Mex., 154, 401; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 56-8, 63-4, 68-9; GcUlo, Horn-
bresllust.,iv. 7-16.

FAREWELL TO HIDALGO. 297

The cura told him that the only object he had was
the independence of the country, which decided More-
los at once upon his course of action. He offered his
services, and received a commission from Hidalgo to
levy troops as his lieutenant on the southern coast,
and further the cause of independence in conformity
with verbal instructions.8

The preliminaries for the expedition having been
concluded, Morelos bade farewell to Hidalgo and re
turned to his cure — bade him farewell for the last
time, for these two friends and fellow-patriots never
again met I When he arrived at his parish, Morelos,
with all the stern enthusiasm of his nature, applied
himself to the work in which he had engaged. Call
ing to him twenty-five followers, he armed1 them with
lances and a few muskets, and then directed his steps
to Zacatula. It was an humble beginning, but it led
to mighty results. The want of military organiza
tion in the territory he was invading was favorable
to his designs. The militia companies of the different
towns were wholly undisciplined, were never assem
bled for the purpose of drill or other military instruc
tion, and their arms were stored in the residences of
the commanding officers, most of whom obtained
their positions as a mark of honor, and had never
seen the soldiers they commanded. On the arrival
of Morelos at Zacatula, he was joined by Marcos

8 These instructions were to the effect that Morelos in the towns through
which he might pass should collect the arms and assume and reestablish the
government, reinstating under suitable guaranties those who had previously
held office, provided they were not Europeans; in such cases, he was empowered
to appoint others. Europeans were to be captured by him, and their property
confiscated and used in the payment of his troops. The captives were to be
sent to the nearest intendencia. Opportunity was to be given to such Euro
peans as were married to unite their respective families, in order that they
might retire to their own country, or be removed to some island which would
be selected for their destination. The main object of this expedition to the
south was the capture of the port of Acapulco. Declaration de Morelos, in
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 18. Negrete, who evidently never saw
the declaration of Morelos, quotes a long passage out of Alainan, who very
clearly, and almost in Morelos' own words, recounts the particulars of this
interview between the two leaders. The language of Alaman is mystery and
confusion, however, to Negrete, who naively confesses that he does not under
stand him. Hist. Mil. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 317.

298

MORELOS AND RAYON.

Martinez, captain of the militia cavalry of that port,
with fifty men well provided with arms.9 Thence
Morelos marched to Petatlan. Success again attended
him. Gregorio Valdeolivar, the captain in command,
was in the city of Mexico at the time, and Morelos,
having surprised and captured his wife, compelled her
to deliver up the keys of the quarter in which the
arms were stored. By this procedure he obtained
possession of fifty additional muskets, and as many
lances. His forces were also increased by more than
100 men. Henceforward the progress of Morelos
was rapid; and on his march to Acapulco followers

daily flocked to his standard. Passing through Tec-
pan, Zanjon, and Coyuca, he arrived at Aguacatillo,
his forces now numbering 3,000, all well armed with
muskets, swords, and lances. Unlike Hidalgo, Mo
relos would not permit the rabble to follow him; he
would not have an army of undisciplined and re
fractory men; he confined himself to a small but
efficient force. At Tecpan he won to the cause the
Galeana family, whose chief members soon distin-

9 Martinez accompanied Morelos during the first five months of the cam
paign, and was then sent back to Zacatula with the title of comandante of
that port, to which the prisoners taken in future were sent. Declaration de
Morelos, 19.

ADVANCE ON ACAPULCO. 299

guished themselves by their bravery and abilities,
and were selected by Morelos as his principal officers.
There were three brothers of them, Juan Jose, An
tonio, and Hermenegildo, and they proved devoted
followers of Morelos, and greatly assisted him with
men and arms.

From Aguacatillo, Morelos advanced against Aca-
pulco, whither Captain Antonio Fuentes, coman-
dante of Tecpan, had fled on the approach of the in-
surcrents. Sending forward a detachment of 700 or

O O

800 men under Cortes and Rafael Valdovinos to
occupy the height of Yeladero, which commands the
port, they engaged on the 13th of November, 1810,
with a force of 400, which Carreiio, the governor of
Acapulco, despatched against them under the com
mand of Luis Calatayud. The affair took a some
what ludicrous turn. Neither royalists nor revolu
tionists had ever been in action before, and after some
desultory firing, both threw down their arms, turned
simultaneously, and fled from the field.10 The dispersed
royalists with others from Acapulco joined Morelos
during the three following days to the number of 600.
Meanwhile, the rise of this new leader and the
spread of the revolution southward caused the viceroy
much uneasiness, the more so because all his best
troops and officers were with Calleja and Cruz, and
it was difficult for him to place in the field an
adequate force. However, he ordered the Oajaca
brigade to be got in readiness and the fifth coast
division, under Captain Francisco Paris, to inarch
against the insurgents. The first operations of Paris
were successful. On the 1st of December he dis
persed at the arroyo Moledor a body sent against
him by Morelos, under Valdovinos, and succeeded in

10 General Nicolas Bravo says that a drummer boy of the insurgents, in his
effort to conceal himself, climbed a tree, and noticing the flight of the royal
ists reported it to the fleeing revolutionists, who thereupon rallied, and col
lected the arms of their opponents, which had been cast away in the panic.
Bustamante asserts that the insurgents rallied at the cry of a parrot perched
on a tree-top, shouting, 'Fuego! fuego!' when they began to run. Ataman,
Hist. Mej.t ii. 319.

303 MORELOS AND RAYON.

uniting his force with the sixth division of the coast,
commanded by Jose Sanchez Pareja. At Tepango,
also, the insurgents suffered a reverse, a detachment
under Corte's and Martinez, who had been sent to at
tack the royalists at Chilapa, being defeated with
some loss by Guevara.11 With better fortune, how-*
ever, Miguel de Avila gained on November 23d a
slight success over Fuentes, who had landed at the
harbor of Marquez with 300 men from Acapulco;
and on the 13th of December the same officer re
pulsed at a place called the Sabana, the united forces
of Paris and Pareja, who in conjunction with Fuentes
were advancing against Aguacatillo.

Hitherto the operations of Morelos in the field had
been neither important nor brilliant; and piqued at
the insignificant results, he determined to anticipate
Paris' meditated assault upon Aguacatillo. The royal
ist leader had fallen back to Tres Palos, arid Morelos
decided to surprise his camp by night. Accordingly
on the 4th of January, 1811, he secretly despatched
Avila with 600 men, who defeated the royalists, nearly
1,000 strong, with the trilling loss of five killed.12
The result was most important to the revolutionists;
600 muskets, five pieces of artillery, including a howit
zer and a large quantity of ammunition, and other
war stores fell into their hands, while the reputation
of their chief spread far and wide.

Morelos now directed his attention to Acapulco, in
the expectation of gaining possession of the fort with
out difficulty, Carrefio's assistant, an artillery officer
named Gago, having secretly made offers to surrender
it to him. With 600 men he marched in person from
the Sabana, and on the night of the 7th of February
secretly took up a position on the eminence of las
Iguanas in front of the fort. Early next morning the

11 Guevara was the father of General Nicolas Bravo's wife. /(/., ii. 321.

12 Declaration de Morelos, 20. Venegas, in his attempt to mislead the
public, published a garbled account, saying among other things that the loss
of the royalists was next to nothing, while that of the insurgents amounted
to 200 killed. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 61-2.

MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS. 301

preconcerted signal was seen at the appointed hour,13
and Morelos, dividing his force into two divisions,
placed one under a man from the United States
named Elias Bean,14 and the other under Avila.
These officers were directed to approach the castle
from different points. But Gago's overtures were all
a feint; and when one of the divisions had advanced
within favorable range, the fort and vessels in the
harbor simultaneously opened fire upon it. Morelos,
realizing the treachery, quickly withdrew his men.
He then concentrated his forces on the Iguanas hill,
and laid siege to the fort. For nine clays he kept up
a steady fire with four pieces of artillery of light cali
bre, and a howitzer. Carreno, however, by a success
ful sortie on the 19th gained possession of the artillery
with the exception of one gun.15

After this loss, and being threatened by Nicolds
Cosio, who had been appointed by the viceroy com
mander in the south and had already joined Paris,
Morelos raised the siege and retired to the Sabana,
where he remained for a month, after which time,
prostrated with sickness, he was conveyed to Tecpan,
having left Francisco Hernandez in charge , of the
troops.16

During the two following months no operations of
importance were undertaken. The insurgents, how
ever, firmly held their position against Cosio, who,
having approached the Sabana, was compelled by
Herrnenegildo Galeana, who assailed him at daylight

13 A light was shown on the fort at 4 o'clock A. M. Declaration de More-
los, 20-1.

11 This man, called simply Elias by Morelos, with three others of his
countrymen, whose names were David, Colle, and William Alendin, had been
detected in mapping the country, and were imprisoned at Acapulco, whence
they effected their escape, and assisted the insurgents in their night attack
upon Paris at Tres Palos. Bnstamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 9.

15 Negrete says that Morelos mentions that only one piece was captured.
The words of Morelos were: ' Quitado toda su artilleria, excepto una sola
pieza.' See Max. Sig. XIX., iv. 195. See Orozon's account, in Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 285.

16 The forces left under Hernandez numbered about 2,200. Of these, 1,000
were stationed in an intrenched position on the Sabana. the remainder occu
pying in detachments posts at Aguacatillo, Veladero, las Cruces, and a point
at the foot of the cuesta. Declaration de Morelos, 21.

302 MORELOS AND RAYON.

on the 4th of April,17 to retire to las Graces, which
had been occupied by Fuentes. The viceroy, in dis
gust at Cosio's want of success, and perhaps of loyalty,
being a Mexican, placed Fuentes in command. Again
on the 30th of April and the 1st of May, Avila suc
cessfully repelled an attack made by Fuentes, who fell
back upon las Cruces and Aguacatillo, from which the
insurgents had been compelled to withdraw.

In the mean time, Morelos, reestablished in health,
had returned; and finding his position on the Sabana
no longer tenable, owing to the difficulty in obtaining
provisions, which were intercepted by detachments of
the enemy, he abandoned it on the 3d of May. De
termined to extend the field of his operations, he left
Avila well fortified on the Veladero, and at the head
of no more than 300 men marched toward Chilpan-
cingo. With this small force Morelos entered upon
a campaign which shook Spain's power in Mexico to
its foundation. After a march attended with much
labor and suffering, during which he overcame all re
sistance offered by the royalists, he entered Chilpan-
cingo without opposition on the 24th of May, his
forces being now increased to 600 men well provided
with muskets and arms taken from the enemy. But
he received still more important support from the
Bravos, one of the first families of that city.18 These
devoted patriots henceforth shared with the Galeanas
the highest confidence of Morelos.

The royalist troops whom he had come in contact

17 Hernandez had the cowardice to flee when Cosio drew near his position,
and his soldiers selected Galeana to lead them. Ib.

18There were three brothers, Leonardo, Miguel, and Victor. Nicolas
Bravo was the son of Leonardo, and had lately married the daughter of Gue
vara. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 334. Bustamaiite states that these brothers, in
order to escape from the importunities of the comandantes of Tixtla and Chi-
lapa, who persisted in requiring their services against the revolutionists, re
tired to their hacienda at Chichihualco, and secreted themselves in a cave
called Michapa, where they remained for seven months. While here they
received a letter forwarded to them from Morelos, describing the sufferings
of his troops from hunger, and soliciting aid. They responded, and their
help contributed greatly to the victory which a detachment of Morelos under
Hermenegildo Galeana gained over the royalists in an action at the hacienda,
of Chichihualco. Uuad. Hist., ii. 15-10.

GALEANA AND BRAVO. 303

with, and who were under the direction of G-arrote,
had retreated to Tixtla; and Morelos, without allow
ing Garrote time to repair his losses, followed with all
speed. On the 26th of May the insurgents arrived
before the town, and although the royalists were well
protected by fortifications and provided with artillery,
the attack wras commenced without delay. The con
test was long and obstinate, but after six hours hard
fighting, during which a portion of the town was set
on fire, the royalists were driven from the fortified
points, and retreated to the church, where most of
them were made prisoners.19 Besides the prestige
gained by this victory, the material results were of
high importance; eight cannon, 200 muskets, and 600
prisoners being captured. During the two following
months Morelos was actively employed in repairing
and strengthening the fortifications of Tixtla, in aug
menting the number of his forces, and above all in
attention to their military instruction and discipline.
When these successes became known to Fuentes,
he recognized that it was of paramount importance to
arrest the progress of Morelos; and stopping prepara
tions to attack Avila at the Veladero, he concen
trated his forces in his pursuit. Taking up a position
at Chilapa, an important town four leagues distant
from Tixtla, he made his dispositions for the recapture
of the latter town. Meantime Morelos, having com
pleted the defences at Tixtla, leaving there a garrison
of 104 men under the command of Hermenegildo

Galeana and Nicolas Bravo, returned to Chilpancingo,
and on the 15th of August celebrated the virgin's
ascension. Fuentes, duly informed of this division of
the enemy's forces, and the diversion caused at Chil
pancingo, hastened to avail himself of the opportunity,
and vigorously assaulted Tixtla on the same day.
Galeana and Bravo, however, resisted the attack with

19 The cura of Tixtla delayed for some little time the entrance of the vic
tors into the church by the elevation of the host at the entrance. Id., ii. 17.
Th is afforded an opportunity to the leading officers and a portion of the troop3
to effect their escape. Mora, Maj. y sun Rev. , iv. 301.

304 MORELOS AND RAYOX.

unflinching bravery, and firmly maintained themselves
in their positions. The assault was continued during
the whole of the following day, and the garrison,
whose ammunition was almost exhausted, was now in
a critical position. Morelos, however, was already
hastening to their assistance, and on the 17th assailed
the rear of Fuentes' force with 300 cavalry and 100
infantry, supported by three cannon. Galeana and
Bravo immediately availed themselves of this diversion
and sallied from the town. Fuentes, thus attacked
in front and rear, ordered a retreat, which at first was
conducted with order and deliberation. A drenching
rain-storm, however, commenced, impeding the move
ments of the royalists, and rendering their ammuni
tion unserviceable. Morelos now ordered Galeana
and Bravo to come to close quarters with sword
and bayonet, while he swepb down upon them with
the cavalry. The charge threw the royalists into
confusion; completely routed, they fled in all direc
tions, leaving on the field 200 killed, more than 300
muskets, two guns, and a quantity of other arms, as
the spoil of the victors, who, moreover, captured
366 prisoners.20 Three days later Morelos marched
into Chilapa, whither Fuentes with a remnant of his
scattered force had fled. The insurgent army was
now over 1,500 strong, and the defeated royalist, as
well as the Oajaca troops stationed there, abandoned
the town on its approach, leaving two pieces of artil
lery and a quantity of ammunition. At Chilapa, the
artilleryman Gago, whose perfidious design had so
nearly involved Morelos in disaster at Acapulco, was
captured, together with Jose Toribio Navarro, who
after having received from Morelos $200 with, which
to raise troops for the independent cause, had passed
over to the royalists. The unfortunate men were sum
marily executed.21

20 Parte de Morelos, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc., iii. 337. The fig
ures in this despatch addressed to Rayon the day after the battle differ some
what from those given by Morelos in his declaration, four years later.

21 Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 330-9; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 17-18;

GROWING POWER OF MORELOS. 305

The position of Morelos was in the highest degree
satisfactory. Venegas had immediately at hand nei
ther troops nor an efficient leader to send against
him, and the rainy season now approaching would
assure him freedom from molestation for some time
to come. He would thus be able to devote himself
to the organization of his forces, while, whenever he
chose to advance, Oajaca, Puebla, and Mexico, only
defended by a few companies, lay open before him.
But while all was thus bright overhead, the horizon
was not without clouds. A conspiracy directed against
his life and cause was at work in his own ranks,
which but for his energy might have been attended
with fatal consequences. His method of suppressing
it was characteristic.

The first information received by Morelos of the
capture of Hidalgo was by intercepted letters. Fear
ing the effect on his followers, he kept the matter to
himself, but commissioned David22 and Tabares, both
of whom had rendered him good service in the attack
upon Paris at Tres Palos, as his agents to solicit the
aid of the United States.23 On their journey thither
they met Rayon, who informed them of his appoint
ment by Hidalgo and Allende as captain-general of
the revolutionary forces and ordered them to return,
having conferred upon Tabares the rank of brigadier,
and that of colonel upon David. Morelos, however,
on their arrival at Chilapa, refused to recognize their
commissions, arid deeply offended they withdrew to
Chilpancingo on the pretence of attending to private

Declaration de Morelos, 21-2; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 301-3. Both Bus-
tamante and Mora differ with the statements of Morelos as regards the num
ber of his forces and those of the prisoners and guns captured. On the 10th
of Sept. Morelos issued a burlesque proclamation, announcing the disappear
ance on the 18th of Aug. of the junta patriotica, which had been established
by Fuentes in Chilapa. He exhorts the viceroy and intendentes of the prov
inces to publish this announcement, in order that the whereabouts of the
junta may be discovered and reported to him. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Cot.
Doc., iii. 358.

2a One of the four men from the U. S. who had escaped from Acapulco
and joined Morelos.

23 ' Para negociar la alianza con los Estados vnidos. ' Declaration de More
los, 43.

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 20

306 MORELOS AND RAYON.

business. Thence they betook themselves to the
coast, and in conjunction with one Mayo, who was
serving under Avila at the Veladero, fomented an in
surrection, the aim of which was the killing of the
landed proprietors and all persons belonging to the
white race. The populace of the coast towns eagerly
joined in the project. Ignacio Ayala, who had been
appointed intendente by Morelos, was seized and con
fined at^Tecpan, but succeeded in effecting his escape.
While Avila was absent from Veladero for the purpose
of disarming David and Tabares, Mayo surprised the
officer left in charge, made him and others captive, and
attached the troops to the iniquitous undertaking.

The news of these proceedings soon reached Mo
relos, who hastened with an escort of 100 men to the
scene of danger. His presence sufficed to overawe
the mutineers. The troops returned to their alle-

S'ance, Avila was reinstated in his command, and
avid and Tabares were disarmed. With the prom
ise of placing them in charge of an expedition into
Oajaca, he brought them back to Chilapa, where by
his orders they were secretly beheaded.24 He also
instructed Avila to execute Mayo, who was accord
ingly shot.

When news of the capture of the revolutionary
leaders at las Noriasde Bajan reached Rayon,25 aware
that Ochoa was marching against him, and that Eli-
zondo was making a similar hostile movement from
Monclova, he determined to abandon Saltillo and di-

<24/&. Morelos feared a public execution might cause disturbance, as the
conspirators had many adherents in the army. Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., ii.
20-2. This author omits to make mention of the deception practised on
them by Morelos, who himself makes the admission in his declaration : ' Re-
snlto la muerte de aquellos dos que se les mando dar en Chilapa hasta donde
los condujo con el pretesto de darles una expedicion para Oaxaca.' p. 23.
He moreover seems to have been unaware that David and Tabares had
been despatched as commissioners to the U. S., asserting that they had been
sent to Rayon to inform him of the situation in the south.

25 Bustamante states that at this time Rayon received an order, bearing
the signature of Allende, to place at the disposal of Elizondo the troops un
der his command. Cuad. Hist., i. 199. Rayon could only conclude that such
a command was a fabrication of the royalists, and paid no heed to it.

RAYON'S MARCH TO ZACATECAS. 307

rect his course to Zacatecas, which was only defended
by a small garrison. During the latter days of March
he accordingly evacuated that town, his forces amount
ing to about 4,000 men.26 Ochoa, duly informed of this
movement, hastened to intercept him, and on the 1st
of April an engagement was fought at the defile of
Pillories. The action lasted six hours, and ended in
favor of the independents, Ochoa retreating to Agua-
nueva.27 This success, in the achievement of which
the troops behaved exceedingly well, gained prestige
for the cause. Rayon, without further molestation,
continued his march to Zacatecas, but the difficulties
with which he had to contend were so great, that had
a more energetic commander been opposed to him he
would have been overwhelmed. At Pifiones a larofe

cT*

portion of his pack-mules and provision and water-
wagons fell into the hands of the royalists. The coun
try was destitute of food and water, and the suffer
ings of his troops were fearful. Sickness broke out
among them ; many died, others went mad, and most
of the animals perished. Maguey and cactus juice
was drunk, producing burning pains.28 If a well or
insignificant stream was found, the men fought like
wild beasts over it. At a place called Las Animas
there were symptoms of mutiny. A council of war
was held, at which it was resolved to petition for the
grace extended by the general pardon. Rayon, com
pelled outwardly to acquiesce, nevertheless postponed
taking the necessary action in the matter, and many
deserted.

26 According to Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 168. Ochoa in his report of
the 3d of April states that Rayon's army amounted to 6,000 men, 2,000 of
whom were cavalry. He had also 24 pieces of artillery and six culverins.
Gaz. de Max., 1811, ii. 1220.

27 Id., 1811, ii. 1200-3, 1218-22, contains a copy of Ochoa's detailed re
port of this engagement. The brigadier Ponce, who with four soldiers had
separated from the main body of the revolutionists in order to observe the
retreat of the enemy, was made captive after being mortally wounded. Be
fore his death he communicated to Ochoa the plans of Rayon. Id., 1220.

28 Jose Maria Ansorena, who had been made intendente of Valladolid by
Hidalgo, died in great suffering from the effects of this juice, at the colegio
de misioneros de Guadalupe, about a league from Zacatecas. Alaman, Jlivt.
Mej., ii. 262.

303 MORELOS AND RAYON.

The captain-general, however, bravely pushed for
ward. Aware that there was abundance of water at the
hacienda of San Eustaquio, which was occupied by a
royalist force under Larrainzar, he sent forward a
detachment under the direction of Anaya to attack
the place. Anaya succeeded in surprising the enemy
and dispersed them. From this time the sufferings
of the independents were mitigated. At San Eusta
quio Rayon halted for two days, in order to refresh
his exhausted men.29 On the llth of April he ad
vanced to the hacienda of Pozo Hondo, whence he
detached 500 men under Sotomayor to take possession
of Fresnillo, which was done. As Rayon approached
Zacatecas, he sent forward another detachment of
equal number, under Anaya and Victor Rosales, to re
connoitre. They were attacked, and Rayon sent Jose
Antonio Torres to their assistance, while he took up
a position on the cerro de la Bufa, about a league dis
tant from the city, with the rest of his forces, which
amounted to little over 1,000. The royalist comman
der, Colonel Juan Zambrano, deeming his position in
Zacatecas untenable, withdrew to the cerro del Grillo,
and there intrenched himself. He was, however, sur
prised by a night attack conducted by Torres, with
whose previous successes in Nueva Galicia the reader
is already acquainted. The defeat of Zambrano was
complete; his camp, artillery, ammunition, and bag
gage, with 500 bars of silver, fell into the hands of
the assailants. Zambrano fled to Jerez, ten or twelve
leagues distant, and on the following day, the 15th
of April, Rayon entered Zacatecas without opposi
tion.30 Thus terminated the retreat from Saltillo,

29 Bustamante gives a detailed account of Rayon's march from Saltillo,
having obtained it personally from Rayon. Cuad. 11 1st., i. 200-4. Alaman, to
whom Rayon also narrated the events, corroborates Bustamaute in all main
particulars. Hist. Mej., ii. 261.

30 Id., ii. 262; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 170-2; Bustamante, quoting
from the Abispa de Ckilpancinyo, no. 19, relates that in the attack on the
royalist camp a small cannon was brought into play by the revolutionists.
The gun-carriage being broken, a soldier voluntarily supplied its want by
placing himself on his hands and knees and supporting the piece on his back.
The recoil of the piece shattered his spine at the first discharge; this did not,

RAYON'S POSITION. 309

which the constancy of the generals and the fortitude
of the soldiers who remained faithful have rendered
famous.

During the time which Rayon remained in Zacate-
cas, which was less than a month, he occupied himself
with indefatigable industry in augmenting and drilling
his forces. He made cannon and wagons; and all the
resources of the place in clothing, munitions of war,
and money were put in requisition. The rich mine of
Quebradilla31 was thrown open to all who chose to
work, one third of the metal to go to the laborers.
With this incentive, thousands toiled night and day,
and a large amount of metal was secured.82 As far as
it was possible, Rayon also organized the government
of the province, retaining in their offices all those em
ployes who gave satisfactory guarantees of their ad
herence to the cause. Moreover, having convoked a
general junta of the municipal corporations, he laid
before them his plans for the establishment there of a
provisional representative government of the nation,
independent of Spain.

At the same time he sent a communication to
Calleja, who was already on his march against him
from San Luis Potosi. This address, which reached
Calleja's hands at the hacienda of Carro, sets forth
Rayon's explanation of the cause and object of the
revolution. The treacherous imprisonment of the
Spanish monarch, he states, was no impediment to
the establishment of a junta central or of provincial

however, deter one of his comrades from following his example, who being
well covered with sacking sustained little injury. When the camp was
taken, the first soldier, then at the point of death, asked if the shot which
had been fired from his back had taken effect. Being answered in the affirm
ative, he exclaimed, ' Pues bien, ahora muero con gusto ! ' and soon after ex
pired. Cuad. Hist., i. 205-6.

31 The owners were Spaniards, the chief being Fermin de Apezechea, who
had retired to Mexico. Ataman, Hist. Mej., ii. 263.

32 Ray on caused it to be coined. Although the coins were of inferior work
manship, they were preferred at Vera Cruz, their value being at the rate of
nine reales to the peso fuerte. They bore the initials L. V. 0., which accord
ing to Bustamante meant, Labor vincit omxia. Cuad. Hist., i. 217. Negrete
suggests another interpretation of the letters, namely, Levantaos vivientes
oprimidos. Mex. Sig. XIX. , iv. 86.

310 MORELOS AND RAYON.

juntas in the peninsula; and the design of New Spain
was also to instal a national junta, or congress, after
the precedents established in the peninsula. While
Spain was being treasonably delivered up to the
dominion of Napoleon, the rights of the crown being
alienated and the holy religion prostituted, the ob
ject of this congress would be to put an end to the
systems of appropriation of the property of corpora
tions, and the exaction of so-called patriotic loans
and donations which were ruining the country, the
rights of Fernando, however, and the ecclesiastical
government being maintained; and finally, to pre
vent the surrender of New Spain to the French.33
This address was signed conjointly by Rayon and Li-
ceaga, and dated the 22d of April. On the 29th
Calleja despatched his answer, in which, after com
menting upon the cruel and desolating system of war
fare adopted by the insurgents, and the outside dan
ger to which it has exposed the nation, states that
the government will hold no further correspondence
with them, and concludes by offering them for the
last time the benefit of the general pardon, on the
condition that all arms, ammunition, and funds be
delivered up.34

On the receipt of this reply, Rayon, conscious of his
inability to resist the attack of Calleja, who continued
his march without interruption, abandoned Zacatecas
with the intention of proceeding to Michoacan. In

33 Rayon y Liceaga, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 279-80. This
manifest was forwarded to Calleja by a commission composed of Rayon's
brother Jose" Maria, a Franciscan padre named Gotor, who had formerly been
Calleja's chaplain and had some ascendency over him, and three Spaniards,
the only ones who had remained in Zacatecas, and whom Rayon generously sent
in order that they might escape from insult or outrage at hands of his troops.
Calleja responded to this liberality by causing Rayon's brother to be arrested:
He was, however, liberated by the influence of the conde de Casa Rul, who
took this opportunity of showing his gratitude for the kind treatment he had
received during the time he was a captive of Hidalgo with Garcia Conde and
Merino. Buntamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 207, 210.

3 ' Contestation de Calleja, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 280-1.
Bustainante makes the strange statement that Calleja offered to main tain
Rayon in possession of the funds in his power, which amounted to over
$1,000,000. Cuad. Hist, i. 210. Not one word of such a proposal appears in
Calleja's reply.

PURSUIT BY EMPARAK 311

order to retard Calleja, he left Resales in the city,
with instructions to hold out to the last extremity,
and then effect his retreat by way of Jerez. On the
night of the 1st of May Calleja, who had advanced
to Ojocaliente, received information of Rayon's retreat,
and immediately despatched Colonel Emparan with a
strong division and six cannon to intercept him. On
the 3d of May Calleja entered Zacatecas without op
position, Resales having availed himself of the benefit
of the pardon which was granted at his request to
him arid his troops.35

Meantime Emparan marched with great rapidity in
pursuit of Rayon, and on the same day on which
Calleja entered Zacatecas overtook him at the
hacienda de Maguey. The engagement which fol
lowed was most disastrous to the revolutionists.
Though occupying a strong position on the adjacent
ridge, they were routed on all sides, the artillery of
the enemy opening upon them with telling precision.
Rayon's troops were dispersed, his demoralized officers
carrying off a great part of the treasure.36 Twenty
pieces of artillery, and a quantity of muskets and am
munition, fell into the hands of the victors.37 More
than 100 prisoners were captured, all of whom Empd-
ran released except five, who were executed.38

After this defeat Rayon, still maintaining his inten-

35 Parte de Calleja, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 282; Gaz. de
Mex., 1811, ii. 424-5. Calleja, however, caused 13 of the insurgents to be
shot. Bustamante, Gaud. Hist., i. 216.

36 Emparan gives an exaggerated account of the number slain: 'Se vieron,'
the insurgents, ' precisados a ceder el Campo con mil y ochocientos a dos mil
Cadnberes.' Hernandez y Davalos, Col. Doc., iii. 283. Alaman, who received
his information from the lieutenant-colonel, Jose" Maria Bustarnante, attached
to the artillery of the revolutionists, states that the ammunition wagons being
cased with tin, the glitter afforded an excellent mark for the enemy's gun
ners. One of the wagons struck by a shot caused great disorder. Hist. Mcj. ,
ii. 269. Negrete adds that the shot caused the explosion of the ammunition.
Mex. Siff. XIX., iv. 51.

31 Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 471-2. The ammunition was of such inferior
quality that the greater portion of it was useless. This explains the insigni
ficant loss sustained by the royalists, who had only four wounded. Ib. Bus-
tamante's account intimates that Rayon only made a show of resistance in
order to secure the retreat of his main body. Cuad. Hint., i. 214. This ver
sion, in view of the disastrous result, is not credible.

38 Id., Campafiasde Calleja, 112-13.

SI 2 MORELOS AND RAYON.

tion of entering Michoacan, retired to La Piedad
unpursued by Emparan, who, little inclined to be
subservient to Calleja's orders, under some pretext
directed his course toward Guanajuato. At La Pie-
dad Rayon could not collect more than about 200 of
his scattered troops and $30,000 in money. Not dis
heartened, however, and having obtained in that town
a few arms and three cannon, he proceeded to Zamora,
where he organized a force of over 400 men, whom
he placed under the command of Torres, with instruc
tions to proceed to Pdtzcuaro and unite his division
with the troops under the revolutionary chiefs Padre
Navarrete and Manuel Muniz.89 In the neighbor
hood of Patzcuaro Torres was vigorously attacked by
a royalist force. The contest lasted nearly the whole
day without the enemy being able to dislodge the
insurgents from the position which they taken up on
the eminence of la Tinaja. Torres, however, was
severely wounded in the arm, and his troops were so
hard pressed that their defeat was imminent. At
this moment Rayon arrived with reinforcements; the
royalists were soon routed, even losing their baggage,
which they had left at Huiramba.

The conjunction of the insurgent leaders being thus
accomplished, Rayon prepared to attack Valladolid.
After Cruz's departure from that city in January,
only a small force remained for its defence. Torcuato
Trujillo, who, as the reader will recollect, had been
appointed military commander of the province, was so
arrogant and tyrannical that he brought upon him
the hatred of the inhabitants. His conduct was not
conducive to the pacification of Michoacan; in fact, the
whole province, with the exception of its capital and
the immediate vicinity, revolted. After the fatal day
at the bridge of Calderon, Muniz, and a number of
other chiefs who had sustained defeat there or else-

39 These leaders were respectively the revolutionary commanders in the
departments of Putzcuaro and Tacambaro in Michoacan. Id., Cuad. JJist.,
i. 215.

ATTACK ON VALLADOLID. 313

where, took refuge in the rugged districts of Michoa-
can,40 where even the insalubrity of the climate in
a large portion of the province served as protection.
Here they soon gathered strength, and finally, by the
cooperation of their forces, found themselves in a po
sition to assume the offensive. Rayon, therefore,
formed his plans, in concert with the other leaders,
for a combined attack on Yalladolid, and on the 29th
of May the heights adjacent to the city were occupied
by large bodies of insurgents, whose numbers were esti
mated by Trujillo at seven or eight thousand.41

The besiegers without delay opened fire on the city
with their artillery, which consisted of twenty-five
pieces of different calibre. The effect, however, was
insignificant, owing to the long range and poor gun
nery. On the following day Antonio Linares, who
had been sent from Guanajuato to the assistance of
Trujillo, succeeded in entering the city before day
light. The royalists now attacked the enemy and
inflicted some loss, capturing two cannon and dislodg
ing them from one of their positions. With this suc
cess Trujillo began preparations for a general assault,
but the insurgent leaders, aware of the reenforcement,
and disappointed at the absence of any demonstration
in their favor on the part of the inhabitants, secretly
retreated on the night of the 1st of June to Tacam-
baro.42

In the mean time events of great moment, which
will be narrated in the following chapter, had oc-

40 Trujillo, in a letter to the viceroy dated June 2, 1811, reports 'la reun
ion de mas de doce cabecillas, que por haberlos echado de todas partes las
armas del Rey se ban refugiado a esta provincia al abrigo de sus montes y
recursos. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 502.

41 ' Su total muchos lo hacen subir d, doce mil enemigos, pero yo creo no
pasaba, de siete d ocho mil, sin que sea exagerado.' He also mentions the
names of the chiefs opposed to him: el cldrigo Navarrete and others of the re
ligious order, and the captain-generals Muuiz, Torres, Rayon, Liceaga, Hui-
drobo, Salto, Carrasco, and Ramos, ' con otros de inferior jaez. ' On their
approach against the city the division under Torres was vigorously attacked,
May 27th, by Captain Felipe Robledo, who after a contest of three hours was
compelled to retreat with loss. Id., 499-506. In this engagement the left
arm of Torres was shattered by a grape-shot. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 284.

42(?az. de Mex., 1811, ii. 500-6.

314 MORELOS AND RAYON.

curred at Zitdcuaro, and Rayon with a small escort
had already proceeded thither. Previous to his de
parture, he organized the military government of the
various districts. To Torres he assigned Pdtzcuaro
and Uruapan; to Navarrete, Zacapo; to Mariano
Caneiga, Panindicuaro ; to Muniz, Tacambaro; and to
the guerrilla chief Luna, Acambaro and Jerecuaro.

The insurgents now for some time confined their
operations against Valladolid to a mere blockade,
which though maintained at a distance effectually cut
off Trujillo's communication with the capital. This
inaction lasted nearly two months, during which
Muiiiz occupied himself in increasing his forces and
armament. Cannon were cast, muskets were con
structed of bronze,43 and every preparation made for a
more determined effort. On the 19th of July the inde
pendent leaders, again reunited, appeared before the
city, their forces now amounting to 10,000 or 12,000
men, with forty pieces of artillery.44 On the 20th
Muniz sent to Trujillo a peremptory summons to sur
render if he would not see the city put to fire and
sword.45 To this communication Trujillo vouchsafed
no reply. On the 21st the insurgents opened fire, but
with little effect;46 and on the following day, the city
being invested on all sides, the attack commenced.
The principal assault was directed against the southern
entrance, under the immediate command of Muniz.
Trujillo, however, successfully repulsed it, driving the
enemy back upon their lines with heavy loss, and cap
turing eight cannon.

43 ' Que corao los arcabuces del tiempo de la conquista, eran muy pesados y
se disparaban con media necesitando dos hombres para su manejo.' Alaman,
Hist. Mej., ii. 304; Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 284.

44 Gaz. de Mex., 181 1, ii. 670-1. Bustamante states that the artillery con
sisted of 22 guns. Cuad. Hist., i. 284.

^Oaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 807.

46 Bustamante states that a soldier of Trujillo, named Pelayo, observing
that the elevation of the insurgents' guns was too great, sent a note to Muniz
informing him of the error. The messenger intrusted with the letter de
nounced Pelayo, who was immediately shot at the gallows, where his body
was left hanging with the letter attached to his back. Cuad. Hist., i. 285;
Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 306.

RETREAT OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS. 315

On the other side of the city affairs went otherwise.
Robledo was unable to maintain his position at the
Santa Catalina Gate, and Trujillo hastened to his as
sistance. On his entrance into the city he was filled
with consternation at the confusion which prevailed.
Men, women, and children in wild alarm were rushing
through the streets, shrieking and wailing, and pro
claiming that the city was in the power of the insur
gents. Soldiers were flying from their posts, and all
seemed lost. Trujillo, however, displayed rare cour
age and presence of mind. Raising the cry of victory,
and that Calleja was approaching, he succeeded in al
laying the panic, and hurried forward to the Santa
Catalina gate.

There the greatest disorder prevailed; the artillery
was dismounted or in the hands of the enemy; the
soldiers were fleeing, casting down their arms, and
throwing off their uniforms. Arresting the flight with
orders to kill all who did not rejoin their ranks, Tru
jillo sallied on to the plain and attacked the enemy.
He was, however, compelled to retire; and although
in a second charge he gained some slight advantage,
his position was desperate. His troops were giving
way at other points, and all was apparently lost. At
this crisis, when the victory of the insurgents was no
longer doubtful, to the inexpressible amazement of the
royalists, the besiegers retired from the contest, re
treating in good order, but abandoning twenty-two
cannon to the enemy. Divers reasons are assigned as
the cause of this extraordinary movement. Some at
tribute it to the miraculous interposition of the image
of the saviour in the sacristy of the cathedral. Tru
jillo claimed that the valor displayed by a portion of
his troops caused the insurgents to withdraw ; but the
more probable explanation is that advanced by Busta-
mante, namely, the failure of ammunition and the
envy and jealousy of Muniz, who, being the only one
who had sustained repulse during the day, refused to
furnish the other chiefs with cartridges when their

316 MORELOS AND RAYON.

own supply became exhausted.47 With criminal self
ishness he refused to others the success in which he
could not share. The insurgents pursued their way
unmolested to Acuicho, while Trujillo, bewildered
with astonishment, in the exuberance of his joy, was
so far forgetful of himself as to liberate more than 300
prisoners from the jails and dungeons of the city.48

47 'No quiso dar a los comandantes Anaya y otros ni un cartuchode mas de
treinta cargas que salv6 cuando fu<$ derrotado: quo se mantuvo espectador
. . .por no contribuir a la gloria de las columnas. . .que tuvier6n mejor direc-
cion, 6 mejor suerte que la de Muniz.' Bustamante, CuacL Hist., i. 286.

48 The particulars of the operations against Valladolid have been derived
from Trujillo's and other officers' reports published as quoted in the official
gazette of Mexico, and from Bustamante. Other authors, as Mora, Mex. y
sus Rev., iv. 235-9; Alaman, flint. Mej.y ii. 300-8; Torrente, Rev. Hist. Am.,
i. 242-3; and Negrete, Hex. Sig. XIX., iv. 114-25, 151-2, 155-6, 159-75, sup
ply no additional information, although in minor details some discrepancies
are observable in their several narrations.

CHAPTER XIII.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.
1811.

CALLEJA'S NEW SYSTEM or MILITARY ORGANIZATION — SUPPRESSION OF THE
INSURRECTION IN NUEVO SANTANDER — PACIFICATION OF SAN Luis POTO-
sf — DEFEAT OF INSURGENTS IN GUANAJUATO — PORLIER'S OPERATIONS IN
NUEVA GALICIA — TORRE'S ACTIVITY AND SEVERITY — His DEFEAT AT
ZITACUARO, AND DEATH — RAYON FORTIFIES ZITACUARO — EMPARAN RE
TURNS TO SPAIN — CONSPIRACY TO SEIZE THE VICEROY — PROCLAMATION
OF CALLEJA— EVENTS IN MICHOACAN — CONDITION OF GUANAJUATO —
SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION.

ON the day of his entrance into Zacatecas, Calleja
proclaimed the usual pardon, adding the customary
threats in case of non-compliance. All stragglers and
strangers were ordered to return to their homes within
twenty-four hours, under pain of being treated as insur
gents.1 Then, having purged the city by an appropri
ate slaughter of patriots, the royalist leader once more
remodelled the government. For its future security
he organized five companies of infantry, one of cavalry,
and an artillery corps, and appointed Martin de Medina
the governor of Colotlan, comandante and intendente
of the province. On the 16th of May Calleja pro
ceeded to Aguascalientes with an army greatly re
duced in numbers. The separation of Emparan's
division, and of another detachment under Miguel
del Campo sent to operate against the insurgents
in the Bajio of Guanajuato, had left him with lit
tle more than 1,000 men, while the revolutionists
were again increasing in strength. This dismember-

lGazde Hex., 1811, ii. 425-31.

(317)

318 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

ment of his famous army of the centre was a grievous
trouble to Calleja, the more so because he could see
that no durable results would be thereby attained.
In the abilities of his captains he had little confidence;
plan as he might, he foresaw under the present system
only failure. While at Aguascalientes, he therefore
submitted to the viceroy a plan of military organiza
tion which he thought might hasten peace.2 He
would arm all the towns in the kingdom for their own
defence, and thereby avoid the crippling effect of di
viding and subdividing the standing army into sections.
The troops would likewise be relieved from long and
fatiguing marches from one point to another. By
a judicious disposal of the regular troops in suita
ble localities, assistance could quickly arrive at any
point attacked. Both Calleja and the viceroy recog
nized the risk incurred in placing arms in the hands
of the people, and thus establishing a power which
might turn against the government. Nevertheless,
Calleja believed that such danger could be avoided, and
the viceroy adopted the plan. Henceforth this system
was pursued by the royalists to the close of the war.
The system was put into immediate practice as far
as possible, and was methodically developed and
extended as circumstances allowed. In each town,
companies of infantry and cavalry and batteries of
artillery were raised, the strength of which was pro
portionate to the number of inhabitants. All house
holders were compelled to take service in these corps,
which were placed under the direction of a coman-
dante de armas, in whom were also vested, wherever
practicable, the judicial functions. At each town
from 100 to 150 of such troops were to be in constant
service and daily drilled. Arms were at first sup
plied by collecting weapons in possession of the
inhabitants. All persons not enrolled in these mil
itary corps were forbidden to keep any kind of arms.

2 See copy of the plan, dated June 8, 1811, in Hernandez y Davalos, Col.
Doc., iii. 289-90.

ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS. 310

Only muleteers and others whose occupations so re
quired it were allowed a hatchet, and knife without
a point. In the country haciendas and ranches,
moreover, armed squadrons were organized, composed
of members varying from six or eight to fifty, accord
ing to the relative importance of the places. This
system, afterward adopted with some modifications by
Morelos and the other independent leaders, resulted
in placing all Mexico on a war footing; but it did not
accomplish at this time exactly what Calleja desired.
Practically it arrayed the nation against itself. At
the commencement of the strife the Creole regulars
even could not be relied upon, and in the first engage
ments great misgivings had been entertained by the
viceroy in regard to them. Their conduct at Las
Cruces, and the subsequent skilful management by
Calleja of the troops under his command, had greatly
relieved this anxiety, and now by enforcing armed
resistance in the towns against the attacks of the in
surgents, friends and brothers were sometimes brought
face to face as enemies.

Well aware that Zacatecas was still far from secure,
and that Guanajuato was exposed to invasion at any
time by the insurgent forces in Michoacan, Calleja
made such dispositions for the protection of those prov
inces as the circumstances of his position admitted.
As the northern and eastern provinces, called the
provincias interims,3 were now free from insurrec
tionary movements, the troops in those regions could
be advantageously employed in securing Zacatecas
and Guanajuato against hostile inroads, and at the
same time protecting the frontier of Durango. Ca
lleja accordingly addressed a letter to Governor Sal-
cedo, urging him to instruct Lopez and Ochoa to
occupy with their divisions the defiles of Colotlan,
Tlaltenango, and Juchipila; at the same time he

3 In May 1811 the provincias internas were divided into two comandancias
generales, subject to the viceroy's authority, by an order of the Spanish gov
ernment, which was confirmed by the regency in July 1812. Prov. Inter.
Carta del Ministro, and Id., Reed orden Mayer, MS., nos. G y 7.

320 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

made arrangements with Cruz to send a portion of
his forces in the same direction for the purpose of
cooperating with Emparan, whom it was his inten
tion to despatch to Lagos.4 Calleja's plan was to
occupy with the main divisions of his army the dis
trict extending from Lagos to Queretaro, thus keep
ing in subjection the most important part of the
country, and being in a position to hasten quickly
to the assistance of the forces operating on the
north and south of this line. The carrying-out of
this plan was, however, frustrated to some extent by
the development of events which necessitated the
employment of the heavy divisions of Emparan and
Linares at other points, the latter being despatched
to the relief of Yalladolid, as already related, and
the former being sent to Zitacuaro. The departure
of these forces from Guanajuato exposed that prov
ince, and even Queretaro, to imminent risk; and
Calleja, ordering Diego Garcia Conde to move to
San Felipe with the division he commanded at San
Luis Potosi, and Miguel de Campo to station him
self at Salamanca, hastened to Leon, whence he pro
ceeded to Guanajuato, entering the city on the 20th
of June.

When Calleja returned to San Luis Potosi after
his victory at Calderon, he found himself in a vortex
of insurrection. No sooner had the army of the
centre marched from Guanajuato for Guadalajara
than a number of insurgent bands sprung into exist
ence in various parts of the province. The most
prominent among their leaders was Albino Garcia,
commonly called El Manco,5 who in the neighborhood
of Salamanca and Santiago carried on hostilities with
such daring and skill that he became one of the most
celebrated guerrilla .chiefs of the revolution. In the

*See Calleja's despatch of July 31, 1811, in GazdeMex., 1811, ii. 747-8.

5 Garcia was a native of Salamanca, a town situated in the southern part
of the province. He derived this sobriquet of Manco from being crippled
in one arm by a fall from his horse. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 249.

IN NUEVO SANTANDER. 321

district between Huichapan and Queretaro, Villagran
was still harassing convoys and interrupting commu
nication with the capital. The hilly region of the
Huasteca, the mountains of the Sierra Gorda, and the
plains of Apam to the north of the Mexican capital
swarmed with predatory hordes. Nuevo Santander
was in open insurrection; portions of San Luis Po-
tosi were still unpacified; while the forces left in Zaca-
tecas and Aguascalientes were inadequate, as the
reader is aware, for the security of those cities.

While the events narrated in the preceding chap
ter were occurring in Zacatecas and Michoacan, the
insurrection in Nuevo Santander, under the leader
ship of Villerias, was successfully suppressed by Ar-
redondo. Having been invited by that chief to es
pouse the independent cause, Arredondo caused the
communication to be burned by the hangman, and on
the 4th of May marched from Agayo against the in
surgents. Villerias, having sustained several succes
sive defeats, fled toward Matehuala, where he was
overcome and slain by a royalist force sent against
him by the junta de seguridad of Catorce, under the
direction of the cura Semper, Padre Duque, and
Nicanor Sanchez.6 The insurrection in Nuevo San
tander was now confined to Tula and its vicinity.
On the 21st Arredondo approached the town, and
having routed the insurgents with considerable slaugh
ter, entered Tula the following day with little opposi
tion. All the leaders and principal men were hanged,
and their bodies left suspended from trees.7 Although
the insurrection in this province was thus thoroughly
crushed, Venegas, fearing that assistance to the rev
olutionists might arrive from the United States, dare
not reduce the number of troops, the efficiency of

&Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 493-7, 509-10. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, a
cadet of the Santa Cruz regiment, was commended by Arredondo for his gal
lant conduct in one of the engagements alluded to in the text. Id., 496.
This is the first time that Santa Anna's name appears in print.

7/c/., 507-8. Arredondo tells the viceroy that at the mission of Ola
shortly before his arrival an unfortunate prisoner was slowly roasted alive,
from the feet upwards, by the Indians, and eaten !
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. ui

322 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUAEO.

which he even increased by supplying them with a
considerable train of artillery. Iturbe was transferred
to the governorship of Colotlan and Arredondo ap
pointed to that of Nuevo Santander, which was
shortly afterward increased in territory by the addi
tion of the Huasteca.8

At this time, Matehuala again became the scene of
an insurgent defeat. In June the unfortunate town
was taken possession of by Bernardo Gomez de Lara,
better known by the sobriquet of Huacal. Lara, by
birth an Indian, was the most ferocious of the insur
gent chiefs who infested portions of San Luis Potosi.
Captain of a band of half-savage Indians, he directed
his hostilities not only against Spaniards, but against
all who were not of his race. At Matehuala and in
the vicinity he put to death a number of victims, and
by compelling the inhabitants to join his band, raised
his force to more than a thousand men. On the 21st
of June he was simultaneously attacked by a company
of Arredondo's troops under Antonio Elostia, and a
force brought up by Semper, the cura of Catorce.u
Assailed on opposite sides, Huacal was routed with
slaughter, between two and three hundred of his fol
lowers being slain and a large number taken prison
ers.10 He himself, though wounded, effected his
escape and retired to the Bajio of Guanajuato. Some
what later he entered San Miguel el Grande; but the
inhabitants recovering from their first panic, surprised
and captured him, with a number of his principal fol
lowers. Huacal was put to death in his prison, and
his body exposed on the gibbet. This occurred about
the end of the year.11 By this success the northern

8 ' Hasta la Sierra Gorda, confinando con el Mezquital y los llanos de
Apan y las costas de Tuxpan en el seno mejicano.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii.
282.

9 The combined attack was unpremeditated, as the royalist leaders were
not aware of each other's movements. This nearly led to a disaster, as the
soldiers of Elosiia fired upon those of Semper before they discovered that they
were friends. Gaz. de Max., 1811, ii. 1235-6.

10 Id., 1811, ii. 744-6, 1234-6 ; Rurribarria, Mem., in Soc. Max. Geog., vii.
291-2.

n £u8tamant€, Cttad. Hist., i. 292; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 196.

IN NUEVA GALICIA. 323

portion of San Luis Potosi was reduced to obedience,
and during August the operations of the royalists in
the district of Rio Verde and the southern part of the
province completed the pacification.

In Guanajuato and Michoacan the condition of
affairs was far different, and the revolution was assum
ing alarming proportions. Calleja was fully alive to
the grave difficulties of his position. In a letter
addressed to Venegas from Guanajuato on the 20th
of August, he describes to him in strong colors the
inextinguishable vitality of the insurrection and its
strong recuperative power;12 and again on the 2 6th of
September he reports that the forces of his division
occupying the district between Lagos and Queretaro
were insufficient to keep under control the ubiquitous
guerrilla bands. Meantime, however, Garcia Conde
and Miguel del Campo were rendering good service
in their respective localities. Jose do la Luz Gutierrez,
at the head of 4,000 men well provided with arms,
was signally routed at San Luis de la Paz,13 and
Albino Garcia sustained a similar defeat in the val
ley of Santiago.14

When Cruz returned to Guadalajara after his suc
cessful recovery of Tepic and San Bias, he applied
himself with his natural activity to the suppression
of the rebellion in other portions of the province. The
principal districts disaffected were those represented
by the important towns of Zacoalca, Sayula, and Za-
potlan, and on the 26th of February, Cruz despatched
Captain Porlier with the greater portion of the troops

12 'La insurreccion esta todavia muy le"jos de calmar; ella retofia como la
hidra, d proporcion que se cortan sus cabezas.' Bustamatite, Campanas de
Calleja, 127.

13 The action took place on the llth of July. Francisco Guizarn6tegui,
the officer in command of the royalists, received Calleja's highest commenda,-
tion on this occasion. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 750. In subsequent operations
several leading insurgent chiefs were captured and shot. Among them was
Luz Gutierrez.

14 On the 26th of June. Garcia lost five cannon, and was prevented by this
defeat from approaching Salamanca, where he had great influence. Gaz. de

1811, ii. 749.

324 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

against that region, instructing him to execute most
exemplary punishment upon the rebels.15 At Zaco-
alco and Sayula Porlier met with no opposition, the
insurgents retreating before him in the direction of
Zapotlan; but on the 3d of March he fought them
at some little distance from that town and defeated
them. No difficulty was experienced by him in re
ducing to subjection the other towns which had
shown symptoms of revolt in that region.16 Porlier
now intended to advance farther southward, and sent
forward Manuel del Rio to Colima, but the hostile
attitude of the Indians in the territory of Colotlan
and Nayarit forced Cruz to recall the larger portion
of the troops. Calleja had despatched from Zacate-
cas the cura of Matehuala, Jose Francisco Alvarez,
with a division of the troops of the provincias internas,
against the revolted district; but on the 27th of March
the belligerent padre was repulsed near the town, be
ing badly wounded, and effecting his retreat with dif
ficulty. Negrete was therefore sent with a force from
Nueva Galicia, and more successful than Alvarez,
soon reduced all the towns in the region between
Colotlan and Juchipila.17 Zapotlan, however, on the
withdrawal of the royalist troops, again revolted, and
Negrete proceeding thither inflicted a severe defeat
upon the insurgents on the 6th of May.18 Neverthe
less, the revolution in Nueva Galicia was not easily
eradicated, and Cruz and his officers were kept in con
stant occupation in one part or other of the province.
On the 25th of June, hoping to strike an effective blow
at the ringleaders, he issued a proclamation offering

15 Cruz in his instructions to Porlier says: 'No deve perdonarse la vida a
ningun revelde sea de la clase, coudicion, y edad que fuere. ' Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 224.

16 See his correspondence with Cruz during Feb. and March of this year.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc., iii. 224-35, 249-07.

17 Gaz. de Mcx., 1811, ii. 411; Parte de Negrete, in Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., iii. 270-2.

18 Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 467-8. The leader of the insurgents was the
'infame lego Gallaga,' who retired with a few followers to Tomatlan. About
the end of August he was there taken prisoner and shot. Alaman, Hist. Alcj.,
ii. 299-30.

PROVINCE OF MEXICO. 325

rewards for the delivery of insurgent chiefs, dead or
alive.19 These stringent measures, however, were not
effectual. In order to correspond with Calleja's wishes,
and cooperate with him in the protection of Zacate-
cas and Aguascalientes, Negrete and Colonel Manuel
del Rio were despatched with considerable detach
ments against different bodies of the insurgents.
These officers defeated the enemy in a number of en
gagements fought during the months of June to Sep
tember, while two other divisions, respectively under
the commands of Angel Linares and Colonel Pastor,
did good service.20

During this period the rebellion developed to a
great extent in the province of Mexico, and the prox
imity of the insurgent bands which soon infested it
not only caused the viceroy increased anxiety, but
exposed the weakness of the government in being
unable to suppress hostilities carried on almost in
sight of the capital. Although Hidalgo had been
unsuccessful in rousing much enthusiasm during his
brief inroad into Mexico, he had sowed well the seeds
of revolution. His departure did not allay the agi
tation in the towns of the Toluca Valley, and it spread
rapidly to those of Temascaltepec, Sultepec, and Zita-
cuaro. Although authority was quickly reestablished
in the city of Toluca, the country was soon overrun
by guerrilla bands. Haciendas and the smaller towns
were attacked and pillaged, communication between
the outlying cities and the capital was almost closed,
travel on the highways was impossible without strong
escorts, and sentinels were lassoed at the very gates
of the city.21 The viceroy at first attempted the or-

19 The rewards offered were proportionate to the military grades, the
leaders being rated at $500 a head, their colonels at $300, sub-officers at
$100, and an ordinary individual at $50. Cruz in the same proclamation en
acted that in every town which had lapsed into revolt after the extension of
the indulto to it, all the rebellious inhabitants should be put to death. Gaz.
deMex., 1811, ii. 715-18.

20 Id., ii. 759, 763-6, 811-14, 836-8, 967-70; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., iii. 287-9, 295-6, 324-5, 328-9, 330-1, 338-9, 368, 370-1.

21 Ward, Hex. in 1827, i. 180.

326 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

ganization of volunteer troops of horse supported by
subscription; but this force proved a failure.22 He
then appointed Juan Bautista de la Torre, a captain
of the regiment of Tres Villas, military commander
of Toluca, and assigned to him a strong body of regu
lars.23

To describe all the operations of Torre would be
entering into monotonous details of similar events.
He proceeded against the rebels early in January,
and during that and the three succeeding months
gained a number of victories,24 by which he reduced
the valleys of Toluca and Temascaltepec. About the
beginning of April, however, the inhabitants of Joco-
titlan again rose in revolt. The viceroy ordered Torre
to chastise them and clear the highway to Valladolid
of guerrilla bands. On the 15th,. after two hours
and a half of incessant firing, Torre entered Joco-
titlan, "having had the particular pleasure of leaving
four hundred dead upon the field," which he believed
would act as a restraint upon "the enemies of God,25
the king, and the country."

Zitacuaro, in Michoacan, still remained in the power
of the insurgents under Benedicto Lopez, who had sus
tained various defeats at the hands of Torre. The
town, surrounded by lofty hills on all sides, can only
be approached by three deep and narrow canons,
namely, those of San Mateo, Tuxpan, and los Lau-
reles;26 and Lopez, driven from place to place in
the less rugged valley of Toluca, had taken refuge

22 The name of guerrilla volante was given to this force. According to
Mora, the outrages committed by it were worse than those of the insurgents.
Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 182.

23 Torre was a native of Spain, being born in the mountains of Santander.
21Consult Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 43, 212-10, 221-7, 232-8, 265-75.

25 Torre displayed a strange mixture of merciless severity and religious
faith in a merciful saviour. He persecuted the insurgents, not only as
rebels, but as wretches cast outside the pale of the church by excommuni
cation. His cruelty and fanatical piety are well illustrated in a proclama
tion which he addressed to the inhabitants of Temascaltepec on the llth of
March. While offering them the choice of the indulto or death, he con
cludes by wishing them, with the lord's grace, all happiness. Id., 1811, ii.
238.

'^Uustamante, Companas de Callcja, 137. See map previously given.

DEATH OF TORRE. 327

in the mountain wilds of Zitacuaro. Torre, having

advanced during the night up the San Mateo canon,
at daylight on the 22d of April attacked the town,
his force consisting of 700 men provided with artil
lery. At the opening of the engagement the in
fantry led by Ventura Mora, second in command,
gained some advantage. By a gallant charge they
made themselves masters of the hill of the Calvario,
which commanded the town; but though they cap
tured the enemy's guns, they were unable to hold
their position against the immense numbers by
which they were in turn assailed. Mora and Cap
tain Pinera were slain, and the soldiers broke and
ran to the artillery for refuge. Pursuers and pur
sued, however, were so intermingled that the artil
lerymen could not fire without inflicting heavy loss
upon their own men; and the crowd rushing in
among the ranks of the main body threw it into
confusion. Finding it impossible to arrest the panic,
Torre tried a retreat by the way he had corne.
When he had reached the narrow entrance to the
canon, however, he found that a breastwork of loose
stones had been thrown up, behind which a host
had collected to cut him off. His destruction was
now certain. The soldiers lost all hope. A few
only escaped to tell the tale. Torre prepared for
death. He confessed to Padre Arevalo, the cura of
Tlalpujahua, who accompanied him, and then under
his guidance endeavored to escape from the trap he
had entered. Accompanied by a few horsemen, he
succeeded in extricating himself, and on the follow
ing day even .passed Tuxpan without harm. On
arriving at the hacienda of Xaripeo, however, he
was captured with his companions by Benedicto Lo
pez and taken back to Tuxpan. As they crossed the
bridge of that town Torre was killed by the natives,
who showered stones upon him until his dead body
was covered. The fruits of this victory were the

328 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

capture of all the enemy's arms, ammunition,, guns,
and baggage, and more than 300 prisoners.

Rayon was at this time at Tusantla; and on receipt
of the important news hastened to Zitacuaro, where
he assumed command. With considerable skill he
proceeded to put the town in a state of defence, recog
nizing the importance of its position as a central
point of operation. A ditch was cut round it five
varas wide and a league in circumference, which could
be converted at will into a moat by inundating it
from an extensive dam with which Zitacuaro was pro
vided. Behind the ditch a concentric barricade three
varas in width was erected, all the assailable portions
of it being covered with cannon, the number of which
was increased as rapidly as guns could be turned out
of the foundry which Rayon had established. The
roads also leading into the town were closed against
hostile approach by ditches and breastworks of tim
ber.

The defeat of Torre and destruction of his division
almost neutralized the previous advantages gained by
him. Communication between Yalladolid and the
capital was entirely closed, and the valley of Toluca
left open to the insurgents. Venegas, in this extremity,
being unable to detach any more forces from those
retained in the capital, had recourse to those under
the command of Emparan, who, contrary to the orders
of Calleja, had approached toward Valladolid. That
commander was, therefore, instructed to unite his
division with the forces under the lieutenant-colonel
Jose Castro, then at Tultenango, and proceed with
all possible despatch against Zitacuaro. This separa
tion of Emparan's important division from the army
of the centre caused Calleja great annoyance, and
from this time date the differences which arose
between him and the viceroy, and which afterward
developed into personal enmity. Empdran, who
estimated more correctly than the viceroy the diffi
culty of the undertaking, was not inclined to engage

DEFEAT OF EMPARAN. 329

in it without having first made every reasonable
preparation. With this object he occupied himself
for some time at Maravatio in putting in good order
his artillery trains and arms, in collecting supplies
of provisions, by informing himself through spies of
the strength and position of the enemy, and making
himself acquainted with the topography of the dis
trict. This prudent delay gave umbrage to Vene
gas, who, in face of Torre's late disaster, blindly
regarded the capture of Zitdcuaro as presenting little
difficulty;27 and in his communications with Calleja he
expressed his dissatisfaction at Ernpdran's dilatori-
ness, wrongly attributing it to want of energy and
inclination.28

Although Venegas was anxious to place the expedi
tion under some other leader, circumstances prevented
his doing so, and he ordered Emparan to advance
against Zitacuaro without further delay. Emparan
accordingly, though suffering in health, led out his
division, composed of 2,000 of the best troops of Ca-
lleja's army, and by forced marches under drenching
rains arrived on the 19th of June within six leagues
of the town. Entering by the same canon as that
followed by Torre, for two days the royalist army
with great difficulty pursued its march up the narrow
and rugged bed, continually impeded by obstructions
thrown in the way by the insurgents. Emerging
from the gloomy ravine on to the more open ground
of the glen in which Zitdcuaro was situated, Empa
ran took up a position on the 21st, in front of the
gently rising elevation of Los Manzanillos near the

27 'Siendo indudable,' he writes Calleja, 'que la reunion de Zitacuaro es
despreciable, y quo el suceso desgraciado, ' that is, of Torre, 'fue efecto de
haberse dirigido mal.' Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 123-4.

28 Calleja had already forwarded complaints to the viceroy injurious to
Emparan. Venegas thus influenced was not sparing of him, and told Calleja
that it would be necessary for him to come and take charge of the expedition.
Calleja, however, explained to the viceroy how impossible it would be for him
to do so at the present time, and suggested that the command be given to
Trujillo. Id., 123-5. As the reader is aware, Trujillo's position at this time
precluded the possibility of his leaving Valladolid.

SCO ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

town.20 On the following day the royalists took pos
session of the hill without difficulty, and also routed
a strong body of insurgents, estimated at 10,000 or
12,000, which assailed their rear; but all attempts
to take the town were prevented by the ditch, which
was filled with water and defended by well trained
infantry under cover of the barricade.3^ After nine
hours' fighting, during which the troops suffered
heavy loss, Emparan withdrew to Lcs Manzanillos,
where his soldiers bivouacked, comfortless and dis-
spirited.31

When the dull morning came with its leaden, rain-
charged sky, the royalist leader recognized the . hope
lessness of any further attempt against Zitacuaro.
The ground on which they had fought on the preced
ing day was inundated and was, indeed, an impassable
swamp. Lacking means of crossing the moat, and
without provisions or ammunition, Emparan cursed
in his heart the viceroy who had forced him for
ward against his better judgment. Retreat was the
only course left; and mustering into line, he retired
through the canon to Toluca, his force reduced one
half.32 Here, prostrated by fatigue and exposure, the
wound received on his head at the battle of Calderon

29 Bustamante says that Empdran sent out two detachments to forage, one
in the direction of San Mateo, and the other toward the town of San Fran
cisco, and that the first was entirely destroyed by the Indians, while the
other only saved itself by flight. Cuad. Plist., i. 224. Mora also follows this
account. Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 186. Emparan, in his report to the viceroy,
makes no mention of these reverses. Gaz. de Hex., 1811, ii. 598; nor does
Alaman.

30 Among the infantry were 200 soldiers of the regiment of Tres Villas and
100 deserters from the garrison at Valladolid. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 3G5.

31 Bustamante states that during the night great alarm was caused by a
stratagem of Rayon's, vrho fastened paper lanterns to droves of donkeys,
which were then driven toward the royalist camp. Cuad. Hist., i. 225. Mora
enlarges upon this story, and says that Emparan's soldiers were thus thrown
into panic. Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 188. Emparan, in his report, however, af
firms, 'en la noche no se advirtib cosa que mereciera atencion.' Gaz. de Mez.,
1811, ii. C01.

z* Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 225. 'Logro por fin llegar a Toluca con
poco menos de quinientos hombres, como consta de la revista que por 6rden
del virey le pas6 en esta ciudad el conde de Alcaraz.' Mora, Mej. y sus Rev.,
iv. 188. The accounts given by Alaman and Bustamante of this disaster
differ considerably. The former follows in the main the report of Calleja
given in Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 597-004.

THE VICEROY IN DANGER. 331

breaking out again, Empdran lay at the point of
death. His condition did not, however, prevent Vene-
gas from venting his wrath upon the unfortunate chief.
The fault was altogether his own, but he, being ruler,
must have some one to throw the blame upon. He
sent the conde de Alcaraz to Toluca to investigate.
Disgusted at the treatment, as soon as his health per
mitted, Empdran asked permission to return to Spain,
although the result of the in Destination left him with-

O O

out prejudice. His request was granted. On his ar
rival in the peninsula he retired from military service,
and died shortly afterward. Thus ended the career
of one of the few royalist chiefs who, while no less
brave than competent, was able to temper success
with mercy.

While these reverses — which were the more pro
nounced by reason of the coincident successes of
Morelos in the south, and the aggressive operations
of the insurgents at Valladolid — were causing Vene-
gas great anxiety, an unforeseen peril was threaten
ing him in the capital. As early as April a plot was
formed to seize the person of the viceroy, and force
him to give orders for the release of Hidalgo and his
fellow-captives. The prime mover was Dona Mariana
Rodriguez de Lazarin, a woman of great daring and
devotion to the cause,53 and with such energy and
tact did she manage the matter that the plans of the
conspirators were already arranged and the day ap
pointed. On the evening before this day, however,
one of them, Jose Maria Gallardo, mindful that he
might lose his life in the coming adventure, bethought
him to provide for the saving of his soul by confessing .
to Padre Camargo of la Merced, divulging therein
the particulars of the conspiracy. Camargo imme
diately informed the viceroy, and Gallardo, who was

33 When the ranks of the independent party were in despair at the news
of the capture of Hidalgo, Dona Mariana at a meeting in her house proposed
to seize the viceroy, and obtain the release of the captives or hang him. Z
ccro, Mem. Rev. J\lex., 359. This was the origin of the April conspiracy.

332 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

apprehended without loss of time, in abject terror dis
closed the names of all concerned. A number were
arrested that night; and as further information wras
gained, a great many persons of high position were
found to be implicated.34 Dona Mariana and her hus
band were confined in a dungeon till December 1820,
when they were liberated by the exertions of Zere-
cero. Although it does not appear that any execu
tions followed the discovery of this plot, many of
those arrested languished for a long time in prison.05
The failure of this conspiracy did not, however, de
ter others. Plots thickened in the capital, and when
the failure of Emparan's attack upon Zitacuaro became
known, the bolder conspirators, hoping to deal a fin
ishing blow at royalist power in New Spain, again
formed a plot to seize the viceroy. Their plan was to
attack his escort on the 3d of August, while he was
taking his customary evening ride, in the paseo cle la
Viga, and having secured his person, to conduct him
to Zitacuaro, and deliver him into the power of Rayon.
There he would be coerced to issue orders consigning
the government of the kingdom to Rayon.38 But
again a traitor marred the plot on the eve of its ac
complishment. On the night of the 2d, one Cristo
bal Morante, who had attended the last meeting of
the conspirators when their plans were finally arranged,
denounced the proceedings to Venegas,37 who imme
diately gave orders for necessary precautions to be
taken. On the following morning the principal con
spirators were arrested, and in order to allay the agi
tation caused by the discovery and the military meas
ures taken, the viceroy on the same day issued a
proclamation informing the public of whathad occurred.

34 Among them Padre Belaunzaran, afterward bishop of Monterey, the
marquis of Rajas, the counts of Santiago, Regla, and Medina, and sev
eral high officials in the service of the government.

35 Consult Bustamante, MartiroL, pp. 51; and Mex. Refut. Artie. Fondo,
12. Zerecero was the author of the work quoted in note 33.

^Gazde Mex., 1811, ii. 780.

37 Bustamante erroneously states that it was a woman who divulged the
plot. Cuad. Hist., i. 299.

CONSPIRACY CRUSHED. 333

Proceedings were at once brought against the prison
ers, and their trials conducted with the utmost haste.
Six of them were condemned to death, and executed
on the 29th of the same month.33

Among those arrested were three Augustinian fri
ars, Juan Nepomuceno de Castro, Vicente Negreiros,
and Manuel Rosendi. Castro was degraded by the
ecclesiastical court, and handed over to the secular
power; the other two were deposed from their relig
ious dignities, and sentenced to confinement in the
convents of their order in Manila. The criminal
court, however, demanded the surrender of all three.
This gave rise to disputes between the two jurisdic
tions, and the viceroy, deeming it impolitic to exhibit
the spectacle of an ecclesiastic's execution in Mexico,
finally sent them all to Habana, to be there confined.
Castro, however, died on his way thither in the castle
of Ulua, where so many others under similar circum
stances had been released from durance by death.39

38 These were the licenciado Antonio Ferrer, Ignacio Cataiio and Jose"
Mariano Ayala, subalterns of the commercial regiment, Antonio Rodriguez
Dongo, in whose house the conspirators held their meetings, and Felix Pineda
and Jose" Mariano Gonzalez. The execution of Ferrer was little less than
murder. The only evidence against him was the denunciation of one Manuel
Teran, an official of the secretaria de camara de vireinato, who stated that
Ferrer on the morning of the 3d of August had invited him to go armed and
on horseback that afternoon to the paseo de la Viga, and made him acquainted
with the plans formed for the execution of the design. No other witness ap
peared against him, and he strenuously denied Teran's assertions, maintain
ing in his declaration that he knew nothing of the plot before that morning.
&o weak was the charge that the fiscal, Jose" Ramon Oses, only ventured to
propose the punishment of six years imprisonment. The Spanish party, how
ever, were loud in their demands for his death. Ferrer was a lawyer, and too
many of that class were attached to the cause of independence. The viceroy
was importuned so urgently that he declared if the criminal court did not
impose capital punishment upon Ferrer he would do so himself. The presi
dent of that court, the oidor Bataller, a Spaniard, wished to save his life, but
the two alcaldes, Yafiez and Torres Torija, both Americans, pronounced
the sentence of death, and Bataller unwillingly signed the death-warrant.
"When Ferrer heard the sentence read to him, he fell senseless in the court,
overwhelmed with the injustice to which he was victim. Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 370, 372-3; Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 424-8; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i.
300. A declaration asserted to be written by him 'sin sugestion ni seduccion
de nadie,' before his death and recognizing the justice of his sentence, was
published in the official gazette two days after his execution. Gaz. de Mex.,
1811, ii. 784-5.

sa Besides Alaman, Bustamante, and Zerecero, already quoted, consult
Rivera, II 1st. Jed., i. 338-9; Hex. Oablldo Metrop., pp. 14, in Doc. Edes.
Mex., MS., ii. no. 4; and Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. 2)oc., iii. 435-6.

3C4 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

Notwithstanding the triumphs obtained by the in
dependents at Zitacuaro, and the successful progress
of Morelos in the south, Rayon recognized the want
of cooperation among the revolutionary leaders. By
a union only could permanent advantage be gained
over an enemy who could concentrate an overpower
ing force at any point and destroy them in detail.
With a view of centralizing authority, Kay on formed
the plan of a national junta, under some show of pop
ular election, and he corresponded with Morelos, who
indorsed his views. Then he convoked an assembly
of as many of the principal inhabitants of Zitdcuaro
and land owners in the district as could be collected,
and laid the matter before them. This meeting was
held on the 19th of August, and an act was passed,
establishing a supreme national junta consisting of
three members, to be increased to five as occasion
might require, and nominating for election Rayon,
Jose Maria Liceaga, and Jose Sixto Verdusco, the
cura of Tusantla.40 For the installation of this junta,
and the election of the members, the principal chiefs
were convoked the same day to give their votes on
the matter.41 The act of the general junta was con
firmed by them ; the nominees were elected by a large
majority,42 and took oath to maintain the rights of
the church and the king,43 and shed the last drop of
blood for liberty. The electors then swore to obey
the decrees and enactments of the newly created coun-

40 Bando, in Hernando y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. . iii. 340.

41 The names of those assembled were: Ignacio Rayon, minister of the
nation; Lieutenant-general Jos<5 Maria Liceaga; Josd Sixto Verdusco, as rep
resentative of General Morelos; the mnriscales de campo Ignacio Martinez
and Benedicto Lopez; Brigadiers Jos<§ Maria Vargas and Juan Albarran; Re-
mijio Yarza, as representative of General Jos6 Antonio Torres; Colonel Mi
guel Serrano, as representative of General Toribio Huidrobo; Captain Manuel
Manzo, for the commissioner Mariano Ortiz; the commissioner Tomds Ortiz;
the quartermaster Ignacio Ponce de Leon; and sub-inspector Vicente Iza-
guirre. Id., iii. 403.

42 Rayon naturally had great preponderance in this assembly, which at
most was only a partial representation of the independent leaders. A few
other persons present gained votes to the number of four, and two; and one
was cast for Morelos ! Jb. Alaman says of Rayon's intentions, 'siendo su plan
que la autoridad recayese en el mismo.' Hist. Mej., ii. 397.

43 Even now they were not able to act wholly independent of royalty.

SUPREMA JUNTA NACIOXAL. 335

cil, which was styled the Suprema Junta Nacional,
and a circular copy of the proceedings wras sent to the
different chiefs, calling upon them to take the oath of
allegiance and exact the same from the troops and in
habitants in their respective districts.

The news of the establishment of a government
was received with great joy by the revolutionists, and
they now indulged in the most sanguine hopes of the
accomplishment of their high aspirations. The result,
however, fell far short of their expectations. The
suprema junta failed to receive general recognition;
many of the military leaders refused obedience to it ;44
others only acknowledged its authority when conven
ient, while the Villagranes even placed themselves in
hostility to it. But what contributed most to its in
efficiency was disagreement among its members. Some
said it had no title to obedience, not having been con
vened by the nation. Morelos and some others did
not like the idea of still holding on to the skirts of
royalty; they thought it a species of deception ruling
in the name of Fernando, when pure independence
alone would satisfy them.45 The members of the
junta tried to soothe his scruples, and in a letter
dated the 4th of September, defended their action
on the ground of expediency. Although they aspired
to independence with no less ardor than their col
leagues, they found it advantageous to the cause to
proclaim Fernando, inasmuch as many Europeans as
well as wavering Spanish Americans had thereby
been induced to join them.48 But Morelos could not
countenance a measure which he foresaw would lead
to complications, and although he was appointed the

** Albino Garcia, remarked, 'No hay mas rey que Dios, ni mas alteza que
un cerro, ni mas junta que la de dos rios. ' Bustamante, Ouad. Hist. , i. 298.

45 'No era razon,' says Morelos at his trial, 'engaiiar a las gentes haciendo
una cosa y siendo otra, es decir, pelear por la independencia y supouer que se
haci<\ por Fernando VII.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 381.

4(5 #az. de Mex., 1812, iii. 489. This letter fell into the possession of Ca-
lleja, at the capture of Cuautla in May 1812, together with others papers of
Morelos. Guerra maintains that this document was a fabrication of the roy
alists. Rev. N. Esp., ii. 420-1.

326 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUABO.

fourth member of the junta of Zitacuaro, he held
aloof.47

The establishment of this junta, however, caused
Venegas considerable alarm. He could not close his
eyes to the fact that even the mere semblance of a
government would give impulse to the revolution, and
afford a dangerous opportunity to the insurgent lead
ers of uniting under the direction of rulers who were
no more illegitimately constituted than had been the
junta of Seville. Its destruction, therefore, was of
the first importance; and Calleja, who had already
been ordered to proceed against Zitacuaro after
Emparan's repulse, was again urged to use all possi
ble despatch. In order to counteract the effect from
the use of the name of Fernando VII. by the newly
organized junta,48 Calleja proclaimed in Guanajuato
on the 28th of September that no junta was here
recognized except the national congress of the cortes
in Spain, nor any authority as legitimate except that
of the viceroy. He moreover placed a price of
$10,000 on the head of Rayon and those of his prin
cipal associates.

While Calleja was making his preparations to
assault Zitacuaro with that unhurried leisurely sys
tem always pursued by him, and which in this case
detained him till the end of the year, a variety of
events occurred. The danger to which Valladolid
had been exposed during July caused Venegas, as
soon as Emparan's troops had recovered from their
fatigue, to despatch Colonel Joaquin Castillo y Busta-
mante with his battalion to the assistance of Trujillo.
This officer, having joined Linares in Valladolid, pro-

47 Consult Zerece.ro, Re.v. Mex., 399-403; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., I 293-6;
Mora, Mcj. y sus Rev., iv. 308-10; Guerra, JRev. N. Esp., ii. 402-10. More-
los, in a letter to Rayon dated August 13, 1811, had previously sanctioned the
proposed establishment of a supreme junta, and appointed Verdusco as his
representative. Zamacois, Hist. Mej. , vii. 559-02, supplies a copy of it.

48 The proclamations and enactments of the junta bore this heading: El
Sr Don Fernando Septimo y en su Real Nombrc la Suprema Junta Nacional
Americana, etc. Hernandez y Da valos, Col. Doc., in. 392.

IXSUIIGEXT DEFEAT. 337

ceeded on the Gth of September against Mufiiz, who
was posted at Acuitzio with 8,000 men and thirteen
pieces of artillery; and on the following day defeated
him and captured .his guns and ammunition. He
then marched to Patzcuaro, which was occupied by
Torres, who, however, did not await his attack, but
retired to Zacapo, and uniting his forces with those
of Navarrete, took up a position on the hills near
Zipimeo, where he gave battle to the royalists.
Torres was as unsuccessful as Muniz; he was routed
with great slaughter and the loss of twenty-one can
non. Extreme severity was exercised by Castillo
after these victories; at Zipimeo more than 300
prisoners were put to death. And Castillo seemed
to regard other kinds of butchery with favor, as he
commended to the favorable notice of Trujillo a
dragoon who, in the pursuit at Acuitzio, slew with his
own hand a brother, saying, as the latter pleaded for
his life, that he knew no brother who was a rebel.

On the departure of Castillo from Toluca with a con
siderable portion of the troops stationed there, Rayon
determined to extend his operations into the province
of Mexico, and sent detachments in the direction
of Ixtlahuaca and Tenango. These made inroads
to the gates of Toluca, and Venegas despatched Cap
tain Porlier, who had returned to Mexico,49 to take
command of the force in that city. On the 16th of
September Porlier marched from Toluca against the
insurgents, and on the 21st made an unsuccessful
attempt to dislodge them from a strong position on
the hill of Tenango. The loss of the royalists was
considerable, and Toluca being threatened, Porlier
retraced his steps thither. Before his arrival, on the
10th of October, the city had been assaulted by the
enemy, and was cannonaded for the five following
days. Meanwhile the viceroy had despatched a force

49 Porlier had passed through Guanajuato in August on his way from
Guadalajara to Vera Cruz, and conducted to the capital a convoy of 1422 bars
of silver placed under his charge by Calleja. Ataman, Hist. M?j.t ii. 310;
Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 129.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 22 -

338 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

of 500 men from the capital to the assistance of the
besieged. Porlier, on the arrival of this detachment,
assumed the offensive, arid drove the insurgents from
their positions with the loss of their artillery, arms,
and ammunition. Of 100 Indians taken prisoners all
were drawn up in file arid shot, except one who was
dismissed to bear the tidings to his countrymen.50

The viceroy now peremptorily ordered Calleja to
march against Zitacuaro.51 Calleja, aware of the peril
in which Guanajuato would be placed by his depart
ure, was nevertheless compelled to obey these instruc
tions, and unwillingly left that city on the llth of
November, having been frustrated in his attempts to
provide for the safety of the province by arrangements
with Arredondo and Cruz, who, indeed, were fully
occupied in protecting their own territories. Thus
abandoned to its own resources of defence, the city of
Guanajuato lay exposed to the attack of numerous
bands of guerrillas who gathered round as soon as
Calleja was out of sight. On the 26th that indefati
gable chief Albino Garcia occupied the hill of San
Miguel with some 12,000 men, and opened fire on the
city. An attempt made by a party of royalists to
capture the enemy's cannon by assailing their rear
failed, nearly every man being killed; and the insur
gents, taking advantage of their success, pushed for
ward into the town, and attacked the plaza. Here,
however, they lost a cannon which they had placed
in the plazuela of San Diego, and Albino Garcia, aware
that reinforcements were approaching from Leon and
Silao to the relief of the besieged, hurriedly with
drew to the hacienda of Cuevas, where a great num
ber of his followers dispersed.52 But although the
insurgents failed in their attempts against the capital

50Gaz. deMex., 1811, ii. 957-60, 977-80, 1006-10; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 392.

51 The despatch of Venegas was concluded in such terms as to cause Ca
lleja additional offence. Buxtamante, Campanas de Calleja, 132-3.

52 Id., Cuad. Hist., i. 424-7; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Dot:, iii. 447-9.
Cruz had, moreover, instructed Captain Angel Linares, then at Lagos, to hold
himself in readiness to assist Guanajuato. Id., iii. 429-30.

IJsT QUERETARO. 339

and the principal towns, which were attacked in turn,
the province was overrun by fierce bands of guer
rillas and subjected throughout its length and breadth
to the scourge of predatory warfare. In the neigh
boring province of Michoacan the aspect of affairs
underwent no material change. Although the capi
tal was relieved from immediate danger, it was the
only place held absolutely in possession by the royal
ists. During the last three months of the year, vari
ous expeditions were sent into the districts of Patz-
cuaro, Tacambaro, Ario, and Uruapan, but though
the government forces succeeded in driving Muniz
and other chiefs from place to place, destroying the
founderies which they established and burning their
camps, they made no permanent progress. In Nueva
Galicia, Cruz was more successful. On the principle
of Calleja's new system, military companies were or
ganized in most of the towns, and by their cooperation
in resisting the predatory attacks of the revolutionists,
the province was gradually reduced to tranquillity.

The city, of Queretaro, well fortified and garrisoned,
was secured against attack, but the surrounding ter
ritory was no more exempt from civil strife than the
neighboring provinces, and the comandante Rebollo
sent frequent expeditions against the rebels,53 who in
terrupted the communication between the capital and
Queretaro to such an extent that only immense con
voys strongly escorted could pass through the infested
district.54 In communication with the insurgent lead-

53 These expeditions were generally commanded by Fernando Romero Mar
tinez and Ilclefonso de la Torre, both European Spaniards, and whose ferocity
gained for them an infamous notoriety. The former indulged his blood-
thirstiness by putting bound captives to death with his own hand, and the lat
ter respected neither sex nor age in the butcheries which he perpetrated.
Alaman, Jlist. Mej., ii. 405-6. Particulars of the engagements in Queretaro
will be found in Gaz. deMex., 1811, ii. 149-51, 381-4, 594-6, 69D-702, 707-11,
719-21, 760-1, 1022-4, 1192-3, 1195-6; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii.
336-7.

51 On the 14th of November a convoy consisting of 2,000 pack mules, iin-
der the conduct of Colonel Andrade, entered Mexico. Besides 600 bars of sil
ver, it conveyed a great quantity of articles of consumption, and its safe ar
rival was a matter of rejoicing to the inhabitants of the capital. Andrade left
Mexico some days later with a return convoy six leagues Ln length, escorted

340 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

ers in Queretaro were those operating in the Huas-
teca and Mexico. The progress made by the revolu
tion in the eastern part of the latter province was
rapid and alarming. During August and the succeed
ing months of 1811, the insurrection spread southward

EASTERN DISTRICTS.

by a body of troops 400 strong. On the 23d he was attacked by the Villa-
granes, Anayas, and Correa, the cura of Nopala, who had declared for the rev
olution and had been made brigadier by the junta of Zitdcuaro, and appointed
comandante of Huichapan and Jilotepec. Although the insurgents were re
pulsed, they succeeded in driving off some pack mules, and the action was so
brisk that the bishop of Guadalajara, who was returning to his diocese, was in
danger of being captured. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 407-8; Gaz. deMex., 1811,
ii. 1108-11.

IN TLASCALA. 341

through the plains of Apam and extended across Pue-
bla to the confines of Oajaca. Toward the close of the
year the territory of Tlascala was invaded, the city
attacked, and many of its towns and their districts
devastated. The highway between the capital and
Orizaba was almost closed to the royalists, and com
munication with Vera Cruz interrupted.

The first impulse to the revolutionary movement in
the plains of A.pam was given by Jose Francisco
Osorno, a highwayman by profession, and so illiterate
that he only succeeded in learning to scrawl his
name when he became prominent as a leader.55 Hav
ing collected a band of 600 or 700 men, he entered
Zacatlan on the 30th of August without opposition.
Here he was presently joined by Mariano Aldama —
a relative of the Aldamas who had been the associates
of Hidalgo — with the rank of major-general; and their
rapid progress soon caused inconvenience in the capi
tal by the stoppage of supplies from the haciendas sit
uated in the plains. Venegas accordingly despatched
an expedition against Zacatlan under the command of
a naval captain named Ciriaco del Llano.58 This offi
cer gained a series of successes over the insurgents,
but his sanguinary and oppressive proceedings, instead
of extinguishing the insurrectionary spirit, only served
to inflame it.67 Thus Osorno, though repeatedly de
feated and his followers dispersed, ever reappeared at

55 Such is the statement of Calleja in his manifiesto supplied by Martinena
in his Verdadcro Origen de la Rev. enN. Esp., 16-7. Osorno was convicted in
Puebla for robbery about the year 1790. He attained to the rank of major
general and lieutenant general in the revolutionary service. Bustamante
glosses over the criminal antecedent of this leader. Ctiad. Hist. , i. 358.

56 At the beginning of the revolution the governor of Habana had sent to
Mexico a number of naval officers who wished to take service in the royalist
army. Id., i. 359.

5T An order which he issued to the effect that no one except a public char
acter might ride on horseback caused great and general discontent, and many
joined Osorno in order to save their horses, which were regarded with affec
tion, from being taken for military work. Still more oppressive was Llano's
system of burning the homes of the country people on the ranches scattered
through the plains, in order to compel the inhabitants to congregate in the
larger towns and oppose the insurgents. Id., i. 360-1; Gaz. de Mex.. 1811.
ii. 932.

342 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.

some point distant from the scene of his late reverse
at the head of his reunited men,58 and his name became
as celebrated in the plains of Apam as that of Albino
Garcia in the Bajio of Guanajuato.59

b8 Aldama had been treacherously murdered by one Jose" Maria Casalla,
who received him into his house under the guise of friendship and assassinated
him while asleep. Bustamaiite, Cuad. Hist., i. 363. By his death Osorno suc
ceeded to the chief command.

59 Details of the royalist operations in the plains of Apam will be found in
Gaz. deMex., 1811, ii. 871-8, 931-6, 987-91, 1056-8.

CHAPTER XIY.

SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.
1811-1812.

DOCTOR Cos JOINS RAYON — THE REVOLUTIONARY PRESS— PERPLEXITY OF
VENEGAS — BISHOP CAMPILLO'S FAILURE AS A MEDIATOR — SECOND CAM
PAIGN OF MORELOS — CALLEJA TAKES ZITACUARO — DESTRUCTION OF THE
CITY— REVERSES OF PORLIER— ARRIVAL OF SPANISH TROOPS — TRIUMPHAL
ENTRY OF CALLEJA INTO MEXICO— JEALOUSY OF VENEGAS — CALLEJA
MARCHES AGAINST CUAUTLA — DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY — LLANO AT
IZUCAR — CALLEJA REPULSED — CUAUTLA INVESTED — SUFFERINGS OF THE
BESIEGED — MORELOS EVACUATES THE CITY — CALLEJA RETURNS TO THE
CAPITAL.

WHEN Morelos returned to Chilapa, after the sup
pression of the conspiracy formed by Tabares and
David, he found himself in a most favorable position
to make at leisure and without interruption his prepa
rations for another campaign. By the dispersion of
the royalist troops sent against him, he held possession
of the country about him. Protected from attack on
the north by the river Mescala, and the deep pestifer
ous valley through which it ran, he was equally se
cure from molestation in the direction of Oajaca. The
recent defeats of troops from that province had left it
in alarm for its own safety, without either the incli
nation or means again to assume the offensive. Dur
ing the next three months, therefore, Morelos devoted
himself with untiring activity to the more thorough
organization of his forces, and especially to the estab
lishment of systematic order and harmony between
castes, the correction of the abuses practised upon

(313)

344 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

Spaniards,1 and to the collection, proper management,
and legitimate application of public rents and church
tithes within the territory under his control.2 In
order to facilitate matters, early in October he formed
a new province, which he named Tecpan, out of the
southern portion of the territory which at that time
comprised the intendencia of Mexico, and erected
Tecpan as the capital, with the title of the city of
Nuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe, while at the same
time, as a punishment for the pertinacious opposition
of the inhabitants of Acapulco, that port was degraded
from its rank and title of Ciudad delos Reyes to that
of la Congregacion de los Fieles, the lowest grade of
municipal communities in the Indies.3

The preeminence displayed by Morelos in ability
to direct the revolutionary movement, continually ex
posed his life to other dangers than those of open war.
Dark and secret plans were formed for his destruc
tion by poison or capture. In September 1811 he
received a letter from one Padre Alva,4 warning him
of a plot to poison him, and informing him that two
men were already on their way from Mexico with
that object. As Alva had minutely described them,
they were arrested on their arrival at Chilapa, and
sent to Zacatula. About a year later a similar design
was meditated, of which Calleja seems to have been
aware;5 and still later Rayon apprised him of the

10n the 13th of October he published a decree to this effect: 'Que aim
siendo culpados algunos ricos Europeos 6 criollos, no se heche mano de sus
bienes sino con orden Expresa del Superior de la Expedicion. ' Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , iii. 402, 450.

2 At the beginning of his career Morelos appointed commissioners to at
tend to these matters. See Id., ii. 227-8; Ataman, Hist. Mej., ii. ap. 41.
These commissioners were instructed 'a reconocer las existencias de los
estancos, alcabalos, como tambien las de bulas y nuevo indulto de carne, to-
mando cuenta de ellos a las personas que los manejan.' Ib. On the 15th of
Sept. he established postal communication with other independent centres,
and between the revolutionary armies, by the organization of a sendee of
mounted couriers. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 376.

3Alaman supplies a copy of this enactment. Hist. Mej., ii. ap. 44-6.
The territory thus constituted a province by Morelos was afterward made,
with an addition, the province of Guerrero.

*'Con destino de Capellan de Coro 6 otra ingerencia en la Colegiata de
Guadalupe. ' Declaration de Morelos, 38-9.

5 Such is Alaman's opinion: 'En la declaracion muy especial que por 6rden

DOCTOR COS. 345

presence of a traitor among his most confidential as
sociates, whose intention was to deliver him to the
viceroy.6 Morelos received these unpleasant commu
nications with extreme indifference.

The rapid extension of the rebellion, despite his ut
most efforts to arrest its progress, kept Venegas in
embarrassment; and to add to his perplexity, the popu
larity of the cause was daily gaining ground in the
capital and other large cities in possession of the
Spaniards. Fostered by the circulation of periodicals
and publications — the distributors of which the gov
ernment in vain endeavored to discover — the princi
ples of independence were being more widely dissemi
nated and better understood. Prominent among the
authors of these sheets was Doctor Cos, whom the
imprudent action of the viceroy had driven to the
ranks of the insurgents. Cos, as the reader will re
member, on his departure from Aguascalientes had
been detained in confinement at Queretaro. Having
addressed a representation to the viceroy giving an
account of the occurrences at Aguascalientes, and in
forming him of the instructions which he had received
from Calleja to proceed to Mexico, Cos was released by
order of Venegas and presented himself at the vice
regal palace. The viceroy expressed himself satisfied
with his explanations ; but after a delay of many days,
during which no notice was taken of him, Cos was
peremptorily ordered to return immediately to his
parish. Such a journey could not be undertaken by
him at that time without imminent risk; two days
after his departure he was captured by Correa's band
and conducted to Zitacuaro, where, disgusted with
the treatment he had received and the want of con
fidence in him shown by the viceroy, he offered his

del virey Calleja se le tomo en su causa, sobre otro conato posterior tie cnve-
nenamiento, que da idea que Calleja tenia noticia previa del heclio.' Hist.
Mej., ii. 425.

6 Ray 011 described the man as stout and big-bellied. Morelos' reply was
'no hay aqui otro barrigon que yo, la que en mi eufermedad queda desbas-
tada.' Id., ii. 425-6.

346 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

services to the junta. Rayon willingly received him,
and henceforth Cos devoted heart and soul to the
cause. Conscious of the power exercised by the press
as an engine of defence against misrepresentation, and
for the diffusion of enlightened ideas on the subject
of independence, with infinite labor he fashioned out
of wood with his own hands sufficient type to enable
him to print five pages of matter, and for some months
issued from Zitacuaro a weekly publication which he
styled the Ilustrador Americano.1 The effect produced
by this sheet was soon felt by the steady emigration
from the cities of young men of energy and ability,
who joined the ranks of the revolutionists and aided
the cause with sword or pen.

The perplexity of Veriegas increased daily ; and so
forlorn did his position appear to him that at times
he even meditated opening communications with the
rebel leaders to induce them to lay down their arms
by offers of personal favors, and by concessions which
would win back the multitude to their allegiance with
out prejudice to the essential principle of Spanish
domination. But such a step would be deeply hu
miliating to the dignity of the government, and doubly
so in the event of failure. Sorely pressed though he
was, he hesitated to adopt a plan so uncertain. It
was therefore a relief to his mind when Manuel Igna-
cio Gonzalez del Campillo, bishop of Puebla,8 offered

"Mora says: 'El Ilustrador Americano, se leia por todos partes con avidez
y con aprecio, en las grancles ciudades sometidas a los Espaiiolcs, cspecialmente
en Mcjico, circulaba de mano en raano, y aunque cl gobierno vireiual sabia cl
hccho, no podia dar con las personas que lo leian y teniau. ' Mcj. y sus Rev. ,
iv. 197. See Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 40G. Somewhat later Cos obtained a
quantity of type by the assistance of Jos6 Rebelo, an official in the printing-
office of Arizpe, in which the government printing was done. Ilebclo pur
chased the type without suspicion, and it was conveyed at great risk through
the gates of the capital packed in gourds, which to appearance contained fruit.
Having joined the insurgents forthwith, Rebelo served for some years with
great zeal for the cause. He was eventually captured by the royalists while
conveying some revolutionary sheets from Zacatlan to Apazingan, and shot.
Id., i. 407-9.

8 Campillo, though a Creole, had been appointed bishop of Puebla on ac
count of eminent services rendered the church. Previous to his election he
had frequently been engaged in disputes with the Spaniards and the govern
ment. Disagreements were then laid aside, and when the revolution broke
out Campillo used his utmost efforts to promote the cause of Spain. His lino

PROPOSED MEDIATION. 347

to open negotiations in his own name with Rayon and
Morelos, and submitted a plan of proceeding. He
would address a manifesto to the two leaders, and
appeal to them to aid in putting a stop to the war.
Commissioners were to be sent to them with instruc
tions of both a public and private nature. By the
first they would be authorized to offer full pardon
to Rayon and Morelos if they would stop proceed
ings and recognize the Spanish government. By the
second, promises were to be privately given to the
insurgent leaders, on the word of the bishop and with
his guarantee, of their reception into favor. If these
offers were accepted, it was to be understood that the
insurgent forces, their fortified places, arms, and all
resources of war, should be placed at the disposal of
the government.9

Yenegas gladly accepted the bishop's proposal;
whether his mediation were successful or not, it
would solve the question which perplexed him with
out compromising the viceregal dignity. . The com
missioners10 were received by the revolutionary chiefs
with becoming deference. But the design failed.
Neither the bishop's manifesto nor private arguments
and promises had any weight with either Rayon or
Morelos, who refused to enter into any negotiations

of conduct was, however, marked by freedom from the rancor displayed by
his brother prelates, and the coarse vituperation which too often disfigured
their exhortations was never resorted to by him. He moreover frequently
interposed his influence with the viceroy to save the lives of unfortunate in
surgent captives. He was, therefore, regarded with less aversion by the
revolutionists than his ecclesiastical colleagues. Mora, Alej. y sus Rev., iv.
198-2DO.

9 The bishop's manifest and his correspondence with the viceroy and the
insurgent leaders, together wich the report of the cura Antonio Palafox — one
of the commissioners — of the failure of the. plan, was published by him in
August 1812. Campillo, Manif., 11 3, pp. 103. Negrete claims to bo the first
hiscorian who published a copy of these interesting documents, Bustamante
having only produced the bishop's correspondence with Morelos. Mcx. Siy,
XIX. , v. 103-76. This last author is of opinion that Campillo did not initiate
the mediation, but that it was secretly arranged by Venegas. Cuad. Hist.,
ii. 102-3. Consult Mora, MPJ. y stts Rev., iv. 197-201.

10 The cura Antonio Palafox to Rayon, and the presbitero Josd Maria
Llave to Morelos. The latter, however, was prevented reaching his destina
tion ' porque so lo impcdieron unas calenturas, ' Dustamante, Cuad. Hi>,t. , ii.
103, or, as Mora says, 'no quiso encargarsc de este negocio.' Mej. y sus Rev.,
iv. 201. A substitute was therefore sent in his stead.

348

SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

except on the basis of the establishment in Mexico of
a national government. Indeed, even their influence
would have been unavailing to stay the current of in
dependent principles now so deeply ingrafted in the
minds of their followers, and an attempt to do so
would have endangered their own lives.11 The com
missioners, therefore, returned with the tidings of
their failure, and the two governments continued
their preparations for future hostilities.

SECOND CAMPAIGN OF MOBELOS.

About the middle of November Morelos again took
the field and entered upon his second campaign. Pro
ceeding to Tlapa, he entered that town without oppo
sition, the royalist garrison having retreated to Oajaca
on his approach. Here he was joined by Padre Tapia,

11 The commissioner Palafox, in his report to the bishop describing the
public feeling in that part of the country which he visited, says : 'Ni se piensa,
ni se habla, ni se obra, sino de la insurreccion : . . .todos, pero mas los intlios,
estan resucltos a morir, y con hechos practices han probado quo lo estan tam-
bien a matar aun a los supremos gefes quo han puesto el dia quo se vuclvan
como ellos dicen "revelados."' Canrpillo, Manif., 112-13. Rayon's reply to

MOVEMENTS OF MORELOS. 349

and Victoriano Maldonado, an Indian of great reso
lution and intelligence. From Tlapa he inarched to
Chautla de la Sal, where Mateo Musitu, a rich Span
iard, had organized and armed at his own expense a
considerable force, fortifying himself in a strong build
ing which had formerly been the convent of the Au-
gustinians. Morelos, however, despite the vigorous
defence made, carried the place by storm, and cap
tured Musitu and 200 of his men. Although Musitu
offered fifty thousand dollars for his life, he was
treated with the severity dealt to belligerents, and
shot with other Spaniards who were taken prisoners
with him.12

At Chautla, Morelos divided his force into three
divisions, one of which he placed under the command
of Miguel Bravo, with instructions to march against
Oajaca; with the second Galeana was sent to attack
Tasco; at the head of the remaining division Morelos
advanced to Izucar, which he entered on the 10th of
December without opposition, and was there joined by
Mariano Matamoros, the acting cura of Jantetelco,
who afterward figured as a prominent revolutionary
chief. On the 17th, however, he was attacked by a
force of over 500 men under the command of Mi
guel de Soto y Maceda, a lieutenant of the navy, sent
against him by Llano who, in recognition of his ser-

Campillo is dated Zitacuaro, October 10, 1811, that of Morelos, Tlapa, 'Nov.
24, 1811. The latter chief, irritated perhaps by the upbraiding tone and
somewhat acrimonious style of the bishop's letter, forwarded to him a sarcas
tic note which he had appended to two letters received by him from the curas
of Tixtla and Chilapa relative to the protection of their flocks from abuses by
insurgents! The following is a translation of the document: 'Tlapa, Nov.
24, 1811. I certify in due form that those curas of the people who have de
clared in favor of the gachupines can kill and perform their religious func
tions without being liable to the charge of irregularity and to excommunica
tion, and that only the cura Morelos and the other American curas will be
considered irregular, excommunicated, etc. Let the original be remitted to
the bishop of Puebla for his information. Morelos.' Id., 97-8.

l2Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 429-30; Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 382. Morelos
while here attached to his service Jose" Manuel de Herrera, cura of Huamux-
titian, who was found secreted in the church and brought before him over
whelmed with terror. Morelos appeased his fears, and he was afterward
admitted into his closest confidence, and made a chaplain of his army. Cavo
says : ' Este es el famoso Ministro de relaciones de Iturbide, que tanto daiio
hizo a la nacion. ' /&.

350 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

vices in the plains of Apam, had meantime been made
colonel, and afterward appointed military commander
of the province of Puebla.13

The assault was sustained with great vigor for five
hours, but the royalists could make no impression
upon the plaza, the entrances to which were closed
by barricades. Soto, mortally wounded, at last gave
orders to retreat, delegating the command to Captain
Mariano Ortiz. The retreat was equally disastrous.
Ortiz was killed at the head of his men while endeav
oring to repulse the pursuing revolutionists, and the
remnant of the division, amounting to less than two
hundred men, entered Puebla on the 19th, the rest
being killed, captured, or dispersed.14

Puebla now lay almost at the mercy of Morelos,
dependent as it was for its defence only upon the dis-
spirited remnant of Soto's force. But he chose rather
to sweep clean the territory as he advanced, and leave
no hostile force ;i his rear. He therefore proceeded
to Cuautla, and entered it without resistance on the
25th of Ij^cember, the cornandante Garcilaso having
fled at his approach. From Cuautla Morelos con
tinued his triumphal march to Tasco in order to unite
with Galeana, who had been equally successful in his
expedition against that town, which he took after a
vigorous defence maintained by the comandante Ma
riano Garcia Rios. Rios, after sustaining himself for
two days, capitulated on the condition that the lives
of himself ^and his troops should be spared, but More
los, on hij,. Arrival on the 31st, pronounced the capit
ulation nuii, n. the ground that Rios had continued
firing after n '^a^l^een concluded, and he, with fif-

™Gaz. de Hex., 1811, 11. VX3, 1214.

11 Soto died the same day rand was buried on the 20th, in the cathedral
at Puebla. His attack on Izucar was regarded as rash by the government.
See the report of the alfe"rez cle navio, Pedro Micheo, who brought off the de
feated troops, in Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 1209-14; also, Cavo, Trcs Sif/los,
iii. 382-3; Alaman, Hist. Me; . ii. -131-4. From a fragment of a communi
cation of the viceroy, dated i>ecember 20, 1811, it appears that on the 18th
the royalists collected at Atlixco to the number of 150 only, //ernamfez y
Ddvcdos, Col. Doc., iii. 4,36. About 70 prisoners were taken, neai'ly all of
whom were set at liberty. Id. , vi. 22.

JUNTA DE ZITACUARO. 351

teen other prisoners, Spaniards and Creoles, was shot
on the 4th of January following.15 Thus terminated
the second campaign of Morelos, by which he became
master of the territory extending from Chilapa to the
mountain range which separates the valley of Mexico
from the tierra caliente of the south.

Meantime the junta of Zitacuaro was experiencing
that opposition to its authority already foreshadowed.
Tom as Ortiz, a nephew of Hidalgo, and who had been
appointed by him comandante of that district, made
himself particularly obnoxious, both on account of
his want of deference and his rapacity, which drew
angry complaints from Morelos. In order to sustain
the authority of the new government, the junta there
fore caused Ortiz to be arrested, as well as several of
its own commissioners who had displayed a similar
disposition, and to whom Rayon himself applied the
epithet of voracious.16 Ortiz and two other delin
quents were condemned to death.; biiiHn consideration
of their services, execution of the sentence was sus
pended. When Calleja, however, approached Zitd-
cuaro the junta, apprehensive that they might cause
future trouble in case the royalists should prove suc
cessful, gave orders for their execution, and they were
shot on the 31st of December.17 Nor did Rayon meet
with that subserviency to his wishes which he had ex
pected from his colleagues, who soon began to regard
his ambitious views of self-aggrandizement with jeal
ousy. In his correspondence with Morelo^ he speaks
of the disgust which he had experienced ? leir differ
ences, of the puerile disposition which ' .y displayed,
and of their weakness of chara • r." Thus enmity

15 Morelos, Declar., 23. Rios had made himself an especial object of hate
by his cruelty. Bustamante describes him as 'hoinbre pequenito de unas
entrauas diabolicas.' Cuad. Hist., ii. 28.

l6Oftclode Hay on a Morelos, Enero 18 de 1812; Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii.
444.

17 Oficin de Liceaga d Morelos, Enero 13 Je iS12.

18 It was through Rayon's influence that Liceaga and Verdusco had been
elected members of the junta. Mora says of them: 'Eran personas oscuras

352 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

sprung up between them; and though an apparent
reconciliation occurred in the face of a danger common
to all, mutual confidence was never restored.

On the 1st of January, 1812, Calleja appeared be
fore Zitacuaro, the doomed city. He had left Guana
juato on the llth of November, and the slowness of
his movements marks at once the repugnance with
which he undertook the enterprise and his care to se
cure a successful issue.19 Proceeding to Acambaro,

O '

he there conferred with Trujillo, who met him for that
purpose, and was joined by Castillo y Bustamante,
Garcia Conde, Meneso and other chiefs with their
divisions, according to previous instructions. From
Aciknbaro he leisurely continued his march,23 and ar
rived at Ixtlahuaca toward the middle of December,
in order to open communication with Toluca and
combine his operations with these of Porlier.21 Here
he received some reinforcements, and his army now
amounted to 4,900 combatants,22 with twenty-three
pieces of artillery of different calibre.

On the 22d of December Calleja marched from San
Felipe del Obraje, where he had concentrated his
troops, and on the following day entered the rugged
defile of San Mateo. The difficulties which he en-

y desconoeidas en la mayor parte de las divisiones insnrjentes. . .y se acusa
Rayon de haber intentado apoderarse de la autoridad suprema a la sombra
de personas insignificantes y nombres desconocidos.' Mej. y sus Rev. , iv. 190-1.

19 After his departure from Guanajuato he received Venegas' instructions
of October 31st, couched in such peremptory terms as to cause him much an
noyance. He replied to the viceroy that 'no necesitaba usar de terminos tan
estrechantes, pues bastaban las anteriormente recibidas para obedecer.' Bus
tamante, Campanas de Calleja, 133.

20 Calleja was 10 days passing from Acambaro to Maravatio, expecting to
receive instructions from the viceroy, which failed to arrive. Gaz de Mex.,
1812, iii. 136.

al Calleja, considering that the previous failures to take Zitacuaro were
caused by the attacks being directed through the difficult canon of San
Mateo, had intended to make his approach by that of Tuxpan, while Porlier
secured the San Mateo road against the retreat of the insurgents. He was,
however, compelled to alter his plan and march through the San Mateo
canon, while Porlier directed his attention against Tenango. Ib.

22 Consisting of 2,761 infantry and 2,134 cavalry. His original force had,
however, been reduced by 1,543 men from sickness and desertion. Alaman,
Hist. Mej., ii. 451-2.

FALL OF ZITACUARO, 353

countered in his approach to the city were so great
that he was eight days in accomplishing twelve leagues,
sometimes advancing not more than half a league in
twenty-four hours. In many places entirely new roads
had to be opened at the cost of immense labor, and the
sufferings of the soldiers were excessive as they toiled
under pitiless storms of rain, snow, and pelting hail
which alternately descended upon them from the sun
less sky. Had the royalists been assailed in this pass,
it is probable that they would never have reached
Zitticuaro, but the insurgent leaders too confidently
relied upon their strong position, and their fortifica
tions, which had been elaborately completed under
the direction of Ramon Rayon, brother of Ignacio.
Having surmounted all obstacles, Calleja, on the 1st
of January, 1812, encamped before the town on a
rising ground just beyond reach of the enemy's bat
teries. Having personally reconnoitred the enemy's
lines of defences,23 he made his dispositions for attack
on the following day. His plan was to assail the
insurgents' fortifications in the rear, while he threat
ened them with attack in front. With this object, he
placed a division of his forces under the command of
Garcia Conde, who was directed to move round to
the left toward the road leading from Los Laureles,
while Calleja with the main body made a detour along
the heights toward the right. A strong reserve force
was placed in charge of the conde de Casa Rul. At
ten o'clock in the morning the royalist commanders had
taken up their respective positions, and having placed
their artillery on commanding eminences, opened fire.
For a short half-hour the revolutionists replied vigor
ously; but their fire then slackened before the superior

23 It is narrated by Diaz Calvillo, that while Calleja was making his ob
servations the figuration of a very perfect palm tree appeared in the sky, and
that he exclaimed to Jose* Maria Echagaray, who commanded the cavalry
escort which accompanied him: 'Vea V. la palma; nuestra es la victoria.'
Sermon, 154. Calvillo, moreover, gives a wood-cut of the miraculous appear
ance, which has so little resemblance to a palm that it has been thus criticised
in a marginal note: 'En verdad q! parece a la Palma, como un burro a una
chinchi (sic).' Ib.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 23

354 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

gunnery of the royalists, arid disorder was observed
in their lines. Calleja had already made his dis
positions for the assault, three attacking columns hav
ing been placed respectively under the commands of
Castillo, Colonel Jose Maria Jalon, and Oroz and
Meneso, the latter leaders being instructed to cover
the right of the other columns, and occupying the Tux-
pan road, connect with Garcia's division on that of
Los Laureles, thus closing retreat in those directions.24
These columns were now ordered to advance, while
Garcia Conde, having crossed the moat by means of
a portable bridge provided for the purpose, was at
the same time forcing his way into the town. The
simultaneous attack was successful at all points. In
deed, the defence appears to have been lamentably
weak in comparison with the great preparations made,
and by two o'clock in the afternoon the insurgents
had fled from Zitacuaro as best they could, plunging
into the ditches and escaping by the barrancas and
mountain gullies.25 The junta fled to Sultepec, where
it established a new seat of government.

The loss sustained in killed and wounded was
inconsiderable in proportion to the importance of
the fall of Zitcicuaro.26 Forty-three cannon fell into
the possession of the victors, besides a great quan-

24 A deep barranca intervened between the position which Calleja took
up and the town. He caused three mountain paths leading to this to be
well opened for the advance of his attacking columns under cover of his
artillery. Castillo moved along the one to Calleja's left ; Jalon advanced on
the central one; and Oroz and Meneso, whose forces were composed of cav
alry, on the one extending to Calleja's right. Gaz. de Mcx., 1812, iii. 138-9.

25 'A las dos de la tarde ya no habia en el recinto un solo enemigo vivo. ' Id. ,
iii. 140. The account of the capture of Zitacuaro has been derived from
Calleja's report to the viceroy in Id., iii. 17-18, 135-42; Bustamante, Cam-
panas de Calleja, 132-51; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii. 413-19; Mora, Mcj. y
SILS Rc.v., iv. 270-82; Torrente, Rev. Hisp. Amer., i. 310-13; Diaz Calvillo,
Sermon, 152-59.

26 Though Calleja in his report wishes to give the idea that great numbers
fell, he only vaguely states that many hundreds of the rebels perished. A
Spaniard, however, writing from Zitacuaro on the 5th of January, says:
'Apenas moririan 200 y en el pueblo no pasarian de 20, porque estaba y aun
permanece solo.' Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii. 419. Negrete says: 'La pdrdida
de los independientes . . . f ue* corta: no pas6 de cincuenta hombres, siendo
mucho mayor la de los realistas.' Mex. Sicj. XIX., iv. 389. Calleja esti
mated the number of the defenders at 35,000, of whom 12,000 were cavalry,
' mimero sin duda muy exajerado,' as Alaman remarks. Hist. Mej., ii. 455.

DEGRADATION OF THE CITY. 355

tity of other arms and an immense store of ammuni
tion.27 The casualties of the victors were insignificant.
Exemplary punishment must necessarily be inflicted
upon a city which had twice witnessed the disgrace
of the royalist arms. Most of the belligerents had
escaped and the prisoners were few. Of these, eigh
teen were shot on the following day;28 too small an
offering to appease the royalist gods; so the destruc
tion of the city was determined upon, and on the
5th Calleja published a proclamation, declaring that
the Indians of Zita"cuaro and its district were de
prived of their property, all their immunities and
privileges forfeited, and that every building would be
razed to the ground or destroyed by fire. Six days
were given for the unfortunate inhabitants to leave
the town.29 The conde de Casa Rul was charged
with the execution of the sentence, which was rigor
ously carried out, after the place had been well sacked
by the royalist troops, the churches and convents
only being spared.30 On the 13th Calleja departed
from Maravatio by the Tuxpan road, while in his
rear ascended the flames and smoke from the burning
town, which had been dignified by the revolutionists
with the high title of Villa Imperial.31

Porlier in the mean time sustained a reverse in his
operations. According to the first plan formed by
Calleja, he was to have occupied the San Mateo road

27<7az. deMex., 1812, iii. 155.

23 Seventy were set at liberty, ' miserables seducidos que tambien se hici-
eron prisioneros.' Id., iii. 140.

29 The capital of the department was transferred to Maravatio. The lands
and all except movable property were to be sold and the proceeds placed in
the royal treasury. Id., iii. 156-8.

30 Ward says: 'I saw this unfortunate town in 1826. The situation is
lovely, but the place is still in ruins.' Hex. in 1837, i. 189. Diaz Calvillo
defends Calleja from the charge of having allowed the churches and religious
houses to be pillaged. An inventory was taken of all ecclesiastical effects,
and they were sent to the bishop at Valladolid. Calvillo also reproduces an
order of Calleja of the 13th of January, prohibiting his soldiers from sacking
any other towns, or haciendas and ranches. Sermon, 173-4. Besides Zitd-
cuaro, Calleja reduced to ashes twelve pueblos in the vicinity. Bustamante
supplies a list of most of their names. Guad. Hist., i. 323.

31 Calleja in his report speaks of it as 'la llamada Imperial Zitdquaro.'
Gaz. de Hex., 1812, iii. 140.

356 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

leading to Zitacuaro ; but having received orders from
Venegas to move from Toluca against Tenango, he
directed his inarch thither, and occupied the place dur
ing the 29th and 30th of December, meeting with
little opposition except that offered by its mountain
ous position. Porlier then proceeded to Tenancingo,
which the revolutionists abandoned on his approach,
concentrating themselves in the barranca of Tecua-
loya. On the 3d of January he drove the enemy
from their position and took possession of the pueblo.
But the troops of Morelos were approaching in force,
and about the middle of January the barranca was
again occupied, Galeana having arrived with the ad
vance division. On the 17th Porlier attacked the
insurgents, who had taken up the same position from
which they had previously been driven. Though, the
royalists gained some advantage at first, and advanced
to the pueblo which had been occupied by the enemy,
they finally sustained a repulse with considerable loss,
and retreated to Tenancingo. Here Porlier was as
sailed by the combined forces of Morelos, who con
ducted the operations in person.32 The attack began
on the 22d, and the firing continued all through the
night and the following day. Portions of the town
were set on fire, and the royalists, having lost several
of their principal officers, were driven to their last
position in the plaza with no hope of maintaining it.
On the night of the 23d Porlier abandoned the place,
effecting his retreat with great difficulty and with the
loss of eleven cannon to Tenango, whence he returned
to Toluca, with the remnant of his force in mis
erable plight and thoroughly dispirited.33 Morelos

"His forces numbered about 3,200 men, commanded by Galeana, Nicolas
Bravo, and Matamoros. M&relos, Declar., 23.

33 The account of Porlier's operations has been mainly derived from His
despatches in Gas. de M<x.y 1811, ii. 1231; Id., 1812, iii. 1S-19, 61-70, 159-61.
Consult also Alamcm, Hist. Mej., ii. 460-7; Torrente, JRev. Hist. Amer., i. 314-
10; Bmtamante, Companas de Ccdlejay 166; and Citad. Hist., ii. 10-32, in
•which last narration the author gives a very incorrect version. Alaman
remarks that had Calleja obeyed the orders of the viceroy to march against
Morelos as he approached the valley of Toluca, Porlier would not have sus-

SANTIAGO IRISARRI. 357

Living remained Umv days in Tcnancingo, returned
by way of Cuernavara to Cuautla, where he arrival
on the 9th of February.

The continued successes of Morelos had so alarmed
Venegas, that he reiterated orders which he had pre
viously given to Cnlh-ja, enjoining him (o march south
ward against that leader. So peremptory were his
last instructions that Oallejahad no alternative but to
comply; and on the 23d of January he left Maravatfo
and proceeded to Ixtlahuaca, having, ho\\v\ « ••, -, piv\ i
ously requested permission to resign his command.
Venegas refused his consent, and Calleja again on tlio
26th pressed him in urgent terms to accept his resig
nation. The viceroy at this date felt himself less de
pendent than heretofore on the victorious general. On
the 14th and 16th of the month two Spanish battalions
had arrived at Vera Cruz,84 and others were following.
So Vonegas, who would soon have over 3,000 penin
sular troops at his disposal,85 proceeded to appoint as
Calleja's successor Santiago Irisarri, a Spanish com
modore. Irisarri was unknown in the army of New
Spain; and the dissatisfaction at the appointment was
expressed l.v a representation addressed to Venegaa
by the principal officers, stating their unwillingness to
serve under any other commander than Calleja. The
viceroy was now in a dilemma; but he deemed it pru
dent to retract under such pressure, and by despatch
of the 31st conjured Calleja not to retire.80 To avoid

tainrd this reverse. But Calleja was bent upon returning to the Bajio of
Guanajuato and opposed tin-. movement /'/ >»/»., -Iti7. -170 •_'.

** Namely, the third lut iali»n of the regiment of Aaturius, and the first of
that of Lo vera, (fat. de Jf <&., isi-j. iii. ii'i. Tiu-s,. \\vtv th.- \\\- ,

from Spain. . I /.//MOM, Jfi»t. Mej., ii. 400. On the 29th tlu- But battalion of tli.t

Americano Infantry rcgimenl arrived t'n.in ( fa .i/..r.. i

81 'So recibierou :. ; mil lunubres

•initiifi-, (\tn>i>. (l,'<'(tftfjnt 158.

NThii deipatoh cli, •!(<•. I a rr|>l\- tVom Oaueja, in wliich ho enumerates his

. ami the s irrtiirr t IK- had made for his roil n try. VenOgUH I

closed a copy of UK- representation in- bad received from the omoen of <h.>
;irmy. It. \vustheroin osaertrd thai, tin- ill h.-alth of Cftlleja, \\hi.-Ii h
his plea for resigning, originated in disparaging remarks passed upon his
t. AlamantlR*t.M<:

358 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

further difficulties of the kind, Calleja was instructed
to march with his army to the capital, and the 5th of
February was appointed as the day for his entrance.

The reception given to the victorious general, and
the army of the centre, was an imposing one. His
triumphal entry presented a spectacle never before
witnessed in the capital on so grand a scale.37 As the
van approached the gates of the city, a salvo of ar
tillery announced the arrival to the immense multi
tudes which thronged the streets, eager to gaze with
hate or admiration upon the soldiers of whose victo
ries they had heard so much. The city was gay with
decorations;38 salutes were fired, and the te deum
chanted with unusual sublimity in the cathedral.39
But this display was attended with an accident to the
hero of the occasion, which in the eyes of some was
foreboding of disaster to him. When near the gate of
Mercaderes the horse of the mariscal de campo, Judas
Tadeo Tornos, who was riding by the side of Calleja,
became restive, and rearing struck the general on the
head, bringing him to the ground. Calleja was carried
into a house near by, and only recovered some hours
later sufficiently to be conveyed in a carriage to the
palace to present himself to the viceroy, having been
unable to attend the joyful ceremony at the cathe
dral.40

Although the viceroy and Calleja maintained an
outward appearance of friendship, their sentiments
toward each other were none of the kindest. The
jealousy with which Venegas had for some time
regarded his general was increased by the flattering
reception now given him. The applause with which

37 His forces consisted of 2,150 infantry, 1,832 cavalry, accompanied by a
train of 1,500 loads of provisions and over 400 of munitions of war. Busta-
mantc. Camp, de Calleja, 107.

38 The day was that of San Felipe de Jesus, on which a festal procession
was made from the cathedral to San Francisco.

*9Gaz.deMcx., 1812, iii. 133-4.

*°Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 477. Bustamante states that the horse which
Calleja rode was a stolen one, and recognized by its owner, Dona Maria Ger-
trudis Bustos, sister of the marquesa de Rayas. Cuad. Hist., i. 324.

AFFAIRS IN THE CAPITAL. 359

his deeds were rehearsed in prose and verse, and
the enthusiasm with which his appearance at the
theatre and in public was greeted, plainly indicated
how high in royalist favor Calleja stood, and Venegas
henceforth could only regard him in the light of a
rival. The feelings, also, so lately displayed in the
army in no way tended to lessen his uneasiness; nor
did the conferring of rewards and promotions which
he could no longer withold41 improve matters. Medals
were distributed to the officers and troops;42 and
Calleja having been previously promoted by the vice
roy to the rank of major-general, a corresponding
advance in grade was extended to all officers in the
army.43 As this promotion was not confined to the
army of the centre, but was extended to the officers
of other divisions, and even to those of the marine
who had arrived from Habana, and whose services
had been very inferior, it did not meet with general
satisfaction. The loyal Americans felt aggrieved; a
party spirit was developed in the army, and it was
said that the Mexican-born officers were even begin
ning to show signs of indecision in regard to their
political faith, influenced by the revolutionary papers
which had been issued from Zitdcuaro. During the
few days that Calleja remained in the capital the mis
understanding between him and Venegas increased;
and had the stay of the army been prolonged, it is
doubtful whether they could have kept up even a sem
blance of friendly intercourse.

41 Venegas had always been sparing in his acknowledgment of the services
of Calleja's army, though pressed by him to reward the troops with medals
and promotions. See his letters to the viceroy of Dec. 12, 1810, and Jan.
18, 1811, in Id,, i. 118-19, 159-60. By despatch of May 30, 1811, the Span
ish regency instructed Venegas to bestow upon the officers and troops such
rewards as he might deem fitting. Jlernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 514.
But nothing appears to have been done until this occasion.

J2The medal bore the name of Fernando VII., supported by a dog and a
lion, symbolical of faithfulness and courage, and on the border the words
' Vencid en Aculco, Guanajuato y Calderon.' Alaman says: ' Este escudo dio
motivo a mil chistes graciosos, por parte de los afectos a la revolucion. ' Hist.
Mej., ii. 480.

43 The names and grades of the officers promoted will be found in Gaz.
Hex., 1812, iii. 143-53.

360 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

But the proximity of Morelos afforded the viceroy
a pretext for hastening the departure of the troops;
and on the 8th he issued orders for the army to march,
at the same time explaining why he was compelled to
act with such promptness. The position of the royal
ists as described by Venegas44 was, indeed, serious.
The capital was surrounded by bands of revolutionists;
commerce with the interior was destroyed; communi
cation with Yera Cruz and Oajaca was closed; trans
portation of quicksilver and gunpowder to the mines
was no longer possible; and all intercourse with the
port of Acapulco was cut off, causing additional com
mercial distress and a loss to the revenue of 1,000,000
pesos in duties payable on goods brought by the ves
sel from Manila. Scarcity of provisions and other
commodities was severely felt in the capital, and the
viceroy feared that even the roads to Texcoco and
Toluca, the only ones left open, would shortly be
closed. It was therefore indispensable that a deci
sive blow should be struck at Morelos, whom he
regarded as the present head and front of the revolu
tion.45 The plan of operations which he gave to
Calleja was based on the latest information. It
arranged for simultaneous attacks on Izucar and
Cuautla, conducted respectively by Llano and Calleja.

The necessary instructions having been sent to
Llano at Puebla, on the 10th of February Calleja's
advance left for Chalco, whither troops of Morelos
had already arrived, and on the 12th the main body
moved forward. Pursuing the line of march indi
cated in his instructions,46 Calleja encamped on the
17th at Pasulco, two leagues from Cuautla. Here
Morelos, duly informed of the movements of the

4t See copy of his instructions in Bustamante, Campanasde Calleja, 159-65.

45 The viceroy's words are: 'Principal corife"o de la insurreccion en la
actualidad, y podemos decir que ha sido en ella el geiiio de mayor firmeza,
recursos y astucias.' Id., 161-2.

46 The army passed through Chalco, Tenango, Ameca, Ozumba, and Atla-
tlauca. This route was selected as offering few obstacles to the passage of the
artillery. Id., 163-4.

CUAUTLA, NOW MORELOS. 361

royalists, had determined to make his stand, and ac
cordingly had united the divisions of his forces dis
tributed in the neighboring towns. He made every
endeavor to render his position as impregnable as pos
sible. Without attempting to erect exterior fortifica
tions, he confined his attention to a limited line of
defences within the city.

Cuautla de Amilpas,47 distant about twenty-two
leagues from the city of Mexico, is situated on a ris
ing ground in a level plain. Its position, though not
so strong as that of Zitacuaro, is suitable for defence,
being commanded by no adjacent heights. At this
date the town was an open one, surrounded by plan
tations of fruit trees and plantain patches growing
close up to the houses. Its extent from north to
south was about half a league, the main street run
ning in a straight line in that direction, and connect
ing the plazas of the convents of San Diego and
Santo Domingo. At the northern extremity is the
chapel of the Calvario; on the east rise the hills of
Zacatepec, between which and the town flows a rapid
river in a channel 200 varas wide at the top, but con
tracting to twelve or fifteen varas in its bed. The
portion of the town fortified by Morelos included the
plazas and convents of San Diego and Santo Do
mingo, and was surrounded by trenches and ramparts,
with embrasures and merlons.48 The outside doors
and lower windows of the houses on the line of de
fence were walled up, and communication between
the interiors opened by breaking through the parti
tion walls. Deep trenches were cut across the streets,
and batteries placed in suitable positions.49 The ac-

47 The modern name of the city is Morelos. The Mexican word 'quauh'
means eagle, and 'tlan' place. Cuautla therefore signifies 'place of the
eagle.' Molina, Vocabvlario.

48 This description is taken from Calleja's report of April 28, 1812, to the
viceroy. Gaz. cleMex., 1812, iii. 445-6.

49Calleja states that the revolutionists had 30 pieces of artillery. Busta-
mantc, Campanas de Calleja, 169. Morelos, in his declaration, says that he
had one mortar and 15 serviceable cannon. Declaration, 24.

362

SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

companying plan will enable the reader to recognize
the relative positions of the opposing forces.

CUAUTLA AND VlCINITY.

Positions of besiegers:

1 Headquarters and camp of Calleja on the estate of Buena vista.

2 Batteries and intrencliments.

3 Positions occupied by Llano's troops.

4 Redoubts.

5 Battery of Juchitengo.

6 Redoubt of the Calvario.
Positions of besieged:

7 Plaza of San Diego.

8 Plaza of Santo Domingo.

9 Premises of hacienda of Buenavista.

10 Redoubt at spring of Juchitengo.

11 Plantations and redoubt of the Platanar.

12 Highway to Mexico.

Morelos' force at this time amounted to 3,300 men,
of whom 1,000 were infantry and the remainder cav
alry,50 and 100 Indians collected from the neighboring

50 The cavalrymen also served on foot during the siege, their horses being
pastured outside the town; 300 of them had arrived from Huetamo under
Cano and Francisco Ayala. Morelos, Declar., 24. Ayala had joined Morelos
at Chilapa under peculiar circumstances. He was a lieutenant of the acor-
dada in the valle de las Amilpas, and resided at the hacienda de Mapaxtlan,
near Cuautla. Being favorably disposed toward the revolution, he had de
clined to enroll himself in the troops levied by Garcilaso, the subdelegado of
Cuautla, and had thereby incurred suspicion. Some time afterward an insur
gent wras killed in that neighborhood, and on his body was found a letter
from Ignacio Ayala, who had been appointed intendeiite by Morelos of the
new province of Tecpan. The comandante Moreno, believing that Francisco

GALEANA AND THE BRAVOS. 363

villages. During the progress of the siege, however,
his forces were increased to the number of 5,550 by
the arrival of different commanders.51 On the 18th
of February Calleja moved forward his forces and
encamped on the rising ground of Cuautlixco, after
reconnoitring the defences of the revolutionists.
During the day Morelos imprudently exposed him
self to danger of being killed or captured, having
gone out with only a small escort. He was attacked
by a troop of cavalry, and was brought off with
difficulty by Galeana, who sallied out to his rescue.52
At dawn on the following day Calleja advanced his
troops in four columns to the assault, directed prin
cipally against the intrenchments of the plaza of San
Diego. The defence of this important point was in
trusted to Hermenegildo Galeana, and that of Santo
Domingo to Leonardo Bravo; while to Victor Bravo
and the cura Matamoros was assigned the defence of
the Buenavista buildings.

Galeana, at the post of danger, well sustained his
reputation for cool judgment and personal bravery.
The front column of the royalists was allowed to
approach near to the parapet; but then so deadly a
fire was opened upon it that it retreated in confusion ;
and Galeana, perceiving an officer endeavoring to rally
his men, sallied out alone, engaged with him in single
combat, and killed him. The act perhaps was rash,
but it raised the spirits of his men to enthusiasm.

Ayala was the author, attacked his house, and opening fire upon it wounded
Ayala's wife, who died a few days afterward. Ayala, believing his wife
dead, and his house having been set on fire, effected his escape by great
prowess, and offered his services to Morelos, who conferred on him the rank
of colonel. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 35-7. Alaman verified this author's
account by statements of reliable persons in Cuautla. Hist. Mej., ii. 428.

51 Miguel Bravo, who had been unsuccessful in his expedition against
Oajaca, came with 400 men and three cannon; Anaya with 300 out of 700
sent by the junta at Sultepec, the rest having deserted; from Chautla the
cura Tapia brought 300, instead of 1,000 expected by Morelos; and 250 arrived
f rom Yautepec. Morelos, Dedar., 24-5. Calleja reported that the place was
defended by 12,500 armados de fusil. Bustamante, C'ampanas de Calleja, 169.

5>J Jos6 Maria Fernandez, afterward General Victoria, first signalized him
self on this occasion. The skirmish was a severe one, and he saved Galeana 's
life at the expense of a severe wound, which he received in protecting him.
Ward's Mex. in 1827, i. 190-1.

364 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

Two lateral columns, by creeping from house to house
along the street, now fought their way close up to
the intrenchments, causing some disturbance among
the defenders, whose confidence their leader, how
ever, soon restored. The enemy was repulsed, and
though again and again they returned to the charge,
their efforts to storm the defences were vain. For six
hours the combat continued. Many of the royalist
officers were struck down ; the conde de Casa Rul was
mortally wounded, and the greater part of the ammu
nition was spent. The attempts against the plaza of
Santo Domingo and the Buenavista buildings, though
these points were poorly fortified, proved equally un
successful.53 Troops accustomed to victory, and who
rushed up to the trenches in full confidence, quailed
at last; and though Calleja, in the final charge, led
them in person,54 his presence did not mend matters.
Convinced of the impossibility of taking Cuautla by
assault with his present force, for the first time in
his victorious career he withdrew crestfallen.55 That
night he held a council of war, the result of which
was that he determined to reduce the place by siege;
and a despatch was sent on the following day to Vene-
gas, informing him of the position of affairs. Cuautla,
he says, must be destroyed, and its defenders buried
in its ruins, so that in future no insurgent will find
escape from death except by laying down his arms.53
To effect this he shows the viceroy the necessity of
an increased force, of large supplies of provisions and

53 Calleja assaulted at four different points. In a letter to the viceroy
dated April 18th, he says: ' El 19 de febrero asalte" por cuatro diferentes
puntos a Cuautla, que no estaba ni de mucho fortificada como en el dia.'
Jlustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 63.

54 * En la ultima fu6 necesario que yo mismo condujese d los granaderos
acobardados. ' Id., ii. 64.

53 Besides the conde de Casa Rul, who died shortly after his removal from
the field, Colonel Itfepomuceno Oviedo, of the patriots of San Luis, fell with
four captains and eleven other officers of his corps. The loss of the royalists
was over 300 men. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 342-3. Ward says 500 royal
ists were left dead on the spot. Mex. in 1827, i. 192. Calleja reported four
officers killed and 18 wounded, and of the ranks 15 killed and 95 wounded.
Neyrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 409. The loss of the revolutionists was insig
nificant.

50 Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 170.

ATTACK AND REPULSE. 365

munitions of war, and above all of mortars and siege
artillery of heavy calibre. In pursuance of his de
sign, Calleja took up a position on the western side of
the town at about a league distant, and began his
preparations for a regular siege.

While Calleja was undergoing the mortification
which attended his first defeat, a similar reverse was
sustained by Llano in his attempt against Iziicar.
That commander, in obedience to instructions, had
marched from Puebla by way of Cholula and Atlixco,
arriving about the 22d of February in front of Iziicar,
distant sixteen leagues. His force consisted of about
2,000 men, 540 of whom were cavalry,57 with eight
pieces of artillery. On the 23d, having taken pos
session of the hill of the Calvario, he opened fire with
his artillery upon the town, and under cover of it ad
vanced two attacking columns composed respectively
of the battalions of Lovera and Asturias, under
Colonel Antonio de Andrade. The revolutionists
who had fortified themselves in the plaza, and were
commanded by Padre Sanchez, seconded by Vicente
Guerrero and Sandoval, repulsed all attempts to storm
their position, and Llano ordered Andrade to retire.
The assault was again tried on the following day with
no better result. The "invincible conquerors of the
victors at Austerlitz"53 were beaten by rustics fighting
for their rights.59 Llano was now in an unenviable

57 It was composed of 631 of the infantry of Puebla, 400 posted at Atlixco,
and the battalions lately arrived from Spain numbering 500. His cavalry,
which only amounted to 240 dragoons, was increased by 300 horse detached
from Calleja's army. Id., 163.

58 These troops on their arrival were called in the Mexican papers of the
day 'los invencibles vencedores de los vencedores de Austerliz,' which words
were printed in large type. Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii. 449.

59 Morelos after his capture of Izucar left Sanchez there with 200 men.
Guerrero at that time was a captain in the revolutionary army. Alaman,
Hist. Mej., ii. 434. Ward narrates that Guerrero during the bombardment
had a miraculous escape. While asleep, exhausted with fatigue, a shell
came through the roof and rolled under his bed, where it exploded, killing
or wounding every one in the room except himself. Mex. in 1827, i. 193.
Llano states that the insurgents mustered 1,500 men armed with muskets,
besides a multitude of Indians. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 523-4.

366 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

position, from which he was, however, unexpectedly
relieved. Venegas had received Calleja's report with
undisguised displeasure, but recognized t]ie fact that
Cuautla must be taken. He therefore despatched
immediately all the munitions of war which could be
spared from the capital, and ordered Llano to raise
the siege of Iziicar and join Calleja. Accordingly
on the 26th Llano retired from the scene of his fail
ure and marched to Cuautla, harassed incessantly in
his rear by the insurgents.60

Every preparation was now made for a determined
siege. Llano took up a position opposite to that of
Calleja; redoubts were throwrn up, batteries erected,
and the place invested as closely as possible. Morelos
also improved his line of fortifications. The premises
of the hacienda de Buenavista were strengthened, and
a redoubt was erected in the platanar on the east side
to defend the approach to the river. The revolu
tionary leader, encouraged by his late success, not
only felt confident of maintaining his position but
anticipated victory, with the capital itself as the ob
jective point.

The bombardment began on the 10th of March,
and for four days the iron shower fell upon the city.
But the bursting shells and hurtling shot as they tore
through parapet or house wall could not break the
spirit of the defenders. Even the townspeople soon
lost alarm as their children at play began collecting
and making piles of the cannon-balls strewed about
the streets.61 Breaches in the defences made by day
were repaired by night, and each morning the roy
alist general must begin anew. As the water supply
was cut off, wells were sunk. Every privation was

60 He was compelled to abandon an 8-pounder, the gun-carriage having
become unserviceable. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 531-4.

61 Morelos, whose stock of ammunition was not very plentiful, paid them
so much a dozen for them. Ward, Mex. in 1827, i. 194. 'Pagaba a peso cada
bomba, granadas d cuatro reales, bala de fusil d medio la docena.' Buata-
mante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 51.

HEROISM OF TEE BESIEGED. 367

•

borne with such a cheerful fortitude that Calleja soon
saw that there was here no thought of surrender.
And he dreaded to risk another assault. The un
yielding attitude of the besieged made him fear for
the result; and again he urged the viceroy to send
him quickly more and heavier cannon, for there was
work here which would tax his utmost endeavor.62

But it was all of no use. The place was not to be
captured by cannonade ; and recognizing this, or at least
that to effect a breach with artillery of so light a cal
ibre was not possible, Calleja reduced the siege to a
mere blockade, and week after week passed by. The
supply from the wells proved insufficient, and the be
sieged made daily sallies and fought for water at the
springs and conduits outside the city. To stop even
the supply thus dearly obtained, the watercourse of
the Juchitengo spring was turned into another chan
nel, and sixty varas of the old ditch filled in. But
Galeana in broad day took possession of it, threw up
a strong square redoubt around the spring, and con
nected it by intrenchments with the defences of the
city. An attempt made the same night to take this
fortification failed, and henceforth the besieged were
in no want of water.63

Outside the line of circumvallation, too, the be
siegers were continually harassed. Miguel Bravo and
the cura Tapia hovered around with troops of cavalry ;
fierce skirmishes were fought, and convoys of provi
sions and ammunition intercepted or brought in with
great difficulty. But hunger, a foe more terrible
than musket or sword, began to press the beleaguered
revolutionists. Morelos had not had time to provi
sion the city for a lengthened siege, nor had he expected
that Calleja would adopt so slow a method of warfare.

62 He wanted the heavy artillery from Perote. In April the brigadier,
Juan Jos6 de Olazabal, lately arrived from Spain, was ordered to bring it up.
He was intercepted at Nopalucan by the revolutionists and compelled to re
turn to Perote, losing a rich convoy, and with difficulty saving the artillery.
Alaman, Hist. J\fej.,ii. 513. See Calleja's letter to Venegas of March 13th.
Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist.,ii. 58.

63 This occurred on the 3d of April. Id., ii. 61.

363 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

There was no help for it, however, and so day by day
the situation of his people became more distressing
as the scarcity of food increased. But, as I have said,
they bore their sufferings with heroic fortitude, and
with every manifestation of unyielding purpose. The
soldiers on their return from battle, whatever might
be the result of their sally, were greeted with loud
cheers; those who fell were buried to the sound of
pealing church bells rung in celebration of their glori
ous death; enthusiastic joy marked any success, how
ever slight; and death was proclaimed against him
who dared to speak of surrender. Even Calleja could
not suppress his wonder and admiration at such high-
souled fortitude. " These people are heroes," he writes
the viceroy, "and they would merit a distinguished
place in history — if their cause were just"! Morelos
he declared to be a second Mahomet.64

Nor was the situation of the royalists by any means
an enviable one. The troops, reared in the temperate
and cool regions of the table-land, suffered under the
fervid sky of the tierra caliente. They broke down
under their heavy fatigues by night and day; sick
ness came upon them, and toward the end of April
800 men were in hospital. The rainy season too was
fast approaching — ought already to have come; then
fever would strike them down by files, and the enemy,
inured to the deadly climate, would fall upon them
and complete their ruin. It was a question between
time and nature which would win. Nature was this
time on the side of oppression, to her shame be it said.
The rains were unusually late this year. Day after
day the fiery sun rose and set, and still no cloud ap
peared to the wistful eyes of the famished crowds in
the beleaguered city. Their sufferings were awful.65
When all else was wellnigh consumed, old, time-worn,

64 See his letter to the viceroy of April 24th. Id. , ii. 59.

65 'A cat sold for six dollars, a lizard for two, and rats or other vermin for
one. An ox which was seen one day feeding between the Spanish camp
and the town nearly brought on a general engagement. ' Ward, Mex. in 1S27,
i. 196-7.

EVACUATION. 369

weather-beaten hides, stripped from doors to which
they had been nailed for years, were macerated and
eaten; foul grubs and crawling insects were devoured;68
and pest, the companion of famine, followed in her
footsteps. The church of San Diego was converted
into a hospital; from twenty to thirty died daily;
gaunt, spectral forms moved wearily along the streets,
and the children no longer, as heretofore, marshalled
their bands in mimic warfare.67 But still they yielded
not, and still Calleja dared not risk a second assault.63
And all this time the junta at Sultepec remained
inactive, the leaders in Michoacan with their numer
ous forces came not to the aid of these brave, long-
enduring patriots. Morelos vainly endeavored to
break through the besiegers' lines and introduce pro
visions. On the open plain the enemy was superior.69
On the 27th of April a desperate effort was made,
but failed.70 After this an unusual stillness and inac
tivity was observed by the besiegers to prevail in the
city. The last hostile sally had been made. No
hope was left except to evacuate the town. Calleja's
bloody intentions were too well known, and capitula-

66 The house doors in Cuautla were protected with strong hides nailed to
them, instead of sheets of tin. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., ii. 519. 'La espantosa
escasez que la rednxo al te"rmino de comer insectos, cueros y quantas inmundi-
cias se les presentaba,' are Calleja's own words. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 479.

67 For an account of the children organizing themselves into companies,
and of their capture on one occasion of a royalist dragoon outside the walls,
see Bustamante, CuacL Hist., ii. 55-6.

68 He says to the viceroy: 'No convenia asaltar a un enemigo que lo de-
seaba.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 513-14.

69 In one of these attempts directed by night against the redoubt on the
Calvario, Gil Biafio, a son of the intendente who fell at the alhondiga of
Guanajuato, was killed on the side of the royalists. Id., ii. 515.

70 Matamoros and Colonel Perdiz sallied with 100 men on the night of the
21st and forced the enemy's lines on the Santa Inesroad, Perdiz, however, and
many others being killed. Matamoros succeeded in joining Miguel Bravo, who
was stationed at Tlayacac near the Zacatepec range with a strong force and a
large convoy of provisions. The design was to introduce it by the barranca He-
dionda and the town of Amelcingo, and on the 27th, signals having been ex
changed with Matamoros during the preceding night, Morelos attacked with
the greater portion of his forces the royalists at several points. Calleja had,
however, intercepted a letter which informed him of the plans of the besieged.
He accordingly made his preparations. A sanguinary contest took place, the
assailants being repulsed. Bravo and Matamoros were driven back with the
loss of the convoy and their artillery. Id., ii. 516-18; Gaz. de Hex., 1812, iii.
447-52.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 24

370 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA,

tion would be certain death. And still, reduced as
they were to the direst extremity, Calleja dared not
attack them; and had he not been made aware of
their dreadful condition by the numerous fugitives
who daily left the city, he would probably have
raised the siege. But they were his; he would have
their blood, as he thought, if only the rains would
hold off a little longer. So with redoubled vigilance

O O

he waited for his prey. On the 1st of May he sent
to Morelos copies of the general pardon lately pub
lished by the viceroy.71 As far as appearances went,
this offer of mercy was received with joy by the be
sieged troops, and hostilities ceased on both sides.72
It was but a ruse, however; Morelos had made his
preparations to evacuate the town. His influence
over his followers was unbounded, and whithersoever
he went, or to whatever fate, they were ready to ac
company him and die for him. That night the troops
were silently marshalled in the plaza of San Diego,
and at two o'clock on the morning of the 2d the
march began, the lights being left burning on the ram
parts.

Galeana led the van, consisting of over 1,000 infan
try armed with muskets; then followed 250 cavalry,
and a large number of troops whose weapons were
slings and lances; after these followed a mixed crowd
of both sexes and all ages. The rear was brought up
by another body of infantry, with the baggage and
two small pieces of artillery in its centre.73 Morelos
commanded in the centre with the Bravos, and Cap
tain Anzures in the rear.

Calleja lay stretched in sickness on his bed, and

71 The Spanish c6rtes had decreed on the 9th of November, 1811, a sec
ond general indulto. This was published by the viceroy on the 1st of April
following, and appeared in the D'mrio de Mex. of April 3, 1812.

72 Bustamante states that the indulto was brought by a royalist officer and
was confined to Morelos, Galeana, and Bravo. The reply of Morelos was to
the effect that he extended similar mercy to Calleja and his officers. Cuad.
Hist., ii. 71.

73 Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 522, supplies a copy of the original of Morelos'
instructions as to the order of march, which differs somewhat from that given
in the text and taken from Calleja's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 479-80.

PURSUIT AND SLAUGHTER. 371

heartily wished himself away from the infernal place,
as he called it.74 He little imagined what the enemy
were doing. With all his vigilance he was deceived;
nor did he know till more than two hours afterward
that he was being outwitted, so skilfully had Morelos
made his arrangements. Directing its course to the
river, so silently did the column move, that unper-
ceived it approached the earth- works running north
ward from the Calvario redoubt, drove back the
guard, and demolishing a part of the intrenchments
advanced to the river, which was crossed by means of
hurdles provided for the purpose.

But now the enemy was upon them. Llano's forces
assailed them on the flank; their rear was attacked
as the royalist troops rapidly came up. For a time
the revolutionists sustained themselves under cover
of the stone walls that surrounded the country
haciendas, and for an hour a fierce contest raged. Out
flanked at last, the order was given to disperse and
fly,75 but not before more than 800 had fallen. More
los, after having two of his ribs crushed by falling
with his horse into a ditch,76 fled by way of Zacatepec
to Ocuituco hotly pursued. Here, while changing
horses, the enemy overtook him. To save their
leader's life, those around him fought until they died,
almost to a man,77 and he escaped wellnigh alone. Pur
suing his flight to Izucar he there met Victor Bravo,

O O '

and thence proceeded to Chautla. Here, in safety at
last, he remained for a month, and unbroken in spirit,

74 He wrote a letter to the viceroy that same morning at half -past four, in
which he says: 'Conviene mucho que el ejercito saiga de este infernal pais,'
and adds that his own health is such that if he does not attend to it at once
all aid will be too late. Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 438-9.

73 Ward says that this was done with such promptitude that the Spanish
troops which were advancing from opposite directions fired upon each other
before they discovered their mistake. Mex. in 1827, i. 199. Bustamante
makes the same statement.

70 He was saved by Jose" Maria Franco, who assisted him out. Mex. Refni.
Artie. Fondo, 13.

77 ' Opusieron alguna resistencia d las nuestras con sacrificio de sus vidas
que casi todos perdieron,' is Calleja's testimony to their self-sacrifice. Gaz.
deMcx., 1812, iii. 480-1.

372 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

hastened to repair his fortune, collecting his scattered
troops and preparing for a new campaign.78

Meantime the slaughter of the unarmed crowd was
horrible. Men, women, and children, old and young,
were indiscriminately butchered by the royalists,70 an J
for seven leagues the bodies of the slain lay strewn
upon the road.80 This cowardly vengeance of Calle-
ja's was among the most dastardly doings in the war.
Villanous as it was, and vengeance-satisfying, it was
but poor comfort after all to the leader so long sure of
his prey. This priest had worsted him and baffled him,
had finally eluded his grasp — not a very happy reflec
tion for so proud a soldier. Calleja's sickness was a
serious bilious attack, and we may be sure that his
temper was not improved thereby. Of the dreadful
punishment which he inflicted upon the heroic inhab
itants of that wretched city I shall give no further
details. Let a veil be drawn over the frightful scenes
of cruelty. " I have heard officers, who were present
at the siege, speak of them," says Ward, " after a lapse
of ten years, with horror."81

Having destroyed the fortifications of Cuautla —
the siege of which cost the government 564,426 pesos,
exclusive of munitions of war and other expenses —
Calleja, with his military reputation by no means im
proved, and his troops in miserable plight, returned
to the capital, which he entered on the 16th of May,
there to meet the ridicule of the inhabitants who well
knew that he had been outwitted, despite his glowing
accounts.82

78 He states that at Chautla 800 of the troops of Bravo and Galeana were
reunited; that during the siege of 7*2 days he only lost about 50 men by the
enemy's fire and 150 by the pest; that with regard to the number who fell on
the evacuation of the town he could only say that Captain Yanez told him
that he had counted 147 dead on one half of the road from Ocuituco to
Cuautla. Morelos, Declar. , 25.

7S)Est6van Montezuma, afterward a general of the republic, on his return
from the pursuit, killed with his lance the wounded women whom he came
across on his road! Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 524.

80 Calleja's words are 'Las siete leguas estan tan sembradas de cadaveres
enemigos que no se da un paso sin que se encuentren muchos. ' Gaz. de Mex. ,
1812, iii. 481.

81 Mex. in 1827, i. 199.

82 'A comedy was acted a few nights afterward, in which a soldier was

REVOLUTIONARY BIBLIOGRAPHY. 373

introduced, who, on his return from battle, presents his general with a tur
ban, and tells him in a very pompous manner, 'Here is the turban of the
Moor, whom I took prisoner!' "And the Moor himself?' '0, he unfortu
nately escaped!' The passage was received with bursts of laughter, and the
application readily made by the audience.' Id. 199-200.

The siege of Cuautla was a subject of public conversation in Cadiz.
Wellington, at a banquet which was given to him in that city, asked the
deputy for Mexico, Beye de Cisneros, what kind of a place Cuautla was.
'It is a place,' replied Cisneros, 'open on all sides, situated in a plain or val
ley.' 'That,' answered Wellington, 'is a proof both of the ignorance of the
general attacking it, and of the wisdom and valor of the general who is de
fending it.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. Ind. viii.

The material for the history of the revolution is abundant, and the details of
some parts of it have been fairly well presented by Mexican authors, though
seldom without more or less bias, for and against persons and parties. Promi
nent among writers on this episode is Anastasio Zerecero, Memorias para la
Historia de las Revolutions de Mexico. Mexico, 1869, 1 vol. 608 pages. It is
confined mostly to affairs during the time of Hidalgo, a brief sketch of the
conquest being given as introductory. As the city of Mexico was occupied
by the French at the time of his writing, the author pursued his labors at
San Luis Potosf, and \diether so intended or not, the result was little more
than a series of recollections, the author evidently intending to carry them
through the war for independence. Only one volume, however, was pub
lished. Zerecero was a strong revolutionary partisan. Thus while excusing
the cruelties committed by the rebels, he denounces in strongest terms those
indulged in by the royalists. He quotes freely from Alaman, and sparingly
from Bustamante and Mendivil. The style is for the most part clear, yet
without many distinctive characteristics. The last 150 pages are devoted to
the biographies of Indians prominent since the conquest, and credited to An
tonio Carrion.

Bustamante, Martirolocjio de Alnunos de los Primeros Insurgentes por la
libertad e independencia de la America Mexicana. Mexico, 1841, pp. 51. This
short work gives a summary of the legal proceedings against those implicated
in the plots of April and August 1811 to seize the viceroy. The particulars
connected with the case of each ecclesiastic and layman are given, Bustamante
having obtained them from the original documents of the junta de seguridad
presided over by the oidor Miguel Bataller y Vasco. To these are added bio
graphical notices of the subsequent fate of many of the conspirators. The
names are given in alphabetical order, and among them appears that of Calleja.
Bustamante deems it necessary to enter into an explanation of the reasons
why he inserted the royalist general's name in a list of martyrs to the cause
of independence and which he published to their honor. He, therefore, states
that he did so in order that the indecent conduct of Calleja might be held up
to view, who tried to pass over to the side of the insurgents when he found
himself in disgrace with Venegas. Under such circumstances he ought to be
regarded as one of the so-called insurgents. See also Bustamante, Cuad. Hi^t. ,
i. passim; Id., ii. 3-428; Id., iv. 309; Bustamante, Campailas de Galleja, 89-
178, passim; Bustamante, Elogio, Mordos, passim.

Diaz Calvillo, Sermon que en el aniversario solemne de gracias d Maria
Santisima de los Remedios. . .Mexico, 1811; followed by Nol/idas para la His
toria deNuestra Senora de los Rf.medios. . .Mexico, 1812. The sermon which
precedes the historical matter in this volume, was preached in the cathedral
of Mexico on the 10th of October, 1811, by Juan Bautista Diaz Calvillo, at
the anniversary celebration of the royalist victory at the monte de las Graces!
The author was prefect of the oratory of San Felipe Neri, and was apparently
as credulous a believer in the marvellous and as unmitigated a denouncer of
the revolution as can well be found among the ranks of the churchmen of
that time. With regard to the sermon it is a fair specimen of the discourses
delivered from the pulpit during the first years of the revolution. Abuso is
plentifully heaped upon Hidalgo; the so-called victory of Las Cruces and

374 SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.

Hidalgo's retreat are attributed to the miraculous intervention of the virgin,
and, as a consequence, the events which led to his capture. In the Noticias
para la Historia, which has been frequently quoted, an account of the image
of the lady of los Remedies is given. Then follows a historical narration of
events down to the escape of Morelos from Cuautla, supplemented with sub
sequent occurrences during the same years. Castillo, resolutely blind to the
true causes of the revolution, attributes its origin solely to French intrigues
and Hidalgo's wicked readiness to listen to Napoleon's agents. In his per
sistency to hold up Hidalgo as the author of the rebellion, he unblushingly
states — page 108 — that his short interview with d'Alvimar was so satisfactory
to the latter as to stimulate the activity of the French in their intrigues in
other Spanish American countries. The historical portion of this volume of
2C9 pages is but an emphasized rescript of the versions of events given in the
Gazeta de Mexico.

I add by way of general reference: Alaman, Mcj., ii. passim; Id., iii. 11-
12, 58-60, 137-41, 170-86, 327, 335, app. 80-2, 85; Id., iv. 724, 727, app.
47-8; Ilernany Dav..i. 492-3, 874; Id., ii. 227-8, 415-16, 424-30, 467-70,
512-15; Id., iii. 223-315, 326, 328-95, 401-6, 424-530; Id., v. 245-7,865-7,
876-903, 906-8, 919; Id., vi. 18-25; 35, 38-9, 77-81, 274-5, 280-2, 288, 981-8,
1045-6; Gas. de Mex., 1784-5, i. 35; Id., 1810, i. 54, 802; Id., 1811, ii. passim;
Id., 1812, iii. 6-490, passim; Id., 1790-1, iv. 361-2, 441-3; Id., 1792-3, v.
349; Id., 1794, vi. 709; Id., 1802-3, xi. 166; Id., 1808, xv. 140; Id., 1809, xvi.
793-4; Id., xxiii. 423-7; Id., xxiv. 1235-6; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii.
335-430, 448-91, 544-7; Cortes, Diar., 1811, iii. 354, 360; Id., iv. 192,397;
Id., v. 175, 240-1, 269; Id., vii. 4, 17, 177, 199, 214; Id., 209, 220, 373;
Id., 1812, xiv. 248; Id., 1820, xxiv. app. 40-53; Cortes, Col. Dec., i. 181-2;
Id., ii. 26, 85-7; Cortes, Diar. Cong., ii. 405; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iii.
358; Id., iv. passim; Mosaico Mex., ii. 197, 270, 341, 461-2; Ward, Mex.
in 1827, i. 175, 225, 330, app. 483-9; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 15-16, 23-8, 39-
40, 48, 52-3, 58-60, 67-72, 177-81, 186-91, 216-21; Id., Ruina, N. Esp., 23,
59, 62-3, 77; Cavo, Tre* Sig., iii. 382-3; Id., iv. 1-55; Cedulario, i. fol.
236; Chevalier, Le Mex., 348-65; Collado, Juan, Inform., 4-8; Negrete, Mex.
Sig., xix. iv. passim, v. 104-76, and Hist. Mil., i. 312-18; Liceaga, Adlc. y
Rectific., 183-4, 188, 191, 199-200, 227-8. Other authorities consulted are:
Conejares, Virtud Vengada; Cumplido Album Mex., ii. 97; Torrente, Rev.
Hisp. Arner., i. 46-7, 73, 229-51, 310-37; Calderon, Life in Mex., ii. 179-89;
ConsejodeHegene.ro, Espan. elnd. Amer. Esp., Cadiz, 1811, passim; Prov. Int..
Carta Minis. 24 de Jid. 1812, in Mayer M8S., no. 6; Prov. Int. Real Orden., 2J,
Jul. 1812, in Mayer MSS., no. 7; Rivera, Gob. deMex., ii. 8, 33-46; Id., Hist.
Jalapa, i. 305-8, 338-9, 394, 437; Revllla Gigedo, Bandas, no. 31, passim;
Iturribarria, in Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 291-2; Villasenor, in Id., iii. 71; Zamo-
ra, iii. 188-9; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., v. 618, 657; Id., vii. passim; Id., viii.
passim, ap. 737-8, 740-7, 749-50, 757-85; Id., 563, 820-1, 913-16; Zavala,
Rev. Mex., 55-8, 61-4, 68-9; Id., Venerable Congreg. Neri, passim; Dipu-
tac. Amer. Represent., passim; Juzgados de Hac., MS., passim, in Doc. Ecles.
Mex., MS., ii. no. 5; Colcgio, etc., passim, in Id., v. no. 2; Chilpantzingo, in
Id., ii. no. 3; Sumario Criminal contra Tres Relig., MS., 1811, in Disturbios
de Frailes, ii. 341-48, no. 9; Disposic. Varias, vi. 61-71; Ximenez y Frias,
El Fenix, passim; Mex., Cuad. de Formul., passim; Diez y Seis, passim; Vega,
J. S. G., Exhortacion, passim; Acapulco, Provision, 6-31, in Virey de Mex.
Instruc., MS., 2d ser. no. 2; Villasenor, Theat. Amer., i. 178-90, 233-4,
237-40, 315-17; Id., ii. 30-4; Young, Hist. Mex., 89; Walton, Expose, 281,
app. 26-30; Rebelion, Origen de la, passim; Rev. Span. Amer., 178-209, 318-
21; Revue Amer., ii. 552; Romero in Soc. Mex., viii. 547; Robinson, Mex.,
44-56; Id., Mex. Rev., i. 47; Romero, in Soc. Mex. , viii. 621; Zdaa 6 Hidalgo,
Queretaro Agrad., passim; Pap. Far., ii. 36-68; Exhort. Patriot, dinting.
Fenian. Sept., passim; Payne, Hitt. Europ. Col., 305-6; Pcdraza, Biog. Can-
dittos, 38-50; Perez, Dice. Geog. y Estad., i. 31-7, 114-15; Prov. Mich.,
111-25, 143-202; Puerto Convite, passim; Sastre, Constitut., pt ii. passim;
Quart. Review, vii. 257; Id., xxx. 175-7; Reladon Christ., passim; J3ergosa

FURTHER REFERENCES. 375

y Jordan, Exhort., passim; Id., Carta Pastoral, passim; Obcr, Mex., 417;
Cnmpillo, Edicto, passim; Id., Manifesto, passim; Olavarriay Ferrari, Junta,
dc. Zitdcuaro, ix. passim; Orizava, Ocurr., 3; Tournon, Proceso, passim;
Puebla, Mario Fiedo, passim; Inquisicion, Apol., passim; Mex. Bosq. Rev.,

10, 29, 34; Mex. Cabildo Metrop., 1-14, in Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., ii. no. 4;
Museo, Mex., i. 133; Id., ii. 163-76; Modern Travel. Mex. Guat., i. 109-15;
La Ilustr. Mex., iv. 229, 273-5; Las Closes Product., Setre. 15, 1878, in
Pi ii art Coll.; Lezama, Exhort de Paz, passim; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, 256-7,
287-90; Martinez, Sinop. Hist. Rev., i. 58-66; Id., Parabien, passim; Mani
festo contra las Instrucc., passim; Maillard, Hist. Tex., 17-19; Linati,

Costumes, passim; Diar. Imper., June 8, 1866, 559; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon,
213-28, 238-48; Pasatiempo Militar, passim; Borricon, Exhort., passim;
Alvarez, Estud., iii. 459-61; Aim. Calend. Man. y Guia, 1811, 45-102, 173-
206; Apunt. Hist., passim, in Pan. Bol. Ofic., June 4, 1868; Pinart Col; Gaz.
Mex., Arevalo Compend., 7-104, passim; Arrangoiz, Mej., i. 129-55, 161-70;
Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 184-7, 387-9; Azanza, Instrucc., MS., 92-4, 171;
Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 7-171, 221-6; Robles, Diar., in Doc. Hist. Mex.,
Istser. ii. 70; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 16-21; Dill, Hist. Mex., 292-329;
Descripcion de Amer., 119 et seq. ; Foote, Tex., i. 94-9; Conder, Mex. Guat.,
109-10; Chynoweth,Max., 6-9; Mendibil, Res. Hist., 51-5, 61-72, 79-98, 103-
19, 141-60, ap. vii. 391-4; ix. 396-7; Narte, Clamores, passim; Niks' Register,

11. 238, 365; Niles, S. Amer. Mex., i. 142-54; Notidoso Gen., Aug. 28, 1815,
1-2; Mex. Refut. Art. Fondo, 3-15; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 102; Id., ii.
666-8; Id., viii. 27; Id., ix. 44-5, 68, 602-3; Id., x. 77-80, 141, 474-5, 482-4,
522, 616, 636-7, 911-12, 1102, 1120-8, ap. i. 57, 300-1; Fronterizo, Dec. 5,
1880, 1.

CHAPTER XV.

WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.
1812.

FINANCIAL DISTRESS AND ARBITRARY MEASURES — INSURGENTS SACK HUA-
MANTLA AND CAPTURE TRAINS — THE SUPREMA JUNTA'S MOVEMENTS AND
ACTS— DOCTOR Cos' PLANS or PEACE AND WAR — VICEREGAL COURSE
— INDEPENDENT PRESS — BAD GUERRILLAS — ROSAINS AND HIS TROUBLES
— CAMPAIGNS IN PUEBLA, MICHOACAN, AND BAJIO DE GUANAJUATO —
OPERATIONS OF GARCIA CONDE, NEGRETE, AND ITURBIDE AGAINST AL
BINO GARCIA — CAPTURE AND END OF THIS LEADER— TORRES' EXECU
TION — ILL SUCCESS OF LICEAGA AND Cos IN GUANAJUATO — RAIDS IN SAN
Luis POTOSI.

DURING the siege of Cuautla the viceregal govern
ment had to resort to extraordinary measures to carry
on the war. Public loans, voluntary and forced, were
long since an old story; yet one more attempt was made
to borrow two million dollars from the church and the
wealthy men and merchants of Mexico, Puebla, and
Yera Cruz, but without success. Then it was ordered
that all persons should surrender their plate and jew
elry, a promise in return being given that their value
should be paid in one year with interest. As it was
customary at that time to invest largely in valuables
of the kind, many were stripped of their all, and a
considerable sum was raised, but the people never
received any pay. Another infliction was a tax of
ten per cent on rents of urban property. In order to
provide the army with horses, and prevent their fall
ing into the hands of the insurgents, this quixotic
viceroy ordered bought all in the country, except
those of the troops, guards, dependents of the acor-

(376J

SECRET SOCIETIES. 377

dada, and mail carriers, and such as might be found
useless for military service.1 This brilliant scheme
failed, for when Venegas came to pay for the beasts,
like Simple Simon, he had not the money. All this
tended to the further disgust of the people, and to the
advancement of the revolutionary cause. Nor were
the continued offers of pardon emanating from the
Spanish c6rtes sufficient to hold forever the good
will of the Spanish Americans.2

There were several secret clubs in the capital at
this time, one claiming special attention, called Los
Guadalupes,3 whose members, like others before men
tioned, labored to spread discontent in regard to the
viceregal government.

One of the richest towns of that period, now within
the state of Tlascala, was Huamantla, situated on the
line of trade between Vera Cruz and Mexico. The
place was garrisoned by forty infantry of the line, 200
royalist auxiliaries, also infantry, most of them armed
with lances, there being but few muskets among them,
and sixty cavalrymen. Of artillery there were only
three small guns. The commandant, Antonio Garcia
del Casal, having been apprised that a large force of
insurgents meditated an attack upon the town, opened
ditches and erected barricades. The insurgents, 2,000
strong, assailed the place on the 18th of March, 1812,
and though repulsed at first, carried it next day, after
nearly all the regulars and a number of officers had

1 The owners of the last class were required to have a written license.
And any one found riding a horse, unprovided with the license, fifteen days
after the publication of the edict at the head town of his district was to be
shot. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 174-7.

2 This became evident in the reception given to the amnesty law of Nov. 8,
1811, published in Mexico in the Diario of April 3, 1812. In fact, decrees
purporting to be for the general good were looked on, not as springing from
a desire to benefit the colony, but as so many rights forced from the Spanish
rulers. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 136-41.

3 Established for securing independence, when and by whom has not been
ascertained; but it existed prior to 1808; it was said that Viceroy Iturrigaray
had relations with them; and that in the differences between Venegas and
Calleja they made proposals to the latter which were not looked upon with
displeasure. The labors of these clubs were very important. They were in
constant correspondence with the independent chiefs. Negrete, Mex. Siy.
XIX., v. 14.

378 WAR, MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

been slain. Captain Casal and the rest of the garri
son were made prisoners. The victors abandoned the
town on the 20th, after having sacked it.4 Death
without quarter frequently awaited the prisoners in
this war, as we have seen ; but thanks to the influence
of some priests, their lives in this instance were spared,
and they were set at liberty a few days later. The
same force of insurgents afterward made several as
saults against Nopalucan, but were repulsed by the
garrison under Captain Antonio Conti, finally losing
three guns, a number of mules, and a quantity of sup
plies.

Shortly afterward, at Nopalucan, a train of imported
merchandise valued at two million dollars fell into the
hands of the independents,5 under Osorno, Arroyo,
Bocardo, Ramirez, and others. It was a rich prize,
from which, however, the captors derived but little
benefit, as it was quickly dissipated.6

When the revolutionary junta suprema, after its
flight from Zitdcuaro, had gathered its dispersed

4 ' Han clestrozado el pueblo. . .llevandose una cuerda de prisoneros.' Gaz.
de Mex., 1812, iii. 206, 337-42. Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 95, states that
Casal escaped; the insurgent chief celebrated the victory, never thinking of
affording aid to Morelos at Cuautla. Huamantla became a very important
place for the Americans, a mart for the free sale of tobacco being established
there. The profits that might have been obtained, sufficient to meet the war
expenses, were, however, squandered by the chiefs of guerrilla parties.

5 It happened thus: The brigadier Juan Jose" de Olazabal, a recent arrival,
started for Perote on the 18th of April with 325 men, of whom 25 were cav
alry, escorting a large train of merchandise belonging to the merchants, two
pieces of siege artillery, and ammunition to be used against Cuautla. When
near Nopalucan he sent forward for assistance, the place being beset by in
surgents, who after a fight retired, and Olazabal entered the town. The
mules of the merchandise teams, being then taken out of the town to water,
were cut off by the enemey. All his despatches to Puebla had been inter
cepted; and the brigadier, leaving the merchandise in the town, returned to
Perote with the artillery and ammunition, arriving there on the 30th of
April. Meantime the independents captured Nopalucan and made a prize of
the merchandise. Gaz. de Mcx., 1812, iii. 505-7; Alaman, Hist. AJej., ii.
570-3; Negrete^ Mex. Sly. XIX., v. 183-5. Bustamante says that Olazabal
spent his time in Nopalucan reflecting on the audacity of the 'citoyones de
gcunuza y rueda de cuerda,' as he called the men that wore buckskin and used
the lasso. That author gives him the worst of characters, accusing him of
ingratitude and scandalous theft. Cuad. Hist., i. 415-7.

6 No account was ever rendered of it. Among the spoils were some beau
tiful diamond rings, a pectoral for the bishop of Puebla, and a necklace of
fine stones which was sent as a present to Morelos. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.,
i. 417-8.

COS' PLANS OF PEACE AND WAR. 379

forces and established itself at Sultepec, matters on
the whole for a time looked well for the indepen
dent cause. Calleja had suffered a signal repulse
at Cuautla; near Izucar were the forces which had
placed Llano in so compromised a position; Atlixco
was threatened, the provinces were overrun by revolu
tionary troops, and Calleja was at a standstill. Abouti
this time an idea became prevalent that the struggle
would soon be terminated by a compromise favorable
to independence, and it was even hinted at by an arti
cle in the government organ, which announced with
satisfaction an arrangement entered into by Francisco
Xavier Elio, viceroy of the provinces of Rio de la
Plata, with the revolutionary junta in Buenos Aires.7
This was the first time that the possibility of a com
promise was broached; for hitherto, to speak of affairs
in the other Spanish American possessions, was but to
tell of royalist victories.8 Some thought the viceroy
leaned that way, but that was not so. No one knew
better than he that in the present war there was no
possibility of compromise. There must be either
freedom or bondage. But the junta at Sultepec, un
der the impression that the time had come for making
some such proposal, approved two plans or projects
devised by Doctor Cos, which he respectively named
Plan of peace and Plan of war. These, accompanied
with a manifesto entitled "de la nacion americana a
los europeos habitantes de este continente," were sent
in the name of the junta to the viceroy, together with
a letter dated March 16th. At the same time copies
of the documents were distributed to the corporations
and chief authorities in the country.9

7 The arrangement was signed October 20, 1811, at Montevideo, with the
view of establishing peace iu those provinces. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 223-4;
Negrete, Mex. Sir,. XIX., v. 43.

8 The fiscal of the tribunal de mineria, at the meeting of that body in
March, endeavored to prove that the only efficacious means to revive the min
ing industry was peace, such as had been made in Buenos Aires. Arechcder-
r<ta, Apuni. Hist., in Alaman, Hist. Mcj., ii. 555-6.

9 Doctor Cos' ideas produced so strong an impression on Venegas that it
was said he would allow no one to see the letter. It may be found entire in
Reyrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 88-90. Both plans were based on the principle

380 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

The corporations and authorities placed Cos' pro
ductions, unread by many of them, in the hands of
the viceroy. The latter, though pretending to look

entertained by the ayuntamiento of Mexico in 1808, adopted by Hidalgo and
followed by Rayon and the junta, of using the name of Fernando VII. only
to aid in achieving independence. On that ground Cos founded his plan of
peace; in the preamble he maintained that the sovereignty resided in the body
of the nation; that Spain and America were integral parts of the monarchy,
subject to the king, which parts possessed equal rights and were independent
of one another; that in the absence of the monarch, America, having kept her
self loyal to him, had a better right to convoke c6rtes, and to call thereto the
few Spanish patriots who had not stained themselves with treason, than
Spain to summon deputies from America; that the inhabitants of Spain had
no right to assume the supreme power in the colonies, and authorities sent by
them were illegally constituted, and that Americans, as a natural consequence,
had the right to conspire against them; such action, instead of being treason
able, was on the contrary meritorious; and the king, if present, would certainly
commend them. To reduce his principles to practice, Cos proposed in the plan
of peace the creation of a national congress, independent of Spain, representing
Fernando VII. and affirming his right. The European officials and the armed
force were to resign their offices and powers into the hands of the congress, and
remain as private citizens, with their lives and estates guaranteed; the employes
retaining their honors and fueros, and a portion of their pay if they continued
residing in the country. Past grievances should be forgotten, and the Mexi
can congress would then, as a token of fraternity, afford some pecuniary
assistance to the Spaniards fighting in Spain against the foreign usuper and
his allies. If that plan were not accepted, then the alternative of war
should be recognized, and under it hostilities carried on according to the laws
of nations, prisoners being treated as belligerents, and not as traitors, for
both would be fighting for their national rights under the common banner of
Fernando VII.

The doctor made a re'sume' of charges for violence, atrocities, and griev
ances, real or supposed, said to have been committed by the royalists, and
concluded by trying to prove that it was in the interests of the Europeans,
whom he called 'brethren, friends, and fellow-citizens,' to accept the plan
of peace, and thus contribute to the general welfare. His plans acquired
great celebrity. The difficulty with them was that the principles supposed to
be therein established were the very gist of the trouble, about which there
could be no compromise; for one party wanted an independent government,
though under the name of Fernando, which the other party well understood
the meaning of. As to the war plan, the insurgent junta was pledging
more than it could fulfil, its authority not being recognized by all the chiefs
at war with the viceregal government. El Ilustrador Am., nos 2-6, in Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iv. 189-90, 193-5, 207-8, 222-4, 230; Ne-
grete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 15-32; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., ii. 548-63; Zerecero,
Rev. Mex., 133; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 389-406; Mendibil, Res. Hist.,
app. ii. 375-83; iii. 384-5; iv. 385; Ward, Mex., i. 183-5; Mora, Revol.
Mex., iv. 202-14. The pretended allegiance to Fernando was a deception, a
mere matter of policy, and so considered by Cos and the junta. Alaman, Hint.
Mej., ii. 556-61. This was an undeniable fact, recognized by Bustamante as
such, and fully confirmed in a confidential letter of the junta to Morelos,
dated Sept. 4, 1811, which contains these words: ' Habrd sin duda reflexado
V. E. que hemos apellidado en nuestra junta el nombre de Fernando VII.
que hasta ahora no se habia tornado para iiada. . .nos surte el mejor efecto. . .
Nuestros planes en efecto, son de independencia, . . .no nos ha de dauar el
nombre de Fernando.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hi«t., i. 405-6; Oaz. de Mex., 1812.
iii. 489-90; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., app. 5, 385-G.

ROSAINS AXD IRISARRI. 381

on the manifesto with contempt, in reality gave it the
greatest importance by decreeing on the 8th of April
that the document should be burned in the public plaza
by the common executioner, thus awakening in the
people a desire to know its contents.10 Another edict
required that all copies should be gathered in; and the
reading of the documents, except by special govern
ment sanction, was strictly forbidden.11

The sovereign junta continued the policy of giving
publicity to its views by means of the printing-press.12
The viceroy did what he could to counteract this in
fluence by edicts and ecclesiastical injunctions. The
circulation and reading of such productions were for
bidden, and every copy called in. Priests at the con
fessional and from the pulpit were directed to enjoin
upon the faithful obedience to these commands.13

During the siege of Cuautla a number of persons
occupying good social standing hastened to join the
revolution. Among them was a distinguished law
yer, Juan Nepornuceno Rosains, who had been de
terred for a year past from such action by the bad
character of some of the insurgent leaders.14

10 He said that he could find no better means of showing the horror and
abomination inspired by those proposals. Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 90-2;
Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 373-4.

HBeristain, archdeacon of Mexico and influential with the viceroy, and
Friar Diego Miguel Bringas y Eucinas, guardian of Santa Cruz de Quere"taro,
undertook to defend the despotic order, and to impugn Cos' plan. Busta-
mante believed it beneficent. Of Bringas' character he speaks in high terms
of praise, giving him credit for honesty of purpose in his effort, though based
on wrong impressions. Cu adro Hist. , i. 401. Be ristaiii gave his arguments in
the journal El Filopatro. and in a pamphlet of Go numbers, ending 15th Octo
ber, 1812, dedicated to the tribunal of the inquisition. Bringas confutes the
charges made against the royalists, and specifies the acts of atrocity by the
insurgents which he saw or heard of. If he did not vindicate the royalists,
he made it appear that the insurgents had excelled them in cruelty. Bringas,
Impugn, del pap. sedic., 176 and 143 pp. issued from the press of Maria Fer
nandez de Jaurequi, in Mex., 1812.

12 Owing to the acquisition of the type as already narrated at this time, the
Ilustrador Americano and the Semanario Patriotico had freer course, and exer
cised no small influence. Rivera, Gob. Mex. , ii. 39.

13 The edicts were dated June 1st and 3d respectively. The ecclesiastical
chapter said that the newspapers of the independents were 'una maquina in
fernal inventada por el padre de la discordia para desterrar del pais la paz. '
Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 509-001.

11 Such men had justly won the name of 'devorantes' given them by
Morelos. Maximo Machorro, Arroyo, and Antonio Bocardo were of the

382 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

On the 3d of April Rosains raised the revolution
ary standard, but with the resolve that all his acts
should bear the stamp of order and true patriotism.
He soon placed himself in contact with others hold
ing like views, and within a fortnight there was thus
gathered a force 800 strong, enlisted about San Andres
and Nopalucan, and between Quichula and Tepeya-
hualco.

Insurrection becoming thus rank throughout Pue-
bla, the viceroy gave command of the province to Brig
adier Santiago Irisarri, already mentioned, and sent
him the first battalion of the Americano infantry regi
ment/5 Major Gomendio, which with a small body of
cavalry and the royalist auxiliaries, were all the
troops at his command to defend that section. Every
loyal town hereabout was in turn assailed,16 including
Atlixco, which was attacked on the 23d of April by
a strong force from Iziicar, and saved from capture only
by the arrival of troops under Colonel Ordonez. At
the end of April the viceregal authority, whose forces
were all engaged in front of Cuautla, was recognized
only in the city of Puebla, and a few towns, includ-

number. Machorro was like a wild beast, having plenty of physical courage,
and indulging it in the way of murder and robbery without limit. Morelos
tried to bring him under discipline, but failed. Bocardo was a little less
brutal, a little more amenable to reason. Bustamante., Cuad. Hist., ii. 132.
This author uses similar language respecting other leaders whom he person
ally knew, and with whom he had to associate even at the peril of his life,
men who were no better than bandits. His lamantations are touching.
But on the other hand, he was inclined to judge more favorably of other
leaders that he was not acquainted with, such as Albino Garcia, the Villa-
grans, Osorno, and others, whom Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 5G3-6, stamps with
the same stripe. Such men gave Morelos and other respectable chiefs much
trouble, and were the bane of the revolution.

15 Arrived at Vera Cruz, from Spain, January 29, 1812. The second bat-
> lion remained at Habana. A little later the Castilla regiment came out.

fourth expedition arrived August 25, 1812, consisting of the Zamora
in i an try regiment, Colonel Rafael Bracho, a company of flying artillery,
and the rest of the men to complete the Castilla and Lovera regiments. Ala-
-i <n, Hist. Mej., ii. 469-70; iii. 237; Guerra, Rev. Mej., ii. 447; Mendibil,
jJtes. Hist., 94; Bustamante, Camp, de Calleja, 158-9; Niles' Reg., ii. 71; Zama-
cois, Hist. Mex., viii. 86-8, 236; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 349-50.

16 At the foot of Popocatapetl was posted an insurgent party led by a mon
ster called Vicente Gomez, nicknamed El Capador, recognizing no authority.
As late as 1850, there was in Mexico, begging his daily food, an old soldier
of the Asturias battalion, whom Gomez had mutilated. Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
ii. 568.

GUANAJUATO, VALLADOLID, AND QUERETARO. 383

ing the ever faithful Tlascala, and even this city was
seriously threatened. Communication was so much in
terrupted that for several months Mexico knew not
what occurred in Jalapa and Vera Cruz. Neverthe
less, Rosains and his party had no faith in their ability
to withstand an attack from the royalists at Puebla;
and upon news of danger reaching them, the priest
Jose Rafael Tarelo, who had prevailed on Rosains to
join the revolution, wrote to Bishop Campillo that he
and his companions would accept the royal amnesty if
they were not required to perform humiliating acts.
The bishop returned a letter of acceptance, and Tarelo
with another priest, Amador, began their prepara
tions, when, the affair reaching Rosains, he had the
latter arrested and summoned a meeting, before which
he laid the bishop's letter and signified his intention,
now more confirmed than ever, of fighting for the
national independence. On the same day came Ra
fael Argiielles, a lawyer from Orizaba, commissioned
by a meeting called a few days before by the curate
Montezuma, at Zongolica, to arrange cooperation
with Rosains and Osorno. Tarelo's negotiations with
Bishop Campillo caused much trouble, and almost
brought about the destruction of himself, Rosains,
Argiielles, and others.17

During the same period revolution raged in the
provinces of its birth, left scantily garrisoned when
Calleja abandoned Guanajuato. The chief towns were
fortified, but had no available troops for distant ex-

17 The report got out that Rosains and his friends intended to apply for
amnesty. A rough, unbridled rabble, led by Machorro and the Francis-
friar Ibargiien, fell upon Rosains and Argiielles, severely maletreated them 1
confined Tarelo, who, however, escaped. Ibargiien was of Arroyo's stamp, a,nd
even worse if possible. No arguments availed with such men, and Rosains and
Argiielles were on the point of being sacrificed, but after much trouble f c-
ceeded in escaping and fled toward San Andre's Chalchicomula. Tarelo, who
had joined the revolution for the sake of plunder and had taken a large share
of the two million conducta captured at Nopalucan, sent men in pursuit.
Rosains was taken and in shackles conveyed to Tepeaca, where he was saved
only by the prayers of the people. But he was confined in a dungeon, and
was in peril of his life till he escaped. Rosains, JReL, in Alaman, Hist. Mci.t
ii. 575-6; Negrete, Hex. Sig. XIX., v. 186-7.

384 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

peditions. Calleja, after taking Zitdcuaro, sent a di
vision of the central army against the parties over
running the Bajio or plains of Guanajuato.18 Colonel
Diego Garcia Conde, the chief commander, displayed
great activity. He fortified his headquarters at
Maravatio, a central point between Valladolid, Guana
juato, and Queretaro, and organized royalist compa
nies.19 His chief aims were to destroy Albino Garcia,
and to secure communication with Mexico and the
safe passage of trains. Yillalba went against Cafias
and Ramon Rayon, and destroyed the artillery and
foundry at Santa Maria Tismade. Oroz and Iturbide
were sent with a force as far as Indaparapeo to relieve
Valladolid, and Garcia Conde, after visiting Celaya,
hastened to Acambaro to be at convenient distance
from Valladolid. Albino Garcia kept the garrisons of
small towns constantly alarmed, and forced other in
surgent leaders to obey him.20 At this time he formed '
a combination with Muniz and Father Navarrete to
assail Valladolid, on the 3d of February, which had a
most disastrous result.21 Trujillo defeated them in de
tail, captured their artillery, and destroyed their foun
dry at Tacambaro. This, however, did not improve

18 It consisted of one battalion of the Corona, lieut-col. Villalba, another
made up from several regiments under Captain Agustin de Iturbide, the
Puebla cavalry regiment, and two squadrons of frontier troops, with some
pieces of artillery.

19 His report of Feb. 17th, from Salamanca. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 218-
22, 225-8.

20 As he acted with entire freedom from control, the junta, when at Zitd-
cuaro, sent a certain Cajigas with troops and artillery to bring him under
subjection; but he, caring no more for the junta than for the government at
Mexico, fell upon Cajigas, taking his cannon and other arms, and sent him
back to the junta. Mora, Revol. Mex., iv. 430. The junta on the 18th of
March, 1812, declared Albino Garcia an outlaw, ' por su crueldad, y embria-
guez, lascivia, latrocinios, escandalos y despotismo coiiciliandose el odio y de-
testacion general.' Ner/rete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 198-200.

21 The plan was for Garcia to attack on the north; Navarrete on the west;
Muniz on the south; and Piedra with 400 men from his hacienda El Canario
was to render aid. Trujillo and his subordinate, Captain Antonio Linares,
made short work of the matter. The latter, with 100 foot, 200 cavalry, and 3
pieces, charged upon Garcia, who had about 4,000 or 5,000 men, mostly
mounted, and six pieces, on the heights of Tarimbaro, and after some fighting
dispersed them and captured their artillery. Linares returned to Valladolid
with the cannon and upward of 600 horses and mules, most of them saddled,
and other spoils. Muniz, not knowing what had befallen Garcia, appeared be
fore the city, and occupied the heights of Santa Maria with 10 pieces. Trujillo

ALBINO GARCIA.

385

matters for the royal cause in Michoacan. Muuiz
soon managed to make more cannon; and though the
insurgent guerrilla parties were not formidable, they so
multiplied that Valladolid was for eight months with
out news from Mexico.22 Albino Garcia seemed to
derive greater resolution and power of resource from
every reverse. He soon gathered his dispersed forces,
and returned to his headquarters in the valley of
Santiago. He was joined there by the parties under

i*a CasasA'iejas

' 5 o £./> Tollman
jn GaravatilWT
.Miguel H Grande

BAJIO OF GUANAJUATO.

and Linares together made a dash against him and signally defeated him, cap-
taring all his artillery. Linares went in pursuit as far as Tacambaro, burned
the town after removing nine cannon, and thereby destroyed the factory of
arms that Muuiz had there. Navarrete, receiving timely advice, kept away
and returned to his old position. Thus Trujillo in three days broke up, with
out losing a man, a combination of 8,000 or 10,000, taking besides about 25
pieces of artillery, and large quantities of supplies. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
589-95; Mora, Revol Mex., iv. 426-8.

22 Arechederreta saw a letter from the bishop elect, Abad y Queipo, to a
friend of his in Mexico, which so stated. The official reports of Trujillo and
Linares, dated Feb. 8th, of the actions opposite Valladolid, did not reach
Mexico till the latter part of May or beginning of June, and they were the
triplicates.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 25

386 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

Escandon, the Gonzales, Tomas Baltierra Salmeron,
Cleto Camacho, the negro Valero, and others. Gar
cia Conde resolved to attack them in the valley, and
succeeded in penetrating as far as the plaza of Santi
ago on the 13th of February, but was compelled to
retreat in haste. He made a second attempt with
all his forces on the 15th, with no better result, and
then withdrew to Celaya.23 It would be useless at
tempting to follow the repeated movements and coun
ter-movements of the belligerents, as they reached no
result other than to keep the country in a state of
disturbance and suffering.

In March and April Guanajuato was reduced to
the last extremity for the want of specie.24 By re
quest of the civil authority Garcia Conde, now a
brigadier, escorted the bullion on hand to Queretaro.
On the 8th of April he started on his return with
specie and merchandise, about 1,000 mule loads, for
Guanajuato and interior towns; but encountering in
surgents, he lost one load of specie and a large quan
tity of merchandise. He succeeded in taking to
Guanajuato on the 17th only the specie of the royal
treasury. The specie of private individuals and the
merchandise that escaped capture he was forced to
leave in Irapuato. However, Colonel Jose Castro
started from this place soon after with the effects, and
leaving in Silao those for Guadalajara and Zacatecas,
inarched on with the rest to Guanajuato, which he
reached safely on the 21st.25 Garcia Conde now re
ceived orders from the viceroy to convey to Mexico

23 He had to abandon the place on hearing that Pedro Garcia had taken
and sacked the villa de Leon, and slain its comandante, Manuel Gutierrez de
la Concha. Mora, Kevol. Mex., iv. 428.

24 Silver bullion was selling at very low prices, and work in the mines
suffered accordingly. A deputation of the ayuntamiento went with a letter
from the intendente to Garcia Conde, then at Silao, requesting him to escort
to Quere'taro the bullion belonging to private persons — the royal treasury
officials would not send the silver of the crown without orders from the
viceroy — and bring back the coin and goods detained there. Alaman, Hist.
Mej., iii. 176-81.

25 Garcia Conde's official report to the viceroy from Silao, April 24th.
Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 741-4; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 181-2; Bustamante,
Cuad Hist., ii. 299-301.

NEGRETE AND TORRES. 387

all the silver bullion in Guanajuato, together with
that left at Queretaro, and a large flock of sheep;
mutton being very scarce in the capital. To the
people dwelling in the towns of the Bajio this news was
anything but pleasing, and petitions poured upon him
not to leave them at the mercy of the insurgent ma
rauders. On the other hand, Cruz, deeming his own
province in danger, also requested Garcia Conde not
to start with the trains till Albino Garcia was put out
of the way. The latter having overcome the insur
gent chiefs, Escandon, Rubi, Gonzalez, and others
who had been acting too independently of him, had
increased his own force and become more dangerous.
Under the circumstances, Garcia Conde delayed his
departure and decided to combine a plan of operations
with the comandante general of Nueva Galicia.26 The
troops of this province since the opening of the year
had been engaged in keeping at bay insurgent parties
on the confines of Michoacan and Guanajuato; and if
any of them set foot in Nueva Galicia territory they
were forthwith destroyed. In these repeated encoun
ters a number of notable guerrilla chiefs had perished,
some of them killed in action, and some captured and
shot.27

Among the most noted royalist commanders, both
for activity and severity, was Pedro Celestino Negrete.
Haughty and inflexible, he never spoke of the insur
gents without applying to them some blackening
epithet,28 and not one that was captured by him
escaped death. On the other hand, he did not spare
his officers and men from hard work, though he looked

afiHe despatched Captain Iturbide with 60 Silao royalists to confer with
Cruz and Negrete. With this small escort Iturbide traversed the region in
fested by insurgent parties, fulfilled his commission in a satisfactory manner,
and in six days was back again at Garcia Conde's headquarters. The time
occupied by him was hardly more than the postman employed in time of
peace. These facts and future operations appear in his report of May 18th.
Gaz. tie Mcx., 1812, iii. 733-9.

27 Such was the fate of Colonel Vargas, Francisco Pifia, El Seguidillo,
Maldonado, Tomas Rodriguez, and others.

28 Monsters, infamous rebels, wretches, cowardly assassins, vile canaille,
and such like, were words constantly occurring in his official reports; and
yet that man lived to serve the republic, and so did Garcia Conde.

388 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

after their interests with the utmost care, and they
had accustomed themselves to look up to him as a
father as well as an invincible commander. His tena
cious persecution of rebels had put an end to many
obscure leaders, till at last there remained in the
province only one insurgent chief who had acquired
any considerable distinction. This was Jose Anto
nio Torres, generally called El viejo Torres, who
had rendered good service to the cause in Nueva
Galicia. His fate was a sad one. With his later
operations against Valladolid the reader is already
acquainted. From his stronghold in Michoacan he
was wont to invade the region of Rio Grande, and in
February 1812 he attacked Negrete near Tlasasalca.
Torres was repulsed and, assailed in turn, was utterly
routed. From the time of this reverse he was ac
tively pursued from place to place, and on the 4th of
April was surprised and captured at Palo Alto, near
Tupataro, by Lopez Merino, one of Negrete's subor
dinates. It was no small matter this capture of so
noble a patriot, and the royalists made the most of it
after their fashion. He was taken to Guadalajara
and his arrival made a public spectacle. Wishing to
heap every indignity upon him, his foes were about to
fasten him by the neck to a wooden prop that his face
might be well seen, but the old man told them to
have no fear, he would carry his head high enough.
He was tried by the oidor Yelasco, and sentenced on
the 12th of May to be hanged and quartered. The
execution was carried into effect on the 23d. In the
presence of the assembled crowd the head was severed
from the body and raised upon a pole. One quarter
of the body was sent to Zacoalco, the scene of his vic
tory over Villasenor; another was placed at the Mexi-
calcingo gate, by which he had made his triumphal
entry into Guadalajara, and the remaining two at the
gates of El Carmen and San Pedro.29

29 At each place were posted these words: 'Jose" Antonio Torres, traidor al
rey y a la Patria, cabecilla rebelde e" invasor de esta Capital.' The remains

GARCIA CONDE. 389

Negrete's division could now be employed in the
pursuit of Albino Garcia. Orders were brought him
from Cruz by Iturbide to march at once. It was
arranged that on the 15th of May at ten o'clock in
the morning he should attack Albino Garcia, cover
ing the roads leading from Parangues and Yurira to
the valley of Santiago; and that Garcia Conde should
at the same hour come upon the enemy's camp from
the Celaya side, thus cutting off escape. In order
not to awaken suspicion, Garcia Conde tarried in
Silao,33 where on the 1st of May he received infor
mation from Captain Esquivel, commanding at Ira
puato, that he was surrounded by numerous parties of
Albino Garcia's. Conde at once despatched Villalba
with one battalion, 100 dragoons, and two cannon.
The rebel chief, who had been all day assailing the
town with 4,000 cavalry and seven pieces of artillery,
on learning of their approach retired to the hacienda
de las Animas, a league distant, whence two of his
lieutenants kept up a skirmish with Villalba's force.31
Meantime Albino Garcia marched against Celaya, and
was repulsed.32

were incinerated forty days after. His house in San Pedro Piedra Gorda was
razed to the ground and sown with salt. Thus we see what it was to be a
patriot in those days. It must be confessed that in the city of Mexico more
decency was shown. The execution took place the 23d of May, all the garri
son being out under arms to see it. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 639-40; Castillo,
Negrcte, Mex., v. 57-63, 78; Bustamante, Guadro Hist., i. 145; Zerecero, Rev.
Mex., 185-90; Alaman, Hi*t. Mej., iii. 185-6; Mora, M^x. y xus Rev., iv. 439-
43. At the time of his capture Torres had 400 men with him, all of whom
perished, many of them being burned alive, Merino having ordered some
barns in which they had sought refuge to be set on fire. Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., iv. 147-8.

30 Official reports of May llth and 16th. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 733-9,
769-71.

31 Villalba, being told by Esquivel that the people of the San Jacinto rancho
were friendly to the insurrection, ordered Lieut. Gutierrez to put them all
to the sword, an order which he afterward modified by sparing the women
and children; but as all the men but one had fled, on him alone must fall the
vengeance of the realm. Alaman, Hist. Mex., iii. 188.

32 The vccinos of Celaya, Irapuato, and other towns, instead of making
so strenuous a resistance, would have joined the 1'evolution if the junta
soberana had been able to keep in check the guerrilla chiefs. The coman-
dante at Irapuato, Jose" Ma Esquivel, was decidedly in favor of independence.
In after years he was several times a member of the legislature, and once
vice-governor of Guanajuato, and died as one of the justices of her supreme
court. Id., iii. 189-90.

390 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

Garcia Conde departed with the conducta of silver
bullion from Guanajuato to escort it to Mexico,
and conveyed it as far as Irapuato. From this place,
where he incorporated into his force Villalba's com
mand, without divulging his destination, he started
at two o'clock in the morning of May 15th, so as to
reach the valley of Santiago by ten, and occupy the
points agreed upon with Negrete. But Albino Gar
cia, if unlettered, was a shrewd military man. He
well understood the royalists' movements, and easily
disconcerted them. Not finding Negrete where he
expected to meet him, and hearing a brisk firing from
the direction of Parangues, Garcia Conde inferred
that Albino Garcia had attacked Negrete, which was
true. On Garcia Conde's approach, t"ie enemy re
tired, and, pursued by the cavalry, lost some men.33

33 Among the slain was one of the most efficient officers of the guerrilla
band. Conde and Negrete marched into the valley in three sections, one of
which was under Iturbide, with the view of pursuing Albino if he returned.
They failed to find him, however, only priests, women, and children being
left in the town. Conde wanted to form other combinations with Negrete,
but the latter had to return to his former positions to protect the Nueva
Galicia frontier from possible invasion by Albino Garcia. It was, however,
agreed that Negrete should march by the Pe"njamo road, Conde taking
that of Yuriria, so as to place the enemy between two fires; but the latter
eluded the hot pursuit of Conde and Iturbide, though owing to the fact of his
being afflicted with gout, Albino had to journey in a carriage or on a bed.
When the pursuers came near he would quickly mount a horse and escape
by some side road, after hiding his artillery. Once his artillery carriages
were captured and destroyed. At the end of this unsuccessful pursuit the
royalists were completely exhausted. Conde gave up the chase, and re
turning to the valley of Santiago, took the sacred vessels and paraments and
the priests of that town and of Yuriria to Irapuato. Conde, in his report
of May 31st, speaks of Albino's force being all dispersed, arid states that the
chief had only 100 men with him; but, of course, that is a part of guerrilla war
fare. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 749-55; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 191-3; Mora,
liC-vol. Mex., iv. 431-2. Albino Garcia's bands consisted of large masses of
mounted men, mostly mestizos and mulattoes, some armed with spears,
others with muskets and swords, ready for attack and still readier for run
ning away. Their chief was the most active and dreaded guerrilla that the
war produced. When he intended to assault a town or hacienda, a large num
ber of Indian slingers assembled in the neighboring villages and fields, and with
a few badly made and worse served pieces of artillery, rendered aid. The
attack was made by surrounding the town with cavalry, which was, of course,
useless against a fortified place. The most abusive epithets were hurled at
the besieged, and a brisk fire of artillery and musketry sustained for hours,
discharging perhaps GOO or 700 cannon-shots, which did little or no harm, the
royalists returning the fire from behind their intrenchments. Finally, after
having some men killed and wounded, the foiled assailants would retire either
because their ammunition had given out, or some royalist force was approach
ing to relieve the town. In the retreat the guerrillas would sack every hacienda

LOYALIST TRIUMPH. 391

The brigadier again started on the 4th of June
with the conducta for Mexico; but hearing at Sala
manca that the guerrilla chiefs were reorganizing in
the valley of Santiago, he thought that as they be
lieved him occupied with the conducta, it would be a
good opportunity to take them unawares and even
capture Albino Garcia. The same evening he de
spatched his most efficient officer, Agustin Iturbidc,
with about 160 mounted men with orders to reach
Santiago at moonrise. Iturbide was there at two in
the morning of the 5th, surprised the guard at the
entrance of the town, and pretending to be Pedro
Garcia, who had been called by Albino to join him,
obtained the pass and countersign, and took pos
session of the place without arousing the sleeping
revolutionists. At length they were purposely awak
ened by orders loudly issued for the grenadiers of
la Corona to occupy a certain position, the battalion
of Mixto another, and so on, several organizations
being named, to each of which a few of Iturbide's men
belonged. The insurgents believed the whole division
of Garcia Conde was upon them; they attempted,
however, to defend the barracks which were taken
by force. Some soldiers took possession of the
roof of the house occupied by Albino Garcia. This
chief, his brother Francisco, known as El brigadier
Don Pachito, his secretary, Jose Maria Rubio — who
on presenting himself said he had been held in the
insurgent quarters by force, which plea saved his life-
en their way, and then disperse, to meet again at some other place agreed upon.
The good fortune of towns that thus escaped being plundered and destroyed
was attributed to a miracle, and the te deum was chanted. If any prisoners
had been taken on either side they were forthwith shot. In a field of battle
the insurgents generally placed their artillery on some height, the infantry
behind it, and the large masses of cavalry at the wings. The cavalry would
charge upon the royalists, who easily drove them away with a few discharges
of grape; they would then flee in all directions, throw their ill-disciplined and
poorly armed infantry into confusion, and the artillery would fall into the
royalists' hands after the first discharge. Albino Garcia complained that his
men were always more disposed to plunder than to fight. But this kind of
warfare was excessively fatiguing for the royalist troops, constantly deprived
of rest and food, marching and countermarching without being able to catch
or strike the foe.

392 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

and a man named Pineda, a deserter from the royal
service, were taken alive, together with some 100 or
150 more. About 150 guerrillas were killed; while
Iturbide's only casualty, by his report, was the death
of one grenadier. As Iturbide had to traverse on
his return a region teeming with insurgents, and
his force was too small to guard so many prisoners,
he ordered them to be shot, excepting only the two
Garcias, Rubio, and Pineda, whom he conveyed to
Celaya. Three days later, after certain empty judi
cial proceedings, the Garcias and Pineda were pub
licly executed.34

The capture of Albino Garcia was a great triumph
for the royalists, none of whom had ever gained much
advantage over him. It must be confessed that like
the other side he was something of a scourge, the Bajio
region having suffered greatly at his hands. Garcia
Conde could now proceed with his conducta. One of
the Villagrans, however, attacked him in the sierra of
Capulalpan, but was routed by Iturbide with heavy
loss.35 The same division on its return escorted from
Mexico a large train of European and other merchan
dise and passengers to Queretaro.36

Meantime Liceaga had been sent by the stiprema
junta to assume the government of the northern

34 Garcia Conde's conduct toward his prisoner, according to his own re
port was dastardly, even for that day and place. He pretended to pay him
honors as captain-general by bringing his troops out on parade, ringing bells,
and firing salvoes of artillery. Albino and his brother being placed in the
plaza opposite the brigadier's residence, the latter used insulting words to the
chief prisoner, and then made a ribald speech to the crowd who had come to
see the fallen hero. Notified of his death-sentence, Albino Garcia wrote his
parents, who were royalists and had formerly rendered service to Garcia
Conde himself on his expeditions, asking their pardon and blessing, and or
dering the restoration of all property he had seized to the owners. His head
was elevated in Celaya at the crossing of San Juan de Dios street, where he
made his greatest effort to capture the city. The crippled hand, which made
him known as El Manco, was taken to Guanajuato, and the other to Irapuato.
Years after, when the country became independent, the skull was buried.
Gaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 640-4; Liceaya, Adic. y Rect., 237-8; Alarnan, Hist.
Mej., iii. 196-203; Mora, Revol. Mex., iv. 435-6; Mej. Bosquejo Ligeris, 14,
257-8; MendiUl, Res. Hist., 132.

35 Conde's report of June 16th. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 645-6.
. 36 7,706 bales, 79 coaches with passengers, 632 mules, and 130 asses laden.
Numbers of persons, including troops, passengers, and muleteers, 5,920.
Negrete, Mex. Siy. XIX., v. 85-6.

LICEAGA AND COS. 393

provinces, and, accompanied by Doctor Cos, had en
tered the Bajio of Guanajuato. On the 24th of July
the insurgents, who had again collected in the valley
of Santiago, were defeated by Iturbide, sent in advance
from Queretaro. Liceaga and Cos saved themselves by
flight, and Garcia Conde now proceeded with the con
voy, but was attacked near Salamanca on the 7th of
August, and lost 400 mule loads. Iturbide actively pur
sued the insurgents, and in September defeated them on
several occasions, Liceaga and Cos narrowly escaping
capture.87 Cos, having been appointed his second in
command by Liceaga, retired to Dolores, which place
he made the centre of his future operations, while the
latter remained in the vicinity of Yuriria. The lake,
on the southern side of which this town is situated,
has two islets or cays, the larger being about 1,000 va-
ras in circumference, and the other somewhat smaller.
They were 180 varas apart, and Liceaga joined them
by a causeway three varas wide, protecting the
cays as well as the bridge with a stone wall six feet
in height, a moat, and a stockade made of prickly
plants. In the larger cay there were 71 merlons,
and 64 in the other.38 To this fortress, which Liceaga
deemed impregnable, he gave his own name, and it is
called in the official reports Isla Liceaga. He estab
lished factories there for making cannon and ammu
nition, and a mint. Garcia Conde deemed it unnec
essary, and even imprudent, to undertake the capture
of the place by main force, inasmuch as, holding
possession of the shores of the lake, it must sooner or
later surrender. But Iturbide resolved to attack it;
and to this end he first cleared the surrounding coun
try of insurgents. He allowed the enemy no rest
from the 9th of September till he pitched his camp
in Santiaguillo opposite the fortress.39 His position

s'Gaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 1014-17, 1095-1110.

38 Iturbide's detailed report in Gaz. de Max., 1813, iv. 25-39. The town
and lake have different names assigned to them by different writers; namely,
Yurira, Yuriria, Yurirapandaro, Yuririapundaro, and Yurirapundaro.

39 In ID actions during 40 days he killed many, some of whom were chiefs

394 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

was within cannon-shot, but was protected by a small
rise of ground. Liceaga, who never bore the palm
for bravery, on seeing the approach of danger, left the
island, the command of which, together with 200 men,
was intrusted to Father Jose Mariano Hamirez.40
Iturbide, having made eight rafts and brought two
canoes from a long distance, attacked during the
night of October 31st at four different points, placing
Captain Vicente Enderica in command. A powder-
magazine that caught fire disheartened the garrison,
and the place was taken without resistance. Father
Kamirez, Jose Maria Santa Cruz, the town major,
Tomas Moreno, commandant of the artillery, Nelson,
an English engineer under whose direction the forti
fications were built, and Felipe Amador, who had
received one of the minor orders of priesthood, were
captured, conveyed to Irapuato with others, and shot.
The royalist loss was small. Of the defenders none
escaped; such as did not fall into the victors' hands
perished in the lake.41 The small number of arms
found indicates clearly that the fortress, when assailed,
was almost abandoned, and the garrison had been
mostly removed.42

of renown, and took prisoners Colonel Francisco Ruiz, and lieutenant-colonel
of artillery, Francisco Valle, known as the 'negro habanero,' both of whom
it is hardly necessary to say were executed at once. Liceaga, A die. y Recti-
fic., 241.

40 Bustamante, calling him a sub-deacon, says: 'En quien siempre admire*
buenas disposiciones para puntear una guitarra y divertio un estrado de da-
mas, y no tenia otras.' Cuad. Hist., ii. 240.

41 Iturbide, whose pedantry in his reports equalled his bravery and cru
elty, broke out on this occasion into one of his peculiar bursts: 'Miserables,
ellos habran conocido su error en aquel lugar terrible en que no podnln reme-
diarlo. j Quizd su catastrofe triste servird de escarmieuto a los que estaii aun
en tiempo de salvarse!' Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 27.

42 Bustamante has it that Liceaga had taken out the troops, leaving his
prisoners, who found ways to plot with Iturbide to secure their freedom.
The latter says: 'Fu6 preciso valerse de nrachos ardides, cuyorelacion no con -
templo interesante para este lugar, y el resultado lo hard infcrir a los cnten-
dimientos claros, imparciales y sin preocupacion.' For all that, Iturbidc or
dered many military executions there, and sent hundreds hence of whom he
made no mention. It was his chief delight in this world to consign to hell
the excommunicated. Ramon Rayon occupied the island several months
later, and exhumed the bones of about 600 persons, whom he caused to be in
terred with funeral honors in the parish church, which Iturbide looked upon
as a crime, prosecuting the priest that officiated, and holding much corre
spondence with Rayon on the subject. Iturbide put himself up for a sage, and

THE REFULGENT PALM. 395

Doctor Cos at Dolores engaged himself in organiz
ing and bringing together the armed parties of that
region. With him was Rafael Rayon, one of the
president's brothers, and Matias Ortiz, who from this
time began with his brothers to acquire distinction,
and were generally known as Los Pachones. With
the force he had organized, Cos marched on the 27th
of November against Guanajuato; but his movement
was attended with no result, and he had to return to
Dolores. He did not remain there permanently, how
ever, as that town was on the line of transit for pro
duce and other merchandise to and from the inland
provinces; and when trains approached he usually
abandoned the place for the purpose of attacking
them. It often happened that reinforcements had
to be sent from Queretaro to save the trains from
capture.43

On the opposite side of the sierra of Guanajuato,
separating on the north the bajio from the plains of
Dolores and the province of San Luis Potosi, the
operation of escorting live-stock from the latter place
to Queretaro, and transporting merchandise from
Mexico, furnished opportunities for repeated hostile
encounters. One of the hottest of these took place
on the 3d of February, at the Santuario de Atoto-
nilco near San Miguel el Grande, on which occasion
Ildefonso de la Torre, the royalist commander, who
had advanced to that place to receive 500 silver bars
from Zacatecas, saw a refulgent palm in the sky.44
Another train was convoyed by the royalist priest

a loyal vassal of Fernando VII. Cuadro Hist., ii. 246-7. Thus far in this
history we find him both fanatical and murderous.

43 Bustamante, Guad. Hist., ii. 295-8, cannot reconcile Cos' statement on
his attack against Guanajuato, appearing in Diariode Operac., in Hernandez y
Ddvtdos, Col. Doc., v. 626, with the report of Intendente Maranon inserted in
Gaz. de Hex., 1813, iv. 207-9; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 167-8. The same
difficulty occurs in comparing the false accounts of insurgent and royalist
commanders. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic., 23S-9, says that the invading force
was repulsed.

44 Torre's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 257-9. The palm phenomenon
had become fashionable since Calleja pretended to have seen one at Zitacuaro.
Alaman, Hist. Alej., iii. 205.

396 WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.

Diego Bear with 250 men, who corning upon a small
party of insurgents near Dolores on the 22d of March,
killed a number and dispersed the rest. On that
same side of the sierra the independents with three
guns assaulted the hacienda of Villela on the 7th of
April, but were repulsed with the loss of the guns.
Colonel Nunez and Major Molleda perished in the
action, and Colonel Gutierrez was taken prisoner and
subsequently shot by order of Colonel Tovar, coman-
dante at San Luis Potosi. Father Zimarripa was
also captured ; he had once before been taken in Aculco
and pardoned; now he was retained in irons pending
orders from the viceroy.45 About this time, owing to
the defeat of the royalist Bengoa on the 16th of Feb
ruary, three leagues from Rio Verde, this place was
at the mercy of the insurgents, who, according to the
official reports, plundered it, and also the rancho
Jabali. Tovar despatched Captain Sanz with a force
on the 23d of February, who recovered the town and
the artillery the insurgents had possessed themselves
of, but could not overtake the assailants. The latter
were, however, defeated and dispersed by Arredondo,
who pursued the governor of Sierra Gorda — as Colo
nel Felipe Landaverde was called, being represented
to have been an honorable man — so hotly that to es
cape he threw himself down a precipice, abandoning
his arms and horse.46

45Tovar's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 626-7, 669-75.
46Tovar's report and annexes, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 615-18, 625-7;
Arredondo's report in Id., 1812, 1111-15; Mora, Mex. Rev., iv. 445-8.

CHAPTER XVI.

PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

1812.
CAPTURE OF TEHUACAN — MASSACRE or PRISONERS — CURATES OF MALTRATA

AND ZONGOLICA JOIN THE REVOLUTION — ORIZABA CAPTURED AND RE
TAKEN — REVOLUTIONARY PLANS AT VERA CRUZ AND PEROTE — COMMUNI
CATION REOPENED BY ROYALISTS— INSURGENT OPERATIONS— CAPTURE OF
PACHUCA WITH IMMENSE BOOTY — CRUEL SHOOTING OF PRISONERS —
TOWNS RECAPTURED BY ROYALISTS — ARREST OF LEONARDO BRAVO AND
COMPANIONS — THEIR EXECUTION — NOBLE DEED OF NICOLAS BRAVO —
VENEGAS OFFERS PARDON TO PENITENT REBELS, AND A REWARD FOR
MORELOS' CAPTURE — VENEGAS AND CALLEJA AT ENMITY — RAYON'S UN
SUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON TOLUCA — DEFEAT AT TENANGO — DISPERSION OP
THE SUPREME JUNTA.

MILITARY operations had resulted more favorably
for the royalist arms in the interior than in the east
ern and southern provinces, owing, it would seem, to
the fact that in the former locality the insurrectionary
forces were in independent parties, more or less nu
merous, but nearly always acting without combina
tion, which, though obstructing the public highways,
interrupting traffic, and living by plunder, rarely at
tempted to assail fortified towns, or to confront their
royalist foe in an open field. To the east and south
of Mexico military affairs had been more skilfully
conducted by the insurgent chiefs, who acted more in
concert, and whose troops had been kept well in to
gether and were better disciplined. Hence the rapid
progress made by the revolution in these regions, and
its strong and menacing attitude at the end of Septem
ber 1812 toward the viceregal government. Prior to

(397)

HO* PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

his departure from Chilapa for Ouautla and Izticar in
thu latter end of 1811, Morelos diroctod bin active liou-
I- luuit, Trujano, to spread tlio insurrection through-
<»il, tlio Mi/toe country, and partion wore accordingly
despatched in all direction**, appropriating to tbojr
own uses tho grain, live-stock, and every other avail
able tiling belonging to tbe Spaniards or to those of
i yalist proolivitiei, Ono of those parties, commanded
by Colonel Figuoroa, paid a visit to Tohuacan, a rich
nty and the commercial centre of the provinces of Pue-
U;i , ( )ajaca, and Vera ( Jrux, Tho place bad been aban
doned by tho Spaniards and authorities, and Figueroa
r.ntorod it unopposed; but having no force to bold it,
he went harvesting in tho hacienaas and farms of the
lurroundinff country; upon which the Spaniards re
turned with seventy-five soldiers and two pieces of
artillery, erected intrenohments, and organized volun
teer companion. Tho insurgents, however, again made
their nppoaranco, and in February surrounded the city.
Tho number of the besieger** increased rapidly, and the
beleaguered in the latter part of April and beginning
of May found themselves reduced to the last extrem
ity. Their water supply had been cut off, and most of
the garrison had perished. Despairing of any relief,
the city capitulated under a guarantee that the lives of
tho Spaniards and other royalists would be spared; to
Which stipulation, according to custom, not the Blight-
tit attention wan subsequently paid.1

!Tlio litNiirunnb <ililofn csowtrmnillntf fclm linnitwirN wnro Jo«rt Hnnaluw do 1ft

\ ' • i. vn-.n u! I 'lii--Mh-|ii-c, Uin ttiiliH' wild t'opillwnil tlin foyn lint hri^/ulitU', LlllllO,

' rn, Titpln, ihn i

nt) l/,i'i"nr, ilm iMirn, Titpln, ihn i ...,.,.-,, in.. IhiicgUon, Hivuioit

MMhOffOi Arroyo, nml (ilJidt'M. Tim |iii,rif(li pi'ii'Mti niitl other t'tmpoutuhlo

«uuloMlnNl'l«N worn ttt-oMntit at ilio Nluiilnu of Mm Nti[iiilii.iioiiN, A I' tor iho ^uiTi-

'"i 'liiwii fchflir ii.i'iiiM, on l.lio (HJi of Mny, Mm Bpanltirdi \vi •• (lonllniMl in

Hi' |.M|-|I,- jnil, nint thtif ihopi ftttd dwelling! MtolMdi lliiinli'n<ls of it)tnili<iN

tlniN rtdttOtd lo In^id'y, Noxfc du.y iho SpiMiinrdrt wuro ntrippiMl of

111111 • l"ilicM, bound in j/ronpM of ihrcin, iuid liy Mm ^nci'i'lllii Arroyo 0011-

•I on I'nol, I., 'l1.-, niini.i'luilco, \vln<r« Mirnn of Mioin WITH ftlioi, ilin NOI'I "I1 Mio

loltgnb Sinohoi, nun of Mm viutlniM, lining cotitprlltMl to Im pfcwnt, ui hid

I'lii"!-1* rxodutloii, UnM,rlug thftt) Mi-> pcopli ol 'I ..... iiM'hnli'o \\ • i •• "n Mm

...... i "i rjrtiii^ to oppoNtt tiieio oxoautionii Ari"\" i'-"i HH» "H>"i (>n .••Mi»n«,

"I I V I III ''" U ....... I!M I | ,| , , ..... | ,,,,,) I,,, | , ...... | | | ,,' III! I Ml I IN I.I I : \\ .1 ! .'I,

I ..... I. III. I I ......... I Kill \| , || M, M. 1 1 III II III ill •< I I'M llIM lll'lfl III I--IM -\..l< II. '> /I III I

uhtti'lty, A fow duyx bofui-o, Mm SirnulurU* wl»o ca^ltitlntod in Hau Andrtfi

OKl/AKA TAKKN.

\Vhilo Mio iihlrpnuli'Mts \\-iT. dMim;;- M

Mn. M .11 i.m.» «!r IMS l-'urut.-. \ l.uv<>:i. mnito of

Maltrata,* raised a force and declared for independence,
having east a cannon with the metal of the largo

rhmvh U'll. I'r-hK > IMV|MU;'; M \\;\trh on Ori/^lha,
lh> rMpdnvJ c«\rr\ j li. un \\-.\\ ;:i-, nuMvliMlhliso

for the royalists, lie put men under Miguel Moreno,

\\P S,M nn-KN Vru v i'ui .

who with groat activity began to plunder and desolate
the neighboring haciendas, daily augmenting his force.
Lieutenant-colonel Miguel FOB, comandanto at Ori-

;.,MHU1., h:,.| Ivru ,!.,•( M ,M.l,'i ,•( (ho

i ^ til, 774-7} j&H^imm»l*, (?<tot7. //i««M il 130-1 j

i/a, itl asw,

. • > iv tho l.illof tl.o

\\M\w (onuinalos, u umtnl d»( (imottlimtst (l»ooulv p.«-. ..-, -r l-rtu-vu

. .»^ tho roftd ovtr Aouloingo not h*v*

s , ,1

400 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

zaba, on being apprised of these doings, despatched a
force to bring away from Aculcingo the church para-
ments and the frightened priest. His force was at
tacked by the insurgents, who dispersed the cavalry
and compelled the infantry to retreat to Orizaba.3

Before long the villa of Orizaba found itself seri
ously menaced by the united forces of the curate of
ZoDgolica, Juan Montezuma y Cortes,4 and Alarcon.
The place had a garrison of 400 or 500 men under
Lieutenant-colonel Jose Manuel Panes. Its only
defence was a stockade on the Santa Catalina bridge,
half a league from the villa, manned by 100 infantry,
thirty cavalry, and a few artillerymen to manage one
gun. The independents attacked on the 22d of May,
and again on the 28th. They had no difficulty in en
tering the villa by the Angostura gate. Panes at
first concentrated in the Carmen convent, but having
neither provisions nor water he evacuated the place
and went to Cordoba, after destroying the ammuni
tion he could not carry away, the Carmelites, who
were mostly Spaniards, and the rest of the Europeans
accompanying him.5 The curate of Zongolica, now
having the rank of colonel, tried to intercept the
royalists on the Escamela bridge; but being attacked
by the major of the Tlascala regiment, he fled to
the Tuxpango sugar-mill, leaving with the custom
house guards his baggage. Marching by night, Panes
reached Cordoba early next morning.

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the 28th Alarcon
and Moreno entered Orizaba. Their men were poorly
armed and had but little ammunition, which they
consumed that night in salutes to the virgin of Gua-

3 Paz's report to General Carlos Urrutia, commander at Vera Cruz, on the
24th of March, Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 417-20.

4 He held as a descendant of Montezuma a cacicazgo in Tepeji de las Sedas.
Bustamante, who knew him well, says he was a perfect image of the emperor,
but would make a better preacher than soldier. Guadro Hist., ii. 135-6.
Alaman did not know how the descent came. Hist. Mcj., iii. 226. It was he
who sent the lawyer Argiielles to confer with Rosains and Osorno.

5 Panes' reports, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 781-8, 794-6; Orizava, Ocur-
rencias, 4-15; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 386.

CAPTURE OF CORDOBA. 401

clalupe. They were soon joined by Montezuma, Fran
cisco Leiva, Padre Sanchez, and Arroyo, the total
force being now 1,500 men. Hoping to capture C6r-
doba, a demand for its surrender was sent to Panes,
and refused. Presently, however, the independents
learned that a large force of royalist regular troops
was coming upon them. A general retreat then set
in, the curate of Zongolica, who was the first to
move, returning to his town. The viceroy had ordered
Llano,6 on his return from Cuautla, to march from
Puebla with 2,265 men, and attack the insurgents
intrenched at Tecamachalco and Tepeaca, being spe
cially desirous of securing 52,000 bales of tobacco
which were at Orizaba and Cordoba.7 In the morn
ing of May 30th the independents tried to check
Llano's advance at the town of Amozoque but were
repulsed.8 They made a second attempt on the Aca-
tlan and Santiago hills, and a third on the parapets
of Tepeaca, but were defeated with the loss of six
guns. From Tepeaca, Llano advanced rapidly upon
Orizaba, and took it on the llth of June.9 At first
he resolved to put the population to the sword, but
was prevented through the intercession of the friars
of San Jose de Gracia. Without loss of time he
advanced on Cordoba, and Paries returned to Ori
zaba, but being suspected of insurgent proclivities was
superseded by Colonel Andrade.

On the 25th Llano started on his return to Puebla,
having in charge 4,098 bales of tobacco. Several

6 In order that Llano might attend to the campaign, the viceroy appointed
the mariscal de campo, conde de Castro Terreno, a grandee who had come to
Mexico for other purposes, military and civil governor of Puebla, a position
that he accepted out of consideration for the viceroy. Arechederreta, Apunt.
Hist., May 25, 1812; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 164.

7 This was about all the viceroy had to raise revenue from at this time.
The number of the royalist force as given in the text was found in the office
of the viceroy's secretary. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 136.

8 Llano's report to the viceroy is dated June 3d. Gaz. de Mex., 1812. iii.
711-16.

9 June 10th he assaulted the batteries placed by the curate Alarcon on the
hills of Huilapa, and dislodged the insurgents. The next day he met with
the same success at the entrance of La Angostura. Bustamante, Cuad. Jlist.,
ii. 137; Mcndibil, Res. Hist., 131-2; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 387.

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 2o

402 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

parties of independents, commanded by Father San
chez, Osorio, El Beridito, Manchorro, and others, took
up positions on the heights of Aculcingo to interrupt
his passage and to capture the tobacco. Llano, how
ever, dislodged them from every place, and arrived
at Puebla without loss on the 28th. The tobacco
reached Mexico on the 5th of July under a strong
escort.

There were many thrilling adventures, many sad
episodes, during the war for independence. In March
of this year there was lodged in the castle of San Juan
de Ulua Jose Mariano de Michelena, who, though
holding only the rank of captain, had much politi
cal influence, and in later years became a promi
nent statesman. At first he was immured in a dark
cell dug out of the rock, arid was given only a board
for his bed; but his health becoming thereby greatly
impaired, the comandante of the fort asked General
Urrutia to allow him to be removed to the adjutant's
quarters, the petitioner being responsible for his safety.
The request was granted; and thus the prisoner came
to be placed in relations with the officers of the garri
son and with his friends. Among his visitors was a
popular young treasury clerk, Cayetano Perez, an
enthusiast on behalf of his country's freedom. Put
ting their heads together, Michelena and Perez soon
hit upon a plan to get possession of the castle, and
of the men-of-war. They would take a day when a
heavy norther was blowing, so that the other ships
could not get at them, but they could get at the
other ships.10 The plan appeared well conceived, and
promised success; but alas! in the execution all was

10 Michelena detailed on the 2d of Oct. 1830, the plan to Alaman, who also
obtained a narrative from Manuel Perez, a brother of Cayetano. The scheme
was to win over the most reliable officers of the Vera Cruz regiment, being
sure of the artillery detachment, who would do what they were asked to by
their commander, Pedro Nolasco Valde"s, he being interested in the success
of the plan. Perez's part was to seize the bastions and gate of the pier, for
which he had made arrangements beforehand. The undertaking at this part
was deemed practicable. Ataman, Hint. Jlej., iv. 88-90, ap., 3-5.

CAYETANO PEREZ. 493

lost. Being detected, Perez and several others were
arrested on the 18th of March, and hurriedly tried.
Perez and five others were sentenced to death, and
executed on the 29th of July.11 One Molina, to save
his own life, accused Michelena, but was unable to
prove his words, as Perez, the only one having knowl
edge of the details, had refused to divulge them.
Michelena, Merino, and others, however, being sus
pected, were sent to Spain, where the first named
continued his military career, and rose to be a lieu
tenant-colonel.

While the royalists were recovering Tepeaca, Tecam-
achalco, and Orizaba, the independents had been in
tent on some important places garrisoned by viceregal
forces. A conspiracy was planned by a sergeant in
Perote — where Olazabal had remained after his loss
of the train at Nopalucan — to surrender the fortress.
All the leading officers, with Castro Terreno and
Olazdbal at their head, were to be killed. The plot
was detected on the 8th of June, and the conspir
ators being arrested and tried by court-martial, all
were sentenced to death and eight days afterward
shot in the castle moat.12

It was now midsummer, and at the capital no news
had come from Vera Cruz for three months. Even
the ingenuity of the merchants could not invent
means to get a letter through.13 Further than this,
smokers were suffering. Paper was getting scarce at
the cigar factory; and the viceroy finally ordered
Llano to march with his division to Jalapa, escorting

11 The five others were Jos6 Evaristo Molina, Josd Ignacio Murillo, Barto-
lome" Flores, Josd Nicasio Arizmendi, and Jos6 Prudencio Silva. Six years
after the independence was secured, the state congress had a tablet placed in
the town hall, commemorative of the event, and containing the names of tho
six victims.

12 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 144-5, gives the text of a letter found in
the correspondence of the conde de Castro Terreno with Venegas, supposed
to have been written in Jalapa to Gen. .Davila in Vera Cruz. Among those
executed was Vicente Acuiia, who had been banished by the junta de
seguridad, and had returned under the general amnesty. Alaman, Hist. Mcj. ,
ii. 233.

13 Arechederreta, Apunt. Hist., said early in July that the last advices
were of April 10th.

404 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

a consignment of flour to Vera Cruz, and bringing
back some paper. Llano deemed a small detachment
sufficient for the merchandise service; and he would
occupy himself meanwhile in bringing under viceregal
subjection the towns in the vicinity of Jalapa.14 Leav
ing Puebla on the 3d of July, on the way to Perote
Llano was attacked at Tepeyahualco by insurgents,
who were defeated and put to flight with the loss of five
guns, by Lieutenant-colonel Jose Moran of the cavalry.
Llano found Jalapa beset by the enemy, and provisions
scanty. The whole province was in a state of insur
rection, and communications so interrupted that in
Jalapa, as in Mexico and Puebla, nothing was known
of affairs in Vera Cruz. From some insurgent pris
oners he learned that Vera Cruz was surrounded by
foes, who swarmed up to its very suburbs; that a regi
ment of the Castilla infantry from Spain and another
from Campeche had been unable to cut their way
through to the interior, though they had made several
sallies; and that a permanent court-martial had been
established under Colonel Daoiz, recently arrived from
Spain. Llano saw at once that he had to abandon his
original plans, and in spite of the deadly season he must
go on to the much infected seaport. Taking troops
native to that region that he found in Jalapa,15 he
set out with the flour on the 24th of July, and after
some fighting reached Vera Cruz the 30th. He
found the once famous Castilla regiment reduced to
a few dying men.16 On his return to Jalapa, Llano
escorted 2,000 mules laden with merchandise, a large
number of passengers in vehicles, and forty boxes of
mail matter from Spain. At Perote he was joined
by Olazabal with a few detachments. From Ojo de

14 Llano's reports of his expedition to Vera Cruz are in Gaz. de Mex., 1812,
iii. 831-2, 921, 925-9; Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., ii. 142-6.

15 Before setting out he marched against a rebel junta at Naulingo, which
hurried away at his approach, on the 18th of July, leaving live guns and
some other arms.

10 It originally had 1,300 men, 500 of whom perished of the black -vomit;
the other 800 reached Jalapa. From Campeche came also 1,300, of whom
500 reenforced the garrison of Orizaba, and the rest remained at Vera Cruz.

APAM PLAINS. 405

Agua, near Puebla, he sent to Castro Terreno on the
27th of August triplicates of his reports to the vice
roy, nothing having been hitherto known of his move
ments owing to his despatches having been inter
cepted.17 The expedition arrived in Mexico on the
5th of September.

The plains of Apam, common to the provinces of
Mexico and Puebla, had been but scantily garrisoned
since Soto's division marched to Izucar in December
1811. Owing to this, Tulancingo was assailed, about
the middle of February, by 3,000 cavalry and 300
infantry under generals Anaya, Canas, and Serrano,
and colonels Osorno, Olvera, and Guarneros; but the
assailants were beaten off by Captain Las Piedras with
his small force of a little over 100 men of regular
troops, and the royalist auxiliaries.18 The hostile par
ties extended their raids to the city of Tezcuco, whose
small garrison made several sallies and prevented their
capturing the place. Of all other places, however,
most desired was Pachuca, a mining centre, having
Spaniards to kill and silver bars to capture. On the
23d of April Serrano undertook the attack with 500
men, and two pieces of artillery managed by Vicente
Beristain, a brother of the archdeacon of Mexico.10
They soon had possession of all the houses but three,
which were held by Madera, and the conde de Casa
Alta, who commanded the royalist forces. During the
whole of that day the three houses were under fire,
particularly the one owned by Villaldea, a rich miner.
Night came on, when some of the houses caught
fire, and altogether the people were badly frightened.
The religious of the apostolic college finally mediated
to obtain terms of capitulation, which the insurgents

17 His despatches were intercepted at El Cdrmen, and out of revenge he
now burned the town. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 921.

15 Olvera was shot dead by the chaplain. It is noticed that several priests
joined hotly in the fighting. Gaz. de Max., 1812, iii. 207-11.

19 The place was in charge of Lieutenant-colonel Madera, who had brought
a few men from Tulancingo. From the capital had been sent 25 dragoons
under Sub-lieutenant Juan Jose" Andrade, but he went over to the enemy.
fliojrio, MS., in Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 577.

406 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

granted.20 Next day news came that Vicente Fer
nandez with a force from Tlahuelilpan was approach
ing to relieve Pachuca. With some difficulty Madera
satisfied the insurgents that there had been no treach
ery on his part; and to convince them, he went with a
priest of the apostolic college to request Fernandez
to retire. But during the conference the latter chief
noticed that insurgents were occupying positions in
his rear; indeed, they had opened fire on his men.
He therefore beat a retreat, and the insurgents used
this as a pretext to arrest all the Spaniards and convey
them to Sultepec.21 The viceroy, in ignorance of the
occurrences at Pachuca, on the 25th of April de
spatched 300 men with two howitzers to bring away
the silver bars, and provide the place with coin and
tobacco ; but the force only reached San Cristobal and
returned on the 27th.

The repeated losses thus sustained by the royalists in
the last two months greatly troubled Venegas, who
in his correspondence with Calleja clearly intimated
that the capture of Cuautla was a question of life
or death. Had the insurgents acted together un
der one or more leaders, and on some uniform plan,

20 The terms of capitulation were: All arms and valuables of the royal
treasury, including upwards of 200 bars of silver, were to be surrendered,
and in consideration thereof the lives of the soldiers and Spaniards were
guaranteed, and passports were to be given the latter to go where they pleased.
The troops were left free to join the revolution if they desired; many of the
men and one Spaniard, named Videgaray, did so. J3ustamante, Cuadro Hist.,
i. 369-73.

21 Madera was left free and joined Las Piedras at Tulancingo. He was
never again trusted with a command. • The conde de Casa Alta, though car
ried to Sultepec, was suspected of having gone there not unwillingly because
lie was of the family of the late viceroy Iturrigaray, and had been his master
of the horse. His subsequent conduct strengthened the suspicion. The
count certainly remained with the independents till his death, which occurred
shortly after from disease in a small town of Michoacan. The insurgents
divided the booty; a portion of the bars were sent to Rayon, and a portion
reserved for Morelos; some were coined by Osorno under Beristain's direction,
at Zacatlan. It was stated that Serrano paid one silver bar for a pair of fancy
shoes of the kind used by the country people at their feasts. The infringe
ment of the capitulation at Pachuca, sustained by the junta at Sultepec, was
an evidence that Doctor Cos' plan de guerra really had no weight with the
existing powers. The Spaniards, with the exception of three who escaped,
were shot. It was alleged that they had attempted to escape. Alaman, Hist.
Mej., ii. 577-81; iii. 152-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., viii. 348-52; Gaz. de Mex.,
1812, iii. 717-20.

MEXICO AND PUEBLA. 407

while the government troops were kept so fully
occupied by Morelos, the triumph of the cause
would have been at once assured. But the men
were not at hand for the emergency; that is, men
capable of bringing that too watery mass into a
state of concretion, such as to make it serviceable;
and the result was that Calleja wras allowed to take
the place, dispersing the forces engaged in its de
fence, and leaving the royalist army free to operate
in various directions, and to recover the lost towns.
All this time that Morelos was nobly struggling for
high principles, for liberty, humanity, freedom of
thought, and independence of country, large numbers
of so-called revolutionists were occupying themselves
in labors little better than those of banditti, robbing,
murdering, drinking, and gambling. The govern
ment was thus enabled to extricate itself from the
painful situation late events had placed it in, and
again to resume the offensive.

A few days after the siege of Cuautla had begun,
there was a movement against the independent cause
in the region known as tierra caliente del Sur, in the
provinces of Mexico and Puebla. That part of the
country had been occupied by Morelos after he de
feated a number of royalist commanders, but his
control of it was not continuous or assured. There
were many towns still recognizing the viceregal au
thority; and as soon as Morelos found himself pent
up in Cuautla, unable to detach any portion of his
forces, his agents were soon expelled from the places
where he had appointed them.22

The commander of the fifth division of southern
militia, Francisco Paris, when on his way to reoccupy

22 Most of the sugar estates in that country were owned by Spaniards,
who, besides affording to a large number of inhabitants the means of earning a
livelihood, had attached them by continued acts of kindness. Morelos had
caused the seizure of estates, and placed in them overseers to receive the prod
uce, whose value was applied to the support of the independent forces. Bub
the employe's and servants, when they saw that Morelos could send no support
to the overseers, forthwith expelled them, and the control of the estates re
verted to their owners. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 534-5.

408 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

the district of Tlapa toward the end of March 1812,
was requested by Brigadier Bonavia, commanding at
Oajaca, to keep within call, as the city was in danger,
a large force of insurgents having entered the Miz-
teca country. That trouble being over, he again be
gan his march, when a second detention occurred,
caused by the insurgents having besieged Regales at
Yanhuitlan. Caldelas was despatched to Regules' aid,
but as the insurgents raised the siege and went to
Huajuapan, those officers invested that town. March
and April having passed, it was too late for the ex
pedition to Tiapa, and Paris, aware that Regules and
Caldelas had met at Huajuapan, concluded to take
up a position at Ayutla, to watch the departure
or flight of Morelos, who on being pursued must
go by way of Tlapa if he retreated to the coast of
Tecpan. He must pass, too, through Ayutla, and
there Paris hoped to place him in check.23 While
there, the inhabitants of Chilapa, said to have been
intensely loyal to the crown, on hearing of the ap
proach of a royalist party from Ayutla, with the
giant Martin Salmeron leading, struck a blow for the
royal cause, seizing Francisco Montezuma, the sub-
delegado, and others of insurgent antecedents, and
sent them as prisoners to Paris at Ayutla. Their
example was followed at Tixtla, Mochitlan, Peta-
quillas, Quechultenango, and other neighboring towns ;
in consequence of which the independent chief Mdxi-
ino Bravo, finding his position at Chilparicingo unten
able, after the artillery and a few muskets had been
taken to El Veladero, took refuge at the hacienda of
Chichihualco, belonging to his family.24 Paris placed
Captain Manuel del Cerro in command at Chilapa,
and Captain Anorve was also ordered there with a
force to support him. Both officers at once organized

123 See his report from Ometepec, April llth, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
898-904.

24 See Calleja's letter to the viceroy enclosing one of Maximo Bravo to his
brother, the brigadier Miguel Bravo, of April 29, 1812, from Zumpango. Gaz.
de Mtx., 1812, iii. 491-4.

THE BRAVOS. 409

volunteer companies armed with the muskets that
had been hidden when Morelos came. The same
measures were adopted at Chilpancingo; indeed, im
mediately after Morelos escaped from Cuautla and
his army became dispersed, there was a general move
ment throughout all that country in favor of the royal
cause.

Among the officers thus dispersed were Leonardo
Bravo, Jose Mariano de la Piedra, and Colonel Man
uel Sosa with twenty men, whose whole armament con
sisted of seven muskets, three fowling-pieces, two pairs
of pistols, and five sabres. Journeying south through
the valley of Cuernavaca, they arrived, worn out
with fatigue, on the 5th of May, three days from
Cuautla, at the hacienda of San Gabriel, the property
of the archroyalist Gabriel de Yermo, the greater
portion of whose laboring men had been serving as
teamsters and otherwise to Calleja's army. But the
few left to take care of the hacienda were neither
less loyal to the crown nor less attached to their
employer. They had kept concealed, to meet an
emergency, a four-pounder, some muskets, and ammu
nition for a few days' defence. Led by a Philippine
Islander named Domingo Perez, or El Chino, they
disarmed the few soldiers and fell upon Bravo and
his companions. Bravo and Sosa attempted to de
fend themselves; the former was thrown down and
bound and the latter killed on the spot. Piedra
quietly surrendered.25 The three were taken to the
city of Mexico and there tried, their judge being that
bitter enemy of the Creoles, Oidor Bataller. Indeed,

25Calleja in his despatch of May 6th speaks of the capture of Piedra,
Bravo, and Perez, the last named a lieutenant-colonel who with a small
party of twelve, also fugitives from Cuautla, fell into the hands of the Sail
Gabriel men a few days after the others. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 488, 722-4;
Ncgrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 13; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 73. An ex
tract of the proceedings at the trial of Bravo and Piedra, published in the
Diario de Mejico, Sept. 24th, shows the former to have been only a brigadier,
and the latter to have had no military rank, though he had been employed col
lecting tithes under authority of Morelos, whose compadre he was. All the
prisoners were sent to a place of safety in the barranca of Tilzapotla. Ala-
many Hist. Alej., ii. 53o-7.

410 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

once consigned to his merciless justice, their fate was
sealed; all three were shot on the 14th of September,
in the campo del ejido.

Bravo's son Nicolas \vas the pride of his life. And
the father was no less worshipped by the son. They
were both men of a generous nature, no less lofty in
their aims than self-sacrificing and brave in their
methods of achieving them. Had they been anciently
of Rome, they would have outdone all the Romans in
deeds of true nobility. They were on the side of in
dependence because they loved liberty, and would see
their country delivered from this most hateful oppres
sion. Gladly would the viceroy have showered on
them his richest gifts had they been willing to serve
Spain; but they preferred death with their country
delivered, for they knew that some must die, and that
thereby deliverance would come.

The viceroy desired specially to win to his side the
chivalrous Nicolas, for there was no fairer specimen
of youthful manhood to be found on the planet. He
had already risen high as an insurgent leader, and en
joyed the fullest confidence and affection of Morelos.
Venegas even offered Leonardo Bravo his life if he
would prevail upon his son and brothers to abandon
the revolution arid accept amnesty.28 But the Bravos
were not the stuff slaves are made of. Leonardo
spurned the offer. And so he died.27

It happened at this time that Nicolas Bravo had
well secured in his camp three hundred Spaniards
who were his prisoners. Some of them were officers

26 Nicolas Bravo, though authorized by Morelos to save his father's life by
accepting the proffered boon, declined, saying that he had lost faith in vice
regal pledges, for he remembered the brothers Orduua at Tepecuacuilco.
The viceroy on his part refused the exchange tendered him by Morelos of a
number of Spanish prisoners for Leonardo Bravo. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii.
250-01; Mendibil, Rcsumen Hist., 140-1; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 1G1-2;
Nerjrete, Max. Sig. XIX., v. 191-5, 312-3.

21 The Mexican government on the 19th of July, 1823, ordered a monu
ment erected to the memory of the old patriot. The governor and ayunta-
miento of the district of Mexico decreed Sept. 14, 1827, that the monument
should be paid for out of the public funds; and the corner-stone was laid two
days later by the junta patriotica of the capital. Mex. Col. Ord. y Dec., ii.
149-51; Cor. Fed. Hex. (1812, Sept. 21), 2-3.

A NOBLE REVENGE. 411

from Spain; some were wealthy hacendados; all of
them loved life, as indeed had Leonardo Bravo.
Nicolds Bravo's power over these prisoners was abso
lute. The humane Morelos, even, had told the young
chieftain to have them shot, and so avenge his father's
death. Venegas expected no less; and it shows at
once the value placed upon a Bravo by the viceroy,
and his indifference to human life, when he refused
any number of captured Spaniards in exchange for
Leonardo, as Morelos had offered.

But Nicolas could now have his just revenge; the
custom of the war allowed it, and his general awarded
it. Three hundred for one; and these not Indians or
serfs, but good and pure blue-blooded Spaniards; after
all, it was not such a mean price the cause would have
for his dear old father's life. Calling them before
him, he said:

"Your lives are forfeit. Your master, Spain's
minion, has murdered my father, murdered him in
cold blood for choosing Mexico and liberty before
Spain and her tyrannies. Some of you are fathers,
and may imagine what my father felt in being thrust
from the world without one farewell word from his
son — ay! and your sons may feel a portion of that
anguish of soul which fills my breast, as thoughts
arise of my father's wrongs and cruel death.

"And what a master is this you serve! For one
life, my poor father's, he might have saved you all,
and would not. So deadly is his hate that he would
sacrifice three hundred of his friends rather than
forego this one sweet morsel of vengeance. Even I,
who am no viceroy, have three hundred lives for my
father's. But there is yet a nobler revenge than all.
Go, you are free! Go find your vile master, and
henceforth serve him, if you can!"

The inhabitants of Tasco, who were royalists, fol
lowing the example of the Chilapans, roused them
selves to action for the king; those of Iguala and

412 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

Tepecuacuilco did the same. Royalist companies
were hurriedly organized in the haciendas and towns
of the canada de Cuernavaea, who engaged in a hot
war on the independents. Thus the whole country
from La Cruz del Marques to the approaches of the
port of Acapulco now recognized the viceregal gov
ernment. The Indians dwelling in the towns near
Cuautla, after the place was occupied by Calleja,
presented themselves with their curas, petitioning for
amnesty, which was granted them.

Viceroy Venegas, with the view of winning the
inhabitants of the south to the royal cause, proclaimed
on the llth of May that the course of Morelos at
Cuautla, in preferring to suffer misery rather than
surrender, was an inhuman act. He depicted him as
a cruel man, who had forced the people of Cuautla to
perish from famine. These and many other things
did he say to blacken Morelos' character. The proc
lamation ended with a tender of general pardon and
forgetfulness of the past to all who would forsake
the independent ranks, together with a reward for
the capture of Morelos.28 It carried with it likewise
the threat of certain and pitiless punishment to all
who refused. The offer of amnesty was accompanied
for greater effect with a pastoral letter of the eccle
siastical chapter ruling the diocese of Mexico after
Archbishop Lizana's death. After the fall of Cuau
tla, there being no further need in this vicinity for
Calleja and his army, he returned to Mexico, Llano's
division going to Puebla. Fourteen days after his
victory, on the 16th of May, Calleja, being quite ill,
entered Mexico in a carriage. The artillery, stand
ards, and other military trophies taken at Cuautla
were carried in triumph. The prisoners were in the
centre of the division. Notwithstanding the appar
ent satisfaction with the result of the Cuautla cam-

28 'Si hubiese alguno de vosotros que logre aherrojar la fugitiva fiera. . .el
gobierno os ofrece una recompensa lionrosa, util, y proporcionada,' for liber
ating the world of 'uno de los may ores monstruos quo ha abortado.' Gaz. de
Mex., 1812, iii. 503-5.

RAYON BEFORE TOLUCA. 413

paign and the air of triumph given it, the acerbity
existing between Yenegas and Calleja became still
more imbittered with the fiasco of Morelos' escape;
and the former did not miss the opportunity to wound
his rival's feelings.29 The army of the centre was
dissolved, and Calleja resigned. The troops were in
corporated in the garrison of the capital, and there
after were under the immediate orders of the mayor
general, Conde cle Alcaraz,30

Venegas now set himself about recovering the
places the independents had seized; and to that end
he formed a plan of campaign from which he ex
pected brilliant results. But the point about which
he felt particular anxiety at this time was Toluca.
Soon after the supreme junta settled in Sultepec,
leaving his colleagues Liceaga and Verdusco there,
the president, Rayon, had placed himself at the head
of a respectable number of troops, with his headquar
ters at the hacienda of La Huerta, and early in April
appeared before Toluca with the view of taking the
city. The coinandante, Porlier, having only 700 men
was forced to concentrate them in the town to meet
the emergency, also putting the citizens under arms
to aid in the defence. Rayon fortified the surround
ing positions, cut off communications with Mexico,
and constantly threatened the town, against which
he made several vigorous though unsuccessful as
saults.31 The viceroy, as before stated, had not lost

29 Venegas, answering Calleja's confidential letter wherein he exaggerated
his victory at Cuautla, thus slurs him: 'Let us be thankful to that good-
natured clergyman for having spared us the shame of raising the siege.'
Among the imputations against Calleja, perhaps not the least well grounded
was that of the enormous expenditures he incurred on his expeditions. The
expenses of the Cuautla siege, according to official documents, amounted to
two million dollars, an enormous sum, obtained in the usual way by exactions.
Meridibil, Resumen HisL, 118-19.

30 The viceroy, with the double view of utilizing the troops, and of de
priving Calleja of their support, diminished the garrison, despatching many
parties into the country. He was well informed of what was taking place in
Calleja's house. Negrete, Mex. Sly. XIX., v. 13-14.

31 On the 18th of April Rayon lost in one of his failures a portion of his
artillery, and had to retire to Amatepec, between Toluca and Lerma, and set
fire to the hacienda La Garcesa. Negrete, Mex. Sly. XIX., v. 41-2.

414 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

sight of the place, and after allowing the army of
the centre two days' rest, despatched about 1,500
men — of whom a number were taken out of jail, and
others from among the insurgent prisoners — under
Colonel Joaquin del Castillo y Bustamante, with seven
guns. Castillo tried on the 19th of May to force the
pass of Lerma, and failed. The city of Lerma was
situated in the middle of the lake formed by the Rio
Grande, communicating with Toluca on one side and
with the road to Mexico on the other by means of
two narrow causeways, one of which wras defended by
cuts and parapets supported by artillery. Throwing
a bridge over the first cut, the assailants captured the
parapets, when they encountered other intrenchinents
that Castillo had no knowledge of; and the consequence
was a precipitate retreat with heavy loss to their en
campment in the hacienda of Jajalpa.32

The insurgents gave this affair an undue importance,
and Rayon was much censured for not taking advan
tage of his victory.33 Castillo being reenforced with
400 men, two field-guns, and a howitzer, made a second
attack, when Rayon abandoned the position in the
night of the 22d of May, retreating with his force and
artillery to the strong position of Tenango. Castillo
tarried in Lerma only long enough to destroy its
defences, reaching Toluca on the 26th of May. After
driving away the prowling bands that kept supplies
from the town, and having increased his force from
the garrison, he marched against Tenango, camping
on the 2d of June in the hacienda of San Agustin,

32 This reverse was attributed to lack of skill on Castillo's part, his occu
pation prior to the war having been that of a trader. Poiiier had written
that the reinforcements should be sent him by another route, but his letters
had been intercepted. Afaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 142-5; Mendib'd, Eesum. Hist.,
121-8; El Iluatrador Americano, no. 1, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
iv. 174-5.

33 The defenders of the pass were commanded by Juan Manuel Alcantara,
a man who could neither read nor write, and who, according to Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., ii. 99, 122-8, sold to Canon Velasco for two horses the glory
of having his name inserted in the newspapers of Sulfcepec as the hero of that
action; evidently a false story that of the sale, Velasco's report to Rayon,
giving Alcantara full credit for his defence of the position.

INSURGENT DEFEATS. 415

from which he could see the hill surmounted with
artillery and defended by a large army. Castillo then
moved his camp opposite the town. During the night
of June 5th he directed Enriquez with the cazadores
de Lovera and the grenadiers and cazadores de Mejico
and Tres Villas to ascend the hill by the Tenancingo
road, while Calvillo distracted the enemy's attention
by threatening to assail the town, and Aguirre feigned
an attack on the Veladero, a point defended by the
cura Correa. No precautions against surprise had
been taken by the insurgents, and the first intimation
they had of an attack was when they saw close upon
their batteries Enriquez with his troops guided by
Vicente Filisola at the head of the cazadores de
Mejico. At the sound of the trumpets of the caza
dores de Lovera, which the insurgents heard for the
first time, a panic seized them, and without making
the slightest resistance they turned and fled. Calvillo
then occupied the town, and Aguirre captured the
Veladero.34 The insurgents sustained a heavy loss.
Among the killed were colonels Camacho and Anaya.
The royalist casualties were only a few wounded.

The defeat at Tenango deeply affected the friends
of the revolution in the cities occupied by the vicere
gal government, and greatly lowered the prestige of
the cause. Indeed, the members of the secret clubs
had expected the forces at Tenango to march on the
capital, and so end the struggle. Now all was bitter
disappointment.

The victorious Castillo hastened to take advan
tage of the enemy's defeat, despatching next day Jose

3i The insurgent account, not entitled to credence, says that only 500 men
defended the hill and town, and that they lost barely 60 men from the 2d to
the Gth. El Ilustrador Am., 1812, June 13, no. 6; Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., iv. 232. The royalists found much war material and provisions;
also a quantity of printed matter, and Rayon's correspondence. The latter
fled down a ravine; but the young men, among them two lawyers that left
Mexico to join him and had not yet learned to run away, were taken, and
together with the other prisoners were shot. Among those thus put to death
was the vicar of the place, Father Tirado, who being fond of hunting had a
fowling piece in his house. Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., ii. 125; Alaman, Hist.
Ifr/., iii. 145-C; Rivera, Gob. Mex., ii. 41. •

416 PROGRESS OF THE WAR,

Calafat to occupy the fortified towns of Tenancingo
and Tecualoya. Calafat found them both abandoned,
and was met by the curates and inhabitants, who
manifested great joy at his coining.35

Other heavy blows the cause of independence suffered
at this time, not the least of which was the discovery
by the viceregal government that there were persons
in the capital laboring against it. An insignificant
party of royalist lancers, thirty-six in number, return
ing from Lerma to Cuajimalpa, encountered in the
monte de las Cruces an insurrectionary party of 500
infantry and cavalry with two guns, commanded by a
Frenchman named Laylson and three priests. The
royalists made a dash and dispersed the party, slaying
several and taking five prisoners, besides the guns,
several muskets, ammunition, six mules laden with
clothing, twenty saddled horses, and Laylson's papers,
among which was Rayon's correspondence with the
Guadalupe club.38 Among Rayon's captured letters
were a number revealing the political relations be
tween members of that society and the chiefs of the
revolution. Several persons were arrested on the
30th of June, but were released after a few days'
imprisonment.

The royalist commander, Castillo y Bustamante,
after taking Tenango rested a few days, and then re
turned to Toluca, where he began active preparations
for a campaign against Sultepec, hoping to capture
the members of the revolutionary junta. The dis
trict affording large resources, and the junta having
no reason to fear surprise from the viceroy's troops,
Liceaga and Verdusco had busied themselves in pro
viding war material, while indulging in the formulas

35 The Indians aided his men in taking down the intrenchmerits. Gaz. de
Hex., 1812, iii. no. 250, 665-8.

36 The gallantry of the victors was highly appreciated in government cir
cles, and a subscription of $2,793 was raised to give them a substantial re
ward. The lieutenant got $260; the ensign, $224; the sergeant, $108; the
corporal, $88; each private, $57; two wounded privates, $87^ each. Gaz. de
Mex., 1812, iii. 571, 596, 618-20, 668.

OFFICIAL DISSENSION. 417

of government.37 There was much dissension among
the members, Rayon's failure at Toluca contributing
to bad feeling; for Rayon laid the responsibility of
the failure on Liceaga for not keeping him supplied
wi'th ammunition. Liceaga, on his side, in a letter
to Rayon, showed much displeasure at the appoint
ment of Cos as vicario castrense.38 Rayon's defeat at
Tenango still more increased the ill feeling, and tended
toward the dispersion of the junta, which soon fol
lowed. Rayon, foreseeing that Castillo would soon
come against them, prevailed on his colleagues at
Tiripitio to separate, Liceaga going to Guanajuato
as general of the northern provinces, and Verdusco
to Michoacan as general of the western division,
while Morelos should have command of the south,
and Rayon himself retire to his own home, Tlalpuja-
hua, to fortify it, and carry on thence operations in
the province of Mexico.39 All were to raise as many
troops as possible.

These measures accomplished, they were again to
meet at such place as should be agreed upon. In
formed that Castillo had begun his march from Toluca
on the 1.6th of June, Rayon departed next day for
Tlalpujahua, taking with him the printing materials,
artillery, and everything of value that could be traris-

37 Padre Bringas, in his arguments against Doctor Cos' plans, says that
Liceaga and Verdusco during the holy week observed the same ceremonial
as the viceroy at the cathedral of Mexico; and that Verdusco presented him
self to receive the communion in a general's imiform with a clergyman's
stole. Alaman, on the authority of Father Jose Maria Salazar, a friar of
San Diego, denies the statement, saying that Verdusco appeared simply in
his ecclesiastical robe. Hist. Mej., iii. 150. Among the junta's acts was one
appointing Doctor Cos vicario castrense, who removed several priests from
their parishes, arrested and sentenced to the chain-gang some ecclesiastics,
and granted marriage dispensations. This brought out an energetic decree
of the diocesan chapter of Mexico, declaring his acts null, and fulminating
censures. This same body recommended to the viceroy the removal of Father
Correa from Nopala, and the deprivation of his prebend in the colegiata of
Guadalupe from Doctor Velasco. Both priests were excommunicated for hav
ing joined the insurgents. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 709, 711.

38 Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 122; Bringas, Impugn.; Alaman, Hist.
Mej., ii. 443-5.

39 An act to that effect was adopted on the 16th of June, and published by
edict, arid in El Ilustrador Americano of the 20th of June. Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iv. 280-1; Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 260-2; Alaman,
Hist. Mej., iii. 149-53; Rivera, Gob. Mex., ii. 4L
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 27

418 PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

ported. Liceaga and Verdusco did the same soon
after, the former bound to the bajio of Guanajuato,
as before stated, and the latter to Huetamo. The
enemy used every effort to capture them, but the
natural difficulties of a march in the sierra, ren
dered still worse by heavy rains, greatly favored the
revolutionists, as it took the royalists four days to
travel forty-eight miles, the distance between Toluca
and Sultepec; so that when they reached the latter
place on the 20th of June, it was found abandoned.
Several priests and a few citizens who had previously
kept in concealment, fearing persecution, reported
themselves to the royalists, and through their influ
ence the population of the town returned. Castillo
destroyed the factories of cannon and gunpowder;
granted amnesty to all insurgents who petitioned for
it; organized a military court; and had all prisoners
sentenced by it shot. He reestablished the local gov
ernment; gathered a considerable quantity of artil
lery and other arms and ammunition that the inde
pendents had left, and sent them to Mexico. The
trophies, showing the advantages lately gained, which
included thirty-one pieces of artillery captured at
Tenango and found in Sultepec, were conveyed in
triumph through the capital.40 Castillo then divided
his force into several columns, one of which under
Enriquez was sent in pursuit of the revolutionary
•junta, which having had so much the start could not

9} O

be overtaken. Enriquez, however, succeeded in com
ing up with Rayon's artillery and capturing five guns.
One party under Jose Calafat went to Zacualpan,
placed itself in communication with troops at Tasco,
and kept that mining district well provided. Rafael
Calvillo, acting with great activity, sent detach
ments to Tejupilco and places near Zitdcuaro, and
brought under subjection all the towns of the sierra.
Aguirre and Pardo with other parties kept up an

40 Particulars are given in the commander's report from Toluca, August
8th. Gaz. dejlex., 1812, iii. 905-20.

COMMUNICATION OPEN. 419

active warfare against insurgents. Castillo himself
extended operations in the direction of Ixtlahuaca,
left garrisons in the important places, and returned
to Toluca. Several unimportant encounters followed.
It may be said, however, that from this time the
whole valley of Toluca for thirty leagues as far as
Ixtlahuaca, was subject to the viceroy's authority, and
communication was open with Mexico.

CHAPTER XVII.

RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.
1812.

PRESIDENT RAYON AT TLALPUJAHUA— His RELATIONS WITH THE VILLA-
GRANES — ROYALIST SUCCESSES ON THE NORTH OF MEXICO— AFFAIRS IN
MICHOACAN— FATHER SALTO AND HIS EXECUTION — VENEGAS' SANGUIN
ARY DECREE — INSURGENT PRIESTS DEPRIVED OF THEIR IMMUNITY-
EPISCOPAL INDIFFERENCE— EXCITEMENT IN MEXICO— SECOND ANNIVER
SARY OF INDEPENDENCE CELEBRATED — RAMON RAYON'S PROFITABLE
MOVEMENTS — ATTACK AGAINST IXMIQUILPAN A FAILURE — RAYON'S AR
RANGEMENTS WITH ROYALIST TRADERS — PROPOSED NEGOTIATIONS FOR
PEACE — ASSAULT OF YANHUITLAN — SIEGE OF HUAJUAPAN — TRUJANO'S
BRILLIANT DEFENCE — MORELOS COMES TO THE RESCUE AND WINS A
VICTORY — GATES OF OAJACA OPENED TO HIM.

THE president of the supreme junta, Ignacio Ra
yon, had meanwhile established his headquarters at
Tlalpujahua, upon a hill called El Gallo, and fortified
it. He raised troops, and extended his authority to
the districts near and surrounding the province of Mex
ico, as well as to those on the east.1 The town of Ixtla-
huaca, to which the viceroy's sway extended, as be
fore stated, became thus the frontier of the territory
ruled over by Rayon from Tlalpujahua.

Having described the military operations which cul
minated with the restoration of the viceregal author
ity in the valley of Toluca and the regions near,
as well as to the south-west of Mexico, I will now

1 The Nad6 hill, near Aculco, deemed impregnable, was further strengthened
and a factory of arms established there. The president's four brothers greatly
aided him. Ramon Lopez Rayon not only established another manufactory
of arms in El Gallo, a position chosen by himself, at which many men were
at work, but also constructed and set up a new war engine of his own inven
tion. Mora, Revol Mex., iv. 419-20; Busiamantt, Cuad. Hist., ii. 19D-201.

( 420 )

ROYALIST MOVEMENTS. 421

speak of those on the north of the capital.2 Various
columns of royalist troops having been concentrated
under Domingo Clavarino,3 he retook Pachuca with
out resistance on the 10th of May, 1812; after which
he resolved to recover the neighboring places, such as
Real del Monte, El Chico, and Atotonilco el Grande,
after placing himself in communication with Colonel
Piedras commanding at Tulancingo. Accompanied
by Madera, former commander of Pachuca, he marched
on Atotonilco the 21st of May, arid broke up the in
surgent force assembled there, capturing eleven guns,
of which six were of brass, taken from the royalists at
Pachuca and Real del Monte, one culverin made in
Seville, and four of lead.4 Clavarino published and
granted the amnesty; and after destroying a factory
of artillery at Real del Monte, established there by the
tribunal de mineria under the skilful Flemish machin
ist, La Chaussee, returned to Pachuca, where a gar
rison was placed. Meantime, while Piedras was
aiding Clavarino in his operations against Atoto
nilco, the insurgents under Villagran, Serrano, Osorno,
Canas, Anaya, Espinosa, and Gonzalez attacked Tu
lancingo, and kept up a fire on the town for six days,
causing much damage. But owing to the successful
sallies made by the garrison, and to the approach
of Clavarino, the assailants retired. A portion of
them were overtaken, however, on the plain of Zaca-
tepec by Llorente's cavalry, and a large number
killed.5 In Mexico Tulancingo had been considered

2 The viceroy's authority was now in these regions paramount everywhere
except in Zimapan and Izucar; the latter protected from attack more by fear
on the part of the royalists, who had been so often defeated there, than by the
insurgent force existing in the place.

3 Before this, one of his officers, Captain Rafael Casasola, on Palm-Sunday,
March 21st, marched to Alfajayucan, where the people, whom he qualifies as
rebels, were assembled on market-day, entered the place unresisted, killed
150 peaceable persons, took possession of all the coin and other effects which
he distributed among his men, and then returned to Ixmiquilpan. See Casa-
sola's report of March 24th, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 334-6.

* Clavarino's report of May 22d, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 557-61.

5 Llorente's report says that the plain to the extent of two leagues was
strewn with the slain; 164 prisoners were taken, among them many wounded;
only 15 or 20 horsemen escaped. His casualties were, two privates wounded

422 KAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

as lost, and the viceroy hastened to send Clavarino
the Guanajuato battalion to render that place and
Pachuca secure. With this force Clavarino extended
his operations to the plains of Apam, dislodged the
insurgents from Calpulalpan, and defeated them at
Irolo on the 24th of June. These advantages were
counterbalanced by the defeat of Samaniego at Zaca-
tlan, where he ran great risk of being completely
undone. The insurgents were beaten in several other
petty encounters; yet in the latter part of September,
notwithstanding the loss of Pachuca, they were mas
ters of the plains of Apam, and Osorno held Zacatlan,
whence his soldiers overran the country in various
directions.

Now, more than ever before, perhaps, this revolu
tion, begun at Dolores by Hidalgo and Allende, and
continued by Morelos, Rayon, and others, was as
suming the form of a continual succession of minor
battles and skirmishes. There was a fight in one
province or another almost every day, and often in
several provinces at the same time. As long as the
revolutionists could not or would not concentrate, the
royalists were obliged to scatter themselves through
out the land. And so all over Mexico war became
chronic. In Michoacan the insurrectionary forces
had become greatly increased, and frequently advanced
to the gates of Valladolid, committing hostilities and
stopping supplies as heretofore. The royalist com
mander, bent on their destruction, had detached sev
eral bodies of troops from the garrison to pursue them.
Two of these detachments were commanded respec
tively by Manuel de la Concha and Juan Pesquera.
Concha on the 17th of April occupied Cocupao, captur
ing there Father Vicente Ochoa, a mariscal de campo,
whom he took to Valladolid. He also found in the
place Colonel Caballero and fifteen other insurgents,

and four patriots contused: 'No habiendo quedado un solo individuo que no
haya tefiido en sangre enemiga su sable, lanza 6 bayoneta.' Gaz. de Mex.,
1812, iii. 687-8.

FIGHTING PRIESTS. 423

wliom he shot; after which he marched on to Tzin-
tzuntzan and Patzcuaro, where he ordered other
executions.6 Captain Pesquera approached the line
of Guanajuato, where the combination was made
for the capture of Albino Garcia; and later, on the
7th of May, was directed to look after and bring in
as a prisoner the clergyman Jose Guadalupe Salto,
ex-vicar of Teremendo, who had found refuge in a
cave/ at the entrance of which he was overtaken by
Pesquera's soldiers. It is said that he then cried out,
"Do not kill me; I am a minister of Christ," at the
same time thrusting a lance into one of the soldiers,
and began defending himself from the inside of the
cave. The soldiers fired; and entering the cave found
Salto on the ground with a bullet through his body,
and by his side two women whom he had been hold
ing as prisoners. Pesquera had the wounded man
conveyed on a bed to Valladolid, where, by order of
Trujillo, he was executed the next day.8

The revolution, having been begun by an ecclesias
tic, had from its incipiency many members of the
clergy, both secular and regular, among its leaders;
and it may be said that at this time the war was kept
up almost wholly by them.9 There was hardly a bat-

6 Concha's report, May 4th, to Col. Trujillo. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. G04-G.

7 Father Salto bore the reputation of a man of exemplary virtue, who
was persecuted by the government because he had a brother who was a
colonel among the independents, and early in April 1811 imprisoned. He
was afterward pardoned and released, but fearing re-arrest concealed him
self. At the end of five months he appealed in writing to Bishop-elect Abad y
Queipo for protection, pleading his innocence and sufferings, which petition
was unheeded. Salto was then commissioned as a colonel of the indepen
dent forces on the 1st of April, 1812. He was accused of horrid crimes, among
them the murder by his instigation of forty wounded royalists, together with
their attendants, in the hacienda del Tecacho. Arechederreta, Apunt. Hist., in
Alaman, Hist. Mcj.,\\\. 211. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 155, denies that
Salto ever committed any offence — ' no era criminal, ni habia motivo para
perseguirlo como a una fiera ' — and charges Abad with sacrificing him to curry
favor with Venegas and Trujillo.

8 Trujillo notified Bishop Abad, and said that on no account would he ex
tend the time. The bishop waived the formal degradation. Gaz. de Mex.,
1812, iii. 607-14. The prisoner was carried on a bed to the scaffold, and
garro ted, and then shot. Castillo Neyrete, Mex., v. 47-57; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
iii. 213.

9 Some of them bore nicknames significant of habits not the most exem
plary; one was called Padre Chingmrito, or dram of rum; another, Padre
Caballo flaco; a third, Padre Chocolate. Zamacois, Hist. Hex., viii. 400.

424 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

tie in which priests were not found acting as leading
officers. Notwithstanding this well established fact,
Viceroy Venegas had hitherto abstained from pub
licly issuing any decree regarding them, though he
had circulated orders to the commanders of royal
troops to shoot all priests that fell prisoners into their
hands. But these orders had rarely been carried out.
In the case of Father Hidalgo, we have seen that his
execution was pursuant to a regular sentence, after
he had been tried and all ecclesiastical formalities
observed. Some leaders, however, exasperated at
encountering hostile priests everywhere, had disre-
regarded their cloth, and without ado despatched them
to their long home.10 Others, among them Tovar at
San Luis Potosi with respect to Father Zimarripa,
had with their reports placed the viceroy under the
necessity of decisive action. After consulting the real
acuerdo, fourteen of whose fifteen members had ex
pressed the same opinion, at the petition of the
crown's counsel and with the concurrence of the mil
itary and naval auditores, the viceroy published an
edict on the 25th of June, declaring amenable to the
military jurisdiction all persons who had made or
should thereafter make resistance to the king's troops,
whatever might be their rank, status, or condition;
and ordering that such offenders should be tried by
the ordinary courts-martial composed of officers of
the division or detachment that effected the capture,
and referring the case with the proceedings had
thereon to the viceroy for his final decision. This
restriction, if faithfully carried out, would have
averted many arbitrary acts; unfortunately it was
nullified by the freedom allowed commanders to exe
cute sentences without first obtaining the viceregal
sanction, when roads were intercepted or circum
stances demanded a prompt example.11

10Calvillo shot Padre Tirado at Tenango; and recently Trujillo did the
same with Salto.

11 The penalty of being shot to death was, according to this decree, to be
inflicted, without giving more time than was necessary to prepare for death

, ARBITRARY MEASURES. 425

As the provisions of this bloody edict had been all
along practised in regard to insurgents generally,
they would not have excited any particular attention
but for the clauses touching the ecclesiastics, in whom
they produced a deep impression;12 the bishops being

as Christians, on leaders, in whatever number; on officers from and including
sub-lieutenants up; on all who engaged in mustering men to serve the revolu
tion ; ecclesiastics, whether secular or regular, who had taken part or served
in the revolution with whatever title or office, that of chaplain inclusive; and
the editors of gazettes or publishers of incendiary documents. Those who
were not leaders, but had committed hostilities against the royal troops, with
out any excuse to screen them from capital punishment, were to be decimated;
such as were spared by lot from death, and such as were not subject to cap
ital punishment by the clauses of the edict, were to be sent to the viceroy,
circumstances permitting it; but if there should occur any obstacle, then each
commander was authorized to dispose of them as he might deem best with
out subjection to rules, which could not be prescribed for all cases. Eccle
siastics captured while in arms against the royal forces were to be tried and
executed without the formality of degradation. These clauses were grounded
on the principle set forth in the edict itself, that respecting the head men no
risk was incurred of punishing the innocent, nor of inflicting excessive pun
ishment, 'por ser todos verdaderos bandidos, anatematizados por la iglesia y
proscriptos por el gobierno, a quienes por lo mismo puede quitar la vida qual-
quiera impunemente.' In regard to those who were to be decimated, it was
stated that this was strictly in conformity with the military ordinances, and
counselled by sound reason, when the number of guilty ones was large. Gaz. de
A/ex., 1812, iii. 685-7; Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 98-101; Zerecero, Rev.
Hex., 134-5; Puente, P., Reflexiones, 1-243, etc.; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., vi. 41; Cedulario, i. 97.

12 A representation, written by Liceuciado Bernardo Gonzalez Angulo,
legal adviser of the artillery department, was laid before the ecclesiastical
chapter of Mexico, asking for its action on behalf of their fueros. The peti
tion gave rise to meetings and discussions of the chapter; but all ended in
nothing, owing to pressure from superior authority. The chapter had a full
meeting on the 30th of June to discuss whether some step should be taken in
defence of ecclesiastical immunity, but it was decided under present circum
stances to be inexpedient to act. On this becoming known, 110 members of
the secular clergy laid before the chapter on the 7th of July a demand for the
protection of their rights; among the subscribers were nearly all the parish
priests of the capital, many outside of it, several doctors of divinity, and
other distinguished clergymen. The chapter referred it to Doctor Sanchez,
the promoter fiscal, who pronounced it an asonada, or attempt at rebellion.
On the viceroy hearing of the matter, he demanded the surrender of the
documents, which were referred to the royal council, and from the latter to
the crown's counsel, who called for the arrest of Gonzalez Angulo; he had
concealed himself, and Villalpando, for having taken a marked part in the
affair, was imprisoned. Of the priests who had signed their names, fifteen
made a formal retraction. However, it was decided to present another rep
resentation that was to be drawn by Medrano; but Bataller, president of the
junta de seguridad, wanted the signers to insert therein their hatred of
Morelos and of the principles of the revolution. All refused their assent to
a clause so entirely disconnected with the object of the representation. Much
had been written on the subject, both for and against. The Spanish Fran
ciscan friar Jos6 Joaquin de Oyarzabal, in Notas sobre la representation del
clero, ridiculed the representation, and was answered in Vindication del de.ro
Mexicano vulnerado by J. J. Garcia Torres, and by Oidor Puente in a 4°

426 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN TliE SOUTH.

mostly royalists or time-servers made no move in the
matter. In later years they showed more spirit in
claiming their rights or privileges, even to the pitch
of fulminating anathemas against measures that did
not concern religion. The revolutionary authorities,
it must be acknowledged, had not on their part shown
much better treatment to priests whose leanings were
toward the royalist cause.13

It is now time to return to Tlalpujahua, where we
left the president of the supreme junta engaged in
fortifying his camp and making preparations for an
active campaign. From his headquarters he kept up
a correspondence with the guadalupes in Mexico, and
with Morelos and other military chieftains. With the
double view of rousing the inhabitants of the territory
under his sway, and of securing the obedience, here
tofore doubtful, of the Villagranes, Rayon left Tlal
pujahua on the 26th of August, taking with him print
ing material for issuing proclamations and other docu-

volume of 243 pages entitled Reftexiones sobre el bando de 25 de Junio. Vene-
gas, to avert further trouble, allowed the matter to drop, and never had
his edict carried oat at the capital; so that no ecclesiastic was ever executed
there till after the independence. The agitation in Mexico was great, and
the junta de seguridad was the object of popular execration, which was made
manifest in an attempt in open day to assassinate Bataller, and in many
other ways. See Arechederreta, Apunt. Hist., considered very reliable upon
events occurring in the capital. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 214-20.

13 A list of the cases of Fathers Bustamante, Estavillo, Flores, and others
appears in Bringas, Impugn. Manif. Dr Cos, 47-8. From this time we
have an insurgent source to draw from, in the form of a Diario de gobi-
erno y operaciones militares de la secretaria y ejercito al mando del Exmo
Sr presidente de la suprema junta y ministro universal de la nation, Lie. D.
Ignacio Lopez Rayon. It begins on the first clay of Aug. 1812, and ends
on the 6th of Sept. 1814, and seems to have been kept by Rayon's secre
tary, Josd Ignacio Oyarzabal. The original is supposed to have been in the
possession of Licenciado Ignacio Rayon, the general's son, and a full copy of
it appears in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 614-84. The first event
therein recorded, on the 5th of Aug., is the destruction of a town called San
Agustin, near Actopan, for its leanings to the viceregal authority. Captain
Rosillo with 50 men attacked the royalists, killing 53 in the action, and cap
turing two leaders, whom he shot, and finally destroying the place by fire. A
royalist commander, Fernandez, reported that a Captain Jos6 Antonio Zamora
had been on the 16th of July at the town, and shot 13 loyal Indians before
the eyes of their friends; and that he, Fernandez, pursued Zamora and hia
party, overtook them, and killed Zamora and fourteen others, taking 25 pris
oners, most of whom were wounded. Three had already died. Gaz. de Mex.,
1812, iii. 843-4.

INDEPENDENCE ANNIVERSARY. 427

ments to fire the hearts of the people. After inspect
ing the fortifications and manufactory of arms on the
Nado hill he continued his march, being the object of
popular ovations everywhere. In Huichapan, where
he arrived the 13th of September, the marks of respect
and loyalty were such as a king might have been
proud of. At all his public acts he was accompanied
by Jose Maria Villagran, generally known as El
Chito, whom he had recently commissioned as a ma-
riscal de campo, giving at the same time to his father,
Julian Villagran, who kept himself in Zimapan and
the surrounding country, the rank of lieutenant-gen
eral. Rayon resolved to celebrate here the second
anniversary of Mexican independence, September
16th, in a manner worthy of the occasion, and as well
as the resources of the place would permit.14 In this
connection there was published, not on the 16th of
September though bearing that date, but shortly after
Rayon's return to Tlalpujahua, a manifesto sent him
already prepared from the city of Mexico.15 It pur
ported to be a picture of the situation, and a narrative
of the events that took place in Mexico from the
beginning of the struggle to the day of its date. It
may have served its purpose to awaken the enthusiasm
of the masses in favor of the cause of independence,
and to inspire courage in its defenders for further
sacrifices of blood, treasure, and the enjoyments of
home life; but as a historical document it is worthless,
every statement in it being inexact, and evidently
dictated by the spirit of partisanship. And indeed,
in this respect it is about on an equality with hun
dreds of writings issued at this time by the vice
regal government, its servants, partisans, and syco
phants, none of which are entitled to the slightest

14 There was a high mass attended by Rayon and his officers and guard of
honor. The sermon was preached by the brigadier Reverend Doctor Fran
cisco Guerrero. After the religious ceremonies, there were public amusements,
ringing of bells, firing of guns, and in the night illuminations.

15 Issued from the Palacio Nacional do America, signed by Lie. Ignacio
Rayon, presidente, and countersigned by Jose" Ignacio Oyarzabal, secretario.
Full copy in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 307-15; iv. 148-57.

428 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

credence, as systematic lying was a part of the gov
ernmental policy.

The president's brother, General Ramon Lopez
Rayon, commanding the district of Tlalpujahua, had
been no less active, often making excursions to the
country lying between Queretaro and Mexico, or be
tween the former and Valladolid. In one of those
excursions he signally defeated an archroyalist cap
tain named Mariano Ferrer16 at El Salitre, and took
him prisoner. Immediately afterward he marched on
Jerecuaro and took the place, together with two guns,
a large number of muskets, ammunition, and nearly
100 prisoners, all of whom were conveyed to the ha
cienda of Tepustepec, where the president then was.
Ferrer and five others were shot on the 4th of Sep
tember. The rest joined Rayon's force, and a few of
them who afterward deserted and were captured paid
the penalty of the desertion with their lives. That
same year Ramon Rayon attacked at San Juan del
Rio 600 royalists, who were escorting a large herd of
sheep and cattle bound to Mexico, dispersed them with
some casualties, and captured the whole property.17

Most favorable results were obtained in some quar
ters that will be given at length. They were in
a great measure due to the spirit of union, un
selfishness, and surbordination to their commanders
shown by the officers and men. But in other parts,
where rivalry, arising from personal ambition and
leading to bickerings, divided counsels, and a wanton
disregard of all superior authority existed, disappoint
ments and disasters naturally followed.

16 This man's life was saved by Abasolo's wife at Dolores, Sept. 10, 1811.
He was a brother of the lawyer Jos6 Antonio Ferrer, who had on the 29th
of Aug. of the same year been put to death by the garrote in Mexico, for be
ing mixed up in the plot against Venegas. The two brothers had different
political views. The one who was a royalist was active in his operations, and
had done considerable harm to the independents, having caused many of its
supporters to be shot.

17 If we are to believe the account as recorded by the independent govern
ment, Rayon killed 27 of the enemy, wounded a number of them, and took
ten prisoners, besides 20,000 head of sheep, 200 of cattle, a quantity of laden
pack-mules, and some arms. Diario de Operac. (1812, Dec. 11), in HeriMndez
y Ddualos, Col. Doc., v. 628; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 155.

JOSti MARIA VILLAGRAN. 429

I have already spoken of the friendly reception ex
tended by Villagran at Huichapan to the president of
the junta, which led the latter to believe that his or
ders would be respected and obeyed in that quarter.
Acting under this conviction, Rayon resolved to at
tack Ixmiquilpan, a wealthy town, and quite friendly
to the viceregal government, whose garrison consisted
of a small detachment of line troops and the com
panies of patriots, all of whom were determined to
fight to the last. Their commander was Rafael
Casasola, in whom they had full confidence. Rayon
started from Huichapan on the 15th of October with
a. regiment of well equipped infantry, whose colonel
was Jose Maria Lobato.18 The cavalry was under
Epitacio Sanchez, a brave man; and the artillery,
consisting of four pieces, was in charge of a com
petent officer, with the requisite number of skilled
men to manage it. Together with these troops
were Villagran's men; and at the hacienda Astillero
they were joined by the forces of Father Correa
and Polo. Rayon appeared before Ixmiquilpan on
the 18th of October, and occupied the most con
venient points for attack. From one of these points,
the Media Luna hill, Casasola endeavored to dis
lodge the independents, but was driven off with heavy
loss. Rayon demanded surrender within two hours,
under guarantees of life, liberty, and property to all,
including the Spaniards, if they took the oath of
allegiance ; otherwise he would take the town by
assault and put the inhabitants to the sword. The
royalists, remembering the violated pledges of five
months before to the prisoners of Pachuca, turned a
deaf ear to Rayon's proposal, Casasola returning a
haughty answer.19 Early next morning the inde-

18 He had been a corporal of the royalist regiment Tres Villas, and being
made a prisoner at Zitacuaro joined the independents, and was promoted
from time to time till ho attained his pi-esent rank. Later he became a gen
eral, and figured in the early years of the republic.

19 He had brave men with arms and ammunition to defend their lives and
homes ; he would never surrender to ' bandidoa indignos de merecer ni aun su

430 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

pendents made vigorous assaults; Correa and Lo-
bato in the afternoon succeeded in possessing them
selves of two parapets, where they waited some time,
under the heavy fire of the royalists from the third
line of defences, for reenforcernents under Yillagran
that would enable them to advance farther. But as
none came, and night was approaching, they retreated
in good order. During the night silence reigned in
the independents' camps. But Casasola, apprehend
ing it might be a ruse to draw him out, kept a watch
ful eye within his intrenchment. The next morning
no enemy was in sight; and news soon was brought to
the town that Rayon and his army were fairly on the
way to Huichapan.20 On arriving at this place in
advance of his division, Rayon seriously reprimanded
Yillagran for his violation of orders. The latter
made no reply, but resolved to avenge forthwith
what he deemed an insult from one whose authority
he held in contempt. He ordered the drawbridges to
be raised, and called his men to arms to seize the presi
dent and his escort before his troops arrived. But
Rayon, mistrusting the movements around him, visited
the barracks at once and managed to have his superior
authority recognized and his orders obeyed. Yilla
gran seeing his designs frustrated fled with twenty
of his accomplices. The failure to capture Ixmiquil-
pan and Yillagran's mutinous course filled the presi
dent with grief, and he returned to Tlalpujahua.

The Chito did not abandon his purpose of wreak
ing vengeance on Rayon and his friends. He relent-

firma entera. Casasola.' This answer and Rayon's demand appear in Pier-
nandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc., iv. 633; Gaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 1131-2.

20 Bustamante expressed the belief that Rayon's retreat was caused by
the receipt of a letter summoning him to a conference with envoys from Vene-
gas at the Tultenango hacienda. Cuad. Hist., ii. 235-9. He is evidently
mistaken. Correa's report attributed their ill success to Villagran's fail
ure to cooperate, and the precipitate retreat of his men, which is also alluded
to by Rayon's secretary. Rayon certainly went to Huichapan, which car
ried him away from Tultenango. Alaman, Hist. M<*j., iii. 345-8; Diario de
Operac., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 298, 622-3. Whatever the
cause of the retreat, it was fortunate for Casasola, who had lost about 100
men of the garrison.

VILLAGRAN DISCOMFITED.

431

lessly persecuted the latter, and Cura Correa, who
for his gallantry had been promoted to mariscal de
eatnpo, had to flee to Nopala, and thence to Chapa de
Mota. From this time the Villagranes were again
masters of the whole country extending from San
Juan del Rio and Cuesta de Tula to the sierra de Zim-
apan; from which we must conclude that the elder,
who had been supposed to disapprove of his son's
course on the 22d of October, had taken no pains
to check his unjustifiable career.21 The younger,
however, in due time thought over the matter, and

SEAT OF WAR.

concluding that nothing was to be gained by going"
counter to recognized authority sought reconcilia
tion through the agency of two clergymen.22 To this
Rayon was well disposed; but he answered that Villa-
gran's future good conduct would be accepted as his

21 Rayon's secretary, at the time that both father and son were given high
military rank, recorded that they were rewarded for good service rendered the
national cause in the north; now El Chito was called an 'alevoso, ingrato a
los berieficios recibidos,' who had acted as he did 'para entregarse sin estorbo
d su libertinaje, arbitrariedad y escesos con que ha desolado estos contornos.'
Dlario de Operac., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 614, 623; Mendibil,
Besumen Hist. , 161-2; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 348-51.

22 The secretary says the priests made a warm intercession. Diario de
Operac., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 629-30.

432 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

best excuse and secure hirn both forgiveness for the
past and his country's gratitude. Still, he had but
little hope that the father or son, or other insubordi-
nates, could be brought to accept proper discipline.23

As Rayon was anxious to procure resources for
sustaining his troops, and the merchants in Mexico
being on the other hand interested in obtaining a free
passage for their merchandise, relations were opened
between some of the most prominent and the pres
ident. The latter wrote Morelos manifesting his
wish that the rich cargo of the China ship lying at
Acapulco should be permitted a pass into the interior,
as the merchants needed the goods and were willing
to pay quite a respectable sum of money. He also
consulted the officer who was besieging that town
by land on the propriety of acceding to their pro
posal. Morelos answered in the negative, and the
Rey Fernando then went to San Bias where she
landed her cargo. Rayon made an arrangement with
the marques de San Miguel de Aguayo, commanding
a royalist battalion in Mexico, and whose son, the
conde deJSan Pedro del Alamo, was serving at Valla-
dolid under Trujillo, by which the marques was
allowed to pass into Mexico a large flock of sheep
upon paying $20,000, part in clothing and arms for
the independent troops and the rest in specie.

Venegas, it has been said, either to render Rayon
suspicious in the eyes of his troops or to divert his
attention from military operations, or from some
other motive, manifested a disposition to enter into
negotiations with him. To this effect instructions
were given, under solemn guarantees, to a lawyer

23 Rayon wrote Morelos, who answered from Oajaca Dec. 31st, that from
Cuautla he had tried to bring the Villagranes to order, and they had replied,
'con pretextos coino los demas del Norte,' adding that they all seemed to be
acting in accord. Osorno seemed inclined to be obedient, but the others in
fluenced him against subordination, and therefore a heavy hand should be
laid on them. He had promised himself to do so at some day; but for the pres
ent, 'sera me'nos malo dejarlos que hagan boruca por su rumbo, instandoles
siempre d que llamen la atencion a Mexico mie'ntras haceinos negocio.' Ala*
man, Hist. Mcj., iii. 351.

JOSE MARfA DE REGULES VILLASANTE. 433

•

named Juan Raz y Guzman ; and it was even resolved
to hold a conference at the hacienda de Tultenango.

o *

Rayon being advised that a merchant named Juan
Bautista Lobo, duly instructed by the viceroy, would
meet him in that place.24 Although the members of
the supreme junta were scattered and Rayon as the
president acted in its name, he never pretended to
determine any important government affair without
consulting his colleagues. He laid the viceroy's pre
tensions before them, and the only answer I have
found is that given by Liceaga, written by Doctor
Cos, in which Rayon is advised to confine his efforts
to secure a suspension of arms so as to take advan
tage of it for organizing and drilling troops to prose
cute the war and cripple Spain's resources in her
resistance, against the French. Mexico would be
thus enabled to attain her independence. But as
the conferences appointed for Tultenango never took
place, the whole project went out of mind.25

The viceregal government, since the fall of Cuautla,
had, as we have seen, kept its troops engaged in op
erations within the provinces of Puebla and Yera
Cruz, to the neglect necessarily of the south and of
Oajaca. To enable the reader to arrive at a clear
understanding of the coming events in those regions,
I must revert for a few moments to the occurrences
of November, 1811. Morelos had sent Valerio Tru-
jano to occupy Silacayoapan, which was effected with
out opposition, and the revolution spread throughout
Mizteca, the portion of Oajaca bordering on Puebla.

2tBustamante speaks of this negotiation and gives Liceaga 's answer to
Rayon on the project. He and Mendibil are the only ones that mention the
subject. Rayon's secretary says nothing of it in his diary. Cuad. Hist., ii.
315-17; Resumen Hist., 154-5, 162.

25 On the day fixed for the commissioners to meet, no representative from
Venegas appeared. The viceroy had changed his mind when he heard of
Villagran's mutiny, and now expected to derive the advantages he desired
from discord and anarchy. Intrigues were accordingly set in motion to create
ill feeling between Rayon and Morelos, and between the former and his
colleagues of the junta. Rayon, however, conducted himself with much
circumspection.

HIST. HEX., Tot. IV. 28

434 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

Desirous of checking the advances of the independ
ents, Brigadier Bernardo Bonavia gave the command
of a force organized ad hoc to a native of Santander,
in Spain, named Jose Maria de Regales Villasante, an
old resident of Nochistlan, not a soldier by profession,
but a hearty royalist, and possessed of much activity
and a thorough knowledge of the ground in that moun
tainous country — qualifications more useful, perhaps,
for that kind of warfare than a regular military training.
Regules, together with other land owners friendly to
the royal cause, raised and disciplined a considerable
force from the laborers of their own estates. The
bishop of Antequera, Antonio Bergosa y Jordan, a
stanch royalist, who had been promoted to arch
bishop of Mexico and was making preparations to
depart for his new field of episcopal duties, was re
quested by the ayuntamiento and some prominent
citizens of Oajaca, at this critical period not to leave
the diocese, where his influence would have great
weight. He not only acquiesced and influenced pub
lic opinion in favor of the royal cause with his pasto
rals and sermons, but raised and armed a body of
ecclesiastics. The independents, on the other hand,
wasted no time. They organized a considerable body,
and in January, 1812, deeming themselves strong
enough to face the royalists in their lair, at Yanhui-
tlan, where Regules commanded and had erected
strong fortifications, marched to the attack, 3,000
strong with three pieces of artillery, on the 8th and
9th of January, and met with defeat and the loss of
their artillery, together with forty or more killed,
and seventy prisoners, besides fifty mules laden with
provisions and ammunition.26 The victorious Regu
les started in pursuit of the insurgents, and on the
26th of February met those of Bobadilla at San

26 During the action the first day the governor and alcalde of Indians of
the town attempted to join the enemy, were discovered, and shot. The sec
ond day Rdgules made a vigorous sally and put his assailants to flight. • He
also had his share of loss. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, 54-5, 121-4; Mendib'd, Resu-
men Hist., 86.

SIEGE OF YANHUITLAN.

435

Juanico Teposcolula, whom he defeated, capturing their
guns and a number of prisoners, whom he ordered
shot. He also caused to be destroyed all the grain
and other provisions stored in the town.27 While
these events were taking place, the independent
chiefs Miguel and Nicolas Bravo, Father Mendoza,
and Yalerio Trujano met at Tamasulapan, and re
solved to assault Yanhuitlan a second time and punish
Regules and his fellow-royalists. They besieged the

MIZTECA IN OAJACA.

place, and in a few days had possession of nearly the
whole town, placing their guns in the street crossings.
Regules defended himself in the cemetery, occupying
at the same time a few buildings. From the llth
to the 15th of March the assaults were constantly
repeated till the besieged were in a desperate condi-

27 Oaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 261-2. These acts were avenged by Colonel
Valerio Trujano, an extraordinary man, who had been an humble muleteer,
but a born soldier, said to be originally from Tepecuacuilco, who had begun
with small parties which by his courage and successes soon acquired the pro
portions of an army. Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., i. 381-2.

436 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

tion. The success of the besiegers was assured, when
they suddenly raised the siege and retired. The roy
alists could not understand it; but seeing the inde
pendents march away in perfect order, they did not
venture out to pursue them.28 The cause was an or
der from Morelos to the Bravos to hasten to his re
lief at Cuautla. Regules after this supposed that
the independents had entirely abandoned the Mizteca,
but he soon discovered his error; the day when he
must atone for his many cruel acts was not far dis
tant.

Trujano continued his excursions in the Mizteca
country for some time, his field being chiefly the
road from Yanhuitlan to Cuicatlan. After defeat
ing Manuel Guendulain, a rich man of Oajaca who
had armed his negroes, killing the leader and many
of his men, and capturing their arms,29 Trujano es
tablished his headquarters in Huajuapan, the chief
town of the Mizteca, important for its large trade
in dried goat's meat and grease \vith Puebla. He
availed himself of the resources the place afforded
to augment and support his force. Bonavia, the roy
alist commander at Oajaca, on his part concentrated
all his available men at Yanhuitlan, to employ them
in dislodging Trujano from Huajuapan. The force
thus gathered together exceeded 1,000 men,30 with 14
pieces of artillery and a good supply of ammunition.
The chief command was given to Regules,31 who on

28Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 239-42. Rdgules sent the viceroy a long report
extolling the valor of his troops. He claimed to have done ranch damage to
the enemy, capturing one gun, 30 other fire-arms, and 20 prisoners, besides
killing upwards of 300, and wounded a very large number. As to his own
casualties they were 18 slain and 42 wounded. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
391-6.

29 One of Trnjano's lucky hits on that road was the capture once of 100
good muskets, a most important prize at a time when fire-arms were so scarce.

30 Infantry battalions of Oajaca and Campeche; the coast negroes under
Caldelas; Bishop Bergosa's 'legion sagracla,' made up of clergymen and friars,
under command of Canon Jose" de San Martin; and the garrison of Yanhui
tlan. Alaman, Hist. Mtj., iii. 243.

31 He was a ferocious beast, of the same stamp as Arroyo on the indepen
dent side. With the view of striking terror in the hearts of those who were
friendly to the revolution and had rendered aid to the independents when
they besieged him, before leaving Yanhuitlan he mutilated a number of Ind-

SIEGE OF HUAJUAPAK 437

the 5th of April appeared before the villa of Huajua-
pan where Trujano had erected fortifications. The
day being Sunday enabled the revolutionary com
mander to augment the number of defenders with
Indians from the surrounding country who had come
to market and whom he detained. The royalists took
up their positions, the gallant Caldelas with the coast
negroes occupying the Calvario cemetery, a com
manding point on the north of the town.

For some days the royalists were engaged in per
fecting the siege and cutting off the communications,
and on the 10th of April opened bombardment. Tru
jano, having no artillery, had three guns made from the
town bells, and for balls used the rounded cobble
stones picked up out of the rivulet close by, besides
the shot fired at him by the enemy. The guns and
ammunition were defective, but the decision and cour
age of the besieged made amends. The besiegers
made several assaults, and once entered the place by
boring their way through the houses; but were beaten
back. In one of the assaults a Dominican friar per
ished on the royalist side, and in another an Augus-
tinian fighting for the independents. Bonavia sent
Regules reinforcements and two more pieces of artil
lery. Trujano had provisions for some time, a large
quantity of dried meat having been discovered in the
warehouse of the tithe gatherer; and to prevent
waste, he personally served out the rations, as well as
the ammunition, which was limited.

The situation of the besieged was becoming pre
carious. Trujano managed to make it known to Fa
ther Jose Maria Sanchez, who was with his men at
Tehuacan. Sanchez and the cura Tapia forthwith
started with a considerable force, nine guns, and a
supply of provisions to his relief. Caldelas, on hear
ing of their approach, concealed his coast negroes

ians; 'mando cortar las orejas a veintitantos indios,' and kept the victims
pilloried a whole day under the gibbet. Previous to this horrid act of bar
barity he caused a large number of natives to be hanged. fb.; Carriedo, Estud.
Hist., ii. 18.

438 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

in a thick palm grove. It was the 17th of May. The
independents came on, marching in a careless manner,
and on nearing the town were fiercely attacked by the
negroes and completely broken up. Sanchez and
Tapia escaped at full gallop, leaving all their artillery
and the provisions. Of their force a number were
killed, others captured, and the rest, except a few
who followed the leaders, became scattered. Weeks
passed by, and at last Trujano's only hope lay in get
ting word to Morelos, a most difficult task. The
Indian hunter of Noyo, who shot the Dominican friar
alluded to, undertook to convey a message to Morelos,
promising, if successful in crossing the lines, to send
off from a certain height two rockets. Trujano waited
anxiously. In due time he saw the rockets, and his
hopes revived. The Indian found Morelos in Chi-
lapa, whither he had proceeded from Chautla, and the
chief of the south at once marched with a strong force
to relieve Huajuapan. The same Indian brought
back the glad tidings.32

Regules, judging from the manifestations that suc
cor was at hand, summoned a council, and advocated
raising the siege, but was opposed by Caldelas.
Morelos detached Miguel Bravo with the force that
Sanchez and Tapia had again gathered, with orders to
pass along one side of the town. Bravo did so, and
was suddenly assailed by Caldelas and his negroes,
losing his guns and having to retreat. On the 23d
of July, in the afternoon, Morelos with his whole
force appeared before Huajuapan. One of the bodies of
his troops was commanded by Hermenegildo Galeana,

32 It is said that both times he went through the royalist lines disguised
as a hog. Carriedo, Estud. Hist., 19. His arrival occurred under circum
stances that were attributed to a special providence. Trujano had ordered
a novena to the image of the Seiior de los corazones, or Lord of Hearts,
venerated in the town, praying for divine protection. It was on the 9th
day that the Noy6 Indian returned with the news that relief was on the way,
which convinced all that their prayers had been granted. Joy followed the
deep despondency; and it was manifested by the ringing of bells, firing
of cannon and rockets, illuminations, and music. The besiegers could not
understand such a proceeding; but Regules' suspicions of the truth were
awakened. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 243-5.

TRIUMPH OF MORELOS. 439

A battle ensued, which for its fierceness was one of
the most noted of the war. Trujano made a vigor
ous sally, while Morelos charged at the front. The
royalists were thus between two fires; but they made
a stout defence, Caldelas particularly with his 400
coast negroes. He perished pierced by the enemy's
lances.33

All was now lost. Regules and his subordinate
Esperon fled. In the escape Regules struck his head
against the branch of a tree and was thrown down,
vomiting blood. One of the cavalry soldiers picked
up his senseless commander and conveyed him to
Yanhuitlan,34 the place he had so lately left flushed
with pride and hate. Trujano pursued the fleeing
royalists to the very gates of Yanhuitlan giving
no quarter. Canon San Martin then assumed the
command of the place; but when the soldiers that
had been left behind saw their beaten comrades re
turning panic-stricken, they began to hasten from the
impending danger; and the officers, after holding a
council of war, departed with the troops for the city
of Oajaca.35 Morelos' triumph was complete; all the
royalist artillery, a large quantity of muskets and
other arms, ammunition, and baggage fell into his
hands, together with 170 prisoners, some of whom
joined his service, and the rest were sent to the pris
oners' pen at Zacatula.36 The siege of Huajuapan

33 It was said that Caldelas, indignant at finding himself neglected at the
moment of greatest danger, was seeking Regules with pistol in hand to slay
him. Caldelas was a Spaniard, had been a resident of the southern coast,
and was much esteemed by his neighbors. Morelos, though a foe, admired
his gallantry and other high qualities, and regretted his death. Bustamante
calls him 'el bravo Caldelas;' and Alaman says of him: 'Fu6 uno de los
oficiales mas bizarros que hubo en esta guerra. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , ii.
99-100, 180-4; Alaman, Hist. Mtj., iii. 249-52; Mora, Revol. Mcx., iv. 367;
Mendibil, Eesumen Hist., 121-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., viii. 436-45.

ZiCarrifdo, Estud. Hist., ii. 20. Bonavia did not hold him in high esteem.
He recovered and continued his services at Oajaca.

35 One hundred prisoners of the jail were offered their liberty if they would
take care of 60 wounded on the journey, which service they rendered, but on
arrival at Oajaca the pledge was violated.

36 Bustamante gives the number of slain at 400. Morelos in his declara
tions merely says there were some killed on both sides. Rayon's secretary's
record has it that Trujano held the place two months with only 100 men; that
Hegules had upwards of 500, of whom 100 were slain and 300 captured, together

440 RAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.

lasted 111 days. The town was much damaged37 by
the artillery of the enemy, there being evidences to
be seen everywhere of the heroic defence made by
Trujano and the garrison. Morelos recruited his army
from these men who had displayed such devotion to
the cause, and created a regiment that he called the
San Lorenzo,38 the command of which was given to
Trujano.

The victory in the Mizteca opened to Morelos the
gates of Oajaca; but though advised by Trujano and
others to attempt its capture, he declined. It was
thought by some that he apprehended a strong resist
ance, which would have delayed his plan of capturing
Tehuacan, which he could reach before Llano, at that
time engaged in conveying the convoy to Vera Cruz,
could arrive. Others say that he wished above all to
organize the troops within the territory placed under
his command by the supreme junta.

We will now for a while leave Morelos after his vic
tory in Oajaca, and the royalist commanders cam
paigning in Guanajuato, Puebla, and Vera Cruz, to de
vote our attention to parliamentary matters in Spain,
which are intimately connected with the events of that
period in Spanish America.

with 400 muskets, 16 cannon, and other things. Diario de Operac., in Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 617.

37 Bustamante, who saw the town soon after, states that it ' qued6 hecha un
harnero.'

38 Because they had been exposed to fire on all sides; named after Saint
Lawrence who was put on a hot gridiron and slowly broiled. Rivera, Gob.
Mex., ii. 54.

CHAPTER XVIII.

AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.
1811-1812.

GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN — THE C6RTES AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY— CHAR
ACTER OF THE MEMBERS— THE DIPUTACTON AMERICANA AND ITS POLICY
— ITS DEMANDS AND CHARACTER OF CONCESSIONS — DEPUTY PEREZ FROM
PCEBLA — DEPUTY CISNEROS ASKS FOR MEXICAN AUTONOMY AND EVEN
TUAL INDEPENDENCE — ARIZPE— MIER— FORCED LOAN — REPRESENTA
TION OF THE CONSULADO OF MEXICO— BRITISH OFFERS OF MEDIATION —

NATIONAL CONSTITUTION AS ADOPTED — ITS PUBLICATION IN MEXICO —
THE PRESS— ELECTION OF AYUNTAMIENTOS — ANIMOSITY OF THE NATIVES

TOWARD THE SPANIARDS— CONSTITUTION PRACTICALLY SUSPENDED.

THE Spanish cortes, all Spanish America being rep
resented therein, were installed as a single chamber
at the island of Leon, in southern Spain, on the 24th
of September, 1810. One hundred and two deputies
were present. Of their number, nineteen were chosen
by natives residing in Cddiz as representatives of such
provinces as were then under control of the French
troops, and which for that reason could not freely hold
elections, and twenty-nine were elected by natives of
America and the Philippine Islands then dwelling in
the same province. These forty-eight representatives
sat in the chamber for the time being as substitutes, or
suplentes as they were called, until regularly chosen
deputies from their respective provinces could appear.
Those called to represent New Spain were Andres
Sabariego, lawyer; Francisco Fernandez Munilla, a
retired captain; Jose Maria Couto, parish priest from
Puebla; Jose Maria Gutierrez de Teran, a retired
officer of the royal garde-du-corps; Maximo Mal-

(441)

442 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

donado and Salvador de San Martin, prebendaries
of Guadalajara; and Octaviano Obregon, an oidor of
Mexico.1 In due time proprietary representatives
from New Spain and other Spanish American and
Asiatic provinces also presented themselves. All
the members had to take an oath to support the
catholic religion, to the exclusion of all other creeds;
to maintain the integrity of the Spanish nation; to
preserve all her dominions for Fernando VII., then
a prisoner of Napoleon in France; and to observe the
laws of Spain; reserving the right to modify or alter
them when deemed conducive to the national welfare.
Some days later the five regents of the kingdom re
signed, and^ three were appointed in their stead by
the cortes, namely, General Blake, and two naval
officers, Ciscar and Agar; the last named, being a
native of Venezuela, had been specially selected that
he might represent America in the regency.

The grave question of freedom of the press was
soon on the tapis, giving rise to heated debate, and to
the organization of parties which kept up constant
\varfare during the term. In favor of reform, and of
a change in the principles of government hitherto
accepted in Spain, were the young deputies, several
professors, and all the priests supposed to be partisans
of Jansenism. They constituted the liberal party. The
others looked unfavorably on innovation, and urged
the slow adoption of such measures only as necessity
demanded. For a time the conservatives had no par
ticular appellation, but at last the epithet of servil was
applied to them.2 The deputies of the ultramarine

1 Most of the representatives of the provinces in Spain, both proprietary
and substitutes, were professors, lawyers, or ecclesiastics — among these last,
a number were said to be jansenists — public officials, and some young men
who had read the French philosophers of the previous century, and were
therefore imbued with the ideas and principles of the French revolution. The
American suplentes were mostly lawyers, and priests who had gone to Spain
after preferment from the royal court, with a sprinkling of military men
who had served in America but had been long established in Spain, and a few
employes of the government.

2 Servile; or worse still, as one of the opponents treated them by detaching
the syllables, thus, ser vll, to be vile, or a vile being.

NEW WORLD DEMANDS. 443

colonies generally united on all issues affecting Amer
ica, and were called "la diputacion americana." They
formed a party by themselves, usually leaning toward
the liberal side, and thus giving the liberal party a
large majority. They kept up the same organization in
successive cortes, taking but little interest in matters
not American; but they courted European influence
for obvious reasons.

The cortes having at their first sitting declared
themselves sovereign, the American deputies moved
that the act should be transmitted to the colonies,
accompanied with certain decrees conducive to a ter
mination of the differences that had broken out
between the Creoles and Spaniards. The chamber
acquiesced, and appointed a committee of Americans
to frame such resolutions as they might deem proper.
Whereupon the committee demanded, in general
terms, first, that the American provinces should have,
to place them on an equal footing with those of Spain,
the number of deputies allowed under the rule estab
lished on the 1st of January for elections in Spain;
and second, a discontinuance of all persecutions and
measures issued and based on the ground that the
disturbances in the ultramarine provinces had sprung
from a desire for separation from the mother country,
including the recall of all commissions for the subju
gation of Americans; and finally, that all American
deputies chosen pursuant to the system prescribed for
the cortes by the regency, should be admitted upon
their arrival and presentation of their credentials.

The magnitude of the American demands certainly
called for a more mature study than those deputies
would naturally give time for. The chamber ordered,
however, that the decree already passed should be
published without delay and circulated throughout
the ultramarine provinces. The other interesting
points were left for future consideration; and mean
time, by an act of the 1 5th of October, 1810, passed
in secret session, it was confirmed and sanctioned that

444 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

the ultramarine dominions were beyond all doubt the
equals in rights with the Spanish provinces in Europe;3
the cortes assuming the duty of providing whatever
might conduce to the welfare of the people dwelling
beyond the seas, and of establishing the number and
form of national representation in both hemispheres.
A general and full amnesty was also decreed for all
political offences, on condition of the sovereign au
thority established in Spain being unconditionally
recognized.4

The American deputies then laid before the cham
ber on the 16th of December, 1810, eleven proposi
tions embodying the sum total of American griev
ances. They were sincere in their efforts to do away
with all causes of future differences; but it is very
evident that they little understood the spirit of the
revolution then agitating the Spanish colonies. The
propositions embraced the following points: 1. equal
ity of representation, in proportion to population, with
Spain; 2. agriculture, manufactures, and mechanical
trades to be free from restriction ; 3. freedom to ex
port and import produce and merchandise, in national
or foreign bottoms, all ports in America to be therefore
opened to trade; 4. free trade between America and
the Asiatic possessions; 5. all privileges restricting
such freedom to be at once abolished; 6. the suppres
sion of government monopolies, compensating the
royal treasury for the consequent loss of revenue by
a special duty on each article so freed; 7. the working

3 ' El inconcuso concepto de que los dominios espanoles de ambos hemis-
ferios son iguales. ' Ctirtes Diario, i. 7, 10, 12, 24-6, 46.

* Decree no. 5 of the extraordinary c6rtes, i. 10. Of this ample amnesty
so earnestly called for by the diputacion americana, and from which so many
beneficial effects were expected, several persons took advantage, among them
the ex-viceroy Iturrigaray, and the lawyer Juan Francisco Azcarate, who
had been under arrest since September 1808, though allowed the privilege
of his own dwelling for a prison. Others returned to their country to be
drawn into the vortex of revolution, and to lose their lives on the scaffold —
instance Acufia and Alconedo. Hidalgo and Allende disdainfully refused to
accept the tender made them by Cruz at Saltillo, as we have seen. Lesser
chiefs accepted the pardon when the law was published by the viceroy. The
results of the measure were unimportant, however, as most of the insurgents
looked upon it with indifference. Alaman, Hist. M6j.t iii. 10-12.

ELEVEN PROPOSITIONS. 445

of quicksilver mines to be free; 8. Americans, whether
white men or Indians, and the descendants of either
class, to have the same political rights as European
Spaniards, particularly the right to be appointed to
offices of honor or emolument at the royal court or
in any part of the monarchy; 9. one half at least of
the public offices in each kingdom or possession to be
filled by natives of that kingdom; 10. a l junta con-
sultiva de propuestas,' or nominating board, to be con
stituted, charged with the duty of carrying out the
preceding clause;5 11. and finally, the restoration of
the Jesuits, as necessary for the spread of knowledge
and for the progress of the missions.

The proprietary deputies for Puebla and Tlascala,
doctors Antonio Joaquin Perez and Jose Miguel
Guride y Alcocer, arrived and took their seats about
the time the propositions were up for discussion; and
on the 31st of December they signified their assent
thereto, asking that they should be acted upon with
out delay, in view of the disturbed condition of all
the American possessions. The chamber accordingly,
though not without considerable opposition, decreed
to devote two days in each week, namely, Wednes
days and Fridays, to the subject.6 But the 4th of
January, 1811, on motion of Perez, the American dep
uties were asked by the cortes to issue an address to
their constituents to stir up sentiments in favor of
the mother country, that they might aid her as much
as possible with money to carry on the struggle
against France. Perez was warmly commended
for his patriotism. The European deputies, not to
be outdone in generosity, acceded to a proposi-

5 Such board to be composed of the senior oidor, the rector of the univer
sity, the dean of the college of lawyers, the highest military officer, and the
highest treasury official. It was to sit at the capital of the vice-royalty or
captain-generalcy, for filling each respective office within its district, *al
turno Americano,' or when the American term comes, ' & cuya tevna deberan
cefiirse precisamente las autoridades a quienes incumba la provision.' Gucrra,
Hist. Revol N. Esp.t ii. 047-54; Negrete, Hex. Slg. XIX., v. 246-7; O6rtes
Diario, ii. 316-26, 346-51.

6 Cortes Diario, ii. 233-4.

446 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

tion of the Peruvian deputy, Dionisio Inca Yum-
pangui,7 that the laws of the Indies enacted by the
catholic kings for the protection and advancement of
the Indians should be made practical. It was ordered
that this act of the cortes should be read on three
consecutive days in the parish church of each town
in America and the Spanish Asiatic possessions.

The discussion of the American propositions was
begun on the 9th. It soon became evident that the
European deputies had little knowledge of America
beyond matters relating to her discovery and con
quest. Even the suplentes representing America,
though able men enough, knew little in regard to
administration, manners and customs of the inhab
itants, advance in agriculture, arts, sciences, letters,
etc. Vicente Morales Duarez, from Peru, was in
deed the only one who had made a study of the
authors treating of American affairs. There were
present, then, only the two recently arrived repre
sentatives, Perez and Guride, competent to enlight
en the house. A few days later came another who
took an active part, Mariano de Mendiola, deputy for
Queretaro.8 The second, seventh, and eighth propo
sitions were passed without discussion. The first,
after a warm debate, was rejected.9 Negroes and
mulattoes had not been embraced in the proposi
tion, because a law of October 15, 1810, had excluded
them. Equality of representation for future cortes
was all that the Americans succeeded in obtaining
for the present. The difficulty encountered by them
was the inexpediency of granting equal political rights
to the Indian population. Perez was accused of hav
ing urged the European deputies to stand firm for the
denial.10

7 A lineal descendant of the royal family of that country, who when a
child had been brought to Spain in the reign of Carlos III.

8 The oath of office was administered to him Jan. 15, 1811. Ctfrtes Diario,
ii. 401.

9 By 64 nays to 56 yeas. Id., 1811, iii. 31.

10 ' Respoiidiendo '61 con su cabeza que Mexico no lo llevaria £ inal.'
Guerra, Hist. RevoL N. Esp.t ii. 648; Alaman, iii. 105.

EIGHT OF REPRESENTATION. 447

Evaristo Perez de Castro, a European deputy, then
moved that the Americans should have the right
of a representation exactly equal to that of Spain,
and that the forthcoming constitution should estab
lish the mode of representation; but elections should
be held in America in the same manner as in Spain
for the cortes then sitting, namely, one deputy
for every 50,000 inhabitants. The American depu
ties supported the motion, and discussion followed.
There was some excitement, and harsh words were
used on both sides, the European deputies speaking
of the inaptitude of the Indians, and of the ingratitude
of the Spanish Americans in not being satisfied with
the liberal concessions hitherto made by the c6rtes.
The question was finally voted upon on the 7th of
February; and as Perez de Castro had divided his
motion into two parts, the first was approved and the
second rejected.11 The European deputies, to show
their friendly feeling toward their American col
leagues, as well as their appreciation of Perez' ef
forts on behalf of the mother country, had on the
24th of January chosen him president of the chamber,
he being the first American that had been so honored.
He was also placed on the committee to frame the
constitution. The Americans, however, with or with
out just grounds, began to suspect that Perez, who
was a canon of Puebla, was working for a bishop's
mitre.12 The third, fourth, and fifth propositions, all
of which concerned trade, gave rise to warm debates.
They contained demands of a very alarming nature at
that period. Their further consideration was put off
till such time as the cortes could obtain the opinion
of several corporations in New Spain.13 The resolu
tion of the sixth proposition, calling for the abolition of

"The approval of the first was by 123 ayes against 4 nays; the rejection
of the second by 69 nays to 61 ayes. The latter had for its object that the
equality should have effect in the then sitting cortes. Cortes Diario, 1811, iii.
290; Ataman, Hit.Mcj., iii. 17-24.

12 The c6rtes had transferred themselves on the 24th of Feb. to Cddiz.

13 In a chapter on the commerce of Mexico, I give the iinal results.

448 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

estancos, was also postponed; the only important one
being that of tobacco. The ninth and tenth were re
served for action after the constitution should have
been enacted. The eleventh, calling for the reestab-
lishment of the Jesuits, was rejected almost unani
mously. A different result could hardly have been
expected from a chamber constituted as that was.
Indeed, a number of the American deputies had ob
jected to the proposition, and had affixed their names
to it only in deference to its author, Deputy Duarez;
and one actually refused to sign it.

About the time this discussion terminated, there
arrived at Cadiz on a British line-of-battle ship a
number of deputies regularly elected in New Spain.
They were mostly ecclesiastics, canons of divers cathe
drals, the deputy from Yera Cruz being one exception;
and their credentials being approved, on the 27th of
February they took their seats. A few days after, the
venerable Doctor Jose Beye de Cisneros, one of the
representatives for Mexico recently come,14 presented
a memorandum on the origin of the insurrection in
New Spain, attributing the movement to the great
love of the people for Spain, and their fear of being
turned over to France.15 Cisneros wanted the prov
inces of America to have a certain autonomy, and
proposed measures toward this end, namely, the cre
ation of a provincial legislature, and a supreme legis
lature in each dominion, the latter to represent the
government of Spain,16 and the eventual declaration
of the independence of Spanish America — that is to

14He had an allowance of $12,000 a year from the ayuntamiento of Mexico,
and being frank, hospitable, and generous, his house was at all times open to
his colleagues. Whenever the American deputies were offended by some
occurrence in the cortes, he would say, ' Esto, amigos, no tiene mas que un
remedio, que es el P. Hidalgo,' alluding to the revolution begun in Mexico,
which he strongly approved of. Ataman, Hist. Mej., iii. 61.

^Guerra, JHst. Itevol. N. Esj)., ii. 655. The diarios de c6rtes make no
mention of this document; possibly it was considered in secret session. I
have already, in connection with Cos' plan de paz y guerra, and with Rayon's
letter to Morelos, given the real reason of the revolutionists' use of the
name of Fernando.

16 To which he said, ' estuviesen sujetos los vireyes y togados despoticos. ?
Guerm, Hist, fievol. N. Esp., ii. GG5; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 52-3.

FORCED LOANS. 449

say, in the event of Spain becoming subjugated.
The ultramarine committee approved the plan; but it
lay on the table eight months or more, the European
deputies opposing its reading on the gronnd that it
was revolutionary.17

Next it was resolved to extend to America a forced
loan decreed in Spain on the silver plate of the
churches and private persons, excepting only that in
the churches of Indians, that of the church of Guada-
lupe, and that of the parish churches.18 This decree
was never published in New Spain, but the viceroy
did seize the plate of private persons, as I stated, but
as his own measure, and with a promise of reimburse
ment. No silver plate was taken from the churches.
Other minor measures affecting America followed,
most of which I allude to indirectly elsewhere. Other
deputies arrived from time to time, and so the num
ber of American members was completed. Among
the suplentes of New Spain the most remarkable was
Jose Maria Gutierrez de Teran, not only by reason of
his eloquence, but also for his sterling character and
energetic speech. But among American representa
tives, many of whom were an honor to their country,
there was one particularly bright man, the deputy
from the 'provincias interims de oriente/ Doctor Mi
guel Ramos Arizpe, parish priest of the villa of Bor-
bon in the colony of Nuevo Santander, now state of
Tamaulipas. He was a native of Coahuila, and be
gan his professional studies in the seminary of Mon
terey, finishing in Guadalajara. He was full of spirit,
fond of talking, and one would never suspect, either
from his manner or dress, that he was a priest. He
thought his countrymen too patient and gentle, and
he would often say, "I am not a Mexican; I am a
Comanche;" and he came to be known in the c6rtes
by that name. Alarnan assures us there were some

17 'A revolutionary plan ! ' cried Cisneros, ' they are a pack of fools who
will chive America to independence.' Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 650.

18 On the motion, in the order given, of Perez, Guride, and Gordoa, depu
ties respectively from Puebla, Tlascala, and Zacatecas.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 29

450 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IX SPAIN.

marks of the Comanche in his face ; a mixture of can
dor and malice, of energy and suspiciousness. His
nose was small, round, and flat, hardly affording prom
inence enough to hold his spectacles, which, when not
concealing a pair of small flashing eyes, were sus
pended on his heavy black eyebrows. His round face
became exceedingly animated when his mind was
occupied with public or social affairs. His small,
thick, muscular form went well with the face; when
he spoke his movements were those of an athlete
rather than of an orator. Careless of dress, prodigal
in his habits, generous with his friends, relentless as an
enemy, knowing little of European politics, but under
standing well men and human nature, speaking seldom
in public, but carrying his measures by skill and cun
ning, he was far in advance of the average American
representative in Europe. And Arizpe was not only
the most prominent American deputy in Spain, but
in later times, in republican Mexico he became one
of her most distinguished statesmen.

The A.merican deputies made quite free use of the
press for the support of their principles. Cisneros,
Iturrigaray's lawyer, replied over the signature of
Don Facundo Lizarza, to the pamphlet of J uan Lopez
Cancelada,19 former editor of the Gazeta de Mexico,
entitled Verdad sabiday buena fe guardada, giving a
narrative of Iturrigaray's arrest, together with the
causes that led to it. Cancelada was at the same time
publishing a newspaper called El Telegrafo Americano,
which though issued in Cadiz was supported by Span
iards residing in Mexico, and had been established for
the express purpose of upholding the views and inter
ests of the 'partido espanol.' In opposition to that
journal, the deputy from Tlascala, Doctor Guride y
Alcocer, established another, under the name of El
Censor, which was a Spanish American organ, and had
a number of prominent Americans residing in Cadiz

19 One of Iturrigaray's bitterest enemies; he was sent away to Spain 'bajo
partida de registro, ' by Viceroy Archbishop Lizana.

MIER Y GUEKRA. 451

among its contributors. Two of the ablest were Pablo
de La Llave, and Doctor Servando Teresa de Mier y
Guerra, The first named was a clergyman, and a na
tive of Cordoba, in the province of Vera Cruz ; a man
of solid instruction, who in Madrid devoted himself
to botany. He figured later as a minister of state in
Mexico. We shall meet Doctor Mier again in Mex
ico, both before and after her final separation from
Spain.20

20 Mier was a man of remarkable ability. His birthplace was Monterey,
in Nuevo Leon, having descended from one of the families that settled there
in 1599. His father had been governor and captain-general of Nuevo Leon.
After completing his studies he professed as a Dominican friar in Mexico,
and afterward was made a doctor of theology. In a short time he became
noted for his eloquence and sound reasoning in the pulpit, and particularly
on his preaching the sermon on the 8th of Nov. 1794, at the solemn obsequies
of Hernan Cortjs, which were attended by the viceroy, the courts, prelates,
and the elite of Mexican society. Another great discourse that he delivered
in the colegiata of Guadalupe on the 13th of Dec. of the same year was the
beginning of the series of misfortunes which he experienced during his life. In
that discourse he denied tliut there had been an actual apparition to the Ind
ian Juan Diego, as had been reported and was believed by so many, of the
so-called virgen de Guadalupe. Gomez, Diario, 422. The effect of the sermon
was at first a great triumph for the orator, and for a few days he enjoyed
the praises of his friends; but in the mean time the ecclesiastical censorship
took the matter into consideration by order of Archbishop Haro, and the
end of it was that Mier was arrested, and sentenced to be confined ten years
in one of the most austere convents of his order in Spain. His sufferings were
such, even before sentence, that nature gave away, and he offered to retract
his statements, and even to prepare and publish a discourse against that ser
mon, but nothing availed him. Some days later was published ' Inter mis-
sarum solemnia,' an abusive edict that may justly be called a defamation of
character. He was allowed no defence, no appeal, none of the tutelary forms
of justice. The sermon originating this infamous treatment was in 1799
referred by the council of the Indies to the Academia de la Historia, when it
was decided, in Feb. 1800, that the author had not actually denied the appa
rition of Guadalupe; and that his sermon contained nothing in any manner
worthy of theological censure or note. It was added that the archbishop had
exceeded his authority, and all that had been done in Mexico, as well as the
sentence, was illegal and unjust. 'Un hoinbre de honradez y de me'rito cayo
maniatado en mano de sus verdugos. ' Payno, Escritos Dr Mier, 5-7. This
is a work containing the memoranda incomplete of Dr Mier's adventures
from the time of his arrest in Mexico, and in Europe, and particularly of his
sufferings in Spain.

Mier travelled in Europe; and in Rome, to escape the persecutions of his
order, had himself secularized. At the breaking-out of the insurrection
against the French he became the chaplain of a Spanish regiment and served
some time till he was taken prisoner, but escaped when being carried to
France. On his return to Cadiz he was promised a prebend. Meantime he
wrote vehement letters 011 American affairs to El Espanol, published in Lon
don. Whether it was from fear of persecution, as he alleged, or that Itur-
rigaray allowed him a stipend to write in his defence in that city, he went
there and published, under the name of Doctor Guerra, his second surname,
his ffistoria de la Revolution de Nueva Espafia, anttguamente Andhuac. Lon-
' don, 1813, 2 vol. Svo, i., liii. and 304 pp. 8 1.; ii. 305-778 pp., and app. of pp.

452 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IX SPAIN.

The Spanish American residents in Cadiz were not
content with discussions in the cortes and polemics
in the press, and at times resorted to more direct hos
tilities. With the increase of their number, the aid of
the press, particularly of El Espanol, and the progress
made by the revolution in nearly all Spanish America,
the deputies assumed a more decided tone in the cham
ber. On the 1st of August they presented an address,
reiterating the demand contained in the eleven prop
ositions, and insisting upon their adoption. They also
added another demand, providing for the establish
ment of provincial juntas similar to those in Spain,
to hold the government of their respective districts,
and thus restrain the despotism of the rulers.21 The
signers of this address asked the cortes to rise su
perior to prejudice, and treat the matter with fairness
and liberality. The address was read in secret session,
and caused much discussion, but no action was taken

i.-xlvi. This work, of which mention has already been made, treats of the
events in the years 1808-13; the first volume covering the period from
July 15, 1803, to January 17, 1811, and giving a synopsis of the origin
of the insurrection, as also a full account of Hidalgo's revolution, cam
paign, etc. The second volume contains political events from Jan. 1811
to March 9, 1813, principally Morelos' campaigns; it also furnishes lengthy
debates in the Spanish cortes, with comments thereon. The author tries to
appear impartial, but at times allows himself to be carried away by passion
in speaking of the Spanish oppressive colonial system, and of the events con
nected with the French invasion of Spain. His bitterness reaches the highest
S)int at tlie mention of certain names that are supremely hateful to him.
idalgo is his hero, and other revolutionary leaders receive their meed of
praioO. His historical and statistical illustrations, as well as his comments
on affairs in general, prove a cultivated mind, and evince great study; and
those on European policy in ] articular show his familiarity with it. The
style is elegant and full of spirit, abounding in opportune witticisms, which
reveal the author's clear mind, erudition, and sound judgment. Mier con
tinued writing till Iturrigaray noticed that the work was becoming an
apology for Mexican independence, which did not enter into the ex-viceroy's
views, and the allowance to meet expenses was stopped. The author still
continued writing, but when his means gave out and he could not pay the
printer, the Litter attached the copies on hand, and caused Mier to be put
in the debtors' prison, where he might have remained but for the arrival
of the first envoys from Buenos Aires, who paid the printer and took the
books, all of which they sent to their own country; but the vessel on which
they were shipped was wrecked and the books lost. Only a few copies that
were distributed during its publication exist.

21 The paper was drawn up by Doctor Guride, deputy for Tlascala, and
signed by 33 deputies; the signature of Mani.au, deputy for Vera Cruz, does
not appear on it. Ei JEvpaiiol published it March 1812, iv., no. 24, 370. Ala-
man, Hist. Mcj.y iii., app. no. 2, 5.

ELECTION OF DEPUTIES. 453

beyond referring it to a committee. All the points
embraced in it were afterward considered as settled
by clauses in the constitution when adopted.

The committee on the constitution22 laid before the
chamber on the 18th the chief part of its labors,
namely, the organization of the legislative and ex
ecutive powers, and the 24th was fixed for further
deliberations. There were other measures before the
congress more closely connected with this history.
One was a petition from the consulado of Mexico re
specting the representation which America should
have, according to the state of civilization of the sev
eral classes constituting her population.23 The consu
lado complained that the elections of deputies had not
been according to law, being carried by ayuntamientos
at capitals composed mostly of Creoles; so that the
deputies chosen were exclusively of that class. The
consequence was, that Spaniards in New Spain, a
wealthy and influential class, were left unrepresented.
It therefore petitioned that the consulados of Mexico,
Vera Cruz, and Guadalajara, representing the mer
chants of each district, and embracing almost all the

' O

Spaniards in the country, should each be repre
sented in the cortes by two deputies, and all further
discussion on American affairs should be suspended
till those six representatives had been admitted to
their seats. In the mean time, the consulado asked
that the deputies Evaristo Perez de Castro, Manuel

22 Composed of the most prominent members of the c6rtes, several of
whom were Americans. Among them were Antonio Joaquin Perez and
Mariano Mendiola. The chamber was at the time presided over by Juan Jose"
Guerena, canon of Puebla and deputy from Durango.

23 Bustamante, Suplem., in Cuvo, Tres Stylos, iii. ,336-77, gives the docu
ment, which bears date April 17, 1811, and another on the same subject dated
May 27th. They had the signatures of Diego de Agreda, conde de casa de
Agreda, prior. Francisco Chavarri and Lorenzo Noriega, consuls; and were
drawn up by Francisco Arambarri, a Basque from Guipuzcoa, who had lived
many years in South America. Basil io de Arrillaga was the secretary of the
consulado, but being a native of America, he was kept in ignorance of the con
tents. Alaman, Hist. Mcj.,iii. 76-7, v. app. 100. The electoral law of Aug.
20, 1810, published in Mexico Dec. 19th, said that it embraced all Spaniards,
whether born in America or Asia or elsewhere, that were domiciled in these
countries, the Indians, and also the sons of Spaniards and Indians.

454 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

Garcia Herreros, and Agustin Arglielles should be
recognized as provisional defenders of the European
Spaniards residing in New Spain.

Another representation, of May 27th, took up the
history of America from its first settlement, assuring
the cortes that the accounts given by the conquerors
were grossly exaggerated. After praising the insti
tutions, the wisdom of the government, and Spanish
good sense, and representing the castes in the country
in the darkest colors, the consulado explained how
the desire for independence was awakened, accusing
the Spanish junta central of having greatly promoted
it by its proclamation. All the political errors, which
according to the consulado's opinion the junta com
mitted in the system adopted toward America, pro
ceeded from the example set by the constitution formed
by the junta de notables called by Napoleon at Ba-
yonne. The consulado believed it a 'solenine dispara
te' that Spain and the Indies should be governed by
the same code of civil, criminal, mercantile, and fiscal
laws. The petition concluded by asking that the rep
resentation from New Spain should not exceed twen
ty-one deputies, namely, one from each province, and
the six chosen by the three consulados.24 This brought
on much irritation. The American deputies deemed
themselves and their countries grossly insulted.23
Morales Duarez then offered a resolution that the paper
should be denounced by the cortes and burned by the
common executioner. He further proposed that the
port of Ctidiz be closed, so that no vessel could carry
away information that such a measure was before the
cortes without its being accompanied by its denounce-

24 The second petition was sent to a merchant who was a relative of the dep
uty Garcia Herreros, secretary of the c6rtes, to whom he delivered it. The lat
ter kept it in his possession, as the American deputies suspected, till the 10th of
September, on which day, the congress being engaged in the discussion of the
article in the constitution excluding from representation the negroes born in
Africa, he laid it before the president, who reported it to the house, and the
latter, believing it would throw light on the point under discussion, ordered
it read in public session. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 70-7.

25 The discussions may be found in C6rtes Diirio, viii. 338 et seq.; and in
Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Esp., i. 285-7; ii. 674-5.

THE CONSTITUTION. 455

ment. Further than this, the Spaniards of Mexico
kept sending letters to the government and private
persons which were printed in the Spanish journals,
and translations of them inserted in foreign papers.
A prominent London journal was subsidized by them.
Such letters were filled with abuse against the na
tives of America.26

The representation of the consulado was referred
to a committee of three Americans and two Span
iards. The majority reported pretty much the form
of decree that was proposed by Morales Duarez; but
one of the Spaniards, Gutierrez de la Huerta, dis
sented. The subject gave rise to violent words, which
coming to nothing, it was formally buried. In Mex
ico they had but a confused idea of the consulado's
representation by an extract from it that was cir
culated in November, which gave rise to an edict
published on the llth by the viceroy, prohibiting
certain seditious papers that were in circulation on
rivalries between European and American Spaniards,
and even forbidding conversations on these matters.
A mail ship that left Cadiz the 2d of October brought
advices toward the end of December of the occur
rences in the cortes, which added to former anger,
and sent many into the ranks of the revolutionists.
Indignation was still further aroused when by royal
order the consulado was thanked for its representa
tion, its zeal and patriotism being praised, and fault
found only with a few of its expressions.27

26 The insurgents were represented as bandits and assassins; and the
Spaniards as so many saints, who only took life in retaliation to check the
hordes of malefactors. Guerra, Revol. N. Esp., i. p xi.; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
iii. 78.

27 'Una reprehension que fu£ un elogio.' The Spaniards carried their
point. Guerra, Hist,. Revol. N. Esp., ii. 674-5. The ill feeling grew worse
when the people saw CMvarri, one of the signers of the offensive paper, ap
pointed to succeed the conde de Casa de Agreda, whose term had expired.
Arechederreta's manuscript gives all the facts, and a quartette that circulated
at that time as follows:

Francisco, Lorenzo y Diego

Sin salir del consulado

Hicierun mas insurge rites

Que Alleude y el curu Hidalgo.
Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 84.

456 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

Among the several incidents that the discussion on
the constitution gave rise to, one of the most impor
tant was brought about by deputies opposed to liberal
ideas, who advocated placing the regency of the Span
ish dominions in the hands of the princess Carlota
Joaquina, Fernando's sister, who with her husband,
the prince of Brazil, was at Rio Janeiro, whence she
had addressed letters to the cortes and authorities
demanding that her son, the prince Don Pedro, should
be recognized as regent. The cortes refused the de
mand, and the affair ended in the appointment of a
new regency, with five members, in place of three.23
Another important matter was an offer made by the
British government to mediate between Spain and her
American possessions, which was declined' through
fear that England would get them all.29 It finally
became the practice to choose the president of the
chamber from the American deputies every other
month.39 And they well deserved it, no less by reason
of their talents and learning, than for their honesty
and patriotism. The great reputation and influence
that several of them enjoyed in their respective coun
tries after their independence were first won by them
in the cortes at Cddiz.

28Duque del Infantado, a councillor of state and native of Caracas; Vice-
admiral Juan Maria Villa vicencio; Ignacio Rodriguez de Rivas, of the coun
cil of Castile; and Lieut-gen. O'Donnell, conde del Abisbal.

2aThe offer was at last accepted, but accompanied with impracticable
conditions. In 1812 England repeated the offer, with suggestions to serve as
a base for negotiations, namely, 1. cessation of hostility by land or sea; 2.
general amnesty; 3. confirmation of rights and American representation in
the c6rtes; 4. free trade, with certain advantages given to Spaniards; 5.
offices of viceroy, governors, etc., in America to be given without distinction
to Americans and Europeans; 6. the internal government of America and the
administration of all its branches to be in charge of the ayuntamientos con
jointly with the chief of the province. European Spaniards to be equally eligi
ble. America to recognize Fernando as her sovereign, and give him money.
Correio tiraziliense, no. li. ; El Espafiol, Sept. 1812; Guerra, Hist. Revol. N.
Es}!., ii. 703-4. Offer of mediation rejected by 101 to 46. According to El
Espafiol, the mediation was not refused as regarded Caracas, Santa Fd, and
Quito; but there being no revolutionary government in Mexico, it was deemed
improper to treat with rioters.

30 The first American president was Canon Antonio Joaquin Perez; others
followed, and Morales Duarez having died suddenly on the2d of April, 1812,
whilst holding that office, the cortes paid his remains most distinguished hon
ors. The deputy from Zacatecas, Gordoa, was the last president of the ex
traordinary cortes. Alamaiiy Hint. Mej., iii. 102.

ABSTRACT OF THE CONSTITUTION. 457

At last, on the 18th of March, 1812, after months
of labor, the cortes gave to the Spanish monarchy
the much desired constitution. It was divided into
ten titles, which I epitomize in a note.31 It was lib
eral enough in its provisions. To the monarch was
not given undue authority. The provinces were
guaranteed in the cortes equality of representation
with Spain. Negroes and their intermixtures were
excluded from citizenship, which in Mexico was
deemed a political mistake, giving rise to much dis
cussion.32 Eighteen deputies from New Spain and

31 Title I. declared that the sovereignty was in the nation, and told what
constituted a Spaniard. Title II. defined the Spanish dominions, including
therein all American and Asiatic possessions; established the catholic religion
to the exclusion of all others; form of government limited hereditary mon
archy, with powers divided into legislative, executive, and judicial; and told
what constituted a citizen. To descendants of negroes, born in wedlock of
parents who were born free, and married to free-born women residing in the
Spanish dominions and exercising some profession, trade, or useful industry
with sufficient capital of their own, was left open the door of virtue and
merit to become citizens. It was enjoined on the cortes to grant letters of
citizenship to men or women of color who rendered good services to the coun
try, or distinguished themselves by their talents, industry, and good behavior.
Title III. constituted the c6rtes in one chamber formed of the deputies from
the Spanish dominions in Europe, America, and Asia, the basis of representa
tion being the same everywhere, namely, one deputy for every 70,000 inhab
itants, and another for an excess of 35,000; every province was to have at
least one deputy. The election of deputies was to be made by three succes
sive orders of voting. To have a vote it was necessary only to be a domiciled
citizen within the parish, and after 1830 the voter must be able to read and
write. Titles IV. and V. treated respectively of the king's powers, and of the
organization, etc., of courts. Title VI. suppressed the ayuntamientos, to be
superseded by others popularly chosen, which were to have charge of the local
police of their towns, of the municipal revenue, public instruction, benevo
lent establishments. The new ayuntamientos were to be under the supervi
sion of other corporations of higher rank, called diputaciones provinciales, one
of which was to exist in each province, and be presided over by the superior
chief appointed by the crown, and composed of the intendente and seven mem
bers, chosen by the same electors who were to choose the deputies to the cor
tes. The next three titles referred to civil, fiscal, and military administration,
including freedom of the press already established by a law; and the tenth to
the observance of the constitution. Esp.y Constituc. Polit., Cadiz, 1812, Svo,
1 1. 52 pp. 41.; Id., Cadiz, 1812, IGmo, 1-134; Alaman, Hist. M6j., iii. 104-
12; Zamacois, Hist. Mcx., viii. 550-4; Cortex, Colec. Dec.,ii. 158-64; Arran-
goiz, Mcj., i. app. 100; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 232-3.

a2 The exclusion was represented to the crown as an injustice, in a paper
signed by Bishop Friar Antonio de San Miguel of Michoacan, but drawn up
by Abad y Queipo, his successor. The ayuntamiento of Guadalajara, though
composed of European Spaniards, had instructed the deputy Uria to speak in
favor of the African race. The cortes failed to see that the negroes and
mulattoes, deprived by the constitution of the rights of citizenship, not only
formed the ' batallones de pardos y morenos,' organized for the defence of the
burning region of the sea-coast, but had actually rendered most valuable service

458 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

the provincias internas signed the constitution. Had
all this come in time, and in the right way, her colo
nies might have been saved to Spain. But it was
too late. Justice and humiliation were now not
enough ; she must pay the penalty of her past iniqui
ties. The cost of such an immense representation,
and the transportation of the deputies from 2,000 to
6,000 leagues every two years, were points not with
out consideration.33

The cortes proceeded at once to carry out the con
stitutional clause that created a council of state, mak
ing the appointments of councillors, however, only
one half the number. Among the American ap
pointees were Jose Mariano de Almansa, of Yera
Cruz, and Melchor de Foncerrada, of Mexico. The
constitution, with the order to proclaim and carry
it into effect, reached Viceroy Venegas on the 6th
of September in the correspondence brought by
Llano's expedition from Vera Cruz. After the sub
ject had been duly considered by the viceroy, coun
cil, arid several corporations called upon for their
advice, it was on the 28th published by royal edict
with the usual solemnity. On the 30th the viceroy,
audiencia, and other authorities residing at the capi
tal, assembled in the reception-hall of the palace; the
constitution was read by one of the king's secretaries,
and all officials present made oath to keep it. Then
followed salvoes of artillery and ringing of bells, while
a concourse of people filled the plaza. Religious cer
emonies in the cathedral and other official acts fol-

to the royalist cause, fighting with remarkable zeal against the insurgents.
Moreover, a number of descendants from negroes had been ordained as priests;
there were others filling honorable positions, and the majority of them were
useful men tilling the soil and working the mines.

b3The consulado of Mexico said that the 'desamparo de las casas, la mo-
lestia y peligros de largas navegaciones,' would keep in constant distress a
number of the best families. It also refers to the enormous expense that the
transportation and support of the deputies must entail. Mier, whose compu
tation was rather low than exaggerated, sets down the deputies from the
ultramarine provinces at 143, besides one third that number of suplentes; the
consulado, including the castas, gave 250 deputies and eighty suplentes, cost
ing yearly $1,300,000, besides the expense of transportation.

CELEBRATION IN MEXICO. 459

lowed, including that of reading the new fundamental
code aloud to the people, among whom it produced a
deep impression. The occasion was duly celebrated
with commemorative medals, public amusements,
illuminations, and largess to the lower classes. The
oath of recognition of and allegiance to the new re
gime was administered, on the 4th and following days
of October, to the people at large, the lower courts
and officials, the religious orders of both sexes, and
the troops, all manifesting a lively pleasure with the
establishment of a system that was to do away with
tiie old despotism ; and indeed, hopes were awakened
that the troubles of the country would be thereby
terminated. Never had allegiance been sworn to the
kings with so much solemnity or zeal. The army
was not behind others in its manifestations of joy.
The batallon primero Americano threw the gibbet to
the ground; but the most surprising spectacle of all was
that of the battalions, mostly made up of the very
inulattoes that the constitution deprived of citizen
ship, taking the oath with as much joy and gratitude
as the rest.34 Orders were issued to adapt everything
to the forms and language of the new system. Thus
the ' plaza mayor' had its name changed to ' plaza de
la constitucion,' and a commemorative stone was
placed therein. The custom-house, mint, revenue,
etc., had the adjective 'nacional' attached to them in
lieu of 'real,' as had been formerly the practice.

The amnesty decrees of the c6rtes were published,
and the viceroy with the audiencia visited the prisons
to release all persons therein detained that were en
titled to the boon ; but none held for insurrection were
liberated. The constitution called for many changes
in the administration of justice and revenue as well
as of government. The civil and military authorities
were not to be vested in the same person; the audi-

s*Alaman, Hint. Aftj., iii. 279-81; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 374; Gaz. de
Mex., 1S12, iii. 1029, 1038-42, 1054-1246, passim; Hex. Col. Ley. Fund., 34-

460 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

encia was reduced to nothing more than a superior
court, and ceased to be the viceroy's council; all priv
ileged courts must go out of existence ; the special ad
ministrations of certain branches, such as drainage of
the valley, were to be given in charge of the 'diputacion
provincial.' Not the least important of these changes
was that which placed the administration of justice
exclusively in the ordinary courts, thus doing away
with the junta de seguridad which had had exclusive
jurisdiction in proceedings for treason. All these
novelties would be fraught with serious consequences
even in times of peace; it may well be imagined what
the effect was with revolution raging throughout the
land.

The most important innovations were yet to be
put in practice, namely, freedom of the press, and
election of the popular ayuntamientos to supersede
the perpetual ones hitherto existing. Liberty of the
press had been proclaimed, and a regulation decreed
therefor by the cortes as early as the 10th of Novem
ber, 1810, but the measure had not been carried into
effect in Mexico. The regulation provided the ap
pointment of a board in each province composed of
five members, two of whom were to be ecclesiastics.
From that board an appeal was allowed to a supreme
board residing near the supreme government and
composed of nine members. This supreme board had
the power to nominate the members of the respect
ive provincial boards, and its decisions were final.35
It may easily be conceived how inconvenient this
arrangement was of one single board for all Mexico,
arid how tardy must be the recourse to the supreme
board in Spain. The revolution having broken out
in Mexico when the law was issued, the viceroy, fear-

35 To constitute the board in Mexico, the following persons were appointed:
Archdeacon Beristain; Jos6 M. Fagoaga, a native of Spain, but in favor of
Mexican independence; Pedro Fonte, who later became archbishop of Mex
ico; Guillermo Aguirre, regente of the audiencia; and Fernandez de San
Salvador, some of whose writings about the revolution had been energetic,
and others low and scurrilous. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 281-5; Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iv. 899-901; Rivera, Hut. Jalapa, i. 374-5.

THE PRINTING-PRESS. 461

ing that freedom of the press would be a powerful
agent to spread the insurrection, availed himself of a
petty circumstance, the death of one of the members
appointed to form the board, to postpone its installa
tion till there was a full board. No appointment was
made to fill the vacancy in seven or eight months.
Meantime all the authorities in Mexico, civil, military,
and ecclesiastic, were consulted, and with the excep
tion of one bishop, expatiated on the dangers of hav
ing a free press under the existing circumstances.
However, Arizpe pressing the subject and the cortes
acceding to his demands, the fiscales of the audien-
cia in Mexico reported that the publication of the
law could no longer be delayed. It was accordingly
made public on the 5th of October, 1812, and the
board, or ' junta de censura,' was formally consti
tuted and qualified, with Archdeacon Beristain for its
president, and Jose M. Fagoaga vice-president. It
is not necessary to recapitulate here the restrictions
and formalities that the printing and publishing of
books and periodicals had been subjected to. Of
the almost unlimited freedom now granted, writers
scarcely knew how to make avail, it was all so new
and strange.36 After all, it was but a fleeting bless
ing, as we shall see.

The reader doubtless remembers what has been
said in an earlier volume of this work on the jealous
care the government took under the old legislation of
the Indies,37 to prevent all popular assemblages, unless
they were approved of by the superior representative
of the king's authority, and presided over by an offi
cial of his appointment. The constitution purposed

36 Cdrlos M. Bustamante, one of the earliest to enter the field, begins the
first number of his journal El Juguetillo, asking ' Conque podemos hablar?'
He was followed by El Pensador Mejicano^ by Joaquin Fernandez Lizardi,
till then an obscure, unknown man, but who was afterward given for a sur
name the title of his publication. The editor of the Diario now ventured to
freely express his thoughts. Several loose papers were circulated on the
ecclesiastical fuero; there were very few evidences, if any, of a disregard for
the decencies of society. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 286-7.

91 Jiecop. delnd., i., iv., 25.

462 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

to do away with this system with the inauguration of
popular elections, which offered as great a contrast as
between a free and a restricted press. According
to the census, the capital was entitled to twenty-
five electors, assigning two to the most populous
parishes, and four to that of the Sagrario, divid
ing the latter into four sections, with an electoral
table at each, but without fixing the respective num
ber of voters. The result was that the triumph of
the American element was complete; not a single
European was chosen as an elector. In fact, the
electoral law was violated in the most barefaced man
ner. The American ticket contained the names of
those known for their revolutionary proclivities; and
the Spanish had those of the most noted Spaniards,
and of a few Creoles partial to them. No effort was
made to qualify the voters, and thus were polled many
illegal votes. In some parishes more votes were cast
than there were vecinos. The count of the votes be
ing concluded at 8:30 p. M., and the triumph of the
creole party established beyond a doubt, the victors
gave themselves up to rejoicing. The people rushed
to the cathedral towers and rang the bells during a
great part of the night, and ceased only when the
viceroy's secretary came out and stopped it. Some
asked to have the artillery fired, but the viceroy re
fused. On the following day there were still more
marked manifestations.33 The viceroy fearing a riot
kept the troops in their barracks, and caused the cor-
regidor to issue orders for the people to retire to their
homes, or the patrols would use force. The populace
obeyed, and by night quiet had been fully restored.
In Toluca, Puebla, and other places, the result of
the elections was the same. Animosity toward the

38 There were masses of thanksgiving at the several parish churches, which
were attended by the electors chosen. From the carriage of one of them,
Jacobo de Villaurrutia, the people unharnessed the mules and pulled him to
his house amid much applause. The same was done with a canon and two
ecclesiastics. With a man of the rabble as their leader, the crowd seized a
carriage and conveyed in it to the parish church of San Miguel Carlos M.
Bustamante and Doctor Sartorio, electors chosen for that district.

SEDITIOUS WRITINGS. 463

European Spaniards was manifest everywhere. The
principles of the insurrection predominated. This
popular movement was not certainly a concerted rev
olutionary plan; but there can be no doubt that it
was prompted by some persons for ulterior purposes.39
The elements placed by the new constitution in the
hands of the revolutionists rendered it almost impos
sible to expect a favorable result of the war for the roy
alist cause. Till lately the rebels had been able to use
the press in a very limited degree only, but now the
constitution placed every printing-press in the coun
try at their disposal. Seditious writings were, it is
true, subject to the action of the junta de censura,
but this was after they had been circulated and had
their effect. The public peace in the capital and
other large cities had been preserved by great vigi
lance on the part of the royal authorities. It had
been much imperilled during the recent municipal
elections; but the greatest danger was not over.
The election of deputies to the ordinary cortes in
Spain was soon to take place, and the government
reasonably feared that its enemies would profit by the
late experience.40 The city of Mexico heretofore had
been divided into a number of districts and subdis-
tricts. The former were in charge of the alcaldes
de corte, corregidor, and alcaldes ordinarios, under
whose supervision were the officials placed over the

39 Francisco Galicia wrote President Rayon a narrative of the occurrences,
saying that the people had given proof of their enthusiasm, uttering vivas to
America, the supreme junta, and each one of its members, and crying, 'Mue-
ran los gachupines,' not completing the work for the want of arms. He asked
Rayon to approach the city with his forces, in which event he (Galicia) with
his people would ask the viceroy for arms to defend the place; if given they
would be used to aid Rayon, and if refused he would endeavor to take them
forcibly, and then sally out to join Rayon, as he had 14,000 or more Indians
in the capital that would follow him. Rayon was so much pleased that he
suggested to Verdusco the expediency of fitting out a force to take advantage
of so good an opportunity. Rayon's letter to Verdusco, from Tlalpujahua,
Dec. 9, 1812, captured by the royalists with Verdusco's baggage in the attack
of Puruandiro, of which an account will be given.

40 An attempt was made to nullify the last elections, and to make an in
vestigation into the popular disturbances; but the fiscales of the audiencia
advised that no further steps should be taken in the matter, in order to
avert all occasion for more popular meetings'.

464 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

subdistricts, all of whom the government could have
reliance on. But under the constitution the system
was reversed; it behooved the ayuntamiento to aid
the alcalde in protecting life and property and pre
serving public order. The difficulty now was this:
how could the preservation of order be left to the
very persons most interested in disturbing it? This
state of suspense lasted till the 3d of December, the
viceroy's saint's day, San Francisco Javier, when the
recently chosen electors, taking to themselves un
due importance, called on him to present their con
gratulations, and he received them with marks of
displeasure. The Pensador Mexicano, of which men
tion was made before, had been declaiming in several
numbers against the government. It had extensively
expatiated on the complaints of the Americans, de-
1 manding an armistice, in order to let those who had
taken up arms be heard, and then wait for the de
cision of the national cortes. In the number of De
cember 3d, while pretending to felicitate the viceroy,
it was insulting;41 and speaking of the edict of June
25th, justly called the sanguinary edict, it ended by
asking in the name of the clergy and their flock that
it be revoked. The viceroy hesitated no longer.
He summoned the justices, fiscales, and alcaldes del
crimen42 to a consultation, which lasted several hours,
and was advised by twelve of the thirteen function
aries that he should suspend the freedom of the
press.43 In the edict published on the 5th of De
cember were given the grounds for the suspension,
and the old laws and regulations were restored, the

41 'Es un miserable mortal, un hombre como todos, y un atomo despreci-
able a la faz del Todopoderoso ; las suele torcer la malicia, la ignorancia, 6 la
lisonja.' Id., 294.

42 According to his own words, 'resolvi celebrar Acuerdo pleno de seuores
ministros de esta Real Audiencia con mi asistencia.' Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
1292-3. This of itself was unconstitutional, for after the constitution was
put into effect the audiencia was no longer an acuerdo, having been limited
to judicial functions.

43 Villaurrutia, who had been appointed oidor of the audiencia of Seville,
was not present. The fiscal Ose"s dissented; he recommended the creation of
a supreme junta de censura in Mexico.

THE CONSTITUTION IN OPERATION. 405

junta de censura being charged with the duty of ex
amining every writing intended to be printed, and the
viceroy reserving to himself the right of restoration
of the liberty of the press when the present extraor
dinary circumstances should have ceased.4* Another
edict of the same date prohibited, under the penalty
of ten years in the chain-gang, the ringing of bells
without an order of the government, and the forming
of groups, which the armed force was enjoined to dis
perse.45

The government had now a knowledge of the per
sons that might be included in the dangerous class
and persecuted. Without observing any formalities,
the junta de seguridad, which still exercised power,
though the press had clamored for its suppression,
arrested Fernandez Lizardi of the Pensador Mexicano.
He was, however, soon after released, and continued
the publication of his paper till he had completed the
number subscribed for, but in quite a different tone.46

Yenegas said nothing at this time about the elec
tions to be made for deputies to the cortes, and for
those to constitute the diputacion provincial;47 but
when asked about the matter, toward the end of De
cember, by the outgoing ayuntamiento of Mexico,
and by some of the electors, he declared them sus
pended, directing the old ayuntamiento to continue
acting as theretofore till further orders. In fact,
everything prescribed in the constitution to be done
was left unexecuted. Thus was that instrument in a

44 Bustamante, Notic. Biog., 12, 13, speaks of the revolutionary spirit of
the press. Torrente, Revol. llisp. Am., i. 341; Bdrcena, Manif., 13.

45 The decree about ringing of bells is qualified with the words ' a vuelta
deesquilas.' Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1293-4.

40 Carlos M. Bustamante, editor of El Jur/uetiUo, fearing arrest absconded,
and finally joined the insurrectionary chief Osorno at Zacatlan. Another
elector named Martinez was imprisoned on the charge or suspicion of carrying
on correspondence with the insurgents. Several others were persecuted later.
A/aman, llist. Mdj., iii. 296; Bustamante, Cuad. Mist., ii. 186-90; Liceaga,
Ailic. y Rectific., 234.

17 In the new territorial division for the intendencias, there was one prov
ince formed with those of Mexico, Puebla, Oajaca, Vera Cruz, Michoacan, and
others, all of which were to be under one diputacion provincial residing in
Mexico. Itiiwa, Hist. Jalapa, i. 364.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 30

466 AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.

little more than two months from its most solemn
promulgation suspended by an act of executive voli
tion; and yet they continued administering the oath
to obey it to all authorities and corporations that had
not been sworn.48

The constitution, both by its promulgation and sub
sequent suspension, gave a great impulse to the revo
lution in affording legal pretexts for its support. At
first the insurgent sheets said that the only bonds ex
isting between the American and Spanish people lay
in the sovereignty recognized in the kings. But 'as
the constitution had now changed the foundations of
Spanish society, placing the possessions of Spanish
America on an equal footing with the mother country,
the former had acquired rights that demanded respect,
and if they were violated, they had a right to dissolve
the connection. At the suspension of the constitution
it was claimed that the people of Mexico should re
sort to arms, because the laws on which depended the
pacification of the country had been wantonly set
aside by the government; they alleged that those
laws, if they did not end the revolution everywhere,
could certainly have brought calm and peace to the
greater portion of the country. Such were the re
marks of the Correo del Sur, nos 20 and 31. Morelos
wrote Rayon on the 15th of January, 1813, that they
now had the evidence of Spanish rascality. The
Spanish authorities had called for elections to lay a
heavy hand afterward on the electors; they had
granted liberty of the press to imprison the writers.43
The cortes had really armed the revolutionists with a
double-edged sword. The whole matter went before
the supreme government in Spain, and was taken into
consideration by the regency and council of state, by

48 Venegas continued exercising more powers than he had before the pub
lication of the fundamental law. Notwithstanding the marked infringement
of it, he still published the decree of the cortes, to the effect that 'infracciones
do la constitucion sevieran de preferenciaporlostribunalescorrespondientes. '
J'ivcra, Hist. Jalapa, i. 409.

49 Ho ended in his usual way with a Latin quotation, 'quidadhuc desiderare
possumus.' Alaman, Hist. J/c/., iii. 297-8.

REBELLION MUST BE CRUSHED. 467

order of the cortes at the instigation of the American
deputies, with Arizpe at their head, who wanted to see
Venegas and the audiencia impeached for their sus
pension of the constitution; but nothing came of it.
As it was a measure intended to subjugate the rebels
of America, it was deemed just, and its author was
not punished, but on the contrary, commended. The
opinion finally given by the council of state was that
in Mexico nothing but a military regime should rule
until the revolution was quelled. Both the cortes
and regency arrived at the conclusion that further
concessions would be out of place, and the rebellion
must be quelled by force of arms with the utmost
energy, to which end the government would detach as
many troops as possible from the army in Spain.

CHAPTER XIX.

SUCCESS OF MORELOS.
1812-1813.

MORELOS' THIRD CAMPAIGN — CHILAPA RETAKEN — REOCCUPATION or THE
COUNTRY TO ACAPULCO — MATAMOROS AT WORK IN IZUCAR — NICOLAS
BRAVO'S VICTORIES — VICEREGAL TRIBULATIONS — PUBLICATION OF DE
CREES OF THE SPANISH CORTES — DEATH OF TRUJANO — MORELOS' VISIT
TO OZUMBA — HE ATTACKS A ROYALIST CONVOY — TAKES ORIZABA —
DEFEAT ON THE HEIGHTS OF ACULCINGO — CAPTURES OAJACA — ENOR
MOUS BOOTY — ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT — VICTOR AND MIGUEL
BRAVO'S CAMPAIGN TO JAMILTEPEC — MORELOS' PLANS — VEJSEGAS SUPER
SEDED — REVIEW OF HIS RULE.

WE will now return to Morelos and follow his
operations subsequent to his remarkable escape from
Cuautla in the early morning of May 2, 1812. It has
been already stated that he went from the town of
Ocuituco to Chautla where he tarried one month gath-

ering the dispersed forces of Galeana and Bravo to
the number of about 800. Of this small army Mo
relos took command and marched to retake Chilapa
and Tixtla, which, during the time he was in Cuautla,
had been reoccupied by the royalists. The command
ants Anorve and Cerro resolved not to wait his com
ing, but to retreat to Ayutla. The insurgents under
Galeana on the 4th of June encountered part of them
and took a number prisoners besides 200 muskets.
They finally succeeded in reaching Ayutla, timely
reenforcement having been sent them by Paris who
was stationed there.1 The royalist prisoners were

1 Pdris' report from Ometepec of July 11, 1812, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
901-4; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 120-8.

(468J

CHILAPA SACKED. 469

taken to Zacatula. Morelos entered Chilapa unre-
sisted. The parish priest, Rodriguez Bello, a stanch
royalist, for whose head a reward had been offered,
had disappeared. The vicar came out to intercede
for the inhabitants. Morelos received him affably,
but deemed it necessary to punish the people who
had taken so prominent a part in the imprisonment
of the subdelegado Montezuma. He accordingly al
lowed his troops to sack the town, and caused the
prisoners to be decimated, despatching the rest to
Zacatula, among whom was the giant Martin Sal-
meron. Three months later he had the giant brought
back and mustered into his guard of honor, and issued
an order of general amnesty.2 This triumph of the
revolutionists produced a deep impression in govern
ment circles, and gave renewed encouragement to the
friends of independence. The secret clubs bestirred
themselves. Calleja's friends charged the loss of the
Chilapa region to the viceroy's failure to have Morelos
pursued after his flight from Cuautla, which might
have been done, they said, had there been a force at
Tixtla or Chilapa.

Meanwhile the independents were planning for
new expeditions. Yictoriano Maldonado resolved to
take Ometepec with the force he had on the Metla-
tonoc hill. It was not a difficult undertaking, as
Caldelas had gone writh his forces to the siege of
Huajuapan. Pdris, hearing of Maldonado's move
ment, left Ayutla, where he did not feel safe, and went
to Ometepec before Maldonado approached the place.
This change of base on Paris' part opened the way
for Morelos to occupy that portion of the country to

2 Salmeron was born near Chilapa in April 1774. When 22 years of age
he was presented to the viceroy, and at that time, according to the Gaz. de
Mex. of Nov. 11, 1796, his weight was 270 Ibs., and his height 'dos varas
y tres cuartas y dos pulgadas,' equal to 7 ft 7 4 in. Humboldt saw Salmeron
and says that his true height was 2.224 metres, or 7 ft 3J in. Essai Pol., i.
88. After serving some time in Morelos' guard, he was taken ill, and re
turned to his birthplace, Chilapa, where he died in 1813. Nicolds Bravo's
letter of Feb. 21, 1850, in Alaman, Hist. Alcj., iii. 248, app. no. 5, 27; Neyrete,
Mtj. Sifjlo XIX., v. 287-90.

470 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

the very gates of Acapulco, which port was besieged
by the independent leader Avila from the Veladero
hill. Notwithstanding these advantages of Morelos'
forces in the south, Iguala, Tasco, and the whole coun
try on the right of the Mescala Biver were held by the
royalists. It is true that the latter were constantly
assailed, but they had been victorious at every encoun
ter. One of their most noted victories was won by
Rionda on the Santa Rosa height, near Jamiltepec,
in the Costa Chica, when attacked the 31st of Octo
ber by Victoriano Maldonado, who was defeated with
the loss of his artillery.3

The timely victory of Morelos at Huajuapan, the
subsequent capture by his forces of upper and lower
Mizteca, and his refusal to march against Oajaca have
been already related. With 3,600 men, including the
garrison of Huajuapan, he started for Tehuacan, a
most important position which he occupied on the
10th of August and made his general headquarters.4
Thence he could watch and send expeditions to Oajaca,
Orizaba, and Vera Cruz, without losing sight of Mex
ico. He could also from this centre, well provided
with food and ammunition, give an impulse to his
cause throughout that region, whose inhabitants had
repeatedly shown a disposition to throw off the Span
ish yoke. In the event of a large force coming
against him, or of defeat, he would have a way open
to the interior.

The comandante at Oajaca, Antonio Gonzalez Sara-
via, fearing that Morelos' objective point would be the
capital of that province, called on the viceroy to re-
enforce him, the troops he had with him, in their
demoralized condition after the recent defeats, being

3 The official despatch calls Maldonado e el indio Victoriano de Metlatonoc,
coronel de insurgentes. ' Ho is reported to have lost many men, seven can
non, all his muskets, powder, etc. Gaz. de Mcx., 1812, iii. 1233-4.

*Mcndibil, Resumen /list., 129-30; Alaman, Hist. M6j., iii. 252-4; Car-
riedo, Edud. Hist., ii. 20; Ner/rete, Mej. S'/ylo XIX., v. 207-8. A Spaniard
wrote a letter which was published in the Redactor General of Cadiz, Feb.
13, 1813, that Morelos destroyed an immense quantity of tobacco and took
500 prisoners. Guerra, Hist. Revol. N. Etp., ii. 4G5.

ENRAGED ECCLESIASTICS. 471

inadequate for a successful defence. Venegas was un
able to aid him, having all he could attend to at home.
Indeed, Orizaba was in no less peril than Oajaca, its
people expecting Morelos any moment. As to Puebla,
and the road to Vera Cruz, these places were not
much safer, it being in Morelos' power to employ de
tached parties in waylaying trains and cutting off
communications, thus preventing the government
from moving toba-cco and other merchandise, its only
means of raising money at this time. In order to keep
the roads open a large force, much needed elsewhere,
must be stationed there. Again for a time, while

O '

watching closely events throughout the country, More
los busied himself in forming his men into regiments,
battalions, and cavalry squadrons, and drilling them
for active work. Matamoros did the same, first in
the hacienda of Santa Clara, and then in Iziicar. It
was here that the latter heard of Venegas' famous
edict of June 25th, depriving priests serving in the
insurrectionary forces of their ecclesiastical immunity.
This raised yet higher his priestly wrath; and he
formed a new body of dragoons, which he called San
Pedro, the standard being black with a large red
cross in the centre, and on which appeared the in
scription " Morir por la inmunidad eclesiastica."5
Morelos followed the example, and thus many of the
regiments came to have saints' names.

With the assistance of Mier y Teran, some excellent
artillery was cast. Morelos was opposed to brigand
age, and empowered Rosains to persecute all who were
wont to prey upon rural property and small defenceless
towns.6 The vigilance of the revolutionists along the
Vera Cruz road prevented the royalists from gaining
any intelligence from that quarter. Flour had be-

5 They proved to be good fighters. Bustamante, Ouad. Hist., ii. 119; Men-
dibit, Ilesumc.n Hist., 129-38; Ncgrete, Mcj. Stylo XIX., v. 309-10.

G His orders were very severe. Any soldier convicted of stealing to the
value of one peso was to be shot. If a party committed depredations, the
men were to bo decimated; the rest, and also thieves stealing the value of half
a peso, were to be sent to the chain-gang. Negrete, Mej. Slcjlo XIX., v. 322.

472 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

come very scarce at the port, and as there was a large
amount of mail matter collected there, Governor Dii-
vila, in union with the merchants, despatched an ex
pedition of 300 infantry of the Campeche regiment,
70 cavalry, and three mountain howitzers, under
Juan Labaqui, captain of one of the volunteer com
panies of Vera Cruz, who had seen military service in
Spain in 1793, against the French. Labaqui took the
Orizaba road, and on his march several times encoun
tered the independents, coming off victorious. He
passed the heights of Aculcingo, and having reached
the beautiful plain which stretches off to the south
west, he halted to rest at the town of San Agustin
del Palmar, nineteen leagues from Puebla. Morelos,
by Sesma's suggestion, sent a force to attack him,
under Nicolas Bravo, whom he had appointed gen-
eral-in-chief of all forces operating in Vera Cruz.
Bravo took 600 men, of whom 200 were coast negroes,
left the guerrilla chief Arroyo with a small party in
the cafiada de Iztapa to prevent surprise from Ori
zaba, and carne up with the enemy. After a long
and fierce struggle, Labaqui was dislodged from two
points, and had only one protection left, a building
which he defended as his life. After forty-eight
hours of fighting, the independents, led by Captain
Palma, a negro of the coast, fell on the enemy at close
quarters. Labaqui fell mortally wounded, and his
men surrendered. This was on the 20th of August.7
Bravo sent the prisoners to the province of Vera Cruz,
and went himself to Tehuacan. But five days later
he routed near the puente del Hey a royalist force
escorting a train to Jalapa, and took ninety prisoners.8

7 The royalists had 48 killed and many wounded. There were captured
300 prisoners, 60 horses, 3 pieces of artillery, 300 muskets, some ammunition,
and the whole mail from Spain. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 176-9; Id.,
Elog. Morelos, 13; Mendibil, Resumen Hist.. 144-5; Ward's Mex., i. 203-4.
Guerra, Hist. RevoL N. Esp., ii. 465-6, 011 the authority of a Spaniard who
wrote a letter Nov. 19th, published in the Redactor General of Cadiz of Feb.
14, 1813, places Labaqui's arrival in San Agustiii del Palmar on the 19th of
Sept. with 350 men and three pieces of artillery, and says he was attacked by
4,000 rebels, losing 150 men in killed and 200 prisoners.

8Bustamante and Mora speak of prisoners shot by order of Morelos; but

NICOLAS BRAVO. 473

Naturally, from such a man as General Nicolas
Bravo we should expect to hear much during these
stirring times. Since his signal victory at San Agus-
tin del Palmar his military prestige had increased.
Civilians flocked to his standard; soldiers deserted
from the enemy to serve under him. Spaniards, as
well as Mexicans, came to regard him as less an enemy
than a patriot; for his conduct, whether toward friend
or foe, was always marked by that honesty, magna
nimity, purity of sentiment, and austere virtue which
were part of his nature.

Bravo now determined upon a campaign against
Jalapa,9 a point of the highest importance to the
viceregal government, on account of its proximity to
the chief seaport, and its fine climate, which was free
from the deadly vomito of Vera Cruz.10 Accordingly
he appeared before the town in good force on the llth
of November. The inhabitants, being stanch royal
ists, brave and well armed, prepared for defence. The
comandante of the garrison was the major of the
Vera Cruz regiment, named Antonio Fajardo. At
this time there were in the place Brigadier Porlier,
with his marines, and Colonel Francisco Hevia, with
the Castilla regiment. Fajardo tendered the chief
command to those officers as of higher rank, but both
declined, promising him their best aid. In command
of the independent troops besides Bravo was Mariano
Bincon, who since his disaster at Coatepec had again
organized an efficient force; also Utrera, Martinez,
and the brave Veracruzan mulatto, Francisco Zuzii-
naga, who occupied the avenues leading to the city,
and the adjacent heights. At two o'clock in the

Bravo's letter to Alaman, before quoted, makes no mention of such exe
cutions. Bravo was certainly opposed to killing prisoners.

9 Detailed royalist accounts of events at Jalapa for the period from Oct.
1811 to June 1812 may be seen in Gaz. de Max., 1812, iii. 1271-8. Further
on Bravo in Mendibil, Eesumen Hist., 135-6; Torrente, Hist. llev. N. Esp.,
ii. 402.

10 From 1780 to 1810 Jalapa had been the place of residence of the wealthy
merchants of Vera Cruz, and a fair was held there on the arrival of the fleets
from Spain. The town lost its importance after the independence, and de
clined still more after the railroad was made from Vera Cruz to Mexico.

474 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

morning they attacked with vigor on all sides. The
garrison received the onslaught with cool and deter
mined resistance. All assaults they repulsed; and
the independents after eight hours of hard fighting re
treated. Bravo then took up a position at San Juan
Coscomatepec. Next to taking Jalapa he believed
he could most advance his cause by occupying the
puente del rey, later known as the puente nacional,
a position deemed impregnable,11 and which gave
him control of the road from Yera Cruz to the capital
via Jalapa, then the route for passengers and mer
chandise between the coast and the interior. For
damaging the enemy and securing spoils arid supplies,
no point could be better. He did not begin by seiz
ing and appropriating all — a course which would soon
have stopped traffic — but he contented himself by
levying a tax on every bale passing to or from the
coast. The cargoes being numerous, the tax yielded
largely. In vain the viceroy forbade the merchants
from holding any intercourse with rebels; the inter
ests of commerce always found a way to attain their
ends. Moreover, Bravo's integrity of character ren
dered such operations comparatively safe for the
merchants.

It was a time of tribulation for the viceregal gov
ernment. Morelos' daring and energetic efforts were
being crowned with success, and the means to pay the
royal troops, or even to keep them together, were
wanting. No revenue entered the treasury from the
ports; the silverware of private persons had been
exhausted; the church had even contributed large
sums; and the tax on urban rents was insufficient.
Venegas must have money; $700,000 would do, but
nothing less. He called a meeting of merchants and
officials. The former proposed lowering expenses by
reducing the salaries of the latter one third. To this,

11 The bridge is a fine piece of architecture, built by Jose" Einoon, at the
cost of the consulado of Vera Cruz, on the river emptying at La Antigua.

SPANISH DECREES. 475

of course, these devoted servants of their country
objected. At a second meeting a plan suggested by
Crespo Gil and the consulado to place a tax on staples
was tried and failed; whereupon the viceroy resorted
to the old method of a forced loan.

Several decrees of the Spanish cortes were made
public in Mexico about this time, one of which did
away with the old feast of the perdon, which had been
held every year on the 13th of August to commemo
rate the capture of the capital by Cortes.' This was
done by way of conciliating the Mexicans. Another
measure tending in the same direction was the substi
tution of the garrote for hanging, the latter being a
" spectacle repugnant to humanity and to the generous
character of the Spanish nation" — a refreshing senti
ment, assuredly, considering the wholesale slaughter in
which the Spanish nation was everywhere indulging!
How comforting to the son of Leonardo Bravo that his
father should be so humanely killed for devotion to
his country ! Another law allowed persons of African
descent admission into the universities and religious
organizations, as well as the privilege of ordination as
priests.

On the whole, matters were improving somewhat in
Spain and South America, but not in Mexico. The
viceregal government, it is true, by its army of the
centre, had recovered many places formerly occupied
by the rebels, and put to death Torres and Albino
Garcia, the formidable chiefs of the central provinces;
but on the other hand, the revolution had extended
on the gulf coast, and Morelos, with greater prestige
than ever as a military leader, and with an efficient
army, held a central position threatening the points
that the government had the greatest interest in de
fending. The revolution now possessed only one
powerful leader, and only one army; but armed parties
overran almost the whole country. Not a road but
was intercepted by guerrillas, nor a district where
some chief had not become notorious. One great

476 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

difficulty the government had now to contend with
was a lack of connection or cooperation between one
insurgent leader and another, none of them recogniz
ing any superior, and all deriding the junta suprema
whenever it attempted to bring them under control.
Had there been among them a central authority any
conquest over which would have ended the rebellion,
the probability is that with the victories already won
the royalists could quickly have achieved such con
quest. As matters stood, victories only served to
multiply insurgent bands and extend the war over a
still broader area. Revolution everywhere faced the
viceroy. His troops were at times defeated, but were
usually victorious. Still they could not be divided
and conquer. Experience had, however, formed some
officers fit for command, and Veriegas himself directed
army operations from Mexico, while watching enemies
at home.

Morelos continued to annoy the enemy as best he
was able. He sent Trujano with 300 men to re
move from the haciendas that supplied Puebla and
the royalist garrison of Tepeaca all the grain and
live-stock, which he was to convey to Tehuacan for
his own troops. On the 4th of October he reached
the rancho de la Virgen, situated between Tlacote-
pec and Tepeaca, on the road from Tehuacan to Pu
ebla, and established his headquarters there. Lieu
tenant-colonel Samaniego, who was at Tepeaca, de
termined to attempt his capture. Setting out at
two o'clock in the morning of the 5th with 300 men
of the vanguard division of the royalist army of the
south, and having a small mountain howitzer, they
silently approached and attacked the place. Trujano
managed to keep his force together, and in the house
of the rancho made a stout defence. Samaniego then
set fire to the building, which drove out the inmates,
and Trujano, his friend and most efficient officer Gil,
and many of the men were slain. Samaniego having
received a wound in his leg which lamed him for life,

PUEBLA AND VERA CRUZ.

477

perceiving a large force of independents approaching,
retreated toward Tepeaca. The band proved to be
Galeana's, which had been hurriedly despatched to the
Virgen rancho by Morelos.12

It will be remembered that of the silver bars cap
tured by Osorno at Pachuca, a portion had been al
lotted to Morelos, which, as Osorno never sent as prom-

CAMPAIGNS IN PUEBLA AND VEBA CRUZ.

ised, Morelos resolved to go after them. Leaving

.jTehuacan on the 13th of October, he proceeded by

^ the way of San Andres Chalchicomula, and reached

12Galeana carried the bodies of Trujanoand Gil to Tehuacan, where More
los had them interred with military honors. Trujano was a mulatto, and be
fore the revolution had been an arriero, or muleteer in Tepecacuilco his birth
place. Ataman, Hist. Mej., iii. 304-6. Llano transmitted from Puebla on
the 6th of October Samaniego's verbal report, which says that this officer
received two balls in one of his legs, and that Trujano and 80 more were
killed. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1079-81; Bmtamante, Quad. Hist., ii. 180-4.

478 SUCCESS OF MORELOS,

the hacienda of Ozumba, distant one and a half leagues

' O

from Nopalucan, where he received one hundred and
sixteen bars of silver. The movement had been ef
fected with the utmost secrecy, as was the custom of
Morelos. It happened at this time that a convoy had
been formed at Amozoc, just out of Puebla, under
Lieutenant-colonel Mariano Rivas, to escort a mule
train of ammunition, money, and other effects, and ar
tillery detained in Perote, and also to set in motion
the Zamora and Castilla regiments recently arrived
from Spain, but which for want of those supplies had
been unable to move from Jalapa. The artillery and
troops were intended for laying siege to Moreios in
Tehuacan. A large number of passengers and a
quantity of private merchandise were also there to
make avail of the military escort. Brigadier Porlier,
who with the remainder of the marine battalion,
now reduced to less than half its original force, had
gone to Puebla on his way to Yera Cruz to embark
for Spain, having in his charge official despatches,
also joined the convoy, which on the 15th of October
started from Amozoc. Llano, on hearing of More
los' movement, sent the convoy back to Amozoc,
and reenforced it with the Asturias battalion, order
ing at the same time that Luis del Aguila, should
take command of the vanguard stationed at Tepeaca,
and divert Morelos' attention in the direction of San
Andres, while the train could pass.13 On reaching
Nopalucan it was learned that Morelos was in Ozumba
preparing to attack the convoy. When the latter had
passed the sanctuary of San Jose Chiapa, in the
morning of the 18th, Morelos was in its rear march
ing against it in three columns.14

l'*Gaz. deMex., 1812, iii. 1135-42. Alaman in describing Morelos' opera
tions relies a great deal on that chief's own statements at his subsequent trial.
But as they are not quite so minute as it would be desirable, other sources
must be consulted. Hist. Mej., iii. 300-10.

14 The train consisted of 1,500 laden mules, nine coaches, and five litters;
it was placed on a hill of easy descent, close by the road, by the side of
which was a cornfield, and the mules were protected from a cavalry attack
by an Indian fig field; the whole was guarded by the Union battalion.

CAPTURE OF ORIZABA. 479

The Spanish forces, excepting one battalion de
tached to protect the train, occupied the road along
which Morelos was coming. Galeana's column by
a long detour made a diversion against and attacked
the rear, but was repulsed. Meantime, the action
had bemin at the front. One of Morelos' columns

made a vigorous charge, but was met by Otero
and routed. The insurgents fled, leaving three
pieces of artillery, one being loaded, which the roy
alists turned against the fugitives, killing the rev
erend Colonel Tapia.15 The convoy continued its
inarch to Ojo de Agua. Morelos got together his
force and went back to Tehuacan.

Upon the arrival of the convoy at Perote, Porlier
went on to Jalapa to open communication with Vera
Cruz. The supplies to be obtained at Perote were
taken to Puebla by the Zamora infantry regiment,
under Colonel Rafael Bracho. Aguila, whose force
was guarding the train on the left, approached San
Andres Chalchicomula to observe the enemy, and
being falsely informed that Morelos had fled, rejoined
the convoy at Ozumba. Meantime, Tepeaca, which
had remained with a small garrison, was assailed by in
surgents, but with timely relief under Colonel Echea-
garay, sent by Llano, repulsed the assailants.16 Mo
relos now saw his opportunity — Oajaca being free from
possible assaults, and Aguila gone with the trains — to
fall upon Orizaba, then defended by a small garrison,
and whose inhabitants he believed to be friendly. On
the 29th he appeared before the garita del Molino of
the villa with. 2,200 men, and occupied the Carnero hill,
a commanding point. The garrison made a two hours'
defence, during which many were slain. Colonel Jose
Antonio Andrade, the commandant, then retreated to
Cordoba, abandoning six guns and a quantity of other

13 The independent loss was light, though Aguila reported 600 slain. Mo
relos passed the night in Ozumba, where Tapia was buried. Bustamante,
Cuad. Uist., ii. 1S4-G; Id., Elogio Mordos, 18-14; Ncgrete, Hex. Siylo XIX.,
v. 323-4.

10 Llano's report of Oct. 25th. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1141-2.

480 SUCCESS OF MOKELOS.

arms, being closely pursued till midday. Some of
.his men who were captured enlisted in the indepen
dent service.17

Morelos had no intention of remaining at Orizaba;
so after seizing the government tobacco, he took a
portion for his own army, and returning to the plant
ers such part as they claimed, he ordered the rest
destroyed, and leaving there a small garrison under
Rocha, took his departure. Soon after starting he
saw the smoke rising from the burning tobacco. The
loss to the government was considerable, but by no
means so great as Morelos represented it in a letter to
Hay on.18 As soon as the news reached Puebla of
Morelos' expedition to Orizaba, Aguila marched after
him with 1,250 men, and three t pieces of artillery.
At the same time Llano sent Aguila the Zamora
regiment, 150 dragoons, and three guns, leaving Rivas
at Tepeaca with 300 men to keep the way open.
Aguila by forced marches reached the Canada cle
Iztapa the 31st, on the same day Morelos had left
Orizaba. Both parties continuing their march, neither
knowing the position of the other, they came together
on the 1st of November, Morelos being on the heights
of Aculcingo in an advantageous position, with his
men in two lines, his artillery enfilading the public
road. He opened fire as soon as Aguila was within
reach. The latter, who was with the right column,

17 The officers taken were shot; among them was young Santa Maria, a
native of Vera Cruz, and brother to Miguel Santa Maria, who in after years
was Mexican minister to Spain, and with the Spanish minister of state, Cala-
trava, signed the treaty by which Mexico's independence was formally recog
nized. The young man had been one of the San Agustin del Palmar prison
ers, and to escape death pretended to be a partisan of Morelos, being employed
by him to instruct his troops, but at the first chance escaped and rejoined the
royalists. Being now recaptured, a young woman to whom Santa Maria was
betrothed presented a petition on his behalf to Morelos, who coolly wrote
upon it, ' Let her choose a more decent swain. ' The clergy and chief citizens
interceded for the prisoners. Morelos gave an evasive answer, and during
the mass, himself being in attendance, the prisoners were shot in the adjoin
ing plaza. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 190-3; Alaman* Hist. Mcj., iii. 310-
12; Gaz de Mex., 1812, iii. 1184-6; Guerra, Rcvol. N. Esp., ii. 469; Mewlibil,
Rcsiimen IJ-ist., 151; Mora, Revol. Mex., iv. 388; Negrete, Mej. Sigh XIX.,
v. 324-6.

18 He said that by the burning of fourteen million cigars the government
had been deprived of resources to carry on seven years of war.

MARCH TO OAJACA. 481

without waiting for the left, ordered his cavalry, sup
ported by the grenadiers, to charge. The left column
soon came up, and the independents, abandoning their
first line and the artillery there placed, retreated to
the second. The fight here became very hot; the
dragoons of Mexico were forced to give way, and their
lieutenant-colonel, Moran, had his horse killed under
him. Manuel Flon, a son of the conde de la Cadena,
who commanded a squadron of Puebla cavalry, met
with a like adventure. Whilst this was going on,
mules, men, and women were all making their escape
with as much tobacco as they could carry, all taking
the side road toward Tehuacan. Morelos and his sol
diers were finally forced to do likewise. The scattered
revolutionists came together again by previous ap
pointment at the town of Chapulco, on the way to
Tehuacan. Galeana, whose horse was killed, escaped
capture by hiding himself in the hollow trunk of an
old cork tree. Aguila reported him among the killed,
and Morelos had also given him up as lost till he re
appeared the next day.19

Morelos remained in Tehuacan only seven days.
With 2,500 men from Izucar under Matamoros, 2,000
from the Mizteca under Miguel and Victor Bravo,
and 500 collected at Chapulco, he had about 5,000
soldiers, with whom, and 40 pieces of artillery of vari
ous calibre, he started for Oajaca,20 making slow

19Aguila's report of Nov. 5th from Orizaba, in Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii.
1 186, 121 1-15. This account, Alaman says, was corroborated later by Beniguo
Bustamaute, who in this action was Aguila's aid. Hist. Mej., iii. 312-16.
According to Morelos' declaration at his trial, he then had only 800 men, and
lost 40 of them, together with four or five cannon, besides some ammunition,
a few muskets, etc. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 184-6; Id., Eloglo More
los, 13-15; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 26. The royalist force was
much larger, and had seven killed and 25 wounded. Aguila said Morelos was
completely routed; and it was even rumored that he had been wounded and
Arroyo killed. But the result was really unimportant; Morelos got together
the next day 500 of his scattered men and returned to Tehuacan in good or
der, having saved nearly all his muskets, a matter of no small importance to
him. Aguila went to Orizaba, whence he sent some assistance to Andrade, who
was greatly beset by the insurgents at C6rdoba.

20 He kept the utmost secrecy respecting his destination. There were va
rious surmises, and he aided to keep up the doubt with a letter of Nov. 1st
from Cuicatlan to the cura Sanchez, left in Tehuacan with a small number of
men, saying that the great heat and scarcity of provisions compelled him to go
Hisx. MEX., VOL. IV. 31

482

SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

marches. He encountered little difficulty on the way,
and on the 24th of November established his head
quarters in an hacienda distant only three leagues from
the city. In approaching the hacienda there was some
skirmishing with royalists, who were easily driven
within the city's defences. These had been built on
a plan approved by the superior government. An in
telligent Catalan had made thirty-six fine guns of va
rious calibre, and a large quantity of shell and other
missiles. Ammunition, much of it from Guatemala,

OAJACA PROVINCE.

was abundant. The garrison was not under 2,000
men, made up of Spaniards residing in and about the

back to Tehuacan, whence he would march against Puebla. This letter was
found in Tehuacan by Aguila when he entered the place on the 21st, Sanchez
having made a timely exit. Iziicar was also retaken by the royalists. Llano at
tributed the abandonment of the two places to the royalist victory on Aculcingo
heights; but he was mistaken, though it is not likely that the independents
could have held them long. Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1231-3, 1260-1. More-
los promoted Matamoros and Galeana to mariscal de campo, making the for
mer his second in command, as the latter could not read or write. The chief
had at this time no little trouble with Martinez, the visitador sent by Rayon;
nor was his disgust less with other insurgent chiefs for their bad conduct and
inordinate pretensions. All appears in his correspondence with Rayon. Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., iii. 329-3G: Negrete, Mej. Siglo XIX., v. 331; Mora, Revol.
Mex., iv. 373-4.

CAPTUEE OF OAJACA. 483

place, Bergosa's sacred legion, and the remnants
brought by Regules from Huajuapan and the Miz-
teca. The place, therefore, did not lack for means of
defence, though the com andante general, Gonzalez
Saravia, had, as I said, used his best efforts to get
still more.

Bishop Bergosa, now archbishop elect of Mexico, on
hearing of Morelos' approach, stole out of the city at
night with his family and valuables, and started for the
capital by way of Tehuantepec, Tabasco, and Vera Cruz.
He had been virulent toward Morelos and the revo
lutionists, and deemed it prudent not to remain. His
flight greatly disheartened the royalists. The fright
ened women sought refuge in the nunneries, and many
hid their money and jewelry in the same sacred places.
On the 25th Morelos demanded the surrender of the
city within three hours, and receiving no answer,
approached it and made preparations for the attack.
He made of his army six divisions, two of which were
to prevent the garrison's retreat by the road to
Guatemala; to one was intrusted the duty of guard
ing the baggage and protecting the rear ; of the re- '
maining three divisions, the first, under Ramon Sesma,
was to assail the fort in the church and convent of
La Soledad commanding the town; the second, under
Matamoros and Galeana, was directed to enter the
city by Marquesado street; and the third Morelos
retained under his immediate command as a reserve.

All being ready, operations began. Sesma with the
San Lorenzo regiment quickly dislodged the garrison
in the Soledad fort, their commander Regules fleeing
to hide himself in the Carmelite convent. This fort
communicated with the city by a drawbridge, the
defence of which had been given to Colonel Bonavia,
who together with his officers fled, leaving a sergeant
to prevent the bridge from being raised as long as
possible. But Mier y Teran seized the bridge, and
placing on it a gun swept the opposite street. Mata
moros and Galeana simultaneously entered the city,

484

SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

the other columns advancing and meeting but little
resistance. Mier y Teran advanced to the plaza, driv
ing before them the fugitives who were still firing from
behind the pillars. Galeana proceeded against the
Santo Domingo convent, which was very strong and
suited for a long defence. After a slight opposition,
the place was surrendered with upward of 300 men

PLAN or OAJACA.

1. Cathedral.

2. Santo Domingo Convent.

3. Palace.

4. Plaza.

5. El Institute College.

6. Mint.

7. Town Hall.

8. Monte Alban Ruins.

PILLAGE AND EXECUTIONS. 485

and three guns. Matamoros attacked the Cdrmen,
which was soon taken, though hotly defended by the
Spanish friars, particularly Friar Felix, one of the
captains of Bishop Bergosa's ecclesiastical militia.
Lieutenant-general Gonzalez Saravia sallied forth
with the cavalry of European Spaniards to meet the
independents that were coming in from all quarters,
but his men quickly fled, leaving him alone, and he
sought refuge in a house. The whole affair lasted
but two hours.21

The city being thus taken, pillage and punishment
followed, the houses and shops of the Spaniards re
ceiving the chief attention. The convents as well
as the effects deposited in them were, however,
respected; but Morelos afterward took out every
thing belonging to the Spaniards, and applied it to
the uses of his army. He also issued an edict com
manding the surrender of all effects that had been
concealed by Spaniards. Next those were looked
after who were to die. Five hundred prisoners came
with the city's capture, two hundred of whom were
fine old Spaniards.22 The notorious Regules Villa-
sante was found in the Carmelite convent, hidden be
hind some coffins. Among the royalist officers taken

21 The main facts relating to the attack and capture of Oajaca have been
taken from Morelos' own declarations at his trial. According to his state
ment, *se apoderaron de la ciudad despues de solo dos horas de fuego, en
tales terminos que a las dos de la tarde ya el declarante estaba en la Plaza
Mayor, y a las tres comiendo en la Casa de tin Europeo apellidado Gutier
rez.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 630; vi. 26-7. A minute account
of the affair, and one that he obtained on the spot soon after its occurrence,
is given by Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 206-26; Id., Elofjio Morelos, 15-16;
Mora, Rev. Mex., iv. 396-400; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 320-4, 329; Ward's
Mtx., i. 201-2. Among the independents in the attack figured Manuel Felix
Fernandez, who in after years gave up his name, assuming that of Guadalupe
Victoria. He had thrown himself, full of enthusiasm, into a moat, intending
to swim across it. Mier y Teraii saw him floundering in the mire, but offered
no assistance. When in later years he told Mier his intention of changing
his name, the latter jocosely approved it, proposing that of Amdrico Triunfo,
which made the other very angry, and brought ill feeling between them
which afterward caused their country much misery. Alaman says he ob
tained this information from Mier himself. Hist. Mej., iii, 323; Mayer's Mex.
Aztec., 291-2.

a2 Besides sixty pieces of artillery, 2,000 muskets, and a large quantity of
ammunition.

486 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

the first day were Colonel Bernardino Bonavia, and
Captain Aristi. Lieutenant-general Gonzalez Sara-
via was captured three days afterward attempting to
escape by the Guatemala road, disguised as a man of
the lower class with a sheet round his person. On
seeing that he was to be confined in a building gen
erally used for common criminals, he asked More-
los to treat him as befitted his rank, and offered forty
thousand dollars for his freedom and leave to embark
for Spain, which proposition was declined. He was
a man of mettle, generous, chivalrous, and when the
auditor de guerra appointed by Morelos to try his case
went to interrogate him, he called Morelos and his sol
diers banditti, offered them amnesty, and refused to an
swer any questions. This hastened his doom, though
perhaps only a few days. On the 2d of December,
Saravia and Regules were shot in the plain of Las
Canteras, the same spot where early in the revolution
Lopez and Armenta, messengers of Hidalgo, had
been executed. Bonavia and Aristi suffered death in
the plaza de San Juan de Dios, where the royalists had
wreaked their vengeance the previous year on Tinoco
and Palacios for conspiracy in favor of independence.
A young Guatemalan servant of Saravia was also
put to death, because he tore from a wall and burned
an edict of Morelos. The death of Regules was well
deserved. The lives of the other prisoners were
spared.23 But notwithstanding this and many other
acts of kindness and magnanimity, Morelos, like Hi
dalgo, has been called cruel; but only by royalists
and their sympathizers.24 This was a war without
quarter, and with far greater strictness than the in-

23 Canon Moreno, who had been Morelos' teacher of Latin grammar, and
other members of the clergy, together with the families of the prisoners, inter
ceded for the Spaniards. Upward of 200 were released on bonds; 31 of whom
he was distrustful were despatched to the prison at Zacatula. Among the
prisoners were 300 native Mexicans, of whom he mustered the able-bodied and
efficient into his own force.

21 One of those referred to uses these words: 'No era posible que Morelos
dejara de llevarse de sus feroces instintos. ' Arranfjoiz, Mcj., i. 196. Cance-
lada, Tel. Mex,, 274-5, 281-2, in speaking of the capture also charges Morelos
with cruelty.

HONORS TO THE DEAD. 487

surgents the royalists awarded death to every inde
pendent chief falling into their hands. We may be
very sure if the situation at Oajaca had been re
versed Morelos and all his officers would have been
killed. The revolutionists made some little distinc
tion in regard to the men they executed; the royalists
made none whatever.25 Had Morelos refused entirely
to execute notorious prisoners it would have laid
him open to suspicion and perhaps have brought on
mutiny. Undue magnanimity would hardly have
been appreciated. When Mariano Jimenez became
a prisoner, his kindness toward the governor of Coa-
huila and other Spaniards in the internal provinces
was all forgotten. The Spanish authorities made no
distinction between him and the infamous Marroquin,
the butcher of the barrancas near Guadalajara.

Morelos despatched Father Garcia Cano in pur
suit of Bishop Bergosa, hoping that he might be
overtaken in Tehuantepec. Cano's orders were to
extend to him every kindness; but the bishop had
already gone to sea. Cano's expedition was not
fruitless, however, as he gathered on the road a
large quantity of cochineal and other property that
the Spanish merchants had sent out of Oajaca.
Lieutenant-colonel Vicente Guerrero, who had begun
his military service under Galeana in 1810, was di
rected to seize in the bights near Tehuantepec the
tobacco and cacao landed from Acapulco.26

To the remains of Tinoco, Palacios, and others
sacrificed in Oajaca by the royalists, Morelos caused
funeral honors to be paid. He released the rev
olutionary prisoners confined in the convent of

25 It is said that afterward, better informed, Morelos acknowledged the
shooting of Saravia to have been an error, and regretted it till his death.
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 217.

20 Morelos wrote Rayon on the 15th of Jan. 1813, that Guerrero 'limpio
los bajios do Tehuantepec, Puerto Escondido y el do Santa Cruz.' The quan
tity of cochineal that fell into Morelos' hands was 800 bales, the value of
which, added to that of the tobacco, cacao, jewelry, silver plate, etc., formed
a total of about three million dollars, with which he resolved to give the
greatest impulse to the revolution. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 328.

433 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

Santo Domingo, placed them on horses, and caused
them to ride through the streets with their long un
kempt hair and beards and tattered garments, so
that the people might see how they had been treated.
Masses of thanksgiving to God and the virgin of
Guadalupe were celebrated, at one of which the
preacher was Canon San Martin, late commander of
Bishop Bergosa's sacred legion. The ceremony of
swearing obedience to the suprema junta as the
representative of Fernando VII. was performed with
great pomp, the ceremonial used at the acts of swear
ing allegiance to kings being followed. Morelos, who
had been raised by the junta to the rank of captain-
general, was in attendance with his new uniform,
which had been presented him by Matamoros.27 A
civil government was organized; a new ayuntamiento
was formed, composed of natives of the country, well
known by their honorable record, who were required
to accept the positions they were called to. In every
one of his acts Morelos gave evidence of his desire
to establish peace and order. Jose* Maria Murguia,
a citizen of intelligence, administrative ability, and
sterling character, was made intendente.23 With the
money he obtained from the booty, a battalion of
infantry called the Oajaca, and a regiment of cavalry
named Los Valles, were organized and the artillery
was put in order.

With the view of making himself master of all this
rich province, and of that portion of the intendencia of
Puebla bordering on it then extending to the Pacific

O o

27 This historic uniform, which was magnificently embroidered with gold,
is said to be kept in the museum of the artillery department at Madrid.

28 When the royalists recovered the city Murguia was pardoned; and later
became a deputy to the Spanish cdrtes of 1820-1821. He was the author of
an excellent work on the statistics of Oajaca, in several folio volumes. Mo
relos' decree naming the ayuntamiento is of Dec. 5, 1812. The acts of the
first sittings set forth the oath the members took 'to uphold the mystery of
the immaculate conception of our lady; the catholic religion; and to recog
nize, respect, and obey his majesty the suprema junta gubernativa de
America en representacion de nuestro augusto soberano el Sr D. Fernando
VII. (Q. D. G.).' Id., 329.

EOYALIST MISTAKES. 489

Ocean, Morel os took steps to destroy the small royalist

Sirrisons under Paris, Reguera, Anorve, Rionda, and
erro, whose chief point of support was Jamiltepec.
Miguel arid Victor Bravo, who had shown much gal
lantry and judgment at the capture of Oajaca, were
the officers chosen for the purpose. Moving forward
with activity, they soon drove Pdris and Reguera
into Acapulco, while Rionda retired to Mexico, and
Cerro to the other side of the Mescala. This, how
ever, did not seem to affect in the least the royalist
proclivities of the inhabitants which Reguera encour
aged from La Palisada.29 Aguila, who had entered
Tehuacan on the 21st of November, when he heard
that Morelos had gone to Oajaca, started after him
and even advised Regules that he was marching to
his relief; but on learning of the fall of the city, and
that Morelos had possession of the passes, returned to
Tehuacan. Morelos had now no armed foes on the
southern coast, except the few concentrated in Aca
pulco.30

All these advantages gained were the result of
Morelos7 plan in -having made Tehuacan the central
point of operations. On the other hand, we cannot but
observe the series of blunders of the viceroy and his
officers in Puebla and Oajaca. The royalist leaders
certainly displayed ignorance and inability in leaving
uncovered so many points of easy defence between
Tehuacan and Oajaca, and concentrating in the latter
place most of their available forces, thus inviting defeat
with the abundant resources at their command.

About this time there came to visit Morelos two
members of the ayuntamiento of Tlascala with a pe-

29 See map on page 435. This expedition was beset with difficulties ably
surmounted by the Bravos, though their modest report of it made it appear
a mere excursion. They granted pardon to all who took the oath of alle
giance, which was soon broken. Bustamante, Guad. Hist., ii. 230-4; Hendibil,
liesumen Hist., 161.

ao He well understood the value of his acquisition. Dec. 16, 1812, he
wrote Kayon that the royalist array ' esta bobeando en Tehuacan 6 Izricar,
caraqueando avances de a medio real, por millones que ha perdido. ' Again, Jan.
31, 1813, he says: ' We have in Oajaca a province worth a kingdom.' Alaman,
Hist. Mej., iii. 332.

490 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

tition31 that caused him to despatch Montano to occupy
that city, not being able to go himself till the whole
southern coast was secured. He had the idea that
by holding Tlascala he could beyond a doubt possess
himself of Puebla, and even of Mexico. To accom
plish this, he invited Rayon, and through him the
other members of the junta, to draw the attention of
the viceregal commanders in the direction of Toluca,
so that they might not bring their whole strength
upon him as was the case when he held Cuautla. If
this should prove too difficult, he would direct his op
erations against Orizaba and Cordoba. Both of these
plans were bold, for neither were his troops adequate
for such undertakings, nor could he promise himself
the cooperation of the president and his colleagues.32
Further than this, he placed but little reliance on the
accounts of victories their chiefs reported to have won.33
Before he had fully decided he thought of another
plan, which was to conduct in person the siege of Aca-
pulco. It was not altogether a good idea. It must
be a slow, tedious undertaking, and of doubtful suc
cess; but even allowing that everything should turn
out as he desired, it could aid but little, if at all, his
great aims; the acquisition of that port would not
compensate him for the time he must spend in secur
ing it and which his enemies would employ in regain
ing strength and in preparing better plans for the
next campaign. It was clear that the viceroy was
making his arrangements, though he did not choose
the best instrument to carry them out, for he in
trusted the command of his army of the south to
Brigadier Olazabal.

Let us again look in at the capital. I have else
where mentioned the bitter feeling existing between

31 According to his own letter of Jan. 21, 1813, to Rayon. Id., iii. 338.

32 He acknowledged himself advised of the progress claimed to have been
made by the president and the others. As for himself, he said, ' For aca voy
poco a poco, porque asi larga la gallina el moco.' Id., iii. 338.

33 Padre Ramos, ' no me contesta a los oiicios, pero si me cueuta sus aveu-
turas 6 hazaiias de D. Quijote.' 76.

REMOVAL OF VENEGAS. 491

Viceroy Venegas and General Calleja. The latter,
since his surrender of the command, of the central
army, lived in retirement, having declined the position
tendered him of comandante general of the provincias
internas de oriente. That ill feeling was well known,
and had been the subject of many public comments,
Calleja being charged with fomenting by his remarks
a spirit of hostility on the part of the royalists toward
the viceroy. Nevertheless, on the 29th of December,
without any antecedent to explain his change of feel
ing, Venegas appointed Calleja military governor of
Mexico, conferring on him at the same time the com
mission of lieutenant-colonel of the royalist or patriot
military organization bearing the name of Fernando
VII.34 A few days later, on the 7th of January,
1813, having suppressed the junta de seguridad and
created in its stead, at each provincial capital, a mili
tary commission for the trial of persons arraigned
for treason,35 he gave the presidency of the commis
sion at Mexico to Calleja. It was one of the duties
of the military governor of Mexico to receive every
day at the palace the parole and countersign. On the
28th of February, the last time that he performed this
duty, he had already received his commission as vice
roy of New Spain, and Venegas, going to the outer
reception-room to meet him, tendered him his con
gratulations.

The removal of Venegas from his high position re
sulted from the representations made by the mer
chants of Cadiz, whose influence with the government
was very great, to the effect that the continuance of
the insurrection was mainly owing to the viceroy's
inefficient measures.36 His was the fate of many

34 It consisted of three battalions of infantry, two squadrons of cavalry,
and one battery of artillery; the viceroy being ex officio its colonel.

35 The new court consisted of seven officers of high military rank, with whom
was associated an ecclesiastical judge nominated by the respective ordinary,
who was to exercise jurisdiction in cases of ecclesiastics brought for trial lie-
fore the military court. This was a modification of the famous decree of
June 25, 1812. Id., iii. 375-6.

36 The despatch announcing his relief, and the appointment of Calleja as

492 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

another occupying high responsible place in a time of
great peril, when complete success only can save him
from obloquy. Venegas, at the time he assumed the
viceregal office together with the chief command of
the forces, was hailed by the Spaniards as their lib
erator; there can be no doubt that his timely arrival
and prompt measures saved New Spain to the crown
in 1810; later he became an object of censure to the
different parties, as their passions or interests prompted.
The insurgents hated him because he prevented the
consummation of their purpose, calling him cruel and
blood-thirsty — and it must be confessed that these ac
cusations were borne out by facts. The clergy hated
him for attacking their privileges. The royalists, on
the other hand, found fault with what they called his ex
cessive benevolence to the rebels, to which as well as to
the absence of a well conceived plan of military opera
tions they attributed the recent advantages obtained by
the revolutionists. Venegas thus found himself with
out the good opinion of either party, who, if they did
not actually feel pleased at his removal from office, cer
tainly looked upon it with indifference. At this dis
tance of time it is easier to judge the man with im
partiality. Justice demands of us to say that his
character for honesty was irreproachable; even his
bitterest enemies concede him that.37 He never re
sorted to reprehensible means to enrich himself, and
even went beyond ordinary honesty in refusing to re
ceive presents which a long-established custom had
authorized the acceptance of. He went back poor to
Spain; and out for a loan of $25,000 from his per
sonal friend, the conde de Casa de Agreda, he would
have found himself without money for his journey.
His constant attention to the duties of his office

his successor, bears date at Cadiz, Sept. 16, 1812; and the reason alleged for
that action was that his military services were needed in Spain. Gaz. de Mex.t
1813, iv. 242.

37 'Venegas no rob6 un peso: iojala que pudiera aparecer a los ojos de]
nvundo tan piadoso, como fu6 limpio de manos!' Biistamante, Caad. Hist.,
ii. 251.

CHARACTER OF VENEGAS. 493

allowed him no leisure except for a ride occasionally
in the afternoon. An able financier and ruler, he
had generally managed to procure resources to meet
the enormous expenses of the war, and to organize
armies to oppose the insurgents wherever they ap
peared in force.

His resolution to enter the struggle with so many
odds against him was certainly that of a man pos
sessed of undaunted courage; and when he made
preparations to resist Hidalgo and his host of 80,000
men, with a handful of soldiers in whom he could
not then have much confidence, the most he might
expect was an honorable death. Even certain weak
nesses in his relations with the other sex, attributed
to him, he made use of for the benefit of his cause —
the insurgents of Mexico were always of the opinion
that to female gossip he owed the discovery of the
August conspiracy. The war allowed Venegas but
little opportunity to attend to the duties of the vice
regal office proper, but he did not neglect them entirely.
It may be truthfully asserted that if peace had reigned
during his incumbency he would have been one of the
best viceroys New Spain ever had.33 On his return to
the mother country he wras given the title of Marques
de la Reunion de Nueva Espana,39 and was also treated
with the utmost consideration in other respects.

38 Bustamante, who shows little charity to Venegas' military record, uses
this language, however, ' Creo que si le hubieran cavido tiempos pacificos,
habria gobernado bicn, pues amaba las ciencias.' S^rtem., in Cavo, Tres Sirj-
los, iv. 55. The same writer accuser the late viceroy of having 'tin genio
aspero,' and of being given to the use of profane language when angered, re
lating that upon one occasion on learning of a scanty supply of ammunition
when he expected to find an abundance, *vot6 y juro como el mas renegado
carromatero (segun tenia de costumbre y era su lenguage).' He also charges
him with haughtiness toward the poor clerks who had to approach him, whom
he would hardly look in the face. This is probably an exaggeration. Cuad.
Hist. , ii. 46-7. Venegas once slipped and fell on the steep staircase leading
to his private apartments, for which reason he had it removed and a more
suitable one erected. There were not wanting some to attribute the fall to
drunkenness, which was unfounded, for he was noted for his sobriety. Ala-
man, Hist. M6j., iii. 380.

39 Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., ix. 37. Alaman has it 'Marque's de la Concordia
de Nueva Espana.' Hist. Mcj., iii. 380. Bustamarite says: 'Conde de la
Union,' adding that it was 'burlezco e" insultante.' SupL, in Cavo, Tres Stylos,
iv. 55.

494 SUCCESS OF MORELOS.

When Fernando recovered his throne he showed his
esteem for Venegas by conferring on him the high
est offices of honor.40

40 In the preparation of this and the preceding four chapters, the following
authorities have been consulted: Ctfrtes, Diario, 1810-11, i. ii. 273, 316-17,
346-50; Id., 1811, iii. 387; Id., 1811, iv. 36, 64, 170-1, 192, 272; Id., 1811,
v. 12; Id., 1811, vi. 16; Id., 1811, vii. 471; Id., 1811, ix. 7-8, 354, 358; Id.,
1811, x. 89; Id., 1811-12, xi. 114; Id., 1812, xii. 72, 122, 213; Id., 1812, xiv.
333; Id., xv. 254-6; Id., 1813, xvii. 151; Id., 1813, xix. 66, 330; Id., 1813, xx.
14-16; Cdrtes, Act. Ord., 1814, i. 518; Cortes, Col. Doc., ii. 25, 44-5, 158-64,
217-20, 224-6; Id., iii. 6, 56, 106-30; C6rtes, Diar. JExta., viii. 1822-3, 7-8;
Cortes, Diario Ofic., iii. 105; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 323-8, 384-406; Id.,
ii. 46-7, 99-106, 122-48, 158-62, 176-80, 202-34, 233-9, 251, 299-301, 307-15;
Id., iv. 148-57; Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 158-9; Id., Notic. Biog.,
12-13; Id., Elogio Morelos, 13-16; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., ii. 443-5, 469-70, 534-
7, 549; Id., iii. 67-71, 87-97, 104-32, 137-69, 176-204, 204-38, 245-68, 272-6,
316-53, 378-80, 581-2, app. 30-6, 45-9; Id., iv. 724, app. 3-5; Cancelada,
Tel. Amer., 1-8; Id., Tel. Mex., 274-5, 281-2; Gaz. de Hex., iii. passim; Id.,
iv. 242; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., iv. 180-2; Id., vi. 844-81; Id., ix. 219-22,
581; Id., x. 87-8, 114-16, 132, 640-1, app. i. 58-9; Carriedo, Estudios Hist.,
ii. 16-26; Cavo, Tres Slglos, 24-44, 46-50, 334-44; Cedidario, i. fol. 97; Her-
nan. y Ddv., i. 342, 846-55, 864-8; Id., iv. 899-901; Id., v. 188-96, 298, 615-
84. 909-11, 921; Id., vi. 26-7, 32-3, 41, 100-22, 245-6, 251-2, 1036-8; Liceaga,
Adic. yRectific. 227-42; Torrente, Rev. Ilispan.-Amer., 310-42; Arrdniz, Biog.
Mex., 214-17; Arrangoiz, Mex., i. 155-98; Id., app. 100; Museo Mex., ii. 163-
76; Mosaico Mex., ii. 118, 196, 198, 232; Mora, Rev. Hex., iv. 201-14, 366-
412, 417-36, 445-8; Mex. Bosquejo Revol, 15-16; Mex. Col. Leyes Fund., 34-
91; Mendlbil, Resumen Hi»t., 86-7, 94-7, 120-45, 151, 154-5, 161-2; app. ii.
375-83, iii. 384-5, iv. 385, v. 385-6; Mayer, Mex. Aztecs, i. 289-93; Niks'
Roister, ii. 71, 238, 365; Id., iii. 64, 144, 272; Perez, Dice. Geog. Estad., i.
115-16; Quart. Rev., xvii. 542-3; Pinart, Print, i. no. 7; Id., no. 9; Mex. El
Virey de N. Esp., 1-8; Spain, Constit. Polit., Madrid, 1820, passim; Cor. Fed.
Mex., Sept. 24, 1827. 2-3; Spain, Constit. Polit., Cadiz, 1812, reprint Mex.
1820, passim; 8. Amer. and Mex.y 157-66; Rev. in Span.-Amer., 312-44;
Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Espan., i. ii., passim; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 349-50,
363-4, 373-5, 405, 409; Robinson, Mex. Rev., i. 49-69; Id., ii. 321-8; Rockwell,
Spain and Mex. Law, 398; Ahrens, Mex. and Mex. Zurt., 7; Constit. Polit.
Monarquia Espan., Cadiz, 1812, passim; Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 7-171;
Diar. de Avisos, 26 April, 1859, passim; Kewerfs Wm. Walker, MS., 23-7;
Kottenlcamp, [Tnabhangigkeitskampf, 155-71, 175-6; La Ilustr. Mex., i. 99-
100, 437-9; Lempriere, Notes in Mex., 424; Orizava, Ocur., 4-15, 165; Ward\
Mex., i. 183-5, 202-26; Walton, Expose, 392-6; Young, Hist. Mex.; 89-91i
Zamacois, Hist. Mex., viii. passim; Id., ix. 5-9, 125, 225-31, 503-5, 568, 609-
20, 779-96; Id., x. 276-7; Id., xi. 649, 843; Id., app. 789-91; Zerecero, Re\
Mex., 133-5, 185-90.

CHAPTER XX.

VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.
1813.

CALLEJA'S CHARACTER AND APPEARANCE — How THE APPOINTMENT WAS
RECEIVED — CONDITION OF AFFAIRS — FRESH TAXES AND LOANS — REFORMS
— INSURGENT HEROINE — CONSTITUTION OF 1812 ENFORCED — INQUISITION
DISAPPEARS — INCREASE OF CRIME — PROTESTS AND COUNTER- APPEALS —
EXTENT OF INSURRECTION — CALLEJA'S CAMPAIGN PLAN — ROYALIST POSI
TIONS — VERDUSCO'S FIASCO — RAYON'S TOUR OF INSPECTION — QUARREL

BETWEEN THE LEADERS— iTURBIDE's VICTORY AT SALVATIERRA.

THE feeling in New Spain at the appointment of
Calleja was by no means of unmixed delight. Span
iards naturally welcomed one from whose proved skill,
energy, and experience they hoped to reach a speedy
conclusion of the protracted civil war and attendant
disorders, and the inhabitants of the capital could not
object to a man whose fondness for ostentation prom
ised to sustain the splendor of the court and the
allurements of the metropolis. Society spoke of him
besides as elegant in manners, with a conversation
that revealed both wide reading and taste. Here
the praise stopped, however, for there was something
strongly repelling in his haughty disposition and sin
ister aspect, stamped by cold calculation and vindic-
tiveness. Much of this was due to a bilious tempera
ment, reflected also in his jaundiced complexion and
cat-like face, with its greenish eyes and lowering
glances.1

1 Bustamante compares his eyes to two boiled tomatoes. His beard termi
nated in a point. The portrait in Ataman, iv. 77, shows no beard. Other
wise the former gives him a line figure, 'agestado, elegante, airoso en los
movimientos. ' Campailas de Calleja, app. 17.

(495)

496 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

As a soldier he had distinguished himself less for
daring feats than for prompt execution of cautiously
planned movements. This at least inspired confidence
in his subordinates; arid he supplemented the same
with strict discipline, softened by prudent attention
to creature comforts; so that while his cold formality
of intercourse and studied methods repressed enthu
siasm, he nevertheless enjoyed good repute among his
men, who manifested their deference and gratitude by
calling him Amo Don Felix.2

Respect was indeed the only feeling evoked by his
positive qualities; it hardly warmed into admiration.
Fear and distrust rose as a barrier; and those who
ventured near him did so with a motive, prepared with
concession or flattery. And Calleja was content; for
he loved to be flattered and looked up to as a great
man, and that without a too searching or microscopic
analysis of the qualities comprising his character.
Devoid of magnetism, and with a temperament hard
ened by sanguinary warfare on the border and by
comparative isolation of life among rude soldiers and
colonists, his ambitious spirit had come to regard
fear as the sweetest of homage and the strongest of
influences.

Acknowledged as the foremost soldier in New
Spain, his appointment failed not to inspire the army
with a wholesome confidence, and the insurgents with
a corresponding awe, while the people at large coupled
his name only with relentless cruelty. Yet even
among the Creoles there was a clique which had be
gun to look upon this new Tamerlane, as Busta-
mante calls him,3 as a possible liberator. He had
more than once allowed to escape the utterance that
independence would benefit the country.4 Encouraged

2 Amo, meaning the master of an estate, or factory.

3 Companas de Calleja, sup. 2. Pages 177-8 are laden with choice epithets
against him.

4 Even in a private letter to the vicero}', in January 1811, he had written:
'Sus naturales y aun los mismos Europeos estan convencidos de las ventajas
que les resultarian de uu gobierno iudependieute.' Bustamante, Cuctdro Hint.,
i. 163.

JEALOUSY OF VENEGAS. 497

by this and by the late ill feeling between him and
the viceroy, the guadalupe society, in active sym
pathy with the insurgents, had approached him, hold
ing forth in alluring colors the fame and position he
might acquire by casting his talents and influence
with their party, and achieving the independence of
an empire. Whether Calleja seriously entertained
the proposition or merely sought to keep himself in
formed of the enemy's plans, remains uncertain; for
just when the guadalupes regarded him as won, his
appointment came as viceroy, and satisfied the ambi
tious craving which alone could have induced him to
turn traitor.5 Jealous of the general, and aware to
some extent of his leanings, Venegas had not neglected
to throw out hints against him to the government in
Spain, but the representations of Spanish residents
proved stronger. Perhaps it was thought well to se
cure so able a man with the irresistible bribe of a vice
regal sceptre.

While each was watching the other and awaiting
the result of their machinations, Venegas had aston
ished his rival by the appointments lately conferred
upon him. Some saw in these acts a desire to humil
iate the general by obliging him to appear daily at
the palace for orders; others, a mark of confidence
and conciliation in view of the foreshadowed change.

Though Calleja had refused the position of com an
dante general of the provincias internas de Oriente,6
it suited his plans to accept these positions in the
capital.

5 Unaware of the extent of the negotiations, Alaman would not believe
that he could have proved false. Hist. M6j., ii. 348-9. But Zerecero states
that the society used often to meet in the house of his family, and he as
secretary knew that the day was fixed when Calleja should join the revolu
tion. Sanchez de Tagle and Licentiate Cristo y Conde, the persecuted asesor-
general of Iturrigaray, were those who treated with him. The day after
Calleja received news of his advancement they came to confer with him as
usual. 'If you were not my friends I would have you shot,' was now the
startling reply. 'You speak to the viceroy of New Spa4n.' Mem., 257.
Calleja did not abuse the secrets of the society, although availing himself
to a great extent of what he knew. Letters by O. Lizana in Adalid, Causa,
MS., i. 2-3, hint at Calleja's leanings to independence.

6 As explained by Arechederreta.

HIST. MKX.. VOL. IV. 32

498 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

After -his reception at the palace the last of February,
Venegas visited him at his house,7 and arranged for the
surrender of the command. On the 4th of March,
1813, Calleja was conducted in state to the palace,
there to receive the staff of office and to take the oath.
The attendant ceremonies were celebrated with all the
pomp so dear to his heart, manifested further in the
formation of a guard in flashing uniforms;8 but no
popular applause greeted his ears.9

Among his first acts was a proclamation wherein,
alluding to the civil war and its ravages, he pointed
out that no further cause existed for discontent, as
the new constitution had gone forth enabling the peo
ple to choose their own guardians of civil economy
and delegates to the national congress, and so pre
vent abuses. They knew that he could form armies
and lead them to victory, but for this he needed funds
and expected the necessary aid and temporary sacri
fice which would procure the restoration of peace and
prosperity. As he had shown himself ready to pro
mote their welfare, so would he prove firm in chastis
ing obstinacy and malevolence.10 The latter sentence
was thoroughly characteristic, and the whole docu
ment appeared stamped with the energy expected
from a general who had so severely criticised the pol
icy of his predecessor. Nor was he wrong in his con
demnation, to judge from the condition of affairs, with
the administration in disorder, exchequer empty,

7 He lived in the same house, hotel de Iturbide, where the liberator
Agustin I. received his proclamation as emperor.

8 Called ' dragones del virey. ' Orders from Spain soon changed the term
to ' del rey.' His consort, Fraucisca de la Gandara, moved the same eight to
the palace, where the usual besamanos receptions took place.

8 There was no lack, however, of felicitations, addresses, and celebrations,
as at the university and other institutions. Lizardi joined with a eulogistic
address in his Pensador Mexicano, sup. pt iii. Cancelada expressed delight in
his Te.lcgrafo, 2G9, and loyal addresses were sent in. See also Torrente, Revol.,
i. 425-6; Mendibil, Resum. Hist., 168. Portrait and autograph are given
in Alaman, Hist. J\fej., iv. 77, 724.

10 This was the characteristic closing sentence. The opening alluded to
his appointment as unexpected and unsought. The clergy and other classes
were urged to promote restoration of peace. For full text, see Calleja, d los
llabitautes, fol. 1-8, dated March 20, 1813; Pap. Far., xxxvi. pt vii.; Gaz.
de Mex.. 1813, iv. 355-62; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 6-10.

A LOAX DEMANDED. 409

army neglected, insurgents in greater force and con
trol than ever, and public opinion growing more hos
tile. The reliance in Calleja was based also on his
long experience in the country, with which he had in
a sense grown up, imbibing lessons from different ad
ministrations.

The intimation for funds produced most unpleasant
apprehension; for Calleja was as unceremonious in
levying contributions as he was prodigal in expendi
ture. Not long after, indeed, he came forth with a
woful complaint. There was a debt of more than
thirty millions and a monthly deficit of $260,000, and
the sources for revenue were insufficient, the best
ones being, moreover, hypothecated for advances.11
The first necessary step for relief, he declared, was to
liberate trade, and mining and other industries, from
the crushing weight of oppression by the rebels, who
ravaged and kept in perpetual alarm the settlements,
and blocked the roads in every direction. To this end
funds were above all required wherewith to organize
forces; and as the interests of merchants would
receive the earliest benefit, he appealed first to the
tribunal del consulado for a loan of a million and a
half. Although the demand was not fully complied
with, the prompt response revealed a flattering con
fidence in Calleja, united perhaps with a wholesome
fear, which proved stronger than the feelings evoked
by his discouraging revelation of affairs.12

The loan itself drew attention to the main issue,
which was means to increase the revenue, a problem in
trusted to a council of representatives from different

"Manifesto dated April 17, 1813. Gaz. de M?x., 1813, iv. 421-2. Many
condemned it as dangerous to reveal the condition so publicly, but it was
well enough known, from the frequent recourse to forced loans.

12 The interest offered was five per cent, and the security half the reve
nue of the city custom-houses from Jan. 1814, but which received no corre
sponding application. In the list of subscribers, published in Hernandez y
Udvalos, Col. Doc., v. 11-1*2, are found the names of prominent local nobles,
Basoco, Cortina, and others, for sums of $50,000 downward. At the same
time the Gaz. de Mex., Jan. 5, 1813 et seq., continued to exhibit respecta
ble donations for Spain.

500 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

classes,13 whose efforts were assisted by reports from
the provincial governors on the economic condition.
Among the results was a continuance of the five per
cent tax on urban rents, and the impost on articles of
consumption, a levy of one per cent on money in cir
culation, and an additional fifty per cent on tobacco.
The latter measures proved so onerous that they were
repealed, and instead of them was placed a direct con
tribution on property and income. Fixed without
sufficient data, and affected by the long reign of dis
order, the contribution proved difficult to collect,
and led rather to arbitrary exactions,14 before which
Calleja never shrank. Indeed, in December he again
called on the merchants for a loan, this time increased
to two millions. The struggles of the finance depart
ment, however, and the failure to carry out the prom
ise of hypothecation and repayment had created a
reaction, so that the first appeal elicited only a paltry
hundred thousand. Pressure was thereupon applied
without compunction, often \vith a doubling or treb
ling of the amount assigned.15

An encouraging adjunct to those dispositions was
the enforcement of economy in government depart
ments, partly by stopping all extra salaries, contingent
expenses, and gratuities, save those granted in cam
paigns.16 Several changes were also made among
officials, Secretary Velazquez de Leon,17 for one, being

"Calleja's decree of April 17th contains the appointees, representing
mines, agriculture, church, and other departments. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv.
422-3.

14 It was passed by a representative meeting of Nov. 15th, and proclaimed
Dec. 16th. The sale of tobacco fell so rapidly after the 50 per cent tax of July
4th, mainly owing to the growth of contraband, that the repeal had to be
made by Dec. llth. Dispos. Farias, ii. 23; Pinart Coll., print i. doc. 15. Men-
dibil explains some of the difficulties Calleja had to contend with. The gov
ernment had recommended a lottery, issue of copper coinage, and hypotheca
tion of national property. For nature of contributions on ecclesiastic corpo
rations, see Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 247-9. For regulation of
custom-house duties, see Gutierrez, Leyes Eef. , 449-56.

15 Alaman furnishes some instances. Hist. Mej., iii. 433.

16 Orders had come to Venegas for reducing salaries, but the increased
cost of living, etc. , made it not advisable to obey.

17 He had stood suspected among the Spaniards ever since the time of
Iturrigaray.

ESPIONAGE. 501

replaced by Patricio Humana, and a special war de-

E art-merit was created and intrusted to Joaquin Pe-
iez.18 All army men and provincial officials were sent
to their posts, and impressment was called into action
to enforce the levies for recruits. These had to swell
the regular army; and in order to leave it free to take
the field against the insurgents, Calleja resolved to
form a militia for the garrison duty and local defence,
as vainly recommended by him to Yenegas. Country
proprietors were required to join in raising companies,
and at the capital even prominent nobles had to swell
the ranks.19

The military councils lately inaugurated received or
ders to watch the observance of regulations, and persons
suspected of favoring the rebellion. Even women
were not spared from their rigorous ferreting, the cel
ebrated wife of Corregidor Dominguez of Queretaro
being arrested and arraigned, although the state
of her health averted punishment for a time.20 A
prominent young lady of the capital, named Leona
Vicario, sent not only information but funds and
other aid to her insurgent lover, a law student serv
ing under the banners of Rayon. Betrayed by a
servant, she was arrested, and notwithstanding the
influence of her family, it would have fared badly with
her, for she boldly avowed revolutionary sympathies,
had not her friends come to the rescue, and one night

18 Who escaped the first massacre at Guanajuato by proclaiming to the
Indians that. Hidalgo had promised to give 500 pesos to any one who should
deliver him alive. Bustamante, Quad. Jfist., i. 43.

19 The leading persons who at first formed the battalions of the patriotas
de Fernando VII. had gradually substituted paid men, or left the ranks
altogether. Although severe pressure was now applied, large numbers man
aged to escape duty.

20 The reestablished constitution led to the removal of corregidores, and
accusations now grew stronger against her, Archdeacon Beristain declaring
' que la corregidora es una Ana Bolena, y aiiado, quc Gil [acuraat Queretaro]
es su Wolseo.' Letters of Dec. 14th, 23d, 29th. She was hurried away one
day \vithout warning, and placed in the convent Santa Teresa at Mexico.
The husband was also charged, but vindicated. Being enceinte she en
joyed comparative liberty; indeed, she was even sheltered by a suspicion
of insanity. Reports and charges connected with the case may be con
sulted in Hernandez y Ddva/os, Col. Doc., v. 370 et seq. Other arrests in
Queretaro are noted in Id, , 345-G. Decree against rebel sympathizers in Gaz.
de Mex.t 1813, iv. G07-8; Cavo, Trea Siglos, iv. 96-104.

502 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLAXS.

breaking into the convent where she was detained,
carried her off. She reached her betrothed in the
mountains of Tlalpujahua, and followed him as his
wife in his campaigns, submitting bravely to every
hardship.5

While taking energetic measures for crushing the
insurgents, Calleja endeavored to give effect to the
concessions of the cortes, as manifested above all in
reestablishing the suspended constitution of 1812,
which was expected to mollify a host of rnalecontents
and wavering factions.22 Foremost among the priv
ileges it conferred was the election for town govern
ments, provincial assembly, and representatives, which
created the most excitement. The requirement for a
municipal body in every settlement of a thousand
souls was not strictly attended to, owing to the igno
rance of the Indians and indifference of the authori
ties; but in towns with mestizo and white settlers
the opportunity was not lost. The curas naturally
wielded great influence in the choice of men, and de
cidedly so in the villages; officials also interfered, and
at Mexico the viceroy made a strong effort to pre
vent the exclusion of Spaniards, as had happened at
the former annulled election; but all was vain, for the
Creoles carried everything here and at most other
places.23

21 Her estates were confiscated, although she was a minor. • Her indict
ment occupied voluminous documents. Arechederreta speaks at length of
her. Ataman, Hist. Mej., iii. 414-16.

22 Measures for circulating it are given in Ctfrtes, Diario, 1813, xxi. 152,
168, and allusions to its adoption, in Id., i. 89, etc.

23 The alcaldes at Mexico as elected on April 4th were Conde de Medina
and Antonio de Velasco, the former colonel and the other trader, assisted by
16regidores and 2 sindicos. Curioso Mex., i. pt ii. The audiencia reported
to Spain against the legality of such election, the result of rebel sympathy.
Their representation in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 95-7. The viceroy had
released the electors formerly arrested for supposed correspondence with
rebels, and recalled Villaurrutia. It was a repetition of the old ticket, 'teni-
tlos por adictos h la independencia. ' Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 412. For rules
governing ayuntamientos, see Ctfrtes, Diario, xix. 385; Mex. Col. Dec. y Ord.,
66-7, 86-101; Mex., Legist., 1849, 341-68. Quere'taro elected liberals despite
all care. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 369. Pensador Mex., sup. 92-3,
gives a homily.

ADMINISTRATION. 503

A similar result obtained in the formation of the
provincial assembly. According to the constitution,
each intendencia could regard itself as a province and
choose its own assembly;24 but the definition not being
very clear, the intendencias united to elect one body
for the whole country.25 At the election of deputies
to the c6rtes in Spain,26 each intendencia acted for it
self. Owing to the wide control of the insurgents, the
representation of one for every seventy thousand souls
was attained only in certain provinces, and here the
Indians were almost wholly disregarded, and the Euro
peans nearly so, mestizos joining the Creoles in con
trolling the choice which fell mainly on ecclesiastics
and lawyers.27 When the time came for sending the
deputies, the viceroy declared that no funds could be
spared for their expenses; they who wished to go
must do so at their own cost. Only a few could afford
to undertake the journey, and so the representation
faded to a shadow.28

The change in the administration of justice began
in May. Special tribunals were abolished with a few
exceptions, such as army and church, and the audi-
encia was deprived of extra-judicial privileges. Prom-

24 To be composed of a president, intendente, and seven members. There
was a vagueness in art. 332, however, which left the impression that the presi
dent was the viceroy, now known as gefe superior, and which implied that
New Spain was but one province. Consult further the text in Dublan and
Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 375, etc.

25 Mexico chose two, one for itself and one for Oajaca, which being wholly
in the hands of Morelos, could not take part in the election. The two were
Provisor Alcocer and J. M. Fagoaga. For rules governing the body, see
Mex. Col. Dec. y Orel., 91-5, 103-4; Oaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 446. The guada-
lupes reported the result joyously to Morelos. Bustamante, Campanas Calleja,
177. Election was performed by an electoral college, constituted by a sec
ondary vote.

20 The election for Mexico began July 4th, and ended on July 18th. Of
the 41 partidos in this province, only 22 appointed electors, 29 in number,
who chose 14 deputies, whereof 9 were lawyers and 5 ecclesiastics.

2T Caste distinction was sharply discussed at the time in the c6rtes, partly
owing to the exclusion of negro blood from equality. Cdrtes, Diario, xx. 319,
etc. Comment on election influences in Pap. Var., clviii. pt 56, 1-4.

28 ]?rom Mexico only two were sent, and those partly by way of expulsion,
as they were deemed dangerous to the public peace, Canon Alcald and Licen
tiate Cortazar. Alaman, Hist. Mej., in. 423. In Cortes, Adas, 1813, i. 62,
the representation from New Spain proper is put at 11, and from the provin-
cias internas at 2, Yucatan being counted by itself.

504 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

inent among the fallen institutions was the inqui
sition, which had so long cast its shadow over the
land. Not content with opposing heresy, bigamy,
and the like, and indorsing the existence of witch
craft by its dread cognizance, it had of late devoted
special attention to repelling the invasion of modern
philosophic thought and scientific investigation, by
restricting publications and persecuting students.
The suppression was hailed with unfeigned delight,
and the inquisitors responded with admirable prompt
ness to the popular will, surrendering the records and
property without subterfuge. The estates and bonds
alone, not counting allowances from churches and
other sources, amounted to a million and a fifth of
pesos, which went to swell the national resources.29

The Indians were deprived of their protective
fiscales and governors, and, ignored as a representa
tive body, rather suffered than gained by the reform
movement; of the promise of land distribution and
freedom from personal service there was no indication
of fulfilment.30 Another revolutionary reform was
the suppression of the acordada, which had proved
so efficient in checking brigandage and robbery, and
of the less valuable police, established with much care
and expenditure under Venegas; while the primary
administration of justice in the capital, hitherto con
fided to thirty-two subordinates, alcaldes, and others,
was now surrendered to six elected judges,31 as aids

2'J The suppression decree, dated Feb. 22d, was issued at Mexico in June.
Three months later the archbishop took the preliminary steps for enforcing
it. Gutierrez, Leyes Ref., 33; Mex., Provid. Dioces., MS.,49G-7. In Inqui
sition, Informe, Mex., 1813, 1-69, is an argument against the proceedings pre
sented to the c6rtes. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 430-3, has preserved a synopsis
of its executions in New Spain.

30 By decree of Jan. 4, 1813, the c6rtes ordered vacant lands to be as
signed to the villages for cultivation with community funds. Lands could
even be borrowed from adjoining jurisdictions for two years. C6rtes, Col. Dec.,
iii. 189-93. The decree was issued in New Spain in April, but the war pre
vented its enforcement; and so with the exemption from service to curas and
others, proclaimed in June.

31 The law assigned only one to aid the two alcaldes, but these being too few,
the viceroy added five. See his decree in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 462. For
other suppressed and reformed departments of justice, see Id., 565-6, etc.
The pay of these judges was $1,500 and fees. See also Mex., Col. Dec, y
Ord.} 67-72.

EPIDEMIC. 505

to the two alcaldes, who were burdened also with the
duties hitherto performed by the acordada, the police,
and other bodies. The effect soon became manifest
in an accumulation of delayed suits, neglect of court
formalities and prison regulations, and a startling in
crease of crime; so much so that patrols had to be
established, as well as a soldier police. Several of
the measures led to open quarrels between the vice
roy and the alcaldes, who were naturally jealous of
interference. Beyond the capital the military took
matters into their own hands with respect to insur
gents, robbers, and others, to whom the summary
proceedings of a civil war period might be safely ap
plied.32

Matters were not improved by the jealous objec
tion on the part of the newly invested authorities to
all interference from the government or the now hum
bled Europeans. The latter retaliated by withdraw
ing as much as possible from any position where they
might be exposed to further insult and defeat. . They
made their displeasure manifest during the epidemic
which ravaged the plateau this year, by contributing
sparingly for the relief of the sick and poor, who so
far had depended chiefly on their charity. The inflic
tion was malignant fevers, which began in the preced
ing year, and extended over the central provinces,
from Vera Cruz to Michoacan, carrying off nearly
forty thousand persons in Mexico and Puebla alone.33

32 The audiencia seeks naturally to exaggerate the condition somewhat for
its own sake. See report in Bnstamante, Cuadro IJist., iv. 113-17. In their
report of Feb. they showed a disposal in the sala del crimen for the preceding
three years, of 9,080 cases with 14,835 criminals, of whom half were liberated.
This did not include the much larger number ' quintuplicado ' of cases of the
junta de seguridad. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 208; Mendibil, Resumen Hist.,
1G9. Eighteen cases alone remained pending at the close of 1812; and this is
strong testimony against the subsequent condition.

33Alaman intimates that the capital alone lost over 14,000 'quedando
desde entonces desierto el barrio de Santiago.' Hist. Mej., iii. 414. Concern
ing the board of health, see Id., Apuntes, 11-12. Humboldt attributes the
fevers to the siege of Cuautla, but Bustamante believes they were spread by
the Zamora soldiers, and originated in the humid habitations of the poor,
the germ still lurking. Cuad. Hist., ii. 28G-7. The southern line of San
Luis Potosi to Jalisco proved the limit northward; but Oajaca also suffered.

506 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

The defects revealed in the constitution of 18l2,
and to be expected from its experimental nature, were
seized upon as weapons by its opponents. The aucli-
encia took the lead in a lengthy representation to the
cortes, of November 18th, explaining the origin and
growth of the rebellion, which now affected nearly all
natives of the soil, and pointing out the inapplicabil
ity of the constitution to the colony, with its mixture
of races, interests, and feelings. Afraid to expose the
defects of the law itself, they preferred to instance the
bad results of its partial enforcement, and the danger
of carrying out the full text in the midst of civil war.
The people were intent on independence, and would
regard any concession as due to fear, using it to pro
mote their ultimate object. The country would in
evitably be ruined and lost to Spain unless decisive
measures were taken to suppress the rebellion, by en
dowing the viceroy with necessary freedom of action
under previous laws. Only when this had been
effected should reforms be introduced.34

The argument of the oidores that the constitution
favored the independence movement, under present cir
cumstances at least, was not entertained by all Span
ish residents. The ayuntamiento of Vera Cruz, which,
owing to the exceptional local influence of the mer
chants, was of a European stamp, but firmly devoted
to the liberty party in Spain, insisted that the full
enforcement of the constitution would tend to quell
the revolution by removing all cause for discontent.

34 The opening paragraphs show that the audiencia retains the duty to in
terfere by making the present protest, and that the opposition ascribed to
Europeans against the constitution consists really in their devotion to the
mother country. The clergy fostered rebellious ideas. Art. 132. Whatever
the motives of the audiencia, the document contains in its 270 articles a mass
of valuable statements, and presents some unanswerable arguments in support
of its aim. It is addressed to the king and signed by eleven members, Yafiez,
an American, alone refusing to sign so 'ignominious' an exposition. Oidor
Bodega, appointed to another position in Spain, no longer attended the ses
sions. Bustamante admits the value of the paper, but declares that ' cada
linea de este papel tiene mucho veneno.' Ciiad. Hist., iv. 137. ^He reproduces
the whole text in pp. 27-136. Alaman doubts his supposition that Oidor
Pedro de la Puente, a Spaniard, prepared it, and ascribes it rather to the re-
lator J. M. Torres Catauo, a trusted and well informed Mexican. Hist. Mcj.,
iii. 438. A valuable synopsis is given in Ward's Mex., i. 490-507.

POSITIONS OF THE COMBATANTS. 507

This view they supported in a representation to the
cortes, wherein Calleja stood accused as the main
cause for all existing trouble, partly for neglecting to
let the constitution prevail.35 Indeed, if we except
the clauses relating to tribunals and elections, the or
ganic law remained a dead letter. Not only did Ca
lleja retain his power as viceroy, but by allowing the
attributes of the audiencia to decline, and the admin
istration of justice to became involved, and by nullify
ing to a great extent the effect of the elections, he
obtained more unrestrained control of affairs. Nor
can he be blamed for acting as he did, levying funds
and troops, suppressing the liberty of the press, and
otherwise encroaching on the prerogatives of the
cortes; for the situation was critical, and in order to
perform his duty as royal representative and agent
for Spain, arbitrary measures were needed.38

The insurgents, as we have seen, had risen with
renewed strength after the apparently crushing dis
aster at Cuautla, and occupied at the time of Calleja's
entry into office the greater part of the region south
of a line drawn from Tampico to Lagos and Colima.
"The government," writes the viceroy himself, "could
barely claim anything else than the capitals of the
provinces, and even one of these, perhaps the richest,
Oajaca, was absolutely lost."37 Morelos controlled

85 It was prepared by Comoto, editor of Amlgo de la Patria, and a prote'ge'
of Venegas; and among the municipal members who signed it were Arrillaga
and Ignacio Esteva, the latter a native of the town, both suspected of holding
intercourse with the insurgents, and later holding ministerial posts under the
republic. The document was secretly intrusted to Oidor Bodega, on his way
to Spain ; but on hia arrival Fernando had changed the aspect of affairs, and
he held back the paper, thus saving the signers; yet Calleja was informed of
the facts by his friends. Bustamante reproduces the document in Cuad.
Hist., iv. 8-22; Mendibil, Remmen Hist., 286-7.

86 It is curious to note that decrees had been issued imposing severe pen
alties on all who refused to take the oath to the constitution, although so lit
tle effort was made to carry out its provisions, or demand fulfilment of the
oath. Another decree substituted the word 'national' for 'royal' in all pub
lic papers. In June of this year a special law was made in Spain to regulate
the sustained liberty of the press. Text in Hernandez y JDdvalos, Col. Doc.t
v. 05-73.

37 His later proclamation, in Bustamante, Camp. Calleja, app. 7.

503 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

all the southern parts of Puebla and Yera Cruz, and
the present Oajaca and Guerrero, except Acapulco,
which was even then about to fall. North of Jalapa,
Vera Cruz was overrun by bands whose strongholds
lay within the Sierra Madre, whence they extended
from the gulf inland, and to the south line of Tamau-
lipas. Prominent among their leaders was the elder
Villagran, who held sway at Zimapan, in semi-inde
pendence of the other revolutionary chiefs, and under
the pompous title of Julian I., emperor of the Hua-
steca.38 Further inland his son, known as Chito,53
occupied the districts centring in Huichapan and
carried his operations into the valley of Mexico, while
Osorno controlled the region south and east, in north
ern Puebla, to the gulf shore, with his headquarters
at Zacatlan, where he had important factories of arms
and ammunition. He was the terror of the highway
to Vera Cruz, and the main reliance of all oppressed
and discontented refugees from the royalist lines.
While following his own plans he recognized the in
surgent council, although discord had broken out
among its members, to the detriment of the cause.

The latter held different sections of Michoacari and
Guanajuato ; Ignacio Rayon from his retreat at Tlai-
pujahua commanding the region from Zitaeuaro to
Toluca and northward, his brother Ramon obstructing
traffic on the high road to Queretaro, while Cafias,
Sanchez, and other followers kept the lake valley in
alarm from the mountains of Chapa de Mota, even
threatening the neighborhood of the capital. The
coast districts of Michoacan also adhered to Rayon,
and most of the southern towns, among which Ver-
dusco was recruiting his forces and extending his in
fluence. In this province, indeed, the government
could claim little more than Valladolid and Zarnora;
but in Guanajuato nearly all the large towns stood on

38 So Calleja declares. Id., 8. Alaman had heard that he even coined
money with this inscription,

39 The term is applied to dried goat meat, and may allude to his achieve
ments in climbing hills.

TERRITORY COVERED.

509

its side, the insurgents under Liceaga, and his lieuten
ant Cos, the latter in the north-east, the other near
Lake Cuitzeo, hovering in the country districts and
seeking to cut off supplies for the royalists.

The comparative remoteness of Morelos from the
provinces nearest to the capital, and the approach of

MAP OF THE REVOLUTION.

Extent of the revolution in New Spain in the spring of 1813; the dark
shading indicates the territory absolutely under control of the insurgents;
the lighter shading the ground overrun or raided by them, but where royalists
held the chief towns.

the rainy season, which would seriously affect the
health and movement of troops in the lower- lying
southern regions, rendered it less needful as well as

more difficult to undertake a campaign against him for
some time. The most pressing demand was to liber
ate the central provinces from the numerous bands

510 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

which obstructed communication with the mines and
the outlet to the gulf, impeded the flow of supplies,
and played havoc with the main resources of the gov
ernment.40

It was proposed, therefore, to direct every effort
against the different headquarters along the line north
of the capital, leaving only the necessary force south
ward to watch Morelos, and guard against any sud
den inroad from his forces. To this end a main corps
of nearly six thousand men was stationed south of
Puebla, in connection with a semicircle of reenforced
posts at Jalapa, Orizaba, Perote, Iziicar, Tasco, and
Toluca; while other troops were massed northward,
partly at Tula and other places, but mainly round
Guanajuato.41 -

Castro Terreiio, who had been removed by Vene-
gas for incapacity, under the guise of another motive,
was reinstated in Puebla and made general of the
southern army, which spread from Iziicar north
eastward to Perote, a step- which Calleja had soon
to regret. Negrete held command in Guanajuato.
Garcia Conde succeeded Trujillo at Valladolid, al
though he soon yielded to General Sotarriba. Cas
tillo y Bustamante was stationed in Toluca Valley,
connected by strong detachments with Queretaro;
and Armijo occupied the districts southward to the
right banks of the Mescala, with his cavalry, the gar
risons of Tasco and Iguala, and recruits from the es
tates, to which wTas added a corps of observation at

40 While the royalists held the leading towns and posts along the roads to
Guanajuato and Vera Cruz, extending their lines as far as Jalapa and Tlacotal-
pan on either side, and occupying scattered positions between insurgent
camps, such as Tulancingo and Ixmiquilpan, and even posts in Huasteca, yet
communication was cut off in every direction, and trains required strong
escorts to make their way.

41 See Calleja's review of plan in Bustamante, Campanas, Supl. , 9. Torrente
estimates Calleja's forces at 84,000, including the militia still in course of
formation. Of these he places a second main body of 6,000 in Vera Cruz.
He gives Morelos 10,000 men withdrawn by him to the coast, and 8,000 with
Rayon. Hist. Rev., i. 430-2. Cancelada alludes with some detail to the
movements and supposed plans on both sides, accusing the insurgents of as
sassination, robbery, and other outrages. TeUg., 273-8.

ATTITUDE OF INSURGENTS.

511

Cuernavaca, under Daoiz, who also extended his
movements to the Mescala.42

We have seen but lately how the insurgent cause
gained, if anything, by their bands being so scattered
as to prevent the royalists from crushing them in one
grand effort. Now, Calleja's plans, on the contrary,
destined to find no little support in the dis-

were

cord and lack of cooperation among the insurgents,
which led to a series of false manoeuvres and disas
trous defeats. In this respect, Doctor Verdusco dis
tinguished himself in Michoacan, the province assigned

OPERATIONS IN MICHOACAN.

42 At Vera Cruz the brusque brigadier de marina, Quevedo y Chieza, re
placed Col. Soto and treated the people like sailors. Attached to'Terreiio's
command were the sections of Olazabal and Monduy, the former guarding the
Julapa route from Puebla to Vera Cruz, the other the Orizaba line. Rivera,
Hist. Jalapa, i. 401-3. Olazabal's force was the strongest united body at this
time, embracing the regiments of Fernando VII., Zamora, Guanajuato, and
another, with some dragoons of Spain and San Luis. Col. Aguila had returned
to Puebla after observing at Tehuacan Morelos' early movements. Tlascala,
San Martin, and other points had strong garrisons. The troops from Spain
were nearly all stationed in Vera Cruz and Puebla. Castillo y Bustamante's
lines connected with Querdtaro by means of bodies operating round Tula and
San Juan del Rio, and tinder command of Col. Ordonez and Linares respec
tively. For other officers and appointments, see Cdrtes, Diario, xx. 257-9, xxii.
207, 390; Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 96, etc.; Cdrtes, Adas, i. 232, etc. For
regulations to enforce discipline, etc., Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 539-40, 878-
84, 1043-4, 1068, 1107-12, 1324-6; Mex. Col. Dec. y Orel., 111-12.

512 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

to his charge. After abandoning Uruapan and Tan-
citaro as untenable,43 he was overtaken in September
by Negrete, in the barrancas of Araparicuaro, and
his men dispersed with loss of guns and baggage.44
Assisted by Delgado and Resales, he again mustered
1,000 men, only to fall in anew with his pursuer, and
repeat the previous performance, with greater loss
than before.45

Verdusco now proceeded to Ario, where soon nearly
all of the leaders in the province assembled, including
Muniz, Carbajal, Rosales, Montano, and Sanchez,
with a force of fully 15,000 men40 very fairly armed.
So large a reunion could not be without an object, and
it was but natural that this should correspond to the
magnitude of the representation. It was proposed to
attempt the capture of Valladolid, by which the control
of the entire province would be assured. The moment
seemed opportune, for the not very strong garrison,
now in charge of Lieutenant-colonel Antonio Linares,
had been further reduced by the escort taken by the
departing commandant, Trujillo. Aware of Verdusco's
lack of prudence, Rayon hastened to bid him await
his arrival before undertaking so important an oper
ation; but the prize seemed too glittering and easy of
acquisition for surrender to another, and on January
30th, Verdusco appeared before the city with 6,000
men, well provided with cannon, scaling-ladders, and
other material. On the following day he prepared for
the assault with great deliberation and manifest assur
ance. Linares, who had called in all the aid possible*
from the neighborhood, soon discovered the weak
points in the position, and by a series of successful

43 His secretary, Velasco, had rejoined him after suffering defeat near Patz-
cnaro, at the hands of Linares. The pair buried at Tancitaro some recently
manufactured guns, which were discovered, however. Bustamantey Cuad.
Hist. , ii. 239 et seq.

44 Five guns were captured. Report of Negrete, in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv.

45 Seven guns were taken, with 'horrible matanza,' Id., 21, on Oct. 2Gth.

46 ' Mas de veinticinco mil hombres bien armados,' writes Bustamante,
Cuadro Hist., ii. 241; but this appears doubtful. He adds Vedoya, Rodri
guez, Suarez, and Arias to the leaders.

BICKERINGS. 513

charges and feints managed to create such distraction
along the line that a final sortie in force led to a com
plete rout of the insurgents, with a loss in killed of
several hundred, and the capture of 150, together
with twenty cannon.47 Some of the fleeing artil
lerists were mere boys under sixteen years of age,
from which may be judged the value of the other
troops, which now scattered in different directions.

Rayon had reason to feel indignant with Verdusco
for his disobedience, and took him formally to task at
Pdtzcuaro; but a column of royalist pursuers broke
up the meeting, and the leaders hastened away in
different directions.48 These undignified mishaps did
not, however, interfere with Rayon's projects of mak
ing a tour through the province, for the purpose of
asserting his authority as well as reforming abuses;
for complaints had been flowing in against the exac
tions, raids, and other outrages committed by guer
rillas and countenanced by the higher commanders.
The hope for relief brought a host of applicants to
the front wherever the president appeared, and added
no little eclat to the occasion. Rayon readily ac
cepted the princely homage tendered, as manifested
in processions, ringing of bells, and solemn masses.49

The result of his investigations implicated a num
ber of chiefs, including the cura Delgado, the inten-
dente, who was found guilty also of negotiating with
the royalists for pardon. Out of regard for his sacer
dotal character, he was merely exiled; but Arias and

47 That is, all {he artillery and other material, according to Linares' re
ports of Feb. 3d and 8th, in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 248-52, 203. He routed
and carried disorder into the flanks before he charged the centre body to the
south. H« estimates the killed moderately at 1,200, and took in the final
charge 138 prisoners. Verdusco's main supporters were Hosales, Mufiiz,
Navarrete, and Anaya. Bustamante, Cnad. Hist., ii. 24,1-3. This author ac
cepts the report of Linares, but it appears somewhat contradictory as regards
numbers.

48 Verdusco passed to Ario, and later massed some troops with which he
met Antonelli in April. Navarrete occupied Zacapo.

49 As fully related in the diary kept by his secretary. He inspected troops,
and gave attention to roads and other measures. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., v. 631-6.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 33

514 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

several other colonels and minor officers were exe
cuted for their bandit operations.50

The licentiate Francisco Solorzano was now ap
pointed intendente, and Muniz cornandante general.
It was easier to issue commands than to enforce them.
Instead of obeying the order of exile, Delgado met the
equally offended and recalcitrant Verdusco at Urecho;
and joined by Liceaga, they issued a proclamation de
claring that in them as members of the supreme coun
cil resided the sovereignty. They made a series of
counter-charges against Rayon for usurpation of au
thority, for invasion of Michoacan, which stood sub
ject to Verdusco and Delgado, and for unauthorized
and traitorous acts, such as holding intercourse with
royalists, arid seeking to oust ecclesiastics from com
mands, and cited him to appear and give answer.
They even marched against him and surprised his
escort at Santa Eiigenia, killing several men; where
upon they proclaimed him a traitor.51 Returning to
Tlalpujahua, Rayon issued a defence of his conduct,
declared the hostile vocales suspended, and appealed
to all leaders for support. Most of them took his part,
but others sided v/ith the Villagranes, Morelos avoid
ing a decisive answer, while expressing disapproval of
the quarrel.52 Doctor Cos took the best step in ad
dressing both parties, pointing out the danger of dis
cord and urging reconciliation. All declared them-

60 Arias on Aug. 12th. Nec/rete, Hex. SigloXIX., vi. 52. The cura was
banished to Las Balsas. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 633. Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., ii. 244-5, presents the formulated charge against Verdusco and
others, for disobedience, outrages, etc.

51 On March 7th, three days after the surprise, Diario de Rayon, 634.
In his circular to support charges against Hay on, Verdusco seeks to create
prejudice against him by insisting that his aim is to remove all ecclesiastics
from political and military command. The object of the attack at Santa
Efigenia was merely to disperse a body intended for the support of Rayon.
Negrete, Hex. Siylo XIX., v. 440-5, claims to, be the only writer who has
noticed this document. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 275-C, 315, etc., defends
Rayon against the charge of traitorous intercourse.

52 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 5-6. He maintained relations with
Liceaga and others. Rayon's decree removing Verdusco and Liceaga is dated
April 7th.

BATTLE OF SALVATIERKA. 515

selves ready to yield, but they failed to enter into ne
gotiations with a corresponding spirit.53

Rayon was probably not altogether insincere; but
lie resolved to neglect no means for extending his
own influence, and sent his brother Ramon into
the old territory of Liceaga, north of Lake Cuitzeo,
to assert his claims and draw recruits to his side.
Liceaga also hastened to the scene with the same
object. At this time Iturbide received orders at
Zamora to proceed to Guanajuato, whence, among
other duties, he should lead a convoy with silver to
Queretaro. On the way he learned of the mustering
by the two insurgent leaders, and believing it neces
sary for the safety of the convoy to impose a check, he
turned aside to engage them. Ramon Rayon's force
was by no means numerous or disciplined enough to
meet so renowned an opponent with any confidence;
and he would undoubtedly have hastened away but for
the accusations so widely spread by his rivals that he
stood in accord with the viceregal party. A retreat
would lend confirmation to the charge, and he re
solved rather to face defeat.

He took up a position at Salvatierra, a town situ
ated on the right banks of the Rio de Lerma, dis
tributing his force at the bridge and the adjoining
fords. It was good Friday.54 Iturbide proposed to
attack on the following day or during the night; but
while reconnoitring he was assailed and fell back on
his line skirmishing. Believing that they had gained
an advantage, the insurgents continued the pursuit.
Iturbide perceived his advantage and turned upon
them with his whole strength, throwing them into
disorder and pursuing in his turn. He reached the
bridge at the same time as the fugitives, and was thus

53 The decree which dispossessed the members was issued only after a
strong letter from Liceaga, with whom .Ramon Rayon had been negotiating.
Diario Rayon, 636. In Liceaga, Adic. y Itectific., 244, there is merely au allu
sion to the quarrel.

04 Zamacois takes pains to point out that Alaman calls this April 16th,
when it should be the 18th. Hist. Mtj., ix. 153.

516 VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.

able to cross it without fear from their artillery. His
success promoted the advance of a detachment by the
ford, and the town was taken with hardly another
blow.55

The battle is remarkable less for the forces engaged
and the direct result than for its effect on later op
erations, and for the decided step toward greatness
which Iturbide gained thereby. He was made colonel
of the Celaya regiment, his later main reliance, and co-
mandante general of Guanajuato province, now taken
back by the viceroy from the control of Cruz, of Nueva
Galicia.56 Another feature of the engagement was the
neglect of Liceaga to relieve Kay on, though it was in
his power, it is said, to have done so.57 He is even said
to have rejoiced over the mishaps of Rayon, wrho re
taliated by proclaiming his conduct. Indeed, Liceaga
was unfortunate in other respects. In January he
had failed in an assault on Celaya,58 and after avenging
himself on the surrounding settlements, he joined Ver-

55 In his report of the action, sent April 17th to General Cruz, under
whom Guanajuato then stood, Iturbide assumes that Rayon had 4,000 men,
with 14 cannon, including nearly all the forces from Tlalpujahua, and esti
mates loosely that some 350 'miserable excommunicated ones descended into
the profound abyss,' and 25 were captured and shot, while his own men suf
fered a loss of one killed and 14 wounded. Gaz. de Mex. , 1813, iv. 439-42; Mvj.
Bosquejo, 13, 253-G; Mendibil, 1G5-6. Bustamante, who attributes Ramon Ray
on's disposition for fighting to the calumny of his rivals, indicates merely
500 infantry, including some cavalry and 3 or 4 cannon. He was assisted by
his brother Francisco. Ramon collected more than 300 men, leaving 40 killed
and 130 captured or missing. Cuad. Hist., ii. 276-8. Rayon reported the
total losses at merely little over 47. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., v. 481.

56 Iturbide naturally maintained his boast of the achievement as one of
his greatest, and obtained a shield with the inscription 'Venci6 en el puente
de Sal vatierra. ' He certainly behaved brilliantly, but he also stained this
victory by shooting the prisoners. Liceaga adds the story of a clergyman's
execution, after a convivial supper in Iturbide's company. Adic. y liectijlc. ,
245-G.

57 'Se mantuvo espectador. . .distante tres leguas,' says Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., ii. 278, adding that 'his men urged him at least to fall on the unpro
tected silver convoy; but he mistakes, the convoy had not yet left Guana
juato. This conduct led royalists to state that he had assisted them. Gaz. de
Mex.,lS]3, iv. 407.

58 Assisted by liubi and others, he had attacked January 10th, and ob
tained at first an advantage over the garrison, which was exhausted by an
expedition of the preceding day; but a reenforcement of 250 men under
Gomez Pedraza came up and routed him at PeSa Colorada, with a loss of 90
killed, and 400 horses, according to Gomez's report. Gaz. de Mcx., 1813, iv.
193-4, reproduced in Zamacois, JJist. Mej., ix. 775-7, and others.

DEFEAT AT PURUANDIRO. 517

dusco, as we have seen, in whose company he sustained
another defeat near Puruandiro on April 24th, at the
hands of Antonelli. Little resistance was offered,
Verdusco escaping on an unsaddled horse, leaving his
uniform, baton, and seals of the council. The roy
alists slaughtered a number, arid took nearly a hun
dred prisoners. Contrary to precedent, Antonelli not
only set them free, but gave each a peso with which
to reach his home. His generosity met with no
great gratitude; for on finding themselves at a safe
distance on a hill, they sent back a volley of annihilat
ing epithets.59 This was the last exploit of the ven
erable cura and member of the council. He de
termined to retire for a time.60 A decree of Rayon
removing him as well as Liceaga from the council
afterward went into effect. As regards the latter,
he was arrested, together with Delgado. Rayon him
self made the first advances toward reconciliation; and
although not reinstated in any command, Liceaga was
allowed to leave for his hacienda near Leon.61

59 So Bustamante relates. Cuad. Hist.,ii. 243-4. * Antonelli 's report with
inventory is given in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 511-15.

60 Early in March, during the height of the quarrel with Rayon, he had
prepared his resignation, which was probably now allowed to take effect.
Negrete, Mex. Siylo XIX., v. 445-6, reproduces the document.

61 This was probably due to some extent to Morelos' remonstrances in his
favor. See his letter to Rayon, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 147.
Liceaga issued a defence of his conduct, given in Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., v.
486-90.

CHAPTER XXI.

OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON, VILLAGRAN, AND OSORNO.

1813.

SIEGE OF CERRO DEL GALLO — THE POISONED WELL — INSURGENT FORCES AND
THEIR TACTICS — MOVEMENTS IN GUANAJUATO — SWAY OF THE VILLA.
GRANES — THEIR SUDDEN FALL — HUASTECA CAMPAIGN — OSORNO AND HIS
TERRITORY — TERRENO'S MILITARY PROMENADE — OSORNO IRREPRESSIBLE
— ADMINISTRATION OF CRUZ IN NEW GALICIA — FRONTIER OPERATIONS —
CHAP ALA LAKE AND ITS ROVERS — DIVISION OF PROVINCIAS INTERNAS—
LARA'S EXPLOITS IN TEXAS — A FLICKER IN THE ORIENT.

THE viceroy had just completed his dispositions
for the campaign in the central provinces when news
came of the several disasters to the arms of Rayon's
colleagues, who were likewise torn by discord, and
almost ruined by their imprudence and inefficiency.
The purposes of Calleja were thus already half accom
plished by his enemies, and he resolved to complete
the work by demolishing their centre of operations at
Tlalpujahua before it could recover from the recent
blows, directing at the same time a force against the
Villagranes, and keeping close watch on Osorno, in
order to prevent cooperation.

The movement against the Rayon brothers was
intrusted to Castillo y Bustamante, who set out from
Toluca toward the end of April with somewhat over
a thousand men, leaving Colonel Angulo y Guarda-
mino in charge of this section.1 On May 3d he camped

1 Assisted notably by Captain Concha, former subdelegado for Jacualpan,
who, after serving under Trujillo at Valladolid, confined himself to cam
paigning in the Toluca Valley, gaining the rank of lieutenant-general. Ala-
man, llist. Mej., iii. 455.

(518)

SIEGE OF CERRO DEL GALLO. 519

in sight of the famous Cerro del Gallo, at the foot of
which lay Tlalpujahua, the centre of a flourishing sil
ver-mining district.2 The hill itself was surrounded
by a ravine, and so difficult of access as to be regarded
as impregnable. The summit presented a level expanse
of about 2,000 feet by 600, which commanded all ad
joining heights, and was enclosed by a strong wall
with seven bastions and a deep moat.

Notwithstanding the advantages of the position,
Rayon thought it best to remove to a safer distance
with funds, archives, printing-press, and other val
uables, leaving the defence to his brother Ramon, who
had hurried to the spot from Guanajuato. He had
hardly gone half a league, however, on the morning
of the 5th, when the royalists observed the movement
and set out in pursuit. Rayon's small escort was
quickly dispersed and most of his: baggage captured,
his own narrow escape being due to the speed of his
horse.3

The fortress was now closely invested, receiving
a sharp bombardment, especially from a battery on
the adjoining hill of Los Remedies.* A number of
bands had by this time collected in the neighbor
hood, but their intention of harassing and throwing
in reinforcements received a check in the defeat of the
main body under Garcia and Sanchez.5 On the fol
lowing day,6 a determined assault was made on the
hill in three divisions, partly under cover of the bat
tery. But the difficulties of the movement proved
even greater than had been expected; and after a
long struggle it had to be abandoned with consider-

8Burkart describes it at length as he saw it some years later. Aufenthcdt,
i. 141 et seq. The town itself had, at the end of the revolution, 4,000 in
habitants, and the dependent villages 8,000 more.

3 The greatest loss was 'la petaca del dinero que llevaba 5,000 pesos e n
oro y plata, los sellos y algunos papeles.' Diario Hayon, G33.

4 Bustamante places the besieging force at 2,000, with 8 cannon, the
camps numbering 4. Cuad. Hist., ii. 279.

5 The royalist report places it at 400 or 500 cavalry, which were put to
flight with little effort.

6 The 8th, according to the royalists.

520 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

able loss,7 amidst the triumphant shouts of the be
sieged. The bodies of the slain were hurled with
suspicious zeal into a crumbling mining shaft, hitherto
serving as an occasional water source. Shortly after
ward Ramon Rayon was puzzled by the mysterious
warning of an Indian, "Beware of gachupin blood,"
the meaning of which presently appeared. The re
pulse had so discouraged Castillo that he sent to ask
for reinforcements. Just then a point was discov
ered for another battery, which not only permitted
a closer approach to the stronghold, but covered the
communication between it and the river. This unex
pected manoeuvre reduced the garrison for its water
supply to the mining shaft now poisoned with corpses.8
The warning was no longer doubtful, yet the water
had to be drank, to some extent, quenching thirst as
well as hope. So far the garrison had felt confi
dent, cheered by their successes, and sustained by
abundance of food and ammunition ; but an irresistible
foe had joined against them. Thirst, and perhaps
prudence hitherto neglected, prevailed over vainglory.
During the night of March 12th Ramon Rayon stole
silently from the place, unobserved by the besiegers,
whose attention was attracted by a series of pre
arranged explosions.9

The following morning the silent walls with twenty-
four spiked guns smiled calmly on the enraged Cas
tillo, who sent three parties in pursuit by different
routes, toward Irimbo, Huichapan, and Maravatio,
but with little result. On their return, however, the
cavalry, under Aguirre, came upon a small band led
by Colonel Valdespino, which was totally destroyed,

7 ' Esta accion general que dur6 hasta la oracion de la noche. ' Castillo y
Rustamante's Report, Gaz. de Mex., 1313, iv. 582.

8 Three hundred, according to the Diario Rayon, 638-9. Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., ii. 28, gives the Indian's "warning as 'To moriras, sefior, sibebes
el sangre del cachopin,' and adds that the soldiers, reduced to the shaft sup
ply, lost courage in drinking the bloody water.

9 ' Voludo su parque de artilleria,' says the royalist account. Carlos M. Bus
tamante alludes to the useful artillery inventions of Ramon Rayon, which
greatly assisted the defence.

CAPTURE OF CERRO DEL GALLO. 521

and Filisola razed the fortifications at Cerro de Nado,
with all the storehouses arid the valuable factories for
arms.10 This Filisola figures prominently in after years
under Iturbide and Santa Anna; and a fellow-lieuten
ant in this campaign, Miguel Barragan, was the one
who a dozen years later received the surrender of the
last Spanish stronghold on the North American con
tinent, and who soon after, as president of the republic,
raised to the supreme rank in the country a descend
ant of Montezuma II., in the person of his wife. Such
were the men now foremost in seeking to extinguish
the dawning independence.

The capture of Cerro del Gallo involved the destruc
tion of the best machinery possessed by the revolu
tionists for the manufacture of arms and ammunition,
and its fall spread no little dismay. The reputed
impregnable capital lost, and that within a few days,
to a handful of men, and the president a fugitive, were
disasters more discouraging than almost any previous
defeat, and preceded the advancing royalists like an
ominous blight.11

Castillo now marched to Zitd-cuaro, which Ramon
Rayon had entered in company with his brother, only
to abandon it on the approach of the royalists. He
thereupon took up a position at Maravatio, thus
assuring communication between Yalladolid and the
capital,12 leaving the commander of the province to
continue the pursuit. Notwithstanding his forlorn
condition as fugitive, President Rayon moved with
all the splendor he could muster, exacting pompous

10 The Cerro lay not far from Temascalcingo. See Filisola's report in Gaz.
de Mex., 1813, iv. 588, with inventory of arms.

11 In the lengthy report of Castillo Captain Garcia Revilla is praised
for his success in finding the point for cutting off the water supply. Food
was within the fortress in large quantities. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 579-
84. Bustamante bases his account on a special diary, which does not ap
pear very reliable, however. The royalists, for instance, are said to have
appeared before the cerro on April 20th. The dates in Dlario de Rayon
appear safer.

12 Marshal Saucedo, Inspector Izaguirre, and others were overtaken on the
way and shot. Castillo reported from Maravatio June 17th. Gaz. de Max.,
1813, iv. G41-2. Ignacio Rayon had observed the operations against Cerro
del Gallo from a distant summit.

522 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

receptions and profound homage, and disdaining not
even such titles as prince and liberator. In August
he reached Puruaridiro, and news arriving of his
wife's accouchement at Huetamo, where her family
had sought refuge, the town celebrated the incident
in truly royal style, with salvoes, illuminations, balls,
and other demonstrations.13 The era of republican
simplicity had not yet arrived.

Ramon Rayon had meanwhile taken another direc
tion in pursuance of his newly received dignity as co
ma ndante del Norte, with special control of the south
ern part of Guanajuato, Doctor Cos being confirmed
in the charge of the northern. About the same time
Garcia Conde, the royalist commander of the province,
and fully acquainted with its features and people, was
replaced by Brigadier Sotarriba, a man to whom this
field was comparatively unknown. The change in it
self caused an interruption in the campaign, which
gave respite to the insurgents and permitted them
to recuperate. Kamon Rayon now retrieved himself
in a skirmish at Chaparaco near Zamora, wherein he
displayed strategic skill of no mean order.14

This skill, unfortunately, was seldom brought into
practice when most needed; that is, in more im
portant engagements. In such cases as involved a
combination of forces, the rivalry between the differ
ent subordinate chiefs and their assumption of in
dependence in control of their men, interfered with
the plans and orders of the commander-in-chief, so
that their ineffectiveness must not be too hastily
attributed to him. Another still greater source of
weakness was the want of discipline. The leaders

13 The wife is spoken of in the Diario, 644, as 'la Exma Sra ministra Da Ma
riana Martinez,' the title referring to Rayon's ministerial office under Hidalgo.
He himself is called the prince. The secretary is lavish with such terms.
Even Alaman sneers at this taste for show and parade among these early
revolutionists.

14 He captured threescore horses and some arms, and claimed the slaugh
ter of 'much more' than a score of men, to which he added by executing six
out of eight prisoners. The artillery captain Ruelas distinguished himself for
activity, and Echeverria and Colonel Lobato for bravery, the latter being re
warded with the rank of brigadier. Uustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 3G2-4.

INSURGENT OFFICERS. 523

lacked the power, or the inclination — perhaps both-—
to enforce it to any considerable extent. Nor did
they themselves, as a rule, possess the experience or
ability to organize troops. They were little better than
the raw recruits who swelled their continually broken
and dispersed ranks, wherein the wide gaps were filled
with the first material that came to hand. Eaofer for

£5

military rank, which depended largely on the number
of men enlisted, the value of the force was of less im
mediate consideration with them; and so the insurgents
remained in altogether too great proportions a mere
rabble, who did further injury to their cause by reck
less disregard for property, even where retaliation or
other outrages were uncalled for.

Ramon Rayon's triumph was of short duration, for at
Zacapo a third of his small force was taken with fever,
and while thus crippled, a royalist body under Landd-
zuri came suddenly upon him on September 19th.
He had barely time to post a handful of men with
which to occupy the enemy, while the dragoons carried
the sick beyond reach, each horseman taking an invalid
on his saddle. He thereupon hastened to place the
skirmishers in safety, with the royalists close on their
heels — so close, indeed, that his brother, the president,
with whom he came up, had to save himself by shoot
ing at the pressing horsemen. Fortunately for them
they reached the bridge at the hacienda Zpimieo
slightly in advance of the pursuers, and by destroying
it the latter were checked.15 The Rayons now took
different directions, Ignacio going to Uruapan, and
Ramon leading his reunited force toward lake Cuit-
zeo, thence to operate along the course of the Lerina.
Sotarriba being soon after called away, the energetic

15 In Diario de Rayon the bridge is called la Alberca. The pursuers are
placed at 1 ,000 men. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 647; but Landazuri re
ports that he led 300 cavalry and 200 infantry, with four guns, from Patzcuaro,
where Robledo remained in charge with 160 men. The insurgents are placed
at 800 for the main body, while Bustamante allows a less number for the
total. Their loss is given at 100 dead and wounded, the royalists acknowl
edging only a few wounded. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1167-70; Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., ii. 364.

524 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

Landtizuri remained in command of Michoacan, to the
manifest advantage of royalist arms.

North-eastward in Guanajuato the insurgents con
fined themselves under the direction of Cos more dis
tinctly to guerrilla movements, for which the moun
tainous country was well adapted. The most successful
of the leaders was Matias Ortiz, known from his phleg
matic temperament as the Pachon, a name which
acquired an enviable record for daring. A notable
achievement was the defeat inflicted on the newly
formed royalist regiment Moncada, which under the
command of Vicente Bustamante had driven Cos
into the fastnesses round Leon, and inflicted no little
damage on other bands from its subsequent headquar
ters at San Felipe. On June 28th, while returning
from an expedition with a captured herd, it was sur
prised and routed with considerable slaughter by
Ortiz, Bustamante with six other officers being among
the slain. The result was the abandonment of San
Felipe, followed by that of several other posts.16
Francisco Rayon shared in these triumphs by a decided
success near San Juan del Rio, in Queretaro, wherein
he overwhelmed one detachment at Galindo, and re
pulsed a larger reenforcement;17 and his brother
Rafael obtained a similar advantage near Celaya.18

These movements, however, were becoming more
circumscribed as Iturbide, the new commander of the
province, extended his energetic operations. Aware
of Ramon Rayon's intention to seek the Cuitzeo re
gion, he had in August called on Ordonez of Quere-

16 Ortiz surprised one at San Bartolo in July, and in August he defeated a
party under Ignacio Juarez, nearVillela. Bustamante, Guad. Hist., ii. 298.

17 From San Juan, of 100 dragoons. The eomandante at Galindo fell with
20 men, and 260 animals and some money were captured. Diario de Rayon,
646.

18 At the hacienda San Antonio, which he captured in October in connec
tion with the Indian chief Hilario Rodriguez, taking 500 animals and a quan
tity of supplies. Diario de Rayon, v. 649. Hilario is said to have tortured
the eomandante Gallardo before beheading him. He was overtaken and
killed with four adherents soon after, his head being impaled as a warning.
Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1178-9, 1190, 1196.

CASTILLO AND EAYON. 525

taro for cooperation, and made a sweep of the Salva-
tierra district, completing the task by razing the
fortifications on the famous lake island of Liceaga.
Forces from Michoacan had marched to intercept the
insurgents along the south line, who, however, obtained
timely information. Orrantia, second to Iturbide,
remained for a time in charge at Salvatierra to main
tain the advantage, and managed to capture the leader
Rubi, who was promptly executed. By a further
movement in the direction of Penjamo, early in Octo
ber, the proposed reunion there of different insurgent
forces was frustrated, and consequently their campaign
plan. Similar prompt manoeuvres along the east side,
from Celaya northward, tended greatly to extend the
royalist influence, affirmed as it was by increased
activity among the local militia for the protection of
their respective districts.19

At the same time that Castillo marched against
Rayon another expedition moved against the adjoin
ing power represented by the Yillagranes, father and
son, whose forces were ever threatening the eastern
side of the northern highways, and extending their
raids into the lake valley. By cooperating with
Rayon and other leaders they might have rendered
good service to the revolutionary cause, but the latter
served them mainly as a cover for their own ambi
tious views, to exercise sovereign sway in their dis
trict, protected by its natural strength and favored
by the diversion of royalist arms elsewhere. The
efforts of Rayon to stir their patriotism and recall
them to duty had proved ineffectual, as we have seen,

™Gaz. deMcx., 1813, iv. 962-3, 1196-8, etc. ; MendiW, RestimenHisL, 161-
9. Velasco, Eamirez, Vargas, Mendizabal, and others continued to reappear
round Yurira or Cuitzeo, and so in other directions, with varying success,
but the operations were comparatively insignificant. The towns-people ex
hibited henceforth greater eagerness than ever in aiding the royalist troops,
offering at Celaya, for instance, to serve as volunteers, without the pay thus
far granted them. Iturbide who had suggested the offer in view of the need
for funds, insisted nevertheless on aiding the poorer men and invalids. Gaz.
deMex., 1813, iv. 1275-6.

526 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

and the messenger of the president had actually been
imprisoned, the apology sent by themselves being a
meaningless concession, followed by a smile at Rayon's
severe formality in accepting it.20

The elder Villagran held out at Zimapan, in the
centre of a rich silver region, disposing of men and
property very much as he pleased, founding cannon
and coining money wherewith to extend and affirm
his power, notably to the east, where he claimed con
trol under the pompous title of Julian I., emperor of
the Huasteca, before alluded to — a country rejoicing
in its fastnesses and in the independent spirit of its
people. He had also bent his eyes northward to the
Jalpan region, tributary to the Tamain branch of Rio
Tampico, and obtained a certain foothold by the aid
of his trusty lieutenant Casimiro Gomez, an Indian
who figured as colonel and comandante general;21 but
General Arredondo, stationed in the Valle del Maiz,
took energetic measures, and in January the intruders
were obliged to recross the dividing range.22 General
Rebollo of Queretaro cooperated in the adjoining
districts, from Toliman to Hichu, defeating and cap
turing the well known insurgent Colonel Peralta, and
driving off the band of Yalenzuela.23

Villagran might have succeeded better with the aid
of his mountaineers, but for a despotic administration
which by no means tended to retain their adherence.

20 On Villagran 's future conduct would depend the pardon, was the lofty
answer of the tottering president. Negrete, Mcx. Siglo XIX., v. 420.

21 As a boy he had found favor with Marcos Gutierrez, a Spaniard of Mex
ico who traded with this region, and who educated him to some extent while
serving in his family. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 465.

22 This operation was performed by Captain Elosiia, who entered Jalpan
on the 21st, after having with 240 men inflicted a severe lesson on Gomez's
troops, which were estimated at no less than 3,000. A more signal rout would
have resulted but for the warning of a woman. As it was, fully 300 Indians
fell. Elosua's report in Gaz. de Max., 1813, iv. 523, etc.

23 Peralta's force, including some of Cos' men, lost 45 in killed and 22 in
prisoners. The colonel and his captain, Gallardo, were executed. The vic
tory was achieved early in April by Bocanegra, the aid of Carbajal, com
manding at Toliman, who himself drove off Valenzuela. At Xiclni were
found 31 royalist bodies hanging. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 564-5. Further
northward the leader Camacho was defeated by Montes with Rio Verde
troops. Id., 548.

DEFENCE OF HUICHAPAK 527

At Zimapan his arbitrary disposal of life and prop
erty was prompted greatly by the royalist sentiment
among the people, who had not only fought stoutly
against annexation to his territory, but plotted more
than once for liberation.24 His strength was there
fore much less imposing than it appeared on the sur
face.

The task of humbling him was intrusted to Colo
nel Cristobal Ordonez, in charge of the troops sta
tioned at Tula; but a rich convoy from Guanajuato
to Mexico required at the time his personal attention.
The escort duty was not without effect on the pri
mary object, however, for insurgents were attracted
in large force to the upper line of his march, with an
eye to booty, only to be effectually repulsed/

Meanwhile Ordonez' second in command, Pedro
Monsalve, assisted by troops from San Juan del Rio,
Ixmiquilpan, and other parts, presented himself be
fore Huichapan on May 3d. The whole besieging
force not having yet arrived, Chito Villagran, who
held control at this place, haughtily rejected the par
don offered, confident in being able to maintain himself
till reinforcements should arrive, especially as he had
more than once repulsed Monsalve. Strong barricades
had been thrown up at the mouth of every street, the
church-towers were occupied by armed men, and a
few hundred feet south-east of the town rose a well
fortified bastion. The assault was made from several

24 In several districts the religious care of the inhabitants was wholly neg
lected. Dorantes defends the Villagranes as both just and patriotic, and
disputes the charge that the son Jose" Maria inflicted the dagger-wound
which killed his intended father-in-law, Chavez Nava, in 1810. He did not
obtain the daughter's hand, and married instead Guadalupe Neve. See let
ter in Negretc, Mex. Sicj. XIX., vi. 17-20. 'Fueron unas plagas tan fu-
nestas a la nacion como los mismos espauoles,' exclaims Bustamante. Cuad.
Uist.jii. 355-6.

23 At Baltierrilla, near Salamanca. They were said to number over 4,000,
under the Rayons, Salmeron, Torres, Hermosillo, Segura, Rosales, and Najar.
Iturbide assisted Ordonez, who reached Quere"taro May 4th. Gaz. de Mex.,
1813, iv. 472-3, 490-7. Arechederreta, in his Aj)imtes, adds that the convoy
reached Mexico on May 10th, with 1,751 bars of silver, whereof 600 for royal
account, much grain, tallow, and other effects.

523 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

directions, however, partly by scaling, partly through
breaches, and by the close of the day fort as well
as town had been captured, leaving only a remnant
of the insurgents in possession of the church-towers
till the following morning. Nearly 300 insurgents

CAMPAIGN IN THE EAST.

perished, and 400 were taken prisoners, out of about
2,000, the besieging force reaching nearly the same
total.26 A larger proportion would have escaped, but

26 Fernandez of Tlahuelilpan captured the bastion, with 57 prisoners; 17
guns were obtained. Reports by subordinate leaders, Barradas, Casasola%

EXECUTION OF VILLAGRAN. 529

retreat to the hills had been cut off, and the fugitives
had to take a more open road, led by Villagran.
Finding the pursuers gaining, the latter struck out
for himself, scattering gold pieces to detain the troop
ers. The Colchian trick availed not, however, for
the horse of the Chito had been drugged, and he was
caught.27 This success could be regarded only as a
first step in the campaign, for the power of the Villa-
granes centred in Julian. An arduous fight was in
prospect, and rather than sacrifice blood and time the
royalists proposed to use their advantage so far toward
negotiations, offering pardon and privileges to both
if the father would submit. But Villagran the elder
was too proud and ambitious to barter his position,
even for the life of a son, and with patriotic declama
tion he declared himself prepared to sacrifice also his
other children for his country, even to the unborn
ones.28 "Die with dignity," was the characteristic
message to the son, who was thereupon shot in front
of his late palace, the head being impaled on the
walls.29

After due preparation, the royalists passed on
toward Zimapan, on May 30th, this time with in
creased forces under Ordonez himself. The same day
they reached a strongly fortified height on the Rio
de los Aljibes, which formed a turn at its foot within
a deep ravine. The plan for attack was made with
some care, for the place could not be readily assailed ;

Torres y del Campo, etc., are attached. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 470-2, 492-6.
Monsalve describes the bastion which rose nearly 30 feet in height. Busta-
mante claims that the defence was stupidly managed, for 'nadie de buena
razon' would serve under such a leader. Cuad. Hist., ii. 354-5. Bocanegra
of Toliman cut off retreat to the hills.

27 A false servant had tilled the ears of his steed with quicksilver, which
caused it to act queerly. Nerjrete, Mex. Sifjlo XIX., vi. 79-81.

28 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 355, followed by Alaman and others, inti
mates that mere pardon was offered, the son being induced to plead with the
father in a letter. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vi. 19-20, following a narrative
friendly to the Villagranes, states that a brother was sent to persuade Julian,
offering 'todos los honores que tenian en las filas de los independientes. '

29 On May 14bh, Major Clavarino remained in command at Huichapan,
which failed not to pay the customary tribute of being sacked. Torrente,
Hist. Rev., i. 436, alludes to the success as 'un balsamo consolador, ' reflecting
glory on Calleja.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 34

530 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

but after discharging a few shots the insurgents rolled
the guns into the chasm and took to flight, amid the
detonation of the fired ammunition. Monsalve pur
sued them, and entered the evacuated Zimapan amidst
great rejoicing, for the inhabitants here had ever
shown decided royalist sympathies. In this instance
they greeted the comers as saviors, declaring that
Villagran had 'threatened to butcher them all and
burn the town. There was evidence enough of his
ill-will in the desolate surroundings.30

Old Villagran, as he was usually known, had occu
pied a height a few hours' march beyond the town, and
fortified it with the thirty pieces of artillery thence
withdrawn. When Monsalve appeared in sight on
June 1st he was met by a series of heavy volleys and
stone showers; yet nothing daunted, the royalists
rushed to the assault, inspired greatly by the con
duct of Villagran's men so far, and the well known dis
affection among them. Indeed, no vigorous resistance
was offered, at closer quarters, and on approaching the
summit they found the occupants already in full flight,
abandoning guns, baggage, and provisions.31

Villagran hastened with a mere handful to the
hacienda San Juan Amajaque, only to find further
progress barred on all sides. In this strait, one of
his colonels, named Maya, resolved to save himself by
facilitating his capture, which was effected June 13th.
A week later he was shot at Huichapan, and his
head impaled close to that of his son, a hand being
sent to Ixmiquilpan as a warning to his sympathizers.32
Thus perished the ambitious sovereign of the Huas-

30 'Robados hasta lo sumo, quemadas sus casas y haciendas,' says the re
port, leaving the impression that all save the centre of the town had been
burned. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 577.

31 Monsalve estimated them at 3,000, against 300 royalists. Id., 590-4.

32 Alaman, following Bustamante, states that he suffered death at Gilitla
hacienda, Hist. Mej., iii. 466; but reports by friends in Negrete are more re
liable. Twenty-two fellow-captives fell on the same day, June 21st. His
body was buried without honor; but within a few days, friends came to Huicha
pan and carried off the heads after a skirmish, entombing them at Zitacuaro
with great solemnity. Mdx. Siylo X IX. , vi. 17-21. Thus was avenged on
Villagran the blood of Sanchez, says Bustamante. Guad. Hist., ii. 356.

ROYALIST SUCCESSES. 531

teca, less through the onslaught of a few hundred
royalists than through his own waywardness, lack
of skill and prudence in managing the defence, and
alienating the devotion of his followers, whom he
controlled greatly by fear, sustained by a passion
ate temperament and immense physical strength.
The latter he was rather fond of displaying, both
from vanity and a desire to impress people, and on
the way to his place of execution he astonished the
escort by knocking down a mule which had stepped on
his foot.33

Few regretted his loss. Immediately after the
death of the Chito a revulsion of feeling became man
ifest in the rapid flow of adherents to the royalists,
even by the intimate officers of the Villagranes, such
as Casimiro Gomez, who had been prominent in raid
ing expeditions and outrages on Spaniards. He
prudently negotiated for pardon at the head of nearly
two thousand Indians, many of them armed with
hand grenades for want of muskets. Captain Trejo
came in earlier with 400 persons and 27,000 head of
animals, and was confirmed in his position, yet sub
ject to Jose Andauro, an Indian of Zimapan, who
had zealously supported the cura Salgado in oppos
ing the revolution.34 In less devoted districts the
royalists are said to have acted with great severity to
secure permanent submission.35

The advantage gained by Ordonez was followed up
from the coast side by Argiielles and Gonzalez rle la
Vega, successively commandants at Tuxpan, who in

33 As related by Dorantes, in Negrete, Mex. Slrjlo XIX., vi. 20.

34 Ordonez praises these men highly in his report. Oaz. de Mex., 1813, iv.
614-17. Casasola was about to march against Gomez, known as comandante
general of the region around Ixmiquilpan, when the former marshalled his
forces to expedite the pardon. Among those executed was Captain Carpio,
appointed inquisidor general under Villagran.

35 In Huichapan prisoners were decimated and the people oppressed more
than formerly. 'Un nuevo despotismo tanto 6 mas feroz que el de los Villa
granes,' declares the bitter Bustarnante. Cuad. Hist., ii. 355. At Jilotepec
over 800 persons were immolated. Negrete also gives instances of cruelty,
especially at Huichapan. Mex. Shjlo XIX. , vi. 22-4. In the following year
an epidemic, which he calls yellow fever, added to its aflliction.

532 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

connection with Giiitian, long stationed in Huasteca,36
succeeded in establishing communication between the
coast and the interior, and in asserting the supremacy
of royalist arms from Tampico to Huauchinango. In
the coast region, from Misantla northward, General
Rincon figured as leading insurgent, assisted by Father
Calderon, Arroyo, Lozano, the Indian Olarte, Ber-
mudez, and others, who could together muster 3,000
followers or more; but with the judicious aid of gun
boats and minor craft the royalists obtained several
advantages both by sea and river. The capture of
Tecolutla served to cut off supplies for the opponents.
Papantla fell in September, Kincon's attempt to re
cover it proved a failure, and several other discom
fitures tended greatly to disorganize insurgent move
ments . for a time.37 In the Jalpan districts Bocanegra,
and others under orders from Arredondo of the Yalle
del Maiz, succeeded in enforcing royalist control in a
more decided manner, assisted by a number of lately
pardoned insurgents, who manifested no little zeal in
the pursuit of their late comrades, and in breaking up
their haunts and plans.38

Nevertheless, the Sierra Gorda and its southern
extension presented too many natural advantages
for guerrilla warfare, for sudden descents on roads,
posts, and fields of supply, with ready and secure re
treats, to allow anything like complete restoration of
royalist control. Jose Antonio Yillagran, Hafael
Polo, Francisco Rayon, Canas, Atilano, Garcia, and
Epitacio Sanchez were among the leaders who here

S6Giiitian's report in Gaz. de Mex.t 1813, iv. 597-1214, passim, ascoman-
dante en gefe de la Huasteca. The inhabitants of Tamiahua had distinguished
themselves for their obstinate defence against insurgents, women and children
assisting in the trenches and bringing in the lead from their nets for bullets.
Id., 689-90.

37 See reports of Argiielles and Vega in Gaz. de Mcx., 1813, iv. 6G3-1293, pas
sim. These successes of the royalists frustrated Rayon's efforts to communicate
with the U. S. and other parts, as will be seen, Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist. , ii.
347; Mendibil, Ite.sumen Hist., 181.

33 General Rebollo of Quere~taro and General Torres of San Luis Potosi
cooperated, so that the force in this direction was especially large. Valdivia,
Melo, and Landaverde were among captured leaders. Gaz. de Alex., 1813, iv.
597-8, 1049-51, etc.

OSORNO AND BUSTAMANTE. 533

sustained the revolutionary struggle, carrying their
operations to the lake shore of Mexico. Anastasio
Bustamante, the future president, figured in the ranks
of their pursuers.39

The main reliance of the insurgents in this quarter
was now Osorno, the last of the three central leaders,
against whom Calleja directed his opening campaign,
and the strongest of them all he proved himself. He
occupied the territory south of the Villagraries, and
was recognized as chief by nearly all the revolutionary
bands scattered from the slopes above Papantla to the
plains of Apam, and in irregular sections from below
Huamantla northward. Unlike the stern Julian, he
possessed admirable traits to sustain his popularity,
but displayed the same lack of skill as organizer, and
of tactics and prudence as commander-in-chief. When
Bustamante, the fugitive elector from Mexico, took
up his abode with him in the latter part of 1812,
he observed the neglect to utilize the important ele
ments at hand, and was permitted to introduce some
order into the administration, to cast artillery, erect
a mint, and to discipline the force of some 500 cavalry
and infantry kept within call, out of a total of over
3,000 which could be united under Osorno's banner.
This interference roused no little jealousy, especially
on the part of Vicente Beristain, an artillery officer
who wielded a great influence over the leader; and
when Bustamante raised his voice against the ex
cessive vandalism so alluring to the bands, it became
easy to so direct feeling against him that he took his
departure.40 With him vanished also the lingering
hope of Rayon to win Osorno to his side.

39 Sanchez surprised Quauhtitlan in Nov. and shot its comandante, Moreno,
at Colhuacan. Ordonez came down and retaliated by executing at Jilotepec
and Ixtlahuaca several insurgents, including Teodoro Lopez, and a boy of
twelve years. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1136, 1238, et seq. Operations so near
the capital receive frequent notice in the journals, although insignificant in
themselves.

40 Bustamante, Not. Bioy., 13-14. Nicolas Berazaluce had assisted in the
reorganization. He estimates that Osorno could at this time raise 4,000

5C4 OPERATIONS AGAINST KAYON AND VILLAGP.AN.

In January 1813, a royalist party under Rubin tie
Celis proposed to surprise Zacatlan, which was under
stood to be poorly prepared for defence; but an inter
cepted despatch gave warning to Osorno and he has
tened to anticipate the movement in reversed order.
Although astonished to find their foe before their
camp one morning at the hacienda of Mimiahuapam,
the royalists boldly sallied to the attack. Osorno fell
back as if in flight; but as soon as the cavalry of the
pursuers had been separated from the main body he
turned and succeeded in routing it. The infantry
also could have been annihilated if Osorno had ex
erted himself. As it was, he allowed it to escape.41

Made confident by success, he now proposed to
take the offensive and advanced in April against Zaca-
poaxtla with about two thousand men, chiefly cavalry.
The natives of this place had roused his ire by their
loud royalist demonstrations, and the expedition was
prompted rather by ill feeling and a desire for spoil
than by motives connected with the cause.42 At first
an advantage was obtained; but the death of a favor
ite officer created confusion among the foot-soldiers,
the most effective part of the troops for this moun
tain region, and the opportunity being seized by the
opponents, under direction of Valle, the wavering
column was routed with loss of the siege artillery.
Osorno thereupon retreated, his scattering forces at-

horsemen, in good condition. Cuad. Hist., ii. 258-9. His efforts were
brought to the notice of Venegas, partly through his appeal for a warfare on
international principles, not to the knife. An amnesty was offered to him,
and to promote its acceptance his wife was to be arrested, but she obtained
warning and joined him at Zacatlan.

41 His maxim being to offer the foe 'la puente de plata,' or silver bridge,
says Bustamante, who adds that a main object was to capture himself. Osur-
no had by this time over 1,000 horsemen round him, whom he dismissed on
reaching Zacatlan January 9th. It had at first been proposed to send Lieut-
col Candano against Osorno, in the belief that Rayon was also to be met here.
Cuad. Hist., ii. 259-60. The royalists gave no report of the encounter, as
may be imagined. Bustamante writes Ccelis.

42 Bustamante and others were strongly opposed to it, and the movement
had at first been directed early in March against Tulancingo. When half
way the expedition turned back. Id. , 2GO. Col. Bocardo instigated the pres
ent attack.

EVENTS IN PUEBLA. 505

tempting in vain to retaliate for their failure on some
of the minor settlements.43

This reverse gave no little impulse to the prepara
tions of Conde de Castro Terreno, the new commander
in Puebla, to whom had been assigned, among other
tasks, the subjugation of Osorno's strongholds. The
importance of the undertaking was measured not alone
by the opposing forces, but by their dangerous prox
imity to the Vera Cruz highway; and taught by the
failure of Celis, the conde resolved to lead in person
the carefully fitted out expedition. On presenting
himself before Zacatlan,44 May 19th, he found the
place abandoned by Osorno, who, preferring prudence
to glory, had buried his artillery, and retired to a safe
distance. Pursuit seemed useless, and after sending
out detachments to destroy the fortifications and fac
tories at San Miguel, Tenango, Huamantla, and other
places, Terreno returned to Puebla three days later,
taking away the discovered guns.

The only resistance met during this military prome
nade was offered by Arroyo at Huamantla and by the
cura Ortega Moro, who with greater rashness than
sense bore down upon the advancing expedition with

43 Such as Tlatlanquitepec, Tenextepec, Huatepec, and Chignauta. The
attack on Zacapoaxtla began on April 27th, the main assault and retreat oc
curring on the 28th. Royalist accounts estimate the assailants at 5,000, and
claim the capture of four cannon with a sacrifice of only two killed. The
officer whose death influenced the defeat was Lieut. -col Epitacio Garcia.
Gaz. de Max., 1813, iv. 552-8. Bustamante places Osorno's force at over
1,000 men, four cannon, and two companies of infantry, but this may not in
clude the troops added on the way under Arroyo, Espinosa, and others.

44 He proposed to be guided in the campaign by Col J. de Dios Ramirez,
lately an officer of Osorno, who had found it prudent to escape from the ill
feeling roused by his excesses. At the last moment came letters from Osorno,
enclosing notes by Ramirez on Terrefio's projects, and charging the latter with
secret adhesion to the insurgent cause. The charge, whether true or not,
could not fail to incense the conde, and he had the double-faced colonel ar
raigned before a court-martial and executed, to stop further disclosures, ac
cording to some. Bustamante declares, however, that the only ground for
suspicion was the courteous treatment of insurgents by Terreuo. Corre
spondence on the subject is given in Bustamante's journal Correo del Sur,
July 1, 1813. Terreno had additional trouble with the ayuntamiento of Pu
ebla, which neglected to promptly furnish certain beasts for transport. The
alcalde, Marque's de Monserrat, was actually placed under arrest for protest
ing against a curt summons to appear before the general. Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., ii. 285, 287-9.

533 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

less than a score of followers. The party was cut to
pieces, and the cura fell captive, fatally wounded.45

No sooner was Zacatlan free from royalists than
Osorno reentered it, and his followers resumed their
usual raids southward and into the valley of Mexico.
During one of these incursions, Colonel Montano
was overtaken and killed near Calpulalpan by Cap
tain Salceda, commanding some San Luis Potosi dra
goons.46 The colonel was not only a popular leader,
but a friend of Osorno, and he resolved to avenge him.
A considerable force under In clan went in quest of
Salceda, who was overtaken on the plains of Apani
on August 7th, and after a severe conflict, slaughtered
with nearly his entire company.47

Calleja in his turn burned to retaliate for this and
other inflictions, and sent Llorente in the midst of
the rainy season with several hundred men, to reenter
Zacatlan. This was effected August 23d, with little
more than a skirmish, and the fortifications at San
Miguel were once more destroyed, the head of Salceda
being removed from its impaled position. Llorente
thereupon followed Osorno and attacked on the 29th
his strong position at Las Mesas, but without deci
sive effect; for after a fight of seven hours he retired
toward Tlasco, and thence back to Apam.43 Osorno
remained master of the situation.

45 Orders came from Calleja to shoot him; whereupon the compassionate
Terreuo gave him poison, says Bustamante. Id., 285. Terreilo reports that
the expedition cost not a drop of blood, but the large expenses of the prepa
ration he does not dwell upon. The Guanajuato battalion under Samairiego
destroyed San Miguel, and Colonel Aguila marched against Huamantla. Gaz.
de Afex., 1813, iv. 571-5; Max. El V-ire?/, 4.

40 His horse failed him at a critical moment. Salceda claims that he put
to flight with less than threescore men the forces of Montano and Manilla,
numbering some 600 cavalry. He had previously routed the lesser Gomez
and shot Ortega. Gaz. de Mex., 1S13, iv. 745-6. In Corre.o del Sur, Sept. 4,
1813, a tribute is paid to Montano. His death is placed wrongly on July 23d
instead of the 21st.

47 The fight began on the 6th, near Mai Pais, and ended at the hacienda de
Jala, whither Salceda retreated with 60 men, followed by about 800, accord
ing to the Gaz. de Jllex., 1813, iv. 855-6. His death was deeply regretted.

48 Yet his report speaks of insurgents fleeing in all directions with innu
merable wounded, while his own loss is reduced to two wounded during the
last encounter. Gaz. de Mex., iv. 909-12, 927-30. Bustamante increases his
casualties to eleven killed and many wounded. At Tlasco ' cometio la bajeza,1

CHANGES IN NUEVA GALICIA. 537

The order of Calleja49 withdrawing from the con
trol of Nueva Galicia both Guanajuato and Michoa-
can was apparently based on Cruz's former somewhat
pretended objections to the responsibility, but rested
really on the long-growing hostility between the two
leaders, and the desire of the new viceroy to assume
direct control wherever possible. Cruz understood
the motive, and took it so much to heart as to tender
his resignation of the Nueva Galicia command.50 But
the friendship of Venegas, leagued against Calleja,
induced the government to retain a man of so recog
nized ability, partly as a check on the viceroy.51

Elated by the confidence expressed in him, Cruz
assumed a more independent attitude. He erected a
mint at Guadalajara, obtained larger commercial priv
ileges for San Bias, and fostered trade with China, the
West Indies, and in other directions, at the expense of
Acapulco;52 developed local manufactures, and formed
for himself a long-enduring monument in the public
buildings with which he embellished the capital of the
kingdom. All this, however, had the effect also of
opening the eyes of the people to their resources and
strength, and to rouse a spirit of provincialism that
failed not to bear fruit in due time. The latter feel
ing received, moreover, direct encouragement from the
continued hostility between Cruz and Calleja.53

The energetic measures of Cruz had assisted to con-
he adds, of deluding a party by means of a false password and firing upon it,
Cnad. Hist., ii. 306, 'quedando casi todos muertos y prisioneros. ' Ncgrete,
Mex. Sifflo XIX., vi. 61; Mendibil, Resumeu Hist., 187.

4W Dated April 21, 1813.

50 As comandaute general, governor, and gefe politico, as well as president
of the audiencia. The objections to Calleja are clearly indicated. The letter
is dated May 10th. See Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 748-50. Calleja
was notified by another letter of the 12th, • which Bustamante wrongly as
sumes to be the resignation.

51 The latter by letter of July 6th also remonstrates against the resignation
and expresses warm regard. Id., 76.

52 Effects were brought direct by way of Panamd, for instance.

53 Armament not being well manufactured at Guadalajara, Cruz asked for
a supply from Mexico. This was refused and a strong letter followed, which
led to a reprimand from Calleja. Bustamante alludes to Cruz as ' feroz y
sanguinario,' yet admits his talent and insight. Cuad. Hist., ii. 400-1. Ala-
maii points to his wide influence in the kingdom, where he could direct elec
tions at will. Hist. Mcj., iii. 427.

538 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

fine the revolution in Nueva Galicia to very narrow
limits, notwithstanding the dangerous proximity of
Miehoacan and Guanajuato. Along these frontiers
there were movements of some importance, in the
south mainly under the direction of Vargas, who fig
ured as comandante general of the province for Rayon,
but the counter-campaign fell rather to the share of
Iturbide and Linares or his successor, and in the north
a corps of observation served to restrict the incursions
toward the Rio Grande from the fastnesses of Nayarit
and Acaponeta.5* Encounters were frequent enough,
and for the greater part in favor of the royalists, with
their superior arms and discipline, and their possession
of nearly all the towns well fortified and provided;55
but the insurgents aimed here less at winning battles
than raiding and harassing; and if less glorious, such
operations served at least to keep alive the spirit of
resistance and provide means for more effective demon
strations elsewhere.56

The most important movement which occupied the
province itself was the siege of Mescala rock in Lake
Chapala, situated six miles from the northern shore.
Roused by certain unjust exactions on the part of
Cruz,57 a number of Indians had taken refuge there
to devote themselves to sweet revenge under a revo
lutionary banner, after having secured arms from sur
prised convoys, and inflicted some damage on the
royalist parties which attempted to suppress their

54 The royalist command in Nayarit was held by Colonel M. de Iturbe who
died this year of apoplexy. To the eastward moved such leaders as Hcr-
mosillo, Segura, Carranza, Cabeza de Vaca, and Saturnine, with from 2,000
to 4,000 followei-3, and at times in conjunction with Torres and Caballero of
Guanajuato. See extracts from Cruz's report in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii.
402-3.

55 And herein the inhabitants were kept busy to support the garrisons, as
instanced by the order at Autlan obliging the people to build ramparts.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , v. 47.

56 The Gaz. de Mex., Oct. 21 to 25, 1813, gives a report of operations mainly
along the southern border, from Feb. till Aug. In the latter month Severiano
was taken with nearly all his remnant of followers near Tepetilte. Id.,
1813, iv. 1106-7.

57 Bustamante is doubtful whether the reestablishment of the Indian
tribute or interference with fishing on the lake claims prominence.

THE WAR IN MICHOACAK.

539

first demonstrations.58 Protected by their distance
from shore and by the precipitous sides of the rock,
they felt secure in their retreat, and could devote
their whole attention to descents upon the inimical
settlements along the lake shore, choosing their own
time and place and keeping them in constant alarm.
These well planned operations were under the direc
tion of the presbyter Marcos Castellanos, assisted by
Encarnacion Rosas and Jose Santa Ana.59

PueWoYiejo

EXPLANATION

1. Fort.

2. Old Presidio.
8. Chapel.

4. Hospital.

5. Battery.

CHAPALA LAKE.

Cruz directed a considerable force to guard the
shore, under Lieutenant-colonel Linares, while suit
able vessels could be built at San Bias for a formal
assault. During a reconnoitring tour in February,

58 Comandante Serrato in Nov. 1812 attacked Rosas at San Pedro Ixican,
near Ocotlan, but reenforced by Santa Ana, the latter took a telling revenge
on his assailant, and pursued the advantage by routing Hernandez at Ponei-
tlan and the curate Alvarez.

59 The latter governor of the adjoining shore village of Mescala. The ac
count is from the report furnished by Castellanos in 1824 in response to Bus-
tamante's appeal to the congress. Castellanos had burned all documents at
the time of capitulation to prevent exposures, and testified from memory.
Cutad. Hist., iii. 87 et seq., iv. 545, with plans.

540 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

undertaken by Linares himself in seven large canoes,
he came in conflict with the islanders, and succumbed
with several officers and twenty -three men, three
canoes only regaining the shore.60 Equally unsuc
cessful was the main attack in June, under General
Negrete with about five hundred men. For this the
new large boats from San Bias were brought out,
some lashed together to sustain cannon. Paralyzed
by stone showers from the rock, the lumbering squad
ron became an easy target for the light active canoes.
A large number of the assailants were killed, two
boats were captured with cannon and ammunition,
and Negrete had a narrow escape, with severe wounds.61
Royalist operations were after this reduced to little
more than a defence of the shore line from the head
quarters at Tlachichilco, supplemented by a blockade
for cutting off supplies which was maintained by a
cruising flotilla.62 The occupants of the rock num
bered at this time about a thousand, including 300
women and children.63

60 According to Cruz' report. Castellanos asserts that 'apenas' one canoe
escaped with live men. Santa Ana, who commanded at the island, lost three
ineut This occurred on Feb. 27th. The islanders are given 70 canoes by the
opponents. Soon after a division against San Pedro, under Lieut-col. Alva
rez was routed by the valiant Indians, who also defeated another at Vigia.
Castellanos' report is full of similar and less important skirmishes, always
favorable to the islanders, who kill large numbers while suffering little them
selves. Royalists of course report their own victories.

61 The expedition is said by insurgents to have consisted of 600 men with
11 guns. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 641. Castellanos claims that the
greater part of Negrete's force was lost, with one gun, etc., the leader leaving
the fingers of one hand behind. Cuad. Hist., iii. 95.

62 The leading vessel thereof was successfully assailed and captured one
night by Santa Ana, who distinguished himself about the same time by
almost annihilating the forces of Cuellar and Vallano, the former numbering
'nearly' 500 men.

63 This from the report of a captured Indian, who is rather vague in his
statement, for he knows the leader only as a Franciscan, with one Morillo
'apparently' as second. He states that they were poorly provided with
armament and supplies. He enumerated 10 cannon and fully 100 canoes.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , v. 204-6. For additional details on move
ments in Jalisco, see Gaz. de J\lex., 1813, iv. 15-20, 190, 839-40, 1085, 1107,
1294, etc. ; Mendibil, Resumen Hist. , 216-17. At this period figured a woman,
Paula Atieuza by name, who was recommended to the cortes by the munici
pality of Gaudalajara for her devotion to the sick and wounded on both sides.
Cortex, Diario, xx. 82-4. The reports from this city at the opening of the
year are signed by J. L. J. Pinilla, as in ten den te. Id., xix. 357.

THE PROVINCIAS INTERNAS. 541

In the adjoining annexed province of Zacatecas,
Victor Resales figured as the leading revolutionary
spirit, maintaining himself very well with nearly
three hundred men, despite the close watch kept by
several cavalry divisions. Assured that the city of
Zacatecas was ripe for revolt, he ventured in Sep
tember to attack it, and penetrated to the very bar
racks, capturing two cannon; but the royalist com
mander, Brigadier Irizarri, had received warning in
time to summon aid. Resales' small force was soon
obliged to retreat, and on reaching the open field it
was intercepted and dispersed with considerable loss,64
the remnants restricting themselves henceforth to mi
nor raiding expeditions.

Nueva Galicia was not the only command that suf
fered disintegration with the elevation of Calleja. The
provincias interims were divided into two comandan-
cias generales, de Occidente and de Oriente, the for
mer retaining the original provinces save Texas and
Coahuila, which together with Nuevo Leon and Nu-
evo Santander, hitherto under the viceroyalty, formed
the Oriente section. The command of the Occidente,
with headquarters at Chihuahua, passed in course
of the year from Salceclo to Alejo Garcia Conde,
whose brother Diego became intendente successively
of Zacatecas and I)urango.65 That of the Oriente,
for which Monterey became the seat, was bestowed
on Simon de Herrera, late governor of Nuevo Leon,
and a friend of Calleja.

64 That within the city amounted to 0 deaths, now increased by 17, besides
18 prisoners taken by Captain Pascua, who led the reinforcement. The in
surgent party is placed at 250, a section of which was commanded by Magda-
leno. Gaz. de Max., 1814, v. 664; 1813, iv. 1087. Bustamante relates that
Resales' son, eleven years of age, fell wounded into the hands of the victors,
who iirst lashed and then shot him, to which end 'lo sacaron enuna Camilla.'
C'uad. Hist., ii. 405. Resales' name was later inscribed in letters of gold
among the national heroes. Matias Ortiz, Zamora, Rosalino Lopez, and
Picazo made occasional entries on the south-east border. An attack by them
on Ojuelos, at the close of August, with 460 men, was repulsed with a loss of
50. Gaz. deMex., 1813, iv. 1175-8.

05 Nemecio Salcedo returned to Spain. Some time later Bernardo Bona-
via figures in Cedulario, MS., iv. 238, as commander.

542 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

The change arose less from the increase of popula
tion and material development than from a military
standpoint, in view of the need for energetic sup
pression of hostile movements. The north-west sec
tion suffered rather from the usual Indian hostili
ties,66 but eastward the revolutionary spirit had again
sprung into alarming prominence. After the suppres
sion of the insurrection in Nuevo Santander, Bernardo
Gutierrez de Lara, an inhabitant of the town of Re-
villa, and attached to the revolutionary cause, had
sought an asylum in the United States, there to seek
aid in behalf of his cause and to await developments.
The attention accorded him by the government at
Washington, and its known intentions re^ardin^ the

^ ' O O

Texan frontier, created no little alarm in New Spain,67
and the insurgents grew correspondingly elated, loudly
announcing in March that a large army was already
inarching to their assistance.63

Lara failed, however, to effect anything with the
government, and the jubilation of his compatriots was
founded merely on the march of some four hundred
and fifty men, partly filibusters from the United
States, with whom he had in the latter part of 1812
begun operations in Texas. He took possession suc
cessively of Nacogdoches, Trinidad, and Espiritu San
to, and with the cooperation of the Indians drove
back the advancing forces of Governor Manuel Sal-
cedo and Colonel Herrera, the proposed commander
of the provincias internas de Oriente. In April fol
lowing both these officers were captured and executed
in retaliation for their share in the arrest of Hidalgo.
A representative government was established at Bejar,

66 As alluded to in Escudero, Son. y Sin., 58, etc., and as fully related in
Hist. North Hex. States, ii., this series, from original sources.

670nis, the Spanish minister, sent accounts in 1812 of American designs
on the whole of New Spain, or at best the northern provinces, and Venegas
issued orders for the provincial commanders to be on their guard against
agents from the States. Letters in Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. app. 45-9. See also
Onis, Mem., Madrid, 1820, 1-60, with appendix.

C8(7orra> del Sur, March 18, April 22, 1813. Lara, in a Manifiesto from
Monterey, 1827, claims to have indignantly rejected every design on the
national territory.

EASTERN PROVINCES. 543

which held undisputed sway over the province, and
prepared even to extend it southward.

Warned of the danger Arredondo, stationed lately
in the valley del Maiz, hastened of his own accord to
counteract it, gathering troops and material on his
way through Nuevo Santander. His independent
action might not have pleased Venegas. Calleja,
however, not only approved but appointed him to
the comandancia general vacated by Herrera's death,
and sent the newly arrived Estremadura regiment to
Tampico to take the place of the departed forces.
Colonel Elizondo was sent in advance to prepare the
way, but allowed himself to be engaged in battle and
routed. Two months later, in August, Arredondo
himself approached Bejar with eighteen hundred men,
whereof two thirds were mounted, and retaliated by
inflicting a crushing defeat on Alvarez de Toledo, a
Spanish naval officer who had managed to supplant
Lara. Of the prisoners a large number were executed,
especially people from the United States, who were
outlawed and shot wherever encountered, for their so-
called perfidy against a confiding government. The
later dictator Santa Anna won his earliest distinction
in this field, where a score of years later humiliation
overtook him.

The province was quickly cleared of insurgents,
and after appointing as governor Cristobal Domin-
guez, Arredondo returned to Monterey, there to es
tablish the seat of his comandancia.69 And so van
ished also the hope of any aid from the United
States, for the people there made no movement to
interfere in behalf of the persecuted adventurers in
Texas. The agent accredited by Rayon to Washing
ton and other places for interesting foreign govern
ments in the cause failed to obtain even means for
departure.70

69 Full account of these and connected events will be given in Hist. North
Hex. S fates, ii., this series.

70 The agent was Colonel Francisco Antonio Peredo, empowered to nego
tiate treaties, obtain armament, and confer with the papal legate. He had

544 OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON AND VILLAGRAN.

The precaution of Calleja in sending a regiment to
Tampico proved most opportune, for the insurgent
Herrera was rousing the Indians of Nuevo Leon be
fore Arredondo had crossed into Texas; and assisted by
Marcelino Garcia and others, with hordes of Lipanes
and Comanches,71 he overran the whole region from
San Carlos northward. Monterey was entered, and
the commandant Sada would have had to surrender the
last intrenchment but for the approach of the Span
ish regiment under Arrnifian, acting as governor of
Nuevo Santander. The latter, in connection with
Diez de Bustamante, governor of Nuevo Leon, Fe
lipe de la Garza, sent by Arredondo, Perea and Mel-
gares from the Occidente provinces, now pursued the
insurgents hotly. Garcia fell; Herrera among others
was captured and shot; and the rest dispersed, leav
ing the revolution wholly suppressed throughout the
Oriente.72

also to open communication with the coast for his own departure as well as
for bringing in arms; but Bravo failing to assist him in the northern Vera
Cruz districts, he turned back. Bustamante blames him for indiscretion,
whereby the royalists were put on guard against his movements, and for
spending time to collect vanilla to defray the expenses of his mission. Cuad.
Hist., ii. 347. Alaman thinks he should have taken cochineal and sought
exit from Tabasco. He reproduces his commission, etc., in Hist. Mej., iii.
app. 49-52, and so does Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vi. 73-8, who approves
the mission; but the fullest record" is in 'Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v.
ISetseq., 96; vi. 1036-43; i. 872-3, with an anonymous document express
ing fears of foreign designs. Arraugoiz, Mej., i. 218, declaims vaguely against
privateers from the north.

71 The latter coming this year for the first time south of Rio Bravo. Mex.,
Itiforme Comis. Pesquis., 1874, 121.

72 These statements are from the reports of Arredondo and his aids, in
Oaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 954-6, 970-1, 980, 992-4, 1081-2, 1229-30, 1245-6;
1814, v. 27 et seq. ; to which Gonzalez adds details from the opposite side.
Cuad. N. Leon, 248-327, passim.

CHAPTER XXII.

CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.
1813.

MORELOS' MARCH TO ACAPULCO — HE BESIEGES AND CAPTURES IT — ROYALIST
REACTION — PIAXTLA — GUERRILLAS AND THEIR DOINGS — BRAVO'S OPERA
TIONS — His REPULSE AT ALVARADO— SIEGE OF COSCOMATEPEC — ORIZABA
SURPRISED — SECOND ROYALIST DEFEAT AT SAN AGUSTIN DEL PALMAR —
ITS CONSEQUENCES — DISCORD IN THE SUPREMA JUNTA — CONGRESS oj
CHILPANCINGO — RAYON'S ACTION — MORELOS THE GENERALISSIMO AND
SlERVO DE LA NACION — DECLARATION OF NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE —
CONSTITUTION — JES UITS.

MORELOS, having decided to lay seige to Acapulco,
started from Oajaca on the 9th of February, 1813,
with 3,000 men,1 leaving there a force of 1,000 under
Colonel Rocha; 1,000 having previously been de
spatched against the royalist chiefs Montaiio, Sanchez,
and others. Marching to Yanhuitlan, he stationed
there Matamoros with 1,500 men to secure possession
of that country. In the Mizteca road he detached
Galeana in aid of the brothers Bravo, who had been
assigned the duty of guarding the line of the Mescala
River on Chilapa arid might need assistance in their
encounters with Paris, now subordinate to the royalist
brigadier Moreno Daoiz. Galeana was to rejoin the
main army at Ometepec, of which place Vicente
Guerrero was made comandante. On the 2d of March
the independents opened their way at the Jacalones
del Camparnento, a strongly fortified place defended
by royalists, whom they routed.2

1 Most of the new troops organized in Oajaca deserted soon after.

2 Diario de la Expedition de Mordos, in JBustamante, Supl. to Cavo, Tres
Siglos, iv. 57-73. Bustamante claimed to have in his possession the original

HIST. MEX. , VOL. IV. 35 ( 545 )

546 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

Morelos then proceeded to Quetzala and Cruz
Grande on the coast, sending scouts to the pass of La
Sabana and El Veladero, when the commandant at
the latter position, Brigadier Avila, reported the op
erations of the flying column under Captain Mon-
toro, a part of his command, against Acapulco, causing
the royalists much injury.3 Early in April he reached
the vicinity of Acapulco, encamping at the cerro del
Veladero, and summoned the acting governor, Cap
tain Pedro Antonio Velez, to surrender. Openly
Velez refused; but Morelos received two confidential
notes without signature, said to be in the handwriting
of the governor, indicating a disposition to come to
terms in some underhanded way. However this
may have been, or whether or not Yelez intended to
deceive Morelos, the latter paid no attention to the
communications.*

The town of Acapulco is situated at the north-west
extremity of the harbor which extends inland north
ward and, turning westward, terminates in a narrow
creek. Opposite to the town on the east side stands
the castle. Both town and castle are commanded by
the hills of Las Iguanas and La Mira. Besides tho
support of the castle the town is defended by advanced
fortifications, and the forts of the hospital and El
Padrastro. The island of La Roqueta, stretching
east and west, lies at the mouth of the harbor, form
ing two wide and commodious entrances.

diary of the expedition kept by Juan N. Rosains, Morelos' secretary, running
from Feb. 9th to April 18th, it being unknown whether Rosains continued it
or not. The copy alluded to is an abridged and corrected one. Other copies
appear in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 20-31, and Neyrete, Mex. S'trj.
XIX., v. 383-405, apparently unabridged, and so full of orthographical errors
that it is doubtful if they were taken from the original.

3 March 23, 1813, Col. Ponciano Solorzano took command of the district of
Tlalchapa at the town of the same name. He soon after visited Simatepec
and Telol6apam; at the latter place he found 15 officers and 71 rank and file,
who recognized his authority. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 14, 38-40.

4 The papers were subsequently used, together with other charges, at the
trial of Velez. . The first note said that by good management the general
might reach his object; the second stated that the writer had the preceding
day recommended policy, and none had been pursued; that he alone in the
presence of so many could not act; the others were incensed, and he imperilled.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 114-15.

SIEGE OF ACAPULCO. 547

On the 6th of April the attack was made, Galeana
taking possession of the Iguanas hills; Julian Ayila,
La Mira hill; and Felipe Gonzalez, in command of
Morelos' escort, occupying the first houses of the town.
None of the assailants met with any opposition. The
whole force did not exceed 1,500 men, with only a few
pieces of artillery of small calibre. It is indeed re
markable that Morelos undertook to capture with so
small an army a town and fortress having for their de
fence eighty pieces of artillery, and some armed ves
sels, besides a free use of the sea.5 The city was thus
surrounded and closely besieged on the land side.
The following days the firing was kept up against the
defences, being energetically answered by the castle
San Diego, the advanced works, and the fort at the
hospital garrisoned by 100 men with four guns under
Pedro Ruvido, a Spaniard. On the 10th, Morelos
occupied the line of the creek without resistance, and
on the 12th a general assault was made. Avila was
seriously wounded at the first shot, and was obliged
to retreat to the Veladero; but at nightfall the explo
sion of a box of ammunition in the hospital fright
ened its defenders, who thereupon fled, leaving the
wounded and sick. The city was also abandoned by
the inhabitants, and the captors lost no time in plun
dering it. Drunkenness and disorder followed; and
if the garrison had then made an attack it could have
won an easy victory. Morelos somewhat later cap
tured the fort named El Padrastro, and other advanced
works, and caused all the houses standing around the
castle to be burned, notwithstanding the efforts of
the garrison to prevent it. Morelos lodged his men
in the other houses, and occupied one of them him
self. Soon after he made this arrangement a ball
struck and killed his aid, Felipe Hernandez, at his
side, and Morelos was spattered with the blood. At
this time he was joined by an Indian woman of Tasco,

5 The garrison on the 31st of March was of 334 men, including 59 artillery
men, according to a royalist report.

548 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

Maria Manuela Molina, who having raised a com
pany had been commissioned captain by the junta.
She had journeyed 100 leagues to join him.6

Though measures were adopted to press the siege,
which was now confined to the castle, only slow
progress could be made, for the want of heavy artil
lery. Moreover, the defenders obtained fire-wood from
La Roqueta Island, and had the communication by
sea open to them. Thereupon Morelos constructed a
mine from the Padrastro, and carried it to within 100
varas of the counterscarp of the intervening moat.
Provisions being scarce, and disease having broken out
in his camp, the general called a council of war, at
which, by the suggestion of Pedro Irrigaray, it was
resolved to occupy La Roqueta, which lies about
six miles from shore, and was defended by one com
pany, three small guns, two launches, fourteen canoes,
and the armed schooner Guadalupe. Ruvido, who
had proved himself so inefficient at the hospital fort,
had the command. The enterprise was intrusted to
Colonel Galeana, a nephew of the mariscal, and Montes
de Oca, who succeeded in crossing over unnoticed four
times from 11 o'clock in the night of June 9th with a
canoe, conveying eighty of their regiment to the
Guadalupe. They then attacked the royalists, who
made but slight resistance, most of them being taken
prisoners, the rest making their escape in the canoes.
The only casualties were one little girl from the city
accidentally shot, and another drowned. The schooner
Guadalupe attempted to sail away, but was captured.
The loss of La Roqueta would have been a terrible
blow to the garrison of the castle but for the timely
arrival of the government brig San Carlos, which
with proper precautions landed her cargo. Colonel
Galeana attacked her with two canoes in the night
of July 9th, but was repulsed, and she returned to
San Bias.7 About the middle of August the gar-

6 She took part with her company in seven actions. Diario Exped. More
los, in JJiiHtamaute, Supl. to Caro, Tre< Sly os, iv. 70-1.

7 Among the charges brought forward against Velez at his trial were that

SIEGE OF ACAPULCO. 549

rison was not only suffering for the necessaries of
life, but sickness had greatly increased. There were
not healthy men enough for the routine of military
duty. Morelos becoming informed of it, saw at once
how easy it would be in such a state of things to
bring matters to a quick termination by setting fire
to the place. But he bethought him of the women
and children, of the aged and helpless, that were in
the fortress, and he determined to adopt other means,
though involving some risk to himself and greater peril
for his men. Let such instances as this be remarked.
These men were not altogether merciless, as some de
light to represent them, even though they did some
times kill prisoners of war. Were not prisoners
killed on either side during modern wars in other
countries — men wholly innocent of any crime and
hardly knowing why they were shot; killed simply
by way of reprisal and revenge? I do not remember
any instance where a fortress was spared out of con
sideration for the non-combatants in it, either in the
late wars of Europe or in any other late wars.8

To avoid inflicting unnecessary suffering, therefore,
Morelos determined to cut off the besieged from the
sea; and during the night of the 17th, Galeana was
directed to surround the castle under its very guns,
with a picked body of men, on the right or Hornos
side. Colonel Gonzalez was ordered to do the same
on the left side to meet Galeana. This perilous un
dertaking was successfully accomplished in spite of
the active firing of the enemy, including their free
use of hand grenades. Early in the morning, finding
the revolutionists in posssession of the moat, and

both he and his officers had constantly neglected their duties, and had been
engaged in trade and in other practices against discipline and order. But the
witness Crame testified on the 24th of Feb. 1814, that the defence had been a
heroic one, and the garrison had suffered greatly; many persons had died of
disease; there was toward the last no lard, oil, salt, meat, or fire-wood. An
egg was worth G pesos. The grain was worm-eaten, and could not be cooked
for want of fuel. Hernandez y Ddvalos, CoL Doc., vi. 145-55, 160-1.

8 See Buxtamante, Elogio Morelos, 19; Id., Cuad. Hist., ii. 262-9; Id.,
Camp. Calleja, 78-9.

550 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

ready to scale the walls, Velez saw that even if he
succeeded in repelling the assault Morelos would
surely set fire to the mine as soon as his own men
were out of the way. Indeed, he wondered why it
had not been done before. In this strait he asked
for a parley, and proposed to capitulate if the honors
of war were granted. Morelos acceded, Vouchsafing
even more liberal terms; and on the 20th the inde
pendent standard of Mexico waved over the castle
of San Diego de Acapulco.9

Morelos tendered Velez, who was a native of Cor
doba, a position in his army, which being declined, the
former told him that his fidelity would be ill requited
by the Spanish government; this was indeed true,
as an order had been issued, before news of the sur
render reached Mexico, appointing the naval lieuten
ant Jacobo Murphy to supersede him, under the pre
text of allowing him needed rest, and instructing Velez
to proceed to San Bias and Guadalajara. VeTez was
subsequently tried, at his own request, by court-martial,
and was not honorably acquitted till after his death.10

We have seen that the royalists were so harassed
that they were unable to send any relief to Acapulco.
The present was in fact their most critical period since
the beginning of the revolution. Yet this success was

9 The result of this victory was the capture of 407 muskets, 50 sabres, 35
machetes, 145 lances, 50 boxes of powder, 80 pieces of artillery of the cali
bres from 4 to 36, two 12-inch mortars, 20,000 cannon-balls, flags, provisions,
and dry goods, besides about 200 prisoners. The terms of the written capit
ulation were in eight articles, the first of which called for forgetful ness and
forgiveness of the past, forbidding all abuse or insult. The prisoners who
were officers or natives of Spain were allowed passports to go where they
liked, not within the enemy's lines, on giving their parole not to take up
arms again in the royalist service. The native-born were mustered into More
los' army. Passports were accordingly issued to Velez, the paymaster, his
wife and children, the chaplain, 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 2 merchants and
their families, and about 9 others. The terms were made public by Morelos
on the 25th of August. They were first printed in the Correo Americano del
Sur, 1813, no. 30,235; Alaman, Hist. Hcj., iii. app. 53-5; Hernandez y Ddva-
los, Col Doc., v. 113-14; Neyrete, Mex. Slglo XIX., v. 383-505. See also
Morelos' Decl. , in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 27-9; Velez' DecL and
Official Despatch, in Id., 100-19, 130-8, 1G1-89.

10 The day following the capitulation the officers of both parties dined to
gether, when Morelos gave the toast 'Viva Espana! but Espaua as a sister,
not as a ruler over America.' Mendibil, Uesumen Hi»t., 173.

POLICY OF MOEKLOa 551

the origin of misfortune to Morelos. The time he
employed in the capture of Acapulco — from early in
February to the end of August — gave Calleja the
advantage of seven months, the best of the year, for
his own operations, enabling him to carry out without
opposition all his plans — to destroy the most dreaded
revolutionary chiefs in the north, and then turn his
united strength upon those in the south. The capture
of a single seaport town could hardly compensate for
this. The best course for Morelos to have pursued
would have been to concentrate his forces in Oajaca,
fortifying the passes in the Mizteca Mountains, and
open the ports of that province on the Pacific to for
eign commerce; then to send a division from Oajaca
to take possession of the country at the bottom of the
gulf, particularly Goatzacoalcos, and promote trade
with the United States and the British colonies,
which would have assured an abundance of supplies.
Instead of this, the immense booty captured at Oajaca
was to a great extent squandered by incompetent offi
cials, and conduced little to the improvement of the
army. The fact is, Morelos was at this time too san
guine of success, expecting to be able soon to capture
Mexico, when the fall of Vera Cruz and other places
would quickly follow. Having arranged matters at
Acapulco he departed for Chilpancingo.

Shortly after Morelos set out on his march to
Acapulco, an expedition of about 700 men under
Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini invaded Oajaca from
Guatemala, to avenge the death of Saravia; but on
the 19th of April it was attacked by Matamoros, and
driven back across the frontier with the loss of the
military chest and armament.11

The royalist party, which during the winter of 1 8 1 2-
13 had been apparently destroyed in the Costa Chica,

11 Among the effects captured were a crucifix and a beautiful picture of
the virgin, which Ma.tamoros with much solemnity gave to the churches there.
The celebration was called 'de desagravios. ' Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., ii.
269-74; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., ii. 29.

552 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

rose anew into life during the siege of Acapulco.
Paris and Reguera had retired to that port, where
the former died April 15th, the latter effecting his
escape from the besieged castle on the 6th of May.
Having collected a force of about 400 men, he attacked
Vicente Guerrero on the 1st of July, 1813, at Cuau-
tepec, but being repulsed retired to Cruz Grande.12
Manuel Mier y Teran, independent, was unsuccess
fully attacked at the Trapiche de Santa Ana on the
16th of August, and on the 25th of September he
took Tututepec. But on the 5th of November the
largest place in that region, Ometepec, hoisted the
royal standard and received Reguera with open arms
on the 10th. His forces now amounted to 1,200
men, and he believed himself able even to assail
Oajaca.

A body of royalist troops under Moreno Daoiz had
its headquarters in Tepecuacuilco, and from it parties
were sent to the right bank of the Mescala, where
they were well received, the inhabitants being tired of
the war and desirous of protection. That force was
strengthened in September with the battalion of
Lovera sent by the viceroy to Cuernavaca. In Sep
tember Teloloapam was occupied by Captain Manuel
Gomez Pedraza, who was in later years a famous states
man of Mexico. Lieutenant-colonel Arrnijo directed
operations from Izucar; and Matamoros, having on
the 10th of August issued a proclamation,13 stationed
himself at Tehuicingo waiting for an opportunity to
recover Izucar. Some distance south of this place, at
Piaxtla, on the 20th of August an action took place
between a portion of Armijo's command under the
captain of dragoons, Juan B. Miota, and a party of
Ramon Sesma's force, commanded by Lieutenant-
colonel Ojeda, a man of little or no military expe-

12 See his official report of Nov. 30, 1813, in Gaz. de Mer,, 1814, v. 58-60.

13 He had been promoted in July to lieut-gen. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., v. 95. Bustamante claimed to have drawn up the proclamation. It
was published in the Diario del Sur. Aug. 12, 1S13, no. 2.3. Alaman, Hist.
Mej., iii. 522.

ATTACK ON TLASCALA. 533

rience. Though Ojeda occupied a pretty strong posi
tion, he was dislodged in about an hour, losing many
men and a considerable quantity of arms and ammu
nition, after which the royalists entered and sacked
Acatlan.1* The men captured and the war material
were left in Izucar, where no little surprise was caused
by the good clothes of the prisoners, and the fine
quality of the arms taken.

The insurgents had used every endeavor to possess
themselves of the city of Tlascala, as Morelos had
been induced to believe that the inhabitants were in
favor of Mexican independence; but they had been
frustrated by the vigilance of the royalist garrison, and
according to the commandant of the place by the
opposition displayed by the citizens' heroic loyalty to
the crown. On the 4th of December a force, which
the commandant, Agustin Gonzalez del Carnpillo, esti
mated at more than 1,000, though he had been assured
by some prisoners that it was only about 500 strong,
attacked the town after a demand for its surrender had
been made and declined. The garrison, if we must
believe the commandant, consisted of only 75 men,
who were aided by the citizens, many of whom had
never seen military service. The assailants' plan was
to draw attention to the main street, where the
royalist artillery was stationed, while they attempted
on the left by approaching along a narrow street to
capture the parapet. In this they were disappointed,
being repulsed with several killed, among them a cap
tain. The assault having thus failed, the revolution
ists retired.15

14 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 348, acknowledges that the loss of men on
the independent side was heavy, without giving figures; two small guns and
113 muskets fell into the enemy's hands. The royalist official report speaks
of 300 killed, among them Lieut-col. Ojeda, a Franciscan friar with the same
military rank, and Capt. Zavala, and 80 prisoners. The rout is given as com
plete, only two friars, one clergyman, and 20 others escaping. The royalist
loss, according to Miota, was one mule killed and 6 wounded, and 6 sabres
'rotos de matar enemigos.' The whole report seems to be much exaggerated.
Gaz. de Gob., 1813, iv. 984-8; T 'or rente, Revol. Ilisp. Am., i. 439; Alamau,
Hist. Mej., iii. 521-2; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 199.

15 Campillo's report to Ortega, commander of the south, on the 7th of Dec. ,
a long grandiloquent document, asserts that the defences suffered no injury

554 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

In the region of Puebla and southern Vera Cruz
the insurgent guerrillas continued their depredations,
never missing an opportunity to injure the enemy.
Daily encounters occurred with varied success on
either side, though the trains, which were constantly
attacked, generally succeeded in getting through
safely.16 In January and early in February General
Nicolas Bravo long delayed a convoy on its way to
Vera Cruz in charge of Olazabal, who was attacked by
the revolutionists in the rear, and forced to leave the
silver for a time at Perote, though he passed through
to Vera Cruz with provisions without any serious loss.17

Having returned to Perote he started on the 1st
of March from Jalapa with the silver and 4,000 mules
which he conveyed safely to Vera Cruz, destroying
on his way the enemy's camp at Paso Moral. On
the 14th he arrived again at Jalapa with a large re
turn train of merchandise, having reduced to ashes
another camp of the revolutionists at San Bernardo,
arid taken the fortified town of Antigua which was
also burned.18 Bravo now proceeded to Tlalixcoyan,
and thence with 400 infantry and 200 horsemen to
Alvarado, then governed by the naval lieutenant
Gonzalo Ulloa, the capture of which he attempted on
the 30th of April, but being repulsed with twenty-
five killed and many wounded, he retired to Cosco-
matepec.19 A little later the naval lieutenant Juan

from the enemy's bombardment, and that no man of the garrison was either
killed, wounded, or even contused. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1351-4.

16 The commanding officers of royalist parties invariably claimed the vic
tory in all such encounters, none of which attained the rank of a battle. Gaz.
de Mex., 1813, iv. 81-3, 93-4, 159-61, 209-11, 353-578, passim, 927-30, 983-8,
1268-70; Alaman, Hist,. Mej., iii. 443-4; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
v. 15.

17 In the fight the famous mulatto captain Zuzunaga lost his life. Olazabal
reported his casualties at 10 killed and 30 wounded. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv.
242-4. Mendibil, Resum. Hist., 174, gives the absurd version that Olazabai
lost 500 men out of the 1,500 with whom he attacked Bravo, who had 300
Indians and 200 horsemen.

18 Olazabal thought that so prejudicial a town should not exist. Id., 306-8,
346-8; Tor rente, Revol. Hist. Am., i. 433.

19Bravo's report in Mendibil, Resum. Hist. 178. Ulloa's report in Gaz.
de Mex., 1813, iv. 648-50, 1272-5. Torrente has it that the garrison was
only of 200 men, and the assailants were about 1,500. Revol. Hist. Am., i.
435.

BRAVO AT COSCOMATEPEC. 555

Topete opened the communications by land from Alva-
rado to Vera Cruz, and formed a regulation for the
safe passage of trains.

This royalist progress gave rise to charges against
Bravo instigated by Rincon, and sent from Oajaca to
Morelos by Matamoros and the inspector of cavalry,
Carlos M. Bustamante, dated June 12th. They de
manded that Bravo should be removed and Rincon
appointed his successor. The bad condition of affairs
in the province was attributed to Bravo's bad luck;
to the hatred the coast population bore him for certain
executions claimed to have been unjust; and to the
opinion they entertained that he was a traitor, who
for venal causes allowed the convoys to pass safely on
the Vera Cruz road.23 This representation, though
not acted upon at first, led no doubt later to Bravo's
removal from command in the province of Vera Cruz.
On the other hand, the royalists did not like to see
Bravo holding Coscomatepec. But he was then
young, full of life and enthusiasm, and determined
to hold it at all hazards. As it was not fortified he
erected defences. The town extends from east to
west on the section of a hill which is shaped almost
like a truncated cone, surrounded on the 'east, north,
and south by ravines,21 the extent to be defended be
ing therefore limited. Against this stronghold the
lieutenant-colonel Conti was sent from Orizaba toward
the end of July with 400 infantry and eighty horse
men. Bravo had 450 men, mostly royalist deserters,
of whom about 100 were Spanish soldiers. The
attack was a severe one, and even bayonets were
used; but after losing many men, Conti had to give
it up, and retired to Orizaba.22 Castro Terreno then
organized a force under Juan Candano, which, accord-

original document is annexed to the proceedings against Rayon.
Alaman, Hist. Mgj.,iii. 527-8; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 248.

21 Aguila gave this description, which Alaman copies, making a correction
in regard to the soil. Hist. Mtj., i. 529.

22 Bustamante. Cvadro Hist., ii. 330, gives the particulars as obtained
from Bravo himself. Mendibil, Resum. Hist., 179-80.

556 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

ing to this officer's diary, consisted of a little over
1,000 men, including 150 dragoons and nineteen ar
tillerymen, with four field-pieces. Candano was be
fore Coscomatepec the 5th of September; his chief
attack was, of course, on the west. After much
fighting and loss of life on both sides, nothing had
been gained by the assailants, when Aguila arrived
with a strong reenforcement,23 and continued the op
erations, though he well knew and reported to the
viceroy that they were costing more than the place
was worth strategically, and that the besieged could
get away whenever they pleased. In fact, on the 4th
of October Bravo, seeing the new commander's meas
ures for an irresistible attack, and being himself but
scantily supplied with provisions and ammunition,
after burying his artillery, abandoned the place at
11 o'clock that night with his troops and the inhabi
tants, directing his course to San Pedro Ixhuatlan.
Aguila, who did not discover for some time the flight
of his foe, entered Coscomatepec and burned it.2i It
was said that his soldiers shot at the images of the
virgin of Guadalupe, as the patroness of the revolu
tionists, and committed other irreligious acts. The
royalists lost at this siege time, men, and credit, for
the possession of a hill affording no real advantages.25
Bravo won much reputation for having thus diverted
to that point the royalist forces of the south which
Calleja had intended for the occupation of Tehuacan,
thus disconcerting the viceroy's plans, and bringing
on still more disastrous consequences, as will be seen.
Aguila went back with his troops to Orizaba, a party
of insurgents having on the 5th of October attacked
the detachment at Angostura, of which only a com
missioned officer and a sergeant escaped. The victors

23 He arrived on the 29th of September. MendiUI, Resum. Hist., ISO.

24 It is said that he shot a dying man who had been inadvertently left
behind. Id., 181; Buxtamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 345. Alaman believes the
story needs confirmation. Hist. M6j., iii. 536.

2'5A full account of this siege, embracing Bravo's report, and Candano's
diary, found among the archives of the viceroyalty, is given in Bmtamante,
Cuad. Hist., ii. 328-47; Hernandez y Ddva/os, Col. Doc., v. 180-1, 201-4.

BATTLE AT SAN AGUSTIN DEL PALMAR. 557

drove off with them 1,800 mules that had been ob
tained for transporting tobacco.

When Morelos heard of Bravo being beleaguered
at Coscornatepec, he ordered all available forces to
his relief. Matarnoros was one of those who started
on that duty. On his way he was informed on the
13th of October that a large train of tobacco had left
Orizaba in charge of Lieutenant-colonel Jose M. Mar
tinez, escorted by the Asturias battalion under its
commander, Candano, and some cavalry under Mo-
ran,26 and that it would pass the night in San Agustin
del Palmar. Matamoros accordingly made his dispo
sitions to attack it, and on the morning of the 14th,
the convoy was assailed along its whole extent. A
severe engagement ensued in which the royalists sus
tained a serious defeat, losing 215 killed, 368 prison
ers, and 521 muskets. Among the prisoners were
Candano, two captains, and thirteen subalterns. The
train escaped, however, with the loss of only seventy-
five loads. Matamoros took his prisoners to San
Andres Chalchicomula, where after the victory had
been duly celebrated with salutes and a high mass,
Candano and another officer, a Mexican, were shot.
Captain Longoria was also condemned to death, but
at the intercession of the priest and citizens his life
was spared. The remaining prisoners were taken to
Zacatula; on the road the other captain was also shot
for attempting to escape after he had joined the
independent service.27 Matamoros made no attempt
against Puebla or even Izucar, though both places
were weakly garrisoned at the time, but returned to
his headquarters at Tehuicingo. His victory highly

26 Matamoros says that the escorting force exceeded 1,000 men. Busta-
mante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 367.

27 Matamoros' Decl., in Gnz. de Mex., 1814, v. 172. Bustamante furnishes
the reports of both Matamoros and Martinez on this memorable action, de
claring false the statement of the latter that his men had been short of am
munition. Calleja's despatch to the supreme government confirms Mata
moros.' Cuad. Hist., ii. 307-75; Mendibil, Rexumeu Hint., 190-1; Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 208-10; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 537-40; Ward's Mex.t
i. 204-5.

558 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

elated the independents, and correspondingly depressed
the royalists. The viceroy was greatly displeased, and
ordered investigations resulting in trials of several offi
cers by court-martial. The conde de Castro Terreno,
moreover, was superseded in his command at Puebla
by Brigadier Ramon Diaz de Ortega,28 and returned
to Spain much chagrined.

Calleja, fearing that Matamoros might make an at
tempt against Puebla or the neighboring villas, ordered
Ortega to guard against it with a competent force.
Matamoros went south, and Ortega took up a position
at Cuernavaca with a force of 5,000 or 6,000 men,
which was soon after dissolved, the troops returning
to Puebla and Mexico, in view of the fact that More-
los showed no attempt of crossing the Mescala, this
river being the boundary between the two parties.
Morelos was occupied at Chilpancingo in augmenting
his troops, whilst the viceroy reenforced the division
stationed in Toluca. Moreno Daoiz and Armijo
watched the Mescala, and an expedition was being
organized for the invasion of Oajaca, whose inhabi
tants, it was claimed, desired the restoration of the
royal authority over them, being tired of the abuse
they were subjected to by the insurgents.29 Some of
the inhabitants were indeed in communication with
the viceroy, and the influence of their former bishop,
Bergosa, was great. It was to counteract this influ
ence, as well as that of the friars and canons who
were working for a counter-revolution, that Morelos
was urgently advised by Carlos Bustamante and
Rocha, comandante at Oajaca,30 to stop all trade be-

28 Ortega was sent apparently as the conde's second in command, but
really to remove him, which was proved by the viceroy's acceptance of an
alleged previous resignation, a mere pretext, for it was known that the concle
was getting ready to march into Oajaca. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 377.
Castro Terrefio, it seems, preferred to wage war in a civilized manner, as he
proved in Zacatlan, where he injured no one and kept his troops under
strict discipline. He was rather friendly to the Creoles. Id., ii. 285.

29 So says Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 544.

30Rocha's letter of July 16/1813, to Bustamante, and the latter officer's
of July 27th, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 83, 96-7.

MORELOS AND RAYON. * 559

tween Puebla and the Mizteca, which was accord
ingly decreed.

The discord in the suprema junta that had so
materially assisted Calleja in his plans was of some
service also to Morelos, who, flushed with military
successes, began to entertain a very natural desire for
political supremacy, as at the time such a chief was
greatly needed, and no one at hand fit to fill such a
position.31 During the disagreement, when one mem
ber sought to disqualify the other, each appealed for
support to the only neutral one of the four, Morelos,
who had hitherto been practically ignored.32 Their
military reverses assisted to reduce them almost to
supplicantfs. Morelos saw his opportunity, and re
solved to direct the current of affairs into his own
hands. To this end he proposed that the council
should meet within the territory controlled by him,
where it might unmolested and conveniently for all
discuss and settle every question. Rayon very natu
rally objected to a concession that practically trans
ferred the controlling influence to another, whereupon
Morelos took a far more decisive step. Assured of
cooperation from the weaker and less ambitious asso
ciates, he proceeded to convoke the long-mooted con
gress which should reconstruct the whole government.
The election of deputies could be regularly performed
throughout nearly all the southern region, which was
devoted to him. For most other parts of the coun
try substitutes had to be appointed, of course mainly
by Morelos, so that the assembly would be controlled
by him.33 He moreover appointed as meeting place,

31 Prompted by jealousy as well as a desire to be kept informed of affairs
in the southern districts, Rayon had in the autumn of 1812 sent Zambrano,
secretary of the council, to the side of the general with the commission to
arrange for plans of operation. The conduct of the agent provoked his speedy
dismissal, and tended only to imbitter relations between the two leaders.
Morelos' letters of complaint may be consulted in Negrete, Mcx. S'ujlo XIX.,
v. 373 et seq.

32 Rayon, like the others, sent his secretary, Oyarzabal, to court him.

33 The convocation for electing deputies was issued at Acapulco June 28th,
countersigned by Rosains as secretary to Morelos. Text in Hernandez y Ddva-

560 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

for September, the small town of Chilpancingo, which
was now raised to the rank of city, under the name
of Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion.34

A main object of the congress was to frame the
long-mooted constitution; and to this Morelos also
gave a certain direction by drawing up rules for the
proceedings of the assembly, and determining a num
ber of vital questions, one conferring on army officers
the power to nominate from among the four captain-
generals a generalissimo, in whom was to be vested
the executive authority, with full powers. Under
the circumstances, this was equivalent to appointing
himself.

In these steps he had been guided greatly by the
draft for a constitution prepared by Rayon early in
1812, and which aimed above all to perpetuate the
actual council. According to Rayon's plan sov
ereignty, emanating from the people, stood vested
in Fernando VII., but was to be exercised by a
national American council of five members, elected
by the provinces and gradually renewed by the change
of one member yearly. For the present, vacancies
were to be filled by elections made by the existing
members.85 A congress chosen every three years
by the municipalities should exercise legislative power,
though subject to the decision of the council, which

los, Col. Doc., v. 133-4. On following pages are the affirmative replies from
different towns. The convocation was based on formal representations from
Oajaca, headed by Bustamante, showing the need for such an assembly. Text
of document and votes upon it in Id., vi. 487-74. In reply to Rayon's remon
strances Morelos pointed out that a congress could no longer be deferred, and
that no other section of the country offered a secure meeting place. ' Seria,
no menos que grande absurdo aguardar otro afio, cuando ya no tengamos tin
pueblo libre del enemigo, en que celebrarla.' He had 110 personal ambition,
such as the presidency, and would abstain from further acts as soon as the
council was established. See also letter reproduced in Ncgrete, Mex. Siylo
XIX., v. 512-14, and dated Aug. 5th. Hernandez y Ddralos, Col. Doc., v.
212, 99, etc.

34 Afterward called de los Bravos from being the birthplace of these in
surgent heroes, but the original native name reasserted itself. It was a quiet
agricultural town, embracing 8,000 inhabitants within the distended munici
pality, which stretched along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre coast
range and covered also some mining ground.

k»In accordance with the agreement made Aug. 21, 1811, whereby the re
novation by election should begin only after the fall of Mexico.

RIVAL CONSTITUTIONS. 501

again had to be guided in all important acts of gov
ernment by a council of state composed of brigadiers
and higher officers.30 Caste distinctions, slavery, and
torture must be abolished, and the habeas corpus sys
tem introduced. Four military orders should be
created, applicable also to civilians. Of the four cap
tain-generals, embracing the three who were members
of the council, one should in time of war be chosen
temporary generalissimo, equivalent to dictator.37

This draft had been submitted to Morelos,38 who,
while recognizing therein the ideas of Hidalgo, ob
jected to several points. Fernando should no longer
be held up as a mask for independence. The council
of state should be reduced to a fixed number of gener
als, and a generalissimo elected for life. The safety of
religion demanded that foreigners be admitted at the
furthest only to a few ports.39 This smacked strongly
of the cura. Some of his objections acquired weight,
for shortly after appeared the Spanish liberal consti
tution, which effectually eclipsed the other document
in the eyes of its very projector, and caused him to
withhold it.40 As Morelos revealed his own designs,41
Rayon became anxious to secure himself; and to this
end he hastened to frame another constitution, which
was submitted to the guadalupes at Mexico and oth
ers, and intended for publication before the congress
should meet.42 Nothing came of this; for Morelos

86 A 'protector' appointed by the deputies should submit bills to reform
laws, etc. The dogmas of the exclusive catholic religion were to be guarded
by a tribunal de la fe", not exactly an inquisition, as declared by Arecheder-
rcta and the audiencia. Foreigners were to be protected, but not admitted
to office, nor favored to the prejudice of religion. Liberty of press to prevail
in science and politics.

a7 Among national holidays were to be September 16th, the saints' days of
Hidalgo and Allende, and December 12th, the Guadalupe day.

38 Although he had not yet been appointed member of the council.

39 Protectors should be appointed for each bishopric. The generalissimo
to hold office till incapacity, sickness, or the age of GO made it undesirable.

40 Yet leaving it to the option of the others. 'Se rien de nosotros.' he says,
as mere automatons. Bustamante sent in a project to Morelos after this, but
it received no attention. Cuad. Hist., ii. 349.

41 The convocation of a congress by him was stamped as lacking ' auto-
ridad, prudencia, y legalidad.' Dwrio de Rayon, 641.

42 This was elaborated by P. Santa Maria, who afterward joined Morelos,
and excused himself a3 having merely followed Rayon's orders. /(/., G42.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 30

5G2 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCIXGO.

assumed a firm attitude, charged the president with,
obstinately seeking to injure the cause by creating
dissension, and peremptorily commanded him to join
the meeting at Chilpancingo and assist Liceaga, then
under restraint, to do likewise. With the members
against him, with his prestige shattered, and hardly
an escort to sustain him, Rayon had to yield, al
though not without quibbling.43

Meanwhile, Morelos had been actively carrying out
his plan, which required, foremost, that he should
strengthen his position by completing the council with
a fifth member44 elected by the friendly citizens of
Oajaca, as a compliment to them and the province.
The choice fell on the able and patriotic intendente,
Jose Maria Murguia/5 esteemed no less by the royal
ists, and figuring prominently throughout this period.
On September 13th took place the election of a dep
uty for Tecpan, the new province corresponding to
the present Guerrero, and the same day a representa
tive meeting of electors and officers was opened before
whom Morelos read his views on the proposed congress
and its labors, and stated that it should be composed
in the first place of the council members, Rayon, Ver-
dusco, Liceaga, and Murguia, representing respectively
Nueva Galicia, Michoacan, Guanajuato, and Oajaca;

43 He omitted for instance to sign the assent sent in, so as to defer the
opening of the assembly. Morelos wrote another severe batch of letters, a3
late as Oct. 25th, insisting on his conformance, and threatening, though other
wise polite enough, to issue direct orders to subordinate leaders in Michoacan
and elsewhere. The correspondence may be consulted in Hernandez y Ddva-
los, Col. Doc., v. 99, 101, et seq.; Neyrete, Mex. Sl/lo XIX., v. 307, etc.; Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., iii. ap. 10. Rayon set out from Tancitaro on October 7,
1813, arriving at Chilpancingo on November 2d, accompanied by his family
and brothers Ramon and Jos6 Maria, as described in his Diario, 048-9.

44 On this point his views had changed considerably. At one time he had
been willing to let Rayon and his then friendly colleagues elect that member,
who should be intrusted with administrative and judicial functions, leaving
the others free for campaigns. Later he thought ib well to court Oajaca by
letting the members select a colleague from there. Rayon naturally objected
to a Morelos man, and to gain time suggested Villaurrutia, the liberal elected
at Mexico under the constitution of 1812.

45 On Aug. 5th, Crespo and Bustamante receiving second and third place.
Bustamantc, Cuad. Hist., ii. 347. The order for the election is dated as early
as April 29th. In a previous letter Morelos recommended that later con
quered provinces should be accorded a similar representation in the council.
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 5, 42; vi. 477-81.

INSTALLATION. 563

of Jose Manuel Herrera, vicario general of the army,
who had just been chosen for Tecpan; and of three
substitutes, selected by Morelos to represent Mexico,
Puebla, and Vera Cruz, namely, Carlos Maria Busta-
rnante, Andres Quintana Roo, and Doctor Cos. Mur-
guia prudently retired almost at the opening, leaving
his place to Manuel Sabino Crespo, the second choice
for Oajaca.46 The retention of the councilmen in the
assembly gave good reason for considering it a mere ex
tension of the former body, and as such it was after
ward designated by Rayon and others for motives of
their own.47

The congress was installed with the members then
present, on September 14th, under the presidency of
Murguia/3 Morelos delivering the opening speech.'^
It was accorded the title of majesty or highness,
and the deputies that of excellency, supported by a
salary of six thousand pesos annually for their term
of four years.50 A majority of votes with a quorum

46 List in Id., v. 159. Yucatan and the northern provinces received no
direct voice. For lack of documents no doubt Alaman expresses himself bo;h
vaguely and erroneously on some points, \vhile taking Bustamante to task for
defects which belong to the latter's paragraph headings. Negrete covers him
self by a disjointed introduction of documents not always to the point, and
Zamacois evades the difficulty as usual by quoting the vague allusions of a
previous writer.

47 Bustamante quibbled till the end of Oct. for a large escort corresponding
to his pretensions before he would join. Eayon delayed, and Cos stayed
away. See letters in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 97, 103-5, 132.

48It had been fixed for the 8th. Bustamante intimates the 13th, and More
los' letter to Rayon, Id., 1G1-2, shows that the general meeting sat on the
13th, 14th, and 15th; in the same collection, p. 103, the opening speech i3
dated the 18th. So many errors appear in the set, however, as to seriously
impair its authority on minute points. The very speech indicates that t'.ie
14th should be regarded as the opening day, and so it is confirmed in Id., \'\.
208.

49 Not the exalted declamation against tyrants, with invocation of aborigi
nal heroes, as prepared by Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 387-01, and pub
lished in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 1G3-6, from the copy retouched
by Morelos; a royalist distortion is given in Id., vi. 212-15.

50 Sessions were to be daily and public, the summons being chimed by the
parish bells for 8 A. M. during summer and 9 A. M. during winter. Any citizen
could present written suggestions for consideration. After discussing a ques
tion, a majority of ballot votes decided it, the decree being sent in to the ex
ecutive, signed by the president and two secretaries, who, together with a vice-
president, attended to ministerial affairs. The executive could submit what
ever projects for laws he deemed well. Charges against deputies were to
be decided by a commission of five persons elected from the five provinces
adjoining the seat of the congress. They could not leave their seat for military

5G4 CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

of five sufficed to pass laws. The first act was to give
sanction to the tumultuous acclamation by the army
officers in favor of Morelos as generalissimo, a posi
tion created by himself with full knowledge that the
nomination, almost wholly from among his own men,
must fall upon himself, and that the deputies then
present would confirm it.51 The office embraced the
executive power, and was to be held so long as the
occupant showed fitness for it, with perfect freedom
for granting honors and promotion, and with the title
of highness, although Morelos preferred to call him
self the servant of the nation.52 The judicial power
remained for the present vested in existing tribunals,
headed by the congress itself, but a meeting of advo
cates and learned men was to be called at an early
opportunity to elect judges for a supreme 'court of
the same number as the deputies, and with the same
term and pay.53

The rules issued by Morelos for the guidance of

or other outside duties, and in accordance with this rule the captain-generals,
except Morelos, were retired, although retaining their title. The secretaries
of the body received the title of seiioria, with which retired deputies had
also to be contented. See additional articles in the regulation issued by More
los. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 207-11. The secretaries of the
body were C. Zarate and 0. E. del Castillo. To its title of Supremo Con-
greso Nacional Americano was at times added Gubernativo. Gaz. de Mex. ,
1815, vi. 1105. Coat of arms used by congress given in Soc. Mex., 2d e"p. iii.
49; crude descrip. in Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 793.

51 Yet he pretended to refuse. For list of voters, see Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., v. 177-8. Glowing encomium on Morelos in Bustamante, Efogio
Morelos, 20, etc. This took place on September loth, Verdusco presiding to
insure the result. Bustamante, Cuadro, ii. 385-6, 391-5, deplores the military
intimidation of the congress, and points to the now clouding star of the leader.
'Desde este instante se fij6 la e"poca de las desgracias y desaciertos del Sr
Morelos.' Vicario -general Velasco, who started the nomination, was made
mariscal de campo, although expecting a deputyship, and sent to Oajaca, as a
riddance. Thence he drove into exile two canons, who thereupon carried dis
astrous revelations to the royalists.

62 The military had to elect his successor, the command devolving mean
while upon the next in rank. The congress should assist with arms and money.
Warned perhaps by the Texan occurrences, he insisted that no foreign troops
should approach the seat of the congress. The execution issued the decrees
of the congress, assisted by two secretaries, who in this case were Rosaina
and J. S. Castaneda. Further details in the regulations already cited, arts.
14, 25, 45, etc.

53 The judiciary list includes Morelos' secretaries. Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., v. 159. An ecclesiastic tribunal would decide in clerical affairs,
at present pertaining to the jurisdiction of bishops, and also promote the wel
fare of the church.

SUPREMACY OF MOEELOS. 5G5

the congress were practically a constitution,54 wherein
he had framed everything according to his own fancy,
making himself actual ruler wherever his arms might
obtain sway, and sustaining that control by appoint
ments at will. The congress, essentially his own
creature, and easy to so maintain when kept under
his eyes, was designated rather as an adjunct to him
self, and its power could in any case be readily cur
tailed.55 Although crude and incomplete, the consti
tution sufficed to achieve the aim of its projector,
which after all was not out of keeping with a per
sonage of this period who so completely overshad
owed all the other leaders of the party in military
success and power. He cannot be said to have abused
the trusts he outlined, and he sustained an assembly
which might have been dissolved on the plausible
ground that advancement of the cause required con
centration of authority into one hand.56

The men, however, who had hitherto figured as
captain-generals with so little credit were retired, on
the plea that their new sphere as deputies required
undivided attention. The two provinces of Michoa-
can and Guanajuato lately controlled by them, to
gether with Guadalajara, Zacatecas, and San Luis
Potosi, were placed under the command of Manuel
Muniz, as lieutenant-general. The only other officer
of this rank was Matamoros, who received charge of
the more important region of Oajaca, Vera Cruz,
Puebla, Tlascala, Mexico, and Tecpan. Additional
control was exercised through the judges appointed
in different provinces.57

54 An outline for the real constitution he presented on Sept. 14th to the
congress, under the title of Sentimientos de la Nation, in 23 articles. See
Her.iandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 215-16.

55 The power to appoint deputies was vaguely admitted as belonging to
Morelos. Act of Oct. 8th.

56 As he himself declared in an earlier letter to Rayon.

57 Whereof a list of 15 in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 159, 177, 649.
His own appointment as generalissimo Morelos tendered to Rayon, in the usual
Spanish form of mere courteous phrase. His brother llamon was made coman-
dante general of the Tlalpujahua region.

566

CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

Rayon made his appearance at Chilpancingo on
November 2d, and in order to soften his fall the men
of Morelos joined his adherents in tendering him a
pompous reception, with triumphal arches and allocu
tions.58 Bustamante and others having also arrived,
the congress opened for regular business, the first act
being the famous declaration of independence of No
vember 6th, wherein New Spain, or Anahuac, is de
clared forever freed from Spanish control, with liberty
to administer its own destinies,59 and with the Roman
catholic religion for the exclusive spiritual guide.

Rayon sought in vain to op
pose this radical step as dan
gerous and needless. He
admitted that to retain the
name of Fernando was a
mere disguise, but one which
served to gain a vast and
valuable support, especially
among the Indians who were
accustomed to venerate and
bend to royalty.60 This

view received favor, that of Bustamante among
others, as indicated by his proposal through the
ayuntamiento of Mexico for a base of conciliation,
or at least for a more humane warfare;61 but Morelos

58 As described in his Diario, 649. Morelos kept away till the morrow.

59 And make treaties with foreign powers. All who oppose this act or
refuse aid toward the war of independence are declared guilty of high trea
son. In Hernandez y Ddvalos, i. 877, among others, is given the text of this
brief document, signed by Vice-president Quintana, Rayon, Herrera, Busta
mante, Verdusco, Liceaga, and secretary Zarate. See also Derecho Intern.
Mex., ptiii. 469; Mex. Refut. Art. de Fondo, 27-8; Pap. Far., xxxvi. pt 08,
no. 2, pp. 2-4; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 64, 303-12: Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 246-7;
Mendibil, Res., 184-6; Ward's Mex., i. 202-3.

60 As instanced in the representation of 1812 from Tlascala. Rayon's paper
argues the point with detail. See text in Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii.
2-3, prepared after the 6th, but the independence act had not been published
as yet.

"Dated Oct. 1st. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 181-3, extract in
Cuad. Hist., ii. 378-82. Yet Bustamante framed the act of independence.
Little in accord with this is the declamation of Morelos on Nov. 2d against
Spanish tyranny and foreign interference, as reproduced in Castillo Ncgrcte,
Mex., v. 529-30. Cancelada instances that a Mexican deputy at this time
suggested the concession of independence as inevitable. Tel. Mex., 426.

SEAL OF TUB CONGRESS.

DECREES OF INDEPENDENCE. 5G7

carried the point, as indeed he did all, by outlining
the work and attitude of the assembly.62

In consonance with the act of independence were
confirmed the decrees already issued by Morelos,
merging all race and caste distinctions under the one
equalizing term of Americans, removing the igno
minious tribute tax, affirming the liberation of slaves,63
and opening offices in church arid state to all classes.
Past indebtedness to Europeans was cancelled, in vir
tue of the authority of the nation to confiscate the
property of its opponents.64 Taxes were reduced prac
tically to excise, including tobacco, and to tithes and
parochial fees, to all of which Indians were subjected
in common with others, to their no small prejudice if
we consider the previous burdens. Bustamante takes
credit for a decree to restore the Jesuits, with a view
to educate the youth and spread the faith.65 For the
maintenance of the revolutionary cause, it was pro
posed to enlist half the serviceable population in each
town and provide them with the best arms possible,
drawing from this source for the army.66

62 The act was supplemented by a proclamation to the people in support
thereof. Hernandez y Ddvalos, v. 215-17. Compare Cos' manifest against
royalist rule. Gaz. Mex., 1815, vi. 1103-14.

*A fac-simile of the decree against slavery, dated October 5th, maybe
found in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, e"p. 2, iii. 49, with elaborate riibricas by
Morelos and his secretary. The lash had been abolished by decree of Sep
tember 8th. Mex. Col. Dec. y (Jrd., 105. All classes, from laborers to clergy
and women, were enjoined to work, partly as a means to counteract the vices
flowing from idleness.

64 A document to this effect, of extremely communistic tendencies, is given
in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 879-80; v. 271-2.

^Cnad. Hist., ii. 407; Jesuitas en Mex., 3.

66 Training should be given on Sundays and feast days. For lack of other
weapons, each man should be provided with slings and four dozen arrows.
Gambling was prohibited, including the manufacture of cards, as cause for
quarrel, and consequently duelling. Hernandez y Ddvalos, v. 207, etc. In
order to increase the means for campaigns, a reduction was projected by
Rosains in the number and pay of treasury employe's, to three chiefs, eleven
aids, with a pay of §18y440 instead of $25,083 paid before July 1813. Id.,
84-5.

The following authors have been studied for preparing the foregoing chap
ter: Alaman, Mcj., i. 2G6-7; Id., iii. 1G5-6, 245, 304-575, passim, app. 42-3,
49-52, 53-5, 58-67; Id., iv. 724; Id., Apuntf.s Bhfj., 11-12; Bustamante,
Campanas de Cal/eja, 78-9, 174, 17G-7; Id., Cuad. Hist., i. 335-55; Id., ii. 40,
128-32, 180, 239-98, 301-7, 315-407; Id., iii. 8-9, 11, 87-97, 213-15, 291-303;
//., iv. 7-143, 310; Id., v. 42-3; Id., Eloyio Morelos, 9-10, 17-20; Id., Nolle.
., 16; Ctirtes, Act. Ord., 1813, i. 62, 89, 232, 384; Id., Col. Dec., iii. 189-

CCS CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

93, 209-10; Id., Diar., 1813, xvii. 228; Id., xix. 236-41, 247-8, 317-18, 357,
385, 41G; Id., xx. 82-4, 257-9, 313-14, 319-20; Id., xxi. 152, 168; Id., xxii.
207, 390; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., ii. 25-9; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 269-84, 373-
84, 426; Cavo, Tres Sig., iv. 50-105, 111; Cedulario, MS., iv. fol. 238; Dice.
Univ. Hist. Geog., viii. 574-5, 645-8, 700-2, 743; Id., ix. 386, 741-2; Id., x.
311-12, 575, app. i. 55, 166; Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 491-4, 898-904, 1070;
Id., 1813, iv. passim; Id., 1815, vi. 1103-14; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 278,
2SO-1; Gutierrez, Leyes de Ref., 33, 449-56; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 248-349,
passim; Hernandez y Ddvalos, i. 872-3, 875-7, 879-80, 899-926; Id., iv. 760;
Id., v. passim; Id., vi. 27-8, 40-2, 101-4, 107-18, 126-7, 130-3, 145-55, 161-
83, 195-202, 206-16, 222-4, 248, 356-8, 467-9, 472-81, 1038-43; Liceaga,
Adic. y Beet., 243-50; Laharpe, x. 82-4; MendibU, Resumen Hist., 73-8, 101-
97, 216-17, 285-94, app. vi. 386-91; Mex. Col. Dec. y 6rd., 66-72, 86-106,
111-13; Mosaico Mex., ii. 232; Mora, Rev. Mex., iv. 419-20, 443-4; Mex. Hoc.

424; Id., 2d ep. ii. 631; Torrente, Rev. Hispan.-Amer., i. 425-6, 429-47.
Viagero Univ., xxvi. 332-4; Ward's Mex., i. 202-7, 211-14, app. 489-509;
Young, Hist. Mex., 99, 101-8; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj.,vii. 482, 494, 785; Id., viii.
562-8, 579-80, 585-6, 607, 675, app. 790; Id., ix. passim; Id., x. 168-9, app.
23, 75-81; Zavala, Revol. Mex., 57, 64, 303-12; Arizpe, Idea Gen., 1-4, 21-50;
Apuntes para Hist., 1-4; Arrangoiz, Mcj., i. 198-237; Azanza, Instntcc., MS.,
92-3; Abbot's Mex. and U. #.,54-6; Adalid, Causa Form. Contra, MS., i. 1-

3, 130-3; Apuntes Hist., in Pan. Bol. Ofic., June 12, 1868, Pinart Col.; Brin-
gasy Enemas, Sermon, passim; Berenger, Colton Voy., vi. 46-9; Calle, Mem.
y Not., 60; Dampier, Voy., i. 244-7; De Page, Travels, 161-5; Derecho Intern.
Mex., pt iii. 469; Disposic. Var., ii. fol. 23; Gomez, Diar., 442, 447; Robles,
Diar., 399; Escudero, Son. y Sin., 59-60; Fossey, Mex., 311-13; Gregory's Hist,
Mex., 42; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, ii. 104; Mier, Manifest., 3-31, in Mis-
eel., iii. 8; Midler, Reisen in Mex., iii. 270-8; Inquisicion, Informe, passim;
Mex., Bosq. Lig., 13, 253-6; Id., Revol., 13-14; Mex., Virey N. Espan., 1-2,

4, 6, 9, Pinart Col.; Mex., Informe Comis. Pesq., 1874, 121; Nacional, May
12, 1883; Niks' Register, iv. 392, 408; Id., v. 336; Ogilby's Amer., 260; Ola-
varria y Ferrara, Castillo Acapulco, xiii. passim; Id., La Constitution, passim;
Queipo, Col. Escrit., 160-70; Calleja, Virey a los Habit., passim; Pensador
Mex., ii. sup. btwn. 92-3; Id., iii. passim; Print, i., nos. 10 and 15, Pinart
Col.; Pap. Var., xxxvi. 68, 110. ii. 1-4; Sammlung, Reisebesch., xiii. 479-81;
Miguel, Mex., 1846, i. 17; Span. Emp. in Amer., 117-18; Acapulco, Provision,
1-6, in Virey de Mex., Instrucc., MS., 2d ser. no. 2; Mex., Contest* d las
Observ., 71-2; N. Am. Rev., xxxi. 113-16; Tornel, Fastos Mil., pp. vi. 77.

CHAPTER XXIII.

FALL OF MORELOS.
1813-1814.

MORELOS MARCHES AGAINST VALLADOLID — CALLEJA'S COUNTER-MOVE
MENT — REPULSE AT THE GATE or ZAPOTE — BRILLIANT CHARGE BY
ITURBIDE — DEFEAT AND DEATH OF MATAMOROS — THE CONGRESS ASSERTS
ITSELF — ARMIJO OVERRUNS TECPAN PROVINCE — GALEANA FALLS—
MALEADMINISTRATION IN OAJACA — ALVAREZ'S TRIUMPHANT ENTRY — THE
ENCHANTED MOUNTAIN — SPECULATIONS WITH CONVOYS — QUARREL AND
MISCONDUCT OF RAYON AND ROSAINS — EXPEDITION AGAINST ZACATLAN
AND FLIGHT OF RAYON — MAN-HUNTING IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.

VALLADOLID, the capital of Michoacan, had ever
proved an attractive spot to the insurgents, by rea
son of its wealth, its central position, and the revolu
tionary spirit of the surrounding population. Similar
motives stimulated the royalists to strive for its pos
session, when every other point in the province was
lost, and after defeating the Rayons, they made the
city again their headquarters for energetic opera
tions against the remaining leaders, wresting from
them nearly all the northern districts, as far as Zita-
cuaro.1 Southward, however, the ranges offered a
comparatively safe retreat for the insurgents, who
could thence make their raids into the rich lowlands,
and in case of need fall back into the Zacatula region,
beyond which Morelos held absolute sway, as" undis
puted successor of Hidalgo.

So he undoubtedly regarded himself. Flushed with

llt was recovered in Sept. 1813, from Ramos and other leaders, who had
there reestablished powder factories. Gaz. Mex., 1813, iv. 1082-4. See for
other minor operations, Id., 805-1350, passim; Hernandez y Davulos, Col.
JJoc., v. 107 et seq.

(5G9)

570 FALL OF MORELOS.

his successes in field and council-hall, he proposed to
remedy the mistakes and avenge the humiliation of his
predecessors and colleagues. Deliverance was to come
from the south. A first and necessary step was to
recover the much disputed Valladolid, there to install
the new-born congress, and thus affirm its dignity, and
further to make this city the starting point for future
operations, which henceforth must be directed into
the central provinces. While the place at this time
was not strongly fortified, aid could easily reach it;
and he proposed to insure his project by mustering
all the forces possible. To this end he summoned
Nicola's Bravo and Matamoros from Vera Cruz and
Puebla, counting upon their well trained troops as
the nucleus for his army, to which were to be added
the guerrillas of Michoacan, including those of Ra
mon Rayon.

Morelos kept his object secret from all except a
few intimate friends, and sought to delude the royal
ists by a movement which obliged Daoiz to fall back
on Cuernavaca. He thereupon set out from Chilpan-
cingo November 7, 1813,2 incorporating the forces of
Matamoros and Bravo at Cutzamala, and further on
those of Muniz, Ortiz, Arias, and Navarrete, so that
he was able to present himself before Valladolid on
the 22d of December with an army variously esti
mated at from 6,000 to 20,000 men, with thirty cannon
and large supplies.3 The city was in despair, for the
garrison under Landazuri,4 numbered only some 800

2 Leaving Miguel and Victor Bravo with over 1,000 men to protect the
congress, ordering Ilocha to Tehuacan, and intrusting Acapulco to Irrigaray.
A proclamation was issued menacing all royalist sympathizers among Ameri
cans. Bustamante's outline of the march, Cuad. Hist., ii. 409 et seq., is
contradictory.

3 According to the statement of Father Solana the total was 10,050, of
whom Galeana commanded 1,200, Sesma 1,100, Bravo 1,300, and Muniz 1,800,
while Matamoros brought over 7,030. Ilernandezy Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v.
250; vi. 251-2. But his sources for the statement need explanation. Busta-
mante gives to Matamoros only 2,000, and to Bravo 800. Morelos admits
5,700 men just before reaching Valladolid. Id., vi. 30. Landazuri claims
that the force after this must have doubled. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 79-81.

* A native of Lima, not from Spain as supposed. The inhabitants pro
fessed great loyalty, to judge by their document in Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. Doc., v. 80-91, signed by the chapter.

DEFEAT AT VALLADOLID. 571

men ; and Morelos sternly presented the dread alter
native of surrender within three hours or bloody in
fliction.5

But Calleja had not been deceived by the move
ments of the insurgents, and his plans had been so
laid as to permit ready counter-movements in any di
rection. He ordered the concentration at Acdmbaro
of more than 2,000 men from Tula, Mexico, and
Guanajuato, who, under the designation of the army
of the north, were placed under command of Llano,
the successor of Castillo at Toluca, Iturbide joining
as second.6 Ramon Rayon sought to impede their
advance, but was defeated;7 and after a forced march,
the royalists came up on the 23d, guided by the can
nonade which had already begun. The fighting was
directed mainly against the Zapote gate, as most
threatened by the expected reinforcements from Mex
ico. It had been taken by the select forces under
Galeana and Bravo, retaken by Landcizuri, and again
captured by the former. At this moment Llano and
Iturbide appeared from different directions, and fear
ing to be cut off, the insurgents fell back toward their
camp, only to be driven into disorder and routed with
great loss.8 The royal troops thereupon entered the
city, amidst loud demonstration from the inhabitants.

It was a severe blow to Morelos, this check to his
cherished plans, and the whole of the following fore-

5 He also addressed a threatening letter to Bishop Abad, with regard to
liis strong upholding of the royalist cause. Gaz. deMex., 1814, v. 84-8, 101-4.

6 Tho forces are minutely enumerated in the Diario de Ixtlahuaca. Ordonez
was ordered back to Jilotepec. Mex. Virey, 7-8.

7Near Ucareo by Aguirre, Dec. 19th. He had then nearly 1,000 men, and
might have rendered better service if Morelos had permitted him to occupy
the pass of Medina, as he proposed, rather than to follow a parallel route
with Llano for the sake of joining the generalissimo. Aguirre claims to have
killed 200. Gaz. de Hex., 1813, iv. 1351. Ramon had received at Chilpan-
cingo the appointment of mariscal de carnpo, with the command of Tlalpuja-
hua district, Nov. 8th, and left at once to raise troops. Diario de, Rayon, G49-
50. His brother Rafael was defeated by Iturbide about the same time at
Santiaguito.

8AJorelos making no movement to aid them, says Alaman; but royalists
state that he sent 1,000 horse. Torre.nte, 7?ev., i. 440. Most of the prisoners
HOW taken, over 200, were promptly shot as deserters from royalist armies,
ao Llano admits in his report.

572 FALL OF MORELOS.

noon was spent in determining what next should be
done. He then placed the active management of his
forces in the hands of Matamoros, who thereupon ex
tended the infantry in a long line before the city, and
the cavalry along the hill of Santa Maria, which held
the encampment. Not knowing what the display was
intended for, Llano sent out Iturbide with 360 horse
men to reconnoitre. This officer had not failed to
observe the defective position of the insurgents, and
could not resist the temptation9 to avail himself of
it, arid display before his old home the prowess for
which he was becoming famous. With a rousing
cheer he led his little band to the attack, broke
through the line, threw into disorder a cavalry ree'n-
forcement, and warmed with success, charged up the
hill to the camp of Morelos in the very face of its
formidable battery. It was already dusk. The gath
ering gloom seemed to have entangled the skill and
courage of the revolutionists. They were bewildered
by the unexpected charge, and their broken columns
scattered and spread panic on all sides. The alarm
was given throughout the army, creating the im
pression that the enemy had fallen also on their flank
and rear. Shot and shouts began to resound in every
direction. Soon it became difficult to distinguish
friend from foe, and a fight sprang up among the in
surgents themselves, lasting far into the night, with
deplorable effect.10

Meanwhile, Iturbide had availed himself of the
confusion to penetrate into the camp, regardless of
the murderous volleys from battery and file. His
men came upon Morelos himself, but did not recog-

9 This was greatly due to the rivalry roused not alone by the near pres
ence of Llano, but by the companionship of Aguirre, a Navarrean from Ca-
torce, who commanded the Fieles de Potosi, famed for their bravery.

10Bustamante attributes the confusion greatly to the trick of the roy
alists in blackening their faces, in imitation of the insurgents, whom Morelos
had ordered so to do, as a means to distinguish them from opponents; but ib
is believed the order was not carried out, for no authority alludes to what
would have been a very striking feature. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 248, has
a less good suggestion for the cause. It has also been supposed that Navar-
rete's reinforcements were taken for foes and attacked by Morelos' men.

FLIGHT OF THE INSURGENTS. 573

nize him at the moment. As it was, his fate might
have been sealed if Rosains and others had not corne
to the rescue.11 This led to a rally which served to
break the charge; the advantage was not followed
up, and Iturbide retired in good order with two ban
ners and four cannon, entering the city amid tumul
tuous ovation.12

The achievement might have been put down only
as a display of bravery but for its effect. Added to
the havoc suffered by the select forces of Galeana
and Bravo, this charge and its attendant panic so de
moralized the insurgents that they fled in all direc
tions. The officers did their utmost to reassure the
men; but finding this impossible, they spiked the guns
and followed, seeking to collect the stragglers. A
few still remained on the ill-omened hills of Santa
Maria at daybreak, leading the royalists to suppose
that their task was yet before them. They accord
ingly mustered in full strength for the assault, but
soon divided into pursuing columns.

Learning that the main body of the revolutionists
had gathered at Puruaran, forming with the remnant
of Ramon Rayon's force a body of about 3,000 men,
with twenty-three cannon, Llano marched against
them, to cull the final laurels by a victory over dis-
spirited troops. The latter awaited the assault, on
the 5th of January, 1814, behind parapets of loose
stones. In these, breaches were, made by a few well
directed shots, and within half an hour the assailed
were in full flight, this time intercepted by a detach
ment under Iturbide. The slaughter was very great.

11 There is much contradiction on this point. Rosains claims in his lieL
Hist., 3-4, to have killed two assistants. The half -drunken troops took Mo-
relos at first for Llano, because he had a dress like his, and happened most
unusually to be mounted on a horse with Spanish trappings. Cuad. Hist,., ii.
418.

12A reinforcement sent by Llano came only to support the retreat. Ala-
man thinks that Valladolid should have received the name of Iturbide, not
that of Morelos, who had no claim to such honor. Hist. Mej., iv. 7-8. Mo-
relos' birthplace was a rancho near Apatzingan, not this city, as some be
lieve, though he passed some of his younger days here. See Bustamante,
Cuadro, ii. 407-8. Negrete upholds Morelos. 31 ex. Siglo XIX., vi. 181.

574 FALL OF MORELOS.

Along a line of two leagues lay stretched 600 dead,
and 700 were captured, including a score of superior
officers,13 among them Matamoros, who was directing
the flight, while Morelos was striving to save from
disaster what he could.14

Two hundred prisoners were offered in exchange
for him, but this and other efforts in his behalf proved
useless. He was shot February 3d at Valladolid,
dying with the firmness to be expected of so valiant
and brilliant a leader.15 Unimposing in appearance,
but of strong character and magnetism, he had ex
erted a marked influence on the campaigns of More-

13 Llano in his report places the killed at over 600, with the capture of 1 S
high officers, admitting for himself only a loss of 5 killed and 36 wounded.
The capture included 23 guns, 150 loads of ammunition, and 1,200 muskets.
Gaz. de Hex., 1814, v. 74 -80. He gives the first loss of the insurgents before
Valladolid at 1,000, including 217 prisoners, and assumes that the total loss at
this place amounted to 1,500 men, 27 or 30 guns, and large supplies. LamU-
zuri, who estimated the besieging force at over 11,000, places their first loss
at 050 killed and 233 captured. The royalists lost 25 killed and 57 wounded.
Id., 9-11, 79-84, 181-8; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 276-81; vi. 30-1,
256-60. Bustamante allows for the first encounter under Galeana 1.800 men,
with a loss of 700. The value of the abandoned artillery material he places at
$800,000. He goes into paroxysms over the cold-blooded execution of pris
oners, many of them half dead with wounds. Cuadro, ii. 419-28; Cavo, Tres
Siylox, iv. 105-11. The losses at the first battle are attributed partly to Gale-
ana's neglect from pique at the promotion of Matamoros. Mendibil, Res. , 192-5.
Negrete doubts any such feeling; but his speculations on causes and effects are
feeble. Zamacois assigns 3,000 men on this occasion to the revolutionists.
Hist. Mej., ix. 333 et seq. Royalist accounts like Torrente's Rev. Hifip. Am. , i.
445-6, ii. 89-90, naturally gloat over the victory. Escalera y Liana, Hex.
Hist., 10-12. Morelos' Declaration, 29-31, is brief and unsatisfactory, Ro-
sains, Rel. Hist., 3 et seq., adds some interesting details, most of them used
by Bustamante, Alaman, and others.

u Matamoros was captured in seeking to cross the river on a poor borrowed
horse. A dragoon named J. E. Rodriguez overtook and surrendered him to
a comrade without stopping for the usual plunder. He was rewarded with
$200, and recommended for decoration. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 707-8.

15 Yet the royalists published a reputed confession and proclamation by
him, wherein he denounces the insurrection as wrong, and urges his compat
riots to submit with him to the king. Full text in Id., 169-80. None but
royalists have received them as genuine. Alaman believes, nevertheless,
that he signed the proclamation as well. Hist. Mej., iv. 15. His. handker
chief bathed in blood was preserved as a relic, and masses were secretly
offered in Valladolid for his repose as he died. He was a small, thin man,
with pock-marked face inclined to the left, and modest blue eyes, but with
a stentorian voice that had assisted not a little to cheer his soldiers on to the
victories for which he stood famed. He was a born soldier, writes Busta
mante, and displayed both strategy and prudence, combined with great
piety. 'File" el brazo izquierdo de Morelos.' Cuadro, ii. 423. For detailed
biography, see Gallo, II ombres Ilustres, iv. 227-49; Arroniz, Biog. Mcx.,
226-31; Dice. Univ., art. 'Matamoros,' etc.

DEATH OF MATAMOROS. 575

los, altliougli leaving a record for brilliant feats rather
than great achievements. The wide-spread grief for
his loss was manifested by comrades in a terrible re
prisal on royalist prisoners, of whom over 200 were
executed, and by an admiring posterity in honors to
his name, which is preserved notably in that of the
gulf port.16 Morelos retired to the fastnesses in Tec-
pan with the remnant of his once imposing army,
there to consider his crushing misfortunes.17

Calleja's plans had been succeeding, and this last
stroke practically opened to him the gates to the
hitherto impenetrable south. It merited his substan
tial approval,18 and he hastened to take advantage of
it by ordering a relentless pursuit of the dispersed
bands, and the shooting of all who had heretofore
failed to submit.19 Reinforcements were summoned
to Mexico from the comparatively quiet Puebla, ready
for any movement, and Lieutenant-colonel Armijo
replaced Daoiz in the command of the Cuernavaca
troops, with instructions to march on Chilpancingo.
This energetic officer crossed the Mescala January
21st, despite the opposition of Guerrero, outflanked and
defeated Victor Bravo,20 and thereupon proceeded
unhindered toward the seat of the congress, assisted
not a little by the consternation created by his sud
den advance.

16Izucar, not far from his early pastoral field, also adopted the name, and
the congress inscribed his name among national heroes. Morelos, Declaration,
vii. 30, 61, admits oi'dering the shooting of 203 prisoners in reprisal. See
also Rosa, in Pap. Far., xlii. pt viii. 31; Diario de Rai/on, 651.

17 Bustamante declares that he warned him against going further for con
quests, instead of assuring his southern acquisitions. Cuadro, ii. 409, 417,
420-1; Id., Elogio, 20-1. See also Negrete, Hex. Siglo XIX., vi. 95 e^seq.;
Liceaf/a, Adic., 247-52.

18 Brigadier Llano's services were proclaimed, and his soldiers and the gar
rison at Valladolid received a badge for the left arm, with the inscription
'Valor y fidelidad,' etc. Oaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 188. Iturbide having just
been promoted could not expect further reward at the time, but his fame
spread far and wide. Bishop Abad failed not, however, in praising him, to
hint with prophetic spirit that so ambitious a person might become dangerous
to the royalists !

19 The mere fact of their having formed part of Morelos' army sufficed to
condemn them. Id., 112.

ao Who lost 95 prisoners out of a force of 500. Id., 148-50.

57G FALL OF MORELOS.

The absence of Morelos had served to revive the
contentious spirit of the members, and when the news
came of his disaster, deferential praise of the general
issimo changed to condemnation of the cura, initiated
by the lately humbled Rayon. They assumed of their
own accord the executive power and took steps for
directing affairs. Liceaga was sent to assure the occu
pation of Acapulco, and Rayon, whose ambition they
feared, was consigned to a safer distance, with the
commission to superintend the defence of the Oajaca
province.21 In the midst of their dispositions came
the news of Armijo's approach, and now was resumed
the alternate wandering and flight that characterized
the former body. Under the protection of Guerrero's
force of 400 men, they hastened to Tlacotepec, where
they reopened their sessions on January 29th, with
only five members,22 and with hardly any means.23

Here Morelos arrived not long after with over a
thousand men, whereof Licentiate Rosains had been
given the second command, with the title of lieuten
ant-general, amidst the undisguised and not unjust
murmur of a host of older and well deserving officers
of military training. Somewhat humbled by reverses,
he readily surrendered the executive power, now
vested in five members, whose places were filled by
new appointees, the total number of deputies being
fixed at sixteen,24 including Morelos. The latter was

21 Regarded as an extension of the junta de Zitacuaro, the congress had a
right to assume the executive power which it was supposed to have conferred
on Morelos. There are always charges enough which can be brought against
a fallen ruler as a reason for still further humiliating him. The quorum rule
was reduced to less than five members. Act Feb. 14th.

22 Verdusco, Cos, Herrera, Quintana, and Liceaga; the first three priests.
During the flight Crespo left for his home at Oajaca, while Bustamante fol
lowed Rayon. Orders were issued for their return. They pleaded that the
congress was expected to move to Oajaca. Cuad. Hist. , iii. 6. Verdusco also
longed for a quiet retreat in his province, where he promised to use his influ
ence for the cause, and Cos wished to go and reform the misrule of Salmeron
in Guanajuato; but more members could not be spared from the sessions.
Acts of Jan. 30th and Feb. 14th.

23 The 10,000 and more pesos in copper held by the treasurer, Berazaluce,
had to be abandoned on the road for lack of mules.

24 President Liceaga, Vice-president Bustamante, Rayon, Verdusco, More
los, Cos, Crespo, Herrera, Quintana, Alderete y Soria, Ortiz de Zarate, Sotero
de Castaneda, Jos6 Ponce, Jos<$ Argandara, Antonio de Sesma, and Jos<5 San

OFFICIAL DISSENSIONS.

577

confirmed in his title of generalissimo, but he allowed
the congress to distribute all his forces, save a mere
handful, among men of their own choice; and hence
forth a coldness sprang up between them. Three
comandantes generales, Rayon, Cos, and Rosains,
were assigned respectively to Tecpan and Oajaca,
Michoacan and Guanajuato, and Puebla and Vera
Cruz,25 to assist in reducing the importance of their
late chief, but also in weakening the cause by a divi
sion of power and harmony.

The most urgent measure now demanded was to
check the advance of Arniijo, who had already passed

PROVINCE OK TECPAN.

through Tixtla. To this end Galeana, Guerrero, and
the Bravos took up a position at Chichihualco, on the
19th of February, contrary to the views of Rosains,

Martin. Ortiz and Castillo were secretaries. Act of March 1st. The above
1G deputies represented the following provinces, in the order named: Guana
juato, Mexico, Guadalajara, Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, Zacatecas, Oajaca,
Tecpan, Yucatan, Querdtaro, Tlascala, Darango, Sonora, San Luis Potosi,
Puebla. San Martin had evidently no province assigned. Hernandez y Ddva-
los, Col. Doc., v. 29G-7.

25 The list of intendentes reads now: for Oajaca, Murguia; Tecpan, Ig.
Ayala; Mexico, Jose" Maria Rayon, Ant. Perez; Vera Cruz, Joso Flores;
Valladolid, Pablo Delgado; Guanajuato, Jos6 Pagola. San Martin became
vicario general. The presidency and vice-presidency changed by lot every
three months. Rosains pretends not to have aspired to other than diplo
matic positions. Rel. Hist. , 2, 7, etc.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 37

578 FALL OF MORELOS.

the general in command. A few shots from the roy
alists sufficed to scatter the 1,500 insurgent recruits.23
Armijo followed by forced marches to Tlacotepec in
the hope of surprising the congress; and indeed, so
narrow was the escape of this body that .the archives,
seal, and baggage were captured; and Morelos him
self would have been taken but for the heroic self-sac
rifice of Colonel Kamirez,27 who made a stand till he
got safely away. The deputies passed onward into
Michoacan, and Morelos with a small escort took refuge
in Acapulco.

Armijo, now promoted to the rank of colonel, re
solved to complete his task by sweeping the whole
province. He set out from Chilpancingo in the be
ginning of April, with over a thousand men, and ap
peared before Acapulco on the 12th, only to find it in
iiames and abandoned, with immense loss to the in
habitants as well the merchants in Mexico.23 Thus
was surrendered without a blow, and to smoke, the
richest port on the northern Pacific, the capture of
which had shortly before required a costly campaign
of seven months. Without loss of time, Armijo has
tened up the coast in pursuit of Morelos, who had left
a track of bloody retaliation, notably at Tecpan and
Zacatula, on his way to the fastnesses of Michoacan.
But if the pursuit proved vain, royalist control was

26Galeana's obstinacy, caused by jealousy of Rosains, was the main reason
for making the stand. "itosains, Eel. Hist., 6. Bustamante, on the contrary,
allows Galeanato blame the other. Armijo estimates the insurgents at 1,500
or 2,000. Gaz de Mex., 1814, v. 237, 349-56. Another account in Alaman,
Hist. Mtj., iv. app. 3, allows Rosain to be outwitted by flank movements which
caused him to divide his forces.

27 This occurred Jan. 24th, at the rancho de las Animas, near Tlacotepec.
The booty included Morelos' portrait in oil, his uniforms, and some trinkets.
Out of the force of 60 soldiers and 300 unarmed men, 38 were captured and
shot, including Secretary Castillo. Armijo had followed with 300 infantry
and 150 dragoons. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 269, 356-60; Morelos, Declaration,
vi. 31. Armijo is supposed to have secured a large prize for himself, the
foundation for his later wealth. Bastamante, Cuadro, iii. 13-16; Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , vi. 252 et seq.

28 Who lost especially on the cacao there stored. See report in Gaz. de
Mex., 1814, v. 595-9; Mex. Virey,9; Torrente, Rev., ii. 96-8. Reports re
produced in Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 286-305.

DEATH OF GALEANA. 579

reestablished in a great measure throughout this re
gion, sustained by the local guards now formed.29

The great achievement during this march was the
capture of El Veladero, a series of forts on the moun
tain summits close to Acapulco, and occupied by Ga-
leana with several hundred men. The strength of

the position demanded a fortnight of extensive prepa
rations, with close investment, after which, on the morn
ing of May 6th, the main .fort was captured by a daring
assault, whereupon the revolutionists took advantage
of the still prevailing darkness to escape.30 They
united in Cacahuatepec to the number of nearly 200,
and in combination with Guerrero, Galeana began to
rouse anew the upper country, known as Costa
Grande;31 but he was defeated on the 27th of June
in an attack upon Aviles, the royalist commander of
this region, stationed at Coyuca. In seeking to es
cape, Galeana was thrown stunned from his saddle by
the branch of a tree and was then shot. The whole
movement subsided.32

Among the series of disasters involving the revolu
tionary cause, the loss of Galeana created less atten
tion than that of Matarnoros, whose fail was signalled
by a crushing defeat. Nevertheless the death of so
great a leader added decidedly to the depression ; and

29 Morelos had left Juan Alvarez, in later times the undisputed lord of this
province, to make a stand at the pass of Pie" de la Cuesta, with 200 men and
a few guns; but the approach of Armijo dispersed them. Miota continued
the pursuit of Morelos, who was attended only by an escort, and readied
Tecpan in time to prevent further retaliation. Advancing to Petatlan, he
captured the intendente Ayala with a considerable booty, acquired by pecu
lation and robbery, for which Morelos had suspended him. Details of above
in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 598-600, G 15-21, etc.

30San Cristobal, the key to the position, was carried by Captain Ocampo.
'Este ha sido el no pensado y nunca esperado fin del decantado Veladero,*
writes Armijo in his report. Id., 603, 621-6. Hunger assisted to intimidate
the besieged. BiLstamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 73-7. Also reports in Negrete,
Mex. Siylo XIX., vi. 288 et seq.; Liceaya, Adic. y Rectif., 252-3.

31 A vila surprised Petatlan, and Galeana the town of Asayac.

32 The attack was boldly made with 500 not well armed men, partly con
tributed by Morelos, and commanded by Avila, Mayo, and Montesdeoca.
Struck by the branch, Galeana fell almost senseless, and was shot and decap
itated by a soldier named Joaquin de Leon. The head was deferentially
placed on the church door at Coyuca by the admiring Aviles, and then in
terred within the edifice.

580 FALL OF MORELOS.

Morelos on receiving the news exclaimed in a tone of
despair, "Both my arms are gone; I am now noth
ing!" Galeana was a warrior by instinct, with a vast
fund of resources, although illiterate, and withal of
greater gentleness than the other commanders, a trait
that commended him also to the royalists.33

Another prominent leader had been taken shortly
before, in the person of Miguel Bravo, mariscal de
campo,34 surprised at Chila by La Madrid. This offi
cer, commanding at Izticar, and Villasana in charge of
the Mescala district, assisted greatly to suppress revo
lutionary operations,35 so that with the fall of Galeana
the province of Tecpan, the cradle of revolutionary
movements since the time of Hidalgo, might be re
garded as practically subjugated, an achievement on
which Armijo failed not to pride himself.36

Equally great had been the royalist success in the
adjoining province of Oajaca. Morelos had not fully
appreciated the value of this acquisition, with its large
wealth and natural strength, and had allowed unfit ad
ministrators to misdirect or neglect its resources, there
by fostering a reaction against the cause among an

33 He was repeatedly approached with offers of pardon, but remained true
to the cause. He was born at Tecpan about 1762, and passed most of his

true
his

time on the hacienda of his cousin till called to fight for his beloved Morelos.
If the latter slighted him of late, it was perhaps mainly due to his illiteracy.
Bustamante calls him the right arm of Morelos, Matamoros being the left.
Cuad. Hist., ii. 423; iii. 80-5; Mendibil, Resumen, 214.

34 He was the second of his family to be executed for the cause. He was
shot on April 15th, at Puebla, where a monument now records his services.
Col Robles claims that Bravo surrendered only on condition of being granted
his life, but Ortega ignored the promise. Bustamante, Cuadro, iii. 97-9. But
this Alaman doubts. No allusion is made in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 313-14,
to any condition, yet the fact that Bravo was remitted to Puebla lends color
to Robles' version.

35 The former destroyed the fortifications at San Juan del Rio, organized
defence movements in the villages, and executed a number of petty leaders.
Villasana took Zimatepec, and occupied a strong central position at Teloloapan.
Details in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 227-8, 302 et seq., 304-8.

8"In his report of May 25th, already he wrote: ' Ya estd, cumplida entera-
mente la conquista del sur,' and this in 52 days, with 1,000 men. J</.,G04.
Armijo now established his headquarters in the more temperate region of
Tixtla, leaving sufficient forces at Acapulco and other points, and keeping
open communication with Mexico.

RECONQUEST OF OAJACA. 581

otherwise tractable people.37 His own act in taking
away nearly all the mules and horses required for
agriculture, the interruption of communications, the
circulation of copper money which had been intro
duced, and the effects of the change on his occupation
of the capital, had all assisted toward ruin.38 The
appointment of Rayon to the command had been made
partly in view to remedy the evil ; but he was unknown
in the province, and without influence or interest.39
He did not advance farther than Huajuapan, send
ing thence San Martin and other agents to organize
forces, collect means at Oajaca, and correct abuses;40
measures which were nullified partly by partisans of
Morelos, hostile to Rayon, but mainly by the sudden
advance of the royalists.

The conquest of Oajaca, as a complement of Armi-
jo's operations, was intrusted to Colonel Melchor Al
varez,41 who set out from Tepeaca after the 10th of
March, with over 1,000 men. Colonel He via accom
panied him as far as Huajuapan, there to remain in
observation, and to pursue the feeble force collected
by Rayon and Rocha. Alvarez inarched unmolested
to Oajaca, which opened its gates with ovations

37 The canons Moreno and Bazo having shown strong royalist proclivities,
Morelos sent Velasco to exile them. They went to enlighten the viceroy on
the true condition of affairs. Velasco remained with the Mariscal Anaya, to
create disorder by their shameless and pompous conduct. Brigadier Monte-
zuma, left in charge by Commander Rocha, showed himself a dissipated gam
bler. Bustamaute had vainly urged the congress to make Oajaca its seat
and capital, as more secure, open to foreign intercourse, etc. Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , v. 50. He even proceeded to it in January, thinking that
the deputies would follow. Not. Bioy., 10-19.

38Murguia in framing this report, sent in by Alvarez in April 1814, ad
mits that the insurgents had not otherwise been exacting with levies and
contributions. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 555-60; Bustamaute, Cuad. Hist., iii.
16-19.

39 Morelos disliked the appointment, and Rosains proclaimed against it in
his Justa Repulsa. See also Diario de Rayon, 650; Teran, Manif., 5. Rocha
recognized Rayon.

40 Velasco was arrested after some trouble, but escaped to join the royalists
and publish a rabid denunciation of his late comrades. Text in Gaz. de Mex.,
1814, v. 472-6. Vicario-general San Martin was sent to represent him, and
Teran to organize troops. See the different instructions in Diario de Rayon,
651-3; and Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 299-301.

41 Subordinate to Brigadier Diaz de Ortega of Puebla. See proclamation in
Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 289-90, 408.

582 FALL OF MORELOS.

March 29th.42 Assuming the government of the
province, he began at once a series of reforms, by
reinstalling former officials and appointing new in
cumbents, withdrawing the copper coinage, introduc
ing the constitution of 1812, restoring alienated
estates, and correcting other abuses. The revolution
ists were, on the other hand, sharply pursued, and
fines and other inflictions were imposed on the chap
ter and those who had countenanced their presence.
The vicarios generales and agents San Martin and
Velasco stooped low for pardon, only to return to the
revolutionists at the first opportunity.43 Alvarez's
efforts were nevertheless too spasmodic and circum
scribed to produce any decided improvement. He
was vain and pompous, and allowed personal interests
to outweigh his duty and the public good.

The subjugation of the remaining part of the prov
ince did not occupy much time. Encouraged by
the extensive withdrawal of troops by Morelos for the
campaign in Michoacan, royalists from Vera Cruz had
already in December occupied the eastern line, and
penetrated as far as Villa Alta;44 while Dambrini
avenged himself for the defeat inflicted by Matamoros
by a fresh invasion from Guatemala into Tehuante-
pec, and by prompting Reguera to fresh activity on

42 Yet the colonel halted before it to issue a pompous and threatening
proclamation. The last revolutionary adherents had departed shortly be
fore, attended by insults from the populace, who now turned to raise arches
for Alvarez. Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 29; Torrente, Rev., ii. 95-6.

43 Both were afterward caught and tried. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
vi. 313, 316-440. Velasco sought to merit his pardon by bitter denunciation
of the cause. Bustamante writes that Murguia was confirmed as intendente
by Alvarez, but had soon to leave for Madrid to seek absolution. Cuad., iii.
37-8. Carriedo states that he was at once removed and sent to Mexico,
Estud. Oaj., ii. 29, which is more likely. Pap. Far., clxxi. pt xviii. 5-14.
Eosains assailed Rayon in his Justa Rcpidsa for so readily losing the rich
province intrusted to him, and Rayon came forth to explain that Morelos'
adherents had prevented the execution of his orders, and withheld arms and
money, and had furthermore created a reaction against the revolutionary
cause by their outrages. It was moreover too late to save the province when
ho took the task. Both documents are given in Revolution, Verd. Origan, pt ii.
62-6.

44 By order of Topete, stationed at Tlacotalpan. Tuxtepec was captured
with a loss of over 80 insurgents. The entry into Villa Alta was a mere
raid. Reports in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 277-84, 415-19.

IN PUEBLA AND VERA CRUZ. 583

the adjoining Costa Chica, where he occupied Jamil-
tepee, Amusgos, and other places.45 The Mizteca
region alone remained true to the revolutionists, who
found succor in its valleys and shelter in its labyrinth
of fastnesses. Against them Alvarez now exerted him
self. His lieutenant, Obeso, penetrated to Tlajiaco
toward the end of April, and defeated the leader Her-
rera; but reenforced by Sesrna, the latter gathered his
men again on an adjoining hill, and inflicted, mainly with
the aid of stones and bowlders, so severe a check upon
the royalists that the spot became celebrated as the
Cerro Encantado.46 Eager to avenge the disaster, Al
varez marched against them in person with a large
force, and laid siege to Silacayoapan at the close of July ;
but was effectually repulsed, notably through a brilliant
charge by Teran,47 whereupon he retired to Teposco-
lula, to remain in observation and guard the route for
convoys from Mexico.

The centre of revolutionary operations had now
shifted to Puebla and Vera Cruz, attracted partly by
the resources of the tierras templada and caliente,
and the rich prizes held out by the traffic between the
gulf port and the capital, and partly by the strategic
positions offered by the east range of the Sierra Madre,
which stretches along the border between the two
provinces and sends its branches into the central pla-

45 Carriedo assumes that Reguera had 500 men before the occupation of
Amusgos. Estud. Oaj., ii. 30. Dambrini's force included 100 Omoa ne
groes. Bustamante dwells on his cruelty springing from a revengeful spirit.
His negroes were taken by Alvarez for a guard. Cuad. Hist., iii. 38-9.
Reguera figures as commander of the fifth division of south coast militia,
assisted by Captain Arrazola and Cura Herrera of Jamiltepec.

46 Enchanted hill. This action took place April 29th, with a loss to the
assailants of 19 dead and over 200 wounded. Bustamante states that Sesrna
came up to aid the Americans. Cuad., iii. 287-9. Royalist accounts allude
only to the previous victory, at Cerro del Coyote close to Tlajiaco, over 500
men, of whom they killed 93 and captured 13. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 538-9.
Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 30-1, reduces Herrera's force to 100.

47 Who captured part of his artillery. Bustamante, Cuad., iii. 289-91.
After the fight at Cerro Encantado, Sesma, who had been appointed by Ro-
sains, arrested Herrera, who claimed authority under Rayon. Teran now
came up and reconciled and joined them. Mier y Teran, Manif., 8-9. He
was made a colonel for his achievement. Alvarez abandoned the siege August
19th. Negrete, Mex. Sigh XIX., vi. 433-7.

584 FALL OF MORELOS.

teau. The advantages of the region had been demon
strated by the failure to overcome Osorno. His pres
ence sufficed to render the highway to Vera Cruz
insecure and to necessitate strong escorts for the rare
convoys, causing an immense increase in the prices of
merchandise.48

The train leaving Mexico in January 1814 consisted
of eighty-seven coaches, with passengers, and 7,000
pack-mules, carrying five millions in precious metals,
besides other effects. Among those departing were the
oidores Bodega and Villaurrutia, Salcedo, later coman-
dante general of the provincias internas, and several
distinguished persons suspected of revolutionary ten
dencies, such as Doctor Alcald, and promoter Corta-
zar.49 Later in the year went Conde de Castro Terreno
and Olazabal, both with lessened glor}*-. The convoy
was harassed, especially after leaving Puebla, and at
San Juan where a valuable part of it was cut off.50
The transit occupied more than a month, and the re
turn cargo did not reach Mexico till the middle of
April, owing to stoppages at different points.

The delays and excessive charges were due less to
danger from attack than to the reprehensible greed
of officials, from the lowest upward, who aside from
the money to be gained in the escort service, made
large sums by speculating in merchandise or accept
ing bribes and partnerships from traders interested in
certain goods and districts, and so retarding or advanc
ing convoys at their will, under plausible pretences.
Iturbide was known to have engaged in such transac
tions with the silver consignments from Guanajuato,

48 Coaches were taxed $600 each, and other things in proportion.

49 Both sent by force as deputies for Guanajuato. Alainan, who joined the
part}7, adds many details. IJist. Mej., iv. 36-9. Finding the road toward
Puebla unmolested, several went on in advance of the slow convoy, only to be
cut down by lurking bands.

50 Martinez effected the capture. Oidor Bodega alone lost 1,000 ounces in
gold, and the jewels of his wife, worth $40,000, which fell into the hands of
Intendente Aguilar. For details, see Rivera, Hint. JaL. i. 472-3; Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 292 etc.; Orizava, Ocurrencias, 42-3, 85-6. Also
Eosains' account in RevoL Verd. Origen, 63-4; Arraugoiz, Mcj., i. 240-1,
261; Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 361-3.

RAYON AND ROSAINS. 585

and the return cargoes of quicksilver and other effects;
and Calleja, who bore no spotless reputation, was
widely accused of having favored convoys from Tam-
pico to the exclusion of Vera Cruz trains.51

The most dangerous part of the route lay in Vera
Cruz, which fairly swarmed with lusty bands, living
partly by direct plunder, partly by the exemption tax
obtained from traders, and unwilling to recognize any
superior authority under which their profits might
have to be shared or restricted. After the departure
of Nicolds Bravo to join Morelos, their independence
of spirit ripened into actual discord, and there was
need for a guiding spirit to uphold the tottering cause.
During the flight of the congress to Michoacan, Ro-
sains ingratiated himself so far with the members as
to be confirmed as comandante general of Puebla,
Vera Cruz, and northern Mexico;52 but on reaching
his new field he found that Rayon had already claimed
the command, on the strength of his superior rank as
captain-general and minister of Hidalgo, and of the
appeal to him of several chiefs who objected to Ro-
sains, notably Perez, intendente of Puebla.53

Rayon would listen to no proposals from Rosains,
who thereupon resolved to try his influence in the
adjoining province of Vera Cruz, where Joaquin
Aguilar, the congressional intendente, disputed for
control with Rincon, the comandante general left in
Morelos' name.54 Rincon had been humbled in a severe
encounter with the royalists under Alvarez,55 while

61 Arechederreta gives some interesting revelations to this effect in his
Apuntes Hist. Also Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 325, 335-44, 731, etc.

52 Bustainante adds Oajaca, but Rosains does not claim it in his Justa Re-
pulsa, C3-4.

53 See Rayon's reply to Rosains in Revol. Verdad. Origen, 65-6. Alaman
assumes that he had also obtained a commission similar to that of Rosains.
To bind Perez, Rayon made him also brigadier and comandante of Puebla.
Diario Rayon, 654.

54 Aguilar was a late tobacco official, who had promised to capture Vera
Cruz, and bring to the treasury half a million within six months. Rosains
sought to cut the difficulty by appointing a new comandante in Colonel Al-
dana, a prote"g<$ of Rayon, but Aldana ignored him.

55 The conqueror of Oajaca, Jan. 20th, at Jamapa. As a result, his forti
fications and factories at Huatusco were destroyed. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v.
152, 167-8. Bustamaute claims that Alvarez was disfigured and nearly

586 FALL OF MORELOS.

Aguilar had been rather successful in association with
Martinez, generally known by his baptismal names of
Jose Antonio, now the most famous among the sev
eral leaders56 and occupying the road between Jalapa
and Vera Cruz. The latter had not only gained the
advantage over two Spanish expeditions,57 but had
amassed a large treasure by means of his fortunate
raids, as, for example, on the February convoy from
Mexico. These funds enabled him to command more
men than other chiefs, and exert great influence.
Such a personage had to be courted. Rosains began
by proposing to arrange the difficulty between Aguilar
and Rincon, offering the latter the command of north
ern Vera Cruz, and the other the districts to the south.
This appeared satisfactory, but just as the outlook
became promising a cloud rose to obscure it.

When the subjugation of Oajaca was undertaken
Hevia had been instructed to pursue Rayon. The
latter eluded him for a time, and reached Teotitlan
with a valuable store of cochineal and other effects;
but Hevia came again upon his tracks, defeated his
lieutenants Roca and Anaya with considerable loss
in men and supplies, and compelled Rayon to take
refuge in the Orizaba region with a bare remnant, in
cluding Deputy Rustamante, the brothers Teran, and
Crespo. Hevia also established here his headquarters
as commander of the second division of the southern
army, routed Rosains at Huatusco, and inflicted so
severe a blow on Rayon at Omealca on May 15th
that he sought refuge with Osorno at Zacatlan.53
These successes did not, however, avail against the

killed in a previous encounter with Calzada, the lieutenant of Arroyo. Cnadro,
iii. 22.

56 Lately employed on the hacienda of a Biscayan trader named Arrillaga,
who headed the liberal party at Vera Cruz.

57 One of 300 men in Dec. 1813, under Ulloa, sent in his pursuit, and
another of nearly 300 men under Major Fajardo. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v.
272-6, 287-9.

58 Details in Orizava, Ocurrencias, 53-71, 41, etc. Bustamante, who fol
lowed Rayon, gives many interesting points, Cuad. Hist., iii. 43-9, as does
Mier y Teran in his Manifest., 6, etc. Hevia's reports appear in Gaz. de
Mex., 1814, v. 470, 540, 553-5, etc. The Teran brothers now crossed to the
more promising Mizteca region, to which Rosains also sent Sesma.

THE CERRO COLORADO. 587

numerous bands investing the highways mainly for
plunder, for they prudently yielded before regular
forces, to reappear at a safer distance. Martinez did
not exactly belong to this cautious class, but the late
reverses affected him less than Rosains, and he did not
care to submit to this intruder. Rosains cut the mat
ter short by enlisting the services of jealous leaders,
with whose aid he took by surprise and killed the re
doubtable chief.59 Anaya was rewarded for his coop
eration with the position of the rebellious Aguilar,
and Guadalupe Victoria, now rising into prominence
as a colonel, received the second rank. Although
several leaders had been awed into submission, others
still held out for independent raids on the highway;
and seeing little prospect of restoring harmony, Ro-
sains resolved again to try his fortune in Puebla,
where Rayon's influence had greatly declined.60

While raising troops near San Andres, and await
ing there a proposal from Rayon, he was surprised by
the watchful He via, on July 2d, and narrowly es
caped with a bare remnant to Tehuacan.61 Close to
this town rose a hill known as Cerro Colorado, acces
sible only by one narrow approach, and used in abo
riginal times as a fortress.62 Here Rosains intrenched
himself, and bid defiance to the pursuing Hevia, who
was not prepared for a prolonged siege. His flight,
however, revived the spirit of the startled Rayon
faction, and the captain-general, as well as his inten-
dente Perez, came forth with circulars against him,

59 'Asesinado,' is Teran's view. Manifest., 8. Rosains began by a raid on
Martinez' treasure cache. He then sought to intimidate him during an inter
view, attacking him afterward with Rincon in ambush. Thus much he con
fesses in his Eel. Hist. , 7, etc.

co He proposed an exemption tax to the traders at Vera Cruz, which they
gladly accepted, notwithstanding the injunctions of the authorities; but other
leaders insisting also in levying tribute on the convoys, the plan failed. The
effort to rout the latter resulted in a repulse for the Spaniards. Gaz. de Mcx.,
1814, v. 978-80.

61 The royalists took about 100 muskets and 49 prisoners. Although the
latter had just been enrolled by force, and were kept under lock, Hevia had
them all shot. Hustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 53-4; Gaz. de Hex., 1814, v.
735; Orizava Ocurrencias, 81-2.

62 See Mitr y Teran, Segunda Manif., 86, etc.

588 FALL OF MORELOS.

to which he replied with similar denunciations.63
Such scandal could not pass unnoticed by the con
gress, and Brigadier Arroyave was sent to take com
mand of the disputed territory, while two deputies
should investigate and arrange the difficulty. Neither
party chose to obey a distant and powerless assembly,
and Rosains went so far as to shoot the troublesome
Arroyave on finding that he sided with his opponent.64
To such a state had fallen the sacred cause of inde
pendence, unfolded by Hidalgo and exalted by the
victories of Morelos. Two of the leaders arrayed
one against the other, the other two wandering or
ignored, and the petty chiefs intent mainly on plun
der, ready to draw their sword equally on foe and
comrade; campaigns reduced to mere raids and pur
suits, with victory steeped in bloody executions, often
of guiltless participants.65

While the congress vainly endeavored to settle the
differences between the two claimants in Puebla, the
royalists brought more radical means to bear. Osor-
no having become more daring in his raids and attacks,
even threatening Tulancingo,66 another expedition ap
peared necessary, to intimidate him at least, for he
generally managed to avoid dangerous encounters. A
main object was to nip in the bud the projects which
Rayon was supposed to be framing at Zacatlan. These
were overestimated, however, for the resources were

63 Both sides reproduced by Martifiena in Verdad. Origen, no. ii. 62, et
seq. Rosains also quarrelled with Arroyo and sent a force against him, which
was defeated.

64 Partly on the assumption that he was a Spaniard, which was wrong.
Aguila Mex., pt 315. Bustamante, Not. Biocj., 22, as a friend of Arroyave,
had to flee. The proceedings against Arroyave are given in Hernandez y
Duvolos, Col. Doc., v. 757-70.

65 It is interesting to read the introductory declamation of Rosains in his
Rd. Hist. , protesting against such iniquity ! See Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , iii.
18, and passim, and the more honorable Teran, Manifest., 1 et seq.; also the
documents in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 318-19, 588-94, 074-5; Pap.
Far., xxxvi., ptlxviii. G2-6, etc., and observations in Torrente, Rev., ii. 90-1.

66 On Feb. 26th, with 2,500 men, of which only 500 were soldiers. The
commandant, Col Piedras, repulsed him with, a loss of 20. His lietit. had
rashly attacked Osorno on the 25th and lost 41. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 261-7.

TAKING OF ZACATLAK 589

diminishing with which he hoped to utilize his present
force of four hundred men, and Osorno was by no
means disposed to exert himself in the interest of an
other.67 Indeed, the latter seems to have purposely
kept Rayon in the dark concerning the royalist prep
arations, under the direction of Colonel Aguila.

This officer succeeded in presenting himself wholly
unawares before Zacatlan on September 25th, with a
force far outnumbering the garrison. He intended to
surprise the place by night, but the roads delayed the
march, and at the last moment the heavy mist broke
and revealed the danger in time to sound the alarm
for defence. The first assault carried everything be
fore it, however, and over 200 insurgents succumbed,
leaving a large quantity of newly manufactured war
material to the victors. Deputy Crespo was caught
and shot,68 and Rayon had a narrow escape from the
same fate, but succeeded after great hardship in
reaching his brother Ramon in Michoacan. Nothing
loath at being rid of his unwelcome <mest, Osorno took

O o '

possession of Zacatlan after the royalist departure, and
resumed his operations with such success that Briga
dier Jalon, successor of Aguila in the command of
Apam region, had to be replaced by the more ener
getic Major Barradas.69 The command of the army
of the south, with headquarters at Puebla, passed
about the same time to Brigadier Daoiz, Ortega re
turning to Spain.

6T An agent at Puebla had embezzled the small stock of cochineal left him,
and his efforts to create sympathy in Oajaca had failed.

68 Together with 50 others; Colonel Peredo, the envoy to the U. S., had
a narrow escape. Twelve guns and 200 muskets were taken. Although
claiming over 200 dead foes, Aguila admits only one fallen royalist. Gaz. de
Mex., 1814, v. 1089-96. Bustamaute escaped with his wife. He givea
Aguila 1,200 men. The later president Anastasio Bustamante distinguished
himself in leading a detachment to the assault. Cuad. Hist., iii. 58-60. Crespo
was offered pardon on the condition of turning against the insurgents, but
refused. He had been college professor, and later parish priest of lliohondo,
Oajaca. Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 115-16.

09 Who distinguished himself in November by a valiant defence of Apam.
Jalon came to his relief and routed the insurgents, killing among others Brig
adier Ramirez, commander of Huamantla district. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v.
1241-4. Jalon was removed in March 1815, with a narrow escape from being
subjected to court-martial.

590 FALL OF MORELOS.

The trouble experienced by Rayon and Rosains in
obtaining recognition as comandantes generales was
also encountered by Doctor Cos in Michoacan and
Guanajuato, although in less degree. Mufiiz, who
had lately held the command over all this region
under Morelos, objected to any interference in the
former province, and refused obedience, as did also
several minor leaders. Most of them acted indeed
as they pleased, while according a certain deference
to the wandering congress which had sought refuge
among them, and to Morelos, who had retired with
a chosen hundred to the isolated hill of Atijo, there
to manufacture war material and gather adherents
till opportunity should offer for retrieving himself.70
Ramon Rayon was similarly occupied in the posi
tion, of equal strength, known as Mount Coporo,71
after having made a brilliant and advantageous sweep
into Queretaro and northern Mexico, which added
both to his fame and resources.72 A number of lesser
chiefs now joined his standard, such as Benedicto
Lopez of Zitdcuaro, Polo, Canas, Sanchez, and En-
sena, who had been closely pursued by the detach
ments sent out by Llano under Aguirre and the
cruel Andrade.73

Iturbide cooperated on his side, and surprised later
in the year the town of Puruandiro, killing forty-five
of the garrison, including the dashing commander,
Mariscal Villalongin.74 So zealously did he employ

70 Stories are told of ancient subterranean passages in the hill, where ho
confined tho* e who incurred his anger, starving them on scant rations. Mo
relos' testimony in Morelos, Declaration.

71 Bearing the additional name of San Pedro, from the day he began to
fortify it. Previous to this he had been manufacturing arms in a beautiful
cavern near Zitacuaro, whence he was driven forth by Llano's lieutenant
Aguirre in March. Report in Gaz. deMe.x., 1814, v. 319-20. 378-81. Muiiiz
had previously taken away most of his men.

72 Assisted by Sanchez and Atilano, he took vengeance at the hacienda de
la Barranca for the death of a friend, and then surprised Huehuetoca, after
luring Ordonez to Jilotepec. fiustamante, CuacL Hist., in. 113-17.

73 Notably under Colonel Andrade, who swept the whole northern section
and managed to end the career of Arias at Putzcuaro July 8th. Gaz. de Mex.,
1814, v. 485-8, 797-800, 993, et seq.

74 Famed for the daring rescue of his condemned wife at Valladolid in Dec.
1811. The surprise was effected on the morning of Nov. 2d by Castauon, the

A MERCILESS ROYALIST. 591

Orrantia and other lieutenants within his own province
of Guanajuato and on the adjoining borders in the
pursuit of revolutionists, that he claims to have de
spatched within less than two months nearly 900 men,
including nineteen chiefs, among them the brigadier
presbyter Saenz and one of the celebrated Pacho-
nes.75 The effect was undoubtedly to render the
highways more secure and to restore comparative
peace in the long-desolated settlements. To this con
tributed greatly the active enrolment of local guards
in the different towns and villages which cooperated
in the pursuit of such leaders as Torres, Rafael Rayon,
and Tovar, who still hovered in the mountains of
Guanajuato, and two scions of Villagran, who flitted
as avengers in the Tula region.76 But this was no
longer a campaign. It was a hunting-down of hu
man beings, as blood-hounds hunt wild beasts; and it
is to be noticed that the foremost hunter and perse
cutor was the personage who finally gave the decisive
blow for independence, and rose to the summit of
power in liberated Andhuac. His able though merci
less performance as a royalist, however, served rather
to excite admiration than hatred among many of his
opponents; and it is a tribute to their gallantry as
well as fairness to note that the greatest outcry
against Iturbide at this time was raised by his exe
cution of a woman who lent her beauty to sustain the
cause of independence.77

insurgents being less watchful, owing to the festivities of the preceding
todos santos day. Id., 1401-8.

73 And this with a loss of only three of his own men. He mentions the
execution of Captain Omelas, Rodriguez, commander of Cerro Gordo, Colo
nel Borja, commandant of the Curadero. There is a boastful tone throughout
these reports of Iturbide when speaking of the butcheries. Gaz. deMex.,
1815, vi. 37-40.

76 Ordonez' campaign here is reported in Id., 1814, v. 650-1, etc.; Bwta-
mante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 196-204.

77 Her name was Maria Tomasa Estevez, ' comisionada para seducir la
tropa. ' Iturbide's report in Id., 1084. Negrete, Mex. Siylo XIX., vi. 455-6,
and Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 254-5, join in condemning the act. See also al
lusions to cruelties in Hernandez y Ddvcdo*, Col. Doc., v. 328, et seq., 282, etc.
It has been observed that Rayon and other leaders had frequently to take severe
measures against unprincipled chiefs who injured the cause by their outrages
and afforded royalists just motives for severity.

CHAPTER XXIV.

CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.
1814.

CHANGED ASPECT or THE REVOLUTION— DEPRESSION ON BOTH SIDES— PRO
POSED RESTRICTION or PASSPORTS AND EXPORT OF TREASURE — CAUSES OF

THE EXODUS OF THE SPANIARDS — FRESH TAXES — RESTORATION OF FER
NANDO VII. — CONSTITUTION OF 1812 is ANNULLED AND AUTOCRACY RE
ESTABLISHED—FEELING IN NEW SPAIN— INSURGENT CONSTITUTION— ITS
PROVISIONS AND ANALYSIS— How IT WAS RECEIVED— ELECTION OF OFFI
CERS UNDER THE NEW CONSTITUTION— LlCEAGA PRESIDENT — COMMEM
ORATIVE MEDAL— CONSTITUTION ORDERED READ BY THE CURAS — RELA
TIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES.

THE revolution had by this time assumed an aspect
widely different from its condition when Calleja took
command. His plans had been not only well laid, but
in the main well carried out. Rayon was humbled;
the Villagranes were no more; and the power of
Morelos had faded to a flitting shadow. Rich Oajaca
and rock-bound Tecpan were at his feet; the north
enjoyed repose, and in the central provinces little
more appeared to be required than a watch on the
isolated bands in their mountain retreats.1 Much
more remained to be done, however. The power of
the insurgents as a whole was broken, but small bodies
hovered about in nearly undiminished number, inde
pendent in action and casting off more and more the

1 Calleja does not fail to extol himself in a review of affairs issued on June
22d, wherein he naturally exaggerates the results achieved. Disclosing as it
does also the plans followed, it has been widely quoted. The text may be
consulted in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 554-02; Bnxtamante,
Campailasde Calleja, sup. 1-18; Ward's Mex., i. anp. 509-25. See also Mex.t
Virey, 2-14, 18.

(592)

EXODUS OF SPANIARDS. 593

wholesome restraint which Rayon and others had
formerly imposed. They were becoming raiders rather
than revolutionists, intent mainly on harassing the
royalists, but inflicting at the same time great injury
on the country at large, bv circumscribing agriculture,
mining, manufactures, and trade, as well as by oblig
ing the government to increase rather than diminish
its costly operations for guarding the exposed districts
and pursuing and besieging the raiders. Calleja, in
fact, appealed in August 1814, to Spain, for reen-
forcements of 8,000 men, and obtained a portion of
the force.2 Under the new condition of affairs dis
union seemed indeed favorable to the cause. The
explanation of this anomaly lay partly in the greater
precautions taken by the leaders to keep the way
open for retreat, and to maintain a larger number of
strongholds for refuge.

No wonder then that a general feeling of uneasi
ness continued, notwithstanding the exultant demon
stration of successes by Calleja. This feeling was
strikingly manifested in the increasing exodus of
Spaniards, which assumed such magnitude that it
was proposed to limit the issue of passports, and de
cided to restrict the export of treasure.3 One cause
must be sought in the depression left on all industries
by the long struggle to which were added the contin
ual levies by insurgents, especially on farms, and the
reckless imposition of loans and taxes by Calleja,
who cared above all for the success of his campaign.
In the latter part of the year when everybody ex
pected a partial release from burdens, he added six
per cent to the excise duty, and a special board was
created to apply a large direct contribution on prop-

2 As late as Dec. 1815, Calleja was complaining of his inability to check
these bands. See the translated despatch in Revol. Span. Amer., 331-9.

3 The convoy from Mexico of Oct. 31st took about four millions in precious
metal and 06 coaches with passengers. The tributary train from Guanajuato
had brought 2,300 bars of silver and 80,000 animals. Alaman, Hist. Mcj.,
iv. 218-22. Over seven millions in money would thus have been sent out
of the country at the time had Calleja permitted it to follow the large depart
ure of passengers and treasure effected by the previous opportunity.

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 38

594 CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

erty and on incomes exceeding three hundred pesos
a year.4 This measure had soon to be abandoned
however, but the levy of ten per cent on urban prop
erty, established for one year, was continued, with
application to convents and communities, save chari
table institutions, and the reluctant merchants had to
respond with more than half the sum of a fresh half-
million loan. In the following year a compulsory
lottery was introduced to extort annually a million
and a half from the people at large. Further, a new
copper coinage was issued to replace the immense
variety of copper tokens, circulated from almost every
large store under the name of tlacos and pilones? and
to remedy the growing scarcity of small silver money,
such as half and quarter reals. At first the coin fell
into discredit through the objections raised by mer
chants, but the issue being restricted to prudent
limits and its proportion in payments being regulated
a decided benefit was experienced.6

Another cause for the exodus .of Spaniards was the

* This had been proposed in 1813 and abandoned; nevertheless a board
was created soon after to apply it, only to abandon the project for the six
per cent excise. Calleja applied it however, by decree of October 14th, on
the birthday of the king! under the name of ' subvencion general de guerra.'
The board consisted of three members, one a churchman, with sub- boards
composed of citizens, before whom statements of property and income were
presented. The deduction had to begin Jan. 1, 1815, also on official salaries.
Decree with rules in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. C97-701.

5 The former being the term for an eighth of a real, the other, meaning
piles, being evidently an ironic expression. Each store had its own stamp,
which was also placed on pieces of wood and soap.

6 Official salaries after Sept. were paid one third in this coin, by decree of
Aug. 23d. Another of Dec. 20th introduced the improved rules. See Gaz.
de Mex., 1814, v. 1394-8; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 1048-9; Diarlo
Debates, cong. 10, ii. 530-3. The insurgents at first availed themselves
of this by filling Oajaca and other districts with copper coin, but soon the
circulation was strictly forbidden. For further observations on the con
dition and the measures, see Cortes, Diario, i. pt xii. 105, etc. ; Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 724, 744-7, etc.; the representation of Abad yQueipo,
Informe, and of Bodega, Eepres., 1-12; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1814, ii. 260. Ihe
urban tax was at first equally divided between tenant and owner, later the
owner had to pay 8 per cent. The prosperous and peaceful northern prov
inces now came more prominently forward with voluntary contributions,
such as horses. Instances in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 43-4, 395 et seq., 1360.
The lottery scheme announced in Id., 1815, December numbers, embraced two
drawings annually, one for Mexico, the other for the provinces which took
two thirds of the tickets. A whole ticket cost $100. Half of the million
and a half was returned in prizes.

AFFAIRS IN SPAIN. 595

improved condition of affairs in the peninsula, marked
by the return of Fernando VII., under whom prom
ised to blossom anew the prosperity so hopefully con
nected with a brilliant court. The victory of Vito-
ria in June 1813 signalized the end of French sway
in Spain, and in the following September the new reg
ular cortes elected under the constitution of 1812 met
untrammelled by foreign intimidation.7 But its reign
was not to last. Under the pressure of accumulating
reverses Napoleon sought in Fernando VII. a means
for relief, and readily prevailed upon the imprisoned
king to sign a treaty which restored him to the throne
on condition that the English should leave Spain.8
Once beyond the French frontier, which he crossed
March 22d, the unreliable monarch cast to the wind
his promises, made for that matter without consent
from the popular representatives and against his own
former declaration.

By this time the servile party, or absolutists, had
acquired sufficient strength to adopt a decided atti
tude against the constitution; and joined by interested
nobles and ecclesiastics three score deputies petitioned
the king to set aside the cortes, and summon another
on the plan prescribed by the ancient monarchical regu
lations.9 Nothing could please Fernando better; and

7 The extraordinary sessions of the preceding body closed on the 14th of
Sept., the speech on the occasion being delivered by Gordoa, president and
deputy from Zaeatecas. Text in Gaz. cle Mex., 1814, v. 205-12. The yellow
fever appearing at Cadiz, the regent hastened on the following day to Santa
Maria. This step caused the cortes to be summoned anew to determine the
residence for the government and the meeting place for the new assembly.
Fever ravages hastened the end of the session before the question was settled.
A number of the extraordinary deputies served as suplentes in the new body
till those elected in America should arrive. The formal opening took place
Oct. 1st, at Cadiz, but the fear of fever assisted those who longed for the cap
ital, and on Jan. 15, 1814, the sessions were resumed at Madrid.

8 The French leaving simultaneously. An annual allowance of a million
and a half was assigned to Fernando 's parents. The regency pointed out that
his own act of Jan. 1811 declared null any convention signed by him as cap
tive, and the cortes issued a rather humiliating order defining the route and
manner of entry so as to oblige him to take the oath to the constitution be
fore assuming sovereign power. Text of treaty in Hernandez y Ddvcdos, Col.
Doc., v. 595-G04.

9 This representation, known as the Persian from the opening phrase, was
dated April 12th and headed by Bernardo Mozo Resales, some of the follow
ing 69 signatures being added later with a view to court favor. Text with

596 CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

encouraged by the reinstallation of the Bourbon
dynasty in France, and the warm reception accorded
him throughout his journey from the northern border
to Valencia, he marched boldly to the capital, dis
solved the cortes, arrested the regents, hostile depu
ties, and other dangerous persons,10 and issued a decree
dated May 4th11 restoring affairs to the footing held
in March 1808. and declaring all intermediate acts

' O

annulled. On the 13th he made his formal entry into
Madrid, there to affirm his position by a sweeping
series of reforms and appointments, with a distribu
tion of offices and honors to his supporters, among
whom Americans were prominently remembered, and
even courted.12 The country submitted to the new
order, yet not without deep indignation in certain
quarters, from which developed a number of plots that
served only to bring forth severe measures, involving
a number of prominent and patriotic men.

Fernando's liberation and entry into Spain were
welcomed in Mexico on June 10th and following days
with solemn and imposing celebrations, especially at
the feast-loving capital,13 but even there the news itself

signers and refutation in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 377-532. Record
of proceedings in the c6rtes are given in Ctirtes, Act. Ord., 1814, i.-ii.

10 The cortes had in Oct. 1813 reconstructed the regency, so that it now
consisted of Cardinal Luis de Borbon, Pedro Agar, an American, and Ga
briel Ciscar, both of the navy. The cardinal was sent away, but his col
leagues fared worse. Among imprisoned Mexican deputies were Arizpe,
Manian, Larrazabal, Teran, and Felin. These proceedings took place on May
10th and llth, with no little commotion. Arizpe's wail is uttered in his Idea
Gen. sobre Conducta, 4-10.

11 Issued on the llth.

12 Perez, deputy for Puebla, and last president of the cortes, received the
mitre of that see. Gordoa and Ramirez were appointed canons of Guadala
jara, and Rus and Mendiola, oidores of the same place. Resales was made a
count, Lardizabal, minister of the Indies, and so forth, one lowly person, who
had merely brought a pen for drafting the decree of May 4th, being raised to
councillor.

13 Orders for celebration in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 541-2. Cos'
counter proclamation in Id., vi. 227-8, designating the return as a French
intrigue and disastrous. See also Pap. Var., clviii. pts Iv. lix. Areche-
derreta in his Dlario gives details of this minor celebration. Ladies dressed
in white and escorted carried round the portrait of the king, and Indians had
their semi-grotesque processions. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., ix. 499, attributes
greater enthusiasm than really appeared.

ROYALIST DISCONTENT. 597

roused far less enthusiasm than it would have done
half a dozen years before. Royalty had lost prestige
under the assiduous inroads of republican ideas, and
the character and mishaps of the king had not pre
sented themselves in alight to call for great sympathy
and admiration. Succeeding news did not tend to
improve the feeling.

The tone in the despatches from Spain, which
remained suspiciously silent with regard to cortes or
constitution, totally escaped the otherwise observant
Calleja. In a manifesto of June he held out the pros
pect of fully establishing the constitution, and hastened
to summon the provincial deputation which was
installed July 13th, with a very incomplete represen
tation,14 owing to interrupted elections and other
obstacles. Early in the following month arrived the
famed decree of May 4th. The officials and corpora
tions were summoned to a praise service at the cathe
dral August 10th, and there Dean Beristain an
nounced from the pulpit the change to be introduced,
now attacking severely the same constitution which
he had more than once impressively upheld.15 The
usual demonstrations were ordered to follow, but this
time the people held aloof, sullen and ominously
silent.

A large number of Europeans observed the same
attitude, especially the merchants, and above all those
of Vera Cruz; so much so that the viceroy and com
mandants took precautions against a possible out
break. Then, in order to distract attention, prepara-

14 Embracing the viceroy as gefe politico, Intendente Gutierrez del Mazo
of Mexico; the canon Angel Gazano and J. B. Loho, trader of Vera Cruz,
deputies for Mexico; Garcia Illueca, suplente for Mexico; Col Acebedo for
Queretaro; Licentiate Daza, for Tlascala. Report with reasons in Gaz. de
Hex., 1814, v. 793-4. Canon Vazquez joined a fortnight later, for Puebla.
Rules, etc., in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 575-8; Mex., Col. Dec. ?/
OnL, 116.

15Bustamante attacks the dean as 'el organo de la mas vil adulacion,' and
reproduces one of the pasquinades against him. Cuad. Hist., iii. 104-5. The
decree is given in Hernandez y Ddvcdos, Col. Doc., v. 606; Rockwell's Span.
Mc.x. Law, 398; and an account of the celebration on August 10th in Gaz. de
Mcx., 1814, v. 959-60.

598 CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

tions were made to formally celebrate the accession of
the king, as soon as the rainy season had passed, with
a prolonged series of solemn processions and masses
by different public bodies, followed by bull fights,
banquets, fireworks, illuminations, balls, and other
performances, and this in every town and settlement
throughout the country, in a manner that did much
to cast a veil over the less acceptable features of the
occasion.16 The army was flattered by Calleja in a
special appeal, and reminded that the constitution,
which he now termed illusive, would have deprived
it of cherished privileges. Efforts were besides made
to keep the soldiers in good humor by the enforce
ment of different measures for their comfort and
weal.17 Nor was Calleja himself overlooked. He
received the approval of the king, with promotion to
the rank of lieutenant-general.

In order to soften the blow the king had issued a
decree of May 24th, manifesting his interest in the peo
ple, promising to remedy grievances, and holding out
the prospect of convoking new cortes wherein Amer
ica should receive due representation.18 Although this
remained a dead letter, the Creoles were somewhat
consoled to find five among them given places in the
restored council of the Indies,19 and Indians received

1(5 A programme of celebrations at Mexico, extending from Dec. 8th till
Jan. 7th, is given in fcL, 1344, and descriptions of special ceremonies appear
in following numbers. Medals were struck to commemorate the incident.
Iturbide gave at Irapuato a sham battle to represent Calleja's victory at
Calderon. Id, 1815, vi. 102-6, 388-90, etc.; Necjrete, Mex. S'trjlo XIX., vi.
471-8; C6rtes, Acta Ord., 1814, ii. 187. During the festivities a rare phenom
enon took place in a fall of snow on Dec. 26th, four inches in thickness. The
pendon celebration of the conquest was renewed, and Carlos IV. and his
reviled consort received again honors on their saints' days.

17 Proclamation in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 1000-11. Decrees for army in
Fernando VII., Decre.tos, 4-5, 9-22, 65-7, and how applied. Pap. Var.,
clviii. pt xxxiii. 994-8; Rivero, Mex., 1842, 151.

lsGaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 1025-7. The constitution of 1812 and the cortes
are here termed illegal and unauthorized, and aiming to undermine mon
archy, religion, and welfare. ' De la proxima convocacion de las Cortes. . se
ocupa una comision. ' Five days later appeared a decree countermanding the
departure of any deputies.

1<J Including Oidor Morquera y Figueroa, late regent of New Spain, Oidor
Bodega of Mexico, a Peruvian by birth, and the Guatemalan Aicinena. The
Mexican Lardizabal y Uribe, brother of the minister, was replaced in the
restored council of Castile. Id., 1217-20, etc.

RADICAL MEASURES. 599

exemption from the humiliating tribute. The people
were further lulled for a moment by a decree to renew
municipal authorities in larger towns as indicated by
the late constitution; but just as elections began,
with the usual overwhelming defeat of Spaniards, a
new decree ordered the instalment of the old perpet
ual ayuntamientos.20

Then came a larger close of radical measures, en
couraged by the calmer beat of the public pulse.
The audiencias of Mexico arid Guadalajara were re
instated in all their former privileges, and incited
by long abstinence from their fat commissions the
oidores did not wait for formal orders to pounce upon
the spoils.21 So also with the long-deposed special
tribunals, corregidores, and sub-delegates, together
with the gallows and whipping-post.22 Further, the
dread inquisition was restored, and the inhabitants
soon obtained a reminder thereof in a circular com
manding them under penalty to appear and denounce
themselves and others for utterances against religion
and the holy office.23

The effect of Fernando's reforms was evidently to
increase the strength and bitterness of the party
which had so far been appeased with the prospect of
a liberal constitution, conferring local self-government
and a voice in national affairs. The taste of these
privileges had whetted the appetite, and the only
means for satisfying it were now held forth by the in
surgents. The latter naturally felt jubilant at the tone

20 Decrees with regulations in Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 1141-4, 1380, etc.
Arechederreta speaks in his Dlario of the usual election tumults. Pap. Var.,
clviii. pt Ivi. 4-8.

21 Two prominent members had just died, the regent, Doctor Calderon. a
native of Mexico, and Auditor Foncerrada; the rich and generous Conde de
Basoco followed them.

22 'So empena en degradar y envilecer d la especie humana,' inveighs Bus-
tamante bitterly. Cuad. Hist., iii. 103. The decree reestablishing the old
judicial system was issued at Mexico on Dec. 15th. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v.
1378-81.

23 Edict of Inquisitor Flores dated Jan. 21, 1815. Id., 1815, vi. 83-6.
This official was the only one who had remained in Mexico. The effects of
the tribunal had by this time been nearly all sold. Confessors were per
mitted to absolve light offences. Even the pious Bustamante ventures to
declaim against this restoration ' y con ella sus furores.' Cuad. Hint., iii. 109.

600 CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

thus imparted to their tottering cause, and hastened
to support it by a series of appeals to European set
tlers, public bodies, and the people at large, wherein
they contrasted the renewal of colonial despotism
with the benefits to be enjoyed under independent
republican rule.2*

But what availed the arguments of a party broken
in power and prestige, existing only in scattered
guerrilla bands and hunted fugitives, and this against
an able and determined man like Calleja, with de
voted and victorious armies at his disposal? He was,
besides, pushing the advantage already gained by in
timidating the wavering with decrees to shoot all who
appeared in arms, and to confiscate property, even of
those who merely passed into districts occupied by
insurgents.25 On the other hand he kept open the
liberal offer of pardon, issued in commemoration of
the king's return, to all who tendered submission.
Even Morelos and other leaders were included, on
condition however of their leaving the country.26
This combined strictness and leniency had great
effect, and the insurgents saw with apprehension one
group of adherents after another dropping off, with a
corresponding decline in their resources."

24 One by Rayon, drafted by the flighty Bustamante, was sent to the con-
sulado of Mexico, which naturally feared to receive it. Sent to the viceroy,
he caused it to be publicly burned. Cos, Torres, and others also figured
with the pen; the former pointing out that the insurgents must under the
new aspect be regarded as less rebellious than their opponents, who had
supported illegal cortes against the king. Bustamante addressed two pri
vate letters to the viceroy, advising him to enter into negotiations with
Rayon and save his person, for the United States were about to join and give
victory to the insurgents. These different documents may be consulted in
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 610-13, 702, vi. 215-16, 233-7, etc.; Bus
tamante,, Cuad. Hist., iii. 62 et seq.; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 397-401;
Zavala, Rev. Mex., 312-17.

25 Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 1345-8, 681-4, 737-9.

26 Text in Id., 681-4. It was at first limited to 30 days. All intercourse
with rebels was strictly prohibited. Dispos. Varlas, ii. 19. See also Fernan
do VII., Decretos, 5-8, 15-16. Appeals were also made direct to insurgents,
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 548-50, 566-9, and rejected by Rayon,
etc. Id., 674; Negrete, Mex., Siglo XIX., vi. 319, 478, et seq.; C6rtes, Act.
Ord., 1814, ii. 95.

27Among the pardoned were Doctor Maldonado, who in Hidalgo's time
published at Guadalajara the Despertador, and now issued the Tclcgrafo 6
tiemanario Patrititico. Comments on the growing conciliation in Pizarro, Re-

A NEW CONSTITUTION. 601

Their most impressive effort to stem the tide was
the issue of a republican constitution, which came as
it were to replace the one just withdrawn by the roy
alists. It was the great work for which the congress
had been formed by Morelos, wrought amidst persecu
tion and wandering. Since its flight into Michoacan
the assembly had flitted from one place to another/8
attended by a ragged and almost unarmed escort of
four score men, and suffering privations of every kind,
of which hunger was not the least.29 Yet misfortune
taught no lesson of humility and prudence. The bent
for pomp was not restrained, nor the clashing of jeal
ousy and obstinacy which threatened what little in
fluence still remained to the body.30

Apatzingan, a small town in the western part of
Michoacan, was selected on account of its seclusion
for the important task of issuing the constitution, and
here it was signed October 22d by eleven of the dep
uties, and proclaimed with all the demonstration that
could be evoked from a small population, fringed by
the ragged army of five hundred men brought in by
Morelos and Cos. The document opens characteristi
cally with the declaration that the Roman catholic
shall be the sole religion. Sovereignty is vested in a
congress elected by the people by indirect ballot, and
consisting of one deputy from each of seventeen prov
inces now formed. This body elects the members of
the other two powers, the supreme government and
supreme court of justice, together with a residencia
tribunal for trying charges against all the supreme
officials. The executive shall consist of three mem
bers, equal in authority, alternating in the presidency

flex., 1-11; Pap. Var., ccxv. pt vi., and Torrente, Rev., ii. 109-10. Yet a
number of persons were left to languish in prison. Instance Lorenzo de Za-
vala, later author of Revoluciones de Mexico.

28 From Uruapan- to the haciendas Santa Efigenia, Piituro, and Tiripitio,
and finally to Apatzingan.

29 There was rarely any money in the treasury. The deputies had to share
the rations of the soldiers.

80 A manifesto was issued at Tiripitio on June 15th to refute the charge
of discord. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 543-4.

602 CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

every four months, and holding office for three years.
They are to be assisted by three secretaries, for war,
finance, and government, and in the provinces by in-
tendentes, appointed for three years, and presiding
over the financial boards which form branches of an in-
tendencia general at the capital. Administration of
justice is to centre in a supreme court of five judges,
chosen like the executive, and retiring gradually within
five* years. So long as any province is occupied by
the enemy, existing deputies select a suplente to repre
sent it. Peace once established, a formally elected
congress shall assume the sovereignty and adopt the
present or a new constitution, and establish the laws,
local governments, and other features so far left un
changed. The present imperfect document was
intended therefore only as provisional. Following the
French ideas enunciated in the opening, we find the
regulations proper to be chiefly modifications of the
Spanish constitution, with a sprinkling of features
from colonial laws.31

31 As intimate.d in a manifest of the congress to the nation, of Oct. 23d.
Hernandez y Davdlos, Col. Doc., v. 720-3. For greater satisfaction I add a
more complete synopsis of the document. It consists of two parts: princi
ples and form of government, comprising 6 and 22 chapters respectively, the
whole divided into 242 articles. The first article declares the Koman catho
lic the sole religion. The following chapters of the first part dwell on sover
eignty and equality. Mexican America is divided into 17 inseparable
provinces: Mexico, Puebla, Tlascala, Vera Cruz, Yucatan, Oajaca, Tecpan,
Michoacan, Quere"taro, Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Potosi, Zacatecas, Durango,
Sonora, Coahuila, and Nuevo Reyno de Leon. The sovereignty of the people
is vested in the representative supreme Mexican congress, besides which are
created two bodies, the supreme government and the supreme tribunal of
justice, all to reside in one place, but in separate palaces and with special
guards.

The congress shall consist of one deputy from each province, elected for
two years. Deputies must be 30 years of age; no two close relatives can sit
at the same time. Their election is indirect. Every person above the age
of 18 born in the country, and naturalized foreigners, vote for electors, one
for each parish. These unite to choose partido electors, who again meet to
elect the deputy, each voter in both cases depositing a ticket with three nom
inees, the majority of votes deciding. While the provinces are occupied by the
enemy, existing deputies choose suplentes for them. The congress is to have
a president and vice-president, selected every three months by lot. The
body is entitled majesty, and each deputy excellency. The congress elects
the members of the supreme government, supreme court of justice, rcsidencia
tribunal, etc. , appoints envoys, chooses generals of division from a trio nomi
nated by the government, decrees laws, subject to criticisms from government
and supreme court, fixes taxation, etc.

PROVISIONS OF THE DOCUMENT. 603

The constitution was at once given effect by the
election of the executive in the persons of Liceaga,
Morelos, and Cos, the first-named winning the presi-

The supreme government shall consist of three persons, .equal in authority,
and alternating every four months in the presidency as decided by lot on first
assuming office. The congress elects in secret session nine nominees, from
whom the deputies choose by ballot the three rulers. One of them retires
every year, by lot drawn in congress. There shall be three secretaries of war,
treasury, and government, holding office for four years. Reelection cannot
take place before the lapse of an intermediate term. The supreme govern
ment is entitled highness, the ruler excellency, and the secretary senoria.
The government has the power to organize and move armies and appoint to a
number of military and civil offices, etc. National funds to be administered
by an intendencia general, consisting of an intendente general, a fiscal, an
asesor. two ministros, and a secretary. Similar boards are to be formed in
each province, headed by the intendeute of the province, who holds office for
three years, like the intendente general.

The supreme tribunal of justice shall consist for the present of five judges
elected like the executive, who alternate in the presidency every three
months, and retire by lot, two with the first year, two with the second, and
the fifth with the third year. There shall be a fiscal for civil and criminal
cases respectively, with the title of senoria, the judges being called excel
lencies and the court highness. The government shall appoint judges for
partidos for three years, till popular elections can be held. These judges
wield the same judicial power as the former subdelegates. In towns and
villages existing governments shall remain till the congress finds opportunity
to change the system. The government has to appoint ecclesiastic judges to
try ecclesiastics in the first instance. A residencia tribunal of seven judges
shall be chosen by lot, by the congress, from the candidates selected by
provincial electors, one for each province; and its duty shall be to decide
charges against members of congress, government, and supreme court.

The congress shall form within a year after the next installation of gov
ernment, a plan for a representation based on population and suited to tho
latest change of circumstances. As soon as all the provinces save Yucatan,
Sonora, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon are free from foes, the government must
convoke the national representation in accordance with that plan, and into
its hands the congress shall surrender the sovereign power. The present
constitution remains in force till this new body frames another.

To this document, dated October 22, 1814, are attached the signatures of
Liceuga, deputy for Guanajuato and president, Verdusco, deputy for Michoa-
can, Morelos for Nuevo Leon, Herrera for Tecpan, Cos for Zacatecas, Sotero
de Castaneda for Durango, Ortiz de Zarate for Tlascala, Alderete y Soria for
Quere'taro, Antonio Jose' Montezuma for Coahuila, Ponce de Leon for Sonora,
Argandar for San Luis Potosi, and secretaries Yarza and Bermeo. It is added
that Rayon, Crespo, Quintana, Bustamante, and Sesma were absent, but had
contributed their views. The supreme government countersigns on Oct.
24th, in the persons of Liceaga, as president, Morelos and Cos, and Yarza, as
secretary. Text in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 703-20; Mex., Dec.
Constlt. Apatzingan. Imprenta Nacional, ano 1815, 12mo, 1-88, one of the rare
early special issues of the constitution. Dubfan y Lozano, Ley, Mex., i. 427-
51; Dc.rc.cho Intern. Mex., pt iii. 470-93. Bustamante also reproduces it in
his Cuad. Hist., iii. 157-89; Die. Univ., ap. i. 220-32; Perez, Die. Geo'j., i.
524-40; Araujo y San Roman, Impuy., Pap. Var., Ixvi. pt v. ; Mex. Dec.
Conxi.it., 1-G8, in Gonstit., ii.; Negrete, Mex. Slglo XIX., vi. 343-85, with
synopsis in Ala-man, Mendibi/, etc. Morelos states that the framers of the
document were Quintana, Bustamante, and Herrera, Declaracion, 29; but
Bustamante certainly could not claim the share. With regard to the prov-

604

CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

dency, with Yarza as secretary of government, and
the formation of the supreme court, which was
installed at Ario a few days later, under the presi
dency of Arriola, with additional festivities.32 The
number of deputies was completed, and a medal
struck to commemorate the installation.33 Curas
were instructed wherever practicable to read the
constitution .and have it solemnly adopted by their
flocks, under penalty of chastisement. The royalists
made counter-threats to prevent compliance, and
ordered the collection and burning of all copies of the
constitution and other documents circulated by irisur-

PR.EMOS.PO
ANO.IX 1814.

MEDAL OF APATZINGAN CONGRESS.

inces it is to be noted that Vera Cruz comprised Tabasco, San Luis Potosi in
cluded Tamaulipas or Nuevo Santander, and Sonora covered Siualoa. The
rules governing congress, elections, and several other features are adopted
from the Spanish constitution, while the financial and residencia systems are
mainly derived from the colonial laws.

32 At an expense of $8,000. 'Cantidad excesiva, y que debio economi-
zarse,' observes Bustamante. Ouad. Hist., iii. 204-8. Morelos, he adds,
danced for joy that day, displaying a glittering uniform and embracing every
body. The other judges were Ponce, Martinez, and Castro. A letter from
Antequera complains of the cost of type for printing, two to three pesos a
pound, and the difficulty of obtaining it. Hernandez y Duvalos, CoL Doc.,
v. 238-9.

3a The emblems on the balance beam surmounting the temple, a pen, staff,
and sword, symbolize the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, respec
tively.

AMERICAN SUPPORT. 605

gents, a term now formally changed to rebels, while
royalist supporters were to be called realistas Jieles.^
Further, local authorities were required to send in a
disavowal of the insurgent deputies who claimed to
represent them, which resulted in a stream of pro
fessed adhesions from all parts of the country; and
churchmen were strictly bidden to combat the consti
tution. The main argument was based on the false
charge that it fostered tolerance and heresy, and on
this ground the inquisition also joined in the tirade,
declaring excommunicated even those who merely
held the document in possession or failed to denounce
other holders. Orders so extreme could only serve
to lower the influence of the franiers from their neces
sarily wide-spread failure to receive effect.35

Whatever the effect of the constitution at home, it
certainly lent a dignity and legality to the insurgent
cause which could not fail to leave a favorable impres
sion abroad. Nor was this impression devoid of value ;
for as the cause grew weaker, the greater became the
necessity for foreign aid in loans and perhaps in troops,
while intercourse must in any case be opened for the
purchase of fire-arms and ammunition. Projects to
this end were confined almost exclusively to the United
States, and although hopes had so far proved vain
they were never abandoned. In June 1814 they re
ceived a marked impulse from the arrival at Nautla
of a ' General' Humbert, claiming to be an agent of
the northern republic.36 Anaya went with him to
New Orleans, only to find him a mere corsair. Nev-

34 Faithful royalists, instead of patriots, which designation had been widely
adopted by the other side.

33 Text of denunciation in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 727-34; see also 537-42,
containing Calleja's decree, 553-6, that of the cathedral chapter at Mexico,
703-10, giving Doctor Torres' formal argument against the constitution.
Modelo de los Cristianos, Mex. 1814, 1-123, is another argument. Miscelanea,
i. pt iv.-v. ; Salvador, Suscrip., 1-22; Bergosa y Jordan, Carta Pastoral, 1-20;
Guerra, Oration; Pap. Var., Ixv. pt xiv., clxi. pt xxv.

36 Rosains entered into negotiations with him, and the congress ordered
joyous demonstrations. See Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 547, 570, vi.
233, 243; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 501-2; Bustamante, Quad. Hist., iii. 55-6.

606 . CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

ertheless he availed himself of the opportunity to
obtain letters of marque from the pirate headquarters
at Barataria Island, none of which were used how
ever.87 He also joined Toledo in planning an expe
dition against Tampico, but the government at Wash
ington was advised and forbade its formation.33 About
the same time Rayon appointed Bustamante minister
to the United States.39 He failed to depart on his
mission, and in the following summer of 1815 Doctor
Herrera was charged therewith by the congress, on
the strength of Toledo's representations that aid
could be obtained in the northern United States.49

He was also to arrange with the papal nuncio for
confirmation of ecclesiastic appointments by the con
gress and permission to dispose of church revenue
till the close of the war.41 Herrera did little or notli-

37 Two hundred were sent to Rosains. Rel. Hist., 11. The Spanish gov
ernment took alarm and ordered a fleet against the pirates. Ctirtes, A ct. Orel. ,
i. 453, ii. 19. Anaya's companion Father Pedroza revealed his plans to the
Spanish consul at New Orleans. Declaration in Gaz. cle Mex., 1S1G, vii. 2-3.

Z8Amer. Mate Papers, iv. 1, 422-626, passim; Niks' Register, ix. 33, 315,
392-7, 405, etc.; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vi. 419-24. Rosains on his side
checked the project to appoint Anaya a minister and empower him to seek a
loan of six millions. Rel. Hist., 12, et seq. He remained a mere agent
awhile and came back bringing John Robinson.

39 He separated from Rayon after the fall of Zacatlan, but failed to obtain
either means or opportunity for departure. He had several narrow escapes
in his effort to reach the coast between Oct. 1814 and Feb. 1815. Cuad. Hist.,
iii. 60-1, 210-11, 216, etc.; Id., Hay Tiempo de Hablar.

40 Alvarez de Toledo stated by letter of May 1815, that he had 2,000 men,
and needed only funds to raise 10,000. John Robinson, who claimed to be
a brigadier in the U. S. army, came about the same time with Anaya and
promised to bring 10,000 men. He obtained $1,000 and was authorized to
capture Pensacola in Florida, but remained at Tehuacan. Herrera was ac
companied by deputy Zarate as secretary, Father Ponz, late provincial of
Santo Domingo de Puebla, as chaplain, and a son of Morelos, young Almonte.
He received $15,000 and authority to collect all he could en route. Later re
mittances followed. With him went Peredo and an American named Elias,
with commission to fit out a privateer. . .Captured vessels and arms to be
delivered to the congress together with half the cargo and other booty.
Nothing came of it, nor of the $8,000 given them. Mordos, Declaration,
43-4; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 491-2. The appeal to Hayti failed and Eng
land held aloof. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 609; Quart. Rev., xvii.
548-53; Mayer MSS., pt xxvii. 7-14.

41 Always on condition of repaying the sum taken. Further, the conces
sion of cruzada bulls, exemption from fast, restoration of Jesuits, and forma
tion of sees, colleges, and benevolent institutions. Cruzada bulls had at one
time been suppressed by Rayon as a royalist resource. Negrete, Mcx. Siglo
XIX., vi. 482-8. For details concerning attitude between church and insur-

HERRERA'S MISSION. 607

ing save to arrange with pirates for delivery of arms,
and even this brought hardly any results, owing to
royalist precautions and neglect to provide funds.4

gents, see Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 63-5, 264-74, 480-1, 539-639,
passim; Araujo y San Roman, Impug., 59-66; fiivero, Mex. 184%, 151; Pap.
Var. , Ixvi. pt v.

42Herrera came back at the close of 1816, accepted pardon from the roy
alists, and furnished in return compromising revelations. Bustamante, Cuad,
Hist., iii. 391-3.

CHAPTER XXY.

DEATH OF MORELOS.
1815.

THE REVOLUTIONISTS ON C6PORO HILL — POSITIONS or THE INSURGENT
FORCES — DETERMINATION OF CALLEJA— SIEGE OF COPORO — REPULSE OF
ITURBIDE — ATTEMPTED SURPRISE OF JILOTEPEC — RAMON RAYON is
SHORN OF HIS TRIUMPH — CLAVERINO'S MOVEMENT SOUTHWARD — ITUR
BIDE CHASES THE CONGRESS — INSUBORDINATION OF DOCTOR Cos — HE is
ARRESTED AND CONDEMNED TO DEATH, BUT is DISCHARGED — DEATH OF
DOCTOR Cos — His CHARACTER — THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT
MIGRATES— IT is OVERTAKEN AT TEZMALACA — CAPTURE OF MORELOS—
His TRIAL — DEGRADATION AND PENANCE — THE LASTAUTO-DE-FE — EXE
CUTION OF THE GREAT LEADER— REFLECTIONS ON HIS CHARACTER — Two
MEXICAN WRITERS ON THIS PERIOD.

AMID the series of reverses inflicted by Llano and
Iturbide on the revolutionists of Michoacan, Ramon
Rayon alone preserved a really spirited and success
ful attitude, adding fresh lustre to the well known
name that reflects also upon his compatriots. He
had selected a retreat of great natural strength on
Coporo hill, near Yanzapeo,1 accessible on only one
side, and this was protected by an imposing line of
three batteries with four bastions and thirty-four
guns. A wide moat, with a stockade in front of it,
formed additional impediments, while within was an
abundance of stores, with water from the brook at
the foot of the hill.

With the confidence inspired by this position, and
the late brilliant achievements of Ramon, a number
of leaders had gathered round his standard, under

1 North of Zitdcuaro.

(608)

CALLEJA AND RAYOK

609

which he led them from one success to another. So
conspicuous and dangerous an enemy, on the line be
tween Valladolid and the capital, could not be quietly
tolerated by the royalists, and Llano resolved to reduce
the stronghold. An effort in this direction, in Novem
ber 1814, had been frustrated by Ramon in so inge
nious and able a manner as to gain him great applause.2
This served only to rouse the determination of Calleja.
He ordered a fresh attack with forces swelled to three
thousand by troops from Valladolid and Guanajuato,
the latter under command of Iturbide as second to
Llano. The insurgents numbered about six hundred

MOUNT COPORO.

and fifty men, only partly armed, fully a third relying
for weapons on stones and boulders. In the vicinity
roamed also several insurgent leaders, prepared to
harass the supply trains, while Torres and others had
come from the adjoining provinces to fall upon the
weakened royalist garrisons around.3 Their move-

2 This success referred to by Bustamante as the battle of Los Mogotes,
Cuad. Hist., iii. 119-21, took place on November 10th, near Tuxpan. Ramon
first disabled Llano's cavalry by scattering poisoned forage, and then lured
his men into ambush, killing over 200 during the main action, with a loss to
himself of 28 out of 800 men, Llano bringing 2,000. More leaders now
offered to join Ramon. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 773. Llano
admits only 8 deaths, and places the insurgent forces at 1,500, and their
losses at over 150. Oaz. de Mcx., 1814, v. 1277-80.

3 Acambaro was attacked Feb. 4th by 800 men under Torres, Obregon,

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 39

610 DEATH OF MORELOS.

ments were directed to some extent by Ignacio Rayon,
who had arrived here after his flight from Zacatlan,
and assumed the command.

The siege began on January 28th, and continued
for more than a month without the least progress
being made. A battery had been advanced to within
short range of the fort, but effected little; and even
the stockade before the moat resisted all efforts to
destroy it. A stronger foe began however to work
within the intrenchments in the form of sickness and
prospective famine ; yet the defenders held out man
fully, cheered by more than one fortunate sally.
Even the sanguine Iturbide now regarded the task as
hopeless, arid believed it more advantageous to main
tain a close investment with a thousand men, while
the rest scoured the surrounding districts for much
needed supplies, and cleared them of troublesome
guerrillas; yet for the sake of royalist reputation he
was ready to head an assault on the fort, by the only
accessible approach. The immense sacrifice of lives
which the attempt would involve held Llano back,
but finally he yielded, insisting however that the
attack should be directed mainly along a steep path
on the left, leading to the brook, against which Itur
bide protested, although he accepted the hazardous
leadership.

Iturbide selected 500 infantry and 200 horsemen,
the latter intended mainly to cut off retreat or remedy
any unfortunate break, and moved against the fort
before day-break on March 4th, ordering a feint and
cannonade to be directed at the proper moment against
the front to distract attention. Shielded by the
darkness a column under Filisola approached in single
file by the brook path, and arrived within a few
paces of the gate without being observed. All was
still on this side. The besieged were evidently un-

Saucedo, and others, but was repulsed by Commandant Barracliina with a
loss to one section alone of 45, the royalists having 22 killed. His report
isin/d, 1815, vi. 219-22.

SIEGE OF COPORO. 611

suspicious, and the fort could now be carried by sur
prise. " Malediction on it," exclaimed Filisola, just
as he was about to direct the rush against the para
pet. A favorite hound of his had broken loose to
follow him, and came now bounding forward with a
joyous bark of recognition. The insurgents were
warned j ust in time to meet the assault. A hot fire
was then opened by the revolutionists, from which
the exposed Spaniards suffered severely while vainly
trying to scale the walls.4 Iturbide saw that they
would be slaughtered, and honor being satisfied he
sounded the recall, "with the fortunate result of sav
ing four fifths of the men," as he writes.

A council of war agreed only too readily with
Llano that the siege would be a mere sacrifice of life,
and two days later the royalists withdrew from what
Iturbide calls the scene of his first repulse, amidst the
undisguised joy of the garrison and the settlers of the
district. Calleja did not conceal his displeasure, con
demning the operations as badly planned, and the re
treat as premature; yet he consented to Llano's sug
gestion of leaving Aguirre with about GOO to ravage
the neighborhood and cut off supplies while watching
the garrison. Llano made Maravatio his headquar
ters, and Concha was stationed at Ixtlahuaca to assist
in operations, and in keeping open communications
with Valladolid.5

* It would seem that the troops had brought no scaling ladders, to judge
by the quoted observations of Calleja, in Bustamante, Cuad. Ilixt., iii. 130.

5 Llano had pleaded lack of supplies as an excuse, and insisted that of
infantry alone 3,000 were needed for the siege. Calleja maintained that
the batteries should have been better employed for opening a breach or cov
ering attacks, and that the garrison could have been starved out. Busta
mante reproduces the text of these letters, together with Llano's boastful
order for retreat, etc. Cuad. Hist., iii. 137-42, 122 et seq. 'Hombre estii-
pido y calmado,' is what he calls Llano. He places the loss of Iturbide alone
at over 400, which is of course exaggerated. Llano admits only 27 killed,
and 00 wounded. Reports in Gaz. de Mex. , 1815, vi. 211-14, 335-42, 353-71.
Ce"spedes, later republican president, distinguished himself here. The dog
story was told by Filisola to Alaman, Hist. Mej. , iv. 270. Bustamante speaks
of a 'mute dog' among the insurgents as giving warning. Torrente alludes
to brilliant deeds to compensate for a failure which cost over 100 royalist
lives. Hist. Rev., ii. 188-9. See also Negretc, Mex. Siylo XIX., vii. 1GJ-92.

612 DEATH OF MORELOS.

Encouraged by the success of his former raid into
Queretaro, the exultant Ramon Rayon proposed to
surprise Jilotepec, the headquarters of Ordonez'
military section controlling the northern highway.
Although inferior in strength, the latter was better
protected than had been expected, and managed by a
well calculated flank movement to overwhelm the left
wing of the advancing forces. The disorder spread to
the centre and right, and seemingly sure victory was
turned into a disastrous rout, with the capture of over
100 fugitives, who were as usual executed, at the brink
of one immense grave.6 And so were lost at one blow
the fruits of Ramon's brave defence. The fame of
Coporo diminished, and the convoy routes to Quere
taro and Yalladolid were quickly cleared of several
imposing bands, including that of Mariscal Caiias, who
was overtaken and killed.7

In Michoacan Aguirre's operations round Coporo
were supplemented by several others in the interior,
notably under Claverino, who with nearly 500 men
swept resistlessly southward into the Tiripitio region.8
More important were the movements of Iturbide, who,
ever intent on great deeds, undertook to surprise the
insurgent congress, and this without imparting his
plans to Llano, to whose field it pertained.9 The
preparations were made with all secrecy, and by forced
marches Iturbide covered in four days the distance
from Irapuato to Cinciro, not far from Ario, where
the deputies then held forth in comparative confidence.
He had proposed to fall upon the town before dawn

6 This occurred on May 12th. Ramon narrowly escaped. Ordonez places
the insurgent force at 1,200 and the loss at 160 killed and 121 prisoners. Gaz.
de Mex., 1815, vi. 522-4, copied in Torrente, while Bustamante reduces the
force to 300 and the loss to 72 killed and 123 prisoners. Cuad. Hist., iii. 422-
4. Ordouez' total force did not exceed 300.

7 The leader Gutierrez fell in June, near Nopala, and Concha in September
destroyed the stronghold on Huatepec near Chapa de Mota, dispersing Var
gas' followers. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 582-3, C55, 1007-9, 1168-9. The in
surgent Ensena stands forward to retrieve some of the disasters in this region
and to commend himself for exceptional leniency.

8 The tour occupied six weeks in May and June, and included Uruapan
and Patzcuaro on the return. Hardly any resistance was met. Id., 761-71.

9 Llano was furious, but Calleja had given his consent.

FLIGHT OF THE ASSEMBLY. 613

on May 5th, but certain mishaps delayed him for one
day. This saved the assembly; for warning came just
as the session began, whereupon the startled mem
bers rose in tumultuous flight. Deeply mortified at the
failure of his project, Iturbide allowed his resentment
free play, leaving a bloody track to mark the return
route by way of Patzcuaro,10 and destroying the val
uable though neglected stronghold of Chimilpa.11

The three fugitive insurgent powers reunited at
Uruapan, save Morelos, who had gone to the borders
of Tecpan to assist the struggling guerillas,12 and Cos,
who flattered by the appeal of several old followers
cast aside his legislative duties to place himself at their
head in the field, selecting for his headquarters the
fortress of Zacapo, south of Puruandiro. This change
was due to more than a military whim; for when the
congress remonstrated against this infringement of
the constitution, his choleric nature took fire, and he
circulated a manifesto declaring that body arbitrary
and illegal. The members had not been elected by
popular vote and were exceeding their usurped faculty
in controlling executive and judicial powers, and in
authorizing abuses against the church, revealing be
sides a traitorous disposition.13 Such charges could
not be left unchallenged, and Morelos was instructed

O '

to arrest the rebellious member. Doctor Cos pre
pared to resist, but his own men delivered him up at
the command of the generalissimo, and the congress

10 Among those who succumbed before his anger was Commandant Abarca,
of Patzcuaro, a worthy citizen who had accepted the position from Cos under
compulsion, as related from original sources by Alaman. Hist. Mej., iv. 281.
Cos and others took terrible vengeance for this act. Diary of Iturbide's
march in Gaz. tie Alex., 1815, vi. 012-10. Bustamante reproduces a part in
Cuad. Hist., iii. 151-5.

11 Seven leagues from Uruapan. It covered a fertile spot three leagues in
length surrounded by steep ravines and approachable only on one side. Doc
tor San Martin discovered the place and added stockades and other fortifica
tions, but it had not been appreciated.

12 With him went as prisoner a priest named Muuoz, who soon escaped to
reveal the misery of this march, during which several men died of hunger.
His report in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 815-20.

13 The document is reproduced in Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 899-906, from
the Gazeta of Oct. 19, 1815.

614 DEATH OF MORELOS.

passed the death sentence. This raised a wide remon
strance, and the penalty was at the last moment changed
to imprisonment in the dreaded hill dungeons of Atijo.
Cos remained obstinate throughout, the effort to in
timidate him provoking merely the observation, "A
flea-bite would pain me more than the transition from
life to death." A counter-revolution soon gave him
liberty; but the decline of his influence, of which he
had been so sadly convinced, induced him to accept
the viceregal pardon, though with manifest bad grace.
He retired to Patzcuaro to resume the ministry, and
died there in 1819, deeply regretted by his parishion
ers.14

He was undoubtedly a worthy patriot, who had served
the cause with credit in the field and in the council
hall. His talents by right should rather have been
devoted to the administration of affairs; and had ho
possessed the command of his temper he could have
rendered far greater benefits to the cause. As it was,
he destroyed with one hand much good performed
with the other.

Since the disaster before Valladolid, which opened
to the royalists the gate southward, the centre of the
campaign had shifted to Puebla and Vera Cruz. This
in itself was a sufficient incentive for the national as
sembly to transfer its sessions to that region. Another
was the need of a strong effort to restore harmony
there among the quarrelling leaders; and this could
not be effected from a distance, as already proved.
Hill-girded Tehuacan appeared a place where the
congress might find a more stable abode, and recover
the dignity and influence now rapidly deserting it as

14 He had made it a condition that no questions should be put regarding
his past conduct, and that he should not be sent back to his former parish.
He feared the persecution of Bishop Cabanas of Guadalajara, but this prelate
joined with others to befriend him. Throat disease was his malady. Busta-
inante adds that impatience with a servant caused the doctor to expose him
self while on the sick-bed, with fatal result. This writer claims that he
often remonstrated with Cos, whom he really loved, and predicted a tragic
fate. Cuad. Hist., iii. 214-15.

A CHANGE OF BASE. 615

a fugitive body, flitting about in a remote part of the
country, among petty haciendas, with scanty means
and a ragged escort. It was decided therefore to
leave a neighborhood which was becoming so unprofit
able, and which was overrun by pursuers; yet a coun
cil was formed of the leading chiefs, including Mufiiz
and Ayala, to represent the migrating authority and
keep the scattered bands in accord.15

It was not so easy however to depart with a large
body, while the royalists were scouring the provinces
in all directions, ready to perform such marches as
did Iturbide when within four days he came down in
large force upon the devoted Ario from his distant
headquarters in Guanajuato. To penetrate through
the province of Mexico or northward seemed hope
less. The only way was to pass through Tecpan and
the Mizteca, with the aid of the bands there scattered.
As Morelos possessed the most influence in this
region, and had the best knowledge of it, the mem
bers were only two glad to entrust the undertaking
to him, and to this end he was specially empowered
to assume direct command. Requests were sent to
Nicolas Bravo, and other leaders along the Zacatula,
who brought reinforcements to Huetamo, swelling
the escort to about a thousand men,16 half of whom
had fire-arms. The orders to Teran, Guerrero, and
Sesma to assist were disregarded.

Morelos sought to confuse the royalists by a series
of feints and false rumors ; and on November 2d, he
brought to Tenango his party, including less than half
a dozen members of the congress — the rest having
either leave of absence, or instructions to join later —
three judges, the secretaries, two members of the
executive, and Antonio Cumpliclo, the successor of

15 Rojas, Pagola, and Carbajal were the other members. Morelos, Decla
ration, 31.

10 Morelos, Declaration, 32. Bustamante intimates a similar number, yet
concludes by saying '500 soldiers,' assuming the rest to be rabble probably.
Cuadro, iii. 217.

616 DEATH OF MORELOS.

Cos.17 At this point they forded the river and
arrived on the following day at Tezmalaca, six
leagues from Tenango. Elated with their success
so far in avoiding the enemy, and relying on the river
barrier behind them, they resolved to rest here for
a day,13 dreaming of safety beyond the mountains.
A rude awakening was to follow.

Calleja had been duly notified of the migration, and
to some extent of the direction taken,19 although the
measures adopted by Morelos had baffled him with re
gard to the exact route. This uncertainty induced him
to make greater efforts. Commanders were sent out to
hunt the trail from all the garrison posts west and south
of the capital, Claverino having besides orders to pur
sue with 500 men as far as the banks of the Zacatula,
and Aguirre to advance within easy reach of Concha,
who also hastened toward the Zacatula with 600 men,
while Villasana of Teloloapan scoured his section, and
Armijo moved onward to Tixtla. It so happened
that after a month of tiresome marches, following now
one rumor, now another, Concha stumbled, with the
aid of Villasana, upon Tuliman, and there obtained
positive news which sent him in hot haste toward
Tezmalaca, guided also by the still smoking ruins of

17 Liceaga had gone for three months to the Bajio; deputies Argandar, Isa-
saga, and Villasefior remained awhile in Michoacan; Sanchez and Arias were
to take another route. Verdusco's term having expired he had withdrawn to
his curacy at Tusantla ; and several members were absent on commissions.
Among those present were Alas, Sesma y Gonzalez, Sotero, Castaiieda. and
Ruiz de Castaneda, judges Ponce, Martinez, and Castro, and secretaries Ber-
mejo, Calvo, Arriaga, and Benitez, the last two for the government. They had
left Uruapan Sept. 29th, carrying goodly supplies, archives, some $20,000 in
tended for the U. S. to buy arms; arid a quantity of personal effects. Each
supreme member received $600, Morelos alone declining. The sources for
these and following details are based mainly on the declarations at More
los' trial, under Declaration, and other titles; Morelos Causa, with docu
ments bearing on his trial; reports of royalist commanders, especially Concha,
in Gaz. de Mex., for Nov. and Dec. of this year; the diaries and statements
of Cumplido, Arechederreta, Concha's chaplain Salazar, Morales, and others,
reproduced or used in Bustamantc, Cuad. Ilixt., iii. 215etseq. ; Negrete, Mex.
Sigh XIX., vii. 249 et seq.; Ataman, Hist. Mcj., iv. 304 et seq. ; and es
pecially in the voluminous collection of Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v.-
vi., with briefer allusions in Liceaga, Torrente, Ward, etc.

18 This was due also to a rain shower during the night, which made
progress less convenient.

19 Rosaius and certain priests appear to have contributed information.

DEFEAT OF THE INSURGENTS. 617

Tenango, which had proved disobedient to Morelos.
He arrived there on the morning of the 5th of Novem
ber, just in time to perceive the rear of the revolu
tionary party disappearing beyond the near ridge.

The consternation of the latter may be imagined,
arid but for Morelos' firm attitude a disorderly flight
would have ensued. He promptly sent in advance the
deputies and the non-fighting men with part of the
baggage and a small escort, and remained with the
rest to protect their march by detaining the pursuers.
As Concha approached he gradually fell back, but
found it necessary after a while to take a stand ; which
he did in three divisions, the right and left under
Lobato and Bravo respectively, he himself occupying
the centre with his two solitary field pieces. Concha
then gave orders to charge. Bravo received the
first shock, but held his ground well.20 Not so the
right wing. At the first onset of the royalists, Paez
and his command took to their heels, demoralizing
the whole of Lobato's section. After a few blows it
broke in flight, carrying disorder into the centre and
left, and with a fresh effort from Concha's column the
entire line followed; the royalists after them slashing
and cleaving.21

Seeing that all was lost, Morelos called out to
Bravo, "Go, protect the congress; it matters not if I
perish." After vainly seeking to keep his men to
gether, he bade the remnant near him escape as best
they could, he himself with a single attendant strik
ing out for a steep hill. He dismounted at the base
of it to remove his spurs for climbing afoot. At this
moment a squad of pursuers came up, headed by Lieu
tenant Carranco, who had once served under his
standard. "Surrender!" came from behind the lev
elled carbines. Resistance was useless. Turning to

z°Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 1219-21.

21 Lobato excused himself on this ground, and Bustamante confirms it by
stating that Paez reached Tehuacan with his own baggage in good condition.
He was a royalist deserter with a certain reputation for fleetness. Cuad.
Hist., iii. 219.

618 DEATH OF MORELOS.

the lieutenant, Morelos removed the cigar he had all
the while been smoking, and said in a tone of indiffer
ence, "Sefior Carranco, it seems we know one an
other."22

He was conducted back to camp, and as the intel
ligence spread before them that the great leader had
been captured, vivas and salvos rose in every direc
tion, accompanied by yet more tumultuous demonstra
tions of joy. Concha was so delighted that he
omitted further pursuit, to the saving of not a few
distinguished lives, and gave his soldiers free access to
the captured baggage train.23 Mexico also went into
ecstasies, and the viceroy distributed rewards and
promotions with liberal hands.24 The decline of
Morelos' influence was little understood or considered
among the royalists. To them his name towered in
all the magnitude of the once ruler of the south and
creator of the congress, whose victories stood une-
clipsed by those of any rival chief.

On the way to Mexico the prisoner passed through
Tenango, now in ashes, to become there as elsewhere
the object of the curious who lined the thoroughfares
and crowded the approaches. The attentions accorded
him, and the varied demonstrations of the curious,
seemed at first to flatter his vanity, but soon they be
came annoying. Among others Colonel Villasana
pressed him with needless questions, asking after an
impatient reply what he would have done with him
and Concha if the capture had been reversed. "I

22 Bustamante adds that he gave him one of his watches in return for
sparing his life.

23 Save five bars of silver which were reserved for the government. The
insurgents lost not less than 300 men, says Concha, including Lobato, Ga-
llardo, and Sesma, senior. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 12G3; Noticioso Gen., Nov.
24, 29, 1815. Concha began the charge at 11 A. M., with somewhat over 500
men. Capt. Gomez Pedraza of the famous Fieles de Potosi gave the first
shock to Bravo, and repeated it as the disorder began. Concha is rated cruel
of character in Gachupines, Etern. Mem., 1-4; Pap. Far., xxxvi. pt 102.

24 Concha was promoted to colonel of militia, and all the officers of his and
Villasana's divisions were advanced a grade, the men receiving a month's pay.
Carranco obtained also a badge of honor. Villasana managed to send in the
first report, and take so much credit for his advice, etc., as to be regarded as
the hero for a while; as it was, he received promotion. Morelos, Causa, 57.

TRIAL OF THE LEADER. 619

would have given you two hours for confession and
then have shot you I" was the curt answer of the cura
as he turnexl his back upon them. To a woman, how
ever, who grossly insulted him, he said mildly, "Have
you naught to do in your house?"25

He was confined in the inquisition building until
the viceroy arranged with the ecclesiastical authori
ties for his surrender to the military courts. Mean
while two judges from both jurisdictions proceeded to
try him as a rebel and a traitor, mainly on the charges
that he had ignored the king, promoted revolution,
disregarded episcopal decrees, cruelly ravaged the
country, and executed loyal subjects. Morelos replied
that no king existed in Spain during the earlier period
of the war; his subsequent restoration was either
doubted or ascribed to a Napoleonic compact pre
judicial to Spain. Episcopal decrees were inapplica
ble against an independent people, unless sanctioned
by the Vatican. Ravages were the inevitable con
sequences of war, and executions of royalists were
reprisals authorized by circumstances and by insur
gent powers. The defence of the counsel covered the
same ground, except in assuming the reasons to have
been based on erroneous judgment. Morelos had
warred rather against the cortes; and the king having
dissolved this body as illegal, and annulled all acts
passed during his absence, the accused stood absolved,
if not justified.

The church now took the prisoner in hand. Intent
above all upon branding the revolution, the inquisition
condemned him, its reputed leader, as a heretic for hav
ing profaned the sacraments, neglected religious duties,
ignored the ecclesiastical authority, and led an im
moral life, the latter fault being intensified by his
sending an ill-begotten son to a protestant country
to be educated. In partial expiation he was arrayed

25 His 27 fellow prisoners were shot at Tenango, all but the priest Morales,
who like himself was shackled during the journey. On approaching Mexico
it was found prudent to avoid the throng by taking him in by coach, before
dawn, on November 22d.

620 DEATH OF MORELOS.

in penitential robe in which to adjure his errors and
perform certain religious exercises, befor^ a vast as
sembly. During the attendant ceremony of recon
ciliation the culprit knelt to the recitation of the mis
erere, and was purified by the infliction of blows
gently applied. The torture chamber and the stake
had passed out of date, and the inquisition itself, now
only a semblance of the former dread reality, soon
disappeared. The auto-de-fe of Morelos was its last
imposing spectacle. Of greater significance was the
act of degradation from clerical office already decided
upon by the church authorities. This was solemnly
performed by the bishop of Oajaca, who burst into
tears during the ceremony, and roused the first and
only visible emotion in the otherwise passive pris
oner.

Stripped of the sacerdotal character and privileges,
Morelos was surrendered to the military authorities
and removed to the citadel under increased guard
and with shackles, from which he had been free while
in charge of the ecclesiastical officers. Greater strict
ness was also -enjoined to prevent the use of poison,
although later rumor attributed it to fears that he
might escape. The inquisition jailer is said to have
been so moved by his fame and elevation of character,
as well as by sympathy with his priestly office, that
he offered to let him escape, but Morelos declined,
saying: "God forbid that I should imperil you and
your innocent family to prolong my own life."26

Sentence had been passed, involving confiscation of
property and capital punishment, with the impalement
of the head and right hand at Mexico and Oajaca
respectively ; but it was deferred in the hope of induc
ing timid insurgents to submit,27 and of drawing from

26 Bustamante adds that this jailer, by name Martinez, alias Pampillon,
frequently neglected his charge through drunkenness. He could hardly have
effected rolease, with the extra guard all around, and he probably never
offered to do so.

27 Calleja might no doubt have stopped the execution, but he feared the
Spaniards, says Bustamante. ' Quieres que mauana amanezca preso como mi
antecesor Iturrigaray?' was his observation to the petition of his wife. Cuad.

DYING DECLARATION. 621

Morelos valuable information, on the strength of the
offer by his counsel to make revelations in exchange
for his life. If such an offer was ever made or author
ized by him it is the only weakness that reflects upon
his character, for unlike many other leaders he did
not seek to relieve himself of blame at the expense of
others, nor did he implicate his adherents, although
lie might be considered somewhat indiscreet in mak
ing the declaration on insurgent forces and operations
which was drawn from him.23

Hist., iii. 231. The insurgent congress sent in a remonstrance addressed to
'General' Calleja, offering to stop useless bloodshed if he would be lenient;
otherwise let him and all Spaniards tremble. Id. , 22 1-3. Bustamante drafted
it, but had to copy the text from Beautesde VHist. Hex. It may be consulted
in the English. Revol. Span. Amer., 339-42.

28 By Concha, Nov. 28th to Dec. 1st. It forms one of the most valuable
contributions to the history of this period. There is still a doubt as to what
part of the suggestions for crushing the insurgents is really his, for the royal
ists did not scruple to invent declarations in order to tarnish the fame of their
opponents. Hence the statement is also doubtful that Morelos had proposed
to abandon the revolution as hopeless, and after leaving the congress at
Tehuacau to depart for abroad, preferably to Spain, and there ask pardon of
the king. He is also said to have offered to persuade insurgent leaders to
stay the war; but the very fact that an offer so promising was not accepted
indicates that it was not seriously made; yet Alamaii is inclined to credit the
story. A retraction issued over his name is not in his style.

The following additional details of the trial may prove interesting: Oidor
Bataller and the ecclesiastic, Doctor Alatorre, provisor of the archbishopric,
were the joint judges, who took up the case on Nov. 22d. The latter being
requested by Morelos to choose an advocate for him, selected Jos<§ Maria
Quiles, a youth still studying at the seminary. The defence is brief, and
while admitting the errors of the accused attributes them to wrong informa
tion and false judgment, and offers to condone for them by revelations. Jeal
ous of the privileges and sacredness of their profession, rather than in sym
pathy with Morelos, the archbishop, two other bishops, and several other
dignitaries implored the viceroy on the 24th to spare the life of the prisoner,
'ni le aflixa con efusion de sangre.' Causa, 47. This sentence reveals their
real motive. The lower clergy appeared no less eager, to judge from the
placards nailed to the cathedral door, threatening with divine vengeance
those who should profane the church by taking priestly blood. The result
was the arrangement between the viceroy and archbishop for expelling More
los from the priesthood. The sentence in accordance was passed by a coun
cil including the very members who had signed the petition. The inquisition
took four days to deal with the prisoner, and on the 27th was performed his
penance, before the two inquisitors, Flores and Monteagudo, and a distin
guished assembly of several hundred persons. The charges by this tribunal,
23 in number, included disregard for the decrees of bishops and of the holy
office, manifested by his continuing to confess and receive the communion
after being excommunicated; contempt for papal bulls and indulgences; dese
cration of cemeteries and temples; unauthorized appointments to ecclesiasti
cal offices; endorsement of heretical dogmas by Voltaire and others; im
morality, etc. Morelos answered that the excommunication had been based
on false charges and was consequently invalid; the war had interfei-ed with the
due observance of bulls and religious observances; the people needed spiritual

622 DEATH OF MORELOS.

On December 20th the viceroy decreed his execu
tion, which out of respect for the church should take
place beyond the capital, and without dismember
ment.29 Early in the morning of the 22d he was
taken in a coach to San Cristobal Ecatepec, a village
north of the lake, with a palace then converted into
a fortress, and famed as the spot where outgoing
viceroys used to tender welcome to their successors.
The last prayer over, Morelos himself bandaged his
eyes and was led forth with arms tied, slowly drag
ging the heavy shackles. "Kneel!" said the officer in
charge. He complied, calm as ever, murmuring:
"Lord, thou knowest if I have done well; if ill, I
implore thy infinite mercy!" The next moment he
fell, shot in the back;30 passing through a traitor's
death into the sphere of patriot-martyr and hero
immortal.

His countrymen have placed him next to Hidalgo
in the rank of patriot liberators, and justly so, for if
the latter started the revolution, Morelos nobly car
ried on the great work, and more ably, it must be
admitted. While possessing little book learning, he

care and he had been obliged to provide priests. He admitted irregularity
of life, but not a scandalous one. His children were not regarded as his own.
His sou would not have been safe in New Spain, and he therefore sent him to
the United States, but to a catholic college. In three additional charges hia
humble origin was adduced to support the charge of heresy; whereat Busta-
mante waxes indignant. Was not Christ the son of a carpenter? Cuad.
Hint. , iii. 229. In speaking of insurgent leaders Morelos gives the first rank
for ability to Teran and Ramon Rayon; Bravo had be"en successful, and Osorno
deserved prominence for his influence. See also Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 161-4.

2a For fear of public commotion, says Bustamante.

30 At 3 P. M. on Dec. 22d. A second volley was required to produce death.
He was buried by the curate of the village an hour later. Reports of
Concha and curate, and orders for execution, in Gaz. de fifex., 1815, vi. 1394-
8; and Noticioso Gen., Jan. 5, 1816, followed by the retraction attributed to
him. Bustamante speaks of his coolness; how he enjoyed a meal with his
usual marked appetite, followed by a cigar and small talk with Concha, his
captor and jailer, whom he finally embraces. He objected to be confessed by
a friar, whereat Father Salazar, who attended him, took umbrage and came
forth in denial of several of these points, in Eco de la Justicia, Oct. 24, 1843.
Bustamante angrily retorts, referring as authority to his brother-in-law,
Colonel Camacho, who received the information from his lieutenant. As
he fell he gave a terrible shout, 'con que invoc6 la justicia del cielo.' Cuad.
Hixt., iii. 234. See more fully among my collection of Bustamante 's auto
graph MSS. Muerte de Morelos, in Diario, Exact., MS., pt v.; SupL, Cavot
Tres Siglos, iv. 120-6.

CHARACTER OF MORELOS. 623

had what far outweighed it — genius; which, when the
summons came, transformed the benign cura into the
greatest and most successful military leader among
the insurgents, at least till Iturbide joined them. He
revived an almost extinct cause, found for it a new
cradle in the mountains of Mizteca, laying at its feet
the whole rich south; he raised it to the greatest
height attained ere came the end, crowning his work
with the declaration of absolute independence from
Spain, and the formation of a true republican govern
ment. His task was done. From that moment his
star declined, to set within a year.

Even during this gloomy period, that restless energy
reverberating in his thunder voice did not fail him;
that determined valor and serenity sustained him
to the last. Modest as he was astute and reserved,
he yielded once only in any marked degree to
ambition, in creating himself generalissimo, with a
congress to do his bidding; yet it was a justifiable
effort, for the cause needed then one firm controlling
hand. He yielded also to a prevalent vice around
him, in breaking his vows of continence; but in
all beside he was most exemplary. During his pe
riod of decline he remained true to the self-assumed
appellation, 'servant of the nation,' zealously serving
a wilful and exacting congress which doomed to com
parative inaction its most brilliant soldier.31 He shines

31 His praise has been spoken and sung time and again 011 the national
feast day, and in articles and books. Among the earliest to offer his tribute
is Bustamante, who devotes a special Eloyio Historico, Mex. 1822, 1-32,
ending with an ode. Pedraza, Oration, 8, attests his calmness and intrepid
ity : Pap. Var. , civ. pt xi. , xlii. pt iii. Lancaster Jones, Oration, 5, sees a
prodigy of genius. Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 244-9, and Gallo, Hombres Ilustres,
iv. 7-171, join in according him the second place among revolutiona^ heroes.
See also, besides the main authorities already referred to, Arranyoiz, Mej.,
iv2S4-90; Mendibil, Headmen Hist. , 237-8; Peiia, Areng. Civic., 21-3; Pap.
Var. , cxlix. pt vi. ; Carriedo, Estud. Oaj. , ii. 25-6. The only property left
by Morelos, a house at Valladolid, was confiscated. In later years the site
was bought by his sister, to whom he and his brother, Nicolas, had assigned
the maternal patrimony in 180S. He nevertheless managed to set aside
something for his unrecognized family of marked Indian blood, of whom
Juan Nepomuceno Almonte had already been sent to the United States to be
educated, whence he returns to take a prominent place in the republic, rising
in 1863-4 to be regent for the chosen emperor Maximilian, thus overthrow
ing in great measure the plans of his father. Bustamante alludes to him

624 DEATH OF MORELOS.

indeed as the most unselfish of men, caring little for
fame and nothing for wealth, and working solely for

in the conventional term of 'nephew.' Cuad. Hist., iii. 217. Several honors
were bestowed on Morelos1 name. By act of July 19, 1823, he was included
among the nation's benemerltos. The legislature of Michoacan changed the
name of their capital, Valladolid, to Morelia, on Sept. 12, 1828, and on April
17, 1869, the southern part of the state of Mexico was formed into the state
of Morelos. See Dullan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. x. ; Mex. Col. Orel, y Dec.,
ii. 149-51. The attention so exclusively absorbed by Morelos served to shield
his fellow-prisoner Morales, late chaplain to the congress, and enabled the
archbishop to save h;m.

It is but fitting that I should here acknowledge my indebtedness for his
toric material to the labors of Juan E. Hernandez y Davalos. Ever an
ardent student of national records, he became finally so enthusiastic in the
cause as to barter a competency for a set of original documents relating to
the trial of Hidalgo. This formed the nucleus for his collection, which he
has sought to complete by ransacking the archives at Mexico and other
places and employing copyists to assist him. As a first result he began to
issue in 1877 Coleccion de Documentor para la Ilistoria de la Guerra de Inde-
2?endencia de Mexico, de 1808 d 1821, which by 1882 reached six bulky
folios of about 1,000 pages each, presenting copies of all important docu
ments bearing on the war of independence. A great proportion of them are
new to historians, and have enabled me, in connection with my other material
relating to this period, to add much valuable information, filling the gaps
and correcting the errors left by my predecessors. The only objection to the
collection is a lack of system in the arrangement, but this disappears before
the consideration of the toil and sacrifices of the editor, as well as a modest
reserve concerning them, for over 30 years he has devoted all spare hours to
the work, and he has even pinched his family upon a portion of his pay as
clerk in the treasury department, in order to save wherewith to pay assistants
and printers. Public indifference and prejudice have also had to be struggled
against. The publication of documents adverse to the virgin of Guadalupe
cost him at one time several hundred of the hard acquired subscribers.

In contrast to this appears Mexico en el Siglo XIX, o sea su Historia desde
1800 hasta la Epoca Presente, Mexico, 1875-82, 7 volumes large 8°, which
cover the period from 1800 to 1817. The author, Emilio del Castillo Negrete,
informs the reader in an elaborate and imposing preface that history-writing
is the grandest and most difficult of all literary efforts, partly from the vast
research it demands in almost every branch of knowledge. He enters upon
it after long and arduous studies of the country, its people and politics, and
perceives at once how deplorably his predecessors in the field have failed in
their mission, through partisan spirit and lack of information. To remedy
these defects and harmonize conflicting elements is a task worthy of an Her
odotus or Tacitus — he is not certain which — it shall be his, to serve a noble
mission of enlightenment and guidance. Self-confidence is one of Castillo's
most striking virtues, and it sustains him to his own satisfaction in forming
a series of extracts and synopses, mainly from the two leading historians
whom he has just condemned, swelled by reports on military movements and
political occurrences from one or two ready sources, pointed out by his prede
cessors. He improves upon them however by reproducing the documents in
full with introductions, details, and flights of fancy which their inferior judg
ment had omitted as useless and tiresome. The chapters are graced at the
close with a paragraph conspicuously headed Reflections, wholly from his
own brain, wherein he veils over the mistakes committed by his heroes and
the defects of the writers whom he has copied. What those mistakes and
defects are he generally leaves to the imagination of the reader, offering oc
casionally a reverie, which, if somewhat mazy of theme, is also stamped by
refreshing simplicity of tone. His eagerness to fill pages is not hampered by

CASTILLO NEGRETE'S WORK. 625

the cause. Finally, at Tezrnalaca, he lays down for
it his life in willing sacrifice.

scruples about correctness of dates or facts, or completeness of narrative, and
thus he can soon point triumphantly at seven bulky volumes for a period cov
ered by prolix Bustamante in only half as many. At the close of the seventh,
however, he suddenly awakes to find so large a surplus of neglected material
by his side that he resolves with conscientious integrity to write a second
work on the same period under the slightly changed title of Historia Militar
de Mexico en el S-.jlo XIX, which shall cover a portion at least of his many
omissions. And so he starts anew, consoling his subscribers with the assu
rance that no nation possesses so complete a military history as he offers, for
he has seen the Commentaries of Caesar, and similar later books, and found
them circumscribed and of little use to him. The present work is to com
prise six great episodes, the first to cover the war of independence, the rest
foreign invasions and civil war. As the first volume does not exhaust even
the opening campaign of Hidalgo, there is a prospect of a whole series for the
revolution alone. Meanwhile the former work is still pending, with its pre
tension to more connected narrative of political, social, as well as military
matter. Castillo divides his pages into numbered paragraphs, a method
which affords a certain relief to wearied and perplexed readers. It would
have been still better had he consigned most of his text to foot-notes.
HIST. HEX., Vot,. IV. 40

CHAPTER XXVI.

LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.
1815-1816.

EFFECT OF MORELOS' FALL — RESPECTIVE STRENGTH OF INSURGENTS AND
ROYALISTS — INTRIGUES AND OVERTHROW OF ROSAINS — HE JOINS THE
ENEMY — TERAN RISES IN FAME AND INFLUENCE — ARRIVAL OF THE
CONGRESS AT TEHUACAN — IT is FORCIBLY DISSOLVED — THE GOAZA-
COALCO EXPEDITION — FIRST NAVAL VICTORY FOR THE MEXICAN FLAG —
THE MOUNTED RAIDERS OF APAM PLAINS — OSORNO'S LAST CAMPAIGN —
THE CONVOY SERVICE IN VERA CRUZ — MIYARES' MEASURES FOR ITS
PROTECTION — OPERATIONS UNDER VICTORIA AND HIS ASSOCIATES —
BRAVO AND GUERRERO ON THE SOUTH COAST.

THE termination of Morelos' career, which to the
royalists appeared so great a blow, was after all the
fall of only one among the leaders. The late general
issimo might have accomplished much good had he
been allowed to raise his voice in the south, where
none stood so high as he, or had he been sent to pro
mote harmony along the gulf coast; but in Michoacan,
under the thumb of the congress, his influence counted
little. The disaster at Tezmalaca was hardly felt be
yond the Zacatula. Teran controlled, in the region of
Tehuacan, about 2,000 well armed and disciplined men,
and had a certain influence in Mizteca, where Sesma
and Guerrero also commanded perhaps 1,000 moun
taineers. He was, moreover, recognized by some
chiefs in "Vera Cruz province, although here Victoria
claimed to be the leading spirit, with nearly 2,000 men,
most of them mounted rancheros, intent mainly on
spoils and adventure. Osorno had a similar and more
united force of about 1,000, with a few scattered bands

(C26)

COMPARATIVE FORCES. 627

northward in the Queretaro region, and in the lake
ranges of Mexico. Torres led 800 in the Bajio of
Guanajuato, with as many more to the north-eastward
under Correa and others. Resales still held out in
Zacatecas with 300, and Vargas claimed to control 700
men along the southern border of Nueva Galicia, in
cluding Chapala Lake. In Michoacan were the Rayon
brothers, Carbajal, and Yarza, with from 500 to 800
each, besides unenrolled adherents, extending from
Coporo along the range westward to Zacapo Lake,
and connected southward in Tecpan with Avila, Pablo
Galeana, and Montesdeoca, who controlled from 500
to 700 men in all.1 To these forces Morelos assigns
from 7,000 to 8,000 muskets, 1,000 pairs of pistols, and
200 pieces of artillery, the greater part of the former
either worn out or not generally used. The resources
from farms under their control might be placed at a
million pesos a year, to which has to be added tribute
levied on convoys and traders, a little excise, and the
yield from raiding expeditions. All this was insuffi
cient to support more than a limited body; but the
number could, when occasion demanded it, especially
with the hope of booty, be raised to triple the figure
representing the fire-arms.

The royalists, on the other hand, could boast of
30,000 men, half of them regular troops, and the re
mainder local militia. Of this force over 6,000 were
distributed in Vera Cruz, over 8,000 in Puebla, 4,500
in and round the lake valley, 2,600 under Armijo in
the south, nearly 4,000 in the army of the north under
Iturbide, 1,600 in Queretaro and San Luis Potosi, be
sides 4,000 in the Provincias Internas de Oriente,

1 Morelos, Declaration, 42, adds that Carbajal, who commanded Mufiiz'
former force, could generally obtain more than 1,000 men for any expedition,
and Yarza, stationed at Zacapo, fully 1,600; while Rayon could, with the aid
of Vargas and Atilano Garcia, muster 600 musketeers, which implied a similar
number of men with inferior arms. Nicolas Bravo commanded along the
South Sea, Galeana and the others being his lieutenants. Slightly varying de
tails are given on page 31. A report from Valladolid with earlier data indi
cates that arms wero readily manufactured by more than one leader, Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 241-5; but this is doubtful.

628 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

3,400 in Nueva Galicia, and a somewhat larger force
in the Occidente,2 to which must be added the armed
citizens in towns, villages, and farms ; so that the roy
alists could really command about 80,000 men, on the
whole better armed and disciplined than the insurgent
forces, and with increasing resources, as the latter
were driven back, but also with proportionately
heavier expenses than the more frugal and enduring
patriots.3 Calleja's plan henceforth was to isolate the
insurgent leaders as much as possible from each other,
and press steadily upon them, reducing one stronghold
after another.4

The central point of war operations had changed to
Puebla and Vera Cruz, as we have seen. The flight
of Kay on gave a fresh impulse to Rosains' plans for
asserting his authority over this region; and to this
end he proposed first that Osorno should join him in
surprising the forces of Marquez Doriallo, who occu
pied the line between them. But Osorno was justly

2 This distribution applied rather to a few months later, and rests on the
official table given in Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 288, which shows 39,430 men,
including nearly 2,000 who arrived in June 1815 under Miyares, and 8,000 sta
tioned in the Provincias Internas and California, the latter province having
3,665 assigned to it. This figure belongs to the Occidente, yet the mistake
casts a doubt also on other parts of the list, as Tabasco; the summing up
is also wrong. Of the 40,000, 12,000 were in regiments from Spain. For regu
lations governing them and official lists, see Fernando Vll.y Decretos, 25-73,
passim, 109-55, 337-49; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836,59-64; Noticioso Gen., Aug.-
Sept. 1815, passim; Estado May. Gen. Ejer., 1-2; Rivera^ Hist. Jalapa, ii. 20;
Mendibil, Resumen HisL> 288-9; Bonny castle's Span.-Amer., 56.

3 Great as was the pressure on the country, with increased excise and other
taxes, while mining and many other industries had declined, yet the pay of
civil and military employes was seldom delayed, the old high rates being
generally maintained. It had not been thought prudent to impose taxes on
Indians in lieu of the abolished tribu te. The sale of tobacco, which yielded
so large a revenue, was in the remote provinces granted to contractors. Forced
contributions by commandants were forbidden, and surplus funds in one prov
ince were ordered sent direct to the troops and officials in an adjoining needy
one. Decree in Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 162-6; Bonnycasttes Span.-Amer.t
55-6; Torrente, Rev., ii. 193-4.

* Of these were in Mizteca: Silacayoapan, Jonacatlan, Ostocingo, and Cerro
del Alumbre; in Michoacan: Zacapo, Artijo, and C6poro; in Nueva Galicia:
Mescala Island; in Guanajuato: Cerro San Gregorio and Cerro del Sombrero;
in Tehuacan District: Cerro Colorado, Tepeji, and Teotitlan; and in Vera
Cruz: Monteblanco and Palmillas, besides a number of temporary strongholds,
Robinson expresses some views respecting the value of the troops on both sides,
Mem. Rev.y 182-3.

DEFEAT OF EOSAINS.

629

suspicious of the intrigues, and kept aloof. Mean
while Donallo got wind of the project, and turned the
tables by falling unexpectedly upon Rosains at Solte-
pec, near Huamantla, on January 22, 1815, and inflict
ing a crushing defeat.5 The disaster carried rejoicing
to the others, and Osorno, Arroyo, and Calzada not
only declared their independence, but joined in pick
ing up stragglers from the defeated army, and in tak-

OPERATIONS IN THE EAST.

ing possession of several of Rosains' towns. Sesma
abandoned him and retired to Mizteca, and a num
ber of chiefs in Vera Cruz withdrew their allegiance,

5 The royalists numbered about 1,000, and claimed that the insurgents
lost 200 in killed on the battle-field alone, out of a force of 1,300. Gaz. de
Max., 1815, vi. 123-9, 99-100. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 300-2, and
Rosains, Rd. Hist., 13-14, belittle the affair; but Teran speaks more plainly.
For Lobera's share in the victory, see Barrera, Elogio Lobera, 1-12.

630 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

choosing the successful Victoria for lieutenant-general,
under the pretence of adhering to the congress.6

Rosains gave vent to his rage by sending an agent
to ravage and reduce to ashes the town of San Andres,
simply because the otherwise well disposed population
had been reduced by his rivals.7 Undaunted as ever,
he thereupon collected all the force he could muster
against the leaders in Vera Cruz. His men by no
means relished a campaign against brethren in
arms, and their chief having been repulsed on the
Jamapa, they nearly all abandoned him.8 Teran, who
had so far remained true, was now persuaded to arrest
and remove him from command. This was effected
August 20th, and after being tossed from one leader
to another, it was resolved to send him in chains to
the congress. On the way he escaped, accepted par
don from the viceroy, and repaid it with most injuri
ous exposures of insurgent plans.9 And so disappeared
a man who owed his rise to the partiality of Morelos
rather than to ability10 as a leader, and who chose to
sacrifice the cause of his country and the blood of his
adherents to satisfy a selfish ambition and indulge a
choleric temperament.

Calleja considered this a good opportunity to seize
upon Tehuacan, the centre of Rosains' district. The

6 Rosains' agents, Velasco and Joaquin Perez, were arrested. Foremost
among the rebellious leaders were Corral, who had so warmly upheld Rosains,
and Montiel, the cobbler of Orizaba, leader of one of the finest cavalry bands
there.

7 Details of the outrage in Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 21-7. He also
attempted to shoot the intendente Perez, and he escaping the guards suffered
in his place.

8 He rashly insisted on charging the intrenched camp of Corral and Mon
tiel, at the close of July. By this time his disaffected force had dwindled
from 700 to 200. Details in Teran, Manifest., 13-22; Orizava, Ocurrenc.,
103-4.

9 The text is reproduced among others by Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 843-
53. For pardon and character, see Noticioso Gen., Oct. 23, 1815; Bustamante,
Notic. , 22-4. He claims in his Rd. Hist, to have aided the insurgents with
information, although taking no active part in the war, and Victoria cer
tainly rewarded him with a pension after 1823. He became in 1824 senator
for Puebla, where he had been residing with his family all this time. In 1830
he conspired with Victoria's brother against General Bustamante and was
shot at Puebla Sept. 27th. Bustamante, Voz Patria, v. no. 31, p. 3.

10 For 'no sabe mandar ni obedecer,' says Teran, Manifesto, 31, who also
intimates that he came on the battle-field merely to turn his back.

TERAN'S SUCCESSES. 631

task was intrusted to Governor Alvarez of Oajaca,
who on the way laid siege to Teotitlan. Teran came
to the rescue and managed to surprise the royalists,
inflicting so severe a chastisement that they retired
whence they came.11 So notable a success could not
fail to give fame and influence to this rising officer,
then little over twenty; and it certainly came oppor
tunely to assure his position as successor of Rosains
in Tehuacan and the adjoining district in Mizteca.
His youthfulness was overbalanced by strong will
and energy, and by a certain reserve, which, if repel
ling intimacy, served to increase his self-reliance and
attract a wholesome confidence and respect.12 More-
los pointed to him as the most promising of the lead
ers, partly from his knowledge of military science;
and he justified the praise by placing the administra
tion of his district on an excellent footing, and forming
the best organized force among the insurgents, 800
strong, with which he began to plan movements des
tined to bring credit to himself as well as to the
cause.

Such was his position when, on November 16th, the
fugitive congress marched into Tehuacan with a dilap
idated remnant of followers, escorted by Guerrero.
Teran was by no means pleased, for he saw that this
body expected not only a refuge, but obedience to its
whims and sustenance for its respectable train of
adherents. The latter feature appeared especially
serious, owing to the limited extent of the district,
and the neglect of other leaders to contribute for the
maintenance of the assembly. Several arbitrary meas
ures, and the injudicious election of deputies to fill

11 This occurred on Oct. 12th. The place was defended by Teran's brother
Joaquin, with 130 men. Teran brought 200 men, according to Bustamante,
who places the royalists at 700. Cuadro, iii. 305-6. General Daoiz reduces
the latter to 405, with one cannon. At the same time Sesma gained an advan
tage at Yolomecatl on the Mizteca border. Alvarez was a drunkard and a
despot, says Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 36. He was threatened with removal.

12 Manuel de Mier y Teran had joined Rayon's forces in 1811, bringing
the reputation from Mexico of a talented student. Later he fought under
Matamoros, and after remaining in the south till 1814, vainly urging Rayon
to defend Oajaca, he came to Puebla province, gaining here the rank of colonel..

632 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

vacancies,13 served to increase his annoyance, which
developed into alarm as the financial administration
was taken from his control and intrusted to a hostile
and improper person, and as he found Corral, Sesma,
and other opponents seeking to undermine his influ
ence with the troops, and creating discontent gener
ally.14

Under the circumstances, he can hardly be blamed
for taking steps to rid himself of a body which had
long since sacrificed its influence by internal discord,
impolitic conduct, and inefficient management, and was
generally looked upon as a useless intruder. What
role he really played is not clear, but he certainly
countenanced the act of his leading officers, who placed
him under arrest during the night of December 14th,
while they secured the persons of the deputies, exe
cutive, and judges, together with Sesma and other
supporters of the old regime.15 On the following
morning it was decided to dissolve the congress as
not sanctioned by popular election, and create a pro
visional executive commission, composed of Teran,
together with the existing executive members, Alas
and Cumplido, till a similar formal body could be
chosen by the departments of Yera Cruz, Puebla,

13 Ignacio Alas had on the way been chosen associate of Cumplido, to fill
the place of Morelos in the executive, and Ponce de Leon figured as chief jus
tice, leaving only four deputies, President Potero Castafieda, Ruiz de Casta-
neda, Sesma the elder, and Gonzalez. Three suplentes were now chosen, the
presbyter Gutierrez de Teran, Benito Roeha, former commandant at Oajaca,
and Juan Jose" de Corral, the late opponent of Teran on the Jamapa battle
field. Carlos Bustarnante and Nicolas Bravo were chosen supreme judges —
truly a wise act, to withdraw in the latter an able and much needed officer
from the field. In the beginning of Dec. the assembly withdrew for more un
disturbed session to San Francisco hacienda, four leagues distant, after having
decreed, against Teran 's opinion, the expulsion of Carmelite friars from Tehua-
can.

14 Sesma tittered mysterious threats, Corral threatened to arraign Teran
for his treatment of Rosains, and the troops escorting the congress began to
quarrel with Teran's men. Sesma challenged Teran, and the latter was
placed under arrest by the deputies, but the clamor of his soldiers obtained
his release.

15 Including Intendente Martinez and Lobato. Sesma might have been
shot but for Teran 's interference. So far the members of congress had been
accorded all the pomp which they so dearly loved. Bustamante proposed a
restoration of affairs, with the concession of the war office under Teran to
direct campaigns; but this was considered impracticable.

THE CONGRESS DISSOLVED. 633

and North Mexico, to act till a regularly elected con
gress might be installed.16 Victoria and Osorno took
no notice of the project, and so it was abandoned, nor
did the dissolved assembly attempt to form anew.
With it vanished the representative government
started by Hidalgo's followers and reorganized by
Morelos, leaving the insurgents adrift, at least for a
while, and giving the royalists greater reason for treat
ing them as rebels and bandits;17 yet this applied
rather to the east, for in the home of the original junta
rose another to influence the destinies of the cause.

Rid of the burdensome assembly, and with forces
swelled to nearly fifteen hundred men from its late
escort and other sources, Teran felt himself strong
enough to take the offensive against the royalists,
and so break in upon the plans forming against him.
He succeeded, in fact, in giving so effectual a check to
a column under Barradas, which was advancing against
Tepeji, that it had to abandon the expedition.18 As
a further measure, he sought to strengthen his posi-

16 The new triumvirate was to be called convencion departamental, and its
three members comisarios. They were to reside alternately in the three dis
tricts electing them. The plan was dated at Tehuacan Jan. 16, 1816. The
district of Tehuacan elected in Feb. the cura Montezuma Cortds, but Victoria
paid no attention to the project, nor did Osorno, although he had sent in his
usual meaningless consent. The argument against the existing congress was
its illegality, as self-elected, and its unwise elections and other acts. The
deputies and other prisoners were released and departed, chiefly for Vera Cruz,
where Victoria figured as passive sympathizer. Alas and Cumplido soon
returned to Michoacan. About this time Liceaga set out to join the con
gress. Informed of what had happened, he turned back, but he was over
taken by royalists in Mexico Valley, and lost all his baggage, having a narrow
escape with his life. Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 191.

1 ' For details concerning the affair, see the account of Bustamante, who
participated. Cuadro, iii. 308-34. He is naturally somewhat offended with
Teran, and prefers to let the report of a royalist spy and the documents
issued on the occasion speak for themselves in quoted form. Mendibil re
produces also the proclamations, lies., 259-61, 404-11, one of them the effu
sion of a royalist intriguer. Nccjrete, Mex. Sir/lo XIX., vii. 400-36. Royal
ist versions, in Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 198-200, 202-3, implicate Teran as
main actor, ' a amenazar con la muerte a varios de sus compaiieros. ' Ward,
Mex., i. 212-14, and Robinson, Mex. Rev., i. 72-3, 213-15, while not blaming
Teran for his conduct, ascribe to the dissolution of the common bond the
downfall of the revolution. Teran naturally maintains a garb of innocence.
Segunda Manifest., 26; Zavala, llev. Mex., ii. 74-116, 194-5.

18 This triumph was gained at Rosario Dec. 27, 1815, with 500 men. Bar
radas admitted the loss of two officers and nine men; but not a defeat.

634 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

tion in Mizteca by constructing another stronghold
on Mount Santa Gertrudis. and sending reenforce-

* O

ments under command of his brother Juan, who from
his retreat at Tepeji did good service in obstructing
the highway to Oajaca and harassing the detachments
centring round Iziicar.19

Teran's forces were not only the best organized
among the insurgents, but with the aid of brothers
and loyal officers he wielded a more absolute control
within his district than other leaders in theirs, and
could therefore claim at this time to be the most
prominent among them. His position, however, was
becoming more exposed, for the royalists had lately
gained several successes to the north and west, and
were ready to combine against him from different
quarters. Teran saw the gathering storm, and in pre
paring to face it he found that more arms and ammu
nition were above all necessary,20 for his prestige would
bring all the recruits he wanted. At this juncture
appeared an American, named William Davis Robin
son, lately dealing with Caracas, who offered to pro
vide necessary funds. It was agreed that the deliv
ery, including four thousand muskets, should take
place at Goazacoalco River, which was unoccupied by
royalists, and presented the only point accessible to
Teran.21 The route was long and difficult, obstructed
by forests and marshes, and threatened by the rainy
season just beginning; but necessity overruled all.

19 Under him was placed Lieut-col Fiallo, a royalist deserter, who began to
intrigue among the troops with a view to seduce them for Victoria, or even for
royalists, it is said. The intrigue was attended by lack of discipline, which
called the attention of the strict Teran. He arrested both his brother and Fia
llo, and the guilt of the latter appearing, he was shot. Bustamante assisted in
the case. Cuad. Hist. , iii. 345-7. Teran, Seyunda Manifest. , 49 et seq. Rosains,
Rd. Hist., 17, makes a severe charge of this act. La Madrid speaks highly
of the bravery and discipline of Teran's troops. Gaz. de Mex., 1S1G, vii. 209.

20 His supply from Puebla had been cut off, and the lead mines at Zapoti-
tlan yielded him little.

21 Robinson had landed at Boquilla de Piedras, but Victoria demanded an
exorbitant price for transmitting the arms from there. The price of the
muskets was $20 each. Guerrero was invited to join, but objected to enter
ing a territory claimed by Victoria, whose district was supposed to extend to
Yucatan.

EXPEDITION TO GOAZACOALCO. 635

He set out with 400 men22 in the middle of July,
by way of Tuxtepec, and after a toilsome march,
reached, six weeks later, the southern tributary of the
Papaloapan, which rises near Villa Alta. The delay
had enabled the royalist troops to approach from
Tlacotalpan arid Oajaca, and the rivers being swollen
by rain, it was thought imprudent to venture farther,
to struggle with a threatening famine, and perhaps to
be cut off by pursuers.23 During the retreat the
royalist column from Tlacotalpan was bravely repulsed,
and Juan Teran came in time to check two Oajaca ex
peditions which had been organized with the intent of
attacking his brother in the rear. The latter reached
Tehuacan September 22d.24

Meanwhile the schooner Patriot had appeared off
the Goazacoalco with the armament, as agreed, and
managed to profit by the interval of hopeless waiting
to capture an aggressive Spanish vessel,'25 thus achiev
ing for the Mexican flag, which it boldly hoisted,

22 Attended voluntarily by Wm Robinson, and also the doctor, John Rob
inson, who came with Arrayd from the United States. Juan Rodriguez com
manded half the force, as Teran's second.

23 Teran did cross the river in a small boat with a few men to Playa
Vicente, a new entrepot for trade between Oajaca and Vera Cruz, but was
surprised and narrowly escaped capture. Most of his companions were either
dro wned or captured; among the latter, Wm Robinson. Gaz.de Mex., 1816, vii.
997-8. After 2 years' imprisonment at Uliia, Robinson was sent to Cadiz,
whence he escaped, although under parole, and wrote the history which will
be noticed in a later chapter. The other Robinson returned from Tehuacan
to the United States soon after the expedition arrived home.

24 The march from Tuxtepec back having been accomplished in 9 days.
The Tlacotalpan column under Topete is placed by Teran at 800 men, and its
loss at 80 killed, 17 prisoners, 90 muskets, etc. Four days later, on Sept.
15th, Juan Teran dislodged Castro from Coscatlan with 300 men, and the lat
ter in retreating took with him the corps under Lopez, intended to harass
Teran's expedition. Castro, who appears to have had 160 horsemen, claims
that he routed Teran! Id., 1002-4. Topete retrieved himself by taking
Ojitlan, with its garrison of 100 men under Miranda, left to cover Teran's re
treat. Miranda was well treated, contrary to custom. Details concerning
the expedition in Teran, Scgtmda Manifest., 6 et seq.; Bustamante, Cuad.
Ilht., iii. 305-79; Hobinxon'a Mex. Rev., i. pp. xxx-li. 216-31. He claims that
Topete lost 120 killed during the first repulse. Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 34-5.

25 The cargo was in charge of Juan Galvan. Bustamante gives the vessel
3 guns, and calls the captured Numantina a corvette, taken after 'accion
refiitla.' It afterward put to flight another bergantine of 18 guns and 150 men.
After waiting for 3 months the Patriot proceeded to Galveston, and gave part
oHihc cargo to Miua. Cuad. Hist. , iii. 378-9. A statement of Victoria iden
tifies this vessel with the General Jackson, despatched, like a preceding one,
by A. L. Duncan from New Orleans. See Duncan's claims in Miller, Rejlexiones,

636 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

the glory of the first naval victory during the revolu
tion.

A surprise awaited Teran in the bid for alliance
from the hitherto unapproachable Osorno, who had at
last succumbed under the combined onslaught of roy
alists, and now sought aid to recover a part at least of
his lost ground. His overthrow was greatly due to a
persistent and almost exclusive use of cavalry with
little or no discipline. This availed little even against
light intrenchments, behind which royalist infantry
could generally manage to retire; nor had his men
shown any ability to resist a well sustained charge,
or maintain one in turn. These horsemen of the
plain were too independent to submit to discipline
or follow irksome tactics. The latter were reduced
to feints for drawing the enemy to open ground,
where a quick though not determined charge might
have full effect. Their chief ambition appears to have
been a display of their fiery steeds; saddles inlaid with
silver, and striking dresses with embroidery and a
profusion of glittering ornaments;26 and to satisfy
this vanity they did not hesitate at exactions, and even
robberies, which naturally produced great irritation
against their party. Osorno was powerless, and had
to humor them in order to retain a semblance of au
thority.

At Tortolitas, not far from the famous battle-field
of Otumba, his forces in August 1814 and April 1815
gained two triumphs over royalists,27 on the latter oc
casion by driving a number of loose horses upon the
infantry and taking advantage of the disorder by a

1-8; Pap. Var., Ixxiii. pt xv. Rivera assumes that the Mexican flag hoisted
occasionally by interested pirates and others was red, white, and yellow, the
latter afterward replaced by green. Hist. Jalapa, i. 509.

26 A royalist commander reports that in one of Osorno's columns defeated
by him was a regiment of richly dressed men, with fine hats and broad white
ribbons, all mounted on thrush-colored horses. Gaz. de Mcx., 1815, vi. 1357.
They were the poorest fighters. Bustamante incurred wide-spread indigna
tion by his remonstrances against such laxity. Cuad. Hist., iii. 255.

27 On the former occasion over Herrera; in April 1815 over Barradas, the
new commandant for Apam. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 375, 423-8 j Arecheder-
reta, Apunies, Aug. 28, 1814.

OSORNO'S REVERSES. 637

murderous charge. They thereupon spread over the
lake valley to the neighborhood of the capital, plun
dering the towns, farms, and villas, and creating such
alarm at Mexico that adjoining garrisons were called
in to protect it and assist in constructing additional
fortifications. Satisfied with this paltry result, they
turned homeward to celebrate it, proclaiming Osorno
lieutenant-general and allowing him to distribute hon
ors and pi emotions, regardless of the congress, which
they had, for that matter, formally ignored.28 Barra-
das, commandant of Apam, retaliated soon after by a
temporary occupation of Zacatlan;29 but this had no
effect in restraining insurgent raids on highways and
border towns.

Encouraged by the withdrawal of Spanish troops
for the pursuit of Morelos, Osorno and his lieutenants
ventured to attack the neighborhood of Puebla, and
to make a futile attempt to capture Apam. The result
was to bring back the royalists in so strong force that
his columns were severely repulsed in two different
engagements.30 Concha, who had gained renown as
the captor of Morelos, was now given the command
on the Apam plains, and began to press closely round
Osorno, assisted by Donallo on the line between
Puebla and Perote, and by the garrisons at Zaca-
poaxtla, Tulancingo, and the district westward. One
town after another was taken and held; one party or
detachment after another was surprised and slaugh
tered, with relentless execution of all captives, and
distilleries and other industries were closed in order
to stay the flow of resources. Osorno retaliated with

28 By a council at Chinahuapan. Among other appointments was an in-
temlente for Tlascala. Neyrcte, Mex. SigloXIX.,vii. 152-6.

29 Barradas was soon after removed for arbitrary conduct and replaced by
Ayala, and he falling ill Monduy took charge till Concha came. A fray on
Sept. 9th, near Teotihuacan, remained undecided. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.,
iii. 257-60.

30 At Ocotepec and Tortolitas, Dec. 5th and 6th. Royalists place the in-
Eurgent forces as high as 2,000, with a loss of 150 for each action. Gaz. de
AJCX., 1815, vi. 1355-67. The attack which startled Puebla was made by
Vicente Gomez and Colin, who destroyed the garrison of Cholula, over 100
strong.

CSS LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

sword and torch on all who fell off, only to irritate
the terrified people against himself. Finally, from
April 21 to 23, 1816, his combined forces under
Inclan, Espinosa, Serrano, and others, 1,600 strong,
were so effectually routed in a series of actions, begin
ning at Venta de Cruz, that they lost heart and crowds
presented themselves to accept the pardon held out;
sometimes to the number of 500 in a day, headed by
Serrano and other leaders. Only too many turned
at once to assist the royalists in the pursuit of their
late comrades,31 whom they stigmatized as rebels, while
receiving for themselves the appellation ''Don' from
the now obsequious royalists, and from the church
blessings in lieu of late anathemas.

The districts of Tulancingo, Huauchinango, and
Huasteca had followed the example of the others,
after suffering severely at the hands of energetic roy
alist leaders like Piedras, Friar Villaverde, Giiitian,
and losing several prominent chiefs, notably Vicente
Gomez and the last patriotic relatives of Villagran,
Aguilar, the rival of Rincon in the Vera Cruz region,
and the formidable Arroya.32 Farther south, the dis
tricts round San Martin Tezmelucan, now in charge
of Hevia, were by June almost wholly cleared of insur
gents, Colin and Brigadier Angulo being among their
most prominent leaders who perished. Deserted by
most of his followers, and now even pursued by them,
Osorno found it impossible to maintain himself any
longer in his old stamping-ground, and attended by

81 For details, campaign, and acceptance of pardon, see Id., vii. 1816. Feb.
to Aug. numbers, passim, especially April and May. Buvtamante, Cuad. Hist.,
iii. 248-64, 350-1; Mendibil, Res., 238-41, 269-81, passim; Nolicioso Gen.,
1816, March-July, passim; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 200-4, 277-80, etc.; Dice.
Univ., x. 529, 631.

32 The last three were killed in quarrels among themselves, Arroya being
assassinated by his lieutenant, Calzada, who wanted his command and his
wife. Mariano Guerrero, the last noted chief in Huauchinango, caused the
surrender, Aug. 12th, of the last effective stronghold there, the Cerro Verde,
with 8 guns and 143 men. Capt. Luvian of Tututepec remained in control and
granted pardon to 4, 800 persons within a few weeks. The friar Villa verde
was aided by troops from Rio Verde and Huichapan to recover Sierra Gorda
and the regions along the Tula and Montezuma. Giiitian had in Jan. taken
Tlascalantongo, where Aguilar and his confederates held forth. For de
tails, see the authorities in preceding note.

EEPULSE OF THE ALLIES. 639

Inclan, Manilla, and some other adherents, in August
he sought the mountain regions south-eastward, in
order to place himself in communication with Tehua-
can. Apain and the districts beyond thereupon rap
idly recovered from the depression created by the long
campaign.33

Osorno had still nearly 600 followers, and Teran
believed that combined operations would serve to
distract the royalists, permitting advantageous de
scents on the Vera Cruz highway and the pursuit of
many other projects. Not choosing to burden his own
district with a host of strangers, he persuaded the
new ally to maintain himself near San Juan de los
Llanos and wait for opportunities. One of these was
to surprise in detail Concha and Moran, stationed in
November at Huamantla and San Andres, respec
tively, with 400 men each. On November 7, 1816,
accordingly, Teran and Osorno approached San An
dres with a force of nearly 1,000, mainly cavalry; but
Moran by a quick movement managed to secure the
advantage of position, and repulsed the first column
of horsemen so effectually that their disorderly flight
created a panic among the rest and led to a general
scamper.34 This was followed by another discouragr
ing repulse of Teran's forces by Samaniego, in the
region of Acatlan;85 and now the clouds grew darker
still.

In Vera Cruz the operations of the insurgents
centred more than ever on the roads to Mexico, by

33 Concha was promoted to colonel of the San Luis Potosi dragoons, and
Anastacio Bustamante to lieut-col. His pursuit of the fleeing Osorno is re
ported in Oaz. de Max., 1816, vii. 885-7.

34 The royalists claimed to have with 300 men defeated 1,040, killing from
80 to 100, and capturing over threescore. Gaz. de Hex., 1816, vii. 1093-4,
1133-40, 11G9-70. Teran admits a total force of 800. Segunda Manifest.,
59. Vicente Gomez, known as the capador, for his unseemly mutilation of
prisoners, and one of Osorno's best lieutenants, soon after accepted pardon
and continued his campaigning as a royalist. Bustamante., Cuad. Hist., iii.
389. One reason for Teran's confidence in his plan was a successful out
manoeuvring of Djmullo's forces two weeks previously. Id., 385-6.

35 On November 25th, Samaniego was on his way to Huajuapan with 260
men. Teran had 500, but he incautiously divided them. Id., 389-91.

640 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

way of Jalapa and Orizaba, along which several con
voys of great value had to pass every year, as Vera
Cruz harbor was practically the only outlet for the
wealth of New Spain. The nature of the roads, with
rivers, marshes, and undulations, rendered it exceed
ingly difficult to guard the trains, so much so that
an official report declared 15,000 men insufficient to
protect, in transit, against 1,000, the convoy of 6,000
mules which in the spring of 1815 lay besieged at
Jalapa, unable to cover the short distance to the
port.36 The hovering bands could always manage to
cut off some part, enough to repay the risk. Tired of
the delay, and of the attendant expenses for animals,
servants, and guard, the traders continued to break
the stringent rules against purchasing passes from in
surgents, and thus provided the latter with a consid
erable revenue wherewith to sustain the war. The
main convoy was finally brought to its destination in
sections, the return cargoes reaching Mexico in June,
eight months after its departure thence.37

The merchants of Cddiz joined loudly in the clamor
at this inefficiency of the convoy service; and finding
that the king entertained seriously the appeal^f Calle-
ja for reinforcements, they advanced sufficient money
to hasten the departure of 2,000 out of the proposed
8,000 men.38 This body arrived at Vera Cruz June
18, 1815, under command of Brigadier Miyares, a
young, active, and really able man.39 He submitted
a new plan for the convoy traffic, which consisted in
opening a military road from Vera Cruz to Perote,
the latter as central entrepot, with strong forts at
intervals, especially at the difficult points. The vice
roy approved, and conferred on him to this end the

S6Gaz. de Max., 1815, vi. 343.

37 For details concerning the operations for bringing the convoy from Ja
lapa to Vera Cruz, see Oaz. de Mex., vi., January to May, 1816.

38 Part of the 10,500 men for Caracas were promised, and also a regiment
from Habana, but none of these came.

39 Son of the late captain-general of Caracas. The troops numbered some
what over 1,700.

THE VERA CRUZ ROUTE. 641

command of the district. The task was not easy,
for it required a constant campaign of six months to
keep the insurgents at bay while the forts were con
structed. One of the most imposing of these was
formed at Puente del Hey, half-way between Jalapa
and the port, to protect the fine bridge across the
Antigua.40 December saw the plan carried out, so
that trains could henceforth pass with comparative
security.41

A futile attempt was made during the same period
to occupy Misantla and Boquilla de Piedras, through
which the insurgents introduced war material.42

The occupation of Spanish troops in the pursuit of
Morelos, and in campaigns on the plateau, gave a res
pite which Victoria used to good advantage. Toward
the end of 1816, however, the war was resumed with
vigor. Donallo captured, November 7th, the fort of
Monteblanco, from which the insurgents had been
long dominating the Orizaba route,43 and shortly after

40 This is one of the finest public works in New Spain, 260 varas in length,
12 in breadth, and 18 in height, with 7 arches, besides one to serve for floods.
The central one is 25 varas in diameter. It had occupied the builders from
Feb. 1803 till Dec. 1811. Since the beginning of the war it had been one of the
most bitterly contested points. Miyares occupied it finally on Dec. 8, 1815,
Victoria's lieutenant having abandoned it during the night after a brave
defence, and the royalists henceforth kept possession, with a fort and a battery
on the respective banks, the former named Fernando and the other Concep-
cion. Eleven other bridges exist on the road to Perote. For operations
from June till Dec. 1815, see Gaz. de Mex., vi., during this period; Busta-
mante, Cuad. Hist,, iii. 197 et seq.; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 444-70.
A history of the bridge is given in Dice. Univ., vi. 493-6.

41 After improving the fortifications at Vera Cruz, Miyares retired in April
1816 to Spain, partly from disgust with the jealousy shown by the viceroy
and other officials, and partly to recuperate from an injury to his chest in
flicted during the campaign. This carried him off soon after. He had
shown a marked leniency toward the captured insurgents. A train with 8
millions in treasure reached Vera Cruz in Feb. , followed a few weeks later by
one for passengers alone, in 75 coaches and on horseback.

42 The task was intrusted to Llorente, and he captured Misantla on July
5th; but reenforcement being held back by the bad roads, he had to retire to
Nautla with considerable loss. This success enabled Victoria in Oct. to re
ceive a large supply of arms from Toledo, who had lately figured in Texas.

43 The garrison numbered about 300, under Muzquiz and Mauri. After a
brief siege with over 1,200 men, Donallo effected a breach in the walls which
resulted" in a capitulation with guaranties of life only. Gaz. de Mex., 1816,
vii. 1101-4, 1141-50; Orizaba, Ocurrencias, 124-5. The later famous Santa
Anna gained his captaincy by cooperating in the district northward. Rivera,
Hist. Jalapn, ii. 27-8.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 41

642 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

fell Boquilla de Piedras,44 but Victoria opened for him
self another outlet by taking Nautla.45

Since the fall of Galeana operations on the south
ern coast had been of so small importance as to at
tract little attention. The chief command was held
by Nicolas Bravo, under whom served Pablo Galeana,
and Montesdeoca, with about 200 armed men each,
moving near and below Acapulco. Northward, to
ward Zacatula, the Mariscal Avila hovered with an
irregular force, which could at times be raised to nearly
500 from among the poorly armed Indians. The
main strength of the revolution in this quarter cen
tred, however, in Mizteca, favored by its combination
of rich valleys and numerous fastnesses, and allured
by the passage through it of two rich highways, to
Acapulco and Oajaca, with their numerous tributary
roads. After Rayon abandoned his charge over Oa
jaca, Rosains claimed supremacy, and appointed as his
lieutenant Ramon Sesma, son of the deputy, who soon
obtained the control from Rayon's representative,
Herrera. Not long after Morelos sent Vicente Guer
rero to maintain here the revolution in his name.
Sesma grew jealous, and the attitude of the two
threatened to assume serious proportions; but Rosains
came to reconcile them, and assigned to Guerrero a
separate district, toward the Chilapa region, with the
rank of colonel.46

44 On Nov. 24th, taken by Jos<§ Bincon, who had been despatched by Jose"
Davila, commandant at Vera Cruz. Id., 2025-8 (which should be 1223-8).
The resistance was brief, and the 50 claimed to have been killed fell during
the flight. The 350 insurgents had been assisted by 80 men from a freebooter
vessel, which now departed. Llorente, commandant of Tuxpan, and Lnvian
of Huauchinango, had been cooperating to clear the district lying between
them. Id., September till December 1816, passim; Noticioso Gen., Aug. 1815
et seq. Comments on the effect upon the province in Perez y Comoto, Repres. ,
12-31.

45 Captured from insurgents at the close of 1814. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v.
1425-31.

'!6 Sesma at first appeared friendly, and sent Guerrero on a Bellerophonic
errand to Rosains. The latter discovered the trick on the way, and began to
act independently, whereupon the two parties became hostile. JBustamante,
Cuad. Hist., iii. 204-6; Itosains, Eel. Hint., 12-13.

GUERRERO'S PROMINENCE. 043

This was merely a just and politic concession to an
officer who had suddenly risen into fame by several
unexpected advantages over the royalists,47 which also
brought followers to his banner. He was a man
much like Galeana, under whom he had earned his
first distinctions; not proficient in book-learning, but
of quick apprehension, and possessed of a gentleness
and magnetism that inspired love as well as confidence
among his adherents; while his swarthy face, resonant
voice, and flashing eye made him an object of profound
respect among his enemies.48 It was not long before
he gained the supremacy in forces and influence, partly
through the temporary departure for Tehuacan of
Sesma, who there suffered in prestige and command.
This influence he extended by fortunate expeditions
as far down as Costa Chica,49 and appeared in June
1815 at the head of nearly a thousand men, half of
them well armed.

Two attempts to capture Acatlan and Tlapa failed
through the arrival of strong reinforcements to those
places,50 but he held his ground well during the fol-

47 He surprised the forces from Chilapa and Tlapa on two different occa
sions, besides obtaining other advantages. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 204
e j seq. This author places the Chilapa force as high as 700 men. Rosains was
preparing to attack Guerrero and force compliance, when he yielded.

*8 He was among the tirst to enlist under Morelos, rose to the rank of cap
tain in 1811, and signalized himself as commandant at Izucar by assisting
materially in defeating Llano in Feb. 1812, His biography will be given
when he rises to the presidency in the next volume.

49 Where his lieutenant, Carmen, a negro, gathered both recruits and booty
round Ometepec and beyond. Meanwhile, Guerrero had manufactured artil
lery and. ammunition at his fort of Tlamajalcingo.

50 Commandant Flon of Acatlan was relieved in July by Samaniego, sta
tioned at Huajuapan, and this same officer brought succor to Tlapa. Guer
rero was already gone, although he had on October 28th inflicted so severe a
chastisement on Armijo as to compel him to fall back. This is partly ad
mitted in Gaz. de Hex., 1815, vi. 872-80, 1347-50; also 402-6, 643-4, 840-2,
1251-2; 1816, vii. 51-9. Bustamante assumes that Armijo lost fully 100 men.
His account of Guerrero's operations are indistinct and partial. It is one series
of successes from the time he enters Mizteca. He repulses La Madrid at
Chiquihuite and Xonacatlan; routs Cornb^; captures an Oajaca convoy from
Samaniego, near Acatlan, and repulses the latter, when in conjunction with
La Madrid he seeks to retaliate for his loss; his lieutenant Ochoa repulses
Armijo near Culuac, and he inflicts further lessons on La Madrid. His rela
tions with Teran arc meanwhile not cordial, for he refuses to recognize the
government substituted by him for the dissolved congress, and declines to
join in the expedition to Goazacoalco, as infringing on Victoria's ground.
See details in Cuad. Hist., iii. 264-77; Torrente, Hist, liev., ii. 274, etc.; No-

644 LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.

lowing year, till the opening of November, when he
received a severe check in seeking to intercept a con
voy from Oajaca.51 It was the forerunner of the storm
which was now about to burst upon him, as well as on
the other leaders.

ticioso Gen., July 28th, August and October passim, Nov. 6th, 13th, Dec. 2,
1815; Jan. 22, Mar. 4, 8, May 10, 24, 1816; Mmdibil, Res., 242-8, 254-8;
Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 32-3. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iv. 191-4, 256-9, gives
less attention to him than to Teran and other chiefs. A rich convoy from
Acapulco reached Mexico in safety in Dec., after three months' passage, a de
lay caused partly by prudent regard for insurgents, partly by bad roads.

51 In the canada de los Naranjos, Samaniego actually captured Guerrero's
silver table-service. Guerrero owed his life to Pablo de la Rosa. On the
return of the train, a fortnight later, Guerrero again attacked it with better
success; but as the royalists now combined in larger force, he retired toward
Tlajiaco.

CHAPTEK XXVII.

VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.
1816-1817.

CAUSES WHICH SUSTAINED THE REVOLUTION— REVIEW OP CALLEJA'S RULE —
CHARACTER OF THE NEW VICEROY APODACA — MEASURES TO GAIN ADHE
SION — COMBINED MOVEMENT AGAINST TEHUACAN — ITS SIEGE AND SUR
RENDER — DEPLORABLE WEAKNESS OF TERAN — VERA CRUZ is SWEPT
BY THE ROYALISTS — THEIR SUCCESSES IN MIZTECA — THE COUNCIL OF
JAUJILLA— STRIFE IN MICHOACAN — TARNISHED REPUTATION OF RAMON
RAYON — THE FIVE YEARS' SIEGE OF MESCALA is ENDED — TREACHERY
OF VARGAS — MOVEMENTS IN THE NORTH— THE DECLINING INSURREC
TION CENTRES IN GUANAJUATO— APODACA 's SUCCESS.

IT may have struck the reader as peculiar that the
excellent campaign plans of Calleja, of concentrated
and energetic action against the revolutionary leaders
in detail, which had succeeded so well during the first
year of his rule, should not have met with more gen
eral success since then. This certainly failed not to
be pointed out by the enemies of the viceroy, with
hints more or less sinister about personal interest in
maintaining the war. There appears little doubt that
he could, with prompt and efficient avail of advantages
gained by his well disciplined troops, have long before
this overthrown leader after leader, as he had lately
Osorno, and reduced the insurrection to a far smaller
compass. One reason for the failure, or neglect, lay
in the lack of subordination among his officers, whom
we repeatedly find committing blunders without being
brought to account, and indulging in exactions, specu
lations, and outrages, at which Calleja and authori
ties under him winked complacently, mainly, it was

(645)

646 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

said, because they shared in the gains, or feared reve
lations. It is sufficient to instance the military ineffi
ciency and maladministration of the drunkard Alvarez
in Oajaca, the several cases of disobedience of orders
during the campaigns, with their lamentable results,
and lately the arraignment of Iturbide for extortions
and other abuses in Guanajuato.1 Calleja could
hardly excuse himself on the ground that loyal officers
were too scarce to permit strict investigation of con
duct.

His neglect caused him to be widely burdened with
all the evil growing out of a prolonged war. such as
excessive taxes and forced loans, partly levied also by
district commanders and distributed for a long time
with pressing inequality, to the ruin of many families
and localities. Add to this a severity which con
verted campaigns into bloody retaliations and barbar
ous man-hunting, and sent a number of prominent
persons to languish in exile.2 One acceptable reason
presented by Calleja for the long continuance of the
war was the liberal sentiment fostered by the consti
tution of 1812, and the discontent roused in so many
quarters by its withdrawal, with a consequent readi
ness to serve and shelter insurgents.3 He also pointed
to the independent action observed by Cruz in Nueva

1 So loud an outcry rose against him that he had to leave his command and
appear at Mexico in April 1816 to answer. The affair was so managed, how
ever, that none within his provinces dared appear against him, fearing his
vengeance, and so he was readily absolved. Gaz. de Alex., 1816, vii. 892. The
cura of Guanajuato, Doctor Labarrieta, alone made a vain, protest exposing
his speculations with convoys, grain, etc., through agents, and his neglect and
cruelty, and this was undeniably confirmed by persons at Mexico. Alaman,
Hist. Mcj., iv. 445-51. Iturbide declined to return to his command. Ar-
mijo made a fortune by speculating with the convoys, and so did others. See
chapter xxiii., this volume.

2 Among these were Fagoaga, honorary alcalde de corte to the aiidiencia,
and a Spaniard by birth, but with a Mexican family and Mexican sympathies;
Marque's de Rayas, who managed to stay, however; Relator Matoso Adalid,
a rich land owner of Apam. The foremost to bear testimony against him,
however, was Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, called to Spain
early in 1815 under pretence of giving his views on the revolution. His ablo
and scathing report on Calleja may be consulted in Neyrete, Mcx. Siylo XIX.,
vii. 11 9-50; also Vidaurre, Votos; Expos, d las Cortes, 8; Vindication Escriio-
res, 2-4; Pap. Far., clx. pt xiv., Ixviii. ccxv. pt x.

3 Letter of Aug. 1814, in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., i. sup.

CALLEJA'S REPUTATION". 6-17

Galicia, and Arredondo in the Oriente provinces — the
other two viceroys, he calls them — which frustrated
many of his plans for fostering trade, swelling the rev
enue, and so forth.*

It must be admitted that these plans did succeed
to a great extent, as shown by the increasing returns
from custom-houses and treasury, and the crowning
achievement must ever be accorded to him by Spain
that he did break the revolution, even if he failed to
extinguish it, thus practically saving the colony for
his king, and leaving the way and means for a succes
sor to complete the task.6 The king recognized the
service by bestowing on him the title Conde de Cal-
deron, in commemoration of his great victory over
Hidalgo;6 in New Spain his name stands connected
with everything that is cruel and relentless.7

The fact that Calleja had been appointed by the
regency assisted no doubt to magnify the insinuations
against him for having failed to suppress the revolu
tion, arid to dispose the monarch for a change. This

4 The former maintained direct trade with Panama, through San Bias, tho
other through Tampico with the open ports of Yucatan, thus flooding the
country with goods on which the proper duty had not been paid. Calleja's
measures succeeded, however, in swelling the custom-house revenue, and the
coinage at Mexico was again rising from its low figure in 1812 of $4,490,00i)
to $9,276,000 for 1816. In 1811 it had been $10,000,000. Lerdo, Comercio
Ester., ap. 120, etc.; Arrillafja, Informe, in Cedaiario, iv. pt i. 38.

5 Alaman is too unqualified in his praise. He does not look sufficiently
at his neglect. Had the colony not been ultimately lost, he concludes, 'Ca
lleja debia ser reconocido como el reconquistador de la Nueva Espana, y el
segundo Hernan Corte"s.' Hist. Mej., iv. 477. Zamacois, with his Spanish
proclivities, merely copies him. Hist. Me]}., x. 161; and so does Arrangoiz.
Mej., i. 321-30. Bustamante breaks out, as may be expected, in uncontrolled
abuse of his cruelty, hostility to Mexicans, etc., and concludes his special
edition on this reign, Campanas del General D. Felix Maria Calleja, Mex. ,
1828, 200 pp. and sup., by calling Calleja 'malvado extraugero:' 'execrado
sea su nombre por las edades venideras como los de los Corteses, Almagros, y
Pizarros.' Id., Cuad. Hist., ii. 252-5, etc. Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 337,
352, ii. 491, etc.; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 116 et seq.; Ward, Mex., i. 199, etc.,
join in condemning his cruelty, direct and indirect. Much of Calleja's neg
lect may be ascribed to his confidants, Secretary Villamil, Canon Beristain,
and the poet Roca.

6 And the great crosses of Isabel and San Hermeuegildo. See previous
titles in Dispose. Varias, ii. 19.

7 'Esta fiera,' wild beast, is a term applied even in Diario del Congresot
1824, ii. 497.

C4S VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

was effected by appointing a new viceroy in the per
son of Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, a naval officer whose
ability had gained for him the rank of lieutenant-gen
eral in the armada, and the important mission of am
bassador to England, where he left a good impression
also for amiability and elegance of manner;8 but the
chief recommendation to his rbyal patron was a zeal
ous devotion to the monarchy and a benign and felici
tous rule as captain-general of Cuba. It was expected
that a few energetic movements combined with a
more temperate attitude would conclude the war and
reconcile the people. This hope was sound, as proved
by the immediate results ; and if ultimately dissipated,
the cause must be sought elsewhere.

Apodaca arrived at Vera Cruz toward the close of
August 1816. On the journey to Mexico he received
a disagreeable insight into affairs by a sharp onslaught
on his party at the hand of Osorno, who with a little
more energy might have captured the new viceroy.9
The latter retaliated by setting free the captives
made, and permitting his wife10 and daughters per
sonally to tend the wounded insurgents. This unusual
and humane proceeding somewhat softened the easily
impressed Mexicans, no less than his piety, his kind
ness toward sufferers in prisons and elsewhere, and

8 He was born at Cadiz and entered the naval academy there in 17G7. As
an officer he distinguished himself for energy and bravery, but above all, for
scientific investigations connected with his department, and was therefore
largely employed on commissions as inspector of arsenals, etc. In 1807 he
was given the command of a squadron, and achieved a brilliant success over
the French fleet. In tho following year, as ambassador to England, he pro
moted the alliance which proved of so vital import to Spain, and four years
later he assumed control of Cuba, displaying there of late so great loyalty
and judicious tact in preserving the peace that he was decorated with the

freat crosses of San Fernando and San Hermenegildo, and promoted to New
pain. For additional observations, see Bustamante, Cuad. Hist,. , iii. 353 et
seq., v. 61 et seq. ; Escalera y Liana, Mex., 12; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v.
958-GO, with portrait and autograph; Pap. Var., clx. pt xlii. ; Dixpoxic. Va-
rias, ii. 18, 3~>; Cedulario, MS., iv. 34; Liceaga, Adlc. y Rcctific., 272.

9 Which would have caused the war to assume fresh fury, under Calleja's
direction, observes Bustamante. Cuad. IIi*t., iii. 353-4. Apodaca's troops
brought by him from Habana were unused to war, and he to action in the
field. Fortunately Donallo came to the rescue.

10 M:iria Rosa Gaston, daughter of a licut-gen. in the navy, and maid of
honor of Maria Luisa, who had borne to him seven children.

KITE-FLYING PROHIBITED. 619

his strict orders against the arbitrary execution of
captives, combined with the most liberal offers of
pardon to those who submitted. Such efforts by so
pious a man were eagerly assisted by the clergy,
headed by Archbishop rente, the obsequious Bishop
Perez of Puebla, and other prelates,11 and by the re
stored Jesuits.12 Others were encouraged in loyalty
and cooperation by bestowal of the Isabel order,13
and an increased liberality' was shown toward the
army in promotions and badges of honor, the latter
granted also to widows. On the other hand, Apodaca
issued certain ridiculous decrees, one against kite-fly
ing, which drew upon him ineffaceable ridicule from
the banter-loving population.14

The new ruler gave impulse to the campaign plans
of his predecessor,15 and as the officers could not ven-

11 Pedro Fonte, an able man of less than forty years of age, late canon of
the cathedral, came in June, 1815, to replace Bergosa y Jordan, whom the
regency had promoted from the see of Oajaca. Bergosa, unconfirmed also by
the pope, had to return to his southern diocese. In the following June he

.consecrated his rival. Perez, late presidenc of the cortes, was rewarded with
the mitre of Puebla for assisting to dissolve this body. He arrived early in
1810, and made himself conspicuous by his panegyrics of his royal patron.
In July 1816 the Marque's de Castafiiza was consecrated as bishop of Durango.
See Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 214-15, 239-40, etc.; Fernando VII., Decretos, 136-
7; Puebla, Pastoral, 1-47; Pap. Far., Ixvi. pt i.

12 Restored by act of Sept. 16, 1815. They were escorted into Mexico
with great ceremony on May 19, 1816, as described in Gaz. de Mex., 1816,
vii. 514-16, and installed in the old college of San Ildefonso. Buildings and
novitiates fell rapidly into their hands as formerly. Castafiiza, brother of
the marquis bishop of Durango, took possession as rector, assisted at first
only by P. Canton. Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 45-7; Alegre, Hist. Comp.
Je.su*, iii. 306-8; Mendizabal, Carta; Pap. Var., clxv. pt xvii.; Jesuitas en
Mex., 4.

13 Heal Orden Americana de Isabel la Catolica, instituted March 24, 1815.
Cruz, Yermo's son, and four Spanish traders were among the loyal ones who
received it, but also Adalid exiled for disloyalty, while Iturbide and others
were passed by. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 719-23.

14 The decree came out because a careless child fell off the roof in flying a
kite. Notlcioso Gen., Aug. 26, Nov. 11, 1816. For references to pardons, see
Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 1092; 1817, viii. 28-30, 40; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., v. 810, urging leniency; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, 290-2; Pap. Var.,
clx. pt Ixviii. 5-6, on benevolence to the poor.

13Calleja departed for Spain with the convoy, leaving Mexico in October,
after having retired from the palace Sept. 16th — a day on which his appoint
ment as viceroy had been dated, four years before, and on which Hidalgo
raised the war-cry for freedom — and surrendered the staff of office on the 19th
at Guadalupe. Apodaca's entry took place on the following day, as described
in Noticioxo Gen., Sept. 23, 27, 1866; Ortzava, Ocurrenc., 113-25.

C50 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

ture to trifle at the very outset with a stranger, as tliov
had with Calleja, his orders received an energetic
obedience that soon produced a radical change. In
the autumn he ordered a formidable concentration of
troops under Hevia, Bracho, and Obeso, against
Teran, the most conspicuous among the insurgent
leaders. Operations were to begin with the reduction
of outlying towns; and on December 30, 1816, Hevia
invested Tepeji with about a thousand men. The
commandant, Juan Teran, had one fourth of that
force. His brother hastened to the relief, and suc
ceeded in repulsing La Madrid, who sought to check
his advance;16 but the attack on the besieging lines
proved a failure. Don Juan thereupon made his es
cape with nearly all his followers on the night of Jan
uary 5th,17 and joined Teran, who most unaccountably
had ordered the garrison of Teotitlan to evacuate this
place. The loud remonstrance evoked opened the eyes
of Teran to his mistake, and he resolved to repair it
by marching against Obeso, who with nearly 600 men
had advanced from Oajaca to occupy it. He met him
at Ayotla, not far from the town, on January 12th,
and gave proof of his superior tactics by utterly rout
ing his opponent.18 This left the road open to Oajaca;
and by merely threatening this point Teran might
have frustrated the royalist campaign plan, but he did
not deem it proper to abandon his district.19

He proposed now to retake Teotitlan; but hearing
that Colonel Bracho was marching toward Tehuacan
with over a thousand men, he hastened instead to the
relief of this place, which constituted his centre. He
carne too late to enter the adjoining fortress of Cerro
Colorado, the stronghold of the region, and had to

16 At Ixcaquixtla on Jan. 1, 1817; both sides having 500 men, according to
Bustamante.

17 He claims to have beaten his way through the lines. A royalist force of
100 men was left as garrison.

18 Who had a narrow escape and was severely wounded. He received a
colonelcy to console him. Teran must have had about 800 men.

19 Bustamante covers this oversight, which might have kept the war open
till Mina came, and so changed its aspect. Cuad. Hist., iii. 402-3.

DOWNFALL OF TERAN. 651

content himself with occupying the Franciscan con
vent of the town, with little ammunition and hardly
any food. His position was rendered still more pre
carious by the dispersion and desertion of a great part
of his force during preliminary skirmishes, so that only
half remained to oppose the closely pressing royalists.
Bracho was fully informed of his condition, and eager
to obtain for himself the honor of reducing so impor
tant a place and leader before his superior, Hevia,
should arrive and secure the prize, he warmly urged
the surrender, with free pardon for all insurgents in
the district, or a terrible alternative. In a moment
of weakness Teran consented not only to yield, but to
order the surrender of the impregnable Cerro Colorado,
and induce Osorrio and other chiefs to submit. And
so on the 21st of January, after a siege of barely two
days, fell famed Tehuacan, the centre of insurgent
hopes, and with it the reputation of Teran. All his
past successes were overclouded by that one hasty
step, and a nation which forgave such men as Rosains
refused to inscribe his name among its heroes.20

• 20Bustamante, who had admired him till he overthrew the congress, be
wails bitterly the results of his act, especially in ordering the surrender of
Cerro Colorado, to which he should have fought his way. Cuad. Hist., iii.
393-422. Yet it must be stated, in partial vindication of Teran, that mutiny
had broken out at the fortress with desertion, which might have made ics
capture easy. Teran stipulated for himself a pass with means to go abroad,
but the viceroy found a pretence for refusing to comply. Bustamante admits
that Teran declined to accept proffered service under royalists, and most hon
orably contented himself with a humble clerkship in Puebla. After Iturbidc's
revolution he served successively and ably as member of congress, minister of
war, and comandante general of the northern provinces. In 1832 he took
part against the government, and being defeated at Matamoros, he committed
suicide in July of that year. He was buried by the side of Iturbide. Payno,
in Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 251-81, paints him only as a hero. See also
Museo Mex., ii. 121-31, with portrait that somewhat resembles Iturbide's.
Alaman also upholds his noble traits at Tehuacan rather exclusively. Hi*t.
Mej., iv. 518-23; Blasco, Discurso, 6-9. He believed Teran feared that Hevia
might come up and prove less lenient. Teran had shown perhaps the least
cruelty of all the insurgent leaders. He himself pleads lack of ammunition,
desertion of men, and deceptive offers from Bracho, and intrigues with the
fortress. He could have broken away with the cavalry, but would not sacri
fice the rest. See his Segunda Manifest., 60-95, and appendix; also Mora,
Obras, L p. Ixi. The blame cast upon him is for not breaking through to the
adjoining fortress, with its greater resources, there covering his honor by a
longer resistance; also for ordering its surrender, and promoting the submis
sion of Osorno and others. This chief submitted on February llth at San
Andre's, with 175 followers, and retired to one of his farms. His example was

652 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

Teran's persuasion and example, and the renewed
pardon issued from Mexico, enabled Llano, command
ing the Puebla region, to report by the middle of Feb
ruary that peace was restored throughout the section.
This left the royalists free to enter with greater force
into Vera Cruz. Arminan retook Nautla on Febru
ary 24th, and with it the roadsteads of Palmar and
Barra Nueva, after which he overran the adjoining
districts northward, and succeeded within a short time
in restoring order throughout nearly all of Huasteca,
whereof he had been made comandante general. Do-
nallo continued his work southward by driving Vic
toria from Misantla, and clearing the whole district as
far as the Vera Cruz road. Below this Colonel Ruiz
expelled Couto from the fortress Maltrata, whence
he had been raiding the neighborhood of Orizaba.21
Hevia followed up the success in February by taking
Huatusco and the bridges Ato}^ac and Chiquihuite,
while his subordinates cut short the career of Cal-
zada, and crowned the campaign with the capture of
the strong barranca fortress of Palmillas, the last
refuge of Couto, who became a prisoner.22 Ap
plications for pardon had meanwhile been flowing in
from every quarter, and before the close of the spring
a few fugitive bands, one of them headed by Victoria,
were all that remained of the lately imposing insur
gent forces along the gulf coast.23

followed by Brigadier Aldana, who had been a lieutenant-colonel in royal ser
vice, l>y Manilla, Osorno's second, Espinosa, and the cura Correa. Bracho re
ported his own force at 1,043 men, and the capitulated at 570, the latter hav
ing lost 73 killed and 22 wounded. At the fort were found nearly 400 mus
kets. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 104-15, and adjoining numbers for other parts
of the campaign. The royalist participants in the campaign received promo
tion from the rejoicing viceroy.

21 At the close of 1816, Couto was the successor of Montiel, who had lately
died of sickness. He was again defeated at Tomatlan on February 9th in
connection with Luna, who soon after submitted.

22 The fortress was about to be assaulted, when on June 28th Couto sought
escape with his followers. They were captured, however, and shot, Couto
escaping at the last moment and gaining pardon. Calzada's fort, La Fortuna,
was taken about three months earlier, he being overtaken and executed in
April.

23 Among those who applied for pardon were Deputy Castaneda, and Car
los Bustamante, the historian, who was confined in Uhia fortress, and at first
treated harshly. For details of this campaign, see Gaz. de Mex., viii., January

ROYALIST SUCCESS IN THE WEST. 653

Equally sweeping were the royalist successes in Miz-
teca and Tecpan under Samaniego and La Madrid,
with the cooperation of Alvarez from Oajaca and
Arrnijo along the south coast. The stronghold of
Santa Gertrudis and Piaxtla fell without resistance.
Ramon Sesma surrendered San Estevan, and tendered
his assistance to the foe in seeking, among other acts,
to persuade Martinez and Sanchez to capitulate at
Silacayoapan. They nobly held out, however, till
hunger and desertion obliged them to accept the bare
offer of life.24 Armijo had cleared the region be
tween Acapuleo and the Mescala, and now he reduced
Ostocingo, Tecolutla, and Alurnbre, on Tecoyo hill,
laying siege also to Jaliaca; but here the commandant
Catalan escaped with his 200 men to join the repulsed
Bravo. Even more brilliantly did Galvan force his
way through the lines round Jonacatlan, after a siege
of a month and the loss of over 100 men.25 The re
sult was that both Guerrero and Bravo had to abandon
this region and take refuge in the hot lowlands of the
Zacatula, there to watch for a better opportunity to
retrieve the cause.

Their hopes centred now on the ranges of Micho-
acan, where the revolution had ever managed to
maintain itself, although declining of late to isolated
and less important operations. Here ruled yet a
branch of the dissolved congress; not the junta in
stalled by this body on its departure for Tehuacan,
for that had also been extirpated26 in the spring of

to June 1817, passim; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 1 et seq. ; Rivera, Hist.
Jalapa, ii. 28 et seq. ; Orizava, Ocurrenc., 125, etc.; Noticioso Gen., January
to June 1817, passim; Robinson's Hex. Rev,, i. 232; Mendibil, Res., 306-13.

24 For their 200 men, early in March.

25 Among them the commandant Carmen. For details of the campaign,
eee official reports in Gaz. de Mex., viii., January to May 1817, passim, espe
cially 331-G, 423-38, 481-5. Guerrero intimates that he it was who cut the
way through from Jonacatlan. Letter in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 3-4;
NoticioKo Gen., January to May 1817, passim.

2G Under the rebellious leadership of Anaya, lately envoy in the United
States, who captured and dissolved it, yet not with consent of the junta now
formed to replace it.

654 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

1816, but another formed by Vargas, Yarza, Rosa-
les, Torres, and other leading spirits27 of Michoacan
and adjoining northern provinces, and known by the
name of Jaujilla, from the fortress island in Zacapo
Lake, where it took refuge. Ignacio Rayon took ad
vantage of the change to present his old claims as
Hidalgo's minister and late president, and even sent
his brother Ramon to enforce them. His efforts
failed, however, and he himself narrowly escaped cap
ture at the hands of the treacherous Vargas.23 This
strife among the insurgents added to the misfortunes of
the province, so long the scene of bloody wars. Itur-
bide, who included it under his command daring the
early part of the year, was too occupied with his own
speculations to accord energetic protection, and so
low fell its condition that the intendente and his staff
had to be replaced by a mere collector, while the in
surgents grew so daring as to attempt in April to
make a raid on Valladolid. Under Linares the
royalists gave fresh impulse to the campaign; and
among other successes was the capture in September
of the island fortress Jariicho, in Patzcuaro Lake.29
A number of chieftains accepted pardon after suffer
ing a series of reverses, and Ramon Rayon found his
adherents melting away, Ensena being killed and
Epitacio Sanchez joining the royalists to clear the
region north-west of Mexico. He had long been
closely besieged at the famed stronghold of Coporo
by Aguirre, and famine and desertion were beginning
to invade his ranks with no prospect of relief. Un
der such circumstances, he seemed more justified than
Teran in accepting about the same time as he an

27 Amador, Isasaga, and Doctor San Martin, the canon of Oajaca. Var
gas figures as comandante general of Nueva Galicia, Rosales of Zacatecas,
whence he now has fled to Michoacan, soon to claim here the same rank, and
Torres was the most prominent Guanajuato leader. See Bustamante, CuacL
Hist., iii. 336-7; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 436-42.

28 This occurred in Nov. Vargas thereupon joined the royalists in pursu
ing him, and routed his forces under Rafael Rayon on Dec. 7th. Bustamante,
Quad. Hist., iii. 338-44; Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 2033-4, 2086-7.

29 By Castanon. He distracted the attention of the garrison and surprised
the island on the night of September 13th, but the besieged escaped. Id., 981-3.

RAYON'S CAPITULATION. 655

honorable capitulation; but like him, he was never
forgiven by the nation, partly because the taunts of
late comrades drove him to join the royalist ranks.80
These successes were greatly promoted by the effi
cient cooperation of Brigadier Negrete, commander
of the Spanish forces in Nueva Galicia, under the
supervision of Cruz, who otherwise maintained him
self as independent of the new viceroy, as he had of
Calleja.31 He not only made the southern frontier
uncomfortable for the revolutionists from Michoacan,
but he concluded the five years' struggle 32 with the
islanders of Chapala Lake by such radical measures
as ravaging the lake shores in every direction in order
to cut off supplies. Epidemics came to his aid ; and
on November 25, 1816, the heroic band yielded to
the inevitable by surrendering the Mescala Islands on
fair terms.33 They were now set aside for a convict
presidio. After this the submission of chieftains
grew general, and included Vargas, who claimed to

30 The fortress fell Jan. 7, 1817, with 345 men, besides 1,000 other inmates,
60 guns, including 25 of wood covered with hides, and 300 muskets. Gaz. de
Mex,, 1817, viii. 33-4, 194-201. Bustamante, Cuadro, iii. 425-38, gives the
terms of capitulation and other documents, and seeks to justify the surren
der. The viceroy at first disapproved the lenient clauses, but Aguirre in
sisted. This officer received a colonelcy and later the command of the prov
ince. Ignacio Rayon would not forgive his brother. Ramon soon retired to
private and comparatively secluded life, dying in 1839 in circumstances so
poor, says Bustamante, that even his daughters had to work for a maintenance.
Id. , Gabinete Mex. , i. 204. See also, on this and preceding events, Torrentc,
Hist. Rev., ii. 365-6; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 1052-3; Mendibil,
lies., 232 et seq., 283-4; Noticioso Gen., 1815-1816, passim, Jan. 1817.

31 The king sought to smooth matters by urging Cruz to visit Mexico. He
did so in Feb. and March in almost regal state; but Apodaca sought to snub
him, and nothing came of the attempt.

32 With its alternative successes and reverses. Instance the insurgent vic
tory in May 1814 by Salgado with about 500 men over the 300 of Arango, who
was taken and shot with a great number of his force. Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., iii. 86-9, exaggerates the numbers in favor of Salgado. Then, again,
the defeat in 1816 of Chavez by the royalist Correa, with a loss of 300 and
100 respectively. For other operations in the province, see Gaz. de Mex.,
1814-17, passim; Noticioso Gen., Id.; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v.
292-376, passim, 532-9, 696, 729-34, 736-79; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 293;
Cortes, Act. Ord., ii. 345, 349, 353; Rivas, Carta Past., pt v.; Jal, Not. Geog.,

33 They contained 17 guns. Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 1193. The perma
nent force not long before this was placed at 1,000, excluding women and
children. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 541-7; Dice. Univ., ix., 26-9; Jal.
Not., 2; Negrete, Observ., 10. Santa Anna and Father Castellanos were still
the leaders.

C56 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

be comandante general of this region, and who igno-
miniously stopped to lead the royalists in pursuit of
his late comrades, arid to influence the surrender of
Cuiristaran fortress. A similar misstep was taken by
Muniz. Incensed with Rosales, who after being driven
from Zacatecas claimed the post of com andante gen
eral in Michoacan, he joined the pursuers against
him, and the brave Rosales, overtaken near Tacambaro,
fell fighting for the cause.31

In Zacatecas revolutionary movements had hardly
ever passed beyond Colotlan and the south-east bor
der, and even these dwindled to a shadow under the
energetic brigadier Diego Garcia Conde, who infused
also greater discipline among his troops.35 San Luis
Potosi was also undisturbed save by frontier move
ments along its southern lines, and beyond, in Tamau-
lipas and Nuevo Leon, slight local disturbances alone
broke the quiet.38 In Chihuahua a revolutionary plot
had been promptly suppressed in November 1814.37

The most northern province in which the war con
tinued to prevail was Guanajuato, the cradle of the
revolution; and but for the mining resources, its con
dition might under the attendant ravages have been
reduced to the same deplorable level as in Michoacan.
Favored by the mountainous nature of the country,
the insurgents managed to find encouragement in oc
casional successes, and ample supplies to maintain
a considerable force under several leaders, as Rosas,

34 In June 1817. Gaz. de Hex., 1817, viii. 653-4. For previous submis
sions, see Id., 1816, vii. 2033, 2085, etc.

35 Those who showed cowardice in battle were shot. After Rosales' depart-
iire, Hermosillo of Colotlan stood the foremost leader in the northern region;
and as late as 1816 he and his adherents are said to have mustered as many
as 700 men. A formidable opponent of his was the cura Alvarez. See Gaz.
de Mex., 1815-16 passim; Noticioso Gen., Id.; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 276-7;
Gonzales, Hist. Aguascal., 83-5; Mora, Mej., iv. 439, 443-4. Conde was in
1816 succeeded by Gayangos.

36 For scattered details, see Gaz. de Mex., 1815-16; Noticioso Gen., Id.;
Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 279.

37 Through the treachery of a conspirator, Hidalgo's former colonel, Ar-
rieta, which caused the arrest of Trespalacios and Caballerooii November 4th.
The former escaped while on the way to Spain, the other was finally pardoned,
as will be related in Hist. North Mex., ii., this series.

EVENTS IN GUANAJUATO. 657

who claimed to be intendente of San Luis Potosi,
Moreno, Lucas Flores, the famous Pachon Ortiz, and
above all, Father Torres,33 who had now assumed the
foremost place in the revolution. They were even
bold enough to propose an attack on Guanajuato it
self, cheered by a profitable raid made upon it in
August 1815, for which Iturbide was severely blamed.89
After his arraignment at Mexico in April 1816, and
renunciation of the command, his second, Orrantia,40
took charge till Apodaca appointed Colonel Ordonez,
who had so ably guarded the high road to Mexico.
He gave fresh chase to the insurgent bands, and
captured, on March 10, 1817, the stronghold known
as Mesa de los Caballos, near San Felipe, after a
vigorous resistance, slaughtering every occupant.41
Another sweep was made along the eastern line of
Queretaro by the three divisions of Villasefior, Torre,
arid Casanova, of which the former took Cerro de la
Faja, held by To bar, who was soon after caught and
shot.42

38Several of them combined in Feb. 1816, with a force of fully 1,500 men,
but were dispersed by Iturbide before the intended movement could be ef
fected.

39 Among the preceding operations may be noticed a victory in October
1814 over the Zacatecas border troops, in Pinos district, by Rosas and Orti/,
and a defeat 011 July 24, 1815, at Rincon de Ortega, by Orrantia andCastanon
of the same leaders, assisted by Rosales and Moreno. The insurgents lost a
great number, including Rosas, who was executed. He had been a sergeant
at Guanajuato, and connected from the first with the revolution. Francisco
Rayon met a similar fate soon after. Orrantia received a colonelcy for his
success. Ortiz was again routed on Sept. 12th, at Dolores, "and his 300 men
dispersed. His comrades gained an advantage near Celaya in the following
month, whereupon Iturbide shot several of his men for yielding.

40 Bustamante, Caad. Hist., iii. 199, refers to him as looked upon with
mingled hatred and disgust by Americans, and this caused him to leave for
Spain in 1821. A cruel man, without education and principle, says Robinson.
Mem.,i. 202.

41 The place, known also as San Miguel, was an elevation of about two
leagues in circumference, well provided with water and timber. Ortiz, Nunez,
and Carmona held out here, and are said to have lost 250 men. Gaz. de
Mcx., 1817, viii. 456; while Bustamante, Cuadro, iv. 298-302, assumes that
the royalists lost 303 out of nearly 1 ,700 engaged. For further details on this
and preceding operations in Guanajuato, see Gaz. de Mex., 1815-16, passim;
Notlcioso Gen., Id.; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 262-70; Mendibil, Resumen
Hist. , 311-12; Megico, Bosquejo, 22-39. Colonel Alvarez, who kept the south
east corner in disorder, was caught and shot in April 1817.

42 Faja fell Dec. 17, 1816. Several leaders now surrendered, among them
colonels Gonzalez and Vargas, the latter aiding in a campaign through Sierra

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 42

658 VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

The success of Apodaca's campaign measures justify
the insinuations cast on Calleja, as being either neglect
ful or calculating. Within a few months the revolution
had been crushed throughout the vast extent of Vera
Cruz, Puebla, Mexico, Mizteca, and Tecpan, while in
the semicircle north of Mexico province it had been
reduced to insignificant proportions, leaving only a
few organized bands in the central ranges of Michoa-
can, in the bajio of Guanajuato, round San Felipe,
and in Sierra Gorda, which cooperated to some extent
under the direction of the junta of Jaujilla in Lake
Zacapo. Remnants of dispersed forces could also be
found elsewhere, but reduced to fugitives and bandits,
and manifesting their presence mainly by descents for
plunder from their secret haunts. This result had
been accomplished by an energetic execution of Calle-
ja's plans, in conjunction with a more humane atti
tude, as manifested especially in liberal offers of pardon.
The continuance of this policy promised a speedy
restoration of complete ord or, for the enormous odds
against the few insurgents were steadily growing, and
the tenders of submission came literally pouring in.43
It must not be supposed, however, that revolutionary
ideas were fading. Men were merely drawing back
before imposing might, awaiting an opportunity for a
combined and harmonious rally round some influential
leader with a stronger war-cry.

Gorda, which did not prove so successful, owing to the cooperation among the
leaders, Borja, El Giro, and Doctor Magos. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 9-36,
355 et seq.; also Id., 1815-10, passim; Notlcioso Gen., Id.; Bustamante, Citad.
Hist., \. 47, etc.

43 As shown in the Gaz. de Hex. during the opening mouths of 1817.

CHAPTER XXVT1I.

MINA'S EXPEDITION.
1817.

A FAMOUS NAVAHBESE GUERRILLA — PREPARING FOR THE ENTERPRISE— THE
LANDING AT SOTO LA MARINA— ALARM OF THE ROYALISTS — THE VICTORY
AT PEOTILLOS — PENETRATING THE INTERIOR— TRAITS OF MINA — OVER
THROW OF ORDONEZ AND CASTANON— LIBERATION OF PRISONERS— JEAL
OUSY OF TORRES — CHARACTER OF MEXICAN GUERRILLAS — FALL OF SOTO LA
MARINA — SIEGE OF FORT SOMBRERO — RAVAGES OF THIRST AND SWORD —
THE BULWARK OF INDEPENDENCE — MINA'S FIELD OPERATIONS — REPULSE
AT GUANAJUATO— CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF MINA— REFLECTIONS ON
HIS UNDERTAKING— SIEGE AND FALL OF Los REMEDIOS — BIBLIOGRAPHY.

AMONG those who in Spain resented the arbitrary
measures of Fernando VII., when in 1814 he returned
from ignominious captivity to overthrow the constitu
tion and the cortes, were the Navarrese, a brave and
sturdy race, of Basque Gothic blending, whose keen
and passionate temperament clung to the chase and
yielded to smuggling, without reproach to their other
wise upright and good-natured traits. With the pres
tige of former independence, and with liberal instinct^
nurtured midst the ranges of the lofty Pyrenees, they
objected to the king's infringement of popular rights.
But the movement failed, and lay crushed for a time
by the exile of the leaders, the famous General Espoz
y Mina and his nephew, Francisco Javier Mina. The
latter had been the first to shed lustre on the family
name by daring and successful military operations.
He was a student at the university of Zaragoza in
1808, when the French invasion roused his sympathies
for the imperilled fatherland, and led to an exchange

(659J

660 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

of books for the sword. Although a beardless youth
of barely nineteen, he inaugurated the guerrilla war in
his native province, at first at the head of a mere hand
ful of followers. A born leader of men, and with
great military talents, he achieved one success after
another/ and within two years he had become cele
brated throughout Spain as its foremost guerrilla
chief, with the official rank of cornandante general of
Navarre. Captivity placed a sudden check on his
career, and later the failure in 1814 of his uprising
against Fernando drove him a refugee to England.2
In company with other exiles, he soon evolved a plan
for avenging outraged liberty, by lifting anew the
standard of revolt in the colonies. Some Englishmen
interested themselves in the scheme, partly from pe
cuniary motives, and provided a vessel, with arms and
money, on which Mina embarked at Liverpool in May
1816, attended by over a dozen officers.3

1 As Marshal Sucliet testifies in his Mem., i. cap. iii.

2 He was born Dec. 3, 1789, at Otan, near Monreal, the eldest son of a
•well-to-do land owner. After studying at Pampalona and Zaragoza, ho became
a volunteer, carried despatches across the French frontier, and then began the
guerrilla war in Navarre, with the object of harassing convoys for French
armies, and cutting off their communications. The biography in Robinson,
Mem. Mex. Rev., i. 81-2, credits him with having inaugurated the guerrilla
war in the peninsula. The regency rewarded his successes by making him a
colonel, and finally comandante general also of Upper Arragon. In 1811 he
was captured and sent to France, leaving his uncle, Espoz, who added to his
own the now famous name of Mina, and was recognized as his successor, to
add fresh glory to the family, which he did finally as one of the foremost
generals of Spain. Mina, Breve Extracto de la Vida, 1-107, published at Lon
don in 1825, where this man was then an exile. Javier profited by his impris
onment at Vincennes to study military science, and on returning home, after
an absence of three years, he was offered a prominent command in New Spain,
but preferred to join his uncle in the vain revolt for the constitution. England
recognized the services of the refugee by granting a pension. Portraits in
Eustamante, Cuadro Hist., iv. 306; Alaman, Hist. M'ej., iv. 547, 728; Frost's
Pict. Hist. Mex., 160, etc.

3 Six Spaniards, a few Italians, two Englishmen, and one American, to
•whom commissions were given, two of them above the rank of captain. The
party included Doctor S. T. de Mier, a Mexican priest of distinguished descent,
who had suffered persecution for his liberal ideas, and lived a poor exile in
London. He joined as confessor. In his Declaration, 800, he gives the names
of some of the officers, and says that they embarked May 5th, on board the
'fragata Caledonia.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. no. 952. He adds
that the English government provided him and other Spanish patriots with
assistance, as it had Mina, by pension. England certainly favored Spanish
liberals to a certain extent. The biographers also point out that Gen. Scott
of the U. S. met Mina in London. Alaman adopts a misprint in the Spanish
translation of Robinson concerning the number of followers.

LANDING AT SOTO LA MARINA. 661

New Spain appeared the most attractive country
for the movement, and thither Mina proposed to sail
direct, believing that able officers and arms were alone
needed to give it impulse. At the last moment, how
ever, came news of reverses in Vera Cruz, which in
duced him to change his course to the United States,
There he bought or chartered three smaller vessels,
prepared supplies, and enrolled, mainly at Baltimore,
a number of recruits, including a large proportion of
officers, with whom he sailed in September4 for Gal-
veston, in Texas, by way of Port au Prince. Commo
dore Aury, a French freebooter who had received an
insurgent commission as governor of Texas, and was
preparing to invade it, gave him assistance; and after
spending some time in refitting, he continued his
course, in seven vessels, to Soto la Marina, in Tamau-
lipas, the only available landing place on the gulf
coast.5 He disembarked in the middle of April, and
took possession of the town, issuing proclamations in
favor of independence under the title of General of
the Relief Army of the Mexican Republic.6

*The Spanish minister was informed by deserters of the project and
sought to stay the departure, but clearance papers were taken for the Antilles,
and 200 men embarked quietly near Ft Mcllenry under Colonel Count da
Ruuth, at the close of August. Mina followed Sept. 27th. Storms and de
sertion played some havoc among his men, and subsequently yellow fever; but
the president of Hayti gave him aid, and French sailors filled the gaps.
Rivera, Hist. Jaiapa, ii. 07, and Zamacois, Hist. Mej., x., point at the indiffer
ence of the U. S. to Spanish remonstrances.

5 A despatch boat sent with letters to Victoria had found all the ports in
Vera Cruz occupied by royalists. Arrangoiz, Mcj., i. 348, even declares that
Mina secretly visited Vera Cruz, but this is doubtful. Although Aury aided
the expedition with vessels and supplies, he at one time threatened to attack
it because his subordinate, Col Perry, chose to transfer himself and 100
Americans to Mina's party. Aury had received his commission, including
the rank of general, from the congress envoy Herrera. Toledo, who had for
merly invaded Texas, sought also to assert his claims to the command, and a
Spaniard named Correa is said, in l?obin«on, i. 121-5, to have tried to seduce
the men; but this is doubtful. Meanwhile Mina had gone to New Orleans
for additional aid, and was there tempted with a project to seize Pensacola;
but it savored too much of a freebooter scheme for his taste. lie left Gal-
veston March 27th, and after watering at the Rio Bravo, landed on April 15th
at the mouth of the Rio Santander, or Marina, the former site of the town
of Soto la Marina, now situated IS leagues above on the left bank of the
river. This landing was suggested by Hinojosa, who knew this region. Mier,
Vida, 34.

6 A proclamation to the Spaniards had been issued already at Galveston and
Bent to New Spain for distribution; and now were issued others to royalist

662 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

Within a short time nearly two hundred of the ac
tive rancheros of the district joined his party,7 and
with their aid was constructed an adobe fort on the
eastern outskirts of the town, for the security of the
stores with which a small force could not well bur
den itself on a flying trip.

The dismay created at Mexico by the news of his in
vasion, the precursor perhaps of others, was all the
greater as it came upon the royalists at a time when
they had succeeded in beating back the revolution with
in very narrow limits.8 Warned by information already
from the United States, Apodaca had taken prompt
steps to guard the Vera Cruz coast as the most likely to
be approached; and now reinforcements were hurried
forward to Arredondo, of the Oriente provinces, Colo
nel Arminan following with troops collected from
the Tampico region, while a frigate and two armed
tenders sailed in the middle of May from Vera Cruz,
under Brigadier Berenger, to attack Mina's squadron.
Aury had departed, leaving at the mouth of the
river, manned by a small force, only three transport
vessels, one of which had been beached and con
demned. The lightest sailed away on beholding the

O *J CD

Spanish squadron, and the other, being unable to fol
low, was abandoned. After a series of lively broad-

soldiers, and to his own men, together with six octaves of patriotic doggerel
with the following refrain:

'Acabad Mexicanos

De romper las cadenas,

Con quo infamoa tiranos

Rcdoblan vuestras penas.'

It was composed by Doctor Infante, who managed the printing-press of the
expedition. The text of the different proclamations may be consulted in
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 317-23, 323-33, etc.; Alaman, Hist. Jl/e/., iv. ap.
52 ct seq. ; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., x. ap. 9-21. In Hast. Mex., ii. 388-91, iv.
204-8; Abispa de Chilpancingo, 77-8, 223-35, is also reproduced a letter to
Arreclondo of May 21st, urging him to join the cause, and arguing that Spain
like England would gain more from liberated colonies by fresh impulse to
trade au.l friendship. In conversation with the Spaniards he thought it pru
dent to leave the impression that he would, as in Spain, aim at the restora
tion of the constitution of 1812 rather than at independence. He counted
also on the Masonic spirit among Spanish officers.

7 Including Lieut-col Valentin Rubio and his brother, Lieut Antonio.

8 ' Un peligro, tan to mas terrible cuanto menos csperado,' says Torrente,
Hist. Rev., ii. 3G8. But the royalists had had ample warning. 'Apodaca
temblo,' observes Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 338.

MARCH INLAND. 663

sides without response, the Spaniards ventured to
approach and captured the sole occupant — a cat —
whereupon they tired the vessel and hurriedly re
treated.9 One effect of the blow was to increase the
discouragement or discontent among several of the
invaders, and to induce Colonel Perry, one of the
leading officers, to depart with over fifty Americans.
This unworthy conduct brought its own punishment,
for he was overtaken by royalists in Texas and cut to
pieces with all his men.10

It was thought advisable not to weaken the expe
dition by unprofitable encounters with the enemy,
but to join the insurgent centre, now understood to
be in Guanajuato, and there revive the sinking cause,
organize troops, and start a glorious campaign. Hence,
when the report came that Arredondo was approach
ing with a large force, Mina left Major Sarda in
charge of the fort at Soto la Marina with about a
hundred men, and hastened away on May 24th, with
the remaining three hundred, promising speedily to
bring reinforcements.11

9 Frightened by the sight of a few tents from approaching the shore, says
the diary in Robinson, i. 155. There appears to have been a small battery close
to them, however. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , iv. 340, grows eloquent over the
cat prisoner. Berenger's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 015-18, is Leaded,
' Destruction of the squadron of the traitor Mina.' Extra pay, badges of
honor, and other rewards were granted to the men engaged.

10 In the middle of June, near Matagorda. By this time they had become
reduced to 40. They bravely refused the fair terms offered. Fourteen fell
captive, 12 mortally wounded. Perry shot himself rather than yield. Gaz.
de Mex., 1817, viii. 787-9. According to Mier, Declaration, 811, Perry had
become dissatisfied with the lack of confidence bestowed upon him. Before
leaving he received extra arms, and agreed to skirmish in Texas and distract
royalist attention. He had served with credit at New Orleans in 1815, and
in Texas under Toledo. Major Stirling took his place as commander of Mina's
union regiment. Colonel Ruuth had left with Aury, and was replaced by a
Swiss captain, named Maylefer. During the foraging a successful encounter
took place with the overwhelming forces of Garza.

11 The force as definitely formed soon after consisted of general and staff,
11; guard of honor, composed of officers under Col Young, second in com
mand, 31; regiment of the union, under Major Stirling, 56; 1st regiment of
the line, Capt. Travino, G4; cavalry, under Maj. Maylefer, 124; artillerists,
5; servants, etc., 17; total, 308. Robinson, i. 101. Mier, who roughly estimates
the force at 400, states that 30 of the garrison were local recruits, and as
many more were soon enrolled. Declaration, 811. The men were well uni
formed from the abundant and varied stock on hand. See Robinson, i. 145.

664 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

It was a daring attempt, in truth, for this handful
to penetrate through an unknown and dangerous
border-land into the midst of a hostile kingdom,
braving victorious armies and hardships innumerable.
But it was after all a sort of forlorn-hope party, for
retreat was practically cut off by the loss of the
vessels; and this added one more resemblance to Cor
tes' famed, expedition, with similar aims and hopes;
if it counted more confidently on the internal discord
sustained by white insurgents, while the Andalusian
captain with his children of the sun had to conquer
allies for himself, the chieftain of Navarre had more
powerful opponents, and a smaller band, although
from boreal climes. Whether right or not in divid
ing his forces, he undoubtedly suffered by delaying
so long on the gulf coast. A prompt advance might
have prevented the secession of Perry, and have
gained for him decided advantages before the royal
ists could combine.

Avoiding the corps of observation under Garza,
Mina hastened by a southern curve through Horcasi-
tas to Valle del Maiz, where he rested for two days,
after having driven back a royalist force under Villa-
senor.12 This delay enabled Armifian to approach,
whereupon the party pushed onward, and reached on
June 14th the Carmelite hacienda of Peotillos, fifteen
leagues north-east of San Luis Potosi. Early on the
following morning they were startled to find close
upon them their pursuers, now swollen by reenforce-
ments to about 1,700 men.13 Retreat before so large

Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 68, who follows royalist sources, adds 200 recruits
to Mina's party.

12 Who came too late to occupy a pass in advance of Mina. His force is
placed in Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 343, at 150, in Robinson, i. 107-8, 205,
at nearly 400, and his loss at 0 prisoners, several killed, and 4 camion. The
prisoners were nobly set free, yet the royalists afterward shot a wounded hus
sar who fell into their hands. No pillage or disorder was permitted at the
Valle, but a small contribution was levied, which, added to the horses and
booty obtained on the way in fair capture, helped to cheer the party.

13 Whereof C80 infantry of European regiments, and 1,1 00 of llio Verde and
Sierra Gorda cavalry, with a rear guard of 300. Robinxon, i. 180. This is
adopted in JSustamunte and Alaman, and fairly confirmed in the less definite
royalist reports, Gaz. de Hex., 1817, viii. 735-6, wherein the invaders are

VICTORY AT PEOTILLOS. 665

a body, composed mainly of cavalry, was out of the
question, and a siege within the convent buildings
equally forbidding; so Mina proposed an attack upon
the foe before it should form. Encouraged by previous
successful skirmishes with superior forces, the men
responded eagerly. A part remained at the hacienda
with the baggage, and the rest marched forth under
their general and his second, Colonel Young, to the
number of 172, to meet a body ten times stronger, a
large proportion of which ranked as veterans used to
victory. The royalist guerrillas opened the engage
ment, and then came the cavalry with a rush, that
threatened to overwhelm the little band. Fortunately
a few well directed volleys arrested the movement,
but the rear had come up and the odds appearing so
enormous Mina prepared to fall back toward the ha
cienda.14

This stirred the Spaniards to fresh efforts, for which
a galling fire prepared the way by creating havoc in
the narrow ranks, while the cavalry wheeled round
them, and the infantry moved forward en masse to
closer quarters. At this critical moment, when the
struggle seemed reduced to selling their lives as dearly
as possible, Mina gave his men the order to charge.
One blinding volley was delivered, and then with ring
ing hurrahs they leaped from out the smoke with
gleaming bayonets. The startled infantry broke and
fled, and the cavalry, partaking of the confusion, fell
back to increase the confusion. On came the doughty
band, a narrow-bounded cyclone, resistless in its
sweep, with cheers that rolled before them, and bring
ing quick answers in shrieks of fear and pain. The
disorder had swollen into a panic, lending wings to
feet that halted not for leagues, the men meanwhile
regardless of the sharp lances with which Arrnifian at

placed at 500-GOO, although Arredondo admits that their entire force, includ
ing the detachment at Soto la Marina, 'no excede do 400 d 500.' Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 892; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 37G-7, seeks to
equalize the forces.

11 A mere feint, he afterward declared.

666 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

last turned on them to rally. Mina's horses were too
tired to pursue very far, and consequently the royal
ists escaped with a loss of little over 100, while the
three hours' battle cost their opponents the propor
tionately heavier casualty of fully 50.15

Mina dared not at present face such another ordeal
of dear-bought victory, but relieved himself of all cum
brous luggage and hastened away, reaching the flour
ishing mining town of Pinos late on the 18th. A few
daring fellows scaled its walls during the night, and
surprised the garrison; whereupon the place was
sacked in retaliation for its neglect to surrender.16
Now followed a march of three days southward across
the bare, silent plain, whose borders were desolate by
the ravages of war, and during which hunger and
hardships pressed sorely upon them, while in the dis
tance a formidable corps of observation under the
cruel Orrantia threatened at any moment to fall upon
them. On the 24th, however, they arrived without
further mishap at Fort Sombrero, or Comanja, five
leagues east of Lagos, and one of the two strongholds
remaining to the insurgents in Guanajuato. It was
commanded by the mariscal Pedro Moreno, who with
his small garrison gave them a greeting worthy of
their heroic achievements. Their fame had preceded

13 Whereof 30 killed and 26 wounded, List in Robinson, i. 180, 11 of the
wounded and 1 1 of the slain being officers. Royalist account places the dead
opponents alone at 95 and allow for themselves only 110 killed and wounded.
Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 378. For details, see Arminan's report in Gaz. de
Mex., 1817, viii. 733-44, wherein he casts the blame for the 'retirada,' as ho
calls it, on the llio Verde cavalry. Mina's departure in the afternoon he
attributes to an acknowledgment of fear, and his own subsequent advance to
occupy the deserted hacienda he claims as a triumph, for wliich the viceroy
indeed gave thanks, with rewards for the wounded. Mina cared for the
royalist wounded, and sent a message to Armifian to do the same for his,
which was complied with. The writer in Robinson, i. 178, blames Col Noboa
for not joining the fighters to swell the victory, and for prohibiting Maylefer to
do so. Bustamante testifies, Cuad. Hist.,iv. 355-6, to the dismay created
by the defeat at Mexico, Vera Cruz, etc., and thinks that he could have
achieved a great advantage by marching on terrified San Luis Potosi, and
there recruiting men for marching on Mexico. See also Mendibit, Rzsumen
Hist., 328, etc. The use of buckshot is said to have promoted the panic.

10 A valuable booty of money and rich clothing was obtained, besides 4
guns and other effects. Two guns were taken along. The garrison numbered
300.

THE NAVARRESE LEADER. 667

them, borne in every direction by defeated royalists,
who to shield their own failure declared the followers
of the lauded Navarrese leader to be demons, not
men.17

The personal qualities of Mina were well calculated
to sustain the fame that had preceded him. There
was a combined dash and dignity about him that com
manded admiration as well as respect; the stamp of a
born leader, exacting an involuntary deference, yet
permeated with a generosity and frankness that in
spired confidence and love. In manners and accom
plishments a gentleman, he possessed also every
sterling trait of the soldier. While foremost in a
spirited charge, he remained calm throughout the dan
ger, ready to seize the opportunity and direct his
officers. Frugal and enduring as was required of the
mountain guerrilla, he shared hardship and discomfort
with the meanest, cheering the sufferer, and winning
the hearts of opponents with his kind sympathy. His
broad Spanish face, with its heavy lower chin, the
dark bushy hair, and favorite whiskers of his race, gave
the impression, primarily, of a man of firmness and
action, and one somewhat beyond the twenty-seven
years which he had just passed. In figure he was
well formed and strongly built, though rather slight,
and of scant medium height.18

An opportunity soon presented itself to give his
new comrades in arms an inspiring proof of his ability.
While Arminan held back under the lesson he had re
ceived, Comandante general Ordonez of Guanajuato,
in conjunction with Castanon, renowned both for his
successes and cruelties, advanced with 700 men against
Sombrero. Mina set out to meet them with about
half that number,19 and brought them to a stand June

17 Their number had now diminished to 269, whereof 25 wounded, 39 having
been killed and lost. Robinson, i. 205. For other rosters made about this time,
see Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol., e"p. 2, iii. 145-54.

18 About 5 feet 7 inches.

19 He took about 200 of his own, Moreno joined with 130, and some ragged

663

MINA'S EXPEDITION.

29th at the hacienda of San Juan de los Llanos, near
San Felipe. He at once charged, regardless of the
sharp firing, and threw them into disorder. Within
eight minutes the royalists were in full flight. The
rest was but pursuit and slaughter. Over 300 are
said to have been stretched alonor the route, including

O O

both commanders, while more than 200 were cap
tured.23

.3V „-• .?.. 0"/>Toliman

'SsMJguelSl Grande ^limanejo

Amealco

0* oMolinos de Caballero
'jerecuaro ^pustepeo
mbaro .S

(SfsAeo

)A TS

MINA'S OPEEATIONS.

And here is told the story of a most politic act,
which added lustre to the cause of the revolutionists.

infantry fell in on the way, forming nearly 400 in all. Robinson, i. 254. Ala-
man misinterprets the translation by adding 400 rabble on the way.

20 In Robinson, i. 257-8, the prisoners are placed at 220, the slain at 339, and
those who escaped at 150. Two guns and 500 muskets were taken. It is re
lated that the royalists fired silver dollars; and Bustamante confirms the story
by saying that one of the gunners could not find the necessary shot at the
proper moment, and so threw in a handful of dollars. (Juad. Jlist., iv. 377.
It is agreed that Col Young and Maj. Maylefer led the victorious charge, yet
a commentator in Soc. Hex. Geog., Bol., e"p. 2, iii. 105-7, seeks patriotically oO
replace Young with Moreno. The insurgents crowned the victory every
where with loud demonstrations.

JEALOUSY OF TORRES. 669

The foe had shortly before taken a favorite officer of
Mina, who offered in exchange the numerous prison
ers held by him. He was refused. Then he called
his prisoners before him and said: "Behold the heart
less indifference of your government. Your lives are
doubly mine — mine by victory and retaliation ; yet you
are free! You may join my standard or peaceably
depart, as you will." A policy so rare and generous
won an almost unanimous adhesion to the insurgents,
and the report of it spread abroad evoked an admira
tion that added not a little to the popularity of the
general, even in the opposing ranks.

Greater achievements could not have been desired
to inspire the confidence necessary for energetic coop
eration among the insurgents. To promote this end,
Mina now held a conference with Father Torres and
two members from the junta of Jaujilla,21 besides
other chiefs. Torres was an ignorant man of fero
cious instincts, a gambler and profligate, who after
figuring with little credit as a priest, joined the guer
rilla Albino Garcia. His sacerdotal character assisted
him to rise, and at this time he was the most promi
nent leader, with the rank of lieutenant-general,
whose will indeed was law, both to the council and
to the bands sustaining the cause. While devoted
enough to the cause, he loved above all the display of
a power sustained greatly by fear of his cruelty, and
was only too ready to look upon the Navarrese as an
interloper, whose transoceanic fame and brilliant feats
would surely eclipse his own.22 Hence also he felt
predisposed to suspect, and spread the insinuation,

21 Doctor San Martin and Cumplido.

22 The -writer, in Robinson, i. 237-42, 277, etc., paints him in black colors as.
cruel, avaricious, vindictive, ready for wine, women, and gambling; a man
who sustained himself by distributing subordinate commands among unedu
cated men, and who held tyrannic sway over the country people. His loyalty
is admitted, however, and it is related that when two of his younger broth
ers wrote to him, under compulsion, from a royalist prison that their lives
depended on his abandoning the cause, he replied that if they escaped he
would shoot them for daring to propose terms so dishonorable. Id., 239.
Even Bustamante condemns him. 'Torres no era capaz de hacer una accion
bneua, era un indecente.' Quad. Hist*, iv. 387, 538-9.

670 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

that the new-comer was at heart as by birth a Span
iard, in sympathy with his countrymen, and aiming
not at liberating New Spain, but merely to restore the
constitution of 1812, with its meagre concessions.
This belief unfortunately received support from the
arguments which Mina employed somewhat too openly
for winning Spanish soldiers and partisans.23 Torres
nevertheless pretended great interest in Mina's pro
jects, yielding to him the chief command, while inti
mating that he really was the superior, and boasting
that he could place 6,000 men under his orders. "In
that case," exclaimed the general eagerly, "I shall
march direct on Mexico."

A rich treasure having at this time been somewhat
unfairly captured at the hacienda of the marques del
Jaral,24 active steps were taken to obtain clothing and
armament and to organize troops, Mina being invested
with the rank of mariscal de campo by the junta.25
Soon, however, came disenchantment. He found that
only an insignificant proportion of the promised men
was sent, and these formed what he would call rabble
rather than soldiers. Brave and loyal, but utterly
devoid of discipline and sustained determination, and
objecting to regulations and tactics as irksome re
straint, the cavalry alone was valuable, and only for
flying raids. One demoralizing source was the tribute

23 And from the insignia on his despatches of four fasces enclosing a
square with a lion in the centre. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , iv. 386, 402, and
Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iv. 602, point out this indiscreet talk and its sad effect
on the insurgents. Col Noboa assisted to spread this feeling by siding with
and instigating Torres, for Mina had offended his haughty spirit by a repri
mand. Moreno, Ortiz, Borja, and others remained faithful, however.

24 On July 7th, the marquis fled with his 300 men, and servants pointed
out a cache from which $140,000 was secured, besides other valuables. The
owner subsequently claimed a loss of $183,000 in money and over $100,000
in other effects. Although this was no doubt exaggerated, Mina's men may
have secured privately sums beyond the $140,000 from which they also filched.
JRobinson, i. 269-74. Bustamante regrets that Mina should have stooped to
such robbery; he should at least have left a promise for later repayment.
Cuad. Hist. , iv. 385. The arbitrary seizure alarmed many Creoles and created
distrust.

25 Young was made inspector of the Bajio troops; Noboa went with
Torres to Fort Remedies to organize; the administration was remodelled, and
a certain amount of pay was distributed. For Mina's appointment, see fac
simile letter in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boktin, ep. 2, iii. 136.

OBSTACLES ENCOUNTERED. 671

system submitted to by the towns and favored by
speculating commanders, which induced the insurgent
bands to sacrifice their cause for personal gain and con
venience.26 Another was the liberty accorded them,
partly from necessity, of living at their homes, dress
ing as they pleased, and obeying the call to arms as
they listed, or even the longing to turn back, which
often manifested itself on the eve of threatening
danger, when they were most needed. This laxity
was sustained by the practice among the men to elect
their officers, with rare exception, who consequently
were as a rule untrained as well as numerous and sub
servient.27 The leaders kept only a small body-guard
with which to share the large revenue drawn from
raids and tributes. Little of this reached the public
coffer, as may be imagined, but it passed into individ
ual pockets, and thence upon showy costumes glitter
ing with gold and silver buttons, lace and embroidery,
and upon superb horses richly caparisoned — incon
gruous enough as a whole, and in striking contrast to
the general poverty, and particularly to the absence
of arms. Yet even with such men Mina might have
achieved something if Torres had proved sincere and
the royalists had granted a little time.

The defeat of Armiiian had created a wholesome
dread at the viceregal court. The leanings of the
masses were well understood; but an additional dan
ger sprung up in the popularity of the invader among
the troops, especially the Europeans with their ma
sonic bent, who spoke loudly arid proudly of Mina as
their countryman, or even comrade. Mexico itself
was regarded as in danger, and fresh troops were
hurried forward to ward it off. The mariscal Lilian,

26 The towns paid tribute, under a passport sytem, which procured sup
plies and furnished in return clothing, ammunition, and other effects, and so
the parties maintained one another.

27 It was not uncommon for a colonel to command merely 50 men. Robin
son, ii. 55. Mina's attempt to enforce order had little effect, and created ill-
will.

672 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

sub-inspector of troops, and the highest military offi
cer in the country,28 took command,, with supreme
control of the provinces embracing the field of action.
A few months earlier such concentration of soldiers
would have been impossible, and in that case Mina
might have gained a speedy triumph by combining
with Victoria, Teran, and Guerrero.

The royalists received about this time crumbs of
comfort in the fall of Soto la Marina. Arredondo
had presented himself before the adobe fort on June
10th, with about 1,600 men. Water was cut off, and
soon the tottering walls bep'an to crumble under the

O O

heavy firing. Death and desertion had made sad in
roads on the garrison, yet Colonel Sarda remained
resolute as ever, cheering the famished defenders, and
supplying the deficiency of hands by distributing a
large number of extra fire-arms with which he effect
ively repelled the approaches of the startled besiegers.
Occasionally a brave woman would rush through the
shower of bullets to the stream and brinof a moment-

ary relief to the parched lips which swore to die
rather than surrender. Finally Sarda was persuaded
to accept honorable terms; but imagine the mingled
rage and wonder of Arredondo when he saw inarching
forth before his imposing army thirty-seven cadaver
ous, hunger-pinched men. He dared not, in view of
his heavy losses, sustain the favorable offers made to
this handful, and the viceroy, ignoring the capitula
tion, had them sent to the dungeons of San Juan de
Ulua, and subsequently to interior fortresses in Spain,
to endure the most atrocious sufferings incident to a
lingering death.29

23 It was said of Pascual Linan that he had suddenly been raised from a
priA^ate soldier to mariscal, by the king, in return for his fidelity as servant;
and he was declared illiterate, untrained, and coarse. Robinson, ii. 34-5.
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , 378-9, confirms the statement that he rose purely
by favor, and adds, 'Noteniaeste gefe nombradia de valiente;' but others
admit his bravery. Daoiz, now mariscal, replaced him as sub-inspector for
the time.

29 The verbal capitulation, before numerous witnesses, admitted them on
June 15th as prisoners of war, with the promise of free dismissal to their
homes, Americans to be sent to the U. S. Robinson, i. 304. A decree of the

LIfrAN'S ADVANCE. C73

Linan advanced through Queretaro into Guana
juato, incorporating all the troops possible, and en
couraging them by placing a price on the heads of
Mina and his followers.30 This leader had just met
with a repulse — his first — in an attack on Leon,31 and
had retired into Fort Sombrero with 650 men, to
whom were added some 300 women, children, and
laborers. Shortly after, on July 30th, Linan appeared
before it at the head of about 4,000 men,32 and a train
of artillery, with which he at once invested Ihe place,
maintaining a constant and wasteful fire upon it —
wasteful because the natural features of the fort
afforded protection. It stood on a cudgel-headed

cortes of April 10, 1813, had set a bad precedent by declaring it derogatory
to confirm a capitulation with insurgents. Bustamante, who was at the
time a prisoner at Uliia, testifies to the maltreatment of these men, and to
Spanish breach of honor. Cuad. Hist., iv. 362-7; also in his Abi*pa de Chil-
pancingo, i. See feeling in U. S. thereat, Niles' Re<j., xiv. 135, xvi. 237, xix.
396-7. Mier, who figured as apostolic prothonotary, was whisked off to
the inquisition cells at Mexico, but suffered no great injury. He escaped
three years later, became a deputy, and died in 1827, age 64. Payno has
given his biography. Mier, Vida, Mex. 1865, 1-112, etc., full of adventures.
His writings I have referred to under page 451, this volume. Arredondo was
reproved by the viceroy for not shooting the prisoners, but leaving the re
sponsibility to him. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 894-5, 856-7; Men-
dibil, Resumen Hist., 325-7; Atleta, Feb. 4, 1830, 185-6. Mier, Declara
tion, 811-13, etc., describes the miserable fort at Soto la Marina. A few of
the men, withdrawn to a battery at the mouth of the river, were included
as prisoners, but a foraging party was shot down. The party numbered at
one time 135 fighters. Mier assumes that the capitulation was subject to
viceregal approval. Arredondo claims, in Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 715-16,
695-6, that 300 persons were taken. This included the villagers and their
families. Bustamanto maintains that Arredondo must have lost 300 in killed
alone. Pap. Var. , clix. pt xxxvi. Sarda escaped from Ceuta and became a
general under Bolivar, Rcvista Cien., ii. 166.

30 On his $500; on theirs $100. Not a very munificent offer.

31 He attacked it with 500 men during the night of July 27th, but the gar
rison, just reeuforced, obtained warning, and he was obliged to retire with
a loss of 100 men, including 21 prisoners, who were shot. Mina nevertheless
liberated those taken by his force. Robinson, ii. 6, etc.

32 The official statement reproduced in Robinson, ii. 7-8, indicates 3,541
and 12 guns, but Solorzano claims that there were 5,000 with 20 guns, which
may include later reinforcements. Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 381, admits
3,500, but Lilian's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 967-8, lessens the num
ber. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 396. The nature and distribution of the
forces are given on adjoining pages. There were four main divisions; one under
Brigadier Loaces, who occupied a position on the range commanding the en
trance, and with him the headquarters of Lilian; another under Negrete, with
troops reluctantly supported by Cruz of Nueva Galicia, was extended along
tie south; a third, under Ruiz, guarded the east and the approaches to the
brook; while the fourth body, under Rafols, maintained communications with
Guanajuato. Queretaro had been strengthened with new fortifications.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 43

674 MIXA'S EXPEDITION.

projection, with steep sides 1,000 feet high and con
nected by a narrow ridge, the only real approach,
with the mother range, from which it could be com
manded to some extent. A few rude walls added
shelter; seventeen shaky guns blustered defiance, and
all to cover a scanty commissariat and a decreasing
water store.83

With many and useless mouths it was not long
before thirst began also its siege. Torres had been
given irixney with which to bring supplies from his
richer districts, but he criminally delayed doing so,
and on approaching the place, when already besieged,
he was routed. Mina attempted a sally to open com
munication with him, but not being well supported, he
had to retire with a loss of eleven taken prisoners, who
were promptly despatched in full view of the garrison.34
Stores must be had, however, and so the following
night Mina and three others climbed down the steep
est and least guarded declivity, and managed to slip
through the lines, favored by the wind and darkness;
but he sought in vain to improve on Torres' effort.

The situation was now becoming critical. Rations
had dwindled to a mere nothing; and worse, the water
was wholly gone. The rainy season was about to be
gin, and clouds sailed by, only to tantalize the be
sieged by bursting at a distance. Unable to restrain
themselves, many staggered forth, regardless of boom
ing cannon and whistling bullets, to pluck the succu
lent roots around, while women and children stole by
night down the cafion to the brook, there to be cap
tured by the sentinels.35 The suffering was so aggra
vated by the stench of dead animals and other causes,

33 The place took its name from a conic hill resembling a hat, which rose
on the 1,500-foot-long plateau of the promontory.

31 'Strangled,' says Robinson, ii. 18; others say shot. During parleys
held, Mina told the royalists that he came merely to restore the constitution
of 1812. This was heard by his followers and left a bad impression. The
sally took place early on August 8th.

d3 The misery was attributed partly to Mina's haste in ordering a dirty
reservoir to be emptied and cleaned, for the rains were expected. Jjustamaute,
Cuad. Hist,, iv. 398-9.

FATE OF COLONEL YOUNG. 675

that Colonel Young, now in command, opened nego
tiations. But the terms offered being unconditional
surrender, he proposed that they should cut their
way through. This was opposed by one or two officers
in a manner so insulting to his American pride that
he swore to stay till the last.36 He inspired fresh de
termination among the besieged, so much so that when
the royalists made their second assault on the fort, on
August 15th, the women heartily joined in the fray
with stones and rolling bowlders, and assisted to re
pulse the assailants with heavy loss.37 As Young
stepped forward to watch the retreating foe, his head
was taken clean off by a cannon-ball. He had kept
his oath.33

Lieutenant Bradburn now took command, and re
solved to break through the lines. The attempt was
made on the night of the 19th. A distressing fare
well was -said to the ill and wounded, who with
anguished looks and piteous appeals saw themselves
abandoned to relentless butchery. Stealthily all who
could walk pressed down the slope and were already
gaining the level ground, when some timid females,
who had unaccountably been allowed to precede the
others, roused the attention of the enemy. A hellish
scene ensued. The royalists rushed like blood-hounds
on their victims, caring nothing whether their bullets
struck women or their lances impaled children. The
shrieks of the despairing mother, and the cries of the
little ones whom she sought to shield, were drowned
in the fierce shouts of the combatants. In their

36 Among those who objected were Moreno, and an Italian named Matiro;
yet the former had favored negotiations. See also documents in Dice. Univ.,
ii. 460. Robinson, i. 286, ii. 23-4, charges him with secreting supplies for
himself and holding out in order to make money by low speculation. Busta-
mante, 373-4, praises him as one of the greatest patriots, who sacrificed his
patrimony for the cause, who possessed natural ability, valor, and generosity.
His name was inscribed among patriot heroes by the nation. Lilian's report
shows that Moreno had plenty of water stored for himself in his house. Gaz.
de Mex., 1817, yiii. 975.

37 They admitted about 200 in killed and wounded. A shower fell during
the battle.

38 He had been a lieut-col of the 29th regiment of U. S. infantry, and
was greatly admired for his noble qualities.

676 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

frenzy numbers climbed back upon the rock only to
fall a living prey; others leaped into the gulch to hide
in the underbrush, while many ran blindly through
the lines to the plain, soon to be hunted down by
horsemen. Only fifty escaped from all that number,
including Bradburn and Moreno. At dawn the fort
ress was entered, after a slight resistance from crouch
ing fugitives. Then followed another carnage: and

O ^ O y

this time in cold blood, for Lifian must have his turn
at the slaughter. The male prisoners, over two hun
dred in number, were brought forth in batches and
shot, the sick being supported and the maimed propped
up to suit the marksmen.39

Sixty miles south of Sombrero, in the midst of
the fertile plains of Penjamo, rises a straggling range
known as San Gregorio, and near its centre a broken
circle of peaks covered with bastions and breastworks,
and enclosing an area 5,000 feet in circumference, to
which had been applied the name of Los Remedios.
This was the retreat of Torres, forming one of the
strongest fortresses in the country; for it was pro
tected on nearly every side by abrupt ravines, leav
ing only one easy approach, which had been cov
ered by heavy works. Within, were inexhaustible
springs.40 It was called the bulwark of Mexican
independence. The defences had of late been im
proved with the aid of Mina's officers, and an immense
supply of provisions introduced, sufficient to sustain

39 The women and children were spared. Impressed somewhat by Mina's
example, the viceroy issued on the 24th an order to shoot only the leaders
and invaders, consigning the rest to the presidio at Mescala; but it came too
late. Lifian, obeying previous instructions, wrote: ' Los prisioneros f usilados
segun las 6rdenes de V. E.' Qaz. de Max., 1817, viii. 9o9. Details in Id.,
907-78. Bustamante asserts that the royalists lost during the assault on the
15th alone 35 officers and over 400 men. Cuad. Hist., iv. 411; Mendibil,
Resumcn Hist., 334-42; Soc. Mex. Gf.og., Bol., vi. 306. Torrente reduces this
figure to 312 killed, while placing the killed revolutionists at 019 natives and
71 foreigners. Hist. Rev., ii. 384.

40 Besides reservoirs and an accessible brook. On its highest point rose
the fort Tepeyac, and at the other lower extremity the Panzacola, from which
led a narrow passage. The easy approach, covered by the works of Santa
llosalia, was to the right of the ridge connecting with Tepeyac.

SIEGE OF LOS REMEDIOS.

677

for months not only the garrison, now swelled to
1,500 men, but an equal number of laborers, refugees,
women, and children.41 Torres looked, therefore, with
comparative indifference on the approach of Lilian,
who appeared before the place on August 27th, and
distributed his force, now numbering over 4,000, along
the opposite sides of the ravines, and erected bat
teries, one upon a peak, the Bellaco, hitherto regarded
as inaccessible, from which he could inflict no little
damage on the surprised garrison. A large body,

FORT DE LOS REMEDIOS.

mainly of cavalry, was also in the field to keep open
communications and drive back insurgents.

It had been arranged that Mina should, with all
the available horsemen, harass the besiegers, and cut
off supplies by ravaging the country around and at
tacking the convoys. In accepting this task, he al
lowed Torres, singularly enough, to retain most of the
surviving members of his own band, who would have

41 The supply embraced 30,000 fanegas of corn and wheat, and 3,000
head of food animals; with much material for making ammunition. Robin
son, ii. 44.

678 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

proved of immense value to drill and lead the undis
ciplined and capricious field force. Less than three
score now remained of that doughty handful. As
the leader reflected on their sad fate, tears sprung to
his eyes, and for once he yielded to the clamor for
revenge by shooting a number of prisoners, although
not over forty in all.42 He soon regretted the act,
however, and the more so as day after day revealed
how little he could count upon the firmness of his
present followers, fine dashing fellows who attacked
splendidly, but generally turned before the first res
olute resistance with volleys or bayonets, when one
minute more of sustained bravery might have over
come it and won the day. Thus the capture of San
Luis de la Paz, in the beginning of September, took
him four days, when it could easily have been carried
in one assault if the men had followed the officers.
The delay contributed to defeat the attacks next
made upon San Miguel el Grande, and the hacienda
de la -Zanja,43 by allowing reinforcements to come up.
Mina retired somewhat disheartened to Valle de
Santiago, the centre of a strongly revolutionary popu
lation, there to seek the cooperation of Comandante
Flpres for a descent on Guanajuato, which promised,
besides rich gains, to cripple the enemy severely, and
even to compel the abandonment of the siege of Re-
rnedios. Torres for some reason failed to take this
view, and insisted that the only way to relieve the
fortress, as his main duty, was to attack the besieg
ers. Mina remonstrated that the relative strength,

O '

character, and position of the contending forces for
bade such a movement; whereupon the other went
so far as to forbid his subordinates from joining with
their best troops in any enterprise beyond the one in
dicated. One result of this injudicious deterioration

42 Thirty-one men captured with the hacienda Bizcocho, soon after the fall
of Sombrero, and two officers, taken at S. Luis do la Paz.

43 The former was attacked Sept. 10th, with from 1,200 to 1,500 men,. it is
claimed by royalists. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 1035-7; the latter on the 16th, .
with a loss of 20 killed. Id., 1073-4.

ATTACK ON GUANAJUATO. 679

of Mina's forces was to enable Orrantia, who had been
sent to operate against him with about 900 men, to
gain a comparatively easy victory in the open field
at La Caja over his somewhat larger army, and to
greatly dissipate the awe inspired by his former
achievements.44

Leaving orders for his men to reunite at the same
place, Mina proceeded to confer with the council of
Jaujilla. They also objected to an attack on Guana
juato, and recommended that he should summon the
remnant of his original band, and seek the south
western districts of Michoacan, where he would have
both means and leisure to organize troops for an effec
tive campaign. Mina insisted, however, that he was
bound to relieve Los Remedies. He went back to
La Caja, and thence at the head of 1,400 men marched
on Guanajuato. So sudden and quiet had been his
advance, that he penetrated far into the town toward
midnight on October 24th, before the garrison was
apprised. The latter, commanded by the determined
Linares, then opened a galling fire on the intruders,
with the usual effect of causing the foremost to fall
back and throw the rest into disorder. Mina flew
from street to street to rally them; but example,
exhortation, and threats were alike in vain. He
found himself surrounded by military mobs paying
no attention to his orders. One or two flank move
ments, supported by a determined sally, enabled the
garrison to drive them from the town.45 " Had you

44 This battle took place at the hacienda de la Caja, three leagues from
Irapuato, on Oc*t. 1 1th. The main cause for the defeat is ascribed to an at
tack by a royalist detachment on the hacienda, where the women who usually
encumber Mexican armies were abiding. Their shrieks and disorder created
a panic which led to a general flight. Mina cut his way through Orrantia's
lines with only 250 men, the latter not daring to pursue. He places his force
at 1,000 horsemen and his loss at 35, allowing the enemy 900 men. Busta-
mante, Cuad. Hint., iv. 430-3. In Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 386, the numbers
are given at 1,500 and 836 respectively, following Orrantia's report in Gaz.
de Mex., 1817, viii. 1171-4.

45 Liceaga, A die. y Rectific., 297 et seq., adds some interesting details from
his own experiences on that occasion, to supplement the accounts in Robinson
and others. Liceaga, who was shot in the arm, received a colonelcy for his
energy.

680 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

done your duty," exclaimed the exasperated general
to his officers, " the men would have done theirs, and
Guanajuato would have been ours." He thereupon
dismissed them with a censure to their respective dis
tricts, on guerrilla duty, and rode away with about a
hundred followers.

He required rest and consultation before deciding
on future movements, and withdrew to the rancho del
Venadito, belonging to a devoted revolutionist and
friend named Mariano Herrera,46 Pursuers were be
lieved to be far away, and so Mina for once, after a
long interval, abandoned himself to repose within the
house, instead of staying as usual with his men. It
so happened that this very day the watchful Orrantia
came by accident to Silao, twenty miles off, seeking
for traces of the general, and there received the de
sired information.47 Tired as he was, Orrantia pushed
onward during the night, arid with the first streaks of
light on the morning of October 27th he rushed upon
the farm. The startled sentries gave one shout of
alarm and turned in flight, and the rest hurried after
them as best they could, many being overtaken and
killed, including Moreno, lately commandant of Som
brero.48 The noise roused Mina, who rushed out half

46 A man who had suffered greatly at royalist hands for his cause, in rav
aged lands, burned buildings, extorted ransoms, etc. He now lived in
assumed poverty on his rancho.

47 From the cura, says Robinson, but ever zealous in behalf of the cloth.
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. , iv. 533-4, explains that a ranchero named Chagoya
gave the information.

48 Orrantia estimates the party at a round 200, of which nearly half were
killed, 25 being captured and shot. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 1241-4. Her
rera was also taken, but escaped execution by feigning madness, a deception
maintained till 1821, when he joined the victorious republicans. According
to Robinson, Mina brought only about 70 men, yet they might have made a
stand had they chosen. The captor did not recognize his prize till he an
nounced himself. It is related that Orrantia spoke insolently, calling him
a traitor, etc. , and Mina replying in no complimentary terms about the king,
he struck him with the flat of his sword. ' It is sad to be a prisoner, but sad
der still to be in the hands of one who fails to respect himself as a soldier and
a Spaniard,' said Mina. Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. ap. 102-3, afterward corrects
this story at the request of Orrantia, who declares that he struck him simply
because he continued to abuse the king after being warned. He said nothing
011 being struck. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., x. 370-2. Orrantia also denies that
Moreno's head was carried in triumph on a pike.

THE CAPTURE AT VEXADITO. 681

dressed and unarmed, only to find himself deserted.
The next moment a dragoon had seized him.

The news spread rapidly, and from Mexico orders
were sent throughout the country to celebrate the
occurrence with ringing of bells, volleys, masses, and
other demonstrations, in manifestation of delight.

7 O

Orrantia was rewarded with a colonelcy in the regu
lar army; the captor received money as well as pro
motion,49 and the king testified his delight by dubbing
Apodaca conde del Venadito, after the place where
Mina was captured, a title which soon became to him
an annoying nickname among the Mexicans.50

Mina was conducted in triumph to the camp of
Lilian, where the officers endeavored by their atten
tions to compensate for the indignities he had so far
suffered among them. For there had been the im
position of shackles, in allusion to which Mina said:
"I shudder more to observe so barbarous a custom
than to submit to it." With praiseworthy spirit he
declined to make any revelations.51 The viceroy re-

49 The dragoon, Jose" Miguel Cervantes of Nuevo Santa nder, received the
prize money of $500, a special badge, and a corporalcy. The other soldiers
obtained a general badge. Gaz. de Hex., 1818, ix. 134.

50 And gave additional impulse to his request for a change, which was not
granted. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 443. For first news of the capture,
with odes, etc., see Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 1191, 1210-12.

51 'Sin haber querido hacerclasealgunaderevelacion,'says Torrente, Hist.
Rev., ii. 394, although Bustamante intimates that he answered certain ques
tions. He made it a habit to destroy letters, keeping the information in cipher.
Yet he is said to have written a letter to Lilian, declaring that if sometimes he
seemed a less true Spaniard, it was an error, that the existence of the repub
lican party meant ruin to the country, and offering, if his life were prolonged,
to give advice for the speedy pacification of the provinces. Copy in Mendi-
bil, Resumen Hist., 423, differs. Robinson, ii. 119-20, refuses to believe it
authentic, and declares that he wrote about this time a letter to his comrade
Erdozain, at Los Remedies, exhorting him to pursue a course marked by honor
and consistency. Bustamante, Cuad. llist.,iv. 445-6, insists, however, that
he has seen the autograph letter, and adds, that acting upon it Linan wrote to
the viceroy for instructions whether to spare Mina or not. Apodaca declared
the offer of advice valueless, and ordered his execution. Mina certainly was
somewhat disgusted with the revolutionists as he had found them, and Spanish
pride was strong; so argues Ward, Mex., i. 255, among others. Yet we
know that the authorities made it a rule to issue declarations over the name
of almost every prominent captive, many of which are admitted to be doubt
ful or spurious; and we have royalist testimony to the fact that Mina refused
to make any revelations. A number of men at Los Remedies offered to at
tempt a rescue, but Torres objected to it as a waste of life. Robinson, ii. 133;
Revista Cien., ii. 164.

682 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

peated the order for his execution, and with a view to
make an impression on the garrison of Los Remedies,
the commanding hill of Bellaco was selected for the
scene. As he was led forth on the afternoon of No
vember 11 th, a hush fell upon the battle, and the com
batants turned to gaze in mute sympathy, one side
upon a champion and martyr, the other upon an he
roic countryman. "Do not let me suffer," said Mina,
with resigned tranquillity, as he turned his back to
receive the whizzing bullets.52

And so closed a brief though brilliant career.
Mina's genius is reflected in the daring nature of his
undertaking, with its victories over the armies led by
Arminan, Ordonez, and Castanon, and in nobility of
mind he shines conspicuously by the side of men like
Nicolas Bravo, to relieve with bright humanity a
blood-stained period.53 With a few more followers
such as he brought, the invasion might have achieved
success, by a prompt advance against the yet scattered
royalists, and by threatening Mexico itself; thus giv
ing time for a more effective cooperation, perhaps for
a wide uprising.54 He certainly came at an unfortu
nate moment, when the overthrow of Teran, Victoria,
and other leaders had dampened the ardor of revolu
tionists, confined their struggle to narrow limits,
closing the gates against foreign communication, and
left royalist armies at liberty to combine in large force.
Unacquainted with the country and the people, and

52 After examination by numerous witnesses to place the deed beyond dis
pute, the body was buried in the field near by. For testimony, see Gaz. de
J\fex., 1817, viii. 1364-6. Later it was placed by the side of Hidalgo and other
heroes, in the pantheon at Mexico. Bustamante describes the ceremonies.
Cuad. Hist., iv. 457-60. By decree of July 19, 1823, Mina and Moreno were
declared beneme'ritos with Hidalgo, etc. Mex., Col. Dec. y Ord., ii. 150.

63 True, he yielded for a moment at Bizcocho to clamoring followers and
deep sorrow; and the seizure of property at Jaral was regrettable, in the man
ner rather than the act.

54 Robinson, ii. 128, 143, thinks that with 1,000 foreigners he might have
done as he pleased; or had Torres proved loyal, all might have gone well.
Alaman admits that 2,000 invaders could have achieved their aim. American
merchants gave far less aid than the English. The delay at Soto la Marina
was unwise, and some think Mina should have taken all his forces along.

THE INVASION A FAILURE. 683

without plans, Mina had moreover to struggle with
the diffidence growing out of a comparison between
his small party and the imposing armies of a rich
government.

He also suffered from lack of discipline among the
Mexicans, and from being subjected to a jealousy and
distrust, due greatly to his character as a Spaniard.
The revolutionists were divided with regard to his true
intention; but there is no doubt that, while he may
secretly have desired to maintain the connection be
tween the mother country and the colonies, he worked
faithfully for the independence.55 Whether the time
was ripe or not, Mina evidently failed to strike the
key-note; yet his efforts were by no means in vain,
for they served to expose the weakness of the govern
ment, and demonstrate what a band of determined men
might accomplish. They served also to sustain the rev
olutionary spirit, and pave the way for emancipation.56

All this time the siege of Fort Los Remedios contin
ued without interruption, varied alone by two brilliant

55 His utterances to Spanish soldiers in favor of the constitution of 1812
can be counted only as efforts to promote the cause. When offered the mili
tary command in New Spain, before his flight from Spain, he is said to have
refused it partly on the ground that it was impossible and inadvisable to sub
jugate the country, as Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 316-17, also points out.
His different proclamations are clearly enough for independence, and he
lands under the title of a general of the Mexican republic. Liceaga, Adic. y
Rectific., 300-2, is ready to accept him, with Alaman, Hist. Mej., iv. 628, as
a champion of independence; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 368, 394-5, stamps him
as a republican who seeks to 'arrebatar de las manos de su Soberano i Seiior
los dominios,' etc., and Baz so receives him, Gallo Hombres Iluntres., iv.
283-295; and Robinson never questions his motives. Yet Bustamante assumes
him to be a Spaniard at heart, intent only on reestablishing the constitution
of 1812, and is therefore glad that he failed. ' Yo tengo para mi que fue una
extraordinaria providencia del cielo que no lograra su empresa.' Cuad. Hist.,
iv. 455. Ward, Max., i. 236-7, sides rather with Bustamante. Americans
would no doubt accept the enrolment of troops, mainly in the United States,
as an argument that Mina aimed at a separate republic. He firmly re
jected the tempting offer to begin with freebooter schemes at Pensacola.

56 Despite his prejudices, Bustamante accords glowing tribute to Mina, as
rivalling Napoleon in glory. Abispa, i. 77. Alaman, 11 int. Mej., iv. 628, re
fers to this episode as the 'mas brillante' of the revolution; 'as full of lustre
as any of the same duration,' adds Robinson, Mem. Mex. Rev., ii. 126-7. If
some condemn the undertaking as rash, they must consider that Mina started
it while Teran, Victoria, and others still flourished. When he heard of
their downfall, it was too late to recede. Torrente, Hist. Rev. , ii. 395, esti
mates the cost of the expedition at over $2,000,000, expended on 14.000 uni
forms, 12,000 fire-arms, 30 cannon, etc., but the figures are very doubtful.

684 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

sallies and disastrous assaults.57 Mina had so effect
ually harassed the royalists as to reduce them to
great stress both for food and ammunition, but after
his capture reinforcements as well as supplies came
flowing in, and the batteries soon made sad havoc with
the exterior works of the fortress,58 raking also a vast
extent of ground. All this, however, would not have
availed much against a place so well manned and pro
visioned, at least for some time longer, had not the
ammunition begun to fail. The object of the last
sally had been to supply the deficiency, and this fail
ing, it was resolved to evacuate the stronghold on the
night of January 1, 1818, by the difficult pathway
from the Panzacola, but the least guarded and there
fore the only available exit. As at Sombrero, the
men chivalrously encumbered themselves with the
women and children, who would probably meet with
no worse fate than lenient imprisonment if they re
mained behind, but the sick and wounded were aban
doned to the well known mercies of a ruthless foe.

Unfortunately, the mistake had been made to stop
the usual call of the sentinels, and this intended pre
caution served only to apprise the royalists that flight
was intended. Hence, before half the garrison had
passed the gate the movement was discovered, and in
a twinkling, the signal being given, beacons blazed up
along the passes and hilltops, illuminating the whole
route. And now were repeated the terrible scenes
presented at Sombrero, of scattering fugitives seeking
the dark recesses of the woods and gulches; of a panic-
stricken throng at the ravine pass, struggling in differ
ent directions, some to escape the onslaught of the

57 The former early in Oct. and at close of Dec. , against the Tigre battery,
which had opened a breach in the breastworks of Santa Rosalia. On the first
occasion captains Crocker and Ramsay carried the battery with 250 men,
and destroyed it, the defenders believing that Mina was upon them. The
second sally was only partially successful, for the battery had been strongly
reconstructed. The assaults in the middle of Sept. and Nov. were repulsed
with heavy loss, especially on the latter occasion, when nearly 400 royalists
were killed or wounded.

38 Attempts had also been made to undermine the chief bastion, but so un
skilfully as to be of no avail.

FALL OF LOS REMEDIOS. 685

soldiers, gathering with sword and pike and musket;
others to avoid being pushed headlong over the preci
pice, already red with gore, and resounding with the
groans of the bruised and dying. Large numbers
grasped at temporary relief within the fortress, only
to find it entered from the rear, while flames burst
forth in every direction, enfolding also the hospital,
and roasting alive the inmates, a few crawling forth to
meet a speedier death on royalist bayonets. And so
the slaughter and the hunt continued throughout the
night, till morning came to add fresh zest. Torres es
caped with only a handful, his track marked by bodies
of the slain, which by this time had swollen to about 500.
Over 400 prisoners had been taken, besides as many
women and a host of children; but in this instance the
example set by Mina succeeded in exempting at least
the rank and file from the death awarded to the chiefs.
They were consigned to Mescala presidio; the women
were sent home, with heads ignominiously shaven, to
nurse with the growing locks a deep thirst for ven
geance. The bulwark of the independence was razed.59

59 Among the executed captives were Col Noboa and Lieut-gen. Mufiiz,
known as the gunner, from his predilection for unwieldy artillery. He had
lately accepted pardon, but was lured by Mina's fame to join the cause again.
Arroyo was bayoneted. Lilian gives a list of 15 guns taken, and some mate
rial for ammunition, and makes no allusion to the sentinel call. The garrison
proper had dwindled to about 1,000 men. Details in Gaz. de Mex., 1818, ix.
1G2-86. See also preceding parts for reports on the progress of the siege.
Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 393-4, places the total royalist loss at 171 killed and
about 350 wounded, and Linan seeks to cover it by praising the valor of the
garrison, and dwelling on the strength of Los Remedies. The besieging force
appears to have swelled to fully 0,000 men. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv.
502, states that 273 men were sent to Mescala. Robinson, ii. 166, who denies
that any ammunition was left, intimates that the women were outraged. A
large number of decorations and promotions were given to the victors, with
badges to all the men. See also Noticioso Gen., Oct. 1817 to Jan. 1818, passim.

The earliest and most complete account of Mina's expedition was issued in
1820 by an American merchant, William Davis Robinson. He rushed into
print mainly to ventilate his ill-feeling against the Spanish government for
financial wrongs and imprisonment inflicted upon him. The former came
from mercantile operations with South America since 1799, the latter from
joining in the expedition to Goazacoalco in 1816, under Teran, to whom he sold
a lot of arms. For this transaction he was earned to Spain a prisoner, but
escaped in the spring of 1819, while imder parole, on hearing that he was
about to be transported to the dungeons of Ceuta. He modestly consigns his
own adventures and affairs to an introduction and an appendix, devoting
the text mainly to Mina's expedition, for its interest and the apt illustration
it affords to expose Spanish misrule and weakness. The story is preceded by

686 MINA'S EXPEDITION.

a review of the colonial regime and an outline of operations prior to 1817, and
followed by a special chapter on Spanish cruelty, and another on the problem
of interoceanic communication, with observations 011 trade prospects, the
whole pleasingly interspersed with sketches and reflections on customs and in
stitutions in New Spain, as a rule favorable to the Creoles, although abusive
against peninsular connections. The account is woven from different material,
the story of Mina being drawn from the journal of J. A. Brush, who accom
panied the hero from England, and served a while as commissary-general.
Robinson's knowledge of the field adds value to his work. The fresh interest
roused by Iturbide's revolution extended also to this work, issued at Phila
delphia in 1820, 396 pp., and in the following year it was reprinted at London
in two volumes, with a portrait of Mina. Three years later appeared a Span
ish translation, somewhat faulty, and with suppression of many facts as dis
agreeable and needless. Bustamante makes it a task to combat and correct
many of Robinson's statements, while praising his ability and claiming to have
furnished most of his information — see Cuad. Hist., iii. 377, iv. 306-7 — and
he certainly adds many new points from different sources, toning his narrative
somewhat to suit his conception of Mina as a Spaniard intent mainly on restor
ing the constitution of 1812. Briefer forms of his versions are given in Gavo,
Tres Sights, iv. 138-66, and Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 314-53. I have been
able to throw additional light with aid of such recent collections as Hertian-
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 647-948 passim, containing among other papers
the testimony of Doctor Mier before the inquisition, Declaration, somewhat
vague and distorted by fear, yet valuable; and I have found interesting de
tails in Mier, Vida; Mina, Breve, Extracto de la Vida, L6ndres 1825; in scat
tered documents in Soc. Mex. Geog., dp. 2, iii. 136, 145-69; Pap. Var., xlii.
pt viii., cxlix. pt vi., etc., and I have made a close examination of royalist
reports in Gaz. de Mex., 1817-18, and other sources. Alaman's very accept
able version, Hist. Mcj., iv. 547 et seq., rests on Robinson, Bustamante, and
the Gazetas, and he is closely followed by Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., x. 243 et seq.,
with a few corrections, and still closer by Arrangoiz, Mcj., i. 343-63, who
nevertheless adds a point or two. The article in Dice. Univ., v. 3S1-493, is
by Alaman. Liceaga, Adic. y Rect(ftc., 275-307, contributes a personal story
of the raid on Guanajuato. On Robinson rest mainly the accounts in Ward's
Mex., i. 236-59; Young's Hist. Mex., 129-69; Kennedy's Texas, 291-300, re
lating mainly to the stay at Galveston; Gregory's Hist. Mex, 42, etc.; Mayer's
Mex. Aztec., i. 295-7. In Zavcda, Rev. Mex., 68-73; Revista Cien., ii. 159-
70; Beltrami, Mex., i. 82-161, 351-73, are some observations, the latter show
ing little regard for facts, however. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 65 et seq.,
bases his account mainly on royalist reports, while favoring the republic.
Vigneaux, 8ouv. Mex., 436, compares Mina to Raousset Boulbon, of later
Sonora fame. In Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 283-95, is a eulogy on Mina;
Olavarria y Ferrari, Conde del Venadito, 1-160, is mainly devoted to him, and
his story has been specially elaborated for youths in Mina, Biog., Paris, 1872,
1-175. For additional authorities on this and four preceding chapters, see
C6rtes, Diario, 1813, xviii. 433; 1813, xxi. 151; 1820, ix. 15; 1821, ii. 2; 1821,
xiii. 16; C6rtes, Diario Congreso, i. 105; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1814, i. 453, 457,
463-4, 489-90; ii. 14, 19, 24, 95, 160, 187, 260, 202, 331, 345, 349, 353; Cedu-
lario, MS., iv. 34, 38; Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 865-9, 961-3, 1082-4, 1088,
1090-1, 1099-1102, 1350-1; 1814, v. passim; 1815, vi. passim; 1810, vii. passim;
1817, viii. passim; 1818, ix. 59-64, 134, 257-61; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., i. 777-814, v. 45-91, 126-30, 167-75, 238-50, 273-83, 292-335, 375-613,
650, 662-775, 810, 918, vi. 29-100, 215-74, 313-444, 460-514, 529-802, 925-
48, 1042-49; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 425-7, 580, 583, iv. 1-309, 328-509, 539-
638, 724-8, ap. 11-17, 27-40, 45-7, 52-8, 100-7, v. 958, 900; Buslamante,
Cuad. Hist., i. 49-51, 103, 119, 325-7, ii. 119, 249-58, 274, 288-95, 407-28,
iii. 3-87, 97-399, 422-4, iv. 23-4, 160-7, 171-502, 533-4, 541-7, v. 4, 21-31,
45-53; Id., Elogio Morelos, 8, 20-8; Id., Campauas de Calleja. 9-13, 18, 21,
96, 16G, 178, supl. 1-18; Id., Notic. Biog., 18-19, 22-4; Id., Martirolor/io, 19-
20; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 41-3; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 306-

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CHAPTEE XXIX.

PLAN OF IGUALA.
1817-1821.

CAPTURE OF INSURGENT CHIEFS — FORT OF JAUUILLA — DISPERSION OF THE
JUNTA — PARDON ACCEPTED BY NUMEROUS LEADERS — A FLICKERING
LIGHT — AFFAIRS IN SPAIN — THE SPANISH CONSTITUTION PROCLAIMED
IN MEXICO— ELECTION OF DEPUTIES— THOUGHTS OF INDEPENDENCE—
ITURBIDE REAPPEARS — DIVERSITY OF POLITICAL OPINIONS — PLOTS TO
OVERTHROW THE CONSTITUTION — ITURBIDE IN COMMAND — WELL-DIS
GUISED DESIGNS — OVERTURES TO GUERRERO — INDEPENDENCE PRO
CLAIMED — THE PLAN OF IGUALA — MEASURES OF THE VICEROY.

SOON after the unfortunate Mina had met his death
in front of Los Remedies, another disaster was sus
tained by the revolutionists at the famous hill of
Coporo. Bravo had reoccupied that stronghold, and
repairing the defences, had hoped to maintain his
position. At first his efforts were successful, and two
assaults, conducted respectively by colonels Ignacio
Mora and Jose Barradas, were repulsed with severe
loss to the royalists. Colonel Marquez y Donallo was
then sent from Mexico writh an overwhelming force,
accompanied by Ramon Rayon, whose thorough
knowledge of the ground would be of great service
to the besiegers. The place was now closely invested.
In vain Guerrero tried to throw in supplies. Bene-
dicto Lopez, while engaged in such an attempt, was
captured with all his train; and this true patriot, who in
one of the darkest hours of the cause had given it re
newed life by his victory over Torre at Zitacuaro, was
shot by order of the viceroy. On the 1st of Decem
ber, 1817, the place was carried by assault, many of tho

(688)

INSURGENT DISASTERS. 689

besieged being slain, or perishing in their attempt to
escape down the precipice. Bravo, though dreadfully
bruised in the descent, managed to conceal himself,
and eventually made his way to Huetamo.1

Further calamities now rapidly followed, and a tide
of adversity overwhelmed the remnant left of the first
great leaders of the cause. Ignacio Rayon, persecuted
by the present junta, had fallen into its hands, and
been sent a prisoner to Patambo, there to await his
trial. Verdusco, after narrowly escaping capture in
November 1816, had been appointed in 1817, by the
junta at Jaujilla, comandante general first of the prov
ince of Mexico, and then of the south. In neither
region did he accomplish anything, and he retired to
Purechucho, about half a league from Huetamo. The
capture of these two chiefs was determined upon, and
the execution of it intrusted to Captain de la Cueva
arid Padre Salazar. Their undertaking was not an
easy one, but by falsely representing that they were
going to join Bravo, they arrived with a small force
near Huctamo without encountering any obstacle, and
arrested Verdusco at Purechucho. Bravo, who had
reached Huetamo two days before, on his flight from
Coporo, unbroken in spirit by suffering or disaster,
gathered what force he could and attempted a rescue.
His effort was unavailing, however, and Cueva and
Salazar, having beaten him off, pushed forward with
all speed to Patambo, where they surprised and cap
tured Rayon and his family on the night of the llth
of December. Bravo was, however, still intent on
rescuing the prisoners, and having collected about 300
men, would probably have succeeded had not Colonel
Armijo, the royalist commander in the south, being
instructed to aid Cueva and Salazar, arrived with a

1 Report of Marquez, in Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 1326-7, 1384-99; Bmta-
mante, Cuad. Hist., v. 7. Rayon was rewarded for his services by being
made lieut-col. Bravo's account, as recorded in LL, iv. 229-30, confirms this
statement, though Bustamante makes the assertion that he had ascertained
that Ramon Rayon, at great risk to himself, did not keep faith with the roy
alists, and was of no great service to them.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 44

690 PLAN OF IGUALA.

strong reenforcement. Joined by Guerrero, Bravo
unsuccessfully endeavored to oppose Armijo's advance,
and exhausted by suffering, retired to a secluded
rancho in the sierra, there to attend to his grievous
bodily injuries. But his ill-luck pursued him. Ar-
mijo, having discovered the place of his retreat from
a prisoner whom he captured a few days afterward,
suddenly surrounded the place on the 22d; and Bravo,
Padre Talavera, Colonel Vazquez, and some others
fell into his power.2

The prisoners were conducted to Cuernavaca. The
lives of the ecclesiastics were not in immediate dan
ger, as formal proceedings were ordered to be insti
tuted against them; but Bravo and the other captives
were summarily condemned by the viceroy to be put
to death pursuant to the edicts of Venegas and Calleja.3
Armijo's son, however, hastened to Mexico with a
petition, signed by his father and brother officers, that
Bravo's life might be spared; and Apodaca, inclined
to mercy, and considering the revolution virtually
ended, revoked the death sentence, and issued another
order commanding the secular prisoners also to be put
on their trial. As the viceroy placed the reprieve in
Armijo's hands, he told him that Bravo's life now de
pended on his speed, and at breakneck pace, regard
less of self or horse, Armijo sped on his return. He
arrived at Cuernavaca only just in time to stop the
execution. In the proceedings which followed, every
effort was made to spare the lives of the prisoners;
and though Rayon was condemned to death on July
2, 1818, Apodaca suspended the execution of the sen
tence by decree of September 30th, in the hope that
some loop-hole of escape might be found. When a
general pardon was proclaimed on the occasion of the
king's marriage with a princess of Saxony, the viceroy
was not slow to avail himself of it. Accordingly, in

2 Armijo's reports in Gaz. de Mcx., 1818, ix. 49, 217-23; Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., v. 7-8.

3 The order is produced in the proceedings of Rayon's trial. Hernandez y
Ddvalos, Col. Doc., vi. 951-10/4.

KELEASE OF BRAVO. 691

April, 1820, further proceedings against the prisoners
were stayed; and when during the same year the
Spanish constitution was restored and the king decreed
the release of all political prisoners, Apodaca, in spite
of doubts raised as to the application of the edict to
persons on trial in Mexico, liberated on his own re
sponsibility all such captives by order of October 13th.4
Bravo on his release was treated with much consider
ation by the viceroy, who restored his estate to him.
He retired to Izucar, where he lived in seclusion, while
Rayon and Verdusco went respectively to Tacubaya
and Zamora.

After the fall of C6poro the viceregal government
directed its attention to the destruction of the junta
de Jaujilla, with the object of blotting out the official
existence of the revolution. This junta now consisted
of Ignacio Ayala, Doctor San Martin, a canon of
Oajaca, and Antonio Cumplido.5 The fort to which
they had withdrawn was situated on an isolated rock
in the lake of Zacapo, the only access to it being by
means of a narrow neck connecting it with the main
land. They had also rendered their position still
more unassailable by diverting the current of a neigh
boring river, and thereby flooding the country adja
cent to the lake. Aguirre was accordingly ordered
to proceed from Valladolid and reduce this stronghold.
On the 20th of December, 1817, he appeared before it;
and though his offer of pardon to the authorities and

4 No sentence was recorded against any other prisoner than Rayon. They
had been removed from Cuernavaca to Mexico. Bravo was confined for
nearly three years heavily ironed, and bore his captivity with dignified res
ignation. He was frequently visited by the viceroy, who expressed his admi
ration at his noble demeanor, by saying that he seemed like a dethroned mon
arch. Bravo employed a portion of his time in making cigar-cases, by the
sale of which he procured the luxuries of a little tobacco and chocolate. Ala-
man, Hist. Mcj., iv. 667-8. Fuller particulars of the trials will be found in
Id., iv. 664-7; Notidoto Gen., 1819, March to July, passim, Dec. 15, 1820,
Jan. 21st, and April 5th; Gaz. deMex., 1820, xi. 883; Disposic. Far., ii. 45;
Cortes Act. Pub., i. 1820, July llth, 16th, Aug. 24th; Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., v. 207.

5 The two last-named had succeeded Mariano Tercero and Pedro Villa-
seiior. Mendibil, Resumen Hist. Rev,, 307.

692

PLAN OF IGUALA.

garrison if they surrendered without resistance was
received with contempt, the members of the junta
deemed it prudent to consider their own safety, and
effected their escape a few days afterward, taking
with them the printing-press and archives. Siego
was now regularly laid to the place, Aguirre being
strongly reenforced by Barradas, and by troops and
artillery sent by Cruz. For two months operations
were vigorously carried on,6 the position of the be
sieged becoming daily more desperate. An attempt
made by Father Torres to relieve the garrison failed ;
sallies made from the beleaguered fort were equally

FORT JAUJILLA.

unsuccessful, and on March 6th the defenders capitu
lated on the condition that their lives should be spared.7

6 A detailed account of the siege is given in Aguirre's report of March
7, 1818, in Gaz. tie Alex., 1818, ix. 573 et seq.

7 The command of the fort, owing to the absence of Nicholson, had de
volved on Antonio Lopez de Lara, assisted by captains Christie and James
Devers, who with Nicholson had accompanied Mina from the United States.
Christie and Devers were opposed to the surrender, and being treacherously
seized were delivered bound to Aguirre, who, detesting such perfidy, not only
declined to foring them before a court-martial, according to viceregal orders,
but succeeded in saving their lives. Aguirre attributed the whole merit of
the defence to their firmness and gallantry. Id., 577. He also used his en
deavors to obtain their return to the U. S., but they were sent to Spain.
Aguirre was from Navarre, a relative of Mina, and a man of liberal ideas,
generous as well as brave. Jjustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 505-6; Id.. Supl.
to CavOy Tres Siglos, iv. 166-7; his generosity and gallantry are also corrob-

THE FUGITIVE JUNTA. 693

Meantime ill luck dogged the footsteps of the fugi
tive junta. Ayala and Doctor San Martin were cap
tured;8 and though another junta was formed in the
neighborhood of Huetamo, it was similarly dispersed in
June, and its president, Jose Maria Pagola, and secre
tary, Pedro Bermeo, shot in the cemetery of that
town.9 The year 1818 was otherwise fatal to the cause
of independence and its chief supporters. Padre
Torres, after his unsuccessful attempt to relieve Jau-
jilla, made his name execrated by his tyranny and
violence. Seizing private property, and burning vil
lages and haciendas, under the pretext of cutting off
supplies from the enemy, he soon became a scourge
in the land. His own officers began to hate him, and
revolting against his tyranny, appointed Colonel Juan
Arago as their commander-in-chief in his stead.10 Re-
orated by Robinson, Mem. Mex. Revol, ii. 170-1, ISO. In 1820 he was still
conianclante general of Michoacan, and being aware of the royal amnesty
decreed March 8th of that year, on the reestablishment of the constitution,
though directed by the viceroy to await a decision of the auditor de guerra
on the subject, lie at once set free all the political prisoners held in Valla-
dolid, and reported having done so. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iv. 700-1.

8 They finally received tho benefit of the king's pardon in 1820. For an
account of the capture of San Martin and the dispersal of the junta, consult
Quintanar's report to Cruz in Gaz. de Mex., 1S18, ix. 419-23; Torrente, Rev.
Jfisp. Am., ii. 471-2; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 507-8; audfAceaga, Adic. y
Rectific., 313-16. Mariano Torrente, HistoriadelaRevolucionllixpano Amer
icana, Mad. 1830; 2 vol. Svo, 1st, 116 and 447 pp.; 2d, 572 pp. This author
had written before a work entitled Geografia Universal. In the introductory
part of his history he gives important mining, agricultural, commercial, and
other statistical data, together with a long essay on the state of society in New
Spain. The main portion of the work gives in chronological order the lead
ing events of the Spanish colonies in America from 1807 to 1819. The his
torical facts are mostly taken from Spanish official reports, though for the
most part denuded of the scandalous exaggerations appearing in those re
ports; they appear in concise form, in good order, and in somewhat elegant
language. But the bitter expressions and marked partiality of the author
for Spanish domination render his statements suspicious. He is a strenuous
defender of the Spanish king's divine right to rule both in Europe and Amer
ica, the interests and rights of communities being ignored. According to
his doctrine, the people who were fighting in America for their independence
were rebels, ingrates, and infamous; indeed, his vocabulary hardly furnished
epithets sufficiently strong to apply to them. However, in the midst of all
this, he throws light upon many dark points that might have remained so
forever.

9 Gaz. de Mex., 1818, ix. 635-6; Mendfbil, Rcsilmen Hist., 364-70. Pagola
was a resident of Salvatierra in Guanajuato, of which town he had been a
rcgidor. Berineo was formerly a notary of Sultepec, and secretary of the
congress before its dissolution atTehuacan. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectiftc., 315.

10 Arago was a Frenchman who had accompanied Mina, and was said to be
a brother of the celebrated astronomer of that name. Id. , 309.

CQ4 PLAN OF IGUALA.

fusing obedience to the junta established at Huetaino,
he was at last deserted by most of his followers, and
sought refuge alike from the royalists and revolution
ists in the sierra of Guanajuato, where one Zamora
put an end to his brutal life by thrusting his lance
through him.11 Jose Maria de Liceaga, former mem
ber of the junta de Zitacuaro, was also murdered
at the latter end of this year.12

Zacatula, whither the royalist arms had never yet
penetrated, was taken by Armijo in May, and Mon-
tesdeoca and P. Galeana were driven in flight from the
district. Cuyusquihuy, the last rebel stronghold in
the Huasteca, was captured by Colonel Luvian in Sep
tember, and the plains of Aparn were pacified. During
this and the two following years, in the encounters
which were numerous and only of minor importance,
the royalist arms almost everywhere prevailed. Brad-
burn was defeated at Chucandiro;13 Nicholson and
Yurtis were captured by Barragan at Puruaran, and
shot;14 the Pachones were ceaselessly pursued, and
finally accepted the pardon; Barrabas hill, which had
been fortified by Guerrero, was taken, and that chief
driven across the Mescala into Michoacan, where he
sustained a serious defeat at the Aguazarca, at the
hands of Ruiz;15 and the harassed insurgents, driven

11 He bad won at the hacienda of Tultitan 1,250 pesos from Zamora at cards,
and having received from the latter a favorite horse as pledge for the pay
ment, refused to surrender it next day when Zamora produced the money.
Zamora was instantly slain by a brother of Torres and others who were on
the road with him. Alanian, Hist. Mej.t iv. 688-9.

12 After narrowly escaping capture with Mina at Venadito, he retired to
the hacienda La Laja near Guanajuato and belonging to his family. Depre
dations having been committed by Miguel Borja on a neighboring estate also
belonging to the family, Liceaga proceeded thither to call him to account.
Borja in alarm caused him to be intercepted by one Juan Rios, a known rob
ber, who, on his attempting to escape, ordered his men to fire upon him. Li-
ccaga, Adic. y Reclijic., 317-19. The author states that there are discrepan
cies in the accounts he received of the affair.

13Aguirre's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1818, ix. 634-5. Bradburn joined
Guerrero some time afterward. He obtained his pardon on the arrival of
Iturbidc on the scene, who made him his aide-de-camp. Liceaga, Adic. y JRec-
tific., 397.

14 June 16, 1818. Nicholson was converted to Catholicism two days before
his death. Gaz. de Mcx.t 1818, ix. 1042-5.

15 On the 5th of Nov. 1819, Chivilini and Urbizu were taken and executed.
See Ruiz's report in Gaz. de Mex.t 1819, x. 1211-12, 1269-75, in which he

VICTORIA A FUGITIVE. 695

from place to place, sought the benefit of the pardon in
great numbers, among whom were Ramsey, the brave
defender of Fort Los Remedies, Tercero, ex-mem
ber of the junta, Pablo Anaya, fathers Navarrete
and Carbajal, Huerta, Borja, Arago, Erdozain,10 and
other leaders.

Among the few insurgents who scorned to ask for
royal clemency was Guadalupe Victoria, whom the
government vainly endeavored to capture. A reward
having been offered for his arrest, he fled to the re
cesses of the woods and mountains, and though chased
for six months like a wild beast, he always succeeded
in baffling his pursuers. For more than thirty months,
without a companion, he lived in the fastnesses of
the mountains, undergoing incredible sufferings from
hunger and exposure. During this period he never
saw a human being; his clothes were torn to shreds
and reduced to a single cotton wrapper, and frequently
for four arid five days at a time no food passed his
mouth. But with indomitable will he endured to the
end.17 By 1820 the pacification of nearly the whole
of New Spain had been consummated, and the revo
lution was confined to the narrow limits of the cerro
de la Goleta, where Pedro Ascensio still held out, and
a portion of the district on the banks of the Mescala,
to which Guerrero had retired after his defeat at the
Aguazarca.

says that of Guerrero's 600 men, 400 were killed, and the other 200 fled
day and night without rest or food till they were beyond the Brasilar,
where the pursuit could no longer be continued. Torrente, Revol. Hisp. Am.,
ii. 555; Perez, Dice. Geog. Estad., i. 178.

16 Arago and Erdozain had come with Mina. In their letters to the viceroy
they spoke cf the other party in most offensive terms. Gaz. de Mex., 1819,
x. 797-9. Zamacois takes them to task for their condiict, justly laying more
blame on Arago. Hist. M6j., x. 449-50. Arago later took part in all revolu
tionary plans in Mexico, from that of Iturbide till 1837, when he died a gen
eral. Erdozain at the end of the war of independence was a colonel, and
retired to private life, never taking part in revolutions.

17 Ward, Mex. in 1827, i. 229-31. Alaman would persuade us to believe
that these were mere tales, and that Victoria had his hiding-place in the
hacienda Paso de Ovejas of Francisco de Arrillaga. Hint. Mtj., iv. 640-1.
Ward assures us, however, that he heard the story of Victoria's sufferings
from himself, and it was confirmed by the unanimous evidence of his country
men.

696 PLAN OF IGUALA.

Thus after eight years of a desolating war, the coun
try, raised from ruin, was beginning to taste the pleas
ures of peace. The revolution in its first period had
terminated. The efforts of Hidalgo, Morelos, Bravo,
and others had apparently been in vain; the sacrifices
of blood and treasure, the heroic sufferings, the great
examples of pure and exalted character and high
courage, the prowess of men like Victoria, Mata-
inoros, Trujano, Galeana/Mina, and hundreds of others
had availed naught; the noble spirit shown in the
defence of Cuautla, Izucar, Huajuapan, Coporo, Som
brero, Los Remedies, and other places had been bar
ren of benefit to the cause. And this result was
due mainly to the absence of union among a number
of the prominent chiefs; to rivalries and jealousies on
the part of others; and, generally speaking, to the
lack of discipline shown by so many leaders, who, in
stead of lending a joint cooperation under a central
authority that might have been made very useful,
had become a scourge to the country by their dep
redations and crimes. The Indian masses had become
uncontrollable and dangerous to the respectable por
tion of society ; this drove many to seek the viceregal
protection, and restrained for a time the general desire
for independence which had pervaded even the royal
ist ranks. This will be made evident by coming
events.

The revolution now had but one faint light burning
far away in a rough corner of the mountains in the
south, kept alive by the indomitable patriot, Vicente
Guerrero. It was a dying flame, apparently, that
neither caused the government fear nor inspired hope
in the patriot heart; yet Guerrero would not let it
die; he hoped and prayed and labored that the day
might come when new men and new leaders would
rally round the banner of liberty. But after the old
way there was to be no such happy consummation.
All the same it was to be, however, but as the work
of different men and unexpected combinations, as the

AFFAIRS IN SPAIX. 697

effect of unlooked-for causes. Independence was to
be brought about by a change of front of the army,
directed by a hierarchy,18 and under the leadership of
a late enemy to the cause.

Before continuing the narrative of affairs in New
Spain, let us glance once more at doings in the mother
country, inasmuch as they had a direct connection
with the events leading to the final separation of
Mexico.

A triumphant military revolt restored, early in
March 1820, the constitution of 1812, and compelled
the king on the night of the 7th to accept it, and to
pledge himself to its support. The oath was wrung
from the reluctant Fernando on the 9th by the ayun-
tamiento of Madrid, backed by the people;19 after
which he appointed, as was also required of him, a
"junta provisional consultiva," presided over by Car
dinal Luis de Borbon, archbishop of Toledo, and gen
erally composed of men who used moderately the
absolute powers placed in their hands.20

Early in April, 1820, the first news of the revolu
tionary movements in Spain reached Mexico, and,
when confirmed, caused much excitement among the
Spaniards, some hailing the change enthusiastically,
while others deprecated it. Among the latter were
the upper clergy, who feared that the liberals would
push on the reforms to their prejudice, and therefore
awaited with anxiety the installation of the cortes.
The friends of independence, on the contrary, were
hopeful that the new order of things would afford
them means to attain some of their desires, such as a

18 The incentive of the upper clergy was their hatred of the Spanish con
stitution. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iv. 725.

19 The royal order for the promulgation of the constitution in all the Span
ish dominions is given in Gaz. de Mex., 1820, xi. 671-2.

20 The men that figured in 1812, and suffered in 1814 for their liberal prin
ciples, now claimed their reward in the form of high office. The Mexican
deputies, says Alaman, did not neglect themselves; hence Joaquin Maniau
secured for himself the position of chief of the tobacco bureau in Mexico;
Llave, Couto, Gastaneta, and Ramos Arizjre obtained canonries in New Spain.
Hist. Mej., v. 11-13.

693 PLAN OF IGUALA.

free press, popular elections, and constitutional ayun-
tamientos. At first the viceroy resolved to make no
alteration till he received orders from the court, with
holding the news received from time to time as much
as possible from the public. But a vessel which
sailed from Cadiz on the 5th of April brought the in
formation that a brig of war had sailed on the 24th of
March, bringing orders to establish in New Spain the
constitutional system; whereupon the merchants of
Vera Cruz compelled Governor Davila, who could not
count on the support of the garrison, to proclaim the
constitution in that city on the 26th of May.21 The
same was done at Jalapa on the 28th. Fearing now
that the European portion of the garrison at the capi
tal would follow the example of their comrades in
Spain, the viceroy, in accord with the real acuerdo,
promulgated the constitution on the 31st, after its
adoption by the sovereign had been made known in
an edict. That resolve was hastened by Apodaca's
knowledge of the influence freemasonry was already
exercising in Mexico. There wrere but few masons
in the country before the coming of the expeditionary
forces, and these had preserved strict secrecy from
dread of the inquisition.22 The field and nearly all
the company officers of those troops, as well as of the
navy, were members of the order, and it was whis
pered that Apodaca was one of them, though this was
not divulged. He was, however, sure that the masons
had effected the revolution in Spain, and feared that
those in the army of Mexico had been directed to
promote one in the colony. The instructions received
from the court were therefore rigidly carried out.
The viceroy, audiencia, and other authorities took the

21 Davila said that the next proclamation would be that of independence,
but was not heeded; his predictions being treated as the 'temores ridicules
de un anciano servil.' Santa Anna, who stood by him when he uttered them,
informed Alaman.

22 The first to bring them together was the oidor of Mexico, Felipe Mar
tinez de Aragon. The chief masons were Fausto de Elhuyar, the mineralogist,
two Franciscans, and a few others, all of them Spaniards, who belonged to
the order. Liceaya, Adlc. y Rectific., 387.

CONSTITUTIONAL ELECTIONS. 699

oath in form23 on the 17th of June, the reestablish-
ment of freedom of the press was published, and the
junta de censura was constituted, the same persons
who were appointed in 1813 being elected;24 the acor-
dada, inquisition, and other privileged jurisdictions
were suppressed, the administration of justice being
established in accordance with the decree of the cortes
of that year; and the corporations and authorities pre
scribed by the constitution were organized, as soon as
possible. The election of members to form the con
stitutional ayuntami^^i^ the capital took effect on
the 18th of June, aP^W^mniards being chosen.25

On the 18th of September the election of deputies
to the ordinary session for 1820-21, of the national
congress, and to the diputacion provincial26 took place
with no little disorder, but with less enthusiasm than
that shown in the former constitutional epoch. The
choice fell almost exclusively on ecclesiastics and law
yers, with a sprinkling of soldiers, merchants, and men
of no particular calling, among whom were three na
tives of Spain, namely, Colonel Matias Martin y
Aguirre, comandante of Michoacan, chosen for San
Luis Potosi, Ton-ids Murphy, and Andres del Rio for
Mexico.27 These deputies arrived at Madrid after the
second session of the c6rtes had begun.

23 The archbishop and his chapter on June 1st, and later, from day to day,
the courts, officials, corporations, religious communities of both sexes, etc.
The 9th of that month was appointed for the solemn promulgation. Gaz. de
Ilex., 1820, xi. 547, 553-5, 677-8; Noticioso Gen., 1821, Feb. 16; La Cruz,
vii. 548.

21 The junta consultiva of Madrid on the 10th of March, and Apodaca in
his edict of June 19th, urgently recommend writers to use the liberty granted
\vii;h moderation, in enlightening the government and in promoting national
welfare. Gaz. de Alex., 1820, xi. 591-4, 697-711.

25 The election took place pursuant to the viceroy's decree of June 14th.
Dixpo*. Var., ii. 42-3.

'26 The territory within the jurisdiction of the junta preparatoria did not in
clude Yucatan or Nuevo Leon, which were to have juntas of their own. The
district of that junta comprised the following provinces: Mexico, Puebla, Oaja-
ca, Guanajuato, Valladolid, Vera Cruz, and San Luis Potosi; Tlascala was con
stituted together with Huejocingo as a province detached from Puebla, and
Queretaro another, separate from Mexico. The total population to be repre
sented was set down at 2,886,238 souls; at the rate of one deputy for every
70,000, there were awarded to said district 41 deputies. Gaz. de Mex., 1820,
xi. 683-8.

27 At the installation of the cortes on the 9th of July, New Spain was rep-

700 PLAN OF IGUALA.

Spain since the reestablishment of the constitu
tional regime had been subject to continual disturb
ances. The reforms and innovations introduced dur
ing the first session of the congress were vigorously
maintained and extended in the second, the American
deputies cooperating with the radicals in the hope
that the independence of Spanish America might be
achieved. The upsetting of the government policy
in the metropolis was not without effect in the ultra
marine provinces.23 In New Spain the desire for inde
pendence, though restrained, was not dead. Visions
of its consummation without the terrible disorder
which had hitherto marked the revolution began to
present themselves, and a radical change in public
opinion was taking place. The troops, the ecclesias
tics, government officials, property owners, and other
influential classes were no longer disposed to aid in
putting down the revolt that seemed impending.
Even the Spaniards were not animated by the same

resented by suplentes chosen in the same manner as those to the cortes of
1810, namely, Miguel Ramos Arizpe and Jose" Mariano Michelena, both of
•whom had been active cooperators of the late revolution, the former in Va
lencia and the latter in Coruila. Arizpe had been confined since 1814 in
the Carthusian convent near Valencia, whence he had been removed by
Gen. Ello, for his connection with that revolution, to a more rigorous prison
for trial; but the revolution having triumphed, on the 10th of March Arizpe
was released, and was instrumental in saving Elio from being torn to pieces
by the infuriated populace. The other members were Jose" M. Couto, Manuel
Cortazar, Francisco Fagoaga, Jose" M. Montoya, and Juan de Dios Cafiedo.
With the exception of the last named, those suplentes, like the others of
the Spanish ultramarine provinces, took part only in such discussions as
interested their own party, which was the exaltado, or radical. Only su-

Elentes represented America in the c6rtes of 1820. They urged the law of
ept. 27th for a complete forgetfulness of the past in the American provinces,
whether wholly or partly pacified, to such inhabitants as should have recog
nized and sworn to support the constitution ; all political prisoners were to
receive unconditional amnesty. The same deputies, the most active of them
being Arizpe, in a printed letter of Jan. 22, 1821, to the minister of war,
called for the removal from office of viceroys Pezuela and Apodaca, generals
Morillo, Cruz, and all other military officers who had distinguished them
selves in the insurrection, for which reason they were represented as hostile
to the constitutional system. The same deputies brought their influence to
bear in favor of Juan O'Donoju's appointment to succeed Apodaca. Arizpe,,
Idea Gen. sobre conducta, 10-20; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 23, 33-5.

28 Among the measures adopted by the ministers, with the forced sanction
of the king and the approval of the cartes, were many involving radical
changes, including religious reformation, namely, suppression of the Jesuits,
abolition of ecclesiastical fueros, sequestration of church property, etc.

REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES. 701

sentiments.29 A general conspiracy against the gov
ernment was soon inaugurated, agents being scattered
throughout the provinces to make proselytes. The
chief authority was derided; the government ridi
culed and attacked on all sides by the press, at public
meetings, and by corporations claiming powers which
by law they did not possess. The example presented
at the capital was readily followed in the provinces,
and erelong the impression prevailed that before the
end of the year another revolution would break out,
headed by one or more of the pardoned leaders, or
promoted by the clergy under the wing of the bishop
of Puebla, who was strongly opposed to the new
principles. Some even conjectured that the United
States would revolutionize the country if the Floridas
were not at once surrendered under the treaty of
February, 1819. Such being the bent of the public
mind, Odoardo, the fiscal of the real audiencia, recom
mended the temporary suspension of the constitu
tional system, and proposed that the country should
be ruled under the laws of the Indies by a viceroy
clothed with absolute powers. But it is easy to per
ceive that the remedy suggested was impracticable,
when the universal tendency was to independence,
the only difference of opinion being as to the best
mode of effecting it.

Prior to the promulgation of the constitution, con
ferences were held at the rooms of Doctor Matias
Monteagudo,30 in the oratory of San Felipe Neri, and
attended by men of high official and social standing,

29 Alaman furnishes copious extracts from the important report made by
the fiscal of the audiencia on the 24th of Oct. 1820, to the supreme govern
ment in Madrid, confirming the facts as stated in the text. The fiscal, Jose"
Hip61ito Odoardo, was a man of extensive information, and had long resided
in Mexico. Hist. AJcj., v. 42-9.

30 A canon of the metropolitan church, who played a prominent part in the
deposal of Viceroy Iturrigaray, and thereby won a high standing among the
Spaniards. Alaman says that he obtained particulars of these meetings from
the fiscal Odoardo, which were afterward confirmed by Licentiate Zozaya, who
was Itnrbide's attorney in some personal matters, and had many conversations

him on public afi'airs. Hist. Mej., v. 50.

702 PLAN OF IGUALA.

who detested the principles advanced in the Spanish
cortes on religious matters, and were resolved to op
pose the establishment of the constitution in Mexico.
Among them were the regente Bataller, the high ec
clesiastics, the ex-inquisitor Tirado, and several other
Spaniards who disliked for their own private reasons
a constitutional regime. But in order to carry out
their plans a military leader of repute on whom they
could rely was needed, and they bethought them
selves of Colonel Agustin de Iturbide as the right
man for their purpose.

I have in former chapters laid before the reader
the brilliant services of this officer in the field,31 and
his recall to Mexico in 1816 to meet charges brought
of illegal proceedings in securing wealth. Iturbide's
relations with Monteagudo began at that time, and it
was said that, affecting piet}^ he joined in the religious
practices of the congregation of San Felipe Neri for
the purpose of winning the doctor's good- will and con
sequent influence in his favor with Bataller, then
auditor de guerra, and as such Iturbide 's judge. Be
this as it may, he was acquitted,32 but was not restored
to his command, nor was he again called into active
service till 1820. The government, however, gave
him the profitable lease of an hacienda near Chalco,
formerly in charge of the society of Jesus. Iturbide
was at this time in the prime of life. Handsome in
person, elegant in mien, and attractive in manners
and speech, he soon became a favorite in society.
During his retirement he surrendered himself to the

31 Iturbide 's reputation is marred by many acts of cruelty and other offences
of which he was accused by public opinion; some of the cruelties ascribed to
him are indeed too horrible for belief, and as they have not been fully au
thenticated, it is to be hoped that the accusations were not founded on fact.
The details appear in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 245-6, 260-1, 386; Busta-
mante, Mem. hist. Hex., MS., v. 13; Id., Garza Viudicado, 6; Ward'* Mcx.,
i. 263. Beltrami says that his horrible acts shocked both Llano and Calleia.
Mex., ii. 21.

32 The inquiry into his conduct was stifled; in fact, the malversations he
was accused of extended more or less to the whole army, which showed a dis
position to make common cause with him. Ward's Alex., i. 265-6: Arroniz,
Blog. Mex., i. 200.

ITURBIDE'S PROJECTS. 703

dissipations of the capital, winch caused serious dis
sension in his family, resulting in frequent ebullitions
of his imperious temper. He had already squandered
most of his ill-gotten fortune before the constitution
was promulgated in Mexico ; and his impoverished con
dition was the very one which might be expected to in
fluence a man of his character to accept proposals that
offered him an opportunity of winning rank, honors,
glory, and wealth.33 Overtures were therefore made
to him; and in order to further his own projects, he
pretended to enter into the plans of the malecontent
party, and offered his services to the viceroy, who at
this time was himself inclined to ignore the constitu
tion, and contemplated maintaining the form of gov
ernment as established by the laws of the Indies.
Iturbide was aware that the object for which he was
wanted was impracticable; but his aim was to secure
a command, and to give the first impulse to a revolu
tion which he hoped afterward to control as suited
himself. The plan came to naught, however, through
Apodaca being obliged to proclaim the constitution ;
but Iturbide did not fail to perceive that the very
promulgation of the new system made a revolution in
evitable, and accordingly formed his plans to direct it.
Clandestine meetings of different political parties
were held in numerous places, and a great variety of
opinions was expressed. The Spaniards mostly favored
the constitutional system, or a modified form of it
adapted to the conditions of the country. Among
the Mexicans more diversified views prevailed; and
though all wished for independence, they were divided
both as to the mode of securing it and the form of
government to be adopted. With regard to the first
point, the extermination of the Spaniards, their ex
pulsion from the country, and the more moderate pro-

33 It is said that Iturbide had been in favor of his country's independence,
but was opposed to the plans of the insurgents whom he fought with so much
vigor. He made his ideas known to Filisola, then a captain and later a gen
eral of the Mexican army, as well as to his lawyer, Zozaya. Alaman. Hint.
Mej., v. 56-7.

704 PLAN OF IGUALA.

posal that they should be only excluded from public
office were severally advocated as means of attaining
it. As to the form of government, absolute mon
archy, a limited monarchy with the Spanish constitu
tion, or with one expressly framed for Mexico, a fed
eral republic, and a central republic were the various
systems discussed, each of which found supporters.
Iturbide from the first manifested his repugnance
to democracy in any form, and his preference for a
moderate rnonarchv. His first intention was to make

himself master of the capital ; 3* but it was finally con
cluded b}T his party that it would be safer to begin
operations in the provinces, with the capital as the
objective point. Accordingly he applied to the vice
roy for a military command, and was appointed to suc
ceed Colonel Armijo as comandante general in the
south.35 On this occasion he had a long private con
ference with Apodaca, but what was said has never
transpired. All that the public knew was that Itur
bide was going south to extinguish the last embers of
rebellion, with instructions, delivered verbally, to in
duce if possible Guerrero to accept the indulto. Hav
ing asked for the Celaya regiment, of which he was
colonel, he started for his post, provided with short
notes for Parres, Echavarri, Anastasio Bustamante,
Roman of Teloloapan, and Arce of the plains of
Apam.

The plan formed was, that the deputies then about
to leave for Spain should constitute themselves into a
national independent congress at Vera Cruz, while
Iturbide simultaneously proclaimed independence in
the south. With this understanding, Iturbide had
started for Cuernavaca, and the deputies Gomez Pe-
draza, Molinos del Campo, and Gonzalez Angulo for
Puebla; but nothing was accomplished by them or

34 Details of his plan are given in Pedraza, Manif., 7-8.

35 Armijo had repeatedly asked to be relieved. Iturbide's appointment
was made on the 9th of Nov. , and he left for the south on the 10th. Mcx.
Col. Ley. Fund., i. 1; Mex. Boaquejo Rev,, 45-6.

ITUEBIDE'S PREPARATIONS. 705

their colleagues, and becoming alarmed, the deputies,
to the number of thirty-seven, finally embarked.36

The command given Iturbide was not the most
suitable for carrying out his purposes, and he even
accepted it with some reluctance.37 It comprised the
region extending from the districts of Tasco and
Iguala to the coast, and was divided from one end to
the other by the river Mescala, which separated the
Goleta range, occupied by Ascensio Alquisiras as a
subordinate of Guerrero, from the Sierra Madre on
the south, where Guerrero had established his head
quarters, in the vicinity of Ajuchitlan and the Coro-
nilla Mountains.

Iturbide endeavored to prevail on the viceroy to
place at his command the largest possible force and
pecuniary means; and his correspondence is replete
with flattering promises and assurances of devotion,
couched in phraseology, however, carrying a double
meaning. ss The call for an increased force was ap
parently well grounded. The troops hitherto serving

36 The deputies wanted independence provided it dropped from heaven.
At one time they thought of joining Iturbide, but were deterred by the fear
that the viceroy might be alarmed and frustrate Iturbide's plans. They ac
cordingly embarked for Cuba. Pedraza, Manif., 9-10. In this connection
Alaman's biographer says that Alaman and other deputies were informed in
Jan. 1821, by one of their number, Juan Gomez Navarrete, of Iturbide's plan
for independence, and asked not to embark, but to meet in congress at the op
portune time. There being good reason, however, to fear the government
had now suspicions, they departed on the 13th of February. Even those who
had no intention of going to Spain did so, but tarried at Habana to await
coming events. Alaman, Apuntes Biog., 12-13; Id., Hist. Mej., v. 87-9; Li-
ceafja, Adic. y Rectific., 403-4; Gaz. de Max., 1821, xii. 285-7.

37 On account of the insalubrity of the climate. In 1811 he had been
twice at the point of death from disease in the tierra caliente. The viceroy
verbally promised to relieve him soon. Prior to his departure, doubtless with
the view of better concealing his intent, he addressed a petition through the
viceroy to the king for promotion to a brigadiership, and in a private note to
Secretary Badillo asked his good offices with the viceroy to forward his wishes.
Liceacja, Adic. y Rectific., 389-90. Alaman declares that he saw the note in
Badillo's possession. Hist. Mej., v. 68.

38 In a letter of Nov. 19, 1820, he pledges himself to embody in his future
statements only such facts as behooved an honorable man, declaring at the
same time that his purpose was to restore order and to operate to the viceroy's
glory by bringing peace to the whole country. He assures Apodaca that
after striking the blow he has planned, the troops may go back to their re
spective stations, and 'if in the mean time the capital (which God forfend)
should demand attention,' he would rush to its succor, as well as to any other
place that might need it. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 93-4.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 45

706 PLAN OF IGUALA.

under Armijo were scattered in detachments stationed
at long distances from one another, and could ill with
stand the continual attacks of the insurgents. Guer
rero's forces, which numbered about 2,000 men well
armed and disciplined, were in the heart of the dis
trict, and the rough nature of the country enabled
him not only to stand successfully on the defensive,
but at times to strike heavy blows.39

Iturbide established his headquarters in Teloloapan,
the most central point in the district. On the arrival
of the Celaya regiment, without waste of time he drew
aside Francisco Quintanilla, captain of the third com
pany, apprised him of his scheme, and asked if he could
rely on his support and that of his brother officers.
Quintanilla could hardly believe his ears; but his
commander that same afternoon placed in his hands
for perusal the famous plan that was proclaimed some
weeks later in Iguala, and correspondence with resi
dents of the highest standing in the capital. The
signatures were convincing, and the captain unhesitat
ingly assured Iturbide that he might safely count on
the regiment, then 517 strong.

Continuing his correspondence with the viceroy,
Iturbide kept asking for more troops and money,
while repeating his assurances of loyalty.40 As far as
lay in his power, Apodaca acceded to Iturbide's re
quests; and his disposition to do so gave rise afterward
to a supposition that he was also in accord with the
revolutionary plan then being concocted, an idea appar
ently corroborated by the ill success of the subsequent

39 His army of the south well deserved the name. It was as efficient as
that of the royalists, and its prestige was great. The coast of Acapulco, and
a large portion of the provinces of Valladolid and Guadalajara, were its field
of action. Id., 92.

40 In a letter of Dec. 10th from Teloloapan, using remarks open to sus
picion, he speaks of the expediency of applying 10,000 or 12,000 to the further
ance of his plan, as it would save one year's operations, and perhaps 250,000
or 300,000 pesos. In another of Jan. 1, 1821, he says that the bishop of
Guadalajara had lent him, *de persona a persona,' 25,000 pesos, borrowed on
interest upon his own estates. On the 15th of Dec. the treasury officials of
Mexico were directed to place 12,000 pesos in Cuernavaca, subject to Itur
bide's order. Two large remittances of war material were also sent him. Id.,
95-6.

ROYALIST REVERSES. \ 707

military operations. But facts all tend to prove that
the viceroy had no suspicion of Iturbide's real purpose.
Apodaca was a faithful subject of Fernando, and his
loyalty would not permit a project to detach Mexico
from the Spanish crown.41

Iturbide's force on the 21st of December amounted
to 2,479 men,42 scattered throughout his district; and
on the 22d he started from Teloloapan for the pur
pose of concentrating them, with the double object of
assuming the offensive against the insurgents and
placing himself in a position to effect the meditated
revolution which, according to the plans formed, was
to take place in March following. Dispositions were
at once made to open the campaign. The troops were
brought together and formed into strong divisions,
and active operations opened. But sanguine as had
been Iturbide's expectations of immediate success, a
series of reverses followed. Both he and his officers
were signally discomfited, both by Guerrero and
Ascensio,43 and the plan which he had formed of con
fining the former in the sierra lying between the

41 Liceaga says that Apodaca's nobleness of character made him an easy
dupe, and he could not suspect in others a perfidy he was himself incapable
of. And yet he leans to the belief that he was in accord with Iturbide. Adic.
y Rectijic., 396, 414, 420. The viceroy has been accused by some of having,
together with the enemies of constitutional government, employed Iturbide to
upset the new system and restore the old one. Ward's Mex., i. 262. It was
even asserted that King Fernando had a hand in the plan; and in proof of
it a letter to that effect was published as coming from the king, which has
been subsequently pronounced apocryphal. Apodaca himself afterward con
tradicted the whole story. His son, Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, vindicated his
memory from the aspersions thrown upon it by a writer named Rivero, Nov.
1847, in El Espanol of Madrid, which led to a correspondence between them.

42 According to his report to the viceroy. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic., 396.

43 On the 27th of Dec. Lieut-col Berdejo was defeated near Chichihualco at
the Cueva del Diablo, and oil the 28th Iturbide himself was routed by Ascen
sio near San Martin de los Lubianos. In his report of the 31st he made things
appear as well as possible; but the fact is, that he met with a very serious set
back. On the 20th of Jan. 1821, Lieut-col Moya suffered severely at Guer
rero's hands, the grenadiers of the south being cut to pieces, and his line of
communication interrupted by the occupation of Sapatepec by Guerrero.
Iturbide's irritation tit this disaster was great, and his report to the viceroy
was exceedingly unfavorable to Moya, whom he also addressed in a very acri
monious despatch. Again, on Jan. 25th, Lieut-col Torres was attacked near
San Pablo. Id., 397-400; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 97-9. The fact that
the official reports do not appear in the government gazette is proof of the
seriousness of these defeats.

70S PLAN OF IGUALA.

coast and the Mescala, and the latter to the cerro de
la Goleta, and then destroying them in turn, proved
abortive. In view of this stubborn resistance, Itur-
bide, who feared that a protracted struggle would
frustrate his own project, opened communications with
Guerrero, with the obiect of inducing that chief to aid

9) O

him in his scheme. He had previously entered into
some negotiations with Guerrero, to whom most favor
able offers were made if he would place himself and
his force under the Spanish government;44 but the in
dependent leader scornfully refused to accept pro
posals which were tantamount to the offer of a pardon
so repeatedly rejected by him.45

Iturbide's real object had been to open secret rela
tions with Guerrero, and he did not allow this rebuff to
discourage him. On the 4th of February he again
v/rote, inviting him to a personal interview at or near
Chilpancingo, and apprising him verbally of his design
by the mouth of a trusty messenger. Half an hour's
conversation, he said, would bring them to an under
standing. But instances of royalist perfidy were too
numerous, and Guerrero would not trust him; he,
however, sent Colonel Jose Figueroa to arrange the
terms proposed by Iturbide, which were consummated.
They were to the effect that Guerrero with all his
forces should aid the former in carrying out his pro
ject. This most important point gained, Iturbide
continued to deal out in liberal doses his duplicity.

44 He addressed Guerrero on the 10th of Jan. , and promised that he should
be retained in his command and be allowed means for his support. He
grounded his promises on the supposition that the deputies to Spain would
obtain consideration for Mexican interests, and that the king or some member
of his family would come to reign in Mexico; even if this did not come to pass,
he declared and pledged himself to be the first to defend with his sword and
fortune the rights of all Mexicans. The whole correspondence may be found
in Mcx., Cartas de los Senorcs Generates, 1-8; Iturbide, Id., 1-8; Perez, Dice.
Geog. y Eslad., i. 38-42; Mex. Bosquejo Revol., 43-62; Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., v. 99-106; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 211-13; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 1-4;
Zerccero, Discurso Civ., 34-41.

45 This answer, dated Jan. 20th, is an ably written one, and the authorship
is attributed to Col Jos6 Figueroa, who was with Guerrero, and acted in the
negotiations as his trusty agent. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 401. Figueroa
became later a general of brigade, and died at Monterey, California, filling the
offices of gefe politico and comandante general.

ITURBIDE AND GUERRERO. 709

He informed the viceroy that Guerrero had placed him
self with 1,200 armed men under the viceroy's govern
ment, on the condition of their not being regarded as
pardoned insurgents, and had furthermore pledged
himself to induce Ascensio, Montesdeoca, and Guzman
to do likewise. The whole number of men thus placed
at his disposal would be 3,500.46

Iturbide had meantime adopted other measures for
the success of his enterprise in Nueva Galicia, Michoa-
can, Guanajuato, and elsewhere.47 Two factors were
still wanting, namely, a printing-press and money.
The former was supplied by securing a press at Pue-
bla owned by Joaquin Furlong. To meet the latter
necessity, Iturbide brought his diplomatic powers into
play. The conducta for Acapulco had been detained
in the capital owing to its risk of capture, but Itur
bide could now answer for its safety and offered to
convey it to the port. Accordingly it was despatched

<J L O t/ L

with the consent of the agents of the Manilla mer
chants, who forwarded therewith the proceeds of their
last received Asiatic goods, amounting to 525,000
pesos, which Iturbide of course appropriated.48

All was now prepared, and with no further delay, on
the 24th of February, 1821, Iturbide, who was at
Iguala,49 issued a printed proclamation to the inhabi
tants of New Spain, setting forth the necessity of
independence, and informing them that he had de
signed and framed a plan for the formation of national

46 Despatch of Feb. 18, 1821. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 187-8; Mex. Bos-
quejo Itevol., 65.

47 Captain Diaz de la Madrid went to arrange matters with Negrete, who
though a Spaniard had liberal ideas, and was convinced that the Spanish do
minions in America could no longer be held as colonies. Captain Quintanilla
was commissioned to make the necessary arrangements with Quintanar, Bar-
ragan, and Parrel in Valladolid, and with Bustamante and Cortazar in the
Bajio of Guanajuato. In due time he also obtained the assent of Lieut-col
Torres. Liceaga, Adlc. y fiectific., 402.

48 The agents, being friends of Iturbide, were suppossed to have been aware
of his intention. Id., 408-9, 416. On the 24th of Feb. he wrote them to the
effect that he had detained the funds, but that if the viceroy acceded to a
certain proposal made him that very day, they would be forwarded to their
destination. Bustamante, Cuad. Hixt., v. 107.

49 Where he had detained the conducta.

710 PLAN OF IGUALA.

principles and the establishment of a future govern
ment. This was the celebrated Plan de Iguala, which
I epitomize in a note.50

The troops at Iguala pledged themselves to sup
port the proclaimed plan, and the following day was
fixed for the administration of the prescribed oath to
the officers and men, which was solemnly carried out.51

No time \vas lost in laying the proceedings before
the viceroy, and Iturbide addressed two letters to him,
one official, and the other confidential, in which he

50 Art. 1 . The religion of New Spain is and shall be the Roman Catholic
Apostolic, without tolerating any other. 2. New Spain is independent of the
old, and of every other power, even of this continent. 3. Her government shall
be a moderate monarchy, under a constitution specially adapted for it. 4.
The emperor shall be Fernando VII. ; and should he not present himself with
in the time the c6rtes shall fix, to take the oath, then the infante Carlos,
Prince Francisco de Paula, the archduke Carlos, or any other member of the
reigning family that the cortes may designate, shall be called to occupy the
throne. 5. Pending the meeting of the c6rtes, a junta shall provide for con
vening them, and for the fulfilment of this plan. 6. The junta gubernativa
must be composed of the members named in the official letter to the viceroy.
7. Till Fernando VII. comes and takes the oath, the junta shall govern in his
name; all orders he may issue shall be held in suspense till he has taken the
oath. 8. Should Fernando not come out, the junta shall govern in the nation's
name till there be an emperor. 9. This government will be sustained by the
army of the three guaranties, of which more hereafter. 10. The cortes shall
resolve to continue the junta, or substitute a regency till the emperor's
arrival. 11. The c6rtes shall frame at once the constitution of the empire.
12. All inhabitants, whether white, African, or Indian, are qualified to hold
office. 13. Persons and property shall be respected and protected. 14.
Secular and regular clergy shall be upheld in their f ueros, preeminences, and
estates. 15. All offices and public employes shall be continued as heretofore:
only such officials as oppose this plan being removed. 16. A protecting
army, to be called Ejdrcito de las tres garantias, shall be created to prevent
at all hazards any violation of such guaranties. 17, 18, and 19 refer to the
organization, privileges, and duties of the army. 20. Offices shall be bestowed
provisionally in the nation's name on the most meritorious. 21. In criminal
trials the Spanish constitution shall be observed till a Mexican one has been
promulgated. 22 and 23 provide against conspiracies, and for the treatment
of conspirators. 24. The c6rtes shall be constituent; and the deputies be
chosen with that view; the junta fixing rules and time. Gaz. Imp. Mex., i.
81-4; Buatamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 116-18; Liceacja, Ad'tc. y Rectific., 434-7;
Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 4-9; Notidoso Gen., 1821, Oct. 3, supl. 1-2; Gac. de
Guad., 1821, July 21, 33-4; 1822, May 29, 402-3; Iturbide, Breve Reseti'i,
11-17; Alaman, Hist. Mtj., v. app. 8-13; Ward, Mex. in 1827, i. app. 525-
7; Mex. Diario Cong. Constituy., ii. 498-502.

51 Among the officers were several Spaniards. Iturbide had made known
that the step taken by him had been with the assured cooperation of Guer
rero. The troops at Sultepec, under Lieut-col Torres, adhered to the plan,
and the example was followed by Cuilti at Zacualpan. But the European force
at Temascal tepee or Tejupilco, and the two companies stationed at Ala-
huitbn, retired to Toluca. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 441; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,
v. ap. 13-15.

THE VICEROY'S ACTS. 711

tendered him the presidency of the future junta guber-
nativa, enclosing a list of proposed members.52 Let
ters were also addressed to the archbishop and others
in Mexico. Whether or not Apodaca was implicated
in Iturbide's project, as soon as he heard of the publi
cation of the plan de Iguala, he took steps to oppose it,
and issued a proclamation to the people warning them
against revolutionary schemes, and advising them to
pay no heed to papers intended to support them.53
He also concentrated a force at the hacienda of San
Antonio, nine miles south of Mexico, for the protec
tion of the capital; made preparations for the organi
zation of an arrny of 4,000 or 5,000 men, to be called
Ejercito del Sur, the command of which was given to
General Lilian; and reappointed Armijo to the com
mand in the south.54 Nor were measures of policy
neglected. A general pardon was proclaimed to all
officers and men who should abandon Iturbide's stand
ard.55 His family was prevailed on to urge him to de
sist from his purpose, while at the same time he was
proclaimed an outlaw, which was an act foreign to the
constitution now in force.

52 They were: Miguel de Bataller for vice-president, Dr Miguel Guridi y
Alcocer, conde de la Cortina, Juan B. Lobo, Dr Matias Monteagudo, Oidor
Isidro Yaiiez, Jose" Maria Fagoaga, Juan Jose" Espinosa de los Monteros, Juan
Francisco Azcarate, Dr Rafael Suarez Pereda, Suplentes — Francisco Sanchez
de Tagle, Oidor Ramon Ose"s, Juan Jose Pastor Morales, and Col Ignacio
Aguirrevengoa. Among them were seven Spaniards. Bustamantc, Cuad.
Ilitt., v. 118-26; Hex. Bosquejo HevoL, 66-71, 104-9; Liceaga, Adic. y Rec-
ti/ic., 442.

53 Proclamation of March 3d, seconded the same day by the ayuntamiento
of Mexico. Gaz. deMex., 1821, xii. 224-8.

'^Gdz. de Max., 1821, xii. 234-6, 241-4.

55 Edict of March 8th; letter to Liuan of the 13th; proclamation of tho
14th. Id., 242, 265-7.

CHAPTER XXX.

TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.
1821.

DISCOURAGING PROSPECTS — INDEPENDENCE PROCLAIMED AT GUANAJUATO —
VALLADOLID CAPITULATES — THE PROVINCIAS INTERNAS REVOLUTION
IZED — ITURBIDE AT QUERETARO — APODACA'S DEPOSAL— His CONDUCT
DISCUSSED — His SUCCESSOR — BRAVO JOINS THE REVOLUTIONISTS— OP
ERATIONS IN PUEBLA AND VERA CRUZ— SANTA ANNA REPULSED AT

VERA CRUZ— VICTORIA'S REAPPEARANCE — ITURBIDE ENTERS PUEBLA —
ARRIVAL OF O'DoNOju — His ANTECEDENTS — TREATY or CORDOBA —
NOVELLA HESITATES TO RECOGNIZE O'DONOJU — ITURBIDE ENTERS THE
CAPITAL — END OF THE REVOLUTION.

THE events immediately succeeding Iturbide's de
fection were not favorable to his aims; the viceroy,
on the other hand, received from all sides expressions
of loyalty. Even the troops that had seconded the
movement did not show the resolution needed for
such an enterprise; desertions daily occurred, owing
to the influence of the masonic order, which had taken
a decided stand in favor of the constitutional system,
and the ejercito trigarante was soon reduced to less
than one half of its original number. Iturbicle, fear-

O '

ing that he might be attacked by an overwhelming
force, abandoned Iguala, and placing the money of
the Manila conducta under a strong guard on the Bar-
rabd,s hill, went on the 12th of March to Teloloapan,
continually losing men by desertion. His position
became perilous, and had Lifian marched in force
against him, as the viceroy wished, the revolted army
would have been compelled to disperse and Iturbide
have been driven to seek safety with Guerrero on the

(712)

GROWTH OF INSURRECTION". 713

other side of the Mescala. The revolution would
indeed have been smothered at the start. But Lilian
failed to obey the viceroy's orders, alleging various
reasons.1 As it was, Guerrero was allowed to join
Iturbide at Teloloapan without interruption.2

The two chiefs soon came to an understanding as
to the plans of the campaign. Guerrero, with his
subordinates Ascensio, Juan del Carmen, and others,
was to keep the government's attention diverted,
while Iturbide, who had decided to change his base
of operations, proceeded to the bajio of Guanajuato.3
Taking with him the money at Barrabas hill, he
marched by way of Tlachapa and Cutzamala toward
Zitacuaro, and thence to the bajio through Acdmbaro
and Salvatierra. Thjs movement, which was certainly
a wise one on the part of Iturbide, ought to have been
foreseen and prevented by the government. As soon
as the news reached Guanajuato that he was on his
march thither, the independence was at once pro
claimed in several localities by influential officers of
the royal army,4 and on March 25th Anastasio Bus-
tamante, who had immediately espoused the cause,
entered the capital of the province amidst the plau-

1 One of them may have been well founded; namely, that not much reli
ance could be placed on the loyalty of the troops.

2 At this time Guerrero was 39 years of age. His complexion was very
dark and his hair long, black, coarse, and curly. In his early life he followed
the occupation of a muleteer. According to his baptismal registry he was
born in Tixtla, in August 1782; his parents being Juan Pedro Guerrero and
Maria Guadalupe Saldana, Indian tillers of the soil. Zamacois, Hist. Mej.,
x. 668-9.

3 Before Iturbide departed for the bajio he addressed a communication to
the viceroy, reporting all that had occurred, placing his own conduct in
the best possible light, and assuring him that the sentiment of independence
prevailed throughout the country; he also sent addresses to the king and to
the c6rtes to the same effect. Whether those documents reached their desti
nation is not known; at anv rate, they received no consideration. Liceaga,
Adlc. y Rectific., 447-8; Bultamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 129-34.

4 Cortazar at Amoles, March 16th, and at Salvatierra on the 17th. Pe"njamo
and other immediate places followed the example on the 18th. Anastasio
Bustamante proclaimed at Pantoja the 19th. Celaya was immediately cap
tured; and the comandante general Antonio Linares, who refused to join
the revolution, was given a safe conduct to Mexico. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijlc.,
448-9; Alex. Doc. Relatives, etc., no. 1; Cos, Estadist. Silao, in Mc.x. 8oc. Geog.
Boletin, 2d ep., iv. 746; Notidoso Gen., 1821, ap. 23-4; Cuevas, Porvenir
Mex., 53, 62-3; Gaz. de Hex., 1821, xii. 340-2; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. lol-
60.

714 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

dits of the people, the three guaranties of the plan of
Iguala — religion, independence, and union — being en
thusiastically proclaimed.5 Under these favorable cir
cumstances Iturbide advanced uninterruptedly to the
city of Guanajuato, which he entered about the middle
of April.

Bustamante's defection completely changed the
aspect of the revolution. It increased the indepen
dent forces by about 6,000 men, and gave it all the
resources of the province of Guanajuato, still one of
the wealthiest in New Spain. The viceroy to no
purpose tried to awaken in these troops their former
loyalty. Proclamations were no longer of avail.6 The
army, composed mostly of Creoles, as the reader is
aware, was no longer imbued with the sentiments
which for so long had kept it faithful to the oppres
sor's cause. A multitude of insurgents who had re
ceived the benefit of the pardon had, during the last
two years, associated with the troops, and these learned,
at last, that they alone had prevented the achievement
of their country's freedom years ago, and that it was
to them that she still looked for aid. The example of
Guanajuato was speedily followed elsewhere; the re
sistance opposed to the triumphant progress of the
revolution was insignificant and for the most part a
mere show — terminated without active hostility. At
Valladolid, before which city Iturbide appeared on the
12th of May, the comandante Quintanar, after spend
ing a week in negotiations and protesting that his
honor would not allow him to listen to any proposals
for the capitulation of the city, adopted the self-decep
tive course of deserting to the enemy on the 19th.
This he did to reconcile his tender conscience — for he
was in favor of independence — with his notions of
honor as a royalist officer. On the following day the

5 One of the first acts was to remove from the alh6ndiga the heads of
Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and Jimenez, and give them Christian burial with
the utmost solemnity.

6 They appear in the Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 325-6, 347-9, 395-6, 435.
Promotion and decorations were offered to Bustamante, and rejected.

IN NUEVA G ALICIA. 715

garrison, reduced by desertion to 600 men, capitulated,
and was allowed to depart to Tacubaya,7 and Iturbide
in triumph entered the place of his birth on May 22d.
Previously to his occupation of Valladolid he had an
interview with Cruz, in the hope of inducing him to
join in his plans. The conference was arranged by
Negrete; and although Iturbide did not fully gain his
object, he succeeded in the essential point, being as
sured that Cruz would remain inactive; and relying
on Negrete's cooperation, he now was certain that
Nueva Galicia and the internal provinces would not
need his individual attention.8

On the return of Cruz to Guadalajara things for a
brief interval remained quiet. Although many offi
cers of the garrison were anxious to join the revolu
tion at once, both Iturbide and Negrete considered
the time hardly ripe, as Cruz had at his command the
force under Hermenegildo Kevueltas. On the 13th
of June, however, it was known in the city that the
troops at San Pedro had taken the oath to support
the plan of Iguala; whereupon Laris took possession
of the artillery and munitions of war, the garrison
proclaimed the independence, and Cruz' authority
was set aside. On the 16th Negrete entered the
town, and the oath was solemnly taken on the 23d.
The whole of Nueva Galicia followed the example,
except San Bias, and that port was soon made to sub
mit. Cruz proceeded to Zacatecas with Revueltas'
force, whence, with the royalist authorities and pub
lic funds, he pushed on to Durango, where he arrived
on the 4th of July. Many of his troops deserted on
the way and returned to Zacatecas, which proclaimed
the independence forthwith.9 Negrete now went in

7 A part of the Nueva Espana regiment remained behind. The deserters
were organized into a battalion called the ' Union.' Liceaya, Adic. y Rectific.,
4G§-73; Bustamante, CuacL Hist., v. 154-8; Id., Suplem. to Cavo, Tres Sighs,
iv. 220-1 ;Alaman, Hist. Mtj., v. 201-7.

8 The interview took place on the 8th of May. See Bustamante, Cuad. Hist. ,
v. 150-3; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 455-7; Alaman, Hist. Mdj., v. 159-G4.

9 Namely, on the 4th of July. Negrete wrote Iturbide July Gth that the
desertion of royalist troops had been general. All the facts connected with

716 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

pursuit of Cruz, arriving in front of Durango on the
4th of August. Peace negotiations having failed,
hostilities began, and for three weeks a brisk fire was

O '

maintained on both sides.10 On the 31st of August,
however, the town displayed a white flag, and on the
3d of September a capitulation was signed, by which
Cruz and the expeditionary troops were granted the
honors' of war, and permitted to depart for Vera Cruz,
to embark for Spain. The besiegers took possession
of the city on the 6th of September^ and the recogni
tion of the plan of Iguala throughout Nueva Vizcaya
immediately followed. The eastern provincias internas
had meanwhile also yielded to the popular feeling.
Arredondo in vain tried to suppress manifestations
hostile to the government. The independence was
proclaimed on the 1st of July, and being deposed from
his command, he embarked at Tarnpico for Habana.

Meantime Iturbide had marched from Valladolid
against Queretaro. The possession of this city as a
centre of operations was equally important to the roy
alists and independents, and the viceroy was already
concentrating troops at San Juan del Rio for its sup
port. His design was, however, frustrated by the
rapid movements of Joaquin Parres, Colonel Busta-
mante, and Quintanar, who compelled Colonel Novoa,
the comandarite of San Juan del Rio, to capitulate
on the 7th of June.11 Other operations conducive to

the affairs of Jalisco and Zacatecas appear in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 469-
2; Mex., Doc. Rdatiros, no. 2; Ciwvas, Porvenir Mex., 80-2; Gac. de Guad.,
1821, June 27th to Dec. 22d, passim; Negrcte, Observ. Carta, 10-13; Gac. de
Guad., 1821, June 30th, in Vallejo, Col Doc., i. no. 1, 1; Bustamante, Cuad.
Hist., v. 272; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 207-15.

10 Negrete was struck in the mouth by a bullet, which knocked out three
upper teeth and a piece of the bone, and two lower teeth. Liceaga, Adic. y
Rectific.t 462-3.

11 That same day Iturbide was in peril of losing his life or liberty near
Queretaro. On passing Arroyohondo, 400 royalists attacked him when hq/'
had with him only 40 chasseurs and 80 horsemen, his army being three leagues
behind. Thirty of his men who were in advance, commanded by Captain
Mariano Paredes, fought so desperately that they drove the enemy back with
a loss of 45 men. Iturbide rewarded their bravery with a medal having on
it the legend ' 30 contra 400. ' This action was ever after known as that of
the 30 against 400. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 1G2-3; Liceaga, Adic. y Rcc-
tijic., 475-G.

MUTINY AT THE CAPITAL. 717

the capture of Queretaro quickly followed. A force
of more than 1,000 men sent to its relief under the
command of Concha was intercepted and returned to
the capital; Bracho and San Julian, who were escort
ing a conducta from Durango with 800 of the expedi
tionary troops, were compelled to lay down their arms
on the 22d; and the city was surrounded by the con
centrated forces of Iturbide, amounting to 10,000 men.
The position of the comandante Luaces was hopeless,
and on the 28th of June he surrendered.12

While these events were occurring in the interior,
mutiny broke out in the capital. The discontent of
the expeditionary forces grew apace as reports of the
uninterrupted march of the revolution followed each
other in quick succession. Apodaca's lukewarm ef
forts to suppress it were regarded with suspicion, and
it was resolved to depose him. At a meeting of the
masonic order the conspirators decided to carry their
design into effect on the night of July 5th, and prep
arations were made in the several barracks with well-
guarded secrecy. On the eventful evening Apodaca
was holding a council of war, and among the officers
present were the major-generals Linan and Novella,
and Brigadier Espinosa. About ten o'clock a body
of troops entered the palace while others surrounded
it,13 and their leaders, of whom Colonel Francisco Bu-
celi was chief, presenting themselves before the vice
roy, informed him that the discontent of the forces
and their distrust in his loyalty had become so great
that it was decided to remove him from power and

12 Under terms of capitulation granting the honors of war to the besieged,
who bound themselves not to serve against Mexican independence, and to
embark for Habana at the earliest possible day. Meanwhile they were a llowed
to remain in Celaya. Alex. Bosquejo Rev., 9D-102; Cucva*, Porvenir Mex.,
71-80; Bustamante, On ad. Hist., v. 164-78, 261; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v.
217-34; Gaz. dz Mex., 1821, xii. 237-9,435, 526-8, 615; Gac. de Guad., 1821,
June 27, July 4, 7; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 474-83.

13 In number from 800 to 1,000 men belonging to the regiments Ordenes
militares, Castilla, and Infante Don Carlos. The marine regiment that
had been Apodaca's guard of the palace, was in the mutiny. Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist.v., 263-8.

718 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

install one of the sub-inspectors in his place, designat
ing Lilian. The viceroy with much dignity asserted
his loyalty, and claimed that he was free from blame
in the matter of the losses sustained.14

Lilian, and also Novella, refused to accept com
mands thus mutinously offered to them; but the troops
were obdurate, and threatened to make Buceli viceroy.
In fact, Apodaca's life was in danger if he did not
comply, and Novella, to avert greater evils, assumed
the responsibility. Apodaca saw the uselessness of
resistance, but when Buceli laid before him for his
signature a paper in which his resignation was attrib
uted to ill health, he tore it in pieces, declining to
subscribe to such a lie.15 He then wrote out his res
ignation with his own hand, stating that he freely and
voluntarily surrendered to Novella the civil and mili
tary commands, at the respectful request of the offi
cers of the expeditionary forces, on condition of his
person and family being safely conducted to Vera
Cruz.16 On the followed morning he retired with his
family to the villa de Guadalupe, but on the approach
of the independents he returned to the city and re
sided in the Franciscan convent of San Fernando
until an opportunity was afforded him to depart for
Spain.

14 The loss of the internal provinces he attributed to Cruz' inaction; the
surrender of Valladolid had been entirely unexpected by him in view of the
assurances he had received from Quintanar; as to Quere"taro, he had done all
he could to aid it, ordering Castillo's and Concha's forces to march there; in
regard to Puebla, which was then in danger, Brigadier Llano had repeatedly
said that he was not in need of more troops. Moreover, Concha had not
inarched to the support of Puebla because he had no confidence in his men.
Alaman, Hist. Mfy'., v. 249-50.

13 He indignantly added, that under the existing circumstances, it was
grateful to give up the command, as it afforded him a silver bridge to cross
out of so many difficulties, but he would not leave it dishonorably. Id., 251.

16 During the preliminaries Linan had used harsh language to the officers,
and challenged them 'uno d uno 6 como quisiesen, tratandolos coino mere-
cian.' The soldiers repaid Apodaca's constant benefits with ingratitude. It
is said that four days before, Buceli represented to Apodaca that he had lost
3,000 pesos from the funds of his regiment, and was in great distress. The
viceroy relieved him from the predicament by lending him that sum without
asking for security. His surprise was great on seeing Buceli at the head of
the mutineers. Bustamantc, Ciiad. Hist., v. 2(35; Id., Garza Vindicado, 7;
Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 709; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 248-52.

DOWNFALL OF APOD AC A. 719

Apodaca's rule lasted nearly five years, and may be
divided into three epochs. During the first, namely,
from September 1816 to Mina's arrival, his policy
was so wise that within a few months he succeeded
in restoring peace, a result the more remarkable from
the fact that he could have no perfect knowledge of
the men he had to rely on or of the resources at his
command. By the possession of a high order of
talent, quick insight, and a most extraordinary activ
ity and energy, all of which he brought into play,
admirable results were obtained. The insurgents
were everywhere defeated and their strongholds
taken. Still more wrorthy of admiration, in a royalist
point of view, was his conduct during the second
epoch, in connection with Mina's invasion. The oper
ations of that campaign were marked by vigor and
activity. The blows struck by the royalist troops
were decisive, and after Mina's destruction, the work
of eliminating from the revolution any elements still
in the field was a comparatively easy one. Indeed,
the revolution was almost dead in the middle part of
1820. The third epoch presents a strong contrast
with the preceding ones. It was one of inaction and
apathy in military affairs, at the very time when the
utmost energy was demanded by the newly developed
circumstances. In the cases of Mina and Iturbide,
both of whom had independence in view, the viceroy's
course was exactly opposite. In the former it was
one of relentless \var, and when the leader was secured
death was at once awarded him; whereas toward the
latter he displayed a conciliatory spirit and a want of
polemical action, which looked much like intentional
neglect. So marked a difference in his line of con
duct laid him open to the suspicion that he had be
come faithless to his trust; a suspicion strengthened
by the fact that he regarded the constitutional regime
as extremely prejudicial to the country, while it was
an undeniable fact that no change could be effected
so long as Mexico remained an appendage of Spain.

720 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

It is not believed, however, that Apodaca directly or
insidiously promoted Mexico's independence; but the
fact stands that he did little or nothing to prevent
its accomplishment by Iturbide; and indeed, he can
hardly be blamed. Circumstances had changed; the
men he had before at his call had been carried away
by the feeling that the daughter should assume a
position equal to the mother in the family of nations.
The harsh opinion formed by those who tried to
dishonor him had no weight with his sovereign. In
September of 1822 he returned to Spain and was
placed en cuartel, or waiting orders, in which situa
tion he remained till called to the discharge of several
high offices of trust, arid to be otherwise honored.17

O *

The conde del Venadito died at the age of eighty-
one, full of honors, on the llth of January, 1835.
By his marriage he had seven children.

The conde del Venadito's successor in Mexico by
virtue of this military emeute, Francisco Novella,
Azdbal, Perez y Sicardo, was a mariscal de campo of
the Spanish army, sub-inspector and comandante gen
eral of the artillery corps in New Spain, decorated
with the cross of honor of Talavera, and was a knight
of the military order of San Hermenegildo.18 He
officially communicated to the several authorities his
accession to the viceregal office, the diputacion pro
vincial being the only one which for a while refused
to recognize him, but which finally, to avert anarchy,
yielded, and administered to him the oath of office.
He then published an address to the people, explain
ing the situation, and another to the soldiers. In

17 In March 1824 he was made commandant-general of naval engineers;
Nov. 25, 1825, viceroy of Navarre; next month the grand cross of the order
of Isabel la Catolica was conferred on him. The same year, Dec. 29th, he
was appointed a member of the royal council. Dec. 1, 1829, he received the
grand cross of the order of Carlos III. May 1, 1830, he became captain-
general or admiral of the navy, and director-general of the same, holding
this last-named office till 1834, when it was suppressed, and he was chosen a
prdcer in the cortes of the kingdom. Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog. , i. 258.

18 All these names and honors headed his edicts at that time. Dispos.
Far., iii. 47.

THE NEW VICEROY. 721

the former he made known that he had appointed a
mixed board of civilians and military officers to aid
him in devising means to establish uniformity of
opinion in defence of Spanish rights.19 But what
ever his wishes might be, his only recourse was to
pursue the same policy as his predecessor. The audi-
encia had declined to administer the oath, on the
ground that under the new order of things it was no
longer a royal council. Several of the most distin
guished military officers, such as colonels Llano and
Luna, threw up their commands on various pretexts,
and others, who were not at the capital when the
change took place, expressed their disapproval. These
circumstances tended to augment the confusion and
the difficulties that the government was laboring
under. Novella called the former governor of Tlas-
cala, Estevan Gonzalez del Campillo, to be military
governor of Mexico, and himself superintended the
work on the fortifications that were being erected for
the defence of the capital.

Since his release from prison, January 1821, Nico
las Bravo had been leading a retired life at Cuautla,
where he was visited by Antonio de Mier, Iturbide's
agent, inviting him to join in the meditated move
ment. An interview between Bravo and Iturbide at
Iguala followed, which resulted in the former approv
ing the plan and accepting a colonel's commission.
Bravo, raising a considerable force, went to Izucar and
Atlixco. Being joined by Osorno and other chiefs of
the plains of Apam, he established his headquarters
at Huejotzinco. About the middle of April Tlascala
fell into his hands. There he obtained twelve pieces
of artillery, besides being joined by a number of the
royalist garrison. He next went to Huamantla, and
spread the revolution throughout the valleys.20

19 The two documents appear in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 715-18; Gac. de
Quad., 1821, July 25, 28.

-20 Details of his movements are given in Hevia's and Concha's reports, em-
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 46

722 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

Meantime occurrences of no less importance had
been taking place in Vera Cruz, where the promulga
tion of the constitution had caused great agitation.
The news of Iturbide's revolt, and of the adoption of
the plan of Iguala, caused the utmost sensation both
among the people at large and the troops. A por
tion of the latter proclaimed the plan on the 13th of
March at La Banderilla, a short distance from the
port, and marched against Perote, hoping to take it
by surprise. Though the project failed, the revolted
force under Iruela was joined by the Dragones de
Espana from Jalapa and other bodies. Great enthu
siasm was now manifested in favor of independence.
The chief command was tendered to and accepted by
Lieutenant-colonel Jose Joaquiri de Herrera, who had
served with distinction under Armijo in the south,
and had retired from the service after the fall of Jau-
jilla.21 The revolution having at the same time spread
toward the villas, Governor Ddvila of Vera Cruz re-
enforced Orizaba and Cordoba. To the former place
Santa Anna, then a brevet captain, was sent with some
infantry and lancers. On the 29th of March he drove
off an insurgent party; but Herrera having arrived
the same day, he accepted the plan of Iguala.22 The
occupation of Cordoba by Herrera on April 1st fol
lowed. Santa Anna now started for the coast, where
he had influence, and captured the town of Alvarado,
whose garrison abandoned the comandante Juan To-
pete.23 Meantime Herrera stationed himself in the
province of Puebla, cutting off any assistance that
might be sent to the city.

Brigadier Llano, commanding at Puebla, despatched

bracing the period from Jan. to May, in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 303-5,
327-9, 378-80, 396.

21 His force was now of 680 infantry and 60 dragoons. Iturbide on March
28th approved the names those troops assumed, namely, Granaderos imperi-
ales, and Dragones de America. Herrera and Iruela were by him commis
sioned as lieutenant-colonels.

22 Notwithstanding which he took the lieut-colonelcy given him by the
viceroy. Subsequently Iturbide made him a colonel.

23 Santa Anna treated him courteously, giving him a passport for Vera
Cruz.

SANTA ANNA'S EFFORTS. 723

a large force under Lieutenant-colonel Zarzosa, to re
cover the villas of Cordoba and Orizaba, where the
government had 60,000 bales of tobacco, but two thirds
of his troops deserted to the enemy.24 Herrera was
now joined at Tepeaca^ by Bravo, against whom the
viceroy had sent He via with a strong division. Here
they were attacked by Hevia, and after a severe en
gagement, in which the loss on both sides was serious,
Herrera abandoned Tepeaca, and followed by Hevia,
retreated through San Andres Chalchicomula on
April 29th? to Orizaba and Cordoba, while Bravo
went to the plains of Aparn and occupied Zacatlan.
Hevia, in attempting to capture Cordoba, lost his life,
and the assailants, on tl%e arrival of reinforcements to
the besieged under Santa Anna, and a body of de
serters from Jalapa, beat a hasty retreat to Puebla.26
Santa Anna entered Jalapa almost without opposition
on the 29th of May, thereby obtaining a valuable sup
ply of arms and ammunition.27

Perote was also for a time in great danger of cap
ture, but was relieved by Samaniego on the llth of
June, notwithstanding Santa Anna's efforts to prevent
him.28 The latter's next step was to attack Vera
Cruz, the only other place in the province still held by
the government. Previous to his march from Jalapa
he issued a grandiloquent proclamation,29 which, though
little understood by the troops, greatly animated them.

2*Hevia's last rep. in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 489-90. Among the promi
nent officers who joined Herrera were two sons of the conde de la Cadena, a
son of the marque's de Sierra Nevada, and Lieut-col Miota.

25 Herrera's report in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 192-4; Hevia 'a in Gaz.
de Mex., 1821, xii. 419-25; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 536.

26 A diary of the operations was published in Jalapa by Isassi, which was
copied by Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 194-9; Id., Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siqlos,
iv. 213-18; Castillo y Luna's Rep., in Gaz. de Me*, 1821, "xn. 555-68; Mex.
Bosquejo Revol., 94; Orizava, Ocurr., 149-55.

27 Several cannon and upwards of 1,000 muskets. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.,
v. 199-200.

28 Viua's rep. in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 617, 727-30.

29 Drawn up by C. M. Bustamante, who had joined him. It was a unique
document, in which the idea was for the first time advanced that Mexico was
the heir of the rights and grievances of Montezuma's subjects, and her soldiers
were called upon to avenge the Mexican eagle, which was trampled under foot
three centuries ago on the plains of Oaimba. Cuad. Hist., v. 200-1.

724 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

On the 2d of July he assaulted the town, and sus
tained so serious a repulse that he retreated to Cor
doba, where in his mortification he fulminated a vow
of destruction against Vera Cruz. We will there
leave him for the present, to take up Bravo's opera
tions.

This chief, after the disaster at Tepeaca, had moved
from Zacatlan against Tulancingo, whence Concha, who
had been sent to the support of Queretaro, precipi
tately fled. At Tulancingo Bravo was joined by Gua-
dalupe Victoria, who had emerged from his conceal
ment in the mountains of Vera Cruz, and had issued a
proclamation at Santa Fe on the 20th of April, exhort
ing his countrymen to maintain union and constancy
in support of the new movement.30 His appeal was
responded to with alacrity, old insurgents rallied
round him, and he soon induced the greater portion
of the province to declare for independence. Bravo
now joined Herrera and laid siege to Puebla. The
attempts on the part of the viceroy to relieve the
beleaguered city were feeble and ineffective. Concha,
though sent with a large force, after executing a num
ber of ridiculous movements,31 returned to the capital,
and on the 17th of July Llano, who refused to sur
render the city to any other than the chief of the
revolution, agreed to an armistice. Meantime Itur-
bide, after the capture of Queretaro, had moved for
ward against Mexico, entering Cuernavaca on the 23d
of June. Thence he turned his course to Puebla, and
on his arrival at Cholula, Llano capitulated.32 Itur-

30 Bustamante supplies a copy of his proclamation. Cuad. Hist., v. 1S4-5.
Ward relates that the news of Iturbide's declaration was conveyed to Victoria
by two faithful Indians, who had been the last to leave him. They employed six
weeks in their search for him, and when at last Victoria discovered himself to one
of them, the Indian was so ' terrified at seeing a phantom covered with hair,
emaciated, and clothed only with a cotton wrapper, advancing upon him with
a sword in his hand,' that he took to flight. It was only on hearing himself
called repeatedly by his name that he recovered his composure sufficiently to
recognize his old general. Ward's Mex., i. 231-4.

31 In derision, the nickname of ' la trajinera' was given him; a term applied
to the canoes which trafficked between the villages on the margins of the lakes
near the capital. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 254.

32 The terms of the capitulation were agreed upon by colonels Horbegoso and

OCCUPATION OF OAJACA. 725

bide entered the city on the 2d of August, and was
received with the greatest enthusiasm. On the 5th
the declaration of national independence was solemnly
proclaimed, Bishop Perez delivering a discourse which
filled Iturbide's soul with ambitious projects. The
utmost uniformity of ideas existed between the two,
and from this time the bishop's influence with the chief
was conspicuously manifest. Frequent conferences
were held by them, and the bishop has been regarded
by many as having inspired Iturbide with the idea of
turning the plan of Iguala to his own advantage.33

The fall of Puebla was complemented by the oc
cupation of Oajaca, which occurred simultaneously.
None of the royalist commanders in that province
offered any serious resistance to revolutionary move
ments; and the independent commander, Antonio
Leon, having entered the city of Oajaca on the 30th
of July, the independence was speedily proclaimed
throughout the territory.34 In the Costa Chica the in
dependents sustained some reverses. Acapulco, where '
the plan of Iguala had been proclaimed February 27th,
was restored to obedience on the 15th of March,35 and/
on the 3d of June Ascensio, having failed in an attack
on Tetecala the previous day, was slain at a place called

Samaniego for Llano, and Cortazar and the conde de San Pedro del Alamo for
Iturbide. The garrison was to go out with military honors, and such officers
and men as wished to join the trigarante army were to be at liberty to do so;
the rest to retire to Coatepec, to be afterward transferred to Habana at the
expense of the Mexican nation. Samaniego persuaded the Mexicans who
wanted to follow the fate of the Spaniards to join their country's cause.
Vivanco retired to his wife's hacienda near Tezcuco. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.-,
\. 200-15; Id., Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 236-7; Gac. de Guad., 1821,
Aug. 11, 58-9; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 184-6; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 254-
61.

33 Some expressions in the bishop's discourse conduced to that end. From
this time all Iturbicte's operations seemed to aim at securing the throne for
himself, in spite of the obstacles that he had himself placed in the plan of
Iguala. Perez, Discurso, in Pap. Far., cxxiv. no. 5|.

34 Details of the campaign appear in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 215-22;
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 261-6; Orizava, Ocurr., 161. Celso Iruela was sent
by Iturbide as governor of Oajaca; he proved a despot, and finally had to
leave the province ignominiously . Carriedo, Estudlos Hist. , ii. 29, 37.

35 The arrival of the frigates Prueba and Venyanza, and their cooperation
with Marquez y Donallo's lieutenant, Rlonda, brought on -the restoration
Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 257-8, 301, 319-23, 409-12; Noticioso Gen., 1821,
March 28, 30.

726 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

Milpillas in an engagement with Huber, who was corn*
ing to the support of Tetecala.36 Nevertheless, the
whole territory was soon lost to the royalist govern
ment, Acapulco, isolated and unsupported, being its
only possession left on the southern seaboard.

Iturbide after taking possession of Puebla de
spatched his forces to lay siege to Mexico, in co
operation with troops which were on the inarch from
Queretaro. When on the point of proceeding thither
himself, news reached him of the arrival at the
port of Vera Cruz, July 30th, of Juan O'Donoju, who
had been appointed by the Spanish government to be
the gefe superior politico and captain-general of New
Spain.37 O'Donoju was received at Vera Cruz with
the high honors due his rank, and as the road to the
capital was intercepted, he at once assumed his official
authority, the legal oath being administered to him
by Governor Ddvila,

Lieutenant-general O'Donoju, knight grand cross of
the orders of Carlos III. and San Hermenegildo, was
of Irish extraction, as his name though somewhat
changed indicates.33 He had been captain-general of
Andalusia, and had even held the highest position the
nation could bestow below the throne.39 His record had
been that of a truly patriotic Spaniard and irreproach
able soldier, and in political principles a lover of lib-
ertv.40 It is understood that he was of high degree

*/ O O

in the masonic fraternity. His appointment to Mex
ico has been attributed to the influence of the Mex-

36 Huber sent his head to Armijo at Cuernavaca, where it was exposed to
public view. This patriot's memory has never been honored by the Mexican
government. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 195-7.

37 He sailed from Cadiz the 30th of May, on the Asia, a ship of the line,
and his long voyage was because the Asia had to convoy a considerable num
ber of merchantmen, and to touch at Puerto Cabello. To Vera Cruz she es
corted eleven vessels. Id., v. 266; Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 841-2, 859; Hex.
Col. Ley. Fund., 9.

38 He has also been supposed to have been of Irish nativity. Liceac/a,
Adic. yRectific., 499.

s9 According to his first proclamation. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 853-62;
Gac. (fe Madrid,- in Semanario Polit., i. 103.

40 For which he was once imprisoned and tortured, bearing the evidence
of it in his hands.

VICEROY C'DONOJU. 727

ican deputies, especially Arizpe. Hence the supposi
tion on the part of some that he had come to
accomplish the country's independence, but every step
he took after his arrival at Vera Cruz tended to show
that he had brought with him no special plan, and
that he awaited the resolutions of the Spanish cortes.
O'Donojii has been called a traitor for serving his
country as faithfully as circumstances permitted. He
saw at once how absurd it would be to attempt to up
hold a lost cause, as did many in Mexico and Davila
in Vera Cruz, when no assistance could be expected
from the supreme government that hardly had means
to sustain itself. He therefore resolved, now that
Mexico was irremediably lost to Spain, to secure for the
reigning family of his country the throne about to be
erected in the new nation, and to preserve the friendly
relations between the two peoples. In his proclama
tion on the 3d of August at Vera Cruz,41 he tried,
however, to induce them to await the action of the
cortes, assuring them that the desired autonomy
would be conceded. To the military he spoke in a
different tone, thanking them for their loyal service to
the government in their defence of the city against
outside aggression, and ending with the hope that
friendship between the antagonistic bands, after the
aggressors had been reduced and undeceived, would be
restored, and the past forgotten.42 Being confined
within the walls, and unable to advance a single step
without coining in contact with the independents,43
O'Donojii opened relations with Santa Anna, and
made friendly overtures to Iturbide,44 who granted

tlGaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 859-62; Gac. de Guad., 1821, Aug. 25, 73-4;
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 223-5.

4:2 His words were: 'Tengo esperanzas de que reduddos y desenganados
dentro de poco, volveremos a ser todos amigos,' etc. Id., 225-6.

43 The position was a painful one for the besieged; yellow fever was rag
ing at the port, and in a few days carried off seven of O'Donojii's suite, and
a nephew and niece, who died within two and a half hours of one another
and were buried the same afternoon. Another niece was at death's door
when lie left the city on the 19th. One hundred soldiers and sailors of those
who came with him had also perished. Id., 227.

44 In two letters, one official and one private; in the former Iturbide was.

728 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

him permission to advance as far as Cordoba for the
purpose of holding a conference with him, and de
spatched the conde de San Pedro del Alamo and Juan
Ceballos, a son of the marques de Guardiola, to re
ceive and entertain General O'Donoju there. Mean
time Iturbide went to the vicinity of Mexico, and
established his headquarters at the hacienda of Zo-
quiapa, near Tezcuco, whence he apprised Novella
of O'Donoju's arrival. Novella, however, resolved
to effect no change in affairs till the new ruler
should reach the capital.

After adopting some necessary military measures,
Iturbide proceeded to Cordoba, which place he reached
on the 23d of August. General O'Donoju arrived
the same day, having been escorted by Santa Anna
with every mark of respect as far as Jalapa. The
chief paid a friendly visit to the general and his wife
that same evening, and on the following day official
conferences were held.45 Iturbide proposed that by a
treaty the plan of Iguala should be adopted as the
only means to secure the lives and property of Span
iards residing in the country, and the Mexican throne
to the house of Bourbon. O'Donoju assented, and in
his sovereign's name recognized the independence of
Mexico, and agreed to surrender the city of Mexico
to the army of the three guaranties. This celebrated
treaty consisted of seventeen articles, which confirmed
the plan of Iguala with a slight difference in the
third article. I give in a note an epitome of the in
strument.46

addressed as 'gefe superior del eje"rcito imperial de las Tres Garantias,' and
in the latter was called a friend whose esteem he wished to merit. Busia-
mante, Cuad. Hist., v. 228-31; Alaman, Hist. M£j., v. 269; Liceaga, Adic.
y Reclific., 489.

45 Iturbide said: 'Granting the good faith and harmony with which we
conduct ourselves in this matter, I suppose it will be easy for us to undo
this knot without parting it.' Bustamantc, Cuad. Hist., v. 231.

46 Art. 1. This America shall be recognized as a sovereign independent
nation, called the Mexican Empire. 2. The government of the empire shall be
a moderate constitutional monarchy. 3. The oath prescribed in art. 4 of the
plan being previously taken, the following shall be called to reign over the
Mexican empire. In the first place Fernando VII., Catholic king of Spain;
by his renunciation or non -admission, his brother Carlos; for the same rea-

0 DONOJU SUBMITS. 729

Novella, on being informed by O'Donojii on the 25th
of this arrangement, held a council of war, and it was
resolved to continue the policy of adopting no reso
lution till O'Donojii should come to Mexico, and this
was communicated to him in letter of the 31st.47
Ddvila, the governor of Yera Cruz, also refused to
obey the captain-general's order, and being deter
mined to defend himself at all hazard, abandoned the
city, and retired to San Juan de Uhia. In the capi
tal, as the independents were coming up in large

sons, next after him, his other brother Francisco de Paula; next Carlos Luis,
a prince of Spain, former heir of Etruria and now of Lucca; and in case of
his renouncing or not accepting, then such person as the imperial c6rtes may
designate. 4. The emperor shall reside in Mexico, as the capital of the em
pire. 5. Gen. O'Donojii shall appoint two commissioners provisionally to
make this arrangement known to the court of Spain, pending the formal ten
der of the crown by the imperial c6rtes. 6. A sufficiently numerous junta
shall be constituted, composed of members prominent for their virtues, offi
ces, fortunes, representation, and character. 7. The junta shall be entitled
'junta provisional gubernativa. ' 8. Gen. O'Donojii shall be one of the mem
bers. 9. The junta shall elect a president chosen from among its members.
10. The junta's first act shall apprise the public of its installation, objects,
and such other things as it may deem expedient. 11. The junta, after
choosing its president, shall elect a regency of three persons to constitute the
executive, and govern in the monarch's name till he shall assume the sceptre.
12. The junta shall rule according to existing laws, not clashing with the
plan de Iguala, till the cdrtes form the national constitution. 13. The re-
gencia shall convoke the c6rtes, in conformity with art. 24th of the plan.
14. The executive shall reside in the regency; the legislative in the cortes,
and, till the latter are installed, in the junta provisional gubernativa acting
in concert with the regency. 15. Under the new order of things, Europeans
in Mexico may continue to be such, or become Mexicans, remain in the coun
try, or go away as they may choose. The same privilege is granted Mexicans
residing in Spain. 10. Tho above privilege shall not be accorded to civil or
military employe's, or to officers notoriously hostile to Mexican independence.
Such must leave the country within the time the regency may designate,
taking away their goods on payment of the regular export dues. 17. O'Don
ojii promises to induce the expeditionary forces to leave the country with
out further bloodshed. Gaz. Imp. Mex., i. 85-9; Mex. Derecho Intern., 1st
pt., 384-96; Gac. de GuacL, 1821, Sept. 12, 97-100; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund.,
9-13; Wilcocks' Despatch in Annals of Cony., 1821-2, 2099-2114; Mies' Rcrj.,
xxi. 64, 80, 98; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 273-9; Arranrjoiz, Mej., ii. 62-6;
Hustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 232-4; Id., Garza Vindicado, 8-9; Liceaga,
Adtc. y Rectific., 491-2. On the 31st of Aug. O'Donojii from Cordoba wrote
the Spanish government, detailing the situation and the reasons that forced
him to adopt the course he had taken. Monitor Ultramarino, 28-35; N lies'
Hey., xxii. 7-8.

i7 Lilian deemed it important to know first what were O'Donojii 's powers;
nothing could be resolved, as he had signed ' esos papeles,' meaning the treaty
of C6rdoba, within a region occupied by the enemy. Colonel Sociats could
not see that O'Donojii had any special authority to sign away what he called
the ' legitima dependencia do EspaSa.' He was for lighting till death. The
whole correspondence, both official and private, may be seen in DustamantCy
Cuad. Hist., v. 241-55.

730 TRIUMPH OF THE DEVOLUTION.

numbers to lay siege, Novella made every prepara
tion for defence. The forces chosen to operate against
the besiegers were placed under Concha's command,
and General Linan was made chief of the staff. The
royalist line extended from Guadalupe by Tacuba,
Tacubaya, Mixcoac, and Coyoacan, closing by the
Penon at Guadalupe. Royalists were constantly de
serting to the enemy's lines; while on the other hand,
repeated skirmishes occurred, one of which precipi
tated a bloody action at Atzcapotzalco on the 19th of
August.48 After this engagement the Spaniards con
centrated their forces still more, abandoning Tacubaya,
which the independents occupied.

When the treaty of Cordoba had been signed,
Iturbide and O'Donoju approached the capital, and
Novella, to whom a copy of the instrument had been
forwarded, asked for an armistice, which was acceded
to by the besiegers on the 7th of September. He
then convoked a junta of representatives, at which
the treaty and accompanying correspondence were read
and discussed. The resolution to adopt no line of
action until the arrival of O'Donoju being adhered
to, two messengers were despatched to communicate
the decision to him, and were received by him at
Puebla.

On the 15th of September Iturbide arrived at
Atzcapotzalco, where he established his headquar
ters.49 From this place he addressed a stirring procla-

48 The Spaniards claimed a victory, which Bustamante refuses to concede.
Cuad. Hist., v. 235-7; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 272; Facto, Mem., 81. The
truth is that neither side triumphed, the loss being equally severe. Among
the killed on the independents' side was Encarnacion Ortiz, alias El Pachon.

49 The army now united for the siege of Mexico numbered 9,000 infan
try and 7,000 cavalry, divided into three corps. The van was under Vivanco,
who had lately joined the cause, with Guerrero as his second. The centre
was commanded by Luaces, whose second was Anastasio Bustamante. The
rear was in charge of Quintanar, with Barragan for his second. Negrete was
comandante general of the troops of Nueva Galicia, and Andrade the next
officer in command. Brigadier Melchor Alvarez was chief of the staff. The
two Parre"s and Bradburn were the adjutants. Iturbide's aides-de-camp were
the condes of Regla and Penasco, Marque's de Salvatierra and Eugenio Cor-
tds. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 296-7, ap. 16-24; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific.,
506-7.

OCCUPATION OF MEXICO. 731

mation to the inhabitants of the capital, calling on them
to receive with open arms the ejercito trigarante,
which would assuredly complete the task it had un
dertaken of making Mexico a free and independent
nation.50 O'Donoju now hastened to Mexico, having
in his correspondence with Novella finally assumed a
threatening tone on account of his refusal to recog
nize his legitimate authority. The result was that
Novella held a conference with O'Donoju, and ex
pressing himself satisfied with the latter's powers as
captain-general and gefe superior politico, surrendered
the command.51

O'Donoju, being now recognized as the chief royal
authority, went with Iturbide to Tacubaya, where he
received the congratulations of the civil, military, and
ecclesiastical authorities. The only question which
remained to be settled was the removal of the royal
ist troops from the capital. It was finally arranged
that without any form of capitulation, and simply by
virtue of O'Donoju's orders as captain-general, they
should march out, and be quartered in Tezcuco and
Toluca till opportunity offered for their embarkation ;
and that the trigarante forces should occupy the posi
tions evacuated by them.

The plan was carried into effect on the morn
ing of the 23d of September, and the same day the
grenadiers, under Colonel Jose Joaquin de Herrera,
occupied the fortress and palace of Chapultepec.52
These arrangements being completed, Iturbide and
the ejercito trigarante, on the 27th of September, en
tered the capital in triumph. The chief, mounted on
a black charger, was surrounded by his aides and

™Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 1003-4; Doc. in Pinart Col, MS., i. no. 69.

31 Till O'Donoju's entry in the capital Lilian held the military command,
and Ramon Gutierrez del Mazo, whom O'Donoju had appointed on the 15th
of September intendente, the civil rule. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 976-7;
Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 509; Navarro, Iturbide, 110-16; Alaman, Hist.
Jilej., v. 292-312.

52The neighboring forest became thronged with people from the city with
out interference from the independents. Other positions were evacuated the
same day by the royalists. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 324.

732 TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

staff, the representatives of the Indian towns, the
chief titled gentlemen, and a large number of other
citizens. The manifestations of enthusiasm and joy
were general and unbounded. At the convent of
San Francisco, Iturbide was met by the ayuntamiento,
and alighting from his horse received the congratula
tions of the municipality.

Then followed the ceremony of delivering to him
the keys of the city. Golden keys on a silver platter
were presented to him by the hands of Ignacio Or-
rnaechea, the first alcalde and spokesman for the peo
ple. With words appropriate to the occasion, Itur
bide returned the emblems,53 and remounting proceeded
to the plaza mayor, where he was greeted by tho
plaudits of an immense concourse of people. At the
palace he was received by O'Donoju, who had entered
tho city on the preceding day, and the different cor
porations. A religious ceremony was then celebrated
by the archbishop under the pall, with all the impos
ing observances of the Roman ritual.54

Thus Mexico was free at last, and naught remained
to Spain of her vast colony, this richest jewel of her
crown, but Yera Cruz, Perote, and Acapulco. Her
independence, which ten years of sanguinary strife and
horrors had failed to achieve, was won for her by aid
of her former foe in fewer months, almost without
bloodshed. And in all the glory of his triumph her
liberator affected humility and abnegation. In the
midst of the wild enthusiasm, when thousands of voices
shouted his name for joy, the only reward he openly
sought was permission to retire to private life with

53 'Estas Haves,' he said, 'que lo son de las puertas que unicainente deben
estar cerradas para la irreligion. la desunion y el despotisrao, como abiertas <i
todo lo que puede hacer la felicidad comun, las devuelvo 4 V. E. fiando de sn
zelo, que procurara el bien del piiblico a quien representa.' Alaman, Hist.
Mcj., v. 332.

^ This was the first possessory act Iturbide exercised in the nation's name
as protector of the church, and needing no special declaration from Rome.
The roar of artillery and ringing of bells throughout the day were deaf
ening, Bustamantc, Cuad. Hist., v. 329; vi. 13-20; Niles* Rcr/., xxi. 244;
Notidoao Gen., 1821, Oct. 1, 1-3; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 13; Alaman, Hist.
Mej.j v. 329-33; Mex. Col. Dec. y Orel, introd. i.

ITUEBIDE'S AMBITION. 733

the loving remembrance of the people on whom he
had bestowed freedom.55 But the llame of ambition
was burning in his heart.56 A project had been
formed to proclaim him emperor that very day,57 and
visions of a sceptre were already flashing on his
thoughts. But he knew that the time was not yet
ripe.

55 See his address of the same day, in which, after exhorting them to lay
aside all animosity of race, and proclaim union and close friendship, he con
cludes with these words: ' Concededme solo vuestra sumisioii a las leyes, de-
jad que vuelva al seno de mi tierna y amada familia, y de tiempo en tiempo
haced una memoria de vuestro amigo.' Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 1019-20;
Adas' Reg., xxi. 274; Mex. Doc. Relatives, no. 3.

56 The words of Abad y Queipo, writing to the viceroy in 1813 in reference
to Iturbide, were prophetic: 'That young man is full of ambition, and it
would not be strange if in the course of time he should be the very one to
effect the independence of his country.' Arrangoiz, M6j., i. 234.

37 See the account given in Mej. Bosqucjo Rev., 113-15.

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.
1821-1822.

INSTALLATION OF THE JUNTA — APPOINTMENT OF A REGENCY — ITS CABINET —
O'DoNOJu's DEATH— ITURBIDE'S REWARDS— ARMY PROMOTIONS— SUR
RENDER OF PEROTE, ACAPULCO, AND VERA CRUZ — MURDER OF COLONEL
CONCHA— FLIGHT OF EUROPEANS — THE PRESS— POLITICAL FACTIONS —
MEASURES FOR CONVOKING CONGRESS — ITURBIDE'S INTERFERENCE —
CONSPIRACY— ITS FAILURE— CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY— THE REV
ENUE — THE MINING INDUSTRY— A FORCED LOAN AND ARBITRARY
MEASURES — REORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY — UNION OF CENTRAL AMER
ICA WITH THE EMPIRE— MEASURES FOR ITS REPRESENTATION— RE
FLECTIONS ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE JUNTA.

AT half-past eight on the following morning the
nominees selected by Iturbide for the formation of the
junta provisional gubernativa, which was to be in
vested with the legislative power, assembled in the
principal hall of the palace, O'Donojii being present.
Iturbide briefly laid before them an outline of the
principal matters to which they would have to give
their attention, expressed his own obedience to their
direction, and offered his services and those of the
army for the maintenance of their authority. He
then pronounced the junta formally installed, and the
members thereupon proceeded to the cathedral, where
the form of oath which had been agreed upon was
administered, each individual swearing faithfully to
observe the plan of Iguala and the treaty of Cordoba,
and honorably discharge the duties he had been
called upon to perform. The junta then withdrew to
the chapter-hall and proceeded to appoint a president,

(134:)

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 735

Iturbide being unanimously elected. The te deum
having been chanted, the junta adjourned until even
ing.

The first act of the junta when it reassembled was
to issue the declaration of independence, by which
Mexico was declared to be a sovereign nation, inde
pendent of Spain, with which it would maintain for
the future no other union than that of friendship, on
terms to be prescribed by treaty. Friendly relations
with other powers would also be established. The
act was signed by thirty-six members, the signature
of Iturbide being first on the list.1 The next pro
ceeding was the nomination of a regency as represen
tative of the absent monarch, and constituting the ex
ecutive power. It consisted of five members.2

Those elected were : Iturbide, president ; O'Donoju;
Doctor Manuel de la Barcena, governor of the bish-

1 The signatures are as follows: Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio obispo de la
Puebla, Juan O'Donoju, Manuel de la Barcena, Matias Monteagudo, Jos6
Yancz, Lie. Juan Francisco de Azcdrate, Juan Jos<§ Espinosa de los Monteros,
Joso Maria Fagoaga, Jos6 Miguel Guridi y Alcocer, El marque's de Salvatierra,
El conde de Casa de Heras Soto, Juan Bautista Lobo, Francisco Manuel San
chez de Tagle, Antonio de Gama y C6rdoba, Jos6 Manuel Sartorio, Manuel
Velazquez de Leon, Manuel Montes Argiielles, Manuel de la Sota Biva, El
marques de San Juan de Rayas, Jose" Ignacio Garcia Illueca, Jose" Maria de Bus-
tainante, Jos6 Maria Cervantes y Telasco, Juan Cervantes y Padilla, Jcs6
Manuel Velazquez de la Cadena, Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolas Campero, El
conde de Jala y de Regla, Jos& Maria de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel Mar
tinez Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Guzman, Jos6 Maria de Jauregui, Jose Ra
fael Suarez Pereda, Anastasio Bustamante, Isidro Ignacio de Icaza; Juan Jos6
Espinosa de los Monteros, vocal srio. Two copies of this act were en
grossed, one for the government and the other for the junta, the latter of
which is preserved in the sessions-hall of the chamber of deputies. In this
copy the signature of O'Donoju does not appear, as he was prostrated with
sickness, the space where his name ought to be signed being left in blank.
In the printed copies which were published it was, however, inserted, as he
had signed the draft. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 52-5; Mex. Col. LeyesFund., 13-14;
Derecho Intern. Mex., 3d pt., 493-4; Voz. de Mex., Set. 27, 1881; Busta
mante, Cuad. Hist. , iv. ap. 26-30. The other engrossed copy was sold by a
faithless official to a virtuoso. Alaman, while minister for foreign affairs,
learned that it was in France, and offered a large sum of money for it, but to
no purpose. Hist. Mej. , v. 338.

2 Although by the treaty of Cordoba it was stipulated that the regency
should be composed of only three members, Iturbide and O'Donoju afterward
agreed that five would be a more desirable number. Their opinion was op
posed by Fagoaga and the bishop of Puebla, both of whom maintained that
the smaller number would transact business more expedition sly, the latter
exclaiming: ' Ojaki ! que solo fuese uno el regente, y que tuviese dos colegas
6 asociados como consultores.' Id., v. 338-9.

736 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

opric of Michoacan; the oidor Josd Isidro Yanez;
and Manuel Velazquez de Leon, formerly secretary
of the viceregal government.3 As this appointment
of Iturbide as president of the regency would inter
fere with his similar position in the junta, the bishop
of Puebla was elected president of the latter assem
bly. On the 4th of October the regency formed its
cabinet, Manuel Herrera4 being appointed minister
of foreign and internal affairs ; Jose Dominguez Man-
zo, of justice and ecclesiastical matters; Antonio Me
dina, secretary of war and marine; and Rafael Perez
Maldonado, minister of the treasury. To each minis
ter a yearly salary of 8,000 pesos was assigned.5

Hardly had the regency entered upon its functions
when a vacancy occurred by the unexpected death of
O'Donoju. Almost immediately on his arrival at the
capital he had been attacked with pleurisy, and al
though the malady had at first taken a favorable turn
and he was considered out of danger, a relapse set in,
to which he rapidly succumbed. On the 7th of Octo
ber the solemn rites of the viaticum were administered,
and on the evening of the 8th he breathed his last.
He was interred on the 10th in the chapel of Los
Reyes in the cathedral, with all the honors and cere
monies observed at the sepulture of the viceroys.
With the celebration of these funeral rites the last
shadow of viceregal presence in New Spain passed
away.6 The Mexican people retain the name of
O'Donoju in grateful memory, and his act in signing
the treaty of Cordoba is considered as a proof of an

*Disposic. Varias, ii. f. 47; Notic. Gen., 1st Oct. 1821, 1-4; Gaz. Imp.
Hex., i. 7-8. The members took the oath on the following day. In its de
crees the regency adopted the title of 'La Regencia del Imperio, Gobernadora
interina A f alta del Emperador. '

4 The same ecclesiastic who had been sent by Morelos to negotiate with
the government of the United States.

5 The members of the regency had a salary of 10,000 pesos each. Dublan
and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 553.

6 A full account of his obsequies will be found in Gac. Imp. Afex., i. 35-
40. O'Donoju was lieut-gen. of the Spanish armies, and decorated with the
grand cross of the orders of Carlos III. and San Hermenegildo. Dlsposlc.
Varias, ii. f. 47.

O'DONOJU'S CHARACTER. 737

earnest desire to save the country from further blood
shed. It is true that the position in which he found
himself on his arrival as viceroy was such as to pre
clude any other system of political action. Indeed, he
had no alternative but to return to Spain, and thereby
compromise the advantages which the Mexicans were
still inclined to concede to the Spanish government.
He recognized the importance at so critical a point in
affairs of securing not only the lives and property of
Spaniards in New Spain, but the right of the house of
Bourbon to the Mexican throne. He was, moreover,
of liberal principles, and, not blind to the justice of the
colony's cause, had the courage not to shirk grave re
sponsibility by unmanly departure; nor can he by so
doing ever be regarded as having betrayed the inter
ests of Spain. O'Donoju was circumspect, and bore
a reputation for exacting strict obedience to orders.
At a later date, vague and unjustifiable imputations
against Iturbide relative to the cause of O'Donoju's
death were rumored. Although his demise removed
from the former's course the possibility of future op
position, no credence whatever can be given to such
malicious reports. In recognition of the services
rendered by his conciliatory line of action, the junta
decreed a yearly pension of $12,000 to O'Donoju's
widow,7 and recorded that positions should be given
with preference to such members of his household as
might wish to remain in the service of New Spain.
The election of a new member to fill the vacancy
caused by O'Donoju's death fell upon the bishop of
Puebla; and to supply his place as president of the
junta Archbishop Fonte was appointed to that posi
tion. Fonte was, however, of too cautious and unam
bitious a nature to accept a distinction which entailed a
compromised course of action; he therefore declined
the honor on the plea of failing health, and Doctor Jose
Miguel Guridi y Alcocer was elected in his stead.8

7 As long as she resided in New Spain. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 51-2.

8 Dispose. Varia*, ii. f. 52-3.

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 47

738 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

On the 12th the junta,9 in proof of the nation's
gratitude to Iturbide, appointed him a yearly salary
of $120,000, having previously conferred upon him
the rank of generalissimo of the army and high ad
miral.10 The title also of l His most serene highness'
was bestowed upon him,11 and to his father, Jose
Joaquin, were granted the honors and salary pertain
ing to a member of the regency.

While his own aggrandizement was thus secured,
Iturbide naturally took care that the army should
meet with a corresponding recognition of its services,
and, as generalissimo, laid before the regency a list
of promotions which he considered desirable. The
regency approved his proposal and decreed the ap
pointments without hesitation.12 At his suggestion,
also, two medals were struck off arid distributed to
the army; but as a distinction in merit was observed
by the difference of metals, and the colors of the
ribbons with which they were worn,13 a jealousy was

9 It now styled itself La soberana junta provisional gubernativa del Imperio
Mexicano. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 71.

10 ' Gcneralisimo de las Armas del Imperio de mar y tierra.' His salary
was to date from the 2ich of February, the day on which he proclaimed
the plan of Iguala. With becoming modesty, Iturbide, in tendering his thanks,
disclaimed all title to the salary corresponding to the period from that date
to the 23th of September, amounting to $71,000, and resigned it for the bene
fit of the army. The regency ordered this act to be published, in order that
the empire might have additional proof of the ' elevated patriotism and sub
lime virtues of its liberator.' Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 71-4. Somewhat later the
sum of $1,000,000 was granted him, and 20 leagues square of the government
lands in Texas. Owing to the course of events, these grants were never car
ried into effect.

11 ' Pero en los escritos que se le dirijan se omitini la antefmna para con-
servar esta distincion a la regencia.' Diiblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 500.
He was consequently addressed in official documents 'Serenisiaio sefior.'

12 Pedro Cclestino Negrete was made lieut-gen.; Anastasio Bustamante,
Luis Quintanar, Vicente Guerrero, Manuel de la Sotarriva, and Domingo
Estanislao de Luaces, maj. -generals; Mclchor Alvarez, Jos6 Antonio Andrade,
Marque's de Vivanco, and Manuel Maria Torres Valdivia, ftill brigadiers;
Nicolas Bravo, Jos6 Joaquin de Herrera, Jose" Antonio Echdvarri, Miguel
Burragan, Joaquin Parrc"s, and Juan Horbegoso, brevet brigadiers; and Luis
Cortazar, Agustin Bustillos, the conde de San Pedro del Alamo, and Epitacio
Sanchez, colonels. Promotions of subalterns and lower grade officers were
to be effected later on the recommendation of the superior chiefs. Gac. Imp.
Hex., i. 93-7; Empleos M Hit.

13 The design represented two worlds disunited, the chain with which
they had boon previously joined being broken. The modal bore the legend,
Orbem ab orbe solvit. One medal was bestowed upon those who had adopted
the plan of Iguala during the period from March 2d to June 15th, the other

SURRENDER OF PEROTE AND ACAPULCO. 739

provoked which produced bad results. For the pur
pose of securing the tranquillity of the country, and
the mutual support of the political and military pow
ers, Iturbide on the 17th divided the country into
live captain-generalcies, which he placed under the
directions of Anastasio Bustamante, Pedro Celestino
Negrete, Manuel Sotarriva, Domingo Estanislao
Luaces, and Vicente Guerrero.14

The dissolution of the. viceregal government was
followed by the surrender of the few remaining places
which had held out to the last. The only exception
was the castle of San Juan de Ulua, which by the
end of October ^yas Spain's solitary possession in the
country. On the^ffth of that month the fortress of
Perote was surrendered by Captain Patricio Tejedor,
the officer in command, to Santa Anna, who occupied
the town the same day; and on the 15th the governor
of Acapulco capitulated, the independent commander
Isidoro Montesdeoca taking possession on the 16th.
At Vera Cruz the climax in affairs had wrought a
change in the opinions of the consulado and ayunta-
miento, and those corporations were no longer eager
to oppose the battalions of the independents as they
had been a few months before.15 jAk_ware that a Span
ish force had been ordered to the port, the consulado
addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento on October
6th, setting forth the impossibility of successful resist
ance, and the destruction and disasters which would
follow if hostilities were persisted in. The ayunta-

to those who had done likewise after the latter date to Sept. 2d. Gac. Imp.
Mex., i. 93; Bustamante^ Cuad. Hist., vi. 20.

11 Tho provinces under the command of these captain-generals were re
spectively: the provinciasinternasof the OrienteandOccidente; Nueva Gali-
cia, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosi; Mexico, Quere"taro, Valladolid, and
Guanajuato; Vera Cruz, Pucbla, Oajaca, and Tabasco; and the jurisdictions
of Tlapa, Chilapa, Tixtla, Ajuchitlan, Ometepec, Tecpan, Jamiltepec, and
Teposcolula. These latter districts were segregated from the captain-gener
alcies of Mexico and Puebla, and conferred upon Guerrero in consideration
of his services. Gac. de Gua-L, 31st Oct. 1821, sup. ii.

ljln June they had united hi sending to Spain a petition for assistance.
Orders had consequently been given for the light battalion of Cataluiia sta
tioned at Habana to embark at once with 100 artillerymen for Vera Cruz.
The consulado of Cadiz informed the corporation at Vera Cruz of these dis
positions by letter of August 14th. Alaman, Hist. Alej., v. 341-2.

740 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

miento was, therefore, importuned to obtain from
General Davila an assurance that his future course
would be so regulated as not to expose the lives and
property of the inhabitants to danger.16 Davila, how
ever, paid no attention to the representations made
to him, and in pursuance of his previous plan retired on
the night of theWth with the few troops he had to the
castle, taking with him the heavy artillery, ammuni
tion, and stores, as well as the funds in the treasury,
amounting to $90,000. At the same time he author
ized the ayuntamiento to treat with Santa Anna,
who was now approaching. The ayuntamiento at
once appointed Colonel Manuel Rincon governor acl
interim to arrange for the capitulation of the town.
Santa Anna entered Vera Cruz on the 27th, and on
the same day the ayuntamiento passed an act recog
nizing the independence.17 Rincon was retained in
his position as governor. A few days previous to
this event Iturbide had received the gratifying news
that the Yucatan peninsula had declared for inde
pendence, the oath having been taken in Merida on
the 1 5th of September.

As yet the oath had not been administered to the
ayuntamiento, tribunals, and corporations of the city of
Mexico, and the 27th of October having been appointed
for the occasion, the ceremony took place with unu
sual solemnity. The form of oath exacted not only
observance of the plan of Iguala and the treaty of
Cordoba, but also the recognition of the soberana
junta and obedience to its decrees.18 The same cere-

16 For copy of the consulado's representation, see Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 145-
oo.

17 Id. , i. 126-7. Santa Anna seems to have been somewhat outreached
by Davila. According to a despatch of his to Iturbide, dated Oct. 18th, he
held a conference on that day in Vera Cruz with Davila, who assured him
that he would capitulate. So confident was Santa Anna that he writes: ' Ase-
guro a V. E. que dentro de ocho 6 diez dias tremolara el pabellon Mexicano
en la plaza y castillo de Veracruz.' Id., 92.

18 1 copy the form verbatim from the bando published on the 13th: '^Re-
conoceis la Soberania de este Imperio representada por su Junta provisional
gnbernativa? i Jurais obedecer sus decretos, observar las garantias proclama-
das en Iguala por el Ejdrcito del Imperio Mexicano con su primer Gefe, los
tratados celebrados en la Villa de Cordoba y desempeuar fielmente vuestro en-

FLIGHT OF SPANIARDS. 741

mony was ordered to be observed within one month
from that date in all cities and towns where the oath
had not yet been taken.

Thus far Iturbide's plans were crowned with success,
and the separation from Spain was accomplished.
Under the new order of affairs but few Europeans
continued in public office, even such as the govern
ment was anxious to retain declining to serve under
the changed regime. Notable among those who left
the country was Bataller, the regent of the audiencia,
to whom Iturbide in vain expressed his earnest desire
that he would remain. Despite, moreover, the en
couragement given to Spaniards to reside in New
Spain by the 15th article of the treaty of Cordoba,
they began to emigrate in great numbers, influenced,
perhaps, more by dread of private vengeance than dis
gust at the independence. Their fears, indeed, had
been acutely aroused by the murder of Manuel de la
Concha on October 5th, while endeavoring to make
his way out of the country. Concha had made him
self an object of fierce hatred by his ruthless execu
tion of prisoners,19 and his death was determined upon.
When the army of Las Tres Garantias entered the
capital he hastily departed for Vera Cruz. At Ja-
'lapa Santa Anna warned him that he had received
information that his life was in danger, and supplied
him with a small escort. Concha, however, believed
that he could escape by disguising himself, and at
dawn on the 5th left Jalapa in the dress of the com
mon people. His precaution was useless. He was
killed at a short distance outside the town.20 The ef-

cargo en servicio de la Nacion? Si asi lo hiciereis Dios os ayude, y si no os lo
dcmande.' Id., i. 102.

19 He kept a register of the numbers he put to death, which he called his
' becerro de muerte. ' Four years previous to his death, at the execution of
some unfortunate captives at Huamantla, he produced this dreadful record,
and the number then amounted to more than 1,800! See note in Santa Anna,
Muerte, dd Sefior Concha.

20 His murderers escaped, despite the efforts made to arrest them. This
gave rise to the suspicion that the authorities had no particular wish to ap
prehend them.

742 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

feet of this assassination upon the resident Spaniards
was startling, and the number of departures increased.
Portions of the press, too, which now enjoyed fall
liberty, added to the alarm, certain writers making it
their aim to keep alive the old enmity against the
European interlopers, and impugning the guaranty of
the plan of Iguala. To arrest this dangerous influence,
the regency, by decree of October 22d, pronounced all
authors of such malignant teachings guilty of treason
against the nation, and subject to corresponding pun
ishment.21 The edict had little effect. .The guaran
ties of the plan of Iguala and of the treaty of Cor
doba were still attacked, and on the llth of December
a sheet appeared,22 in which the author, Francisco
Lagranda, exhorted the Spaniards to sell their prop
erty and leave the country, as the detestation in which
they were held was so great that even Iturbide could
not protect them, however willing he might be. The
alarm created by this publication amounted to a panic,
and extraordinary efforts to counteract the effect were
made by the government. The departure of the mail
was postponed till the following day, in order that the
condemnation of the sheet might be simultaneous with
its circulation in the country, and that the reiterated
assurance on the part of the junta and regency of
their determination to sustain the security of the lives
and property of Europeans might be promulgated.
Lagranda was arrested and condemned to six years'
imprisonment, with the loss of his rights as a citizen,
and an act was passed reforming the law regarding the
liberty of the press.23 But this decisive action failed

. 21 Gac. Imp. Hex., i. 132-5.

22 Entitled Consejo prudente sobre una de las Garantias. Id., i. 341.

23 Consult Id., i. 305-16, 341-8, 376-80. In the decree passed December
20th the junta defined clearly the fundamental bases of the constitution, to
write against or satirize which was declared illegal. Owing to the arduous
duties of the alcaldes in the capital, particularly with respect to their de
cisions relative to abuses of the liberty of the press, their number was. in
creased to six. In Mexico City, and every other capital town where there
were more than two printing-presses, two fiscals were to be appointed whose
duty it would be to examine all publications before issued, and denounce such
as contained infringements of the law to the alcaldes. Lagranda was fortu-

THE MEXICAN PRESS. 743

to restore confidence. So great was the number of
Spaniards who requested their passports that Iturbide
on the 15th laid a motion before the junta that the
loth article of the treaty of Cordoba, which granted
Europeans full liberty of retiring with their fortunes
from the country, should be suspended for ninety
days; and on the 9th of January, 1822, it was decreed
that no more passports should be issued until the con
gress which was to be convened passed its decision
on the matter. Thus the Spaniards were deprived
of the option of returning to Spain, and of the right
even to withdraw their capital. Yet still the press
succeeded in aggravating animosity against them.
During this period it not only made the guaranty of
the union the mark for its shafts, but also the form
of government, the pomp displayed by which, under
the circumstances of a scanty treasury, was ridiculed
and many of its provisions censured.24 The party

nate enough to escape with only a few months' imprisonment, being allowed
the benefit of the indulto general granted when congress was installed in
March following. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 512.

21 At this time Bustamante published a weekly periodical, styled LaAbispa
de Ckilpancingo, a few copies of which exist in the library of Madrid. He
dedicated it to the memory of Morelos, and each number in particular to some
insurgent chief. This was sufficient to gain for him the enmity of Iturbide,
and when in the fifth issue he held up to ridicule the impecuniosity of the im
perial government, he was arrested and imprisoned. His confinement, how
ever, only lasted a few hours. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 407-8. During this
year he also published his Galeria de Principes Alcxicanos, Tultecas y Acul-
huas, compiled from some manuscripts of Boturini Benaducci, and began to
issue his Cnadro Histdrico de la Revolution Mexicana, as I find a notice of these
works on page 100 of the Gaceta Imperial de Mexico, torn. i. The periodicals
published in the capital were at first limited to the last-named gazette, which
was the government organ, and El Noticioso General, which expressed the
opinions of no political party, but was confined to the publication of decrees
of the junta, resolutions of the government, and news from Spain. On the 5th
of Dec., however, the Gaceta del Sol made its appearance. This was an im
portant political organ established by the masonic order. The arrival of
O'Donojii had given a great impulse to this society, the persons who had ac
companied him having joined existing lodges and established others. One bf
these latter was named ' la logia del Sol,' and to it the periodical of the same
name owes its origin. It was edited by Manuel Codorniu, a physician who
had accompanied O'Donoju from Spain. The object of it was to sustain the
plan of Iguala, to propagate the liberal principles which were gaining ground
in Spain, to exclude the clergy from intervention in the education of the youirj,
and to foment the Lancastrian system of schools, one of which was established
in the capital, also under the name ' del Sol.' From this time the iniluence of
the masonic orrL-rs waxed strong, and soon became a political power in the
land.

744 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

spirit, also, which was being developed, now began to
be publicly exhibited, and two opposite factions were
respectively represented by writers who advocated a
republican form of government on the one side, and
the elevation of Iturbide to the imperial throne on the
other.

The action of the generalissimo had not given that
general satisfaction which was necessary to secure
harmony between the two great parties that had
for so long a time opposed each other. He had al
most ignored the services of the military chiefs who
had fought under the insurgent banners, and with
the exception of Guerrero, Bravo, and a few others,
the names of revolutionary leaders were not found on
the list of recipients of rewards and promotions. Ar
rogating to himself the credit of the consummation
of independence, he left entirely out of sight the
merits of those who had previously striven so hard to
attain it, and instead of displaying an impartial appre
ciation alike of royalists and insurgents — denomina
tions which indeed had virtually ceased to exist
when the two sides coalesced as independents — his
marked preference for the former caused just offence
to the latter.25 The ill feeling thus early created
soon assumed a practical form.

First among the important duties of the junta was
the formation of a plan for the assembling of the na
tional congress; and in this matter Iturbide must use
all his cunning to further the ambitious views he se
cretly cherished. The system to be pursued in con
ducting the elections was, according to the treaty of
Cordoba, that of the Spanish constitution; but this
would not secure such a congress as the generalis
simo hoped to see established. He wished it to be as
subservient to himself as he had found the members

5 This was particularly observable in Iturbide's anxiety to retain Span
iards in office. In his memorial, written at Leghorn in Sept. 1823, he says:
'Todos los europeos que quisieron seguir la suerte del pais, conservaron los
empleos que obtenian, y fueron ascendidos sucsesivamente d aquellos d, que
.tenian derecho por sus servicios y me'ritos.' Carrera, Mil. y Pol., 13.

PACKING A CONGRESS. 745

of the regency. If it could be composed mainly of
representatives not gifted with remarkable intelligence,
and at the same well packed with more sagacious ad
herents of his own, his aim would be wellnigh accom
plished. Accordingly, before the junta had read the
form of convocation which had been drawn up by the
commission appointed for that purpose, the regency
urged it not to come to any resolution before it had
heard certain suggestions which would shortly be laid
before it. This led to long deliberations as to whether
the junta could make any change in the mode of con
voking congress as laid down in the Spanish constitu
tion without infringing the treaty of Cordoba and
plan of Iguala; but it finally passed a resolution that
it had that power. On the 6th of November, there
fore, the regency suggested that the future congress
should be divided into two chambers, the one com
posed of deputies elected by the ecclesiastics and the
military respectively, a procurator for the ayunta-
miento of each city, and an attorney for each audien-
cia; the second chamber, from which the above classes
were to be excluded, to consist of representatives
chosen by the people at the rate of one for every
50,000 inhabitants.23 The proposal was approved by
the junta, and as Iturbide mainly relied upon the
army and clergy, he thereby secured to his interests
at least one half of the future congress. But this
was not all: on the 8th he laid before the junta a
plan for the election designed by himself, the basis of
which was that each profession and class should be
represented by deputies chosen by itself.27 This caused

™Noticioso General, 14th Nov. 1821, 2-4.

27 The number of deputies to be elected by each class was not to be de
cided by the number which composed it, but by its importance and intelli
gence. Iturbide proposed that the congress should be composed of 120
numbers thus apportioned: of the ecclesiastics, 18 representatives; of the
agricultural, mining, artisan, and commercial classes, 10 each; of the army
and navy, 9; of the officials in the government departments and in that of
justice, 24; of the professional faculties, 18; of titled noblemen, 2; and of the
common people, 9. In the election of most of these deputies the popular vote
was left out of the question, the ecclesiastical chapters, military staff-officers,
the consulados, the master artisans, university faculties, colleges of lawyers,

746 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

further discussion. A commission, nominated by Itur-
bide himself, was appointed to examine and report
on his plan, and on the 17th the junta, which had
been assisted by the regency in its deliberations, ar
rived at its decision. The result was that Iturbide's
plan was adopted in all the main points. It was
made obligatory in those provinces which, sent up
four or more deputies that three of these, but no more,
should be respectively a church man, a military officer,
and a magistrate or lawyer.

It was also made compulsory that the agricultural,
mining, commercial, and artisan classes should be
represented; the provinces in which these pursuits
respectively predominated were designated and the
number of corresponding deputies to bo elected as
signed. The total number of representatives was
fixed at 162.28 During these proceedings Iturbide
was very humble and unassuming in his protestations
to the public. Neither his colleagues in the regency,
his military comrades, nor himself, he proclaimed,
were other than devoted subjects of the sovereign
people.23 The public weal was the loadstar of his
aspirations, and he would withdraw to the retirement
of private life if such were his country's wish. Never
theless, no one was deceived by these asseverations.

and so forth being the electors. Id., 12th Nov. 1821, 3-4. No more arbitrary
plan could well be designed.

'2BGac. Imp. Mex., i. 217-30. The apportionment was as follows: The
intendencias — Mexico, including Quere"taro, 28; Guadalajara, 17; Puebla,
Oajaca, and Valladolid, each 14; Vera Cruz, Guanajuato, and San Luis
Potosi, 7 each; Mcrida, 11; Zacatecas, 4; Tlascala, 1. The provincias intcr-
nas cle Oriente — Nuevo Leon, Nuevo Santander, Coahuila, and Texas, each 1.
The provincias internas de Occidente — Durango, 23; Arizpe, 8; New Mexico,
1; Upper and Lower California, each 1. Id., 231.

29 See his proclamation in Meg. Bosquejo llev., 130-3. This work, issued
under the nom de plume ' Un Verdadero Americano,' was published in Phil
adelphia in 1822, and attributed to Rocafuertc. The writer was of strong
republican tendencies and a denouncer of Iturbide; ho states that he Icib
Mexico and retired to the United States in order that ho might not be a wit
ness of the tyranny with which he saw his country was going to be oppressed.
His book contains a valuable selection of proclamations, government papers,
and discourses of the time, which the author deemed ib necessary thus to pre
serve while they still existed, since it would be easy for the supreme power
to collect and destroy such disgraceful documents, and thereby hiuo the
traces of the path pursued in the attainment of the most shameless ambitious
aspirations.

PLOTS AGAINST ITUBBIDE. 747

No one was blind to the fact that a blow had been
struck at the liberty of the people in their sovereign
right to select their representatives without restric
tion. It was generally understood that the limita
tion of the number of ecclesiastical, military, and
juristic representatives, and their exclusion from the
second chamber, were intended to deprive congress of
the intelligence which particularly belonged to those
classes owing to their superior education. Moreover,
the declaration by the junta that the congress should
be divided into two chambers was an assumption of a
faculty outside its attributes. That a provisional
junta should dictate constitutional laws to a future
constituent assembly was ridiculous. But Iturbide
expected to be made the president whenever the two
chambers deliberated together, since obviously neither
of the respective presidents could preside on such

occasions.80

The consequence of this policy was, as might be
Expected, conspiracy. Such an arbitrary plan should
not be carried into effect without an effort being mado
to prevent it. A plot was formed, the object of
which was to secure the untrammelled liberty of elec
tion and the establishment of a republic. The con
spirators were men already eminent, and among them
were Guadalupe Victoria, Nicolas Bravo, the briga
dier Miguel Barragan, Juan Morales, president of
the supreme court of justice,81 the padres Carbajal
and Jimenez. Captain Borja, and other officers. Secret
meetings were held at the house of Miguel Domin-
guez — with whom the reader is already acquainted as
former corregidor of Queretaro — and it was decided
to address a representation to Iturbide; if this failed
to obtain redress, then his person was to be seized,

30 Iturbide's remarks on the plan, written while an exile at Leghorn, can
not be read without a smile at the coolness with which its faults are charged
to the junta. ' La convocatoria,' he says, ' era defectuosisima, pcro con to-
dos sus defectos fue aprobada, y yo 110 podia mas que conoccr cl mal y scn-
tirlo.' Carrcra, Mil. y Pol, 19-20.

S1 Morales was editor of a paper styled El Hombre librc. Bu-.-tamante,
Cuad. Hist,, vi. 24.

748 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

and a manifesto published setting forth the reason.
The liberal ideas of Negrete being well known, a
communication was sent to him at Guadalajara, but
he despatched the letter to Iturbide, who took his
measures accordingly.32

On the night of the 26th of November, with great
display of military force, seventeen of the principal
conspirators were arrested, among whom were those
already mentioned. When the night's work became
known Iturbide was surprised at the murmurings
which arose. His act inspired a fear that he would
not be disinclined to reestablish the ancient form
of despotism. The adherents of the prisoners were
numerous. Rigorous proceedings against them would
hardly be safe, and most of them were liberated
shortly afterward. Victoria and Morales, however,
were treated with more severity, the latter not being
released till the congress issued its decree of amnesty,
and the former only avoiding similar durance by es
caping from his dungeon.33

In comparing the condition of New Spain after
eleven years of strife with that at the commence
ment of the century, the contrast presents a strik
ing retrogression. The revenue had been reduced
so low as to be quite inadequate to cover the ex
travagant expenditure of the new government, which
recklessly decreed large incomes and salaries, while

32 This is the account of the discovery as given by Alaman. Hist. Mcj. ,
v. 410. The author of Meg. Bosque.jo Rev., 135, charges other persons, in
cluding Ramon Rayon, with divulging the plot. ' Ellos — i. e., the conspira
tors — deberan estar muy agradecidos d, D. Ramon Rayon, al teniente D.
Juan Garcia, y a otros viles denunciantes que ... la frustraron revelandola 4
Iturbide.'

33 Bustamante was chosen by Victoria as his advocate. This writer states
that his escape was effected by Doctor Codorniu — the editor of EL Sol —
Manuel Carrasco, and Juan cle Echarte, all of whom were Spaniards. Cuad.
Hist., vi. 24. Bravo was released by order of Iturbide dated Dec. 19th, no
proof of conspiracy being found against him. Gac. Imp. Hex., i. 349-50,
Alluding to this affair in his autobiographical sketch published in 1828, he
says: ' Yo crei de mi deber en circunstancias tan criticas dar algunos pasos
para secundar el espiritu publico, y el fruto de mi tentativa fu6 una prision.'
Manifesto, 9.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 749

at the same time it diminished its small resources
by reductions in the import duties, excise, and other
imposts in order to make popular the independence.
A new tariff was formed reducing all import duties to
the single one of 25 per centum ad valorem, and the
alcabala to 8 per centum.34 The tax on pulque was
lowered from $3. 1 2^ the mule-load to 4^ reales ; so that
the proceeds at the capital, which in 1810 had amounted
to $283,336, only reached $87,591 in 1822. The pro
ductiveness of the tobacco monopoly was grievously
affected by heavy debts owed to the growers of
the plant, who, when funds were wanting wherewith
to pay them, sold their tobacco to contraband dealers
and immensely lessened the government sales.35 Com
merce experienced a violent convulsion. Free-trade
was opened to all nations; and as comtaercial 'rela
tions with Spain were closed, and those with foreign
countries were not yet established by treaties, trade
was reduced to the lowest ebb, with corresponding loss
to the treasury. Nor did it assume any importance
until revived by the settlement of foreign merchants
in the country. The possession of the fortress of
Ulua by the Spaniards was also an additional cause
of decrease in revenue. Vessels which arrived at the
port of Vera Cruz paid customs to the governor of the
fort, and their cargoes were smuggled ashore, payment
of the Mexican duties being evaded. All industries
had fallen into decay, lamentably so that of mining.
Rich mines had been abandoned, machinery and re
duction works destroyed, and the funds employed an-

34 The prohibitions were removed from nearly all articles of foreign impor
tation. The tariff was formed on a liberal plan, but serious mistakes were
made. One of the few prohibited articles was raw cotton, while cotton goods,
woollen cloths and stuffs, ready-made clothing, sugar, and all kinds of eata
bles were allowed to be imported. Such regulations affected the industries
of the country, especially the manufacture of cotton goods, which was tem
porarily ruined. A copy of the tariff is supplied by Dublan and Lozano, who
nave inserted it in their Leg. Mex.. i. 507-87, on account of its historical inter
est as being the first Mexican tariff.

35 In order to improve the condition of this branch of the revenue, Iturbide
was authorized to raise a loan of $1,500,000, for which he applied to the cathe
dral chapters, with but little success. Decreto de 2 de Enero, 1822.

750 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

nually by the viceregal government for the exchange
of amalgam into coin had ceased to be supplied, which
caused a great depreciation in the price obtained for
it. At the same time the imposts on this industry
were not only fully sustained, but exemptions on cer
tain articles which had been granted for the purpose
of promoting it had been removed. In its ruin it
dragged down with it all other industries in mining
districts, agriculture and mechanical crafts suffering
in proportion. To remedy the evil, a commission was
appointed to devise measures of relief.36 This pro
posed the exemption of quicksilver from all duties,
whether it was imported or extracted in the country,
and that gunpowder should be supplied to mining
operators at prime cost.

Tl* ese and other liberal relaxations were decreed by
the junta on the 22d of November,37 and the resolution
submitted to the regency, which, in view of the loss
of at least $600,000 annually that the measure would
entail on the treasury, urged that it should be modi
fied. The junta accordingly again discussed the ques
tion on the 8th of February following; but convinced
of the necessity of the measure, and persuaded that
the inconvenience caused the government would be
only temporary, confirmed its previous decree, which
was published on the 18th. The scarcity of funds
prevailed throughout the country, and the provinces,
instead of being able to contribute to the general
treasury, were compelled to appeal for subsidies. Yet
in the face of these circumstances the new govern
ment, as I have said, was anything but economical.
The grants to Iturbide, O'Donoju's widow, and others
were heavy items; and the cost of ceremonial displays
and celebrations of public rejoicing, though these

36 Composed of Fagoaga, Brigadier Horbegoso, and Jose" Maria Busta-
iriante. Alaman, Hist. M&j., v. 440-1.

37 Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex. , i. 563-4. Azcdrate even proposed that
the industry should be freed from every kind of impost for six years. Gac.
Imp. Mex., i. 191. His motion was not adopted on account of the great loss
to the revenue.

FINANCIAL TROUBLES. 751

were not out of place, was lavish; while the pay-roll,
arrears, and clothing of the army called for large sums.
In the emergency, the negotiation of a loan was the
only means of relief; but how to effect it was the
difficulty. The junta was well aware of the repug
nance with which forced loans were regarded, and of
the unfavorable impression and injury to its credit
which would be created if it resorted to such a meas
ure. It therefore endeavored to effect its object by
an appeal to the corporations and wealthy individuals
for voluntary subscriptions to the amount of §300,000,
the monthly deficit. The call, however, was not re
sponded to with that enthusiasm which contributors
had shown little more than a decade before. The
sum of $277,067 was all that was raised, and the junta
felt compelled to employ the compulsory system in
order to cover the monthly deficit. Its previous
fears were now verified, and in the collection of the
quotas assigned to individuals all kinds of difficulties
were incurred, many persons even submitting to im
prisonment in preference to paying their contingent.
This led to measures still more arbitrary. In Febru
ary an individual fine of $1,000 was imposed upon
those who did not pay their quotas on the appointed
date; and as coin was being noticeably withdrawn from
circulation, the regency passed an order forbidding
the custom-houses to issue the necessary papers for
the exportation of money from any town. But this
measure paralyzed internal trade and foreign com
merce ; and the junta modified it by allowing internal re
mittances to be made, but so trammelled the concession
with red-tape regulations as to the destinations and
employment of such funds, and by the imposition of
15 per centum deposits as security against shipments
of money out of the country, that dissatisfaction was
great; the idea, moreover, being conveyed that the
aim was to exact this percentage as a duty on all
Spanish capital that might be withdrawn in future.
Though internal trade was thus somewhat relieved,

752 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

foreign commerce was not benefited, and the govern
ment had to yield to the incessant representations
made to it. On the 16th of February, therefore, it
decreed that money might be shipped abroad, but
only for commercial purposes and with the cognizance
and permission of the regency. All these measures
were in distinct violation of article 15 of the treaty
of Cordoba.

A full statement of the income arid expenses of the
treasury for the first four months of the independence
was published in January 1822. From the official
sheets it appears that the total receipts amounted to
$1,274,695 and the expenditures to $1,272,458, leav
ing a balance of $2,237/s with which to commence
the corning year.

After the occupation of the capital, it was found
necessary to reorganize the army, no little disorder
having been the consequence of the change in affairs.
Officers' badges had been changed, and the devices of
the banners altered; some regiments retained their
old names, while others adopted new ones; desertion
had greatly thinned the ranks, and arms were surrep
titiously carried away; discipline was relaxed, numbers,
abandoned the active service for other employments,
and confusion generally prevailed. On the 7th of
November the generalissimo issued orders for the

38 Thus exhibited : Receipts.

From ordinary sources , $900,724

Donations 30,904

Voluntary loan._ , 277,007

$1,274,695

Expenditures.

Infantry $333, 107

Cavalry 408,009

Army arrears 230,937

Freight for army 19,325

Iturbide's salary 108,402

Government departments 150,005

Cuerpos facultativos 21,953

1,272,458

Balance §2,237

Gac. Imp. Mcx\, i. 452-3.

REORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 753

thorough reorganization of the military forces. Seven
regiments of infantry, designated by numerical order,
were formed out of the troops then in the city, the
old names by which the different corps had been dis
tinguished being suppressed; an eighth regiment was
formed in Vera Cruz, and provision made for the
formation of the troops in Nueva Galicia and other
provinces into five more regiments, making the num
ber thirteen in all.39 The cavalry was divided into
eleven regiments, also designated by numbers. The
new system, however, caused great disgust; the old
names were cherished by the troops with veneration
as records of military glory, and the offence taken at
their suppression was marked by increased desertion.
By the end of the year the number of officers of all
grades and that of the soldiers were ridiculously dis
proportionate.40

When the junta had concluded what it considered
its most important duties, it occupied itself in affairs
of little moment, many of which did not belong to
the province of legislative power. Much time was
frittered away in attention to such matters as the
election of female prelates of nunneries, the appoint
ments of provincials of regular orders, and questions
bearing upon university regulations. Lengthy dis
cussions, too, were held on affairs of real gravity,
without any definite result being attained. Its neg
lect, moreover, of others was highly blamable, It
is inconceivable that it should have taken no effective
steps to establish friendly relations with foreign pow
ers. Almost its first duty ought to have been to ap-

39 Mex. Notic. Hist. Inf., Setseq. The imperial grenadiers formed a sep
arate battalion, which was the only one which preserved its name.

40 By referring to the official army lists published in the Gac. Imp. Mex., i.
432, 430, 452, I find from the reviews held in Oct., Nov., and Dec., that the
numbers of the forces, including non-commissioned officers, were respectively
10,447, 12,220, and 11,409. Of this latter number 3,101 were sergeants, cor
porals, and musicians, reducing the privates to 8,308. These were commanded
by 1,802 officers, from the grade of col to that of sub-lieut. The proportion,
therefore, of soldiers to officers of all grades was less than two to one.

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 48

754 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

prise the Spanish government and all foreign nations
of the establishment of the new empire. All it did,
however, was to pass a resolution for the appointment
of four envoys to be sent respectively to South Amer
ica, the United States, England, and Rome; while
with regard to Spain, which ought to have met with
the first consideration, a similar disposition was with
held, and reserved for the future action of the con
gress.41 Thus the Spanish government was not even
officially informed that the crown of the Mexican
empire was held in reserve for Fernando if he chose
to accept it.42

During the last few weeks of its existence, the junta
was occupied in making preparations for the ceremo
nials to be observed at the installation of the congress
on the 24th of February V Meantime the elections had
taken place,*3 and the deputies were arriving at the
capital. Events, however, had occurred in Central
America which affected the composition of the national
assembly. That country had declared its independence
in September, and for several months had been divided
in opinion on the question of union with the Mexican
empire. The claims of different provinces to the
right of individual independence were asserted with
such heat as to lead to an outbreak of hostilities.

41 Actas de la junta, 7th Feb. 1822.

42 Spain was far from disinclined at first to recognize at once the indepen
dence of Mexico. A paragraph of a letter from one of the deputies to the
Spanish c6rtes was published in the Gac. Imp. Hex. of Nov. 20, 1821, pp.
186-7; and the writer distinctly states the readiness of Spain to arrive at an
amicable agreement without the further employment of force. But the base
of the colony's independence would have to be the security of the property
and persons of Europeans: 'Salvo esto, el derramamiento cle sangre y cl anuncio
siquiera de tin gobierno libre, el Congreso espaiiol se aviene a todo, y prote-
jera dignamente la Independencia. No hay ya ambicion de tesoros ni de
mandar a 2 mil leguas.' The imperial government, however, acted on this
essential point in a way directly hostile to the Spaniards by depriving them
of the rights conceded to them by the treaty of Cordoba.

43 The 24th of Dec. had been appointed as the day for the popular election
of the members of the new ayuntamientos of the towns. Each ayuntamiento
then selected one of its number as district elector. On the 14th of Jan. 1822,
all the electors of each district met at the chief town and appointed the pro
vincial elector, who in union with the other provincial electors similarly
chosen appointed the deputies to congress on the 28th. Gac, Imp. Mex., i.
223-4.

CENTRAL AMERICA. 755

Moreover, the provinces themselves were divided
into factions, and anarchy for a time prevailed. At
the instance of certain towns in Guatemala, a con
siderable force, under the command of the brigadier
Vicente Filisola, had been sent by Iturbide in Novem
ber to maintain order. In the midst of the confusion
a communication, addressed by Iturbide on the 19th
of October to Gainza, the captain-general of Guate
mala, and setting forth the advantages of annexation,
was printed and circulated in all towns, and an order
issued for the popular vote to be everywhere taken on
the matter. On the 5th of January the votes were
counted, resulting in an immense majority in favor of
immediate union with Mexico.*4 When this fact be
came known to the imperial government, it was nec
essary to provide for the representation of Central
America in the congress, and as the proximity of the
installation would not admit of the formally elected
deputies arriving in time to be present at it, the gov
ernment adopted the plan of appointing forty substi
tutes, natives of Central America, resident in New
Spain, to represent those provinces. These were to
resign their seats to the deputies as they arrived.

The provisional junta, now about to give place to
the national congress, during the five months of its
existence had committed many glaring errors. In the
first place it had assumed prerogatives which did not
belong to it, and its appropriation of the title 'soberana
junta/ and that of ' your majesty,' by which it was cer
emoniously addressed, was nothing less than a usurpa
tion. No sooner was it installed than it arrogated
to itself faculties more extensive than those enjoyed
by the Spanish cortes. While its duties were clearly
limited to the appointment of a regency, the convoca
tion of congress as speedily as possible, and to the
regulation of such matters only as admitted of no delay,
it at once launched itself upon a comprehensive course

"Rev. Cent. Amer., 3-11.

756 THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

of legislation. With unnecessary haste it decreed an
immense salary for Iturbide, and what was worse,
elevated him to such high rank as to give him ascend
ency over the regency, and render the authority which
he attained incompatible with that of any govern
ment. It changed the customs tariff, and made im
portant alterations in the excise, matters which should
have been deferred to the action of the congress. It
violated the treaty of Cordoba, and wasted time on
matters outside its province, instead of confining itself
to the prompt despatch of important business. More
over, its acquiescence to Iturbide, who was the pro
poser of all important acts decreed by it, signally
marked the fundamental error it committed in his
elevation — an error which entailed its own subservi
ency to him and consequent weakness. Nevertheless,
it must not be considered that these mistakes were
entirely the fault of the individuals who composed the
junta. They proceeded rather from the political opin
ions which began to prevail after the installment of
the c6rtes at Cddiz. The assumption by the junta of
congressional powers was in keeping with the princi
ples that had been practised in Spain, and in view of
the inexperience of the members and their little politi
cal knowledge, it is not to be wondered that the junta
mistook the object for which it was established, and
imitated the precedents presented in Spain.

CHAPTER XXXII.

FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.
1822.

THE INSTALLATION — TAKING THE OATH UNDER PRESSURE — THE FIRST
MISUNDERSTANDING — POLITICAL PARTIES — MEASURES FOR RELIEF OP
THE TREASURY — DISAGREEMENTS ON THE ARMY QUESTION — A COUNTER
REVOLUTION — GENERAL DA VILA'S ACTION — ITURBIDE AND CONGRESS
AT OPEN WAR — PROGRESS OF REPUBLICANISM — ITURBIDE PROCLAIMED
EMPEROR BY A POPULAR EMEUTE — A STORMY CONGRESSIONAL SESSION
— AGUSTIN I. RECOGNIZED — JOY IN THE PROVINCES — THE IMPERIAL
FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD — DIFFICULTIES OF THE TREASURY — THE COUN
CIL OF STATE — THE CORONATION.

DURING the elections Iturbide had not remained
idle. His agents had been everywhere active in their
endeavors to secure the appointment of representa
tives who would support his views. They had only
been partially successful, however; the liberals had
shown equal energy in their labors, and a large num
ber of truly patriotic and enlightened men had been
elected. Though the congress would not be so favor
ably composed as he had intended, the generalissimo
had still a resource left by which he hoped to cramp
the proceedings of the opposing party — namely, in
timidation. A display of military force would effect
this, and under such circumstances a form of oath
could be exacted that would fetter free action. He
was determined that the nation's representatives
should not decide for it its form of government.
They should be compelled to swear to observe the
plan of Iguala. It was a monstrous insult to the
dignity of a nation, the liberty of which he had so

(757)

758 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

lately proclaimed, to prescribe its government, and im
pose law upon the assembly appointed to frame its con
stitution. Shortly before the inauguration Iturbide,
under the pretext of being able to attend to his duties
with less interruption, withdrew to Chapultepec, which,
as the reader will recollect, had been converted by
Viceroy Galvez into a fortification.1 Thither and to
Tacubaya he also withdrew a great portion of the
troops with supplies of ammunition and funds, secretly
prepared to use force if necessary.

At daybreak on the 21th of February, salvos of
artillery announced to the inhabitants of the capital
that the first Mexican congress was about to be in
stalled. No effort had been spared by the junta to
render the occasion as brilliant as possible, and capti
vate the people with an exhibition of unprecedented
rejoicing. The streets were carpeted, and gay with
garlands, flags, and colored drapery, and the proces
sion, by which the members were conducted to the
cathedral, was imposing and magnificent. Preceded
by the regency, and junta, and accompanied by a
splendid military escort, it marched to bands of
music through long files of troops dressed in their
brightest uniforms. To the ordinary spectator the
sight was grand, and the unwonted display a befitting
honor to the chosen ones of the nation. But the
martial glitter was painful to the eyes and thoughts
of many of the deputies, and they were not deceived
as to its significance.2 Opposition was useless, how
ever, and the objectionable oath was taken, the rep
resentatives trusting to time and opportunity to
correct matters.3

1 Hist. Mex., iii. 396-7, this series.

2 ' Los diputados tuvieron que coder a la fuerza; jurar el plan de Iguala y
tratado de C6rdoba el dia de su instalacion. ' Meg. Bosquejo Rev., 139-40.
Bustamante asserts that the troops were provided with ball-cartridges, and
that their officers had received instructions of a very decisive nature: 'La
numerosa escolta. . .y tropa tendida en la carrera, iba municionada con treinta
cartuchos embalados, y a sus gefes se les habian dado 6rdenes muy reserva-
das y terribles para obrar al menor movimiento.' Cuad. Hist., vi. 30. Fora
description of the procession and ceremonies, see Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 1-5.

8 The oath administered was: To defend and maintain the catholic, apos-

INSTALLATION OF CONGRESS. 759

When the ceremony was over and the congress had
assembled in the hall appointed for its sessions, Itur-
bide delivered a congratulatory address, in which he
took the opportunity of parading his own services while
expressing his humility and unpretentiousness. He as
sured the congress that tranquillity prevailed through
out the land, notwithstanding the agitation which a
few turbulent spirits endeavored to excite by medium
of the press; that dangers, nevertheless, threatened
to disturb the even current — but only threatened ; the
congress would know how to consolidate the bonds of
union. Other speeches followed, and when the junta
and regency had retired the assembly commenced its
duties. Jose Hipolito Odoardo was elected president
and Tagle vice-president. Manuel Argiielles and
Carlos Bustamante were appointed secretaries, and
resolution passed that the congress had been legiti
mately installed.4 It then declared that the national
sovereignty resided in itself as the constituent con
gress, and in order that the three powers should not
be united, delegated the executive to the regency and
the j udicial to the existing tribunals. A commission
was also sent to inform the provisional junta that its
functions had ceased, and to cite the regency to
appear before congress for the purpose of taking the
necessary oath. When the members of the latter
presented themselves an incident occurred significant
of future antagonism. Iturbide, to whom had been

tolic, Roman religion; to guard religiously the independence of the Mexican
nation; and to form a political constitution based on the plan of Iguala and
the treaty of Cordoba, establishing the absolute separation of the legislative,
executive, and judicial powers, so that they could never be united in one
person or corporation. Id. , ii. 4.

^Bustamante, Cuad. Hist , vi. 40. An interrogation composed of six
questions was put to the assembly by the president. These were as follows:
Was the congress legitimately installed ? Did the sovereignty essentially
reside in the Mexican people ? Was the Roman Catholic religion to be that
of the state to the exclusion of all others ? Was a moderate constitutional
monarchy adopted as the form of government ? Would this monarchy be
denominated the Mexican Empire ? Were the offers of the throne to the
princes of the houses of Bourbon recognized? Id., 41-2. These questions
gave rise to warm discussions, but the republican party was not yet strong
enough to display opposition, and they were all answered in the affirmative.

760 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

conceded the presidential seat whenever he attended
the sessions of the junta, whether by inadvertency or
design, seated himself in the chair in the centre,
leaving that on its left to be occupied by the presi
dent of the congress.5 The breach of etiquette might
have been passed over in silence but for the jealous
interference of Pablo Obregon, a deputy for the prov
ince of Mexico, and decidedly hostile to Iturbide.
With more spirit than caution, he emphatically claimed
observance of conventional rules. The disagreeable
mishap was adjusted by the condescension of Odoardo;
Iturbide retained the seat,6 and the oath was duly
taken; but none the less was the germ of discord
sown. Thus terminated the first session of the first
congress of independent Mexico. The two following
days were devoted to public festivities, and to the
reception of the tribunals and corporations which
hastened to offer their felicitations on the auspicious
event.

On the 27th, congress commenced its more serious
labors. Its members were almost immediately divided
into three distinct parties, namely: the Bourbonists,
who rigidly sustained in all its articles the plan of
Iguala, and wished to erect a constitutional monarchy
with a prince of the house of Bourbon as king; the
Iturbidists, who likewise adopted the plan of Iguala,
with the exception that they desired to place Iturbide
on the throne; and the republicans, who ignored the

5 The other four members of the regency occupied seats on the right and
left of these chairs. Bustamante, who was seated near by, states that Alcocer
was the cause of Iturbide's taking the first seat. ' Iturbide a quien guiaba
Alcocer osci!6 sobre el que deberia tomar: pero este le dijo con voz regauona
que todos oimos este, este, y le indic6 con la mano el principal.' Id., vi. 44.
This question of etiquette had already been discussed and decided, the right-
hand seat being assigned to the president of congress, and that on the left
to the president of the regency. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 50-1. The reverse posi
tions would virtually have ceded to Iturbide the right to preside whenever
the two powers deliberated together.

5 Alaman incorrectly states that Iturbide vacated the seat in silence and
took the other one. Hist. Mej., v. 496. The author of Meg. Boxquejo Rev.,
153-4, says that no change was then made, but the mistake' was rectified in
future; and such is the inference from Bustamante's account: 'Saliosa del
paso por la moderacion del presidente Odoardo.' Ouad. Uist., vi. 44.

THE THREE PARTIES. 761

right of the army to impose any such plan upon the
nation, and wished to establish a federal republic.7
At first the republican party had little power to fur
ther its own views, and many of its members lent
support to the Bourbonists as the only means of de
feating Iturbide, whose assumption of the crown they
considered a more immediate danger than the possible
acceptance of it by Fernando, or a prince of his house.
They argued that during the interval that must elapse
before the latter possibility could be realized, a liberal
constitution would be formed, which would fetter the
faculties of the monarch, and in case of no Spanish
prince accepting the offer, the views of the people
would meanwhile become enlightened, and a more
general inclination to a republican form of govern
ment have been developed. Even if Iturbide eventu
ally mounted the throne, his power would be more
restricted than if he attained that elevation under the
present circumstances. To the Bourbonists the Itur-
bidists also attached themselves, with the view7 of
promoting their own private schemes. Thus the
former party was at first strongly predominant. As
a party, however, the Bourbonists soon ceased to ex
ist. The Spanish cortes, by decree of February 13th,
declared the treaty of Cordoba illegal, null, and void
in so far as the Spanish government and its subjects
were concerned. This decision broke up the Bour-
bonist faction. Its republican element joined the
ranks of the republican party, while the monarchists,
who would have a king under any circumstances, and
still secretly hoped to see some prince of royal blood on
the throne, cast their lot with the Iturbidists. Hence
forward the struggle was confined to these two parties,
and the contest soon became violent.8

7 The principal supporters of the Bourbonists' principles were: Fagoaga,
Tagle, Odoardo, Horbegoso, Paz, and others; the republicans were represented
by Lombardo, Echarte, Vaca y Ortiz, Anaya, Tarazo, and Carlos Bustamante.
The three parties were respectively supported by the press. Conspicuous
among the publications which upheld Iturbide was the Pensador Mexicano,
written by Jose Joaquin Fernandez cle Lizardi.

* Martinez, Sinop. Hint. Rev. Hex., 78-88.

762 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

It had been supposed that Iturbide, in conformity
with remarks which he had made in the proclamation
that he issued relative to the elections, would resign
his position in the regency when congress met;9 but it
was immediately evident that he had no such inten
tion, and discord was soon established. He had
shown that he had taken umbrage at the humiliation
to which he had been subjected by Obregon's action
on the day of the installation, and had addressed a
letter couched in harsh terms to the congress. This
did not tend to foster a friendly spirit, and a few days
later when, accompanied by the generals and chief
military officers, he visited congress for the purpose
of paying his respects, his displeasure was further in
creased by what he considered a slight to the army.
Without taking the seat assigned to him,10 he remarked
that he had come with his companions in arms, and
observed with regret that only the generals were
allowed to enter the hall. This was evidently de
signed to create an ill feeling on the part of the mili
tary against the members. Moreover, Iturbide had
shown in a significant manner his want of sympathy
with the old insurgent leaders, and drawn a broad line
of distinction between the insurrection inaugurated by
Hidalgo and his own successful revolution. He would
have excluded the first heroes of independence from
any share in the nation's gratitude. The congress
thought otherwise; and the 16th of September was
appointed as a day to be observed among the national
festivals, whereby additional offence was taken.11

But the question of most urgent importance, and
that which at once placed the congress and Iturbide
in direct antagonism, was the condition of the treas-

9 His words were: 'En cuanto d mi, yo aguardo con irnpaciencia el veii-
turoso dia en que instalado el Congreso nacional, logre presentarme como sim
ple ciudadano en aquel santuario de la patria, para entregar el sagrada dep6sitc
que se ha querido confiarme.' Eustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 45.

10 The one on the left of the president, which the congress insisted that he
should occupy, though his party used every effort to obtain the higher one for
him.

11 Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 59.

FINANCIAL AND MILITARY PROBLEMS. 763

nry. The monthly deficit had hitherto been covered
by extraordinary resources, but such means were ex
hausted, and measures for permanent relief had to be
adopted. In order to alleviate the strain, the congress
reduced all civil and military salaries.12 This afforded
Iturbide an opportunity of further fault-finding: he
considered that the measure was more prejudicial to
the army officers than to those holding civil positions.
On the 18th of March his representations to the re
gency relative to the pay of the troops were read
before congress. They set forth that desertion had
reached a serious extent owing to want of funds, and
begged for $450,000 monthly in order to meet the
pay-roll of the forces in the capital. It naturally
occurred to the party opposed to Iturbide that so
large an army, and especially its presence in the capital,
was unnecessary, and Brigadier Herrera, deputy for
Vera Cruz, asked the minister of war to explain why
the greater portion of the troops was retained in the
city when they could be supported at less cost in the
provinces. This question was a direct attack upon
Iturbide, whose main hopes were centred in the army.
The regency was forthwith requested to inform the
congress of what number of troops it would be desir
able that the standard army should consist. Itur
bide thereupon held a council with his generals, and
the figure wras placed at 35,900, besides the reestab-
lishment of the provincial militia and formation of
civic companies. But congress disallowed an estimate
thus arrived at, and passed a resolution that the re
gency should proceed according to rule in the matter,
forming its estimate in conjunction with a council
of the ministers, and not of generals. Long and
angry discussions followed, involving also the question
of pay,13 and marked by irritating recriminations.

12 It decreed that the highest salary should not be more than 6,000 pesos,
and that a discount on a descending scale from 20 per cent to 8 per cent
should be imposed on all salaries from 6,000 pesos to $900. The only excep
tions were the stipends paid to Iturhide, his father, and O'Donojii's widow.
Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 125.

13 Sesion del Congreso, 22 de Marzo.

764 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

But the assembly was not going to be led by the ears,
as had been the junta, and maintained its resolution.
Thus within a month hostilities commenced, the re
gency charging the congress with neglect in attend
ing to the urgent needs of the treasury, with the de
sign of destroying "the most meritorious part of the
community" — namely, the army — and the congress
accusing the regency of wasteful expenditure, and of
failure to put in execution the measures adopted for
temporary relief.14 Indeed, the congress was hard tried,
and whether it resorted for relief to the church and
religious orders, to the temporalities of the Jesuits,
or to the reestablish ment of abolished duties, its
measures were more or less generally unpopular, and
met with opposition.

The want of union was not without result, and
General Davila believed that the restoration of the
Spanish power might still be effected by a counter
revolution. Owing to the want of transports, many
of the Spanish forces which had capitulated had not
yet left the country, but were stationed at different
places,15 waiting for opportunities to depart. These
troops, having been allowed to retain their arms,
had already shown symptoms of the disgust which
they felt at the termination of the war, and at having
to retire ingloriously from a land which had been kept
in subjection for three centuries by their forefathers.

14 By decree of March llth the congress had left it to the regencjr to em
ploy such means as its faculties allowed, until a regular system of finance
could be adopted. It moreover ordered that the amounts which had been
collected of the loan of $1,500,000, which Iturbide had been authorized by
the junta to raise, should be applied to the support of the troops. Decreto
dd Congreso, 16 de Marzo, 1822. By the same decree the government was
authorized to sell property of the extinguished Jesuit society, but only in
case the above means failed to meet the emergency. This measure met with
much opposition. The extinction of this society was one of the causes which
had led to the insurrection of 1810, and it was generally hoped that its res
toration v, ould be effected by the independence. A large number of ecclesi
astical and civil corporations in 1821 had petitioned the junta to reestablish
the order. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. ap. doc. 17.

15 There were 1,103 soldiers with 186 officers at Jalapa, and 1,400 more at
Toluca, Cuautitlan, Tezcuco, and Cuernavaca. fiustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi.
62.

ROYALIST PLANS. 765

They could ill restrain their contempt for the race
that had triumphed at last, and in January, owing to
disturbances which had occurred in Toluca, Iturbicle
gave orders to disarm them. They were in no mood,
however, to submit to such a humiliation, and as
sumed so threatening an attitude that at the instance
of General Lilian, who had been sent to carry out the
order, they were allowed to retain their arms. The
first division was at once marched to Vera Cruz for
embarkation, and quiet prevailed for a time. But
Davila, observing the disappointment caused to many
by the yet uncertain result of the late revolution, and
the strong party antagonism that had been developed,
communicated to the officers of the Spanish troops
his project of exciting a counter-revolution ; and during
March secret meetings were held in a cell of the Fran
ciscan convent at Tezcuco. Iturbide was, perhaps,
not ignorant of what was being meditated; and it
was even believed by some that he encouraged and
fomented the movement to further his own schemes.16
Be this as it may, an outbreak directed against
the independence of the country would enhance his
own importance, prove the necessity of keeping on
foot a large standing army, and afford him an oppor
tunity of attacking those Spanish members of the
congress who were opposed to him. When the dis
sension between Iturbide and the assembly became
serious Ddvila hoped to win back the former to his
allegiance to Spain. On the 23d of March he ad
dressed a letter to Iturbicle, representing to him the
impossibility of his system being successful on account
of the opposition of many members of the congress,
and unfolding his own plan, invited him to aid in its
consummation, while promising him in the name of
the king not only forgetfulness of the past, but also
recompense for his services. Iturbide received this

16 'Segun el dictamen de hombres politicos, dl mismo lo promovid por me-
dio de sus agentes, con obgeto de sorprender el congreso y proclamarse cmper-
ador cl dia 3 del propio abril. ' M6g. 13osquejo Rev., 146. See also Uustamante,
Cuad. Hist., vi. 72-3.

766 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

letter on the 2d of April, and on the same day Colo
nel Buceli, who was temporarily in command of the
regiment of Ordenes, placed it under arms and marched
from Tezcuco to Xuchi, expecting to unite there with
the battalion of Castile stationed at Cuernavaca,
thence proceed to Vera Cruz, according to instruc
tions received from Davila, and there initiate an upris
ing. The troops of Castile, however, failed to unite
with him, and their commander, moreover, apprised
Iturbide of the movement, who immediately gave or
ders to Anastasio Bustamante to march in pursuit.
On the following morning Bustamante attacked Bu-

O O

celi's force, which, disheartened at the failure of the
combination, after a slight show of resistance, surren
dered at discretion; the troops were conducted as
prisoners to the capital. A similar attempt was made
by four companies of the Zaragoza regiment stationed
at Nopalucan, under the command of Lieutenant-colo
nel Galindo; but after some trifling skirmishes they
were opposed by overwhelming numbers and disarmed.
Thus terminated this feeble effort; and the most brill
iant troops ever sent by Spain to the colony suffered
the humiliation of defeat in an enterprise the most
insignificant.17

Meantime Iturbide brought matters to a climax be
tween himself and the congress, by a course of action as
offensive as it was weak. The assembly had closed its
sessions during the holy week; but on April 3d the
deputies were hastily summoned by the president, who
informed them that Iturbide wished to communicate to
them matters of vital importance to the nation. This
announcement was no sooner heard than it was objected

17 The remaining forces took no active part in the affair, but were embarked
without further trouble. The prisoners were submitted to trial, but as the
capitulation of the Spanish garrison in the capital had never been formally
celebrated, proceedings were not pressed. They were eventually included
in the general pardon extended to prisoners by Iturbide after being proclaimed
emperor, and sent to Spain, those of them who wished to remain in the coun
try being allowed to do so. For fuller particulars about this attempt, consult
7c/., vi. 01-71, the official documents in Gac. Imp. Mtx., of April 1822;
Unda, Extraord. de Ahora, f. 1.

CHARGES AGAINST ITURBIDE. 767

to. Congress, they said, could not assemble to meet
Iturbide personally, and he must be accompanied by
the regency; but before this decision could be con
veyed to him he suddenly presented himself, and was
informed of the regulation by word of mouth. He
thereupon stated that the affair was most urgent, and
that, being a purely military one, the regency had no
information of it. Nevertheless, the congress adhered
to its resolution, and suspended its session until the
members of the regency presented themselves. When
the session was continued, the regent Yanez stated
that he was unaware of the reason why they had been
summoned, and that having observed considerable ex
citement of the public, he was greatly surprised that
the regency had not been informed of the cause.
Whereupon Iturbide, losing himself, turned to Yanez,
and holding out some papers, hotly exclaimed: " You
know nothing; the fact is, there are traitors both in
the regency and the congress, as these documents will
prove." Yanez with equal heat replied : "As for trai
tors, it is you who are the traitor."18 Matters might
have proceeded to further lengths but for the interfer
ence of the president. Iturbide's grave charge caused
great agitation, and for a time confusion prevailed.
Presently the regency retired, and the assembly pro
ceeded to examine the papers produced by Iturbide.
Nothing was found in them to implicate any of the
members, Davila's letter being the only one from which
the vaguest inference could be drawn; in fact, the only
suspicion aroused pointed to Iturbide himself as hav
ing held correspondence with an enemy.19

When the contents of the papers were known,

18 'iComo es eso de traiclores?. . .Si U. no lo fuese, que se me corte esta
cabeza.' Bnstamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 75.

19 This was proved on the face of the letter. Davila says: 'Miquerido
amigo y seiior mio. No sorprendera a V. el objeto de esta si recuerda el quo
ha tenido varias que V. mo ha dirigido.' Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 146. Iturbide
had been in correspondence, without any instructions from the government,
with Davila, demanding the surrender of the fortress of San Juan de Ulua.
Iturbide replied on April 7th. Both letters were published at his request.
Id., ii. 145-52.

76S THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

indignant murmurings of reprobation at his conduct
were heard on all sides. " By what authority," it
was demanded, "had Iturbide held communications
with Davila without the knowledge or consent of con
gress ? " And when Odoardo replied with the ominous
words, " Caesar has passed the Rubicon," the excite
ment for a time was uncontrollable. When quiet was
restored, a commission was sent to Iturbide, requesting
him to supply other documents in support of his accu
sation, as those produced failed to inculpate any indi
vidual members. Whereupon he returned to the hall
and designated by name eleven of the deputies, among
whom were the president Horbegoso,20 Fagoaga, Odo
ardo, Echarte, and Lombardo. All those denounced
were held in high esteem by the congress, and their ac
cusation was heard with angry resentment, which was
not mollified by Iturbide once more repeating the oft-
told narration of his services, and the thread-bare pro
fession of his disinterestedness. Truly, it was a con
temptible part he was playing. When he had retired,
it was only through the cooler representations of Fa
goaga that the vote was not passed declaring him a
traitor. Meantime the public agitation was intense,
while the members were in momentary expectation
that Iturbide would dissolve the congress by force.21
On the following day congress, in secret session, occu
pied itself with the accusation made by Iturbide, and
unanimously passed a vote to the effect that the depu
ties accused by the generalissimo had riot merited any
want of confidence, but, on the contrary, the assembly
was fully satisfied with their conduct. This declara
tion was publicly announced. Thus Iturbide was
beaten at all points. His scheme to enhance his own
importance had only placed him in a humiliating posi
tion, while the frivolousness of his charge against the
deputies greatly diminished his popularity. As for

20 Horbegoso had succeeded Odoardo as monthly president.

21 Bustamante, displaying no little self-esteem, states that he 'exhorted his
colleagues tranquilly to await their death in their seats.' Cuad. Hist., vi. 77.

REPUBLICAN PROGRESS. 7C9

the congress, its hostility toward him was now openly
expressed. By decree of the llth of April, the re-
genc}^ was reorganized, the bishop of Puebla, Manuel
de la Barcena, and Velazquez de Leon, who were too
evidently subservient to Iturbide, being removed from
their positions, and their places supplied by the conde
de Casa cle Heras Soto, J)octor Miguel Valentin, and
Nicolas Bravo, in whom the congress placed the ut
most confidence. Yafiez was retained in his seat for
the reason of Iturbide's known enmity to him.22

While Iturbide and the congress was thus fencing

O <^

at each other, the republican party was daily gaining
strength. The decision of the Spanish cortes declar
ing the treaty of Cordoba null was already known,
and adherence to the plan of Iguala was no longer
objected to in smothered whispers. Members of con
gress raised their voice against it; a portion of the
press sustained similar views, and the army was be
coming infected with republican principles. On the
6th of May an address from the llth cavalry regi
ment, setting forth that it had complied with the ob
servance of taking the oath of obedience to congress,
was read in open session. The regiment, however,
took this opportunity of informing the assembly that
Mexico held monarch s in abhorrence, and that it
would follow the example of the republics of South
America in constituting its government.23 This was
startling language, and Alcocer interrupted the read
ing by moving that the remainder of the address
should not be read. But the republicans were pre
pared; with the contents of the documents they were
well acquainted, and the galleries were packed with

22 Gac. Imp. Max., ii. 166-7. This session lasted till after four o'clock in
the morning, and was not closed until the new members of the regency had
presented themselves and taken the oath.

23 ' La America del Septentrion detesta a los monarcas porque los conoce,
y que fiel imitadora de las repiiblicas . . . que forman hoy la America del sur, al
hacerse libres del yuyo estrangero, seguird, tambien su egemplo en constituirse. '
Meg. Bosquejo Rev. , 289. It was generally believed that Bravo, who was
colonel of the regiment, lent his consent to these expressions, though he did
not sign the document. Alaman, Hist. Mfy'., v. 587.
HIST. MJEX.. VOL. IV. 49

770 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

supporters. Alcocer's motion was received with mur
murs of disapprobation, and when the vote which was
taken on the matter decided that the reading should
be continued, the result was greeted with vociferous
applause.

Both Iturbide and his party were well aware that
his popularity was on the wane.24 The congress,
moreover, was adopting measures which aimed directly
at curtailing his power. After long and angry dis
cussion, it had decreed that the standing army should
be reduced to twenty thousand; and was now about
to introduce into the regulations for the regency
which were being drawn up, an article by virtue of
which no member of the executive could hold military
command. This decided matters.25 If his schemes
were to be successful, immediate action must be taken.
As yet the greater portion of the army could be relied
upon; the clergy generally would support any plan
suppressive of the liberal principles which threatened
their own interests; and of the populace Iturbide
was the acknowledged favorite. Open force, how
ever, could not be thought of; such a course would
be actual usurpation. So intrigue was employed;
and measures were concerted for a combined military
and popular acclamation. To effect this, recourse
was had to the non-commissioned officers. On the
night of the 18th of May, Pio Marcha, a sergeant of
the 1st infantry regiment, which was quartered in the
old convent of San Hipolito, called the troops to

24 The masons were bitter enemies of Iturbide and would have resorted
to assassination. Zavala narrates that at a meeting of one of the lodges, at
which more than one hundred members were present, he heard a colonel offer
to do the deed: 'Si faltaban punales para libertarse del tirano ofrecia su
brazo vengador a la patria.' Rev. Mex., i. 108. On another occasion his assas
sination was actually resolved upon. Iturbide was duly informed of the
danger, and warded it off by making the resolution of the lodge a subject of
conversation. The intention was thus quickly known throughout the city.
Colonel Antonio Valero, who had arrived with O'Donoju, had presided at
the meeting, and as he was promoted at the time to the rank of brigadier, it
was believed that he had divulged the secret. He was obliged to return to
Spain to escape the vengeance of the order. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 589-00.

25 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. 83-92; Iturbide, Carrera Mil. y Pol, 26.

AGUSTIX PRIMERO. 771

arms, and sallying forth raised the cry of "Viva
Agustinl.r

Similar proceedings occurred at the other barracks,
while agents were busily engaged in rousing the city
wards. The soldiery was soon joined by dense crowds
of the populace, and immense multitudes surged from
all points to the residence of the generalissimo, and
with deafening shouts proclaimed him emperor. Of
course Iturbide was overwhelmed with the unexpected
demonstration.28 Several times he addressed the crowd
from his balcony, affecting inexpressible surprise, and
protesting his unwillingness to accept the crown held
out to him. Moreover, he sent for the members of
the regency, the generals of the army, certain depu
ties, and other persons of consideration, whose advice
he knew would suit his dissembled aspirations, and
besought them to give him their counsel. They
urged him to yield to the general wish, and with well
feigned reluctance he returned to the balcony and
bowed his acquiescence to the popular will. During
the remainder of the night the wildest commotion
prevailed. Volleys of musketry reverberated through
the streets; the artillery was dragged out and fired
as fast as gunners could load the pieces; the church
towers were invaded, and the peal of bells mingled
with the whiz of rockets as they shot forth from all
parts of the capital ; while the night was made bright
with bonfires and illuminations. But the joy was not
universal. Those who were opposed to the preten
sions of Iturbide remained shut up in their houses in
fear and trembling; for they knew not what violence
might not be resorted to in such a tumult. Terror
and exultation alike signalized the acclamation of
Iturbide as emperor.27 Meantime he continued to

26 He thus describes his sensation: ' Viva Agustin I. fue el grito universal
que me asombro, siendo la primera vez de mi vida que esperimeiitti esta clase
de sensacion.' Ib.

'21 The account of Iturbide's elevation to the throne and coronation is de
rived mainly from Mex. Col. Leyes, Fund., 15-34; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.,
vi. 92-183; Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 127-37; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 591-604,

772 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

play his part : a short proclamation was issued.by him,
representing that it rested with the nation to confirm
or disallow the step taken by the army and the people
of the capital, whom he exhorted at the same time
not to give way to the excitement of passion, but
peaceably await the decision of the nation's represen
tatives. Moreover, the generals and principal officers
addressed a communication to the congress, informing
it of the event, and begging it to deliberate on the
momentous question.

On the following morning at seven o'clock congress
assembled in extraordinary session. A number of
the members were absent, among whom were Fagoaga,
Odoardo,Tagle,28 Carlos Bustamante,and many others.
At first the assembly attempted to discuss the mat
ter with closed doors; but this was impossible. The
uproar of the crowds outside was deafening and men
acing, and in the emergency the congress invited
Iturbide to attend the session, in the hope that through
his influence the tumult would be allayed, and free
dom of deliberation in some degree secured. At first
he properly enough demurred at being present at a
discussion of which he was himself the subject; but
finally yielding to the advice of the ministers, he pro
ceeded to the house, his carriage being drawn by the
excited populace. The people immediately crowded
into the galleries and hall with clamorous acclamations
of " Viva Agustin I. ! " The proceedings which fol
lowed were incessantly and violently interrupted by the
impatient multitude. All opposition to an immediate
decision met with obstreperous shouts of disapproba
tion. In vain the boldest proposed to await the ver
dict of the provinces; their voices were drowned in
the furious uproar raised, and they sat down with the
threatening cry of " Coronation or death!" ringing in

624-39; Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 305-572, passim; and Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific.,
583-92.

28The author of M4g. Bosquejo Rev., 228, asserts that Iturbide privately
advised these three members and another one to take measures for their
safety, as he could not answer for their lives if they appeared in public.

TRIUMPH OF ITURBIDE. 773

their ears. Three several times Iturbicle addressed
the turbulent audience, but his words failed to allay
the tempest he had so dexterously aroused. Thus
under coercion and menace the deputies cast their
votes. Only eighty-two members voted, sixty-seven
of whom pronounced Iturbide emperor, against fifteen
noes. The decision was not a valid one, since the law
required that 102 should be present to constitute a
legitimate session;29 but it satisfied the frenzied crowd.
As soon as the result was known the president re
signed his seat to the elected emperor.

Thus Iturbide triumphed at last. But it was a
triumph without dignity or the lustre of greatness.
It was a triumph won by trickery, through the me
dium of rough soldiery and the hoarse cries of a rab
ble. Yet it cannot be said that his elevation was
unacceptable to the nation. The dilatory proceedings,
first of the provisional junta and then of the congress,
had exhausted the patience of the people. Nine
months had been frittered away in adjusting imposing
ceremonies, in trifling discussions, and in wrangling,
while the vital affairs of the empire — the formation
of a constitution and the organization of the different
branches of government with their powers clearly de
fined — were neglected. Discontent and indignation
were the consequences, and the nation was ready for a
change. Nor was it unnatural that the people should
look for aid to him who had been their liberator.

29 There is much discrepancy on this point and as to the actual number of
members present. The Spanish constitution required that half arid one more
of the total number of representatives should be present. As the number of
Mexican representatives was 1C2 and that of the Central American ones 40,
the requisite number would properly be 102. Iturbide, however, attempts
to show that only 20 of the latter had legitimate seats, and states that 94
members were present, thus constituting a legal session. He moreover as
serts that 92 votes were cast, making the number of ayes 77 instead of (J7.
Carrera, Mil. y Pol., 30, 35. Bustamante also considered that 92 was the
number necessary, and correctly gives 82 as that of the voters — Cuad. Hist. ,
vi. 95 — as is proved by the book of congressional acts. Mex. Cot. Ley. Fund.,
34. The author of Mey. Bosquejo Rev., 233-4, is also so far correct, but is
altogether at sea on the other point. There is no doubt that more than 90
members were present, but at least ten avoided voting. It remains to add
that in the account given in the Gac. Imp. Mex., ii., 31G, it is asserted that
Iturbide was proclaimed ' por unanimidad de votos.'

774 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

It may be that in the provinces the masses, repre
sented by ayuntamientos and provincial governments
presided over by military chiefs whose interests were
centred in Iturbide, had little voice in the matter,
and witnessed the change with indifference. But,
since they were to have a king, it was well that he
should be of their own country and blood. When,
therefore, the news sped through Mexico, it was re
ceived with joy, and the provinces hastened to felici
tate Iturbide and do homage to him as their emperor;
while in many cities the effigies of the Spanish mon-
archs were pulled down.

The effect on the defeated political parties was
different. Many of the monarchists who had lin
gered in the hope of still seeing the plan of Iguala
carried out left the country30 in disgust, and the re
publicans, though crushed for the time and void of
plan, were none the less hostile to Iturbide, silently
watching for an opportunity of dethroning him.
Thus the Bourbonists disappeared from the political
arena, and the contest was confined to the Iturbidists
and republicans.

As for congress, it resigned itself to the situation,
arid at first showed a conciliatory disposition. Avoid
ing any allusion to the pressure which had been
put upon it, it decreed that the formal proclamation
of Iturbide's elevation should be published, and ap
pointed the 21st as the day on which he should take
the oath which it prescribed. Accordingly Agustin,
' emperor of Mexico by divine providence and appoint
ment by the congress of the nation's representatives/
swore to observe and cause to be observed the con
stitution which the said congress should form, and all

30 The restriction on migration from Mexico had been removed by decree
of March 22d. Gac. Imp. Max., ii. 121-2. Among those who left were Odo-
ardo and the archbishop, Pedro Fonte. The prelate was wanting both in
energy of character and courage. He secretly was opposed to the indepen
dence, and avoided taking any active part in public affairs. When Iturbide
was proclaimed emperor he withdrew from the capital under pretence of vis
iting the dioceses, and directing his course toward the coast, embarked at
Tuxpan for Habana. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 600.

HONORS AND CONGRATULATIONS. 773

orders and decrees issued by it; never to alienate or
convey away any portion of the territory of the empire,
and to respect the political freedom of the nation and
the personal liberty of the inhabitants. The oath
taken, the emperor addressed a brief discourse to
the congress and nation at large, concluding with
these words: "If, Mexicans, I do not secure the
happiness of the country; if at any time I forget my
duties, let my sovereignty cease." At the moment
no shadow dimmed the brightness of the prospect.
Congratulations flowed in from every side. Santa
Anna, Guerrero, and a host of others sent in their
protestations of joy at his election to the throne,31
and the offer of their lives in his service. Verily, the
throne seemed firm beneath him and the sceptre
secure in his grasp. Nor was the congress slack in
honoring him. The monarchy was decreed heredi
tary, and the succession secured to his eldest son, on
whom was conferred the title of prince imperial.
His family was made royal, his sons and daughters
being styled Mexican princes and princesses, and his
father entitled the prince of the union. The 19th of
May was added to the list of national festivals, and
his bust ordered to be stamped on the coinage.82
Moreover, the imperial household was formed on a
basis befitting the dignity of royalty. A high stew
ard and king's almoner were appointed; a master of
the horse and equerries; a captain of the imperial
guard and aids; chaplains and physicians; gentlemen
of the bed-chamber and pages; and all officers attached
to a monarch's court. The 21st of July was appointed
for the coronation of his majesty.

Iturbide's vanity was highly gratified by this out
ward show of royalty, and he imitated the stately
splendor of the European courts. I must admit,

31 See the letters of Guerrero and Santa Anna in Gac. Imp. Hex., ii. 375-
6, 410-11.

32 The legend on the face read: ' Augustinus Dei Providentia. ' On the
reverse was a crowned eagle, and on the circumference the words: ' Mexici
piimus imperator const! tutionalis.' Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 447-50.

776 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

however, that to the Mexicans, unaccustomed to
home-made princes, his display was somewhat ridicu
lous. The simple but sterling pageantry of the vice
roys seemed to have given place to the glitter of
theatrical tinsel. In the exhausted condition of the
treasury, the expense, too, was not a welcome bur
den, and the disaffected soon murmured. Indeed,
the pecuniary difficulties of the government were
most serious, and threatened to culminate in disturb
ances.33 Tlecourse to arbitrary measures was the only
possible means of present relief, and the emperor sus
pended the permission to ship money out of the coun
try, immense sums having been withdrawn since the
decree of March 22d, which removed the previous
restriction.34 To meet the urgency of the moment, it
was even proposed by the revenue commissioners
that the money which had been conveyed to Vera Cruz
by the last conducta, amounting to $1,500,000, should
be appropriated by the government. This measure
was not adopted, but in face of the unsuccessful
efforts that had been made to raise a voluntary loan,
the congress, after long debates, felt compelled to
pass a decree on June llth, authorizing the govern-
. ment to exact a forced contribution of 600,000 pesos
1 from the consulados of Mexico, Puebla, Guadalajara,
\ and Yera Cruz, to be raised from the wealthy citizens
\and the ecclesiastical and secular corporations.35 For
the formation of his government, the emperor had
appointed a council of state, composed of thirteen
members selected from thirty-one nominees proposed
by the congress. Among the counsellors were Ne-
grete, Nicolas Bravo, Almansa, counsel of state
under the Spanish government, Velazquez de Leon,
and Barcena, governor of the mitre of Valladolid.36

33 On June 2d a meditated attack by a portion of the soldiery on the
Parian for the purpose of sacking it was only frustrated by the military pre
cautions taken by Iturbide. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 617.

**Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 121-2.

33 Mex. Col. Decretos sobre Con. , 55-6.

36 The other members were Pedro del Paso y Troncoso, a merchant of
Vera Cruz; Gonzalez de Cosio, arch-deacon of Durango; Florencio del Cas-

CORONATION. 777

As the 21st of July approached, elaborate prepara
tions were made for the coronation of the emperor and
his consort. The commissioners appointed to draw up
the regulations and formalities to be observed at the
ceremony had handed in to congress the result of their
labors more than a month before.37 In the impecuni
ous condition of the treasury, it was impossible to
manufacture crowns and the other insignia of royalty
appropriately magnificent. But display must not be
wanting, so jewels and gems were borrowed, and
though the national pawn-shop refused to lend its dia
monds and pearls,38 the regalia were bright and glit
tering with fictitious splendor. When the eventful
day arrived the city was gay with many colors, as from
balconies and windows fluttered banners and stream
ers and pennons; while the walls were decked with
floral wreaths and devices in fresh evergreens, arid
flags waved from church-towers and turrets. The
congress met at eight o'clock, and two deputations,
each composed of twenty-four members, proceeded to
the provisional palace to escort the emperor and em
press to the cathedral. Here on two raised daises,
one lower than the other, thrones had been erected,
to the right and left of which were seats for the 'ven
erable' sire, and the princes and princesses of this
mushroom monarchy. The procession which accom
panied the royal presence along the carpeted streets
was as imposing as inexperience, by the aid of imita-
tation,39 could make it. There were masters at arms
and ushers, pages and maids of honor in gorgeous at
tire, and a master of the ceremonies with his suite of

tillo, canon of Oajaca; Toma-s Salgado; Nicolas Olaez, relator de la audi-
encia; Rafael Perez Maldonado, secretary of the treasury; Mariano Robles;
and Demetrio Moreno, canon, of Puebla. Gac. Imp. J\lex., ii. 433-4.

37 Proyecto del ceremonial, in Id., ii. 459-69, 533-9; Bastamatite, Cuad.
Hist., vi. 163-74.

38 Couto, the director of the Monte Pio, refused to let the jewelry pledged
in that establishment be used on the occasion. His later persecution is at
tributed to this denial. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 624.

39 ' Los trajes adecuados a la dignidad imperial, se imitaron de las estampas
que pudieron haberse de la coronacion cle Napoleon, y una modista fraucesa,
que se decia baronesa, se encargo de hacerlos. ' Ib.

778 THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.

attendants. On velvet cushions were borne the royal
apparel with which the imperial couple were about to
array themselves, and the signet-ring, and the scep
tre, and the patchwork crowns. At the entrance of
the cathedral two obsequious bishops40 received the
emperor and empress and administered to them the
holy-water. Then they were conducted to the lower
thrones and the ceremonies commenced. The regalia
were placed on the altar and high-mass celebrated,
during which Iturbide and his spouse were conse
crated with sacred oil, and assumed the royal robes.
The regalia having been blessed, Mangino, the presi
dent of the congress, now placed the diadem on Itur-
bide's head, who then performed with his own hands
the act of coronation of the empress. Thereupon
they ascended the thrones on the higher dais. At
the conclusion of the service the officiating bishop in
loud voice exclaimed, "Vivat Imperator in ster
num!" and the people replied, " Long live the em
peror and empress."

It is said that the bauble tottered when first placed
upon Iturbide's brow. "Do not let it fall," said Man
gino, ironically. "It shall not fall; I have it safe,"
replied the emperor.

40 The coronation ceremonies were not performed by the archbishop, who
had previously left Mexico, but by the bishops of Guadalajara, Puebla, Du-
rango, and Oajaca.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.
1822-1824.

INAUGURATION or THE ORDER or GUADALUPE — PADRE MJER — SHORT-LIVED
HARMONY — ARREST OF DEPUTIES — ITURBIDE ATTEMPTS TO REORGANIZE
CONGRESS — His PREPOSTEROUS CLAIMS — HE DISSOLVES THE ASSEMBLY —
A JUNTA INSTITUYENTE ESTABLISHED — APPROPRIATION or SPANIARDS'
MONEY — AFFAIRS AT VERA CRUZ — SANTA. ANNA IN DISGRACE — ITURBIDE
VISITS JALAPA — SANTA ANNA REVOLTS — REPUBLICANISM PROCLAIMED — •
PROGRESS OF THE INSURRECTION — REVERSES — INFLUENCE OF THE MA
SONIC ORDER — CHANGE OF TACTICS — PLAN OF CASA MAT A — ITURBIDE 's
CONCILIATORY ACTION — CONGRESS REINSTALLED — THE EMPEROR ABDI
CATES — His DEPARTURE FROM MEXICO — His RETURN AND DEATH.

WHEN the ceremony was over, and the bishop of
Puebla had delivered a sermon fulsomely flattering to
the new monarch, and directly contradictory to his
previous pastorals in eulogy of Fernando, Iturbide
was conducted to the palace,1 where largess was scat
tered to the assembled crowds. Festivities in cele
bration of the great event were kept up for three
days. But pomp and solemnities, rich banquets and
merry-making, could not clothe with majesty the sol
dier. The high-born looked upon their emperor as an
upstart, and the others regarded him in no wise as a
royal personage. By all, the high-sounding titles of
his family and court were pronounced with a super
cilious smile.

The display at the coronation was supplemented on
the 13th of August by the pompous inauguration of
the order of Guadalupe. This order had bsen created

1 He had hitherto occupied the house of Moncada as 'his temporary palace.

(779)

780 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

some months before by the junta provisional2 as a
means of rewarding the meritorious, not only in the
military, but in all other careers, and shortly before
the coronation the statutes were approved by congress
and the appointments made.3 But the ceremony only
supplied Iturbide's opponents with an additional sub
ject for ridicule.

The harmony between the congress and the em
peror was of short duration. Iturbide's impatience
of restraint and claims to prerogatives soon made it
evident that no balance of power could be maintained.
The right of appointing the members of the supreme
court of justice became a matter of dispute between
the executive and legislative powers, and in it one of
Iturbide's bitterest enemies took part.

Padre Servando Mier had returned from exile, and
taken his seat in congress on the 15th of July as
deputy for the province of Monterey. This extraor
dinary personage, whose travels, persecution, and
sufferings, no less than his political writings, had
gained for him notoriety, had escaped from Habana
after his expulsion thither on the collapse of Mina's
expedition, and had sought an asylum in the United
States. As soon as he heard that independence had
been proclaimed in Mexico, he once more turned his
face to the land of his birth. But his usual misfor
tune still attended him, and on his arrival at Vera
Cruz he was detained as a prisoner by Davila, and
confined in the fortress of Ulua. Having been elected

2 By decrees of Oct. 13, Dec. 7, 1821, and Feb. 20, 1822. The order re
ceived its name from the virgin of Guadalupe, regarded as the patroness of
the nation. It was composed of 50 grand crosses, 100 knights, stad as many
supernumeraries or companions of the order as the grand master, who was
the emperor, might consider it convenient to appoint. Alaman, Hint. Mej.,
v. 452-3.

3 A full list of the members of the order was published July 25, 1822.
Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 549-54. Among the grand crosses, besides the princes of
the imperial family, appear the names of the bishops of Guadalajara, Puebla,
and Oajaca; the archbishop of Guatemala and the bishop of Nicaragua; of
the generals, Negrete, Bustamante, Quintanar, Luaces, Guerrero, Garcia
Cnnde, Vivanco, and O'Donojd, 'considerado como vivo para perpetuar su
buena memoria.' Bravo, Lobato, Borja, Sanchez, and Ramon Rayon were
among the knights. To Ignacio Ramon, no degree was given.

PLOTTING AGAINST EMPIRE. 781

a deputy to congress, the assembly made strenuous
efforts to obtain his release, but it was not until after
Iturbide had been proclaimed emperor that Davila
liberated him. If, as was suspected, the Spanish
governor's motive in releasing him was to let loose a
dragon of mischief to confound the empire, he suc
ceeded. An uncompromising republican, he had hardly
set foot on shore when he began to inveigh against
monarchy; and on presenting himself before Iturbide,
he manifested his contempt for royalty by omitting
all titles of majesty in addressing him.4 Witticism,
irony, and ridicule were likewise brought into play.
The coronation was a farce; the inauguration of the
order of Guadalupe was a performance of mummers,
and its members were nicknamed accordingly;5 he
burlesqued the government, satirized the emperor, and
published a forcible essay in recommendation of a
republican form of government.

Matters soon reached a climax. The republicans
and masonic order were hard at work; the political
organs El Sol — advocating monarchy with a Euro
pean prince on the throne — and El Hoinbre Libre — •
sustaining republicanism — were suppressed. Never
theless, seditious sheets were scattered broadcast.
French works promulgating the social principles of
Rousseau were published in Spanish. Preached
against by the clergy, and burned in the plazas, they
were printed again. Early in August the germ of a
republican conspiracy was discovered in Michoacan
and nipped. Not discouraged, the faction planned a
bolder move, which was to effect a revolution near
the capital, declare that the congress had been de
prived of its freedom of action in the election of
Iturbide, remove the assembly to Tezcuco, and pro-

4 ' En boca de Mier, la consagracion no era mas que la aplicacion del
medicamento conocido con el nombre de " vinagre de los cuatro ladrones.'"
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 644-5.

5 ' Huehuenches, apodo que qued6 a los individuos de aquella Orden.'
Huehuenches is derived from the Mexican word * Yeueuetlacatl,' meaning
'old man,' and the diminutive 'tzin,' pronounced by the Spaniards 'die.'
It therefore meant ' little old men.' Ib.

782 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

claim a republican government. In this conspiracy
many military officers and not a few of the members
of congress were implicated. The government, how
ever, was informed of the plot by Captain Luciano
Velazquez, engaged in the suppression of highway
men on the Puebla road. Iturbide thereupon took
the high-handed course of arresting, on the 26th and
27th of August, fifteen of the deputies,6 among whom
was Padre Mier, who once more found himself inside
of prison walls. Other arrests were also made, and
his passport was sent to Santa Maria, the minister of
the republic of Colombia, who had been a prominent
promoter of the design.7 The indignation of the con
gress was great; its rights had been infringed, and
it demanded the liberation of the imprisoned mem
bers, while asserting its right to try them. The
government refused, and the irritation thereby en
gendered was great. Friends of the emperor even
took part with the accused ; Gomez Farias, the pro
poser of Iturbide's elevation to the throne, moved
that congress should address a manifesto to the nation
and dissolve itself.

It was finally resolved that for the present the
national assembly would remain silent, and await the
course of events. Meanwhile the prisoners were
rigorously prosecuted. But the evidence was of lit
tle legal weight; an attempt at conspiracy was proved,
but it was difficult to fasten it upon individuals.8

6 They were: Lombardo, Echenique, Fagoaga, Carrasco, Obregon, Mier,
Anaya, Tarrazo, Echarte, Valle, Mayorga, Herrera, Zebadiia, Sanchez de
Tagle, and Carlos Bustamante. Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 93. Valle, Mayorga,
and Zebadiia were deputies from Guatemala.

7 The republic of Colombia had been recognized by decree of congress on
April 29th. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 251-2. Santa Maria had arrived as minister
plenipotentiary in March preceding. Ortega, Mem. Re.lac. Diplom. Mex., 3-
13. His passport was sent him on the 18th of October.

8 According to the fiscal Francisco de Paula Alvarez, who was commis
sioned to draw up the proceedings, 'contre la plupart des individus arrete"s,
on ne pent prouver aucun crime; mais il y a des apparences suffisantes pour
justifier lour detention comme personnes suspectes.' Iturbide, Memoires Auto-
graphcs, 109. This work was first published in London by J. Quin, and
translated into French in 1824 by J. T. Parisot, the translator of the letters
of Junius. It contains the manifesto addressed to the Mexicans by Iturbide
when in exile at Leghorn, and a number of official documents, among which

IMPRISONMENT OF THE DEPUTIES. 783

Nevertheless, the accused were detained in custody.
Their republican proclivities were too well known to
allow their release. A few, however, were liberated
at the end of the year, more as an act of grace at
Christmas than as an admission of their innocence.9
The only demonstration of revolt occurred in Nuevo
Santander, headed by Brigadier Felipe de la Garza,
who sent in a representation to Iturbide signed by the
ayuntamiento of Soto la Marina, the electors, mili
tary and other officers, protesting against the en
croachment on the sovereignty of the nation, and
demanding the release of the deputies.10 But the
movement was a mere flash, no other provinces re
sponding. Brigadier Fernandez, comandante of San
Luis Potosi, was despatched against the disaffected
district, and Garza having implored pardon, the affair
ended.11

After the imprisonment of the deputies the con
gress became more openly defiant, and united in self-
defence hitherto opposing parties. The question of
right to appoint the supreme tribunal of justice was
claimed with continued firmness. A proposal made
by the government for the establishment of military
courts in the city of Mexico and the provincial cap
itals, in order to expedite the administration of justice,
was resolutely rejected, and the undisguised antago
nism of the two powers made it evident that they could
riot long exist side by side. Iturbide, therefore, de
termined to reform the congress. On September
25th the deputy Lorenzo de Zavala, after classifying

is the report of the fiscal Alvarez on the proceedings instituted against the
accused.

9 Among those who still remained in custody was Padre Mier, who found
means even in prison of continuing his attacks on Iturbide. Bustarnante lias
preserved some satirical stanzas written at this time. Hist. Iturbide, 23-5, 32;
for fuller particulars, consult Id., 5-23, 57-62; Cuad. Hist., vi. carta 4<S 41-
93, vii. G-0, 60-63; Farias, Minist. Respons.; Hex. El qficio que la comision
del sob. Cong, presentd d S. M.; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 93.

10 See copy of the document and details in Bustarnante, Cuad. Hist., vi.
carta 5a, 95-100; and Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 218.

11 Garza went to Mexico, and was kindly received by Iturbide, who even
restored his command to him. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 655; Gac. Imp. Mex.,
ii. 859-60.

784 DETHKONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

the proceedings of the assembly as illegal, on the
ground that it had not been divided into two chambers
in conformity with the provisions of the convocating act,
and demonstrating that the provinces were not equally
represented with regard to population, moved that
the number of deputies should be reduced and meas
ures adopted for the formation of the second cham
ber.12 The sensation thereby created was great, es
pecially as the proposal had come from a deputy ; and
the motion met with corresponding disapprobation.
But the government now took the mailer in hand.
On the 17th of October Iturbide held a junta, attended
by the council of state, the generals resident in the
capital, and over forty deputies either favorable to
his views or indifferent. The discussions were lengthy,
and resulted in a commission being sent on the fol
lowing day to the congress, proposing on the part of
the government that the number of deputies should
be reduced to seventy. Of course the proposal was
rejected; but the congress, by way of adjustment of
differences, proposed that the Spanish constitution
should be provisionally observed, by which concession
the emperor would be entitled to the veto and the
right to elect the members of the supreme tribunal
of justice. This only opened the way to further de
mands. Iturbide thereupon made the preposterous
claim that his power of veto should extend to any
article of the constitution which was being framed,
and that he should be authorized to raise and organize
a police force. At the same time he insisted upon
the reduction of the number of deputies. Even the
strongest conservatives were disgusted. Congress

O O £}

hesitated no longer, but rejected the emperor's de-.
niands one and all, and Iturbide cut short contention
by dissolving the assembly on the 31st with an armed
force.13

12 Zavala, Proyecto de Reforma del Congreso, Mexico, 1822, pp. 8.

13 Brigadier Luis Cortazar was charged with the delivery of the imperial or
der for the dissolution. If it was not obeyed within ten minutes after being
read, he was instructed to inform congress that force would be used; and if in

JUNTA INSTITUYENTE. 785

To preserve at least a shadow of the legislative
power, Iturbide established a junta, which he styled
'instituyente/ composed of forty-five members selected
from the deputies of the dissolved congress. The in
stallation took place on the 2d of November,14 Cas-
taniza, the bishop of Durango, being elected president.
In such an assembly, the tool of course of the em
peror, was vested the legislative power until the
meeting of a new congress, for -the convocation of
which regulations were to be formed by it without
delay. But the business most urgent was to find
some means of raising money. Nor did the junta
nacional instituyente waste time, but on the 5th passed
a decree ordering a forced loan of $2,800,000.15 As
the collection, besides being attended with trouble,
would be a slow process, and as there was then lying
at Perote and Jalapa nearly $1,300,000 16 belonging
for the most part to Spaniards who had left the coun
try or were on the point of departure — money await
ing safe conduct to Vera Cruz for shipment to Spain —
Iturbide seized it and applied it to government pur
poses,17 a proceeding which brought down upon him
much censure, and alienated the good- will of many.

ten minutes after this intimation congress still remained in session, Cortazar
was to dissolve it 'militarmente.' Mex. Col. Ley. Fund, 93-4. Iturbide en
tered into an explanation of his reasons for taking this step, and the statement
of charges against the congress which appeared in the preamble to the decree
dissolving it was amplified and published by the government under the title:
Indication dd origen de los extravios del Congreso Mexlcano, que han motivado
sit disohicion. The accusations were to the effect that the assembly was influ
enced by Spanish intrigues of the party opposed to independence; that it conse
quently neglected its work on important matters — the formation of the constitu
tion, the organization of the revenue department, and the proper establishment
of the judicial tribunals — and wasted its time in trifling or irrelevant discus
sions; that it moreover arrogated to itself prerogatives belonging to the sover
eign. Gac. Imp. Alex., ii. 944-7, 953-6, 962-3, 985-8.

11 Disposic. Varias, ii. f. 76; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi. carta 5% 116-
25; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 23 et seq. A list of the names of the members, Itur-
bidc's opening address, and the basis of the organization of the junta are sup
plied in Mex. Col Ley. Fund. , 94-103.

15 Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 950-1. Alaman states that this was the first decree
of the junta. Hist. Mej., v. 668.

16 At Perote $740,200, and $557,000 at Jalapa, in all $1,297,200. Id., v.
669-70; Medina, Mem. Sec. Estado, 1823; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 100.

17 He tries to defend his action by asserting that the late congress had au
thorized him to lay hands on any existing funds, and that he had been pri-

HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 50

786 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIDE.

While these events were occupying the capital,
affairs of no less moment were going on in Vera Cruz.
Santa Anna's arbitrary proceedings were exciting
comment. There was insubordination in his ranks,
and defalcations in the regimental chest.18 Luaces,
the captain general of the provinces of Puebla, Vera
Cruz, and Oajaca, had retired on account of failing
health,19 and the brigadier Jose Antonio Echavarri
was appointed to succeed him. It appears that
Santa Anna had informed the government that he
was devising a scheme to obtain possession of Fort
Ulua, and Echavarri was ordered to march from
Jalapa to Vera Cruz, where he arrived on the 25th of
October. Davila had been relieved20 by Brigadier
Francisco Lemaur, and Santa Anna conceived the
plan of gaining possession- of the fort by surprising it
under cover of a feigned surrender of Vera Cruz to
the new commander.21 He therefore made overtures
to Lernaur, and it was arranged between them that
the Spaniards should take possession of the fortifi
cations on the night of the 26th of October. Echa
varri, informed on his arrival by Santa Anna of the
scheme now ripe for execution, gave his consent to it.
Leaving the final dispositions to the management of
Santa Anna, and accompanied only by Pedro Velez,
Colonel Gregorio Arana, and a guard of about a dozen

vately informed by certain deputies that the congress had these particular
funds in view. Iturbide, Manifesto, 56-8.

18Iturbide says: 'Unidas las repetidas quejas que tenia contra Santa Anna
del anterior capitan general, de la deputacion provincial, del consulado, de
muchos vecinos en particular, como del teniente coronel del cuerpo que man-
daba, y de varios oficiales. . .me vi en la necesidad de separarlo del mando.'
Id., 49. See also Alvarez, Santa- Anna, hasta 1822, 7.

19 He died shortly after at Tehuacan. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 069.

20 He returned to Spain, and was rewarded for his loyalty by being ap
pointed governor of the real alcazar de Sevilla, one of the best appointments
in the kingdom, and which he retained till his death. Id., v. 671.

2* Santa Anna had been previously frustrated in an attempt to bribe the
garrison of the fortress of Ulua. His present plan was that Lemaur should
send, on the night of Oct. 26th, detachments to take possession of the forti
fications of Vera Cruz, which were to be surrendered without resistance.
The Spaniards were then to be overpowered, and Mexican troops, dressed in
the uniforms taken from them, were to proceed to Fort Ulua in the launches
on which the Spaniards had arrived, and under cover of the darkness and
disguise gain possession of it. Bustamante, Cuad. Hint., vi. carta 5a, 107-13.

ATTACK ON FORT ULtfA. 787

men, be went at midnight, according to arrange
ments, to the intrenchments of Concepcion, there
to receive the decoyed Spaniards, while Santa Anna
awaited another detachment at the bulwark of San
tiago.

From some cause, however, the force which ought
to have been provided by Santa Anna had not arrived,
and Echavarri found only the ordinary picket on the
fortifications. But the Spaniards had already landed,
and were entering the outer works. Echdvarri's
position was thus a very perilous one. The Span
iards pressed forward and a contest ensued. Velez
was wounded by a pistol-shot, and three soldiers were
bayoneted. Nothing saved EchaVarri from death or
capture but the careless procedure of the Spaniards,
who had only sent forward a small portion of their
force; observing which, Echavarri bravely charged
and drove back the assailants. This had the effect
of causing their comrades who were coining up to
retire and take up a position behind the outer stock
ade. Meantime Santa Anna's aid, Castrillon, who
had conducted the negotiations, and had come in the
Spanish launch, provided for his own safety. Aban
doning his dupes, he ran down the beach to the pier
and reported to Lieutenant Eleuterio Mendez, in com
mand of the cavalry picket of twenty-five dragoons
stationed there, that Echavarri was either killed or
taken prisoner, whereupon that officer went in all
haste to the assistance of his superior. The Span
iards were then driven from their position and took
to their boats. At the Santiago fortification the
action, there more hotly contested, terminated with
a similar result.22 Though a victory was thus gained
by the Mexicans, Santa Anna's project of surpris
ing Uliia failed. But the affair was pregnant with
disaster to Iturbide. as we shall presently see.

22 Echavarri, in his report of Oct. 27th, states that the loss to the Span
iards was over 100 in killed, wounded, drowned, strayed, and prisoners.
Among the latter were a captain and two subalterns. Qac. Imp. Mex., ii.
905-6.

788 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIDE.

In a confidential despatch to the emperor, Echdvarri
expressed his suspicion that Santa Anna, enraged at
not having been promoted to the captain-general cy,
had treacherously planned his death or capture, by
purposely neglecting to order up the troops which
ought to have been stationed in the works of Con-
cepcion.23 So grave a charge, in view of previous
complaints, required serious attention, and Iturbide
decided to remove Santa Anna from his position as
cornandantc general of Vera Cruz. Caution, how
ever," was necessary, and to avoid possible mischief,
the emperor deemed it prudent to manage the matter
in person. With the ostensible object of taking
measures for the reduction of Fort Ulua, he there
fore made a visit to Jalapa, leaving Mexico on the
10th of November. The journey was made in great
state, and at Puebla he was received with demonstra
tions of joy. At Jalapa, however, the Spanish ele
ment predominated, and his late seizure of private
funds had not gained him affection. His reception
was so cold, and the want of hospitality to his suite so
obvious, as to bring out the remark that at Jalapa
Spain began.24

When Santa Anna met the emperor at Jalapa
according to instructions, he was informed that his
services were required in the capital, and that he
would have to accompany him on his return thither.
In answer to the pleas of private business and want
of money, Iturbide handed him five hundred pesos,
and allowed him a few days to arrange his affairs and
hand over his command to Brigadier Mariano Diez
de Bonilla, who had been appointed to succeed him.

23 Iturbide states that Santa Anna really did plot to accomplish Echd-
varri's death. Manifesto, 49. Bustamante, writing in August 1832, takes
the same view, Cudd. Hist., vi. carta 5a, 114; but in September^ 1833 says:
* En mi concepto no fu<5 otro sino un deseo 6 proyecto mal combinado para
apoderarse de Ulua.' Hist. Iturbide, 30, Alaman 'declines to pass an opinion
in the matter, and confining himself to the narration of the facts, leaves it to
the reader to form his own judgment. Hist. Mej., v. 074, 676.

21 ' Iturbide repetia — Desde aqui comienza Espana.' Bustamante, Hist.
Iturbide, 34.

SANTA ANNA'S REVOLT. 789

So well had the emperor dissembled, that up to this
time Santa Anna apparently had no suspicion that
Iturbide intended to call him to account. The an
nouncement to Santa Anna of his removal from the
command in Vera Cruz was made in terms of highest
compliment;25 and when Iturbide departed for the
capital on the 1st of December, he embraced him
and said: "I await you in Mexico, Santa Anna, to
make your fortune for you."2S It was, perhaps, a
little overdone by Iturbide, and Santa Anna was as
clever a dissembler as he. Further than this, he was
secretly warned that his ruin was meditated.27 There
fore, with every appearance of undisturbed confi
dence, with every mark of subservient respect,23 he
attended Iturbide for a short distance on his journey,
but returned with hatred in his heart to Jalapa, and
in a few hours was on' his way to Vera Cruz. He
arrived at the port on the following day, and putting
himself at the head of the 8th infantry regiment, of
which he was colonel, proclaimed in the name of the
nation a republican government, declaring that the
three guaranties of the plan of Iguala would be invio
lably observed.29

25 ' En los terminos mas honorificos que pudo inventar el sagaz y avisado
emperador. ' Santana, Manifiesto a sus conciudadanos, 8.
™Id., 9.

27 Santa Anna says that he would have been deceived by Iturbide's man
ner 'si un confidente de Mexico no me avisara con oportunidad "que mi per-
dicion estaba decretada. " ' Id. , 8.

28 Francisco de Paula Alvarez, Iturbide's secretary, in reply to a letter of
Santa Anna addressed Dec. Gfch to Iturbide, setting forth the reasons which
urged him to revolt, says: ' Vd sabe que yo s6 de la manera que hablo siempre
al Emperador, temblaudo y adulando, ofreciendose a servicios de un lacayo,
indignos de un gefe.' Santa- Anna hasta 1822, 7. This communication was
written at Puebla in Dec. 1822, and was printed and published at Guadala
jara the same month. In 1844 it was again published just before Santa Anna's
fall in that year. It is an intensely stinging diatribe, exposing in scathing
language all the worst traits of Santa Anna's character, his conduct from
boyhood, and his motives. In invective it can hardly be matched, and in
future revolutions it was always made use of as a means of vilifying him.

'29 Santana, Proclamas, 2 Dicre 1822; Gac. Imp. Mcx., ii. 1011. On the Oth
he addressed to Iturbide the letter mentioned in the previous note. After
reminding him of the excess of his zeal in his service, which had become 'odious
to his fellow-citizens, wiio thought him servile and a flatterer,' and professing
unalterable affection, he says: 'I have felt myself under the necessity of sepa
rating myself from your command, because your absolute govern mentis about to
fill with incalculable evils our beloved country . . . The provinces, the towns, the

790 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

The movement was received in Vera Cruz enthu
siastically; Alvarado and other neighboring towns
joined in the revolt, and the knell of the empire had
sounded.

Great preparations had been made in the capital
for the return of the emperor, where it was thought
that he was all this time triumphing over the Span
iards. Moreover, an imperial prince had been born,80
and the celebration of the auspicious event awaited
the arrival of the august parent.31 But Iturbide
was in no humor for baby bell-ringings and baptisms.
At Puebla he had received intelligence of Santa
Anna's revolt, and though he pretended to make
light of it, \vas none the less conscious of its serious
significance. He hurried his departure from the town,32
and unexpectedly entered the capital by night, De
cember 13th.33 Measures were at once taken to sup
press the revolt. Santa Anna was declared a traitor,

people, cry aloud for their freedom; they say that you have broken your oaths
of Iguala and Cordoba; have trampled upon the laws;. . .have unjustly perse
cuted members of congress, banishing some, imprisoning others, so as to reduce
it to what is called a junta constituyente, composed of a few of your favorites.

.They cry out, too, in consternation against the seizure of the convoy of
money in Jalapa, convinced that under your government the sacred right of
property M'ill never be respected. Finally, they understand that there are
neither means nor wealth sufficient in this America to support a throne with
all the ostentation and dignity an emperor requires. ' He then hopes that Itur
bide will take measures to renounce the crown, and concludes with the omi
nous words: ' Do not expose your valuable life to the terrible catastrophe
which your flatterers have prepared for you.' Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide,
51-3; Niks' Reg., xxiii. 344. Santa Anna states in his Manifiesto a sus Con-
ciudadanos, 7, that he formed the design of liberating his country when the
deputies were imprisoned. ' Yo jure" en el silencio de la aciaga nochc del 26
de Agosto, volver por el honor de la nacion esclavizada. ' He was in Mexico
at the time, and to carry out his project, sought with urgency the command
of the province of Vera Cruz, which was conferred on him. Ib.

80 On Nov. 30th. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 1013-14, 1016-17; Buatamante, IIi*t.
Iturbide, 38-43. For an account of the preparations made to receive Iturbide,
see Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 153.

31 The name given to the prince was Felipe Andres Maria de Guadalupc.
Ib. The safe deliverance of the empress was made the occasion for several
military promotions. Alejo Garcia Conde and Sotarriva were made lieuten
ant-generals; Armijo, Torres, Barragan, Lobato, and some others were raised
to full brigadiers. Gac. Imp. Mex., ii. 1138.

32 The oath of allegiance was celebrated at Puebla, on the occasion of his
return, and he did not wait for the completion of the customary festivities.

33 'A noche a los nueve, iiiesperadamente, entro sin novedad d esta Capital
S. M. I. deregreso de Xalapa.' Id., 10G4.

DEFEAT OF SANTA ANNA. 791

and deprived of his military rank ; pardon was offered
to those of his followers who returned to their alle
giance within a specified time; the governor of the
archiepiscopal mitre was asked to fulminate excom
munication against all who declared for republican
ism;34 the press was brought into action, and every
epithet that could attach odium to Santa Anna made
use of; and brigadiers Cortazar and Lobato were de
spatched from the capital against the insurgents, while
other troops were moved from Puebla, and the im
perial grenadiers stationed at Jalapa were advanced to
Plan del Eio.

Meantime Santa Anna had published in Yera Cruz
a plan of the revolution,35 and joined by Guadalupe
Victoria, who now sallied from his place of conceal
ment, was organizing an army which he styled El
Ejercito Libertador. The revolution spread rapidly,
and at first success attended the movement. Cortazar
and Lobato were compelled temporarily to retire
before insurgent bands near Cordoba, and Santa
Anna surprised and captured the whole force of gren
adiers at Plan del Rio, incorporating the soldiers in
his ranks. Elated with this success, he marched
against Jalapa, his force consisting of the 8th infantry
regiment and a body of cavalry, and two guns. At
dawn of December 21st he attacked the town, but
sustained a crushing defeat. The grenadiers lately
incorporated into the regiment went over to the
enemy; the whole of his infantry was either killed or
captured, and he fled from the place at full speed,

34 This occasioned the circulation of a stinging invective in verse, attributed
to Padre Mier. The first stanza is as follows:

Diz quo pretendia cl tirano
Quo una cscomunicacion saliera,
En quo ipso facto incurriera
Todo hombro rcpublicano.

iY por quo crirnen ? Es llano,
Porque do su magestad
So oppno con la libertad
A la infatista monarqula:
;, Puede darso mas impia
llcretica pravedad?

The remaining, to the number of five, are in similar strain. Bustamante, Hist.
IturUde, 54-6; Alaman Hist. Mej., v. 692.

35 A copy of it is supplied by Bustamante. Hist. Iturbide, 64-71.

792 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

attended only by eight dragoons.36 Never was dis
aster more complete. Santa Anna, on arriving at
Puente del Rey, where Victoria was stationed, gave
way to despair. Deeming all lost, he proposed to em
bark with him for the United States on board a vessel
he had provided for such an emergency. But the
stout old leader was of better metal. "Go and put
"Vera Cruz in a state of defence/' he said; "you can
set sail when they show you my head."37

The impulse given at Vera Cruz acted like leaven
on the prevailing discontent. Guerrero and Bravo
secretly left the city on January 5th, proceeded to
Chilapa, and there commenced to revolutionize the
south, adopting the plan of Vera Cruz, a copy of
which had been sent to them by Santa Anna,33 Ar-
mijo was immediately despatched against them, and
an engagement took place on the height of Almolonga,
near Chilapa, \vhere Guerrero and Bravo had posted
themselves. The action was disastrous to the revolu
tionists. Guerrero was shot through the lungs, and
his men believing him killed abandoned the field in
disorder, despite Bravo's efforts to arrest them. He
himself was borne away by the stream of fugitives.
Had he been able to rally his men, the day might have
been won, a similar panic having pervaded the imperial
ranks on the fall of Brigadier Epitacio Sanchez, who
was struck through the head by a bullet as he led
them to the charge. As it was, Armijo entered
Chilapa the same day; Bravo retired with a remnant
of his force to Putla; Guerrero was supposed to be
dead, and the revolt in this portion of the empire
was considered as ended.

6 * La division de Santa Ana que se componia de ochocientos a novecientoa
hombres ha sido completamte disipada y solo se asegura que emprendio su
fuga con ocho Drag63.' Dominguez, Parte Oficial JJcfensa JaL, MS., f. 5.
This manuscript of the official report to Brigadier Jos6 Maria Calderon,
comandante general of Jalapa, by Colonel Juan Dominguez, gives a detailed
account of the occurrence.

37 Zavala states that Victoria himself narrated this circumstance to him.
Rev. Mcx.. i. 157.

88 Padre Mier also effected his escape, but was recaptured through infor-

PLOTS OF THE MASONS. 793

And the revolution everywhere seemed to be at its
last gasp. A movement of the negroes in Costa
Chica had been suppressed; Alvarado and other
towns on the gulf coast which had proclaimed for
republicanism had submitted to Cortazar and Lobato ;
Victoria was held in check at Puente del Key; and
Santa Anna was confined in Vera Cruz, which was
now invested by Cortazar, Lobato, and Echavarri,
who, after having escorted Iturbide as far as Perote,
took up a position at the Casa Mata.39

In Echavarri the emperor placed the utmost reli
ance. Although a Spaniard, he had been treated
with marked favor. He had been rapidly promoted
from the rank of captain of a provincial corps in
an obscure and remote district to that of captain-gen
eral of the provinces of Puebla, Vera Cruz, and
Oajaca; had been made a knight of the order of
Guadalupe, and had been admitted into the closest
confidence. But influence was brought to bear upon
Echavarri which Iturbide had not considered, and
the action of the former bore a striking resemblance
to the procedure of the latter when placed in a sim
ilar position of trust by Apodaca. While the ein-
peror was daily expecting to hear that the final blow
at rebellion had been struck by the capture of Vera
Cruz, the masons, who were determined to overthrow
him, were secretly intriguing with his generals. The
political principles of this order had lately been greatly
modified by the influence of members who had been
deputies to the Spanish cortes, and who on their re
turn to Mexico had placed themselves at its head.
While in Spain, these members, conspicuous among
whom were Michelena and Ramos Arizpe, had stren
uously opposed the offer of the crown to a Spanish
prince. Indeed, the establishment of a Bourbon on
the throne was no longer regarded as practicable.

mation given by a woman, and confined in a dungeon of the Inquisition.
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. G98.

39 A magazine where gunpowder was stored; hence its name. It was sit
uated about half a league to the south of the town.

794 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

Iturbide, on the other hand, had disgusted most of
the monarchists who had lent their aid on his assump
tion of the crown, and the order, monarchical in its
principles at first, was ready to receive with favor the
idea of a central republic with the reins of govern
ment under its own control. Under all circumstances,
the existing condition of affairs could not last. The
republican party was hourly gaining strength; the
monarchists, not to be left behind in the race for
power, preferred to change their tactics. By the
Spaniards the author of the plan of Iguala was
hated; and for all parties no form of government
could be much worse than the present absolutism.
Iturbide's downfall was, therefore, darkly foreshad
owed, while he alone seemed blind to the fact.
Though he must have been aware that the masonic
lodges were largely composed of military officers who
had sworn to uphold the plan of Iguala — which he
was trampling underfoot — it seems never to have
entered his mind that from that quarter would come
a fatal blow. Yet it was so. The influence in the
lodges over the military members was preponderating.
Cortazar and Lobato belonged to the society; Moran,
the comandante general of Puebla, and Negrete in
Mexico were in accord with its leading members; and
Echavarri had been lately admitted into it. Hence
his inactivity before Vera Cruz,40 and hence the proc
lamation of the famous plan of Casa Mata41 on the
1st of February.

On that day a junta of the military chiefs was held
and the act signed by them unanimously, as well as
by representatives of the ranks. By it the army
pledged itself to reestablish and support the national

40 Iturbide says: ' El general Echavarri y el brigadier Cortazar . . . pudieron
tomar la plaza de Veracruz sin resistencia; ' and adds: 'Aunque la apatia de
Ecbavarri habria sddo bastante motive para desconfiar de su probidad, no lo
file" para mi, porque tenia formado de ella el mejor concepto.' Manifesto, 51-
2. Alaman, however, maintains that the capture of Vera Cruz was not so
easy a matter as Iturbide supposed, and that Echavarri was not provided
with men and means sufficient to accomplish it. Hist. Mej., v. 707-8.

41 So called from the place where it was signed.

PLAN OF CASA MATA. 795

representative assembly,42 while it disclaimed all in
tention of making any attempt against the person of
the emperor. But the designers of it were well
aware of the ultimate result to which it would lead.
The aspect of the revolution, it is true, was changed,
but its intrinsic character was the same, and its
object the same. The republican leaders could feel
very confident that in the new congress their own
party would dominate, and its action, unlike that of
the extinguished assembly, would now be supported
by the army. Santa Anna, whose position otherwise
was really critical, readily waived his demand for a
republican government, and on February 2d the ayun-
tamiento and military forces of Vera Cruz accepted
the plan, renouncing the idea of reestablishing the dis
solved congress. The revolution in its new robe was
rapidly triumphant. On the 14th the plan was pro
claimed at Puebla by the provincial deputation, sup
ported by the ayuntamiento and the marques de Vivan-
co. At San Luis Potosi and Guadalajara the imperial
commanders were forced to give way to the popular
feelings in order to avoid an uprising. Armijo pro
claimed the plan at Cuernavaca, Barragan in Quere-
taro, and Otero in Guanajuato. Bravo had recovered
from his disaster, entered the city of Oajaca on the

42 The Plan de Casa Mata consisted of eleven articles, of which I give a
synopsis. Art. 1. As the sovereignty resides in the nation, congress shall be
installed as soon as possible. Art. 2. The plan for its convocation shall be
based on the same principles which governed in the election of the first con
gress. Art. 3. The provinces can reelectsuch deputies as had shown themselves
worthy of public esteem by their liberal ideas, and substitute others in the
place of those who had not corresponded to the confidence extended to them.
Art. 4. The congress shall reside in whatever city or town it may deem most
convenient. Art. 5. The army will sustain the national representation and
all its fundamental decisions. Art. 6. Military officers and troops not ready
to sacrifice themselves for their country's good can depart whithersoever they
may wish. Art. 7. A commission shall place a copy of this act in the hands
of the emperor. Art. 8. Another commission, provided with a similar copy,
shall propose the plan to the governor and municipality of Vera Cruz for their
acceptance or rejection. Art. 9. The same proposal shall be made to forces
at Puente del Rey, Jalapa, Cordoba, and Orizaba. Art. 10. Pending the
answer of the government, the provincial deputation of Vera Cruz, with its
own assent, shall exercise the administrative functions. Art. 11. The army
shall make no attempt against the person of the emperor, but shall not dis
band until by disposition of the sovereign congress, whose deliberations it
shall support. Hex. Col. Ley. Fund., 113-4; Zavala, Rev. Hex., i. 1G4-5.

798 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

communication between the capital and the insurgent
army, and in the hope of effecting a peaceable recon
ciliation. But a conciliatory line of action in no way
tended to avert the catastrophe. He consented to
the immediate convocation of a new congress;49 a
dividing line between the troops was agreed upon;
and a stipulation made that both sides should await
the inauguration of the national assembly without

t/^

further action and abide by its decision. But these
arrangements were little conducive to Iturbide's ad
vantage, nor even carefully adhered to, emissaries
being despatched all over the country advocating the
new movement. Moreover, the revolutionists were in
no haste ; their cause was making rapid headway, and a
little delay was actual gain to them, while to Iturbide
they foresaw that it would be fatal. The falling em
peror also fully recognized this; he saw the mistake
he had made in not having taken measures to assem
ble congress at the earliest possible date, when it might
still have been largely composed of adherents of his
own; and several times he expressed his desire for a
personal interview with the chiefs, in the hope of set
tling matters. But they would hold no conference
with him.50 To await the slow work of assembling
a congress would be certain defeat, for its composi
tion would be mainly of members hostile to him.
Two courses remained: either to reinstall the dis
solved congress, or lay aside his imperial title, and,
adopting the plan of Casa Mata, place himself at the
head of the revolution, as invited to do.51 The latter

49 The convocatoria had already been drawn up at the beginning of the
preceding December, and was now to be put in circulation. Iturbide, Manifi-
esto, 55. A draft of a constitution had also been prepared, Mex. Proyecto Con-
stitnc/on, 40, as also one for the provisional regulation of the government dur
ing the mean time. Mex. Proyecto Reyl. Polit., p. 34.

50 He says that they were ashamed to meet him: 'El delito les retraia, y
los confundia sn ingratitud.' Iturbide, Manifesto, 60.

61 He was invited to do this by many of the principal leaders, among whom
he mentions the names of Negrete, Vivanco, and Cortazar. He remarks that
if ambition had been his aim, by accepting this proposal and retaining the
command, time would have afforded him a thousand opportunities of exercis
ing it to his own pleasure. Id., 65.

THE EMPEROR AND CONGRESS. 799

plan would have been the safer, but his pride re
volted against taking the step,52 and he adopted the
former, in which he was supported by the wishes of
the provincial deputation of Mexico, the suggestions
of his commissioners, and the advice of the coun
cil of state.53 Accordingly, on the 4th of March
the emperor issued a decree ordering the members
of the dissolved congress to reassemble, and on the
7th it again opened its sessions, although the depu
ties present numbered only fifty-eight, some being
released from prison the evening before.54 When he
addressed the assembly, explaining his motives and
expressing his desire to concur with the general wish,
he was listened to with coldness and lack of sym
pathy.

The first difficulties which presented themselves
were as to the faculties and legitimacy of the con
gress. The number of deputies, although increased
by a few others, still fell short of that prescribed by
the law, and as most of the provinces had declared
for the plan of Casa Mata, which called for a new
congress, it was doubtful whether the old one would
be recognized. Its position was still further compli
cated by the tumultuous state into which the capital
was thrown, and which threatened to interfere with
the freedom of its deliberations. Iturbide had with
drawn from Iztapaluca, and had returned to the capi
tal with the purpose of retiring to Tacubaya. On
his departure on the 10th the dregs of the popu
lace became dangerously demonstrative in his favor,
loudly cheering and drawing his carriage through the
streets, while menacing the congress. This caused
the members much alarm for their safety, and on
their representation to the ministers, General An-
drade, in whom they had little confidence, was re-

52 ' Pero los negocios me eran ocliosos, pesado el cargo, y finalmente era
contraponerme a la cabeza de aquel partido. ' Such are the reasons he assigns
for his refusal, disclaiming at the same time personal ambition. Ib.

53 Gac. Imp. Mex., 1823, i. 135 et seq.

54 Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 105.

796 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

9th, and there installed a governing junta;43 and by
the beginning of March 4i all that was left to Itur-
bide of his empire was within sight from his palace
windows.

When the news of Echavarri's defection became
known in the capital, consternation reigned. In the
ranks of the Iturbidists, the emperor alone bore a
bold front. At an extraordinary session of the junta
instituyente, on February 9th, he said that if it was
intended to coerce him by means of the army, he
would prove that the arm which had achieved the
country's independence was not yet broken; still he
took no energetic step. On the contrary, a commis
sion, one of the members being Negrete, was de
spatched to treat with the leaders of the movement,
who were advancing rapidly toward the capital. At
Jalapa, Echavarri formed a military junta, in which
even the rank and file of the different corps were
represented. This assembly was to meet whenever
occasion required, Echdvarri being appointed presi
dent and Calderon vice-president. A permanent ex
ecutive council, composed of five members,45 was also
established.

On the 17th the commission sent by the govern
ment arrived at Jalapa, but in the conferences which
followed no adjustment was arrived at; and the com
missioners, with the exception of Negrete, who re
mained in Puebla and soon after espoused the popular
cause, returned to report their failure. The army of lib
erators then advanced to Puebla, where Echavarri re
signed the command in order to counteract the procla-

43 Bravo on his march toward Oajaca received intelligence of the plan of
Casa Mata, but does not appear to have agreed with it. Alainan, Hist. Mej.,
v. 713-14.

44Durango proclaimed on the 5th and Cth of March, the comandante Gas-
par do Ochoa and the garrison swearing to support the plan, and the provin
cial deputation resolving to cooperate with the southern provinces. Pinart't
Col., print i. no. 79, 80; Id., MS., i. no. 89. Chihuahua immediately fol
lowed the example, under the encouragement of the comandante Colonel May-
nez. Ib.

43 The brigadiers Minon and Gual, and the colonels Juan Codallos, Iberri,
and Puyade. Alaman, Hist. H6j., v. 714-15.

DESERTION OF IMPERIAL TROOPS. 797

mations and manifestoes of Iturbide, who attributed
the revolution to Spanish intrigue, and asserted that
EchaVarri was in communication with commissioners
of that government residing in Fort Ulua. But
Echdvarri's fidelity was never doubted, and his resigna
tion was strenuously opposed. He firmly maintained
his point, however, and the marques cle Vivanco was
appointed in his stead. Whether it was that Itur
bide was really anxious to avoid bloodshed, as some
writers are inclined to believe, or that he recognized
that a struggle would be hopeless, he made no effort
to appeal to arms.*6 The fact is, that it was now too
late. Desertion of the troops in the capital was un
precedented. It was, not confined to the clandestine
departure of individuals, or even squads of soldiery.
Whole corps formed in line, and openly marched away
with colors flying and bands of music. His procla
mations and exhortations to fidelity had no effect.47
On the night of the 23d the troops remaining of the
9th and llth infantry regiments sallied from their
barracks, released the prisoners confined in the Inqui
sition — among whom was Padre Mier — proclaimed
one of the liberated captives, Colonel Eulogio Villa
Urrutia, their chief, and raising the cry of liberty and
republicanism, marched to Toluca.48 Next day the
4th cavalry regiment deserted in like manner, and in
the evening the mounted grenadiers of the imperial
guard followed.

Iturbide had stationed himself with some troops at
Iztapaluca on the Puebla road in order to prevent

46 When he first heard of Echdvarri's defection he resolved to take the
field in person, but changed his mind through the advice of the council of
state. Ib. He recognized his mistake later, and says in his Manifiesto, 53:
* La falta que creo cometi en mi gobierno fuo no tomar el mando de eje"rcito,
desde que debi conocer la defeccion de Echdvarri, me alucin6 la demasiada
coufianza.' But he did not suppose that at Vera Cruz the besiegers and be
sieged were working in accord.

47 See his proclamation of Feb. llth, in Gac. Imp. Mex., 1823, i. 80.

48 Bustamante states that Mier lost one of his shoes in the confusion, and was
conveyed away in a carriage. As the troops passed the emperor's residence
near Tacubaya, they shouted, 'Viva la libertad y la republica,' 'que caus6
mucha agitacion en la familia imperial.' Hist. Iturbide, 93-4.

800 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIDE.

moved from the military command, andt Brigadier
Gomez Pedraza appointed in his place.

All now depended on the decision of the revolu
tionary junta at Puebla, which, having assembled on
the 14th, resolved that it could not recognize the con-

' O

gress until assured that its liberty was not interfered
with; at the same time it was decided to advance
against Mexico. On the following day the army be
gan its march, but commissioners from the congress
who had been sent to treat with the leaders being met
a short distance from the town, a second meeting was

/ O

held, at which, after a long discussion, the following
resolution was adopted: The ejercito libertador and
the junta will recognize as legitimate the old congress,
which had been illegally dissolved, when the compe
tent number of deputies is complete, and will obey it
as soon as it enjoys absolute freedom in regard to its
labors.

When this decision was known to Iturbide, he gave
up the struggle. The coldness of his reception when
congress was reinstalled; the rejection of a proposal
made by him that his own and the revolutionary forces
should respectively retire to positions fifty leagues
distant from the capital, and that a regency should be
appointed to which he would delegate the executive
power; and the threatening movement from Puebla
— all were too palpably significant of the intention to
overthrow him. But he could still make a show of
having at heart the welfare of his country, and he
determined to retire for its good. On the night of
March 19th congress was assembled in extraordi
nary session, and Iturbide's abdication, written by
his own hand, was read to the chamber by Navarrete,
the minister of justice. Since the congress, he said,
had been recognized by the junta at Puebla and by the
troops that had declared for the plan of Casa Mata,
he laid down the crown which at first he had accepted
with the greatest unwillingness, and then only to
prove his self-sacrifice and devotion to his country.

ABDICATION OF THE EMPEROR. 801

He would have taken this step sooner had there been
a recognized national representation. In order that his
presence might not be the pretext for further trouble,
he would cheerfully expatriate himself, and make his
abode in some foreign land, whither he would be
ready to depart in ten or fifteen days. He only re
quested that the nation would pay the private debts
which he had incurred in view of his not having
availed himself of the income assigned him out of
consideration for the necessities of the troops and
public officials. On the following day a more ampli
fied form of abdication was presented to the congress.55
But the congress was in a dilemma. It could pass
no decision on the matter until a competent number
of deputies was united. At the same time the revo
lutionary forces were occupying positions in the im
mediate vicinity of the capital. It therefore pro
posed that the leaders should consent to a conference
with Iturbide. They had, however, no stomach for
such an interview; it would be far from agreeable for
them to meet face to face the sovereign whom they
had first created and then deserted. Moreover, they
still feared the magic influence of his presence over
many of them. They consequently not only persist
ently refused to listen to such a proposal, but de
manded that the emperor should betake himself either
to Tulancingo, Jalapa, C6rdoba, or Orizaba — they
would give him the choice — and there abide pending
the decision of the congress. This slight roused
Iturbide's indignation, and caused no little apprehen
sion in the capital that hostilities would finally break
out. Indeed, there was imminent danger of such
action between the imperial troops at Tacubaya and
those of Bravo, who had arrived from Oajaca, and
had stationed himself at Tlalpam. In the general
alarm the congress invited Vivanco to occupy the

65 Full particulars with copies of documents relative to events connected
with Iturbide's resignation will be found in Id., 95-117. Bustamante had
been released from prison, and had resumed his seat in congress.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 51

802 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH 0? ITURBID2.

capital, and Gomez Pedraza on the 26th obtained an
agreement from the chiefs by which they bound them
selves to recognize Iturbide in such character as
should be given him by the congress. Other terms of
the convention were to the effect that Iturbide should
retire to Tulancingo, which he did three days after-
terward escorted by Bravo,50 and that Pedraza should
surrender the command of the capital to the chief
appointed to occupy it. The ejercito liber tador en
tered the city the same day.

By the occupation of the capital by the revolution
ary forces the difficulties which had impeded congres
sional action were removed. The deputies who had
escaped from prison in the previous month arrived
with the army; those members who had hitherto
feared to attend the session now took their seats, and
on the 29th, 103 members being present, congress
could declare itself a legitimate national assembly.
During the following week it was occupied in the for
mation of a new government. The functions of the
existing executive were declared to have ceased, and
a provisional government, composed of three mem
bers, was created, Bravo, Victoria, and Negrete be
ing elected. During the absence of the two former
Jose Mariano Michelena and Jose Miguel Dominguez
were appointed to act as their substitutes.

On April 7th congress gave its attention to the
question of Iturbide's abdication. The opinion of
the commission which had been appointed to report
on the matter was that Iturbide's elevation having
been effected by violence and compulsion was null,
and that his abdication should not be accepted, as
that would imply his right to the crcVwn; that he
should be conveyed to Italy, and a yearly income of
$25,000 be assigned to him. The discussion was con-

56 Iturbide requested that Bravo should command his escort. Id., 120.
Alaman remarks that this choice reflected the highest honor on Bravo: 'No
hay en la vida de Bravo nada que le sea tan honroso, como esta eleccion que
hizo Iturbide para confiar a su honor y probidad su propia persona y familia,
cuando todos lo habian faltado.' Hist. Mej., v. 744.

DECREES OF CONGRESS. 803

ducted with considerable heat. By many these de
cisions were considered too lenient, and they would
have brought the fallen emperor to trial. Padre
Mier, supported by other deputies, regarded the
allowance proposed as excessive, and insinuated that
Iturbicle would take away with him large sums of
money. Nevertheless the opinion was approved by a
large majority in all its points, and on the 8th the con
gress passed a decree to that effect.57 As a final blow
to monarchy in Mexico, by a separate decree of the
same date the plan of Iguala and the treaty of Cor
doba were pronounced null, in so far as the offers of
the crown and the form of government prescribed in
them were concerned, and the right of the nation to
establish its government was declared free from all
compromise.58

Iturbide had left Tacubaya, March 30th, for Tu-
lancingo. A portion of his own troops accompanied
him, and their faithfulness was unfortunately displayed
by frequent affrays with the soldiers of the escort
under Bravo. The result of this was that Bravo re
ceived instructions from the government to disarm
Iturbide's men and dismiss them from service.59
Henceforth Iturbide was treated with severity. The
demonstrations which had occurred at Tulancingo

57 It was as follows: 1. The coronation of D. Agustin de Iturbide being
the work of violence and void of right, there is no occasion to discuss his
abdication of the crown. 2. Consequently the hereditary succession and the
titles emanating from the coronation are declared null; and all acts of the
government from May 19th to March 29th are illegal, remaining subject to the
revision of the existing government for approval or revocation. 3. The exec
utive power shall take measures for the speedy departure of D. Agustin de
Iturbide from the territory of the nation. 4. This shall take place at one of
the ports of the Mexican Gulf, a neutral vessel being chartered at the state's
expense to convey him and his family to such place as he may designate. 5.
During his life $25,000 annually are assigned to D. Agustin de Iturbide,
payable in this capital, on the condition that he establish his residence at
some point in Italy. After his death his family shall enjoy a pension of
$8,000, under the rules established for pensions of the montepio militar.
Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 115; Mex. Col. Ley. Ord. y Dec., ii. 91-2.

'°*Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 182.

59 By order of April 5th. On the 2d and 3d broils had occurred at Tulan
cingo, on the latter day a corporal of Iturbide's troops being killed and two
soldiers wounded. This caused unpleasant passages between him and Bravo,
who informed congress of the trouble. On the 9th, 102 of Iturbide's men
were dismissed. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 140-3.

804 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIBE.

were attributed to intrigue, arid during the rest of
his journey he was regarded as a political prisoner by
Bravo, who was ordered to hasten his departure from
the country. Nor was Iturbide's life altogether safe.
Spies of the masons followed him unremittingly, and,
to their shame be it said, plotted his assassination.
Bravo was, however, timely informed of the design,
and his precautions prevented its accomplishment.63
On the 20th of April the dethroned emperor left Tu-
lancingo, and was conveyed to "Vera Cruz, which he
reached May 9th, without having had many of the
ordinary comforts of life during the journey. On his
arrival at the coast he was not allowed to enter the town,
but had to camp at the mouth of the Antigua, under
guard, till the ship Rawlins 61 bore him from the shores
of Mexico on the morning of the llth.

Iturbide was accompanied by his wife and eight
children, his chaplain Jose Antonio Lopez, Fray Ig-
nacio Trevino, Jose Ramon Malo, and his secretary,
Francisco Alvarez. The voyage to Italy, though
prosperous, was long and tedious, the vessel not being
allowed to touch at any intermediate port.62 On ar-

60 One of Iturbide's companions who followed him throughout in his exile
was Jose" E,. Malo, who in 18G9 published a narrative of Iturbide's journey to
the port, his voyage to Italy, and of all subsequent events to the clay of his
death. Its title is Apuntes Ilisttfricos sobre el Destierro, Vuelta al Territorio
Mexicano y Muerte del Libertador D. Ayustin de Iturbide. On pp. 11, 14-15,
Malo makes mention of the attempts to assassinate Iturbide, and the measures
taken by Vicente Villada, colonel of the escort, to prevent it. He also states
— pp. 17-18 — that Iturbide narrowly escaped being poisoned on board by
drinking of some bitters which had been supplied him by Padre Marchena, a
Dominican and a mason, who according to Alaman — Hist. Mej., v. 790 — had
been sent by the order to dog his steps. Marchena followed Iturbide to Leg
horn in another vessel with the intention of taking his life. This gentle
priest was afterward murdered in a cellar in Mexico by the brothers of a
secret society which he had formed for the purpose of assassinating certain
persons. A list of the intended victims was found on his person, one of whom
was the prior of his own convent, a brother-in-law of Bravo. Malo, ut sup.

61 The Rawlins, Captain Quelch, was an armed English merchantman of
400 tons and carrying 12 guns. She was chartered by the government for
the sum of $15,550. The vessel was convoyed for some distance by an En-

flish man-of-war. Alaman, Hist. M6j., v. 751, 754; Malo, Apunt. Hist., 15-
6; Bustamante, Hist. Iturb'de, 147; Gac. Imp. Mex., 1823, i, 241-2. Before
embarking Iturbide had an interview with Victoria, to whom he presented a
watch as a token of remembrance. His parting with Bravo was less cordial.

62 During the voyage Iturbide entered into an explanation to Malo relative
to the expression in his report of the battle at Salvatierra — see pp. 515-10, this

EXILE OF AGUSTIN I. 805

riving at Leghorn on August 2d, the Raivlins was
quarantined for a month, and it was not till Septem
ber 2d that the exiled family were domiciled in their
new home.03 Here Iturbide wrote his Manifiesto d
la Nacion Mexicana.64

vol. — wherein it is stated that 350 excommunicated wretches had gone to the
infernal regions. His explanation was that, being prostrated with sickness
he had signed the despatch, which was drawn up by his chaplain Padre Gal-
legos, without reading it. When it appeared in print he was powerless to
contradict the heartless expression, as it was his own fault through not hav
ing revised the original. Alalo, Apunt. Hist.f 18-20.

C3 Iturbide rented the Villa Guevara, belonging to the princess Pauline
Bonaparte. Id., 23. Mariano Torrente, author of the Historia de la Revolu
tion llispano- Americana, who had lately been deprived by Fernando of his
office as Spanish consul in that port, offered his services to Iturbide with
every assurance of friendship. His intentions, however, are doubtful. In
his history he has shown himself very unfavorable to Iturbide.

61 He was unable to publish it in Tuscany, and it was first printed in Lon
don by his friend Quin. This manifesto has been translated into English,
French, and German, and supplemented by a number of documents, among
which are several letters of Iturbide, and editors' notes, and has reappeared at
different dates under various titles. I have already noticed the French edi
tion i;i note 8 of this chapter. In 1827 it \vas published in Mexico by Pablo
Villavicencio, under the title, Carrera Militar y Politica </e Don Ayuslin de
Iturbide. This editor adds a political treatise of his own, Manifesto del Pajo
del Roxario, pp. 16, largely taken up in discussing tho principles of the ma
sonic lodges. In conclusion he says: 'Aborreci a Iturbide mientras persiguio
mortalmente a los primeros patriotas. . .lo ame" mucho cuando en Iguala roni-
pio el nudo gordiano:. . .le volvi a aborrecer desde el momento de su procla-
rnacion hasta su caida a la cual contribui.' In the same year was published
in Mexico Breve Diseno Critico de la Emancipation y Liber tad de la Nation
Mexicana, containing the manifesto, annotations on the notes, numerous doc
uments, and General Garza's account of Iturbide's execution. And lastly, iu
1871 the edition of 1827 was republished under the title, Manifesto del gen
eral D. Agustln de Iturbide, Libertador de Mexico, by the editors of La Voz
de Mexico. The publishers state that some portions of the previous issue had
been omitted by them, inasmuch as they displayed an angry feeling oppug-
nant to the present age. This does not refer to Iturbide's manifesto, of which
nothing is left out. For the same reason the annotations — contra-notas —
would also have been omitted had it not been that their annexation to the
manifesto rendered it unadvisable. With regard to the manifesto itself,
which has been frequently quoted in this and preceding chapters under ouo
or other of the above titles, it is a review by Iturbide of the events connected
with his rise and fall, and a vindication of his conduct. After giving a brief
sketch of his life up to the time of his proclamation of the plan of Iguala, he
then stands on the defense of his political intentions and action relative ta
his acceptance of the crown. He denounces the assertion that he aspired to
such position, and insists that he was compelled to mount the throne in obe
dience to the wishes of the people, that throughout the short period of his
reign he was actuated solely by patriotic motives. He describes the general
condition of Mexico as he found it when placed at the head — the exhausted
condition of the treasury, the state of abandonment into which the judicial
administration had fallen, and the difficulties under which the government
labored. He then gives his attention to the discord between himself and
congress, charging the latter with incompetence, and discusses the insurrection
that terminated in the plan of Casa Mata and his own abdication. He more-

806 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

His residence in Italy, however, was of short dura
tion. Influenced by news from Mexico, or, as he
asserts, discovering that its independence was threat
ened by an alliance of the Latin powers of Europe for
the recovery of the Americas, he resolved to leave a
country where his freedom of action would be re
stricted, and on the 30th of November embarked
with his two eldest sons for London. Forced by
stress of weather to return, he decided to make the
journey overland to Ostend. Avoiding France, he
travelled through Switzerland, Germany, Prussia, and
Holland, suffering somewhat from the cold, and em
barked at Ostend December 31st, arriving in London
the following day.65 In April he was joined by his
wife and children. The hand of fate now beckoned
him to his doom. On February 13th he had addressed
a note to the new constituent congress of Mexico,
which had been installed at the beginning of Novem
ber 1823, assigning as the reason of his departure
from Italy the intrigues of Spain against Mexico, and
offering his services for the good of his country, while
declaring that his only object was its welfare.66 But
the government was thoroughly informed about him ;
his movements had been closely watched. Secret
agents of the government had reported them; spies
of the masonic order had followed his track, and his
intentions were well known. On the 28th of April
congress passed a decree declaring him an outlaw and
an enemy of the state, if, under any pretext, he should
place foot on Mexican soil, and caused copies of it to
be circulated.

Without waiting for an answer to his note, and
unaware of the above decree, on May llth he sailed

over repudiates the charge that he had enriched himself from the public
funds.

65 Malo states that they took passage on a small steamer, the first which
plied the straits. Apunt. Hist., 27.

6G Copies of his note are supplied in Ititrbide, Manific*to, 128-30, and in the
other editions mentioned in note G4 of this chapter. An English translation
is given in BeneslVs Narrative of the Last Moments of the Life of Don Ayuxtin
de Iturbide, published in New York, 1825.

RETURN TO MEXICO. 807

from Southampton on board the brig Spring® accom
panied by his wife and two younger sons, padres Lopez
and Trevino, Malo, and Beneski, a Pole, who had
served under Iturbide in Mexico and now followed
him as his aide-de-camp. On the 14th of July the
vessel came to anchor off the bar at Soto la Marina.
The Mexican liberator's days were now numbered
and few in count. Beneski was sent ashore to gain
information about the later occurrences in Mexico,
and presented himself to Garza, who was still coman-
dante at Soto la Marina. Provided with a letter
from Padre Trevino, he represented himself as hav
ing come with a companion as the agent of com
mercial houses in London, to propose to the gov
ernment a plan for the establishment of an English
colony, and having received permission to land, and
a written answer to Trevino's communication, he re
turned on board.68 Beneski's report of his recep
tion by Garza was so favorable that on the follow
ing day Iturbide landed with the intention of visit
ing him in person. He was accompanied only by
Beneski, and arrived a little before sunset at the

67 Commanded by Jacob Quelch, the same captain who had conveyed Itur
bide to Leghorn. Malo, A pant. Hist., 35. Before his departure he addressed
a letter to the English minister, Canning, which is somewhat in contradiction
to that sent to the congress. He therein states that he went with the object
of consolidating a government which would render his country happy, and
that be had received frequent invitations to return to Mexico. ' He sido
llamado de diversos puntos repetidamente, y no puedo hacerme sordo por mas
tiempo.' At the same time he asserts that he does not go to seek an empire.
One of his first cares would be to promote friendly relations with Great Brit
ain. Manifesto, 136-7.

68 Beneski in his narrative — pp. 4-7 — states that at the interview Garza
expressed great regard for Iturbide, and assured him that if the ex-emperor
should ever return to Mexico he might rely upon his assistance; that in 15
days he could place himself at the head of 2,000 cavalry, with ten pieces of ord
nance, and that every confidence could be reposed in the troops. He further
states that Garza gave him a letter for Iturbide — whom he supposed to be in
London — imploring him ' to hasten from London to save Mexico, his country,
from ruin and devastation.' The statement with regard to the letter is dis
proved by the evidence of Padre Trevino and Malo, Bustamante, Garza Vin-
dicado, 74-5, and the latter only makes mention in his narrative of the one to
Trevino. He conjectures, however, that Garza, suspecting who was on board,
hoodwinked Beneski by pi^otestations of adherence to Iturbide, and thus ob
tained the secret from him. Nevertheless, the note to Trevifio expressed both
the wishes and offers of Garza as told by Beneski, and Bustamante's vindica
tion of Garza is virtually without point. Apunt. Hist., 37-8.

808 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIDE.

rancho de los Arroyos, about six leagues from the sea,
where they put up for the night. But Iturbide had
been recognized as he went ashore, and the officer in
command of the detachment at the point of Pes-
caderia sent soldiers in pursuit of the strangers,
who were disturbed in their sleep and placed under
arrest after midnight. In the afternoon of the fol
lowing day Garza, who had been informed of the
occurrence, arrived with his escort. His meeting
with Iturbide was most cordial, and he manifested
his joy at seeing him. In friendly converse they
journeyed together, and Iturbide now learned for
the first time that he had been proscribed by the
congress.63 But he doubted not Garza's professions
and promises to aid him. From Soto la Marina,
where they arrived at ten o'clock at night, he wrote
to Padre Lopez, instructing him to follow him there
with his wife and companions. On the following
morning, however, Garza's aide-de-camp appeared and
told him to prepare for death, as both of them were to
be shot at three o'clock that afternoon. Iturbide re
ceived the information with composure. " Tell Gen
eral Garza," he said, " that I am ready to die, and
only request three days to prepare to leave this world
as a Christian." He also requested that Beneski's
life might be spared.

Nevertheless, Garza was unwilling to shoulder all
the responsibility of a political murder. To put a
man to death by virtue of a decree the existence of
which he knew not of till he had made himself liable
to the penalty would be an inhuman act, and the gen
eral would have washed his hands of the matter if he
could have done so. I believe, too, that he really
wished to save Iturbide's life.70 Be his feelings what

69 Garza had made no mention of this fact in his letter to Trevino; hence
Malo infers that his intention was to entrap Iturbide. Apimt. I list., 40.
Garza states that he informed Iturbide while on their journey that death

Virr^nl/1 \\f\ Ilia -Po 4-0 7Vo/W^V7/> 71 fsvntn -fistnlr. 1 Tfi

would be his fate. Iturbide, Manifesto, 176.
70 Indeed, Garza's proceedings are inexpli
only suppose that private instructions had 1
thorities at the ports to use all means to secure Iturbide's person if he should

'"Indeed, Garza's proceedings are inexplicable, as the sequel shows. I can
only suppose that private instructions had been issued to the military au-

PREPARING FOR DEATH. 809

they might, he determined to refer the case to the
state congress of Tamaulipas, and that afternoon
started with his prisoners for Padilla, where it was
holding its sessions. Still more incomprehensible is
his action on the journey. On the morning of the
18th, he resigned the command of the whole escort,
consisting of 130 cavalrymen, to Iturbide, stating in
the presence of all that he did so because he was con
vinced of his good intentions, and that until the con
gress had passed its decision he would not regard him
as a criminal. He then took leave of Iturbide, stat
ing that he was going to return to Soto la Marina.71
The doomed man, now light of heart, hastened by
forced marches to Padilla, which place he reached at
sunrise on the 19th. In no way did he attempt to
abuse the confidence reposed in him. Halting his
forces outside the town, he awaited the permission of
the congress to enter. This was, however, denied
him, and Garza, who had followed his steps, now re
joined him and placed him again under arrest.

The congress of Tamaulipas had been immediately
informed by Garza of Iturbide's arrest when he
landed, and on the 18th had passed the sentence of
death upon him after a long discussion. It now
again assembled in extraordinary session, and Garza
pleaded in person in his behalf, laying stress upon the
fact that Iturbide had landed in ignorance of the
decree which proscribed him. But his efforts were
vain. The assembly confirmed its previous sentence,
and with unseemly haste instructed Garza to carry it
forthwith into execution.72 Shortly after two o'clock
Iturbide was informed that he had to die, and that

appear, and execute him immediately. The government afterward repri
manded Garza for not having acted with more promptness in the matter.
See the despatch of Teran, the minister of war, in /(/., 185-G.

71 Garza excuses his conduct by stating to the government that his design
was to put Iturbide's real intentions to the test; that he had perfect confi
dence in the troops and officers, to whom he had given secret orders. Id.,
179-80.

72 See the records of the sessions supplied by Alaman. I fist. Mcj., v. ap.
doc. no. 24, and Garza's report in Iturbide, Mani/iesto, 182.

810 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

the hour of six in the evening was appointed for his
execution. His serenity of mind was undisturbed;
he only repeated his former request that three days
might be allowed him for religious preparation.73

But even this short respite was denied him, and at
the set of sun he was led forth. With unfaltering
step he walked to the place of execution, and in a
voice without a tremor he addressed a few parting
words to the troops. "Mexicans," he said, "in this
last moment of my life I recommend to you the love
of your country, and the observance of our holy re
ligion. I die for having come to aid you; and depart
happy because I die among you. I die with honor,
not as a traitor. That stain will not attach to my
children and their descendants. Preserve order, arid
be obedient to your commanders. From the bottom
of my heart, I forgive all my enemies." When the
officer approached to bandage his eyes he objected,
saying that it was not necessary, but being told that
the form must be observed, he bound his handkerchief
over them with his own hand. Then he knelt, and
the platoon fired, killing him instantly. On the fol
lowing morning his remains were buried in the old
roofless church of Padilla, where they remained till
1838, when they were removed, by decree of congress,
and interred with solemn obsequies in the cathedral
of Mexico on the 24th of October.74

73 He had previously written, on the 17th, a representation to the sover
eign congress, appealing against his proscription. He now concluded it, and
says: ' No pedi por la conservacion de la vida que ofreci tantas veces a mi
patria. . .mi si'iplica se redujo a que se me concediesen tres dias para disponer
mi conciencia, que por disgracia no es tan libre en mi vida privada, como en
lapiiblica.' Id., 165-6.

74 For an account of these ceremonies, see Pacheco, Descrip. Iturb. ; Busta-
mante, Gabinete Mex., i. 84-93; Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 292, 395-9. Itur-
bide's family were detained under arrest at Soto la Marina till September,
when they were banished the country and went to the United States.
Mex. Col. Ley. Ord. y Dec., iii. 60. A pension, however, of $8,000 a year
was granted his widow. Dublan and Lozano Ley. Mex., ii. 449. By decree
of February 27, 1835, the sentence of banishment was revoked, and his
widow and children were permitted to enter the republic. Id., iii. 25. In
after years Iturbide's services in accomplishing independence were recog
nized. In 1853 the title of Liberator was bestowed upon him. Mcx. Leg.
M(-j., Aug. -Dec., 1853, 356-57; and in 1855 the anniversary of his death

ITURBIDE'S CHARACTER. 811

At the time of his death Iturbide was nearly forty-
one years of age. His career is before the reader,
and his character may be drawn from it. Ambitious
and designing, he possessed a winning influence most
remarkable. Plausible and persuasive, he could cloak
his aspirations with false patriotism, and while har
boring designs the most selfish, put on a semblance
of candor that carried conviction of honesty and pu
rity of purpose. Thus it was that when independence
had been achieved he came to be lauded by a large
party as the savior of the nation, properly to be chosen
its rebuilder. But his ability as a statesman was of
no high order. He was wholly unable to cement the
disintegrated elements of the community, which might
have been reconstructed by a greater mind ; and when
by force of impudence and scheming, based on a
brilliant military record, he had raised himself to
the throne, he lacked the skill to hold his place.
Selfish ambition outran his craftiness, and blinded his
judgment. He failed to see that the same military
leaders whom he had elevated with injustice to others
would be the first to make their peace with the indig
nant nation when he alienated it by trampling under
foot its sovereign rights; his blind confidence in the
army was the secondary cause of his fall. Neverthe
less, his execution was an unjust proceeding, and it can
be excused only by the belief that civil war might
ever be stirred so long as he remained alive. He still
possessed numerous adherents, and to believe in his
pretensions of patriotism would have been weakness.

With regard to the achievement of independence,
more credit has been given to Iturbide than he de
serves. Fighting first for monarchy, he would have
so continued to the end had not personal interests
influenced him. He was a great man only in a super
ficial way, though brilliant. He knew not the meaning
of pure patriotism. His name is not to be mentioned

was declared a public holiday. Mex. Col. Ley. Ord., Jan.-Aug., 1835, viii.
309-10.

812 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

beside those of Hidalgo, Morelos, and Bravo. Inde-

O ' *

pendence as finally achieved was the work not of an
individual. Iturbide would have failed at the out
set had not circumstances combined to aid him. When
he proclaimed the plan of Iguala, he would inevitably
have been crushed had Lilian obeyed the viceroy's
orders. But he was left unmolested. Military chiefs
in every part of the country then took up the work,
and in all the principal provincial capitals indepen
dence was consummated without his presence. Apo-
daca's inactivity made the rest easy, and finally
O'Donojii's liberalism opened to him the gates of
Mexico. But it must be admitted that spasms of
political sagacity were displayed by Iturbide, and
that he acted with consummate skill and sound judg
ment on occasions. He knew well the public mind,
and seized upon the right moment to arouse its feel
ings. Thus it was that his elevation was rapid and
almost bloodless.

With a brief summary, I close this volume on the
Mexican revolution. It was the transition period
from political and intellectual despotism into the
elemental conditions of a free nation. The evils
afflicting the colonial existence were what might be
expected from relations between a jealous and exact
ing mother country and a rich dependency, aggra
vated, by opposing interests and geographic position,
such as exclusive control of desirable offices, due to
partiality and suspicion of loyalty; oppressive restric
tions of trade and industries, due to selfishness and
greed; and irritating class distinctions, due partly to
the comparatively inferior rank of emigrants to that
at least of the men sent to govern them. But these
abuses and wrongs had here attained a far greater
extent under Spanish pride and narrow-mindedness
than in the English colonies, owing to the admixture
of settlers with the aborigines, and the growth of a
new race, which under the oppressive subordination of

THE INDEPENDENCE. 813

centuries had come to be regarded as hostile and
inferior, the great mass of the people being for that
matter looked upon as conquered, in reality or by
sympathy.

And so the seed of discontent grew till ripe for a
revolution that awaited only an impulse beyond innate
love for liberty. The impulse can be traced more
immediately to the example set by the northern
United States, which, fostered greatly by the works
of French writers during the century, reacted upon
Europe, notably in France itself, where the move
ment failed through its excesses. Spain also felt the
reaction, and gave her colonies practical lessons in dis
pelling the glamour of royalty, showing how to depose
rulers, and in its struggle with France placing New
Spain in a position to discover her own strength in
manifold resources. The Gallic invasion accordingly
precipitated the revolution.

Its aim was lofty, for Hidalgo already declared for
independence, as revealed in the war-cry, Death to
the Spaniards! and as understood from the long-mooted
point that New Spain was not only a colony, but a
conquered country. And herein lay a powerful means
for bringing the masses to his aid. To Morelos it was
given, although too late, to impart a definite form to Hi
dalgo's idea. In the constitution of 1814 he declared
for a republic of the extreme type, with three powers,
and a triple executive duly subordinated to a sovereign
congress. While liberation and equality were elements
alluring enough, they did not suffice with all, and others
were needed at least to sustain the fickle ardor of these
fiery children of the south. Visions of a glorious past
had to be conjured up before the trampled Indians, and
bitterness had to be roused into hatred and thirst for
vengeance, the whole made practical by hopes of spoils,
which were licensed on the plausible ground that
Spanish riches had been wrung from the aboriginal
owners of the soil. These baser allurements, dictated
by necessity, reacted on the cause, however; but as

814 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

nations are composed of high and low, good and bad,
so their common aim, be, it never so lofty, must even
partake of the different ingredients.

The people of New Spain were more pliable and long-
suffering than their northern neighbors, but lacked
their self-control and adhesion to principle, and fell more
readily into extremes, allowing mind and heart to be
obscured by passion. Hence a war stamped by relent
less and bloody retaliation on both sides, due alternate
ly to passion and weakness. The royalists were at first
impelled by a sense of self-preservation, which acted
on the belief early instilled that strong measures were
required to impress rebels; subsequently they were
roused by the bandit-like raids of the guerrillas. Pol
icy should have urged them to imitate oftener the
magnanimous example set by men like Bravo and
Mina. We have long ceased to wonder at the absence
of any considerable mollifying influence of religion
where men's passions are aroused.

This calls up a peculiar feature of the struggle in
the prominent part played by the church. Both sides
professed to be its champion, using it now as a cloak,
anon as enginery, and stirring to move into vindictive
activity a contest rife with hate and fanaticism. Al
though the upper clergy were essentially for the roy
alists, yet they finally turned the scale by which the
revolutionists triumphed. If the price paid for the
alliance was in later times to prove costly, it must also
be remembered that the common fanaticism, however
bloody, served as a bond which prevented an additional
and probably more horrible war of races.

Several of the foremost leaders, too, were priests.
Men who longed to give vent on the battle-field to
feelings pent beneath the robe, to liberate suppressed
ambition and patriotic instincts, found every en
couragement to assume the lead, through their influ
ence as guides and rulers over devoted flocks which
respected them for their character and acquirements,
and felt impressed by their directing minds. Their

training unfortunately had not fitted them for the
field, but this failing was found as well in most of
the other leaders, whose only claim to the dis
tinction lay in a positive character or social prece
dence. It was a priest who started the revolution, a
quiet good-hearted provincial cura; a man lacking
military skill and definite plans, but self-sacrificing
and resolute, who could choose soldiers like Allende
for aids; a man standing between the medieval past
and the material future, for he was both a philosophiz
ing dreamer and a dabbler in science and improve
ments — one whom we would expect to conceive lofty
ideas and enterprises. Again, it was a priest, in
Morelos, who, imbued with military genius and noble
unselfishness, with the confidence won by a self-rmade
condition, and with a practical mind, gave shape to the
conception, organizing the revolution, giving it a real
army, a representative congress, and finally a consti
tution with avowed independence — a fit man to carry
out a great project, aided by chieftains like Matamoros
and Galeana, and using legislators like Ignacio Rayon.
The next grade of leaders exhibits a wide range of
representative characters. Yillagran and Rosains
are conspicuous for reckless arid unscrupulous pursuit
of selfish purposes; Osorno figures as a successful caval
ry leader and raider ; Teran is a precocious, immature
hero, Mina a dashing soldier; Bravo shines for his mag
nanimity, and Victoria for his tenacious loyalty to the
cause; while Guerrero stands forward as an able succes
sor to Morelos, one whose stanch purpose and self-deny
ing patriotism sustain a flickering revolution. Itur-
bide is typical rather of the following period as soldier
and schemer, brilliant yet selfish, who fox-like watches
the opportunity to seize the bone of contention. As
a rule, they are a self-willed class, rising frequently to
heroic spheres, but unsustained, and falling repeatedly
into moral and military errors. The royalist officers
appear in comparison as professionals against amateurs,
who with methodic precision, studied tactics, and strict

816 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

discipline carry out the plans of the viceroy, in whom
is absorbed the credit for their achievements.

This applies even more to the rank and file on both
sides, which are merged wholly in the leaders. The
active royalist troops are entirely or mainly trained
soldiers, often veterans of long standing with a large
proportion fresh from peninsular battle-fields; while
their opponents, as a rule, are undisciplined and un
controlled recruits, who seek to supply the lack of
skill and means with devotion and daring, or with
numbers. Yet both parties are essentially brethren,
the one enrolled for a noble purpose, the other en
listed by interests or compulsion to fratricidal war.
The revolutionists are mainly composed of mestizos,
the new-sprung race, ambitious and intelligent; of
restless though uneven energy; with keen sense of
its rights and wrongs, and with aspirations roused by
mingled Spanish pride and aboriginal claims. The
long-suffering Indian looks upon the issue with less
eagerness. The assumption that the gain will be
mainly absorbed by others counteracts greatly every
inducement, even the traditions of a gilded past and
the hopes of a roseate future, and draws him often back
to a passive indifference, combined with a secret desire
to behold the extermination of two objectionable rival
races. The Creoles waver frequently between a sense
of injustice suffered and a class prejudice, which on
one side binds them to the domineering Spaniards; be
tween a longing for control and a timid fear for im
perilled wealth. Their objection to fighting in a
motley crowd renders them comparatively passive,
except under compulsion, such as serving under roy
alist authorities as rural guard. Many prefer to
manifest their revolutionary sympathies in contribu
tions and intrigues.

Hidalgo sets out with a mere rabble, imposing
in number, but easily vanquished. Morelos seeks to
remedy the defeat by discipline and the organization
of an army; and the result is a success which gains

PHASES OF THE STRUGGLE. 817

for the revolution control of all the vast south, and
assists to dispute the royalist sway in the central
provinces, reducing the enemy to narrow straits. Tho
latter are roused, and to the rescue comes Calleja, not
alone a great soldier, but one who knows the country
and the people. He avails himself of their mistakes
and jealousies, and defeats them in detail. Errors
like Hidalgo's vacillation, Morelos' long-drawn siege
of Acapulco and indecision before Valladolid, and
Mina's delay in the north cost dear; yet the achieve
ments of the great men are mainly checked or ruined
by discord, by the selfish aspiration or insubordinate
action of a host of independent chieftains. Royalists
also suffer from Venegas' lack of ability, from grow
ing carelessness or lack of energy on the part of Ca
lleja and Apodaca, and from the prevalence of greedy
speculation which sacrifices the whole of Spanish in
terests to individual ends. This saves the revolution
more than once from threatened suppression, and
many a time it might be revived with hearty cooper
ation, as when Mina comes; but some leaders are sus
picious, others jealous, the rest afraid or indifferent.
Since its strength is broken with the fall of Morelos,
the movement resolves itself into a guerrilla warfare,
which sinks only too often into mere raids under
men intent on personal control, and enrichment from
tolls, levies, and spoils. Their followers become con
taminated and demoralized, less willing than ever to
submit to discipline and plans. They prefer desul
tory skirmishes to harassing operations, surprises to
battles; insist on using horses where infantry alone
can win, and ignore the lessons taught by experience.
Against such a spirit the efforts of a few loyal men
cannot prevail. They must humor their adherents
to exist at all; great achievements are out of the ques
tion.

The scene of action shifts with the turn of fortune,
centring along mountain ranges with ready access to
fertile valleys and rich trade routes. Indeed, the

HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 52

818 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUKBIDE.

revolution is confined mainly to the central provinces
and the busy highways, rather than to remote dis
tricts with their less turbulent and ambitious settlers,
who in the north cluster round presidios for shelter
against the wild Indians.

Finally, at the lowest ebb in the war, a liberal and.
anti-clerical sentiment, under the mask of freemasonry,
makes a step against absolutism in Spain, and wrings
concessions from a faithless king. In Mexico the
effect is startling. While the revolutionists fail to
appreciate the boon gained, it rouses the only ele
ments hostile to them, a powerful church threatened
in its privileges, and an army rendered discontented
by precept and grievances, and now seduced by prom
ises and clerical influence. To gain their end, they
join issue with the former; Guerrero disinterestedly
yields his own plans, and hopes for the prospect of im
mediate partial relief, and when the capricious soldiers
bernn to desert Iturbide, he remains true and assists

to save the tottering movement. The waiting revo-

O O

lutionists, strengthened by a period of repose, fall into
line. They recognize the brilliant qualities of Itur
bide, as a soldier round whom to unite the discordant
elements.

The new and now leading faction naturally ob
jected to a republic, and many deemed a moderate
monarchy a safer stepping-stone from a three-century
despotism to independence. At any rate, this was
the only promising plan for the moment, one held
forth already by Rayon, the masses being propitiated
with freedom and presumed equality, while the con
servative Spaniards, the aspiring Creoles, and a church
jealous of its privileges were each appeased. Soon
the last link of bondage to Europe was cast aside, in
substituting a native ruler for a foreign prince, the
idea of an empire flattering a court-loving capital, and
to some extent the dreaming Indians. Unfortunately
for himself, Iturbide was a soldier rather than a diplo-

AIMS OF THE CHIEFS. 819

mate and legislator, and sought to rule the people as
he had his regiments. Disregarding tact, he blun
dered into despotism. None had forgotten his past
career, his cruel warfare against the revolution, and
his greed as a governor, the Spaniards also disliking
him as an ambitious Creole. The newly risen party
availed themselves of royalist errors and weakness to
step in and secure the fruit of a ten years' struggle;
but the old leaders who had yielded before the rush
of their success stood resolved on their course. They
would use that party in their turn, snatch back the
prize, and carry out the great project momentarily in
terrupted.

The diversity of races with different feelings arid
interests, fostered by geographic distribution and
separate guerrilla wars, inclined the people naturally
to a republic, one of federal form, for which the des
potism of Iturbide gave fresh zest. This diversity
stamped also the political attitude, seldom bold and
strong in policy, but procrastinating yet impetuous,
suspicious and vacillating, and with a tendency to
cover ulterior designs by plausible projects and methods
in consonance with the secretive aboriginal trait and
the Spanish regard for form. Hidalgo and Rayon
used the mask of Fernando to propitiate a large class ;
Mina did the same with the constitution of 1812;
and so the dissimulation varied in relations with dif
ferent sections and leaders. Morelos made a frank
avowal of purpose, but it came inopportunely. Itur
bide took a middle course, although still disguised;
but his was rather a coup-d'etat.

Those who like Alaman give undue prominence to
the revolution of 1821 overlook that it was based es
sentially on the feelings and hopes of the people,
wrought to a culminating point by their long efforts.
The moment was ripe — independence was inevitable,
as Iturbide admitted — and so made by his predecessors
in the field. Without that preparatory work, the

820 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

movement of 1821 could not have been successfully
attempted. It would have collapsed at once, as shown
by Iturbide's critical position when the reaction set
in with sweeping desertion, and as proved by the
rapid and almost bloodless triumph achieved, owing
to the active and passive cooperation of the people,
the guerrillas, the rural guards, the militia. Nay,
more: the army which gave the second and decisive
impulse to the tottering movement at Iguala was
that of Guanajuato and Michoacan under Bustamante
and other Creoles, composed to a great extent of par
doned insurgents, who had not failed to spread their
ideas, and to a greater extent of native militia wholly
in sympathy with the former, and awaiting only an op
portunity and a leader. The opportunity was offered
in the military errors and neglect of the viceregal gov
ernment. While Iturbide may justly claim to have
presented a plan and leader round whom to rally the
different elements all lying prepared, his party is to be
regarded properly as only one of the ingredients in
the leavening mass, which infuses the necessary stim
ulant for perfecting- it. And if wre look at the ulti-

i. O

mate results we behold the movement of 1821 a mere
brief episode, fading into an impracticable scheme,
setting a bad example, and giving the main impulse to
the bitter party spirit that for decades involves the
country in all the horrors of fratricidal war. The
movement of 1810, on the other hand, reasserts itself
almost at once overwhelmingly, and is practically
carried out under the old leaders, who regain prom
inence and retain it for their party, with brief excep
tional intervals.

And so Mexico becomes again her own mistress,
after a probationary course of three centuries under
stringent colonial regime. Born of oppression, bap
tized in blood and rapine, often the tool of selfish
ness and other base passions, the revolution achieves
in almost bloodless coup-d'etat one aim — political in-

ALAMAN'S HISTORY, 821

dependence. The struggle is fraught with bitter
lessons drawn from lack of more general self-sacrifice
to the common good, involving greater discipline, re
straint, and above all harmony; for it is discord, with
neglect of sustained action, that forms the bane. In
the United States a similar war was maintained for
seven years by a far smaller population, with less
means, against greater odds, and this in more regular
campaign, not in desultory guerrilla warfare. This
proportionately greater achievement was due simply
to unity, subordination, and persevering adherence to
the cause, with application of lessons taught by ex
perience, for the Mexicans fought with equal bravery
and eagerness. And similar devotion to principle won
liberation for the Dutch and independence for the
Swiss; the former from Spanish tyranny, the latter
from the Austrian yoke. The movement in Switzer
land bears certain resemblance to the Mexican, in
causes drawn from semi-conquest and accumulating un
der oppressive rule, arid in method, which resolves itself
greatly into guerrilla operations round mountain fast
nesses, with active participation of religious elements.
The United States issued from the war deeply ex
hausted and in debt, while Mexico had recovered
herself before the final blow was struck; but in the
former country the one struggle ended all, while here
much remained to be achieved, in political, social, and
intellectual emancipation. Mexicans had yet to learn
that strict adherence to principle, with self-control,
guided by an educated and unchained mind, and
bound by harmony, can alone bring true liberty.

The most important work on the war of independence is that of Lucas
Alaman, entitled Historla de Mtjico clesde los primeros movimientos que prepa-
raron su Independeiicia en el ano 1808 hasta la epoca presente. Mexico, 1849-
1852, large Svo, 5 vols. The history of the revolution is preceded by a
lengthy review of the policy and institutions under Spanish rule, and the
causes of the war, and is followed bylturbide's campaign, rule, and downfall.
Then the establishment of the republic is more briefly described, the first
decade of its existence occupying only 100 pages. The last 100 pages are de
voted to a general review of the political, industrial, and social outcome of
the revolution, a consideration of the aspect of the republic, and suggestions
for needed reforms in various branches of government. At the end of each

S22 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITUPvBIDE.

volume is a valuable appendix containing corrective, supplementary, and
statistical information, and supplying copies of a large number of most im
portant official and other documents. A copious index of contents is also
given, while plans of routes, towns, and forts, and portraits and autographs
of noted men, add to the value of the text. Alaman had watched the progress
of the revolution, had personally known Hidalgo and other later leaders, and
was therefore able to judge of the value of the histories presented. The blind
hero-worship of the Mexican accounts, and the bitter tirades of the Spanish ver
sions, had equally disgusted him. His aim was to write an impartial history,
but perceiving how strongly partisanship prevailed, particularly among Mexi
cans, he dreaded the denunciation which he feared his statements would draw
upon him, and proposed to .defer the publication of his version till after his
death; rinding, however, that public sentiments were changing somewhat,
he yielded to the solicitations of friends, and ventured to begin issuing the
work in 1849. His main authority for the period from 1814 to 1820, when
he was travelling in Europe, is Dr Arechederreta's minute diary of events
with comments. He moreover claims to have made the general archives
his chief source, and to have kept before him all extant books, newspapers,
and manuscripts obtainable. The very careful and not scanty notes bear
him out herein, and his exactness and conscientiousness are shown by the
notes in the appendices, wherein he is constantly correcting statements not
in accord with later researches or with reliable information from friends,
critics, and e",ren opponents. Alaman's long public career, after 1821, when
he figured as deputy to the cortes, has afforded him ample opportunity to
gather material and knowledge for his work, and has developed the ability
so evident in its pages. The work does not appear to have met with the
wide reception — abroad, at least — that it deserves, nor with the severe
attacks that might have been expected from its independent tone. Alaman
claims above all to have been impartial and exact, and declares in his 4th
volume that his invitation to critics has not brought forward any refuta
tions of facts stated, beyond the trifling corrections added in the appen
dices. He also claims that he does not intrude his observations on current
events — preface, i. p. v — in order to leave the reader's judgment free; but this
rale he fails to observe. Often he who fancies himself the most free from
prejudice is the most prejudiced. Alaman has a contempt for the Indian and
mixed races by whom and for whom the rebellion was chiefly carried out,
and he consequently shows his objection also to many of those among the 'pure
Spaniards ' of Spain or America — whom he otherwise upholds as of his own
prouder race — who aided the rebellion. He even goes so far as to misconstrue
the motives of Hidalgo and other leaders, even when facts presented by himself
tend to purify them. He takes every opportunity, while accrediting the royal
ists with every virtue, to exhibit the rebels as inhuman robbers, and to deprive
the early insurgent leaders of any credit in the revolution. All the merit of
it he gives to Iturbide, to the regular army, and to Spaniards born in Spain.
For the latter he strains his points of argument into divers contradictions of
himself. Yet he does not favor Spain or subjection to Spain; nor does he
altogether exempt royalists or pure Spaniards from blame. In short, he
struggles to appear impartial, despite his failings. Though Alaman's mean
ing is occasionally obscure, this is of rare occurrence, and his style is clear
and unaffected, free from flowery fancies, poetical ecstasy, and sentimental
gush. It is well adapted to his subject, and his descriptions of events are
often graphic, as for instance the capture of Guanajuato by Hidalgo. Oc
casionally he indulges in strokes of fine-pointed satire. He owns to the
use of Americanisms, but claims that Mexico has a right to introduce now
words, iv. p. viii. The promised bibliography of his authorities is not given.
Indeed, Alaman appears to have tired of his labors — to judge partly from the
disproportion in the narrative — and hurried the work, b}7 contracting it toward
tho end. The title-page, which calls it a history ' to our present day, ' is there
fore wrong. It is a pioy that he found no time or inclination to continue the

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE REVOLUTION. 823

history of Mexico from 1830, during a period in which he played so conspicu
ous a part.

Lucas Ignacio Alaman was born in the city of Guanajuato, October 18,
1792. On his mother's side he was lineally descended from Pedro de Busto,
who in 1475 proclaimed Queen Isabel in Ocana, and from Francisco Matias de
Busto y Moya, first marquis of San Clemente and viscount of Duarte. His
father, Juan Vicente Alaman, was a native of Ochagavia, in the valley of
Salazar in Navarre, and married Maria Ignacia Escalada, the widow of Ga
briel de Arechederreta. Alaman 's mother by her first marriage had a sou,
Juan Bautista, who became knight of the order of Carlos III. , and canon of
Mexico; it is the manuscript diary of this half-brother, kept at Mexico from
1811 to 1820, that constitutes Alaman 's main authority in his history of the
events during that period. He received his early education in the school of
Belen at Guanajuato, and afterward studied mathematics and other branches
in the college of La Purisiina Concepcion, one of his instructors being the un
fortunate Rafael Dovila, who was shot by order of Calleja in November 1810.
The study of mining next occupied his attention, to which he devoted himself
with an assiduity characteristic of all that he did. In 1808 he was in the
city of Mexico, when Iturrigaray was deposed, and in 1810 witnessed the ter
rible events which occurred in Guanajuato. In December of the same year he
removed with his mother to Mexico, his father having died three years before.
Here he continued his studies, including in the course foreign languages,
physical sciences, mineralogy, chemistry, and botany, until 1814. when he left
for Spain. He remained abroad until 1820, travelling over nearly the whole
of Europe, and completing his education with unwearied application. Italy,
Switzerland, France, England and Scotland, Germany, Prussia and Saxony,
Holland and Hanover were all visited. At Paris he pursued his study of
natural science under Biot, of botany with Decandolle, and chemistry under
Thenard; and at Freyberg, where he resided for some time, he increased his
knowledge of mining. On his return to his native country he was elected
deputy to the Spanish c6rtes for the province of Guanajuato, and embarked
with the deputies who hastily left Mexico on the eve of Iturbide's revolution.
From this time his career was a public one, and pertains to the history of his
country. Alaman died June 2, 1853, after an illness of only a few clays. On
May 26th he was attacked with inflammation of the lungs, wThich assumed a
fatal form on the 29th. He left a wife, Dona Narcisa Garcia Castrillo, whom
he married in 1823, and six children, five of whom were sons. Alaman was
of somewhat diminutive stature, and possessed little physical strength. His
determination, however, moral energy, and ceaseless perseverance rendered
him capable of undergoing great exertion, and supplied him with an exhaust-
less fund of endurance. His forehead was broad and smooth, his eyes keen
and piercing, and his complexion so fair that it would betoken him to belong
to a northern race. He was highly gifted, speaking English, French, and
Italian fluently, besides possessing considerable knowledge of the German
language. He was a member of numerous scientific institutions and literary
societies in Europe and the United States. His talent was of high order, and he
cultivated it with exemplary industry. Though holding high office under the
republic, he not infrequently displays in his history monarchical tendencies.
Tornel states that during his travels in Europe Alaman became imbued with
the idea that a monarchical form of government was the most perfect. Breve
Ilf.scna Ilizt., 25-6. Alaman, on the contrary, assures us that his experience
ill Europe had made a republican of him, Hist. Mcj., v. 807; he was, however,
opposed to democratic tendencies. Zavala speaks of him as cunning, reserved,
avaricious, and ever ready to avoid danger: a man who made few or no
friends. Rev. Mex., i. 342-3. Consult Alaman, Apuntes Bioy., pp. 5G; Id.,
Notic. Biog., pp. 59; Arroniz, Bioy. Mcx., 21-30; Monies de Oca, Orac. Fund).;
Robinson's Mex. Rev., 268-70, 281; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. 8; Id.,
Hist. Iturlj'ide, 150.

Alaman 's history was preceded by his Discrtaciones sobre la Ilittoria de la
Rep. Mex., desde lubconquistahastalaindependencia. Mex. 1844, 1849. 3 vols.

BANCROFT

824 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

These dissertations were really introductory to the history, and originated in
a resolution of the Ateneo society, of which Alaman was a member, that its
associates should give public lectures. They were published in the period
ical of the Ateneo, and as this record seemed too ephemeral to Alaman, he re
vised and enlarged them for this special issue. The 1st volume narrates
pretty thoroughly the events of the conquest of Mexico and later occurrences
down to 1535; vol. ii. is devoted to the biography of Cortds, his family and
descendants, and to a history of the development of the city of Mexico, with
an account of the religious progress of the country. The 3d volume is wholly
given to Spanish history, and contains an appendix of 100 pages, supplying a
list of the viceroys, with the principal events connected with their adminis
trations. Considerable research into rare documents and archives was made
in obtaining the material for this work, as is proved in the appendices. Ala
man excuses the lengthy history of Spain on the ground that no true and im
partial version existed — iii. 385 — and he considered his account worthy of
Spaniards' attention, and also thought it needful for the proper understand
ing of Mexican history. In the preface to vol. iii. he outlines his Historia de
Mcjico, and reports its progress to date.

Jos6 Maria Luis Mora, Mejico y sus Revoluciones, Paris, 1836, 3 vols., i.,
iii. , iv. , the 2d not having been published. This author was born in Chama-
cuero in C4uanajuato, October 1794, studied theology, and was ordained a
presbyter in 1819. Somewhat later he established himself in Paris, where, in
1847, he was appointed minister plenipotentiary for Mexico in London. He
died suddenly in Paris in July of the following year, at the age of fifty-four.
Mora began to collect material for his work in 1828, and commenced to write
it in 1830. His first volume treats of modern Mexico, that is, its character
.as a nation and country at the time when he wrote; vol. iii. takes up the
/conquest and the colonial period down to 1810; and vol. iv. the war of inde
pendence from its beginning under Hidalgo to 1812 inclusive. His history
adds little, as far as information goes, to that supplied by previous writers.
It is naturally tinted with his own ideas, which without being profound dis
play intelligence. His groupings are good, his speculations are practical,
and a broad human nature seems to speak throughout his \vork. He never
quotes, but in his preface states the authorities upon which he mainly relied
for his information. His remarks on them exhibit his desire to be impartial.
He supplies several interesting documents, and his biographical matter, with
out being abundant, is clear and concise. This author's account of Hidalgo's
epoch seems hurried and incomplete, while his relation of the Morelos
period, as far as it extends, is full. His estimate of Hidalgo is one of dis
approval rather than appreciation. Morelos he admires. He has a radical
dislike of both the' church and military as state powers. His sympathies are
witli the insurrection, the more so, probably, since his brother fought and
died in its cause. His literary style is simple and good, though somewhat
commonplace. Mora was the author of various other works, conspicuous
among which is his Obras Sueltas, Paris, 1837, 2 vols. Volume i. contains a
political review of events in Mexico from 1820 to 1837 and a collection of
Bishop Queipo's writings on the subject of the sequestration of church prop
erty for the benefit of the treasury; also a dissertation on finance and the pub
lic debt, foreign and internal. The political review treats of the different
factions and administrations, philosophically discussed, reforms in the army
and church systems being advocated, especially the suppression of ecclesias
tical civil jurisdiction. Vol. ii. is a collection of his articles published in the
Semanario Politico y Literario, and the Observador de la RepMica Mejicana,
probably written between 1826 and 1830. These articles are mostly of a
political character, and treat of secret societies, liberty of the press, educa
tion, expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, reforms in the constitution,
the suppression of military tribunals, the prerogative of mercy in remission of
capital punishment, laws respecting citizenship, and other questions— in all
of which discussions the author displays his strong liberal views.

The authorities from which the history of Iturbide's revolution, reiga, and

AUTHORITIES ON THE REVOLUTION. 823

death has been derived are very numerous, as will be recognized by the fol
lowing list. Perhaps the most important one is the llistoria del emperador
D. Agustin de Iturbide. . . .Mexico, 1846, by Carlos Bustamante. This work,
though strongly tinctured with the usual farrago noticeable in Bustamante's
writings, is very valuable for the great number of documents it contains, and
from the fact that the author, being a member of the congress, was a partici
pator in many of the leading events. His versions, however, must be re
ceived with caution. Bustamante is not an unprejudiced writer, and not
unfrequently makes out his case and colors it to suit his own views. I can
not accept his assertion that Beneski reported to Iturbide before he landed
that he had been proscribed, and that the latter ' rushed with his eyes open
into the abyss of destruction.' With regard to the execution of the ex-
emperor, the author remarks: ' The government, no less than the congress' has
been accused of cruelty and injustice, and Garza of both as well as of ingrati
tude.' p. 261. Bustamante holds all parties blameless. The safety of the
people, he argues, is the supreme law, and with Iturbide present the public
peace could not have been preserved. Garza, he maintains, could not have
acted otherwise without sacrificing himself, and the only fault he finds with
him is for having temporarily placed Iturbide in command of the escort.

Carlos Navarro y Rodriguez, Iturbide. Madrid, 1869, pp. 237. This author,
a Spaniard and constituent deputy of the Spanish c6rtes, supplies us with the
history of Iturbide's career and events in Mexico that resulted from the time
of his defection till his death. Navarro draws largely upon Alaman for his
historical material, but his views are taken from a Spanish standpoint.
Every act of Iturbide was wrong, and every misfortune which happened to
the country or to individuals who took part in the events is attributed
mainly to the separation from Spain, which country he describes as a good
mother, who would have been a powerful support against the encroachment of
the United States. Next to this grievous error was the mistake committed
by not establishing a monarchy with a European prince on the throne and
European support. Navarro writes well, and utters many bitter truths, but
he is an inveterate monarchist and far from impartial.

Jose Joaquin Pesado, El libertador de Mexico D. Agustin de Iturbide.
Mexico, 1872, pp. 79. This work is a historical sketch of Iturbide's life, the
greater portion of it being devoted to the period commencing with the declar
ation of the plan of Iguala, and terminating with the liberator's death. The
author considers that the charges of excesses committed by Iturbide while in
command at Guanajuato were exaggerated, and regards the action of the gov
ernment in removing him from his command as an indication of the little con
fidence placed by royalists in Mexican officers serving in the government
ranks. Pesado inclines to believe that Iturbide while in retirement reflected
on the question of independence and meditated its achievement. He does
not, however, attempt to screen his ambition and failings. Contrary to the
supposition of Malo, he believes that Beneski carefully concealed from Garza
the fact that Iturbide had arrived on the coast, and while giving the coman-
dante full credit for his final efforts to save Iturbide, condemns his execution
as repugnant to the principles of justice and reason.

Jos6 Ramon Pacheco, Description de la solemnidad funebre con que sehon-
raron las cenizas del Heroe de Iguala, Don Agustin de Iturbide. Mexico,
1849, pp. 66. A description of the obsequies celebrated in honor of Itur
bide on the occasion of removing his remains from Padilla to the cathedral
of Mexico in 1838. , This account was written by order of the government,
and President Herrera afterward caused it to be published. Pacheco de
nounces the execution of Iturbide as, an act of party vengeance and by no
means expressive of the will of the nation. He repudiates the idea that Itur
bide had any personal object in returning to Mexico, maintaining that his
only motive was to aid in the salvation of the nation's independence which
the author believes was really threatened by the projects of the Holy Alliance.
Pacheco finds no excuse for Garza's proceedings in the matter, charging him
with ingratitude and treachery. To the account of the exhumation of Itur-

826 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

bide's remains and the funeral ceremonies are appended copies of a number
of documents relative thereto, among \vliich may be noticed a ghastly inven
tory of the bones and fragments of the liberator's remains disinterred at
Padilla.

M. de Pradt, Historia de la Revolution actual de Espana y sus consecuen-
cia&. . .Habana, 1821, p. iii.-xiii. 55, 11. 3. In this treatise on the revolution
in Spain, 1820, the author discusses the effect of it on her American colonies,
and maintains that it hastened their independence. The constitution formed
at Bayoune in 1808, he asserts, converted colonial insubordination into an
assumption of equality, and he counsels Spain to recognize the independence
of thooe portions of her American possessions where it is already established,
appointing in other cases independent governments under a monarchical
system.

Gaz. de Hex., 1816, vii. 7-8, 14-16, 22-24, 595-6, 627-724; 1817-21, viii.-
xii. passim; Gac. Imp. Mex., i.-ii. passim; Gac. Gob. Hex., 1823, i. 19-32,
91-122, 135-8, 241-2, ii. 9-18, 221-2; Gac. de Guad., 1821, passim; 1822, 233-
44, 205-9, 279-386, 402-12, 434-40; C6rtes, Diario, 1812, xii. 357, xv. 45. xvi.
14-15; 1813, xix. 230-1, xxi. 388-9; 1820, i. 8, 60, ii. 227-8, iii. 49, 60-4, iv.
178-9, app. 13-15, v. 106-0, vi. 6, 14-25, vii. 1, 6, 17, ix. 26-7, xi. 2, 23-7;
1321, xii. 2-3, 5, xiii. 7-8, 10, xiv. 9, xvi. 1, 5-29, xvii. 1-25, xviii. 17, xix.
9, xx. 4, 32-45, xxi. 4-13, xxii. 38-9, xxiii. 4-30, ext. i. 1-35, ext. iii. 4-24;
ext. v. 2, ext. vi. 34; 1822, i. 8-9, ii. 10-14, 45, iv. 4-15, vi. 7, vii. 17-31, ix.
5-10, 32, x. 6-10, xi. 5-30; ext. 1822-3, i. 1-3, ii. 10, iii. 24-30, iv. 3-8, 23-4,
v. 3-4, vi. 1, vii. 2, viii. 1-52; 1823, 296, 317, 323, 343, 373, 385; C6rtes,
Diario Ofic., iv. 172-3, 217; Cdrtes, Dlario Sen., i. 125; Cortes, Diario, Odd.
Pen., 1821, ii. 297; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1813, i. 169, 185-6, 210, 275; 1814, ii.
1GO; Cortes, Act. Pub., 1820, i.-ii. passim; Cor. Fed. Mex.. Aug. 28-30, 1828;
Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 1-76, 108-34; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 327-8, ii. 73-
82, 554, iii. 64-6, 312, iv.-v. passim; Id., Apuntes Biog., 12-27; Id., Discrt.,
ii. 59-60, 93-8; Bmtamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 139-46, 246-8, 412, iii. 127, 195-
8, 353-9, 39D-438, iv. 141, 146, 232, 293-7, 458-69, 502-18, 531-41, v. passim,
vi. 6-183, vii., MS., 6-133, viii., MS., 136-257; Id., Hist. Iturbide, passim;
Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., 13; Id., Notic. Biog., 27-30; Id., Medidas para
Pacific., MS., ii. 17-22, 36-9, 78-83; Id., Garza Vind., 1-88; Id., Campaila
sin Gloria, 22, 43-4; Id., Campanas de Calleja, 147-51; Id., Gabinete Mex.,
i. 84-93; Id., Manif. Hist., 1-31; Id., Honor del Gral. Bravo, 1-95; Abbott's
Mex., 44-58, 113-15, 246-56, 277; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 191-211, 275-6, 391-
401; Id., Hist, y Cr6n., 190-4, 210-59; Atleta, 1830, 83-4, 188; Arrangotz,
Mej., i. 234, 331-43, 368-403, ii. 3-17, 28, 55-167, 241-2; Notkioso Gen.,
1817-21, passim; NileJ Reg., xii.-xiii. passim, xiv. 132, 308-9, xv. 6, 198,
xvi. 127, 157, xviii. 286, xx.-xxi. passim, xxii. 7-9, 22, 65, 102, 162-83, 230,
270-9, 296, 308, 341, 359-60, 388, xxiii.-xxiv. passim, xxv. 213, 409, xxvi.
202, 281, 286, 365, 371, 431, xxvii. 15-16, 137, xxviii. 272, xiv. 266, Iv. 19;
Argandar, Elogio Fun.; Andrade, El Capitan Gen.; Armin, Das Ileutige
Mex., 109-12; Abeja PobL, 6-92; Abispa de CJiilpancingo, passim; Album
Mex., i. 57; Actas del Cong. Const., vols. i.-iii.; Aim. Calcnd. Man. y Gala,
1821, 47-90, 175-219; 1822, 49-111, 138-241, 342-80; Arizpe, Idea Gen. sobre
Coiid., 10-20; Am. Stale Pap., iv. 827-41; N. Am. Revieiv, xiv. 420-46, xix.
159-05, 183, 205-8, xxxi. 116-18, xliii. 229-30, ciii. 10G-7; Argiielles, Los
Oficiales; Arrellano, Oration Civ.; Larrainzar, Algunas Ideas, 43-7; Alvarez,
Santa Anna hasta 1S22, 1-16; Archivo Mex. Col. Ley., ii. 346; Arrillaga, Re-
cop., passim; Annals Cong., 1821-2, 2099-2129; Negrcte, Observ. Carta, 8-13,
18-21,30-54; Jenkins' Mex. 'War, 19-20; Young's Hist, of Mex., 174-219;
Tokrancia de C altos; Todo Tiene Remedio; Tornel, Nac. Mej., 4-30, 80-7;
El Tiempo, Oct. 19, 1857; S. Am. and Mex., i. 128-32, 172-93; Am. Cortfed.
and AIL, 55-9; Beltrami, Mex., i. 240-2, ii. 20-7, 371-88; Barbachano, Mem.
Camp., 14-33; Ferrer, Discurso; Gomez Farias, Minist. Responr*.; El Farol,
passim; Fuego al Parian; Bdrcena, Exhortation; Id., Manif.; Unda. Extra-
or.l. de Ahom; Ferry, Rcvol. du Mex., 135-71; Barquera, Dircctorio Poiit.,
1-60; Brit. Quart. Review, xxx. 167-83; ConUing's Guide, 320; Cliynowcttts

LIST OF AUTHQKETIES. 827

Max., 10-28; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 126-9; Cavo, Tres Stylos, iv. 168-274;
La Cruz, v. (333-4, vii. 548; Hacfkens, Cent. Am., 47-55; Viappdus, Mex. und
Cent. Am., 88, 127; Carriedo, Estud. Oaj.,ii. 20, 37; Chevalier, Mex., 303-88;
Id., Exped. Mex., 8-15, 40-3; Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 7-257, 292-315; Id., El
Imperlo, 6-7; Herrera, Memoria; Carta de un Ex-diputado; Chateaubriand,
Conyrcxde Ver., ii. 244-464; Bazancourt, Mex., 70-80; Notas, Vocabul. Geofj.;
Fossey, Mex., 146-52, 413-14, 504; IlittelV* Hist. Cult., 267-8; Beavfoifs Mex.
IlliLSt., 90-102; Clamores de un Ciud.; Cedulario, MS., iv. 24, 34, 234-9;
Hall's Voy., 196-313; Id., Extracts Journal, ii. 186-221; Flores, Oration Civ.;
Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 161-4; Kollenlamp, Unabhaenniglxitukampf, 253-
69, 308-42, 430-52; Jesuitas en Mex., 34; Kennedy's Texas, i. 302-7, 365-75;
Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 31-70, 101-8, 325-6; Duvernois, franzoes. Inter-
vent., 22-9; Dufey, Resume, i. 8, ii. 235-48; Disposic. Var., ii. 35-77, iii. 100-
14, v. 4; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geoy., i. 49-50, 255-8, 748-9, app. 155, iv. 192-3,
837-51, viii. 667-84, 741-2, ix. 271-7, 479-80, 595, 608, 700, 810, 848-9, x.
passim; Censor Mex., no. 2, 1-7; Guatro Palabritas; Cuesiion del Dia; Willie,
Not. Jfac. PubL, 7-26; Democratic Rev., i. 485; Isabel, Relation; Iturbide,
Carrera Mil. y Pol., passim; Id., Manif.; Id., Breve Manif.; Id., Plan, 1-4;
/(/., Carta al Pensador; Id., Cartas de los Gen.; Id., Catdstrofe; Id., Brece
Diseno, passim; Id., Mem. Aittog.; Wilson's Mex. and Its Relief., 74-5; Bravo,
Manif., 1-27; Brocklehnrst's Mex., 21; Juarros, Guat., i. 344; Incitat. de un
Mex., 1-14; Himno Civ.; Hunt's Merck. Man., xlv. 607; Ilolley's Texas, 311-
18; Kollonitz, Court of Mex., 254—8; Labarrieta, Informe; Lafond, Voy. autour
du Monde, i. 267-82; Ilustrac. Mex., ii. 534-7, iv. 276-98; Lacunza, Discursos
Hist., no. xxxvii. 537-61; Lyon's Jour., ii. 45-8, 91; Larenaudicre, Mex. et
Guat., 189, 196; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 425-6; Semanario Polit., i. 128,
159-61, 171-4, ii. 238-9, 264; Derecho Intern. Mex., passim; Liberal d Baj.
Escritores, 67-8; Lizardi, Contestation; Id., El Pensador Mex.; Lancaster
Jones, Oration Civ.; Lowenstern, Le Mexique, 79-83, 291-5; Llcgada a Toluca;
Santana, Proc. Impavid.; Id., Manifiesto; Id., Defensa; Indie. Orig. Extra-
ord. Cong.; Lo?:ada, Cuextion Mex., 34-8; Loreto, Miss. Rec. 74-5; Suarezy
Navarro, Hist. Mej., 1-59, 263, 377-579; Salvador, Diario Ofic., 1875; Em-
pleos Mil. Itegencia; Exhort, al Pueblo Mex.; El Espailol, March 23, 1853;
Escalcra y Llano, Mex. Hist. Descript., 15, 17-18, 20-8; Ddvila, Exposic.;
Id., El Toro, 339-402, 469-85; Id., Manos Besan Hombres; Id., La Verdad
Ainarya, 269-338; Electores, Li*ta; El Americano, no. 1; El Mercv.rio Ultra-
marino, 82-116; Entrada Publica; Liceo Mex., i. 84-91, 177-84; El Tiempo,
1834, 345; Derechos y Oblig.; Diar. de Avisos, Jan. 12, 1860; Dictdmen sobre
Juram; Diario del Imp.', 1866, 275-6; Dubois, Le Mex., 112; Manif. al
M undo; Manif. Junta Prods.; Impugn. Junta Proms. ; Exdmen Imparc. Junta
Provis.; Manif. al PubL; Marquezy Donallo, Proclama; Mazo, Aviso; Mar
tinez, Sin6p. Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 39-40, 70, 104-6, 207-8; Perez Martinez,
Discurso; Manero, Doe. Interes., 7-12; Prov. Intern., Real Orden.; Gob. Polit.
N. Esp.; Mayers MSS.; Id., Mex. Azt., i. 297-303; Midler, Reisen in Mex.,
iii. 283-311; Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapas, 60-71; Niles' S. Am. and Mex.,
i. 158-87; N. Am. Misc., ii. 257-66; Mej., Bosquejo Liner, passim; Medina,
Discurso Patr.; Mex., Guest-ion Monarq., 18-19; Mex., Informe Com. Pesq.,
1874, 1-59; Mex. Col. Leyes, 1848, i. 645-7; 1854, vii. 179-81; Mex., Col. Dec.
y Onl., 152; Miscel. de Com., Jan. 6, 1821; Mosquito Tulan.; Mex., Diet. Com.
Convoc., 1-2, 6-9; Mex., E»posic. sobre Condic., 236-44; Mex., Reflex, sobre
Independ., 11-12; Mex., Proclama del Virey; Gallo, Hombres I lust., iii. 293-
494, iv. 173-220, 251-81, 297-412; Gilliam's Travels, 393-455; Gleeson's IIi*t.
Cath. Church, i. 22, ii. 205-6; Foote's Texas, i. 82-102; Gregory's Hist. Mex.,
42-4, 64-5; Guthrie's Univ. Geor/., i. 393; Garcia, Habit. Pucbla; Dos Anos en

y Gaerra, S. T. deMier; Novella, Nuevo Virey, 1-3; Nouv. Anncdes Voy., xiii.
232-4; Iturbide, Mejicanos; Id., Proclama; Id., Primer Gefe; Id., Poblanos

828 DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.

Rust.; Insurrec. de 1810; In f rat. Castig.; Indep., Breves Reflex.; Indep.,
Amargos Frut.; Howitt's Hist.' U. S., ii. 342; Hernandez, Estad. Mcj., 233-4;
Becker, Mex., 132-5; Benton's Debates in Cong., vi. 739; Beulloch, Le Mexiqu?,
i. pp. xxxi.-v. ; Bigland's View World, v. 530-52; Blagdorfs Modern Geog., i.
274-6; Bonilla, Doc., 2-5; Buenrostro, Hist. Primer, y Seg. Cong., nos. 52-5,
pp. 132-C3; Castillo, Diet. Hist., 62, 151-2, 287-90; Dem. Review, i. 275-6,
374-80, 482-4; Espada Justic. ; Espan., Todas Clases; Exercito Amer. Sept.;
Fernando VII., Decretos, passim; Id., Doc., passim; Fildsofo Lib.; Fernando
Key d los Habit.; Orizava, Ocurrenc., 127-55, 161; Obras son Amores; Otero,
Oracion Civ.; Monglave, Res. Hist. Mex., 214-16; Olivarria y Ferrari, La
Indep., xvii. 209-16; Id., Las Tres Garant., xvi. 199-216; Id., Cadalso de
Padilla, x\dii. pp. 215; Revue Am6r., i. 184-5, ii. 550; Pensador Mex., Carlo,
al; Prodama a los Insurg.; De Pradt, Hist. Rev. Esp., 31-3, 39-42; Id.,
Ap6str.; Id., The Colonies, 384-412; Id., Exam, del Plan; Id., Ideas Polit.;
Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iii. 180-210, 496-9; Rivero, Mex. en 1S42, 13, 39-61, 133;
Robinson's Mem. Mex. Rev , ii. 162-89, 191-211; Id., Mex. and her Military,
76-152, 266-81; Luli, Refutac.; Publico hace Justic.; Pobrecito Holg., Carlo.
Tercera; Gutierrez, Contestac., 4-11; Toral, Prondstico Fimesto; Proclama
Milic. Nac.; Pefia, Arenga Civ., 10-16, 24-7; No Rebuznaron en Balde, 2-3;
Oses, Oracion Inaug.; Proclama Amer. Insurg.; Plumas y Espada; Apodaca,
En Vista del Salon; El Voto Nacional, Sept. 25, 1838; Maillard's Hist. Tex.,
32-43; Bdrcena, Manif.; Poblanos, Habit. Mex.; Mex., Doc. Relat.; Ultra jes
Hechos a la Relig.; Proclama, Amer. Amant.; Proclama Ejer. Imp. Trig.,
Forma de Gob., Garta; Plan de Iturbide; Dominguez, Esposic., 6-8; Puebla,
Ayunt. Habit.; Exposic. d las Cdrtes; Dictdm. Comis. Ultram.; Pedroza, Blo<j.
Caud'dlos, 57-68; Pedraza, Manif.; Tratados Celebrados; San Salvador, Al
Libertador; Perez, Heroe de Iguala; Pay no, Comp. Hist. Mex., 125-61; Id.,
Mex. y Guest. Financ., 2; Id., Cuentas, Gastos, etc., 728-30, 735; Pinart,
MSS., i. 80-96; Id., Print, i. 76-9; Perez, Dice. Geog. Estad., 38-42, 101-3,
178, 260, 331-2, ii. 35-8, iv. 160-7, 200-5; Sosa, Episc. Mex., 216-19; Mollnos,
Declar. Derech. Homb.; Mex., Plan de los Sueldos, 1-32; Pinart, Coll.; Pcores
lo Roto; Payne's Hist. Europ. Col., 306-8; Poinsetfs Notes on Mex., 15-18,
85-93, app. 1-9, 14, 40-112; Ejer. Imp., Divisas; Perez y Hernandez, Discurso,
12-14; Pesado, Biog. Iturbide, 1-79; Pacheco, Descript. Iturbide, 6-10, 12-18,
23-36, 45-62; Mex., Exposic. Gob.; Id., Proyecto Reg. Prov.; Id., Electores;
Mex., Mem. Relac. 1822, 3-5; Mex., Mem. Hac. 1870, 1026; Hasta Qite al
Fin; Mex. Manif. Sup. Junt. Prov. Gab.; Exposic. al Sob. Cong., 1823, 25-6;
Mex., Mem. Just, y Negoc. Ecles., 1823, 1-24; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1822;
Mex., Idea Conspirac. Descub.; Ulua, Proclama; Noriega, Estadist. Dep.
Mex.; Mex., Diario sob. Junta; Id., Diario Junta Nac., 3-12; Id., Dictdm.
Com. Junta Nac. Instituy., 1-12; Por la Salud de la Patria; Prision del Min-
ist. Herrera; Dominguez, Segund. Impug.; Mex., Instrucc. 6 Indie.; Id., Mem.
Guerra, 1826, 1-15; Id., Reg. Gov. Int.; Id., Notic. Hist. Cabalteria, 3-13;
Ortega (Nunez), Mem. Relac. Diplom. Mex., 5, 13-15, 116-62; Perez Mar
tinez, Discurso; President's Mess., March 8, 1822; Proyecto de Monarq., 17-22;
Puebla, Ofrecim.; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 73-85; Ramirez y Sesma, Col. Dec.,
1_4, 35_48, 111-12, 181-208, 243-72, 318; Ratzel, Aus Mex., 344-57; Reflex.
Import. Gob. Const.; Borrones y Verdades; Religioso Constit.; Represent, al
Virey; Canedo Manif.; Rcptib. Mex., Comid. Polit., 19-26; Id., Lin. Rcsefia,
48-9; Revista Mex.; Robles, Prov. Chiapa, 70; Sastre Constituc.; Semanario
Polit., i. 1-10, 99-103, 249-50, 273-6; Suerte de las Americas; Sanchez, Villa
Pueb. Sag. Prof., 123-33; Triunfo Libert, Imprenta; Micheltorena, Discurso;
Moreno y Jove, Orac. Fun., 3-28; Respuesta de un Amer.; Michoacan, Anal.,
24; Tornel, Manif.; Tornel y Mendiv'd, Grito; Valladolid, Contest. Capit.;
Vidaurri, Manif. Elect.; Vera Cruz, Ofic. del Consulado; Id., Represent, del
Vecind.; Venadilo, Fidel. Habit.; Id., Entrego;Id., Proclama; Zozay a, Apela-
cion; Zerecero, Discurso Civ., 19-41; Arrillaga, Cartas a Mora; Troncoso,
Pascuas, 1-4; Hidalgo, Apuntes Hist., 18-19, 44-8; Facio, Memoria; Yuc.,
Comp. Hist., 3; Incitaiiva Esp. Am.; Aviso a los Dipitt.; Americanos en Ma
drid* Manif.; Jduregui, Reditos; Dar que van Dando; Juicio Amer.; Capit.

LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 829

Iturbide-Cela; Martinez, Sermon, 1-28; Mateos, Sol. de Mayo, 6-7; Decreto de
la, Reg., in Pap. Var., xxxvi. no. 91; Martinez, Sindp. Hist. Rev. Hex., i.
69-132; Malo, Apunt. Hist., 1-56; Vera Cruz, Entusiasmo Pair.; Bermudez,
Verd. Causa, 2; Hex., Diet. Prem. Com. Mil.; Torres, Sermon; Dip. d C6r-
tes; Observ. Carta en 25 Julio; U. S. House Journ., 17th cong., 2d sess.;
Noriega, Fun. Recuerdos, 1-22; Losada, Guest. Mex., 22; Navarro, Iturbide,
passim; Inaugurac. de S3. MM. II.; Revol. de Oaj.; Linares, Cuad. Sin6p.;
Mem. Polit.-instr. d los Gefes; Mex., Trueno de la Lib.; Emperador Sostiene;
Infante, Solucion d la Guest., 1-19; Troncoso, Carta d Tagle; Iturbide, Primer
Prernio; Navarrete, Exposic. al Congreso; Observac. Europ. Amer.; Ocios Esp.
Emigr., vii. 3-7; Facto Social, Contra el Nuevo; Mex., Ada InstaL; Manif.
Gob. Esp., in Pap. Var., cxl. no. 6; Bien Venida, Nuestro Emp. ; Santa Anna,
Didlogo; Gutierrez, Contestac.; Reyes, Conciso Manif.; Reflex, en Contestac.;
Revol. V. Cruz, Nuev. Ocurr., 1-4;- Museo Mex. , ii. 231-6; Ortigosa, Sermon;
Ortiz de Ayala, Resum. Estad., 1-104; Ord. Imp. Guadalupe; Rosa, Ensayo,
22, 49, 53-60, 65-84; Velasco, Notic. Son., 14, 259-61; Rockwell's Span, and
Mex. Law, 595-6; Romero, BosquejoHist., 66-130, 263-320; Liberates, Alerta;
Montesdeoca, Oracion Civ.; Rev. des 2 Mondes, April 1, 1862; Estado May.
Oral. Ejer., 5, 9-10; Monitor Ultram., 17-28, 41-53, 70-5; Thompson's Recoil.
Mex., 55-60; Grattan's Civ. America, ii. 284; Dos Razoncitos al Gen. Aim.;
Grito de la Lib.; Guia Hac. Rep. Mex., iii. passim; Guerrero, Ciudad Milit.:
Id., Felicitac.; Id., llust. Habit.; Id., Alcanzaron; Guerrero y Bravo, Fuga;
Zerece.ro, Rev. Mex., passim; Villa- Amor, Biog. Gen. Sta Anna; Mex., Col.
Ley. Fund., 14-21, 92-4, 103-5, 109-13, 116; Mex., Diario Cong. Constituy.,
passim; Mex., Col. Ley. 6rd. y Dec., ii. passim; Mex., Legisl. Mex., 1848,
459-60, 486-7; 1851, 335; 1853, 95-7; 1855, 349-50; Mex., Col. Leyes, 1829-
30, 34; Mex., Col. Dec. Ord. Sob. Cong., 1-221; Mex., Col. Ley. Dec., 1840,
814-17; 1847, 62; 1848, 459-86; 1850, 101-2; Mex., Col. Ley. 6rd., 1850-1, i.
66-8, 76-7, 407-8; 1853, iii. 49-50, v. 207; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., ii. 355, iii.
777, iv. 25-46, 409-10, vi. 112-13, 456, 477-8, 498, 520, 624, vii. 103, 191,
572, viii. 305, 361-88, x.-xi. passim; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol., i. 60, iii. 401-2,
vii. 263-6, viii. 187-91, 450-3, ix. 106, xi. 521-5, 2* <§p., ii. ^621-33, iii. 191-
6, iv. 746; Zavala, Rev. Mex., i.-ii. passim; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
i. 903-26, vi. 444-61, 765-74, 808-9, 951-1074; Victoria, Proclama y Contes
tac.; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 8, 27, 73-97, 144-7; Id., Hist. Jalapa, i. 468,
ii. passim, iii. 375, iv. 188, 414-15, 448; Id., Mex. Pint., i. 59-61, 121-3, 227-
9, ii. 87-9, 312-14; Torrente, Rev. Hisp.-Am., ii. 365-401, 465-85, 542-59;
Ward's Mex. in 1827, passim; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 77-8, 148-50, 277-84,
306-11, 354-72; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 245-6, 260-1, 308-23, 593-626;
Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 428, 547-63, 588, 590, 634, 705, ii. 449,
579, 668, 772-3, iii. 25, 41, 48, 539, 554-6, 746-7. iv. 263, vi. 129-30. 326-7,
7GO-1, vii. 531-3.

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