BANCROFT
LIBRARY
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
18 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
sources, and set them further thinking of divorce
ment. Again, the Creoles were more intelligent,
better informed, and far more numerous than the blue-
blooded Spaniards; in view of which we can only
wonder that the people of Mexico remained in such
humiliating subjection so long. The Spaniards in
America and their children were even better educated
than the Spaniards in Spain, and the higher their
station and the more inflated their pride, the more
their minds were filled with prejudice and ignorance.
The establishment of the university at Mexico afforded
facilities to the Creoles superior to any enjoyed by
their fathers, who for the most part, exclusive of those
holding high positions, were of inferior birth and
breeding, and without title to the superiority claimed.
Students and graduates in Mexico by no means con
fined themselves to the narrow curriculum prescribed
by the university, and the prohibited works of French
philosophers, of political and moral writers, and espe
cially of Rousseau, found their way of late into the
country. Proletarian principles, and the detestation
of oppression which they breathed, were absorbed
with avidity, and stimulated the longing for free
dom. The very danger incurred by the study of
these books, and the secrecy with which of necessity
they were perused, only served to intensify insurrec
tionary ideas and provoke conspiracy. 6 The liberal
principles thus acquired by the educated class were
gradually infused into the ignorant.
Nevertheless, it seems a little strange to us. to whom
O
the doctrine of right of revolution has become so clear,
and so cherished as the highest prerogative of liberty,
that it should have made its way so slowly among an
educated and intelligent people. But the cause is
6 It was the special province of the inquisition to guard against the im
portation of books. As late as 1807, a Mexican named Jos6 Roxas was de
nounced by his own mother for having a volume of Rousseau in his possession,
and was confined for sevei-al years in the dungeons of the holy office. He
finally made his escape, but died in 1811 at New Orleans. Ward's Mex., i.
110.
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL LIBERTY. 19
explained when we remember the powerful hold re
ligion yet had upon these people. The first step
toward freedom is to emancipate the mind from some
of its superstitions. There can be no political liberty
without some degree of religious liberty. It was
primarily for religious liberty that the puritans had
come from England to America; and the first step
thus taken toward political liberty, they were prepared
to throw off the yoke for slighter cause than were the
people of Mexico, who were satisfied with their relig
ion, and had no desire to change it. Thus while their
religion, still the strongest sentiment possessing them,
constrained them to loyalty, they were ready to en
dure much by way of duty, and to escape damnation
so much that it was rather Spain's weakness than
Mexico's strength that secured independence, as we
shall in due time see.
But gradually reason, long dormant if not dethroned,
began to show signs of vitality, first in other quarters,
and finally in Mexico. It was a period of political
turnings and over turn ings in Europe and America,
and it were a pity if Mexico, ground into the very
dust by the iron heel of despotism, should not find
some relief.
The downfall of monarchy in France, and the in
dependence of the British colonies in North America,
had established precedents of the successful uprising of
peoples against the oppression of rulers. More espe
cially was the acquisition of freedom by the United
States regarded as a solution of the difficulty in re
gard to the right of revolution, as Spain in 1783 had
somewhat imprudently recognized the independence
of the English colonies, thereby tacitly excusing re
volt in her own. 7
7 The reader is already aware that the conde de Aranda at this time pro
posed to Cdrlos III. the independence of the Spanish colonies in Amer
ica. See Hist. Mcx., iii. 388-90. Dr Luis Quixano, a prominent leader of
the revolution in Quito, made prisoner when Toribio Montes entered that
city, deemed it advisable to retract his views on the right of a colony to as
sert its independence. He based his reconstructed argument on the principle
that what is useful and convenient is not necessarily lawful and just. His ex-
BANCROFT
LIBRARY
<
THE LIBRARY
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THE WORKS
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HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
THE WORKS
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HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT,
-
VOLUME xn.
HISTOEY OF MEXICO.
VOL. IV. 1804-1824.
SAN FRANCISCO :
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1885.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1885, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
All Rights Reserved.
u. c,
CADBMY OF
ICIFIC COAST
HISTORY
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTEK I.
EUROPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
PAGE
The Little Man from Corsica He Makes All the World Tremble Gen
eral View of Politics and Society Attitude of England, Prussia, and
Austria A Glance at Spain's History Rulers for Three Centuries
Retrogressions and Reactions Prime Ministers Peace and War
England and France will not let Spaniards be Free Position of the
United States Chronic Braggadocio There are Soldiers and Heroes
in Mexico as Well.. . 1
CHAPTEK II.
ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
1803-1808.
Causes of the Revolution of Independence Arrival of the Viceroy His
Antecedents and Comportment The Viceregal Family Sordidness
of Iturrigaray His Visit to the Mines Public Improvements In
troduction of Vaccination Sequestration cf Property Effect on
the Land Owners Humboldt's Visit International Complications
Demands for Treasure Difficulties with the United States War
with England Military Preparations European Affairs Abdica
tion of Carlos IV. Iturrigaray's Indifference Effects in Mexico of
Events in Spain Power of the Inquisition Attitude of the Press
Sparks of Revolution 12
CHAPTER III.
ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
1808.
The Ayuntamiento Claims Sovereignty of the People A National Con
gress Proposed Opposition of the Audiencia Glad Tidings from the
Peninsula Four Memorable Juntas Rival Spanish Juntas Angry
Debates Conspiracy to Depose the Viceroy Ycrmo Takes the
Lead Iturrigaray's Apathy A Midnight Coup d'Etat The Vice-
vi CONTENTS.
P4.GH
roy in Durance Garibay Appointed his Successor Fate of Iturri-
garay's Supporters He is Sent to Spain His Rich Sweetmeats
Indictment for Treason Acquittal R,esidencia Heavy Fines
Change of Opinions The Sentence Annulled Iturrigaray's Inten
tions Analyzed Bibliography 40
CHAPTEE IV.
VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
1808-1810.
Garibay's Character A Badge of Loyalty Reorganization of the Army
Bonapartist Intrigues Lampoons and Seditious Sheets Effect of
Reverses in Spain Establishment of a Junta Consultiva Preten
sions to the Throne of Mexico Archbishop Lizana Appointed Vice
roy Remittances to Spain Lizana's Character The Junta de Segu-
ridad Revolution at Valladolid Spanish American Representation
in the Cortes Lizana Removed from Office Weak Administration
of the Audiencia French Emissaries Arrival of Viceroy Venegas
His Antecedents, Character, and Personal Appearance Titles and
Honors from Spain 67
CHAPTEE Y.
OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
1810.
Development of Quert$taro Affairs in Guanajuato The Town of Do
lores Its Cura, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla Secret Meetings of Rev
olutionists Ignacio Allende Plotting at San Miguel General Plan
of Uprising Hidalgo's Biography Arrests The Corregidor Im
prisonedHis Acquittal His Biography El Grito de Dolores
Hidalgo Marches to San Miguel A Tumultuous Array The Sacred
Banner Success of the Insurgents at San Miguel Pillaging Hi
dalgo Proclaimed Captain-general He Enters (Delay a He Ap
points a New Ayuntamiento 96
CHAPTEE VI.
THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO TAKEN BY STORM.
1810.
Local History of Ganajuato Alarm in the City Defensive Measures of
Inteudente Riaiio The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas An Interesting
Manuscript Riano Retires to the Alh6ndiga Hidalgo Summons
Riafio to Surrender The Attack A Murderous Contest Riaiio's
Death His Biography Confusion in the Alhondiga The Barri
cades Won by the Insurgents They Gain Entrance Berzdbal's
Fall His Biography Number of the killed Acts of Heroism
Pillage and Devastation. . . 130
CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER VII.
HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
1810.
PAGE
Military Preparation of Venegas Action of the Church and Inquisi
tion Hidalgo's Reply He Abolishes Slavery His Administrative
Measures at Guanajuato A Refractory Ayuntamiento Hidalgo
Establishes a Mint Marches against Valladolid Additional Rein
forcements Hidalgo's Treasury The Insurgents Move toward
Mexico Trujillo Despatched to Oppose their Advance Trujillo's
Character Iturbide's Biography Trujillo's Movements The Battle
of Las Cruces The Royalists Force their Way Out Their Defeat
Regarded as a Triumph Alarm in the Capital Another Sacred
Banner Hidalgo Perplexed 158
CHAPTER VIII.
PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
1810.
Calleja's Preparations His Biography Engagement at Querdtaro Ca,-
llcja Joins Forces with Flon Chavez Repulsed at Querdtaro Calle
ja's Movements The Dispersion of the Insurgents at Aculco Calleja
Returns to Querdtaro Character of Torres Defensive Measures of
Abarca in Jalisco Insurgent Operations in Jalisco Engagement at
La Uarca The Royalists Defeated at Zacoalco Guadalajara Surren
ders to Torres Mercado Gains Possession of San Bias Revolution
in Zacatecas Flight of the Europeans An Unfortunate Intendente
Iriarte enters Zacatecas The Commission of Doctor Cos A
Daring Scheme San Luis Potosi Won by an Insurgent Friar A
Treacherous Visitor San Luis Sacked. . . 192
CHAPTER IX.
THE ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO.
1810.
Allende Returns to Guanajuato Preparations for Defence The First
Attack Calleja's Plan He Takes Allende's Batteries Calleja, the
Avenger His Proclamation An Execution Scene in the Alhondiga
A General Pardon Extended The Government Reoganized
Calleja Marches for Guadalajara Hidalgo at Valladolid And at
the Cerro del Molcajete Hidalgo's Reception at Guadalajara
Establishes a Government Rayon's Biography Letona's Mission
and Death The ' Dispertador Americano ' and Printing-press Prep
arations for War ... 216
viii CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK X.
SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION AND BATTLE OF CALDERON.
1810-1811.
PAGE
Hermosillo's Operations in Sinaloa Successes at Rosario His Defeat at
San Ignacio Spread of the Revolution in Nuevo Santander Coa-
huila and Nuevo Leon Revolt Villagran's Doings Biography of
Cruz Plan of Calleja Tumult in Valladolid Cruz Enters Vallado-
lid He Reorganizes the Government Engagement at Urepetiro
Allende Joins Hidalgo at Guadalajara A Council of War Hidalgo
Takes up a Position at the Bridge of Calderon Plan of Battle-field
Calleja's Dispositions Flon's Impetuosity The Revolutionists
Nearly Triumphant Their Final Defeat Death of Flon His Char
acter... .. 237
CHAPTER XI.
HIDALGO'S CAPTURE AND DEATH.
1811.
Cruz Joins Calleja at Guadalajara Humility of the Audiencia, Church,
and University Calleja Establishes a Junta de Seguridad Cruz Re
gains San Bias Death of Mercado Hidalgo Compelled to Surren
der his Command The Insurgent Leaders Retire tc Saltillo They
Decide to Go to the United States Operations in San Luis Potosi
Death of Herrera Counter-revolution in Texas Capture and Exe
cution of Ignacio Aldama Elizondo's Treacherous Plot Capture of
Hidalgo and Revolutionary Chiefs Iriarte's Death The Captives
are Sent to Chihuahua Their Trial Abasolo's Deposition Execu
tions Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Hidalgo's Execution His Char
acter... . 259
CHAPTER XII.
MORELOS AND RAYON.
1811.
State of the Revolution after Hidalgo's Capture Biography of Morelos
His Character His Meeting with Hidalgo and Commission
Morelos in Michoacan The Royalist Paris Defeated Morelos
Marches to Chilpancingo The Family of the Bravos Capture of
Tixtla Defeat of the Royalist Fuentes A Conspiracy Suppressed
Rayon Retreats from Saltillo He Defeats Ochoa A Terrible
March The Platform of the Insurgent Leader Rayon Evacuates
Zacatecas Trujillo's Doings in Valladolid Retreat of the Insur
gents .290
CONTENTS. ix
CHAPTER XIII.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITACUARO.
1811.
PAGE
Calleja's New System of Military Organization Suppression of the In
surrection in Nuevo Santander Pacification of San Luis Potosi
Defeat of Insurgents in Guanajuato Porlier's Operations in Nueva
Galicia Torre's Activity and Severity His Defeat at Zitacuaro,
and Death Rayon Fortifies Zitacuaro Emparan Returns to Spain
Conspiracy to Seize the Viceroy Proclamation of Calleja Events
in Michoacan Condition of Guanajuato Spread of the Revolution. 317
CHAPTER XIV.
SIEGE OF CUAUTLA.
-*
, *-
1811-1812.
^ r
Doctor Cos Joins Rayon The Revolutionary Press Perplexity of Vene-
gas Bishop Campillo's Failure as a Mediator Second Campaign
of Morelos Calleja Takes Zitacuaro Destruction of the City
Reverses of Porlier Arrival of Spanish Troops Triumphal Entry
of Calleja into Mexico Jealousy of Venegas Calleja Marches
against Cuautla Description of the City Llano at Iziicar Calleja
Repulsed Cuautla Invested Sufferings of the Besieged Morelos.
Evacuates the City Calleja Returns to the Capital ............... 343
CHAPTER XV.
WAR MEASURES AND MOVEMENTS.
1812.
Financial Distress and Arbitrary Measures Insurgents Sack Huamantla
and Capture Trains The Suprema Junta's Movements and Acts
Doctor Cos' Plans of Peace and War Viceregal Course Inde
pendent Press Bad Guerrillas Rosains and his Troubles Cam
paigns in Puebla, Michoacan, and Bajio de Guanajuato Operations
of Garcia Conde, Negrete, and Iturbide against Albino Garcia Cap
ture and End of This Leader Torres' Execution 111 Success of
Liceaga and Cos in Guanajuato Raids in San Luis Potosi ......... 376
CHAPTER XVI.
PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
1812.
Capture of Tehuacan Massacre of Prisoners Curates of Maltrata and
Zongolica Join the Revolution Orizaba Captured and Retaken
Revolutionary Plans at Vera Cruz and Perote Communication Re
opened by Royalists Insurgent Operations Capture of Pachuca
with Immense Booty Cruel Shooting of Prisoners Towns Recap-
x CONTENTS.
PA3S
tured by Royalists Arrest of Leonardo Bravo and Companions
Their Execution Noble Deed of Nicolas Bravo Venegas Offers
Pardon to Penitent Rebels, and a Reward for Morelos' Capture
Venegas and Calleja at Enmity Rayon's Unsuccessful Attack on
Toluca Defeat at Tenango Dispersion of the Supreme Junta 397
CHAPTEE XVII.
BAYON PRESIDENT; MORELOS IN THE SOUTH.
1812.
President Rayon at Tlalptijahua His Relations with the Villagranes
Royalist Successes on the North of Mexico Affairs in Michoacan
Father Salto and his Execution Venegas' Sanguinary Decree In
surgent Priests Deprived of their Immunity Episcopal Indifference
Excitement in Mexico Second Anniversary of Independence Cele
bratedRamon Rayon's Profitable Movements Attack against Ix-
iniquilpan a Failure Rayon's Arrangements with Royalist Traders
Proposed Negotiations for Peace Assault of Yanhuitlan Siege
of Huahuapan Trujano's Brilliant Defence; Morelos Comes to the
Rescue and Wins a Victory Gates of Oajaca Opened to Him 420,
CHAPTEE XVIII.
AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN.
1811-1812.
Government of Spain The Cortes and National Sovereignty Character
of the Members The Diputacion Americana and its Policy Its De
mands and Character of Concessions Deputy Perez from Puebla
Deputy Cisneros Asks for Mexican Autonomy and Eventual Inde
pendence Arizpe Mier Forced Loan Representation of the Con-
sulado of Mexico British Offers of Mediation National Constitu
tion as Adopted Its Publication in Mexico The Press Election of
Ayuntamientos Animosity of the Natives toward the Spaniards
Constitution Practically Suspended 441
CHAPTEE XIX.
SUCCESS OF MORELOS.
1812-1813.
Morelos' Third Campaign Chilapa Retaken Reoccupation of the Coun
try to Acapulco Matamoros at Work in Izucar Nicolas Bravo's
Victories Viceregal Tribulations Publication of Decrees of the
Spanish Cortes Death of Trujano Morelos' Visit to Ozumba He
Attacks a Royalist Convoy Takes Orizaba Defeat on the Heights
of Aculcingo Captures Oajaca Enormous Booty Establishment of
Government Victor and Miguel Bravo's Campaign to Jamiltepec
Morelos' Plans Venegas Superseded Review of his Rule 408
CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER XX.
VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS.
1813.
PAGE
Calleja's Character and Appearance How the Appointment was Deceived
Condition of Affairs Fresh Taxes and Loans Reforms Insur
gent Heroine Constitution of 1812 Enforced Inquisition Disap
pears Increase of Crime Protests and Counter-appeals Extent .of
Insurrection Calleja's Campaign Plan Royalist Positions Verdus-
co's Fiasco Rayon's Tour of Inspection Quarrel between the Lead
ers Iturbide's Victory at Salvatierra 495
CHAPTER XXI.
OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON, VILLAGRAN, AND OSORNO.
1813.
Siege of Cerro del Gallo The Poisoned Well Insurgent Forces and
their Tactics Movements in Guanajuato Sway of the Villagranes
Their Sudden Fall Huasteca Campaign Osorno and his Terri
tory Terrene's Military Promenade Osorno Irrepressible Admin
istration of Cruz in New Galicia Frontier Operations Chapala Lake
and its Rovers Division of Provincias Interims Lara's Exploits in
Texas A Flicker in the Orient 513
CHAPTER XXII.
CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.
1813.
Morelos' March to Acapulco He Besieges and Captures It Royalist
Reaction Piaxtla Guerrillas and their Doings Bravo's Opera
tionsHis Repulse at Alvarado Siege of Coscomatcpec Orizaba
Surprised Second Royalist Defeat at San Agustin del Palmar Its
Consequences Discord in the Suprema Junta Congress of Chil-
pancingo Rayon's Action Morelos the Generalissimo and Siervo
de la Nacion Declaration of National Independence Constitution
Jesuits 545
CHAPTER XXIII.
FALL OF MORELOS.
1813-1814.
Morelos Marches against Valladolid Calleja's Counter-movement Re
pulse at the Gate of Zapote Brilliant Charge by Iturbide Defeat
and Death of Matamoros The Congress Asserts Itself Armijo
Overruns Tecpan Province Galeana Falls Maleadministration in
Oajaca Alvarez's Triumphant Entry The Enchanted Mountain
xii CONTENTS.
PAGE
Speculations with Convoys Quarrel and Misconduct of Rayon and
Rosains Expedition against Zacatlan and Flight of Rayon Man-
hunting in the Central Provinces 569
CHAPTER XXIV.
CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.
1814.
Changed Aspect of the Revolution Depression on Both Sides Pro
posed Restriction of Passports and Export of Treasure Causes of
the Exodus of the Spaniards Fresh Taxes Restoration of Fer
nando VII. Constitution of 1812 is Annulled and Autocracy Rees
tablished Feeling in New Spain Insurgent Constitution Its Pro
visions and Analysis How it was Received Election of Officers
under the New Constitution Liceaga President Commemorative
Medal Constitution Ordered Read by the Curas Relations with
the United States 592
CHAPTER XXV.
DEATH OF MORELOS.
1815.
The Revolutionists on C6poro Hill Positions of the Insurgent Forces
Determination of Calleja Siege of C6poro Repulse of Iturbide
Attempted Surprise of Jilotepec Ramon Rayon is Shorn of his
Triumph Claverino's Movement Southward Iturbide Chases the
Congress Insubordination of Doctor Cos He is Arrested and Con
demned to Death, but is Discharged Death of Doctor Cos His
Character The Revolutionary Government Migrates It is Over
taken at Tezmalaca Capture of Morelos His Trial Degradation
and Penance The Last Auto-de-fd Execution of the Great Leader
Reflections on his Character Two Mexican Writers on This
Period 608
CHAPTER XXVI.
LAST CAMPAIGNS UNDER CALLEJA.
1815-1816.
Effect of Morelos' Fall Respective Strength of Insurgents and Royalists
Intrigues and Overthrow of Rosains He Joins the Enemy Teran
Rises in Fame and Influence Arrival of the Congress at Tehuacan
It is Forcibly Dissolved The Goazacoalco Expedition First Naval
Victory for the Mexican Flag The Mounted Raiders of Apam
Plains Osorno's Last Campaign The Convoy Service in Vera Cruz
Miyares' Measures for its Protection Operations under Victoria
and his Associates Bravo and Guerrero on the South Coast.. . . . 626
CONTENTS. xiii
CHAPTER XXVII.
VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.
1816-1817.
PAGE
Causes Which Sustained the Revolution Review of Calleja's Rule
Character of the New Viceroy Apodaca Measures to Gain Adhe
sion Combined Movement against Tehuacan Its Siege and Surren
der Deplorable Weakness of Teran Vera Cruz is Swept by the
Royalists Their Successes in Mizteca The Council of Jaujilla
Strife in Michoacan Tarnished Reputation of Ramon Rayon The
Five Years' Siege of Mescala is Ended Treachery of Vargas-
Movements in the North The Declining Insurrection Centres in
Guanajuato Apodaca 's Success 645
CHAPTER XXVIII.
MINA'S EXPEDITION.
1817.
A Famous Navarrese Guerrilla Preparing for the Enterprise The Land
ing at Soto la Marina Alarm of the Royalists The Victory at
Peotillos Penetrating the Interior Traits of Mina Overthrow of
Ordonez and Castanon Liberation of Prisoners Jealousy of Torres
Character of Mexican Guerrillas Fall of Soto la Marina Siege of
Fort Sombrero Ravages of Thirst and Sword The Bulwark of
Independence Mina's Field Operations Repulse at Guanajuato
Capture and Execution of Mina Reflections on his Undertaking
Siege and Fall of Los Remedies Bibliography 659
CHAPTER XXIX.
PLAN OF IGUALA.
1817-1821.
Capture of Insurgent Chiefs Fort of Jaujilla Dispersion of the Junta
Pardon Accepted by Numerous Leaders A Flickering Light
Affairs in Spain The Spanish Constitution Proclaimed in Mexico
Election of Deputies Thoughts of Independence Iturbide Re
appears Diversity of Political Opinions Plots to Overthrow the
Constitution Iturbide in Command Well-disguised Designs
Overtures to Guerrero Independence Proclaimed The Plan of
Iguala Measures of the Viceroy 688
CHAPTER XXX.
TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.
1821.
Discouraging Prospects Independence Proclaimed at Guanajuato
Valladolid Capitulates The Provincias Internas Revolutionized
Iturbide at Qucre"taro Apodaca 's Doposal His Conduct Discussed
xiv CONTENTS.
PAGE
His Successor Bravo Joins the Revolutionists Operations in
Puebla and Vera Cruz Santa Anna Repulsed at Vera Cruz Vic
toria's Reappearance Iturbide Enters Puebla Arrival of O'Donoju
His Antecedents Treaty pf C6rdoba Novella Hesitates to Recog
nize O'Donoju Iturbide Enters the Capital End of the Revolution. 712
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.
1821-1822.
Installation of the Junta Appointment of a Regency Its Cabinet
O'Donoju's Death Iturbide's Rewards Army Promotions Sur
render of Perote, Acapulco, and Vera Cruz Murder of Colonel
Concha Flight of Europeans The Press Political Factions
Measures for Convoking Congress Iturbide's Interference Con
spiracy Its Failure Condition of the Country The Revenue The
Mining Industry A Forced Loan and Arbitrary Measures Reor
ganization of the Army Union of Central America with the Em
pire Measures for its Representation Reflections on the Adminis
tration of the Junta 734
CHAPTER XXXII.
THE FIRST CONGRESS AND FIRST EMPEROR.
1822.
The Installation Taking the Oath under Pressure The First Misunder
standingPolitical Parties Measures for Relief of the Treasury
Disagreements on the Army Question A Counter-revolution Gen
eral Davila's Action Iturbide and Congress at Open War Progress
of Republicanism Iturbide Proclaimed Emperor by a Popular
Emeute A Stormy Congressional Session Agustin I. Recognized-
Joy in the Provinces The Imperial Family and Household Diffi
culties of the Treasury The Council of State The Coronation 757
CHAPTER XXXIII.
DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE.
1822-1824.
Inauguration of the Order of Guadalupe Padre Mier Short-lived Har
monyArrest of Deputies Iturbide Attempts to Reorganize Con
gressHis Preposterous Claims He Dissolves the Assembly A
Junta Instituyente Established Appropriation of Spaniards' Money
Affairs at Vera Cruz Santa Anna in Disgrace Iturbide Visits
Jalapa Santa Anna Revolts Republicanism Proclaimed Progress
of -the Insurrection Reverses Influence of the Masonic Order-
Change of Tactics Plan of Casa Mata Iturbide's Conciliatory Ac
tionCongress Reinstalled The Emperor Abdicates His Depart
ure from Mexico His Return and Death. . 770
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
EUROPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
THE LITTLE MAN FROM CORSICA HE MAKES ALL THE WORLD TREMBLE
GENERAL VIEW or POLITICS AND SOCIETY ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND,
PRUSSIA, AND AUSTRIA A GLANCE AT SPAIN'S HISTORY RULERS FOR
THREE CENTURIES RETROGRESSIONS AND REACTIONS PRIME MINIS
TERSPEACE AND WAR ENGLAND AND FRANCE WILL NOT LET SPAN
IARDS BE FREE POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES CHRONIC BRAG
GADOCIO THERE ARE SOLDIERS AND HEROES IN MEXICO AS WELL.
AT the opening of the nineteenth century Europe
was in a state of unusual commotion. There had
come from Corsica to Paris a bow-legged, olive-
cheeked little man who had set the rulers of the earth
and their wise men by the ears. They were exceed
ingly frightened, and knew not what to do. For this
personage had set at work several hundred thousands
of their subjects killing each other; to what purpose,
it puzzled them to say, unless it was to show how to
make dupes and donkeys of them all only donkeys
are too sensible beasts to cut and mangle and murder
each other in such a wholesale manner at the instiga
tion of any one.
Louis XVI. was guillotined in 1793. His prede
cessor, after a life of debauchery with his Pompadours
and Dubarrys, and under the intellectual libertinism
of Voltaire and Rousseau, had died leaving a debt of
four thousand millions of livres. After that was the
tiers etat, followed by the storming of the Bastile
VOL. IV. 1
2 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.
midst mobs and bloody revolution. Paper money was
made. Hereditary titles were discontinued. Church
property was seized. Christianity was abolished
though reestablished before 1801 and reason was
enthroned. The constitution was changed, and a
species of bastard republicanism propagated. ^ As the
head of Louis Capet rolled upon the scaffold, insulted
royalty rose throughout Europe. But France was
still mad, and it was not until Robespierre was brought
beneath the guillotine that the reign of terror was
ended. And thus was opened the way for Napoleon
Bonaparte.
Taking the popular side in the revolution, and with
the aid of his matchless military genius, Napoleon was
general of the army at the age of twenty-five. In
1796 he drove back the Austrians and conquered
Italy. Venice fell the following year, and the cisal
pine republic was formed out of the Milanese and
Mantuan states. Egypt was attempted in 1798, but
Nelson was in the Mediterranean and prevented the
loss of India to Great Britain. The following year
the First Consul's proposals of peace to England were
decidedly rejected by George III. Austria's turn
came again in 1800, and in 1801 the northern king
doms were united in a league against England. In
1802 France regained her islands in the West Indies
lost by Louis XV. to the English. The Code Na
poleon was formed. Notwithstanding the peace of
Amiens, in 1803, Great Britain was pricked into fresh
outbreaks. Made emperor of France and king of
Italy in 1804, Napoleon, who was so sadly disturbing
the time-honored balances of power, now found united
against him, England, Russia, Austria, and Sweden.
The game of 1805 was played off Trafalgar and at
O it/ O
Austerlitz, and at its close all Europe lay at the feet
of the little man from Corsica. Prussia claimed his
.attention in 1806, Russia in 1807, Spain in 1808, and
Austria in 1809-10. Here marks the highest point
attained. In 1812 came the Russian campaign; in
FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 3
1813 the French armies were driven from Spain; and
in 1814 Napoleon was at Elba. Another flash of
glory; then in 1815 Waterloo and St Helena, and in
1821 death.
Meanwhile England, having lost the fairest portion
of her American provinces, and being deeply in debt
from her many European complications and much
fighting, was reduced to an unhappy condition. The
tailors had great burdens to bear, which were placed
upon them mercilessly by all the rest, manufacturers,
land owners, and rulers. Everything was excessively
taxed, while wages were reduced, sometimes one half.
The "slave-trade obtained. Forty thousand negroes
were annually taken on board by English ships for
their West India colonies, half of them perishing by
the passage. In a word, manners were coarse and
usages cruel. Prussia was badly broken by the war,
losing large parts of her domains. There was some
disaffection among the German people, but it was
checked without difficulty by the strong arm of roy
alty. Francis and Prince Metternich ruled Austria
with an iron despotism, preventing freedom of thought
or speech, and holding over the press strict censor
ship.
With the centuries Spain has continued to decline,
until it is many times thought that the bottom has
been reached, but only after a little rise to find a
lower depth. Yet, during a portion of the three im
becile reigns of the seventeenth century Felipe III.,
1598-1621; Felipe IV., 1621-1665; and Carlos II.,
1665-1700 we find continued for a time the brilliant
age of literature and art, elating from the rule of
their predecessor. There are Luis de Leon, Castilian
Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Quevedo; Calderon de
la Barca, and other writers; and Ribera, Velazquez,
and Murillo, painters. Meanwhile the army becomes
greatly demoralized; the country is left almost de
fenceless; the naval strength is reduced to nothing;
4 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.
the merchant marine is next to nothing, the art of
ship-building being lost, Italy, France, and England
doing Spain's carrying; while pirates and filibusters
ravage colonial waters, and industries and trade fall
into the hands of foreigners.
The eighteenth century opens with a thirteen years'
'war for the succession, when the house of Bourbon
crowds out the house of Hapsburg. Of the Bourbon
princes before Joseph Bonaparte, are Felipe V., 1700-
1746; Fernando VI., 1746-1759; Carlos III., 1759-
1788; Carlos IV., 1788-1808; and Fernando VII.,
the same year. Following Bonaparte, 18081814, is
Fernando VII. till 1833, Isabel II. till 1868, a brief
period of republicanism, 1868-9, Amadeoof the house
of Savoy, 1871-3, then more republican dictatorships,
and finally the house of Bourbon again restored in
the person of Alfonso XII.
Out of the necessary discipline incident to the war
of the succession grows some improvement. Agri
culture and industry are revived. Legislation is in
some degree purified. The wings of the holy see are
clipped, and the church stripped of part of its prop
erty and influence. Fernando VI., being small in body,
weak in mind, full of fear and hypochondria, and withal
of a kind and benevolent disposition, the country re
cuperates somewhat under his rule. Retrenchments
are made. The inquisition is emptied. Some defences
are restored, industry and commerce are cultivated,
and other reforms instituted.
Carlos III. is an abler man and makes more mis
chief. Church and inquisition are still further checked
and the Jesuits are expelled. Among the reformers
of the period are Count Aranda, an Aragon grande
of French proclivities and friend of Voltaire; Count
Campomanes, a man of culture and literary activity, a
patriot and friend of progress; and Count Florida-
blanca, who in 1777 succeeds Campomanes as prime
minister. The last named is less bigoted than his
age, though opposed to French radicalism ; while re-
DECADENCE OF SPAIN. 5
straining the influence of the church, he protects it.
lie is a man of talents and culture, less statesman
than manager, and believing in autocracy and unques
tioning obedience. But whatever the principles held
in theory, put into practice through the agency of
ignorant, indolent, and corrupt officials, they fall far
short of their purpose. There is hostility with Eng
land in 1779-83. In 1781-2 Spain puts down an
insurrection of the inca, Tupac Amaru, in Peru, and
the thousand years' war with the Mahometans is ter
minated by the peace of Algiers in 1786.
With the accession of Ca>los IV. ends the epoch of
reform. Dismal indeed are the next thirty years, dur
ing which occur the grand humiliation at the hand
of Bonaparte, and the loss of nearly all the trans
atlantic colonies. The king is a handsome, ignorant,
good-natured imbecile; and his wife, Maria Luisa, an
ambitious and passionate profligate, is the true ruler
of Spain. Floridablanca and Aranda are alternately
removed and recalled, finally to make way for Manuel
Godoy, a young officer, and the queen's favorite, im
pudent, incompetent, ambitious, and thoroughly im
moral, sycophant or conspirator according to the tide,
but always villain. If politics, war, or intrigue become
tiresome, he seeks relief in dissipation.
Under these baneful influences Spain sinks lower
than ever. While the rulers are revelling in luxury
and licentiousness, the poor throughout the land are
crying for bread. Finances are wrecked, the army
is rendered weak and worthless, and education and
industry are again prostrated. Galicia and other prov
inces revolt, and presently the French are upon them,
and Spain is little better than vassal.
The peace of Basel, 1795-6 as is called the friv
olous farce which pretended to free the country of the
French, while in reality placing the peninsula still
more in their power, besides in its results completing
the ruin of the navy, and preparing the way for the
general revolt of the colonies gives Godoy the name
6 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.
of Prince of Peace, with rich domains and other sub
stantial gifts.
Spain still has many ships and regiments, but no
sailors or soldiers. Off Portugal, in 1797, the Span
iards are defeated by the English, who sweep the
/ O ' L
Mediterranean and Caribbean seas, and sow discord
among the colonies. During the past three years
there has been 2,445,000,000 reals income, and 8,714,-
000,000 outgo. There is in circulation 1,980,000,000
paper money current in 1799 at forty per cent dis
count. Religion is everywhere present as the hand
maid of vice. A peace is signed in 1801 between
France and Spain, with Godoy as the creature of
Napoleon. In thick succession other wars are fol
lowed by other ignominious treaties. In 1808 the
French are in Spain ; Carlos abdicates ; Godoy flees
before the fury of the populace; and Fernando VII.,
idle, incompetent, and faithless, a coward and a hypo
crite, base, tricky, and a debauchee these are some
of the many epithets history applies to this monarch
is named successor.
After a royal puppet-play, with Murat as manager-
general, during which Carlos is for a moment recalled,
while Fernando abdicates, the English, thirty thou
sand strong, are in the peninsula. At Aranjuez the
supreme junta sits under the presidency of Florida-
blanca. Then comes Napoleon to Spain; and fora
time Joseph Bonaparte holds the reins of government.
In 1810 Caracas, in Venezuela, breaking into revolt,
and Buenos Aires shortly after the cortes assem
ble at Cadiz. A constitution is drawn up in 1812,
which, under the impulse of the universal progress of
liberty, abolishes seignorial rights, torture, the inqui
sition^ and most of the convents. It is almost repub
lican in its tenor, too liberal for the place and the
time, and so does not hold; and Spain still labors
under the crushing weight of absolute monarchy.
Fernando, reinstated in 1813, swears to the consti
tution of 1812, intending never to keep it. There
AMERICA DIVORCED. 7
never was a Bourbon who was not a despot. Four
epochs mark his reign : the transient tastes of power
before and after Bonaparte; then to the Anclalusian
revolution of 1820, during which period the Jesuits
are recalled, the party of the liberal constitution pro
scribed, certain notable Spaniards condemned to the
galleys, and the power of the freemasons put forth in
opposition to crown and clergy; the third from 1820
when the Spaniards rebel, and Fernando is forced by
popular clamor to convoke the cortes, call from the
gilleys to the principal portfolios Herreros, Perez de
astro, and the two Argiielles to the fall of Cddiz
and the constitutional government in 1823, a congress
of European powers at Verona having reestablished
the authority of the king, the national militia being
meanwhile organized, the press declared free, and the
inquisition abolished; and lastly, the decade preced
ing the king's death, during which despotism is re
vived, and money matters demoralized, expenses
amounting to 700,000,000 reals per annum to be met
by a revenue of 400,000,000.
But by this time America and Europe are pretty
well separated politically, never again, thank God, to
be united. What with conventionality, bigotry, des
potism, and general decay in many quarters, the New
World can do better alone, and after its own way.
Upon the death of Fernando VII. in 1833, his
daughter Isabel II. being but three years of age,
the child's mother, Cristina, is named regent; but the
late king's brother, Don Carlos, opposes with deso
lating war. With British aid, however, the queen
triumphs in 1840. Still Spain is torn by detestable
strife. Millions of miserable wretches must starve
and bleed over the issue to determine which shall
rule of two of the vilest specimens of the dominating
class ignorance, superstition, deceit, and incestuous,
idiot-breeding marriages can produce. Now and then
the people make a noble stand for their deliverance,
when as often France or England would come with
8 EUEOPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.
armies and drive them into base obedience. There
is revolution in 1854, after which a national junta is
established. Isabel is deposed in 1868, and Amadeo,
second son of Victor Emanuel of Italy, is elected
king. After vainly striving to reconcile contending
factions, in 1872 conies the Carlist war, and the fol
lowing year Arnadeo abdicates, when a republic is
proclaimed. The failure of its forces against the
Carlists, however, brings round monarchy again in
the person of Alfonso, Isabel's son, in 1875.
Altogether this Fernando presents one of the most
contemptible characters of history. "The conspirator
of the escurial," he has been called, "the rebel of
Aranjuez; the robber of his father's crown; the worm
squirming at the feet of his enemy at Bayonne; the
captive of Valenay, begging bits of colored ribbon from
Napoleon while his people were pouring out their
blood and gold to give him back his crown; the jailer
of the illustrious statesman to whom he owed the
restoration of that crown; the perjured villain who
spontaneously engaged to be true to the constitution
of 1812, and then conspired to overthrow it the day
after he had sworn ; the promoter of anarchy during
the three years of constitutional government; the in-
voker of the Holy Alliance and the intervention of
France; the author of innumerable proscriptions; the
coarse voluptuary; Ferdinand leaves no memory but
that of a man worthy of our profoundest scorn."
Thus we have seen how at the beginning of the
present century all Europe was at war. The most
intelligent, civilized, and Christian nations of the
earth were hotly engaged in such senseless quarrels
as would make a savage smile; and for lack of any other
method of settlement, like savages they were falling
on each other to kill, burn, or otherwise damage and
destroy as best they were able. France in particular
was pouring out her best blood and treasure at the
caprice of a despot whose paramount aspiration was
THE BLESSINGS OF WAR. 9
self-aggrandizement, and whose exploits were destined
to plunge her in deep abasement. Even the pope
himself about that time had been upon the war-path,
sending out his armies with fire and sword where words
failed, and all greatly to his discomfiture and humili
ation.
To the principle of evil in human affairs mankind
owes much. To war, a great evil, a beastly arbitrament,
but the only ultimate appeal yet found by man with
all his wisdom, America owes much. To the silly
strifes of European powers America owes more than
to any butchering done by her own hands. It was due
to this preoccupation, and to the weakness thence aris
ing, rather than to any extraordinary display of wis
dom, patriotism, or power on the part of the colonists,
English or Spanish, that their independence was
achieved.
There are foolish wars, and there are necessary
wars: foolish sometimes on both sides, always foolish
on one side. Hundreds of wars there have been, and
will be, which leave the combatants, after tearing each
other like wolves for a time, exactly as at the outset.
Resorting to war for freedom or the integrity of the
nation is not the same as war for the arrangement of
differences which after any amount of fighting can only
be settled upon some basis of equity which has to be
determined upon other principles than those of arms.
It is better to fight than to be a slave. It is not well
to fight simply for power or aggrandizement, since
the issue is based on injustice, and is sure to be tran
sient. It is not worth while to fight purely for the
mastery, as it is foreordained that no man shall be
master on this planet.
The United States had finished the war which gave
them their freedom; and were now busy trying to
raise money, frame a constitution, and organize a gov
ernment, while turning an honest penny by furnishing
supplies to the combatants who were still destroying
10 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY.
themselves in Europe. When England and France
each pronounced the ports of the other closed against
commerce, and the former persisted in claiming; a risrtit
' L O O
to search American vessels for deserters, the United
States forbid the shipment of American products to
Europe, and declared war against England. After
indulging in some foolish fightingf, uncalled for and
O O O *^ '
resulting in no adequate benefit, though attended with
much misery and loss of life, commissioners met at
Ghent and adjusted their differences, which might
just as well have been done before the war as after.
It has been the fashion, in various quarters, be
cause the northern confederation of states has pros
pered more and reached a higher plane of distinc
tion and power than the united provinces of Mexico,
unduly to extoll the founders of the former, and
ridicule the pretensions to patriotism, intelligence, and
skill on the part of those who fought for the deliv
erance of the latter. It is pleasing to tell stories to
children, and talk among ourselves of the superior
courage and self-denying heroism of those who fought
on our side in the dark days of American revolution,
above those who fought against us; but it is a form
of egotism in which I cannot indulge, unless the
assertions conform to the facts of history, which in
this instance they do not. Fortunately for the repu
tation of our early heroes, their associates and subor
dinates, our history is written by men of our own
nation, primarily to feed our vanity; to accomplish
which purpose that which is damaging to our side-
in so far as is politic and practicable is toned down
or omitted, while that which is damaging on the other
side is emphasized and exaggerated, and vice versa.
If we would know the truth, we should sometimes
look fairly into the character and deeds of some who
were not citizens or soldiers of the United States.
Those who fought for our independence; those who
suffered unrewarded and died unknown, as well as
those whoes names are remembered and honored, and
MODERATION IN SELF-PRAISE. 11
who live to-day in our hearts, deserve all praise. But
that as a class they were superior to their opponents;
that they were so greatly superior to those who fought
for the same object in Mexico, as we have been taught
to believe, is not true. Lecky, with many others,
holds that they have been " very unduly extolled," and
that " the general aspect of the American people dur
ing the contest was far from heroic or sublime;"
while Washington himself writes in 1778 that " idle
ness, dissipation, and extravagance seem to have laid
fast hold of most of them; that speculation, pecula
tion, and an insatiable thirst for riches seem to have
got the better of every other consideration, and al
most every order of men."
Let us then learn to omit some portion of our self-
adulation in speaking of ourselves, some portion of our
spread-eagle and Fourth-of-July buncombe and bom
bast in speaking of our country, to practise a little less
hypocrisy and humbug in our politics, to say nothing
of bribery and other corruption which is quite rank
enough in our republic to-day.
Europe was bad enough, as we have seen, without
any accentuation; monarchies were bad enough, the
chief recommendation of the rulers being that they
made no pretensions to honesty or piety, or rather
made their piety to suit their honesty. And now
with this showing of the influence from which the
people of the New World determined to free them
selves, I will proceed to show how it was done.
CHAPTER II.
ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
1803-1808.
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION OF INDEPENDENCE ARRIVAL OF THE VICEROY
His ANTECEDENTS AND COMPORTMENT THE VICEREGAL FAMILY SOR-
DIDNESS OF ITURRIGARAY His VISIT TO THE MINES PUBLIC IMPROVE
MENTS INTRODUCTION OF VACCINATION SEQUESTRATION OF PROPERTY
EFFECT ON THE LAND OWNERS HUMBOLDT'S VISIT INTERNATIONAL
COMPLICATIONS DEMANDS FOR TREASURE DIFFICULTIES WITH THE
UNITED STATES WAR WITH ENGLAND MILITARY PREPARATIONS
EUROPEAN AFFAIRS ABDICATION OF CARLOS IV. ITURRIGARAY'S IN
DIFFERENCE EFFECTS IN MEXICO OF EVENTS IN SPAIN POWER OF THE
INQUISITION ATTITUDE OF THE PRESS SPARKS OF REVOLUTION.
WHEN the subjects of Spain in America awoke to
a realization of their position, they found present no
lack of reason for revolt. Almost every form of op
pression that ever a people had been called to undergo
at the hand of despotism they had suffered. The worst
that had come to England's colonies we find among
the mildest of Mexico's wrongs so mild, indeed, that
they were scarcely felt amidst the others weightier.
Hitherto, they had expected, as a matter of course,
that the king of Spain would make such laws for his
provinces as suited him. He was to his people al
mighty power, differing in degree rather than in es
sence from the power of the almighty, and they had
learned to obey the one as the other. And if at the
first there had been no more than the English colonies
had to complain of such as the interposition of au
thority between the people and laws of their making,
dissolving or forbidding representative bodies, restrict-
(12)
POSITION OF THE CREOLES. 13
ing migration and population, regulating the admin
istration of justice, creating and sustaining unnecessary
officers, keeping among them standing armies, imposing
taxes, interference in commerce, and other likejittb [
J-.hipcypu there might have been to this day no separa
tion from the mother country, except, indeed, it had
been the falling-in-pieces from natural decay. I say
such was the feeling before revolution was thought of;
after the people began to consider, then certain of
these minor wrongs seemed exceedingly exasperating.
But behind all these, if not indeed one with them,
were more serious evils. Looking well into the causes
of Spanish American revolt, we find there the full
catalogue of wrongs and injustice common to political
subordinations of this nature, and in addition some of
the blackest crimes within the power of tyranny to
encompass. What were such matters as duties per
cent, free coming and going, sumptuary regulations,
or even local laws and legislation beside intellectual
slavery, the enforcement of superstition, the subordi
nation of soul, the degradation of both the mental and
spiritual in man!
In regard to material impositions, probably one of
the most outrageous as well as most absurd within
the range of European colonization was that which de
naturalized the son of the Spaniard born in America.
What ridiculous nonsense for reasonable beings to act
upon, not to say believe in, that the blood of him of
pure Spanish parentage who first saw the light under
the clear skies of the New World should thereby be I
politically and socially debased ! Such was the royal : (
edict, and to the end that ajl in Mexico might the
more and forever be bound body and soul to Spain.
Thus while pretending to parental care, the Spanish
monarchs would reduce the colonists to the position
of serfs.
In New Spain the first Creoles 1 were identified
1 The dictionary definition of Creole is a native of Spanish America, born
of European parents, or descended from European ancestors, as distinguished
14 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
with the European Spaniards, and for several suc
ceeding generations the ties of parentage prevailed
over the distinctions of nationality. It has been
claimed that even when these bonds of consanguinity
were loosened by the ever increasing numbers of the
Creole population and the divergence of interests,
union between the two classes was still maintained
as a security against insurrection of the native races.
Indeed, Humboldt assigns this as a reason for the
passive tolerance which the Spanish Americans ex
hibited during a long period of oppression.
But this was not all the reason ; it was not in fact
the chief or true reason. It had become so ingrained
in their nature, the doctrine of loyalty, obedience to
rulers, the divinity of kings, that to repudiate in any
wise this idea was to defy the power of the almighty,
and bring deserved death and the pains of hell. It
was sin against God to disobey the king; and this
rather than fear of uprisings held Mexico so long in
servility. While such a state of things lasted, the
Spaniards in Spain could deprive the Spaniards in
America or rather their descendants of their le^it-
t^
imate political status, and aggrieve their rights with
impunity; but none the less in due time did European
pride and disdain provoke irritation and bitter jeal
ousy. A mutual antipathy was thus gradually de
veloped an antipathy which was fostered by the ac
tion of the home government; for though by theory
and law the privileges of all subjects of the crown
were equal, in practice it was far otherwise.
Three prominent causes of disrupture were ever
actively at w r ork engendering hatred and thirst for
independence. They were, in the inverse order of ef
fect, social jealousies, exclusion from preferments, and
the odious system of commercial monopoly enjoyed
from a resident inhabitant born in Europe, as well as from the offspring of
mixed blood, as of mulatto, born of a negro mother, or of mestizo, born of
an Indian mother. To this definition as regards Creole I adhere; but in re
gard to the word 'mestizo,' I apply it generally to any intermixture of native
American and European blood.
SPANIARDS ALONE SHALL RULE. 15
by the Spaniards. With regard to the first, it is un
necessary to enlarge upon what has been said in the
previous volume; 2 but the question of political, mili
tary, and ecclesiastical preferments requires considera
tion, inasmuch as the exclusion of Creoles from them
is as strenuously denied by the advocates of the Span
ish faction as it is emphatically asserted by those of
the creole class. Although the Spanish American
was eligible to all offices, from the lowest to the vice
regal dignity, the higher were almost exclusively filled
by men from Spain; 3 and in spite of the asseverations
to the contrary, 4 it cannot be denied that promotion
to important positions was practically closed to Amer
ican Spaniards. No stronger evidence can be found
than in the opposition to American representation in
the Spanish government, and the public expressions
of scorn and odium heaped upon the race in the Cadiz
periodicals of that time.
The Spanish rulers were determined that New Spain
should be ruled exclusively by Spaniards, howsoever
the published policy of the nation might be affected
thereby; and their opportunities of obtaining political
2 Hist. Mex., vol. iii. 742-4, this series. See also Cancelada, Tel. Amer.,
146-55.
3 Walton, the author of Present State of the Spanish Colonies, London, 1810,
secretary to the expedition which captured the city of Santo Domingo from
the French, and resident British agent there, in his Expose on the Dimensions
of Spanish America, London, 1814, states, on page 47, 'that on examining au
thentic records, it results: that from the period of the first settlement up to
the year 1810, out of 166 viceroys and 588 captain-generals, governors, and
presidents who have governed in Spanish America, in all 754, only 18 have
been Creoles, and these few merely in consequence of their having been edu
cated in Spain.' Only three viceroys of Mexico down to 1813 were Creoles.
Alaman, Mej., i. 12.
4 Torrente, Hist. Rev. Hispano-Amer., i. 72-4, quotes observations made
by ' un Americano delsur,'who stoutly maintains the generosity 'de una
nacion que fiaba a americanos los Vireinatos, Capitanias generates, Presiden-
cias, Magistraturas, Arzobispados i Opispados;' and gives a list of European
and American officials for the year 1811, in which he shows that 338 were of
the latter class and only 76 of the former. He moreover enumerates the
political, military, and ecclesiastical positions held by the Creoles during the
same year. But I must remark that the appointments conferred upon Creoles
at the commencement of the nineteenth century afford no criterion of the pro-
portion which prevailed during the two preceding centuries. Spain felt her
self compelled to open the doors of promotion in the hope of allaying the
gathering storm. Cancelada, Td. Amer. , 265-73, argues that the Creoles were
more favored than the Spaniards in the matter of appointments.
16 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
preferments being so much greater than those of the
Creoles, they succeeded in securing for themselves all
the higher offices. It is true that the Americans occu
pied most of the subaltern grades, but this only tended
to bring them into more jealous competition with the
Europeans by inspiring them to seek the more impor
tant. Although in the ecclesiastical preferments they
were more favored than in political and military mat
ters, during the last century of the colonial period
they were gradually excluded from the high dignities
of the church; and in 1808 all the bishoprics in New
Spain, with one exception, and most of the rich bene
fices, were held by the European clergy. In the clois
ters also of the regular orders there w r as the same want
of fairness which even the alternative system failed
to correct. Thus it was that as generation after gen
eration passed away, not only in social communications
but in public careers and professions, envy and jeal
ousy became more marked, and finally developed into
a deadly hatred between the two classes.
But after all, and toward the end, though not the
most iniquitous, it was the commercial monopolies
which caused the most wide-spread discontent. The
entire control of trade by Spanish merchants, and
the exorbitant prices charged by them for every com
modity, the grinding restrictions upon such indus
tries as interfered with the commerce of the mother
country, and the limited amount of productions re
ceived by her, were more sweeping in effect, since all
classes suffered, and the poor people the more severely.
A bond of union to a greater or less extent was thus
initiated between the Creoles, mestizos, and native
Indians, all of whom at an early date exhibited incli
nations to acquire independence. The Englishman,
Thomas Gage, who was in Mexico in 1625, correctly
estimated the prevailing sentiment, and in his obser
vations about the disturbances during the administra
tion of Gelves thus prophetically expresses himself:
"The chief actors were found to be the Criolians or
TAXATION, COMMERCE, AND INDUSTRIES. 17
Natives of the Country, who do hate the Spanish
Government, and all such as come from Spain; and
reason they have for it, for by them they are much
oppressed, as I have before observed, and are and will
be always watching any opportunity to free them
selves from the Spanish yoak." 5
But apart from these main causes of discontent,
other aggravations, permanent or periodical, excited
a spirit of antagonism. Excessive taxation galled
and irritated; the venality of officials and the cor
ruptness of the judicial courts caused indignation;
while the expulsion in 1767 of the Jesuits, who had
ingratiated themselves in the hearts of the lower or
ders, insulted the people in their dearest affections.
From that time conspiracy arose and became wide
spread; and the attempt at Apatzingan, prematurely
undertaken, and abortive though it proved, opened
the eyes of the Spanish rulers to the fact that ideas
of independence were abroad in New Spain. The
measures adopted to suppress such wickedness only
added fuel to the fire. Disdaining the further sup
port of the church, the government determined to
rely on military force, and organizing the army on a
much larger scale, humiliated in a variety of ways
the clergy, who thus alienated became a powerful
element in working out the independence.
While the industries of the country were cramped,
the masses were unaware of the extraordinary resources
of New Spain; but when certain restrictions were
removed by the home government, and the war with
England at the close of the eighteenth century almost
annihilated trade with the peninsula, great impulse
was given to the development of internal resources
and commerce with foreign nations. While belief in
the necessity of dependence on Spain w r as thus being
weakened, Humboldt opened their eyes to their re-
5 New Survey, 145. He, moreover, states that the Indians and mulattos
'brooked not the severe and rigorous justice and judgment of the Viceroy,
no, nor any Government that was appointed over them from Spain.' Id., 142.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 2
18 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
sources, and set them further thinking of divorce
ment. Again, the Creoles were more intelligent,
better informed, and far more numerous than the blue-
blooded Spaniards; in view of which we can only
wonder that the people of Mexico remained in such
humiliating subjection so long. The Spaniards in
America and their children were even better educated
than the Spaniards in Spain, and the higher their
station and the more inflated their pride, the more
their minds were filled with prejudice and ignorance.
The establishment of the university at Mexico afforded
facilities to the Creoles superior to any enjoyed by
their fathers, who for the most part, exclusive of those
holding high positions, were of inferior birth and
breeding, and without title to the superiority claimed.
Students and graduates in Mexico by no means con
fined themselves to the narrow curriculum prescribed
by the university, and the prohibited works of French
philosophers, of political and moral writers, and espe
cially of Rousseau, found their way of late into the
country. Proletarian principles, and the detestation
of oppression which they breathed, were absorbed
with avidity, and stimulated the longing for free
dom. The very danger incurred by the study of
these books, and the secrecy with which of necessity
they were perused, only served to intensify insurrec
tionary ideas and provoke conspiracy. 6 The liberal
principles thus acquired by the educated class were
gradually infused into the ignorant.
Nevertheless, it seems a little strange to us, to whom
the doctrine of right of revolution has become so clear,
and so cherished as the highest prerogative of liberty,
that it should have made its way so slowly among an
educated and intelligent people. But the cause is
6 It was the special province of the inquisition to guard against the im
portation of books. As late as 1807, a Mexican named Jos< Roxas was de
nounced by his own mother for having a volume of Rousseau in his possession,
and was confined for several years in the dungeons of the holy office. He
finally made his escape, but died in 1811 at New Orleans. Ward's Mex., i.
110.
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL LIBERTY. 19
explained when we remember the powerful hold re
ligion yet had upon these people. The first step
toward freedom is to emancipate the mind from some
of its superstitions. There can be no political liberty
without some degree of religious liberty. It was
primarily for religious liberty that the puritans had
come from England to America; and the first step
thus taken toward political liberty, they were prepared.
to throw off the yoke for slighter cause than were the
people of Mexico, who were satisfied with their relig
ion, and had no desire to change it. Thus while their
religion, still the strongest sentiment possessing them,
constrained them to loyalty, they were ready to en
dure much by way of duty, and to escape damnation
so much that it was rather Spain's weakness than
Mexico's strength that secured independence, as we
shall in due time see.
But gradually reason, long dormant if not dethroned,
began to show signs of vitality, first in other quarters,
and finally in Mexico. It was a period of political
turnings and over-turnings in Europe and America,
and it were a pity if Mexico, ground into the very
dust by the iron heel of despotism, should not find
some relief.
The downfall of monarchy in France, and the in
dependence of the British colonies in North America,
had established precedents of the successful uprising of
peoples against the oppression of rulers. More espe
cially was the acquisition of freedom by the United
States regarded as a solution of the difficulty in re
gard to the right of revolution, as Spain in 1783 had
somewhat imprudently recognized the independence
of the English colonies, thereby tacitly excusing re
volt in her own. 7
7 The reader is already aware that the conde do Aranda at this time pro
posed to Cdrlos III. the independence of the Spanish colonies in Amer
ica. See Hist. Mex., iii. 388-90. Dr Luis Quixano, a prominent leader of
the revolution in Quito, made prisoner when Toribio Montes entered that
city, deemed it advisable to retract his views on the right of a colony to as
sert its independence. He based his reconstructed argument on the principle
that what is useful and convenient is not necessarily lawful and just. His ex-
20 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
While the proclivities of the people were thus be
coming daily more dangerous, their anger was still fur
ther aroused by one of those acts of tyranny which
Spain periodically committed in order to raise money in
the colonies to meet home expenses. I refer to the se
questration of the funds of the benevolent institu
tions, a measure which seriously affected the welfare of
almost every land owner in the country. As the
particulars of this proceeding will be given later, it is
only necessary to state here that numbers of families
were ruined or impoverished by its operation. Thus
Spain kept on using the goad. It is, however, a ques
tion how long the Creoles would have suffered had
not political affairs in Spain, as we have seen, afforded
an exceptional opportunity for throwing off the yoke.
For nearly two centuries the watchfulness of the gov
ernment had prevented serious outbreak; even during
the war of succession the tranquillity of New Spain
was undisturbed. The majesty of the king was so
deeply impressed upon the masses that it is probable,
had it not been for the occupation of Spain by Na
poleon, a few salutary reforms would have secured
the loyalty of Mexico. But when two Spanish mon-
archs in succession, Carlos IV. and Fernando VII.,
were compelled to lay aside their crowns, the one in
obedience to the will of a mob and the other at the
dictation of a foreign parvenu, the glory of the Span
ish throne had departed, and the awe with which the
greatest earthly potentate had been venerated by his
transatlantic subjects was seriously lessened.
Nevertheless, when in 1808 the Spaniards rose
against the French invaders, the demonstrations of
feeling throughout New Spain showed patriotism on
the part of the Creoles, though perhaps as much by
ceedingly defective logic went no further, however, than to show that an op
pressed colony has no more right to free itself from the mother country than
has a slave to acquire freedom without the consent of his owner! 'Annque a
un esclavo le sea litil gozar de su libertad, el no se la puede tomar por si mis mo
contra la voluntad de su amo.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., v.
MISRULE IN NEW SPAIN. 21
reason of hatred for the French as of any lingering
affection for the Spaniards; and this, notwithstand
ing that the American deputies to the Spanish
cortes, in their address on the 1st of August, 1811,
represented that the Spaniards of America were so
closely connected with the peninsula by the ties of
interest and relationship, that leading men among
them proclaimed the doctrine that the colonies ought
to follow the fate of Spain, even if she succumbed to
the power of Napoleon. 8 Some go so far as to at
tribute outright the outbreak of the revolution to
the fear of subjection to the French. 9 Be this as it
may, the repeated defeats of the Spanish arms during
the following year, the incompetency of the junta
central in the peninsula, and still more its popular
origin, destroyed any favorable impression which
might have been created in the discontented ranks,
and afforded an example to them of delegates, elected
by the people, investing themselves with the supreme
government. Thus revolutionary impressions became
yet more strongly confirmed; for the Creoles could not
recognize the right of a mob-appointed government
claiming obedience from the subjects of a mighty mon
arch v.
t/
And during this period, so critical to the existence
of Spain's future hold upon the colonies, there was no
viceroy in Mexico capable of appreciating the true
condition of affairs; none who had the ability either
to avert revolution or best serve Spain in accepting
the situation. The incompetency and vacillation of
the next three viceroys hastened the culmination of
events, and during the years 1809 and 1810, the con
spiracy to throw off the yoke of Spain spread fast and
far throughout the land. It was on the 15th of Sep-
8 Such a course would certainly relieve them from the persecution of Spain,
though neither covert irony nor hibernicism were intended. ' Muchos de los
mismos gefes y otros Europeos proi'erian d las claras, que la America debia
seguir la suerte de la Peninsula,- y obedecer d, Bonaparte, si ella le obedecia. '
JHpntac. Amer. Represent., 1 de Agosto de 1811, 6.
9 Id., 8; Guerra, Hint. Rev. N. Esp., i. 138.
22 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
tember of the year last named that the strife began,
and which was marked by reprisals as vindictive and
cold-blooded as the annals of any Christian nation can
record, as we shall see. 10 With these preliminary re
marks on the political attitudes of the two classes,
and on the origin of their divergence, I now proceed
to narrate the historical events which preceded the
final rupture.
The fifty-sixth viceroy of Mexico, Jose de Iturri-
garay, arrived with his family at Guadalupe, and took
charge of the government on the 4th of January,
1803. He held the rank of lieutenant-general in the
royal army, as had nearly all those who filled this
office during the rule of the house of Bourbon in
Spain. A veteran soldier and sexagenarian, he still
retained a youthful energy and vigor. 11
Iturrigaray was a native of Cadiz, descending from
a genteel but not illustrious family. With an honor-
able record in the Spanish militia, he had served with
some distinction as a colonel of carabineers in the cam
paign of Roussillon, at the beginning of the French
revolution in 1792. His reputation, however, as a
military commander was not of the best; 12 and his
elevation to the viceregal office was due to the favor
of Godoy, the Prince of Peace, who still maintained
influence over the weak and incompetent king. 13
His reception at Guadalupe and in the capital was,
The same causes were at work in all the Spanish colonies in America;
and it is significant to note the unanimity of the feeling entertained everywhere
by the Creoles, as well as the synchronism of their start for the goal of free
dom. In this same year five revolutions broke out in South America: that,
of Caracas on April 19, 1810; that of Buenos Aires on the 25th of May fol
lowing; that of New Granada on the 3d of July; that of Bogota on the 20th
of the same month; that of Cartagena on the 18th of August; and that of
Chile on the 18th of September. Diputac. Amer. Rep. y 181 1, 2-3.
11 As a Mexican writer says, 'Con el arrebatamiento y fuego de un franco's
atolondrado. ' Medidas, Pad/., MS., 57.
12 'Hombre de una mediana reputacion militar en su patria.' Ellndicador,
111. 215. Compare also Dispositions Farias, i. 120; Bmtamante, Caad. Hist.,
i. 10-11; Ratzd, Aus. Mex., 344-5; Gazcla Mvx., xi. 222-3.
; 'No fuel-on estos me~ritos los que lo elevaron al vireinato, sino el favor
deD. Manuel Godoy.' Ataman, Hist. Mcj., i. 40. Tavorecido del principe
de la Paz.' El Indkador, iii. 215.
THE VICEREGAL FAMILY. 23
unlike that of Marquina, most flattering and obse
quious. The festivities, begun in the former place,
were continued in the latter with the customary pro
cessions and bull-fights. This unchecked privilege of
the populace, in such agreeable contrast with the un
welcome prohibitions of the former viceory, combined
with the gracious deportment of Iturrigaray and the
affable demeanor of his stately spouse, gained him at
once the favor of the people. Erelong, however, it
was discovered that his condescension was but a cloak
to less worthy traits of character. 14 Branciforte's cor
ruption was barefaced; dissimulation under a fasci
nating exterior was the prominent feature in Iturri
garay 's character. 15
The family of the viceroy consisted of his wife,
Dona Ines de Jauregui y Aristegui, who although
no longer young possessed many attractions, a grown
up son, several younger children, and a numerous
train of relatives, all bent on amassing fortunes.
This was also the dominating passion of Iturrigaray,
whose first act on taking charge of the government
was to defraud the crown. Following the example of
Branciforte, he had obtained a royal decree before his
departure from the peninsula, permitting him to in
troduce free of duty into New Spain unfinished fam
ily apparel. 16 Under this pretence he landed a cargo
of merchandise at Vera Cruz, which he sold in that
port, netting an enormous profit. 17 Moreover, he at
once began a system of sale of offices and employments
on his own account, and by an abominable venality
established for his benefit an impost on quicksilver,
11 The character of Iturrigaray was ' estremaclamente popular.' Zavala,
Rev. Mex., 30. The populace was 'complacida con el trato afable y popular
de la Vireina, senora de regular figura, y de un comportamiento airoso y
galan. ' C'avo, Tres Siglos, iii. 200.
15 'Su caracter estremadamente popular disimulabasus sordidas ganancias.'
Zavala, Rev. Alex., 30; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 47.
1G According to Real Ordcn, Sept. 12, 1802.
17 The sale amounted to 119,125 pesos, as attested by Rcl., Real Acuerdo,
Nov. 9, 1808, in Arch. Gen'l Mex. This fraud was the first of many serious
charges proven against him in his residencia, of which an account will be
given later.
24 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
by which he unjustly secured to himself large sums
from the sales of that metal. 18
Other frauds were perpetrated in contracts for
paper used in the government cigar manufactories,
the contractors charging fictitious prices and paying a
bonus to Dona Ines. 19 The administration of Iturri-
garay was modelled after that of his protector, Godoy,
and it was believed that the king's favorite shared in
the profits.
Sumptuous entertainments, presided over by Dona
Ines, were given at the palace, with the twofold ob
ject of pleasure and profit. Thither assembled grave
oidores, hypocritical inquisitors, venerable prelates,
and members of the most distinguished families, who,
to win the good favor of their viceregal hostess, vied
with one another in their efforts to please, and in the
costliness of their gifts. 20
Marquina never gained the affection of the people,
because of his restrictions on all kinds of excesses.
Iturrigaray would try the opposite course, and make
the capital the centre of pleasure and dissipation.
To the discredit caused by the venality of the father
were added the profligacy and vulgar passion for play
of his son Jose, who was a constant visitor to the
18 He received generally a gold ounce per quintal of quicksilver delivered.
Represent. Mm. Gnan., in Cancelada, Conducta Iturr., 92-5. Alaman states
that the traffic in offices was managed through one of the vice-queen's maids,
an^ elderly person, named Joaquina Aranguren, wife of Gabriel Palacios.
Hist. Mej., i. 47. Some few miners, with whom a secret compact was made,
were greatly favored, while the majority suffered for want of mercury, result
ing in immense profits to the viceroy. These frauds are given in detail with
attestation, in Uepresentacion, Dip. Mm. Guan., Oct. 31, 1808. Compare also
Cancelada, Conducta, Iturrigaray, 92-5; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 43-4.
19 SSe justifica el robo que hizo al rei argandole un peso mas en cada resma,
con las cuentas misrnas de los que lo vendieron, que existen en autos de
infidencia/ Cancelada, Conducta, 11. This author also charges Iturrigaray
with shipping surreptitiously many millions of treasure out of the country, in
English and neutral ships. This was the popular belief, but no proofs were
brought forward. Id., 11-12. From the two contracts of 1806 and 1807 the
viceroy's wife received 6,633 ounces of gold. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 47. Con
sult also Hernandez ?/ Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 643-4.
;0 'Hacia descender la corte hasta sobre el teatro, 6 subia el teatro d la
corte por la aficion que tenia d esta clase de diversiones. La conducta de la
de Madrid bajo Maria Luisa, era el ejemplo que se seguia.' Zarala, llev.
Mcx., 30; Ellndicador, iii. 216-17.
GUANAJUATO MINES. 25
cock-pit. 21 Sucli conduct on the part of the viceroy
and his family, though fascinating at first, could not
fail to produce the same effect as the over-scrupulous
proceeding of his predecessor; the halo of royalty
which had protected viceregal authority for centuries
was dimmed, and the respect formerly offered to Casa-
fuerte, Revilla Gigedo, and others was now with
held. 22
All the same the viceroy managed to accumulate a
large fortune, consisting of coin, jewels, and plate, 23
which was a great comfort, and this notwithstanding
his extravagance and the enormous expenses of his
court, which far exceeded his salary of sixty thou
sand pesos. 24
The desire to visit the rich mines of Guanajuato
was obviously natural; he wished to see whence came
the wealth he coveted. 25 Without precedent in this
respect, and without royal permission, Iturrigaray set
out on this journey by way of Queretaro, Celaya,
Salamanca, and Irapuato. The inhabitants of these
regions, who had never Beheld a viceroy, were over
awed by the magnificence of his appearance, and
thousands assembled to pay their respects. His
arrival at the city of Guanajuato was celebrated by a
triumphal procession and festivities. Among the
presents graciously accepted by him was one of a
thousand ounces of gold, upon the occasion of his
inspection of the Ray as and Valenciana mines.
Mining operators soon discovered how to gain the
21 ' La inclinacion de aquel al juego de gallos, concurriendo d la plaza
piiblica en que se lidian.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 48.
22 The avarice of this vicergal family was one of the chief causes of their
downfall. Dispositions Varias, i. 120; Bustamante, Medidas, MS., 57; Id.,
Cuarl. Hist., L 10-11; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 46-9; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii.
296-350.
"And 400,000 pesos invested in the funds of the mining institute, the
safest place of investment at the time. Further on, after the removal of the
viceroy, an account of the treasures found in the palace will be given.
a4 According to the subsequent declaration under oath of his mayordomo,
Antonio Paul. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 48.
25 ' En la larga serie de los vireyes que tuvo Nueva Espana, 6ste fiie* el
iinico que conocio una parte del interior del reino.' Negrete, Mex. en Siglo
XIX., i. 49.
23 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
favor of this great man. 23 In return for homage re
ceived, Iturrigaray magnificently granted the town
of Celaya the privilege to celebrate occasional bull
fights to defray the expenses of a bridge over the
Laja. 27
In the matter of material improvements, we find
little during this administration not started under
former viceroys. There was the completion of two
roads to Vera Cruz; one of them, passing through
Orizaba and Cordova, begun by Branciforte, was in
charge of the consulado. Credit, however, must be
given Iturrigaray for his exertions to secure the cap
ital against inundation. To inspire zeal, he deigned
occasionally to labor on the works with his own hands,
and by his care the city was saved from inundation in
1806. Yet this praiseworthy caprice eventually gained
for him the enmity of the fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta,
as well as of Aguirre and the other oidores. Funds
being required to carry on the works, Iturrigaray in
creased the impost on cattle, and to this Zagarzurieta
raised objections, to which the viceroy would not listen ;
because, he said, Zagarzurieta was connected with the
family of the greatest cattle-dealer in the country, and
therefore was not disinterested. 28
Existing literary and benevolent institutions were
favored to some extent, not, however, in a manner
sufficiently effective to reflect unusual credit on the
viceroy. Mining, internal commerce, and agriculture
26 'A poco tiempo se advirtib que no le era desagraclable recibir dones y
regalos, y sucesivamente cantidades de dinero y alhajas por las provisiones
que se llamaban de gracia.' Cancdada, Conducta, Iturrigaray, 10. See also
Pena, Arenga Civic., 19-20. It is gratifying to us to learn from Bustamante,
in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 204, that 'the presents then received by the viceroy
relieved partly the great necessities in which he stood.'
27 In connection with bull-fig lits, Bustamante takes occasion to slur Mar-
quina, congratulating the people that the government had passed into the
hands of a man 'accesible, jovial y divertido,' from the 'ttitrico y adusto de
un hombre anciano, que merecia estar en una porteria de capuchinos.' Cavo,
Tres Siglos, iii. 201.
28 ' Porquo su hija estd casada con el primogenito del Marque's de S. Miguel
de Aguayo, que es el primer ganadero y de los principales abastecedores de
Mexico.' /</., 244-5.
VACCIXATIOX. 27
continued to prosper, owing to the efficient measures
of his predecessors. An important event during this
period, which marked a new era in medical science,
but iu which Iturrigaray merely complied with the
royal orders, was the introduction of vaccination into
New Spain. 29 In the course of this history the ter
rible ravages of small-pox at different periods have
been dwelt upon. Tenner's discovery, after having
met with long opposition on the part of the medical
faculty, finally overcame the prejudices of the age.
In 1801 its value was recognized by the government
of Spain, and its introduction in America intrusted
to Alejandro Arboleya, professor of medicine, who
came over with Iturrigaray. His method of preserv
ing vaccine matter, however, was defective, and its
application was not successful till two years later,
when the home government sent out a special com
mission of medical men under Francisco Javier do
Balmis. 80 They arrived at Vera Cruz in July 1804.
Some months previously Iturrigaray had imported
vaccine matter from Habapa, but found the prejudice
against it so strong that only ten soldiers could be
induced to use it. After the arrival of Balmis, how
ever, the remedy was soon introduced throughout
the country, when of course the horrors of smallpox
were greatly diminished. 31
29 Jenner, the discoverer, was a native of Berkeley, England ; he was born
May 17, 1749, and died January 24, 1823. For his biography, see the excel
lent work of Dr Baron, of Gloucester, 2 vols., 1827, 1838.
30 He was honorary physician to the king and honorary counsellor of the
treasury. The other members of the expedition were Antonio Gutierrez,
professor of medicine and surgery, Angel Crespo, secretary of the commis
sion, Francisco and Antonio Pastor, Pedro Ortega, Dona Isabel Cendal, and
lastly, 26 infants from a foundling-house, on whose bodies vaccine matter was
preserved during the voyage. Lerdo de Tfjada, Apunt. Hist., pt v. 342-4.
This author received the particulars from two members, Gutierrez and
Crespo. See also Ilumboldt, Essai Pol. The first child vaccinated was that
of the viceroy. Alaman, l)isert., iii. app. 87; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 207;
lilvcra, Gob. de Alex, i., 522; Zamacoi*, Hist. Mcf., vi. 15.
al Balmis extended his labors to Manila. Some of the commission went
to South America, and one to Guatamala. The historical infants were
reared at the expense of the government, and finally adopted by respectable
families. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt v. 344; Cavo y Tres Stylos, iii.
207.
28 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
During this period great increase of material wealth
is noticeable. After the last peace with England,
Spanish commerce revived; in 1805 one hundred and
fifty thousand quintals of quicksilver were transported
from Vera Cruz to Mexico for the mines, and during
the same year more than twenty-seven millions of
pesos were coined at the mint. But this epoch of
opulence was soon to be terminated by fatal disasters,
marked by bloodshed and ruin. A series of calami
ties, caused by foreign convulsions and misrule at
home, was approaching Spain.
The Spanish government, involved under Godoy's
rule in political difficulties, corruption, and extrava
gance, and harassed by the exorbitant demands of
Napoleon, brought fresh discontent to the colonies by
the adoption of a new method to draw from them the
necessary funds to save the mother country from ruin.
Spain's plight was desperate, and desperate must be
the remedy, if, indeed, there was any. And woe in
consequence must fall on Mexico!
It was decreed by royal order of December 26,
1804, to sequestrate all the real estate belonging
to benevolent institutions, 32 chiefly under control of
the clergy, including the sums, by far the greater
part of their wealth, invested by them as loans on city
and rural property, the mortgages on which had lapsed.
The amounts collected were to be appropriated by the
crown for the amortization of government bonds, the
obligation being recognized by the payment of inter
est. 83 Though in Spain similar measures had been
adopted, 34 the attendant circumstances were different
from those in Mexico. In the Old World most of the
church property consisted of real estate, which being
sold, the clergy received a perpetual income from the
32 Obras pias, or funclaciones piadosas.
33 The sums were to be applied to the 'Caja de consolidacion de vales
reales,' with interest to the respective benevolent institutions at 3 per cent,
payable from the royal revenues. Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97.
34 According to Heal Cedufa, Oct. 15, ISOo, the amount of ecclesiastical
property permitted by the pope to be sold under bull of June 14th of the
same year was such as to yield in interest 020,000.
FORCED LOANS. 29
government equal to the interest on the capital rep
resented, while the purchasers were obliged to con
tribute to the royal treasury by the payment of taxes.
Throughout New Spain the accumulation and in
vestments of the funds of these institutions had be
come enormous. There was scarcely a land owner,
great or small, whose estate was not hypothecated to
one or another of the benevolent institutions. 35 The
loan once effected, restitution of the capital was not
demanded as long as the interest was punctually paid;
nor did the debtors ever prepare for such an event,
although most of the mortgages had lapsed. 36 The
sudden demand for the payment of these sums carried
consternation throughout the country, and brought
ruin on many proprietors. For all to raise money
on short notice was impossible; so the sale of the
property had to be forced not alone what belonged
directly to the church, but that of the farmer, the
merchant, the miner, and the mechanic. Thereby all
industries suffered, while in the end the crown was no
gainer, since the ruin of property holders cut down
the revenue.
The execution of the decree was intrusted to a
junta presided over by the viceroy, and composed of
the principal civil and ecclesiastic authorities, and of
special commissioners appointed by the crown. 37 In
order to stimulate the zeal of these functionaries, and
to make the sequestration more productive, they
were allowed a percentage of the sales. 38 Such an
incentive with such men as Iturrigaray left little hope
35 The value of the real estate and the funds so invested of the obras pias
in New Spain amounted in 1804 to $44,500,000. Humloldt, Essai Pol., ii.
476. In Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletm, ii. 3.3-6, the most moderate calculation of
the value is, in the archbishopric of Mexico $20,000,000, and in the eight
bishoprics, $30,000,000.
30 These- loans, made for the term of nine years, were at the expiration suf
fered to continue in force at the option of the contracting parties. See Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., i. 138.
37 'Qui porte le titre de Junta superior de Real Hacienda.' Iluniboldt,
Ewai Pol., ii. 476.
38 See the royal order in Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97; also Humboldt. Essai
Pol, ii. 47G-7; Alaman, IJixt. Mcj., i. 139; Not. de N. Esp., in Soc. Mex.
Geofj. Boletin, ii. 35-6; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., vi. 16-19.
30 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
for the people; and great was the clamor among all
classes, especially the clergy, who were far from satis
fied with this enforced investment. 39
Formal protests were made by many, 40 and the per
nicious effect of the measure was duly set forth; but
no notice was taken of this action by the authorities.
To make matters worse, Iturrigaray received orders
from Spain that while steps were being taken to ac
complish the sequestration, all funds belonging to cor
porations and communities, deposits of Indian tributes,
the treasures lodged in sacred shrines, and even
moneys designed to ransom prisoners should be ap
propriated. "Peace has been preserved at the cost
of millions!" was the cry; "so pay! pay!" But the
clay was fast approaching when Spain's peace would be
of small moment to Mexico. Never had royal license
to fleece the colonists been more barefaced ; never had
the robbery of a people by their rulers been more
merciless or infamous. And after all, only about ten.
millions of pesos were secured, when in 1809 the
order was rescinded. 41 Of this sum twenty-four mill
ion francs were delivered to Napoleon in May 1806,
by Eugenio Izquierdo, Godoy's special agent at Paris, 42
after a large amount had gone as commissions to royal
officials in Mexico. 43
39 ' La resistance fut si forte de la part des proprie" taires, que depuis le
mois de Mai 1805 jusqu'au mois de Juin 1806, la caisse d'amortissement ne
percevoit que la somme modique.de 1,200,000 piastres.' Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
ii. 477.
"'One by the merchants and laborers of Michoacan, under the direction
of Abad y Queipo, afterward bishop elect; and another by the mining board,
headed by Miguel Dominguez, corregidor of Quertitaro, for which presump
tion he was removed from office by the viceroy. Bustamante, in Cavo, Trcs
Stylos, iii. 222-3.
41 'Toda esta trapala,' says a marginal note on the c^dula in Cedulario,
MS., i. 179-97, 'del malvado Godoy, Soler, y sus sequaces se suspemlio p r
R 1 Ord n ...de 26 de En de 1809, pero ya no remedio los estragos incal-
culables y desastrosos que aquellos malvados y sus sequaces hicieron, con
esta infame trapala, sin el mas minimo provecho del erario. ' See also Hum
boldt, Essai Pol., ii. 476-7.
42 Toreno, Hist. Rev. Esp.,tom i. lib. ii. 12.
43 The sum produced by the sequestrations, according to Cancdada, Tel.
Mex., 29, was $10,509,537. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 140, and Bustamante. in
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 250, give $10,656,000. 8oc. Mex. Geocj. Boletin,' ii.
35-6, gives productos $10,507,957, and reditos $524,904 pesos. Of the com-
MORE MONEY REQUIRED. 31
The merciless rigor with which the viceroy executed
every oppressive decree, and the irritating fact that
he and a host of officials profited by the ruin of others,
gained him the odium of the sufferers. Any discus
sions of a scientific or practical nature on the part of
her subjects was at this juncture bad for Spain. Per
mission had been granted Humboldt by the court to
visit the New World, with the privilege of access to
official archives. The result of his sojourn in Mexico
was his famous treatise on New Spain, 44 containing
abstracts of his political and economical observations.
Some new ideas crept in upon the people concerning
possibilities. With freedom, what might they not
achieve! Such was the prevailing feeling which, min
gled with the odium against the home government,
increased by late acts of oppression, prepared Creoles
and natives alike for revolution. 45
When Carlos IV. ratified the humiliating treaty of
1796, which made him a subject rather than an ally
of France, he considered neither the money he would
have to pay, nor what would be the attitude of Eng
land. To annoy Napoleon, Great Britain offered the
means of prolonging the war which broke out in 1803,
while Spain, asserting her obligations to pay France
former subsidies, maintained that she would be sub
ject to far greater expense in case of further hostili
ties. This led to rupture with England; for though
that power at first manifested no desire to declare
open war with Spain, in 1805 neutrality was broken
missions known to have been paid to officials, who at the same time drew
large salaries, the diputado principal Arrangoiz received $124,000; Iturri-
garay, $72,000; the archbishop Lizana, who, according to Bustamante, was
not a favorite with the Mexicans since his arrival in December 1803, $22,00,0;
ministers of the treasury, $50,000; the secretary, $40,000; and so on to the
amount of half a million. Cancelada hurls invectives against all connected
with this wholesale robbery.
il Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, 1811. For
biographical notice, see Hist. Mcx., iii. 513, this series.
45 'Este proyecto fud, sin duda, la primera Jornada de los desastres de la
America la, insurreccion fue" la segunda.' Marginal note on royal cedilla, in
Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97.
32 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
by the seizure by Nelson of four treasure-laden ships
bound from America to Cadiz. 46
And now commerce again wanes, being carried on
in neutral vessels only, while free intercourse with
Spain is greatly interrupted. Moreover, besides be
ing pressed by Napoleon for prompt compliance with
the treaty of 1796, Spain is beset with calamities.
Famine and pestilence are decimating her population;
earthquakes destroy several towns in Andalusia ; debts
are enormous, and the exchequer empty; and lastly,
England has lately seized her treasure-ships, and will
probably capture others. More and more urgent,
therefore, are the appeals to the viceroy for Mexican
silver and gold.
Iturrigaray seems in every respect equal to the
emergency. The colonists are made to bleed. From
corporations, from the clergy, and from private indi
viduals, thirteen millions of dollars are secured at
this juncture, and shipped in four frigates, some five
millions more being retained for later transportation.
To make up this amount, he has not only seized any
deposits, however sacred, he could lay his hands on,
and forced money from the poor, but he has resorted
to a swindling system of lotteries. 47 It is true that in
the matter of forced loans promises to pay are made,
and a small annual interest promised. 48
The French just now are as much feared in New
Spain as the English. French ships anchored at
Yera Cruz are jealously watched by the viceroy, who
refuses to furnish supplies to French troops stationed
at Santo Domingo.
Difficulties, moreover, threaten with the United
46 The vessels were seized in reprisal for the assistance alleged by England
to have been rendered by Spain to France during the war; more subsidies
having been paid the latter than those stipulated for in the treaty of 1796.
Bustcimante, in Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 209.
47 See Gaz. de Mex., from 1804 to 1810, passim.
48 The viceroy was admonished, however, to come to some understanding
with the archbishop and bishop, so as not to impede the process by preju
dicial disputes with the clergy. This accounts for the $22,000 commissions
to Lizana. See Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 29.
THREATENING DANGERS. 33
States. In 1801 Philip Nolan makes an incursion
into Mexican territory as far as Nuevo Santander,
under the pretext of purchasing horses, and erects
some small forts. He is, however, attacked on the 21st
of March by a force sent against him by the viceroy,
and slain, his followers being dispersed or made pris
oners. A few years later Burr attempts the invasion
of Texas. During this period the first cloud arises
between the United States and Mexico on the ques
tion of limits. Monroe's efforts at Madrid to arrange
an amicable settlement are fruitless, and the Amer
ican government orders troops to her southern fron
tier. 49
Having thus the United States to watch, the long
coast lines to guard against the English, and the ever-
present pirates to beat off, Iturrigaray is like a hyena
at bay. It is no easy matter amidst the dissatisfaction
attending the royal robberies to enlist the colonists to
fight. Of what avail is this pouring-out of their treas
ure if the old mother cannot protect them from her
enemies?
It is in 1805 when the news of this rupture of Spain
with England reaches Mexico, and spreads consterna
tion among the people. Besides orders to prepare for
49 Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 145-6. In 1805 James Monroe, U. S. minister at
London, and Mr Pinckney, minister at Madrid, failed to agree with the Prince
of Peace as to the limits of Louisiana, Texas, and Florida; the relations be
tween the two countries assumed a delicate nature, and Monroe asked for his
passport and returned to London. Consult Amer. State Pap., xii. 1-327; ii.
596-695, 798-804. On the feeling at this time in New Spain against the
United States, I quote from the irascible Bustamante, who, in connection with
the viceroy's military prepai-ations, thus gives vent to his ire: ' Esta nacion,
si puede darsele tal nombre a un erijambre espesisimo de aventureros, emigra-
dos de la Europa por la miseria 6 por sus crimenes, presenta la anomalia mas
extraiia y ridicula en la historia.' 'She proclaimed,' the author continues,
' the freedom of nations; developed the theories of Rousseau's social contract,
which was followed by France and cost torrents of blood,' winding up with a
pious exhortation against American slave-holders. See Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii.
217-1 8. Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 525-6, limits himself to stamping the claims of
the U. S. against New Spain as 'el colmo de la injusticia y de exhorbitantes
pretensiones, hijas de la ambicion . . . inicua . . . absurda.' Of what the Spanish
population in Mexico consisted at the time, a contemporary of Bustamante
gives, us an idea in El Indicador, iii. 216-17: 'Unos hombres semi-salvages,
como los espanoles avecindados en el pais, que nacidos los mas en su patria,
en una condicion muy obscura, apenas habian podido medio civilizarse eu
Nueva Espaiia '
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 3
34 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
defence, the viceroy is told to furnish Habana, Puerto
Rico, and other exposed points with the necessary
supplies. He is moreover authorized to increase the
permanent forces by enlisting natives for service on
the frontier, the veteran troops not being sufficient
for that purpose. Two Spanish regiments stationed
in Cuba are also ordered to Mexico.
But the viceroy is more clever than his master.
Notwithstanding the many difficulties in the organi
zation of troops, he soon has nearly 18,000 men at
his command. 50 Recruiting offices are established
throughout the country; deserters are pardoned; the
old militia, scattered or disbanded, are reunited and
increased in number. The defences of San Juan de
Ulua, where Lieutenant-colonel Juan Maria Soto is
in command, are improved. To discipline the troops
a camp is established at Jalapa. Command of the
army is given to Garcia Davila, governor of Vera
Cruz, efficient and experienced. Indeed, he is the
only officer of rank in New Spain competent to fill
the place. There are two other generals, Pedro Ruiz
Davalos and Pedro Garibay, but both octogenarians
and subject to consequent infirmities.
The troops are exercised and drilled under the eye
of the viceroy. There are reviews and manoeuvres
which awaken a military spirit in the Mexicans, who
have never before witnessed spectacles of the kind. 51
In 1806 intelligence of two events is received
which spreads alarm throughout the country the
destruction of the combined Spanish and French
50 Bustamante says 1 8,000 well disciplined troops. Medidas para la Pacif. ,
MS., 58. Queipo, in Pap. Far., 164, no. i., states that there were stationed
in the canton of Jalapa, serving under the viceroy's orders, 11,000 men, and
that there were 6,000 more elsewhere ready to march when called upon.
Alaman gives the number as ' cosa de catorce mil hombres' in the year 1800.
Hist. Mej., i. 146.
61 Mex. Mem. Guerra, 10. On October 14, 1805, the spectacle of troops
being landed and engaging in sham-fight with the enemy was witnessed by
the inhabitants of Vera Cruz, the viceroy displaying great enthusiasm, taking
part in the exhibition. 'No pudo el ingenio militar de Su Escia olvidar su
aficion, y montando a caballo mando por esquadrones varies rnovimientos de
exercicio a los lanceros.' Diario de Mex., i. 92.
PRIXCE OF PEACE. 35
fleets at Trafalgar by Lord Nelson on the 21st of
October, 1805, 52 and the attack on Buenos Aires by
the English. It is thought that an attempt will
presently be made on New Spain. Iturrigaray's
friends begin to fall off. Several officers of high
rank and merit withdraw from the encampment at
Jalapa, among others Count Alcaraz, of the Spanish
dragoons, Manuel Garcia Alonso, Manuel Garcia
Queritana, and Lejarza, all commanders of high stand
ing. He who becomes the most determined enemy,
however, is the ex-corregidor of Queretaro, Miguel
Dominguez. 53
Meanwhile the star of Godoy, the scourge of Spain,
is still in the ascendant. He puts on the titles
of royalty, and holds compiunion with Napoleon, if
indeed he does not conspire to sell Spain. At one
time, all the strongholds of the peninsula being occu
pied by French, Godoy advises the king to take his
family to Mexico. The court is at Aranjuez, and the
intended flight becoming known, the populace rise and
cry vengeance on Godoy. The tumult is only allayed
by the abdication of Carlos in favor of the prince of
Asturias, who assumes the crown as Fernando VII.
on the 19th of March, 1808. Godoy escapes popular
fury by secreting himself, 54 but his house and those of
his satellites are stripped, and everything in them is
52 A subscription for the relief of the widows and orphans of those who
fell in the engagement was raised in Mexico. The amount contributed up
to Sept. 30, 1807, was 31,235 pesos. Gaz. Mex., xiii. xiv. xv., passim, and xvi.
641.
53 Dominguez was afterward reinstalled in his office by order of the king,
dated September 11, 1807. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 223. When
Iturrigaray's residencia was taken he was condemned to indemnify Domin
guez for loss of salary, and pay him danos y perjuicios. This was not dona
till 1824, when on Iturrigaray's death his heirs, after contesting the case in
the courts, were compelled to pay 12,000 pesos to Dominguez. Alaman. Hist.
Mej., i. 265-7.
54 ' Fu6 confundido por la debil voz de un anciano Ministro. Ved aqui el tray-
dor; el pueblo pide su cabeza: dijo Caballero 4 Carlos IV. seiialando a Godoy;
y este cobarde como si oyera el estampido de un trueno, calla, teme, huye, y
temblando se oculta del Cielo y de la tierra. Asi permanece dos dias ator-
mentado de la sed, del hambre, por las imprecaciones de los hombres, y loa
remordimientos de su consciencia. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 841.
33 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURBIGAKAY.
delivered to the authorities. The fallen Prince of
Peace is afterward placed under arrest by Fernando
and his ill-gotten property confiscated.
The downfall of Godoy was hailed in New Spain
with universal satisfaction. Spaniards and Creoles
were equally demonstrative in their loyalty to the
king, confident that any change in the government
which excluded the influence of Godoy must be for
the better. On the arrival of the news of the abdi
cation of Carlos and the decrees of Fernando/ 5 Iturri-
garay was attending the cock-fights at San Agustin
de las Cuevas, now Tlalpan, where the festivities of
pentecost were being celebrated. He commanded
the decrees ^to be read, and then went on with the
games. Dona Ines was disgusted over the abdica
tion, and the regidor Azcrate displayed his contempt
by flinging aside the journal containing the news. 53
The festivities at Tlalpan continued for three days,
and not until they were concluded did the viceroy
give orders for a public demonstration in honor of
Fernando VII. This manifest indifference, which
did not fail to create much bad feeling, was in truth
owing to the fall of Godoy, his protector, and some
began to suspect treasonable designs.
On the 23d of June the departure of the royal
family to Bayonne and the abdication of Fernando
were known in Mexico. 57 Then my lord Iturriga-
ray wore a pleasant countenance, and he was over-
55 The abdication of Carlos IV. and accession of Fernando VII. were pub
lished on the 9th of June, 1808, by an extra issue of the Gaz, de Me.x. t q. v.
5G Cancelada, who was present during the occurrences at San Agustin de
las Cuevas, says, in Iturrirjaray, Conducta, 14: 'La vireina, oida la abdica-
cion y suerte del ex-principe de la Paz, dixo: Nos han puesto la ceniza en la
f rente; y el regidor Azcarate al llegar con la lectura a los decretos del Senor
Don Fernando VII. tir6 la gazeta con desprecio en ademan de quererla pisar.'
Xegrete maintains that there is no proof of these assertions, although both
Bustamante and Alaman accept them as true. They emanated, he says,
from the statements of Cancelada, a bitter enemy of the viceroy, and should
not be received as historical. Mex. Siglo XIX. , i. 78.
57 The intelligence was brought by the ship Corza, which anchored in the
harbor of Vera Cruz on the 21st of June. Gaz. de Mex., 1808, 424; Cancelada,
Conducta, 15-16. Negrete commits an error in stating that this was theoccasion
when Iturrigaray received the news of Fernanclo's accession to the throne while
diverting himself in the cockpit. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. G9.
EUROPEAN POLITICS. 37
heard to say that the king would never return to the
throne. 58
These tidings of the dethronement of the royal
family, and the assumption of the crown by Joseph
Bonaparte, arrived in the midst of preparations for
the solemn festivities to be held on the occasion of
swearing allegiance to the young monarch. The im
pression which these events created in Mexico was at
first painful. Creoles as well as Spaniards hated the
French. Napoleon was their arch-enemy. They
swore they would never be ruled by him, or any of
his creatures. On the 14th of July, the viceroy re
ceived copies of the Madrid official gazettes confirming
the news, and on the following day he convoked a
council of the real acuerdo, at which it was resolved
neither to obey the decrees of Murat, then command
ing at Madrid, nor those of any government other
than that of the legitimate sovereign. 59 The official
O O
portions of the Madrid gazettes were, moreover, or
dered to be published. 60
But the first surprise over, very different and ve
hement feelings began to spring up among the people.
Their ideas were confounded at the possibility of being
without a king. Those who had hitherto regarded a
monarch as an infallible personage remembered the
fate of Louis XVI., and beheld with consternation the
sudden removal of their own kings, father and son.
That a mob of his own subjects should effect the down-
58 * Los oidores creyeron ver en esta vez en el semblante del virey pintado
la alegria, y que se complacia en decir que el Hey no volveria al trono. ' Cavo,
Tres &V//O.S-, iii. 227. This conduct and the occurrence at Tlalpan were sub
sequently brought forward in the accusations of treason against the viceroy.
Compare Cancelada, Conducta Jturr. , 15-16.
69 The revisor Oidor Aguirre added the words: 'Que S. E. y el real Acuerdo
estaban penetrados de unos mismos nobles y leales sentimientos. ' These Itur-
rigaray tore off, objecting to their publication. Cancelada, Conducta Iturr.,
18-19; Verdad Sabida, 19. This action of the viceroy was considered by his
enemies as a mark of disloyalty. The Verdad Sabida of Cancelada is severely
criticised and the statements it contains denied by Lizarza in his Discurso vin-
dicando Iturrigaray. For his reply on the above question, see p. 16. Much
sympathy for Fernando was shown by the citizens of Mexico. Guerra, Rev.
N. E*p., i. 3-18.
60 They appeared on the 16th of July in the Gaz. de Mex.< 1808, xv. 465-
75.
S3 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY.
fall of Carlos IV. was not likely to maintain that faith
in the high majesty of the Spanish sovereigns which
for ages it had been impious to hold in doubt. Re
spect for monarchy was weakened, and the more re
flective and enlightened recognized with satisfaction
that these convulsions would augment the possibilities
of independence for New Spain. The holy inquisition
still maintained its power, and indeed we find it at
this period more zealous than ever in attempting to
stifle the progress of the age. Libertinism and im
piety, as it was called, 61 were so great, that there were
over a thousand cases pending before that tribunal. 62
One of the victims of an auto de fe at this time was
the presbyter Juan Antonio Olavarrieta, curate of
Axuchitlan. In his possession was found a work writ
ten by himself, entitled Man and Beast. On the fron
tispiece was a representation of a tyrant king. The
author had come well recommended from Spain to the
chief inquisitor, Bernardo de Prado y Obejero,and great
was the scandal. The auto was celebrated with more
than ordinary solemnity in the presence of the secular
and ecclesiastical authorities, the nobility, and principal
persons of the city. Olavarrieta was sentenced and
shipped to Spain, but managed to escape during the
voyage. Soon after this the same ceremonies were re
peated on the person of Jose Rojas, professor of math
ematics in the college at Guanajuato. A man of ex
traordinary talents and great learning, 63 he possessed
but little knowledge of the world. Carrying on a corre
spondence on philosophical and theological topics with
a woman at Guanajuato, he was denounced by her and
imprisoned. After sentence by the holy office, Hojas
escaped to New Orleans. There he published in
flammatory proclamations against the Spanish gov-
u ltttrrigaray, in Carta dCaballero; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 208.
62 Bustamante remarks that a great number of these cases must have been
of a political nature, 'pues este tribunal era el brazo derecho del despotismo.'
Id.
63 ' Y de una memoria tan feliz, que aprendio literalmente las priucipales
actuaciones de su causa, con solo habeiios oido leer.' Id., 207-8.
POSITION OF THE PRESS. 39
eminent, which being clandestinely introduced into
Mexico caused no little annoyance to the political
authorities and the inquisition. This institution con
sisted at the time of thirty-one officers, exclusive of a
multitude of secret agents and spies, and their labors
were so arduous and important that the inquisitors pe
titioned for an increase of salary on that ground.
Such was the powerful array of zealots, ever on the
alert to persecute those whose religious and political
views dared to pass the bounds prescribed by church
and state.
The deplorable condition of the press was another
proof of the incessant endeavors on the part of the
authorities to keep the people in intellectual bondage.
It was not w r ell for subjects of Spain to know too
much of what was going on in the world. Four daily
papers appeared in Vera Cruz between 1804 and 1807;
three of them were soon discontinued, and the other
was prohibited from publishing any political news from
foreign countries, that being a privilege granted only
to the Gazeta de Mexico. 64 " In 1805 the Mexican writer
Carlos Maria Bustamante, and the alcalde del crimen
Jacobo de Villa Urrutia, established the Diario de
Mexico with .but little better success. Being sup
pressed at one time, this periodical was allowed to ap
pear again only on condition that it should be subject
to the personal revision of the viceroy.
64 ' Escepto en casos muy estraordinarios, para no perjudicar a la Oaceta
de Mexico, que era la que tenia el privilegio de publicarlas. ' Lerdo de Tejada,
Apunt. Hist., pt v. 344. The editor of this gazette was Juan Lopez Cance-
lada, author of several philippics against Iturrigaray, and whom Bustamante
calls an 'espafiol irrequieto, atrevido y charlatan, que habia insultado al Virey.'
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 215.
CHAPTER III.
ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
1808.
THE AYUNTAMIENTO CLAIMS SOVEREIGNTY or THE PEOPLE A NATIONAL
CONGRESS PROPOSED OPPOSITION OF THE AUDIENCIA GLAD TIDINGS
FROM THE PENINSULA FOUR MEMORABLE JUNTAS RIVAL SPANISH
JUNTAS ANGRY DEBATES CONSPIRACY TO DEPOSE THE VICEROY
YERMO TAKES THE LEAD ITURRIGARAY'S APATHY A MIDNIGHT COUP
D'ETAT THE VICEROY IN DURANCE GARIBAY APPOINTED HIS SUCCES
SOR FATE OF ITURRIGARAY'S SUPPORTERS HE is SENT TO SPAIN
His RICH SWEETMEATS INDICTMENT FOR TREASON ACQUITTAL RE-
SIDENCIA HEAVY FINES CHANGE OF OPINIONS THE SENTENCE AN
NULLED ITURRIGARAY'S INTENTIONS ANALYZED BIBLIOGRAPHY.
THUS stand matters in Mexico in 1808. The times
are out of joint. Tradition is failing. Old maxims
no longer hold good. The minds of men are dimmed
by the dust arising from the clash and clatter of events.
Born in ignorance; cradled amidst the occult forces of
nature ; looking along the centuries for that power and
protection from the creature found only in the creator
it has taken all these thousands of years for man to
find out his mistake, to find out that all men come into
the world on terms of equality,^ that no man or class
of men are born almighty, either by virtue of blood,
inheritance, occupation, or wealth, and that all have
equal rights.
At length the time has come. All the world is
astir, and Mexico must be moving. Three centuries
back there had been a grand awakening, one of those
spasms of progress in which intellect is wont to disiri-
thrall itself; now there is at hand another. Half the
UO)
ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS. 41
world are in arms. The few are fighting to be mas
ter; the many are struggling to be free. The result
is predetermined.
In Mexico opinion is becoming somewhat clarified;
ideas are coalescing and action concentrating, particu
larly in the capital. And yet all is dim and indistinct
enough. The leaven of liberty is- working; but be
ware the fangs of superstition, beware the sword of
Spain, beware the dungeons of the inquisition and
tortures beyond the grave ! And where shall be found
a leader? Here is opportunity; where is the man?
Perhaps through Iturrigaray's brain run ambitious
dreams. As likely there as anywhere. He is none
too good to play the part of traitor to his king; though
if successful revolution makes of him a thing for popu
lar worship, he is indeed in a dilemma, for nature has
not endowed him with one spark of nobility or patri
otism. Most justly upon the head of this vile repre
sentative of a vile monarchy has fallen the curse of the
colonists. He and his associates, like their master,
have made themselves rich over the ruin of the most
industrious and worthy of Spain's subjects. Yet he
may be deemed useful. A bad man is sometimes
better for the furtherance even of a good cause than
a good man. But Iturrigaray is a coward and a
hypocrite a man not the best either for traitor or
patriot. He has no thought of self-sacrifice; on the
contrary, should he perchance make Mexico free, he
must be well paid for it. Mexico may be freed from
France, from Spain perchance; but not from him, not
from Spain's officials. If he can save Mexico to
Spain, of course Fernando, or whoever may be at
Madrid to draw and spend the revenues, will remem
ber it. So day after day this dog waits to see which
way the French cat will jump.
When the intelligence reaches Mexico that the
Spanish crown has slipped from the fingers of Span
ish kings, it seems to the people as if the earth was
loosened from its orbit. Groups of anxious men,
42 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
greatly concerned about their fate, gather in the
streets and discuss the situation. Public meetings
a rare occurrence in that quarter begin frequently
to be held, at which much is said and nothing done.
Placards are posted by the several factions of city
government, cautiously hinting their own views, or
feeling for the views of others. There is manifest
every phase of feeling from loyalty, wholly or partially,
to independence, wholly or partially. Pasquinades
are sent to high officials, and some even propose a
crown for Iturrigaray. 1
On the 19th of July, at the suggestion of the regi-
dor Azcarate, the municipal authorities presented to
the viceroy a memorial, 2 claiming that as the throne
of Spain was not occupied by the lawful sovereign,
the government devolved upon the people, and that
the city of Mexico, as the metropolis and representa
tive of all New Spain, would sustain the rights of the
deposed house. The address concluded with the
request that the viceroy would assume provisionally
the government of the kingdom, and that he would
surrender it neither to any foreign power, nor to
Spain herself while under foreign rule; and that he
would not receive any other viceroy or accept a new
appointment from the usurping power. 3
1 On the 9th of August the consulado of Mexico addressed a petition to
Iturrigaray requesting him to adopt measures for the suppression of these
seditious demonstrations. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 511.
2 "Bajo de mazas y en coches.' Bustamante, Suplemento, in Cavo, Tres
Siglos, iii. 228.
3 ' Pidiendose al Exmo. Senor Virrey que interin llega el momento felis de
que saiga de Francia S. M. y Altesas, 6 el Reyno elije persona de la Keal
familia para que lo mande y govierne como su Key y Senor natural, permanesca
de Virrey Gobernador y Capitan General de esta Nueva Espafia, entendien-
dose con la calidad de provicional, sin poderlo entregar a Potencia alguna
extrangera, ni a la misma Espana aun quando para ello se le presenter, ordenes
o del Serior Carlos quarto 6 del Principe de Asturias bajo la deriominacion tie
Fernando Septimo antes de salir de Espana,. . .que no entregue tampoco el
Virreynato y Govierno del Reyno a ningun Virrey que hayan iiombrado el
inismo Sefior Carlos quarto 6 Principe de Asturias: . . .Que aun quando S. E.
inismo sea continuado en el Virreynato por Real orden de S. M. 6 de Prin
cipe de Asturias. . .no la obedesca ni cumpla, sino que continue encargado
provicionalmente en el mando del Reyno.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.
i. 477-8. Such were the expressions contained in the address of the ayunta-
EVOLUTION OF OPINION. 43
Iturrigaray received the address graciously, affirm
ing that he would shed the last drop of his blood in
the protection of the country, and that he was ready
to take the oath of loyalty. 4 A crowd had gathered,
for all was done openly, and when the viceroy dis
missed the regidores the people shouted, and among
them largess was liberally flung by supporters of the
project. The audiencia did not like it, and their wrath
waxed hot when, during the day, Iturrigaray laid the
address before the real acuerdo and asked their vote
upon the matter. 5 The ayuntamiento was presump
tuous; further, the members were mostly Creoles. So
the audiencia rejected the proposition, as contrary to
law and the public weal, 6 thereby bringing chagrin
upon Iturrigaray, who of course regarded with favor
a change which would have secured him in power,
whatever turn affairs might take. 7
As nearly as we can interpret ideas so vague as
were these in the minds of those who held them,
the several shades of opinion, of inclination, hope,
fantasy, were somewhat as follows : The viceroy
miento to the viceroy, the whole of which interesting document is supplied
by Davalos, who expresses his thanks to Jose' Maria Andrade for his kindness
in furnishing him with a copy of it.
4 ' Termin6 pues esta escena, en la que todo estaba convenido, de antema,no
entre el virey y Azcarate.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 170.
5 Copy of note to the real acuerdo will be found in Hernandez y Davalos,
CoL Doc., i. 486.
6 In the reply of the real acuerdo, these words are used: 'Aquel nombra-
miento provisional y juramento, debilitarian mas bien que afirmarian aquellos
sagrados inalterables vinculos y constituirian un gobierno precario expuesto
a variaciones, y tal vez d, caprichos ahora 6 en lo venidero, y por tanto seria
ademas de ilegal, impolftico este paso.' The viceroy is advised .to assure the
ayuntamiento 'que cuando convenga y nos hallemos en circunstancias que lo
eidjan, no se desentenderci V. E. ni este Real Acuerdo de convocar 6 al cuerpo
entero 6 a sus representantes. ' Hernandez y Davalos, CoL Doc., i. 487,
7 On the occasion of the ayuntamiento having sent two commissioners to
the viceroy a few days afterward, one, the marque's de Uluapa, as affirmed by
the alcalde Fagoaga, reported to the corporation that he had protested to the
viceroy 'que el ayuntamiento no descansaria hasta colocarlo sobre el trono.'
Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 173. A short time later, in the disposal of civil and
military positions Iturrigaray's assumption of prerogatives never before exer
cised by any viceroy caused grov/ling. 'Tales disposiciones se citaban como
ejemplares del poder soberano que empezaba d ejcrcer el virey y como esca-
lones para el trono a que intentaba subir.' Id., 233-4. Jose" Lnis Alconedo,
a silversmith, was charged with making a crown for Iturrigaray's coronation.
Id., 295. Guerra disbelieves in Iturrigaray's aspirations to a throne. Hist,
fav. N. Esp., i. 70.
44 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
thought that almost any change would be beneficial
to him so long as he remained at the head of affairs.
O
If the people desired him to hold the country for
Spain well; Spain would hardly object to that. If
France was to rule, then he could be for France par
ticularly if Godoy was on good terms with Napoleon.
And even if New Spain broke into full rebellion, de
clared absolute independence, and he could be their
king or president why, that would be well too; and
if afterward France or Spain should prove too much
for Mexico, then he had only done his best for
France or Spain.
The audiencia, the church, the inquisition, all sus
pected the viceroy, and regarded with contempt the
ayuntamiento. If there was to be a change, each of
these powers desired to be at the head; they were
each determined at the least not to lose what influ
ence they had, and to gain as much more as possible.
In regard to the people, the military, officers of the
government, ecclesiastics, and the rest, there was
held every phase of ideas. The sympathies of some
were with Fernando; many prided themselves in
their loyalty to Spain; all hated France; the bolder
dreamed of actual independence. The Creoles and
the viceroy acted together in favor of a national con
gress, but for widely different ends: the former being
for the liberty of the nation, the latter for personal
aggrandizement. One looked to the representative
body as the first movement toward securing that
quality of self-government so lately secured by the
United States ; the other regarded it only as an agent
to do him service perhaps to place upon his head a
crown, either in his own name or in the name of Spain.
Out of these several phases of opinion arose several
factions. But the two great final divisions, of course,
were the royalists, who would have America always
ruled by Europe, and the independents, who would
have America always free. In the main, the Span
iards in America belonged to the former faction, and
HATRED OF THE FRENCH. 45
tlie Creoles to the latter. Yet, when it came to im
portant ecclesiastical, political, or commercial bodies,
whose pecuniary or other interests were paramount
to those of birth and blood, this distinction did not
hold good. Thus it was that at each step in march
ing events, new issues divided anew people and opin
ion; and so matters progressed until principles and
positions could be more defined.
The feeling between the audiencia and the ayunta-
miento increasing, Iturrigaray threatened to resign;
but he was easily dissuaded by his friends. Peace
was not restored, however, and finally the alcalde de
corte, Villa Urrutia, suggested that, the infante Don
Pedro be invited to assume the government as regent.
This proposal did not, however, meet with approval,
whereupon he proposed to call a representative junta
of the kingdom, the supreme authority remaining
with the viceroy when necessary. The audiencia re
jected this proposition also. But Urrutia's scheme
was submitted to the authorities of several places, and
was not unfavorably received. Even the ayunta-
mierito of Vera Cruz, whose members and policy were
almost wholly European, saw no objection to it; while
the authorities of Jalapa and Queretaro expressed
their willingness to send deputies at once to the pro
posed congress.
Meanwhile a vessel had arrived at Vera Cruz, with
information that Spain had risen against Napoleon.
The news reached the capital on the night of the 28th
of July, and at daylight guns were fired, bells were
rung, and all was joy. The enthusiasm was universal,
for Napoleon was much hated, as I have said. 8 Alle-
8 To illustrate the detestation in which Napoleon was held, it will be suffi
cient to quote from the dedication in a published exhortation of the cura of
Pure"pero in Michoacan to his flock on the 15th of August of this same year.
'A Napoleon Bonaparte ex ecracion delos pueblos espanoles,'and after inform
ing the 'infame corzo ' that this small and remote parish had proclaimed for
Fernando VII. , he concludes: ' Desiste pues, desisto, oh monstruo de ambicion,
de tus delirios, porque la America espanola esta bien penetrada de tu caracter
impio, feroz y sanguinario: y te aborrece como a furia desatada del abismo,
que solo espira a destriur la religion verdadera, la moral sana, y la f elicidad tern-
43 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
glance to Fernando VII. was proclaimed, and volun
teer corps were ready to aid him in escaping from the
meshes in which he was entangled, 9 while Godoy and
Napoleon were burnt in effigy. 10
Thus it would seem that the first cry for indepen
dence is smothered by hatred of an invader and loyal
sympathy for a fallen' monarch. But we may see now
how a bad man may help a good cause. Iturrigaray
hates Fernando, though he pretends to serve him. If
he does not secretly favor the French, he is easily
reconciled to their success so long as his patron Go
doy is permitted to worship before Napoleon. Nev
ertheless, the viceroy puts on a smiling face, and is
wheeled in a chariot of state through the city, accom
panied by over two thousand horsemen, who publicly
offer their services in defence of the Spanish sover
eign. The viceroy is gracious, and praises their
horsemanship and their steeds; nevertheless, he does
not fail to reiterate soon after that Spain could not
resist the arms of France. Such speech and conduct
on the part of the chief ruler is the surest road to
revolution, and the viceroy is well aware of it. 11
The question now arose whether to recognize the
junta governing at Seville in the name of Fernando.
The viceroy convoked a general council, composed of
the audiencia, the ayuntamiento, the different tribu
nals, the archbishop, and the most prominent members
of the community. On the 9th of August the junta
poral de los pueblos. Tu mas mortal enemigo. Filopatro Angelopolitano.'
Diario de Mex., xii. 219.
9 Id., ix. 165-8, 343-4; Orizava, Libra Cur., MS., 2-3; Pap. Var.. xxxvi.,
no. Ixviii., ii. 21-2. The sindico procurador proposed that $12,000,000 be em
ployed in effecting the escape of Fernando from France; six million to be
paid to the commander of the fortress in which he was confined if he would
conduct him to Vienna and thence to England ; and six million to that nation
for his safe conveyance to Vera Cruz. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 489-
90. El real cuerpo de mineria, or mining corporation, offered to provide at
its own expense 100 pieces of field artillery and equip and maintain eight
companies to work them. Id., i. 505-6.
10 'En 1 de Agosto del afio de 1808 quemaron en estatuas al traidor de
Godoi, y al intruso Emperador de los franceses Bonaparte.' Orizaba, Libro
Cur., MS., 1.
11 JBustamante. Suplemento Hist. Hex., in Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 230; Ala-
man, Hist. Mex., i. 181.
LOYALTY TO SPAIN. 47
met. The discussions were warm, the viceroy being
somewhat ill-tempered. Verdad, the syndic of the
ayuntamiento, proposed the establishment of a provi
sional government, still maintaining the previous the
ory that in the absence of a legitimate monarch the
sovereignty reverted to the people. These views were
strenuously opposed by the audiencia, which repre
sented the Spanish faction, arid regarded Verdad's ex
pressions as seditious. 12 Allegiance to Fernando was
agreed upon, and he was proclaimed king of Spain
and the Indies; an oath was taken to obey no orders
proceeding from the emperor of the French or his rep
resentatives; and the viceroy was recognized as the
king's lieutenant in New Spain, the audiericia and
other royal tribunals retaining their authority. These
decisions were drawn up in the form of an act, which
was signed by those present. 13
A disturbance occurred at Vera Cruz, occasioned
by the arrival of a French vessel bearing despatches
from Joseph Bonaparte. The ship was fired upon
from Ulua, and was not allowed to enter port until
she had lowered her colors and hoisted a white flag.
When the documents were read they were found to
contain orders of Joseph, confirming in their several
positions the Mexican authorities in that port, and
extending to them various favors. The despatches
12 Rev. Verdadero Origan, no. ii. 34-7.
13 See copy of the act in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 513-16.
There are eighty-two signatures, comprising those of the viceroy, archbishop,
oidores, and principal authorities. It was declared null by the audiencia of
Guadalajara, Id., i. 534; while Riano, the intendente of Guanajuato, consid
ered that certain expressions might be improperly interpreted, ' pueden mo-
tivar alguna siuiestra inteligencia que conviene evitar.' Id., i. 529. On the
llth of August Iturrigaray proclaimed the result. The document was se
verely criticised by Fray Melchor de Talamantes, of whose political tenden
cies mention will be made later. Talamantes charges the viceroy with having
his own interest more at heart than those of the kingdom. ' Qu< debe espe-
rarse de vos,' he asks, ' que habeis velado hasta ahora sobre vuestras propios
intereses y no sobre los del reino y en su organizacion; que no habeis tenido
otra ley que vuestros caprichos, que solo habeis consultado a vuestras diver-
siones y paseos mirando con indiferencia la administracion piiblica. ' Id. , i.
510-7, where see copy of the proclamation with Talamantes' annotations. On
the 13th of August allegiance to Fernando was expressed by a celebration in
his honor, solemnized by religious ceremonies, and enlivened by processions
and illuminations. Id., i. 518-19; Gaz. de Mej., 1308, xv. 508-70.
48 ITURKIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
were burned in the plaza. A rumor having spread
that two commissioners by this vessel were secreted
in the house of Ciriaco Ceballos, the comandante of
the port, a mob broke into and plundered it. The
host was taken to the house to allay the tumult, but
the crowd was only dispersed by a heavy fall of rain. 14
Iturrigaray heard of it on the 13th of August, the
day on which the oath of allegiance to Fernando was
taken, and it ought to have been a warning. 15
On the 30th two commissioners from the junta of
Seville arrived at Mexico demanding recognition of
its sovereignty over New Spain. 16 They were Juan
Gabriel Jabat, a naval commander, and bitter enemy
of Iturrigaray, 17 and Colonel Tomds de Jauregui, a
brother of the viceroy's wife. They were instructed
to arrest the viceroy in case he refused compliance.
A junta was convened on the following day, at which
Iturrigaray expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone
and want of courtesy of the despatch. 13 The debate
which ensued was warm and lengthy, and tended in
no way to procure harmony. Oidor Aguirre pro-
14 ' Lo que realmente resfri6 a los amontinados, y los disolvi6, fu un fuer-
tfsimo aguacero, que hubo en aquella liora.' Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no.
xxxvi. 535. Bustamante states that the tumult was occasioned by the indis
creet action of Ceballos, who prohibited under pain of death any one from
visiting the French ship. This gave offence to the sailors in Vera Cruz, and
led to the sacking of Ceballos' house: 'la chusma marinera. . .arrojd sus
muebles a la calle, quem6 su quitrin, y rob<5 sus pianos de la comision hidro-
grafica que habia levantado, y juntamente una porcion de instrumentos de
marina. ' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 232-3.
15 ' El modo facil con que se inici6 la asonada, y que manifestaba el grado
de exaltacion en que se hallaban los animos, indico al virey lo predispuesto
que estaba el pueblo a lanzarse a la revolucion. ' Negrefp, Mex. Si/jlo XIX. , i. ,
89. This author states that it was believed in Vera Cruz that Jose" Miguel
de Azanza, formerly viceroy, and at this time minister of war of Joseph
Bonaparte, had arrived on the French vessel.
18 Three days before, Iturrigaray had deemed it advisable to issue a proc
lamation exhorting the people to maintain allegiance to Fernando and unite
in resisting Napoleon. Diario, Mex. , ix. 239-42.
17 i p or q ue es te le habia hecho salir mal de su grado dos auos antes para
Espana, porque queria percibir los sueldos sin trabajar.' Cavo, Tres Siglos,
iii. 233.
18 Villa Urrutia thus expresses himself: 'Celebr6se la junta, se vieron los
papeles de aquella' the junta of Seville 'reducidos a una proclama, y a
dos ordenes en tono soberano, confirmando la una a todos en sus respectivos
empleos, y mandando por la otra qe se embiasen los caudales qe ubiese.'
Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 535-6.
JUNTAS CONVENED. 49
posed that in all matters belonging to the war and
treasury departments, the sovereignty of the Seville
junta should be acknowledged, but not in those of
patronage and justice. These views were opposed by
the Marques de Rayas and Villa Urrutia,on the ground
that the sovereignty was indivisible. Although the
plurality of votes was in favor of Aguirre's motion,
the result was ineffective, owing to further complica
tions caused by the arrival that same niodit of de-
/ O
spatches from deputies of the junta of Oviedo, which,
like that of Seville, claimed royal authority, as holders
of the crown for the lawful king of Spain. 19 On Sep
tember the 1st the viceroy summoned another coun
cil, at which he stated that Spain was in a state of
anarchy, since all juntas wished to be supreme. The
complication caused by the claim of two separate
Spanish juntas to the supreme power led to a sus
pension of action, and a resolution to wait for further
news was passed. But the indiscreet language of the
viceroy was construed into a hint that he intended to
depose Aguirre and Bataller and other oidores, 2a and
it was suspected that he was fully aware of nightly
meetings which were now being held by the faction
opposed to him, and at which were discussed plans
of overthrowing him.
Again and for the last time Iturrigaray convened a
junta on the 9th of September. The main point dis
cussed was the convocation of a general congress and
the establishment of a provisional government. Great
confusion marked the proceedings. Villa Urrutia was
the main promoter of the idea, and to him were
19 Id., i. 536; Negrete, Mex. Siylo XfX., i. 102-104. Called by Villa
Urrutia 'la junta de Asturias.' Pap. Var., clvii., no. xxxiv. 7.
20 Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, 30-7. The fiscal Borbon, in a long address,
made use of expressions highly flattering to Iturrigaray, whom he called the
vicegerent of the king. 'Bien, bien,' replied the viceroy, 'pues si yo lo soy,
cada uno de V. SS. guarde su puesto, y no extraue si con alguno, 6 algunoa
tomo providencias. ' 13ustama>/te,in.Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 235; Rev. Verdadero
., ii. 38. Guerra ascribes still stronger language to Iturrigaray. 'Cada
uno guarde su puesto, que yo hare" que todas lo guarden, y si se viere que
hago alguna demostracion con algunos Senores, no sera extraiio porque
habra fundamento para ello.' Rev. de N. Esp., i. 93.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 4
50 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
opposed the three fiscales, Francisco Xavier Borbon,
Ambrosio Zagarzurieta, and Francisco Robledo, all
of whose opinions and votes were read before the
junta. The eldest inquisitor denounced the pro
posed convention as seditious. 21 The oider Miguel
Bataller looked to Villa Urrutia to reply to the
objections, upon which the oidor Aguirre proposed
that those favoring the junta should confine them
selves to the discussion of five points, namely: the
authority to convoke it; the necessity of so doing;
the benefit to be derived; the persons who should
compose the congress; and whether their votes should
be decisive. The city procurator-general, Agustin
Rivero, then boldly stated that although the syndic
could only represent the plebeian element, he him
self, from the nature of his appointment, could be
the representative of the other classes. This caused
additional commotion. The archbishop at once ex
pressed his utter disapproval of such a claim, while
others also vociferously denounced it. And he said
further: "If such dissension is occasioned by the
simple suggestion, to what extent will matters go if
it be realized?" He then declared himself opposed
to a convocation, although he had previously been in
clined to favor it. While discussion was at its height,
a voice was heard: "If the municipalities are not
convoked they will assemble of their own accord."
By some this bold speech was attributed to Rivero. 22
Meanwhile the viceroy maintained an affable de
meanor toward all. He even condescended to ex
plain that he had been informed that some of his
expressions at the last junta had caused offence, had
been regarded as a threat against certain members;
and thereupon he declared that his language was only
!l ' SostendreV he said, ' que tales juntas son por su naturaleza
b k lo me"nos peligrosas y del todo inutiles.' Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii.
38.
22 ' Pero como el senor fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta, redarguyera al in-
stante aquella proposicion sediciosa. . .y siguiera el confuso murmullo, quedo
sin apurarse.' lb.; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. C32.
INDISCRETION OF THE VICEROY. 51
directed against the authors of certain pasquinades
of a seditious character.
During this session the rumored intention of the
viceroy to resign was brought forward. The regidor
Antonio Mendez Prieto 23 arose; and having stated
that such a report had reached the ayuntamiento,
requested Iturrigaray, if he had such intention, to
reconsider the matter and remain at the head of
affairs, since grievous evils would be certain to follow
at such a critical time, if the country were left with
out a chief so capable of defending it. The viceroy
said he wished to resign; he was getting old and diffi
culties were thickening all the same he had no in
tention of laying aside sweet authority. Then Ver-
dad spoke in support of the representations of Prieto,
and after a few words from Rivero and Uluapa, a pro
found silence reigned while they were waiting to hear
from the opposition. Not a word came from them,
however, and Iturrigaray finally ordered the business
of the junta to proceed. 24 The debate continued, but
with no other result than to increase feeling between
the two factions.
Had the viceroy at this crisis exhibited a prudent re
straint the storm might have passed ; but he persisted
in a congreso consultivo, and had indeed already on
the 1st of the month issued circulars to the ayunta-
mientos of the principal cities, instructing them to
send deputies to the capital. His assumption of pre
rogatives, moreover, his failure to seek the approval
of the acuerdo, and his order for troops to move from
Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to the capital, confirmed
23 Called by Zainacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 48, Antonio Mendez Cano.
2 'The viceroy was at this time 60 years of age. The silence of the other
members of the junta was held as indicating their wish that he should resign.
That he never had any intention of doing so may be drawn from the fact that
a few days later, assuming a prerogative never claimed by preceding viceroys,
he appointed Garcia Davila mariscal de campo, and Jose" Maria Laso to be
Superintendent of the real aduana, besides granting a subsidy of 400,000
pesos from the royal treasury to the consulado of Vera Cruz for the continu
ation of the road to that port. This administrative act was done independ
ently of the approval of the junta superior as required by law. Rev. Verda-
duro Oriyen, no. ii. 39.
52 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
opinion that his intention was ultimately to govern
without dependence on the crown. The party op
posed to him, therefore, determined to hasten their
plans. There was organized against him what the
viceroy would probably call a conspiracy. 25 Those
composing it were mostly European Spaniards, and
were supported by the commercial class. Believing
that the convocation of a national congress, deter
mined upon by the viceroy, would bring to a conclu
sion Spanish rule in Mexico, they resolved to stifle
all tendency to what they might call disloyalty to
Spain, by the seizure of the viceroy and his principal
supporters. Gabriel de Yermo, a native of Vizcaya,
and warmly attached to the party of the oidores, was
selected as their leader. Nor was the choice ill made.
Courageous, energetic, possessed of ability and cau
tion, Yermo was in every respect the man to take
the lead. Moreover, he had at his command wealth,
and the affection of liberated slaves and other de
pendents on his large estates. 26 Though he con
sidered that the condition of affairs required a des
perate remedy, he did not immediately accept the
invitation of the conspirators to put himself at their
head. Having, however, consulted with his confessor,
he at last expressed his willingness to act as their
leader, and as no time was to be lost, he acted prompt
ly. 27 At a close meeting it was determined that the
z5 Negrete, Hex. Siglo XIX., i. 108.
M GabrielJoaquin de Yermo was born in the neighborhood of Bilbao on
the 10th of September, 1757. He married his cousin Maria Joscfa Yermo in
Mexico, who had inherited from her father valuable sugar-cane haciendas in the
valley of Cuernavaca. On the birth of his son Jfose" Maria in 1790, he liber
ated his negro and mulatto slaves to the number of more than 400, and again
in 1797, when he purchased the estate of Jalmolonga, he enfranchised '200
more who belonged to it. The freedmen ever afterward exhibited underrating
fidelity and affection for him and the cause of the king of Spain. His success as
an agriculturist was well known in New Spain. Speaking in defence of his ac
tion in this conspiracy, he thus alludes to this occupation: 'He sido y soy
puramente un agricultor industrioso, cuya riqueza tal cual es, dimana exclu-
sivamente de los frutos de mis haciendas, mcjoradas en mi poder extraordi-
nariamente, como sabetoda la Nueva Espana.' Pap. Far., xxxvi., no. Ixviii.,
ii. 54-9; Cancelada, in Id., ccxv., no. iii., xliv.-l. ; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 238.
He died in Mexico on the 7th of September, 1813, being nearly 56 years of
age. Id., i. 503.
27 Iturrigaray's defenders assert that Yermo's decision was influenced by
YERMO AS LEADER. 53
person of the viceroy should be seized, and the govern
ment of the country held for Spain. Yerrno told his
associates that if he took the lead the affair must be
conducted without display of any rancorous feelings,
that bloodshed must be avoided, and the proposed
coup d'etat accomplished in a single night.
Assembling in the city a force composed of faithful
laborers on his estate, 28 he next proceeded to gain over
the officers of the palace guard. This force was com
posed of a company drawn from the infantry regiment
organized and paid by the merchants of the capital, 29
who moreover had the appointment of the officers.
These, being selected from the commercial class, were
with few exceptions devoted to the European faction,
and it would not be difficult to win over the officers of a
single company. The troops of the viceroy were al
ready drawing near to the city, and the active conspira
tors, who numbered three hundred, appointed the
night of the 14th of September. The viceroy had
been several times warned of the plot, and had it not
been for his egotism, apathy, and obstinacy, he might
have prevented it. 30
resentment against the viceroy for interfering with his interests as a contrac
tor for meat for the city, and because the viceroy was active in prompting the
sequestration of the estates of the benevolent institutions to which his own
property was mortgaged in the sum of 400,000 pesos. Yermo, moreover, had
taken an active part in a suit brought by the producers of aguardiente to pro
tect themselves against a heavy and irregularly imposed tax upon that liquor.
By the extreme and free opinions which he expressed on the subject, he in
curred the anger of the viceroy, who ordered his imprisonment, from which
ho wao only saved by the influence of one of his countrymen, who was a friend
of Iturrigaray. Alaman defends Yermo against the charge that personal mo
tives influenced him in the action he took against the viceroy. Id., i. 239-43.
NcgrcuG takes a different view. Hex. Siglo XIX., i. 118-19; Rev. N. E$p. t Ver-
dade.ro Origen, no. ii. 53-6.
23 Hustamante, in making mention of this fact, apologizes to Yermo's family
for doing so. ' Protesto . . . no es mi animo ofender en nada a la virtuosa
famil a do aquel ciudadano, justamenteapreciada hoy en Mexico.' Cavo, Tres
Si'jh*, iii. 238.
' 'ailed cl regimiento del comercio. Each day a company of this regi
ment formed the guard of the viceregal palace.
au ' Conduciase en toclo como un hombre narcotizado. ' B ustamante, Cuadro
7/i.sf., i., carta l a , 5. A month before Bustamante had informed Iturrigaray
thr.t a conspiracy was on foot to seize his person and depose him, but the
viceroy paid no heed to him. A woman, also, presented a paper to him one
d.:y ai3 he was leaving the palace and implored him to read it, as it revealed
a plot to make him captive. Others warned him to no purpose. Cavo, Tres
54 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
Plans for the 14th were frustrated by the fears of
Juan Gallo, captain of the guard, who, while sympa
thizing with the movement, refused to join in such
arbitrary measures, though he promised not to betray
them. They therefore tried Santiago Garcia, who
would be in command on the following day. He also
at first refused to admit them into the palace, but was
finally won over by the arguments of his lieutenant,
Luis Granados, the captain of the artillery, who ac
cepted a bribe of eight thousand pesos. 31
Thus all was made ready. The oidores 32 were ad
vised of the meditated attack, and the conspirators,
who had assumed the name of Volunteers of Fernan
do VII., and were afterward distinguished by the
appellation of Cbaquetas, 33 cautiously assembled in the
portal de las Flores at 12 o'clock on the night of the
15th. 34 Yermo placed himself at the head, and they
proceeded silently to the palace gates. The guard
had been locked up in their quarters, and the senti
nels at the entrance stood mute and motionless. 35
Connected on the north side with the palace stood
the court prison, and the sentinel on guard there, not
Siglos, iii. 236-7. Iturrigaray states in his defence that at the commence
ment of the conspiracy a youth unknown to him informed him that the oidorea
were forming a design to seize him. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 244-5.
31 This, according to the statement of Iturrigaray. Alaman discredits the
assertion. Granados was afterward banished by Garibay to Acapulco, where
he died shortly after. Id., i. 240. Bustamante accepts Iturrigaray 's state
ment. * Captain D. Luis Granados estaba vendido d la faccion, y en la tarde
liabia mandado al mismo Palacio ochenta artilleros para que hiciesen cartuchos
y tuviesen la artilleria d punto. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, \ iii. 236.
32 With regard to previous and final communications with the oidores, con
sult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii., no. vii. , 211-24.
33 Referring to the jackets worn as part of their uniform.
31 The portal de las Flores was opposite the palace; but the conspirators
were screened by the parian which intervened. Bustamante states that mauy
of them went to the archbishop 'd recibir su bendicion, les deseo buen suceso,
y exhort6 como si fuesen d guerra de moros.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 237.
Alaman denies this. Negrete considers that the conspirators actually did re
ceive the archbishop's benediction. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 117.
35 The mayor de plaza, Coroiiel Juan de Noriega, was afterward charged
with having been bribed, and having cooperated with the conspirators by
giving orders that the troops should not leave their quarters on that night.
Noriega defended himself by depositions taken from a number of the princi
pal actors. lu 1821 his family caused this vindication of his character to be
printed and published, a copy of which is to be found in Pap. Var., clvii.,
no. xxxiii. Consult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii. 218-19.
CHARACTER OF ITURRIGARAY. 55
being in the secret, challenged them as they ap
proached. Receiving no reply, he fired on them, and
was preparing to reload when he was shot down. 36
Recovering from this mishap, they entered the palace
without further opposition; and notwithstanding the
two shots which had been fired without, they found
Iturrigaray asleep in his chamber. Aroused, the
viceroy found himself a prisoner, and having given up
the keys of his cabinets, he was conducted with his
two eldest sons in a carriage to the inquisition, and
lodged in the house of the inquisitor Prado. His
wife and two children of tender age were at the same
time conveyed to the nunnery of San Bernardo. 37
Thus fell this vacillating viceroy, whose medioc
rity of character, courage, and ability rendered him
signally unfit to govern during this most critical pe
riod. Intriguing but feeble in design, ambitious
but timid, he could neither skilfully plan nor boldly
execute, while his temporizing policy encouraged his
enemies and disappointed his friends. Had he at the
first adopted with decision the views of either faction,
and supported them by positive measures, he would
doubtless have retained control of affairs. Although
the arbitrariness of his final acts, and his intention to
concentrate forces in the capital, seem to indicate that
at last he had determined to support the Creole party
with a view to independence, his want of caution in
allowing his action to outstrip his power to maintain
it by the presence of troops which he could rely upon
was his ruin, and he was seized in the viceregal palace
36 Bustamante makes the strange assertion that this sentinel, whose name
was Miguel Garrido, after having fired, attacked them with his bayonet, and
that they fled ' como timidas palomas;' but that they afterward attacked him
from behind as he was returning, and wounded and disarmed him. But Busta
mante is here strongly partisan, and not to be trusted.
37 A few days later Iturrigaray was removed to the convent of the Bethle-
hemites. His fall, without tho effusion of blood, was considered by many as
miraculous. 'Muchos acaso los mas de estos habitantes atribuyen tan feliz
suceso a la milagrosisima Madre de Dios Guadalupana, cuya No vena en su
Sautuario, acaba de verificarse, y en la que las almas devotas derramaron
muchas lagrimas pidie"ndole el remedio de los males que nos amenazaban.'
Gaz. Mex., xv. 688-9.
56 ITURKIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
when his regiments were almost at its gates, by a
band of civilians led by a wealthy farmer. 33
No sooner had the successful chaquetas lodged their
prisoner within the walls of the inquisition, than they
summoned the archbishop, oidores, and other author
ities to council, and demanded the deposal of the
viceroy. By six o'clock in the morning of the 16th
their decision had been given. Iturrigaray had been
deposed, and the mariscal de campo, Pedro Garibay,
appointed as his successor ad interim. At seven
o'clock a proclamation to that effect was posted on all
the corners of the capital by order of the archbishop as
president of the council. 39 Then followed arrests of
the ex-viceroy's principal partisans, and other individ
uals suspected of revolutionary tendencies. Yerdad,
38 For a concise outline of Iturrigaray's administration, and the course of
action which led to his downfall, see Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. Indep.,
i. 043-52. The document here used was published Nov. 9, 1808, and com
mented upon by the oidor Aguirre. Cancelada, the editor of the Gaz. Alex.,
xv. 687, thus holds up to praise the action of the merchants and their de
pendents: 'La Nueva Espaua sabra con el tiempo lo mucho que debe a todo
el Comercio de Mexico por esta accion, la cual se execut6 sin efusion de san-
gre:. . .Asi se sabe portar la Juventad (sic) espniiola reunida para exterminar
los malvados y proteger los hombres de bien.' Cancelada published this extra
number of his gazette without having submitted it to the revision of the oidor
decano as required by law. Garibay reprimanded him, and ordered him to
call in all the copies issued. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 222-6. Consult
Yermo's account of the viceroy's deposition addressed by him to the Spanish
junta. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 655-60.
39 A copy of the proclamation is found in Gaz. Hex., xv. 679-80. It in
forms the inhabitants of Mexico that ' El Pueblo se ha apoderado de la Persona
del Exmo Sefior Virrey: ha pedido imperiosamente su separacion por razones
de utilidad y conveniencia general: han convocado en la noche precedente a
este dia al Real Acuerdo, Illmo Sefior Arzobispo, y otras autoridades: se ha
cedido a la urgencia, y dando por separado del mando a dicho Virrey, ha re-
caido conforme a la Real Orden de 30 de Octubre de 1806, en el Mariscal de
Campo Don Pedro Garibay, interin se precede a la abertura de los pliegos de
Providencia. ' At eleven o'clock Garibay, according to this government or
gan, was recognized by all the government authorities. Id. The oidores in
their report to the junta de Sevilla, dated the 24th of September, represented
that on the 17th preceding the people demanded that the pliego de provi-
dencia should not be opened, but that Garibay should continue at the head
of the government. In accordance with this wish, the opening of the pliego
was deferred. In Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 239-42, is a copy of this report,
Lizarza gives a very different reason. He states that it was presumed that
the successor to Iturrigaray appointed in the pliego was the Marqu6s de Some-
ruelos, the governor of Habana; but that the audiencia were anxious to have
at their head Garibay, an octogenarian, to direct in such a crisis, and who
would offer no opposition to their views and measures. Discurso, 6-7.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 57
Azcdrate, and Rafael Ortega were imprisoned in the
archiepiscopal jail, and shortly afterward Francisco
Cisneros, 40 the abbot of Guadalupe, the canon Jose
Mariano Beristain, Jose Antonio Cristo, and Fray
Melchor Talamantes of the order of la Merced. 41
The new government at once proceeded to take pre
cautions to secure itself in its position. Despatches
were sent to all the principal cities with news of the
occurrences in the capital. Instructions were given
to the colonels of the regiments from Jalapa and
Nueva Galicia to fall back. Garcia Davila was
removed from his command as mariscal de campo, 4 ' 2
and the conde de Alcaraz appointed in his place.
40 Called by Alaman, Jos6 Cisceros. Hint. Mej., i. 250.
41 Talamantes was a native of Peru, and a strong advocate for independence,
as is proved by papers in his own handwriting which were seized at the time
of his capture, and among which was found the sketch of a plan of indepen
dence. It begins: ' El congreso nacional Americano debe cjercer todos los
derechos de la soberania;' and then the duties and power of the congress are
laid down in 13 items, which include extensive reforms in political, ciyil, and
ecclesiastical administrations, the regulation of commerce, and the promotion
of agricultural, mining, and manufacturing industries, 'quicandoles las tra-
bas. ' The last item in this interesting document is to the effect that an am
bassador should be sent to the U. S. 'a tratar de alianza y pedir auxilios.'
In another paper he uses these words: 'Aproximandose ya el tiempo de la in-
dependencia de este reino, debe procurarse que el congreso que se forme lleve
en si mismo, sin que pueda percibirse de los inadvertidos la semilla de esta
independeucia: pero de una independencia solida, durable, y que pueda sos-
tenerse sin dificultad y sin efusion de sangre.' Cancelada, Conducta IturrJr/a~
ray, 119-22. Alaman compared the above quoted documents with the origi
nals of Talamantes, which exist in the general archives. The friar was also
the author of a work entitled Hepresentacion de las Colonias, which he dedi
cated to the ayuntamiento of Mexico under the nom de plume of Irza, verda-
dero patriota. In this, the most important of his productions, he establishes
twelve cases in which a colony can with justice free itself from the molher
country. Hist, Mej., i. app. 36. Talamantes was conveyed on the Gth of April
to the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, where he was confined in irons. He died
shortly afterward of yellow fever, his jailers not having the compassion even
to remove his fetters during his sickness. Rivera, Hist. Jala/>a, i. 231. Za-
macois does not believe such unnecessary inclemency credible. /list. Mrj., vi.
63; Guerra states that <le aiiadieron otro par de grilles.' Rev. N . Esp., i. 230.
Bustamante asserts: 'No se le quitaron los grilles. . .hasta el momento de cn-
terrarlo. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 238. Verdad died in prison on the 4th
of October, 19 days after his capture, not without suspicions of having been
poisoned, while Azcarate was seized with an attack of epilepsy, induced, it
was also believed, by poison. He however recovered, and having vindicated
himself, was afterward set at liberty by Viceroy Venegas. Cisneros, Beristain,
and Cristo were liberated soon after their incarceration. Ib.; Kamacois, Hist.
Mcj., vi. 62-3; Rosa, Diwurso en la Alamcda, 11.
42 Davila, having obtained his appointment from Iturrigaray, had offered
to resign if the authorities deemed it advisable under the new order of
things. Gaz. Mex., xv. 700.
58 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
The dragoon regiment of Mexico was ordered in all
haste to the capital, and measures were taken to pre
serve public order and tranquillity. Nor were these
precautions unnecessary. Confusion and tumult pre
vailed in the city. Armed bodies of Creoles and
natives thronged the streets with threatening demon
strations, while fears were entertained that an attempt
at rescue would be made by a division of the Jalapa
regiment, whose captain, Joaquin Arias, and his
brother officers declared that they would liberate
Iturrigaray or perish in the attempt. They were
finally, however, dissuaded from their purpose. For
greater security Iturrigaray was removed to the fort
ress of San Juan de Ulua, 43 being conducted thither
on the 21st by a guard of sixty soldiers of the volun
teers of Fernando VII. and fifty dragoons. A few
days later he was joined by his wife and family, and
on the 6th of December embarked with them on
board the San Justo for Cadiz. On his arrival at
that port he was confined in the castle of San Sebas
tian, whence he was removed to that of Santa Cata-
lina. There, impeached for treason, and accused of
extortion and maladministration, he awaited his trial.
Meanwhile, all the hoarded wealth in his palace be
sides other property was sequestrated, 44 and the oidor
43 At attempt at rescue was made, of which Vicente Acufia was the insti
gator. Acufia was sent prisoner to Spain, where he was acquitted. Return
ing to Mexico three years later, he was arrested at Perote, 'and shot under
sentence of the council of war stationed there. Bustamante, Sup., Tres Sighs,
iii. 243-4.
44 His accumulations were immense. In three apartments of the palace
were found, besides a great quantity of diamonds, snuff-boxes, ornamental
bouquets, breakfast services, knives, forks, and spoons, all of solid gold, a
gold writing-desk, gold cigar-cases, and costly ornaments, trinkets, and
bric-a-brac almost without number. The silver ware was hardly less valuable;
no fewer than 50 dozen sets of plates, knives, forks, and spoons were found,
with corresponding dinner-services and table ornaments. Behind his cabinet
a box was discovered, labeled 'Dulce de Querdtaro.' The sweetmeats it con
tained were 7,383 gold ounces. In another chest was a massive circular ingot
of gold and a great variety of rare trinkets of the same metal, ' quo no serd,
muy comun hallarlas en los palacios de los monarcas.' In the corners of these
apartments were found more than 30,000 duros in bags. Moreover, among
the spoil were four interest-paying bonds of 100,000 duros each. (The cluro
was the same coin as the peso fuerte. ) Vcracruzano, i. 76-7. The editor of
this periodical states that the document from which the above particulars
are taken is a copy of the original manuscript. The same is to be found
TRIAL OF ITURRIGARAY. 59
Bataller was commissioned to draw up indictments.
The first process despatched to Spain, being hastily
prepared, was not couched in legal terms, 45 and the
proceedings instituted were delayed until an instru
ment in proper form, supported by the necessary docu
ments, was obtained from New Spain, and it was not
until August 1809 that the trial proceeded. 46 The ac
cusations were then divided into two classes, forming
two distinct suits, the prosecution for treason and the
residencia of the accused. On the 9th of November
following, Iturrigaray submitted his defence to the
council of the Indies, in which he claimed acquittal of
the charge of treason, on the ground that he had
tD * O
cleared himself of the accusations before the Spanish
junta central. With regard to his residencia, he main
tained that it ought not to be taken while he was in
captivity, with his salary suspended, his property se
questered, and his honor aspersed. He then petitioned
that he might be permitted to reside in the neighbor
hood of Cddiz, that the arrears of his salary should be
paid, or the income of his sequestrated capital be al
lowed him, and that the documents necessary for the
proof of his innocence be obtained.
Before any decision was arrived at, Iturrigaray ad
dressed a similar petition to the regency created by
the c6rtes January 29, 1810, and installed on the
island of Leon, requesting, moreover, permission to
reside with his family in Habana. This met with a
more speedy result, and his trial for treason was sus
pended and leave was granted him to reside in any
province of Spain which he might select, or in the
almost verbatim in Cancelada, Conducta fturrigaray, 88-91, and in Alaman
Hist. Mej. , i. app. 41-3, copied from Cancelada. Before the wife of Iturri
garay left Mexico she petitioned that the jewelry of which she had been de
prived, and the bonds of her children, might be returned to her, and also that
her husband's plate and ornaments be restored to him. The audiencia ac
ceded to her request as regarded the jewelry and plate, but refused to surren
der the bonds. Id., i. 260-1.
45 Pedimento del fiscal del consejo de Indias en la causa de Iturrigaray, in
Hernandez y Duvalos, Col. Doc., i. G93-4.
46 Id., i. G93-6.
60 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
Balearic Islands. 47 Two days later, on February 12th,
a royal order was issued still more favorable to the
unfortunate man, now broken in health. By it the
sequestration of his property was removed, with the
exception of forty thousand pesos to be left on deposit
as a bond for his residencia. To this clemency the coun
cil of the Indies was strongly opposed, as being incon
sistent with the gravity of the case, and the fiscal, sup
ported by all the members of the council, requested the
regency to revoke the orders. 43 No notice was taken
of this address, and Iturrigaray was released, when
he retired to Algeciras. On the 28th of October,
1810, however, the second regency having been elected,
orders were issued therefrom that he should again be
placed under arrest, his property sequestrated, and his
case proceeded with in the most expeditious manner.
It was, however, too late for this action to have any
effect. Iturrigaray 's property had already been re
turned to him, and apprehensive of the result if he
should again be arrested and put on trial, he crossed
over to Africa, leaving it to his wife and friends to
fight the case. These so successfully conducted mat
ters that after much debating he was allowed, by or
der of the cortes, on the 26th of November, the
benefit of the general pardon, which in the mean time
had been extended to the revolutionists in New Spain,
and the impeachment for treason was removed.
In the matter of his residencia, Iturrigaray did not
so fortunately escape. Ramon Oses, alcalde de corte
in the Mexican capital, was appointed his judge, and
as he was a man of high integrity, and had not been
a member of the audiencia when Iturrigaray was de
posed, Alaman is doubtless correct in concluding that
the investigation was conducted with fairness. Yet
* 7 Copy of the decree of the consejo de regencia, dated February 10, 1810,
is given in Rev. Verdadero Oriyen, no. ii. 47-8.
48 The fiscal advanced numerous reasons in support of the objection raised,
and concludes: 'Vuestro fiscal en su respuesta, qne apoya enteramente el
consejo, dice cuanto se halla de repugnante en derecho y politica a que se
lleve a efecto lo mandado en las Reales ordenes de diez y doce del corriente. '
Id., 49-50.
THE FAMILY ESTATE. 61
the late viceroy was mulcted in the sum of $435,413,
$119,125 of which he was condemned to pay as
the value of the invoice of goods which he illegally
introduced into New Spain on his arrival there in
1803. The other amount was for money fraudulently
obtained from the distribution of quicksilver, and sales
of offices and contracts, to each of which original sums
was added a fine of equal amount. 49 To secure pay
ment, Iturrigaray's interests in the mining tribunal of
Mexico, amounting to $400,000, were attached. 50 He
appealed to the council of the Indies, but the sentence
was confirmed by it in February 1819, and later by
the supreme tribunal of justice. 51 Its execution, how
ever, was interrupted by the declaration of inde
pendence in 1821, and Iturrigaray having died a
short time before, his widow 52 and family went to
Mexico and petitioned that the sentence might not
be carried out. The arguments now employed were
exactly opposite to those advanced by Iturrigaray,
who maintained that he had ever remained loyal to
Fernando. 53 The family claimed that the deceased
49 He received from his quicksilver frauds $36,816. In 1806 and 1807
his receipts from illegal contracts for the manufacture of cigarette paper
amounted to $106,128. The legal price of this paper as sold from the factory
was $12 a ream. During the year mentioned it was raised to $13, one dollar
being paid by -the manufacturers to the viceroy for their monopoly. Id., 24-5;
Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 45-7. Zamacois, who copied extensively from
Alaman, has given in app. no. 7 of his Hist. Mej., vi., a verbatim duplicate of
the latter's appendix, but has failed to detect certain errors of Alaman.
Iturrigaray's wife was his principal agent in these nefarious transactions, and
into her hands most of the sums were paid. He feebly attempted to defend
his conduct by the support of precedents supplied by the action of his pre
decessors.
50 Bustamante states that the total amount in which Iturrigaray was con
demned was 384,241 pesos. Cuadro, Hist., i. 9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 265;
Sup. Cavo, Tres Sirjlos, iii. 245.
51 For copy of sentence, see Ateneo, Mej., i. 234.
52 Bustamante writing in 1821 says: 'Con la muerte de dicho Gefe, su
f amilia se ha acabado de arruinar, y a la sazon en que escribo, yace su esposa
paralitica en una cama en Jae"n.' Cuadro, Hint., ed. 1823, i., carta l a , 16.
Iturrigaray died in 1821, at the age of nearly 80 years. Neyreie, Hex. Siglo
XIX., i. 134.
53 Alaman met and conversed with Iturrigaray in Madrid in 1814. The
ex-viceroy was then 72 years old, and on all occasions when Mexican events
were the topic, he assured Alaman that he had never entertained the thought
of effecting the independence of New Spain. Indeed, it was impossible to
prove the charge of treason against him, as the only ground for supposing
62 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
viceroy had really been the first promoter of inde
pendence, and had fallen a victim to the cause I And
further, the claim was respected. The Mexican con
gress in 1824 stopped proceedings, and restored to
Iturrigaray's heirs the $400,000 invested in the rain
ing tribunal. Such was the result of one of the
O
most important and memorable investigations made
during the whole period of viceregal administration. 54
The trial of Iturrigaray, while exposing his grasping
avarice and nefarious transactions, throws little light
upon his political pretensions. It is only by a consid
eration of the discussions carried on by his supporters
and opponents, by an impartial estimate of the effect
of his administrative acts, 55 and by a close study of
his character that we may reasonably expect any light
on his secret intentions or expectations. Not only
did his enemies directly accuse him of treasonable
designs, but even insinuated that he was not unwilling
at one time to recognize Murat, Napoleon's representa
tive in Madrid. 56 But this is far fetched ; and in regard
that he meditated the independence of New Spain was his intention of con
voking a national congress. Hist. Mej., i. 270.
54 Alaman states that the heirs surreptitiously obtained from the audiencia
archives the original process against the ex-viceroy. Proceedings were insti
tuted against Guiol, who abstracted them. Alaman received his information
from Senator Olaguibcl, who defended Guiol at his trial, and authorized Ala-
man to use his name in proof of the fact. Hist. Mej. , i. 267.
55 Nothing gained for him more hostile feeling than the strictness with
which he conducted the consolidation of the funds of the Obras Has: 'In-
teres61e en este maldito negociado en un tanto por ciento el Ministerio
Espanol, y asi procure hacer efectivas sus proviclencias con un rigor, que le
atrajo el odio del Reyno.' Thus writes Bustamante, one of his principal
defenders. Cuadro, Hist., ed. 1823, i., carta l a , 15.
56 At the junta held on the 9th of August, 1808, according to Martinena,
the viceroy used these words : 'Seiiores, aim estamos en tiempo de reconocer
al duque de Berg, jque dicen V. SS.?' and when all exclaimed, *No Seuorf
no &e/lor/ f Iturrigaray, observing that the oidor decano Ciriaco Gonzalez
Carvajal was conspicuously emphatic, asked him. ' Y quo dira V. S. si lo ve
autorizado con la firma del Seuor Porlier?' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 36.
Bustamante's version is very different. He states that when the question
of submission to the orders of Murat was put, the oidores turned pale, 'mas
el virey con animo denodado la decidi6, diciendo, que no lo obedeceria
inientras mandase un ejercito.' He afterward cast this timidity in their
teeth : 'Eiciendoles a los mismos oidores. . .Que. . .solo despues que han visto
mejorarse las cosas era cuando estaban valientes.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TIMES. 63
to the independence of Mexico, whatever he thought
of it, I am sure he did not look much beyond present
issues. Independence as a principle was with him a
small matter; independence as a means of profit de-
.pended greatly upon relations between France and
Spain. Hence his anxiety to provide against the con
tingency of being thrown over by a new power on
the convocation of a national congress; for he doubt
less believed that Spain would be unable to cope suc
cessfully with the arms of Napoleon. Under such
circumstances, if New Spain declared herself inde
pendent, there would be no special disloyalty on his
part to the mother country.
But Iturrigaray had not the sagacity to recognize
that the Creole faction which he favored was laying
deeper plans, and would not be satisfied with only
temporary freedom. He was not aware that beneath
his feet was a political vortex, a fact which the Span
ish element appreciated more clearly. His want of
tact, moreover, and his intemperate language, 57 had
given great offence, and he was cordially hated by
the oidores and their party. During the latter days
of his administration every expression of his counte
nance was watched by his opponents; every syllable
that fell from his lips was caught up, and, if possible,
interpreted as significant of his want of loyalty to
Spain. That the European party were fully per
suaded that he was aiming at the independence of
Mexico, there is no doubt, giving as proof his dis
mantling the seaward battery of Ulua, and convey
ing its guns into the interior, the changes made by
57 At the session held on the 9th of August, when the archbishop, perceiv
ing that the discussions were becoming interminable, proposed that they
should be contined to essential matters, Iturrigaray rudely and angrily
replied: 'Quo alii cada uno tenia libertad de hablar lo que quisiese, y que si
le parecia larga la junta, desde luego se podria marchar & su casa.' .Alanian,
Hist. Mej.j i. 196. On the same occasion Oidor Aguirre rose and said:
'Senor Exmo. La resolucion de defender estos dominioa necesita alguna ex-
plicacion.' The viceroy immediately answered: 'No hay nccesidad de ex-
plicacion: <5l que no lo entienda que se vaya, abierta tiene la puerta.' Rev.
Vtrdadc.ro Ori/jen, ii. 36.
64 ITUKRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.
him in military chiefs, and his intended establishment
of a national congress. 58
These arguments were combated by his supporters,
who noted the fact that Iturrigaray had taken the
oath of allegiance to Fernando, and denied any inten
tion to establish an independent government. The
removal of the artillery from San Juan de Ulua was
done, they asserted, for the purpose of avoiding the
mortality which prevailed among the troops stationed
at Vera Cruz 59 by placing them in more healthy local
ities. While they thus repudiated the accusations of
treasonable designs, they nevertheless acknowledged
many grave defects in his administration. 60
58 How strongly opposed the European party was to such a congress may
be seen from Bishop Qucipo's views expressed on the 2Gth of September:
' Una junta nacional. . .es una verdadera rebelion.' Col. Doc., 29; Pap. Var. t
62, no. 19, 28-34.
5a 'Que en Veracruz perecerlan, como siempre, a millares.' Rev. de N.
Esp., Ctnsura Particular, 3. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 362, makes the
strange statement that Iturrigaray entertained such an infatuated belief in
his military skill that he dismantled the battery for the purpose of enticing
the English to make an attack on Vera Cruz, being confident of victory.
'pero afortunadamente para el virey, no sucedi6 asi, y a esto debio el que su
reputacion militar no quedase tan perdida como la de gobernante.' Lacunza,
Doc. Hist. Museo Mex., 534, makes the same statement.
60 Bustamante, one of his stanches b defenders, remarks: 'Conozco los
graves defectos de su administracion; uno de ellos es la venta escandalosa de
los empleos que hizo.' Sup., Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 245. The deposal of Itur
rigaray was the subject of various works and the theme of innumerable dia
tribes which rancorously discussed the cause of his fall, and its bearing on the
future destiny of Mexico. These writings embrace productions of every di
mension, from the size of a volume to small pamphlets or a couple of leaves in
a periodical. _ They were issued during a period which extended from the
time of Iturrigaray's trial before the council of the Indies till long after the
declaration of independence. A large proportion of the pamphlets and smaller
essays are anonymous. Their style, which is usually virulent, shows the
bitterness with which the two chief factions regarded each other. By far the
most important of these productions are published by Cancelada, Lizarza,
Mier y Guerra, and Martifiena. Juan Lopez Cancelada, the editor of the
Gazeta de Mexico, represented in Spain the interests of the commercial com
munity of Mexico which endeavored to obtain a revocation of the decision
which liberated Iturrigaray, released him from the accusation of treason, and
restored his ill-gotten wealth. Cancelada proved himself an inveterate enemy
of the fallen viceroy, and probably was influenced by personal feeling. In the
Gaz. de Mex., xv. 522, of the 2d of August, 1808, the editor published a rumor
that Fernando had been restored to the throne. This incensed Iturrigaray,
who summoned Cancelada before him and banished him. By the intercession
of the vice-queen, however, the order was withdrawn, and Cancelada allowed
to remain in Mexico, but was made to retract his assertion. After the de
posal of Iturrigaray, Cancelada assailed Villa Urratia by petitioning the audi-
encia to pronounce him a traitor, and punish him as such; but his language
was so malignant that he was condemned in a fine of 500 pesos for calumny,
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. 65
or to imprisonment for two months. Ho later addressed the archbishop, then
viceroy, in such discourteous and unmeasured terms that he was arrested and
tried before the junta de seguridad y buen orden. Numerous persons brought
against him charges of insults and grievances, and his fractious and turbulent
tendencies being well known, the junta condemned him to banishment to
Spain. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. xix.-xxiv. There he occupied himself
in writing on the political affairs of New Spain, displaying therein a vicious
enmity toward tho Creole and revolutionary party. In 1811 he published in
Cadiz La Verdad Sabida y Buena Fe Guardada, in which he maintains that
the revolution which broke out in Mexico in 1810 originated in Iturrigaray
and his treasonable designs. He asserts that a revolutionary tendency did
not exist at the time when Humboldt was in New Spain, as affirmed hy 'el
Espanol escritor en Londres,' and said that Humboldt's travels in Mexico
were too limited to admit of his understanding the spirit of the people. The
Verdad Sab/da gave great offence to the ayuntamiento of Mexico, and the
regidores petitioned the supreme council of the Spanish regency to order his
arrest on the charge of abominable libels principally directed against that
municipality. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 725. In Mexico Cance-
lada for some years followed the avocation of a pedler. He was of a quar
relsome and rancorous disposition, and is described by the ayuntamiento of
Mexico as 'hombre bien conocido en este reyno por su cavilosidad, estupidez
y audacia.' Id. Of low origin and uneducated, it is a matter of surprise that
he obtained the position as editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, the official organ
of the government, which was under his direction for some years. Fernando,
on his return to Spain, caused him to be placed in a convent, from which,
however, he was liberated in 1820. He died a few years afterward. Besides
the Verdad Sabida, he was the author of many other works, among which
may be mentioned Ruina de la Nuera Espana si se declara cl comercio libre
con los eztrangeros, Cadiz, 1811, 4to, pp. 84; Conducta. del Excelentisimo Seilor
Don Jos6 Iturr/cjaray, Cadiz, 1812, 4to, 2 1. pp. 135; and the TeUcjrnfo Ame
ricano, a periodical which he published in Spain, and which was opposed
in the Censor by Alcocer of Tlascala. In reply to the Verdad Sabida,
appeared in the same year the Discurso que Publica Don Facundo de Lizarza
Vindicando. . .Iturrifjaray. It handles Cancelada with great severity, and
frequently gives him the lie direct. Lizarza, who was Iturrigaray 's law
yer, was not the author of the Discurso, but Jose Beye de Cisneros, the
brother of the abbot of Guadalupe, who was imprisoned on the downfall of
the viceroy and at that time Mexican deputy to the c6rtes at Cadiz.
Alaman, Hist. RIej., i. 268. The work displays considerable acumen in the
refutation of Cancelada, and supplies many facts favorable to Iturrigaray
purposely ignored in the Verdad Sabida. Although Cisneros is not sparing
in severe animadversions upon the dissertation, describing it as a texture of
lies, falsifications, and fiction, he has the good taste to retrain from the gross
vituperation so noticeable in the writings of that time. Cancelada in reply
published his Conducta del Exmo. Sefior. . .Iturrigaray, Cadiz, 1812, which
is valuable as being composed mainly of transcripts of official documents bear
ing upon Iturrigaray's fall and trial. Among these appear the report of his
administration and conduct from the time of his arrival to his deposal, drawn
up by the real acuerdo of Mexico, November 9, 1808; official accounts of the four
memorable juntas convoked by him on the 9th and 31st of August, and the
1st and 9th of September, 1808; the royal orders issued by the regency of
the isla de Leon; and other official papers quoted in this chapter. With re
gard to the report of the real acuerdo, to which Cancelada triumphantly ap
peals as conclusive evidence 'of Iturrigaray's aspirations to the sovereignty of
New Spain, I have only to remark that the members of that court were bit
terly hostile to the viceroy, and that their representations cannot be accepted
as impartial. Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva Espana, etc., Escribia fa Dn
Jose Guerra, Londres, 1813, 2 vols, 8vo. This work was first undertaken by
Jose" Servando de Mier y Guerra, with the object of defending Iturrigaray
against the defamatory attacks of Cancelada, but the author, being supplied
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 5
G6 ITURRIGABAY'S DEPOSAL.
with a great quantity of material for the history of subsequent events, carried
it forward and included the iirst years of the revolution in Mexico. The first
volume is almost entirely devoted to the vindication of Iturrigaray ; in the
second the progress of the revolution is narrated clown to the year 18i"2.
Guerra in his preface supplies us with a biographical sketch of Cancelada's
life down to the date of the publication of the Historia, and exposes his
career with most contemptuous irony. His work is largely taken up with
extracts from official documents, of which he possessed a great number.
For the insertion of so much of such material lie excuses himself upon the
plea that having been far from the scene of events, and having undertaken
to refute the false representations of one who professed to have been present
at them, he was compelled to support his arguments by documentary evi
dence. Guerra, after the fall of the viceroy, narrowly escaped arrest, and
fleeing from Mexico took up his residence in London. There he became the
most able defender of Iturrigaray, who, according to Alaman, Hist. Mfj.,
i. 2G8-1), supported him in London until his tendencies inclined to the sup
port of the involution. His work displays great talent and skill. While
the style is elegant, the author had at his command a sarcasm that could
bite. Alaman speaks highly of this work, which, party spirit aside, will,
he says, be ever appreciated for the amount of information which it contains.
Verdadero Origen. . .dela Revolution de Nueva Espaila, etc., Mexico, 1820, fol.
pp. 17. (Followed by) Manijiesto a Todas las Nadones por el Superior Gold-
erno de Nueva Etpaila. The author of this angry treatise was Juan Martin
de Juan Martinena, who in 1816 took up the gauntlet in defence of Iturriga
ray 's deposers. Martinena quotes extracts from Lizarza, Cisneros, Busta-
mante, and other supporters of Iturrigaray, and condemns these writers with
vehement asperity. ' How degrading it is, 'he exclaims, 'to find in them the
same language, the same ideas, object, and even vulgar outcry voces materialcs
as in the rebel leaders with respect to Iturrigaray and the faithful patriots
who put a stop to his criminal proceedings, the only difference being that
the former affect peace, harmony, and fidelity, which the latter do not, being
in a position to explain frankly their true sentiments!' The historian has,
however, to thank Juan Martin de Juan Martinena for his transcript of the
Manifesto, but particularly for the large number of interesting documents
appended thereto. The publication of the Verdadero Origen, etc., immediate
ly brought out a number of anonymous replies, from among which I will make
mention of C en sura Particular e Impartial del Cuaderno Titulado: Verdadero
origen, etc. ; Breves Reflexiones que pneden anadirse por via de impunnation
at, id.; and Conwjos al Sr Autor, Editor y A notador del Cuaderno en Folio
Titulado, id. With regard to the Manifiesto above mentioned, it was issued
on the 16th of January, 1816, by the government of New Spain, in refutation
of the ' falsehoods, calumnies, and errors which the rebels of Mexico have
given utterance to in a paper entitled El Supremo Congreso Mexicano d todas
las Naciones, escrito en Puruarun a 28 de junio de 1815.'
CHAPTER IV.
VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
1808-1810.
GARIBAY'S CHARACTER A BADGE or LOYALTY REORGANIZATION OF THE
ARMY BOXAPARTIST INTRIGUES LAMPOONS AND SEDITIOUS SHEETS
EFFECT OF REVERSES IN SPAIN ESTABLISHMENT OF A JUNTA CONSUL-
TIVA PRETENSIONS TO THE THRONE OF MEXICO ARCHBISHOP LIZANA
APPOINTED VICEROY REMITTANCES TO SPAIN LIZANA'S CHARACTER,
THE JUNTA DE SEGURIDAD REVOLUTION AT VALLAPOLID SPANISH
AMERICAN REPRESENTATION IN THE CORTES LIZANA REMOVED FROM
OFFICE WEAK ADMINISTRATION OF THE AUDIENCIA FRENCH EMIS
SARIES ARRIVAL OF VICEROY VENEGAS His ANTECEDENTS, CHARAC
TER, AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE TITLES AND HONORS FROM SPAIN.
WHEN the chaquetas conceived the design of seizing
and deposing the viceroy, they imagined that they
would thus be cutting off the hydra's head, that by
one bold stroke they would annihilate the monster of
disloyalty. But they erred in their calculations.
The Creole party, disappointed that their hope should
fail in a season so fair for its accomplishment, were
doubly embittered. They believed that as matters
stood in the mother country, they, and not the Span
iards, were the power in the land. Rivalry and hatred
between the two factions increased, and henceforward
the revolutionary spirit spread silently and far with
rapidity. 1
At a time so fraught with difficulties, arising from
violent political change, no more incompetent man
1 In 1811 the Mexican deputies to the Spanish c6rtes represented that the
imprisonment of Iturrigaray had provoked the rivalry between the Spaniards
and Creoles, ' difundiendose sordamente por el Reyno, y creciendo de dia en
dia.' Diputac., Amer. Hep., 1 de Agosto de 1811, 3.
(67)
68 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
could have been placed at the head of affairs than
Pedro Garibay, field marshal of the royal armies.
Infirm of body 2 and weak of will ; of meagre resources,
lacking ability, and wanting in authority even in his
own household; a victim, moreover, to the anxiety
attending poverty he was undergoing the penalties
which those must pay who by reason of great strength
arrive at the age of fourscore years. 3 Nevertheless,
he eagerly accepted the high position offered him.
In the early part of his life lie had served in the wars
in Italy and Portugal, and in 1764 went to Mexico
with General Villalva. By slow promotion he at- .
tained the grade of brigadier in 1789, and at a later
date was allowed to retire on account of his infirmities,
with the rank of mariscal de campo de los reales
ejercitos. His poverty was such that he was fre
quently compelled to borrow small sums from his
acquaintances. 4 He was honorable, and well liked by *
high and low. Such as he was, however, his insuf
ficiency was the reason of his election. The oidores,
whom he regarded as his protectors, 6 were not desir
ous that a strong man should be at the head of affairs;
and during Garibay's short administration, in all acts
of government he was but the mouth-piece of the
audiencia. 6
As soon as the coup d'etat in the case of I turn-,
garay was accomplished, the new government, with
out formally recognizing either of the Spanish juntas,
proceeded to rule in the name of Fernando VII. ; and
2 'Padecia una enfermedad de est6mago. . .teniendo que apoyarse en un
criado cuando salia d la calle.' Rivera, Gob. Mcx., i. 545.
3 Bustamante states that he was over 80. Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 250. Ala-
man says, 'era un anciano de mas de setenta aiios.' Hist. Mcj., i. 279. But
as he entered his military career in 1742, the former's statement must be
nearer the truth. He was unable from his infirmities to sign documents, and
was compelled to use a stamp. Disposic. V arias, i. f. 134.
*Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 280.
5 ' Vio su exaltacion como un gran beneficio, y en los oidores unos pro-
tectores, cuyo titulo no les negaba en sus contestuciones secretas. ' Bustamante,
ut cit.
6 ' Era todo de ellos, y haciaprecisamenteloque le mandaba Aguirre, capa-
taz de la Andiencia.' 76. ' Pero este era el hombre que convenia al Acuerdo
y a sus miras.' Mora, Mcj. y sus Rev., iii. 347.
DISBANDMENT OF THE CHAQUETAS. 69
an order was issued that the inhabitants of the capi
tal, in token of their loyalty, should wear on their
persons a badge bearing his name. 7 The tribunal del
consulado . was instructed to communicate the same
order to all corporations within the jurisdiction of
that court. 8 The first important step which the new
government took in order to insure its stability was
the reorganization of the army. Neither the vol
unteers of Fernando VII. nor the forces at Jalapa
were regarded as supports free from objection. The
party from which the former were drawn seemed to
expect their own political views adopted in the new
order of affairs which they had created, and the
oidores feared that the freedom of their own action
would thereby be impeded. Accordingly the chaque-
tas were disbanded by Garibay, who would no longer
detain such loyal and self-denying persons from their
commercial occupations. He thanked them in the
name of Fernando for their patriotism, for the ever
memorable services they had rendered, and informed
them that he should not fail to place a memorial of
their merits at th>: feet of his majesty. 9 In breaking
up the encampment at Jalapa the oidores were in
fluenced by still more forcible reasons. The regiments
which composed the army stationed there were drawn
from the different provinces, and the ranks filled by
Mexicans, whose loyalty could not be safely relied
upon if the flag of independence should be raised.
Orders were therefore issued that each corps should
return to its respective district; the reason assigned
being that, in view of the alliance which had been
formed between Spain and England, 10 the concentra
tion of so large a force for defence was no longer nec
essary. It was further urged that the government,
7 Gaz. deMex., xv. 687. Many persons had gold medals made, and wore
them on their coat collars. Alainan possessed a collection of them, and states
that they were of poor workmanship. Hist. Afej., i. 282.
8 Gaz. de Mcx., xv. G99.
9 Id., 804. The order was given on the 15th of October. Hernandez y Da-
valos, Col. Doc., i. G1G-17.
10 England had made peace with Spain in July 1808.
70 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
in its efforts to send pecuniary aid to the peninsula,
could not afford the expense of maintaining a stand
ing army. 11 A regiment of grenadiers was organized,
and this with the dragoons of Mexico constituted the
military force in the capital.
During Garibay's rule the revolutionary tendency
advanced apace. Secret meetings were held at pri
vate houses. 12 A society known as the Racionales
Caballeros was organized at Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and
Mexico, which by its machinations greatly aided the
cause of independence. 13 Further than this, the secret
agents of Joseph Bonaparte were actively at work
inciting the inhabitants to rebellion. 14
o
11 Manuel Abad y Queipo condemns this action of Garibay, stating that he
did so 'por habcr entendido quo, entre algunos oiicialcs se hablaba con lib-
ertad sobre independencia, y por remediar este mal. . .incurrio en otro mayor,
que fue" poner en contacto a los rnilicianos con sus vecinos, sus parientes y
amigos, en que es imposible que el contacto de los unos deje do contauiinarse
con los otros. ' The bishop says that he ought to have punished these free-
spoken officers, and placed others in command who could have been relied
upon. Inform?, dirig. alrey., in Zamacois, Hi$t. -3/e/., ix. 8678.
12 A prominent personage now was the marques de Rayas, who was a
stanch adherent of Iturrigaray, and espoused the cause of independence
after his fall. The proofs of disloyalty against him were so strong that he
w r as sent prisoner to Spain, but was detained at Vera Cruz by sickness. In
1821 he returned to Mexico. Refutac. Artie, de Fondo, 19-21.
13 Their mode of operation was to work on the government so to act as to
foment discontent. The efforts of this society were particularly successful
with Viceroy Iturrigaray, according to Queipo, who states that by flattery
and cajoling they so influenced him that ' lo hizo titubear en la fidelidad de
tal modo, que su conducta ambigua hizo creer d los sediciosos que estaba de-
cidido en su favor, y con esto arrojaron la mascara y atacaron cara descubi-
erta los derechos de la monarquia.' Informe dirlg. al rcy., in Zctmacois, Hist.
Mcj., ix. 802.
14 'Pcro no olvidando tampoco Napoleon el objeto interesante de las Ame'-
ricas, envi6 comisionados d, seducir y comprar los virreyes, gobernadores y
demas personas que por la fuerza 6 por su influxo pudiesen clominar el pue
blo.' 6'2. de Mcx., xv. 933. In August 1808, among other seditious papers
seized at Vera Cruz was a despatch from Champani, the French minister
of foreign affairs, officially recommending a system of operations to pro
mote rebellion. Arrillaya, Informe, in Ce;iulario, iv. f. 59, no. 1. The same
year General Octaviano d'Alvimar, having been authorized to expend large
sums of money with this object, entered Mexican territory from the U. 8.
He was arrested at Nacodoches, in Texas, in August 1808, and proceedings
were instituted against him as an agent of Napoleon. Garibay sent him
prisoner to ISpain in 1809, and after the independence D'Alvimar attempted
to recover damages for his imprisonment and loss of personal effects. Gaz. de
Jlex., ut sup.; L'iwra, Gob. de Mcx., i. 549; fiwtamantp, in Caro, Trex Sighs,
iii. 259-01. D'Alvimar, while being conducted to the capital, passed through
Dolores, and had several interviews with Hidalgo, whom he earnestly en
couraged, it is asserted, in revolutionary designs. Diaz ('alvitlo. Sermon,
107-8. Hidalgo, however, at his trial asserted that his conversations with
PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION". 71
Lampoons and scurrilous pasquinades were posted
on the walls; insulting caricatures of the leading mem
bers of the government and loyalist party disfigured
the public buildings; and seditious sheets in print
were scattered on the floors of the cathedral and
churches. 15 The image of his majesty, moreover, was
grossly disfigured on the coinage/ 6 and the supreme
junta of Spain ridiculed. And all these seeds of
insurrection were so secretly and warily sown that
no efforts of the government were effective in sup-
D'Alvirnar had no political significance. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 359-60.
Monsieur Desmolard was Joseph Bonaparte's agent at Baltimore, and the
French usurper issued instructions to him which disclosed the plan to excite
revolt in Spanish America. The main points were to declare to the Creoles
that his imperial majesty had solely in view to give liberty to Spanish Amer
ica, the only return expected being the friendship of the people and com
merce with the country. To effect their independence, his majesty offered
all necessary troops and stores. The emissaries were further instructed to
point out the advantages which would accrue by suspending the heavy re
mittances to Spain, and by the acquirement of freedom from commercial and
agricultural restrictions. The good-will of the ecclesiastics especially was
to be gained, with the object that at the confessional they should urge the
necessity of independence. The injustice to which the Creoles were subject
in the disposal of public appointments was to be dwelt upon. At the same
time the agents were to be careful not to declaim against the inquisition or
the church, and on the insurrectional standards the motto 'Viva la Religion
catolica, apostolica y romana! Perezca el mal gobierno!' was to be inscribed.
The servants of governors and high officials were to be won over, and sub-
agents were to keep the principal agents duly informed of the progress made,
and these in turn were to communicate with Joseph Bonaparte's envoy in
the U. S. A copy of these instructions was found in Caracas, in the office
of the secretary to the suprema junta, and forwarded by the junta to the
English admiral at the Barbadoes station. Rev. in Span. Amer., 80-7; Wal
ton's Espost, app. 2-7; Calvo, Annales Hist., i. 43-5. The Spanish govern
ment warned the colonial authorities of Bonaparte's machinations. A royal
address, dated May 10, 1809, exhorting the inhabitants of New Spain to main
tain their loyalty, and be on guard against French intrigues, says ' para que
haciendolo publico,' that is, the address, 'en esos Dominios se precavan sus
naturales de las impresiones siniestras que podrian causarles las maquinacioncs
d intriguas que iiuestros feroces enemigos emplean ahora con mas arte que
nunca.' Disposic. Varias, i. f. 141. Garibay on April 18, 1809, published a
proclamation forbidding the landing of Frenchmen at the ports, whether
they had passports or not. All French settlers also were ordered to appear
within eight days before the alcaldes, by whom they were examined. If sus
picion attached to any of them, such were to be imprisoned. Gaz. de Mex. ,
xvi. 337-40.
15 On the 6th of October, 1808, Garibay published a decree with the object
of suppressing these papers. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 608-9.
16 Garibay on the 19th of May, 1809, issued a proclamation offering 2,000
pesos for the discovery of the mutilators of the coins. Ho says: 'Prctenden
ven gar el mal dxito de sus maquinaciones en el real busto de las monedas, de
las que han llegado a mis manos varias piezas senaladas cle modos diferentes,
todos enormemente ofensivos a la magestad, y en odio de la dinastia rey~
nante.' Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 423.
72 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
pressing the hostile demonstrations. In vain the use
and sale of hand printing-presses were prohibited/ 7
and in vain rewards were offered for the detection of
the authors of these treasonable acts.
In April 1809 news of reverses sustained by Span
ish arms in the peninsula reached Mexico, and Gari-
bay issued a proclamation on the 20th, 18 exhorting the
public to show their loyalty by contributions in aid of
the mother country, by sentiments expressing a closer
union in mind and heart, 19 and above .all, by refusing
to be influenced by the secret operations of those
who were endeavoring to seduce them from their al
legiance. But this proclamation had no effect in
arresting the steady advance of the revolutionary
party. Its adherents were jubilant, and did not re
frain from openly expressing their joy at the news.
They greeted with delight the intelligence of disas
ters suffered by the Spanish forces; and while they
exaggerated their defeats, they underrated and derided
the advantages which they gained.
Day by day the government was losing its influ
ence over the public mind, and becoming more and
more an object of ridicule on the part of the disaf
fected. In the hope of changing the current, Gari-
bay, or rather his advisers, established a junta con-
sultiva, composed of three oidores, before which all
cases of treason were to be tried instead of in the
criminal court. This tribunal was formed in June
17 On the 27th of April, 1809, the viceroy published a proclamation order
ing that all such presses should be delivered up to the judge of the tribunal
de la Acordada within three days. Diario de Max., x. 508. Yet on the 20th
of May following he found it necessary to offer a reward of 2,000 pesos for
the discovery of the persons who had scattered treasonable sheets in the
churches during holy week. Gaz. de Mcx. , ut cit. These sheets \vere di
rected against the Spanish junta central, and invited the people to assert their
independence. The junta central of Spain was recognized by the viceroy by
decree of March 16, 1809. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Cot. Doc., i. 680-3.
18 Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 365-8.
9 ' Olvidad descle ahora para siempre esos apodos de cri olios y gachupines,
de que haceis una aplicacion odiosa 6 ideal, supuesto que todoa los miembros
de una nacion no deben ser conocidos sino por el nombre mismo que lleva la
nacion de que son parte: ademas de que es tan ridiculo como absurdo hacer
inerito de una cosa que no esta en nuestra mano: es decir de nacer aqui 6 del
lado- de alia del mar.' Id., 368.
AX AZTEC MONARCH. 73
1809, and some arrests were made, but instead of
tending toward suppressing sedition, its creation was
turned to advantage by the independents, and sup
plied additional means of fomenting discontent. The
innovation made by transferring the prerogatives of
the sala del critnen to an extraordinary court arbi
trarily established, and employing a great number of
spies, was seized upon as an illustration of despotism,
on the part of the government. A rumor was spread
that the prisons were crowded with innocent victims;
households were filled with fear of arrests, and the
public were taught to believe that the mere suspicion
of free opinions being entertained by a man was suffi
cient to cause his being sent prisoner to Spain. 20
Outward demonstrations were, it is true, for the time
suppressed; but none the less did the cause of indepen
dence gain ground under the more cautious and se
cret operations of its promoters.
Illustrative not alone of the anomalous position in
which New Spain stood with regard to the mother
country during this period, but also of the unsettled
and somewhat incongruous ideas as to government
and succession, was a claim in 1808 of an Indian to
the throne of Mexico. This personage alleged that
he was a descendant of the emperor Montezuma,
and maintained that in view of the downfall of the
Spanish monarchy he had a right to the crown of the
Aztec royal line. Had the native population been as
well prepared for revolt as they were two years later,
such a claim might have caused much alarm, and
probably bloodshed. As it was, ridicule was the
20 Alaman attempted to trace the grounds for these reports, but could only
discover the names of the following persons arrested : The Franciscan padre
Sugasti, the silversmith Jose Luis Alconedo, charged with making a crown
for Iturrigaray, the escribano Peimbert, Antonio Calleja, the cura Palacios,
and the licentiates Vicente Acuna and Julian Castillejos, 'todos acusados
y muchos convencidos de ser autores de papeles 6 maquinaciones sediciosas. ' Id.
Compare Bustamante, in L'avo, Tre.s Siylos, iii. 253. Negrete agrees with Busta-
mante's statement that the jails were filled with prisoners. Hex. Stylo XIX.,
i. 181.
74 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
only weapon employed, and the pretender came to be
regarded by many as a madman.' 21
On the 13th of March, 1809, the English brig
Sapplio arrived at Vera Cruz from Rio Janeiro, bear
ing despatches from the infanta Dona Maria Carlota
Joaquina, the sister of Fernando, The letter was
addressed to the viceroy, audiencias, governors, and
municipalities of New Spain, and contained her wishes
and expectations that her son, the infante Don Pedro,
would be received and acknowledged . as regent and
lieutenant of the king. Such pretensions caused the
viceroy and audiencia much inquietude, and they en
deavored, though in vain, to keep the matter secret.
In their reply to the infanta they confined themselves
to expressions of courtesy, reporting that tranquillity
reigned in the country. 22 Not long after, the viceroy
received a letter from the junta central of Spain, in
forming him that it had become aware that Napoleon
meditated sending Carlos IV. to reign in New Spain,
with the object of creating a division in the Spanish
monarchy, 23 and instructions were given him to pro
hibit the landing of Carlos, and arrest him if he per
sisted. With the approval of the real acuerdo, the
viceroy issued the corresponding orders to the authori
ties at the ports.
21 'Los Europeos hicieron la mas alta burla de esta solicitud y su apoyo.'
His pretensions were finally crushed by a poetical burlesque, one of the lines
of which ran thus: 'Y treinta mil Indies guerreros vestidos a su usanza
esto es cencueros,' etc. Cancelada, Venlad Sabida, xx. The whole story ia
denied in Lizarza, Discurso Vind. Iturr., 1617.
22 Bustamante furnishes a copy of a portion of the infanta's despatch, the
tone of which is somewhat assuming. She thanks the members of the au
diencia and the archbishop for their zeal and wachfulness in having saved
the country; urges the viceroy to be vigilant in maintaining order and the
prosperity of the country; and wishes to be supplied with an exact account
of all notable events in the capital and kingdom, 'y si posible es de toda esa
America Septentrional.' Bustamante remarks: 'Su Alteza sin duda estaba
inuy ociosa cuando escribio dicha carta, y al tenor de ella otras muclias ; pudo
haber, ocupado el tiempo en hacer calzeta para sus hijos.' Cavo, TresSiglos, iii.
261-2. The letter is dated Rio de Janeiro, May 11, 1809.
23 Bustamante discredits any such idea on the part of Napoleon. 'La
Junta de Sevilla' he means the junta central, which had withdrawn to
Sevilla 'teniatan anchas tragaderas para engullir las mentiras mas absurdas,
como las tenia Garibay y su Cousejo de Oidores ; ' but was coniident that if
the attempt had been made Carlos would have triumphantly entered Mexico.
Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 2G2-3.
WEAK RULERS. 75
During the first six months of Garibay's rule no
formal recognition of the Spanish juntas had been
made. The decrees of the junta de Se villa had been
published and acted upon, but no oath of allegiance
to it as representative of the king was ever taken.
After the defeat of the French at Baylen, by Cas-
tanos, and their evacuation of Madrid, the juntas of
the different provinces came to an understanding, and,
the suprema junta central was installed at Aranjuez
on the 25th of September 1808. In March 1809 its
authority was recognized in Mexico, and the viceroy,
audiencia, municipality, and tribunals took the oath
of allegiance. The occasion was celebrated with sal
voes of artillery and illuminations. 24
The mental and physical incompetency of Garibay,
who possessed neither bodily activity nor intellectual
vigor, soon made it apparent to the Yermo party that
the political situation was daily becoming critical. Un
der the misrule of the oidores they observed that revo
lutionary principles were spreading instead of being
suppressed, and there were those who foresaw the
coming struggle. 25 Warnings were whispered to the
oidores, but passed unheeded, and the party which had
overthrown Iturrigaray represented the true state of
affairs to the junta central, urging the appointment of
an able and energetic viceroy without delay. By
such a measure only could the tranquillity of the coun
try be maintained. 26 The Spanish junta accordingly
2i Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 207, 205-70, 294-5; Disposlc. Varlas, i. f. 135-6; Di-
ario Mex., ix. G32. On April 5th the bishop of Oajaca delivered an oration
in support of this recognition. Id., x. 451-5.
25 Manuel Abad y Queipo in March 180D addressed the real acuerdo, urging
the necessity of augmenting the military force in order to insure internal
tranquillity and protection against invasion. With regard to the danger
threatened by the prevailing discord, he remarks in a note that at the time
when he wrote the representation 'no se podia entonces ponderareste peligro
sin aumentarlo en realidad por cuya razon solamente lo indique, en concepto
de quo esto era bastante para unos majistrados sabios e ilustrados en el asun-
to.' Represent, al Real Acuerdo, in Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. 119-26, and Col.
Escritos Import., 124-31.
2li Bustamante assisted in drawing up the ' instruccion, clamando por el
justo castigo de unos oidores revoltosos que nos iban orillando a la revolu-
cion.' Cavo, TresSlglos, iii. 204.
76 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
appointed Francisco Javier de Lizana y Beaumont,
archbishop of Mexico, to be viceroy in the place of
Garibay, whose election had riot been confirmed by
the home government, and whose elevation could not
be deemed legal. On the 19th of July Garibay sur
rendered the place, having been nominally the head
of the government for a period of ten months, but in
reality the political tool of Oidor Aguirre, who, in
some alarm at the change, requested leave to retire
from office four days previous to Lizana's installation.
Garibay returned to private life and poverty. From
the latter, however, he was relieved by the generosity
of Yermo, who made him a monthly allowance of five
hundred pesos. He was afterward decorated with
the grand cross of Carlos III., and granted a pension
often thousand pesos a year. 27 Pie died on the 17th
of July, 1815, at the age of eighty-six.
During his brief administration he exerted himself
in raising remittances for Spain, and when news of
the victory at Baylen arrived, he issued a proclama
tion, on October 4, 1808, asking for war contributions.
His call in the general enthusiasm was liberally re
sponded to, and the subscriptions, headed by the arch
bishop with 30,000 pesos, amounted to 716,346 pesos
by the end of the year. 28 A few days after its publi
cation the Spanish man-of-war San Justo arrived at
the port of Vera Cruz in command of the marques
del Real Tesoro, who had been commissioned by the
junta of Seville to obtain all the funds that could
be raised in New Spain and other American colonies.
At this time there were fourteen and a half millions
pesos in the treasury, nine millions of which, together
with two millions more contributed by wealthy indi
viduals, were at once transported to Vera Cruz for
shipment to Spain. 29
27 Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 301; Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 765.
28 By the end of June 1809 these donations reached the sum of 1,482,131
pesos. /-/., xvi. 580.
89 Eight millions were put on board the San Justo, and the remaining three
millions were shipped on two English frigates which entered the port at that
FROM BAD TO WORSE. 77
The new viceroy was no better than the old one.
Had Spain specially desired to throw away Mexico,
the appointment of Archbishop Lizana was the very
thing to do. Old, sickly, as feeble in mind as in body,
he was fitter for a hospital than for the viceregal
palace. 33 In one sense he was too good for the place.
Spain wanted there a mean man, a hypocritical, lying
trickster; one who could be false to all the world except
Spain particularly one who would be false to Mexico.
Now Lizana was none of these. He was passably
honest. He had a good heart, and a benign disposi
tion; he lacked altogether the force of will to hold
down insubordination, or regulate contending factions.
Yet it was a lucky choice for the cause of indepen
dence. The policy of such a ruler must necessarily
be timid, and his purpose vacillating. 31 Episcopal
pastorals were employed where viceregal orders should
have been presented on the point of the sword. Frank
and sincere, he had no insight into human character, 32
and he allowed himself to be entirely swayed by the
oidor Manuel de la Bodega and his cousin, the in
quisitor Alfaro, to whose charge he committed the
administration of his archiepiscopal government. Al
faro, spurred by ambition but blinded by his vanity,
soon fell into the toils of the racionales caballeros; and
Lizana, under his guidance, adopted administrative
measures which, while they excited the spirit of re
time. Alaman, Hist. M?j., i. 286. Ncgrete makes no mention of the $2,000,-
000 contributed by private subscriptions. Mex. Siylo XIX., i. 156.
30 His state of health frequently compelled him to transact the public
business in bed. Alaman, 1 1 lit. Afej., i. 303.
31 As already related, the archbishop was at first favorably disposed to the
convocation of a general congress; but alarmed at the angry disputes on the
question, he suddenly changed his opinions, and took part with the deposers
of Iturrigaray. He as quickly, however, repented of his action, ' confes6 d
la Junta Central que habia sido enganado en la separacion de Iturrigaray, y
que estaba arrepentido de haber cooperado a la ejecucion cle tan horrenda mal-
dad.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 265, also 244. Henceforth he
favored the party which had advocated the convocation of a general congress.
32 Bustamante describes him as 'eandoroso como ttno nino,'and Abad y
Queipo says: 'Este virtuoso prelado era un hombre muy sencillo, que no cono-
cia el corazon humano, ni tenia luces en materias politicas ni de gobierno.'
Informe diriy. al rey., in Zamacois* ix. 863,
78 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
bellion, conduced even more directly to the advance
ment of the intriguers' designs.
Thus led bv the craft and machinations which were
brought to bear upon his adviser, Alfaro, he entered
upon a system of opposition to the Yermo party and
the stan chest loyalists. Their dissatisfaction at his
official action was so marked that the intriguers had
no difficulty in persuading the guileless archbishop
that a plot was hatching among the gachupines to
capture or assassinate him; whereupon he fortified the
viceregal palace with artillery and increased the
guard. He placed all that portion of the city under
martial law. The patrol force w r as augmented, and
detachments were stationed at all important points.
Orders were issued that the patrols should arrest
after eleven o'clock at night all persons on whom arms
were found; and should more than six men in one party
be met, they were all to be arrested. 33 Military offi
cials of unquestionable loyalty to the mother country
were removed. Aguirre arid other prominent Span
iards were threatened with banishment, 34 and Lizana,
abhorring the Yermo party, and hoodwinked by the
racionales caballeros, who about that time were loud
in their protestations of loyalty, identified himself with
the Creole faction, which so eagerly had advocated the
convocation of a national congress. He could not see
33 Ib. A copy of this brilliant 6rden de la plaza, dated November 3, 1809,
is supplied by Martinena and JJernandez y Ddvalos, Col. JJoc., i. 715-
16. I copy the instructions given to the palace guard as indicating the extent
to which the fears of Lizana had been worked upon. 'La guardia del arzo-
bispado y casa de Moneda, no abriran las puertas principales de la calle aun
cuando oigan tiros de fusil 6 canon durante la noche, a menos que no vaya
mandarlo personalmente uno do los ayudantes de S. E. I.' Rev., Vcrdadcro
Orirjen, no. 1, 78-9. Consult Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 254. Mora, how
ever, states that a formal plot against his government and person actually
existed, the conspirators being of the Yermo faction, with Aguirre at their
head. M?j. y sus Rev., iii. 364-5.
34 Aguirre was ordered to Puebla, and it was rumored that he would be
sent to Spain. The excitement was so great that Lizana recalled him, and
Aguirre returned to the capital in triumph, 'con gran discre'dito del arzobispo,
quien con esta facilidad en dictar providencias contrarias, daba a conocer que
6 no meditaba debidamente lo que hacia, 6 que despues de hecho no tenia
firmezaparasostenerlo.' Alaman, Hist. Mej.,i. 312; Biistamante, in Cavo, Tres
Sirjlos, iii. 2G8-9.
HATH A DOG MONEY ? 79
that it was identical with the independents, and the
partiality which he displayed, far from appeasing the
spirit of discontent, only served to fan the flames by
undesigned encouragement. It was as cunning a by
play as the age can boast, and most successful withal. 35
And all the while the good old prelate was thus un
wittingly playing into the hands of independence, he
was in truth intensely loyal to Spain. Money he sent
without stint, and money was always Spain's most
chronic desire. Besides obtaining large donations, he
surrendered all the surplus funds of his ecclesiastical
revenue, and even threw in his salary. 36
On the 26th of July an Englishman, Andrew
Cochrane, arrived in Mexico, the bearer of an order
from the junta central of Spain for the sum of three
million pesos, on behalf of the British government.
The treasury was empty, and again the colonists were
asked to give, give ! 37 The viceroy appealed for a loan;
the call was answered with astonishing promptness, and
by the 7th of August $2,955,435 had been subscribed
by the commercial class and other persons of wealth.
The remainder was soon made up; and the commis
sioner, after being royally entertained, returned to his
vessel, bearing with him the three million pesos, and a
high appreciation of the wealth of Mexico 33 and the
35 Lizana was by no means a supporter of independence, except by acci
dent, and without knowing it. 'Este prelado en ningun sentido podia lla-
marse amigo de la independencia; pero testigo de los escesos cometidos en
muclios meses por los Espafioles, aprensores de Iturrigaray, habia concebido
por ellos una conocida aversion.' Mora, Mej. y sus Rev.> iii. 303.
36 ' He cedido gustosamente para las urgencias de la corona el sobrante de
mi renta episcopal; y cedo gustosisimo para el mismo efecto los sueldos del
virreynato.' Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 700.
37 Cancdada, Tel. Mex., 32. Consult also Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 619-20, 703;
Diario de Mex., xi. 119-20.
38 Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 7G1-4. Among the subscribers of large sums to the
loan, I notice the names of Antonio Bassoco, $200,000, Domingo de Acha,
$150,000, and Prior Francisco Alonso Teran and his brother Antonio, $200,000.
The total, as given by Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 36, was $3,210,435. Cochrane
was entertained with great hospitality. At Puebla he was presented with
two valuable paintings by Murillo! Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 304. This last
author states that $400,000 of the above contribution were forcibly taken
from the house of the duke of Terranova, marques del Valle, and a descend
ant of Cortes. Id. , 3056. Bustamante, however, informs us that Lizana had
received orders to confiscate the property of Terranova, who had attached
himself to the party of Joseph Bonaparte. The sum which was seized, as
80 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZ AN A.
senseless stupidity of the people in thus spending
their lives and substance to minister to the follies of
Spain's licentious and imbecile rulers.
In regard to his government, the viceroy fully be
lieved that his conciliatory policy toward the discon
tented would allay any spirit of revolt that might
exist; nevertheless, he deemed it right to carry out
the measure adopted by his predecessor for the main
tenance of public tranquillity, and on the 21st of
September, 1809, permanently established the court
initiated by Garibay, under the name of junta con-
sultiva. This court, which Lizana named the junta
de seguridad y buen orden, was composed at first of
three members of the audiencia and a fiscal, 39 and its
jurisdiction extended to all cases of French tendencies
and infidelity to the crown of Spain. 40
Hitherto the independent party had formed no con
certed plan of operation. The arguments, however,
which had been employed by the partisans of Iturri-
garay, and their opponents, suggested ideas which led
to the belief in the possibility of independence. The
former, in defending Iturrigaray's character from the
aspersion of disloyalty, urged that had he established
an independent nation, it could not long have con
tinued as such. Whether Spanish or French arms
prevailed, an invincible force would quickly be sent
against the revolted colony. Their opponents in reply
imprudently endeavored to prove that Mexico could
well sustain her independence. The force of their ar
guments was such that the more eager of the revolu-
given by this author, was 700,000 pesos. Cavo, Tres Sifjlos, iii. 2G5-6. On
March 23, 1809, the Spanish government ordered the confiscation of the prop
erty of French partisans. Gaz. Mex., xvi. 769-70; Disposic. Varies, i. f. 140.
The repayment of these loans was commenced in the following September, a
date earlier than that promised by the viceroy as the time for their liquida
tion. Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 826-7.
39 The members appointed by the viceroy were the regent of the audiencia,
Pedro Catani, the oidor Tomas Gonzalez Calderon, the alcalde del crimen of
the audiencia, Juan Collado, and the fiscal of the criminal court, Francisco
Robledo. (Jaz. de Mex., xvi. 867.
40 ' Sobre el delito de adhesion al partido frances, y sobre papeles, conver-
saciones, 6 m urmuraciones sediciosas 6 seductivas con todas sus conexiones
< incidencias.' Id., 868.
PLAN OF REVOLUTION. 81
tionists decided to act, and in September a formal plot
was laid at Valladolid in Michoacan for the overthrow
of the government. 41 The principal persons in the
scheme were Jose Maria Obeso, captain of the militia
regiment of Valladolid; a Franciscan friar, Vicente
de Santa Maria; Manuel Ruiz de Chavez, cura of
Huango; Jose Mariano de Michelena, lieutenant of
the Spanish infantry, and at this time engaged at Va
lladolid in recruiting for his regiment; his brother, the
licentiate Jose Nicolas Michelena; Mariano Quevedo,
lieutenant of the regiment of New Spain, also present
on recruiting business ; and the licentiate Soto Saldafia.
These and some others met and discussed a plan of
action. With great caution they endeavored to ^con
fine discussion to two questions: whether they would
be able successfully to resist the French in case Spain
succumbed, and thereby preserve the dominion for
Fernando; and whether, such being their object, they
ought to maintain their ground if opposed. Adher
ents to the cause were despatched to Piitzcuaro,
Queretaro, Zitacuaro, and other places to promulgate
the scheme; and by the middle of December their
operations had been so successful, that the 21st of that
month was appointed as the day on which to raise the
standard of revolt; their intention being first to seize
the asesor of the intendencia, Jose Alonso de Teran,
and the comandant Lejarza, and then proclaim the
revolution in the intendencia of Guanajuato. The
regiment of native infantry, commanded by Obeso,
could be relied upon, as also the detachments with
Michelena and Quevedo; and it was confidently ex
pected that with the promise of release from the pay
ment of tribute, eighteen or twenty thousand Indians
would immediately join their standard. Hitherto the
plans of the reA^olutionists had been conducted with
such caution that the government officials appear to
have been wholly unaware of the movement; but on the
41 See Michelena's account of the influence which these arguments had upon
in
G
the independent party. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 5.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. '
82 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
14th of December Francisco de la Concha, cura of the
cathedral parish, warned Teran of the impending dan
ger. One of the revolutionists, Luis Correa, had com
municated particulars of the scheme to the cura of
Celaya, who in turn revealed them in confidence to
Concha. Teran acted with wariness and circumspec
tion, and instead of proceeding to make arrests, was
contented for the time silently to watch the persons ac
cused. On the morning of the 21st, however, Concha
again visited him and urged the necessity of immedi
ate action ; whereupon he caused the padre Santa
Maria to be arrested. This was immediately known
by the principal revolutionists, who met to plan his
rescue, while Correa in alarm for his safety hurried to
Teran and divulged all that he knew. Summoned by
the comandante Lejarza to appear before him, the
revolutionists, deeming it prudent to obey, were made
prisoners. Soto Saldaiia, who was not with the ar
rested party, rashly attempted to rouse the native
population, but was discovered; he escaped, however,
and hid himself. 42
Teran now proceeded to prosecute the accused with
activity, and with a vigor which eventually was the
cause of his assassination. 43 But the viceroy, more
inclined to mercy, and believing that severity would
only fan the revolutionary flame, listened to the rep
resentations made to him in favor of the prisoners. 44
He ordered in January following the proceedings to
42 This account has been mainly derived from Michelena's narrative, sup
plied by him to Bustamante, a copy of which is furnished by that author in
his work Cuadro Hist., i. 12-16. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 314-17, has also been
consulted, and his version of the denunciation been adopted.
43 His severity 'le atrajo el 6dio publico, por lo que en la revolucion del
ano 1810 fu4 cruelmente asesinado. ' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sirjlos, iii. 268.
44 Bustamante, counsel for the accused, pleaded for them personally with
Lizana. ' El oidor Aguirre, ' he said, ' opina que el dia que se ahorque el primer
insurgente, Espaua debe perder la esperanza de conservar esta America.'
'Yo soy de la inisma opinion,' replied the viceroy, 'vuya V. seguro de que
mandare sobreseer en esta causa.' Cuadro Hist., i. 17. Abaci y Queipo re
presented to Lizana that 'cste primer movimiento se debia tratar, 6 con
munho vigor, 6 con muohoindulgencia,' but remarks, 'Laenormidad deldelifco
exigia la enormidad de la peaa.' Informe dirig. alrey., in Zamacois, Hist.
Mcj., ix. 865-6.
ALARM IN THE CAPITAL. 83
be stopped. Obeso was sent to serve in the military
camp at San Luis Potosi, and Michelena in that at
Jalapa; the rest were released from prison, but con
fined to the limits of Valladolid and its suburbs. 45
This affair thus nipped in the bud, in spite of the
failure to prove its connection with Hidalgo's later in
surrection, was in fact the initiation of active move
ments in the revolution. The views and intentions
of the leaders had been widely spread; numbers of
their associates having escaped zealously carried on
the work, and in nine months after the failure at
Valladolid the battle-cry of freedom was raised at
Dolores.
In order to allay the excitement caused by the dis
covery of the affair at Valladolid, the viceroy, on the
22d of January, 1810, proclaimed that there was no
reason for alarm, as the late occurrences had only
arisen from a difference of opinions relative to the re
sult of affairs in Spain. He himself was wholly free
from anxiety, and the public were exhorted to rest
without dread of popular commotion. 411
45 When the revolution headed by Hidalgo broke out in September 1810,
these conspirators were again placed under arrest, and their case continued
by the junta de seguridad. No connection, however, between the Valladolid
conspiracy and that at Dolores could be proved against them, and in 1813
they were released under the pardon granted to revolutionists by tho Span
ish c6rtes on the 15th of October, 1810. Copy of decree in Dublan and Lo-
zano, L^fjis. Mex., i. 336. Michelena on the occasion of his second arrest was
treated with great severity by Viceroy Venegas, who imprisoned him in the
fortress of Ulua. There he was cruelly dealt with, though suffering from
rheumatism, and was finally shipped in a helpless condition to Spain where
he served as a captain in the regiment of Burgos. Padre Santa Maria hav
ing escaped from the convent of S. Diego where he had been confined, died
of fever at Acapulco, whither he had gone to join Morclos, who was besieging
the castle. Obeso died soon afterward, having been imprisoned for more thau
two years. Few of these early patriots lived to see the day of independence.
Michelena says: 'Casi todos murieron ysolo vimos realizada la independencia
D. Antonio Cumplido, D. Antonio Castro, D. Jose" Maria Izazaga, D. Jose"
Maria Abarca, D. Lorenzo Carrillo, yo, y no s6 si alguno otro.' JJustamante,
Cnad. Hitf,, i. 16. The same authority states that both Allende and Aba-
solo, so conspicuous at a later date as leaders in the revolution, were con
nected with this affair. Bustamante is of opinion that Iturbide was the
informer, offended at not being given a high command by the revolutionists
whose meetings he attended. Alaman, however, advances arguments to dis
prove this. Hint. Mej., i. 317-19.
46 'Y pucs vuestro virey estd tranquilo, vivid vosotros tambien seguroa.'
Mex. Proc. del Virey, 12.
84 VICEROYS GAEIBAY AND LIZANA.
While thus blindly affording every encouragement
to rebellion at home, Lizana took great precaution
against the less imminent danger of foreign invasion.
Out of the scattered companies formed by Iturrigaray
in various towns, he organized battalions; 47 the regi
ment of Yera Cruz was increased, and arms were or
dered to be purchased in London and the United
States. In the exhausted condition of the treasury,
the viceroy once more appealed for money to pay for
these weapons, and considerable sums were contrib
uted. A cannon foundry was established in the
capital, Francisco Dimas Rangel engaging to furnish
the government weekly with one piece of artillery.
The cost of the establishment was $8,000, which
amount was contributed by the dean and chapter of
Valladolid. 48
Meanwhile disaster attended the Spanish arms!
After the battle of Talavera, Wellington had retired
into Portugal, leaving the Spaniards to cope with
the French as best they could; and Venegas, the fu
ture viceroy of New Spain, rashly giving battle at
Almonacid was routed on the 9th of August, 1809.
Then followed the defeat at Osana, and the retirement
of the junta central from Seville to the island of Leon.
The unpopularity of the junta was so great, however,
that the members recognized the necessity of dissolv
ing, and their last official act was the creation, on the
O *
29th of January, 1810, of a regency composed of five
members, the bishop of Orense, Pedro de Quevedo y
Quintano, who had firmly opposed the projects of
Napoleon at the congress of Bayonne; Francisco de
Saavedra, president of the junta de Se villa; Fran-
47 This was the origin of the battalions of Tula, Cuautitlan, Tulaucingo,
and others. Alaman, Hist. Alej., i. 321.
**Gaz. de. Mex. t 1310, i. 247-8; Diario, Mex., xii. 535-6. The celebrated
sculptor Manuel Tolsa was also engaged at this time in casting 100 cannon at
the expense of the tribunal de mincria, the cost of which was ...00,003. These
cannon as already mentioned had been offered l>y that tribunal to Iturrigaray,
and Tolsa commenced work at the close of Garibay's administration. Ataman,
Hint. Mcj., i. 300, 321.
AFFAIRS IN SPAIN. 85
cisco Javier Castaiio, the victor at Baylen; Antonio
de Escano, a distinguished naval officer; and Fernan
dez de Leon, a member of the council of the Indies.
On the 14th of February this change in the gov
ernment was communicated to the viceroy of New
Spain, and on the 7th of May following the oath of
allegiance to the regency was taken by Lizana and
all the royal officials, the occasion being celebrated for
three days in the usual manner. 49 In the same decree
by which the junta central appointed the regency, it
was ordered that the members, when they took the
oath of office, should also swear to convoke the c6rtes
at the earliest opportunity. As the American colonies
were for the first time represented in the cdrtes when
they finally assembled, it will be necessary to give
some account of the admission of colonial deputies into
the legislature.
The critical position of Spain at the close of 1808
induced the junta central which had been compelled
to withdraw from Aranjuez to Seville to consider
by what means it might hope to secure the fidelity of
the colonies. To admit them to a share in the national
government appeared the most pacifying offer; and on
the 22d of January, 1809, a decree was passed recog
nizing the Spanish dominions in America as no longer
colonies but an integral part of the nation, 50 and de
claring their right to representation in the Spanish
cortes. It is then ordered that the viceroys of New
Spain, Peru, New Granada, Buenos Aires, and the
captain-generals of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Chile, Vene
zuela, and the Philippines proceed to the election of
one deputy for each of those dominions. 51 On the
* 9 Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 2; Diario de Mex., xii. 511-12; Gaz. de Mex.,
1810, i. 378-84, The oath was also ordered to be taken in all other places of
the kingdom. New Spain was the only Spanish colony which recognized
the consejode regencia. Rivera, Hist. Jal., i. 273.
50 Considerando que los vastos y preciosos dominios que Espana posee en
las Indias no son propiamente colonias 6 factorias como los de otros naciones,
sine una parte esencial 6 integrante de la monarquia Espaiiola.' Gaz. de Mex.,
xvi. 326.
51 New Granada expostulated against this small concession, and Mier y
Guerra comments upon such inadequate representation in the cortes, which
86 VICEROYS GAUIBAY AND LIZANA.
14th of April following, this regulation was pro
claimed by Viceroy Garibay; but the concession had
been granted grudgingly and under the pressure of
circumstances, and the junta central was in no haste
to see the cortes assembled. Although on the 22d
of May following it proclaimed the establishment
of the old form of representation, and convoked the
cortes to meet on March 1, 1810, it took no prepara
tory steps for such an event. 52
When, however, the junta central was compelled to
resign the affairs of the nation to the care of a re
gency, it required the new government, as already
narrated, to convoke the cortes at the earliest oppor
tunity. This could not be immediately accomplished,
since there were difficulties which rendered it no easy
matter to readopt the ancient mode of government,
and assemble in one congressional body the cortes of
the various kingdoms of Spain. While these king
doms respectively retained their cortes, the general
assembly of them for purposes of government had
during the dynasty of the Bourbons been neglected,
and they were seldom convoked except to do homage,
or sanction a succession to the crown. The cortes
formerly had been composed of three classes repre
senting the nobility, church, and burghers; and the
would be composed of 36 European members, 9 American, and one from the
Philippines. Rev. de N. Esp., i. 253, ii. 638-9. The election of an American
deputy was to be thus conducted : The ayuntamiento of the capital town in
each province of a viceregal kingdom was to nominate three competent persons,
one of whom was then to be elected by casting lots as the representative
of his province. When all such representatives were elected, the viceroy and
real acuerdo wefe to select by vote three of them, from whom the deputy to
Spain was finally appointed by lot. Gaz. de Mex. , xvi. 325-8. In New Spain
the ayuntamientos which sent up candidates to Mexico were those of Puebla,
Vera Cruz, Me"rida de Yucatan, Oajaca, Valladolid, Guanajuato, San Luis
Potosi, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, Tabasco, Queretaro, Tlascala, Nuevo Leon,
and Nuevo Santander. Id., 1810, i. 420.
62 This decree was published in Mexico on the 14th of August, 1809. Di*-
pos. Varias, i. f. 139; Interfer. Brit. Gov., MS., in Mayer MS., no. 27, p. 2.
On the 4th of October the deputy for New Spain was appointed, the lots
having decided the election in favor of Miguel Lardizabal, a Creole of Tlas
cala resident in Spain. Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 901 (Gaz. Ex.); Alaman, Hist.
Mej., i. 308. He was afterward appointed member of the regency for the
American colonies in place of Fernandez de Leon, who suffered from ill
health. BustamanteinCavo, Trcs Slylos, iii. 269; Cortes, Diario, 1810, i. 8.
AMERICAN REPRESENTATION. 87
junta central bad decided that the cortes convoked by
them on the 22d of May should be divided into two
houses, the one formed by the deputies popularly
elected, and the other by the church and nobility.
Just before its dissolution 53 it modified its former de
cree relative to American representation, and for the
speedy assembly of the cortes ordered that forty sub
stitutes should be selected by lot from the number of
American Creoles resident in Spain, out of which num
ber twenty-six were to be finally elected to the cortes,
also by lot. This decree was not published, however,
and the regency being in no greater haste to assemble
the cortes than the junta central had been, published
one on the 14th of February, 1810, ordering the elec
tion of American deputies to be proceeded with, and
extending their number to representation of each dis
trict, 54 instead of each dominion. But this increase
was virtually no nearer an approach to equality in
representation than the first concession had been, since
the number of Spanish deputies was proportionately
increased, by allowing a member for each fifty thou
sand souls. In fact, though both the junta central
and the regency acknowledged equality of rights,
they could not admit Creoles to be represented in con
gress in the same ratio as the inhabitants of the pe
ninsula. The unjust disparity again caused dissatis
faction in the colonies, which was still further excited
by an order of the 28th of June limiting the total
number of American representatives to twenty-eight,
without designating how many should pertain to each
province. The consequence was that in some districts
no elections were held, while in other cases the for-
53 On the 31st of January 1810, Ataman, Hist. Mej., i. 334. The regency
was installed on the 2d of February. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 380.
4 ' Estos diputados seran uno por cada capital cabeza de partido de estas
diferentes provincias.' Id., 419. The decree was published in Mexico on the
16th of May following, and no less than 17 deputies elected, representing
Mexico, Guadalajara, Valladolid, Puebla, Veracruz, Me"rida, Guanajuato,
San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Tabasco, Queretaro, Tlascala, Nuevo Leon, Oajaca,
Sonora, Durango, and Coahuila. They were all natives of the districts in
which they were elected with one exception, and were nearly all ecclesias
tics. For a list of their names see Alaman, Hist Mej., i. app. 49-50.
88 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
mally elected deputies declined going to Spain in the
expectation that some new order would exclude them
from the cortes on their arrival.
Such treatment of the colonies did not tend to pro
mote more loyal feelings toward the mother country, 55
in spite of the regency's proclamation that Spanish
Americans were raised to the dignity of free men, and
the extraordinary admission that hitherto they had
been crushed by an oppressive yoke, regarded without
consideration, and made the victims of avarice. 56
Eventually on the 24th of September, 1810, without
waiting for the arrival of the American deputies, the
c6rtes were installed in the theatre of the island of
Leon, and in the list of members I find New Spain
represented by seven substitutes. 57 But it is time to
consider how affairs were progressing meanwhile in
that country, and narrate the events which immedi
ately preceded the revolution of independence.
Great as had been the sums of money contributed
by the inhabitants of New Spain in the form of
loans and donations for the support of the mother
country, they seemed only to encourage further de
mands. On the 12th of March, 1809, the junta cen
tral issued a royal cedula for the negotiation of a loan
, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., ii. 640. The regency had been stimulated to
action by the representations of some provincial juntas which had assembled
iu Cadiz; and on the 18th of June a decree was issued to hasten the appoint-
ment of deputies, who were to meet in the island of Leon during the month
of August, and hold sessions as soon as a sufficient number had assembled.
Those provinces of Spain which were occupied by the French were represented
by substitutes selected from natives of such districts resident in Cadiz, while
28 substitutes for the deputies of American and Asiatic colonies who could not
arrive in time were also provided from American Creoles residing in the same
city. Ib.; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 33G; Diario de Mex., xiii. 385-6.
56 '0sveis elevados a la dignidad ' are the words used in the regency's
proclamation of the 14th of February. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 418 'de hom-
brcs libres: no sois ya los mismos que antes encorbados baxo un yugo mucho
mas duro mientras mas distantes estabais del centro del poder, mirados con
indiferencia, vexados por la codicia, y destruidos por la ignorancia.'
57 Their names were Andre's Savariego, Francisco Munilla, Jos6 Maria
Gutierrez de Teran, Jos6 Maria Couto, Salvador Samartin, Octaviano Obregon,
and Maximo Maldonado. Cortes, Diario, 1810, i. 2. By decree of August
20, 1810, Indians and Spanish-Indian offspring were made eligible to the rank
of deputies. Diario de Mex., xiii. 689.
A NEW LOAN ASKED. 89
in New Spain for twenty millions of pesos. This
demand was published in Mexico on the 9th. of August
following, at the very time when three millions were
being so cheerfully contributed to meet the order pre
sented by Cochrane. The colonists were disgusted at
old Spain's avarice. This incessant drainage of specie
was crippling commerce and impoverishing the peo
ple. They were neither able nor willing to respond. 58
A second attempt to raise this amount made in 1810
by Viceroy Venegas was equally unsuccessful. 59
In addition to the discontent thus created, and
naturally tending to independent thought and action,
the defeats sustained by the Spanish forces at the
close of 1809 still further influenced the colonists,
who now regarded the cause of the mother country
as lost. The news of these disasters was received at
Vera Cruz on the 25th of April, 1810; and so fully
convinced were the viceroy and oidores of the irre
trievable prostration of Spain by France, that in
secret sessions they discussed their future course of
action, and had already decided to invite the infanta
Dona Carlota Joaquina, previously mentioned, to as
sume the government as regent of her brother Fer
nando, 60 when intelligence of the installation of the
regency caused them to abandon their intention.
But the administration of Lizana was drawing to
a close. The commercial class, thoroughly conserva
tive in principles, and unyielding opponents of the
Creoles, was disgusted with his conciliatory system;
and informed the junta of Cd/diz, 61 composed of lead-
58 Abaci y Queipo pointed out to the viceroy the impracticability of effect
ing it, and suggested plans for the relief of the junta central by increasing
the alcabala duty two per cent, and the price of tobacco from ten reals to
twelve or even fourteen reals as the urgencies of the nation might call for.
Col. Eficritos Import., 132-48; fiivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 272; Bustamante, in
Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 2G6.
&Gaz. de Hex., 1810, i. 797-801.
60 Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 324-5, asserts that he derived this information
from manuscript notes of his brother Dr Arechederreta, who was an intimate
friend of the oidor Tomas Gonzalez Calderon, from whom Arechederreta
must have heard these particulars, which were kept very secret.
01 This junta had been established by popular demand for the protection
90 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZ ANA.
ing merchants in accord with those of Mexico, of the
direction affairs were taking under his management.
The pressure brought to bear by this junta upon the
regency caused that council to issue a decree on the
22d of February, 1810, 62 relieving the archbishop, in
consideration of his advanced a^e and failing health,
from the labors of administration, and placing the
audiencia in charge of the government until the arrival
of a new viceroy. Lizana immediately obeyed the
command, and on the 8th of May following surrendered
the viceregal power to the audiencia, and retired to
his archiepiscopal palace. 63
Though Lizana's rule tended to foster the revolu
tionary spirit, it was not owing to any infidelity on
his part, but to a mistaken principle and a childlike
trust in men. A few days before his retirement, he
issued an exhortation to loyalty, denouncing a procla
mation of Joseph Bonaparte which he publicly burned
in the principal plaza of the capital. 64 He recognized
later some of his mistakes, and endeavored with the
ecclesiastical weapons of excommunication and pasto
ral circulars to rectify the evil which he had uninten
tionally fomented. The Spanish regency decorated
Lizana with the grand cross of Carlos III., an
honor conferred upon him a few months before his
death, which occurred on the 6th of March, 18 II. 65
The removal of Lizana in no way improved matters.
There was want of harmony among the oidores ; when
unanimous accord was the only road to successful ad
ministration, the audiencia was divided into two fac
tions. The regent Catani was influenced by the same
ideas and the same advice which had so ill directed
of the city; but its influence soon became greater than that of the regency.
Id., 226-7; Junta Sup. de Cadiz, d la Amer. Esp., 3.
62 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 21.
Gaz. de Hex., 1810, i. 391-2.
^Prodama del Arzob. Virey, 24 de Abril de 1810; Bustamante, in Cavo,
TresSiglos, iii. 272; Diario de Mex., xii. 674; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., ii. 28-32.
6 *Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 206-13.
RULE OF THE AUDIENCIA. 91
the archbishop, and was, moreover, at enmity with
the oidor decano Aguirre. These members were the
heads of the two parties, Aguirre being recognized as
the enemy of the Creoles and Catani as their supporter.
On the 9th of May the audiencia organized its gov
ernment, by declaring that to it as a body pertained
the superior administration and the captain-general
ship of the kingdom, while Regent Catarii wa.s in
vested with the presidency and superintendence of the
royal treasury. The oidores Blaya and Calderon,
in view of their increased duties, were removed from
the junta de seguridad, and their places supplied by
the governor and the two eldest alcaldes of the crim
inal court. The ordinary business in the different
departments of the government was to be despatched
by respective oidores commissioned for the purpose; a
council of military chiefs was to supply all necessary
information and advice relative to the condition of
the army; and in all the more important cases of the
tribunal de la Acordada the regent was to be con
sulted and his approval obtained for the execution
of the heavier sentences. 68
During the administration of the audiencia, exhibi
tions of natural phenomena occurred, presaging dis
aster. On the 20th of May, the church of Nuestra
Senora de los Remedies was struck by lightning; and
a great portion of the edifice being destroyed, it was
found necessary to remove to the cathedral the sacred
image, which was greatly venerated by the native
Mexicans. It was afterward borne in solemn proces
sion to the different churches of the capital, and the
demonstrations of devotion were noticed as being ex
traordinarily earnest. When on the 10th of August
the image was returned to its sanctuary, it was accom
panied by an immense concourse, who in tears chanted
prayers for divine protection. 67 But in the night
de Mex., 1810, i. 411-13.
6T Bustamante, who was an eye-witness of these religious observances,
92 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
which preceded this auspicious day, a furious hurri
cane had spread desolation in Acapulco, no less than
124 houses being torn down, while orchards and plan
tations were destroyed. On the 18th Vera Cruz was
visited by a terrible storm which wrecked and dam
aged much shipping. 63
The discord in the audiencia was favorable to the
development of revolution. Apart from the absence
of secrecy which want of unity naturally entailed, the
annoyance which each party experienced by the oppo
sition of the other created a feeling of indifference,
and a consciousness that efforts to arrest the public
will would be unavailing. Consequently apathy and
toleration marked the sluggish proceedings of the au
diencia, affording an unwonted freedom of discussion
on political topics. The spirit of revolt was further
aggravated at this time by the unjust illiberality dis
played by the regency in the matter of colonial rep
resentation at the forthcoming congress of the cortes.
If the mother country in her apparent death agony
refused to do justice to her American colonies which
in the past had so loyally aided her, and in which she
seemed to rest her only hope for the future no relief
from her oppression could be expected in case her
arms triumphed. 69 Moreover, the continued procla
mations of Joseph Bonaparte, and seditious papers
issued by his agents, gave additional impetus in the
direction of independence. 70
wrote a detailed account of them bearing the title : Memoria piadosa que re-
cordard d la posteridad, la piedad de (os Mexicanos manifestada en la venida
de Ntra Sra de los Remedies, y contiene dos paries. Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 274-5.
Gz. de Mex., 1810, i. 686-7.
Mora, Mej. y mis Rev., iii. 372-4.
70 Bonaparte in 1809 openly announced: 'Qne era ya llegado el tiempo de
cjue las Americas espauoles quedasen independientes, y que el gobierno fran
cos no se opondria a este paso necesario.' Mora, Mej. y sits Rev., iii. 368.
The inquisition in vain attempted to suppress the circulation of such sheets.
In the months of April, June, and September, 1810, it published proclama
tions against King Joseph, and under threats of excommunication ordered all
papers of the kind to be delivered up that they might be publicly burnt by
the executioner. Diario Mex., xii. 463-8; Dispos. Varias, iii. f. 153, vi. f.
58, 60. French emissaries were a constant source of alarm, and measures to
VICEROY VENEGAS. 93
On the 25th of August, 1810, the frigate Atocha
dropped anchor in the port of Vera Cruz. The ves
sel brought to the shores of New Spain her fifty-
ninth viceroy, Francisco Javier de Venegas, knight
of the order of Calatrava. 71 Venegas was in no haste
to reach the seat of his government, but journeying
slowly from Vera Cruz to the capital, made himself
conversant with the state of affairs, and formed
friendly relations with persons whose services he con
sidered useful. For Campillo, the bishop of Puebla,
and Flon, the intendente of that city, he contracted a
sincere attachment. On the 13th of September the
audiericia surrendered the government to him at
Guadalupe, and on the following day he made his
public entry into the capital with the customary
pomp and ceremonies.
Venegas, who had retired from the army with the
rank of lieutenant-colonel, returned to active service
in 1808, on the invasion of Spain by the French, and
won distinction in the memorable battle of Baylen.
Henceforth his promotion was rapid, and he soon
obtained the grade of lieutenant-general. Although
he suffered defeat at Almonacid 72 by imprudent self-
confidence, he enjoyed a high reputation in New
Spain as a courageous military chief. Birstamante,
in somewhat disparaging and ill-measured language,
thus describes his personal , appearance : "Tall and
robust of frame, the expression of his countenance
was sour, and his glance angry and threatening; his
lips were thick, and his head, which he held inclined
prevent their operations and destroy their influence were taken both in Spain
and Mexico. For copies of instructions given to these agents, their procla
mations, and descriptions of their intrigues, consult Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon,
153-8; Manificsto contra las Iiistruc. Emperador; Calvilio, Discurso; and
Diario Alex., xiii. 43-4.
71 For a list of his names, titles, and decorations, see Cedulario, i. f. 92,
and Dispos. Farias, ii. f. 3. In the latter document appears his rubrica.
72 Guerra states that he lost the army of the centre at the two battles of
Tarancon and Ucles, 'que di6 y perdio por su ineptitud, como consta del
Manifesto del Duque del Infantado. ' Cuesta went so far as to state that Vene
gas 'by gross ignorance, want of skill, envy, or malice, lost, perhaps forever,
the only opportunity of saving Spain.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 296.
94 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA.
over the left shoulder, was of enormous size. His
whiskers were of the same cut and shape as those of
the myrmidons of the acordada, desperadoes, and bull
fighters; and his impetuous gait was similar to that
of an ill-tempered corporal." 73 Venegas was, how
ever, honest and disinterested, an indefatigable worker,
and energetic and quick in the despatch of business.
Distrustful when in security, he was calm and self-
possessed in danger, but displayed a sanguinary and
cruel disposition. 74
On the 18th of September the new viceroy con
voked an assembly composed of the audiencia, all the
principal civil and military authorities, the dignitaries
of the church, prelates of the regular orders, the
nobility, and prominent land owners and members of
the commercial class. To this numerous attendance
a proclamation addressed by the regency to the Ameri
cans on the 5th of May was read. In it the condi
tion of Spain was set forth, and an appeal made for
still further contributions in order to continue the
war. A list also of patriotic individuals on whom had
been conferred titles of nobility and honors was also
read. A plan for the collection of donations suggested
73 His dress and personal appearance were the subject of numerous pas
quinades which were posted on the corners of the principal streets. One
quoted by Bustamante was as follows: ' De patilla, botas y pantalon, hechura
de Napoleon.' Cavo, Tres Si(jlos, iii. 277. Another which was posted on the
palace gate aggravated the viceroy to make reply. It ran thus:
' Tu cara no es de excelencia
Ni tu trage de virey,
Dios ponga tiento en tus manos
No destruyas nuestra ley.'
Venegas caused the following lines to be posted in the same place:
' Mi cara no es de excelencia,
Ni mi trage de virey,
Pero represento al rey,
Y obtengo su real potcncia.
Esta sencilla advertencia
Os hago, por lo que importe :
La ley ha de ser el norte
Que dirija mis acciones.
j Cuidado con las traiciones
Quo se ban hecho en esta Cortel*
Rivera, Gob. de Hex., i. 564.
74 Opinions with regard to the abilities of Venegas are diametrically oppo
site according as they are regarded by his friends or opponents. Abad y Queipo
describes him as a talented, learned, and upright man, Informe, in Zamacois,
Hist. Mf-j., ix. 867-8; while Zavala states that he possessed neither political
nor military talent. Rev. Hex., i. 43. Consult Adalid, Causa, MS., i. 134-6.
FURTHER DISCONTENT. 95
by the fiscals was then discussed and approved, many
of those present subscribing at once, the archbishop
heading the list with thirty thousand pesos. Among
the recipients of honors were Garibay and the arch
bishop, both of whom were decorated with the grand
cross of Carlos III., while Gabriel de Yermo, Diego
de Agreda, Sebastian de las Heras Soto, and Jose
Mariano Fagoaga were raised to the dignity of tftulos
de Castilla. 75 Other honors were conferred upon a
number of individuals corresponding to their positions
and the services rendered by them, and it was observed
that many of the recipients had been principal actors
in the deposal of Iturrigaray.
Both the demands for money and the awards of
honor were offensive to the Spanish Americans. The
appeal to them for more gold and silver in the same
breath that bestowed titles and distinctions upon
their opponents was an insult, and their indignation
drove them in still greater numbers to the ranks of
the revolutionists who were already in the field. 76 For
Hidalgo had given the signal for revolt; the grito de
Dolores was already echoing throughout the land, and
thousands were rising in arms to do battle for liberty
and the rights of man.
73 Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 764-5, 776-86; Diario de Mex., xiii. 347-8. The
titulo de Castilla was a title of nobility intermediate between those of the
grandees and hidalgos of Spain. Salvd, Nuevo Dice. , 1054. Yermo and Fagoaga
declined the honor. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 343-4.
76 The Mexican deputation to Spain stated in August 1811 that 'las gra-
cias que Ilev6 el Virey Don Francisco Venegas para los autores complices de
la faccion' carried alarm through the country. Diputac. Amer. Hep., 3.
CHAPTER V. *;
OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
1810.
DEVELOPMENT OF QUERETARO AFFAIRS IN GUANAJUATO THE TOWN OF
DOLORES ITS CURA, MIGUEL HIDALGO Y COSTILLA SECRET MEETINGS
OF REVOLUTIONISTS IGNACIO ALLENDE PLOTTING AT SAN MIGUEL-
GENERAL PLAN OF UPRISING HIDALGO'S BIOGRAPHY ARRESTS THE
CORREGIDOR IMPRISONED HlS ACQUITTAL HlS BIOGRAPHY EL GRITO
DE DOLORES HIDALGO MARCHES TO SAN MIGUEL A TUMULTUOUS
ARRAY THE SACRED BANNER SUCCESS OF THE INSURGENTS AT SAN
MIGUEL PILLAGING HIDALGO PROCLAIMED CAPTAIN-GENERALHE
ENTERS CELAYA HE APPOINTS A NEW AYUNTAMIENTO.
FROM the time when Viceroy Velasco made grants
of town lots arid agricultural lands to settlers in Quere-
taro, 1 the progress of that place was rapid. Beauti
fully situated in a sheltered valley, the fertility of the
soil and the pureness of the air invited immigrants
from the capital and other populous towns Iving to
the south. In 1592 municipal books were opened,
and henceforward its prosperity was such that in 1655
Felipe IV. elevated it to the rank of city, with the
appellation of Santiago de Queretaro, and the hon
orable title of muy noble y real ciudad. A coat of
arms was also granted, significant of the miraculous
manifestation witnessed by the opposing armies in
that strange battle which was fought in 153 1. 2 The
Consult Hist. Mex., vol. ii. 544-5, this series.
2 See Id., 540-4. The arms consisted of a cross with the sun for its
pedestal and a bright star on either side. The figure of Santiago on horse
back occupies the dexter base, and a palm tree and other plants the sinister
base. The whole is surmounted by the royal arms of Castile and Leon. I
give herewith a plan of the city from Quere.taro, Orden. que para la Division.
See also Zdaa 6 Hidalgo Glorias de Quer., 2-3, containing plan of city, p. 243.
(96)
HISTORY OF QUERfiTARO. 97
position of Queretaro on the borders of the uncon
verted Chichimecs attracted at an early date the at
tention of the regular orders. The first monastic
establishment was the Franciscan convent of Santa
Cruz, the date of the founding of which is, however,
uncertain, although its origin w r as the humble her
mitage which was constructed at the time when the
O
miraculous stone cross was erected on the Sangremal.
The first convent and its church were in time re-
PLAH OF QUERETARO, 1796.
placed by larger buildings, and in 1666, when the
new edifices were completed, the convent was made
the casa de recoleccion of the pro vine ia under the
name of San Buenaventura. In 1683 it was con
verted into the apostolic college of propaganda fide,
founded by Fray Antonio Linaz de Jesus Maria
the first establishment of the kind in the Indies. 3
3 Id., 38-40. Linaz was born at Arta, in the island of Majorca, in January
1635, became a friar in 1653, and presbitero in 1659. His name, Jesus JMaria,
was derived from the convent in which he was novitiate. In 10(54 he arrived
HIST. ME*. , VOL. IV. 7
98 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
By the enthusiastic members social reforms were
introduced, which, however beneficial to the poorer
classes, grievously interfered with public and private
amusements. Balls, comedies, and public games were
discontinued; certain feasts in which bulls, Moors,
and Christians were represented in procession, were
also done away with. These festivities were so attrac
tive to the lower orders that in order to participate
in them with appropriate display they would sell their
household chattels. Another abuse corrected was the
promiscuous bathing of the sexes in the river, to the
sound of music, and midst the noise of feasting on the
banks. Henceforth the inhabitants of Queretaro
were, doubtless, a devout and moral community,
though much against their will. 4
o o
After the surrender of their convent of Santa Cruz,
the Franciscans erected what may be considered the
third monastery of the order built in Queretaro, and
which was the capitular convent of the province.
Annexed to it is a sumptuous church, which was
greatly embellished by Fray Jose de Soria, who died
in Mexico in December 1734. Within the limits of
its cemetery various other sacred edifices were erected,
among which may be mentioned the church of the
Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia, in which
the noble and the wealthy performed their devotions
and penitential vows.
in Michoacan from Spain and was elected guardian of the convent of Valla-
dolid in 1C71, and in 1074 was appointed custodio to attend the general
chapter held in Spain in 1G82. He returned in 1083 to found the colegio de
propaganda fide. Linaz fasted much, and at times fell into ecstatic trancus
while at prayer. Miraculous virtues are attributed to him, which he con
tinued to manifest after his death, which occurred at Madrid on the 29th of
June, 1093. Etpinosa, Cron. Apost., i. 93-251, 320-1, 80-4.
4 Espinosa, after describing the reforms, speaks of a citizen, who having
been absent for some time, on his return as he approached the city inquired
of one whom he met on the road what news there was in Quere" taro. ' Seuor, '
replied the man, ' Quer6taro is no more Quere"taro; some priests have come,
and no longer are there fandangos as before; sadness prevails, no harp or gui
tar is heard; there is nothing but praying and preaching, so that the place
has lost its mirth.' Id., 54-5. Consult also Arricivita, Cron. Seraf., 8-9,
34-5, 174-82, 201-6. The miraculous cross was removed from its original
site in 1701 and placed in the crucero of the church of this convent,
no*a, Cron. Apost., i. 19; Glorias de Quer., 39.
DESCRIPTION OF QUERETARO. 99
Numerous other convents added to the sanctity and
embellishment of the city, but special notice must be
taken of the convent and royal hospital of the Puri-
sima Concepcion. This hospital was founded by Diego
cle Tapia, son of Fernando de Tapia, the conqueror,
about the year 1586. The same benefactor founded
the Franciscan nunnery of Santa Clara, which was
transferred to a new site in 1633, and thither were
conveyed the same year to their final repose the
bones of the founder. Other religious establishments
were the monasteries of the Franciscan order of
barefooted friars and the barefooted Carmelites; the
Jesuit church and college of San Ignacio de Loyola
founded in 1625; the Dominican convent of San Pedro
y San Pablo; the royal college of Santa Rosa and
its magnificent church; the Capuchin, Austin, and
Carmelite nunneries, and other religious institutions.
By royal cedula of October 10, 1671, permission
was granted to the congregation of our lady of
Guadalupe founded in 1669 to erect a church in San
tiago de Queretaro; and in 1680, owing to the mu
nificence of Juan Caballero y Osio, 5 by whom the
greater part of the expenses were defrayed, the build
ing was so far advanced as to admit of its being dedi
cated. The ceremony took place on the 12th of May,
and was conducted with a solemnity and splendor
never before witnessed in the city. Visitors from all
parts of New Spain assembled on the occasion, and the
festivities which followed were continued for eight
days. The church is the most sumptuous in Quere
taro. 6
The success of the religious orders in the conver-
6 Oslo had previously proved himself a munificent benefactor by his liberal
donations to numerous religious institutions, in several instances defraying the
entire cost of the erection of chapels and convents. He was a captain of in
fantry, became alcalde mayor of Quer6taro, and was finally ordained priest.
He possessed a large fortune which he devoted to such purposes and charity.
He died in Quer6taro on the llth of April, 1707, at the age of 73, ' y fue" sepul-
tado en la Santa Casa de Loreto, dentro de una caxa de hierro, mandando poner
por epitafio solo estas breves palabras. Hcec requies mea.' Sigiienza y G6>i-
gara, Glorias de Quer., 19; fg/esias, AW., 157-8.
6 Id., 95-171; Medina, Chron., S. Diego Hex., 254; Diario, Mex., 117.
100 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
sion of the Chichi mecs was signal, and the missions
they founded in the Sierra Gorda had more effect
in reducing them to submission than the steel and
O
gunpowder of the military. In time, however, the
missions became secularized, and in 1785 only two out
of the twenty established remained under the con
trol of the friars, namely San Miguel de las Palm as,
administered by the Dominicans, and Concepcion
Soriano, or Bucareli, by the barefooted friars of San
Diego. 7
Although the Indians of Sierra Gorda were occa
sionally troublesome during the eighteenth century,
their insubordination did not interfere with the growth
of the city or the development of industrial interests.
In the architectural beauty of its churches, religious
establishments, and public buildings, Queretaro is
equal to any city in Mexico, except the capital. In,
1796 it had 272 streets with twenty-one public foun
tains and six plazas. Its length from east to west at
this date was nearly two miles and three quarters, and
its w r idth from north to south over one mile and a quar
ter. 8 The water supply of Queretaro, obtained at a dis
tance of two leagues, is conveyed into the city by its
celebrated aqueduct, a structure of singular solidity and
architectural beauty. The arches are supported on
seventy-two pillars of hewn stone, eighteen varas apart,
and twenty-seven varas high. The work was begun in
January 1726, and completed in October 1735, at an
expense of $124,800, $82,000 of which were donated
by Juan Antonio Urrutia y Arana, marques del Vi-
llar de la Aguila. 9 But the pride of the place is La
Canada, a beautiful glen penetrating for two leagues
the mountains which surround the city, and affording
views of such exquisite loveliness that no city in the
ipinart, Col. "Doc. Hex., MS., 271-3, 457-8. In 1740 the number of mis
sions was 17, ten of which were founded by Franciscans and seven by Domi
nicans. Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 260-1; Arricivita, Cron. Scrdf., 169-
71; Sigiienza y Gongara, Carta al Almir, MS., 10-11.
^Queretaio, Ordenanzaque jiarala Division.
9 For an account of the festivities held in celebration of the completion of
the aqueduct see JSavurrcte, lleiac. Peregrin., no. i. 03-163.
QUERETARO OFFICIALS. 10.1
world can surpass them, or offer suburban recreation
grounds more attractive. 10 About five leagues to the
south-east of the city are the hot mineral springs of
San Bartolome, situated about a mile from the
pueblo of that name, the medicinal properties of which
both as a beverage and for the bath have proved effi
cacious in a variety of diseases. 11 Although Queretaro
is signally exempt from epidemics and physical catas
trophes, 12 it has occasionally been visited by disasters.
The year 1786 was noticeable for the severity of a
famine which caused much suffering, and in 1806
great mortality of children occurred from an epidemic
lung disease. 13
The agricultural and manufacturing industries in
dicate great prosperity when compared with those of
larger and more populous provinces. The cotton and
woollen factories in 1793 worked up 200,000 pounds
'of the first-mentioned staple and 63,900 arrobas of
wool, equivalent to 1,597,500 pounds, affording em
ployment to three thousand operatives. The tobacco
factory also employed three thousand workmen and
women, producing annually cigars and cigarettes to
the amount of $2^200,000. 14
Such was the city of Santiago de Queretaro at the
time when the spirit of Mexican independence broke
out. The reader will recollect that Miguel Domin-
10 Navarrete says: 'Esta Canada es para Queretaro lo q^^e Aranjuez para
Madrid, Versallas para Paris, Frascati para Roma, y la Favorita para Viena. '
Relac. Peregrin., 6.
11 A full account of these springs is given by Beaumont, Trat. de la Aqua
Mineral. Mexico, 1772.
12 ' Goza el grande, raro y apreciable privilegio de que jamas se ha experi-
mentado en ella temblor alguno de tierra.' Zelaa 6 Hidalgo, Glorias de Quer.,
10.
13 Queretaro, Dos Palabras, 4-5; Diar. Mex., ii. 167.
14 Humboldt, Essai Pol, G66-9; Raso in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 198-9. In all
the manufacturing industries 9,216 persons were employed, of whom 2,700 were
women. In commercial and agricultural pursuits 2,234 persons were occupied.
From this date to 1810 an increase in industries of one fifth is observable. Id.,
200. In 1803 the population of the city was 50,000 souls. Its ayuntamiento
was composed of a corregidor, two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores, two hon
orary regidores, a procurador, syndic, and escribano mayor y de cabildo.
Glorias de Quer., 5-6.
102 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
guez had been reinstated in the office of corregidor of
Queretaro, after having been deprived of it by Itur-
rigaray. From that time forward he was a secret sup
porter of the independence party. After the collapse
of the Valladolid plot, meetings of the chief revolu
tionists were held at Queretaro in houses of the pres
byter Jose Maria Sanchez and the licentiate Parra,
The corregidor attended the assemblies at the first-
mentioned house, which passed under the name of a
literary academy, while his wife Dona Maria Josefa
Ortiz took still more earnest interest in the suc
cess of the undertaking. In Parra's house secret
meetings were held and plans of operations discussed.
Here met the principal promoters of the revolution,
the licentiates Laso and Altamirano, captains Allende
and Aldama of the queen's regiment, Joaquin Arias,
captain of the , Zelaya regiment, Francisco Lanza-
gorta, lieutenant of the dragoons of San Miguel, the
two brothers Epigmenio and Emeterio Gonzalez and
others of less note.
While these preliminary matters were in progress
in Valladolid and Queretaro, the leaven of liberty was
working in Guanajuato; and indeed to this province
may be more specially given the proud distinction of
cradle of Mexican independence. And forever famous
above all must remain the town of Dolores, situated
in the higher level of the sierra de Guanajuato, eleven
leagues from the provincial capital. Its beginning
dates from the sixteenth century, when viceroys En-
riquez and Velasco exerted themselves in uniting the
Indians in municipal communities called congrega-
ciones, Dolores receiving the name of Congregacion de
Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, and being included
in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the curato of San
Miguel el Grande. In 1717 it was elevated to the
dignity of a pueblo, and somewhat later became an
independent curacy.
As usual in places of this kind, the parish church
MANUEL HIDALGO Y COSTILLA. 103
overshadowed the other buildings, being an extensive
structure, and completed about the middle of the
eighteenth century. The exterior presented quite an
imposing appearance, the front having two towers and
an ornamented entrance. At the close of the eight
eenth century a church of the third order of San Fran
cisco was erected which, though small, was of beauti
ful design and construction. There were also several
smaller churches or chapels. In 1826 the constituent
congress of Guanajuato bestowed upon the town the
title of villa. It contained later about 9,000 inhabi
tants, while the number of those within its civil and
ecclesiastical jurisdiction was between 35,000 and 40,-
000, scattered over a territory of sixty-eight square
leagues. Agriculture constitutes the chief occupation
of the people, a few only being engaged in retail traf
fic, and in the manufacture of common woollen goods,
of 'bricks, and in tanning. The district of Dolores is
better adapted for the culture of the vine than any
other part of Guanaj uato. Though silver deposits ex
ist in many places, the mining interest is not large.
The cura of this parish was Miguel Hidalgo y Cos-
tilla, a name forever to be honored as one who gave
his life to his country, who sacrificed himself for the
right as against injustice and oppression. Past mid
dle age, as he was now approaching fifty-eight, he had
reached the period when most men are ready to lay
aside some portion of life's burdens ; yet he was about
taking upon his shoulders the most vital issues of his
country, and that before his country was ready fully
to respond to his efforts.
Rather above than below medium height, of some
what stout proportions, large lirnbs and ruddy-brown
complexion, he presented altogether a robust constitu
tion. The head was large and well modelled, bald and
shining on the top, with many brain-compelling bumps ;
hair, what there was of it, nearly white; massive
features; forehead of course high, neck slightly twisted
to the left, nose straight, lips thin, eyebrows pronri-
104 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
nent, and as usual with the cloth, face clean-shaven.
He wore at this time short black trousers and stock
ings of the same color, leathern shoes with buckles,
and a long gown with cape. His heart was kind and
sympathetic; his manner soft and winning; his voice
sonorous, vibrating, and most pleasing to the ear; and
his deportment was natural and attractive. He had
the true scholarly stoop; and in all his features, air,
and attitude a profoundly meditative expression a
fitting incarnation of a great soul bathed in settled
calm. Yet the clear, black, brilliant eyes betrayed
the activity of the mind, and through them shone the
light from the burning fires within.
It does not appear that Hidalgo attended the early
meetings of the revolutionists with regularity. In
deed, from his own statements I conclude that he
visited Queretaro only on one occasion for that
purpose, although he frequently held conversations
elsewhere with Ignacio Allende and others on the
subject of independence. 15
Allende was certainly one of the moving spirits of
the revolution ; and although his fame as a patriot has
been eclipsed by that of Hidalgo, it is only justice
that his merits and patriotism should be fully recog
nized. He was born on the 21st of January, 1779, 16
in San Miguel el Grande, his father being a Spanish
merchant and estate owner, named Domingo Narciso
de Allende. When Don Domingo died, which was
while Ignacio was of tender years, his affairs were
greatly embarrassed, and had it not been for the high
character of his executor, Domingo de Berrio, the
15 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 9. At these conferences with Allen
de, Hidalgo continually and prophetically expressed his opinion that 'the
authors of such enterprises never enjoyed the fruits of them.' Ib. Negrete,
however, states that he went several times to Quer6taro. ' Varios viajes aunque
de una manera occulta, hizo a Queretaro Hidalgo, con el objeto de f omen tar la
revolucion. ' Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX. , i. 83.
16 Copies of his baptismal certificate can be seen inLiceaga, Adlc. y E^ctific. ,
210-11, and in Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii.,app. 75-6. Liceaga, ut sup. 15, 17,
however, and Zamacois make the mistake of assigning 1769 as the year of hi3
birth.
IGXACIO ALLENDE. 105
house would have been bankrupt. The creditors,
however, were tolerant, and in some years the debts
were paid, and the means of livelihood saved to the
family. 17
Being passionately fond of dangerous sports and
martial exercises from early youth, Ignacio was con
spicuous for his boldness and skill as a horseman, and
frequently signalized himself in the bull-ring, from
which he did not always escape unharmed, being crip
pled in the left arm from injuries received there. His
strength was so great that he could hold back a bull
by the horns, 18 and he was ever ready to employ it
in defence of the weak. Before he had attained the
age of seventeen he was appointed provisionally a
lieutenant in the queen's dragoons, was confirmed in
the appointment in the following year, and in 1807
promoted to the rank of captain. He was present
with his company at the military encampment estab
lished by Iturrigaray at Jalapa, and won for himself
the marked approbation of the viceroy by his soldier
ly bearing and ability. 19 According to Mier y Guerra,
his regard for the viceroy was such that he took an
oath to avenge his deposal on the Europeans, and
thenceforth began to form a definite plan of indepen
dence. Allende was an extremely handsome man,
of engaging manners and captivating address. To
resolution he united a perseverance which never
yielded to obstacles or opposition. His daring both
in the field arid in the expression of his opinions
17 Ignacio had two brothers, Domingo and Jose" Marfa, the former dying
before the reN^olution, the latter taking no part ia it. Id., 355. There were
also three sisters, Josef a, Mariana, and Manuela. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific.,
15-16.
18 ' Era un sugeto bien educado, insinuante y fino, de tal f uerza que deteuia
un toro por las hastas. ' Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp. , i. 290. See also Zerecero,
Mem. Rev. Hex. , 27. Pedro Jose" Sotelo, an eye-witness, speaking of a bull
fight in which Allende took part, says: 'En esta corrida tore6 D. Ignacio
Allende, y lucho con un toro, con cuya accion dej6 admirados a los especta-
dores.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.
19 'Habia merecido los elogios del virey Iturrigaray, principalmeute porque
adiestrando este el ex<3rcito acantonado en las maniobras y ardides de guerra
aquel le sorprehendi6 en una noche con toda su guardia.' Guerra, Hist. Rev.
N. Esp., i. 290.
106 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
exposed him to unnecessary dangers. 20 At an early
age he entered the marriage state, and betrothed in
April 1802 Dona Maria de la Luz Agustina de las
Fuentes. 21
When the encampment at Jalapa was broken up,
at the close of 1808, Allende with all the determina
tion of his nature put his shoulder to the work. Hav
ing returned with his command to San Miguel, he
gradually associated himself with a number of con
federates 22 who were leading inhabitants of the town.
To avert suspicion and cloak their proceedings, balls
were frequently given at the house of his brother Do
mingo, in the festivities of which they joined, different
members occasionally retiring from the dancing-hall
to a room below to hold consultation. Ramifications
of the plan were extended to the principal neighbor
ing towns, where branch societies were established by
Allende and Aldama, who were appointed commis
sioners for- that purpose. 23
The general plan of the uprising was the simul
taneous seizure of the rich Spaniards and authorities
in the important towns and then to raise the stand
ard of independence. This was to be accomplished
with as little violence as possible, and the captives
were to be allowed the privilege of remaining with
their families in the country, 24 or returning to the
peninsula, in which case their property was to be confis
cated and appropriated for the public treasury. In
case the government, after this coup de main, should
be able to offer resistance, Allende acting as generalis-
20 Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 9.
21 A copy of the marriage document is supplied by Liceaga, ut sup. 211-
12. 'Alauian,' Hist. Mej., i. 356, 'anade con su bondad acostumbrada, que
era muy inclinado al juego, a las mujeres y a toda clase de disipaciones; pero
no he encontrado hecho alguno que justifique estas aseveraciones. ' GaMo,
11 ombres llust. Mex., iii. 351.
w Liceaga on p. 18 gives a list of 22 of his principal associates.
^ 23 Liceaga argues forcibly that the San Miguel meetings were organized
prior to those held in Quer6taro, and that Allende was the first promoter of
the revolution. Adic. y Rectijic., 21-7.
24 Mora makes no mention of this intention of mild treatment. Mej. y sus
Rev., iv. 13.
MEETINGS OF REVOLUTIONISTS. 107
si mo would organize the forces in different districts
and maintain the struggle. The government proposed
to be established was a senate of representatives ap
pointed by the provinces, which should rule in the
name of Fernando VII., ignoring all submission to
Spain.
To accomplish their designs, Alleride and Aldama
visited Mexico, Puebla, and other important places in
New Spain, while Hidalgo assisted in the cities of
Valladolid and Guanajuato, his efforts being espe
cially directed to gaining over the clergy. During
1810, Queretaro appears to have been the centre
of action, and Allende and Aldama frequently at
tended the meetings there. 25 More than half the
year had gone and the plans of the revolutionists
were almost ripe. There were as yet no signs of dis
covery or treachery. Then the day was appointed on
which the cry of independence should be sounded.
The great fair held at San Juan de los Lagos, com
mencing on the 8th of December, offered a good op
portunity. Amidst the gathering crowds their move
ments would escape observation, and enable them to
concentrate their forces without detection. 26 It was
accordingly decided that Allende and Aldama should
meet there by different routes on the 1st of that
month, and prepare matters for the proclamation of
independence on a concerted day of the fair. Events,
however, occurred which frustrated this design.
As the cura Hidalgo will presently become the
principal leader and most prominent character in the
K Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 348; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 160-1. Mora,
however, states that ' Sun Miguel el Grande . . . se constituy6 el centro y f oco
de la revoiucion.' Ut sup., 15.
'^Liceaya, ut sup., 19-20. Mora states, however, 'se fijo el dia 1 de
octubrepara hacerel prommciamieuto en Queretaro, Guanajuato, San Miguel,
y otros lugares.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 16. Again from an official document in
the national archives it is reported to the government that 'segun dijo Laiiza-
gorta a Galvan, el proyecto debia tener efecto en todo Septiembre.' Zerecero,
Disc. Civ., 21. Guerra gives November 1st as the date. Rev. N. Esp.. i. 291.
Hidalgo states that October 2d was the day finally appointed for the upris
ing. Hernandez y Ddvcdos, Col. Doc., i. 14.
108 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
early revolution, a better acquaintance will aid our
purpose. His father, Cristobal Hidalgo y Costilla,
was a native of Tejupilco in the intendency of Mex
ico, and established himself in Penjamo in the province
of Guanajuato. There he betrothed and married
Ana Maria Gallaga, 27 and in May 1753, Miguel Hi
dalgo y Costilla was born. 28 Don Cristobal presently
removed to the hacienda of Corralejo with his wife
and four children, of whom Miguel was the second.
Their father afterward sent them to Valladolid to be
educated, and there Miguel distinguished himself in
philosophy and ecclesiastical studies at the college of
San Nicolas, where his fellow-collegiates gave him the
name of The Fox, an appellation intended as compli
mentary by reason of his sagacity. 29
So highly did the ecclesiastical chapter of Vallado
lid estimate his theological acquirements, and the
ability he displayed in the public discussion of cer
tain themes, that it gave him $4,000 to enable him to
go to Mexico and obtain his degree of doctor of the
ology. Hidalgo, however, spent the money some
say at play and in dissipation before accomplishing
his journey. 30 Nevertheless, in 1778 and 1779 he
went to the capital and was there ordained, receiving
the degree of bachelor of theology. On his return
to Valladolid he obtained successive appointments as
cura to two of the richest benefices in the diocese, 31
27 Tradition affirms that Ana Maria was an orphan in the house of Gallaga,
and that while waiting at table, on the occasion of Don Cristobal's first visit,
her grace and beauty won his heart. Gallo, Hombres Illust. , iii. 240.
28 A copy of his baptismal registry will be found in Alaman, Hist, Mcj.,
iii. app. 75. Documents establishing the place and date of his birth are
supplied by Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , i. 455-72.
'^Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 351. Montana, Caracter Pollt. y Martial, in a
metrical fable published shortly after the battle of Aculco represents Hidalgo
as a fox, and Allende as a serpent, leading their followers, 'una lucida tropa
polla,' to destruction. The closing lines are:
' Lector, si tu no entiendea
Lo quo quiere decir la fabulilla:
No importa: entenderAlo la gabilla
Quo a log Hidalgos siguo y los Allendes.'
z Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 291. 'Los perdi6 al juego enMaravatio,
al hacer el viaje & Mexico para solicitarlo.' Alaman, ut sup., 352.
31 1 have in my possession an original autograph letter of Hidalgo written
while he was the cura of Colima. It is dated Colima, July 20, 1792, and signed
LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HIDALGO. 109
and eventually on the death of his elder brother Joa-
quin succeeded him as cura of Dolores, a town at that
time of 18,000 souls, yielding him a stipend of from
10,000 to $12,000. 32 Here he devoted himself to a
variety of occupations, independent of his clerical du
ties, and congenial with tastes acquired in his boyhood
on his father's hacienda. He established a porcelain
factory, improved the cultivation of the vine, planted
mulberry trees, and grew silk-worms. But his mind
was not satisfied with industrial pursuits and experi
ments alone. The seclusion of his library often won
him from more practical life, and there he studied the
sciences and political economy, 33 perused French phil
osophical works, 34 and investigated .the doctrines pro
pounded in unorthodox books. 35 It was during these
years of self-education that he acquired those en
lightened views which enabled him to recognize the
injustice which marked both the ecclesiastical and
temporal governments, and caused him to look with
indignation upon the warped tenets and proceedings
of the church, and with detestation upon the despot
ism exercised by the state.
Hidalgo was a brave and determined man; he was
a pleasant conversationalist, and, though quick-tem
pered, had an obliging and kindly disposition. The
interest which he took in the welfare of his flock by
the development of industries and his lavish expen
diture of money on such enterprises gained for him
'Migl Hidalgo y Costilla,' with his rubrica affixed to the signature. It is ad
dressed to the cura of the pueblo de Elagualulco, and relates to ecclesiastical
formalities required to be observed with respect to the second marriage of an
Indian named Pascual de los Santos with a free mulatto woman.
32 Gucrra, loc. cit. Negrete says $8,000 or $9,000 'un afio con otro.' He
generously divided this stipend with a clergyman named Francisco Iglesias,
whom he employed in assisting him in his clerical duties. Hist. Mil. Sig.
XIX., I 79.
33 This study attracted his attention while at the college of San Nicolas,
of which he was appointed rector, 'y la desarrolld cuando fud cura en la villa
de S. Felipe y congregacion de Dolores.' JBustamante. Cuadro Hint., i. 264.
34 Hidalgo knew French well, 'cosa bastante rara en aquel tiempo en es
pecial entre los eclesiasticos. ' Alaman, loc. cit.
35 'Leia y tenia algunas _obras literarias y politicas proibidas severamente
por la inquisition y desconocidas para el comun de loa Mejicanos.' Mora,
Mej. y sun Rev., iv. 8.
110 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
the lasting affection of the Indians, in whose languages
he was proficient. Extremely enterprising, he was,
however, too precipitate in action. With regard to
his moral character, many vices are laid at his door, 33
which were made the most of by the opposite party
after he raised the standard of revolt. From the fact
that as early as 1800 accusations of immorality were
preferred against him before the inquisition by two
women, it ma}^ be concluded that his life was not of
that purity which his clerical calling would seem to
demand; but as the inquisition did not at the time
proceed against him, although the accusations in
cluded charges of heresy, it may be inferred that
proofs were wanting, or that his derelictions were not
of a flagrant nature. 37
As early as the llth of August the government
had intimation of a plot. 33 One Mariano Galvan, an
official in the post-office, gave information about the
secret meetings to Joaquin Quintan a, chief of the
department, who communicated with the postmaster-
general of Mexico. By him Aguirre was made ac
quainted with the danger. He, however, contented
himself with giving orders that the revolutionists
should be watched, without bringing the matter to
the notice of the government. Meanwhile Hidalgo
36 'Poseido del abominable vicio de laluxuria.' Diaz Calvillo, Sermon (1811),
107.
37 Consult Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 78, et seq. Afterward the
inquisition continued the charges with additional ones, and proceeded against
Hidalgo with every severity, publishing a memorable edict on the 13th of
October, 1810. In it heresy, blasphemy, and profession of the doctrines of
Luther were charged. On the score of morality it contains this extraordinary
accusation: 'Teneis por inocente y licita la polucion y fornicacion, como efecto
necesario y consiguiente al mecanismo de la naturaleza, por cuyo error habeis
sido tan libertino, que hicisteis pacto con vuestra manceba de que os buscase
mugeres para fornicar, y que para lo mismo le buscariais a ella hoinbres, asegu-
randola que no hay infierno, ni Jesucristo.' Dispos. Varias, iii. f. 152. Con
sult also Mora, Mcj. ysus Rev., iv. 60-1. This author considers that the early
inaction of the inquisition was partly due to the fact that Bishop Abad y
Queipo, in matters of opinion, was somewhat implicated with Hidalgo. The
fact that these charges were brought against an excommunicated and rebel
priest renders them unworthy serious consideration.
38 For minute particulars consult extracts from documents in the Mexican
archives supplied by Neyrete, Mex. Si/jlo XIX., i. 286-97.
TREACHERY AND EXPOSURE. Ill
was endeavoring to gain over the provincial infantry
battalion of Guanajuato, and to that end opened his
plan to several of the subaltern officers. One of these,
Garrido, the band-master, exposed the affair on the
13th of September to his captain, Francisco Busta-
mante, who lost no time in informing his superior
officer, Diego Berzabal, who communicated the mat
ter to the intendente Riailo, and offered to arrest
Hidalgo. Riano, however, preferred to watch affairs,
and instructed Francisco Iriarte, who was going to
San Felipe, to report occurrences in Dolores, and sent
orders to San Miguel to arrest Allende and Aldama.
O
The despatch was, however, intercepted by Allende,
who received timely warning of the denouncement
made by Garrido, and thus gained some little time to
deliberate with his associates at San Miguel 39 as to
their proper course.
While this was taking place in Guanajuato, Cap
tain Arias turned traitor in Queretaro, and to secure
his own safety denounced the plot on the 10th of
September to the alcalde Juan de Ochoa. 40 This of
ficer immediately despatched a courier with a written
account drawn up by the escribano Juan Fernando
Dorninguez to the viceroy, who was already on his
way from Yera Cruz. Again, on the 13th, a man
named Francisco Bueras informed Padre Gil, cura of
S9 Mora, Mej. ysus Rev., iv. 18-9. Alaman states that he was playing at
cards in the house of Camufiez, the major of his corps, when he received the
advice from Guanajuato. Hist. Hej., i. 373. Riaiio's action with regard to
Hidalgo was probably influenced by friendship, as the cura was a frequent
visitor at his house. See JSustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 42.
40 Such is Alaman's account of the discovery of the plot. Hi*t. Mej. , i.
361-6. Guerra says: 'Pero abort6 el plan por la confesion en el articulo cle
la muerte del Can6nigo de Valladolid Iturriaga, c6mplice en la conspiracion,
al cura de Queretaro Gil.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. Bustamante states
simply that an ecclesiastic denounced the plot at 10 o'clock of the night of
the 14th of September. Cuadro Hist., i. 31. Liceaga considers it probable
that Arias first gave information. Adiciones y Rectif., 43. Consult also Zere-
cero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 52-58, for copies of documents addressed to the audi-
encia on the llth of September; and the same author, Discur*o Civic., 19-25,
for information conveyed to the capital from August llth to the above named
date. Ochoa, on the 10th and llth of September, sent despatches to Aguirre
and the viceroy informing them of the meditated revolution, and forwarded
a list of the principal persons concerned in it. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col.
Doc., ii. G4-8.
112 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Queretaro, that there was a plot to assassinate all the
Spaniards, and that a quantity of arms were stored
in the houses of one Samano and Epigmenio Gonza
lez. He also stated that the corregidor knew of it.
The cura , being a friend of Dominguez, at once placed
the facts before him, advising him either to proceed
against Epigmenio Gonzalez or share imprisonment
with him. Whereupon the corregidor went to con
sult with the escribano, who, already aware of the
corregidor's complicity, dissimulated by declaring that
he did not believe a word of the statement. Corre
gidor Dominguez, however, persisted that his infor
mation was correct, and Juan Fernando suggested
that he should ask assistance of the cornandante Ig-
nacio Garcia Rebollo, and search Gonzalez's house.
This was done, and forty men placed under arms,
twenty of whom under the corregidor surrounded the
house of Gonzalez while the comandante, with the
remaining twenty, invested that of Samano.
Had the corregidor been fortunate enough to avoid
communication with the escribano, all might have gone
well with the revolutionists and himself; but the es
cribano displayed such zeal, and instituted so thorough
a search of the house, that the escape of the inmates
was rendered impossible, and a quantity of ammuni
tion and weapons was discovered. The corregidor,
however unwilling, was now compelled to arrest
Epigmenio, his brother, and all the household. While
he was thus occupied, his wife, faithful to the cause,
devised means 41 to communicate with Allende at San
41 Alaman says that Dominguez locked the entrance gates of the house on
his departure, and that Dona Josefa signalled to Ignacio Perez, the prison al
caide, whose room was immediately beneath her recamara, by tapping thrice
on the floor. Perez, being an ardent supporter of the revolution, considered
the intelligence which she communicated through the wicket-grating so
important that he undertook to convey the message himself. Not finding
Allende at San Miguel, where he arrived at daylight on the 15th, he sought
Aldama and informed him of what was taking place. Hist. Mej., i. 3G8-9.
Liceaga states on the authority of a manuscript that two messengers, Fran
cisco Lopez and Francisco Anaya, were also sent by the corregidora, the for
mer alone arriving at the destination, and as late as five in the evening of the
loth. That Allende, however, should have already left for Dolores on the
arrival of Perez, being informed of danger by the intercepted order for his
ARRESTS AND IMPRISONMENTS. 113
Miguel, informing him of the serious position of af
fairs. She also informed Arias, but received a reply
so unsatisfactory as to cause her much anxiety. 42
On the following morning the corregidor began
proceedings against the accused, but conducted them
in so procrastinating a manner that evidently his heart
was not in the work. Probably Arias was right in
representing to the alcalde Ochoa that Dominguez
was endeavoring to gain time, and that the plot was
rapidly approaching its denouement. A little by-play
was enacted: the traitor, with his own connivance,
was arrested on the evening of the 15th, and on his
person were discovered papers implicating Hidalgo
and Allende. But this was not enough. The letters
spoke of friends who could be relied on; and when
closely questioned Arias admitted that these friends
were the corregidor, his wife, and a number of others
who were wont to assemble at the revolutionary meet
ings. The subordinate officer, the alcalde Ochoa,
supported by the Spanish faction, now proceeded to
act. The comandante Rebollo, who hitherto appears
t;> have been quite unaware of the magnitude of the
revolution, placed under Ochoa's directions three hun
dred soldiers; 43 and Dominguez, his wife and family,
with a number of other suspected persons, were
arrested and imprisoned during the night. 44 The
corregidor was closely confined in a cell in the college
arrest, he considers not probable, since his inactivity under the circumstances
for 24 hours would be inexplicable. Moreover, citizens of San Miguel affirmed
that he was in that town on the morning of the loth, attending with his
troops a religious ceremony, and was seen there as late as 5 o'clock in the af
ternoon. From the evidence, therefore, this author concludes that Hidalgo
and Allende acted immediately upon receipt of the news from Quere"taro, and
did not waste a day in indecision. Adiciones y Rectific., 44-5. Liceaga's con
clusion is proved to be correct by the statements of Sotelo, a participator in
the proceedings. --He asserts that Allende arrived at Dolores at ten on the
night of the loth of September. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.
42 ' Pero aquel contesto de una manera desabrida, diciendo quo se veia en
aquel compromiso por haberse fiado de quienes no debiera y que ya tenia
tornado su partido.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 309.
43 ' La manana de 15 al 16 una faccion de europeos regentados por el alcalde
ordi.na.rio D. Juan Ochoa, y como trescientos soldados del regimiento de Cclaya,
auxiliados por Garcia Rebollo, sorprendieron al Lie. Dominguez. ' Bustamante,
Cttadro Hist. , i. 31.
** Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 74-5.
Hisx. HEX., VOL. IV. 8
114 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
of Santa Cruz, without being allowed to communicate
with any one. His wife was conveyed to the convent
of Santa Clara, and although enceinte, was deprived
of the company of her friends, and even of her children,
who were separately imprisoned. 45
It is difficult to account for the subsequent proceed
ings of the government against Dominguez, unless
they can be explained by the contemptuous regard
with which Oidor Aguirre viewed the political atti
tude of the Creoles. Information of the corregidor's
arrest was conveyed without loss of time to Venegas,
who consulted with Aguirre. That minister expressed
such disdain for any attempt that could be made by
'Americans' to overthrow Spanish rule, that he as
sured the viceroy that at an official piece of parchment
on a stick they would be frightened like asses. 46 He
concluded by suggesting that Juan Collado, the al
calde del crimen, should be sent, with an escribano
and minor officials, to investigate the matter. 47 The
viceroy acted upon this advice, and Collado briefly
dismissed the charge against Dominguez and rein
stated him in office. 48
45 Bustamante states that her daughters were not allowed to speak with
the servants who attended on her. Cuadro Hist., i. 32.
46 Throughout this war the Mexican people, Creoles, Indians, and mestizos,
are often called 'Americanos,' and sometimes 'gente del pais. '
47 Bustamente regards this exhibition of authority with great contempt.
He ironically represents Aguirre as suggesting, ' que en el caso, lo que con-
venia hacer, seria mandar al alcalde de crimen D. Juan Collado a Querdtaro
con un escribano y algunos porquerones,' and adds that the viceroy accepted
the advice and Collado the office, the latter appointing Jose" Maria Moya his
escribano, and 'corchete mayor a D. Antonio Acuua que en Mexico desempe-
naba la plaza de capitan de sala. ' Ib.
48 Venegas disapproved Collado's action and removed him from the audicn-
cia. Id., 36. Dominguez was a man of great literary ability and acquire
ments. As a magistrate, both his talents and integrity were justly appre
ciated by the public. Having occupied in the Mexican capital an official
position of importance and trust with regard to both public and private
business of the viceroy, his strict attention to his duties and his fidelity
gained him the favor of Marquina, who appointed him to the corregimiento
of Quer6taro, an office so important and lucrative that it was regarded as
equal to an intendencia. The salary was 4,000 pesos, and other sources of in
come amounted to as much more. Under the administration of Iturrigaray,
Dominguez was instructed to reform the abuses which existed in the clouh
factories at Quer^taro. The system under which these were conducted
reduced a large proportion of the operatives to actual slavery a pecuniary
advance making them subject to thraldom remorselessly exacted by their
ENFORCED ACTION. 115
No sooner had Allende received news of the arrest
of the Gonzalez family and household than he hast
ened to Dolores, being now aware that his purposes
were widely known to the authorities. 49 His inter
view with Hidalgo was marked by rapid deliberation
and prompt decision. When Allende and his com
panions arrived at Dolores the cura was entertaining
visitors, and the revolutionists remained outside until
they had departed. When admitted, they informed
Hidalgo of the arrests which had been made, and the
discovery of their plans. The cura, who had listened
to their statements with imperturbable calmness, ex
claimed, "Action must be taken at once; there is no
time to be lost; we shall yet see the oppressors' yoke
broken and the fragments scattered on the ground!" 50
He then ordered the street watchmen who were at
tached to the cause to be called in, and sent them to
summon the workmen in his* pottery and silk factories.
These soon assembled to the number of fifteen or six
teen, to whom Hidalgo communicated his intention of
immediately raising the cry of liberty.
employers. Dominguez effected the necessary reforms, and drew upon him
self the enmity of the owners, who were mostly Europeans. Nevertheless,
his public conduct, and the faithfulness with which he managed the large
estate and fortune left in his charge by Dona Josefa Vergara for beneficent
purposes, won for him the regard of the inhabitants of Quere'taro. Zamacois
attributes the easy acquittal of Dominguez either to policy on the part of Col-
lado, who considered it might be prudent to show generosity when the revolu
tion had already commenced, or to the pressure of a threat expressed by the
Indian inhabitants of the Canada that they would rise in revolt if the corre-
gidor were not released. Hist. Mej., vi. 324. That the corregidor was
enabled to maintain bis position at such a crisis speaks loudly to his credit as
possessing a strong hold on the regards of both parties or as a consummate
political craftsman.
49 Guerra states that Allende ' conocio su peligro por este murmurio piiblico,
6 tal vez, por que su mismo gefe Canal le avis6 de la orden que habia recibiilo
de Mexico para prenderle.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. As 'este murmurio'
has reference to the arrest of Dominguez on the night of the 15th, Guerra is
in error, since Allende was at that time on his way to Dolores.
50 This is the statement of Sotelo, an eye-witness. Hernandez y Ddvalos,
Col. DOC.+ ii. 322. Alaman gives a different account, derived from state
ments made1?frth.e trials of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and others. He
states that Allende went to Dolores on the 14th, and that the news of the ar
rests at Queretaro was brought by Aldama, who only arrived at Dolores at
two o'clock in the morning of the IGth; that the cura was roused from his
bed, and exclaimed: 'Gentlemen, we are lost; the only resource left is to seize
gachupines.' Hist. Mej., i. 373-4. In view of the narration of Sotelo, who
was present on the occasion, and taking into consideration the statements
made in the trials, I follow Sotelo's version.
116 OPENING OF THE WAB OF INDEPENDENCE,
A rumor of what was transpiring had, however,
spread, and a number of the populace assembled be
fore the cura's gate, ready to take part in the enter
prise. Weapons, which had been secretly made and
hidden, were now brought out, and Hidalgo distrib
uted them with his own hand. The first step taken
was to secure the person of Padre Bustamante, the
sacristan mayor of the parish, who was a Spaniard.
Hidalgo then addressed a few animating words to
those assembled, raising in loud voice as he concluded
the cry, " Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupel Viva
la independencia!"
The revolutionists now sallied forth, 51 and having
first liberated the prisoners in the town jail, 52 thus
swelling their numbers, they made captive the princi
pal Spaniards. 53 Dawn was now approaching. It
was Sunday. Hidalgo caused the church bell which
summoned his flock to mass to be rung at an earlier
hour than usual. The townspeople came forward and
gathered in groups before the church door, and from
the neighboring haciendas countrymen on foot and
mounted were seen flocking in and congregating in
51 Accounts differ -as to their number. Sotelo gives a list of twenty-one
names, without including any of the leaders and others whose names were
not known. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 330. Negrete supplies a
list of 43 names, only two of which appear in that of Sotelo. Hist. Mil. S'uj.
XIX., i. 134-5. The number in all must have been far in excess of that given
by many Mexican historians, the smallness of which is incompatible with the
success attained. Alaman states that Hidalgo, supported by his brother
Mariano, Jos6 Santos Villa, Allende, Aldama, and ten armed men whom he
retained in his house, 15 in all, proceeded to execute the design of seizing
the Spanish residents. Hist. Mej., i. 375. Liceaga maintains that there were
only ten engaged in the undertaking. Rectific. y Adic., 53. Mora, who incor
rectly mentions Abasolo as being present, as also does Negrete in his list, says:
' Con diez hombres pues, de los cuales cinco eran forzados, so procedio a
prender los Espafioles del lugar.' Mej. y sus Rev., 20. Guerra's statement
that Allende left San Miguel with 50 soldiers of his company on the 13th of
September for Dolores, and increased his force to 800 men on his march by de
claring that' he was going to liberate the corregidor Dominguez, is utterly at
variance with facts.
02 Liceaga disputes this fact, but the evidence is conclusive. Consult Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 17, 40; ii. 323.
53 On page 55 of his Adic. y Rectific., Liceaga gives a list of 13 names of
Spaniards made prisoners. Bustamante states that only seven were seized.
Cuad. Hist., i. 22. Alaman says the number was seventeen. Hist. Mej., i.
376-7.
GRITO DE DOLORES. 117
the sanctuary. 54 But it was the matters of this
world rather than those of the next that were now
to claim their attention. Deliverance was demanded,
and from the evil one; but it was from Satan in the
flesh, from devils incarnated as temporal masters, in
flicting wrongs and injuries and infamies without
number time enough left when men are free from
the tyraraiies of their fellows to continue the eternal
battle with the powers of darkness !
There was no mass that day. The cura entered
his pulpit and looked abroad upon the sea of upturned
anxious faces with deep and yearning solicitude.
"My children," he said, "this day comes to us a new
dispensation. Are you ready to receive it? Will
you be free? Will you make the effort to recover
from the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your
forefathers three hundred years ago?" Thus the
great project of independence was laid before them,
and they were called upon to prove their devotion to
their country. For the last time Hidalgo addressed
his flock as cura of Dolores. Henceforth he would
be their guide to liberty; they would fight for it;
they would die for it; he would lead them himself
to battle and to victory! "To-day," he continued,
"we must act. The Spaniards are bad enough them
selves, but now they are about to surrender us and our
country to the French. Danger threatens our religion,
and oppression our homes. Will you become Napo
leon's slaves? or will you as patriots defend your relig
ion and your rights ? " " We will defend them ! " shouted
the people. "Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe,
muera el mal gobierno, mueran los gachupines!" 55
" Live, then, and follow your cura, who has ever watched
over your welfare," was Hidalgo's answer. The Grito
de Dolores has gone forth! The poor and ignorant
54 During the morning a message was sent to Mariano Abasolo, inviting him
to join the cause, which he did without hesitation, according to Sotelo's state
ment. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 323.
55 Long live our lady of Guadalupe, perish the bad government, perish the
Spaniards !
118 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
and down-trodden of this little Indian town proclaim
the future independence of a great nation! Enthusi
asm rises to religious height, and unarmed as they
are, they will follow no matter where, and fight and
die no matter how.
It is somewhat strange that independence should
be born in such a quarter and of such parentage; yet
perhaps not more wonderful here and thus than else
where and in some other way. Its days were now
fully come, and it must be brought forth. We know
after what manner religions have come to man; we
have seen great spasms of enlightenment fall at vari
ous epochs on the race; we have seen the intellect
awaken as from a dream, and re-awaken again and
again but what it all is, or how, or why, no man can
tell, howsoever hard our teachers may try.
In the evolution of human affairs two elements are
essential to progress, the opportunity and the agent.
There may be and often is one condition without the
other. Opportunity may be ripe arid no one at hand
to act; or the individual may be present and lack op
portunity; or the agent may be before his time, act
prematurely, and so spoil all. Under such conditions
there can be no great bririging-forth.
It was a question how far such auxiliaries could be
of service in the coming crusade. Hidalgo maintained
that the display of numbers would be beneficial to
their cause. Allende, however, entertained grave
doubts, but he finally acquiesced. To provide their
followers with arms was the great difficulty. The
houses of the Spaniards were ransacked; lances which
Hidalgo had already provided were brought forth;
the Indian seized his machete^ and those who could
obtain no better weapon supplied themselves with
clubs, slings, and bows and arrows. Fire-arms they
had few; but San Miguel would furnish them some
56 An implement for cutting grass, sugar-cane, brush, etc., in the shape of
a broadsword without hilt, and sometimes slightly curved, the sharpened
edge being in that case on the convex curve.
ON THE MARCH. 119
munitions of war, and thither Hidalgo and Allende
led their rabble, which soon numbered nearly 4,000
men. 57
Some attempt at military order was made. The
mounted herdsmen of the haciendas, carrying lances,
were formed into a troop of cavalry, while the better
armed Indians on foot represented the infantry. Then
followed a promiscuous crowd, in which women and
children joined. The die was cast; and the aroused
people hastened onr The maize was in full ear, and
haciendas abounding in cattle lay on their line of
march. There was no lack of food, and they took
w r hat they wanted. As they passed through the vil
lages volunteers swelled their ranks, and other Span
iards were added to the number of the captives. On
their arrival at Atotonilco, Hidalgo halted in order
that he might surprise San Miguel at nightfall.
Here a picture of the virgin of Guadalupe was ob
tained, 58 and raised on high above the throng, amidst
shouts of "Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, y
mueran los gachupinesl" Henceforth it became the
banner of the crusade; and while it waved on high,
emblem of peace and intercession, many a brave deed,
many a bloody deed, was done for those rights and
liberties which on no other ground than violence and
force would ever be vouchsafed to them. 59
57 J/ora, Mej. y sus. Rev., iv. 21. Negrete states that Hidalgo marched
ont of Dolores with only about 80 men, which number as he advanced was
increased to 300. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 19-20. Sotelo says: 'Mirando que ya
se contaba con un numero considerable de gente adicta, resolvio organizarla
en forma cle tropa. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 323.
58 Alaman states that Hidalgo took it from the sacristy and raised it on a
lance in order to support his enterprise by the religious devotion which his
followers entertained for the sacred emblem. This is refuted by Liceaga,
who explains that one of the insurgents procured a copy of the picture from
'Dona Ramona N. que vivia alii como otras, con el nombre de beatas,' and
that it was hoisted upon a clothes-pole. The enthusiasm it roused caused
the leaders to adopt it as a banner. A die. y Rectijic., 58. Zamacois supports
Alaman 's statement on the strength of Hidalgo's declaration. Hist. Mej.,\ 7 i.
253; Hernadez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 13.
59 Other banners with a like design were in time procured and borne along
in all parts of Hidalgo's army. 'Ami existe en poder del hi jo del denodado
insurgente Victor Resales, el diseno original de la primera bandera de Hidalgo
que tenia la forma de un estandarte, que fue hecho con uno de los palios de la
parroquia de Dolores, y sobre el cual se puso un escudo muy parecido ai adop-
120 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Meanwhile intelligence of the uprising had reached
San Miguel, 60 and the Spanish residents, aware that
they could not rely upon any Creole or native servant,
and informed by Colonel Canal that no dependence
could be placed on the regiment, assembled in arms at
the municipal buildings for self-defence. As the dusk
of evening fell, Hidalgo entered the town. The ex
citement was intense, the population cheering the in
surgents and hurling bitter denunciations against the
Spaniards. Allende placed the prisoners brought from
Dolores in the college of San Francisco de Sales, un
der the guardianship of Aldama, while he proceeded
to arrest the Spaniards of the town. Through the
representations of Canal, after some parley the latter
were induced to yield without opposition and surren
der their arms. Allende assured them that while he
lived no harm should befall them, and thereupon they
were removed to the college.
O
The Spaniards having thus been secured without
bloodshed, no difficulty was found in winning over
the soldiers of the garrison. The officers and troops
of the queen's regiment of provincial dragoons were
already predisposed to support Allende. In vain Ma
jor Camunez endeavored at the barracks to hold them
to their loyalty by representing that the rebels were
partisans of the French. His words were received
with an ominous silence, and when two of the officers
raised a cheer for Allende and independence, Carnunez
was made captive, 61 and the whole regiment joined
the insurgents. A portion of the Celaya infantry
tado despues de la independencia y era de papel negro recortado.' Gallo, Horn-
Ires I I mt., 272.
60 Authors differ with regard to this statement. Mora asserts that the
authorities were completely surprised, and knew nothing of the movement
until Hidalgo was at their door; but Liceaga more reasonably affirms that
news of what had taken place in Dolores reached San Miguel early. I have
accepted his version as being the more probable. He gives a list of the prin
cipal Spanish residents in San Miguel. Adic. y Rcctific., 58-60.
61 Colonel Canal, if he did not actually favor the movement, was indiffer
ent. He had, however, been succeeded in the command by Caimiuez that
morning. Liceaf/a, ut sup., 61.
PILLAGE AND MURDER. 121
stationed there also declared for the cause of inde
pendence.
During the night and on the following morning the
populace began to exhibit symptoms of violence, which
afterward became uncontrollable. Having liberated
the prisoners in the jail, with much uproar and cries
of "Death to the gachupines!" they assembled in
dense throngs before the houses of the Spanish resi
dents, intent on pillage and destruction. Stores and
private dwellings shared a like fate. Doors were
battered in and the rabble ransacked and robbed ad
libitum. 62 .Hidalgo endeavored to moderate these wild
passions, and Allende, sword in hand, rode through
the crowds threatening their death, until the disorder
was stopped.
Our standpoint of morality depends on our teach
ing, if we still hold to our teachings, or to our line of
independent thought, if we have any. The merchant's
morality is different from that of the doctor, the priest's
from that of the military man. While Hidalgo had
as much conscience, as much heart and humanity, as
Allende, whose profession was that of man-killer, he
was now out on the work of an avenging angel, in so
far as it was necessary for his work to assume that
form. The Spaniards had robbed and insulted these
many years. This was now to be stopped, whatever
the cost. If the permission of pillage would add to
the power of his cause, it were but small difference
when the demon of murder was abroad. Our most
refined and Christian civilization will kill human be
ings in battle by the hundred thousand, will commit
horrible and wholesale butcheries without justice and
without mercy, employing all the arts and advantages
the mind can invent to injure and destroy the enemy
all for the cause, killing to prevent further killing;
but over some few minor and comparatively insig-
62 According to Torrente, 77is. J&IL+ i. 143, not-even Creoles' houses were
spared. ' Se lanzaron como lobos rabiosos contra todos los europeos i contra
sus propiedades, sin perdonara sus mismos compatriutas. '
122 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
nificant injuries it raises its hands in holy horror,
and cries out against them as barbaric and savage.
Stuff and humbug! Savage warfare is no worse than
civilized warfare, no less necessary, no less righteous.
It may be a little less decent and refined; but what
are refinement and decency beside butchery and body-
mangling machines ! All is as bad as it can be ; the
civilized men are the more to blame, however, for they
should know better.
Hidalgo was a far more self-sacrificing, honorable,
and humane man than the average military leader.
But he was not hypocrite or fool enough to pretend that
it was worse to take a dead man's goods than a living
man's life. But the killing in war is done for the
cause. True; and now pillage is permitted for the
cause. It was not that he was in favor of robbery.
But sacking a town he regarded as no worse than kill
ing the people; and in his present emergency he
deemed one as much a matter of necessity as the other.
In any event, he would win this cause if within his
power to do so.
Allende thought differently. He was a man of nar
rower mind, of more restricted ideas; he was a soldier,
and felt bound by conventional rules and the regu
lations of his craft. He urged that they ought
not to rely upon the common people, who were ad
dicted to pillage, but upon disciplined troops. The
discussion was continued with considerable warmth,
until it became evident that two leaders at discord
might prove fatal to the cause. Hidalgo, therefore,
suggested that his own and Allende's authority should
be defined, in order that each should act within the
limits of his own powers, and Allende at once offered
to surrender the supreme command to the cura,
whose ability and influence he very sensibly deemed
superior to his own. He expressed the determi
nation, however, to separate himself from him if
they should be unable to act in harmony. But all
thought of independent action on the part of Allende
MILITARY AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. 123
was set at rest by the arrival somewhat later of a de
spatch from Riano, the intendente of Guanajuato, ad
dressed to the subclelegado Bellogin, who was a prison
er at the time, and ordering the immediate arrest of
Allende, Aldama, and, if possible, of Hidalgo, " because
his talents, character, and reputation would render the
revolution more vigorous and formidable." The post
master having been also made captive, the letter was
delivered to Allende, who, recognizing the truth of its
comments on Hidalgo, insisted that the cura should
retain supreme command, which he did. 63
The suddenness with which the insurgents had been
compelled prematurely to proclaim their purpose had
entirely overthrown their previous plans, and their fu
ture operations would in a great measure have to be
guided by circumstances. To discipline overwhelm
ing numbers, provide their followers with arms, and
institute some degree of military tactics was now their
object. In order to provide for public tranquillity, a
conference was held in the evening, to which the prin
cipal citizens were convoked, and a junta, presided over
by Aldama, was established. 64 On the following day
the work of organizing the forces was commenced.
Officers from the grade of corporal to that of colo
nel were appointed; recruits were obtained from the
surrounding haciendas, and lances constructed with
the greatest diligence. A quantity of gunpowder,
also, which was being conveyed from Mexico to the
mines of Guanajuato, fell into the hands of the in
surgents.
On the morning of the 18th Hidalgo led his forces,
now counted by tens of thousands, out of San Miguel,
after having appropriated what money there was in
the treasury, and some belonging to the Spanish cap
tives. 65 Marching through the towns of San Juan
e3 Liceaya, Adic. y Recti/ic., 65-7.
64 The other members were, Padre Manuel Castilblanque, Felipe Gonzalez,
Miguel Vallejo, Domingo Unzaga, and Vicente Umaran. The administra
tion of the aduana and of the tobacco monopoly was given to Antonio Aga-
ton de Lartiendo, and that of the post-office to Francisco Rebelo. Id., 68.
65 Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., 22. Mariano Hidalgo, brother of the cura, was
124
OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
cle la Vega and Chamacuero, 66 he moved toward Ce-
kya, and approached the town on the evening of the
1 9th. The officers in command of the troops stationed
there, deeming resistance useless, retired at night with
some companions of the provincial regiment to Que-
retaro, accompanied by the European residents. On
the night of the 19th, Hidalgo and Allende conjointly
addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento, summoning
the town to surrender, and threatening to put to death
PROVINCE OF GUANAJUATO.
their prisoners to the number of seventy-eight if op
position was offered. 67
appointed treasurer. One dollar a day was paid a cavalryman and half that
sum to a foot-soldier. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 381.
60 At this last place he made captive the cura, who was a European. Gaz.
deMex., 1810, 811.
67 The captive Spaniards had been brought with them, surrounded by the
dragoons of the queen's regiment. The following is a translation of the doc
ument, a copy of which is to be found in Alaman, Hint. Mej., i. app. 50-1:
'We have approached this city with the object of securing the persons of all
the European Spaniards. If they surrender at discretion, their persons will
be treated with humanity; but if on the contrary resistance should be made,
ENTRY INTO CELAYA. 125
A man is never so old as to cease to be an enigma
to himself, provided he continues to place himself in
new and untried fields, and has sense and patience
enough fully and fairly to regard himself. The bur
glar does not know how he would behave as a banker ;
the merchant does not know what his price would be
were he a politician. So the lately humane man may
become a bloody fanatic, and the soft radiance of char
ity may make tender the heart of the cruel. Men
pride themselves upon their character as something
adamantine, when all the time it may be but putty,
never having been tried; were it so, it would change
to white or black twenty times under as many and
weighty influences.
The man of God behaves badly in the livery of the
devil. He behaves worse than the devil. War is
Satan's enginery, and he is the only one worthy to
employ it, the only one who seems to win at it. God
lights his enemies, we are told, and yet his enemies
everywhere abound; he does not wholly overcome
them. The sterner qualities of the soldier, resolved
to win at all cost, were being developed in the parish
priest of Dolores. Happily for these unfortunate
Spaniards, no event occurred to cause the leaders to
put their dreadful threat in execution. A copy of the
despatch was sent by the ayuntamiento three hours
after midnight on the 20th to the municipality of
Queretaro, and on the same day Hidalgo was informed
that no resistance would be offered to his entrance.
On the 21st the insurgents marched into the city.
At the entrance of the plaza a spectator had stationed
himself on a house-top to witness the marshalling of
this motley army. The man was shot dead; 63 and as
and the order to fire upon us be given, they will be treated with a correspond
ing rigor. May God protect your honors many years. Field of battle, Sep
tember 19, 1810. Miguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Allen cle. P. S. The moment that
the order is given to open fire upon our troops, the seventy-eight Europeans
whom we have in our power will be beheaded. Hidalgo, Allende. Sres. del
Ayuntamiento de Celaya. '
68 Alaman states that he was the coachman of Manuel Gomez Linares, and
denies Abasolo's statement during his trkl that the man first fired at the in-
126 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
if the report of this murderous gun were the precon
certed signal for onslaught, the work of violence be
gan. 69 Joined by the populace, the insurgents rushed
in excited bands through the city, and erelong the
houses of the Europeans were broken into, their fur
niture battered to pieces and cast into the streets,
and every article of clothing, of common requirement,
or of use in war, was carried off, and the rest was
wantonly destroyed. Again remonstrances were laid
before Hidalgo; but he maintained his previous views
that numbers would insure success, and that a sys
tem of plunder would both weaken their foes and at
tract partisans to their own cause. 70
In taking this ground Hidalgo, as patriot and rev
olutionist for he was both has been severely cen
sured. But there is much to be said in extenuation.
Hidalgo claimed that the Indians had been wrong
fully dispossessed of their lands, property, and rights
in the first instance, and consequently the wealth the
Spaniards and their descendants had thereby acquired
was not theirs, but belonged to the aboriginal occu
pants of the soil and their descendants. Robbery
and murder had been employed by the Spaniards in
wresting the country from the Indians, and they
would adopt the same measures to win it back. Fur
ther than this, he argued, it was his only resource.
He had but few trained soldiers, and he had no money
to pay these except what he could take from the en
emy. If war is ever justifiable, this one was; there
is no more sacred cause man can fight for than per
sonal and political independence. If it is right to
wage war and afterward force the losing side to pay
the cost of all, as the great nations of the earth seem
agreed, it is equally right to rob and plunder as hostil-
surgent troops, fd., 384. This incident is not accepted by some authors.
Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 24.
09 Mora says: 'La senal de posesion que se di6 al vecindario file" una cles-
carga general de todas las annas de fuego verificada en la plaza, y que fue el
toque de llamamiento para el destrozo y el saqueo.' Max. y sus Rev., iv. 20.
70 Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 288; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,\. 10.
CAPTAIN-GEXERAL OF AMERICA. 127
ities proceed. All war is murder and robbery; it is
in order to murder and rob each other that men go
to war. I do not attempt to justify this course ; I
only say that such were the opinion and custom, to a
great extent, in Mexico at this time, arid were held
and practised alike by both sides throughout the war
for independence.
Before Hidalgo's entrance into Celaya his follow
ers, who now amounted to fifty thousand, proclaimed
him Captain-general of America, 71 and he had con
ferred the rank of lieutenant-general on Allende, and
corresponding grades on Aldama, Abasolo, 72 and other
leaders. Here also he was joined by Captain Arias,
whom the reader has lately seen playing the role of in
former, while cautiously scheming for his self-protec
tion. 73
The recognition of Hidalgo's rank and authority by
the ayuntamiento might be beneficial; he therefore
called a session of its members and the principal citi
zens on the 22d. Only two regidores presented
themselves, the rest, being Europeans, having fled to
Queretaro, whereupon the captain-general appointed
others to the vacant offices, nominating Carlos Camar-
go subdelegado. 7 * The new municipality acknowledged
71 Id. , ii. 107, 109. See his summons to surrender, addressed to the inten-
dente of Guanajuato, in Alaman, ut sup., 421. Mora comments on the ab
surdity of this title. True, it smacks somewhat of worldly vanity; but after
all, I do not see why it is not as good as another. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 27.
Two companies of the Celaya regiment, which had failed to unite with the
troops that retired to Queretaro, joined the insurgents.
72 Mariano Abasolo was at this time 27 years of age. He was a native of
Dolores, and the son of a wealthy Spaniard who left him a large fortune,
which was still further increased by marriage with the heiress Dona Maria
Manuela Taboada. At his trial, some months later, he deposed that he had not
been connected with the revolt previous to the grito de Dolores. The influ
ence of Hidalgo, and his friendship for Allende, being a captain in the same
regiment with him, appear to have induced him to join their cause. His ser
geant, Jose' Antonio Martinez, afterward executed in Mexico, declared that
Abasolo commanded him to deliver tip to Hidalgo the arms in the barracks
at San Miguel. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 356-7; Dice. Univ. Hist., i. 12-13.
73 Alaman states that Arias was always regarded with suspicion by the in
surgent leaders, while Zamacois affirms that he was received by Hidalgo with
delight, and repudiates the charge brought against Arias of having given in
formation about the revolt. Hist. Mej., vi. 292.
74 Camargo did not sympathize with the movement; and he advised the
viceroy of the circumstances, protesting his iidelity. Venegas ordered him to
123 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
the authority of Hidalgo/ 5 who, having thus arranged
matters in Celaya, and fearing that Queretaro was too
well defended to be successfully assailed under the
present condition of his troops, inarched on the morn
ing of the 23d in the direction of Guanajuato. 76
remain in the position, with the full consent of the government. The insur
gents in Celaya, however, discovered this sicle-play, and Camargo escaped
to Quere'taro, pursued by a troop of cavalry. The exertion and agitation
threw him into a fever, and he died a few days afterward. Liceaga, Adic. y
Rectific., 100. Liceaga obtained his information from Abasolo's family, which
was intimate with Camargo.
75 See Hidalgo's letter, Doc. 3, in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectiftc., 212. Alaman
erroneously states that the municipality conferred the rank of captain-general
upon Hidalgo. Liceaga corrects this mistake. The municipality had no
power to appoint military commanders: it was by the proclamation of his
troops that Hidalgo was made captain-general.
76 Additional authorities consulted for the preceding chapters are: Busta-
mante, Defensa, 27; Ouad. Hist., i. 1-11, 33, and iv. 40, 87-111, 138-40;
Gampanas de Callejd, 1-8; Martirologio, 4; Mcdidas Pacification, MS., ii.
45-59; Mem. pa. la Hist. Mex., MS., i. 47-9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i., passim;
Diaertacion, iii., ap. 86-7; Zavala, Rev. Mex., passim; Torrente, R. Hisp.-Am.,
i. 58-64; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., passim; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i.,
passim; also ii. 5-42, and v. 60-3, 837-38, 853-60; Cancelada, Verdad Sabida,
passim; Conducta Iturrigaray, 27-135; Tel. Mex., 415-20; Ruina de la N.
Espan., passim; Gaz. Mex., x'i.-xvi., passim; Diar. Mex., i. 91-2; iv. 65; also
v. 149, 533; vi.-ix., passim; xi. 119-20, 350, and xii. 185-6, 219; Cedidarlo,
MS., iv. 25; Guerra, Rev. de N. Mex., i., passim; Mayer, Mex. Azt., i. 127-
281; Mora, Mex. y Sus Rev., i. 284-8; iii. 193-369; iv. 10-17; Rev. N. Ep.
Censura, passim; Consejos, passim; Breves Reflex, passim; Fisiologia Cosa
Pub., 35-6; Rosa, Discurso, 11; Lizarza, Discurxo Vind. Iturrigaray, passim;
Queipo, Canon. Peniten., passim; Col. Eacritos, 70-131; Lull, Refutation, 21;
Rev. Verdad. Orig., no. i. 67-84; no. ii., passim; Lizana y Beaumont, Cart.
Past., passim; Pradt, Hist. Revol. Espan., 40-1; Pretensiones Anglo- Amer., 2;
Noriega, Vindication, passim; Urrutia Jacobo, Voto, passim; Represent, al
Virey, no. i. 6; no. ii. 5-8; Frost, Pict. Hist. Mex., 149; Indicador, iii. 221-
73; Calvillo, Oration, passim; Entrada, Representation, passim; Fernand<-z t
Engatios que a los Insurgentes, passim; Lastarria, La America, passim; Lnfond,
Voyage autour du Monde, i. 217-24; Galiano, Hist. Espana, vi. 337-8; Gon
zalez, Hist. Est. Aguascal, 496; Guiridi y Alcocer, Sermones, passim; Presets
Juicio Impartial, passim; Kottenkamp, Unabhangig., 1-45; Kennedy, Texas,
i. 270-1; Rev. N. Espana, passim; Perez, Proclama, passim; Orizava, Ocurr.,
MS., 1-3; Michelena, Relation, ii. 7; Martinez, Rev. Mex., i. 215-17; Mofras,
Exploration de V Oregon, i. 1-38; Modern Travels, Mex. and Gnat., i. 101-2;
Lerdode Tejada, Apunt. Hist., no.v. 362-4; Las Clases Pro-l. Guadalaj., Sept.
15, 1878, 3; Mosaico Mex., ii. 462; Mendibil, Resumen, 1-6, 93; Mex. Album,
Fotog., i. 14-15; Mex. Scraps, ii. 60; Lacunza, Discursos, xxxvi. 535; Arran-
g6iz, Mej., i., passim; Hidalgo, Biog. Cura, 30-1; Humboldt, Essai Pol, ii.
763-9; ix. 864-5; x. 1335-84, 1422-8; xi. 649; Dublan y Lozano, Ley' Mex.,
i- .326-7; piiverr<pis,_Franz6. Inierven. Mex., 18-21; Domeiiech, Hist. Mex., i.
AUTHORITIES. 129
no. 7, 206-24, 236-55; no. 8, 236-55; Annals Congress, 1806-7, 913-26; Aizer.
State Pap,, ii. 596-695, 798-804; xii. 1-327, 388-434; Amer. Register, i. 71-3;
ii. 79-83; Bib. Mex. Trat., i. 496; Beulluch, Mex., i. xx.-xxxv. ; Campillo,
Manifesto, 7; Carbro, Proclama, passim; Chevalier, Exped. Mex., 4-5, 17-40;
Mexique, 331-8; Chateaubriand, Congress de Ver., ii. 230-43; Carson, State
Register; Calvo, Annales Hist., vi. 11-34; Yucatan, Diccion. Hist., i. 295;
Young, Hist. Mex., 73; Walton's Expose, app. 7-10; Ward, Mex., vi. 155-6;
Veracruzano, i. 76-7; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mcj., 3; Strieker, Bibliothek,
36-40; Squier, Travels C. A., ii. 371-5; Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 62-7, 566-75; Salo,
Diar. Ofic., 5; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 212; Rivera, Gob., i. 127-8; Hist. Jalapa,
i. 198-268; Revilla, Dice. Univer., v. 429; Mayer, MS., no. 11, passim;
Quarty. Review, vii. 248-9, 257; xvii. 530-40; xxx. 171-2; Portilla, Expana en
Mex., 117-98; Pike, Explor. Travels, 370-1, 386-436; Pinkerton, Mod. Geog.,
iii. 159-60, 174-6; Qu'mones, Descripcion, passim; Palafox, Iturriqaray, 21-2;
Campillo, Exhortacion, passim; Tapia, Exhortacion, passim; Perez, Orar.
Funeb., nos. ii. and iii., passim; Robertson, Reminiscences, 1-45; Robinson,
Mex., 11-29; Iturrigaray, i. 18-20; Rev. des Deux Mondes, 1862, 516-32;
Ordenes Corona, MS., iii'. 141, 155; v. 60, 128.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 9
CHAPTER VI.
THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO TAKEN BY STORM.
1810.
LOCAL HISTORY OF GUANAJUATO ALARM IN THE CITY DEFENSIVE MEAS
URES OF INTENDENTB BJANO THE ALH6NDIGA DE GRANADITAS AN IN
TERESTING MANUSCRIPT RIANO RETIRES TO THE ALHONDIGA HIDALGO
SUMMONS RIANO TO SURRENDER THE ATTACK A MURDEROUS CONTEST
RIANO'S DEATH His BIOGRAPHY CONFUSION IN THE ALHONDIGA
THE BARRICADES WON BY THE INSURGENTS THEY GAIN ENTRANCE
BERZABAL'S FALL His BIOGRAPHY NUMBER OF THE KILLED ACTS OF
HEROISM PILLAGE AND DEVASTATION.
THE province of Guanajuato was the theatre of
the first tragic events of the revolution, and no city
in the kingdom of New Spain suffered more cruelly
in loss of life and ruin of prosperity than its capital,
Santa Fe de Guanajuato, from which the province
derived its name. 1 At the time of the conquest this
territory was inhabited by barbarous tribes living on
the produce of the chase, and the first Spaniards who
penetrated it were the conquerors of Acdanbaro, in
which exploits joined the cacique of Jilotepec, Nico
la's Montanez de San Luis, a near relative of Mon-
tezuma. In 1526 these adventurers apportioned out
among themselves the districts of Acambaro, Jere-
cuaro, and Coroneo. 2
1 The word is of Tarascan origin, and corrupted from Quanashuato, mean
ing cerro de ranas, or froghill, a name given to the site, because of a rock
shaped like a frog which was an object of worship to the natives. Medina,
Chron. de S. Dieyo, 257-8. The capital at an early date was known by tho
single appellation of Guanajuato.
2 'Segun aparece de la relacion ine'dita escrita por Montauezque copia in-
tegra el P. Fr. Pablo de la Concepcion Beaumont en su historia manuscrita de
la provincia de Franciscanos de Michoacan, que existe en el archivo general.'
Romero, Mich., 149-50.
(130)
GUANAJUATO HISTORY. 131
In 1531 ISTuno de Guzman passed through Penjamo
to the vicinity of the site of Guanajuato, and added
the territory to his conquests. For seventy years the
Chichimecs disputed with persistent bravery their
right to the soil, until in 1598 peace was established
by Rodrigo del Rio, who, in the name of the king of
Spain, promised to supply the Indians with food and
clothing on the conditions that they should tender alle
giance and keep in subjection the refractory. At the
same time the viceroy caused to settle there some Tlas-
caltecs and Aztecs, who instructed the Chichimecs in
agricultural and mechanical industries, all under the
guidance of missionaries. The first settlements in this
province grew out of the establishment by Viceroy
Yelasco the first, of the presidios at the places now
known as San Felipe and San Miguel, as a frontier
protection against the Chichimecs; but on the discov
ery of the Guanajuato mines, as narrated in a previous
volume, 3 a small fort was erected in 1554 on the site
where Marfil stands, and was called a real de minas.
A few years later another real de minas 4 was estab
lished at Tepetapa, which is the name of one of the
wards of Guanajuato city. For many years this lat
ter settlement was a place of little importance and few
inhabitants, and was under the jurisdiction of the al
calde mayor of Celaya. At the close of the sixteenth
century a curacy was founded, the population at that
time being about four thousand. From this date, ow
ing to the richness of the mines in the vicinity, the
prosperity of Guanajuato increased rapidly, and in
1679 the king of Spain granted it the title of villa y
real de minas de Santa Fe de Guanajuato. 5
3 Hist. Mex., iii. 588, this series.
4 In the times of the conquest, the site on which a Spanish army encamped
was called 'real,' and not ^infrequently was partially fortified. Real de
minas, therefore, means a military station in a mining district.
5 The name of Santa F6 had been given to the place in 1658 by the oidor
Antonio de Lara y Mogrovejo, who had been commissioned by Viceroy Albur-
Suerque to preside over the elaboration of the silver accruing to the crown in
lat district. Medina, Ib.; Romero, Mich., 157. ' Elle re9tit le privilege royal
de villa in 1C19.' Humboldt, Essal Pol., i. 247. This date must be a misprint.
COAT OF ARMS OF THE CITY OF GUANAJUATO.
132 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
From this time the district remained under the rule
of the ayuntamiento and
subdelegados, subject to
the audiencia of Mexico,
until 1786, when the in-
tendencias were estab
lished, 6 of which Guana
juato became one of the
principal. In the mean
time the town had been
raised in 1741 to the dig
nity of city, an appro
priate coat of arms being
granted it. 7 At the open
ing of the nineteenth cen
tury, the progress made
by Guanajuato and its
prosperity were almost
unprecedented.
The reader will be able to form some idea of the
wealth and activity of the district at the time when
the revolution broke out from the fact that in the
year 1800 the mines, including those worked and those
exhausted, numbered 1,816, employing 1.16 mills, 1,898
arrastras, and 366 establishments for the elaboration
of the metal. There were crushed daily 11,500 quin-
tales of ore, and 9,000 operatives employed. At this
time the population of the city, including those occu
pied in the mines, was 66,000. Nor were the agricul
tural industries of the province, which embraced about
1,750 square leagues, less thriving; the numerous pop
ulous towns were surrounded by rich pastures and
lands covered with maize and other grain. But now,
like a flail of destruction, war falls on the unhappy city,
and at its conclusion the population has diminished to
six thousand souls, the unfrequented streets are cov-
6 Consult Hist. Hex. , iii. 452, this series.
7 The coat of arms consists of a draped female figure blindfolded, holding
in her right hand a chalice, and supporting a cross with her left arm. The
design is" symbolical of faith.
TIDINGS OF REVOLUTION. 133
ered with grass, and the abandoned houses are offered
rent free. 8
The first church established in the city was the edi
fice known to-day as the chapel of the college of La
Purisima Concepcion, and in it Rivera placed the im
age of the santisima virgen in 1557. A few years later
another chapel was erected near by, and these two
buildings were used as hospitals, the first one for the
Tarascans and the second for the torn is, a third
being built for the benefit of the Mexican settlers. In
1671 was commenced the parish church, which was
completed and dedicated in 1696, and thither was con
veyed in the same year the image of our lady from
the church of the hospital. The parish church of
Guanajuato is one of the finest edifices of the kind in
the Mexican republic. The ecclesiastical government
of the province is under the bishopric of Michoacan.
In 1663 Viceroy Serda and Bishop Ramirez del Prado
granted permission to found the Franciscan convent
of San Diego, but the work was stopped by order of
the council of the Indies in the following year, because
it had been begun without royal license. In 1667,
however, the king's permission was granted, and the
convent was erected into a guardiama in 1679. This
church and convent were almost destroyed by the in
undation of 1780, but were restored by the conde de
Valenciana and some members of the brotherhood of
el Cordon. 9
On the 18th of September, Intendente Riano re
ceived intelligence from Iriarte of the occurrences in
Dolores and San Miguel. He immediately ordered
the call to arms to be sounded, believing that Hidalgo
was already on his march against the city. The
8 After the independence Guanajuato again rapidly advanced, and in 1825
the city had a population of over 33,000, according to the census taken by the
governor, Carlos Montesdeoca. Soc. Mc,x. Geog., ix. 93.
9 According to Fernando Navarro y Noriega, the intendencia of Guanajuato
comprised in 1810 three cities, four villas, and G2 towns, the total population
amounting to 576,600 souls. Soc. Mex. Geoy., 2 a ep., i. 290-1.
134 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
guards and battalion of provincial infantry were has
tily formed into line, while the principal citizens and
the commercial class, hurriedly seizing their weapons,
rushed with crow r ds of the populace to the buildings
of the intendencia. All was confusion and terror;
the stores were closed and house doors barred; the
plazas were deserted by the hucksters; frightened
women hurried along the thoroughfares for their
homes; while horsemen at full speed spread wider the
consternation as they galloped in different directions
through the streets with orders from headquarters. 10
Hiano explained to the assembled throng the cause of
the alarm, and the populace expressed a desire to en
gage the enemy, 11 believing that the insurrection was
a demonstration in favor of the French. 12 At two
-o'clock in the afternoon the intendente convoked a
junta of the ayuntamiento, the prelates of the relig
ious orders, and the principal citizens, at which he
expressed his apprehension that the danger was great,
but declared that he was determined to take every
defensive measure possible. 13
After some consultation it was decided to defend
the city, and during the day barricades were thrown
up at the entrances of the principal streets. Spaniards
and Americans as the Creoles and Indians are now
called 14 - were assembled in arms, and outlying de-
10 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 277.
11 ' Los que segun el general entusiasmo si entraron en aquel dia hubieran
perecido sin remedio. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 23.
12 Liceaga, Adic. y Eectific., 73-4.
13 The ayuntamiento of Guanajuato in February 1811 states to the viceroy
that several of its members proposed to Biaiio that he should immediately
march against Hidalgo with the provincial battalion, which numbered more
than 400 men, and with such armed citizens as could be mustered; and that
had this measure been adopted the revolution would have been nipped in the
bud. Ouan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 10-11. Brigadier Miguel Costansd, the com
missioner appointed to report on the matter, approved of Eiano's action in
refusing to accede to the proposal, by doing which he would have left the
capital of his province defenceless. Id., 71-2. Liceaga, with tedious length,
also supports the intendente. Adic. y Rtctific., 71-89. Alaman, on the con
trary, considers that the proposed movement would have been the best that
could be adopted, and supplies the additional information that Major Ber-
zabal was one of those who proposed it. Hist. Mej., i. 407.
14 We have here the most proper use, except as applied to the aborigines,
of the many-sided and generally misappropriated word Americans. In treat-
ACTION OF RIAftO. 135
tachments posted on the Santa Rosa and Yillalpando
highways which lead to Dolores and San Miguel.
A third body of troops was stationed on the Marfil
road. Squadrons of the cavalry regiment del Prin
cipe were ordered in, and advice asking for aid sent
to Brigadier Feliz Calleja, in command of the troops
at San Luis Potosi. On the following morning a
fylsQ alarm was raised that the enemy was approach
ing on the Marfil road; and the tardiness of the
lower orders to assemble for defence amounted almost
to indifference a state of things significant of im
pending misfortune. For six days these defensive
measures were maintained, and still no enemy ap
peared. 15 The intendente displayed an energy and
endurance which only the conviction of his perilous
position could have called forth; but day by day he
became more certain of the disaffected inclination of
the lower classes. "The seeds of rebellion spread,"
he writes to Calleja on the 26th, "security and confi
dence are gone. I have neither rested nor undressed
myself since the 17th, and for the last three days
have not slept an hour at a time." Indeed, he could
no longer rely upon the fidelity even of his own
troops. The responsibility of saving, if possible, the
royal treasury and archives increased Riano's anxiety;
and deeming his present arrangements defective, since
he could avail himself neither of the barracks, the
plaza, nor any of the churches, owing in part to the
threatening attitude of the populace, 16 on the 23d he
decided to retire to the alhondiga de granaditas, or
government granary a building which from its size
and strength would afford the advantages of a fortifica
tion.
ing of the aborigines the term properly fits all races indigenous to America.
Next it may be employed, as in the present case, to designate a mixed mass
of Indians, Creoles, and mestizos as distinguished from European Spaniards
with whom they are at war. But when we come to use the word Americans
as opposed to Canadians, or still worse as in California to Mexicans, it is
reduced to an absurdity.
15 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , ii. 277-8.
16 ' Manifestandose con chistes y con burlas contrario & la causa de gobierno
espanol.' Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 89.
136 TAKING OF THE ALH0XDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas, as famous in the
history of Mexico as is the Bastile in that of France,
had been erected by Kiafio for the purpose of storing
in it a quantity of corn sufficient for one year's con
sumption as a provision against failure of the crop.
During such periods of scarcity not only did the lower
orders suffer, but the mining industry was seriously
interrupted through want of food for the mule-trails
employed at the mines. The building was begun in
January 1798, and finished in August 1809. It is a
massive oblong two-story structure, 80 by 54 varas,
and cost $2 18, 263. 17 The exterior is void of ornament,
and its lofty solid walls pierced by windows opening
into the numerous store-rooms give to it quite a for
midable appearance. In the interior a portico of two
stories surrounds the spacious patio, or open court,
the lower columns being of Tuscan architecture, and
the upper ones, between which a balustrade of stone
extends, of Doric. Two magnificent flights of stairs
connect the stories, which consist of independent store
rooms.
On the northern side is the principal gateway, and
another opens at the eastern end of the building,
adorned with two columns and a Tuscan entablature.
It stands at the south-western entrance of the city, on
a rising ground which terminates the height called the
cerro del Cuarto by which it is dominated. Stored
17 Liceaga, followed by Zamacois, here falls into several errors; but I am
enabled to rectify their mistakes from the original statement of March 1810
passed by the intendente and audiencia. This document, which is in my pos
session, is particularly interesting as bearing the autograph signature of the
unfortunate Riafio, as well as those- of the members of the ayuntamientos for
1809 and 1810. Among these I may mention Maranon, Septiem, Jose" Ignacio
Rocha, Martin Coronel, and Ginori, all of whom signed the Publica Vindica
tion del Ilustre Ayuntamiento de Santa Fe de Guanajuato Justificando ftu Con-
dncta Moral y Politica, a representation addressed to the viceroy in January,
1811, relative to the occurrences at Guanajuato, and printed by permission
the same year. The intendente's and above mentioned names, with the ex
ception of Ginori's, appear twice. The building accounts occupy nine folios,
and are preceded by the order of the municipal junta on sealed paper for
their examination by Martin Coronel. The document is inclosed in and at
tached to a portfolio of native leather on which is engrossed : Tomo 5, 1809,
Contiene la Cuenta General de la Fdbrica de la Famosa Alhondlga de Grana
ditas.
DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 137
with maize and supplied with water, the alhondiga 18
was the only place where the intendente could hope
to hold out till the arrival of Calleja, whom he ex
pected within a week. Anticipating that the move
ment would meet with opposition, on the night of the
24th he caused secretly to be conveyed thither all
the royal and municipal treasures, amounting to over
$620,000 in money, bars of silver, and gold ounces, 19
the archives of the government and ayuntamiento,
and eventually the treasures of many private persons,
estimated at three million pesos. 20 Thither, also,
were removed the arms and ammunition of the bar
racks, sacks of flour, and other provisions. Ln the
dead of the night, too, the barricades were taken down
and the material carried to the alhondiga. Then the
troops were withdrawn from the barracks and out
lying posts, numbers of the Europeans mustered to
gether, and soldiers and civilians, in one common lot,
took refuge within the walls of this building.
When morning dawned and the city was astir the
news spread. The unguarded streets, the disappear
ance of the barricades, and the silent barracks pro
claimed to the populace that their reluctant allegiance
had been recognized, and that they were left to choose
between loyalty and rebellion. Fear fell on all. The
ayuntamiento in great excitement requested the in
tendente to preside over a junta composed of its own
members, the curas, prelates of the religious orders,
18 An anonymous correspondent in a letter to the in tendente's brother,
dated Guanajuato, October 2, 1810, says: 'Este edificio es una verdadera for-
taleza, y acaso la unica que hay en el reino. El Sr Riauo cuando la hizo se
propuso formar un Castillo para defensa del lugar, dandole el nombre de Al
hondiga.' Zerecero, Disc. Civic., 30.
19 'Se pasaron de las reales caxas a la alh6ndiga trescientas nueve barras de
plata, ciento setenta y quatro mil pesos efectivos, treinta y dos mil en onzas
de oro, treinta y ocho mil de la ciudad, que estaban en las areas de provincia,
y treinta y tres mil que se hallaban en las del cabildo; veinte mil de la miu-
erfa y depositos, catorce mil de la renta de tabacos, y mil y pico do correos. '
Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 14-15. A bar of silver weighed 135 marcs and its
standard value was 1,100 pesos.
23 Bustamante states the value of property in the precious metals, jewelry,
and valuable merchandise that was removed into the alh6ndiga during the
night and following days amounted to 5,000,000 pesos. There were also 700
quintales of quicksilver deposited there. Cuad. Hist., i. 25.
138 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
and principal citizens, in the municipal hall. Riano
declined on the plea of weariness, but expressed his
willingness to attend a junta in the afternoon; but it
must be held in the alhondiga de granaditas, and not
in the municipal hall. The meeting took place; but
civil officers, priests, and prelates in turn vainly en
deavored to induce Riano to change his purpose.
The intendente was inflexible, and according to the
representation of the ayuntamiento to the viceroy a
few months later, he bluntly dismissed them with the
assurance that, in the interest of the king, he should
remain with the troops where he was, and that as for
the city it might defend itself as best it could. 21
During that and the two following days the inten
dente devoted all his energies to the defence of his
position. Additional provisions were introduced into
the alhondiga; strong barricades were thrown up at
the only three points by which attacks could be made
through the streets; the eastern gateway was closed
with solid masonry; the iron quicksilver flasks, charged
with gunpowder, were converted into grenades, and
further information was despatched to Calleja, 22 set
ting forth his want of arms, and the doubtful fidelity
of his troops. 23
In order that the reader may understand Riano's
position, and the mode of attack adopted by the in
surgents in the ensuing engagement, a brief descrip
tion of the city of Guanajuato will be necessary.
zl Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 17-20. Bustamante also affirms that the in
tendente thus expressed himself. Cuad. Hist., i. 24. Consult also Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. l)oc., ii. 278.
22 This was sent on the 26th. The bearer of the first despatch left Guana
juato at 1 P. M. on the 23d, and on his return left San Luis at 11 P. M. of the
24th with Calleja's reply enjoining Riano to hold Guanajuato, and promising
to be before the city during the next week. With regard to the speed of the
courier Bustamante remarks: ' Que activos andaban estos hombres por sal-
varse!' Cuad. Hist., i. 25. The distance from Guanajuato to San Luis
Potosi is some 52 leagues.
23 ' Tengo poca polvora porque no la hay absolutamente, y la caballeria mal
montada y armada sin otra arma que espadas de vidrio, ' that is swords brit
tle as glass, 'y la infanterfa con fusiles remendados, no sieiido imposible el
que estas tropas sean seducidas.' Id., 24-5.
SITUATION AND SURROUNDINGS. 139
Situated at the bottom of a deep and narrow hollow,
round which on all sides rise lofty mountains, its po
sition in a military point of view is one of the worst.
On the south side rises the hill of San Miguel, while
from the north the cerro del Cuarto 24 extends like
a wedge into the city. So irregular is the site that
it might well be described by crumpling a sheet of
paper. On the plaza itself but few level spots can be
found, and few of the streets accommodate carriages.
Most of the houses occupy slopes so steep that in
many cases the floor of one is on a level with the roof
of another. An extension of this rugged hollow runs
off in the form of a rocky valley south-westerly to
Marfil, a league distant, and known by the name of
the canada de Marfil. Its whole length was occupied
by workshops, mills, and other buildings connected
with mining. Formerly the only carriage entrance
into the city lay through this glen. 25 To the east
of the city rises the river Guanajuato, here a mere
mountain torrent, which sweeping in a winding course
through the city unites with the Rio de la Cata flow
ing from the north-west. Although situated on a
rising ground, the alhondiga was so close to the cerro
del Cuarto that the houses built on the steep of that
height were only separated from it by a narrow street
arid a small plaza, not more than twenty-five yards
wide. On the south-east of the alhondiga was the
convent of Belen, from which it was separated by the
descent of Mendizdbal, and on the south and west
were the extensive workshops and premises of the
hacienda de Dolores where the precious metals were
treated. On the north, extending east and west, was
the street of los Pozitos in a straight line with the
descent to the Rio de la Cata, which was spanned
24 So called because on it was exposed in early times one portion of the
body of a malefactor who had beeu quartered. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 403.
25 The difficulties of this road were such that in 1822 a new one was com
menced over the hills, and this required a fine bridge to be built across the
river Cata. It was completed in 1835. Liceaya, Adic. y jRectific., 7-8.
140 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
by a wooden bridge. Herewith I give a plan of the
alhondiga and vicinity with explanation. 26
From this description the reader will observe that
the only three directions from which an assault could
be made upon the alhondiga were from the street of
los Pozitos; up the cuesta de Mendizabal; and up the
ascent from the Rio de la Cata. These approaches
were obstructed by the barricades, already mentioned.
Riafio did not confine his defence to the alhondiga,
but included in his lines of fortification the house
owned by Mendizdbal and the hacienda de Dolores,
which were surrounded by strong walls and separated
from the alh6ndiga by two narrow streets.
*"": ^3 T^N' --- = ^ ^ f \ . Pi n'\^
PLAN OF
26 A. The Alh6ndiga. B. Convent of Belen. C. House of the hacienda
de Dolores. DDD. Premises and work-shops of the same. E. The well. F.
Barricade at the foot of the hill of Mendizabal. G. Hill of Mendizabal. H.
House of Mendizabal whence the hill derived its name. I. Barricade in the
street of los Pozitos. J. Street of los Pozitos. K. Ascent to the mines. L L.
Entrances to streets which Riauo closed with masonry. M. Descent to the
Rio de la Cata. N. Barricade preventing approach from the river. 0. Prin
cipal entrance of the alhondiga, the only one not closed. P. Eastern entrance
closed with masonry. Q. Opening on to the flat roof. B. Window from
which Riaflo was shot. S. Cemetery of Belen. T. Street of Belen. U U.
Bridge and causeway of Our Lady of Guanajuato. V. Bio de Guanajuato.
X. Rio de la Cata. Y. The wooden bridge, Z. Workshop of Granaditas
and ward of Tepetapa. Z' Z'. The cerro del Cuarto covered with houses com
manding the alhondiga. * Spot where Berzabal fell.
ADVANCE OF HIDALGO. 141
Meanwhile, Hidalgo, marching through Salamanca,
Irapuato, and other places which voluntarily joined
his cause, approached Guanajuato in the early morn
ing of the 28th. He was well informed of the position
of affairs in the city. Arrived at the hacienda of
Burras he sent forward Ignacio Camargo and Mari
ano Abasolo 27 with a communication to Kiafio inform
ing him of the proclamation of independence, and
urging a peaceable surrender. The letter terminated
with a declaration of war to the uttermost in case of
refusal. 28
27 Liceaga was a relative of Abasolo, and being in Guanajuato at the
time tried to see him, but was prevented by the dense crowds. Adic. y Rec-
ti/ic., xi. and 103.
28 1 translate the document and a private letter which accompanied it;
also Biano's reply. The originals remained in possession of Ignacio Carnargo,
and were given by him to Liceaga, who was his school-fellow. The official
communication of Hidalgo is the more important as it refutes Alaman,
who misleads regarding the proclamation of independence. He erroneously
charges Bustamante with interpolating expressions, claiming that he himself
had been supplied with a correct version by Benigno Bustamante, one of the
Europeans present in the alhondiga, and remai'king: 'La sola palabra inde-
pendencia basta para demonstrar la inexactitud de este relato, pues Hidalgo
ocultaba este intento cuidadosamente, y nunca tomaba en boca piiblicamente
esta voz.' Hist. Mej., i. 421. Liceaga rightly points out the impossibility of
Benigno Bustamante being able to obtain a correct copy of the communica
tion. Adic. y Rectific. , 103-4.
Hidalgo's despatch to Riafio. ' Headquarters at the Hacienda de Burras,
28th of September, 1810. The numerous army which I command elected me
Captain General and Protector of the nation in the fields of Celaya. The
same city in the presence of fifty thousand men ratified this election, as have
also all the places through which I have passed; which will make your honor
cognizant that I am legitimately authorized by my nation to undertake the
beneficent projects which have appeared necessary to me for its welfare.
These projects are of equal utility and advantage to the Americans and those
Europeans who are disposed to reside in this kingdom, and they are reduced to
the proclamation of the independence and liberty of the nation. Consequently
I do not regard the Europeans as enemies, but only as an obstacle which em
barrasses the successful issue of our enterprise. Your honor will be pleased to
inform the Europeans who have united together in the alhondiga of these ideas,
in order that they may decide whether to declare themselves as enemies, or
agree to remain in the quality of prisoners, meeting with humane and kind
treatment, such as those whom we bring with us have experienced, until the
liberty and independence indicated shall be acquired, in which case they will
be included in the class of citizens with the right to the restitution of their
property, which for the time being we shall make use of for the urgencies of
the nation. If on the contrary they do not accede to this demand I shall use
all force and stratagem to destroy them, without leaving them the hope of
quarter. May God protect your Honor. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, Captain
General of America.'
The private letter from Hidalgo to Rlaiio runs as follows: 'The esteem
which I have ever expressed for you is sincere, and I believe due to the high
qualities which adorn you. The difference in our ways of thinking ought not
142 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
Before nine o'clock the messengers reached the bar
ricade at the foot of the cuesta de Mendizabal, arid
Camargo was conducted blindfolded into the alhon-
diga. Riano on receiving Hidalgo's communication
assembled the Europeans on the flat roof of the build
ing, apart from the troops, and having read it to them
asked their decision. For some moments there was
a mournful silence, till finally their captain, Bernardo
del Castillo, after a few brief remarks declared for
war. He would fight till he died in maintaining the
right; and thereupon raised the cry of "Death or vic
tory!" in which the Europeans now joined. 29 Riano
then descended to discover the intentions of the troops.
"And my children of the battalion," he asked, "can
I doubt about their resolution to do their duty?"
Whereupon Berzabal raised the cry of "Viva el rey!"
and the soldiers vociferously responded. Neverthe
less, before sending his reply, Riaiio considered it right
to communicate with the ayuntamiento, and sent by
the procurator Pedro Cobo, who being a Spaniard had
taken refuge in the alhondiga, copies of Hidalgo's let
ter and his intended reply. 30 Much delay was occa-
to diminish it. You will follow the course which may seem most right and
prudent to you, but that will not occasion injury to your family. We shall
tight as enemies, if so it shall be decided; but I herewith offer to the Senora
Intendenta an asylum, and assured protection, in any place she may select
for her residence, in consideration of the ill health to which she was subject.
This offer does not spring from fear, but from a sensibility which I cannot
discard from me.'
Riaiio's reply: ' Sr Cura of the town of Dolores, D. Miguel Hidalgo. I
recognize no other authority, nor is it evident to me that any such has been
established, nor other Captain General in the kingdom of New Spain, than
His Excellency Sr Don Francisco Xavier de Venegas, its Viceroy; nor more
legitimate reforms than those which the Nation at large may adopt at the
general Cortes to be held. My duty is to fight as a soldier, which noble senti
ment animates all those around me. Guanajuato, 28th of September, 1810.
Juan Antonio Riaiio. ' And to the private letter: 'The exercise of arms is
not incompatible with sensibility; this demands of my heart the gratitude
due to your offers for the benefit of my family, whose lot does not disturb me
on the present occasion.' Id., 212-14.
29 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 279-80. Mora, who gives a
slightly different version of this proceeding, insinuates that the Europeans
were inclined to yield, and passes a reflection upon the indiscretion of Cas
tillo, whom he describes as ' uno de aquellos raptos indiscretos y compromete-
dores que no faltan en semejantes ocasiones.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 32. This
author states that Camargo read Hidalgo's communication to the troops, a
most improbable proceeding.
z y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 117.
DISPOSITIONS FOR DEFENCE. 143
sioned in assembling the members, who had retired to
their houses, and when they met they had no advice
to offer. Calling attention to the fact that they had
neither troops, arms, nor funds any longer at their
disposal, they said that it remained with the inten-
dente to act under the circumstances as it seemed best
to him. Riafio's reply was at last written and Ca-
margo sent back, but the long delay had caused Aba-
solo to return, and Hidalgo was already approaching
up the Marfil road. The intendente then wrote Ca-
lleja: "I am about to fight, for I shall be attacked
immediately. I shall resist to the uttermost, because
I am honorable. Fly to my succor."
Riano now disposed his forces, which consisted of
four companies of the provincial infantry, commanded
by Captain Manuel de la Escalera, in the absence of
the lieutenant-colonel, Quintana, 31 and scarcely num
bering 300 men. Besides these was a company of
armed Europeans, which raised the number to about
500, and two troops of dragoons, not mustering more
than seventy, under the command of Captain Jose
Castilla. 32 A portion of the infantry and of the
European company was stationed on the roof of the
alhondiga, and detachments of the provincial battal
ion were posted at the three barricades. The cavalry
were drawn up inside the barrier at the descent to the
Rio de la Cata; to the remaining armed Europeans
was assigned the defence of the hacienda de Dolores,
while a body of reserves was retained within the al-
hondiga. 33 While these preparations were going on,
it was noticed that the surrounding heights were oc-
81 Liceaga states that Quintana, the Conde de Perez Galvez, colonel of the
dragoon regiment del Principe, and a number of Europeans had suddenly
left the city, while others did not cooperate with those in the alhondiga, but
remained in their houses. He gives a list of 20 names cf these latter. Adic.
y Rectlfic., 79. This is confirmed in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 279.
82 Mora says six hundred in all. Ut sup., 29.
33 Alaman conjectures that Biano intended to sally with the reserves and
cavalry, and attack the enemy at the most assailable points, ' plan cicrta-
mente de muy aventurada ejecucion, con el corto mimero de tropa de que se
podia disponer.' Ut sup., 424.
144 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
cupied by crowds of the populace, who seated on the
ground calmly looked on as if at a bull-fight.
Shortly before midday, Hidalgo's army appeared in
sight, approaching by the Marfil road. 34 Advancing
along the causeway of Nuestra Senora de Guanajuato,
the van, composed of a strong body of Indians armed
with lances, clubs, and bows and arrows, crossed the
bridge and arrived in front of the barricade at the
foot of the cuesta de Menclizabal. Gilberto de Riano,
son of the intendente, 35 who was in command at this
point, opened fire on them as they continued to ad
vance, when ordered, in the name of the king, to halt.
Several Indians fell; the rest retreated, and guided by
a native of the place, took up a position on the cerro
del Cuarto. The main body now formed into two
divisions, one of which, making a detour, approached
by the cerro de San Miguel, and entering the city by
the causeway of las Carreras, 36 liberated the jail pris
oners, and then occupied the cerro del Venado. The
other division made a detour by the hacienda de
Flores in order to occupy the cerro del Cuarto.
The city was now in possession of the insurgents,
and, as they marched through the streets, thousands
of voices raised the dreadful battle-cry, while they
waved hundreds of different colored banners, on which
was depicted the sacred emblem. The miners, a brave
34 The number of armed men in Hidalgo's force is not exactly known.
Robinson, Mem. Max. Rev., i. 27, says that he left Celaya with nearly 20,000.
Bustamante, Torrente, Alaman, and others also place the number at 20,000.
Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic. , 82, raises it to 25,000 men of all classes, 2,000 of
whom were regular troops of the San Miguel regiment of dragoons de la Ileina,
and of the provincial infantry regiment, companies of which joined the in
surgents at Celaya, Salamanca, and Irapuato. Mora, on the contrary, gives
14,000 as the estimated number, besides 400 regulars, 'sin con tar con la
tropa reglada que no pasaban de cuatrocientos, y se hallaban como perdi-
dos y absolutamente embarazados para obrar entre esta multitud disordenada.'
Mej. y sus Rev. , iv. 33-4.
35 Gilberto was a lieutenant of the line regiment of Mexico, and was staying
with his father on leave of absence. He was a young man of considerable
military ability. The construction of the barricades was intrusted to his
direction, and he devised the plan of converting the quicksilver flasks into
grenades. Alaman, flist. Mej., i. 417.
36 On the summit of the cerro de San Miguel was a small plain where the
people were wont to attend horse-races on days of festivity. Hence its name
of las Carreras. Id., 408.
THE ATTACK. t 145
and hardy class, and the populace joined Hidalgo,
and soon all the heights which commanded the al-
hondiga were occupied. Soldiers of the Celaya regi
ment, armed with muskets, and a host of Indian
slingers were posted on the cerro del Cuarto ; a simi
lar disposition was made on the cerro del Venae 1 o.
The houses in front of the alhondiga on the north skle
were filled with sharp-shooters, and swarms of In
dians in the river bed broke stones for the slingers,
others carrying them up the heights. Hidalgo, pis
tol in hand, at the head of about two thousand
mounted men, among whom were the dragoons of the
regiment de la Reina, hastened from point to point,
encouraging his men, giving instructions, and making
his dispositions for the assault. 37
At length the performance begins. Hidalgo's sol
diers open fire on the besieged, while from the heights
and house roofs a furious discharge of stones is rained
down on the alhondiga. Dense masses of Indians
assault the barricades, and though the slaughter from
the enemy's volleys, fired at close range into the com
pact mass, is terrific, it fails to repel the assailants.
As the front ranks fall, others supply their places,
pressed onward by those behind; and thus over the
bodies of the dead and dying the contest rages unin
terruptedly. For the besieged the position is terrible.
The reports of the muskets, the hiss of bullets, the
hoarse hum of the jagged stones as they whirl through
the air and fall on the roof as from an emptying
volcano is worse than the infernal din of Satan's en
ginery. 38
For half an hour the battle rages. The assailants
show no intention of ceasing their efforts to storm
the barricades. The carnage among the assailants is
37 Liceaga points out a flagrant misstatement of Alaman's, to the effect that
Hidalgo remained during the whole of the contest in the cavalry barracks at
the farther end of the city. Adic. y Retific., 108-10.
38 So furious and continuous was the discharge of stones that after the
action the floors of the alhondiga roof and the open court were found! to be
raised eight or nine inches above their proper level by the accumulation.
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 37.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 10
146 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
fearful, but to see their comrades shot down by their
side only the more enrages them. The defenders of
the barrier at the street of los Pozitos are being hard
pressed, and Riafio sallies with twenty men to their
support. His courage outstrips his prudence; yet,
si itioning the men, he returns to the alhondiga un
scathed through a storm of missiles. He mounts the
steps of the entrance and turns round to see how the
battle goes then he drops dead, struck through the
brain by a bullet. A soldier of the Celaya regiment
had marked him for his own. The body is dragged
within, 39 and the hearts of those present sink as they
gaze on their commander's lifeless form.
Thus fell the first man of note in the revolutionary
war, a man whose death was much lamented. Riafio
was an incorruptible and just but merciful magistrate.
He was headstrong and rash, yet he was honest and
humane. The beneficent measures adopted while he
was intendente of Guanajuato raised the province to
its highest prosperity. It is claimed for him that
liberal and enlightened views led him to recognize the
blessings of independence; and to his friends, of whom
Hidalgo was one, he did not hesitate to express liberal
opinions. It is further urged that, had the declara
tion of independence come from a more legitimate
source, had it been proclaimed by the constituted au
thorities, as might have been the case if Iturrigaray
had not been deposed, Riano would unhesitatingly
89 Bustamante gives a different version of the intend ente's fall. He states
that Riano, having observed that the sentinel at the gate had abandoned his
post and musket, took up the piece and commenced firing at the enemy, and
that he was killed while so occupied, CuacL Hist. , i. 38. Mora gives a simi
lar account, Mcj. y sus Rev., iv. 34-5; and so does an anonymous narration
in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 281. Alarnan with reason points out the
improbability of the intendente acting thus when the serious duties of a
commander required his attention. Moreover, Bustamante states that a cor
poral who was standing close by was wounded in the head by the same bullet
which passed through Kiailo's skull, proving that if the sentinel had deserted
his post there was another to take his place. Alaman asserts that the shot was
fired from the window of one of the houses opposite the alhondiga. Hist. Mcj. ,
i. 42G-7. Liceaga, followed by Zamacois, considers that it was fired from the
cerro del Cuarto. Adic. y Bectific., 114-15.
DEATH OF RIA$0. 147
have supported it; but he could not countenance
what he deemed a lawless movement, a movement
whose origin was so humble, and whose agents were
so ignoble. But we may well doubt, if the independ
ence of Mexico had been left wholly to Spanish offi
cials, the corrupt and mercenary minions of a corrupt
and mercenary monarch, that it would ever have been
achieved. New Spain was in no sense a confederation
of states, like the English colonies in America, with
men at the helm native-born and of independent
thought and action. Conditions were different here,
and the desired results must come through different
means. I believe this uprising of the native and mixed
races to have been one of the inexorable dispensations
in the case. It was meet that a remnant of that peo
ple, who had suffered so gross and long-continued
wrongs at the hands of Europeans, should be the first
to rise in rebellion against them, when onco opportu
nity offered a reasonable hope of success.
Riaiio was a better man than the average Spanish
official in America; but it was not at the individual
the blow w r as aimed, We all recognize his simple and
modest deportment, his kindness and accessibility to
the poor, his pleasant companionship and literary at
tainments, which made him alike popular with high
and low. 40
The death of the intendente carries confusion and
disorder among the besieged. A dispute arises be
tween Manuel Perez Valdes, asesor of the intenden-
cia, and Major Berzdbal, each claiming the right to
the chief command. There is no time to settle it;
the assault is continued with increased obstinacy, and
for hours the fierce contest rages. Heavier falls the
stone deluge, and fiercer is the rush at the barricades.
All discipline is lost; as first one and then another
40 He was born on the 16th of May, 1757, in the town of Lierganes, in
Santander, Spain, being in his tifty-fourth year when he met his death. Ala-
mem, Hist. Mej., i. 427.
148 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
issues orders, the soldiers of the line only obeying
their respective officers. The defenders of the barri
cades can hold their positions no longer, and are or
dered to abandon them and retreat to the alhondiga.
The ponderous doors are then hastily closed, leaving
the cavalrymen outside, and cutting off from place of
refuge those in the hacienda de Dolores. The former
are instantly surrounded, and Cast-ilia, their captain,
and many others slain; of the rest, some few escape
in the crowd, and some take part with the insurgents.
The roof of the alhondiga is no longer tenable, and
those posted on it retire below. Surrender, however,
is not thought of; and in the dense masses of the
revolutionists as they throng in front of the building
the slaughter caused by the fire of the besieged from
the windows is fearful. Presently miners, partially
protected by huge earthen vessels/ 1 creep up to the
building and work with crow-bars at the wall, trying
to effect a breach. But the walls are thick arid
strong, and Hidalgo, seeing that the door, though of
massive wood, can be more quickly broken through,
orders crow-bars. A more ready way is found, how
ever, by a young mirier standing near, who offers, if
provided with pitch and combustibles, to set fire to
it. 42 These are procured from a neighboring store,
and the intrepid youth, under cover of one of the
earthen vessels, makes his way up to the entrance
and accomplishes the daring feat.
41 'Cubiertos con cuartones de lozas, como los romanos con la testudo.' Al
aman, ut sup. , 430.
42 Bustamante's account, which is repudiated by Alaman, is that Hidalgo
addressed one of the crowd standing near him, and asked him if he had the
courage to set the gate on fire. The man said 'Yes,' and did it. 'Este Idpero
comparable con el carbonero que atac6 la Bastida en Francia. . .sin titubear
dijo que si.' Ut sujJ., 39. In the text I have followed Liceaga's version, who
took great pains to arrive at the true account of this event. See his pages
112-14. He states that this young hero, well known in Guanajuato, was a
miner 18 or 20 years of age, and named Mariano. He left Guanajuato the
same evening, in the direction of Mellado, where he lived, accompanied by
several others, carrying bags of money, and under the guard of some insurgent
soldiers. As he was never seen again, Liceaga conjectures that he was mur
dered for his money. Bustamante gives to this youth the appellation of
Pi'pila, a name unknown in Guanajuato according to Alaman and Liceaga.
ROAR AND RAGE OF BATTLE. 149
When they see their barrier yielding to the flames,
consternation falls on the besieged. As the fire eats
its way into the wood, the impatient assailants rush
at the door. It does not yet yield. Berzabal draws
up in line before the entrance such soldiers as he can
collect, to resist the attack. The deadly grenades are
brought into play, and the havoc they cause is terrible.
Gilberto Riano, maddened at his father's death, 43
thinks only of revenge, and the infernal engines
which he had contrived are hurled rapidly through
the windows upon the multitude. Each bomb as it
explodes sows the ground with dead and mangled
bodies. But like the rushing-in of mighty waters,
every space thus cleared is quickly filled.
The European civilians in the building are demoral
ized by panic fear. Some shower down among their
foes money from the windows. Vain effort! As well
throw crumbs to hungry wolves. Are not all the treas
ures of the alhondiga theirs? Some throw aside their
arms in despair and seek to disguise themselves; others
wildly shout out that they will capitulate, and others
betake themselves to prayer. A few, brave to the last,
resolve to die rather than yield. Finally, confusion
increasing and all hope abandoned, the asesor Valdes
causes a white handkerchief to be hoisted as a signal
of surrender. In denser crowds the besiegers surge
forward. But Gilberto Riano and others, ignorant
of what Valdes has done, still cast their destructive
bombs. 44 Whereat the besiegers in fury are beside
themselves. The roar of the multitude as they raise the
cry of Treachery ! treachery! is heard all over the city,
43 Bustamante relates that Gilberto, having embraced his father's body,
seized a pistol with the intention of taking his own life. Those present, how
ever, caused him to desist, by offering to post him at the most dangerous
point, that he might have an opportunity of avenging his father's death. Ut
sup., 38.
il Both Mora and Bustamante state that the mistake was caused by the
firing from the hacienda de Dolores, the defenders of which could not possibly
see the signal. But as Alaman and Liceaga were both in Guanajuato at the
time, I prefer to follow the account adopted in the text, and in which they
agree.
150 TAKING OF THE ALHOXDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
and the order is issued to kill and spare not. 45 Against
the burning door, although not yet consumed, they
throw themselves until it yields, and the maddened
crowd rush like a torrent of flame over the burning
debris through the entrance. A deadly volley at
point-blank range is poured into them by Bcrzabal and
his men, strewing the ground with the dead. But
their impetus is irresistible. Surging onward over
the fallen, the human wave overwhelms or drives be
fore it the defenders at the entrance, and Berzabal
with a few survivors makes his last stand in a corner
of the court.
The struggle is brief. His soldiers are soon
stretched upon the pavement; the standard-bearers
fall; but Berzdbal, supporting the colors with his left
arm, for a while defends himself with his sword, till
pierced by a dozen lances he sinks lifeless on the
ground, 46 still clinging to the standard in his death
agony. The victors now rush forward into every part
of the building, killing without mercy and without dis
crimination. Surrendered soldiers are cut down, and
45< Gritaron todos como si los inflamase un mismo espiritu, traicion! trai-
cion! y los gefes dieron 6rden de no otorgar la vida a nadie!' Bustamante,
Cuad. Hist., i. 40. ' La algazara era espantosa, y se oia en todo Guanajuato,
multiplicandose su e"co por las quiebras y canadas.' Ib.
46 According to Bustamante, Berzabal fell before the alh6ndiga was gained,
his death being attributed to one of his soldiers, who shot him because of a
reprimand. Ib. The father of Diego Berzabal, Don Baltasar, arrived in Mexico
in 1743 and married Dona Juana Duarte, a lady of noble family. Four sons
and two daughters were the result, Diego being born in Oajaca in November
17G9, thus being a Creole. At the age of twelve he was sent to Spain as a
cadet in the regiment of Granada. Having returned to Mexico in 1789, he
received an appointment in the regiment of Nueva Espafia, and served in
Santo Domingo during the revolution in that island. Having obtained the
grade of captain, he was promoted to the rank of sargento-mayor of the pro
vincial battalion of Guanajuato. As already noticed in the last chapter, it
was to Major Berzabal that Garrido denounced Hidalgo's conspiracy. Ber
zabal was forty-one years of age at the time of his death, twenty-eight of
which he passed in exemplary military service; 'sin haber sufrido jamas un
arresto iii tenido una nota en sus hojas de servicio.' Alaman, Hist. Mej.,i.
app. 51-2. He left one son and three daughters. Berzabal was a zealous,
loyal, and well educated officer. In 1811 his widow caused two official inves
tigations to be made of her late husband's conduct as a military officer, the
depositions in which constituted high testimonials of his merits, and en
tirely refute Bustamante's account of his death as given above. Alaman ob
tained the particulars from the documents in possession of Berzabal's family,
and which were placed at his disposal. Id., app. 51-4.
SPOILS OF WAE,. lol
civilians who have secreted themselves among the
stores are dragged forth and ruthlessly butchered.
Above the din, shots still are heard in different parts
of the alhondiga, as here and there some one still un
daunted dearly sells his life and kills as he dies. But
fainter and fainter grow these sounds, which presently
cease ; then for a brief space the dull, heavy thud of
the death-blow is heard; and then all is still; resist
ance is at an end.
Pillage is next in order. From the living, the dy
ing, and the dead, the clothes are torn. The store
rooms are ransacked and the treasures carried off, the
plunderers fighting among themselves for the spoils.
What a sight is here, oh God ! and all for liberty, all for
tyranny ; liberty or tyranny among some, with others,
glory, gold, or plunder among all with more or less
of that horrid gratification a bloodhound feels as it
tears its victim limb from limb and scatters around
the bloody fragments. Blood ! blood and mangled
humanity everywhere. Nude, distorted forms lay
stretched on heaps of maize saturated with blood,
and on piles of silver bars dyed crimson; blood-stained
pillagers bear off their blood-bespattered plunder over
the pavements slippery with gore; while the wild ges
ticulations, the exultant shouts, and the savage oaths
of the frenzied victors, would put to shame hell's
banqueters !
When the Europeans who were in the hacienda de
Dolores saw that the revolutionists had possession of
the alhondiga, they meditated escape by a side door
on the north-west, which opened to the wooden bridge
over the Rio de la Cata. It had, however, already
been broken open by the insurgents, who were pour
ing in in overwhelming numbers. The doomed band
among whom was Francisco Iriarte, who, as the
reader is aware, had been commissioned by the inten-
dente to report to him Hidalgo's proceedings at Do
lores then retired to the well, which was situated in
an elevated position. There they defended them-
152 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
selves till their last cartridge was spent, inflicting
heavy loss upon their assailants, Iriarte alone killing
eighteen. But the crowd now closed in upon them
in overpowering numbers, and the ground was quickly
covered with the slain. It is said that some, to avoid
death by the hands of the merciless victors, threw
themselves into the well.
By five o'clock in the afternoon the contest, which
had lasted for four hours, ceased, and orders were
given to take the prisoners to the jail from which the
criminals had been released. Naked and wounded
and bound with cords, the wretched survivors were
dragged and driven along with insults, blows, and
threats of death, many of them dying on the way.
Others perished in the prison. Gilberto Riano and
Bernabe Bustamante, both badly wounded, were per
mitted to go into a private house, but died a few days
afterward. Among the slain were sons of the first
families of Guanajuato, and many of the principal citi
zens. With regard to the number killed no certainty
can be arrived at, but it probably amounted to over
six hundred men, soldiers and civilians. 47
Of the insurgents, exclusive of the regular soldiers
47 According to Bustamante, 105 Spaniards and an equal number of soldiers
perished. Id., 41. Alaman says about 200 soldiers and 105 Spaniards, follow
ing Bustamante, but remarking in a note, ' Creo que muri6 mayor numero de
espaibles.' Hist. Mej., i. 434-5. Zamacois considers that more than 200
soldiers were slain, and not less than 150 Spaniards. Hist. Mej., vi. 394.
But Liceaga examines the question with some closeness. He argues that
the number of Europeans as given by Bustamante only included known in
habitants of the city whose deaths were noticed at the time. A large num
ber of Europeans, estimated by him at not less than 300, had, however, flocked
into the city as a place of refuge from the surrounding towns as soon as the
news of the rebellion reached them. The greater part of these were unknown,
their arrival even being unnoticed. Most of them perished; and he considers
that 400 Europeans fell as well as nearly all the soldiers. Adic. y Rectiftc., 117.
Although Liceaga has, perhaps, overestimated the number of Europeans,
bearing in mind the exterminating character of the contest, I think it proba
ble that the survivors bore a comparatively small numerical proportion to the
slain; and as there were many Europeans in the alh6ndiga other than those
who bore arms, I think the numbers given by the three first named authors
underrated. I may add that Torrente, whose unmitigated partiality to
Spanish domination in the colonies leads him to make assertions which can
only be classed as mendacious, boldly states that 2,000 loyal victims were
killed and 2,000 more cast into dungeons. Hist. Rev. Hisp. Am., i. 145.
Robinson says: 'The unfortunate' Spaniards, and all who adhered to them,
were sacrificed by the infuriated Indians.' Mem. Hex. Rev., i. 28.
THE FIRST VICTORY. 153
who fell on their side, at least two thousand Indians
perished, the wounded being in small proportion to
the dead, having been trampled to death by their in
furiated comrades as they rushed forward to avenge
them. 43
The victory was dearly purchased, the loss sus
tained being so heavy that the revolutionary leaders
deemed it prudent to conceal it. During the night
great trenches were dug in the dry bed of the river
and into them the dead were thrown. Some of the
slain royalists were draped bv their arms and legs from
c/ OO / c"5
the alhondiga on the following morning and cast naked
48 * Seguramente pasaron de tres mil muertos los que hubo, aunque procu-
raron ocultar esta pordida, enterrandolos secretamente en zanjones one hicie-
ron en el rio.' Gnan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 22. Liceaga considers that the
3,000 slain as reported by the ayuntamiento to the viceroy represent nearly
accurately the total number killed on both sides. Alaman regards the num
ber as greatly exaggerated. Bustamante states that it was not known, on ac
count of the Indians having buried their dead in the channel of the river by
night. Zamacois places the number of victims at not less than 2,500.
The action of Riafio in withdrawing to the alhondiga and leaving the
city defenceless lias been severely censured by some, who regard it as the
cause of the disaffection of the populace and the future disasters which be
fell. The ayuntamiento, in its Publlca Vindication. . .already quoted in
note 13, urges that but for the abandonment of the city the populace would
have remained loyal; but that when they perceived that the troops and Euro
peans had retired to the alhondiga, they considered themselves deserted by
them, 'comenzo a decir publicamente: que los gachupines y sefiores. . .que-
rian defenderse solos y dexarlos entregados a el enemigo, y que aun los viveres
les quitaban para que perecieran de hambre.' Guan., ut sup., 16. There is,
however, little doubt that the lower orders would have joined the insurgents
in any case as soon as they appeared, and Riano was well aware of this. Com
missioner Constans6 in his report, already mentioned in note 13 of this chap
ter, entirely exonerates Riauo from blame, considering his action 'conforme
al dictamen de la sana razon y a la maxima cle sabios militares. ' Id. , 74-5.
Liceaga also argues in exculpation of the intendente, and asserts that it is
falsely stated by the ayuntamiento that the populace only exhibited symp
toms of disaffectation after the removal to the alhondiga. One of the prin
cipal causes which influenced Riafio in his decision was the contemptuous
manner in which the abolishment of tributes, published by him on the 21st,
had been received; the proclamation being made a subject of ridicule, and
the unfavorable feeling toward the government being apparent. The same
author refutes both Alaman and Bustamante, who state that the abolishment
of tribute was proclaimed 011 the 2Gth. Adlc. y Rectlfic. , 74-5. Bearing in
mind the responsibility of Riafio for the protection of the royal treasures and
archives, his knowledge that the populace of all towns which Hidalgo had
approached had enthusiastically declared for the revolution, his doubt about
the fidelity of his own troops who had already been tampered with; and
bearing in mind, also, the insolent bearing of the populace of Guanajuato, and
the intendente's conviction that Calleja within a week would arrive to his
support, I cannot but indorse Liceaga's views, and consider that the repre
sentations of the ayuntamiento were warped for the purpose of palliating
the political outbreak which involved a fearful chastisement.
154 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
into the burial-ground of Belen, the body of the in-
tendente alone being covered with a miserable shroud
supplied by the friars of the convent. 49 Any mani
festation of pity for the dead was dangerous."
The capture of the alhondiga was accomplished by
no regular military tactics. Hidalgo's dispositions
were only general, and confined to directions given to
occupy the commanding heights. After the first at
tack the leaders had little control over their followers,
who were little better than a mob of ill-armed and
unorganized Indians. Yet there was courage among
them, and love of country, self-sacrifice, and true
heroism. With all the valor of veteran warriors,
they here fought for the first time in their lives.
Hidalgo's followers, united with the populace of the
city, once launched against their oppressors, moved
onward with irresistible force. At the sight of blood,
their own blood, that of their comrades and of their
enemies, they became demons infuriate. Bustamante
relates that an Indian seized a bomb thrown at
him and vainly strove to tear out the fuse with his
teeth. The bomb exploded, blowing him to pieces.
"It matters not/' cried his comrades, "there are others
behind."
Such were the first men who shed their blood
in the cause of independence. On the side of the
loyalists also individual acts of bravery were fre
quent, which bring to mind the dauntless bearing of
the conquerors. Conspicuous among the cavalrymen,
when they were surrounded, was Jose Francisco Va-
lenzuela, who three times charged up and down the
hill alone, clearing his way with his sabre. When
49 Alaman relates that the body of Riaflo was exposed for two days, to
satisfy the curiosity of the populace as to whether he had a tail. It is said
that the belief prevailed among some of the lower orders that all Spaniards
had tails. Hist. Mcj., i. 435. Jews were thought to have tails, and as the
Indians were taught to believe that the Spanish authorities were imbued
with the anti-catholic doctrines of the French, they placed them in the cate
gory with the Jews. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., vi. 394-5.
50 'A imamuger le dieron una cuchillada en la cara, tan solo porque a la
vista de uu cadaver grito despavorida. . .\Ay \ ; pobrecito !' Bustamante, Cuad.
., i, 44.
PILLAGE AND DRUNKENNESS. 153
dragged at last from his saddle on the points of lances,
he still fought and slew his foes, shouting with his
dying breath, Viva Espana! 51
When victory had declared for the insurgents, those
who had remained inactive on the surrounding heights
swarmed into the city to join in the plunder. As
soon as the alhondiga had been stripped of its treas-
"ures, a general assault was made on the shops and
houses of the Europeans. During that night and for
several succeeding days, pillage, devastation, and riot
reigned. Above the noise of human voices were heard
the hollow sounds of axe-blow and crow-bar on the
doors, the rending of timbers, and the crashing of fur
niture wantonly destroyed. From the commercial
stores merchandise of every description was seized.
Bales of cambric and of cloth, sacks of cacao, and bar
rels of spirituous liquors were rolled into the streets,
and sold to any who would buy for anything that
could be obtained. 52
Drunken Indians arrayed themselves in stolen
clothing, and staggered along barefooted in bright
uniforms and embroidered coats. The iron railings of
the balconies were torn from the houses and the grat
ings from the windows. At night the streets were
illumined by smoking torches, around which weird
human forms, in every stage of drunkenness, yelled
and gesticulated. The mining establishments in the
city and neighborhood were ransacked, the precious
metals, quicksilver, and implements carried off, and
the machinery destroyed. In vain Hidalgo sought
to arrest the depredation and disorder. A proclama-
51 Valenzuela was a native of Irapuato and lieutenant of the cavalry troop
of that town. Members of his family still lived there when Alaman wrote.
Hist. My., i. 429, and app. 77.
52 Aguardiente was sold for five dollars a barrel, a sack of cacao or al
monds for two dollars, a bale of cambric for four dollars, and bars of silver
brought from the alhondiga for five dollars. So ignorant of values were the
country Indians that they sold their gold ounces for three or four reales to the
men of Guanajuato, who told them that they were copper medals. 'Nothing,'
says Robinson, 'can more strongly elucidate the wretched ignorance and pov
erty of the great mass of Indians. ' Mem. Mex. Rev. , i. 29. Consult Ltceaya,
Adlc. y Ilectific., 121.
156 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO.
tion issued by him to that effect on the 30th was un
heeded, and the rioters only ceased when their work
was finished. The scene in Guanajuato was pitiahle. 53
53 Hidalgo lias been greatly blamed for the frightful excesses, as if it had
been in his power to prevent them. Robinson holds that it was not extraor
dinary he should permit the Indians to enjoy the first fruits of their exer
tions. He considered it politic to let them have palpable proofs that they
would profit by the revolution; and with regard to the slaughter of the Span
iards, it was impossible for him to prevent it. Nevertheless, many Euro
peans and Creoles owed their lives to his protection, members of these latter
incurring the same danger and violence as the former, their houses being
sacked and their persons exposed to continual peril. The historian Alanian
narrowly escaped ill treatment if not death, and Hidalgo, in person, with the
sacred banner went to the succor of him and his family. Even his authority
failed to disperse the crowd bent upon plundering the wealth of a Spaniard
that had been secreted in Alaman's house, and it was only by Allende freely
using his sword that the mob was driven back. Hist. Mej., i. 438-41. The
main authorities consulted for the above account of the taking of the alhon-
diga de granaditas have been Alaman, Liceaga, and Bustamaiite. The testi
mony of Liceaga is of especial value, since he was a witness of the whole af
fair from the balcony of a house which commanded a view of the alh6ndiga,
and which he gained at the risk of his life. The object of his work Adi-
ciones y Rectificadones d la Historla de Mexico que escribiti D. Lucas A laman,
published in Guanajuato in 1868, was, as its name implies, to correct mis
takes which appear in Alaman's history, and fill up vacancies in the sequence
of events by information which Alaman could not obtain. Liceaga, while
complimenting Alaman for his diligence, close research, good judgment, and
learning, and pronouncing his history the most complete of the kind and
worthy of all appreciation, points out that in many portions of his work ho
had to depend upon the accounts of previous writers, which he himself asserts
to be full of errors arising from the want of knowledge of some authors and
the prejudiced views of others. Alaman consequently, with all his care,
could not avoid falling into mistakes which Liceaga felt himself able to cor
rect from personal observation and contact with eye-witnesses. The additions
and corrections supplied by Liceaga do not form a connected history of the
revolution, but they constitute a valuable supplement to Alaman's work, and
throw light upon many points previously obscure. Many of his details, how
ever, are of minor importance. His comments are generally sound, and his
arguments commonly lead to correct conclusions, though more lately ob
tained evidence shows that occasionally his deductions have not hit the mark.
With regard to the author himself, he was born in the city of Guanajuato on
the 4th of July, 1785, his parents being Ramon Guillermo de Liceaga and
J >ofia Ana Catarina de Espinosa. His early education was received in the
college of la Purisima Concepcion and the convent of San Francisco in that
city. In 1803 he entered the college of San Ildefonso in the city of Mexico,
where he studied jurisprudence until 1806, when he commenced practical
work under the licenciado Josd Domingo Lazo. In 1810 he received his di
ploma from the colegio de Abogados, and during the period of the revolution
followed the legal profession. After the independence, he filled several high
offices in his State, being appointed magistrado decano of the Suprema Tri
bunal de justicia del Estado in 1824, and district judge in 1827. In 1864, af
ter several changes of position in office, owing to his advanced age and
infirmities, he retired from public life in the nominal enjoyment of his full
salary, but of which he succeeded in obtaining only a small portion. Liceaga's
volume covers the historical epoch of 1808 to 1824, and the work which he
performed in its production extended over a period of fifteen years. He
penned his final remarks on the 27th of June, 1870, exactly one week before
the completion of his 85th birthday.
A PICTURE OF WOE. 157
The streets were cumbered with the wrecks of furni
ture, debris, and destroyed goods. Hundreds of fam
ilies were hopelessly ruined. Silence reigned within
the bare walls of the deserted houses, and the curse
of the destroying angel seemed to have fallen on the
so lately thriving city.
CHAPTER VII.
HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
1810.
MILITARY PREPARATION OF VENEGAS ACTION or THE CHURCH AND INQUI
SITION HIDALGO'S REPLY HE ABOLISHES SLAVERY His ADMINISTRA
TIVE MEASURES AT GUANAJUATO A REFRACTORY AYUNTAMIENTO
HIDALGO ESTABLISHES A MINT MARCHES AGAINST VALLADOLID ADDI
TIONAL REINFORCEMENTS HIDALGO'S TREASURY THE INSURGENTS
MOVE TOWARD MEXICO TRUJILLO DESPATCHED TO OPPOSE THEIR AD
VANCE TRUJILLO'S CHARACTER ITURBIDE'S BIOGRAPHY TRUJILLO 's
MOVEMENTS THE BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES THE ROYALISTS FORCE THEIR
WAY OUT THEIR DEFEAT REGARDED AS A TRIUMPH ALARM IN THE
CAPITAL ANOTHER SACRED BANNER HIDALGO PERPLEXED.
WHEN Viceroy Venegas discovered how rapidly the
rebellion was spreading, as day after day intelligence
came of Hidalgo's progress and the defection of pro
vincial troops, he saw that the affair was of a more se
rious nature than he had supposed possible. Without
any definite knowledge of the country and its inhabi
tants, he had not the experience of even a few months
of quiet administration to enable him to gain an in
sight into affairs. His position was a difficult one;
but he applied himself with energy to the task of
holding New Spain to its allegiance. The dispersal
of the army concentrated by Iturrigaray now proved
prejudicial to his purpose. Scattered as the troops
were in provincial towns widely separated, it was not
only a difficult matter to collect on the moment any
considerable force, but an opportunity of spreading
disaffection in the ranks had been afforded the insur
gents, and the military were already widely infected
with revolutionary sentiments.
(158}
VICEREGAL MEASURES. 159
At this period there were no European troops in
New Spain; and though at a later date Spanish forces
were sent into the country, their number was always
greatly exceeded by that of the native regiments.
Thus the combatants on either side were sons of the
soil; and it is necessary to bear this in mind in order
to appreciate the critical position in which the viceroy
found himself at the outbreak of the rebellion, as well
as the political division which existed in the ranks of
the oppressed portion of the population. The total
number of men which Venegas could count upon did
not exceed ten or twelve thousand, the ranks and
lower-grade officers of which were drawn almost exclu
sively from the mestizos, mulattoes, and other castes,
the Indian element being small, since that race was ex
empt from military service. These troops, composed
of regiments of the line and the provincial militia, al
though commanded by Spanish-European chiefs, were
officered to a great extent by Creoles. It is not, there
fore, a matter of surprise that the viceroy's anxiety
was extreme, in view of the doubtful loyalty of the
military and the smallness of their number; although
in this latter respect less fear was entertained by rea
son of the excellence of their organization and arms.
The first measure adopted by Yenegas was to es
tablish at Queretaro a force sufficient for the protec
tion of that city. For this purpose, he ordered the
provincial dragoon regiment of Puebla to hasten to
the capital by forced marches; and on the 2Gth of
September the Mexican infantry regiment of la Co
rona, under the command of Manuel Flon, conde de
la Cadena and intendente of Puebla, was despatched
from Mexico for Queretaro. A battery of four can
non, under the direction of Colonel Ramon Diaz de
Ortega, was sent with these troops, who were joined
a few days afterward by the Mexican dragoons of the
line and those lately arrived from Puebla, with two
battalions of grenadiers, each seven companies strong.
The grenadiers were commanded by Jose J-alon, an
160 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
officer who had accompanied Venegas from Spain, the
whole force being under the direction of Flon as corn-
mander-in-chief. In order to provide for the security
of the capital, now almost without garrison, the in
fantry regiments of Puebla, Tres Villas, and Toluca
were withdrawn from those towns, and two battalions
formed from the crews of the frigate Atocha and oth
er vessels at Vera Cruz, and placed under the com
mand of the naval captain Rosendo Porlier. 1 Several
battalions also of the volunteers of Fernando VII.
were again raised in the city; 2 and Yermo, in his
patriotic zeal for the mother country, equipped and
maintained at his own expense five hundred cavalry
men drawn from the laborers on his estates. 3 More
over, Colonel Diego Garcia Conde was appointed
comandante of Valladolid and sent thither without
delay in company with Manuel Merino, the intendente
of that province, and the conde de Rul, colonel of
the provincial infantry. Meanwhile the comandantes
Felix Maria Calleja and Roque Abarca, of San Luis
Potosi and Guadalajara respectively, were getting
their brigades into efficient condition.
But military operations were not the only means
employed to crush the rebellion. Prices were put
upon the heads of Hidalgo, Allende, and Aldama by
the government; 4 the church excommunicated them, 5
1 These troops caused general disgust by their uncleanliness and want of
soldierly deportment, and especially by their obscene and blasphemous lan
guage. The contrast between them and the provincial troops was marked.
Sufstamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 35; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 387.
2 Caz. de Mex., 1810, i. 838-40; Diario Hex., xiii. 890-2.
3 Hernandez y Ddvalos, Cot. Doc.,ii. 165. Jose" Maria Manzano also sup
plied from his haciendas horsemen to the number of fifty. Ib.
4 Viceroy Venegas, by proclamation of September 27th, offered a reward
of 10,000 pesos for the capture or death of these leaders. Dispos. Varias,
ii. f. 5; Gaz. de Mex., 1810, 796-7. At a later date this sum was offered for
the head of any one of them ; and Guerra states that money and arms were
advanced to a gambling officer who engaged to assassinate Hidalgo, 'pues
este lo recibiria sin recelo como que era su compadre.' Hist. JRev. N. Esp., i.
301-2; Dispos. Farias, ii. f. 8.
5 Manuel Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, published his excom
munication by edict of September 24th. Abasolo was also included in it.
The excommunicated were declared to be 'sacrilegos, perjures, y que han
incurrido en la excomunion mayor del Canon, Siquis suadente Diabolo.' All
who aided or succored them were threatened with the same punishment- of
HIDALGO ANATHEMATIZED. 161
adding the usual anathemas; the inquisition cited
Hidalgo to appear before it, charging him with
heresy and apostasy, and raking up old accusations
brought against him ten years previously. 6 From
the pulpit he was described as a demon of impiety, a
monster of bane; and the royal university of Mexico
gloried in the fact that he had never acquired the
degree of doctor in that institution! 7
Every means, in fact, which would tend to prejudice
the cause of independence was employed. The bish
ops and the higher clergy issued exhortations to loy
alty, representing, in the darkest colors, the object of
the insurgents as selfish, and their intentions as im
pious. The archbishop published edicts and pasto
rals; 8 politicians and officials, barristers, learned doc
tors of theology, and scribblers, heaped execrations on
the authors of the revolution, and the press teemed
with loyal productions in prose and doggerel verse,
heaping abuse upon Hidalgo, and printed by per
mission of the supreme government. 9 The viceroy
greater excommunication. The validity of this excommunication was ques
tioned by many, on the ground that Queipo had not yet been consecrated
bishop. In order to terminate these doubts, Archbishop Lizana y Beaumont
ratified it by edict of the llth of October following. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev.*
iv. 52-8, supplies a copy of these edicts. Guerra maintains that Queipo had
no power to excommunicate. Hist. Rev. N. Esp., L 311-16. The bishops of
Puebla and Guadalajara also fulminated excommunications. Zerecero, Hem.
Rev, Mex., 64-5.
G Dispos. Varias, iii. fol. 152; vi. fol. 59; Diario de Mex., xiii. 425-7.
The edict of the inquisition was issued on the 13th of October.
7 The rector of the university addressed an official communication to the
viceroy, requesting him to make public the fact that Hidalgo's name did not
appear in any of the books in which were registered the higher degrees con
ferred on its members. The request was made because the title of doctor
was being constantly given to Hidalgo in the papers and public sheets of the
day. Id., 386-7. According to the citation of the inquisition, the cura of
Dolores entertained a supreme contempt for the university faculty, which
he regarded as a body of ignoramuses, 'y finalmente, que sois tan soberbio
que decis, que no os habeis graduado de Dr en esta universidad, por ser su
claustro una quadrilla de ignorantes.'
8 Consult Id., 433-6; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 100-4, 167-9;
Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 7; Lizana y Beaumont, Exhortation, . . . Mex. 1810;
Id., Carta GratuL, Mex. 1810; Queipo, Edict. Instruct., Sep. 30, 1810; Id.,
Edict., Oct. 8, 1810; Leon, El cura... a sus fieles habit., Quere"taro, 1810;
Mendizdbal, Sermon, Mex. 1810.
9 Consult a series of letters written by a Mexican doctor, as a specimen of
the style of abuse. They are thus addressed to Hidalgo: 'Carta primera De
un DrMexic'mo al Br. D. Miguel Hidalgo Costilla, ex-Curade Dolores, ex-Sa-
HIST. MKX., VOL. IV. 11
162 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
issued proclamations, and denounced the rumors which
prevailed of the cession of Mexico to France as
groundless, attributing their origin to Hidalgo. 10 At
the same time, town officers, governors, and other au
thorities were urged to express their fidelity to Spain,
and their detestation of the revolution; while in order
to conciliate the Indians they were relieved from the
payment of tribute, 11 and measures taken for the im
provement of their condition.
This action at first was not without effect, and the
capital and many other cities remained loyal. The
heaviest blow sustained by the revolutionists was that
dealt by the church and inquisition. The awful de
nouncement of the leaders as heretics, their terrible
punishment of greater excommunication, and the dread
of the same appalling fate falling on them, working
upon an -ignorant and superstitious people, decided
for a time the vacillating and deterred the disaffected.
Hidalgo fully recognized that he had to fight with
cerdote de Cristo, ex-Cristiano, ex- Americano, ex- ff ombre, y Generalislmo Ca-
pataz de Salteadores y Asesinos.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 625-
95. Out of the innumerable publications issued during the first months of the
revolution, I refer to the few following, anonymous and otherwise, all bearing
the date of 1810: San Salvador, Reflex. Pat. Am.; Id., Mem. Crist. Pol; Id.,
Carta de un padre d sus hijos; Calvillo, Discurso sobre los males, etc. ; Garcia
y Garcia, Prosper. Union; Comoto, Discurso Patri.; Belderrain, Exhort. In
struct.; Campo y Rivas, Manif. Filant.; Monterde, Proclamaque el Intendente,
etc.; Rivera, Manif.; Exhort. Diputac. Cortes; Montana, Reflex. Alborotos;
Mex. Alocuc. Real Col. Abogados; Exhort. Col. Abogados; Criollo Sensible,
Proc.; Proclama (signed L. B. J. G. ); Exhort. Patriot. Am.; Centinela con
tra los Seductores. Among such expressions of loyalty, I find an appeal made
to Hidalgo by one of his fellow- collegians in the Real y Primitivo Colegio de
San Nicolas Obispo de Valladolid. It is signed Dr Bias Abadiano y Jasso.
After briefly calling to mind Hidalgo's collegiate success, the high reputation
he had acquired, and his preferments to the benefices of San Felipe and Do
lores, the writer brings to notice his backsliding from the church, and in
dorses the action of the inquisition. 'Ah y con quanta razon el Santo Tribu
nal de la Inquisicion os ha declarado por herege formal ! pues esta es una
prueba nada equivoca de que pretendeis apagar la luz del Evangelic.' He
then points put the irreparable harm done by Hidalgo, and implores him to
cast aside his apostasy and rely upon the mercy of the inquisition. Carta de
un Concolega d Don Miguel Hidalgo.
10 Venerjas, Manifesto, 27 Oct.' 1810.
11 The order for the remission of tribute had been issued by the regency on
the 20th of May preceding, negroes and mulattoes being included with Ind
ians. Venegas published it on the 5th of October. Dispos. Varian, ii. fol.
6-,Zerecero, Rev. Mcx., 173, 180-1; Negref.e, Hist. Mil. 8 iff. XIX., i. 195-
205. The proclamation was published in the Spanish and Aztec languages.
Hernandez y Ddvalos,, Col. Doc., ii. 137-41.
LIBERAL MEASURES OF HIDALGO. 163
weapons other than those used on the battle-field;
and some weeks later he caused to be published in
Guadalajara, which had fallen into his power, a reply
to the citation of the inquisition and its charges
against him. In this proclamation he solemnly de
clares that he had never departed from the holy cath
olic faith; he rebuts the accusations of heresy by call
ing attention to flagrant contradictions in them; 12
points out the evils with which the people of New
Spain were oppressed, and calls on them to burst their
bonds and establish a congress that shall dictate be
neficent and discriminating laws suited to the several
requirements of the different districts.
But other measures, also, were adopted by Hidalgo
which inspired confidence in the uprightness of his
motives, and afforded palpable illustrations of the
benefits to be derived from independence. He ordered
the emancipation of slaves, under penalty of death
to their owners; he released Indians and persons of
all castes from the payment of tributes; 13 and on the
12 ' Se me acusa de que niego la existencia del infierno, y un poco antes se
me hace cargo de haber asentado que algun pontifice de los canonizados por
santo esta. en este lugar. i Como, piies, concordar que un pontifice esta. en el
infierno, negando la existencia de este.' And again: 'Se me imputa tambien
el haber negado la autenticidad de los sagrados libros, y se me acusa de se-
guir los perversos dogmas de Lutero: si Lutero deduce sus errores de los
libros que cree inspirados por Dios, c6mo el que niega esta inspiracion sos-
tendra. los suyos deducidos de los mismos libros que tiene por fabulosos? Del
mismo modo son todas las acusaciones. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist,, i. 439.
This writer obtained an original copy of this document from the licentiate
Mariano Otero, who assured him that it was one of very few which had been
saved in the town of Tizapam in Jalisco. Hidalgo's reply was so convincing
that the inquisition felt compelled to issue another edict in defense of the
glaring contradictions contained in the first. In this it was stated that al
though the heresies imputed to Hidalgo were contradictory in themselves,
they had not been developed in him at the same time, but in distinct epochs.
Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 65. By the detractors of Hidalgo, his defence of
his reputation is regarded as the admission of weakness. It was, however, a
political necessity. Personally he cared nothing either for the inquisition or
the bishops, but lie well knew their power over the people, and it was in the
highest degree important to refute their statements, especially as in August
1808 the inquisition had condemned as heretical the principle of the sover
eignty of the people. Copy of edict in Diario de Mex., ix. 271-3, 275.
13 See Ansorena's proclamation at Valladolid Oct. 19,^ 1810, issued iu
compliance with Hidalgo's orders. Hernandez y Ddvalo's, Col. Doc., ii.
1C9-70. On the 29th of Nov. Hidalgo published a decree commanding the
manumission of slaves within ten days. This was confirmed by another of
the 16th of Dec. Both these documents exist in the collection of Hernandez
164 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
5th of December ordered the restoration of their
lands to the Indians of the district of Guadalajara. 14
By this policy Hidalgo succeeded in greatly counter
acting the expedients to which his opponents resorted.
When some degree of order had been arrived at in
Guanajuato, Hidalgo proceeded to make arrangements
for the further progress of his enterprise. The more
grievously wounded of the European prisoners were
removed to the alh6ndiga, where they were duly cared
for; others were confined in the infantry barracks,
while some few were allowed to return to their homes.
At a later date all the European captives, including
those brought from the different towns which the in
surgents had passed through, were collected in the
alhondiofa to the number of 247. Those who were
&
allowed their liberty were, however, required to sign
a written engagement not to take up arms against the
independent cause, under penalty of death. 15 Spanish
ecclesiastics of both the secular and regular orders
were also left free, and Hidalgo issued especial com
mands that they should in no way be molested.
Having secured for administrative expenses but a
small proportion of the treasures deposited inHthe al-
hondiga, he appropriated, as an unavoidable necessity,
considerable sums belonging to private individuals. 16
He next proceeded to organize the civil government
of the province. Having summoned the ayuntamiento,
he demanded to be recognized as captain-general of
y Davalos; copies of them are to be found in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2 a ep., iii. 54-6.
Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 88, finds fault with Hidalgo for abolishing slavery
without compensation to the owners. Alfredo Chavero remarks that Alamaii
considered the question in a financial point of view, like the abolition of a
tobacco privilege, whereas Hidalgo only regarded the emancipation of his
brethren. Soc. Mex. Geog., utsup., 56.
14 Copy of order is supplied in Hex. Refut. Art. de, Fondo, 26.
15 A distinction was made between Spaniards who had offered resistance in
the alhondiga and those who had remained in their houses, the latter being
allowed to remain at liberty under the condition mentioned in the text.
Liceacja, Adic. y Recti/ic., 124-5.
16 From the house of Bernab6 Bustamante he took 40,000 pesos which had
been concealed in the water-cistern, the secretion of which a faithless servant
revealed. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 442.
REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT. 165
America, as had been clone at Celaya, and stated that
as it was his prerogative he should proceed at once to
the appointment of alcaldes ordinaries. Thereupon he
named Jose Miguel de Rivera Llorente and Jose Maria
Hernandez Chico. A few days later he called an as
sembly of the ayuntamiento, the clergy, and principal
citizens, for the purpose of appointing officers of the
civil government. The ayuntamiento, however, was
not well disposed to the new order of things; and when
Hidalgo nominated the regidor Fernando Perez Ma-
rauon intendente, he declined the position, as also did
the regidores Jose Maria Septiem, Pedro de Otero, and
Martin Coronel. Hidalgo now became irritated, and
when the regidores endeavored to explain that they
could not reconcile ideas of independence with their
oath of allegiance to Fernando VII., or the motto on
his own standard, he angrily exclaimed: " There is no
longer a Fernando VII. !" 17 Finding the ayuntami
ento thus intractable, without further delay Hidalgo
appointed Jose Francisco Gomez, who had been ad
jutant major of the provincial infantry regiment of
Valladolid, intendente of the province, with the rank
of brigadier, Carlos Montesdeoca his asesor ordinario,
and Francisco Robledo prornotor fiscal, giving them
to understand that they must accept the appointments
without demur.
The captain-general now turned his attention to the
organization and equipment of his army. The cavalry
was quartered in the mining establishments which had
been sacked, and for the future protection of which he
appointed Pedro Marino as overseer, charged with the
care of them. Two additional infantry regiments were
raised; one at Valenciana, of which he appointed Ca-
simiro Chovell colonel, 13 and the other in Guanajuato,
the command of which Hidalgo gave to Bernardo
17 Guan., Pub. Vinci. Ayunt., 37. According to the same authority, the
standard bore the words: ' Viva la Religion, viva Fernando VII., y viva la
America. '
18 Chovell was the superintendent of the Valenciana mine. Alaman, ut sup.,
446.
166 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
Chico. 19 These troops were armed only with lances,
an attempt made to convert quicksilver flasks into
hand-mortars having failed. Hidalgo also endeavored,
with but partial success, not only to cast cannon, but
t6 fabricate them of wood, both kinds proving unser
viceable. Numerous were the military appointments
made by revolutionary leaders, among which may be
mentioned that of Jose Maria Liceaga as lieutenant-
colonel of the last-named regiment, 23 who played a
prominent part during the course of the revolution.
Although Hidalgo's treasury now contained more than
half a million pesos, inconvenience arose because so
much of it was in silver bars. The establishment of
a mint was therefore necessary, and on the 5th of
October the work of constructing the machinery and
dies was commenced, Jose Mariano de Robles being
made superintendent. The establishment was almost
completed by the 25th of November, when the Span
ish army under Calleja entered Guanajuato and took
possession of it. 21
Hidalgo was fully informed of the preparations for
the suppression of the rebellion which were being
made by Calleja at San Luis Potosi, 22 as well as of
the measures that had been taken for the protec
tion of Queretaro, and therefore decided, to u march
against Valladolid. On the 8th of October he sent
forward a detachment of three thousand men under
the command of Mariano Jimenez, whom he had made
colonel, and on the 10th followed with the main body,
19 Son of a European of the same name, ' unico de las^Tamilias respetables
de Guanajuato que tomo parte en la revolucion.' Ib.
20 This Liceaga was a cousin of the author of the Adlc. y Rectific., already
frequently quoted. Their Christian and surnames being -the same has caused
some confusion. See note 2 on pages 131-3 of Liceaga 's work.
21 The artisans displayed great skill in the construction of the machinery
and implements and in the engraving of the dies. These were so perfect as
to rival those in the mint at Mexico. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47; Ala-
man, Hist. Mej., i. 448-9.
22 Much alarm was caused in Guanajuato Oct. 2d by the report that Ca
lleja was marching on the city, and had already arrived at Valenciana. Hi
dalgo sent out troops to verify the statement, Aklama going to San Miguel
and Celaya, but the report proved false. Liceaga, Adic. y Itctijic., 127-9;
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47-8; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 449-50.
VALLADOLID ANNALS. 167
leaving the European prisoners still in the alhondiga
under guard. 23
The reader will recollect that when the bishopric
of Michoacan was established in 1536, Tzintzuntzan
was elected as the cathedral town. 24 In 1554, how
ever, the episcopal seat was removed to Patzcuaro, 25
whence it was finally transferred in 1580 to the city of
Valladolid, in conformity with a bull issued by Pius
V. in 157 1. 26 This city was originally founded by
Cristobal Olid in the valley of Guayangareo, which
name was bestowed upon the town and retained until
1540, when it was refounded and formally settled by
Viceroy Mendoza, who changed the name to that of
Valladolid in honor of his birthplace in Spain. For
the purpose of insuring its stability and prosperity,
Mendoza sent several noble Spanish families from
Mexico to the revived settlement, and among the first
settlers mention must be made of Juan de Villasenor
Cervantes, from whose family Iturbide was descended.
In 1553 Charles V. ennobled the city and granted it
a coat of arms. 27
23 Hidalgo's route lay through the valley of Santiago and Acumbaro.
2 *See Hist. Mex., ii. 392, this series. Tzintzuntzan is Tarascan for hum
ming-bird, a name which the town derived from the great numbers found in
the vicinity, the capture of which and the use of the plumage in ornamenting
mosaic and hieroglyphical designs constituted an important occupation of the
inhabitants. Romero, Notic. Mich., 78.
* 5 N. Esp. Brev. lies., MS., ii. 247. Romero states that the removal took
place in 1540. Notic. Mich., 71. Patzcuaro, before the conquest, was a sub
urban ward of Tzintzuntzan, and became the pleasure resort of the Michoacan
monarchs who built their court there. According to some linguists, the
meaning of the word is 'the place of joy.' Ib.
N. Esp. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247.
27 /Z>.; Villasenor, Teat., ii. 8-9; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teat. Ecles., i. 107;
Romero, Notic. Mich., 40. In Gonzalez Davila, page 136, is given a wood-cut
of the arms. The shield, which is surrounded by a crown, is divided in
three parts, two occupying the upper portion and the third the lower. In
each division is the representation of a crowned king holding a sceptre in
his right hand, the left being extended with the palm open. The field ia
surrounded by a scrolled border. The arms first granted in 1553 were dif
ferent. They consisted of a plain unoruamented shield, surmounted by a
crown and divided horizontally. In the upper half is a lake with a penol in
the centre, on the summit of which stands a church of St Peter. Three
smaller eminences rise from the lake at the base. In the lower half is a rep
resentation of the cathedral, which was dedicated to San Salvador. I(L, 110.
The three kings according to Romero were intended to represent Carlos V.,
his brother Maximiliano, and Philip II.
168
HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
From the time of the removal of the episcopal seat
to Yalladolid the progress of the city was steady; and
though not situated near any of the great commercial
highways, its population so increased, owing to the
general prosperity of the province, that at the be
ginning of the eighteenth century the number of fam
ilies there was some five thousand. At this time
Michoacan had become one of the largest and most
important divisions of New Spain, its principal wealth
being derived from its prolific soil, which yielded two
crops annually. 28 It was during this century that the
ARMS OF VALLADOLID.
ARMS GRANTED IN 1553.
province underwent a great physical convulsion. In
the department of Ario, in the southern portion of
the territory, extends a vast plain of wonderful fruit-
fulness, occupied by rich plantations of cotton, indigo,
and sugar-cane. Here was situated the hacienda of
San Pedro de Jorullo, famous throughout Michoacan
for its size, value, and productiveness. On this estate
28 It is related that a farmer named Francisco de Torres harvested on one
occasion GOO fanegas of wheat in return for four fanegas sown, or 150 fold.
Santos Cron. , ii. 400-7.
NOTABLE EARTHQUAKE. 169
immense herds of cattle were raised, and extensive
tracts planted with sugar-cane and indigo. 29
Toward the end of June 1759, the people on the
hacienda were thrown into great alarm by the sound
of subterranean rumblings and heavy, dull reports.
Later these noises were accompanied by shocks of
earthquake, which kept increasing in number and in
tensity. A prediction was current among the labor
ers that the hacienda would be destroyed by fire issu
ing from the bowels of the earth on San Miguel's
day, and wild consternation now prevailed. In Sep
tember great numbers of them abandoned their work
and fled to the mountains for safety. Spiritual aid was
sought, and on the 21st a no vena of masses was com
menced and confessions were heard. But these cere
monies were ineffectual to quell the subterranean thun-
derings, or allay the agitation of the Indians, who
continued to take refuge on the neighboring heights.
On the 29th, San Miguel's day, with fearful uproar
the laboring earth burst open at about a mile from the
buildings of the hacienda, belching forth flames and
hurling burning rocks to prodigious heights through
a dense cloud of ashes rendered lurid by volcanic fire.
A new volcano had arisen. The ground to the ex
tent of three or four square miles swelled up like
a bladder, the centre of which burst, exhibiting a
fiery abyss, surrounded by thousands of small cones
or earth-bubbles. 33 Into the chasms the waters of
Cuitamba and San Pedro were precipitated, increasing
the commotion. Deluges of hot mud were hurled
over the surrounding land, while columns of flame
blazed upward to such a height that they were visible
at Patzcuaro. The houses of Queretaro, distant more
than forty-eight leagues in a straight line, were cov-
_ 29 The possessor of this magnificent estate was J. Andre's de Pimentel, a
citizen and regidor of Patzcuaro, according to an official report of the occur
rence in Soc. Max. Geog., 2 a ep., ii. 561.
30 Called by the natives hornifos, or ovens. Humboldt visited the scene of
this catastrophe in 1803, and found that the thermometer when inserted into
crevices in these ovens rose to 202. For his account of the occurrence, see
Easai Pol, 248-54.
170 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
ered with ashes. The beautiful hacienda of Jorullo
was destroyed, as well as other plantations, by the
volcanic deposits of sand and mud and stones. 31 Great
numbers of live-stock perished, and hundreds of fami
lies were reduced to want. In the centre of the ovens
six enormous masses were projected to the height of
from 1,300 to 1,650 feet above the old level of the plain.
The most elevated of these is the volcano of Jorullo.
The limits of Michoacan were not distinctly defined
till 1787, when the intendencias were founded, previous
to which time the political government had been in
vested in alcaldes mayores and corregidores, and gov
ernors. 82 The extent of the ancient province was much
larger than the state of the present day-, since it com
prised the territory of the modern state of Guerrero.
Besides this reduction, minor variations have been
made in its boundary lines, and its present area con
tains about 3,620 square leagues, its greatest length
being 94 and its greatest width 66 leagues. On the
south-west it is bounded by the Pacific, its coast line
being thirty-nine leagues in length. Michoacan is
abundantly watered by rivers abounding in fine fish
of many varieties, from the quantity and excellence
of which the state derives its name, which means in
the Tarascan tongue the land of fish. 33
When the authorities at Yalladolid became aware of
the danger w r hich threatened their city, they were
greatly disturbed, the more so because they found
themselves without a governor or military chief. They
nevertheless made some show of preparations for de
fence, beginning to cast cannon and enlist soldiers un
der the direction of the bishop Abad y Queipo and
the prebendado Agustin Ledos. News, however,
31 The value of the buildings and working establishments on the hacienda
de Jorullo were alone valued at $150,000. Soc. Mex. Geog., 2 a ep., ii. 563.
3 - Gonzalez Ddvila, Teat. Edes., i. 107. The first governor of the prov
ince was Colonel Martin Reinoso, who arrived from Spain in December 1755.
Castro, Dlario, 193. Juan Antonio de Riafio y Burcena was the first in ten-
dente. Cedulario, MS., iii. f. 2.
, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 212; Romero Notic. Mich., 33.
PHASES OF CHARACTER. 171
presently arrived of the capture near Acdmbaro of the
intendente Merino, the cornandante Garcia Conde, and
Colonel Rul by the guerrilla chief Luna, 34 and this so
disheartened them that, on the approach of Hidalgo, all
thought of resistance was laid aside, and the bishop,
most of the chapter, and many Europeans hastily left
the capital and proceeded by different routes to
Mexico. 35
In following the career of a great personage, we
cannot but note how easily and naturally genius falls
into any position, and adapts the man to the circum
stances. So it was with Hidalgo: lately a humble
priest, now at the head of a large army, fighting
battles, making and unmaking rulers, and all with
calmness and facility as if he had been accustomed to
the work from his youth. Not that the cura was by
any means a proficient soldier; on the contrary, he
was no soldier at ail, did not pretend to be one, and
would have been filled with joy unbounded were there
any other means at hand to secure his sacred cause.
He was not even a cunning man of the world. He
was not working for greatness of name or ambition,
or for money or power. He would have his country
move toward independence. The full glory of it he
never expected to see. Yet he would do what he
could; his life he would cheerfully give. Such was
the quality of his greatness, patriotic, pure, amiable,
ethereal, not crafty, not subtle, and not always the
most successful.
On the 15th of October the van of the insurgents
arrived at the suburbs of Yalladolid without opposition;
34 For an account of their capture, see Garcia Conde, Informe, in Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 208. It was during this period that the guer-
rilleros sprung into existence in Mexico. Bold and lawless men, when
Hidalgo's army became dispersed, carried on hostilities against the royal
ists independently, yet they rendered important services for the revolu
tionists during the whole course of the war, and many of their leaders were
conspicuous for their heroism and noble qualities. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mcx.,
109-11.
35 The asesor, Jose" Alonso do Teran, with many others, was detained at
Hue" tamo by the cura, who roused the people of the town. They were sent
back to Valladolid and delivered up to Hidalgo.
172 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
and on the 17th Hidalgo came up in person, the num
ber of his forces now amounting to sixty thousand. 36
His reception was not wholly to his liking; for al
though a commission came out to meet him, and the
bells sounded a welcome, when he found that the
cathedral was closed on dismounting in front of it to
render thanks for his successful entry, he was very
indignant. Nor was his anger allayed when, the gates
having been at last opened by the servants of the sac
risty, he was received only by the chaplains of the
choir, and the te deum was badly chanted to peals of
the organ abominably played. 37 He resented the slight
by forthwith pronouncing vacant all the canonical
seats except three. 38
On the departure of the bishop, the canon, conde de
Sierra Gorda, had been left in charge of the mitre, and
Hidalgo intimated to him that it would be well to re
move the excommunication fulminated against himself
and his followers by the fugitive prelate. The obsequi
ous canon complied; the proclamation was taken from
the doors of the churches, and circulars sent to the
curas in the diocese, informing them that the leaders
of the revolutionists had incurred no ecclesiastical cen
sure, and instructing them to read to their flocks on a
feast day the removal of the excommunication. 39
Before entering the city, Hidalgo had promised a
commission sent out to receive him that rights of
property should be respected, and during the entry
no violence was attempted. But the taste for spoils
36 According to Bustamante. Mora, however, places the number at 40,000.
Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 68. Hidalgo had with him two bronze cannon and two
wooden ones.
87 For these particulars and antecedent events, consult Canon Betancourt's
report in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 406 et seq., and the manifesto
of the ayuntamiento of Valladolid, in Id. , v. 86-7.
38 According to Betancourt, those of the conde de Sierra Gorda, Gomez
Limon, and his own, 'porquefueal Parlamento.' The ayuntamiento states
that Hidalgo said, 'dare por vacantes todas las prebendas por la impolitica
con que se ha portado el Cabildo en mi recibimiento. ' /&., and Id., iii. 411.
39 Ihe conde de Sierra Gorda exculpated himself to the viceroy by declar
ing that he had acted under compulsion, 'desdiciendose de lo que habia ejecu-
tatlo con prudencia, imputandolo d coaccion, terror y violencia.' Bustamante,
Cuad. Hint., i. 72; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 166-7, 313-4.
DISCIPLINE REQUIRED. 173
among the natives once gratified was not easily con
trolled. Next day several Spanish houses were as
saulted and sacked. Hard as it was to learn, a lesson
of discipline must be given. Allende opened fire on
his men. Several were killed and wounded ; the crowds
dispersed and the disorder was stopped. 40 It had
hardly ceased, however, before a more serious trouble
occurred. The Indians, accustomed to simple diet,
had given themselves up to gluttony and drunkenness,
gorging themselves with sweetmeats and fruits, and
pouring down spirituous liquors like water. The con
sequence was that a deadly sickness broke out, carry
ing off many in a few hours. The cry was raised
that the aguardiente had been poisoned. Allende,
by his presence of mind, however, suppressed the
tumult. Drinking in the presence of the multitude
a cup of the condemned liquor, he proved to the
Indians that their fears were groundless. 41
At Valladolid Hidalgo's force was increased by the
important addition of well armed and well disciplined
troops. They consisted of the regiment of provin
cial infantry, the regiment of the Michoacan dra
goons, more generally known by the name of the Patz-
cuaro regiment, and eight companies of recruits lately
raised and equipped by the bishop and chapter. Ad
ditional cannon were also added to his artillery, a
means of warfare which the first leaders of the revo
lution regarded with too high an estimation, direct
ing their principal attention to the casting of as many
and as large pieces as possible. Experience taught
them their mistake; for to unskilled gunners artillery
was of little service.
Having concluded his military preparations, and
placed Jose Maria Anzorena at the head of the gov-
40 Ansorena, Defensa, 10. Bustamante makes the assertion that the artil
leryman fired without orders, killing and wounding 14 of the Indians. Cuad.
Hi*t., i. 75.
41 Betancourt narrates that dining with Hidalgo he was compelled by
Allende to drink a glass of the liquor supposed to be poisoned. Hernandez
y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., iii. 413-14.
174
HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
ernment, 42 Hidalgo, who had already decided to march
against the capital without delay, left Valladolid on
the 20th of October, 43 taking with him nearly all the
church funds, and those of private individuals de
posited for security in the coffers of the cathedral.
Besides these funds, which amounted to $200,000,
he obtained other large sums from the residents of
Valladolid. Aware that Calleja's preparations would
soon be completed, Hidalgo hurried forward. At
Acd,mbaro he held a review of his forces, now num
bering 80,000, an unwieldy, disorderly mass, which
HIDALGO'S MARCH AGAINST MEXICO.
he divided into regiments of infantry and cavalry,
each 1,000 strong. Here he was proclaimed generali-
simo 44 at a council of the chiefs, and he conferred
42 Anzorena, as the sequel will show, proved himself a stanch partisan of
the revolutionists.
43 This is the date given positively by Betancourt. Bustamante gives the
19th of Oct. as the day of Hidalgo's departure.
^Garcia Conde, Informe, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 270-1.
Hidalgo's uniform was a blue coat with red cuffs and collar bordered with
gold and silver galloon, his shoulder belt being of black velvet similarly
bordered. Suspended from his neck he wore a large gold medal bearing the
image of the virgin of Guadalupe. The uniform of Allende consisted of a
jacket of blue cloth with red cuffs and collar, the seams being covered with
silver galloon. Around each shoulder was a silver cord with pendent button.
The lieutenant-general's uniforms were distinguished from his by having only
TEUJILLO'S ADVANCE. 175
on Allende the rank of captain-general; Aldama,
Ballerza, Jimenez, and Joaquin Arias being ap
pointed lieutenant-generals. From Acdmbaro the
generalising directed his march by way of Mara-
vatio, Tepetongo, and Ixtlahuaca, and rapidly ap
proached the capital.
When intelligence was received in Mexico of Hi
dalgo's coming, Venegas laid his plans to oppose him.
He had already at his disposal forces amounting to
7,000 men, 45 and despatched Lieutenant-colonel Tor-
cuato Trujillo with a portion of them to watch Hidal
go's movements, and, if possible, arrest his advance. 48
Trujillo had accompanied Venegas from Spain, and
the viceroy, who as yet had but little confidence in
Mexican commanders in spite of their protestations,
deemed it prudent to place one of his own men at the
head of so important an undertaking. It was not
altogether a happy choice. Trujillo, indeed, was
faithful enough; but he had one fault, he was a fool.
Conceited, shallow-headed, he soon succeeded in ex
citing the profound disgust of all around him. As a
man, his followers hated him ; as a soldier, they held
him in contempt. His conduct as a military corn-
one shoulder cord, that on the right. Ib.; Guerra, Hist. Rtv. N. Esp., L 305-6;
Resum. Hist. Insurr. N. Esp., 8.
4:> Bustamante says the force consisted of the infantry regiment of New
Spain, a battalion of infantry of Mexico, another called the Cuahutitlan bat
talion, a battalion del fijo de Mexico, the provincial militia regiment of Pu-
ebla, the city bakers' dragoons, two infantry battalions of merchants, three
of the patriots of Fernando VII., a section of artillery, in addition to the
veteran artillery, a troop of cavalry of the patriots, the militia infantry regi
ment of Toluca, and the Tulancingo, and various other pickets in all 7,000
men. Cuad. Hist., i. 76.
40 The forces placed under Trujillo's command were the infantry regiment
of Tres Villas, which had lately arrived, a battalion of the provincial militia
of Mexico, and a portion of the dragoons of Spain. These were afterward re-
enforced by 50 volunteers with two cannon, commanded by Juan Batitista do
Ustariz, a lieutenant of the navy, and about 330 men drawn from the haci
endas of Yermo and a Mexican named Manzano. Authors differ as to the
total number. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 475, states that it barely reached
1,400; the author of Inwrrec. Resum. Hist., 9, makes it amount to 2,000; Mora,
Mex. y susRev., iv. 73, raises it to 2, 500; while Torrente, Hist. Rev. llisp. Am.,
i. 151, places the number at about 1,200. Guerra makes it 1,500. Hist. Rev.
N. Esp., i. 325. Negrete considers that the number may be safely estimated
at 2,500. Hint. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 354.
176 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
mander was marked by cruelty and treachery. In
after days the sound of his name did not ring pleas
antly in the ears of the revolutionists.
There was at this time in the city of Mexico a
young lieutenant, who had lately come from Valla
dolid flying before Hidalgo. His name was Agus-
tin Iturbide. The first historical mention of him is
found in the official journal of September 21, 1808/ 7
where he is commended for his zeal in offering sup
port to the new government after the deposal of Itur-
rigaray. At this time he was a lieutenant of the
provincial infantry regiment of Valladolid. He was
born in that city on the 27th of September, 1783,
his father, Joaquin de Iturbide, being a native of
Pamplona, in the kingdom of Navarre. The fami
lies of both his father and mother, whose maiden
name was Josefa de Aramburu, were distinguished.
Agustin while a child narrowly escaped death by
fire, being rescued almost miraculously from his burn
ing home. His school education was limited, he
having applied himself to the management of one of
his father's haciendas when only fifteen years of age;
at which time also he entered the regiment of pro
vincial infantry of Valladolid as ensign, and hence
forth adopted the military profession. In 1805 he
espoused Dona Ana Maria Huarte, a creole of good
family. He was present with his command at the
military encampment at Jalapa, and in 1809 assisted
in suppressing the premature attempt at revolution
in his native city.
When Hidalgo took the field he invited Iturbide to
join him, offering him the rank of lieutenant-general.
The latter, however, refused; 48 and when Hidalgo
drew near Valladolid, Iturbide, seeing no prospect of
,xv. 702.
48 Hidalgo sent this invitation while he \vas approaching Valladolid, ac
cording to Iturbide in his manifiesto. Alaman points out that this evidence
refutes Rocafuerte's statement published in his pamphlet directed against
Iturbide under the title of El Picjmalion Americano that he declined to take
part in the revolution because he could not obtain the same grade as in the
royalist army. Hist. Mej., i. 463.
MEETING OF THE ARMIES.
177
a successful defence, repaired to the capital with
seventy soldiers of his regiment who remained loyal
to the service. When Trujillo was sent to oppose
Hidalgo's advance, Iturbide obtained permission to
accompany him, and thus he found himself afloat on
his ambitious career.
Meanwhile the two armies approach, and one must
give way before the other. But first it is destined
that they fight. Trujillo, having arrived at Toluca, 49
sent forward a detachment to occupy the bridge of
Don Bernabe over the River Lerma and intermediate
between Toluca and Ixtlahuaca whither Hidalgo had
arrived. On the 27th the royalist leader moved for
ward his troops with the intention of attacking the
insurgents at the latter place, distant nine leagues, but
PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELD OF LAS CRUCES.
49 Explanation of the plan.
A. Infantry of the royal army.
B. Infantry of the insurgents.
C. Cavalry of royal army.
D. Cavalrj 7 of the insurgents.
E. Royal troops on the march.
F. Insurgent troops on the march.
HIST. HEX., VOL. IV. 12
178 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
meeting his advance guard in full flight, and learning
that Hidalgo was approaching with all his forces, he
fell back to the small town of Lerrna, where he hoped
to hold the enemy in check by barricading arid de
fending the bridge. On the 28th, as no enemy ap
peared, Trujillo suspected that Hidalgo had directed
his march to the bridge of Atengo, with the object
of occupying the Santiago road and attacking the
royalists in the rear, at the same time cutting off their
retreat to the capital. He therefore sent a detach
ment to defend that point, and gave orders to the
subdelegado of Santiago Tianguistengo to destroy the
bridge. This order, however, was not carried out,
and on the 29th Allende, with a large body of troops,
forced the defenders from their position and gained
the Santiago road.
Meanwhile Hidalgo with the rest of his forces
marched toward Lerrna; and Trujillo, as soon as he
learned that the bridge of Atengo, had been lost, saw
the necessity of retreating toward the capital, and
accordingly withdrew to the mountain pass called the
monte de las Cruces, 60 leaving Jose de Mendivil with
* O
one of the two battalions of which the regiment of
Tres Villas was composed, and Francisco Bringas
with a troop .of cavalry, to hold the Lerma bridge
until the different sections of the army had united at
las Cruces. At five o'clock in the afternoon, Mendi
vil, supported in the rear by Bringas, commenced his
retreat, leaving only a small force under Captain Pino
to defend the bridge; and so well did this officer per
form his duty that he did not retire until late at night.
The position to which Trujillo had withdrawn was a
strong one, but it had the disadvantage of being com
manded on the south by neighboring hills covered
with forest, and by other heights on the north side of
the Toluca road. Allende well knew the importance
50 So called because of the numerous crosses erected there to mark the
places where travellers had been murdered by bandits; that hill being a fa
vorite resort of robbers.
BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES. 179
of the situation, and had made all haste to occupy it
from the Santiago road; but Trujillo's march had
been equally rapid, and the royalists gained the emi
nence first, anticipating, however, the insurgent force
only by half an hour.
At eight o'clock on the morning of the 30th, the
action commenced by light skirmishing between the
royalist cavalry and guerrilla bands in advance of the
main body of insurgents. Opportunely for Trujillo,
he received at this time a reenforcernent of two can
non, with an escort of fifty Spanish volunteers, under
Captain Antonio Bringas, and 330 mounted lancers
from the haciendas of Yermo and Jose Maria Man-
zano, 51 the whole force being placed under the com
mand of Juan Bautista de Uzt^riz, a lieutenant of the
royal navy. About eleven o'clock the attacking col
umn of the insurgents, with the artillery in front,
came in sight on the road from Toluca. It consisted
o
of the infantry provincial regiment of Valladolid, the
Celaya companies, and the Guanajuato battalion, which
were flanked by the provincial dragoons of Patzcuaro
and la Reina, the rear being brought up by the dra
goons of el Principe a force in itself greatly superior
to that of Trujillo, but which being without efficient
officers had already lost much of its discipline. These
were preceded on the front and flanks by crowds of
ill-armed Indians, and numerous bands of horsemen,
who streamed along the Toluca road or wound round
the sides of the hills wherever the ground was practi
cable for horses. Trujillo now made preparations to
receive the coming attack. His two field-pieces were
placed in position so as to enfilade the road and ad
jacent ground, and were hidden from sight with
51 The stanch loyalist Gabriel Yermo, who had displayed such tact in the
deposal of Iturrigaray, supplied at his own cost 400 lancers from his hacien
das, while his brother Juan Antonio furnished 100 more. These troops were
known by the name of the negros de Yermo, and did good service during the
war. Of these lancers 279 were sent to Trujillo, according to Yermo's
statement of services rendered, Rev. N. Esp. Verdad. Orig., 110. ii. 56-7, al
though Trujillo in his official report to the viceroy states that there were only
150. Gaz. deMex., 1810, i. 923.
180 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
branches of trees, in order to increase the confidence
of the enemy. The cavalry was ordered to fall back
upon the line without engaging in action, and the fifty
volunteers lately arrived, with the lancers of Yermo
commanded by Captain Antonio Bringas, supported
by two companies of the Tres Villas regiment under
the command of Lieutenant Ramon Reyes, were
placed in ambush on a wooded height at some distance
from the left flank. Trujillo commanded the centre
in person, occupying the level summit which over
looks the pass, and on which was planted one of the
field-pieces, while Mendivil with the other occupied
the front, covering the main approach.
Hidalgo had left the formation of the plan of bat
tle to Allende, and that officer made preparations to
surround Trujillo while the main attack was being
made in front. For this purpose strong detachments
of the better armed Indians, both of foot and horse,
were sent by long detours to take possession of vari
ous heights commanding Trujillo's flanks, and a force
of 3,000 foot and horse was despatched to occupy the
road to Mexico in the rear of the enemy. Moreover,
a select body of 1,200 of the best disciplined men of
all arms was thrown out on the right flank, and took
up a position out of range of Trujillo's artillery, and
opposite to the place where Bringas was ambushed.
The command of the infantry was given to Juan Al-
clama and Luis Malo, and that of the artillery to
Mariano Jimenez, while Allende himself commanded
the cavalry. 52
At eleven o'clock the attacking column, preceded
by the four pieces of artillery already mentioned, ap-
52 Licearja, Adic. y Rectific., 139. According to Mora, Allende thought
the undisciplined masses should not take part in the general action, but
should be posted as rear-guards to the different divisions, where they might
pi-ove of service as occasion offered. The Indians, however, were offended at
being so placed, and Hidalgo insisted that Allende should assign to them places
in the front. Though Allende represented strongly the danger of so doing,
Hidalgo so pressed the matter that Allende was obliged to yield. Mex. y
sus Rev., iv. 27. Mora's statements, however, must be taken with allow
ance.
DEATH OF EPJXGAS. 181
preached within close range. Trujillo now opened
fire with grape and canister from his masked batteries
with such deadly effect upon the crowded masses in
front, that they were soon thrown into confusion and
driven back, causing some disturbance to the disci
plined troops. These, however, held their ground, and
replied with their artillery, while a brisk fire was main
tained all along the fronts, with no little loss on both
sides, the insurgents suffering most. Trujillo, perceiv
ing that he could hold the enemy's centre in check,
now ordered Bringas to engage their right wing, and
sent a detachment of three companies of the Tres
Villas infantry under the command of Iturbide to oc
cupy an almost inaccessible height covered with pine
trees, at a considerable distance on his right flank.
Bringas now charged with great impetuosity, and
engaged with the 1,200 picked men opposed to him.
The contest was long and fierce, but eventually ter
minated in favor of the insurgents. These, encour
aged by the bravery and example of Aldama and
Malo, who commanded in person in that part of the
field, maintained their ground with unflinching firm
ness, in spite of the heavy loss inflicted by the loyal
ists; but it was not until Bringas fell mortally wound
ed that they succeeded in repulsing his troops. 53 Nor
was Trujillo more successful in his manoeuvre on the
right. Allende also had marked the importance of
the position which Iturbide had been sent to occupy,
and, unnoticed by the royalists, had already proceeded
in person with 300 of the infantry and one piece of
artillery to take possession of it, approaching unseen
53 Bringas after being wounded was lifted upon his horse, and with great
intrepidity still encouraged his men, effecting his retreat in good order. Tru
jillo, in Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 925. He died on the 3d of Nov. in the city of
Mexico, and was honored by command of the viceroy with a magnificent fu
neral. A few days after a Creole officer died of the wounds he had received,
and was buried without display. As Bringas was a Spaniard, this was not
unnoticed, and the viceroy was satirized by the following epigram:
i Bringas era gachupin?
Su cntierro fuj un S. Quintin.
iN. era amcricano?
Su entierro fue liso y llano.
Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 482.
182 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
in a direction opposite to Iturbide's line of march.
When the royalist officer had pushed forward half
way up to the summit, he suddenly came in contact
with Allende's force, and a brisk engagement followed,
which resulted in the repulse of Allende. The disas
ter sustained by Bringas, however, and the exposure
to the enemy of Trujillo's manoeuvre by this skirmish,
caused the royalist leader to recall Iturbide. Where
upon the insurgents rallied and took possession of the
height. 54
Trujillo's position was now hopelessly exposed ; in
fact, he was completely surrounded. On his right the
piece of artillery planted by Allende on the aban
doned height was in a position to enfilade his ranks;
a large force of the enemy lay between him and the
capital ; on his left was Aldarna now strongly reen-
forced, and with tw r o pieces of artillery mounted in a
commanding position; while in front Mendivil was
not only himself severely wounded, but many of his
most efficient men were slain or hors de combat, and
his artillery ammunition was exhausted. 55 It was
now about three o'clock in the afternoon, and the in
surgents had pushed on down the heights on Trujillo's
left so near that the combatants were at speaking dis
tance. At this juncture the royalist leader perpe
trates an act which places him before the world for
ever in his true character of villain, and enshrouds
his memory with lasting infamy. The insurgents,
masters of the position as they feel themselves to be,
invite the royalist troops to join their cause; and so
54 Liceaga attempts to show that Iturbide did not engage with the enemy;
but due weight must be given to Trujillo's own statement. 'Se encoiitraron
con los enemigos que subian y rompieron el fuego contra ellos, rechazaiido-
los;' and after recounting the repulse of Bringas, clearly explains the reason
of Iturbide's recall. 'Las demas compafrias de mi derecha se volvieron a re-
plegar a la linea, pues el gran mimero de enemigos y lo dilatado del cerro,
hacia entrasen hasta mi centre, por lo qiie me vi en la precision de reconcen-
trar mi linea en el pequeno piano que hay sobre el camino real a donde te-
nia colocado tin canon giratorio.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 924-5.
53 Mendivil defended his post with exemplary bravery, and after his field-
piece was no longer of service, held his ground with the infantry under his
command. His wounds were so serious that it was long before he recovered.
Mora, Mcj. y sus Rev., iv. 80.
TREACHERY OF TRUJILLO. 183
favorably are their proposals regarded by some of
Trujillo's officers, that they induce him no less than
three times to hold a parley with the enemy in front
of his line of infantry. Hostilities, meanwhile, have
ceased. Friendly and specious are the words which
Trujillo uses, and at each conference the insurgents,
gathering in crowded ranks about their spokesman,
draw nearer and nearer. At the third parley he has
enticed the unsuspecting revolutionists close up to
his bayonets; then he throws off the mask and orders
his men to fire. 56 The volley which follows stretches
more than sixty victims to his perfidy dead upon the
ground. 57
This treacherous act infuriated the insurgents, and
the battle was renewed with increased vigor. Trujillo,
however, maintained his position until half-past five
in the evening, when, having lost one third of his
force in killed and wounded, among whom were many
of his best officers, his ammunition, moreover, be
ing wellnigh exhausted, he decided to force his way
through the enemy in his rear. His position was
indeed no longer tenable. His ranks were being deci
mated by the insurgents' artillery, his troops, worn
out with fatigue, were without provisions; while num
bers of the enemy were hastening to reenforce those
who were waiting to intercept his retreat. Abandon
ing his cannon, therefore, he put himself at the head
56 His own words are: 'Los acerque hasta bien inmediato de mis bayo-
netas, y recogiendo el teniente coronel D. Juan Antonio Lopez un estandarte
de N. 8. de Guadalupe que venia en las sacrilegas manos de estos infames,
mandc la voz de fuego & la infanteria que tenia.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 926.
57 Bmtamante, CuacL Hist., i. 82. According to Liceaga, a kind of armis
tice had been established, during which Aldama and Jimenez sent in pro
posals to the native-born soldiers and officers to join the independent cause,
at the same time guaranteeing the lives of Trujillo and the Spaniards who
were with him. Whether this was done with the approbation of Allende or
rot the author does not know. Adic. y Rectlfic., 140. Trujillo, as is
sometimes the case with base natures, instead of seeing anything disgrace
ful in his act, glories in it. It was, however, severely condemned even in
the Semanario Patriotico de Cadiz, no. 45, of Feb. 14, 1811, in the follow
ing words: 'Hacer fuego sobre estos rebeldes al tiempo de estar parlamen-
tando con ellos, . . .111 file" justo, ni honesto, ni politico.' The defence urged is
that the insurgents were not sincere in their offers, which were made only for
the purpose of hemming in the royalists, which is pure subterfuge. Gaz. de
Hex., 1811, ii. 348-9.
184 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
of two companies of the Tres Villas regiment, and
followed by the remainder of his forces in closed col
umns, successfully fought his way way out, and ar
rived at Cuajimalpa with some little loss. Here he
was compelled to make a stand in order to repel a
body of cavalry which was harassing his march and
tampering with his men. This effected, with the loss
of some killed on the part of the insurgents, he pur
sued his way unmolested to Santa Fe, where he took
up quarters for the night, and on the following day
entered the capital. 58 Then, having no one to dispute
him, he made his defeat appear a victory; and a
medal was struck off in commemoration of his glori
ous achievements, and the success of the royal arms. 59
58 Bustamante states that Trujillo's retreat was conducted in the greatest
disorder as far as Cuajimalpa, and that thence 'escap6 como pudo en dispersion
para Mexico,' Quad. Hist., 82; that Trujillo entered the capital with only 51
soldiers, 'resto unico de toda la fuerza que sac6 de esta capital;' and intimates
that the regiment of Tres Villas had almost ceased to exist. Mora also as
serts that the greater portion of the soldiers deserted on the retreat, so that
when Trujillo left Santa Fe" he had little over 40 men. Mej. y sus .Rev., iv.
81. Now, although it is probable that some of his men deserted, since he
himself mentions that attempts were made to seduce them from their allegiance
while retreating, it is not possible that the retreat was conducted in disorder;
had such been the case, none would have escaped, much less the wounded,
who were brought to Mexico, as Alaman reasonably observes. But the author
who advances the most incredible conjectures as to what was probably Tru
jillo's ability as commander and his deportment in the field is the licenciado
Don Anastasio Zerecero. He gravely relates that Trujillo, after having given
the order to fire upon those with whom he was holding parley, disappeared
disguised, as it was said, in the habit of a friar and hastened to Santa F6; and
then, because Trujillo, in his report dated Nov. 6th that is, seven days
after the battle says that he cannot state the exact loss sustained, and be
cause, moreover, he admits that he was the first to leave the field, Zerecero
comes to the conclusion that everything tends to justify the opinion that
Trujillo fled at the very first, and did not even see the battle, writing his
official despatch from the account supplied him by Iturbide. The same au
thor asserts that Trujillo had 3,000 troops, only 500 of which returned to
Mexico. Mem. Rev. Mex., 86-7, 107-8. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., 330,
states that 200 royalists escaped to the capital. Though a coxcomb, a liar,
and a villain, Trujillo was no coward on the field of battle. Negrete reason
ably concludes that the viceroy and Trujillo were of accord that it would
not be safe in the excited state of the community to publish at once the
official account of the action, which had been reported as a victory; when,
however, the insurgents had retreated, there was no danger in doing so. Hist.
Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 361-2, 364.
69 The medal was presented on the'Sd of Feb., 1811, on which elate the vice
roy issued a proclamation in praise of the gallant conduct of the regiment of
Tres Villas, and tells them to assume Monte de las Cruces ! as their future
battle-cry. 'Os remito,' he says, 'los escudos de distincion que mere-cisteis
el dia 30 de octubre por vuestra brillante conducta en el monte de las Cruces
. . . que el monte de las Cruces sea vuestro grito guerrero en el momento de
A COSTLY VICTORY. 185
Although Hidalgo thus remained master of the
field, his victory had been dearly bought. The Ind
ians were terror-stricken over the dreadful slaughter
which had been inflicted upon them by the fire of the
artillery, the deadly effect of which they had witnessed
for the first time; 60 while the disciplined troops were
dismayed at the long resistance which so small a force
had been able to make against such overwhelming
numbers. Thus on the following morning the insur
gent army, instead of being flushed with victory, were
despondent; and Hidalgo when he arrived at Cuaji-
malpa halted, although Allende urgently pressed upon
him the necessity of marching upon Mexico at once. 61 '
The capital was filled with foreboding. From the
time intelligence arrived of Hidalgo's departure from
"Valladolid, fear had fallen on the people. And now
when Trujillo returned with but a remnant of his force,
notwithstanding his braggadocio, many gave up all
hope. Guanajuato had fallen; Valladolid had sur
rendered; it was Mexico's turn next! Treasures and
jewelry were carefully concealed or confided to the
sacred protection of convents. Women sought asy
lum in nunneries; and the city, which for years had
been free from popular outbreak, presented a scene of
confusion and panic. Even Venegas, taking into con
sideration the numbers of the enemy, the distant po-
vuestros futures combates, y la voz quo os conduzca a la victoria. ' Gaz. de
Mex., 1811, ii. 123-4. It bore the names of Trujillo, Bringas, and Mendivil.
Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp. t i. 330.
co Trujillo estimated the number of insurgents killed and wounded at
2,000; Liceaga says that on the two sides more than 4,000 were killed: *Se
calcula haber quedado en el campo, mas de cuatro mil caddveres de uno y
otro bando, siendo sin comparacion mayor el numero de los que pertenecian
d los invasores.' Adic. y Rectific., 148. Again, Diego Garcia Conde in his re
port to the viceroy after his release from captivity states that the loss to the
insurgents in killed, wounded, and deserters was more than 20,000. Hernan
dez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 273. For more than five years after the engage
ment, on either side of the pass of Monte de las Cruces, both on the ascent
and descent, for the distance of over a league, great heaps of human bones
could be seen piled underneath the trees. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 109.
C1 The difference of opinion which not unfrequently occurred between these
leaders terminated in unfriendly relations. Speaking of this dispute, Busta-
mante says: 'Desde esta <3poca comenz6 (Allende) a desabrirse con 61 (Hi
dalgo) desazon que se aumento cada dia mas, y que termin6 con la desgracia
personal de entrambos gefes.' Cuad. Hist., i. 87.
186 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
sition of Calleja, and the want of spirit observable in
his own troops, at first meditated flight to Vera Cruz.
The earnest appeals of the Spaniards and royalists,
however, induced him to change his mind, and take
measures for the defence of the city. 62 Such forces as
he had were placed on the causeway of la Piedad and
the paseo de Bucareli. Cannon were planted at Cha-
pultepec, 63 and troops of cavalry detached to watch
the movements of the enemy. Internal defence was
intrusted to the regiment of the Cornercio, the city
squadron, and some newly levied bodies of patriots. 64
When the news of Trujillo's failure reached the capi
tal, Venegas had immediately despatched a courier to
Calleja, ordering him to hasten by forced marches to
the defence of the capital. He also sent instructions
to Captain Rosendo Porlier, directing him to unite the
crews of the vessels at Vera Cruz, and march them
up the country to his aid.
To inspire the fainting hearts of the people with
some confidence, Yenegas caused the sacred image of
los Remedies 65 to be conveyed from its shrine to the
cathedral. These were the days of signs and wonders,
be it remembered, and this was a time of great tribu
lation. The viceroy was ready to act, and was well
up in his part. Betaking himself to the cathedral,
he threw himself upon his knees, and devoutly ad
dressing the image, meanwhile invoking its aid, Yene-
Negrete, Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., 357, 363; Zerecero, Rev. Hex., 88-9.
63 Venegas' dispositions in a military point of view were extremely bad,
and placed his troops in a position where it was impossible for them to ma-
nceuvre. Bustamante states that on the 39th, in company with a military
friend, he visited the encampment, and that the officer pointed out to him
the want of military skill displayed by Venegas in thus placing his troops.
* Muy luego me hizo notar la ignorancia del que lo habia situado en aquel
punto.' Cuad. Hist., i. 78.
6l Alaman, basing his estimation on the enumeration of available forces
given by Bustamante see note 45, this chapter calculates that there were
only 2,000 efficient troops. But he does not include those stationed in the in-
terior of the city, which he considers to have been of little use. Hist. Mej. ,
i. 485.
65 This image belonged in the sanctuary of Totoltepec; and on several oc*
casions had been conveyed to the capital, during which visits miraculous pow
ers had been displayed. It was greatly venerated, as we know. Calv'dlo, Ser
mon. 69-106.
MEXICO FRIGHTENED. 187
gas placed in its hands his viceregal staff of office, and
solemnly hailed it as lady captain-general of the army.
The religious fervor of the assembled multitude was
unrestrained, and tears of thankfulness from a thou
sand eyes watered the cathedral floor. 66 The presence
of this protecting image greatly allayed the panic,
while the soldiery, confident of victory with the queen
of heaven on their side, begged for medals stamped
with her likeness. 67 The royalists, after the example
of Hidalgo, erected a sacred banner, which bore the
venerated form of Nuestra Senora de los Remedies.
Thus on the future battle-fields during the war of in
dependence, opposing armies fought under emblems
of the same divine interceder for mercy before the
heavenly throne.
The excitement and apprehension on the 31st of
October was intense throughout the city, and every
cloud of dust seen on the road from Toluca was thought
to presage the coming of the foe. But the day passed
and no enemy appeared. Hidalgo remained inactive,
and on the following day sent commissioners with
an official communication to the viceroy. Having
arrived at Chapultepec, the envoys sent the despatch
to Venegas, who was near by. but he peremptorily
refused any answer; and in language by no means
refined ordered the commissioners to take their de
parture immediately, under pain of being shot. 68
66 Mora, Max. y sus Rev., iv. 84. Calvillo gives a detailed account of
the way in which the image was brought from Totoltepec. It being the vice
roy's design to have it introduced secretly into the city, he sent a carriage
for it; but the Indians in the neighborhood of the shrine became aware of the
intention to remove their adored protectress, and assembled in great crowds
with demonstrations of sorrow. With much persuasion they were calmed,
and then in their veneration accompanied the carriage to the capital, causing
no little apprehension to those who were conducting the image, that they
would be mistaken for Hidalgo's army and fired on. Id., 115-22.
67 A private individual, whose name Calvillo does not mention, distributed
5,930 such medals among the officers and soldiers of the line regiments of
New Spain, the provincial regiments of Mexico, Toluca, Quautitlan, Tres
Villas, and Tulancingo, and the city squadron. Id., 121-2.
68 Lull, Rpfutac., 11. This writer states that the contemptuous bearing of
Venegas increased the hatred of tyranny. With regard to the language of
the viceroy, Bustamante, in describing it, expresses himself in his usual ran
corous way: 'Se desato en palabrotas tan groseras y torpes, que no estarian
bien ni en la boca de un grumete 6 carromatero despechado.' Cuad. Hist., i.
188 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.
Hidalgo's position was now becoming serious. Up
to this time his success had been brilliant. Forced
prematurely into action, into the promulgation and de
fence of long-cherished principles, his people had gath
ered round him, and after that a large army had come
to his support. They were unlettered, untrained, but
they were trustful. Thousands of them had already
laid down their lives for their country ; thousands more
were ready to die rather than relinquish their hope of
liberty. Here were many, but why were there not
more ? Why were the men of America so slow to move
in this matter? Here was the priceless boon held out
to them; why would they not stretch forth their hand
and take it ? True, fifty thousand had come forward
eighty thousand; but why do not they all come five
hundred thousand, five millions why do not they
come and be free ? Oh, base apathy, offspring of iron-
bound ignorance!
He had sent agents into the capital, and to the
neighboring towns, to stir up the people and make
them ashamed of their bonds. Not hearing from
them, he had sent others, and these found the first
fallen away from the cause. Some of his emissaries
had been captured. 69 Evidently the country here
about was not ripe for revolt. His warmest adher
ents a little distance away from him became cold.
He had no helper, no one with whom to share his
heavy load of responsibility. Allende was a good man,
a brave soldier, a faithful adherent ; but he was noth
ing more than a fighting man, and like fighting men
frequently, he was inclined at times to be rash and
reckless, and then to be angry if checked.
The capital city was the tempting prize, the city of
Montezunia, of Cortes, a city classic in the annals of
America ; and it was so near. But he well knew that
he was in no condition to march on Mexico. He has
87. The envoys were General Jimenez, Abasolo, Montemayor, and another
insurgent officer.
t9 Centeno was one of those captured, and was hanged in Mexico in Feb
ruary following.
AFTEE THE BATTLE. 189
been blamed for his three days of inactivity here ; he has
been called too slow, too careful, too fearful, a dreamer
and no soldier, and, when advised, too obstinate;
some think Allende should have had supreme com
mand. It is easy to criticise. A man must be judged
according to means and conditions. His associates
urged that the inhabitants would arise and assist them.
Some had so arisen, it is true, but there were few hopes
held out thus far from the direction of the capital,
and these very officers, who were loudest in their desire
to advance, railed most contemptuously of all against
Hidalgo's rabble army, as worse than none. In the
capital were men, money, arms, and ammunition ; even
if they had few soldiers just then, the whole city
would fight before they would see it sacked. He had
few real soldiers, few men who could be relied upon ;
he had few and poor arms, and his store of ammunition
was wellnigh exhausted. He was still further dis
couraged by the contents of a despatch intercepted by
his followers. It was the duplicate of Venegas' in
structions to Calleja to hasten to his support. He
was now fearful of being caught between two opposing
armies. In vain Allende advocated an immediate ad
vance on the city. Hidalgo, with cooler and truer
judgment, knew that it would not do. Better find
more soldiers, drill his men, and practise for a time on
a less formidable foe; and so after lingering another
day at Cuajimalpa, Hidalgo moved away. 70
70 Herewith I give fuller reference to authorities on this early epoch of
Mexican independence: Diar. M<'X., ii. 167, v. 217, 228, vi. 117, ix. 326,
371-4, 632, x. 451-5, 48o^8T497-8, 508, xi. 80, 86, 125-7. 199-200, 681-3,
xii. 120, 271-2. 288, 403-92, 511-55, 602-94, xiii. 13-70, 245-7, 272, 300-386,
414-16, 629-31, 689-90; Gaz. Mex^ 1810, i. 39-114, 210-91, 313-84, 404-39,
530, 717-801, 871-3, 906-54, 1088; Id., 1811, ii. 13-254, 274-393; Id., 1789,
iii. 18-397; Id., 1790, iv. 9-25, 120-89, 245-6, 313-81, 425-33; Id., 1792, v.
9-10, 81, 261-2, 341-2; Id., 1794, vi. 1-2, 313, 341-2, 442; Id., 1795, vii. 17-
18, 153-4; Id., 1796-7, viii. 10, 51, 85, 109-90, 238-301, 365-81; Id., 1798, ix.
1-51, 138-86, 329; Id., 1800-1, x. 2, 49-209, 235, 242, 329-30, 369; Id., 1802-
3, xi. 2, 9, 105-194, 220-6, 285-350; Id., 1804-5, xii. 17-81, 153-63, 230-54,
317, 342-4; xiii. 638, 656-9, 779; Id., 1806, xiv. 47, 56; Id., 1807, xv. 363,
416, 623-6, 699, 707-40, 1010-12; Id., 1807, xvi. passim; Dj&Qtt&&e*J%3&2>
i. 134-44, ii. 2-10, iii. 153, vi. 58, 60; Cortes, Diario, 1810-11, i. y ii. 10, 12-
13, 24-5, 45, vii. 7, 1812, xiv. 205-9; Diario Congreso, ii. no. 31, 460-1, 465-
8; 470-3, vi. no. 143, 2804-5; Col. J)pc, t i.. 40^1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 258-72 j
190 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL
Calle, Mem. y Not., 77; Hernan. y Ddv. , Col. Doc., i. 9-14, 17, 39-40, 455-72,
ii. 63-84, 92-4, 107-11, 110-25, 142-57, 172-92, 207-14, 244, 276-91, 320-30,
387-402, 593-4, 695-739, iii. 905-11, vi. 35; Espinosa, Chron., 12-259, 286-308,
320-1, 530-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 12-20, 30-6, 44-5, iv. 35-136,
308; Mem. Hist. Hex., MS., iii. 42; Matirologio, 44-5, in Soc. Alex. Geog.,
vii. 535-8; Defensa, 15-16; Gonzales Ddvila, Teat. Ecles., i. 108; Gomez,
Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. 2, vii. 434-5; Beaumont, Tratado Agua.
Min., passim; Cr6n. Mich., iv. 541-84; Alegre, Hist. Comp., ii. 163, iii. 242-3,
284-0; Arevalo, Compend., 109, 149, 198-9, 253-5; Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/.,
38-9, 109-71, 245-312, 317-20, 431-49, 579-82; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 246-
7, ii. 6GG-7, GG9; Tablets Estadis., MS., 42-3; Guerra, Rev. N. Espana, i.
138-56, 187-95, 209-13, 253, 288-329, ii. 564-778; Iglesias, Ed., 154-63, 245-
64; Calvillo, Sermon., 107-14; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 2-187, 212-18; Medina,
Chron. S. Diego Mex., 53-4, 58-62, 200-6, 254, 257-8; Navarrete, Eelac.
Peregrin., no. i. 4-29, 66-103, ii. 14-25, 28, 31-4, 243, iii. 3-53, 96-7, 347,
358-70, iv. 8-9, 18-19, 38-51; Negrete, Hist. Mil. Mex., 75-156, 205-252,
258-GO; Torrente, Rev. Hisp.-Am., i. 51-105, 72-80, 140-61; Romero, Mich.,
150, 157, 159-61, 167-9, 188-199; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 235, 239-40, 259-
68, 271-3, 275, 278-357; Soriano, Prologo, MS., 4-7, 14-19, 23; Pinart, Col.
Doc. Mex., 271-3; Villasenor y Sanchez, Teatro, i. 90-7, ii. 35-47, 105-
10, 2GO-1, iii. 34-47; Soc. Mex. Geog., i. 63-4, ii. 8, 18, iii. 198-200, 205-6,
viii. 404-5, ix. 130-1, 140, 151, 107; Santos, Chron. Hisp., ii. 470, vii. 470-
72; Diar. d<l Imper., 18G6, 509; Salazar, Serm. Funeb., passim; Semmes, Ser
vice Afloat, 9-10; Semanario Politico, ii. 149-64; Siguenzay Gdngara, Gloria,
deQuer., pp. 235; Carta al Almirante, MS., 10-11 ;Shepard, Land of the Aztec,
83-100; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 207-13; Strieker, Bibliothek, 41-9; Thompson,
Recoil. Mex., 55-7; Texeda, Rep. Mex., passim; Tornel y Mendoil, Heros de
Dolores, pp. 16; Velasquez, Carta al Regente Roma, MS. , orig. ; Venegas, Prog.
Felic. Amer., pp. 11; Valdovinos, Contest., 15-17; Viagero Univ., xxvii. 107-
10; Wadd y Thompson, Recoil. Mex., 55; Walton, Exposed, ap. 2-7; Ward,
Hist. Mex., 105, vi. 120, 126-30, 134-50, 156, 160-3, vii. 58; Ximenez, In-
quisidor Fiscal. . .Contra, MS., pp. 281; Young, Hist. Mex., 75-8; Zelaa,
Gloria de Quer., 125-33, 171-235, 241; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 43; Yen. Cong. S.
Felipe Neri, pp. 137; Pap. Derecho, 3; Disc. Civic., 19-2D; Rev. Mex., 26, 43-
58, 89, 129, 143-6; Hassel, Mex. y Gnat., 99-100, 135-40; Hidalgo, Exped.
Lugar Nacim., pp. 47; Id., Biog. del Cura, 39-177; Holley, Texas, 302; Insur
rection, Resum. Hist., pp. 32; Instruc. Vireyes, 148; Junta Sup. Cadiz, pp. 8;
Kollonitz, Court of Mex., 253-4; Kotteml-amp, Unabhangigkeitskampf, 58-67;
Navarro, Soc. Mex., i. 291; Niles, S. Am. y Mex., i. 129-42; Norman, Ram-
lies, 185-08; Over, Mex., 406-20; Ordenes Corona, MS., vi. 113; Otero-Mari-
ano, Oi'acion Civ., pp. 21; Ocios, Espan. Emigrad., vii. 95-6; Calvo, Annales
Hist., vi. 43-5; Orozcoy Berra, Carta Etnog. , 260-1; OlaguiM, Arcnga Civ.,
pp. 16; Oraciones, no. 3; Chevalier, Mexique, 339-47; Cancelada, Cond. Itur-
rigaray, 67, 98-100; Verdad Sabida, ix.-xii.; Col. Diarios, MS., 240; Pinart
Col.; Cerlif. de las Mercedes, MS., 13-14; Pinart Col.; Reales Cedulas, MS., i.
f. 8, 73-4; Id., MS., ii. f. 167; Cedulario, i. f. 92; Campillo, Edicto, pp. 8;
Castaiieda, Oration Civ., pp. 16; Chijnoweth, Max., 3-6; Carlos III., Solemne
Action, pp. 47; Perez, Dice. Geog., i, 356-9; Proclama, Arzob. V. Rey, pp. 22;
Id., pp. 16; Poinsett, Mex., ap. 30-1; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 29, 1866;
Proyecto Monarq., 3-13; Doc. sobre Mex., no. iv. ; Pedraza., Oration Encom.,
pp. 15; Quintana Roo, Dtscurso, pp. 17; Queretaro, Orden., pp. 14; Id., Dos
Palabras, 4-5; Id., Not. Estad., 73-4; Quarterly Rev., vii. 240-54, xvii. 540-
2, xxx. 172; Recop. de Ind., i. 565; Roux de Rochelle, Etats Unis, ii. 385-6;
Robinson, Mex., 13-29; Id., i. 21-7; Ramirez, Lecturas Hist., in Mex. Soc.
Geog. Bol, iii. 231-33; Roblas, Diario, in Doc. Hist., Mex., ser. i. iv. 117;
Raso, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 208; Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., i. ser.
iii. 493-4; Rep. Mex. Ligera Resefia, 2, 51-2; Rev. Span. Amer., 80-7, 290-
311; Rafut. Artie. Fondo, pp. 32; Refutation de un Espauol-Am., Mex. 1810,
12pp.; Diaz, Sermon, pp. 32; Diputac. Amer. Repres., pp. 17; Democ. Rev.,
i. 272; Del Mar, Hist. Prec. Metals, 146; Dill, Hist. Mex., 2G3-91: Dillon,
FURTHER REFERENCES. 191
viii. 151, 206, 300, 513-16, 643-4; Id., ix. 288, 372-3, 377, 414, 429, 446-8
577, 606, 800-10, 862; Id., x. 82; 284-6, 373, 798, 815-16, ap. i. 56, 410-12;
Escatera y Liana, Mex. Hist. Descrip., 1-6; Escudero, Not. Estad. Son., 43;
Fonte, Pastorales, no. i.; Frost. Pictl. Hint. Mex., 148-64; Fossey, Mex., 139-
46; Zamacols, Hist. Mex., i. 641, v. 315-16, 573-6, 641-2, 645, vi. passim, vii.
passim, viii. 25-7, 40-8, 55, 89-92, 400-4, 448-59, 464, 474, 488, 514-20, 524,
532-3, 547, ix. 33-9, x. 57, 63-5, 905-22, 969, 1364, 1387-9, 1392-6, 1402, xi.
265, 545, 649; Alaman, Mex., i. passim, ii. 45, 57, 81-4, 89-90, 104, 110-14
186-7, 208-26, 548-9, 583, ap. 19-20, 24-6, iii. 1-58, 69, 9G-8, 101-3, 213-20,
250, ap. 3-5, 75-6, iv. 480, 701-3, 724, ap. 19-25; Id., Disert., iii. 382, 391,
no. i.; Abbott, Mex. and U. S., 42, 243-6; Arroniz, Hist, y Cron., 161-80,
383-6; Armin, Heutige Mex., 32-40, 108-9; Arellano, Oration Civ., pp. 26;
Arronis, Biog. Mex., 12-15, 188-95, 232-5; Arrangoiz, Max., i. ap. 101;
Arrillaga, Recop., Enero-Junio 1S3G, 51; Alvares, Estudios, iii. 459; Diario
Mex., 432-4; Bazancourt, Mex., 35-71; Berghes, Zac., 3; Bell, Geog., 527-35;
Beavfoy, Mex. Illus., 81-90; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 154; Bolet, Geog.
Estad. Mex., ii. 8, 19, 23; Id., Institut., i. 63; Basil, Mex., 233-43; Barcena,
Cal. Hist., 81-213; Id., in Mex. Mem. Sec. Just., 1873, 227; Bergosa y Jordan,
Sermon, pp. 34; Barreda, Oration Civ., pp. 11; Gleeson, Hist. Oath. Church,
ii. 104; Gregory, Hist. Mex., 41-2; Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, 231-6, 347-92;
Gac. Mex., ser. ii., in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. ii., iv. 159-60, 209, 287-8, 342-3,
504-8; Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. i., pt i. 4, 335; Galvez, Informe.
Visitad, MS., 11-35, 54-63; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 155-213; Gomez, Vida
Antonio de S. Jacinto, pp. 62; Garcia y Garcia, Prosperid. Union, pp. 11;
Mich. Prov. S. Nic., 115, 145-6; Mex. Zast. Jahren, 1830-2, vi.-xxxii. ; Mar
tinez, Sermon Paneg., 1785, pp. 23; Marmier, Voyag. Nouv., iii. 295-348;
Interfer. of Brit. Gov. between Spain and her Am. Col., MS., in Mayer MSS.,
Mayer, Mex. Aztec, 237, 276, 279-91; Mexico in 1842, 12-13; Macgregor,
Prog, of Am., i. 305-9; Mex. Bosquejo Revol., 8; Moreno, Vida y Mem., 131-
40; Mex. Scraps, ii. 61; Museo, Mex., iii. 32-7, iv. 206-10; Halliard, Hist.
Texas, 12-17; Modern Trav. Mex. Guat., i. 84-99, 102-8; Lopez (J.), Dis-
curso, pp. 7; Lopez (S.), Despcrt. Chris.-Pol, pp. 38; Lizana y Beaumont,
Exhortation, pp. 10; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 415; Laharpe, Abreg6 Hist.
Voy., x. 2534; Laris, Discurso Civ., pp. 15; Garibay, V. Ray, Proclam., pp.
7; Lancaster-Jones, Oration Civ., pp. 4; Lafond, Voy. aut. du Monde, i. bk.
i. 225-04; Lazcano, Vida Oviedo, 273-5; Lacunza, Discur. Hist., no. xxxvii.
536-9; Lempriere, Notes on Mex. 423-4; La Cruz, v. 207-15.
CHAPTER VIII.
PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION".
1810.
CALLEJA'S PREPARATIONS His BIOGRAPHY ENGAGEMENT AT QUERETARO
CALLEJA JOINS FORCES WITH FLON CHAVEZ REPULSED AT QUERETARO
CALLEJA'S MOVEMENTS THE DISPERSION or THE INSURGENTS AT ACULCO
CALLEJA RETURNS TO QUERETARO CHARACTER OF TORRES DEFENSIVE
MEASURES OF ABARCA IN JALISCO INSUPVGENT OPERATION^ IN JALISCO
ENGAGEMENT AT LA BARCA THE ROYALISTS DEFEATED AT ZACOALCO
GUADALAJARA SURRENDERS TO TORRES MERCADO GAINS POSSESSION OP
SAN BLAS REVOLUTION IN ZACATECAS FLIGHT OF THE EUROPEANS AN
UNFORTUNATE INTENDENTE IRIARTE ENTERS ZACATECAS THE COM
MISSION OF DOCTOR Cos A DARING SCHEME SAN Luis POTOSI WON BY
AN INSURGENT FRIAR A TREACHEROUS VISITOR SAN' Luis SACKED.
-\
WHILE the events narrated in the two preceding
chapters were taking place, Calleja in San Luis Po-
tosi was making preparations, with extraordinary ac
tivity, to take the field; but at the same time with
that avoidance of unprofitable haste which character
ized all his movements. 1 The cornandante of San
Luis was first apprised of the occurrences at Dolores
on the 19th of September. He had a few days before
received warning of Hidalgo's meditated insurrection,
through information supplied to him by Jose Gabriel
de Armijo, and conveyed through the subdelegado
Pedro Garcia. At that time he was at the hacienda
de Bledos, a property belonging to his wife. While
returning to San Luis he narrowly escaped capture
by a troop of horsemen sent by Hidalgo to make him
1 Abad y Queipo, in his report to Fernando VII. in 1815, says of Calleja:
'Sicmpre obro con lentitud, dando mucho lugar a los enemigos para aumentar
BUS reuniones y defensas.' In forme, in Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ix. 871.
(192,
FELIX MAPJA CALLEJA DEL KEY. 193
prisoner, the soldiers arriving at the hacienda only two
hours after his departure. Without waiting for in
structions from the viceroy, Calleja issued orders to
place the two provincial dragoon regiments of San
Luis and San Carlos under arms, and to draw recruits
from the different towns and haciendas of his district.
This could not be very quickly done, scattered as the
troops were in different localities; nor was it a matter
of small difficulty to convert into an efficient force
men drawn from their agricultural pursuits. Calleja,
however, was ably seconded by the authorities and
proprietors of estates, as he had their full confidence.
Felix Maria Calleja del Hey, the future viceroy of
New Spain, was a native of Medina del Campo in old
Castile, and a member of a distinguished family. He
commenced his military 1 career as an ensign in the
i/ O
disastrous expedition against Algiers conducted by
the conde de O'Reily in the reign of Cdrlos III. At
a later date, he was appointed captain and instructor
of one hundred cadets at the military school in the
port of Santa Maria. In 1789 he came to New Spain
with the viceroy Revilla Grigedo; and with the rank of
lieutenant-colonel, served in the frontier states, suc
cessfully levying and organizing troops in Nuevo
Santander and Nuevo Leon, the defence of which ter
ritories was intrusted to him by the viceroy Branci-
forte. 2 When the government at Madrid adopted the
system of dividing the provincial militia into ten brig
ades, 3 the command of that of San Luis Potosi was
bestowed by Viceroy Azanza upon Calleja, with the
corresponding rank of brigadier. 4 During his resi-
* Brand forte, Instruc., MS., 31, in Linares, Tnstruc., MS.
3 Consult Hist. Mex., iii. 415, this series.
4 /(/. , 491. Calleja's military services were such as to gain for him the rec
ommendation of the six viceroys who preceded Venegas, one of whom says:
'Calleja era nno de los pocos oficiales de graduacion, de quienes podria valerse,
con seguridad, por las ocasiones dificiles que presentasen, por su inteligeucia,
actividad y conocimiento. ' Prov. Intern., Meal tfrden, in Mayer MS., no. 7.
In 1794 he was selected by the viceroy for important work. N. Esp. Acuer-
dos, MS., 185.
HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 13
194 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
dence in that city he espoused Dona Francisca de la
Gdndara, daughter of the alferez real, who possessed
considerable wealth. His personal influence over the
country people was great, and his abilities and cul
ture gained admiration; but he had an inordinate
love of flattery, and was obstinate, hard-hearted, and
remorselessly cruel.
In order to drill and place upon an efficient war
footing the new levies, Calleja established a camp at
the hacienda de la Pila, situated in the vicinity of San
Luis; and so ably was he seconded by the authorities
and leading men, that he soon had more recruits than
he could furnish with arms and equipments. 5 Various
urban companies were raised for the protection of the
city; officers were appointed; and the Europeans who
were flying from Guanajuato to the coast were de
tained and pressed into the service. 6 As the troops
consisted principally of cavalry, a battalion of light
infantry, six hundred strong, was organized; 7 cannon
were ordered to be cast; in the camp at la Pila a
portrait of Fernando VII. was put up, and Calleja
issued a proclamation to his troops, 8 from whom the
oath of allegiance was again exacted. 9 Calleja's money
was a great help to him, as he was enabled to meet
preliminary expenses, as well as those of the ensuing
campaign,, for a considerable time. 10
"Conspicuous among those who rendered him aid was Juan Moncada,
marque's del Jaral de Berrio, who armed and took command as colonel of a
considerable body. According to Alaman, Allende had reported to Hidalgo
that Moncada was disposed to support the revolution. Hist. Mej., i. 453.
6 Many afterward became distinguished leaders, among them Meneso,
Armijo, Orrantia, Aguirre, Barragan, the Beistiguis, and Bustamante. Id.,
454.
7 Known by the name of los Tamarindos, from the color of their uniform,
which was similar to that of the tamarind fruit. Id. , 455. They were com
manded by Juan Nepomuceno Oviedo. Id., ap. 78.
8 The proclamation, which is given in full by Bustamante, Camp. Cullcja^
13-15, is an exhortation to allegiance; it attributes the revolutionary move
ment to the machinations of Napoleon. It is dated the 2d of Oct.
9 A Carmelite friar with a crucifix in his hand administered the oath to
each soldier. Of the influence which these religious exercised over the
soldiery, Bustamante remarks: 'Prevalido del ascendiente que gozan alii
estos religiosos sobre el bajo pueblo, logrd entusiasmarlos de tal manera, que
cuando march6 con sus tropas creian cstas que iban d, medirselas con hereges
y & defender la religion de Jesucristo. ' Cuad. Hist., i. 48.
10 The intendente of San Luis Potosi placed at his disposition 382,000
MEASURES AGAINST HIDALGO, 195
Venegas, before he was aware of the outbreak of
Dolores, and without knowing the extent of the rev
olution, had by despatch of the 17th of September
ordered Calleja to hasten to Queretaro for the pur
pose of preventing an uprising in that city. Calleja,
however, replied that he had already discovered a
concerted plot in San Luis, and that it would be im
possible to leave until he had completed his arrange
ments; at the same time explaining to the viceroy his
proposed plan to raise a considerable force and take
the field against Hidalgo, after having put San Luis
in a state of defence. Upon receiving this informa
tion, Venegas, perceiving the prudence with which
Calleja was acting under the new aspect of affairs, per
mitted him to continue his operations, and instructed
him to unite his forces when in readiness with those
of Flon, now on his march to Queretaro.
No sooner had Flon arrived at Queretaro than an
engagement took place between a detachment of his
men and a body of three thousand insurgents in the
vicinity of that city. When the enemy appeared in
sight on the road from San Miguel, Flon sent out a
force of six hundred under the command of Major
Bernardo Tello, all of whom except one hundred and
eighty, with the single officer, Captain Linares, hastily
dispersed when they found the enemy to be much
more numerous than they had supposed. Linares,
however, made a resolute stand, and the division re
covering itself, attacked and inflicted great slaughter
upon the Indians with their artillery, the effect of
which they were so ignorant of, that they attempted
to protect themselves by putting their straw hats
pesos from the royal coffers. Besides this, as soon as he heard of the up
rising he ordered a conducta of silver which had been detained at Santa
Maria del llio by the subdelegado Garcia, to be sent to San Luis. This con
sisted of an ingot of gold and 315 bars of silver. In addition to this, he
received as a loan from wealthy mining speculators of Zacatecas 225,000
pesos en reales, 94 bars of plata quintada, and 2,800 marks of plata pasta,
Id., 5G-7; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 450.
106 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
over the mouth of the cannon. 11 The result was not
long doubtful; the insurgents were dislodged from
their favorable position with heavy loss, the royalists
losing only one man. 12
On the 24th of October, Calleja broke camp and
proceeded to Dolores, where he had arranged with the
conde de la Cadena to unite their forces on the 28th.
This was accordingly done, the latter having left Que
retaro on the 22d. 13 After leaving an efficient garri
son in San Luis, 14 Calleja's force, nevertheless, mus
tered 3,000 cavalry and 600 infantry, with four cannon.
These united with Flon's troops formed an army of
about 7,000 men, with eight pieces of artillery, and
which henceforth assumed the name of Ejercito de
operaciones sobre los insurgentes. As Flon passed
through San Miguel el Grande, he had the satisfac
tion of permitting his soldiers to sack the houses of
Colonel Canal, Allende, and Aldama, while a similar
gratification was indulged in by Calleja in Dolores by
the sacking of Hidalgo's house and the ill treatment
of the inhabitants.
The project of Calleja had been to proceed to the
capital by way of Celaya, Acambaro, and Toluca, fol
lowing, in fact, Hidalgo's line of march; but while at
Dolores he received a despatch from the comandante
of Queretaro, Garcia Rebollo, stating that the city
was threatened with the whole force of Hidalgo's
11 Alaman remarks: ' Este heclio apenas creible, me ha sido asegurado por
todos los que han tenido conocimiento del suceso.' Hist. Mej., i. 459.
12 According to Tello's version, 200 Indians were killed; the royalist slain
met his death by accident while passing in front of a cannon. Gaz. de Me.x. ,
1810, i. 850. Tello does not say anything about his own hurried depart
ure from the field. The most reliable particulars are those given in the text,
being the statements of Linares in a representation setting forth his services,
and addressed to Viceroy Apodaca. Alaman obtained a copy of this docu
ment. Hist. Mej., i. 459.
ia Before leaving Querdtaro Flon addressed a proclamation to the inhabi
tants, describing to them in sanguinary terms the manner in which he intended
to suppress the insurrection, and concluding by threatening to make the streets
of Queretaro flow with blood if, during liis absence, they acted disloyally.
Id., 469; Negrete, Hist. Mil. S'KJ. XIX., i. 292; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,
ii. 173-4.
14 This consisted of 350 foot, 110 horse, and three companies of the urban
troops. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 55.
CALLEJA AT QUERETARO. 197
army. Calleja accordingly marched to Queretaro, but
found that an insignificant attack on the city by a
band of ill-armed Indians had been all. 15 One Miguel
Sanchez had raised the cry of insurrection on the ha
cienda de San Nicolas, belonging to the augustinians
of Michoacan, occupied Huichapan and the neighbor
ing towns, and being joined by Julian Villagran,, a
captain of the militia of Huichapan, attempted in the
absence of Flon to gain possession of Queretaro.
Leading his rabble into the town, they broke and fled
at the first cannon-shot, which killed a considerable
number of them, 16 while their opponents lost not a
single man. This futile movement of Sanchez was
attended, however, with most important results; for,
as will be seen, it saved Queretaro from being occu
pied by Hidalgo, and was the indirect cause of the
insurgent leader's later defeat.
Calleja arrived at Queretaro on the 1st of Novem
ber, the engagement having taken place on the 30th
of October, the same day on which was fought the
battle of the monte de las Cruces. Finding himself
obliged to approach Mexico by a different route, he
now directed his course by way of Estancia, San Juan
15 Calleja's report in Gaz. de Mex. (1810), i. 965.
16 By some this defeat of Sanchez was considered one of the reasons for
Hidalgo's retreat. ' Se tuvo por cierto entonces qiie habia recibido la noticia
de la derrota del general Sanchez en Queretaro. ' Insurrec. JV. Esp. Res. Hint. ,
10. Bustamante's account of this affair, deemed improbable by Alaman, is
as follows : Brigadier Sanchez, after raising the standard of revolt, marched
to San Juan del Rio, where he captured the oidor Juan Collado, who, having
concluded his commission, was returning to Mexico. He also made prisoner
Antonio Acufia, 'Teniente de corte de la sala del crimen,' who beguiled San
chez into believing that if he would allow him to return to Queretaro he could
by his influence succeed in winning over the garrison for him, the signal to
be the firing of a cannon from the fort de la Cruz. Sanchez consented, but
Acuf.a disclosed the plot, so that the city might be put in defence. The sig
nal was given, nevertheless, and the credulous Sanchez entered the city with
the result narrated in the text. The same author states that their whole force
was only 500 men, who had only 14 muskets amongst them, and that 31 were
killed on the spot, without counting the wounded and others killed in the
pursuit. Cuad. Hist., i. 88-9. The version of Comandante Rebollo is, how
ever, very different. He states in his report to the viceroy that there were
4,000 or 5,000 of the insurgents; that the engagement lasted from half-past
nine in the morning till half-past seven in the evening, and that 300 of the
enemy were killed and as many more taken prisoners. Gaz. de Mex. (1810),
i. 929-30.
198 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
del Rio, and San Antonio, arriving at Arroyozarco
on the 6th of November. Meanwhile Hidalgo, re
treating by the same way by which he had approached
the capital, arrived at Ixtlahuaco. Unaware of Ca-
lleja's last movement, and confident that Queretaro
could now be taken possession of with little difficulty,
he directed his march toward the city, and the two
opposing commanders were thus approaching each
other without either of them knowing it. Hidalgo's
force was reduced to one half its previous number,
thousands of his followers, who had been attracted by
the prospect of sacking the capital, having returned
to their homes. 17 But what is more significant of the
waning star of the first leaders of the revolution is
the disagreement which existed among themselves,
and the growing jealousy which Allende and his
friends, the Aldamas, began to entertain for Hidalgo. 18
Where there was so much fighting to be done, these
military men did not like to be led by a priest; they
were determined to submit to him no longer than was
necessary.
On the 6th of November the advance guard of
Calleja's army came in contact with a detachment of
Hidalgo's forces at Arroyozarco, and after a sharp
skirmish put the enemy to flight, killing some and
taking others prisoners. From the captives, and
from Colonel Ernpdran, whom Calleja at once sent
forward with a strong force to reconnoitre, it was
discovered that the insurgents were at the neighbor
ing town of Aculco. Calleja at once made his ar
rangements for battle, taking up a military position
two leagues distant from that of Hidalgo. The in-
17 The captive Garcia Conde afterward stated to the viceroy that although
Hidalgo's loss after the battle of las Cruccs amounted to 40,000 in killed,
wounded, and deserters, there still remained to him 40,000 followers. Her
nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 274. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. E*p., i. 339,
thinks this an exaggeration although confirmed by Calleja. Gaz. de Mex.
(1810), i. 9G7-8.
15 According to Garcia Conde, when speaking of Hidalgo, they used to call
him ' el bribon del cura,' that knave of a priest. Alaman, Hist. Hcj, , i. ap. 66.
AFFAIR AT ACULCO.
109
surgents were drawn
of
a
up in two lines on the summit
rectangular hill which overlooked the town 13
and was almost surrounded by barrancas and gullies.
Within the lines numbers were drawn up in the form
of an oblong, the artillery being stationed in the front
and on the right flank, while the rear was occupied
by disorderly crowds. The encounter which followed
was not properly an engagement, but rather a feint
on the part of the revolutionary leaders, who had dc-
^%iii;|
= 15 = :**&
''- ***** ~ . ..- -> ======* ~
PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELI> AT AOULCO.
19 A
B
1
Line of battle of the royalist army.
Park of artillery in position.
Cavalry on the left.
Cavalry on the right.
Body of cavalry covering the flank of the infantry.
Bodies of infantry.
Reserve of cavalry.
6, 6 Cavalry on left and right in column.
Company of volunteers.
Cavalry on left flank of infantry columns.
Reserve cavalry of same columns.
Columns of infantry.
Park of artillery in second position.
12, 12 Park of artillery opening fire.
13 Columns of infantry mounting the hill to attack.
14 Cavalry in reserve.
15, 15 Position of the insurgent army.
16 Insurgent artillery.
17 Equipage, ammunition, and carriages.
18 Companies of patriots of Sail Luis doing service as light troops.
200 PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION.
cided not to give battle, but effect a retreat under cover
of a show of resistance. 20 Calleja, undeterred by the
difficulties presented by the enemy's position, com
menced the attack with three columns of infantry, 21
on the morning of the 7th of November. For some
twenty minutes the royalists pushed on, 22 exposed to
the sluggish fire of the insurgents, whose cannon-balls
flew high above their heads. Unscathed they reached
the foot of the steep on which the enemy was posted,
but when the stormed columns had scaled the heights,
the foe had fled. Meanwhile Calleja had marked the
disorder in the revolutionary ranks, caused, as he sup
posed, by his well directed fire; and thereupon or
dered the cavalry on his right flank to attack the en
emy's left, which could only be done by a long detour, y
Doubtless it would have pleased him as he affirmed
that he did 23 to commit great slaughter by his caval
rymen who pursued the enemy two and a half leagues
over the hills and through the glen; but the truth is,
they did not kill a hundred. 24 He lost, however, only
580 Hidalgo published at Celaya on the 13th of Nov. a circular giving an
account of the affair, assigning as a reason for his not engaging the enemy
his want of ammunition. He says: 'Solo se entretubo un fuego lento ya
mucha distancia, entro tanto se daba lugar a que se retirara la gente sin ex-
perimentar quebranto, como lo verifico.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.
ii. 221. A quantity of cannon-balls and grape-shot and 120 cans of powder
were left on the field. Bustamante, Campanas de Calleja, 22. Zerecero re
gards the sudden flight of the insurgents as a skilfully executed retreat,
which 
