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THE  WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE  WORKS 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME   XIV. 


HISTORY   OF   MEXICO. 

VOL.  VI.     1861-1887. 


SAN   FRANCISCO: 
THE    HISTORY  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1888. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1888,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved 


#3 


CONTENTS  OP  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

1861. 

PAGE 

Expulsion  of  Foreign  Diplomates — Exile  of  High  Ecclesiastics — Reorga 
nization  of  Government — Measures  of  Conciliation — Differences 
among  the  Liberals — Foreign  Relations  Interrupted — Meeting  of 
Congress — Character  of  its  Members — Benito  Juarez  Elected  Presi 
dent — Reactionary  War  Renewed — Liberal  Victories — Financial 
Distress  and  Suspension  of  Payments — Foreign  Protests — Treaty  of 
Intervention  in  London — Course  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico — 
Ministerial  Crisis 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

FOREIGN    INTERVENTION. 
1861-2. 

Spanish  Occupation  of  Vera  Cruz — Action  of  the  Mexican  Government 
— Arrival  of  the  French  and  British  Forces — Allied  Plenipotentiaries 
and  their  Differences — Joint  Address  to  the  Mexicans — Pecuniary 
Claims  against  Mexico — Negotiations  with  Juarez'  Government — 
Convention  of  La  Soledad — Reactionists  under  French  Protection — 
Rupture  among  the  Allied  Diplomats— Spaniards  and  British  Re- 
embark — The  French  Throw  off  the  Mask — Almonte  Establishes  a 
Government — French  Reoccupation  of  Orizaba — Their  March  against 
Puebla  and  Repulse — Cinco  de  Mayo — Subsequent  Liberal  Reverses 
—Affairs  at  the  Capital 28 

CHAPTER  III. 

FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

1862-1863. 

Napoleon's  Instructions— Arrival  of  Forey's  Army— Zaragoza's  Death — 
Forey's  First  Movements— His  Neglect  of  the  Conservatives— Their 
Subserviency — March  on  Puebla — Indecent  Devices — General  Con- 

(v) 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

dition  of  Mexico — Bombardment  of  Acapulco— Siege  of  Puebla — 
Forey  Offers  Honorable  Terms — They  are  not  Accepted — Uncondi 
tional  Surrender — Treatment  of  Mexican  Prisoners — Affairs  at  the 
Capital — Flight  of  the  Government — Juarez  at  San  Luis  Potosi — 
The  French  Occupy  Mexico — Initiatory  Policy 54 


CHAPTER   IV. 

MONARCHISM. 
1863. 

Government  Measures — Junta  Superior  de  Gobierno — Provisional  Exe 
cutive — Forey's  Acts  Legalized — Order  of  Guadelupe — Asamblea  de 
Notables — Its  Inauguration  and  Subserviency— Creation  of  a 
Throne — It  is  Offered  to  Ferdinand  Maximilian  of  Hapsburg — 
Regency  of  the  Mexican  Empire — Monarchial  Schemes  in  Mexico — 
They  are  Continued  in  Europe — French  Prevarications — Spanish 
Aims — Selection  of  Maximilian — How  Effected — His  Past  Record 
Action  of  the  Austrian  Emperor — Policy  of  the  United  States.  ...  77 


CHAPTER   V. 

MAXIMILIAN,    EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 
1863. 

Inherent  Idea  of  Empire — Montezuma,  Iturbide,  Maximilian — Forced 
Adhesions — Character  of  the  Regents — Deputation  to  Maximilian — 
His  Acceptance — Maximilian  and  Charlotte,  their  Character  and 
Personal  Appearance — Imperialist  Successes — Movements  of  the 
Juarists — Arrival  of  the  Archbishop — Bazaine — French  Policy — 
Attitude  of  the  United  States— Fall  of  Morelia— Death  of  Comon- 
fort — Further  Fighting ;  . .  . 


CHAPTER   VI. 

ARRIVAL   OF  THE  IMPERIAL   SOVEREIGNS. 
1864. 

Military  Movements—Juarez  Declines  to  Resign— He  Retires  to  Mon 
terey — Tampico  Campaign — Imperial  Gains — Proceedings  in  Europe 
— Formal  Acceptation  of  the  Mexican  Crown — Imperial  Visit  to 
Rome— Arrival  of  the  Sovereigns  at  Vera  Cruz— Receptions  at 
Cordoba,  Orizaba,  and  Puebla— Entry  into  Mexico— Grand  Demon 
stration — New  Order  Created 122 


CONTENTS.  vii 

CHAPTER  VII. 

MAXIMILIAN   IN   MEXICO. 
1864. 

Conciliating  Policy  and  Conservative  Jealousy—  Growing  Dislike  of 
the  French  —  Maximilian's  Weakness  of  Character  —  Reorganization 
of  the  Army  —  Excursions  to  the  Interior,  and  Maximilian's  Infer 
ences  therefrom  —  Guerrillas  Termed  Brigands,  and  Ordered  Hunted 
down  —  Church  Question  —  Nuncio  in  Mexico—  Commission  to  Rome 
—  Property  Confiscation  —  Juarist  Reverses  .......................  149 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 
1865. 

Provisional  Constitution  —  Personal  Guarantee  —  No  Slavery  —  Fondness 
of  Maximilian  for  Law-making  —  Promotion  of  Colonization  —  Finan 
ces  —  Cabinet  —  Maximilian  Protests  against  his  Austrian  Renuncia 
tion  —  French  Loan  and  French  Troops  —  Attitude  of  the  United 
States  —  Republicanism  Gains  Strength  —  Maximilian  Alarmed  —  Ba- 
zaine  Blamed  —  Terrorism  ..................  ....................  171 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE   EMPIRE    A  FAILURE. 

1865-1866. 

Capitulation  of  Oajaco  —  Army  Movements  —  Battles  and  Sieges  —  War 
Measures  —  Presidential  Term  —  New  Republican  Plan  of  Campaign  — 
Sympathy  in  the  United  States  —  Napoleon  Recognizes  his  Failure  — 
The  United  States  Demand  his  Withdrawal  —  Maximilian  Over 
whelmed  —  Charlotte  Visits  Europe  —  She  Pleads  in  Vain  with  Napo 
leon—Then  Seeks  Consolation  at  Rome—  Her  Sad  Fate  .............  188 


CHAPTER    X. 

IMPERIAL    HOME    LIFE    AND   VICISSITUDES. 
1866. 

Money  Matters  —  New  Treaty  —  Army  Reorganization  —  Austrians  Dis 
contented  —  Domestic  Affairs  —  Character  of  Charlotte  —  Maximilian's 
Habits  —  Hours  of  Labor,  Food,  and  Exercise  —  Dress  —  Amuse 
ments  —  Religious  Shows  —  Washing  Feet  —  The  Emperor's  Cold 
Wit—  Conservatist  Plot—  Santa  Anna—  New  Policy  of  Maximilian— 
Bazaine's  Quarrel  and  Recall—  Castelnau—  Abdication  Urged— 
Ortega  and  the  United  States  —  Maximilian  at  Orizaba  .............  214 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XL 

MAXIMILIAN'S    VACILLATION—  REPUBLICAN    SUCCESSES. 
1866. 

PAGE 

Maximilian  at  Orizaba — Preparations  for  Departure — Indecision — 
Persuasions  of  Father  Fisher — Return  of  Miramon  and  Marquez — 
Austrian  Crown  Prospects — Maximilian  Warned  not  to  Return  to 
Austria — Council  of  Orizaba — French  Protests — Juarists  Gaining 
Strength — United  States  Volunteers— Army  Movements — Ortega's 
Party— Bazaiae's  Quarrels, ,,.,,.  ,236 

CHAPTER  XII. 

DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

1867. 

Further  Disaffection  between  Bazaine  and  the  Court — Recall  of  Euro 
pean  Soldiers — Bazaine's  Conduct  and  Character — Exchange  of 
Prisoners — Departure  of  Troops — Bazaine  in  Disgrace  in  France — 
Cost  of  Expedition — A  New  Council  Upholds  the  Empire — Move 
ments  of  Miramon — Maximilian  at  the  Head  of  the  Army — His 
March  to  Queretaro — Invested  by  the  Republican  Forces 264 


CHAPTER  Xin. 

IMPERIALISM   CAGED. 

1867. 

Mariano  Escobedo — His  Physique  and  Character — Imperial  Lines — 
Skirmishing — Convento  de  la  Cruz — Marquez  Sent  to  Mexico — New 
Ministery — Miramon — Besiegers  Reenforced — Assaults  and  Re 
pulses — Maximilian  Decorated  for  Bravery — Starvation — Marquez 
Suspected  of  Treachery — Salm-Salm  Prepares  to  Go  in  Search  of 
Him — Plans  to  Break  through  the  Lines  Defeated 281 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

DEATH   OF   EMPIRE  AND   EMPEROR. 
1867. 

Miguel  Lopez  the  Traitor— His  Plot  to  Betray  Maximilian— Seizure  of 
the  City — Arrest  of  Maximilian  and  his  Generals — Imprisonment — 
Abdication— Terms  Proposed— Court-martial  Ordered— Trial  and 
Conviction — Petitions  and  Intercessions — Execution  of  Maximilian, 
Miramon,  and  Mejfa — Effect  of  Execution  in  America  and  Europe — 
Reflections  on  the  Character  and  Career  of  Maximilian 299 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER   XV. 

REPUBLICAN    RECONSTRUCTION. 

1867-1868. 

PAGE 

Movements  of  Marquez  and  Diaz — The  Last  Imperial  Cabinet — Progress 
of  Republican  Arms — Marquez  in  Mexico — Diaz  Besieges  the  City — 
Results  of  Intervention — Juarez'  Entry  into  the  Capital — New  Re 
publican  Cabinet — Treatment  of  Rebels  and  Traitors — Proposed 
Reforms — Parties  and  Principles — Election  Laws — Popular  Dis 
content — Diplomatic  Relations ; 333 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

END  OF  THE   JUAREZ  REGIME. 

1868-1872. 

Under  the  New  Order  of  Things — Reelection  of  Juarez — Seditions  and 
Uprisings — Ministerial  Crisis — Earthquakes  and  Hurricanes — Crea 
tion  of  New  States — Administrative  Reorganization  and  Improve 
ments — Pronunciamientos  and  Revolutions — Insecurity — Am 
nesty — Political  Parties — Juaristas,  Lerdistas,  and  Porfiristas — 
Plan  of  La  Noria — Failure  of  the  Porfiristas — Death  of  Juarez — 
Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  Installed  as  President — Remains  of 
Juarez — Reflections  on  his  Career 365 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

LERDO   PRESIDENT. 

1872-1874. 

Effect  of  Juarez'  Death — Ledro  Retains  the  Ministers  of  Juarez — General 
Amnesty  Proclaimed — Diaz  Refuses  to  Accept  It — Conflagration  in 
the  Palace — The  Country  Tranquilized — Diaz  Submits — Lerdo 
Elected  Constitutional  President — His  Popularity — He  Persists  in 
Retaining  the  Ministers — Disappointment — Closing  of  Congress — 
The  Vera  Cruz  Railroad — The  Tepic  Rebellion — Guadalajara 
Threatened — Capture  and  Death  of  Lozada — End  of  the  Rebellion — 
The  District  of  Tepee — Congressional  Acts — Expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits — Passage  of  the  Reform  Laws — Disturbances — Seventh 
Constitutional  Congress 390 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LERDO,    IGLESIAS,    AND   DIAZ. 

1874-1876. 

Political  Troubles  in  the  States — Affairs  in  Yucatan— Religious  Upris* 
ing  in  Michoacan — Condition  of  the  Country — Progress  of  Protes 
tantism — The  Stamp  Act — Prerogatives  of  the  Supreme  Court 


x  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Attacked— Decline  of  Lerdo's  Popularity— Political  Persecutions- 
Reelection  Schemes — Diaz  Leaves  Mexico — Insurrection  in  Oajaca 

A  Revolutionary  Blaze — Plans  of  Tuxtepec  and  Palo  Blanco — Diaz 

in  the  North — His  Return  to  Oajaca — Fraudulent  Elections— Lerdo 
Proclaimed  Reflected — Iglesias  Protests — He  Assumes  the  Executive 
power — Diaz  Defeats  Alatorre  at  Tecoac — Flight  of  Lerdo — Consti 
tutionalist  versus  Revolutionist— Diaz  Enters  the  Capital — Proclaims 
Himself  Executive — Iglesias  Leaves  the  Country — Diaz  at  the  Head  40o 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

DIAZ,    GONZALEZ,    AND   DIAZ. 

1877-1887. 

Political  Programme  of  Diaz — Installation  of  Congress — Diaz  Elected 
President — Opposition  to  his  Government — Mutiny  of  the  Crew  of 
La  Trinidad — Foreign  Relations — Difficulties  with  the  United  States 
— Joint  Commission  on  Claims — Adjustment  of  Claims — The  North 
ern  Border  Troubles — Their  Settlement — Attempts  at  Reelection 
Defeated — Administration  of  Diaz  Reviewed — President  Gonzalez' 
Biography — Guatemala's  Claim  to  Chiapas — Adjustment  of  Dispute 
— Foreign  Relations— Internal  Affairs— -Progress  of  Mexico — Gonza 
lez  as  an  Administrator — The  Modified  Stamp  Act — Recognition  of 
Debt  to  British  Bond-holders—Diaz  Again  Elected  President 435 

CHAPTER  XX. 

GOVERNMENT,    FINANCES,    AND   MILITARY. 
1800-1887. 

Party  Spirit — Struggles  for  Supremacy — Army  Influence  and  Revolu 
tions — Centralism,  Imperialism,  and  Federalism — Constitutions  and 
Reforms — Congress  and  the  Executive — Powers  of  the  President — 
Cabinet — Administrative  Duties  and  Reforms — Territorial  Divisions 
— State  Government — Municipalities — Suffrage — Laws — Judiciary — 
Police — Foreign  Relations— Naturalization — Colonization — Finances 
— Army  and  Navy 4v>6 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

MINING,    MANUFACTURES,    AND  FISHERIES. 
1800-1887. 

Effect  on  Mining  of  the  Revolution — Subsequent  Policy  of  the  Govern 
ment — Effect  of  Mining  on  Agriculture — Mine  Management  and 
Routine — Mining  Districts — Minor  Metals — Mints — Development  of 
JatiomJ  Manufactures — Banco  de  Avio — Patent  Laws — Cotton 
Factories  in  the  Colonial  Period — Woollen  Industry — Other  Manu 
factures—Silk,  Paper,  Crockery,  and  Glass— Tobacco  and  its  Utili- 


CONTENTS. 


zation— Fisheries— Food-fish— Pearls— Tortoise    Shells— Sponges- 
Whaling — International,  National,  and  State  Exhibitions 505 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

COMMERCE   AND   RAILROADS. 
1800-1887. 

Symptoms  of  Free  Trade — A  Commercial  Inroad — Exports  and  Imports 
— Customs  and  Custom-houses — Cabotage — Abolishment  of  the  Al- 
cabalas — Smuggling — The  Mercantile  Marine — The  Carrying  Trade 
— Commercial  Regulations — Foreign  Steamers — Case  of  the  Danube 
— First  Mexican  Steamships — The  Mexican  Transatlantic  S.  S.  Co. 
— Unjust  Taxation — Tariffs — Metropolitan  Highways— Mercantile 
Tribunals — Brokers — Banks — The  Mail  Service — Nickel  Coinage — 
The  Decimal  System — Railroads — The  Mexican  Railway — Develop 
ment — Projected  Lines — Considerations — Telegraphs,  Telephones, 
and  Electric  Lights 533 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

AGRICULTURAL   RESOURCES   OF  MEXICO. 

1887. 

Capacity  for  Production — Unequal  Distribution  of  Land — Necessity  of 
Irrigation — Drainage  of  the  Valley — The  Nochistongo  Cutting — 
Poumarede's  Siphons — Garay's  Project — A  Pestilent  Metropolis — 
Maize  and  Other  Cereals — Chile  Pepper — Plantains,  Cacao,  and 
Coffee — The  Agave  Americana — Pulque,  Mescal,  and  Tequila — Hen- 
nequen  and  Ixtle — Sugar  and  Aguardiente — Tobacco,  Olive-oil,  and 
Wine — Cochineal,  Indigo,  Cotton — Silk  Culture — Vanilla  and  Jalap 
— Stock-raising — Horned  Cattle,  Horses,  and  Hogs — Agricultural 
Prospects  of  Mexico 561 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

ECCLESIASTICAL   AFFAIRS. 

1800-1887. 

Relations  of  Church  and  State — Demoralization  of  the  Clergy — Their 
Influence  Waning — Measures  to  Curtail  their  Power — Intrigues — 
The  Clergy  and  the  Reactionists  Co-operating — Sequestration  of 
Church  Property — Banishment  of  Bishops — Creation  of  New  Dio 
ceses — Condition  of  the  Church  during  the  Regency — Differences 
between  the  Pope  and  Maximilian — Policy  of  the  Latter — Liberal 
Changes — Freedom  of  Worship  a  Fact — Monastic  Orders — Their 
Suppression — Religious  Societies — Property  and  Revenue  of  the 
Clergy — Church  Feasts — Superstitions — Intellectual  Improvement.  580 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

SOCIETY. 

1887 

PAGE 

Evolution  of  a  New  Race — Indians  and  Meztizos — Climate  and  Epidemics 
—Benevolent  Institutions — The  Mexican  of  the  Present  Time — 
Slavery  and  Peonage — Negroes  and  Leperos — Orders  and  Titles  of 
Nobility — Social  Manners  and  Customs — Artisans  and  Rancheros — 
Condition  of  Mexican  Women — Marital  Relations — Innovations  on 
the  National  Costume — Holidays  and  Festivals — Observance  of  Holy 
Week — Gambling — Theatres  and  Country  Amusements — Horse- 
racing — Popular  Drives  and  Walks — Highwaymen — Travelling  in 
the  Interior — Immigration  Unsuccessful — Relative  Positions  of 

in  Mexico 598 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

EDUCATION,    SCIENCE,    ARTS,    AND  LITERATURE. 

1521-1887. 

Instruction  of  the  Indians  and  Mestizos — Schools  and  Colleges — Meas 
ures  for  Developing  Education — Professional  Instruction — Scientific 
Attainment — Creole  Unsteadiness — Observatories — Fine  and  Me 
chanical  Arts — Museum — First  Press — Early  Books  and  Periodicals 
— Libraries  and  Literary  Societies — Prose  Writing — Newspapers — 
Historians — Oratory — Poetry — Mexican  Peculiarities — Reflections 
on  the  Present  and  Future  Position  of  Mexico .  630 


HISTOKY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 
1861. 

EXPULSION  OF  FOREIGN  DIPLOMATES — EXILE  OF  HIGH  ECCLESIASTICS — RE 
ORGANIZATION  OF  GOVERNMENT  —  MEASURES  OF  CONCILIATION — DIF 
FERENCES  AMONG  THE  LIBERALS — FOREIGN  RELATIONS  INTERRUPTED — 

MEETING  OF  CONGRESS— CHARACTER  OF  ITS  MEMBERS— BENITO  JUAREZ 
ELECTED  PRESIDENT — REACTIONARY  WAR  RENEWED— LIBERAL  VIC 
TORIES — FINANCIAL  DISTRESS  AND  SUSPENSION  OF  PAYMENTS— FOREIGN 
PROTESTS — TREATY  OF  INTERVENTION  IN  LONDON — COURSE  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  AND  MEXICO — MINISTERIAL  CRISIS. 

THE  constitutionalists  and  reformers  have  won  the 
victory.  The  power  upheld  by  the  reactionists  during 
the  last  three  years  of  horrors  is  overthrown.  It 
would  seem  that  Juarez  and  his  fellow-laborers  have 
a  clear  field,  and  an  opportunity  to  plant  the  institu 
tions  to  win  which  so  many  lives  were  sacrificed.  But 
such  is  not  the  case.  There  are  innumerable  obstacles 
yet  to  overcome  before  reaching  the  happy  consum 
mation  of  their  hopes. 

The  reactionary  leaders  though  cast  down  are  not 
crushed.  Undismayed  by  reverses,  they  are  still 
battling  for  supremacy  under  the  war-cry,  'religion 
y  fueros;'  and  to  win  they  will  resort  to  any  de 
vice,  even  to  inviting  the  intervention  of  European 
monarchies  to  their  support.  Nor  is  this  the  only 
difficulty  the  liberal  administration  has  to  contend 

VOL.  VI.    1 


2  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

with.  Discordant  elements  among  the  liberals  them 
selves  must  be  harmonized,  old  standing  abuses  erad 
icated,  and  finances  adjusted  before  the  haven  of  safety 
is  reached. 

The  liberal  government,  therefore,  will  have  not 
only  to  devise  the  best  methods  to  give  the  reforms  a 
firm  footing  amidst  the  internal  troubles,  but  likewise 
to  face  the  intervention  of  great  military  powers  so 
wickedly  called  into  the  family  differences — an  inter 
vention  that  with  fire  and  sword  and  the  introduction 
of  still  another  disturbing  element  is  to  bring  the 
republic  almost  to  the  brink  of  destruction,  though  to 
rise  again  victorious,  and  under  the  aegis  of  its  liberal 
laws,  and  the  guidance  of  wise  and  patriotic  statesmen, 
secure,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  permanent  peace,  and  with 
it  that  moral,  intellectual,  and  material  advancement 
which  will  entitle  it  to  a  place  among  the  enlightened 
nations. 

The  attitude  assumed  by  the  president  and  his 
minister  of  relations  toward  the  foreign  diplomatic 
agents,  who  had  unduly  interfered  with  Mexico's  in 
ternal  affairs  in  their  support  of  the  reactionary  offi 
cials,  was  very  determined.  The  Spanish  ambassa 
dor,  the  pope's  legate,  and  the  representatives  of 
Guatemala  and  Ecuador  were  required  to  leave  the 
republic.  Their  dismissal  was  placed  on  personal 
grounds.  Pacheco  and  the  other  two  diplomates 
denied  having  violated  the  laws  of  neutrality,  and  de 
clined  to  be  dealt  with  as  private  persons.1  The  order 
as  regarded  the  Ecuador  chargd  was  recalled  with  an 
apology,  on  the  government  becoming  satisfied  that 
he  had  committed  no  hostile  act.2 

1  Pacheco  had  so  openly  and  obnoxiously  sympathized  with  the  reaction 
ists  that  the  government  was  fully  justified  in  its  action  toward  him.  The 
official  correspondence  and  other  matter  connected  therewith  may  be  seen  in 
Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  41-4,  51-4,  138-40,  149-50;  LefSvre,  Mex.  et 
VInterv.,  231;  Payno,  M6x.  y  el  Sr  Embajador,  1-98;  Cdrtes,  Diario  Senado, 
i.  no.  9,  71-2;  Id.,  Diario  Cong.,  i.  ap.  5,  no.  4,  93-102;  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mej.y  xv.  617-21. 

"Pastor,  the  charge",  continued  accredited  near  Juarez.  Archivo  Mex.. 
Col.  Ley.,  v.  315-21. 


PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATES.  3 

The  archbishop  and  five  bishops  were  also  per 
emptorily  ordered  into  exile,  and  the  liberal  party 
approved  the  president's  course  as  energetic  and 
worthy  of  the  occasion.  Moreover,  the  prelates  were 
most  disrespectfully  treated  by  the  mob  on  their  ar 
rival  at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  21st  of  January,  186 1.3  The 
work  of  reorganizing  the  government,  so  as  to  place  it 
in  consonance  with  the  requirements  of  the  consti 
tution,  was  begun  at  once.  The  president  reiterated 
his  decree  of  November  6,  1860,  for  elections,  and 
fixed  the  third  Sunday  in  the  following  April  for  the 
assembling  of  the  second  congress  under  the  consti 
tution  of  1857.  The  time  allowed  was  too  short.* 
The  organization  of  political  clubs  inspired  hopes  that 
the  people  were  aroused,  and  would  take  an  active  and 
direct  part  in  the  choice  of  their*  next  president  and 
legislators.  The  newspapers5  advocated  the  merits  of 
their  favorite  candidates  for  the  executive  chair,  the 
most  prominent  being  Gonzalez  Ortega,  Juan  Antonio 
de  la  Fuente,  and  Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  Dego- 
llado  and  Uraga  also  had  friends  working  for  their 
candidacy.  But  Benito  Juarez,  the  patriot,  full  of 
courage  and  faith  in  the  regeneration  of  his  country 
under  free  institutions,  was  evidently  the  favorite  of 
the  great  majority.6 

8  The  Spanish  minister  wrote  his  government  that  neither  he  nor  his  col 
leagues  of  Guatemala  had  received  personal  violence;  but  the  ecclesiastics 
were  hooted  at  and  stoned.  The  mob  assented  to  the  papal  legate  and  his  au 
ditor  departing,  but  refused  to  let  the  others  go.  However,  they  remained 
unmolested  in  the  house  that  had  sheltered  them  till  the  next  day,  when  they 
were  transferred  to  San  Juan  de  Uliia  by  the  local  authorities.  Arrangoiz, 
Mtj.,  ii.  382-4;  Cdrtes,  Diario  Senado,  i.  no.  9,  81. 

4 The  decree  was  dated  Jan.  11,  1861.  Archive  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  27-8. 
Many  had  advocated  the  idea,  which  was  abandoned  for  obvious  reasons,  that 
Juarez  should  revive  the  congress  that  was  sitting  at  the  date  of  Comonfort's 
coup  d'etat,  thus  obliterating  the  period  since  that  event  as  if  it  had  never 
existed. 

5  By  the  middle  of  Jan.  there  were  in  the  capital  fourteen  political  jour 
nals  in  Spanish,  besides  one  in  English,  The  Mexican  Extraordinary,  and  one 
in   French,  L'Estafette.     A  number  were  issued  throughout  the  republic, 
some  of  them,  like  the  Pdjaro    Verde,  defending  the  defeated  principles. 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  378. 

6  His  bitter  reactionary  enemies  ridiculed  his  origin  and  color,  made 
caricatures  of  and  applied  nicknames  and  epithets  to  him.     The  fools  had 
not  sense  enough  to  see  that  they  were  thus  increasing  his  popularity. 


4  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

The  political  situation  was  not  by  any  means  a 
promising  one.  The  man  who  was  to  hold  the  reins 
of  government  must  look  well  before  him.  Armed 
reaction  had  been  apparently  vanquished,  but  there 
remained  several  disturbing  elements  which  must  be 
nullified,  or  at  least  kept  in  subordination  before  the 
victory  could  be  called  the  precursor  of  a  lasting 
peace.7 

The  government  in  the  first  flush  of  victory  had 
ordered,  on  the  llth  of  January,  1861,  all  the  leaders, 
aiders,  and  abetters  of  the  reaction  to  be  tried  under 
the  last  law  against  conspirators,  and  shot  on  convic 
tion.  The  first  person  brought  under  it  was  Mira- 
mon's  minister,  Isidro  Diaz,  who  had  been  captured, 
as  stated  elsewhere.  It  seems  that  the  order  for  his 
execution  had  been  or  was  on  the  point  of  being  is 
sued,  when  Juarez  commuted  the  sentence  to  five 
years'  exile.8  The  liberal  party  became  alarmed  on 
learning  of  this  action,  as  they,  or  at  least  the  most 
radical  wing  of  the  party,  maintained  that  it  was  rank 
injustice  to  show  leniency  toward  those  who  had  com- 

7  The  troublesome  elements  were:  First,  the  remaining  portion  of  the  force 
defeated  at  Calpulalpam;  the  garrison  of  the  capital  disbanded  on  the  preced 
ing  Christmas  night;  and  the  active  men  of  the  clerical  party.     Second,  the 
constitutional  army  and  the  men  who  rose  in  arms  to  restore  the  constitution 
and  enforce  the  reform  laws — a  very  large  element  that  must  be  prevailed  upon 
to  return  quietly  to  their  former  social  position  and  vocations.     Third,  the 
states,  whose  governments  during  the  civil  war  had  habituated  themselves  to 
the  exercise  of  independent  sovereignty,  incompatible  with  subordination  to 
the  federal  authority.     They  seemed  to  be  well  satisfied  with  this  practice, 
and  it  was  feared  they  were  disposed  to  continue  it.     Fourth,  the  men  with 
exaggerated  theories  on  democracy  who  had  been  waiting  for  the  triumph  of 
the  liberal  arms  to  attempt  putting  their  ideas  into  practice  in  the  govern 
ment.     Fifth,  the  representatives  of  interests  created  by  the  reforms  initiated 
in  1856,  and  which  the  Tacubaya  faction  had  injured.     Their  number  as  well 
as  their  claims  had  become  quite  enlarged.     Sixth,  the  foreign  demands  re 
sulting  from  several  international  questions  that  had  arisen  during  the  last 
civil  war.     Seventh  and  last,  the  highwaymen  and  other  malefactors,  who, 
under  the  garb  of  guerrillas,  and  by  favor  of  political  barnacles,  made  public 
roads  and  small  towns  unsafe,  and  must  be  crushed  out  by  the  whole  power 
of  the  government. 

8  The  late  Spanish  ambassador,  Pacheco,  in  a  speech  delivered  Nov.  23d, 
before  the  senate  at  Madrid,  accounted  for  it  in  a  slurring  manner.     Mira- 
mon's  wife,  one  of  whose  sisters  was  Diaz'  betrothed,  called  on  the  president, 
and  using  Pacheco's  own  words,  '  tales  fueron  sus  instancias,  y  tales  fueron 
BUS  suplicas,  y  tales  fueron  sus  insultos,  y  tales  fueron  los  argumentos  y  me- 
dios  de  que  se  vali6,'  that  she  obtained  the  commutation.  Cdrtes,  Diario 
Senado,  i.  no.  9,  78. 


LENIENCY  OP  JUAREZ.  5 

mitted  high  political  crimes  while  the  man  who  stole 
a  horse  was  sent  to  the  scaffold.9 

Juarez  resolved  that  further  bloodshed  and  per 
secution  should  cease,  in  all  cases  where  he  could 
with  propriety  exercise  leniency,10  and  with  that  ob 
ject  in  view  decreed  an  amnesty  early  in  March,  ex 
cepting  from  its  benefits  only  some  of  the  most  prom 
inent  men  of  the  fallen  party.11  But  on  the  4th  of 
June  a  law  of  outlawry  was  enacted  by  congress 
against  the  persons  and  property  of  certain  reaction 
ist  leaders,  namely,  Zuloaga,  Marquez,  Cobos,  Mejia, 
Juan  Vicario,  Lindoro  Cajiga,  and  Manuel  Lozada, 
and  a  reward  of  $10,000  was  offered  for  the  slaying 
of  each  of  them.12  The  kidnapping  and  cold-blooded 
murder  of  Ocampo  caused  the  greatest  excitement 
in  and  out  of  congress.  Many  conservatives  were 
arrested,  and  their  execution  would  have  followed  in 
retaliation,  but  for  Juarez'  opposition  to  sanguinary 
measures.13  It  was  only  by  his  force  of  will  that  a 

9  The  amnesty,  though  a  limited  one,  caused  the  resignation  of  the  minis- . 
ters.     The  plan  of  sending  Diaz  into  exile  met  with  a  check.     Captain  Aid- 
ham  of  the  Valorous,  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  a  note  to  Gov.  Gutierrez  Zamora,  sol 
emnly  protested  against  Diaz'  release,  he  being  concerned  in  the  seizure  of 
funds  from  the  British  legation.     Ortega  as  minister  of  war  directed  the  com 
mander  of  the  forces  at  that  port  to  suspend  Diaz'  embarkation,  holding  him 
subject  to  government  orders,  if  necessary  in  San  Juan  de  Ulua;  and  Gov. 
Zamora  was  told  to  assure  Capt.  Aldham  that  the  government  had  ordered 
the  arrest  of  Diaz  and  all  others  who  had  offended  international  law.     Indeed, 
Zuloaga's  and  Miramon's  cabinets  and  other  persons  were  subjected  to  trial, 
and  their  property  held  amenable.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  26-7,  65-6, 
108-12;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  9;  Boletin  de  Notic.,  Jan  19,  25, 
29,  Feb.  7,  1861.     Diaz  was  subsequently  tried  and  acquitted  of  any  partici 
pation  in  the  seizure  of  the  British  funds.  Jtivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  451. 

10  When  this  policy  was  first  broached,  it  made  a  great  commotion  in  the 
liberal  party,   and  forced  the  resignation  of  Juarez'  ministers,   Ocampo, 
Emparan,  and  La  Fuente. 

11  Among  those  specially  excepted  were  the  officials  who  had  done  injury 
or  caused  damage  to  third  parties,  and  all  men  guilty  of  common  crimes. 

12  The  act  calls  them  '  execrables  asesinos.'    Marquez,  Zuloaga,  and  Cajiga 
were  concerned  in  the  execution  of  Melchor  Ocampo  at  Tepeji  del  Rio  on  the 
3d  of  June,  1861.     Ocampo's  untimely  end  was  much  deplored.     He  had 
travelled  abroad,  served  in  both  houses  of  congress;  also  as  governor  of 
Michoacan  and  minister  of  state.     He  was  an  unselfish  reformer.  Diaz,  Datos 
Biog. ,  MS. ,  504.     Marquez'  band  was  likewise  guilty  of  shooting  Gen.  Leandro 
Valle,  in  the  Monte  de  las  Cruces.     Degollado  soon  after  fell  into  an  ambus 
cade  and  was  slain.  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  209;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  ix.  219-20,  224,  228-35;  Le  Trait  d'Union,  June  10,  15,  1861. 

18  The  diplomatic  corps  also  interceded  for  the  prisoners. 


6  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

reign  §f  terror  was  prevented,  for  there  was  hardly 
one  deputy  in  the  chamber  who  was  opposed  to  ex 
treme  measures. 

The  amnesty  law  of  March  was  made  more  com 
prehensive  by  a  decree  of  congress,  dated  November 
23,  1861,  and  published  December  2d,  which  reduced 
the  number  of  exceptions,  and  included  in  its  benefits 
all  political  offences  from  December  17,  1857.14 

The  cabinet  formed  by  Juarez,  after  the  resigna 
tion  of  his  former  ministers  in  January  1861,  consisted 
of  Francisco  Zarco,  of  relations;  Ignacio  Ramirez, 
of  justice;  and  Guillermo  Prieto,  of  the  treasury. 
The  portfolio  of  fomento  was  held  ad  interim  in  the 
hands  of  Zarco.  The  policy  adopted,  after  a  few 
hours'  consultation,  was  that  the  necessity  of  the  gov 
ernment  acting  without  the  pale  of  the  -constitution 
had  ceased  to  exist.  Legal  formalities  were  not, 
however,  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  guarantees  and 
reforms  demanded  by  the  national  will,  and  so  dearly 
won  on  so  many  bloody  fields.15  The  necessity  of  es 
tablishing  order  in  the  several  departments  of  gov 
ernment,  particularly  in  that  of  the  treasury,  was 
fully  recognized.  Foreign  relations  should  have  the 
best  attention,  international  obligations  be  respected, 
and  disputed  questions  settled.  The  development  of 

14  The  exceptions  were:  those  who  ordered  and  superintended  the  massacre 
at  Tacubaya  in  April  1859,  and  the  murderers  of  Melchor  Ocampo  in  June 
1861;  the  Mexican  signers  of  the  treaty  Mon- Almonte;  the  parties  that 
seized  the  funds  that  were  deposited  in  the  house  No.  10  calle  de  Capuchinas,- 
in  Mexico,  placed  there  to  meet  the  British  debt;  exiles  from  the  country 
under  previous  decrees;  and  those  not  born  in  Mexico  who  served  the  reac 
tion.  These  last  were  to  be  allowed  to  quit  the  country.  The  amnesty  did 
not  carry  with  it  restoration  of  rank  or  honors.  Miramon,  Defensa  de  los  Min. , 
1-221;  Proceso  Instr.  d  los  minist.,  in  Ramirez,  Aais.,  no.  2,  3-18;  Arcklvo 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  509-10,  641-2,  vi.  204,  206-10,  250-5,  644-7;  Dtiblansind 
Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  227,  330-2;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Xeg.  Cong.  Conxtituc., 
i.  36-7,  92-103,  162,  180-3;  Le  Trait  d' Union,  June  4-10,  Dec.  5,  1861; 
Lef  Si-re,  Doc.  Ofic.  Maximiliano,  i.  49,  and  note  1;  Arellano,  Ult.  Noras,  20-2. 

"Freedom  of  education,  industry,  the  press,  petition,  transit,  and  the  de 
fence  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  before  the  courts.  The  reforms  decreed 
at  Vera  Cruz,  namely,  nationalization  of  mortmain  property,  freedom  of  wor 
ship,  and  independence  of  church  and  state  were  to  be  upheld  at  all  hazards. 
A  most  liberal  press  law,  known  since  as  the  ley  Zarco,  was  decreed  on  the 
22d  of  Feb.,  1861. 


PREVALENT  CONFUSION".  7 

industries  and  commerce,  the  organization  of  public 
defence,  and  every  other  measure  conducive  to  the 
welfare  of  the  country  would  engage  the  government's 
best  care.16 

There  was  a  lack  of  unanimity  in  the  councils  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  liberal  party.  Confusion  prevailed, 
and  the  worst  symptoms  of  disorder  existed  in  the  sev 
eral  states,  resulting  from  having  become  involved  in 
the  last  revolution  before  they  had  completed  their 
constitutional  organization.  Their  governors  and 
legislatures  had  been  unable  to  do  aught  but  provide 
for  the  defence  of  the  national  government.  That 
state  of  things  gave  birth  to  an  abnormal  and  arbitrary 
regime,  martial  law  ruling  even  after  the  overthrow 
of  the  reaction.17  There  were  not  wanting  some 
states,  like  Zacatecas,  disposed  to  ignore  the  con 
stitution.  Some  governors  had  been  chosen  by 
their  people;  others  owed  their  positions  to  the  gen 
eral  government.  A  number  had  wielded  despotic 
powers  a  long  time,  and  a  few  even  had  refused  to 
publish  the  reform  laws,  and  to  obey  the  constitution. 
Some  states  had  legislatures,  and  others  had  not. 
The  situation  was  so  complicated  that  there  was  only 
one  man,  Juarez,  who  could  overcome  so  many  ob 
stacles,  and  bring  order  out  of  chaos.18  He  directed 
that  martial  law,  wherever  existing,  should  cease,  to 
gether  with  all  extraordinary  powers  of  a  military 
nature  granted  the  governors.19 

The  government  experienced  great  difficulty  from 
the  decrease  of  the  revenue  on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  from  the  immense  claims — resulting  from 

16  Thus  were  epitomized  the  points  embraced  in  the  circular  of  the  min 
ister  of  relations.  Archivo  Hex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  77-99. 

17  In  states  where  the  reaction  succumbed  before  its  final  defeat  at  the 
capital,  attempts  were  made  to  restore  constitutional  order;  in  others  it  had 
been  necessary  to  continue  the  military  rule  after  Juarez'  government  returned 
to  Mexico. 

18  Rivera  assures  us  that  Juarez,  without  being  at  all  presumptuous,  felt 
the  consciousness  that  he  was  the  man  for  the  occasion.  Gob.  de .  Mex.,  ii. 

is  Decrees  of  January  24  and  25,  1861;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mcx., 
ix.  22. 


8  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

the  war,  and  the  amount  of  which  was  even  unknown 
— which  were  already  being  pressed  upon  the  treasury 
for  settlement.20  Several  other  causes,  which  it  is 
needless  to  enumerate,  contributed  to  the  embarrass 
ments  of  the  treasury. 

Owing  to  these  disturbances,  added  to  which  were 
the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  path  of  the  government 
by  some  state  authorities,  and  the  precarious  state  of 
foreign  relations,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  restore 
the  supremacy  of  law,  and  to  develop  the  national  re 
sources.  So  many  difficulties  only  served  to  add 
strength  to  the  reactionists,  whose  numbers  were  daily 
increasing,  and  necessitated  the  despatch  of  large 
bodies  of  troops  to  keep  them  in  check.  It  was  even 
considered  perilous  that  the  government  should  con 
tinue  residing  in  Mexico,  Jalisco  recommending  its 
transfer  to  some  second-rate  town.21 

TheJib^ral  party  was  already  divided Jnto  reform- 
jsts  and  .constitutionalists,  and  between  the  two  was 
a  third  with  intermediate  ideas,  some  of  whose  mem 
bers  leaned  to  the  fallen  party.22  The  constitutional 
ists  wanted  a  strict  observance  of  the  constitution; 
the  reformists  demanded  a  revolutionary  policy,  look 
ing  upon  the  constitution  as  the  source  and  motive 
power  for  the  onward  march.  The  objections  of  the 
radicals  to  an  absolute  authority  were  only  to  its  ex 
ercise  by  conservatives. 

The  elections  took  place  in  the  mean  time.  The 
popular  suffrage  had,  till  the  early  part  of  February, 
favored  Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada  in  the  states  of  Yera 
Cruz,  Tabasco,  Yucatan,  Mexico,  and  Tamaulipas; 
while  Chiapas,  Oajaca,  Guerrero,  Jalisco,  Nuevo  Leon, 
and  Michoacan  had  voted  for  Juarez;  and  Zacatecas, 
San  Luis  Potosi,  Guanajuato,  Queretaro,  and  Aguas- 

20  The  increase  was  not  only  in  the  home  debt,  but  in  the  foreign,  the  latter 
being  caused  by  the  non-payment  of  interest  and  the  seizure  of  funds  belong, 
ing  to  foreigners. 

[  The  proposition  was  finally  rejected  by  congress. 

A  new  journal  now  came  upon  the  political  arena,  defending  the  most 
retrogressive  principles,  besides  censuring  and  slandering  the  liberals. 


FINANCIAL  TROUBLES.  9 

calientes  had  shown  their  preference  for  Ortega.  It 
seemed  as  if  fate  had  ordered  that  Juarez  should  have 
in  his  hands  for  some  years  longer  the  destinies  of  his 
country.  Lerdo  was  taken  ill  at  Tacubaya  in  March, 
and  died  on  the  22d,  the  republic  thus  losing  one  of 
her  most  valuable  men,  who  had  zealously  labored  for 
political  reforms.23 

The  republic  had  also  the  misfortune  to  lose  at  the 
same  time — on  the  21st  of  March — Governor  Gutier 
rez  Zamora  of  Vera  Cruz,  who  had  been  in  the  last 
five  years  a  pillar  of  strength  to  the  constitutional 
party. 

Juarez  was  not  well  satisfied  with  Zarco,  his  minis 
ter  of  relations  in  Ogazon's  absence.  He  was  an  ex 
cellent  journalist,  but  he  seemed  to  lack  the  qualifica 
tions  of  a  statesman.  He  settled  some  international 
questions  in  a  way  that  did  not  suit  the  public.  He  ac 
knowledged  national  responsibility  for  the  affair  in  the 
calle  de  Capuchirias,  and  tacitly  recognized  Jecker's 
claim  to  $15,000,000.24  He  was  unsuccessful  in  his 
efforts  to  arrange  affairs  in  the  interior,  and  differed 
with  the  president  on  some  points.  As  for  Prieto, 
the  financial  minister,  he  declared  his  inability  to  find 
means  for  relieving  the  pecuniary  distress,  and  ad 
mitted  that  bankruptcy  was  impending.25 

The  lack  of  pecuniary  means  was  not  the  only 
trouble.  There  was,  besides,  a  lack  of  morality  and 
justice,  a  lack  of  austere  republicanism  in  many  of 

23  He  was,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  president  of  the  supreme  court.     The 
highest  civic  and  military  honors  to  his  memory  were  decreed  March  22d. 
It  was  also  provided  that  his  son's  education  should  be  in  national  institutes 
free   of  charge,   besides  a  pecuniary  allowance.     Many   state  governments 
joined  in  expressions   of   condolence.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.   619-21; 
Boletin  Ofic.,  Apr.  19,  1861. 

24  As  to  the  first  matter,  the  law  of  Oct.  14,  1850,  clearly  said  that  govern 
ment  responsibility  ceased  after  the  bondholders  had  received  their  money. 
Jecker's  claim  consisted  of  bonds  issued  by  Miramon  to  obtain  funds.     The 
tacit  recognition  was,  of  course,  intended  to  facilitate  an  arrangement  of  the 
differences  with  France. 

25  The  situation  was  unpromising.     The  total  revenue  from  customs  on  the 
Pacific  and  85  per  cent  of  that  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico  were  pledged  under  dip 
lomatic  conventions.     The  states  had  seized  the  revenue  from  stamped  paper; 
that  from  postage  had  almost  disappeared. 


10  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

those  clothed  with  authority.  There  was  an  insecu 
rity  on  the  public  roads,  as  often  shown;  and  one  oc 
currence,  the  attacking  and  wounding  near  Orizaba  of 
Captain  Aldham,  the  commander  of  the  Valorous, 
and  others,  while  on  their  way  to  Vera  Cruz,  added 
other  difficulties  in  the  adjustment  of  differences  with 
Great  Britain. 

The  bad  condition  of  public  affairs  caused  another 
ministerial  crisis,  beginning  with  the  resignation  of 
Prieto,  who  on  retiring  suggested  what  he  deemed 
the  only  possible  means  to  relieve  the  financial  dis 
tress.26  Ortega,  minister  of  war,  was  succeeded  by 
Zaragoza.  Jose  Maria  Mata,  who  knew  little  or 
nothing  about  finances,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the 
treasury  portfolio.27  This  change,  at  the  time  when 
the  head  of  the  treasury  department  needed  to  be 
thoroughly  informed  of  the  financial  question  in  order 
that  he  might  intelligently  reform  the  maritime  and 
frontier  tariffs,  was  an  unfortunate  one.  It  has  been 
said  that  the  other  ministers  were  not  equal  to  their 
positions,  and  that  but  for  the  fact  that  their  tenure 
was  considered  only  provisional,  they  could  not  have 
escaped  rude  attacks,  such  as  were  directed  against 
Mata  for  his  measures,  chief  of  which  were  suspen 
sion  of  payments,  sale  at  public  auction  of  notes  pay 
able  to  the  government,  and  contracts  of  a  ruinous 
character.  These  attacks  were  not  altogether  just, 
for  the  government  was  in  need  of  means  to  fight  the 
reactionists,  who  were  already  assuming  a  dangerous 
attitude.'28 

26  Removal  of  all  encumbrances  on  the  revenue  from  customs;  decrease  in 
the  army  expenditure;  forbidding  the  use  by  state  governments  of  any  portion 
of   the   federal   revenue.     Juarez  reduced   his  own  salary  from  $36,000  to 
$30,000,  cut  down  the  expenses  of  the  department  of  relations,  decreased  the 
number  of  his  ministers  and  their  salaries.  Hex.,  Odd.  Reforma,  361-2;  Du- 
blan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  140;  Hex.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1870,  1054-8. 

27  The  new  ministers  entered  upon  their  duties  respectively  on  the  13th 
and  22d  of  April.  Boletin  de  Notic.,  Apr.  9,  23,  24,  1861;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.,  v.  629-36,  648,  696-9,  711-12,  724-5,  798-801;  Le  Trait  d>  Union,  Apr. 
7,  10,  11,  1861. 

88  Marquez  had  actually  published,  on  the  16th  of  March,  an  order  declar 
ing  traitors,  subject  to  the  death  penalty,  every  one  serving  under  Juarez. 
Some  reactionists  came  almost  within  hailing  distance  of  the  capital,  300  of 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  11 

I  have  incidentally  referred  to  existing  compli 
cations  with  foreign  powers.  Great  Britain  was  send 
ing  out  a  fleet  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  calle  de 
Capuchinas  robbery.  It  was  rumored  that  France 
and  Spain  would  take  advantage  of  the  political  dis 
turbances  in  the  United  States,  and  intervene  in 
Mexican  affairs  by  force  of  arms.  The  northern  re 
public,  amidst  her  troubles,  bestowed  some  attention  on 
Mexico,  accrediting  near  Juarez'  government  John 
Weller  as  minister  plenipotentiary,  who  was  properly 
received  on  the  30th  of  January.  McLane,  the  former 
minister,  also  visited  Mexico,  giving  rise  to  not  a 
few  comments.  The  Prussian  minister  likewise  recog 
nized  the  government.29 

New  elements  for  international  conflict  were  gath 
ering.  In  the  latter  part  of  December  1860,  the 
French  war  ship  Serieuse  demanded  reparation  for 
the  maltreatment  of  the  French  consul  at  Tepic,  re 
quiring  a  salute  to  his  flag,  a  pecuniary  compensa 
tion  to  cover  damages,  and  the  imprisonment  of  the 
officer  Rojas.  Meanwhile  she  seized  as  a  hostage 
a  vessel  belonging  to  the  government  of  Sinaloa. 
This  affair,  and  the  favor  shown  Miramon  by  the 
French  at  Vera  Cruz,  had  delayed  the  recognition  of 
Dubois  de  Saligny  as  French  minister.  He  was,  how 
ever,  formally  received  on  the  16th  of  March. 

The  rumor  gained  strength,  and  was  indeed  a 
recognized  fact,  that  European  intervention  in  Mexico 
had  been  agreed  upon.  Juarez  endeavored,  by  di 
plomacy,  to  ward  off  the  blow,  receiving  at  a  private 
audience  the  British  representative,  George  Matthews ; 
on  the  26th  of  February  the  flags  of  Great  Britain  and 
Mexico  were  saluted.30 

them  reaching  Tlalpam  and  San  Angel,  which  made  the  government's  weak 
ness  quite  evident.  Rivera,  Gob.  dt  Mex.,  ii.  614-15. 

29  The  addresses  on  the  reception  of  the  two  diplomates,  and  a  letter  from 
the  Prussian  minister  of  Jan.  23d,  may  be  seen  in  Archivo  Mcx.t  Col.  Ley.,  v. 
124,  204-8,  558-61;  Boletin  de'Notic.,  Feb.  2,  1861. 

30  The  government  on  the  25th  had  ordered  that  the  next  day  at  2  P.  M., 
when  the  British  flag  was  hoisted  over  that  legation,  the  national  flag  should 
also  be  shown  on  all  public  buildings,  as  a  marked  reprobation  of  the  outrage 


12  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

The  breaking-out  of  a  sectional  war  in  the  United 
States  rendered  it  easy,  as  was  thought,  for  Europe 
to  interfere  in  Mexico;  it  certainly  added  to  the  diffi 
culties  of  Juarez'  government.  The  administration  of 
President  Lincoln  sent  as  its  representative  a  dis 
tinguished  citizen,  who  had  on  more  than  one  im 
portant  occasion  shown  himself  a  friend  to  Mexico, 
Thomas  Corwin,31  who  was  also  to  watch  the  manoeuvres 
of  the  rebellious  states,  which  were  supposed  to  be 
preparing  to  act  against  Mexico,  Paso  del  Norte  being 
one  of  the  first  places  menaced.  His  influence  soon 
became  great,  and  he  used  it  judiciously.82  The  con 
federate  states  did  not  fail  to  watch  their  interests  in 
Mexico.33 

The  dismemberment  of  the  United  States,  it  was 
justly  thought,  would  certainly  bring  upon  Mexico 
European  intervention.  The  hostile  feeling  was  made 
evident  on  the  landing  of  the  new  British  minister, 
Sir  Charles  L.  Wyke,  at  Vera  Cruz,  by  his  haughtily 
demanding  a  salute  of  fourteen  guns  instead  of  eleven 
that  had  been  given  him  there.3* 

The  second  constitutional  congress  began  its  labors 
the  9th  of  May,  on  which  date  Juarez  made  a  frank 
expose  of  the  political  situation.35  Congress  and  the 

committed  by  the  reactionary  faction  on  the  18th  of  Nov.  preceding.  Archivo 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  442-5.  ' 

31  His  reception  took  place  in  May.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  152-5, 
163-6;  Le  Trait  d' Union,  May  23,  1861;  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo,  May  10,  1861; 
see  also  Secretary  Seward's  despatch  quoted  in' Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  387-9. 

32 As  an  instance:  at  his  request  Mexico  granted  permission  for  U.  S. 
troops  to  land  at  Guaymas,  and  by  the  most  direct  routes  march  to  Arizona. 
U.  8.  GovtDoc.,  Cong.  39,  Ses.  1,  Mex.  Affairs,  i.  7;  Id.,  Sen.,  17. 

33  Their  agent,  Pickett,  came  to  reside  in  Vera  Cruz.  Le  Trait  d'Union,  July 
6,  1861.  On  the  22d  of  May,  Robert  Toombs,  secretary  of  the  seceded  states, 
sent  a  commissioner  named  Quintero  to  Vidaurri,  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon, 
with  letters  in  which  he  spoke  of  expeditions  being  fitted  out  in  Nuevo  Leon 
and  Ooahuila  against  Texas,  and  manifesting  a  desire  for  friendly  relations, 
etc.  He  said  that  an  agent  had  been  despatched  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Viclaurm  answered  Quintero  July  1st,  disclaiming  authority  to  hold  diplomatic 
relations;  but  in  view  of  the  abnormal  state  of  affairs,  assured  Quintero  there 
was  no  foundation  for  the  report  on  hostile  expeditions,  and  that  he  was 
equally  actuated  by  friendly  feelings.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Aug.  30,  1861. 
His  public  reception  took  place  in  May. 

0  He  assumed  the  responsibility  of  all  his  measures  from  the  time  he  first 


THE  NEW  CONGRESS.  13 

cabinet  soon  had  disagreements,  and  the  ministers 
tendered  their  resignations,  which  were  not  at  once 
accepted.  The  president  concluded,  however,  that  he 
would  have  a  parliamentary  ministry,  and  lost  no  time 
in  making  the  appointments,  the  only  member  of  the 
former  cabinet  retained  being  Zaragoza.  The  new 
ministers  were  Leon  Guzman,  of  relations,  and  Joa- 
quin  Ruiz,  of  justice.  The  treasury  remained  without 
a  head,  it  being  difficult  to  get  a  competent  man 
willing  to  accept  the  position.  It  was  finally  in 
trusted  to  Jose  M.  Castafios.86  This  cabinet  was  for 
tunate  in  that  everything  was  done  to  aid  it,  meeting 
with  no  systematic  opposition  even  from  the  press; 
and  yet,  owing  to  the  overwhelming  evils,  it  accom 
plished  little. 

It  may  be  well  to  explain  the  character  of  the  new 
congress.  The  members  were  most  of  them  liberal 
and  progressive ;  many  were  young  and  inexperienced ; 
all  had  faith  in  the  country,  and  in  free  institutions. 
There  was  a  haughty  independence  displayed.  Hence 
their  occasional  opposition  to  the  executive  when  he 
was  endeavoring  to  surround  himself  with  energetic 
and  influential  men.  But  that  opposition,  though 
unjust,  was  useful,  and  certainly  more  respectable 
than  the  servility  of  former  congresses.  The  result 
was  that  the  executive  and  his  counsellors  pursued 
as  closely  as  they  could  the  policy  outlined  by  the 
people's  representatives.  In  this  chamber  began  to 
figure  young  Ignacio  Manuel  Altamirano,  deputy  from 
Guerrero,  of  pure  Indian  blood,  full  of  talent  and  fiery 
eloquence,  who  soon  made  his  mark  by  the  beauty 

established  his  government  at  Guanajuato  in  1858;  expressed  the  wish  that 
the  work  of  reform  should  go  on;  spoke  of  the  foreign  complications,  of  which 
the  reactionists  were  taking  advantage;  of  the  government's  penury,  express 
ing  his  belief  that  the  only  remedy  would  be  to  give  full  effect  to  the  nation 
alization  of  mortmain  property.  Archivo  Hex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  119-35;  Buen- 
rostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  17-22;  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  195-203. 

36  Castafios  was  a  man  of  liberal  ideas  and  well-known  uprightness.  Guz 
man  was  a  firm  liberal,  and  free  to  condemn  abuses  of  power.  He  had 
belonged  to  the  congress  of  1857;  Ruiz  had  not  always  advocated  radical 
principles,  but  was  learned,  and  had  sincerely  accepted  the  reform  laws.  Za 
ragoza  was  a  true  patriot,  much  valued  for  his  sterling  character. 


14  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

of  his  speech  and  the  impetuousness  of  his  thinking. 
With  him  also  occupied  distinguished  positions  Por- 
firio  Diaz,  Buenrostro,  Alfredo  Chaverq,  Josd  Y.  Baz, 
Francisco  Hernandez,  and  others.37 

Among  the  first  acts  of  the  congress  was,  after  a 
warm  debate  that  followed  the  reading  of  a  commu 
nication  from  Cornonfort,  to  declare  that  he  ceased  to 
be  president  on  the  17th  of  December,  1857.  Com- 
pellation  in  addressing  authorities  and  corporations, 
heretofore  entitled  thereto,  was  suppressed.38 

The  reactionary  party  continued  its  work,  and  armed 
parties  were  committing  hostilities  in  various  locali 
ties.  Mejia,  who  was  again  in  his  lair  in  the  sierra 
of  Querdtaro,  defeated  Colonel  Escobedo,  and  aug 
mented  the  number  of  his  followers.  Guadarrama 
and  Tovar  were  roving  and  robbing  in  Jalisco.  Lo- 
zada,  the  robber  chief  of  the  sierra  of  Alica,  looked 
on  the  government  with  contempt,  though  occasion 
ally  manifesting  a  disposition  to  recognize  it;  but 
always  did  as  he  pleased.  A  party  of  guerrillas 
attacked  Tasco  and  shot  the  British  vice-consul. 
There  was  a  plan  to  constitute  a  Sierra  Madre  re 
public. 

A  strong  column  of  the  three  arms  sent  to  Puebla 
under  Zaragoza  to  check  reactionary  movements  was 
received  with  a  marked  coldness,89  and  it  was  even 
feared  that  some  officers  who  had  been  mustered  out 
of  service  would  make  a  disturbance. 

The  clergy  showed  their  opposition.     An   objec- 

87  The  members  of  this  congress  took  no  oath;  they  made  a  protestation  to 
do  their  duty  faithfully.  This  of  itself  was  a  sanction  of  one  of  the  reforms. 
'This  law  was  reiterated  July  18,  1871.  In  the  investigation  of  charges 
against  officials  that  took  part  in  the  coup  d'e"tat  of  1857,  Juan  Jos6  Baz 
was  unanimously  acquitted;  but  the  ex-minister  Payno  was  condemned  in 
July,  almost  by  acclamation.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Hex.,  ii.  616;  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez, 
207-8;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  i.  138-9,  147-52;  Id.,  Hist. 
Pnm.y  Seg.  Cong.,  nos  48-51,  64-7;  Le  Trait  d'Union,  July  24,  1861;  Mex., 
Derecho  Intern.,  3d  pt,  1162-3. 

39  A  part  of  that  expedition  was  the  Oajaca  brigade.  The  object  was  to 
force  Gen.  Felipe  Chacon,  who  was  still  in  arms,  to  submit.  Chacon  sur 
rendering,  the  city  was  occupied  without  resistance.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS., 


NEW  COMPLICATIONS.  15 

tionable  pastoral  from  the  diocese  of  Puebla  caused 
the  exile  of  two  canons.  In  many  towns  the  priests 
forbade  the  reading  of  Pizarro's  political  catechism, 
which  the  government  had  declared  a  text-book.40 
The  conduct  of  the  clerical  party  became  so  alarming 
that  congress  at  last  created  a  committee  of  safety, 
clothed  with  ample  powers,  and  the  president  was 
authorized  on  the  7th  of  June  to  suspend  personal 
rights.41 

Zuloaga,  who  had  escaped  from  Mexico,  to  which 
place  he  had  quietly  gone  before  Miramon's  downfall, 
had  joined  Cobos  and  Vicario,  and  with  over  1,000 
men  came  as  near  as  Cuernavaca.  He  now  called 
himself  president,  and  appointed  a  cabinet,  with  Vi 
cario,  Miranda,  Olavarria,  and  Marcelino  Cobos  as 
his  ministers.42  Marquez  and  Mejia  were  defeated  by 
Degollado  on  the  2d  of  March  at  Las  Guayabitas. 
Lozada  was  routed  in  his  stronghold,  but  showed  no 
signs  of  yielding.  Toward  the  end  of  March  a  pro- 
nun  ciamiento  at  Tampico  was  defeated  and  the  lead 
ers  were  shot.43  Marquez  with  his  reactionists  at 
tempted  the  capture  of  Queretaro,  but  was  driven 
away  by  the  timely  arrival  of  the  liberal  general  An- 
tillon. 

The  regions  of  Mexico,  Puebla,  San  Luis  Potosi, 
and  other  places  were  oVerrun  by  hostile  forces.  The 
executions  of  Degollado  and  Valle,  the  latter  of  whom 
had  been  captured  on  the  23d  of  June,  stirred  the 
liberals.  The  government  seemed  to  experience  a 
shock  as  from  a  galvanic  battery.  Martial  law,  per 
manent  courts-martial,  quick  trials  and  punishments, 
and  other  violent  proceedings  were  urgently  demanded, 

40  There  were,  besides,  constant  bickerings  between  the  parish  priests  and 
governors  on  the  civil  registration  law. 

41  That  law  was  repealed,  except  as  regarded  political  offenders,  by  de 
cree  of  Oct.  12,  1861. 

^Boletin  de  Notic.,  Jan.  3,  7,  1861;  Le  Trait  d' Union,  Feb.  7,  1861;  Ri 
vera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  387. 

43  Boletin  de  Notic.,  Jan.  13  to  Apr.  3, 18,  1861,  passim;  Le  Trait  d  Urnon, 
Feb.  16  to  March  30,  1861,  passim;  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo,  March  2  to  Apr.  4, 
1861;  Cuad.Sindpt.,  in  Vega  Doc. ,  4. 


16  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

and  many  reactionists  were  imprisoned.  The  district 
of  Mexico  was  placed  under  martial  law,  and  Juan  J. 
Baz  appointed  governor.  Generals  Parrodi,  Uraga, 
and  Rosas  Landa  were  given  commands.  The  re 
actionists  under  Leonardo  Marquez  actually  invaded 
the  capital,  reaching  San  Cosme  and  San  Fernando. 

At  the  moment  of  the  invasion,  congress  was  sit 
ting,  and  the  president,  Bias  Balcdrcel  requested  the 
representatives  not  to  forsake  their  post.  Colonel 
Porfirio  Diaz  was  permitted,  however,  at  his  own  re 
quest,  to  leave  the  chamber  for  the  purpose  of  aiding 
in  the  defence,  and  in  a  few  moments  joined  his  old 
comrades  of  Oajaca  at  the  corner  of  San  Fernando, 
where  a  stout  resistance  was  being  made  by  Ignacio 
Mejia's  brigade.  He  arrived  just  as  Mejia  was  send 
ing  to  the  hospital  wounded  his  last  field-officer. 
After  severe  fighting  the  enemy  was  driven  away,4* 
fleeing  in  disorder  by  the  place  where  the  railroad 
station  now  is,  and  along  the  whole  length  of  the  San 
Cosine  causeway.  Thus  ended  the  attempt  of  Mar 
quez,  who  was  pursued  by  cavalry  several  miles  in  the 
valley.  The  next  day  Diaz  was  placed  in  charge  of 
the  brigade,  Mejia  being  ill,  and  ordered  to  join  Or 
tega's  command,  to  pursue  the  rebels  who  had  gone  to 
the  south  of  Mexico.  After  marching  and  counter 
marching  about  two  months,  the  liberal  force  came  up 
with  the  enemy.  Diaz  and  others  were  directed  to 
keep  their  attention  occupied,  while  a  strong  column 
of  4,000  men  struck  the  blow.  Diaz  surprised  Mar 
quez  in  the  town  of  Jalatlaco  on  the  13th  of  August, 
between  10  and  11  o'clock  at  night,  and  after  some 
hours'  fighting,  routed  him,  capturing  his  artillery  and 
baggage  trains.45 

Several  undecisive  fights  occurred  between  liberals 

44  His  last  stand  had  been  in  the  plazuela  of  Buenavista.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog., 

45  It  is  understood  that  Marquez' army  was  of  nearly  4,000  men  and  14 
generals.     This  victory  had  a  most  encouraging  effect  among  the  liberals,  who 
hailed  it  as  a  forerunner  of  future  triumphs.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  622; 
Diaz,  Datos  Bio(j.,  MS.,  145-7;  Lr  Trait  tf  Union,  Aug.  16-26,  1861;  Ortega, 
Parte  de  la  Jornada  de  Jalatlaco,  1-8. 


JUAREZ  PRESIDENT.  17 

and  reactionists,  among  which  may  be  mentioned 
those  of  Tecali  in  Puebla,  Huisquiluc'an,  and  Calpulal- 
pam  in  Mexico.  Marquez  attacked  San  Luis  Potosi, 
and  was  repulsed.  He  then  overran  Aguascalientes 
and  Zacatecas.  But  on  the  20th  of  October  the  joint 
forces  of  Marquez  and  Mejia  were  signally  defeated 
at  Pachuca  by  generals  Tapia  and  Porfirio  Diaz,  and 
they  fled  by  way  of  Mineral  del  Monte.46 

The  government  asked  congress  for  power  to  raise 
one  million  dollars  on  title  deeds  of  national  property 
at  two  per  centum  discount  monthly,  and  to  suspend 
payments  to  creditors  of  the  treasury  for  one  year, 
excepting  those  of  the  conducta  seized  at  Laguna  Seca, 
and  of  the  diplomatic  conventions;  but  in  regard  to 
these  latter,  the  chamber  resolved  that  the  govern 
ment  should  order  their  suspension.  This  event 
caused  great  public  alarm. 

The  presidential  election,  which  took  place  in  March, 
did  not  at  first  exhibit  an  absolute  majority,  and  the 
congress  postponed  its  decision  till  the  llth  of  the 
following  June,  when  Juarez  was  declared  to  be  the 
president  of  the  republic.47  The  formal  inauguration 
took  place  on  the  15th.  His  title  to  the  executive 
office  was  fully  recognized.  The  centre  of  union  dur 
ing  the  civil  war,  he  now  became  the  chief  of  the  lib- 

O 

eral  party,  and  the  representative  of  legitimate  au 
thority  and  progress.  And  yet  he  found  great  diffi 
culty  to  organize  a  cabinet,  that  presided  over  by 
Guzman  having  resigned  because  of  congressional  oppo 
sition.  Doblado  was  called  to  form  a  new  ministry, 

46  This  victory  was  so  important  that  congress  voted  the  victors  a  medal 
of  honor.  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constitute.,  ii.  38;  Arckivo  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.,  vi.  602-3,  619-21;  Detalle  de  la  Action,  1-74;  Le  Trait  d1  Union,  Oct. 
22  to  Nov.  5,  1861.     Tapia's  troops,  on  their  return  to  Mexico,  were  the  ob 
jects  of  a  great  popular  ovation.     The  generals  received  high  praise.  Diaz, 
J}atos  Biog.,~M.S.,  149. 

47  It  was  noticeable  that  the  declaration  had  only  a  majority  of  six  votes. 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  233;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  236-48; 
Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  i.  70,  132-5;  Boletin  de  Notic.,  March 
27,  1861;  Le  Trait  d' Union,  Feb.  6  to  June  20,  1861;  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo, 
June  15,  1861. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    2 


18  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

but  he  would  not  assume  the  charge.  To  complete  the 
government's  organization,  congress,  voting  by  depu 
tations,  chose  General  Jesus  Gonzalez  Ortega  presi 
dent  of  the  supreme  court,  so  as  to  be  prepared  for 
emergencies  that  might  suddenly  occur.  This  uncon 
stitutional  election  was  effected  in  disregard  of  the 
objections  adduced  by  some  deputies.  When  the  re 
actionary  bands  were  actively  depredating  in  all  direc 
tions,  this  congress,  which  only  one  month  previously 
had  set  a  price  upon  the  heads  of  their  principal  chiefs, 
and  while  the  blood-stains  of  Ocampo,  Degollado,  and 
Valle  were  still  fresh,  and  the  smoke  of  many  burning 
towns  had  not  entirely  disappeared,  began  to  discuss 
the  expediency  of  a  political  amnesty,  against  which 
Deputy  Altamirano  delivered  a  powerful  speech.  The 
campaign  against  the  reactionists  engaged  the  whole 
attention  of  the  government;  other  important  affairs 
being  allowed  to  rest  until  a  signal  victory  should 
again  crown  Gonzalez  Ortega's  operations.  Minis 
terial  crises  had  become  a  chronic  malady.  After 
many  proposed  candidatures,  Juarez  formed  another 
cabinet  on  the  13th  of  July.48  It  was  a  bad  sign  that 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  congress  voted  against 
the  choice  of  Zamacona  and  Balcdrcel.  The  new 
ministry  stated  beforehand  its  policy,  arid  its  first 
act  was  to  propose  a  law  for  the  suspension  dur 
ing  two  years  of  payments,  including  those  amounts 
assigned  to  meet  the  British  debt  and  the  foreign  con 
ventions.  The  law  was  almost  unanimously  passed 
by  congress  in  secret  session  on  the  17th  of  July, 
which  was  met  with  the  protests  of  France  and  Spain.49 

48  Manuel  M.  Zamacona,  minister  of  relations;  Bias  Balcarcel,  of  fomento; 
Joaquin  Ruiz  retained  the  portfolio  of  justice,  and  took  charge  also  of  the  one 
of  government;  Zaragoza  continued  as  secretary  of  war;  and  Higinio  Munez, 
an  old  treasury  official,  but  new  in  the  political  field,  became  the  head  of  the 
financial  department.     It  will  be  well  to  observe  that  congress  on  the  12th 
of  June  had  decreed  there  should  be  six  ministers  of  state,  thus  reviving  the 
portfolios  of  government  and  fomento.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  280-1, 
285, 298-310;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  235;  Le  Trait  d*  Union,  June 
19,  July  9-19,  1861,  passim;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  443-4. 

49  July  24th  Saligny  protested  for  France  and  Spain  against  the  law.     The 
Spanish  government  approved  the  protest.     In  a  Despatch  of  Sept.  llth  to 


TROUBLES  WITH  FRANCE.  19 

In  adopting  the  suspension  plan,  the  cabinet  acted  on 
the  idea  that  it  would  lead  to  the  establishment  of 
order,  morality,  and  economy.  Still  the  act  of  includ 
ing  in  the  suspension  the  obligations  toward  foreign 
nations  could  but  excite  further  ill  feeling  on  their 
part,  and  consequent  troubles,  particularly  as  no 
friendly  explanations  with  the  creditors  had  preceded 
it.  Had  Zamacona's  advice  been  followed,  harsh 
protests  and  overt  acts  from  the  French  might  have 
been  averted,  for  the  amount  of  their  claims  was  insig 
nificant.  A  casual  event  came  at  this  time  to  further 
embroil  the  foreign  relations.  During  the  popu 
lar  celebration  of  the  victory  of  Jalatlaco,  a  pistol- 
bullet  struck  near  Dubois  de  Saligny  at  the  French 
legation,  which  he  tried  to  make  out  an  attempt  to 
assassinate  him.50  The  diplomatic  corps  took  the 
matter  in  hand,  the  United  States  minister  being 
chosen  to  bring  it  to  the  attention  of  the  government. 
A  thorough  judicial  inquiry  was  ordered  and  made, 
and  the  result  was  that  no  attempt  had  been  made 
against  Saligny's  life.51  Be  it  as  it  may,  he  used  the 
incident  to  bring  about  a  suspension  of  diplomatic  re 
lations. 

The  disposition  of  French  diplomates  to  pick  quar 
rels  with  Mexico  on  merely  personal  grounds  was 
not  new  with  Saligny.  In  May  1845  Baron  Alleye 
de  Cyprey,  French  minister,  made  a  diplomatic  affair 
out  of  an  insignificant  occurrence,  in  which  he  and 
his  secretary  of  legation  were  mixed  up,  at  the  bath 
ing-place  for  horses  called  Las  Delicias.  Both  he 

the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  the  Spanish  minister  of  state,  Calderon  Collantes, 
presents  his  views  on  the  instructions  to  be  given  the  commander  of  the  naval 
force  that  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Mexican  coast  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the 
expulsion  of  Pacheco  and  settlement  of  pecuniary  claims.  The  despatch 
clearly  indicates  that  the  Spanish  and  French  governments  were  on  the  point 
of  an  agreement  for  joint  action  against  Mexico  with  England's  cooperation. 
Cdrtes,  Diario  Cong.,  vi.  ap.  1,  no.  133,  1-3;  Id.,  Senado,  ii.  ap.  no.  85, 
1-3. 

50  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  398,  has  it  that  the  populace,  in  passing  Saligny's 
house  with  bands  of  music,  cried  out,  '  Mueran  los  franceses,  muera  el  ministro 
de  Francia,'  which  lasted  10  or  15  minutes  without  the  police  attempting 
even  to  check  it. 

51  Testimonio  Averig.  Practicada,  1-40. 


20  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

and  the  secretary  were  unceremoniously  treated  by 
the  owner  of  the  baths,  as  well  as  by  a  mob,  for  their 
pompous  assumptions.  He  asserted  that  certain  pub 
lic  officers,  though  knowing  his  diplomatic  position, 
had  refused  to  extend  to  him  the  proper  recognition. 
Whereupon  he  called  for  the  peremptory  punishment 
of  the  officers  and  others  concerned.  The  whole  af 
fair  was  ridiculous,  and  the  Mexican  government 
could  not  accede  to  the  preposterous  demands.  The 
press  ridiculed  Cyprey's  pretensions.  He  then  picked 
a  quarrel  with  one  of  the  alcaldes  of  the  capital,  to 
whom  he  attributed  the  writings,  and  on  being  re 
quired  to  give  satisfaction  on  the  field  of  honor,  which 
he  had  promised  to  do,  found  a  pretext  to  back  out  of 
it.  Finally,  not  obtaining  what  he  had  insisted  on 
from  the  government,  he  demanded  his  passports, 
which  were  sent,  and  he  left  the  country.52 

The  secretary  of  the  treasury  could  discover  no  way 
of  obtaining  the  much  needed  resources,  unless  it  was 
that  of  farming  out  the  yield  of  the  maritime  customs 
at  $400,000  monthly,  and  if  this  sum  could  not  be 
got,  then  a  forced  loan  every  month  must  be  resorted 
to.  The  merchants  represented  to  the  minister  that 
his  plan  was  not  feasible,  and  therefore  he  must  find 
some  other  means.53  The  difficulties  induced  the  per 
manent  committee  of  congress,  of  which  Sebastian 
Lerdo  de  Tejada  was  chairman,  to  call  an  extra  ses 
sion  of  the  chamber,  the  ordinary  one  having  been 
closed  on  the  31st  of  July.54  Congress  met  on  the 

62  The  government  endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  breaking  off  relations, 
assuring  him  of  its  friendliness,  both  to  France  and  himself;  but  finding  him 
resolved  to  leave,  gave  strict  orders  to  prevent  all  insults  on  his  journey  to 
the  port.  Mex.,  Suceso  Ocurrido,  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Min.  Relaciones,  ii.  no.  2,  pp. 
i.-v.  and  1-207;  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  106-13,  210-12,  225 
-32,  iii.  3,  4-11,  51,  59-65,  112-13;  Id.,  Nuevo  Bernal  Diaz,  i.  55-9,  73-4; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  716-19.  The  correspondence  on  the  duel  part  of  the 
affair  between  the  seconds  is  fully  given  in  both  French  and  Spanish,  in 
Alleye,  de  Cyprey,  Docum.,  1-11. 

53  The  estimate  for  the  fiscal  year,  from  Sept.  1st,  had  been  fixed  under  the 
law  of  July  17th,  at  nearly  8£  million  dollars.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi. 

54  The  summons  was  on  the  21st  of  August  for  the  30th  of  the  same 


EUROPEAN  INTERVENTION.  21 

appointed  day.  The  public  could  not  see  the  use  of 
an  extra  session  when  the  executive  was  clothed  with 
extraordinary  powers ;  and  indeed,  no  beneficial  meas 
ure  was  adopted;  on  the  contrary,  a  considerable 
number  of  the  members  did  their  utmost  to  develop 
ill  feeling  and  create  greater  alarm.55  In  view  of  the 
hostile  attitude  of  Europe,56  Juarez  gave  orders  to 
strengthen  Vera  Cruz  and  Tampico. 

Almonte  encouraged  his  fellow-reactionists  that 
inside  of  two  months  he  would  be  in  the  waters  of 
Mexico  with  the  European  naval  forces.  Next  came 
the  news  that  on  the  31st  of  October  had  been  signed 
in  London  a  convention,  by  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Spain,  for  a  joint  intervention  in  Mexican  affairs. 
Toward  the  end  of  November,  diplomatic  relations 
with  France  and  England  had  ceased,  after  congress 
had  revoked  the  suspension  law  of  July  17th.57  The 
three  allied  powers  had  at  first  agreed  upon  the  occu 
pation  by  their  forces  of  Vera  Cruz,  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  reparation  of  injuries  and  damages  sus 
tained  by  their  subjects  at  the  hands  of  Mexican 
authorities,  and  the  fulfilment  of  prior  obligations 
contracted  by  Mexico  with  those  powers — nothing 
more.58  The  United  States,  having  also  claims  against 

month.  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  i.  228-34;  Archivo  Hex.,  Col. 
Ley.,  vi.  534-9;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  292-3. 

55  Fifty-one  of  the  numbers  in  their  capacity  as  citizens  addressed  Juarez, 
with  a  request  that  he  should  surrender  the  executive  authority.     Fifty-two 
others  asked  him  to  hold  on  to  his  position;  and  the  rest  of  the  deputies  were 
of  the  opinion  that  both  petitions  were  '  indebidas,'  or  out  of  place.     The  gov 
ernors  and  legislatures,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  press,  censured  the  course 
of  the  51.     The  states  of  Zacatecas  and  San  Luis  signified  their  intention  to 
recognize  no  authority  not  emanating   from   the   constitution;   and  if  any 
such  went  into  power,  they  would  resume  their  sovereignty.  Buenrostro,  Hist. 
Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  nos  60-3,  464-71,  493-9,  506-8;  nos  68-71,  714-16,  718, 
723-4. 

56  Napoleon  had,  after  some  hesitancy,  and  in  spite  of  the  friends  of  foreign 
intervention  in  Mexico,  received  La  Fuente  as  minister  of  the  republic;  but 
the  latter  wrote  his  government,  on  the  4th  of  September,  a  despatch  received 
on  the  8th  of  Oct.,  that  he  had  attempted  to  give  explanations  on  the  decree 
of  July  17th,  suspending  payments,  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  who  re 
fused  to  listen  to  him,  saying  that  Saligny's  conduct  had  been  approved,'  and 
in  accord  with  England,  'se  iban  &  enviar  a  las  costas  de  Mejico  buques  de 
guerra,  a  exigir  una  satisfaction.' 

57  The  decree  bore  date  of  Nov.  26th,  and  provided  for  the  payment  of  the 
foreign  obligations.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  636-7. 

68  Art.  3  declared  that  the  forces  were  not  to  be  used  for  any  other  pur- 


22  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

Mexico,  was  to  be  invited  to  join  them;  but  no  delay 
was  to  be  allowed  in  carrying  out  the  objects  of  the 
convention.  This  did  not  meet  the  views  of  the 
French  and  Spanish  cabinets.  They  had  ulterior 
projects,  and  the  clauses  favoring  Mexican  indepen 
dence  of  action  as  to  the  form  of  government  had  been 
placed  there  merely  to  calm  the  scruples  of  the  Brit 
ish  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  They  finally,  by  as 
suring  him  that  they  had  good  reasons  to  believe  the 
Mexicans  themselves  would  ask  as  a  special  favor  a 
moral  support  that  could  not  be  denied  them,  obtained 
from  the  minister  the  suppression  of  the  troublesome 
clauses,  in  order  not  to  discourage  the  national  move 
ment,  which  as  Billault,  the  French  minister,  said, 
the  French  and  Spanish  governments  were  awaiting  to 
attempt  the  organization  of  a  government  in  Mexico 
suited  to  monarchical  ideas.59 

The  clause  to  invite  the  United  States  to  act  jointly 
with  the  other  powers  was  insisted  on  by  the  British 
foreign  office,  and  acceded  to  by  France  and  Spain, 
though  the  last  named  would  not  renounce  her  full 
freedom  of  action  to  deal  with  Mexico  on  the  questions 
at  issue  between  them;  for  she  claimed  that  her 
grievances  were  of  a  more  serious  nature  than  those 
of  the  others,  which  were  merely  pecuniary,  and  in 
volved  redress  for  the  murder  of  her  subjects  and  the 
dismissal  of  her  ambassador.  The  United  States, 
supposing  at  first  that  only  England  and  France  had 
intended  a  hostile  demonstration  against  Mexico  to 
recover  moneys  due,  offered  to  pay  them  the  interest 
accrued  for  a  certain  time,60  and  on  being  apprised 

pose;  they  were  specially  to  abstain  from  all  intervention  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  republic.  Art.  4  said  that  neither  of  the  contracting  parties 
was  to  make  any  territorial  acquisition  in  Mexico  or  endeavor  to  gain  any 
special  advantage;  they  were  not  to  exercise  any  influence  in  the  internal 
atfairs  of  Mexico,  nor  to  restrict  her  right  to  choose  and  establish  the  form  of 
government  she  might  think  proper.  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximillano,  i.  80-5. 

59  The  insidious  language  of  the  despatch  of  Oct.  22,  1861,  from  Calderon 
Collantes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  Spain,  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  in 
London,  fully  confirms  the  above  view.  Lefevre,  Doc.  Ofic.  Maximiliano,  i. 
87-93;  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  30-2. 

60  Their  minister,  Corwin,  on  the  27th  of  Sept.,  received  instructions,  which 


POSITION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  23 

that  Spain  would  also  take  part  in  the  demonstration, 
extended  the  same  offer  to  her.  But  Calderon  Co- 
llantes,  on  the  16th  of  November,  said  to  the  Spanish 
minister  at  Washington  that  Spain,  together  with 
England  and  France,  wanted  the  cooperation  of  the 
United  States,  in  order  that  their  collective  action 
might  have  the  desired  effect  of  securing  future  safety 
to  the  subjects  and  interests  of  the  three  powers. 
Secretary  Seward  said  on  the  14th  of  October  to 
Schurz,  United  States  minister  at  Madrid,  that  the 
president  had  understood  that  neither  of  the  three 
powers  alleging  grievances  would,  in  their  hostile 
action  against  Mexico,  go  beyond  obtaining  satisfac 
tion  for  those  grievances,  as  they  had  no  intent  to  ac 
quire  territory,  or  of  affecting  the  political  status  of 
Mexico,  to  which  the  United  States  could  oppose  no 
objection.  Still,  whether  Spain  acted  alone  or  jointly 
with  the  others,  the  president  expected  that  the  ut 
most  care  should  be  had  not  to  molest  United  States 
citizens  in  Mexico  or  their  interests,  nor  affect  the  in 
terests  of  the  United  States  government  in  territories 
contiguous  to  the  seat  of  war.  With  such  an  object 
the  United  States  would  keep  a  naval  force  whereso 
ever  a  conflict  might  occur. 

The  convention  of  October  31st  did  not  stipulate 
the  land  and  naval  force  each  nation  was  to  employ; 
it  left  to  the  United  States  the  option  to  act  jointly 
with  the  other  powers  if  that  government  felt  inclined, 
and  limited  their  action,  neither  of  them  being  al 
lowed  to  appropriate  any  portion  of  Mexican  territory, 
or  obtain  any  special  advantage,  or  to  influence  the 
people  of  Mexico  to  choose  any  particular  form  of 
government.  Nothing  was  therein  contained  as  to 
which  of  the  powers  should  have  the  lead  of  affairs  on 
the  operating  ground.61 

Sec.  Seward  had  verbally  communicated  to  Lord  Lyons,  British  minister  at 
Washington,  to  bind  the  U.  S.  to  pay  two  years'  interest  on  all  Mexico's  for 
eign  indebtedness,  which  amounts  were  to  be  secured  by  mortgage  on  certain 
Mexican  territory.  But  as  an  hypothecation  of  territory  would  have  been 
practically  equivalent  to  a  cession  of  it,  Juarez  declined. 

61  The  convention  consists  of  a  preamble  and  five  articles,  the  former  set- 


24  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

The  United  States,  on  receiving  the  invitation  to 
cooperate  with  the  three  powers  in  carrying  out  that 
convention,  declined  to  join  them.  Seward's  reply  on 
the  4th  of  December  stated  that  his  government  had 
some  grievances  against  Mexico,  but  the  president 
could  not  see  that  a  redress  of  them  could  be  then 
obtained  through  that  convention.62  Seward  further 
advised  the  ministers  of  the  three  leagued  powers  that 
the  United  States  would  maintain  a  competent  naval 
force  in  the  gulf  of  Mexico  to  protect  their  citizens 
and  interests;  and  that  their  minister  in  Mexico  would 
be  authorized  to  seek .  such  conferences  with  the  bel 
ligerents  as  might  guard  either  of  them  against  inad 
vertent  injury  to  the  just  rights  of  the  United  States, 
if  any  such  should  be  endangered. 

Early  in  November  news  reached  Vera  Cruz  of  the 
preparations  made  in  Habana  for  the  Spanish  military 
expedition  that  was  to  consist  of  five  or  six  thousand 
troops,  and  fifteen  or  sixteen  war  vessels.63  A  threat 
ening  demonstration  of  this  nature  made  it,  of  course, 
the  chief  and  only  matter  to  be  considered,  that  of 
arranging,  if  possible,  the  foreign  difficulties.  Little 
hope  could  be  entertained  in  view  of  the  hostile 
spirit  manifested  by  the  European  allies,  and  there 
was  nothing  left  for  Mexico  to  do  but  to  procure 
means  and  prepare  for  defence.64  Orders  were  given 

ting  forth  its  purport,  namely,  to  exact  from  the  Mexican  authorities  an  effi 
cient  protection  for  the  persons  and  interests  of  their  subjects  in  Mexico,  and 
a  fulfilment  of  obligations  assumed.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  32-3,  729-30; 
Lefevre,  Le  Mexique  et  I'lnterv.,  298-303;  JBuenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Con- 
stituc.,  ii.  100;  Ferrer,  Guest,  de  Mex.,  628-31;  Mexique,  Ulnterv.  Francaise, 
39-49;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  427-9;  Derecho  Intern.  Mex.,  1st  pt,  692-9. 

62 1st.  The  U.  S.  would  not  deviate  from  their  established  policy  of  avoiding 
entangling  alliances;  2d.  Mexico  being  a  neighbor  with  institutions  similar  to 
those  of  the  U.  S.,  the  latter  was  friendly  to  her,  and  felt  a  deep  interest  in 
her  safety,  welfare,  and  prosperity;  and  therefore  would  not  resort  to  coer 
cive  measures  to  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances,  much  less  now  that  Mexico 
was  suffering  from  intestics  dissension,  and  was,  besides,  threatened  with  a 
foreign  war;  3d.  The  U.  S.  had  made  through  their  minister  a  tender  of  pe 
cuniary  aid  to  Mexico  to  enable  her  to  satisfy  her  foreign  claimants,  subject, 
of  course,  to  the  acceptance  of  Mexico  and  the  sanction  of  the  U.  S.  senate. 

•  >T  ^ance  ad  been  for  some  time  shipping  war  material  for  her  naval  force 
in  Mexican  waters. 

64  The  ultimate  design  of  those  powers  was  not  now  well  understood  in 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE.  25 

at  first  to  strengthen  Yera  Cruz  and  San  Juan  de 
Ulua;  but  as  science  and  experience  alike  had  taught 
that  Ulua  could  not  resist  a  serious  attack,  and  Vera 
Cruz  was  nothing  without  the  fortress,  it  was  resolved 
to  remove  the  artillery  from  the  castle  before  the 
Spanish  fleet  should  arrive,  and  it  was  partly  done.65 
Juarez  succeeded  in  having  a  convention  concluded 
on  the  21st  of  November,  between  his  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  and  Sir  Charles  L.  Wyke,  arranging 
every  question  at  issue  between  the  two  nations, 
chiefly  that  which  had  resulted  from  the  law  for  the 
suspension  of  payments.66  Nothing  came  of  this  im 
portant  agreement,  however,  for  though  it  satisfied 
just  demands,  and  involved  no  heavy  sacrifices,  con 
gress  disapproved  it,  and  it  fell  to  the  ground,  notwith 
standing  the  remonstrances  of  Minister  Zamacona 
with  the  president's  approval.67  President  Juarez 

Mexico.  Some  thought  it  was  merely  financial;  others  that  it  was  political; 
and  there  were  also  a  few  who  believed  it  intended  to  carry  out  the  late 
British  charge's  plan  of  a  compromise  between  the  contending  parties.  The 
fact  was,  that  the  powers  had  concluded,  in  the  event  of  an  impossibility  aris 
ing  from  anarchy,  to  obtain  redress  by  the  mere  occupation  of  the  coast, 
that  the  forces  might  also  occupy  even  the  capital;  and  should  the  Mexicans 
of  their  own  volition  call  for  a  European  protectorate  to  eradicate  tyranny, 
or  to  erect  a  stable  government,  France,  England,  and  Spain  would  jointly 
cooperate  to  bring  about  their  wishes.  On  the  other  hand,  Juarez  had  been 
assured  by  President  Lincoln  that  on  the  landing  of  European  soldiers  on 
Mexican  territory  the  U.  S.  government  would  render  Mexico  such  aid  as  it 
could  afford. 

65  Fifty  brass  pieces  were  taken  away  and  utilized  elsewhere.     There  were 
left,  however,  196  pieces,  and  a  large  supply  of  other  war  material.  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mcj.,  xv.  824-5;  Ctfrtes,  Diario  Senado,  ii.  ap.  no.  85,  55-6;  Id.,  Con- 
grew,  vi.  ap.  i.  no.  138,  55. 

66  Previous  conventions  were  declared  to  be  in  force,  and  new  debts  not 
included  in  them  were  recognized  in  the  present  one.     Great  Britain  was 
authorized  to  have  inspectors  in  the  maritime  custom-houses,  and  British 
consuls  and  the  agents  of  the  creditors  were  given  the  right  of  examining 
the  books  of  those  custom-houses.     Efforts  were  made  to  induce  Monsieur  de 
Saligny  to  enter  into  similar  arrangements,  but  he  declined  all  proposals,  and 
insisted  on  maintaining  the  interruption  of  diplomatic  relations  and  quitting 
the  republic.  Rivera,   Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  625;  Cdrtes,  Diario  Senado,  ii.  ap. 
no.  85,  19-22;  Cdrtes,  Diario  Cong.,  vi.  ap.  i.  no.  133,  19-23. 

67  Zamacona  represented  to  the  chamber  on  the  25th  of  Nov.  that  in  en 
tering  upon  that  arrangement  the  administration  had  obeyed  the  popular 
will,  which  had  clamored  for  'Transaction  con  la  Inglaterra  y  con  la  Fran- 
cia.'     Under  it,  the  British  minister,  instead   of  making  preparations  for 
departure,  would  have  tendered  Mexico  the  moral  support  of  his  country  in 
her  progressive  policy;  and  whatever  influence  that  might  have  on  the  future 
action  of  France  and  Spain,  Mexico  would  appear  before  the  world  giving 
her  hand  to  her  two  natural  allies,  England  and  the  U.  S.,  the  latter  of  whom- 


26  INTERNAL  AND  FOREIGN  COMPLICATIONS. 

insisted  on  the  convention  being  ratified,  but  to  be 
again  repulsed;  and  then  the  American  minister  re 
tired  the  proposals  he  had  made,  which  would  have 
facilitated  the  arrangement  of  the  foreign  demands.68 
The  persistence  of  congress  brought  on  a  ministerial 
crisis  early  in  December,  which  the  president  could 
not  avert,  though  he  tried  to  retain  Zaragoza,  Bal- 
cdrcel,  and  Gonzalez  Echeverria,  the  last  named  hav 
ing  had  the  treasury  in  his  charge  only  a  few  days. 
Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  who  had  caused  the  crisis, 
was  called  on  to  form  a  cabinet,  but  declined,  not  be 
ing  in  accord  with  the  president's  policy. 

The  threatening  attitude  of  foreign  powers  being 
now  certain,  several  reactionary  chiefs  presented  them 
selves  to  the  government  and  tendered  their  services. 
Among  them  were  Negrete,  Velez,  Arguellez,  and 
others.69  After  a  few  days'  reflection,  Manuel  Do- 
blado,  from  whose  patriotism  and  ability  the  country 
had  great  expectations,  accepted  the  charge  of  rela 
tions,  with  the  presidency  of  the  cabinet.70  There 
being  a  perfect  accord  of  views  between  the  president 

had  offered  Mexico  pecuniary  means  to  cover  during  some  years  not  only 
the  obligations  assumed  in  the  British  treaty,  but  all  other  international 
ones.  The  minister  went  into  other  details;  but  it  all  availed  nothing;  the 
clause  of  intervention  in  the  custom-houses,  without  which  guarantee  the 
treaty  would  not  have  been  entered  into  by  England,  was  unacceptable  to 
the  representatives.  The  consequences  were  fatal.  Zamacona  resigned  his 
position.  His  representation  to  congress  and  letters  of  resignation  are  given 
in  full  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xv.  1043-59;  Ferrer,  Guest,  de  Mex.,  637-9. 
All  further  proceedings  of  conciliation  were  in  vain;  the  British  and  French 
ministers  left  Mexico,  the  subjects  of  their  nations  as  well  as  the  Spaniards 
being  left  under  the  protection  of  the  Prussian  minister. 

60 He  made,  however,  on  the  llth  of  Dec.,  two  conventions,  one  being 
postal,  and  the  other  for  the  extradition  of  criminals,  excluding  from  surren 
der  persons  accused  of  political  offences,  and  slaves.  Archive  Mex.,  Col.  Ley., 
vi.  666;  Derecho  Intern.  Mex.,  1st  pt,  277-83. 

69  Zuloaga  still  claimed  the  presidency,  had  a  cabinet,  appointed  governors, 
and  wanted  to  collect  taxes.  Le  Trait  d' 'Union,  Dec.  9,  1861;  Rivera,  Gob. 
de  Mex.,  ii.  626. 

70  The  ministry  was  constituted  as  follows:  Doblado,  minister  of  relations 
and  of  government — this  last  again  suppressed  by  decree  of  Dec.  16th;  Ramon 
I.  Alcaraz,  oficial  mayor,  of  justice  pro  tern,  to  Dec.  25th,  when  Jesus  Teran 
became  the  minister;  Echeverria,  of  hacienda;  Zaragoza,  of  war  till  Dec.  22d, 
when  succeeded  by  Pedro  Hinojosa;  Doblado,  of  fomento  till  the  16th  of  De 
cember,  when  the  department  was  merged  in  that  of  justice.  Le  Trait  cf  Union, 
Dec.  23,  27,  1861;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  672;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v. 
470—2. 


END  OF  THE  SESSION.  27 

and  Doblado,  and  the  latter  being  on  good  terms  with 
the  congress,  he  asked  of  it  extraordinary  powers, 
which  were  granted  at  once  without  other  restrictions 
than  that  every  measure  of  the  government  should  be 
directed  to  the  preservation  of  the  national  indepen 
dence  and  institutions,  as  well  as  of  the  reform  laws.71 
Lerdo  and  his  followers  had  insisted  on  the  executive 
submitting  to  the  approval  of  congress  all  action  he 
might  take  in  the  foreign  relations;  but  they  were 
defeated.  Congress  closed  its  session  on  the  15th  of 
December. 

"Decree  of  Dec.  llth.  Archive  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  vi.  655. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

1861-1862. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION  OF  VERA  CRUZ— ACTION  OF  THE  MEXICAN  GOVERN 
MENT — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  BRITISH  FORCES — ALLIED  PLENI 
POTENTIARIES  AND  THEIR  DIFFERENCES — JOINT  ADDRESS  TO  THE  MEXICANS 

—PECUNIARY  CLAIMS  AGAINST  MEXICO  —  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  JUAREZ' 
GOVERNMENT  —  CONVENTION  OF  LA  SOLEDAD  —  REACTIONISTS  UNDER 
FRENCH  PROTECTION— RUPTURE  AMONG  THE  ALLIED  DIPLOMATES— SPAN 
IARDS  AND  BRITISH  REEMBARK — THE  FRENCH  THROW  OFF  THE  MASK — 
ALMONTE  ESTABLISHES  A  GOVERNMENT  —  FRENCH  REOCCUPATION  OF 
OKIZABA  —  THEIR  MARCH  AGAINST  PUEBLA  AND  REPULSE  —  CINCO  DE 
MAYO — SUBSEQUENT  LIBERAL  REVERSES — AFFAIRS  AT  THE  CAPITAL. 

THE  invasion  so  long  apprehended  comes  at  last. 
Mexico,  after  having  by  almost  superhuman  efforts 
nearly  brought  to  an  end  all  opposition  to  her  advance 
ment  in  the  scale  of  nations,  is  now  to  be  checked  by  the 
active  interference  of  powerful  European  monarchies 
priding  themselves  upon  their  high  civilization.  On 
the  pretext  of  collecting  money  claims,  and  of  demand 
ing  reparation  of  alleged  grievances,  to  all  of  which 
the  liberal  government  would  have  done  justice  in  due 
time,  they  come  to  the  aid  of  a  corrupt  party  opposed 
to  all  progress.  Two  of  the  offenders,  it  is  true,  for 
their  own  special  reasons,  abandon  the  enterprise  soon 
after  its  inception;  but  they  should  not  be  permitted 
to  shake  off  their  share  of  responsibility  for  the  en 
couragement  they  gave  the  third  one  to  pursue  the 
work  of  destroying  Mexico's  free  republican  institu 
tions,  nor  for  the  sad  catastrophe  that  followed  the 
failure  to  set  up  within  her  borders  a  monarchial 
government. 

(28) 


SPANISH  INVASION.  29 

The  invasion  decreed  by  the  three  European  powers 
became  a  fact  on  the  14th  of  December,  1861,  when 
a  Spanish  fleet,  commanded  by  the  jefe  de  escuadra, 
Joaquin  Gutierrez  de  Rubalcaba,  and  conveying  an 
army  of  occupation,  sailed  into  and  without  resistance 
took  possession  of  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz.1  General 
Gasset,  commanding  the  land  forces,  occupied  the  city 
on  the  17th,  proclaiming  martial  law,  and  issuing  a 
manifesto  of  a  hostile  nature;  after  which  he  assumed 
full  control  of  the  place,  the  ayuntamiento,  which  was 
the  only  authority  left  in  it,  having  to  submit  to  the 
force  of  circumstances.2  Gasset's  manifesto  stated 
that  he  would  hold  the  city  in  the  name  of  the 
Spanish  queen  till  the  arrival  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  powers  to  the  London  tripartite  arrangement. 

This  act  of  Spain  caused  the  utmost  irritation  in 
Mexico.  The  government,  and  particularly  Doblado, 
displayed  great  activity.  General  Zaragoza  started 
from  Mexico  with  3,000  men;  and,  notwithstanding 
the  embroiled  condition  of  affairs  in  the  interior  states 
from  local  issues  as  well  as  reactionary  warfare,  forces 
began  coming  from  them  to  the  capital.  Juarez  issued 

1  The  fleet  consisted  of  six  frigates,  six  large  war  steamers,  two  war  trans 
ports,  and  several  chartered  merchantmen,  besides  one  steam-tender.  The 
land  force  exceeded  6,000  men.  Znmacois,  flint.  Afej.,  xv.  820-4;  Lefivre, 
Mex.  et  L'Interv.,  305-20;  Mtx.,  Rev.  Filosdf.  Hint.  Polit.,  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  1832-75,  no.  10,  70-2;  Romero,  Hist.  Intrig.  Europ.,  60-6. 

Matias  Romero — Historia  de  las  Intrigas  Europeas  que  ocasionaron  la  inter 
vention  francesa  en  Mexico.  Mex.,  1868,  8vo,  259  pp.  A  lucid  reply  to  a 
speech  delivered  by  the  French  cabinet  minister  BilMult,  before  the  French 
legislature,  on  the  26th  of  June,  1862.  It  gives  a  history  of  the  intrigues 
of  the  French  government  in  the  negotiations  with  England  and  Spain  to 
bring  about  a  settlement  of  their  claims  against  Mexico,  leading  to  the  con 
vention  of  London  and  the  final  intervention.  The  writer  uses  the  corre 
spondence  between  the  commissioners  of  these  powers  and  their  respective 
governments  as  evidence  of  the  animus  that  prompted  their  action.  The 
work  gives  also  other  documents  relating  to  the  intervention. 

In  this  connection  may  be  mentioned  Circulares  y  otras  Publicaciones 
hechas  por  la  Legation  Mexicana  en  Washington  durante  la  Guerra  de  Inter 
vention.  Mex.,  1868,  8vo,  507  pp.  This  collection  contains  a  series  of  circu 
lars  and  other  publications  by  the  Mexican  legation  at  Washington,  based  on 
official  documents,  relating  chiefly  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  troops 
from  Mexico,  other  affairs  connected  with  the  imperial  regime  in  that  country, 
and  the  negotiation  of  Mexican  bonds  in  the  United  States.  It  abo  embodies 
a  brief  biography  of  Benito  Juarez. 

2 Cartes,  Dlario  Senado,  ii.,  app.  no.  85,  49-54;  Id.,  Cong.,  vi.,  app.  1,  no. 
138,  51,  68;  Trait  d' Union,  Jan.  3,  6,  1862. 


30  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

on  the  17th  an  address  to  the  nation,3  and  made  a 
requisition  on  the  states  for  52,000  men.  He  also 
extended  the  period  of  the  last  amnesty  law,  and  de 
creed  a  tax  of  twenty-five  per  centum  additional  on 
all  imposts,  whether  federal,  state,  or  municipal.  He 
permitted  peaceable  Spaniards  to  continue  residing  in 
the  country;  but  as  they  were  abused  everywhere, 
they  finally  had  to  emigrate.  He  likewise  established 


VERA  CRUZ  TO  PUEBLA. 


a  general  tax  of  two  per  centum  upon  all  property 
of  the  value  of  $500  or  upwards.*     General  Uraga 

8  He  set  forth  with  moderation  and  dignity  the  pretexts  Spain  might  have 
to  wage  war  on  Mexico,  and  summoning  all  Mexicans  to  the  defence  of  their 
country,  declared  miscreants  and  traitors  all  who  should  join  or  aid  the  for 
eign  invader.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  655-6,  662-71,  687-90,  698-703; 
Dublanand  Lozano,  Ley.  Mex.,  ix.  344-6;  Le  Trait  (f  Union,  Dec.  16-19,  1861. 

*  This  brought  on  further  reclamations,  in  which  the  Prussian  minister 
took  part,  and  Doblado  sustained  Mexico's  right  to  tax  foreign  residents. 
The  scarcity  of  money  was  such  that  Zaragoza's  brigade  was  detained  sev 


PARTY  STRIFE.  31 

erected  defences  on  the  Chiquihuite,  and  held  con 
ferences  at  La  Tejeria  with  Wyke  and  Saligny,  while 
Gasset  made  incursions  into  the  interior  for  supplies, 
and  to  drive  off  annoying  guerrilla  parties.  In  these 
incursions  toward  La  Antigua,  Anton  Lizardo,  and 
on  the  Medellin  road,  he  had  many  of  his  men  killed 
and  wounded,  and  some  prisoners  also  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  jarochos.  Martial  law  was  declared  in 
the  states  of  Puebla,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Vera  Cruz, 
and  Tamaulipas.5  Till  the  arrival  of  the  British  and 
French  fleets,  on  the  6th  and  7th  of  January,  1862, 
the  Mexican  flag  waved  side  by  side  with  the  flags  of 
the  allied  powers. 

Mexico,  at  this  critical  period,  was  not  free  from 
her  usual  disturbed  condition.  In  Yucatan  the  par 
tisans  of  Acereto  and  Irigoyen  were  tearing  one 
another  to  pieces,  utterly  disregarding  the  war  of 
races  which  daily  added  to  the  number  of  its  vic 
tims.6  In  Tamaulipas  local  dissension  prevailed,  the 
field  of  hostilities  being  Matamoros.  On  the  north 
ern  frontier  the  Indians  were  depredating.  In  Zaca- 
tecas  there  were  disgraceful  acts  against  the  governor. 
In  the  state  of  Mexico,  Tulancingo  was  assailed  by  a 
reactionist  party;  Cuernavaca  was  occupied  by  Vi- 
cario;  Actopan  by  Campos.  In  Jalisco,  Lozada  made 
himself  master  of  Tepic.  Marquez  and  Mejia  carried 
on  hostilities  in  the  sierra  of  Queretaro  and  San  Luis 
Potosi.  Zuloaga,  the  self-styled  president,  through 
his  so-called  minister,  Herrera  y  Lozada,  in  a  circular 
of  December  13th,  had  said  that  if  the  foreign  powers 
were  aiming  at  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  it  should  not 
be  permitted;  but  he  would  favor  the  intervention  if 

eral  days  in  Puebla  for  the  want  of  the  sum  of  $8,000,  which  with  great  diffi 
culty  he  obtained  from  merchants.  Rivera,  Gob.  JMex.y  ii.  627;  Id.,  Hist. 
Jalapa,  v.  484. 

6  The  same  measure  was  adopted  for  other  states  at  different  times  as  the 
enemy  approached,  and  it  was  repealed  when  circumstances  permitted  it. 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  365-616,  passim. 

6  Full  particulars,  with  causes,  may  be  found  in  Navarro,  Informe,  65- 
176;  and  extracts  from  official  documents  in  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg. 
Cong.,  nos  60-7,  511-19. 


32  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

it  intended  to  give  the  country  a  good  government.7 
In  much  the  larger  portions  of  the  several  states  the 
sentiment  of  nationality  was  strong,  and  manifested 
itself  in  their  contributions  of  men  and  other  re 
sources  for  defence.  Oajaca  sent  a  brigade  to  reen- 
force  the  eastern  army,  and  oifered  more.  Most  of 
the  states  behaved  generously  and  patriotically.  Not 
so  Puebla  and  Tamaulipas.8 

After  the  signing  of  the  convention,  the  allied 
powers  agreed  that  the  expeditionary  land  forces 
should  consist  of  about  6,000  Spaniards  and  3,000 
French.9  England  was  to  contribute  with  a  strong 
naval  division,  namely,  two  line-of-battle  ships,  four 
frigates,  several  smaller  vessels,  and  about  700  ma 
rines  to  land  on  the  coast  when  necessary.  The 
plenipotentiaries  appointed  were:  Sir  Charles  L. 
Wyke  arid  Commodore  Dunlop,  on  the  part  of  Eng 
land;  Dubois  de  Saligny  and  Rear  Admiral  Jurien 
de  la  Graviere,  on  the  part  of  France;  and  General 
Juan  Prim,  conde  de  Reus  and  marques  de  los  Castille- 
jos,  was  to  represent  Spain,  both  as  diplomatist  and 
commander  of  her  forces.  The  larger  contingent 
placed  under  his  command,  the  prestige  surrounding 
his  name,  and  the  esteem  manifested  toward  him  by 
Napoleon  III.,  were  naturally  to  give  him  a  marked 
influence  in  the  conferences  of  the  plenipotentiaries. 
The  others,  though  not  his  subordinates,  had  been 
recommended  to  show  him  special  deference.10  The 

7 'Un  gobierno  justo  y  equitativo,'  he  termed  it. 

8  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  482-5.  On  the  21st  of  Dec.  was  begun  the 
publication  of  an  interventionist  organ,  under  the  name  of  Crdnica  del  eje~r- 
cito  expedicionario.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xv.  831-2.  Another  journal,  also 
upholding  the  intervention,  existed  before,  called  La  Unidad  Cattilica,  which 
never  uttered  a  patriotic  sentiment. 

'One  regiment  of  marines,  one  battalion  of  zouaves,  one  of  naval  fusi- 
leers,  one  squad  of  chasseurs  d'Afrique,  artillery,  engineers,  etc.  Niox,  Exyed. 
du  Mex.,  733. 

10  Prim  had  married  a  Mexican  heiress,  Senorita  Aguero,  a  niece  of  Gon 
zalez  Echeverria,  Juarez'  minister  of  the  treasury.  He  was  a  man  of  great  am 
bition,  swayed  by  liberal  ideas,  restless,  inconsistent.  In  1858,  when  Spain 
wanted  to  declare  war  against  Mexico,  he  advocated  in  the  senate  concilia 
tory  measures.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  41.  The  same  authority  refers  to  the 
judgment  formed  of  Prim  by  a  German  officer,  who  made  his  acquaintance 
in  Turkey  in  1853-4,  and  in  Morocco  in  1860— Spanisch  und  marokanisch  Krieg, 


THE  ALLIES  ON  THE  GULF  COAST.  33 

instructions  given  the  French  admiral  by  his  gov 
ernment,  on  the   llth  of  November,   were  to  seize 
the  ports  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  hold  them  till 
a  settlement  was  effected  of  all  pending  questions,  col 
lecting  the  customs  duties  for  and  on  behalf  of  the 
three  powers.     Considerations  of  dignity,  as  well  as 
the  necessity  of  averting  the  dangers  which  would 
follow  a  long  sojourn  in  the  unhealthy  climate  of  the 
coast,  demanded   that  prompt   and   decisive   results 
should    be   obtained.     His   attention   was   called   to 
the  objects  of  the  tripartite  convention,  one  of  which 
was   to  support  what  was  called  the  sound  part  of 
the   population   in   its   efforts   to   establish  a  stable 
and  honest  government.11      The   British  representa 
tive   was    directed  to  strictly  observe  the  article  in 
the    convention   inhibiting  all  direct  or   indirect  in 
terference  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico;  and  to 
bear  in  mind  that  all  representations  to  the  Mexican 
government  were  to  be  made  jointly  in  the  name  of 
the   three  allies.     He  was  told  nothing   about  the 
English  contingent  marching  into  the  interior.    Owing 
to  apprehension   of  trouble  with  the  United  States, 
on   account   of  the   capture   by  the   United    States 
steamer  San  Jacinto,  Captain  Wilkes,  of  the  British 
mail-steamer  Trent,  England  diminished  the  number 
of  war-ships  she  was  bound  to  despatch  to  the  Mexi 
can  waters.     Spain  seemed,  on  the   contrary,  quite 
resolute.     She  accepted  at  once  the  French  sugges 
tion  that  the  Spanish  troops  should  be  authorized  to 
advance  on  Mexico.     General  Prim  received  similar 

Brockhaus,  Leipzig,  1863— who  said  that  Prim  was  a  brave  man,  who  did  not 
lack  talents;  a  good  speaker,  and  attractive,  but  without  character,  with 
out  moral  force,  and  ridiculously  vain.  He  possessed  hardly  a  notion  of  mil 
itary  theory,  mathematics,  history,  or  geography.  He  was  a  soldier  of  fortune, 
reckless,  adroit,  who  would  risk  everything,  even  his  last  piece,  on  a  card. 
Capricious  fortune  had  singularly  favored  him.  Making  allowance  for  exag 
geration,  the  German  officer's  opinion  may  not  be  called  altogether  erroneous. 
And  yet  Prim's  course  in  Mexico  was  independent  and  patriotic,  and  saved 
his  country  many  complications  and  sacrifices,  not  to  say  disgrace. 

11 '  Celui  de  Juarez  (ttait  qualifi6  d'insense". '    Those  were  his  public  instruc 
tions,  bnt  they  were  supplemented  by  confidential  ones.     Jurien  was  aware 
of  the  project  to  establish  a  monarchy;  he  was  to  support  the  movement,  but 
not  to  start  it.  Niox,  Exped  du  Hex.,  44,  46. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    3 


34  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

instructions  to  those  given  to  Jurien  de  la  Graviere. 
He  was  to  present  his  reclamations,  according  to  the 
ultimatum  sent  on  the  llth  of  September  to  the  cap 
tain-general  of  Cuba,  and  to  begin  active  hostilities 
if  Mexico  did  not  fully  accept  the  conditions  de 
manded.  He  was  well  informed  that  Spain  intended 
the  war  should  be  carried  into  the  interior.12  Prim 
arrived  at  Habana  on  the  23d  of  December,13  and  was 
visited  by  Francisco  Javier  Miranda,  known  as  Padre 
Miranda,  and  who  might  be  called  the  chief  of  the 
monarchial  party  in  Mexico,  and  General  Miramon. 
The  result  of  the  interview  was  a  loss  of  faith  in  the 
Spanish  general.1 


14 


The  French  and  English  troops  landed  immediately 
after  their  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz;  and  it  became  quite 
evident  that  their  commanders  were  displeased  with 
the  premature  coming  of  the  Spanish  force,  and  with 
General  Gasset's  proclamation  in  his  queen's  name.15 

12  Prim  was  confidentially  advised  of  the  plan  to  establish  a  monarchy  in 
Mexico,  which  was  attributed  to  the  French  government.  He  made  the  fact 
known  in  a  speech  before  the  Spanish  cortes  in  1863.  But  he  was  not  in 
structed  to  lend  his  cooperation,  because  the  candidature  of  an  Austrian 
prince  was  distasteful  to  Spain.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  46.  There  was  some 
discrepancy  between  the  Spanish  foreign  secretary  and  the  ambassador  at 
Madrid,  on  the  monarchial  plan.  The  former  said:  'Al  irse  el  general  Prim 
le  di  las  instrucciones  oportunas  por  escrito  y  verbalmente,'  and  yet  he  pre 
tended  to  be  ignorant  of  the  project.  Arrangoiz,  Mcj.,  iii.  14-16. 

13 He  was  enthusiastically  greeted  by  the  Spaniards:  'Viva  el  vicerey  de 
Mexico,  viva  el  nuevo  Hernan  Cortez  (sic).'  Rapport  du  commandant  du  Mi 
lan,  in  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  53-4. 

14  Miranda  wrote  to  Paris  and  Madrid  that  Prim  was  going  to  treat  with 
Juarez'  government.     His  letters  were  read  by  Gen.  O'Donnell,  prime  min 
ister,  and  Calderon  Collantes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  of  Spain.  Arran- 
goiz,  Mej.,  iii.  13;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xv.  839-40. 

15  The  understanding  had  been  that  the  forces  of  the  three  powers  were  to 
rendezvous  at  Habana.     Spanish  precipitancy,  according  to  Jose"  Manuel  Hi 
dalgo,  Apuntes  para  escribir  la  historia  de  los  proyectos   de  monarquia  et 
Mexico,  Mex.,  1868,  102,  enabled  Juarez  to  make  the  Mexican  people  believe 
that  the  Spaniards  were  bent  on  reconquest.     His  policy  then  was  to  abuse 
Spain,  representing  her  as  an  usurper,  and  to  summon  '  £  la  defensa  de  la  in- 
dependencia  nacional '  all  the  army  officers,  many  of  whom  obeyed  the  sum 
mons  only  because  of  their  belief  that  Spain's  purpose  was  to  reduce  Mexico 
to  a  Spanish  colony.     Zamacois  denies  it,  alleging  that  as  early  as  Nov.  1st 
the  government  wrote  Gov.  Arteaga  of  Querdtaro,  taking  for  granted  that  the 
differences  with  England  and  France  would  be  arranged,  and  adding  that 
Spain's  reclamations  would  remain  unheeded,  for  the  struggle  with  her  would 
benefit  both  the  country  and  the  liberal  party;  '  serviria  para  unir  estrecha- 
mente  al  partido  liberal,  y  para  estirpar  tina  vez  por  todas,  los  abusos  del  sis- 


PLANS  OF  FICANCE  AND  SPAIN.  35 

This  condition  of  affairs  prompted  France  to  send  out 
another  contingent  of  3,000  men.  After  the  second 
interview  of  the  plenipotentiaries,  Jurien  clearly  per 
ceived  the  difference  in  their  views,  which  was  quite 
marked.16  , 

On  Prim's  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz  a  manifesto,  said  to 
have  been  prepared  by  him  beforehand,  was  issued  on 
the  10th  of  January  by  the  five  plenipotentiaries. 
This  document,  though  containing  some  untruths,  was 
more  moderate  and  decorous  in  its  tone  than  Gasset's 
proclamation  had  been;  but  it  could  not  do  away  with 
the  uncertainty  as  to  the  real  intentions  of  the  powers 
in  combining  their  action  in  Mexican  affairs.  Accord 
ing  to  it,  intervention  in  Mexican  politics  and  admin 
istration  was  not  thought  of.17  So  said  Saligny  and 
Jurien,  sent  out  by  their  wily  master  to  place  an 
Austrian  prince  on  a  Mexican  throne;  so  said  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  who  well  knew  Napoleon's  plan 
and  was  resolved  to  thwart  it.18  As  for  the  English, 
all  they  wanted  was  a  commercial  and  religious  inter 
vention;  that  is  to  say,  to  secure  the  payment  of 
English  claims  through  their  inspectors  of  the  custom 
houses;  to  reduce  the  import  duties;  and  to  favor  the 

tema  colonial.'  Be  it  as  it  may,  both  France  and  England  were  displeased,  and 
though  they  accepted  Spain's  explanations,  were  never  fully  satisfied.  Niox, 
Exped.  duMex.,  54;  Cortes,  Diario  Senado,  ii.,ap.,  no.  85,5;  Id.,  Cong.,  vi., 
ap.  i.,  110.  133,  33-4. 

16  '  Se'rieux  germes  de  dissentiment  existaient  entre  elles.'  Niox,  Exped. 
du  Mex.,  99-101;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cony.,  nos  56-9,  326-51. 

17  In  the  first  paragraph  the  Mexicans  are  assured  that  the  expedition  had 
been   made   indispensable  to  enforce   the  fulfilment  of   treaties   constantly 
violated,  and  to  insure  protection  to  the  subjects  of  the  allied  nations.    They 
are  next  told  that  persons  representing  to  them  that  behind  just  claims  'se 
ocultan  proyectos  de  conquista,  de  restauracion,  6  de  intervencion  en  vuestra 
politica  y  vuestra  admin istracion,  os  enganan.'     They  further  say  that  the 
allied  nations  had  a  higher  purpose,  more  general  and  useful  views,  that  of 
extending  a  friendly  hand  to  a  people  who,  though  rich  in  the  gifts  of  provi 
dence,  were  consuming  their  strength  and  exhausting  their  vitality  by  civil 
wars  and   perpetual   convulsions.     'A  vo&otros,  exclusivamente  &  vosotros, 
sin  ninguna  intervencion  extranjera,  os  importa  constituiros  de  una  manera 
sdlida  y  durable. '     The  Mexican  people  are  asked  to  have  faith  in  the  dis 
interested  intentions  of  tbe  allies,  to  distrust  the  restless^  and  evil-minded, 
and  to  let  reason  come  to  the  front.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  18-19;   Lefe'vr*,, 
Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.   136-9;  Niox,  Exped.   du  Mex.,  63-4;  Rivera,  Hist. 
Jalapa,  v.  492;  Trait  d' Union,  Jan.  18,  1862. 

18  Prim  well  knew  that  Spain  wanted  to  place  a  Spanish  princess  on  this 
throne,  'para  lo  cual  llevaba  instrucciones  secretas.'  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  20. 


36  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

establishment  of  religious  freedom  in  Mexico.19  All 
this  produced  a  dampening  effect  in  reactionary  circles. 
Such  language  was  not  what  they  had  been  led  to 
expect.  The  allies  had  come  to  counsel,  not  to  war 
against,  Juarez  and  his  party.  Nothing  worthy  of 
notice  occurred  at  the  conferences  of  the  plenipoten 
tiaries  till  the  pecuniary  claims  were  made  the  subject 
of  consideration.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  at 
the  first  conference,  on  the  9th  of  January,  Prim 
proposed,  and  his  colleagues  accepted,  that,  together 
with  the  joint  note  they  purposed  addressing  to  the 
Mexican  government,  each  of  them  should  furnish  "a 
separate  note  of  the  reparations"  demanded  by  his 
government.  At  the  second  conference  Saligny 
manifested  the  impossibility  of  fixing  the  amount  of 
the  indemnities  due  French  citizens.20  At  the  third 
conference,  on  the  13th  of  January,  in  which  the 
commissaries  were  to  present  their  respective  ultimata, 
Saligny  failed  to  appear,  and  Jurien  had  to  read  the 
French  ultimatum,  which  consisted  of  ten  articles, 
some  of  which  were  incompatible  with  Mexican  in- 

19  'Era  para  ellps,  como  de  costumbre,  cuestion  de  algodones  y  de  biblias.' 
Id.  In  the  Spanish  c6rtes  it  was  later  asserted  that  England's  action  in 
seceding  from  the  intervention  had  been  due  to  her  opposition  to  the  catholic 
church.  Cdrtcs,  Diario  Senado,  ii.,  no.  95,  1126.  The  British  demands  were 
set  forth  in  four  articles:  1st,  Mexico  was  to  furnish  a  formal  guarantee  for 
the  faithful  execution  in  future  of  previous  treaties  between  her  and  Great 
Britain;  2d,  restore  the  $660,000  stolen  by  Marquezfrom  the  British  legation, 
and  $269,000  balance  still  unpaid  of  the  Laguna  Seca  affair,  with  interest  at 
6  per  cent  on  the  former  and  12  per  cent  on  the  latter;  moreover,  6  per  cent 
interest  on  sums  that  should  have  been  paid,  and  were  withheld  by  the  law 
of  July  17,  1861,  suspending  payments;  3d,  to  admit  British  agents  at  the 
ports  with  power  to  reduce  import  dues  to  one  half,  and  to  intervene  the 
same  as  the  Mexican  officials  in  the  collection  of  customs  duties  to  insure  a 
just  and  equitable  distribution  of  the  proceeds;  4th,  the  Mexican  government 
was  to  proceed  at  once,  in  concert  with  the  British  minister,  to  the  adjust 
ment  of  all  pending  claims  ascertained  to  be  just.  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano, 


20  The  other  plenipotentiaries,  admitting  that  they  might  find  themselves 
in  the  same  predicament,  proposed  to  get  over  the  difficulty  by  adopting  a 
common  form  in  order  to  bring  about  the  immediate  recognition  of  the 
reparations  already  accepted,  and  also  in  principle  that  of  such  as  after  ex 
amination  should  appear  to  be  just  and  legitimate.  This  the  British  minister 
had  intended  should  be  afterward  ascertained  by  mixed  commissions.  The 
French  government  had  no  idea  of  what  amount  should  be  claimed;  at  one 
time  it  thought  of  five  or  six  million  dollars,  and  never,  even  at  a  wild  com 
putation,  exceeded  ten  million.  Romero,  Hist.  Jntrig.  Europ.,  92-5. 


FRENCH  CLAIMS.  37 

dependence  and  sovereignty.21  The  pecuniary  pre 
tensions  of  the  French,  though  not  assailing  Mexico's 
sovereignty,  were  no  less  unjust  and  exorbitant.  The 
first  claim  was  set  down  at  twelve  million  dollars.22 
They  wanted  the  immediate  payment  without  allow 
ing  Mexico  the  right  of  examining  into  their  justice 
through  a  mixed  commission,  as  practised  among 
civilized  nations.  The  second  pecuniary  demand  pre 
ferred  by  Saligny  was  that  of  Jecker  and  Company 
for  fifteen  million  dollars,  which  the  Spanish  plenipo 
tentiary,  and  with  him  Wyke  and  Dunlop,  after  a 
warm  discussion,  declared  inadmissible.23 

21  Article  7th  would  give  French  agents  interference  in  the  administration 
of  justice  in  cases  where  French  subjects  were  concerned;  and  article  9th  was 
to  give  the  French  control  of  custom-houses,  the  right  to  lower  duties,  etc. 
Id.,  97-9;  Lefivre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  147-50;   Ctfrtes,  Diario  Conor  eso, 
vi.,  ap.  1,  no.  138,  57-65. 

22  Wyke  wrote  his  government,  Jan.  19,  1862  (no.  30  of  the  British  corre 
spondence),  that  Saligny  had  lixed  the  unadjusted  French  claims  at  twelve 
million  dollars,  saying  that  he  had  not  examined  them,  as  this  would  occupy 
twelve  mouths'  time;  but  he  supposed  this  sum  to  be  within  one  million  or 
two,  more  or  less,  of  the  amount  actually  due.     Sir  Charles  assumes  to  explain 
the  nature  of  these  claims.     Nineteen  out  of  twenty  of  the  foreigners  residing 
in  Mexico,  he  says,  have  a  claim  of  one  kind  or  another  against  the  government, 
many  of  them  being  no  doubt  just;  the  rest  he  declares  to  be  fabricated  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  pay  for  some  pretended  grievance,  such  as  an  im 
prisonment  of  three  days  purposely  incurred  to  set  up  a  claim.  Romero,  Hist. 
intarig.  Europ.,  99-100. 

23  Here  we  have  the  true  inwardness  of  the  fraudulent  claims.     Jecker 
was  a  Swiss  by  birth,  always  known  as  such.     It  is  not  claimed  that  he  be 
came  a  Frenchman  till  March  26,  1862.     Suddenly,  without  having  resided 
in  France  or  done  service  to  that  nation,  he  appeared  as  a  full-fledged  French 
man,  under  color  of  which   transformation   his   claims   were  advanced   by 
Saligny.     Wyke,   in  the  despatch  before  mentioned,  gives  the  history  of 
Miramon's  last  financial  operation.     When  his  government  was  at  the  point 
of  collapsing,  Jecker  &  Co.  lent  it  $750,000  in  specie,  at  5  per  centum  interest, 
as  originally  agreed  upon,  receiving  therefor  fifteen  million  dollars  in  treasury 
bonds,  an  infamous  contract  causing  discontent  throughout  the  country,  and 
which  neither  the  government  of  Juarez  nor  any  other  would  ever  recognize. 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  361;  iii.  20-1;  Lempriere's  Notes  in  Mex.,  242.  Wyke  added 
that  he  had  understood  Juarez'  government  was  disposed  to  pay  the  $750,000 
with  the  interest  due.  Mcx.,  Legis.  Mcj.  (1856,  July-Dec.);  Dublan  and  Lo- 
zano,  Leg.  J/ex.,viii.  628-9;  ArchivoMex.,  Col.  Leyes,  iii.  929-32;  Hex.,  Mem. 


opposed  the  pretension. 
He  would  have  England  and  Spain  complacently  aid  Saligny  to  rob  Mexico. 
The  Mexican  government  was  not  responsible.  Lefevre,  Hex.  et  Ulnterv. ,  260. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  claimed  that  the  affair  might  be  looked  at  from  a 
double  point  of  view,  namely,  the  private  interests  of  Jecker  and  Company, 
which  had  become  those  of  numerous  Frenchmen  and  benevolent  establish 
ments,  compromised  by  their  bankruptcy;  and  those  of  the  general  interests 
of  commerce  which  by  the  clauses  of  the  Jecker  contract  were  benefited  by 


38  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

According  to  the  records  of  the  treasury  depart 
ment  of  Mexico,  her  actual  foreign  indebtedness  to 
July  12,  1862,  would  be  $82,316,290.86.24  The  re 
fusal  of  the  Spanish  and  British  commissioners  to 
support  Saligny's  Jecker  claim  suspended  the  trans 
mission  of  the  collective  note  and  ultimata,  and  on 
the  14th  another  note  was  drawn  up,25  which  was 
conveyed  to  the  city  of  Mexico  by  Brigadier  Milans 
del  Bosch,  a  bosom  friend  of  Prim,  Commander 
Thommaset  of  the  French  navy,  and  a  British  offi 
cer,  escorted  by  Mexican  troops,  and  delivered  to  the 
government,  which  initiated  the  negotiations. 

The  mission  had  a  bad  effect  on  the  friends  of  in 
tervention,  who  feared  that  their  aspirations  for  a 
monarchy  would  be  defeated.26  Doblado  answered 
the  joint  note  on  the  23d,  inviting  its  authors  to  go  to 
Orizaba  with  a  guard  of  honor  of  2,000  men,  and 
promising  that  his  government  would  send  two  com 
missioners  to  treat  with  them.  He  also  informed 


an  important  reduction  of  custom-house  duties.   Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex., 
719-28. 

21  Due  G.  Brit.,  $69,994,542;  to  France,  even  including  principal  defrayed 
by  Jecker  to  wage  war  against  the  legitimate  government,  with  interest, 
$2,860,000;  to  Spain,  $9,460,986.  Payno,  Mex.  y  sm  Guest.  Fi.nan.,  303-6;  Id., 
Cuentas,  Gastos,  etc.,  749-56,  i.-xxxvi.;  Lefcvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  60-5; 
Id.,  Mex.  et  L'/nlerv.,  286-95,  343-9;  C6rtes,  Diario  Senado,  ii.,  no.  78,  928, 
no.  85,  44-9,  57,  63-5;  Id.,  Gong.,  i.,  ap.  5,  no.  4,  102-5,  vi.,  ap.  1,  no. 
133,  13,  14,  57,  no.  138,  44-9.  63,  no.  149,  2970,  no.  151,  3008-9;  Mtx.,  Mem. 
Hacienda,  1870,  409. 

25  Its  contents  were:  Three  great  nations  do  not  ally  themselves  merely 
to  demand  from  a  fourth  in  her  distress  satisfaction  for  grievances;  their  ob 
ject  is  to  extend  a  friendly  hand,  to  lift  without  humbling.     The  suspicion 
that  they  will  impair  independence  is  absurd.     They  come  to  see,  and  if  neces 
sary,  to  uphold  the  regeneration  of  Mexico;  to  be  present  at  her  reorgani 
zation,  without  in  any  wise  interfering  in  her  form  of  government,  or  in  her 
internal  administration.     The  republic  alone  must  decide  what  institutions 
are  most  suitable  to  its  welfare,  etc.  Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  105;  Arrangoiz,  Mej., 
iii.  21-2. 

26  They  pretended  that  monarchial  ideas  gained  ground  among  all  classes, 
and  anxiously  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  foreign  troops.   Hidalgo,  Apuntes, 
106-7.     This  author,  a  rabid  monarchist,  pretends  that  Juarez  had  been  vir 
tually  set  aside  by  Doblado,  who  was  feared  by  the  ultra  liberals,  being  sus 
pected  of  favoring  the  intervention,  and  that  Juarez  was  preparing  to  flee  to 
Zacatecas.     This  assertion  was  false.     Juarez  on  the  25th  of  January  issued 
a  stringent  decree,  countersigned  by  Doblado,  to  punish  the  nation's  offenders, 
death  being  the  penalty.    Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  628;  Arrangoiz,  Mcj.,  iii. 
23;  Dublanund  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  367-71,   'uue  loi  de  terreur.'  Niox, 
Exped.  du  Mex.,  77. 


NEGOTIATIONS.  39 

them  that  his  government  thought  it  expedient  that 
the  rest  of  the  allied  troops  should  reembark.27  This 
answer  was  conveyed  by  Zamacona,  who  accompanied 
the  allied  envoys  on  their  journey  back. 

Meantime  the  reactionary  leaders  were  tendering 
their  acceptance  of  and  services  to  the  intervention. 
About  this  time  Almonte,  Padre  Miranda,  and  Haro 
y  Tamariz  landed  in  Vera  Cruz,  under  the  special  pro 
tection  of  the  French  commissioners.  Miramon  came 
on  the  27th  of  January  upon  the  British  steamer 
Avon,  and  was  arrested  by  the  British  authorities  on 
one  of  their  frigates.28  A  little  later  he  was  ordered 
away,  and  returned  to  Habana. 

Zamacona  was  cordially  received  by  the  allied  pleni 
potentiaries;  but  the  latter  refused  to  accede  to  Do- 
blado's  request,  and  on  the  2d  of  February  signified  to 
him  the  necessity  they  were  under  of  providing  a 
healthy  locality  for  their  troops,29  and  their  intention 
of  marching,  about  the  middle  of  February,  toward 
Jalapa  arid  Orizaba,  where  they  hoped  to  meet  with 
a  cordial  reception.  After  some  further  correspond 
ence,  it  was  agreed  that  Doblado  should  meet  Prim 
on  the  18th,  which  was  done,  and  a  convention  was 

27  It  was  a  satisfaction,  he  said,  that  the  three  great  powers  were  not 
banded  to  render  fruitless  in  a  single  day  a  friendly  people's  heroic  efforts  of 
three  years.     His  government  trusted  that  the  plenipotentiaries  would  re 
turn  home  carrying  with  them  the  evidence  of  Mexico's  pacification  through 
liberty  and  progress.     As  to  the  claims,  all  just  ones  would  be  recognized. 
He  would  not  insult  the  allies  by  supposing  that  they  had  other  views  than 
those  set  forth  in  their  note.     The  object  of  asking  them  to  reembark  and 
send  away  their  armies  was  to  give  legal  validity  to  the  arrangements  that 
might  be  consummated  at  Orizaba.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  23-4;  Niox,  Exped. 
du  Mex.,  76-7. 

28  When  iu  Europe  Miramon  visited  Spain,  and  it  was  supposed  placed 
himself  in  accord  with  that  government.   U.  S.  Exec.   Doc.,  1861-2.     His 
coming  with  a  passport  under  an  assumed  name  had  been  announced.     The 
British  officials  then  gave  notice  that  they  would  have  him  arrested,  on  land 
ing,  for  his  participation  in  the  robbery  of  the  British  legation.     The  French 
representatives  objected.     Prim  exerted  himself  to  avert  a  rupture  between 
the  English  and  French.     It  was  then  arranged  that  Miramon's  arrest  should 
be  before  his  landing.  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  75;  La  Vozde  Mej.,  Sept.  6, 
1862.     Arrangoiz  claims  that  the  English  feared  Miramon's  prestige  would 
upset  Juarez  in  a  few  days.  Mfj.,  iii.  25-6.     Prim  wrote  his  government  how 
much  trouble  the  incident  caused,  and  of  his  action  to  preserve  harmony. 

29  The  Spaniards,  out  of  6,000  men,  had  now  only  4,000  in  healthy  condi 
tion.     The  French  had  400  or  500  sick.  L'amiral  au  ministre  des  affaires 
ttrangdres  (15  Fevrier),  in  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  86. 


40  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

signed  on  the  19th  of  the  same  month,  at  the  town 
of  La  Soledad,  as  a  preliminary  of  the  negotiations 
about  to  be  entered  into.  Under  its  third  article  the 
allied  forces  were  to  occupy  Cordoba,  Orizaba,  Tehua- 
can,  and  adjacent  country,  with  the  express  condition, 
stipulated  in  the  fourth,  that  in  the  event  of  a  rup 
ture  of  the  negotiations  the  allied  troops  were  to  re 
treat  forthwith  to  the  lines  in  front  of  the  Mexican 
defences  toward  Vera  Cruz,  designating  that  of  Paso 
Ancho  on  the  Cordoba  road,  and  Paso  de  Ovejas  on 
the  Jalapa  route.  Article  sixth  prescribed  that  on  the 
allied  troops  beginning  their  march  pursuant  to  article 
third,  the  Mexican  flag  was  to  be  hoisted  over  Vera 
Cruz  and  San  Juan  de  Ulua.  That  convention  was 
ratified  by  Prim's  British  and  French  colleagues  on 
the  same  day,  and  by  Juarez  on  the  23d.30 

Doblado's  diplomacy  on  that  occasion  has  been 
justly  considered  a  masterpiece.  Under  the  prelimi 
nary  convention  Juarez  was  fully  recognized,  together 
with  the  independence  and  sovereignty  of  Mexico,  as 
well  as  her  ability  to  manage  her  own  internal  affairs; 
the  London  treaty  was  to  some  extent  nullified,  at 
least  in  spirit.  The  French,  in  order  to  carry  out 
their  schemes,  had  to  ignore  every  principle  of  honor 
and  decency,  failing  to  comply  with  the  stipulation 
that  bound  them,  should  the  negotiations  be  inter 
rupted,  to  recross  the  river  Chiquihuite.  Saligny 
accused  the  Mexicans  of  repeated  violations  of  the 
convention,  but  he  was  not  overscrupulous  when  need 
ing  a  pretext  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  his  crafty 
master.  Jurien  was  simply  his  satellite. 

The  Spanish  troops  occupied  Cordoba  and  Orizaba, 
the  French  Tehuacan,  and  the  English  remained  in 
Vera  Cruz,  where  the  American  frigate  Potomac  sa 
luted  the  Mexican  flag  on  its  being  hoisted.  Doblado 
obtained  other  advantages,  but  it  was  soon  noticed 

™M4x.  Derecho  Intern.,  1st  pt,  699-705;  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  227-8; 
nxtalgp,  Apuntes,  108-10;  Niox,  Exped.  dii  Mex.,  85;  DuUan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Alex  ix  386-8;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  noa  76-9,  143; 
Chynoweth'8  Fall  of  Max.,  34  5. 


PRIM  AND  LORENCEZ.  41 

that  more  Spanish  and  French  troops  came.  On  the 
20th  Prim  wrote  his  government  that  the  reactionary 
party  was  almost  annihilated,  so  much  so  that  during 
the  two  months  the  allied  forces  had  been  in  the 
country  no  sign  of  such  a  party  had  been  visible. 
Marquez,  with  a  few  hundred  men,  it  was  true,  re 
fused  recognition  of  Juarez*  government;  but  his  at 
titude  was  not  that  of  an  assailant,  but  rather  that  of 
an  outlaw  hiding  in  the  woods,  who  would  soon  have 
to  submit.  He  added  that  the  hopes  entertained  by 
the  French  commissioners  of  a  facility  to  erect  a 
monarchy  were  fast  disappearing  from  their  minds. 
The  monarchial  element,  he  said,  was  insignificant, 
and  lacked  the  energy  and  decision  which  occasionally 
gives  the  victory  to  minorities.31  Early  in  March 
General  Corate  de  Lorencez  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz. 
Prim  then  wrote  his  government  that  Lorencez'  arri 
val,  and  the  expected  coming  of  more  French  troops, 
had  caused  great  alarm  to  the  Mexican  cabinet  and 
the  whole  liberal  party — an  alarm  which  was  aug 
mented  by  the  unreserved  assertions  in  the  French 
journals  that  the  imperial  troops  had  the  mission  of 
establishing  a  throne  in  Mexico,  and  of  placing  upon 
it  Maximilian  of  Hapsburg.  He  feared  such  a  project 
might  bring  on  differences,  not  only  between  Mexico 
and  France,  but  also  between  France  and  her  allies. 
The  coming  of  Almonte  and  his  reactionary  compan 
ions,  and  their  intention  of  occupying  quarters  in 
the  French  camp  to  prosecute  their  intrigues  under 
French  protection,  had  prompted  the  Mexican  au 
thorities  to  apprise  the  plenipotentiaries  of  their  deter 
mination  to  cause  the  capture  and  punishment  of  the 
nation's  proscribed  enemies  entering  it  with  evil  in 
tent.  He  feared  that  this  might  provoke  a  rupture 
of  existing  relations.32 

"The  monarchists  declared  Prim  to  be  in  error  as  to  the  reactionary 
strength,  as  well  as  to  the  number  of  their  partisans.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii. 
31-2. 

32Doblado's  note  of  Apr.  3d  demanded  that  Almonte  and  the  others 
should  be  sent  away  from  the  country.  The  Spanish  and  British  were  in 


42  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

On  the  9th  of  April  the  allied  commissioners  had  a 
stormy  conference  at  Orizaba,  the  French,  or  rather 
Saligny,  clearly  indicating  a  high-handed  course,  ig 
noring  the  London  convention  of  October  31,  18G1, 
as  well  as  that  of  La  Soledad  of  February  19,  1862/33 
On  the  same  day  Minister  Doblado  was  notified  that 
in  consequence  of  differences  respecting  the  construc 
tion  of  the  treaty  of  October  31st,  the  Spanish  and 
British  representatives  had  resolved  to  reembark  their 
forces;  after  which  the  French  army  would  concentrate 
at  Paso  Ancho,  probably  by  April  20th,  and  forthwith 
undertake  operations.  Doblado,  in  his  reply  of  April 
llth,  found  unjustifiable  the  course  of  the  French, 
and  energetically  expressed  the  determination  of  Mex 
ico  to  defend  herself  to  the  last  extremity,  repelling 
force  with  force,  and  freely  spilling  her  blood  for  the 
two  great  blessings  achieved  during  the  century, 
independence  and  reform.  Commending  the  action 
of  the  Spanish  and  English  representatives,  he  sig 
nified  the  .readiness  of  his  government  to  conclude- 
treaties  with  them  for  the  settlement  of  all  pending 
questions.3*  General  Prim  would  not  tarry  in  Mexico 
long  enough  to  conclude  a  treaty;  but  one  was  en 
tered  into  by  Doblado  with  Wyke  and  Dunlop,  and 
ratified  by  Juarez,  intended  to  settle  the  disputes  with 
England,  but  it  was  more  oppressive  than  the  one 
made  by  Zamacona  which  the  congress  rejected/ 


35 


favor  of  acceding.  The  French  thought  otherwise,  answering  that  Almonte 
was  engaged  by  the  emperor  on  a  mission  of  peace.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej., 
xvi.  110-12. 

33  A  copy  of  the  minutes  of  this  conference  maybe  seen  in  Arrangoiz, 
Mej.,  iii.  40-58;  Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  125-34.     Niox.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  122-6, 
135-6,  has  a  synopsis.     See  also  Lef&vre,  Mex.  et  L'Interv.,  424;  Id.,  Doc. 
Maximiliano,  i.  199-207. 

34  The  above  proposal  was  made  known  to  the  French,  who  declined  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  same  privilege.     Doblado,  in  a  private  letter  to  Prim, 
urged  him  to  accept  his  official  offer,  in  which  case  he  would  visit  Orizaba  and 
meet  him  and  his  English  colleagues.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.   61-5;  Lefevre, 
Doc.   Maximiliano,  i.  220-7;  Dublan  and   Lozano,  Leg.  Hex.,  ix.  429-30; 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Hex.,  146-52;  Manero,  Rd.,  MS.,  1. 

30  To  obtain  the  money  for  immediate  payments,  Mexico  made  a  treaty 
with  the  U.  S.,  which  was  to  lend  eleven  million  dollars;  a  treaty  that  satis 
fied  the  British  plenipotentiaries,  but  which  their  government  used  as  a  pre 
text  for  refusing  to  ratify  their  action.  Romero,  Hist.  Intrig.  Europ. ,  242. 


ENGLAND  AND  SPAIN  RECEDE.  43 

Doblado  had  expected  no  such  solution  of  the  diffi 
culties.  His  plan  had  been  to  dally  with  the  plenipoten 
tiaries  till  the  season  of  heat  came  with  its  heavy  rains 
and  yellow  fever  to  play  havoc  with  the  allied  troops. 
In  the  mean  time  his  government  might  make  prep 
aration;  it  might  secure  the  intervention,  or  at  least 
the  mediation,  of  the  United  States,  which  the  allies 
would  deem  it  the  part  of  prudence  to  heed;  as,  ac 
cording  to  news  from  Washington,  the  government 
was  on  the  point  of  triumphing  over  the  southern 
states  in  rebellion. 

The  French  plenipotentiaries  tendered  their  ships 
to  convey  the  Spanish  troops  to  Cuba,  which  Prim 
courteously  declined;  and  on  the  22d  of  April  re- 
embarked  them  on  British  ships  for  Habana,  to 
which  port  he  proceeded  on  the  Spanish  war  steamer 
Ulloa.  He  remained  there  a  few  days,  and  returned 
to  Spain  by  way  of  the  United  States.  The  Spanish 
government,  which  had  disapproved  in  detail  what 
Prim  had  done,  was  pleased  with  his  conduct  in  retir 
ing  from  Mexico,  and  so  declared  in  the  senate  and 
congress  of  deputies,  recognizing  that  he  had  faith 
fully  construed  the  policy  and  instructions  of  his  gov 
ernment.36  The  British  government  also  approved 
the  rupture.  The  last  instructions  of  the  French 
cabinet  brought  out  by  the  comte  de  Lorencez  and 
the  increase  of  imperial  forces  in  Mexico,  together 
with  the  open  encouragement  given  to  the  conserva 
tive  and  monarchial  element,  clearly  showed  its  deter 
mination  to  demand  serious  and  lasting  guarantees 
from  Mexico,  and  to  root  out  from  her  soil  republi- 

86  The  subject  was  warmly  debated  in  both  houses  of  the  Spanish  c6rtes, 
with  the  result  above  stated,  and  with  Prim's  government  assuming  the  re 
sponsibility  for  his  course.  Cortes,  Diarlo  Congreso,  ii.,  no.  32,  475-G;  iv.,  no. 
94,  1805;  no.  95,  1883;  no.  98,  1942-56;  no.  104,  206(5-7;  v.,  no.  120,  23SO; 
no.  121,  2402;  vi.,  no.  138,  101-5;  no.  140,  2801;  no.  141,  2805-7;  no.  142, 
2827-35;  no.  143,  2855-7;  Id.,  Diario  Senado,  ii.,  no.  70,  878;  no.  81,  956; 
no.  85,  991-2;  ap.,  no.  85,  101-5;  no.  95,  1123.  The  queeu  also  manifested 
her  pleasure.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  84-5;  Doc.  Diplom.  Gob.  Esp.  Sen.,  1-262; 
Prim,  Discurso  Sen.  Esp.,  1-26.  The  Mexican  nation,  through  its  congress, 
thanked  the  Spanish  and  British  commissioners  for  their  friendly  course. 
£uenrostro,  Hist.  Leg.  Cong.  Constitue.,  ii.  102. 


44  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

canism,  which  Napoleon  and  his  sycophants  called 
anarchy.  The  French  plenipotentiaries  so  understood 
it,  and  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  predetermined 
measure.  On  the  16th  of  April  they  issued  a  procla 
mation  at  Cordoba,  calling  on  all  Mexicans  friendly 
to  the  intervention  to  join  their  standard,  disclaiming 
any  intent  to  wage  war  on  the  Mexicans  as  a  nation, 
and  declaring  it  a  piece  of  absurdity  to  believe  that 
the  government,  born  of  popular  suffrage,  of  one  of 
the  most  liberal  nations  in  Europe,  could  ever  pretend 
to  establish  among  a  foreign  people  old  abuses  and 
institutions  incompatible  with  the  present  age.  They 
appealed  to  Mexicans  to  be  the  instruments  of  their 
own  salvation;  they  wanted  justice  for  all,  and  that 
without  the  necessity  of  imposing  it  by  arms.  And 
yet,  while  trying  to  make  the  Mexicans  believe  they 
had  their  future  destiny  in  their  own  hands,  the  pleni 
potentiaries  reminded  them  of  the  presence  of  the 
French  flag  firmly  planted  in  Mexico,  never  to  recede, 
and  woe  betide  those  who  might  attempt  to  assail  it.37 
The  next  day  appeared  Almonte's  manifesto  calling 
on  his  countrymen  to  have  faith  in  French  assur 
ances,  and  to  unite  their  efforts  with  his  to  secure 
what  he  deemed  a  proper  government.38 

On  the  21st  of  March  the  reactionary  leader  An 
tonio  Taboada  came  to  the  French  camp  at  Tehua- 
can,  reporting  his  escape  from  a  republican  cavalry 
force,  and  that  General  Manuel  Robles  Pezuela,  who 
had  left  the  capital  with  him,  was  a  prisoner,  and 

87 '  Tienen  en  sus  manos  la  suerte  de  Mexico;  el  pabellon  francos  se  ha 
plantado  en  el  suelo  mejicano;  este  pabellon  no  retrocedera.  Que  los  hombres 
de  juicio  lo  acojan  como  un  pabellon  arnigo;  que  los  insensatos  se  atrevan  a 
atacarlo.'  Le  Trait  cf  Union,  ap.  21-24,  1862;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  64-G; 
Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  101-32;  Romero,  Hist.  Intrig.  Europ.,  150-5,  160-5; 
Chynoweth's  Fall  of  Max.,  37-8.  Arrangoiz  quietly  remarks  on  the  particu 
lar  harmony  existing  between  the  last  phrases,  and  the  subsequent  departure 
of  the  French  troops  from  Mexican  soil,  '  de  doude  no  habia  de  retroceder 
el  pabellon  f ranee's.' 

88  '  Un  gobierno  tal  como  conviene  a  nuestra  fndole,  necesidades  y  creenciaa 
religiosas.'  Buenroatro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  331-2;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii. 
68. 


THE  WAR  BEGINS.  45 

would  be  shot.  The  fact  was,  that  Robles  had  vio 
lated  his  pledged  word  to  the  government,  and  ac 
companied  Taboada  on  his  journey  to  the  allied 
quarters.  He  was  tried,  convicted  of  treason,  and 
shot  on  the  23d  of  March,  at  San  Andres  Chalchi- 
comula.39 

There  is  a  place  known  as  Escamela,  close  to  a 
ravine,  the  edge  of  which  is  called  El  Fortin.  The 
French  rear  arrived  at  this  latter  place,  which  was 
covered  by  two  small  squadrons  of  horse,  belonging 
to  Porfirio  Diaz'  brigade  stationed  at  Escamela.  In 
this  position  200  French  cavalry  and  as  many  zouaves 
charged  upon  an  advanced  Mexican  force,*0  which 
gallantly  bore  the  brunt,  three  fourths  of  their  num 
ber  being  killed  or  wounded.  This  was  the  first 
French  victory  of  the  war,  and  occurred  before  Prim's 
departure.  On  Diaz  apprising  Zaragoza  at  Orizaba 
of  the  occurrence,  neither  he  nor  Prim  felt  disposed 
to  give  it  credence.  However,  Zaragoza  repaired  to 
Escamela,  and  soon  convinced  himself.  A  squadron 
of  Oajaca  lancers  kept  hindering  the  enemy's  march, 
and  a  heavy  guard  covered  the  road  leading  to  the 
Escamela  plain.  Diaz  took  personal  command  of 
this  guard  to  protect  the  entrance  to  the  plain,  while 
Zaragoza  with  the  brigade  and  train  countermarched 
to  Orizaba,  where  Diaz  soon  rejoined  him.  Together 
they  continued  the  march  to  El  Ingenio,  where  they 
passed  the  night.  Meanwhile  the  French  repossessed 
themselves  of  Orizaba,  which  they  had  evacuated 
some  days  before,  in  pursuance  of  the  terms  of  the 
Soledad  convention.41  The  reason  alleged  for  this 

89  Robles  had  accepted  Juarez'  amnesty,  and  was  living  undisturbed  at 
Guanajuato,  under  Governor  Doblado's  protection.  Upon  Doblado  being  ap 
pointed  chief  of  the  cabinet,  Robles  was  allowed  to  go  to  Mexico  on  condi 
tion  of  keeping  quiet.  But  he  opened  correspondence  with  Almonte  and 
Miranda,  and  being  detected,  was  ordered  to  go  on  his  parole  to  live  in  Spm- 
brerete,  Zacatecas.  Instead  of  journeying  to  the  north,  he  attempted  to  join 
the  foreign  invaders.  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  206.  He  left  a  recom 
mendation  to  his  countrymen  to  accept  the  foreign  aid  to  establish  a  good, 
orderly  government. 

40  Said  to  be  only  of  40  men.  Diaz,  Biorj.,  29. 

"They  were  to  commit  no  act  of  hostility  till  they  had  passed  'las  cum- 
bres  de  Atoyac  y  Chiquihuite. '  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  155. 


46  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

violation  of  the  treaty  was,  that  a  letter  had  been  re 
ceived  from  Zaragoza  indicating  that  the  safety  of 
some  400  sick  French  soldiers  in  that  town  was  en 
dangered,  which  was  purely  subterfuge.*2 

Almonte  sent  emissaries  into  the  interior  to  under 
mine  the  loyalty  of  the  troops  and  circulate  revolu 
tionary  plans,  and  had  himself  proclaimed  president 
by  Taboada  and  others  at  a  pronunciamiento  in  C6r- 
doba.43  Orizaba  seconded  the  movement  the  next 
day;  and  then  Almonte,  who  had  accepted  the  role 
assigned  him,  his  ministers  Colonel  Gonzalez,  Manuel 
Castellanos,and  Desiderio  Samaniego,  Padre  Miranda, 
and  Haro  y  Tamariz,  repaired  to  that  city.  The  plan 
was  also  adopted  by  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  by 
Alvarado,  Isla  del  Carmen,  and  other  places.44  On 
the  27th,  by  order  of  Almonte  and  Lorencez,  Taboada 
left  Cordoba  for  Orizaba  with  300  Mexican  cavalry, 
and  the  next  day  the  French  division,  6,000  strong, 
started  on  its  march  to  Puebla.  On  the  summit  of 
Acultzingo  was  posted  a  republican  force  of  2,000 
men,  according  to  a  liberal  authority,  or  of  4,000,  as 

42  Zaragoza  wrote  Lorencez  that  the  French  sick  in  the  hospitals  of  Ori 
zaba  were  under  Mexican  protection,  and  therefore  needed  no  French  guard. 
He  discovered  afterward  that  he  had  erroneously  taken  for  a  guard  a  number 
of  convalescents,  who  were  going  with  their  arms  from  one  hospital  to 
another,  and  wrote  again  to  correct  his  error,  assuring  Lorencez  that  the  best 
care  would  be  bestowed  on  his  men.  Diario  Debates  3  Cong.,  ii.  37;  Diaz, 
Porfirio,  Blog.,  29;  Buenro*tro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  329-31.  The 
French  general  answered  him  in  a  friendly  manner,  all  the  while  resolved  to 
reoccupy  Orizaba,  on  the  plea,  as  he  wrote  the  plenipotentiaries,  that  three 
of  his  soldiers  had  been  killed  in  the  environs  of  the  French  camp.  Niox, 
Exp6d.  duMex.,  137-40;  Arrangoiz,  Mtj.,  iii.  C9. 

43Theacta,  dated  April  19th,  contained  four  articles.  The  first  denied 
the  authority  of  Juarez;  the  second  recognized  Almonte  as  supreme  chief 
of  the  republic  and  of  the  forces  supporting  it;  the  third  authorized  him  to 
arrange  with  the  French  officials  for  convoking  an  assembly  to  establish  a 
government;  the  fourth  expressed  full  trust  in  Almonte,  whose  services  they  de 
clared  most  urgent.  Id.,  iii.  69-70;  Le  Trait  d' Union,  Apr.  30,  1862;  M6x.t 
Mem.  Hacienda,  1870,  543;  La  Vozde  Mej.,  June  10,  1862;  Niox,  Exptd.  da 
Mex.,  132-5;  Lef£vre,  Mex.  et  Ulnterv.,  449.  That  acta  showed  the  signatures 
of  the  prominent  residents,  among  them  those  of  a  number  of  Spaniards  and 
others,  who  afterward  publicly  made  known  that  their  signatures  had  been 
appended  thereto  without  their  knowledge.  Their  letters  were  given  to  the 
public  in  El  Siglo  XIX.,  and  may  also  be  seen  in  Lefdvre,  Doc.  Alaximiliano, 
i.  233-5,  and  LefSvre,  Mex.  et  L'Interv. ,  452. 

44  Manuel  M.  Serrano  was  made  governor  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Woll  coman- 
dante  general.  Marin  became  comaudante  general  of  Isla  del  Carmen. 


CINCO  DE  MAYO.  47 

asserted  by  an  interventionist,  to  prevent  the  passage 
of  the  French,  who  defeated  that  purpose,  the  Mexi 
cans  retreating  to  Ixtapa.  On  the  2d  of  May  the 
French  army  and  the  troops  under  Taboada  reached 
Amozoc,  and  on  the  4th  pitched  their  camp  in  sight 
of  Puebla,  Lorencez  resolving  to  assail  the  city  on 
the  next  day.45 

The  Mexican  army  had  continued  its  retreat  by 
way  of  Palmar,  Acatzingo,  and  Tepeaca  to  Puebla, 
where  it  arrived  on  the  3d  of  May.46  On  the  4th 
Arteaga's  division,  now  under  command  of  General 
Negrete — its  own  commander  being  incapacitated  for 
active  service  by  a  wound — occupied  the  Guadalupe 
and  Loreto  forts.  The  other  forces  took  up  quarters 
in  the  city,  while  the  French  passed  the  night  in 
Amozoc. 

*  At  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  ever-memorable 
5th  of  May,  the  Oajaca  division,  temporarily  com 
manded  by  Porfirio  Diaz,  was  stationed  at  the  end  of 
the  street  leading  to  Azcdrate's  brick-kiln,  on  the 
Amozoc  road.  The  San  Luis  brigade  wras  placed  on 
the  left  of  that  division,  excepting  its  corps  of  mounted 
carbineers,  which  was  on  the  right  in  the  rear  of  the 
brick-kiln.  On  the  left  of  the  Remedies  chapel,  and 
between  it  and  the  Guadalupe  fort,  the  Toluca  bri 
gade  under  Berriozdbal  took  its  position.  The  squadron 
of  lancers  of  this  brigade  joined  the  cavalry  at  the 
brick-kiln,  under  Colonel  Alvarez.  General  Escobedo 
remained  within  the  city  in  command  of  Tapia's  brig 
ade,  whose  commander  had  been  appointed  governor 
of  the  state.  In  front  of  the  line  formed  by  the 
Oajaca  division  and  the  Toluca  and  San  Luis  brigades 

45  We  are  told  that  Almonte  and  Haro  ad  is  d  the  French  general  to  at 
tack  an  orchard  of  the  convento  del  Carmen,  opposite  the  fortified  heights  of 
Guadalupe  and  Loreto,  which  was  not  done.     They  had  previously  expressed 
the  opinion  that  Lorencez  should  let  Puebla  alone  and  march  on  Mexico, 
which  he  would  find  defenceless.     They  thought  that  much  bloodshed  and 
loss  of  time  would  thereby  be  saved.  Arrangoiz,   Mej.,  iii.   71;  Hidalgo, 
Apunt.,  147. 

46  While  those  movements  were  going  on,  the  reactionists,  under  Marquez, 
Benavides,  Cobos,  and  others,  were  marauding  in  the  district  of  Atlixco. 


48 


FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 


was  placed  a  field-battery;  and  400  steps  in  the  van 
was  stationed  the  San  Luis  battalion  of  riflemen. 
The  rest  of  the  artillery  was  in  the  Guadalupe  and 
Loreto  forts,  and  in  the  city.  This  arm  was  in  charge 
of  Rodriguez. 

Soon  after  the  Mexican  forces  had  taken  up  their 
positions  the  enemy's  division  advanced,  and  when 


CINCO  DE  MAYO  BATTLE-GROUND. 


Explanation:  heavy  lines  represent  Mexican  forces;  light  lines,  French; 
A,  1st  position  of  both  armies;  B,  2d  position;  C,  3d  position;  D,  final  posi 
tion  of  French. 

opposite  the  Guadalupe  fort  halted  and  planted  its 
batteries  to  play  upon  it  and  the  Loreto.  After  a 
brisk  cannonade  of  two  hours,  a  strong  column,  pre 
ceded  by  sharp-shooters,  advanced  upon  Guadalupe  by 
the  northern  side.  Berriozd,bal  was  then  ordered  to 
reenforce  the  two  hills.47  A  portion  of  the  cavalry 

4T  With  the  infantry  of  his  brigade  and  the  Reforma  battalion.   Diaz, 


REPULSE  OF  THE  FRENCH.  49 

was  divided  into  two  bodies,  one  of  whi^h  was  placed 
under  Colonel  Alvarez,  and  the  other  under  Colonel 
Trujano;  the  rest  of  that  arm  Colonel  Felix  Diaz 
commanded.  % 

The  French  in  their  ascent  experienced  little  oppo 
sition  and  but  few  casualties  from  the  fort's  guns, 
owing  to  the  undulations  of  the  ground.  They  had 
accomplished  more  than  one  half  the  ascent,  when 
they  were  met  by  two  battalions  of  Mexican  infantry, 
which,  after  an  exchange  of  shots  with  the  enemy's 
sharp-shooters,  returned  to  their  position.  The  assail 
ants  continued  the  ascent,  while  the  Mexican  cavalry, 
under  cover  of  a  maguey -field,  remained  still;  the 
infantry,  equally  protected,  keeping  up  a  brisk  fire. 
The  ascending  column  had  by  this  time  turned  diag 
onally  toward  the  right,  as  if  to  go  up  between  the 
Guadalupe  and  Loreto.  The  two  forts  then  opened 
fire  to  some  advantage.  The  French  now  found  them 
selves  assailed  from  all  quarters  by  infantry  and 
cavalry,  and  compelled  to  retreat  hurriedly  and  in 
disorder,48  pursued  some  distance  by  the  cavalry  and 
infantry.  But  the  pursuit  was  discontinued  on  the 
approach  of  another  French  column  to  the  support  of 
the  defeated. 

The  two  columns  now  pushed  on  together  toward 
the  Guadalupe  and  Resurreccion  chapel,  to  protect 
which  positions  they  were  duly  reenforced.  The  sec 
ond  attack  on  the  east  and  north  sides  was  made  in 
three  bodies,  and  it  was  much  more  vigorous  than 
the  first.  The  two  which  attempted  an  assault  on 
the  north  side  were  completely  routed,  and  the  third 
reached  the  east  side  just  as  the  others  were  repulsed, 
and  fared  alike.49  The  cavalry  then  charged  upon 
ohe  discomfited  assailants,  .and  prevented  their  reor 
ganizing  for  further  attempt. 

48  The  battalions  3d  of  Toluca,  Fijo  de  Vera  Cruz,  Zacapoaxtla,  and  Te- 
tela,  and  Alvarez'  cavalry,  took  part  in  the  action. 

49  Zaragoza,  in  his  official  despatch  to  the  war  department,  says,  '  Tres  car- 
gas  bruscas  ejecutaron  los  franceses,  y  en  las  tres  fueron  rechazados  con  valor 
y  dignidad.'  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,  37-9;  Zaragoza,  Defensa  de  Puebla,   1-16^ 

HIST.  HJSX..  VOL.  VI. '  4 


5Q  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

During  the  heat  of  the  fight  on  the  hill,  a  no  less 
severe  struggle  took  place  upon  the  plain  on  the 
right  forming  Zaragoza's  front.  General  Diaz,  with 
portions  of  his  brigade  and  other  troops,  and  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  checked  and  drove  away  the  French 
column  which  was  marching  against  the  Mexican 
positions.  This  column,  like  those  repulsed  from  the 
Guadalupe,  retreated  to  the  hacienda  San  Jose  Ren- 
term,  where  preparations  were  made  for  defence.50 

The  two  armies  faced  each  other  till  7  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  when  the  French  returned  to  their  camp 
at  Los  Alamos,  and  thence  back  to  Orizaba  on  the 
8th,51  there  to  await  reinforcements  which  were  on 
the  way  from  France. 

This  success  filled  the  government  and  its  supporters 
with  high  hopes.  Zaragoza  received  the  thanks  of 
congress,  and  afterward  his  delighted  countrymen  pre 
sented  him  a  sword.  Honors  and  rewards  were  de 
creed  to  the  officers  and  men  who  took  part  in  the 
action.  Berriozabal,  Negrete,  Diaz,  and  the  rest,  for 
their  gallant  conduct,  received  their  meed  of  praise.52 

Zaragoza  sent  the  government  the  medals  and  deco 
rations  found  on  the  battle-field,  as  well  as  those  taken 
from  the  prisoners;  but  Juarez  returned  them  and 
liberated  the  prisoners,  sending  to  the  French  lines 
the  well  ones  first,  and  the  sick  and  wounded  after 

Perez,  Dice.  Geog.,\\.  536-43;  Manero,  ReL,  MS.,  1;  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS., 
155-78;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  338-46,  364. 

50  Zaragoza  added  that  owing  to  the  absence  of  0 'Koran's  and  Carbajal 'a 
brigades  sent  against  the  reactionists  at  Atlixco  and  Matamoros,  his  force 
was  smaller  than  the  enemy's,  for  which  reason  he  had  not  attempted  to  at 
tack.  Gen.  Diaz  followed  the  retreating  enemy  until  recalled. 

5lNiox,  Expend,  du  M6x.,  153-67,  gives  the  French  account  of  the  mili 
tary  operations,  setting  the  French  loss  at  476  men,  of  whom  345  were  sick 
and  wounded;  and  that  only  two  sound  men  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
Zaragoza  in  his  report  of  the*9th  says  that  though  he  could  not  give  the  exact 
number  of  the  French  casualties,  they  exceeded  1,000  killed  and  wounded, 
and  8  or  10  prisoners.  Niox  states  the  Mexican  loss  to  have  been  83  killed, 
132  wounded,  and  12  missing.  The  Mexican  report  gives  87  killed,  152 
wounded,  and  12  missing. 

52 The  particulars  may  be  found  in  Diaz,  MS.;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  ix.  443,  458-9,  561-2;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Prim,  y  Seg.  Cong.,  366; 
Idem.,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  ii.  112,  127-9,  135-6,  306;  La  VozdeMej., 
June  21  to  Sept.  6,  1862,  passim;  Baz,  Vida  de  Jtiarez,  238-40;  fiivera,  Gob. 
..  ii.  630-1;  Mtx.y  Diario  Ofic.,  May  5,  1870. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  51 

their  recovery,  all  provided  with  money  for  the  jour 
ney.  The  wounded  were  kindly  cared  for,  as  they 
themselves  acknowledged.53 

Almonte  and  Saligny  were  not  wholly  free  from 
disagreements,  and  Lorencez  endeavored  to  reconcile 
them — a  difficult  matter,  especially  as  Saligny  and 
Lorencez  were  not  the  best  of  friends.  The  French 
attributed  their  defeat  to  the  non-fulfilment  of  prom 
ises  on  the  part  of  the  reactionists,  numbers  of  whom 
had  remained  neutral  or  undecided,  while  others  had 
rallied  round  Juarez.  In  Guadalajara,  the  third  city 
of  the  republic,  the  clergy  had  come  out  against 
Almonte's  plan.  The  intervention  could  rely  only  on 
scattered  bands,  like  those  of  Mejia  and  Lozada,  and 
on  the  cooperation  of  Marquez,  a  man  of  some  mili 
tary  ability,  but  belonging  to  the  extreme  reaction 
ary  wing,  and  justly  accused  of  sanguinary  instincts.54 

Most  of  the  conservative  leaders  had  indeed  kept 
themselves  in  the  background  on  seeing  the  course  of 
the  Spanish  and  French  diplomatic  agents,  and  the 
treatment  Miramon  had  received.  However,  the 
manifestoes  of  the  French  authorities,  and  of  Almonte, 
reassured  the  wavering  chiefs,  and  they  soon  began  to 
join  the  latter  with  their  forces,  not  giving  any  im 
portance  to  the  mishap  the  French  experienced  on 
on  the  5th  of  May.55  The  guardian  of  the  diocese  of 
Puebla  declared  that  as  the  French  were  the  allies  of 
the  clergy,  all  who  opposed  them  were  ipso  facto  ex 
communicated,  and  their  confessions  would  not  avail 
them.  He  accordingly  prohibited  spiritual  ministra 
tions  to  the  wounded  liberal  soldiers.56 


™Lef£vre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  243-8,  268-72;  Pacheco,  Cartas  (to 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys),  in  LaEstrella.de  Occid.,  May  8,  1863;  Ortega,  Parte  Oen.t 
133-8. 

54 The  above  facts  are  corroborated  by  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  78;  Niox, 
Exped.  duMex.,  181,  190-1. 

55  This  appears  in  the  correspondence  of  Marquez  and  Mejia  with  Almonte. 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  72-8. 

56  So  it  was  said  to  the  father-almoner  of  the  liberal  forces.     The  corre 
spondence  appears  in  LejSvre,  Doc.  Maximilianot  i.  245-6. 


52  FOREIGN  INTERVENTION 

The  conservative  general  Lopez  on  the  8th  of  May 
visited  Almonte  to  tell  him  that  Zuloaga,  finding  his 
presidential  claims  ignored,  was  endeavoring  to  pre 
vent  his,  Almonte's,  recognition  by  the  reactionary 
forces.  The  latter  recognized  Almonte,  however,  and 
under  Marquez  and  Vicario,  started  to  join  him  at 
Orizaba.  Marquez  on  the  18th  reported  his  force  at 
Barranca  Seca  kept  in  check  by  the  republicans. 
The  latter  under  Tapia  were  signally  defeated  by 
the  reactionists,  aided  by  a  battalion  of  the  French 
99th  under  Major  Lefdvre,  after  which  the  victorb 
entered  Orizaba.  This  defeat  was  soon  followed  by 
another  of  one  of  the  brigades  under  Gonzalez  Ortega, 
surprised  in  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  June  on  the 
Cerro  del  Borrego  by  the  French.57  After  which 
Gonzalez  Ortega  retreated  to  Santa  Maria,  Zaragoza 
having  failed  in  an  attack  on  Orizaba,  made  in  igno 
rance  of  the  affair  on  the  Borrego,  abandoned  the 
heights  of  Acultzingo,  and  went  off  to  El  Ingenio. 
The  Mexican  army  still  had  12,000  men. 

The  government  continued  its  efforts  as  best  it 
could  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the  war.  Among 
its  measures  was  the  appointment  of  Ex-president 
Comonfort,  who  had  been  in  the  country  by  permis 
sion  several  months,  comandante  general  of  Tamauli- 
pas.  Vidaurri's  attitude,  being  suspicious,  required 
close  watching.  The  president  demanded  the  con 
tingent  of  troops  and  a  personal  tax  from  the  states. 
He  went  to  reside  at  Tacubaya,  and  accepted,  on  the 
13th  of  August,  the  resignation  of  Doblado,  which 
caused  general  surprise,  for  Doblado  was  regarded  as 
having  defeated  the  European  intrigue.  He  had  con 
trolled  public  affairs  during  eight  months  with  un 
limited  powers,  as  Juarez'  minister-general,  though 
some  of  his  acts  had  met  with  public  disapproval.53 

67  Capt.  Detrie  did  it  with  his  company  of  the  99th.  The  Mexicans  had 
250  killed  and  wounded,  and  lost  200  prisoners  and  three  howitzers.  Detrie 
was  promoted.  Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iii.  80. 

58 He  had  opened  relations  in  April  and  May,  first  with  Marquez  and  next 
with  Jos6  M.  Cobos — the  latter  had  superseded  Marquez  as  chief  commander 


POLICY  OF  JUAREZ.  53 

Juan  Antonio  cle  la  Fuente,  an  enlightened,  true- 
hearted  patriot,  and  the  author  of  the  law  on  religious 
toleration,  became  Doblado's  successor  on  the  25th  of 
August.59 

Meanwhile  Juarez  was  busily  occupied  in  removing 
obstacles  to  the  execution  of  financial  measures  in  the 
several  states.  At  this  moment,  while  his  country 
was  so  insulted  and  maligned  by  Europeans,  he  en 
deavored  to  refute  their  lies  by  extending  to  foreign 
ers  the  most  considerate  protection.  The  Mexican 
people,  amidst  these  stirring  events,  quietly  elected 
members  to  the  third  constitutional  congress. 

of  the  conservative  forces  by  Zuloaga's  orders — to  prevail  on  them  to  aid  in 
the  national  defence,  and  even  offered  to  have  an  interview  at  Tetela  with 
Cobos.  He  did  not  go,  however,  but  sent  two  agents  with  certain  proposals. 
The  articles  hostile  to  the  church  in  the  constitution  of  1857  were  the 
obstacle  to  the  conservatives  abandoning  their  hostile  attitude.  Cobos,  in 
his  manifesto  from  St  Thomas  of  July  20,  1862,  said  that  the  agents  assured 
him,  in  Doblado's  name,  that  a  movement  was  being  arranged  to  do  away 
with  Juarez  and  the  constitution  of  1857,  the  nullification  of  the  red  party 
being  the  only  means  to  end  the  internecine  war;  then  to  call  the  people  to 
new  elections,  a  provisional  statute  ruling  meanwhile.  Juarez  out  of  the  way, 
there  would  be  no  foreign  war,  and  Almonte's  treasonable  plans  would  be  de 
feated.  Nothing  came  of  the  negotiations,  because  of  the  liberal  victory  of 
May  5th.  Zuloaga  and  Cobos  obtained  from  Almonte  a  safe-conduct  and  left 
the  country.  Zuloaga  issued  in  Habana  a  manifesto  explaining  his  conduct 
since  the  landing  of  the  allies.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  213-19,  227-9; 
JBuloaga,  Manif...d  la  Rep.  (Me"x.,  1862),  1-16.  Another  version  is,  that 
Juarez  was  jealous  of  Doblado,  and  had  called  him  to  his  cabinet  'con  la 
maligna  intencion  de  nulificarlo;'  that  Doblado,  after  a  conference  with 
Zaragoza  at  Amozoc,  went  back  to  Mexico  and  asked  Juarez  to  remove  him 
from  the  command,  which  the  president  refused  to  do,  whereupon  Doblado 
resigned.  But  in  order  that  there  should  be  no  bad  impression  in  the  public 
mind,  he  asked  for  another  office,  and  a  month  later  was  made  general-in- 
chief  of  the  army  of  the  interior.  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  214-16. 
69 Rivera,  Gob.  de  Hex.,  ii.  632. 


CHAPTER  III. 

FRENCH    OCCUPATION". 

1862-1863. 

NAPOLEON'S  INSTRUCTIONS — ARRIVAL  or  FOREY'S  ARMY — ZARAGOZA'S  DEATH 
— FOREY'S  FIRST  MOVEMENTS — His  NEGLECT  OF  THE  CONSERVATIVES— 
THEIR  SUBSERVIENCY — MARCH  ON  PUEBLA — INDECENT  DEVICES — GEN- 
ERAL  CONDITION  OF  MEXICO— BOMBARDMENT  OF  ACAPULCO — SIEGE  OF 
PUEBLA — FOREY  OFFERS  HONORABLE  TERMS — THEY  ARE  NOT  AC 
CEPTED — UNCONDITIONAL  SURRENDER — TREATMENT  OF  MEXICAN  PRIS 
ONERS —  AFFAIRS  AT  THE  CAPITAL  —  FLIGHT  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  — 
JUAREZ  AT  SAN  Luis  POTOSI — THE  FRENCH  OCCUPY  MEXICO — INITIA 
TORY  POLICY. 

NAPOLEON  and  his  cabinet  approved  the  action  of 
Saligny  and  his  colleague;  but  in  the  chamber  of  dep 
uties  the  republicans,  orleanists,  and  legitimists  jointly 
opposed  the  course  of  the  imperial  government  in 
Mexico,1  and  found  fault  with  Almonte  for  calling 
himself  supreme  chief  and  trying  to  establish  a  gov 
ernment.  The  news  of  the  disaster  of  May  5th 
reached  them  on  the  16th  of  June.  Imprecations 
were  heard  everywhere  against  the  Spanish  govern 
ment,  Prim,  and  the  Mexicans  who  had  induced  Na 
poleon  to  send  out  the  expedition.  After  that  the 
diplomatic  functions  were  left  in  Saligny 's  hands. 
Napoleon  wrote  Lorencez  not  to  be  discouraged  on 
account  of  the  reverse  at  Puebla.  He  approved  the 
protection  afforded  Almonte  and  other  Mexicans  who 
had  sought  it.  He  did  not  wish  to  force  any  form  of 
government  upon  Mexico,  desiring  only  her  prosper 
ity  and  independence  in  her  relations  with  Europe. 

1Among  the  prominent  speakers  were  Jules  Favre,  Thiers,  and  Berryer. 

(64) 


NAPOLEON'S  VIEWS.  65 

He  approved  Lorencez'  conduct,  though  misunder 
stood  by  some.2  Nevertheless,  on  deciding  to  de 
spatch  more  forces,  General  Forey  was  appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief,  with  powers  as  plenipotentiary;  and 
the  emperor  wrote  him,  on  the  3d  of  July,  giving 
his  views  as  to  the  policy  he  was  to  pursue  in  Mex 
ico.3  The  expeditionary  corps  placed  under  Forey's 
command  was  to  consist  of  about  30,000  men.4  Por- 

2  '  J'ai  approuv^  votre  conduite,  quoiqu'elle  ne  semble  pas  avoir  dte  com 
prise  de  tout  le  monde.'  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  199. 

3  First,  on  arrival,  issue  a  proclamation,  the  chief  points  of  which  would 
be  suggested  to  him;  2d,  to  receive  with  the  utmost  kindness  all  Mexicans 
joining  him;  3d,  not  to  support  the  quarrels  of  any  party — to  declare  that  all 
is  provisional  till  the  Mexican  people  have  spoken  for  themselves — to  show  a 
great  deference  for  religion,  but  at  the  same  time  quieting  the  mind  of  the 
possessors  of  national  property;  4th,  to  feed,  pay,  and  arm,  according  to  his 
means,    the  Mexican  auxiliary  troops,  allowing  them  the  most  prominent 
places  in  battles;  5th,  to  maintain  the  strictest  discipline  in  both  the  French 
and  auxiliary  forces,  repressing  vigorously  any  word  or  deed  that  might 
wound  the  Mexicans,  it  being  necessary  not  to  forget  the  fierceness  of  their 
character.     On  arriving  in  Mexico  he  was  to  summon  the  prominent  men  of 
all  political  shades  who  had  joined  him  to  form  a  provisional  government, 
which  would  submit  to  the  Mexican  people  the  question  of  the  political  sys 
tem  that  was  to  be  definitively  established ;  after  which  an  assembly  should 
be  convoked  according  to  Mexican  laws.     He  was  to  aid  the  new  government 
to   secure  regularity  in  the  administration,   specially  of  the  treasury,    for 
which  competent  men  would  be  placed  with  them;  not  to  force  upon  the 
Mexicans  any  form  of  government  not  to  their  liking,  but  to  aid  them  to  es 
tablish  one  offering  stability,  and  which  might  secure  to  France  the  satisfac 
tion  of  past  grievances.     Of  course,  if  they  preferred  a  monarchy,  the  interests 
of  France  demanded  that  they  should  be  helped  in  that  direction.     The  mo 
tives  of  France  are  then  explained.     Prosperity  of  America  is  necessary  to 
Europe.     France  has  an  interest  in  the  U.  S.  being  powerful  and  prosperous, 
but  cannot  permit  them  to  hold  the  whole  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  control  from 
there  the  Antilles  and  South  America,  and  be  the  only  dispensers  of  the  prod 
ucts  of  the  New  World.     He  refers  to  the  scarcity  of  cotton  for  the  European 
factories.  Niox,  Exped.  du,  Mex.,  212-16;  Arrangoiz,   M6j.,  iii.  87-9;  Hi 
dalgo,  Apuntes,  151-4;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  278-81;  North  Am.  Rev., 
ciii.    121-2;   Flint's  Mex.  under  Max.,   37-40;   Chynoweth's  Fall  of  Max., 
39-41. 

Henry  M.  Flint,  Mexico  under  Maximilian.  The  object  of  the  author 
was  to  remove  the  prejudice  existing  in  the  United  States  against  the  gov 
ernment  of  Maximilian.  He  wrote  the  book  before  the  emperor's  downfall, 
his  preface  being  dated  Feb.  22,  1867.  Flint  maintains  that  Maximilian's 
government  had  'done  more  for  the  prosperity  of  Mexico,  more  for  the  en 
lightenment  of  the  Mexican  people,  during  the  three  years  of  its  existence, 
than  any  republican  government  in  Mexico  ever  did  in  thirty,  forty,  or  fifty 
years. '  The  author  describes  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  country  and 
people  at  the  time  of  the  intervention,  and  then  narrates  and  discusses  the 
political  change  which  followed,  showing  himself  so  strong  a  champion  of 
the  anti-republican  party  as  to  classify  the  Monroe  doctrine  as  absurd,  and 
argue  that  it  ought  to  be  repudiated.  A  number  of  official  letters  and  docu 
ments  are  supplied  in  this  volume. 

4  Commandant  D'Ornant  of  the  general  staff  was  sent  out  to  make  prepa 
rations  for  the  coming  army,  and  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  July  26th.     The  com- 


56  FRENCH  OCCUPATION*. 

tions  of  it  had  been  arriving  from  time  to  time, 
and  on  the  21st  of  September  the  new  commander 
landed  in  Vera  Cruz,  where,  owing  to  the  bad  condi 
tion  of  the  roads,  he  had  to  tarry  till  the  12th  of 
October,  seeing  the  havoc  caused  in  his  army  by  the 
black-vomit.5 

Some  days  before  the  coming  of  the  third  expedi 
tion  Mexico  and  the  liberal  party  sustained  a  heavy 
loss  in  the  death  of  Ignacio  Zaragoza,  the  hero  of 
the  Cinco  de  Mayo,  which  took  place  at  Puebla  on 
the  8th  of  September,  caused  by  typhoid  fever.  The 
nation  had  centred  its  hopes  in  him ;  and  he  has  since 
been  recognized  as  a  true  type  of  republicanism  and 
patriotism,  united  to  a  sterling  character.6  The  gov 
ernment  paid  his  remains  the  highest  honors,  and  they 
were  conveyed  to  their  last  resting-place  attended  by 
a  large  concourse  of  all  classes.7 

Forey  reached  Orizaba  on  the  24th  of  October,  and 
on  the  10th  of  the  following  month  Lorencez,  who 
had  been  permitted  at  his  own  request  to  leave  the 
country,  started  on  his  return  to  France.  Forey's 
first  proclamation,  dated  at  Vera  Cruz  September 
20th,8  but  made  public  a  few  days  later,  was  a  repeti 
tion  in  different  words  of  the  sentiments  expressed  in 
former  documents  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries. 

munications  being  interrupted,  he  could  not  get  to  Lorencez'  quarters,  but 
advised  the  latter,  by  a  letter  in  cipher,  taken  by  an  Indian,  of  the  near  ar 
rival  of  reinforcements  with  Forey,  and  of  the  emperor's  order  for  a  march 
straight  on  to  Mexico.  On  his  return  to  France  he  described  matters  iu 
Mexico  as  being  in  a  bad  way,  and  the  condition  of  the  French  force  as  de 
plorable.  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  196-7.  The  French  expedition  was  rein 
forced  in  Feb.  1863  with  400  or  500  negroes  from  the  Soudan,  furnished  by 
the  khedive  of  Egypt,  and  secretly  embarked  on  the  8th  and  9th  of  January. 
They  were  intended  for  special  service  on  the  coast. 

3  The  fever  season  had  passed,  but  the  massing  of  a  large  force  in  the  city 
revived  the  malady,  filling  the  hospitals  with  sick  French. 

6  Marquez  de  Leon  says  that  he  loved  his  country,  was  greatly  moved  by 
the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers,  and  detested  immorality  in  every  form.  Mem. 
P6st.,  MS.,  216. 

7  The  national  congress  in  after  years  erected  a  monument  to  his  memory, 
the  corner-stone  of  which  was  laid  by  Juarez,  Sept.  17,  1869.  Baz,  Vida  dt 
Juarez,  242;  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  633;  Diario  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  ii.  751; 
DiarioOfic.,  Sept.  29,  1869;  La  VozdeMtj.,  Oct.  7,  1862;  Zamacois,  Hist* 
Mij.,  xvi.  274-5. 

8 Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  218-19. 


FOREY  IN  COMMAND.  57 

It  was  the  old  war-cry  of  the  military  party  of  France, 
calling,  as*Edgard  Quinet  said,  armed  invasion  a  war 
for  civilization.  On  the  26th  Forey  suppressed  Al 
monte's  authority,  which  having  been  set  up  without 
the  nation's  sanction  could  not  be,  as  he  alleged,  ap 
proved  by  the  intervention.9 

Forey  forgot  his  instructions  to  treat  the  Mexicans 
with  benevolence,  and  thus  win  their  cooperation. 
He,  and  with  him  nearly  all  his  officers,  assumed  the 
haughty  air  of  conquerors,  thus  belying  the  pretended 
object  of  their  mission.  Mexicans,  either  civil  or 
military,  were  not  treated  as  friends  and  allies,  but 
rather  as  objects  of  contempt.  To  rule  the  country 
according  to  his  own  will,  he  appointed  Commandant 
Billard  director  of  policy.  The  director  knew  no  more 
of  the  country  whose  political  affairs  he  was  to  direct 
than  his  commander.  Forey 's  ideas  were  at  variance 
with  those  of  the  conservatives,  whose  cooperation  was 
needed  to  render  the  French  intervention  effective. 
In  Cordoba  and  Orizaba  he  issued  new  proclama 
tions,10  and  lost  much  precious  time  at  the  last-named 
place,  which  seemed  to  offer  him  many  delightful 
pleasures.  He  might  have  been  in  Mexico  by  the 
middle  of  November,  for  the  Mexican  government 
was  not  prepared  to  withstand  such  a  force.  Instead 
of  making  a  rapid  movement,  he  sent  General  De  Ber- 
tier  with  a  brigade  to  Jalapa,  arid  encamped  the  main 
army  in  Orizaba  and  the  surrounding  country.  Gon 
zalez  Ortega  who  now  had  the  chief  command  of  the 
liberal  eastern  army,  lost  no  time  in  fortifying  Puebla, 
bringing  artillery  and  supplies  in  the  face  of  De  Ber- 

9  Almonte  was  ordered  to  dissolve  his  cabinet  and  aid  in  organizing  the 
Mexican  army.  Arranyoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  92;  Niox,  Exped.  duMex.,  217-18.  He 
remained  in  the  country  as  a  private  citizen  till  he  was  again  called  to  do 
Napoleon's  work,  and  for  his  subserviency  was  made  a  knight  grand  cross  of 
the  legion  of  honor. 

10  The  second  one  was  disliked  in  France,  and  the  minister  of  war  advised 
Forey  'de  ne  pas  faire  abus  des  proclamations.'  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  221. 
Manuel  Payno,  ex-minister  of  the  treasury,  sent  a  long  letter  to  Forey  on 
claims  of  the  allies,  giving  the  history  of  each  and  accompanying  documents. 
Payno,  Carta,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1832-75,  no.  6,  3-79. 


58  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

tier  from  Perote,  a  place  the  French  could  have  taken 
the  first  day,  meeting  with  little  or  no  resistance.11 

Gonzales  Ortega  having  sent  Forey  a  few  French 
men  of  the  wounded  in  the  affair  of  May  5th,  together 
with  a  zouave's  medal,  the  French  commander  trans 
mitted  a  copy  of  his  last  proclamation,  adding  that  he 
received  Ortega's  courteous  letter  as  one  from  a 
brave  soldier,  and  not  from  the  government  he  was 
serving,  with  which  he,  Forey,  could  not  correspond 
without  repugnance.  He  also  expressed  the  wish 
that  Ortega's  sword  would  be  in  the  near  future  em 
ployed  in  a  better  cause.  This  insult  to  the  Mexican 
government,  accompanied  by  a  hint  that  Ortega 
should  become  a  traitor,  wounded  him  deeply.  The 
Mexican  general  replied  with  dignity  on  the  16th, 
assuring  Forey  that  whatever  ground  the  diplomatic 
question  might  be  placed  on  by  military  events,  the 
French  representative  would  have  sooner  or  later  to 
treat  with  the  chief  magistrate  holding  his  powers 
from  the  nation,  and  whose  generosity  had  released 
the  French  prisoners.  He  further  said  that  the  true 
interests  of  France  did  not  lie  in  cooperating  with  a 
few  malecontents  to  upset  a  government  sustained  by 
the  Mexican  people,  nor  in  waging  war  against  a 
nation  entirely  in  sympathy  with  liberal  France.  As 
for  himself,  leaving  aside  his  personal  regard  for 
Juarez,  he  would  have  Forey  understand  that  he  was 
freely  serving  his  country  as  an  independent  citizen.12 
He  concluded  to  return  Forey 's  letter  and  proclama 
tion,  which,  he  said,  could  have  no  place  among  his 
records.  There  were  at  this  time  between  300  and 
400  Mexican  officers  of  all  ranks  without  troops  in 

11  Forey  neglected  Alvarado,  Medellin,  and  Tlacotalpan,  strategic  points 
whence  the  liberals  frequently  cut  off  supplies  from  Vera  Cruz.     Soon  after 
ward  he  also  abandoned,  about  the  19th  of  January,  1863,  Tanipico  and  Tux- 
pan  which,  being  on  the  seaboard,  could  have  been  held  with  insignificant 
forces.     But  he  wanted  all  his  strength  for  Puebla.     One  of  the  French  gun 
boats  got  aground  and  had  to  be  destroyed.   Zamacois,  Hist,  Mej.,  xvi.  335-43. 

12  He  was  not  beholden  to  the  government.    A  free  republican,  not  even  a 
soldier  by  profession,  he  had  come  from  a  long  distance  to  render  his  best 
service  to  the  government  chosen  by  the  people.     Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano, 
i.  259-60,  264-67, 


PREPAKATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE.  59 

the  French  camp;  and  wishing  to  do  service  even  as 
private  soldiers,  organized  themselves  into  a  battal 
ion,  called  the  Legion  de  Honor,  and  made  General 
Taboada  their  commander.  To  counteract  the  bad 
feeling  of  the  policy  observed  by  Forey  and  his  agent 
Billard,  Almonte  issued  a  proclamation  to  assure  his 
friends  that  he  would  remain  with  the  French  until 
the  intervention  produced  the  beneficial  effects  in 
tended  when  the  London  convention  was  signed 
October  31,  186 1.13 

Many  complaints  having  reached  Napoleon's  ears, 
Billard  was  restored  to  the  military  service,  and 
Saligny,  toward  the  end  of  January  1863,  assumed 
the  position  left  vacant. 

Meanwhile  the  days  darkened  at  the  capital. 
Heavy  taxes  were  decreed,  also  a  loan  of  thirty  mil 
lion  dollars  wherewith  to  erect  defences  in  the  city, 
and  to  furnish  supplies  to  Ortega's  army.14  The  gov 
ernment  had  been  over  a  year  without  customs 
revenue  from  Vera  Cruz.  The  French  received  mules 
and  supplies  from  the  United  States ;  but  war  material, 
so  much  needed  by  Juarez'  government,  was  not  allowed 
to  be  exported  thence.15  Congress,  on  the  10th  of 
December,  decreed  that  French  prisoners  should  be 
treated  by  the  Mexicans  as  Mexican  prisoners  were 
treated  by  the  French.16 

The  people  manifested  a  determination  to  sacrifice 
everything  for  freedom  and  independence.  Ortega's 
plan  of  defending  Puebla  was  approved,  and  Cornon- 

13  This  manifesto  bears  date  Jan.  12,  1863.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  107-10.  The 
conservatives  lost  early  in  this  month  one  of  their  chief  men,  in  the  death  of 
Haro  y  Tamariz  at  Orizaba.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  343. 

M  A  personal  tax  of  three  reales,  when  not  paid  in  coin,  had  to  be  made 
good  with  work  in  the  fortifications.  This  tax,  yielding  more  abuses  than 
money,  was  substituted  by  a  loan  of  $600,000.  Negotiations  were  begun  in 
New  York  to  raise  the  30-million  loan.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  633.  Dublan 
and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  527-9,  565,  575,  578-81,  588-9,  636,  654;  J)iario 
Debates,  3d  Cong.,  i.  135-8;  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  10,  1868;  La  Voz  de  Mej., 
Dec.  30,  1862. 

15  U.  8.  Govt  Doc.,  37th  Cong.  3d  Sess.,  Sen.  24,  389-90. 

uBuenrostro,  Hist.  Scg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  349-50;  reiterated  by  the  presi 
dent  Aug.  16,  1863.  M^x.y  tilt.  Notas  Dlplom.,  17-31. 


50  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

Port,  who  bad  reached  Mexico  about  the  middle  of 
October,  was  to  aid  him.  Juarez  seemed  resolved  to 
defend  his  country  at  all  hazards.  Congress,  how 
ever,  just  as  the  people  were  ready  to  sustain  him, 
and  when  the  foreign  invading  army  was  already  15,- 
000  strong,  deprived  him  of  the  ample  powers  he  had 
to  make  war.  But  it  soon  receded  from  that  position 
and  issued  a  manifesto  accepting  war  with  France, 
and  granting  the  executive  the  fullest  powers  for 
six  months,  or  till  one  day  after  its  reassembling.17 
Comonfort,  who  had  been  restored  to  the  rank  of 
general  of  division,  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
army  of  the  centre,  together  with  that  of  the  federal 
district,  which  was  under  martial  law.  Congress 
closed  its  session  about  the  middle  of  December.18 

The  French  had  allies  not  only  in  Marquez  and 
others  acting  with  him,  but  in  the  reactionary  forces 
of  the  interior  which  constantly  distracted  the  gov 
ernment.19  The  rebels  of  Colima,  2,000  strong,  at 
tacked  Guadalajara  and  were  repulsed.  The  region 
of  Tepic,  as  usual,  was  in  a  disturbed  state.  On  the 
10th  of  January,  1863,  a  French  squadron  bombarded 
Acapulco  about  eight  hours,  doing  much  damage. 
The  next  two  days  it  fired  on  the  fortifications,  three 
of  which  were  silenced.  In  the  evening  of  the  12th 
the  squadron  sailed  out  of  port. 

The  French  generals  Bazaine  and  Douay  went  up 
the  mesa  or  tierras  altas  in  January,  this  being  the 
first  French  movement  toward  Puebla.  On  the  3d 
of  February  Taboada's  brigade,  of  which  the  legion 

11  La  Voz  de  Mtf.,  Nov.  29,  1862.  The  decree  was  issued  Oct.  27th;  the 
time  was  extended  May  27,  1863.  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Se.g.  Cong.  Constituc., 
178-85;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  548-9,  622. 

18 Among  its  last  acts  was  one  on  the  13th  of  Dec.,  declaring  null  all 
acts  of  the  so-called  authorities  appointed  by  the  invaders.  The  law  also 
nullified  all  contracts  executed  before  or  authorized  by  them;  and  provided 
that  traitors  should  not  be  favored  in  any  arrangements  the  government 
might  enter  into  with  France.  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  373; 
Dullan&nd  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  566;  Diario  Debates,  3d  Cong.,  i.  159-61. 

19  These  forces  depredated,  and  presented  at  times  a  threatening  attitude 
in  various  parts.  Bands  of  highwaymen  infested  Durango,  Zacatecas,  and 
other  states. 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  FRENCH.  61 

de  honor  formed  a  part,  started  from  Orizaba,  accom 
panied  as  far  as  El  Ingenio  by  some  French  officers 
and  a  number  of  citizens.  Early  in  this  month  Cua- 
piaxtla  was  occupied,  and  the  next  place  entered  by 
the  auxiliaries  was  Huamantla.  Comonfort  then  ex 
tended  his  army  of  the  centre  to  the  town  of  Ixta- 
cuixtla,  and  went  to  Tlascala  to  see  to  its  defence. 
Marquez  established  his  headquarters  at  Ixtenco. 
Juarez  visited  Puebla  in  February  and  reviewed  his 
army.  Gonzalez  Ortega  had  been  working  incessantly 
on  the  fortifications.  The  city  was  surrounded  by 
nine  important  outworks,  besides  other  minor  fortifi 
cations,  with  ditches,  ramparts,  and  parapets.  The 
following  were  the  names  of  the  nine  forts,  and  hills  on 
which  they  were  built,  namely:  Guadalupe,  on  the  hill 
of  the  same  name;  Independencia,  on  La  Misericordia; 
Zaragoza,  on  Los  Remedios;  Ingenieros,  on  the 
Totimehuacan ;  Hidalgo,  on  the  Carmen ;  Morelos,  on 
the  Parral;  Iturbide,  on  the  San  Javier;  La  Re  forma, 
on  the  Santa  Anita;  Cinco  de  Mayo,  on  the  Loreto.20 
The  inner  line  depended  upon  the  blocks  of  buildings, 
strong  where  they  centred  around  some  one  of  the 
numerous  churches  and  convents  with  their  massive 
walls.  These  had  parapets,  and  were  crenellated,  and 
connected  across  the  streets  by  a  network  of  barri 
cades  with  embrasures,  the  number  of  cannon  being 
about  200.21 

At  last  on  the  23d  Forey  began  his  march,  after  a 

20  The  defence  of  the  line  comprised  between  forts  Cinco  de  Mayo,  Guada 
lupe,  and  Independencia  was  intrusted  to  Gen.  Berriozdbal  of  the  1st  division, 
with  generals  Hinojosa,  Gayoso,  and  Osorio  under  him;  that  between  forts 
La  Keforma  or  Dem6crata  and  Iturbide,  to  Gen.  Antillon  of  the  3d  division, 
with  Col  Macias  and  Gen.  Rojo  under  his  orders;  that  between  forts  Hidalgo 
and  Morelos,  to  Gen.  Aiatorre  of  the  4th  division,  with  Gen.  Ghilardi  and 
Col  Auza,  in  command  of  those  forts  respectively;  that  between  forts  Zara 
goza  and  Ingenieros  was  in  charge  of  Gen.  La  Llave  of  the  5th  division,  the 
forts  being  commanded  respectively  by  generals  Pinzon  and  Patoni.  Ortega, 
Parte  Gen.,  15-16;    Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  250-1,  256-7;  La  Estrella  de 
Occid.,  Jan.  16,  1863. 

21  Gen.  Mejia,  commanding  a  detached  brigade,  was  under  the  immediate 
orders  of  gen.  headquarters,  and  had  charge  of  the  interior  defences.     Gen. 
Negrete,  commander  of  the  2d  division,  formed  with  it  the  general  reserve 
of  the  army  corps. 


62  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

five-months  sojourn  in  the  country,  waiting,  it  was  said, 
for  his  siege  artillery.  His  army  was  near  Amozoc 
early  in  March,  and  on  the  10th  Ortega  declared 
Puebla  under  martial  law.  Four  days  later  he  invited 
families  to  leave  the  place  at  as  early  a  day  as  possi 
ble,  and  notified  foreign  consular  agents  that  an  at 
tack  was  impending.  On  the  16th  the  French  were 
in  front  of  Puebla  at  the  hacienda  de  Alamos,  and 
took  possession  of  the  Navajas  and  Amalucan  hills, 
opposite  and  to  the  north  of  those  of  Loreto  and  Gua- 
dalupe.  The  next  day  they  occupied  those  of  El 
Tepozuchil  and  La  Resurreccion,  and  pitched  camps 
in  Amalucan,  Alamos,  Navajas,  and  Manzanilla, 
Going  round  the  position,  they  appeared  on  the  Mex 
ico  road,  occupying  the  San  Juan  hills,22  where  Forey 
established  his  headquarters,  and  thus  completing 
the  line  of  siege.  On  the  21st  they  occupied  La 
Noria  and  the  church  of  Santiago.  From  that  day 
began  the  actual  fighting  between  besiegers  and  be 
sieged,  and  five  days  later  the  bombardment  with 
eight  mortars  and  fifty  heavy  pieces  of  artillery,  after 
two  assaults  on  Fort  Iturbide  had  been  repulsed. 

The  army  under  Ortega  at  the  beginning  of  the 
siege  consisted  of  a  little  over  22,000  men.  The 
general  staff  was  as  follows:  quartermaster-general, 
Gonzalez  Mendoza;  chief  of  artillery,  Paz;  chief 
of  engineers,  Colonel  Colombres;  chief  of  medical 
department,  Ignacio  Rivadeneira;  inspector-general, 
O'Horan.23  The  division  commanders  were  generals 
Berriozabal,  Negrete,  Antillon,  Alatorre,  La  Llave, 
and  Antonio  Alvarez,  who  had  charge  of  the  cav 
alry.2* 

22  This  position,  though  advantageous  for  its  elevation,  was  not  fortified, 
because  it  would  have  called  for  isolated  defences  with  a  large  garrison. 

23  The  army  was  formed  of  8  sections  of  artillery,  each  brigade  having  4 
batteries;  5  divisions  and  one  brigade  of  infantry;  one  division  and  two  bri 
gades  of  cavalry.  Gen.  Orders  of  Feb.  19th,  in  Diaz,  Porftrio,  Biog.,  40. 

2*  In  command  of  brigades  were  Porfirio  Diaz,  who  in  after  years  became 
president  of  the  republic,  Hinojosa,  Lamadrid,  Ghilardi,  Mora,  Patoni,  Pin- 
zon,  Iguacio  Mejia,  and  Carbajal,  of  the  rank  of  general,  and  colonels  Caa- 
rnano,  Rioseco,  Escobedo,  Prieto,  Macias,  Herrera,  Auza,  Yarza,  and  Ayala. 


SIEGE  OF  PUEBLA.  63 

From  French  sources  we  have  it  that  the  invest 
ing  force  consisted  of  26,300  men.25  Every  assault 
except  the  last  made  on  Fort  Iturbide — which  re 
sulted  in  its  capture  on  the  29th  of  March'26 — had  been 
repulsed.  The  taking  of  this  fort  cost  a  good  deal  of 
blood.  Before  that  whenever  a  body  of  the  besieged 
troops  wished  to  break  the  lines,  it  rarely  found 
difficulty  in  doing  so.27  After  the  loss  of  the  Itur 
bide,  Ortega  strengthened  his  second  line  running 
between  forts  Hidalgo  and  Reforma,  his  left  being 
supported  by  the  former  and  his  right  by  the  latter.28 

Forey  now  began  a  systematic  inroad  on  the  line 
of  house  blocks  behind  the  Iturbide  works,  and  his 
success  from  the  first  caused  much  alarm  among  the 
besieged.  General  Diaz,  who  had  been  commanding 
BerriozdJbal's  second  brigade,  was  detached  and  placed 
in  charge  of  the  most  exposed  quarter,  consisting  of 
seventeen  blocks,  the  strong  point  of  which  was  the 
Iriarte  house,  or  meson  de  San  Marcos.  He  planned 
a  new  system  of  defence,  but  before  it  could  be 
completed,  the  French,  who  had  worked  the  whole 
day  at -opening  breaches  and  advancing  their  guns, 
came  upon  him  in  force.  Toward  sunset  the  balls 
crashed  through,  the  masonry  of  the  San  Mdrcos,  and 
soon  made  yawning  breaches  at  both  extremes.  Then, 

Col  Prisciliano  Flores  was  adjutant-general  of  infantry,  and  Col  J.  Nicolas 
Prieto  of  cavalry.  Id.,  41-2,  44. 

25  Eighteen  thousand  infantry,  1,400  cavalry,  2,150  artillerymen,  450  en 
gineers,  2,300  troupes  d'administration,  2,000  Mexican  allies.  Niox,  Exptd. 
du  Hfe.x.,  247.     Arrangoiz,  Mfy'.,  iii.   112,  gives  the  force  at  36,000,  which  is 
probably  somewhat  in  excess,  '  tan  superior  al  sitiado,  en  mimero,  disciplina, 
y  recursos.' 

26  This  was  effected  by  first  capturing  El  Penitenciario,  which  had  not 
been  at  first  fortified;  the  fall  of  the  Iturbide  following  as  a  consequence. 
According  to  Arrangoiz,  Forey  might  have  taken  it  the  same  day  that  he 
came  in  sight  of  Puebla.  Mtj.,  iii.  111. 

27  In  the  night  of  April  13th,  O'Horan  and  Col  Vicente  Riva  Palacio  with 
about  1,500  cavalry  broke  the  lines  and  marched  to  Tlascala  through  a  nar 
row  road,  though  guarded  by  the  French  89th,  a  number  of  whose  men  were 
slain  and  wounded,  and  some  taken  prisoners.     The  escaping  force  did  not 
lose  a  man. 

28  At  this  time  Comonfort,  in  order  to  carry  out  a  plan  of  attack,  asked 
Ortega  for  5,000  or  6,000  men,  who  were  not  furnished  him,  for  obvious 
reasons.     Juarez  in  a  confidential  letter  justly  approved  of  Ortega's  action. 
Ortega,  Parte  Gen.,  65-6. 


84  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

under  cover  of  the  gloom,  a  party  of  zouaves  made  a 
dash  for  the  nearest  breach  leading  into  the  first 
court,  which  they  gained,  driving  the  defenders  into 
the  inner  court;  but  they  were  not  permitted  long  to 
hold  so  important  a  position.  Diaz  rushed  to  the 
spot,  and  reanimating  his  men,29  they  charged  upon 
the  assailants  and  drove  them  from  the  place.  By 
10  o'clock  the  meson  had  been  recovered,  and  the 
breaches  were  soon  after  repaired.  This  success  was 
followed  by  another  after  the  reveille  along  Cabecitas 
street,  where  a  conflict  had  raged,  the  line  here  being 
wider,  and  the  number  of  contestants  larger.  The 
gaps  were  soon  filled,  and  the  damages  duly  attended 
to.  Rest  was  needed,  but  the  French  were  roused, 
and  allowed  no  time  to  be  lost.  Assaults  were  made 
at  different  points  during  the  day,  specially  in  Cholula 
street,  where  Colonel  Manuel  Gonzalez,  who  in  after 
years  became  president  of  the  republic,  though 
wounded,  made  a  stout  resistance,  and  thus  aided 
Diaz  in  repelling  the  assailants.30  San  Mdrcos  was 
also  attacked,  but  without  other  result  than  adding 
to  the  heap  of  dead  and  wounded.  On  this  line,  as 
well  as  at  the  advanced  points,  the  besieged  several 
times  repulsed  the  invading  army,  several  columns  of 
which  were  taken  prisoners.  One  breach  was  de 
fended  forty  days.  The  eastern  army  never  lost  a 
foot  of  the  position,  holding  it  till  the  17th  of  May.31 
After  several  checks,  notably  one  in  the  position  of 
Santa  Ines,  April  25th,  Forey  entertained  the  idea  of 
suspending  operations  till  heavier  siege-guns  could  be 
procured,  or  till  he  had  taken  the  city  of  Mexico ;  but 

29  Loading  with  stones,  there  being  no  other  projectiles  at  hand,  a  gun  that 
covered  the  entrance,  he  fired  it  at  the  zouaves,  causing  much  havoc  among 
them. 

30  Diaz  himself  speaks  in  glowing  terms  of  Gonzalez'  gallantry.     In  the 
general  orders  of  that  day  the  deeds  above  related  received  special  mention. 
Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  183-90;  Diaz,  Por/irio,  JBiog.,  46-8. 

31  Berriozabal,  La  Llave,  and  others  tried  more  than  once  to  induce  Ortega 
to  evacuate  the  place  to  save  the  army.     Gen.  Paz  also  spoke  to  him  on  the 
eubject,  but  merely  in  compliance  with  the  request  of  others.     His  owr  ^pin 
ion,  like  Ortega's,  was  to  hold  the  city  until  necessity  demanded  its  aban 
donment.  Ortega,  Parte  Ofic.,  72-4,  102-10. 


ORTEGA  AND  FOREY.  65 

neither  proposition  was  regarded  with  favor  by  his 
generals.32  And  it  was  then  resolved  to  push  the 
operations  against  the  southern  side,  which  was  the 
next  weakest  line.  Even  here  the  besiegers  made 
little  progress.  Diaz  and  his  troops  were  now  enabled 
to  render  efficient  service  where  danger  most  demanded 
it.  The  besiegers,  on  their  part,  felt  more  encour 
aged  on  hearing  that  both  ammunition  and  food  were 
becoming  scarce  within  the  walls. 

At  a  conference,  invited  by  General  Forey,  and 
held  between  him  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Togno,  an 
aide-de-camp  of  Ortega's,  the  French  commander 
spoke  of  the  uselessness  of  Ortega's  tenacious  de 
fence,  carried  so  much  beyond  the  requirements  of 
military  usage,  and  seemingly  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
winning  renown.  If  such  was  the  case,  he  need  go 
no  further;  fame  should  be  his,  and  he  might  now 
well  give  up  the  struggle  for  humanity's  sake.  He 
expressed  his  readiness  to  grant  honorable  terms  of 
capitulation,  and  assured  Togno  that  he  would  sooner 
or  later  take  the  city.  He  knew  that  the  garrison 
was  suffering  for  want  of  provisions.  If  Ortega  did 
not  surrender  the  place  till  after  the  rainy  season  had 
set  in,  he,  Forey,  would  strengthen  himself  therein, 
and  march  on  to  Mexico  during  the  coming  winter. 
Yet  more :  the  wily  Frenchman  threw  out  the  bait  of 
the  presidency  to  the  Mexican  commander,  as  an  in 
ducement  for  him  to  surrender,  accompanying  it  with 
certain  propositions,  which,  if  accepted,  would  facili 
tate  a  settlement  of  the  questions  at  issue.33  Were 

32  The  suspension  of  assaults  was  apparently  from  necessity.     Ortega  be 
lieved  it  so,  and  when  rumors  reached  him — most  of  them  traceable  to  the 
French  camp — that  a  general  assault  was  contemplated  to  obliterate  the  re 
pulse  of  the  25th  of  April,  he  did  not  heed  them.     Niox  has  it  that  in  this 
affair  the  left  column  of  the  French  lost  9  officers,  and  the  right  1  killed,  5 
wounded,  and  2  missing;   27  men  killed,  127  wounded,  and   176  missing. 
Later  information  showed,  in  addition,   130  men,  of  whom  7  were  officers, 
had  been  made  prisoners.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  272. 

33  'Let  him  make  himself  the  president  of  the  Mexican  republic,  and  the 
question  is  at  an  end;  let  him  agree  that  new  elections  for  chief  magistrate 
of  the  nation  be  held,  and  the  question  likewise  ends;  and  if  to  carry  out 
either  of  these  projects  he  should  encounter  any  difficulties,  the  French  army 
will  support  him;  if  he  will  not  admit  these  propositions,  tell  him  to  make 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    5 


66  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

none  of  them  accepted,  he  would  like  an  interview 
with  Ortega,  at  such  a  place  as  the  latter  might  des 
ignate.  To  all  which  Ortega  verbally  instructed  his 
aid  to  say  to  Forey  that  his  proposals  all  involved 
French  intervention  in  Mexico's  affairs,  and  would 
not  be  entertained.  He  refused  to  hold  any  confer 
ence. 

In  the  lines  defended  by  La  Llave,  Berriozabal, 
Porfirio  Diaz,  and  Auza,  subterranean  galleries  were 
made  to  blow  up  the  buildings  occupied  by  the 
French.  The  mines  were  completed,  but  there  was 
no  powder  to  charge  them  with.  Toward  the  end  of 
April  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  utilized  for 
food  but  the  horses,  mules,  and  dogs,  and  of  these 
there  were  none  by  the  10th  of  May.34 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  May  there  was 
heard  in  Puebla  a  brisk  firing  from  the  direction  of 
San  Lorenzo.  Comonfort  had  not  even  hinted  to 
Ortega  a  movement  by  way  of  San  Lorenzo.  The 
uncertainty  of  the  garrison  continued  the  whole  of 
that  day  and  the  greater  part  of  the  next;  it  was 
only  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  that  news  of  the 
disaster  experienced  by  Comonfort  the  previous  day 
reached  the  city.  Forey  himself  wrote  Ortega  that 
his  army  had  defeated  Comonfort's  at  San  Lorenzo.35 
It  was  indeed  too  true  that  the  army  of  the  centre,  in 
attempting  to  introduce  a  train  into  Puebla,  had  been 
routed  by  Bazaine  and  Marquez,  and  had  afterward 
retreated  to  Tlascala.  Ortega,  while  yet  in  time, 
and  before  this  terrible  disaster  befell  the  army,  had 
thought  of  abandoning  the  city,  but  he  was  kept  back 
by  the  hope  of  relief;  and  after  the  San  Lorenzo  de 
feat,  he  endeavored  to  effect  that  purpose  but  failed. 

me  others  equally  honorable  for  both  France  and  Mexico.'  Ortega,  Parte  Gen., 
161-3. 

84  This  state  of  things  was  formally  made  known  in  the  general  order  of 
May  17th.  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,  48-9. 

35 Comonfort  lost  1,000  killed  and  wounded,  1,000  prisoners,  among  whom 
were  56  officers,  eight  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  number  of  other  arms,  three  , 
flags,  20  loaded  wagons,  400  mules,  sheep,  etc.  Ortega,  Parte  Gen.,  164-9; 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  274-8;  Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iii.  113. 


COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  67 

So  the  defence  continued  a  few  days  longer  with  the 
little  powder  on  hand,  till  the  16th,  when  there  was 
nothing  left;  ammunition  and  food,  all  had  been  con 
sumed.36  Not  a  line  or  sign  had  been  received  from 
Comonfort.  In  view  of  the  situation,  a  council  of 
war  was  held,  which  resolved  that  the  general-in-chief 
should  endeavor  to  obtain  from  the  French  a  capitu 
lation,  with  the  privilege  of  marching  out  of  the  city. 
This  was  not  acceded  to  by  Forey.37  At  a  council  of 
war  it  was  decided,  and  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  the  17th  of  May  the  order  was  issued,  to  destroy 
all  the  armament;  after  which  the  white  flag  for  sur 
render  without  conditions  should  be  hoisted,  the 
officers  being  left  free  to  act  as  they  pleased.38  The 
money  in  the  military  chest  was  to  be  distributed 
among  the  rank  and  file.  The  plan  was  carried  out 
on  the  17th,  Forey  being  apprised  that  the  general, 
field,  and  company  officers  awaited  his  pleasure,  as  his 
prisoners,  at  the  palace.39  Ortega  and  the  officers  of 
all  ranks  refused  to  sign  paroles  as  required  of  them 
by  the  French  commander.40  According  to  the  his- 

86  The  rations  served  out  to  the  garrison  on  the  15th  and  16th  of  May  con 
sisted  of  a  decoction  of  orange-leaves. 

87  He  agreed  to  grant  everything  but  that  Ortega's  troops  should  remain 
in  condition  to  continue  the  \var  against  France,  as  that  would  be  but  a 
change  of  position.     The  chief  of  staff  said  that  no  doubt  his  commander 
would  allow  the  garrison  all  the  honors  and  guarantees,  but  if  they  destroyed 
their  arms  before  surrendering,  as  had  been  hinted,  all  prisoners  falling  into 
his  hands  would  be  transported  to  Martinique.     Forey  seemed  to  disapprove 
of  the  remark,  and  energetically  said:  'I  transport  to  Martinique  robbers, 
banditti,  but  not  brave  officers,  such  as  those  forming  the  garrison  of  Puebla.' 
Ortega,  Parte  Gen.,  190-2. 

88  Forey  claimed,  on  the  20th  of  May,  that  the  surrender  had  been  forced 
by  his  fire  of  the  16th  on  the  Totimehuacan,  which  had  done  great  damage  to 
the  works,  and  exposed  their  weakness  on  the  east  side.     His  words  to  the 
bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce  were,  that  if  the  garrison  waited  for  a  general  as 
sault  he  would,  under  the  laws  of  war,  put  it  to  the  sword.  Lefevre,  Doc. 
Maximiliano,  276. 

89A  little  before  3  A.  M.  ,  and  before  the  message  was  forwarded  by  the  hands 
of  released  French  prisoners,  Ortega  received  a  note  from  Gen.  Yanez,  dated 
at  the  bridge  of  Texmelucan,  May  14th,  at  6:30  P.  M.,  saying  that  Comon 
fort  had  gone  to  Mexico;  that  the  disaster  of  San  Lorenzo  had  not  been  so 
great  as  Forey  represented  it  to  Ortega;  but  the  troops  of  the  central  army 
certainly  were  too  much  demoralized  to  be  led  into  battle.  An  hour  later  the 
artillery  was  blown  up. 

40 Ortega,  Parte  Gen.,  203-4,  210-13;  Diaz.,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  192;  Diaz, 
Porf.,  Biog.,  48-50. 


68  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

torian  of  the  French  expedition,  Puebla  surrendered 
with  150  pieces  of  artillery.  The  number  of  prison 
ers  is  set  down  at  26  generals',  303  superior  officers, 
1,179  subalterns,  and  11,000  rank  and  file.41  Over 
2,500  dragoons  had  escaped  from  Puebla  during  the 
operations.  The  French  casualties,  as  given  by  Niox, 
were:  killed,  18  officers,  167  rank  and  file;  wounded, 
79  officers  and  1,039  rank  and  file,  many  of  whom 
afterward  died  from  the  effects  of  their  wounds.  The 
same  authority  adds  that  5,000  of  the  Mexican  rank 
and  file  were  made  to  serve  in  Marquez'  army,  2,000 
were  employed  in  destroying  barricades  and  intrench- 
ments,  and  the  rest  were  put  to  work  on  the  railroad. 
The  siege  of  Puebla,  though  it  ended  in  a  success  for 
the  French,  must  be  admitted  to  have  shed  no  glory 
on  their  arms.  No  great  military  skill  was  displayed ; 
and,  indeed,  it  seems  as  if  Forey's  purpose  had  been 
to  go  on  the  Fabian  plan,  rather  than  to  conquer  the 
enemy  by  repeated  hard  blows.  The  siege  was  cer 
tainly  prolonged  beyond  necessity,  when  we  consider 
that  the  place  was  defended  by  a  garrison  of  militia 
men,  whose  officers,  from  the  general-in-chief  down, 
had  not,  with  some  exceptions,  been  educated  for  the 
profession  of  arms/2  and  that  it  had  been  hastily,  and 
in  a  measure  imperfectly,  fortified  to  withstand  the 
assaults  of  a  powerful  foreign  army  directed  by  scien 
tific  commanders. 

41  Niox,  Exped.  du  Hex.,  282.     There  is  considerable  discrepancy  on  this 
point.     Forey  reported  26  generals,  225  superior  officers,  800  subalterns, 
16,000  rank  and  file,  150  cannons,  a  large  quantity  of  muskets  and  ammuni 
tion.     Almonte  spoke  of  26  or  28  generals,   1,200  officers,  12,000  men,  280 
useful  cannons,  10,000  muskets,  and  much  ammunition.     An  officer  of  Mar- 
quez  says  that  only  30  guns  had  been  burst,  and  there  were  found  over  200 
guns,  many  muskets,  and  some  ammunition.    Zamacois,   Hist.   Mej.,  xvi. 
472-3.     A  Mexican  official  list,  made  on  the  17th  of  May,  gives  21  generals, 
280  superior  officers,  and  about  1,120  subalterns.  Diaz,  Porf.,  Bioy.,  50-79. 
Negrete  and  Re"gules  had  escaped.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Hex.,  ii.  636.     Ortega 
stated  that  there  were  missiles,  but  no  powder. 

42  It  has  been  said  that  Juarez  gave  Ortega  the  command,  though  believing 
him  incompetent  for  it,  because  the  nation  had  come  to  look  upon  him  as  a 
great  man.     He  hoped  that  what  Ortega  lacked  of  military  skill  would  be 
supplied  by  some  of  his  subordinates.     A  sinister  purpose  in  connection  with 
Ortega  was  also  attributed  to  Juarez.  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Post.,  MS., 


MEXICAN  PRISONERS.  69 

Ortega  and  Forey  had  a  conference  on  the  19th, 
when  the  former  assured  the  Frenchman  that  he 
would  find  the  great  mass  of  Mexicans  resolute  to 
defend  the  national  honor.  He  was  soon  contradicted, 
however,  by  his  ecclesiastical  fellow-citizens;  for  on 
the  same  day,  the  cathedral  of  Puebla  being  in  gala 
dress,  they  received  the  invaders,  chanting  a  te  deum, 
and  with  every  demonstration  of  joy.43  At  the  same 
time  the  field  and  company  officers,  including  some  of 
Ortega's  aides-de-camp,  were  made  to  start,  on  foot 
and  unarmed,  for  Vera  Cruz;  and  on  the  next  day 
Ortega  and  the  generals  received  orders  to  prepare  for 
departure  on  the  22d  for  France  as  prisoners.44  Their 
journey  was  made  in  carriages  closely  guarded.  At 
the  town  of  Morelos,  Ortega  heard  that  his  officers 
were  treated  by  a  French  naval  officer  as  convicts; 
that  one  captain  had  been  shot,  some  prisoners  allowed 
to  starve,  and  other  outrages  committed.45  He  became 
very  indignant,  and  determined  to  escape,  whatever 
the  consequences.  His  purpose  was  finally  effected, 
though  not  until  hundreds  of  his  fellow-prisoners  had 
got  away.  Most  of  the  escapes  were  between  Ori 
zaba  and  Vera  Cruz.  Ortega,  La  Llave,  Patoni, 
Pinzon,  Garcia,  and  Prieto  liberated  themselves  at 
Orizaba;  and  Berrioz&bal,  Antillon,  Porfirio  Diaz,46 
Ghilardi,  Negrete,  Caamafio,  and  others  at  different 
places.47  So  that  by  the  time  of  embarkation  at  Vera 
Cruz  the  number  of  prisoners  was  greatly  reduced.48 

43 See  his  Parte  Gen.,  215. 

44  It  is  alleged  that  this  course  was  adopted  because,  most  of  the  officers 
being  old  guerrillamen,  it  was  dangerous  to  let  them  remain;  'exalte's  et 
dangereux,  e"taient  fort  g^nants.'  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  282. 

43  Among  them  the  execution  of  a  private,  whose  body  was  thrown  on  the 
road  by  which  Ortega  and  his  companions  were  to  pass  a  few  minutes  later. 
The  above-stated  facts  were  communicated  by  Ortega  from  Zacatecas,  Sept. 
16,  1863.  Parte  Gen.,  216-23. 

46  Diaz  got  away  the  day  before  the  prisoners  were  despatched  to  Vera 
Cruz,  and  together  with  Berriozabal  went  to  Mexico  and  tendered  their  ser 
vices  to  the  government.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  193. 

47  The  comforts  and  facilities  afforded  the  prisoners  by  their  countrymen 
at  Orizaba  angered  their  captors.     Fifteen  young  women  were  for  that  reason 
imprisoned,  of  whom  Guadalupe  Talavera  was  long  kept  in  durance.  Iglesias, 
Interv.,  ii.  52-3. 

48The  number  actually  sent  was  13  generals,  110  field-officers,  407  subal- 


70  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  Puebla  was  received  in 
France  with  great  rejoicing.49  Very  different  was  the 
effect  in  Mexico  of  the  fall  of  this  city  and  the  disso 
lution  of  the  army  of  the  east,  which  the  government 
announced  in  feeling  terms  to  the  country.  The  sur 
vivors  of  the  campaign  were  awarded  privileges  and 
honors.50  The  French  commander-in-chief  appointed 
Colonel  Brincourt  chief  commandant  of  Puebla,  and 
directed  him  to  reorganize  the  local  administration, 
Saligny  and  Almonte  designating  the  persons  to  whom 
the  administrative  offices  were  to  be  intrusted.  Pur 
suant  to  the  suggestions  of  the  former,  and  of  Budin, 
chief  of  finances,  he  adopted  a  number  of  important 
political  measures.51 

terns.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  282-3.  On  the  15th  of  Oct.,  1863,  and  15th  of 
Apr.,  1864,  the  prisoners  were  offered  a  return  to  Mexico  if  they  would  sub 
mit  to  the  government  set  up  in  Mexico  by  the  French  intervention.  Some 
accepted  the  offer  and  were  sent  back.  The  rest,  126,  of  whom  Gen.  Epitacio 
Huerta  was  the  highest  in  rank,  were  retained  till  after  Maximilian's  ac 
ceptance  of  the  Mexican  crown,  when  they  were  released;  but  no  .provision 
was  made  for  their  support  or  transportation.  They  suffered  greatly,  but 
managed  to  find  their  way  back  to  Mexico.  Lejevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  323, 
338-41;  Huerta,  Ajmntes,  1-92. 

49  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex. ,  283-4. 

60  The  families  of  the  prisoners  were  afforded  relief,  or  at  least  it  was  de 
creed  to  them.  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  32-3,  37;  Dublan  and  Lozuno, 
Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  614-20,  628-31;  Diarlo  Debates,  3d  Cong.,  ii.  34;  Ortega, 
Parte  Gen.,  249-52.  Jesus  Gonzalez  Ortega,  Parte  General  que  da  al  Supremo 
Gobierno  de  la  Nation,  respecto  de  la  dcfensa  de  la  plaza  de  Zaragoza,  Me"x., 
1871,  8vo,  252  pp.  This  is  a  full  and  detailed  report  made  from  Zacatecas 
on  the  16th  of  September,  1863,  to  the  minister  of  war  of  Mexico,  by  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief  of  the  late  eastern  army  and  comandante  general  of  the  state  of 
Puebla,  of  the  operations  of  the  siege  and  defence  of  the  city  of  Puebla-Zara- 
goza,  beleaguered  by  the  French  army  under  General  Forey,  from  the  3d 
of  Feb.  to  the  surrender  of  the  place  on  the  19th  of  May,  and  subsequent  acts 
connected  with  the  disposal  of  the  Mexican  prisoners  by  the  French  com 
mander-in-chief.  It  is  a  clear  exposition  of  these  events,  stated  apparently 
with  a  view  to  furnish  the  facts  without  reservation  or  exaggeration. 

51 A  journal  was  established  in  French  and  Spanish,  entitled  Moniteur 
Franco- Mexicain,  Bulletin  des  actes  officiels  de  I* Intervention.  The  land  custom 
houses  were  restored.  A  decree  of  May  21st,  to  sequester  the  property  of  all 
persons  bearing  arms  against  the  intervention,  did  not  meet  the  views  of  the 
conservatives,  and  caused  in  its  application  many  embarrassments,  and  was 
later  disapproved  by  the  French  government,  and  consequently  annulled. 
Another  of  May  22d  prescribed  the  revision  of  sales  of  mortmain  estates, 
that  is  to  say,  of  the  ayuntamiento  and  several  benevolent  establishments, 
sales  ordered  by  Juarez'  government,  of  which  a  large  number  were  said  to 
be  tainted  with  fraud.  May  27th,  the  exportation  of  coin,  and  of  gold  and 
silver  in  any  form,  was  forbidden.  On  the  day  of  the  feast  of  corpus  christi, 
Forey,  for  effect,  caused  his  troops  to  march  in  the  procession.  The  organiza 
tion  of  courts  was  decreed  and  their  emoluments  were  fixed.  Mex.,  Boletin 


JUAREZ  LEAVES  THE  CAPITAL.  71 

Upon  the  receipt  in  Mexico  of  the  disastrous  news 
from  Puebla,  President  Juarez  placed  the  federal  dis 
trict  under  stringent  martial  law,  accepting  Comon- 
fort's  resignation  of  his  command.  He  demanded 
forces  from  the  states;  and  believing  the  defence  of 
the  capital  possible,  stated  in  a  proclamation  his  re 
solve  to  carry  on  the  war  to  the  last  extremity,  refus 
ing  to  listen  to  any  peace  overtures  from  the  French. 
But  the  defence  of  the  capital  was  impossible,  14,000 
rnen,  which  was  all  the  force  the  government  had,  not 
being  enough  for  the  purpose.  Congress  understood 
it  at  once,  and  authorized  the  president  to  do  every 
thing  possible  to  defend  the  country.  His  almost 
unlimited  powers  were  to  hold  good  till  thirty  days 
after  the  reassembling  of  the  chamber.  The  only 
restrictions  placed  upon  him  were  in  regard  to  arrange 
ments  with  the  enemy.52  It  also  ordered  that  the 
chief  federal  authorities  should  transfer  themselves 
to  San  Luis  Potosi.  On  the  31st  of  May  congress 
closed  its  session.  Pursuant  to  the  decree,  Juarez, 
accompanied  by  the  greater  part  of  the  public  officials, 
left  the  capital  for  San  Luis  Potosi,53  where  on  arrival 

Ley.  Imp.,  11-36;  Niox,  Expe'd.  du  Mex.,  286-7;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi. 
474-5. 

52  He  was  strictly  forbidden  to  enter  into  treaties  or  diplomatic  conven 
tions  admitting  foreign  interference  in  the  country's  affairs.  Rivera,  Gob.  de 
Mex.,  ii.  C36;  fd.,  hint.  Jalapd,  v.  576. 

53  The  departure,  though  rather  precipitate,  owing  to  a  despatch  from  Gen. 
Diaz  based  on  reports  of  his  scouts  that  the  French  were  on  the  march,  was 
effected  in  good  order,  taking  away  artillery,  money,  archives,  etc.  Iglesias, 
Interv.,  ii.  5;  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Post.,  MS.,   231;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes, 
1863-7,  i.  9-13;  La  Voz  de  Mcj.,  July  16,  1863.     Forey  knew  it  the  next  day, 
but  did  not  send  a  force  in  pursuit.  Arrancjolz,  Mej.,  iii.  115. 

Jose  M.  I<jlesias,  Revistas  Histdricas  sobre  la  Intervention  Francesa  en 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1867,  1868,  1869.  12mo,  3  vol.,  pp.  540,  463,  and  690. 
Iglesias,  a  minister  under  Juarez  in  1866,  etc.,  and  later  aspirant  to  the  pres 
idency,  began  in  April  1862,  at  the  instance  of  the  Juarez  minister  of  rela 
tions  and  government,  to  write  a  series  of  articles  for  newspapers  on  the  prog 
ress  of  the  French  intervention,  and  the  consequent  civil  war  between  the 
republicans  under  Juarez  and  the  Franco-Maximilian  party.  These  articles 
at  first  were  issued  nearly  every  month,  later  at  longer  intervals,  and  ceased 
in  Oct.  1866.  At  the  request  of  the  editor  of  the  Diario  Ofitial  they  were  pub 
lished  afterward  in  1867-9  as  a  feuilleton— since  the  circumstances  of  their 
previous  appearance  had  made  them  but  little  known— and  then  put  into 
book  form.  In  the  preface  Iglesias  promised  to  fill  the  gap  from  the  middle  of 
1866  to  the  triumph  of  the  republicans,  when  leisure  permitted.  Written  at 
the  various  headquarters  of  Juarez  in  his  retreat  northward  before  the  French, 


72  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

he  issued  a  proclamation  on  the  10th  of  June,  setting 
forth  the  reasons  for  abandoning  the  capital.  He 
sent  circulars  to  all  the  governors,  investing  them  with 
ample  powers,54  and  forthwith  organized  his  govern 
ment.55  He  drew  resources  from  Matamoros,  where, 
in  consequence  of  the  civil  war  in  the  United  States, 
an  active  trade  was  carried  on. 

The  most  active  measures  were  at  once  adopted 
for  an  energetic  struggle  in  defence  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  country  and  its  republican  institutions.  Both 
the  general  and  state  officers  used  their  best  endeav 
ors  to  organize  military  forces;  and  by  the  latter 
part  of  June  there  were  concentrated  in  Queretaro 
about  12,000  men  of  all  arms.  We  are  assured,  how 
ever,  that  even  at  this  critical  period  intrigues  were 
going  on  around  Juarez,  who  was  led  by  Pldcido 
Vega,  it  is  said,  to  believe  that  Ogazon  and  Doblado 
had  placed  a  numerous  arrny  under  General  Marquez 
de  Leon  to  overthrow  his  government.  The  result 
was  that  Ogazon  threw  up  his  office  of  governor  of 
Jalisco.  Doblado  received  orders  to  surrender  his 

Iglesias,  as  a  member  of  the  official  circle,  was  of  course  perfectly  acquainted 
with  the  republican  plans  and  movements,  and  could  have  given  the  best  pos 
sible  history  thereof;  but  the  articles  being  for  publication,  lie  evidently  dared 
not  reveal  these  facts,  and  confined  himself  to  those  relating  to  already  known 
campaigns,  and  to  one-sided  statements  tending  to  awe  the  enemy  and  to  en 
courage  republicans.  The  chief  contents  of  the  articles  are  reviews  of  foreign 
relations,  French,  English,  Spanish,  and  American  debates,  and  popular 
views  of  the  Mexican  question;  ironic  and  bitter  denunciations  and  comments 
on  the  imperialist  administration;  and  short  and  hasty  reviews  of  military 
movements  for  the  month,  etc.  All  the  articles  are  compiled  with  little  re 
gard  for  exactness  or  completeness;  many  are  jumbled  and  full  of  empty  talk 
— repeated  in  the  various  letters — on  foreign  affairs  and  policy.  The  material 
on  the  French,  imperial,  and  foreign  affairs,  being  obtained  from  the  news 
papers  of  the  time,  has  its  value,  but  is  impaired  by  hasty  concoction  and  one- 
sidedness;  the  other  smaller  portion  on  republican  movements  is  guarded, 
garbled  for  prudential  reasons,  and  superficial. 

64  He  gave  them  authority  to  act  in  urgent  cases  when  unable  to  receive 
timely  instructions  from  the  government.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Hex. ,  ix. 
623-7;  M4x.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1870,  586;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  July  11,  1863; 
Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  277-9. 

55  His  cabinet  ministers  then  were:  Juan  Antonio  de  la  Fuente,  of  rela 
tions;  Jesus  Teran,  of  justice;  Jose"  Higinio  Nunez,  of  the  treasury;  Felipe 
B.  Berriozabal,  of  war,  who  was,  Aug.  18th,  succeeded  by  Comonfort.  Fuente 
being  sent  on  a  foreign  mission,  Manuel  Doblado  took  his  place  from  Sept. 
3d  to  10th,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  Teran 
resigned  Sept.  1st.  The  cabinet  on  the  10th  was  formed  with  Lerdo,  Jose" 
Maria  Iglesias,  Nunez,  and  Comonfort. 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC.  73 

command  to  Antillon,  and  Marquez  had  to  turn  over 
his  to  J.  M.  Arteaga.56 

In  a  circular  of  the  minister  of  war  to  the  gov 
ernors,  after  speaking  of  the  evidences  of  hatred  to 
the  invaders  displayed  on  the  journey,  and  of  the 
necessity  of  forgetting  party  dissensions  to  think  only 
of  saving  the  country,  they  were  reminded  that  au 
thorities  set  up  by  the  foreign  bayonets  were  spurious 
and  did  not  constitute  a  government,  the  government 
both  de  facto  and  de  jure  being  in  existence;  and 
therefore,  the  republic  could  not  and  would  not  be 
bound  by  any  treaties,  compacts,  or  pledges,  or  by  any 
acts  of  commission  or  omission  of  those  functionaries, 
so-called.57  The  governors  replied  with  assurances  of 
their  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  republican  govern 
ment.63  Several  of  the  states,  San  Luis  Potosi  at 
their  head,  having  contemplated  a  coalition  for  their 
common  defence,  to  which  Zacatecas  refused  her  as 
sent,  the  president  disapproved  the  scheme  as  uncon 
stitutional.59 

The  reactionists  at  the  capital  lost  no  time  in  their 
preparations  for  coming  events,  their  action  being 

66  Doblado  advised  Marquez  to  obey  without  a  murmur,  using  these  words: 
'  Deje  V.  que  se  pierda  la  situacion  bajo  la  responsibilidad  de  estas  gentes; 
nosotros  la  levautaremos  mas  tarde.'  Marquez  de  Leon,  Afem.  Pdst.,  MS., 
23 1-?  The  republican  cause  had  now  to  mourn  the  death  of  one  of  its  most 
trusty  adherents,  Gen.  LaLlave,  which  occurred  on  the 23d  of  June.  Funeral 
honors  were  paid  his  remains  on  the  27th.  Hex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  36; 
La  Voz  de,  Mcj.,  Aug.  8,  29,  1863. 

57  The  circular,  which  is  dated  June  13,  1863,  further  says  that  all  Mexi 
cans  exercising  functions  derived  from  the  French  source  are  offenders  against 
the  laws  of  the  country  and  liable  to  severe  punishment.  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  627-8;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.   13-15.     On  the  29th  of 
September  of  the  same  year  Mexicans  were  forbidden  to  hold  office  under  a 
foreign  government.  Id.,  146-8. 

58  It  was  evident  that  with  the  exception  of  '  un  miserable  punado  de 
traidores'   the   whole   country   rejected   the  French  intervention.    Iglesias, 
Interv.,  ii.  9. 

59  Under  article  111.     Minister  La  Fuente's  circular  was  dated  June  27th. 
M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  38-40.     A  few  days  previously,  on  the  22d,  the 
president  had  to  decree  the  state  of  Durango  under  martial  law,  because  of 
a  military  emeute  headed  by  Col  Tomds  Borrego.     Gen.  Jose"  M.  Patoni,  the 
constitutional  governor,  was  reinstated.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.t  ix. 
630,  632-3. 


74  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

directed  by  General  Bruno  Aguilar.  On  the  first  of 
June,  at  a  public  meeting,  they  adopted  a  preamble 
and  resolutions  to  accept  the  aid  of  and  submit  to  the 
foreign  intervention.60  Jose  Mariano  Salas,  the  ex- 
president,  assumed  ad  interim  the  military  command 
of  the  city.  Bazaine's  division  of  the  invading  army 
entered  it  on  the  7th  of  June,  occupying  the  main 
entrances,  and  tendering  protection  to  the  reactionary 
party  against  the  enraged  populace.  The  reception 
of  the  French  in  Mexico  has  been  represented  by 
Forey  and  others  as  so  full  of  enthusiasm  that  it 
almost  verged  on  delirium.61  It  is  more  than  likely 
that  the  interventionists  had  prepared  beforehand 
some  exhibition  of  the  kind.62 

A  committee  of  reactionists,  presided  over  by  Juan 
N.  Pereda,  laid  the  aforesaid  preamble  and  resolu 
tions  before  Forey,  who  rode  into  the  city  of  Mexico 
on  the  10th  of  June,  with  Almonte  on  his  right  and 
Saligny  on  his  left,  and  immediately  after  made  Lieu 
tenant-colonel  De  Potier  commandant  of  the  district. 
A  local  government  was  organized;63  a  press  law  was 
enacted,  claimed  to  be  liberal,  but  in  reality  very  re 
strictive,  inasmuch  as  no  discussion  was  permitted 
upon  the  laws  and  institutions,  and  much  less  upon 
religious  topics.  Sales  of  property  by  liberals  after 

60  The  resolutions  were:  1st,  cheerfully  accepting  the  generous  aid  of  the 
French  emperor,  they  placed  themselves  under  Forey 's  protection;  2d,  Forey 
was  asked  to  call  a  meeting,  the  most  numerous  possible,  to  represent  all 
classes,  and  the  interests  of  parties  willing  to  recognize  the  intervention,  the 
most  prominent  for  science,  morality,  and  patriotism,  consulting  Almonte  in 
the  choice;  3d,  the  board,  then  given  the  name  of  Junta  Calificadora,  was  to 
assemble  on  the  third  day  from  its  convocation,  and  within  eight  days  to  de 
cide  on  the  form  of  government  the  nation  was  to  be  permanently  placed 
under;  and  to  choose  a  provisional  government  to  hold  power  till  the  perma 
nent  regime  should  become  installed.  Acta  de  los  Traidores,  in  La  Estrella  de 
Occid.,  July  24,  1863;  Rivera,  Gob.  deMex.,  637;  Domenech,  Hist.  duMex.,  iii. 
120-7. 

61  Hidalgo,  the  monarchist,  says  that  the  troops  were  almost  covered  with 
flowers.  Apuntes,  170-3. 

62  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  flowers  thrown  at  the  feet  of  the  soldiers 
were  paid  for  with  French  money.  Xe/eVe,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  280-1;  M6x., 
Boletin  Leyes,  1863,  45. 

63  See  decrees  of  June  13th  and  14th,  appointing  an  ayuntamiento,  and 
Azcarate  as  prefect.  M&s.,  fioletin  Ley.,  1863,  37-9. 


FRENCH  ADVICE  AND  PROMISES.  75 

a  certain  date  were  annulled,  the  object  of  which  was 
a  sort  of  moral  suasion  through  the  pocket  of  the 
individual.64 

Forey  issued  a  long  proclamation  on  the  12th,  de 
claring  the  military  occupation  an  accomplished  fact. 
The  10th  of  June,  he  said,  must  have  caused  all  de 
lusions  to  disappear,  convincing  the  late  government 
of  its  impotence  to  retain  the  power  it  had  made  such 
a  wretched  use  of.65  About  the  political  question  he 
gave  the  Mexicans  much  advice,  freely  using  the 
words  ' fraternity,  concord,  and  true  patriotism';  they 
were  to  be  no  longer  liberals  or  reactionists,  but  be 
come  Mexicans;  meaning,  it  is  presumed,  that  they 
should  be  of  one  mind,  and  cheerfully  accept  the  inter 
vention,  which  would  make  them  all  very  pious  con 
servatives.  He  promised  much  that  he  knew  he 
could  not  accomplish,  nevertheless  he  found  many  to 
believe  him.  The  country  had  been  disturbed  so 
many  years,  and  ruin  had  overtaken  so  many,  that 
there  were  not  wanting  some  who  were  really  disposed 
to  accept  anything.  There  were,  however,  certain 
words  in  the  address  which  produced  disagreeable 
impressions  on  the  ultra  conservatives  and  clericals,66 
who  saw  in  them  the  true  inwardness  of  Napoleon's 
instructions  to  Forey  on  the  religious  question;  he 
was  to  show  much  deference  for  religion,  and  at  the 
same  time  give  assurance  to  the  possessors  of  national 
estates.  Thus  the  people  of  Mexico  were  soon  made 
aware  that  the  policy  of  the  French  government  was 
wholly  at  variance  with  the  national  thought  and 

64  Budin,  the  financial  man,  thus  explained  it:  '  Para  volver  a  traer  a  me- 
jores  sentimientos  hacia  su  propia  patria '  those  who  were  serving  in  the 
republican  ranks.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  36-47;  Peridd.  Ofic.  Imp.  Hex., 
Aug.  4,  1863. 

65 Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  289-90;  M6x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  ap.  489-93. 

66  Bona  fide  purchasers  of  nationalized  estates  would  be  protected  in  their 
possession,  but  fraudulent  sales  would  be  subject  to  revision.  The  catholic 
religion  would  be  protected,  and  the  bishops  recalled  to  their  dioceses.  '  Je 
crois  que  1'Empereur  verrait  avec  plaisir  qu'il  fut  possible  au  government  de 
proclamer  la  liberte"  des  cultes,  ce  grand  principe  des  societe~s  modernes.' 
Niox,  Exp£d.  du  Hex.,  290-2. 


76  FRENCH  OCCUPATION. 

traditions.  He  remarked  further,  that  the  courts 
would  be  organized  so  that  they  should  in  future  ad 
minister  justice  uprightly,  and  not  sell  it  to  the  highest 
bidder.67 

67  In  this  connection,  says  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  119-20,  Forey  knew  not 
what  he  said,  as  on  other  occasions  he  had  blundered  in  his  sayings  and  do 
ings,  and  thereby  had  done  serious  damage  to  the  conservative  party.  Arran 
goiz  denies  that  justice  was  sold  in  Mexico,  unless  in  as  rare  instances  as  in 
any  other  country. 


CHAPTEK  IV. 

MONARCHISM. 
1863. 

GOVERNMENT  MEASURES — JUNTA  SUPERIOR  DE  GOBIERNO — PROVISIONAL  EX 
ECUTIVE—  FOREY'S  ACTS  LEGALIZED — ORDER  OF  GUADALUPE— ASAMBLEA 
DE  NOTABLES— ITS  INAUGURATION  AND  SUBSERVIENCY — CREATION  or  A 
THRONE— IT  is  OFFERED  TO  FERDINAND  MAXIMILIAN  OF  HAPSBURG — 
REGENCY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE — MONARCHIAL  SCHEMES  IN  MEXICO — 
THEY  ARE  CONTINUED  IN  EUROPE — FRENCH  PREVARICATIONS— SPANISH 
AIMS— SELECTION  OF  MAXIMILIAN — How  EFFECTED — His  PAST  RECORD 
— ACTION  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  EMPEROR — POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

THE  work  of  establishing  a  government  under 
French  supervision  was  initiated  with  Forey's  decree 
of  June  16,  1863,  authorizing  the  nomination  by  the 
emperor's  minister,  Saligny,  of  thirty-five  Mexican  citi 
zens  to  form  a  Junta  Superior  de  Gobierno,  that  is  to 
say,  a  governmental  board,1  to  elect  by  absolute  major 
ity  three  citizens,  who  were  to  form  the  chief  executive 
authority.2  The  junta  was  likewise  clothed  with 
power  to  choose  215  Mexican  citizens,  without  dis 
tinction  of  rank  or  class,  aged  twenty-five  years  and 
upwards,  and  in  full  possession  of  all  their  civil  rights, 
who,  associated  with  the  junta  superior,  were  to  con 
stitute  an  Asamblea  de  Notables.  The  duty  of  this 

1  The  junta  was  to  meet  two  days  after  the  publication  of  the  decree  of 
its  appointment,  presided  over  by  the  senior  in  age,  and  the  two  junior  mem 
bers  were  to  act  as  secretaries.  M6x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  48-54;  Niox,  Exped. 
du  Mex.,  292-3. 

2Two  suplentes,  or  substitutes,  were  also  to  be  chosen.  Among  other 
duties  of  the  junta  were  to  constitute  itself  into  several  sections  for  delib 
erating  on  affairs  of  the  various  departments  of  government,  such  as  rela 
tions,  treasury,  war,  etc. ;  when  called  upon  by  the  executive,  to  sit  as  a 
general  assembly  to  treat  of  matters  of  high  import. 


78  MONARCHISM, 

assembly  was  to  decide  upon  a  definitive  form  of  gov 
ernment,  by  the  votes  of  at  least  two  thirds  of  the 
members.  If,  after  three  days'  balloting,  the  requi 
site  majority  had  not  been  obtained,  then  the  junta 
superior  was  to  dissolve  the  assembly,  and  call  other 
215  citizens,  with  the  privilege  of  reflecting  some  of 
the  members  of  the  preceding  one.  After  determin 
ing  the  form  of  government,  the  asamblea  was  to 
give  its  attention  to  such  affairs  as  might  be  brought 
before  it  by  the  executive.  The  first  session  of  this 
body  was  to  last  five  days,  the  executive  having  the 
privilege  of  extending  it.  Its  work  was  to  be  done 
in  secret  session,  but  its  resolutions  or  acts  authenti 
cated  by  the  president  and  secretaries  might  be  given 
to  the  press.3  The  members  of  the  executive  were 
required  to  distribute  among  themselves  the  six  gov 
ernment  portfolios,  appointing  and  removing  their 
subordinates.  They  were  jointly  the  executive,  and 
as  such  might  promulgate  or  veto,  as  they  deemed 
proper,  the  resolutions  of  the  asamblea  de  notables; 
and  their  functions  were  to  cease  immediately  upon 
the  installation  of  the  definitive  government  pro 
claimed  by  said  assembly. 

Pursuant  to  that  organic  statute,  Forey,  on  the  18th 
of  June,  confirmed  the  nominations  made  by  Saligny 
to  constitute  the  junta  superior  de  gobierno.*  This 
body  became  installed  on  the  18th,  and  on  the  21st 
elected  the  three  persons  who  were  to  constitute  the 
executive  authority,  namely,  Juan  Nepomuceno  Al- 


8  Neither  the  members  of  the  junta  superior,  nor  those  of  the  asamblea, 
were  to  receive  any  pay. 

4  Among  its  members  were  some  who  had  prominently  figured  in  the 
country's  past  history,  such  as  Jose"  Ignacio  Pa  von,  Manuel  Diez  de  Bonilla, 
Teodosio  Lares,  Francisco  Javier  Miranda,  generals  Mora  y  Villamil  and 
Adrian  Woll,  Fernando  Mangino,  Juan  Hierro  Maldonado,  General  Santiago 
Blanco,  and  others.  Mex.,  Boletln  Ley.,  1863,  55-6;  Peridd.  Ofic.  Imp.  Mex.y 
July  21,  1863;  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  283-4;  Zarco,  LaJuntadelosSS, 
in  La,  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  11,  1863.  This  last  authority  positively 
asserts  that  upwards  of  six  out  of  the  35  were  beggars,  '  vivian  de  pedir 
limosna,'  which  guaranteed  their  Christian  humility,  and  stamped  the  new 
order  of  things  with  an  almost  democratic  origin;  there  were  also  among  them 
a  number  of  decrepit  men  and  imbeciles. 


THE  TRIUMVIRATE.  79 

monte,  Mariano  Salas,6  and  Pelagio  Antonio  de 
Labastida  y  Dd-valos,  archbishop  of  Mexico.  For 
substitutes  were  chosen  Juan  Bautista  de  Ormaechea 
y  Ernaiz,  bishop  of  Tulancingo,  and  Jose  Ignacio 
Pavon.  The  executive  elect  qualified  on  the  same 
date,  Bishop  Ormaechea  filling  pro  tempore  the  chair 
of  Archbishop  Labastida,  who  was  absent  in  Europe.6 
The  triumviri,  on  assuming  their  functions  the  24th 
of  June,  issued  an  eminently  conservative- clerical 
manifesto,  which  for  the  time  brought  peace  upon  the 
pious  souls  that  had  been  so  greatly  disturbed  by 
Forey's  proclamation  of  the  12th.7 

Juan  Nepomuceno  Almonte,  thus  made  a  member 
and  actually  chief  of  the  triumvirate,  was  reputed  to 
be  a  son  of  the  illustrious  priest  Morelos.  The  name 
Almonte  came  to  him  in  this  wise:  His  father,  when 
ever  a  battle  was  impending,  would  order  the  boy 
carried  al  monte,  that  is,  to  the  woods,  and  thus  he 
was  reared  on  the  battle-field  during  the  wars  of  in 
dependence,8  for  which  reason  his  military  record  was 

5  A  biographical  sketch  of  his  early  life  was  given  in  this  work  at  the  time 
he  became  president  of  the  republic. 

6  There  is  no  evidence  that  Pavon  had  any  part  in  the  acts  of  administra 
tion.     The  following  persons  were  appointed  under-secretaries:  Jose"  Miguel 
Arroyo,  for  foreign  affairs;  Josd  Ignacio  Anievas,  Felipe  Raygosa,  Josd  Sala- 
zar  Ilarrcgui,  Juan  de  Dios  Peza,  and  Martin  de  Castillo  y  Cos,  respectively 
for  government,  justice  and  ecclesiastical  affairs,  fomento,  war,  and  treasury. 
Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  iii.  123-4;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  122;  Iglesias,  Inter' 
veitcion,  ii.  15-27. 

7  Forey  had,  on  the  23d,  announced  the  appointment  of  the  provisional 
chiefs,  thanking  the  people  for  what  he  called  their  active  and  intelligent  co 
operation.     The  triumvirate's  address  reviews  the  past,  and  promises  that  the 
Franco-Mexican  army  would  pursue  the  constitutional  government  till  it 
surrendered  or  was  driven  from  the  country.     As  to  the  religious  question, 
the  Roman  worship  was  now  restored  and  free;  the  church  would  exercise  its 
authority  without  having  an  enemy  in  the  government;  and  'el  Estado  con- 
certard  con  ella  la  manera  de  resolver  las  graves  cuestiones  pendientes,'  or  in 
other  words,  pending  questions  would  be  referred  for  settlement  to  the  papal 
court.     The  atheism  and  immoral  anti-social  propagandism,  which  they  un- 
blushingly  declared  to  have  been  under  a  cloak  established  in  the  schools 
and  colleges,  would  cease.     'La  instruction  cat61ica,  s6lida,  y  mas  estensa 
posible,'  would  engage  their  especial  attention.      Difficulties  with  foreign 
powers  would  be  arranged,  and  with  the  protection  of  France  and  the  other 
nations  Mexico  would  be  respected  abroad.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  59-60, 
ap.  493-8;  Peridd.  Ofic.  Imp.  Mex.,  July  21,  1863;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Aug.  27, 
1863;  Flint's  Mex.  under  Max.,  42-8. 

8  To  amuse  him,  Morelos  organized  a  company  of  boys  of  his  own  age, 


80  MONARCHISM, 

made  to  date  from  1815.  He  was  educated  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  principles,  both  social  and  politi 
cal  that  he  acquired  there,  influenced  a  considerable 
portion  of  his  public  career.  A  resolute  enemy  of 
the  Spaniards,  he,  with  many  other  prominent  Mexi 
cans,  saw  in  them  the  constant  disturbers  of  Mexico's 
peace,  and  heartily  joined  Guerrero's  supporters.  In 
1830,  when  serving  in  the  national  congress,  he  be 
came  an  object  of  government  persecution,  and  had 
to  conceal  himself.  About  that  time  he  was  chief 
editor  of  El  Atleta,  and,  with  others,  accused  Presi 
dent  Bustamante's  administration  of  permitting 
foreign  intervention  in  Mexican  affairs.  The  paper 
succumbed  under  the  heavy  fines  imposed  by  the  gov 
ernment,  till  the  press  and  type  were  sold  by  auction.9 
In  1839  his  political  ideas  had  become  much  modified, 
as  a  member  in  the  cabinet  of  a  conservative  adminis 
tration;  but  he  still  had  faith  in  the  ability  of  the 
country  to  recuperate  itself.  It  was  then  that  he 
proposed  that  all  persons  encouraging  foreign  power 
in  Mexico,  or  the  dismemberment  of  her  territory, 
should  be  declared  guilty  of  treason,  and  the  measure 
became  a  law.  Almonte  was  in  1840  and  later  one  of 
the  most  pronounced  enemies  of  monarchial  schemes 
for  his  country.  In  1841  he  was  accredited  as  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary  to  Washington,  and  held  the  posi 
tion  till  1845,  during  which  period  he  exerted  himself 
to  ward  off  a  war  between  the  two  countries.  The 
annexation  of  Texas  being;  authorized  bv  the  Ameri- 

O  t/ 

can  congress,  he  went  back  to  Mexico,  where  he  con 
tinued  to  fill  important  positions,  invariably  opposing 
measures  against  the  clergy.  It  is  said  that  in  1846 
he  persuaded  President  Paredes  to  seek  European  aid 

which  was  known  as  the  'companfa  de  los  emulantes,'  of  which  Almonte 
was  made  captain.  The  boys  used  to  appear  at  the  intrenchments.  One  day 
they  triumphantly  brought  in  a  dragoon  as  prisoner,  though  the  latter  said 
that  he  was  on  his  way  to  surrender  to  Morelos.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mcj.,  ii.  528. 
9  He  accompanied  Santa  Anna  to  Texas  in  1836,  and  was  taken  prisoner  at 
San  Jacinto  on  the  21st  of  April.  Conveyed  with  his  chief  to  the  U.  S. ,  they 
returned  together  the  next  Feb.  on  the  man-of-war  Pioneer.  He  continued  in 
the  military  service  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  general  of  division. 


PRESIDENT  ALMONTE.  81 

against  the  United  States.  He  was  then  appointed 
minister  to  France,  but  did  not  go  there,10  and  it  has 
been  charged  against  him  that  he  never  accounted 
for  $20,000  that  had  been  advanced  to  him.11 

During  the  war  with  the  United  States  Almonte 
served  part  of  the  time  as  secretary  of  war,  and  per 
formed  other  important  work  in  defence  of  the  country, 
but  does  not  seem  to  have  done*  anything  on  the 
battle-field.  His  name  figured  at  one  time  as  a  can 
didate  for  the  presidency.  He  had  some  disagree 
ment  with  Santa  Anna,  and  resigned.  His  candidature 
for  the  executive  office  was  again  brought  forward  in 
1849,  to  be  defeated.  Presidential  aspirations  became 
a  passion  with  him;  disappointment  soured  him,  and 
every  opponent  was  looked  on  as  an  enemy.12  During 
Santa  Anna's  last  dictatorship  Almonte  took  no  part 
in  political  affairs.  After  its  overthrow,  President 
Comonfort  sent  him  in  1856  as  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  to  London,  where,  neglecting  his  proper  duties, 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  promotion  of  foreign  inter 
vention  and  monarchial  schemes.  His  course  was 
such  that  upon  Comonfort's  downfall  he  was  accredited 
by  the  succeeding  conservative  administrations  as 
minister  in  Paris,  and  later  also  in  Madrid.  His 
participation  in  the  European  schemes  has  been  partly 
alluded  to  elsewhere,  and  the  rest  will  appear  in  the 
course  of  this  history.  Almonte  was  the  first  to  write 
a  treatise  on  the  geography  of  Mexico. 

Archbishop   Labastida   was   born   in   the  city  of 
Zamora  and  state  of  Michoacan  on  the  21st  of  March, 


10  Arrived  at  Habana,  he  found  Santa  Anna  was  on  the  point  of  returning 
to  Mexico,  and  came  back  with  him. 

11  The  fact  appeared  in  a  manuscript  record  of  197  pages  found  in  Maxi 
milian's  private  office.     The  notes  to  the  manuscript  are  in  French,  many  of 
them  in  the  handwriting  of  Felix  Eloin.     The  document  was  later  lodged  in 
the  foreign  office  of  Mexico.    Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliauo,  i.  318;  Traidores 
pintados  por  si  miwios,  in  Libro  Secreto  de  MaximiL,  1-2. 

12  It  has   been  said  against  Almonte  that  he   denied  recognition   to  his 
mother,  and  never  offered  her  any  assistance  though  she  lived  by  alms.  Ccbe- 
zuty  Los  Tre.fi  Afaldito*,  in  La  E*trella  de  Occid.,  Dec.  25,  1803. 

HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.    6 


82  MONARCHISM. 

1816.13  Having  been  nominated  by  President  Santa 
Anna  as  the  successor  of  Bishop  Becerra  at  Puebla,14 
his  preconization  took  place  the  23d  of  March,  1855; 
and  on  the  receipt  of  his  bulls,  he  took  the  constitu 
tional  oath  before  the  president,  and  was  consecrated  in 
the  cathedral  church  of  Puebla,  by  his  friend  Bishop 
Munguia,  on  the  8th  of  July.  The  new  diocesan  prel 
ate  devoted  himself  vigorously  to  the  duties  of  his 
office,  applying  his  exertions  especially  to  the  acqui 
sition  of  sisters  of  the  sacred  heart.  Two  months 
later  he  started  upon  a  pastoral  visit  of  the  diocese, 
which  was  presently  interrupted  by  the  annulment 
by  political  events  of  ecclesiastical  privileges.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  repeat  here  the  particulars  of  his  ex 
patriation,  which  have  been  set  forth  in  narrating  the 
occurrences  of  that  period.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it 
is  believed  the  motives  prompting  his  action  were 
pure,  and  in  keeping  with  the  good  qualities  of  his 
heart  and  mind.  He  did,  or  allowed  to  be  done, 

15  His  parents,  Manuel  Luciano  de  Labastida  and  Luisa  Ddvalos  y  Ochoa, 
were  of  pure  white  blood,  in  good  social  standing,  and  possessed  a  moderate 
fortune,  which  was  inherited  by  their  son.  In  1831,  after  a  course  of  pre 
paratory  instruction,  young  Labastida  entered  the  ecclesiastical  seminary  of 
Morelia,  where  by  his  superior  talents,  application,  and  amiable  character  he 
soon  won  himself  a  distinguished  place.  At  the  consecration  of  Bishop  Por 
tugal  he  was  afforded  the  opportunity  for  a  display  of  his  attainments  in 
philosophy,  mathematics,  and  belles-lettres,  being  rewarded  therefor  with  a 
scholarship,  to  which  was  added  permission  to  study  law,  though  it  had  been 
founded  exclusively  for  that  of  theology.  On  the  18th  of  July,  1838,  he  received 
the  order  of  subdeacon,  and  the  next  year  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  About  this 
time  he  was  appointed  professor  of  grammar,  belles-lettres,  and  philosophy,  a 
.position  that  had  been  declined  by  Clemente  de  Jesus  Munguia,  who  later  be 
came  bishop,  and  first  archbishop  of  Michoacan.  These  two  personages  bors 
for  each  other  a  life-long  friendship,  and  in  their  career,  both  literary  and 
ecclesiastical,  advanced  side  by  side.  They  not  only  held  professorships  in 
their  alma  mater,  but  also  important  ecclesiastical  offices  in  their  diocese. 
They  became  prebendaries,  and  five  years  after  canons.  Finally  they  were 
proposed  together  for  the  mitre  of  Michoacan  at  the  death  of  Bishop  Portugal. 
Munguia  became  the  bishop,  and  had  Labastida  with  him  as  his  provisor, 
vicar  of  nuns,  and  in  his  absences  left  him  as  guardian  of  the  diocese.  The 
latter  was  also  proposed  for  the  new^mitre  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  which  was  not 
conferred  on  him,  as  it  seems,  he  was  reserved  for  higher  places.  Sosa,  Episc. 
At  ex.,  229-32;  Aim.  Calcnd.  Galvan.,  1864,  47-50. 

11  For  what  it  may  be  worth,  reference  is  made  to  a  report  circulated  at 
this  time,  that  he  paid  the  pope's  legate  400  doubloons,  or  $0,400,  for  his 
mitre.  Lefgvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  318.  This  statement,  together  with  other 
things  not  creditable  to  the  archbishop,  was  secretly  communicated  to  Maxi 
milian.  Maury,  Biog.  de  Monsenor  Lahastida,  53-62. 


ARCHBISHOP  LABASTIDA.  83 

what  he  considered  proper  in  defence  of  the  interests 
of  religion  and  the  church,  though  always  endeavor 
ing  to  avoid  conflicts  with  the  civil  authority.  During 
his  ten  months  residence  in  Puebla,  and  notably  during 
the  siege  of  1856,  he  gave  proof  of  pastoral  purity, 
charity,  and  zeal,  as  well  as  of  fortitude  and  abnega 
tion.15  The  bishop  sojourned  in  Cuba  till  he  obtained 
leave  of  the  pope  to  reside  in  Rome.  In  this  forced 
absence  from  his  native  country  he  visited  the  chief 
cities  of  Europe,  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  India.  Mira- 
nion's  government  accredited  him  as  minister  pleni 
potentiary  near  the  papal  court.  On  the  llth  of 
October,  1863,  he  arrived  at  the  city  of  Mexico  as 
archbishop.16  Labastida's  acts  as  a  member  of  the 
government  created  under  the  auspices  of  French  bayo 
nets  will  appear  in  describing  current  events.  It  will  be 
well  to  say,  however,  that  though  some  of  his  acts  laid 
him  open  to  severe  criticism  on  the  part  of  a  large 
portion  of  his  countrymen,  not  even  his  political  oppo 
nents  failed  to  hold  him  in  respect,  both  as  a  man  and 
prelate,  and  certainly  no  one  ever  accused  him  of  being 
an  enemy  to  his  country.  After  his  separation  from 
political  complications  he  was  engaged  exclusively  in 
his  prelatic  duties.  In  1867  he  attended  the  ecumenical 
council  at  Rome,  and  was  on  the  committee  of  eccle 
siastical  discipline.  In  May  1871  he  was  back  in  his 
diocese  attending  to  its  affairs,  ever  deserving  to  be 
classed  among  the  most  distinguished  of  Mexico's 
ecclesiastics. 

Juan  B.  D'Ormaechea  had  been  a  member  of  the 
junta  of  reactionary  notables,  and  for  his  services  in 
the  cause  of  reaction  had  been  rewarded  with  the 
newly  created  mitre  of  Tulancingo.  He  was  more 
diplomatic  than  his  metropolitan,  whom  he  represented 
in  the  triumvirate. 

15  Such  is  the  character  generally  given  of  him.  Sosa,  Episc.  Hex.,  231. 

16  He  had  been  so  proclaimed  March  19, 1863,  and  together  with  his  friend 
Munguia,  received  the  pallium  on  the  next  day  at  the  hands  of  Cardinal  Anto- 
neili.     The  ephemerides  of  his  private  and  public  life  may  be  seen  in  La  Voz 
deM6j.,  July  8,  9,  10,  1881. 


84  MONARCHIST. 

The  executive  gave  the  force  of  law  to  all  of  Forey'a 
decrees  to  the  25th  of  June,  including  one  to  outlaw 
malefactors  and  bring  them  to  trial  by  a  French  court- 
martial.17  This  act  displeased  a  large  number  of 
citizens,  who  could  not  see  the  propriety  of  Mexicans 
being  tried  by  French  officers.  The  fact  is,  that  the 
triumviri  forming  the  executive  were  controlled  by 
their  French  superiors.18  The  order  of  Guadalupe 
was  restored  by  decree  of  June  30th,  on  the  plea  of 
respect  for  Pope  Pius  IX.,  who  had  sanctioned  it,  and 
for  the  foreign  sovereigns  and  distinguished  person 
ages  on  whom  it  had  been  conferred.19 

The  junta  superior  appointed20  the  so-called  nota 
bles  who  were  to  constitute  the  assembly,  and,  con 
jointly  with  the  above-named  body,  were  to  meet  on 
the  8th  of  July,  to  determine  the  future  form  of 
government.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the 
so-called  notables  were,  with  a  few  exceptions,  who 
also  called  themselves  monarchists,  the  mere  tools  of 
the  reactionary  plotters.21  Teodosio  Lares  was  chosen 
president,  and  Alejandro  Arango  y  Escandon  and  Jose 

17  Decrees  of  June  20th  and  July  1st.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  57-8,  95-6. 
General  Forey,  Colection  Completa  de  los  Decretos  Generates  Expedidos  por 

...Mexico,  1863,  8vo,  pp.  40,  contains  a  collection  of  decrees  issued  by 
General  Forey,  the  principal  of  which  order  a  reduction  of  import  duties,  the 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  persons  taking  up  arms  against  the  French  in 
tervention,  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  regulate  the  matter  of  munici 
pal  property  sold  at  inadequate  prices,  as  also  the  privileges  of  the  press. 
Others  relate  to  the  organization  of  the  government  and  the  establishment  of 
courts-martial  for  the  suppression  of  banditti. 

18  Forey  was  at  the  head  in  military  matters,  Saligny  in  political  affairs, 
and  Budin  in  financial  matters. 

19  Instituted  by  Iturbide  in  1822;  abolished  after  his  dethronement;  re 
vived  by  Dictator  Santa  Anna  in  1853,  and  again  definitively  suppressed  by  his 
successor  in  1855.     It  is  here  revived  a  second  time,  and  its  grand  cross  con 
ferred,  perhaps  pensioned  with  $2,000  a  year,  on  Forey  and  Saligny  by  their 
creatures.  Lefevrc,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  320-1;  Mex.,  Dertclio  Intern. ,  3d  pt, 
695-706;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  123;  Mex.t  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  91. 

20  June  29th,  Hex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  66-8. 

21  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  clothing  with  which  some  of  the  members 
presented  themselves  was  bought  with  French  money.  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maxi 
miliano,  i.  327.     This  has  been  denied,  and  pronounced  '  la  calumnia  de  un 
republicano  franco's. '  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  124.     Henry  M.  Flint,  who  in  his 
work,  Mexico  under  Maximilian,  approves  the  acts  of  the  French  and  the 
whole  affair  of  placing  Mexico  under  a  monarchy,  assures  us,  on  page  55,  that 
the  assembly  of  notables  comprised  the  men  who  had  in  1848  and  1849,  and 
again  in  1860,  'implored  the  United  States  to  save  Mexico  and  give  her  a  good 
government,'  which  is  quite  possible. 


THE  ASSEMBLY  FARCE.  85 

Maria  Andrade  became  the  secretaries.  The  commit 
tee  named  to  report  on  the  form  of  government  to  be 
adopted  consisted  of  Ignacio  Aguilar,  Joaquin  Velaz 
quez  de  Leon,  Santiago  Blanco,  Teofilo  Marin,  and 
Cayetano  Orozco.22  After  the  assembly  had  been 
thus  constituted,  the  triumviri,  who  had  arrived  at 
the  palace  midst  the  ringing  of  bells  and  the  thunder 
of  artillery,  were  introduced  into  the  assembly-cham 
ber  by  Bishop  Ramirez,  Doctor  Sollano,  generals 
Marquez  and  Mejia,  and  two  licentiates.  Almonte 
and  his  colleagues  and  Lares,  the  president,  took 
seats  under  the  canopy.  Forey  and  Saligny  sat  oppo 
site  the  table.  The  under-secretaries  of  state  were 
mixed  in  with  the  members  of  the  assembly.  Gen 
erals  Bazaine,  Douay,  Castagny,  Andrade,  and  Her- 
ran,  with  their  aids,  occupied  tribunes  reserved  for 
representatives  of  the  army.23 

Almonte,  speaking  for  the  executive,  frankly  set 
forth  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  of  the  action  the 
assembly  was  to  take  in  deciding  upon  the  future  of 
Mexico.  He  laid  stress  on  the  calamities  of  the  last 
forty  years,  abstaining,  however,  from  suggesting  any 
particular  form  of  government.  Not  so  Lares,  who, 
assuming  to  know  the  proclivities  of  the  body  he  pre 
sided  over,  in  his  answer  to  the  executive  set  down 
conclusions  significant  of  a  preconcerted  declaration 
in  favor  of  rnonarchism.  It  was  now  clear  that  it 
had  all  been  arranged  beforehand.  The  holy  ghost 
had  been  invoked,  with  prayers  and  masses,  for  its  aid 
in  a  not  particularly  holy  business.  For  several  days 
before  the  farce  was  played  every  one  of  these  nota 
bles  knew  that  his  part  in  it  was  to  proclaim  a  mon 
archy,  with  Maximilian  of  Austria  as  the  puppet 
ruler.  Barres,  editor  of  UEstafette,  was  instigated 
to  say  that  if  a  foreign  prince  was  not  called  to  the 
throne,  the  French  troops  would  go  away,  and  leave 

22  The  three  first  named  were  ministers  during  Santa  Anna's  dictatorship. 

Marin  held  the  same  position  under  Miramon,  and  all  were  rank  reactionists. 

*3  The  tribunes  were  filled  with  spectators,  among  whom  were  many  women. 


86  MONAECHISM. 

the  interventionists  to  their  own  resources.24  After 
listening  to  Almonte's  and  Lares'  remarks,  and  look 
ing  into  Forey's  and  Saligny's  faces,  the  assembly 
went  into  secret  session.  The  committee  on  the  10th 
made  their  report,  which,  it  is  said,  was  read  amid 
great  applause.225  Its  author  was  Ignacio  Aguilar,  the 
person  who  planned  the  plebiscit  for  Santa  Anna,  and 
gave  him  the  title  of  'alteza  serenisima.'  His  picture 
of  the  evils  Mexico  had  undergone  from  the  year  of 
independence  till  1857  was,  to  say  the  least,  highly 
colored.23  It  did  not  in  all  its  points  meet  with  the 
approbation  of  those  calling  themselves  the  oldest 
and  firmest  monarchists;  but  in  consideration  of  the- 
idea  proclaimed,  and  of  certain  paragraphs  they  deemed 
truthful,  it  was  accepted  as  a  whole.  The  document 
terminated  with  the  following  propositions:  1st,  the 
Mexican  nation  adopts  for  its  form  of  government  a 
moderate,  hereditary  monarchy,  with  a  Roman  cath 
olic  prince;  2d,  the  sovereign  will  assume  the  title  of 
*  emperor  of  Mexico';  3d,  the  imperial  crown  of  Mexico 
is  tendered  to  his  imperial  and  royal  highness  Prince 
Ferdinand  Maximilian,  archduke  of  Austria,  for  him 
self  and  his  descendants;  4th,  in  the  event  that,  owing 
to  circumstances  impossible  to  foresee,  Archduke 
Ferdinand  Maximilian  should  not  take  possession  of 
the  throne  tendered  him,  the  Mexican  nation  appeals 
to  the  benevolence  of  his  majesty  Napoleon  III.,  em 
peror  of  the  French,  to  nominate  another  catholic 
prince.27 

We  are  told  by  the  friends  of  the  scheme  that  the 

24  lylesias,  Interv.,  ii.  45-6.     The  proceedings  of  this  memorable  day  were 
fully  described  in  L  Estafette,  Saligny's  organ. 

25  Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  174,  assures  us  that  it  stirred  a  deep  enthusiasm,  and 
was  afterward  read  with  much  interest  and  appreciation  in  Europe. 

20Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iii.  125,  declares  it  exaggerated.  Of  course  the  con 
stitution  of  1857  and  the  reform  laws  were  the  reactionists' eye-sore,  and  made 
their  patriotic  hearts  bleed.  They  alleged  that  Mexico  had  been  during  forty 
years  ruled  by  robbers,  vagabonds,  and  incendiaries,  forgetting  that  their 
own  party  had  ruled  the  greater  part  of  that  time,  and  that  some  men,  now 
members  of  the  asamblea  de  notables,  had  committed  the  worst  outrages  re 
corded  in  Mexican  annals. 

27  Chynoweth,  Fall  of  Max.,  43-4,  gives  a  translation  of  the  propositions 
as  they  were  passed. 


DRAMATIC  EFFECTS.  87 

propositions  were  received  with  the  warmest  satisfac 
tion,  by  an  immense  concourse  of  people  of  all  classes 
thronging  the  galleries  of  the  chamber,  the  spacious 
corridors  and  courts  of  the  government  palace,  and 
the  great  plaza  of  the  cathedral.  There  is  no  doubt 
of  it.  The  theatrical  exhibitions  prepared  to  grace 
such  occasions  have  been  applauded  often  enough  in 
Mexico  and  other  places.  The  populace  is  fickle; 
money  properly  distributed  will  work  wonders. 
French  rulers  and  Mexican  reactionists  well  knew 
how  to  manipulate  such  evolutions.23  The  proposi 
tions  having  been  approved,29  they  were  on  the  llth 
published  by  edict.  The  assembly  gave  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  several  persons  for  their  labors  in  favor  of 
a  monarchy.30  On  motion  of  Bishop  Ramirez,  Jose 
M.  Andrade,  and  Secretary  Arango,  it  was  resolved 
that  a  copy  of  the  proclamation  of  a  monarchy  should 
be  forwarded  to  the  pope,  beseeching  his  blessing  on 
the  $rork  now  inaugurated,  and  on  the  prince  chosen 
by  the  nation.  On  the  13th  a  committee  of  the  as 
sembly  waited  on  the  triumviri,  and  placed  in  their 
hands  the  record  of  their  resolutions,  among  which 
was  one  adopted  on  the  llth,  on  the  title  to  be  borne 
by  the  executive,  namely,  that  of  Regencia  del  Im- 
perio  Mexican  o.31 

28  The  minister  of  relations  of  President  Juarez  called  them  'demostra- 
ciones  de  jiibilo  arrancadas  por  obra  de  la  policia.'  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  ix.  645.     Strange  though  it  may  appear,  notwithstanding  the  repeated 
occasions  offered  since  the  landing  of  the  French  expedition,  neither  the  men 
who  thus  truckled  to  Forey  and  Saligny,  nor  even  the  most  hardened  con 
servatives,  had,  till  the  arrival  of  the  expedition  at  the  capital,  made  any 
public  demonstration  in  favor  of  the  monarchial  form  of  government. 

29  The  tirst  by  229  ayes  against  2  nays;  the  second  and  third  unanimously; 
the  fourth  by  211  against  9.     Arraugoiz  has  it  that  only  15  of  the  members 
failed  to  sit.     Leievre  makes  it  19;  the  former  asserting  that  some  were  pre 
vented  by  sickness,  and  the  greater  number  belonging  to  the  moderate  liberal 
party  had  kept  away  from  fear  of  losing  a  comfortable  position,  rather  than 
from  political  conviction.     The  truth  is,   that  those  persons  declined  the 
doubtful  honor  of  belonging  to  such  a  body. 

30 Napoleon  and  Eugenie,  Forey  and  the  Franco-Mexican  army;  Saligny; 
Wagner,  minister  of  Prussia;  t'Kint  de  Rodenbeck,  charge"  from  Belgium; 
Padre  Miranda,  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  Andrade,  Hidalgo,  and  others.  In 
their  modesty,  they  actually  omitted  to  thank  themselves.  It  was  also  de 
creed  that  a  bust  of  Napoleon  III.  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  congress. 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  130;  Hidalgo,  Apuutes,  175-6;  JVtox,  Exptd.  da  Mex.t 
*-*/-* — «.), 

31  To  last  till  the  sovereign's  arrival.  Mex.,  Boletin  Leyes,  125-6. 


88  MONARCHIST! . 

After  this  pronunciamiento — to  use  a  favorite  Mex 
ican  word — arrangements  were  made  to  obtain  adher 
ence  thereto  by  cities  and  towns  not  occupied  by 
republican  forces.  The  acts  of  acceptance  were  duly 
forwarded  to  the  monarch  elect  in  Europe.  The 
asamblea  de  notables  then  addressed  a  communication 
to  Forey,  congratulating  him  on  the  series  of  victo 
ries  which  had  brought  him  and  his  army  to  the  capi 
tal,  and  assuring  him  Mexico  would  ever  remember 
his  name  with  respect  and  gratitude.  The  notables 
wished  his  name  to  be  accompanied  in  history  with 
the  unanimous  testimony  of  their  warm  acknowledg 
ment.82 

Archduke  Ferdinand  Maximilian  of  Hapsburg,  or 
Fernando  Maximiliano,  as  he  was  known  in  Mexico, 
second  son  of  Archduke  Franz  Karl  and  Archduchess 
Sophie,  and  a  brother  of  Franz  Joseph,  emperor  of 
Austria,  was  born  in  Schoenbrurm  on  the  6th  of 
July,  1832.  After  completing  a  classical  education 
and  mastering  six  languages,  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  study  of  branches  required  for  the  naval  profes 
sion  which  he  had  adopted,  and  with  the  view  of 
acquiring  a  practical  knowledge  of  its  duties,  he  made 
several  voyages.  He  also  visited  some  of  the  most 
prominent  countries  in  Europe  and  the  Orient.  In 
1854  he  was  summoned  to  Vienna  to  assume  the  com 
mand  in  chief  of  the  Austrian  navy.  In  1856  he 
travelled  in  northern  Germany,  France,  and  Holland, 
and  was  in  Paris  a  fortnight  as  the  honored  guest  of 
Napoleon  III.,  who  placed  at  his  disposal  the  palace 
of  Saint  Cloud.  It  was  then  that  the  most  friendly 
relations  were  established  between  Napoleon  and 
Maximilian,  destined  to  be  subsequently  interrupted 
by  events  in  Mexico.  The  latter  paid  a  visit  in  1857 

82 The  document  concludes  with  the  following  words:  '  Acepte,  pues, 
V.  E.,  este  voto  de  gracias,  que  en  medio  de  los  mas  vivos  aplausos  le  dirige 
la  asamblea,  y  con  el  el  homenage  de  nuestro  respeto.'  The  signatures  of  Te- 
odosio  Lares,  president,  Alejandro  Arango  y  Escaudon  and  Jose"  Maria  An- 
drade,  secretaries,  are  affixed  thereto.  Tovur,  Uist.  ParL,  i.  362. 


MAXIMILIAN.  89 

to  England,  and  a  second  one  to  Belgium,  where  he 
wedded  the  princess  Marie  Charlotte  Amelie,  after 
ward  known  in  Mexico  as  Carlota,  a  daughter  of 
King  Leopold  I.  and  his  queen,  Louise  of  Orleans. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  young  couple  at  Milan,  Sep 
tember  16,  1857,  they  were  the  objects  of  a  popular 
ovation.  They  visited  together  Sicily,  southern 
Spain,  the  Canaries,  and  Madeira,  the  bride  sojourn 
ing  at  the  last-named  island  till  her  husband's  return 
from  a  voyage  to  Brazil.  Maximilian  afterward  in 
troduced  many  improvements  in  the  Austrian  naval 
service,  directed  the  construction  of  a  navy-yard  at 
Pola,  and  the  rebuilding  of  that  town.  By  his  orders 
the  frigate  Novara  made  a  voyage  round  the  world, 
and  the  sloop  of  war  Carolina  a  scientific  one  to  the 
coasts  of  South  America. 

At  this  time  the  emperor,  his  brother,  desiring  that 
he  should  take  part  in  civil  affairs,  appointed  him 
governor-general  of  the  Lombardo- Venetian  king 
dom,  retaining  at  the  same  time  the  command  of  the 
imperial  navy.33  His  two  years'  tenure  of  office  was 
at  a  stormy  period,  a  violent  commotion  then  raging 
among  the  Italians;  but  by  his  liberal  and  concilia 
tory  spirit,  Maximilian  won  their  esteem,  even  though 
they  were  earnest  in  their  resolve  to  throw  off  the 
Austrian  yoke,  and  link  their  fate  with  a  united  Italy. 
It  was  said  at  the  time  that  the  Austrian  govern 
ment,  then  among  the  most  despotic  in  Europe,  re 
lieved  him  of  the  office  because  of  his  liberalism. 
Whether  true  or  not,  the  world  gave  Maximilian 
credit  for  his  good  administration.34  After  his  release 
from  the  cares  of  state  he  fixed  his  residence  in  the 


33  He  waa  a  hard  worker,  often  beginning  the  day  at  5  o'clock  in  the 
morning. 

34  The  British  government  testified  to  it  in  a  despatch  of  Jan.  12,  1859,  to 
Lord  Loftus,  ambassador  at  Vienna,  saying  that  it  acknowledged  with  un 
feigned  satisfaction  the  liberal  and  conciliatory  spirit  shown  by  the  Lom 
bardo- Venetian  government  while  it  was  in  charge  of  Archduke  Ferdinand 
Maximilian.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  Fern.  Max.,  Notic.  Biog.,  21-7.     See  also 
Maxim,  y  Carl.,  Adven.,  11-17;  JRivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  644-5;  Maximil., 
Docs,  53-4. 


90  MONARCHISM. 

picturesque  palace  of  Miramare,  furnishing  it  with 
magnificence  and  taste,  and  there  devoting  much  of 
his  time  to  scientific,  artistic,  and  literary  labors. 
Several  works  are  witnesses  of  his  industry;  namely, 
Sketches  of  Travel,  Voyages  to  Brazil,  Aphorisms,  Ma 
rine  Objects,  Austrian  Navy.  Two  volumes  of  his 
poetical  compositions  were  likewise  published. 

The  question  to  be  now  elucidated  is  how  the  plan 
of  a  monarchy  for  Mexico  came  to  be  considered,  to 
gether  with  the  grounds  for  its  authors'  convictions 
that  it  could  be  carried  out,  firmly  and  permanently 
setting  up  a  throne.  When  we  consider  the  wars  for 
national  independence  which  culminated  in  Iturbide's 
defection  from  the  royal  cause,  the  throne  raised  for 
him,  and  from  which  he  was  hurled  in  a  few  months, 
the  efforts  made  to  restore  him  to  that  throne  termi 
nating  with  the  catastrophe  at  Padilla,  we  should  feel 
that  Mexico's  monarchy  was  a  myth  but  for  the  fact  of 
its  ending  with  a  bloody  episode,  which  proved  that 
the  republic  could  not  forgive  even  the  liberator  for 
having  dared  to  wear  a  crown.  The  occurrences 
which  filled  the  country  with  sorrow  for  all  time  to 
come,  the  subsequent  persecution  of  the  liberator's 
friends,  and  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  suspected  of 
plotting  to  restore  the  Spanish  king's  domination  over 
Mexico,35  ought  clearly  to  demonstrate  what  were  the 
feelings  of  the  masses,  and  of  the  thinking  class,  on 
the  matter  of  the  form  of  government.  Afterward, 
amid  the  direst  calamities  of  civil  commotion,  through 
a  long  period  of  years,  there  never  was  any  indica 
tion  that  the  Mexican  people  desired  a  monarchy.36 
There  was  nothing  to  make  the  generation  living 
forty  years  after  the  expulsion  of  that  system,  when 

85  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  iv.,  this  series. 

•  86  There  was  no  reason  why  they  should.  The  Mexicans,  the  few  that 
visited  Spain  only  excepted,  had  never  known  their  monarchs.  They  had 
merely  seen  the  viceroys,  who  ruled  according  to  their  own  judgment,  re 
specting  the  manners  and  customs  transmitted  from  remote  times.  The  mon 
archy  left  on  Mexican  soil  neither  the  interests  of  a  secular  nobility,  nor  even 
a  moral  interest. 


THE  MEXICANS  NOT  MONARCHISTS.  91 

it  was  forgotten,  and  republican  life  and  language  had 
become  a  part  of  Mexican  nature — there  was  nothing, 
I  say,  to  awaken  in  these  latter-day  Mexicans  a  de 
sire  for  the  restoration  of  an  order  of  things  which 
they  never  had  known,  and  never  had  been  taught  to 
venerate.87 

Turning  to  the  earlier  years  of  the  republic,  and 
noting  the  deadly  animosity  existing  between  the 
escoces,  or  centralist  party,  and  the  yorkino,  or  feder 
alist,  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  remnants  of  the 
former  in  their  efforts  to  rally  and  face  their  oppo 
nents  always  showed  timidity,  because  a  hated  name 
bore  them  down — that  of  monarchists,  as  the  people 
insisted  on  calling  them.  At  last,  when  a  writer 
called  them  conservadores,  they  clutched  at  the  new 
name  that  should  enable  them  to  make  recruits,  and 
they  again  became  a  political  party;  but  it  was  a  re 
publican  party,  and  as  such  was  sometimes  in  power, 
and  at  others  in  the  opposition,  but  under  no  cir 
cumstances  pretending  to  advocate  monarchism.38 

In  September  1840  Jose  Maria  Gutierrez  de  Es 
trada — the  man  so  prominent  in  the  events  of  1861 
and  subsequent  years  connected  with  the  monarchial 
scheme  —  returned  to  Mexico,  after  an  absence  of 
some  years  in  Europe,  when  the  expediency  of  a 
change  in  the  constitution  was  publicly  discussed. 
Declining  a  position  in  the  cabinet  and  a  seat  in  the 
senate,  Gutierrez  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  bring  forward  the  ideas  he  had  become  imbued 
with  in  his  European  travels — the  establishment  of  a 
monarchy  in  Mexico.  In  a  pamphlet,  accompanied 
with  a  letter  to  President  Bustamante,  he  endeavored 
to  show39  that  Mexico  would  never  enjoy  peace  and 

37  Prim  wrote  Napoleon  III.,  March  17,  1862,  that  there  were  few  men  in 
Mexico  imbued  with  monarchial  sentiments;  that  a  few  rich  men,  possibly, 
would  accept  a  foreign  monarch,  who  might  retain  his  throne  as  long  as 
French  bayonets  supported  him;  but  those  men  could  do  nothing  for  him 
after  the  supporting  force  had  left;  he  must  then  fall.  Veritas,  Nuevas 
lieflrx.  Cuest.  Franco- Mex.,  116-18;  Ltfevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  292. 

33  The  old  leaven  still  worked,  however,  among  a  limited  number  of  the 
party,  who  showed  their  hand  in  1844,  as  will  be  made  to  appear. 

39  He  ably  displayed  the  best  records  of  the  monarchial  system,  and  de- 


92  MONARCHISM. 

welfare  till  she  discarded  the  republican  form  of  gov- 
ment40  and  accepted  the  monarchial,  with  a  foreign 
prince  for  the  first  occupant  of  the  throne. 

The  publication  of  such  a  document — at  a  time  of 
popular  excitement,  when  the  people  wanted  to  do 
away  with  the  central  regime  existing  since  1835,  and 
to  restore  the  federal  constitution  of  1824 — may  well 
be  imagined.  The  government  did  not  prevaricate  on 
that  occasion.  The  author  was  treated  as  a  political 
heretic;  his  letter  and  pamphlet  were  condemned  as 
scandalous,  offensive  to  the  nation,  and  in  the  highest 
degree  unconstitutional.41  During  his  subsequent 
residence  of  many  years  in  Europe  he  did  not  lose 
sight  of  his  pet  scheme.  Its  introduction  in  Mexican 
politics  was  again  tried  during  Herrera's  administra 
tion  in  1844,  the  remnants  of  the  monarchists  coming 
together  and  resolving  to  strike  a  blow  at  their  fed 
eralist  foes.42  A  revolution  broke  out,  headed  by  Gen 
eral  Paredes,  which  is  fully  detailed  in  the  proper 
place.  If  we  are  to  believe  Gutierrez,  Paredes.  was 
the  active  instrument  of  the  monarchists.43  Whatso 
ever  their  number — and  it  could  not  be  large — they 
certainly  had  no  strength  to  effect  the  transformation, 

picted  the  republican  calamities  of  Mexico.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  Carta  dirij. 
. . .  Presid. ,  3-96.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada  really  had  come  to  believe  that  a 
monarchy  was  the  only  remedy  for  Mexico's  ills;  he  can  scarcely  be  called  a 
traitor.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  67. 

40  He  said  it  was  unsuited  to  the  manners,  customs,  and  traditions  of  the 
Mexican  people,  for  everything  in  the  country  was  monarchic. 

41  The  copies  offered  for  sale  were  gathered  in  and  submitted  to  the  action 
of  the  criminal  court,  which  had  declared  the  production  subversive  and  se 
ditious.    See   order  of  the  minister  of   the  interior,  Oct.  21,  1840,  to  gov 
ernors,  etc.,  in  Hex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec.,  1839-40,  796-7.     In  a  proclamation 
the  president  called  Gutierrez  a  traitor  and  political  transfuge,  who  had  gone 
to  Europe  a  republican  and  come  back  a  monarchist.    Several  political  leaders, 
among  them  Santa  Anna  and  Almonte,  published  strong  protests  against  the 
pamphlet.     Indeed,  its  arguments  were  treated  with  scorn;  and  the  author's 
countrymen  heaped  reprobation  on  his  head,  and  he  was  obliged  to  quit  the 
country  as  a  public  satisfaction.     On  the  other  hand,  European  monarchists 
highly  commended  his  effort.     But  though  his  personal  friends,  relatives,  and 
former  political  associates  were  often  afterward  in  power,  no  administration 
dared  to  give  him. permission  to  return.     He  became  an  old  man  in  exile. 

42  It  was  the  most  favorable  opportunity  they  could  have  desired  to  carry 
out  their  views.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  Alex,  y  Europa,  33-4;  Rivera,  Gob.  de 
Mex.,  ii.  282-3. 

43  It  will  be  remembered  that  Paredes' manifesto  reminded  the  people  of 
the  benefits  they  had  enjoyed  during  the  Spanish  domination. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  PLAN.  93 

notwithstanding  Gutierrez'  assertion  that  they  com 
prised  the  first  men  in  the  country  for  their  social  stand 
ing,  the  greater  portion  of  the  clergy,44  and  all  who 
had  changed  their  opinions  as  a  result  of  their  past 
experience.  It  was  quite  evident  that  without  Euro 
pean  aid  the  so-called  monarchist  party  was  powerless.45 
Coming  now  to  the  French  intervention  period, 
with  Juarez'  triumph  over  Miranion,  the  ascendency 
of  liberal  republican  principles  was  for  a  time  consid 
ered  as  permanently  secured.  But  it  was  not  yet  to 
be  so;  for  the  reactionists,  though  in  a  hopeless 
minority,  and  without  means  to  push  their  pretensions, 
would  not,  as  we  have  seen,  give  up  the  contest. 
Hopes  were  held  out  to  them  from  abroad.  The  plan 
to  continue  the  civil  war  was  adopted  at  Tlalpan, 
January  18,  1861,  under  the  leadership  of  Leonardo 
Marquez.  It  was  to  be,  they  said,  a  fight  for  law  and 
order.  At  the  same  time,  a  number  of  their  affiliated, 
residing  in  Paris,  went  to  work  at  the  French  court 
to  obtain  help,  and  later,  through  the  influence  of  the 
exiled  bishops,  the  pope  favored  their  plans;  but  it 
appears  that  at  first  they  only  hoped  for  aid  to  restore 
their  strength,  without  any  thought  of  the  European 
powers  entertaining  the  idea  of  a  monarchy  in  Mexico. 
The  thought  was,  most  probably,  put  into  their  heads 
by  Napoleon  III.,  who  saw  his  opportunity  in  the  dis 
turbed  political  condition  of  the  United  States,  and 
especially  after  the  latter  refused  to  take  part  in  the 
intervention  proposed.  The  reactionists  in  Mexico 
had  no  idea,  at  least  expressed,  of  any  form  of  govern 
ment  other  than  the  republican,  as  was  made  evident 
in  their  organ.46  Then  again,  we  have  the  evidence 

44  And  yet  the  ecclesiastical  chapters  refused  funds  for  the  support  of  Pa- 
redes'  army,  though  the  cathedral  of  Mexico  had  been  asked  only  to  loan 
$08,000  monthly  during  one  year,  that  is  to  say,  $2,400,000  from  all  the 
dioceses. 

45  Gutierrez  Estrada  in  1846  laid  before  the  British  and  French  govern 
ments  a  memorandum  containing  his  views  on  the  necessity  of  their  affording 
such  aid.     Extracts  from  that  document  were  given  to  the  press  by  him  in 
1847,  Francisco  Javier  Miranda  being  the  responsible  editor. 

40  They  had  set  up  what  they  called  a  supreme  government  at  Zimapan, 
in  the  present  state  of  Hidalgo,  and  had  an  organ,  the  Boletin  Oficial,  which  in 


94  MONARCHISM. 

of  one  of  the  most  prominent  leaders  of  the  party, 
Jose  Maria  Cobos.  In  his  manifesto  published  at 
Saint  Thomas  he  clearly  gives  the  views  of  his  party, 
after  the  French  had  invaded  the  country,  and  they 
were  republican.47 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  same  persons  who 
invited  foreign  intervention  had  hoped  for  aid  from 
the  United  States  government;  and  when  it  failed 
them,  raised  a  large  fund — not  less  than  eight  million 
dollars  from  Mexico  alone — and  proposed  to  a  number 
of  influential  men  in  the  United  States  to  join  them 
in  establishing  a  stable  government  in  Mexico.  It 
has  been  further  stated  that  a  number  of  the  most 
distinguished  officers  of  the  United  States  army  were 
enlisted  in  the  cause.  A  government,  with  probably 
an  Iturbide  at  its  head,  but  with  the  administration 
of  affairs  in  the  hands  of  United  States  citizens,  was 
to  be  created.48 

The  Mexican  monarchial  scheme  was  not  taken  up 
at  hap-hazard  and  at  the  eleventh  hour  by  the  French 
government.  Billault,  the  minister,  denied  that  it 
had  originated  with  his  government.  In  a  speech  of 
June  27,  1862,  in  the  French  chamber,  he  stated  that 
numerous  Mexicans 49  had  declared  themselves  in  favor 

it3  first  number  said  that  the  conservative  party  abhorred  and  rejected  every 
scheme  tending  to  diminish  or  imperil  the  national  independence.  In  the 
second  number  it  advocated  centralism  in  the  form  proposed  in  1855;  and  in 
the  sixth  the  language  was  most  explicit:  '  piensa  que  conviene  al  pais  la 
forma  de  gobiernp  republicana,  representiva,  popular,  central.'  Veritas, 
Xueva*  Reflex.  Guest.  Franco-Hex.,  111-12. 

47  He  proposed  to  Almonte,  then  placed  in  power  under  French  influence, 
to  shape  his  policy  on  a  conservative  basis,  '  sin  mezcla  de  monarquia  extran- 
jera,  porla  que  nadie  opinaba.'  Romero,  Intrig.  Europ.,  46-7. 

48  These  facts  were  divulged  by  Sylvester  Mowry,  who  added  that  a  docu 
ment  embodying  the  statistics  and  plan  of  the  enterprise,  prepared  by  a  lead 
ing  man  of  New  York,  assisted  by  Gen.  McClellan,  C.  P.  Stone,  himself,  and 
several  of  the  first  men  for  talents,  influence,  and  wealth,  was  laid  before 
Napoleon  III.,  who  perused  it  with  pleasure  and  profit.     Success  was  certain; 
but  the  U.  S.  government,  whose  neutrality  had  been  asked,  interposed  its 
authority,  and  the  project  was  reluctantly  abandoned.  Flint's  Mex.  under 
Max.,  34-6.     Mowry,  like  Arrangoiz,  would  have  the  world  believe  that  only 
the  conservatives  and  their  clerical  allies,  with  perhaps  a  few  of  the  lesa  ob 
jectionable  liberals,  had  anything  at  stake  in  Mexico  worth  protecting. 

49  Gutierrez  Estrada,  Padre  Miranda,  Jos6  Hidalgo,  Munoz  Ledo,  Almonte, 
and  others.     Most  of  them,  if  not  all,  had  been  in  Paris  a  long  time,  and 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  real  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico.     They  were  not 


CHOICE  OF  A  KING.  95 


of  monarchy  as  the  only  form  of  government  capable 
of  restoring  order  in  Mexico ;  that  several  presidents50 
had  intended  to  open  negotiations  in  Europe  toward 
securing  it  for  their  country ;  that  several  statesmen51 
believed  it  the  only  recourse  to  end  the  anarchy  kept 
up  by  a  few  hundred  men,  who  to  hold  the  central 
power  were  ruining  the  people;  and  finally,  that  it 
was  thought  a  foreign  prince  would  be  more  accept 
able  than  a  Mexican  one,  as  he  would  awaken  less 
rivalry,  better  control  the  situation,  and  present  a 
stronger  and  more  lasting  arrangement.  Billault 
added  that  Archduke  Maximilian  would  be  the  best 
qualified  prince  for  the  position.52  Be  it  remembered, 
that,  according  to  this  minister,  the  matter  had  been 
broached  in  a  diplomatic  conversation,  as  a  suggestion, 
subject  at  all  events  to  the  will  of  the  people.  It  was 
said — after  the  French  reverse  at  Puebla,  but  before 
the  arrival  of  Forey's  army — that  Billault  was  care 
ful  to  avoid  even  a  semblance  of  rivalry  between  the 
allied  powers,  and  was,  therefore,  very  reticent  as 
to  the  real  motives  prompting  the  choice  of  Maximil 
ian  over  other  princes  equally  entitled  to  be  candi 
dates.53 

true  representatives  of  their  country,  and  had  no  authority  to  speak  for  it. 
What  they  wanted  was  to  come  back  supported  by  foreign  bayonets. 

50  Referring  no  doubt  to  Santa  Anna,  Zuloaga,  and  Miramon.     The  latter 
may  have  asked  for  intervention  for  his  own  purposes.     Zuloaga's  opinion 
on  the  subject  was  the  same  as  Cobos'. 

51  The  French  ministers,  and  Mon,  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  Paris. 
52Domenech  thought  him  unfit  for  it.     His  words  are,  'il  crut  que  le 

Mexique  e"tait  une  succursale  de  la  Lombardie,'  and  that  by  enacting  good 
laws  he  would  be  Mexico's  benefactor.  Hist,  du  Mex. ,  ii.  363. 

63  Spain  had  her  projects,  though  her  government  made  a  denial.  Calde- 
ron  Collaaces,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  on  the  9th  of  April,  1862,  at  an 
interview  wit  "hi  Arrangoiz,  exhibited  much  displeasure  at  the  selection  of  an 
Austrian  instead  of  a  Spaniard.  He  pretended  ignorance  of  the  plan;  but  it 
was  mere  pretence,  for  Almonte  had  divulged  it  to  him  in  Dec.  1861.  Collan- 
tes  thought  it  was  yet  time  to  propose  the  Spanish  princess  Isabel,  marry 
ing  her  to  the  reigning  prince  of  Koumania.  But  as  she  was  a  mere  child,  he 
next  mentioned  the  sister  of  Queen  Isabel  II.,  and  her  husband.  Hidalgo 
asserted  that  the  monarchists  had,  through  Gutierrez  and  himself,  tendered 
the  crown  to  Isabel's  brother-in-law,  the  due  de  Montpensier,  who  neither 
accepted  nor  declined  it.  Arraiigoiz  wrote  to  Paris  to  ascertain  if  any  change 
could  be  brought  about,  and  the  answer  was  published  in  La  fipoca  of  Ma 
drid,  on  the  23d  of  April,  1862.  Hidalgo  and  the  others  believed  in  Maximil 
ian's  friendship  for  Spain,  which  that  prince  was  manifesting  at  this  time, 
but  in  the  course  of  events  they  discovered  their  mistake.  Prim's  abandon- 


96  MONARCHISM. 

Napoleon  had  said  that  he  had  no  candidate  of  his 
family.  Mexico  would  not  for  a  moment  think  of  a 
British  protestant  prince.  As  for  Spain,  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  Mexican  people  would  look  on  the  selec 
tion  of  a  Spanish  prince  as  a  reconquest  of  their 
country.  Moreover,  the  three  allied  powers,  it  was 
decided,  should  be  left  out  of  any  combination  by 
which  either  of  them  would  have  an  undue  advantage 
in  Mexico.  Maximilian  was  then  selected  and  ac 
cepted  by  France  and  England.  Hidalgo  has  it  that 
Gutierrez  de  Estrada  had  ascertained,  early  in  Octo 
ber  1861,  that  the  archduke  would  accept  the  throne 
on  two  conditions:  1st,  that  Mexico  should  sponta 
neously  ask  for  him  ;  2d,  that  the  support  of  France 
and  England  should  be  given  him.  It  was  on  these 
conditions  that  Maximilian,  on  the  8th  of  December, 
in  a  letter  to  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  answering  one 
dated  October  30th  from  several  Mexicans,  gave  in 
his  acceptance  of  the  crown.64  The  question  would 
remain  unsolved  but  for  certain  circumstances  that 
throw  light  upon  it,  showing  that  the  treaty  of  peace 
at  Villafranca  between  France  and  Austria  might  be 
mixed  with  Mexican  affairs. 

An  article  in  the  Italian  journal  Nuova  Italia  said 
that  one  of  its  friends  had  seen  in  the  office  of  Count 
Cavour,  Piedmontese  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  an 
Italian  map  wherein  the  island  of  Sardinia  and  Li- 
guria  were  indicated  as  possessions  to  be  ceded  to 
France,  the  former  in  compensation  for  the  abandon 
ment  of  Gaeta  and  the  recognition  of  the  new 
kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  latter  in  exchange  for  the 
Lombardo-Venetian  kingdom.55  The  latter  exchange 

ment  of  Mexico  put  an  end  to  Collantes'  schemes.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  7-8, 
17,  82-4;  Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  50,  71-4,  86,  94. 

54  Maximilian's  letter  was  forwarded  by  Gutierrez  to  Ignacio  Aguilar  for 
the  benefit  of  their  accomplices.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  M6x.  y  el  ArcMd.,  18; 
Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  ii.  364-9.  The  subject  occupied  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  ministry  and  congress.  Ctirtes,  Diario  Senado,  ii.,  ap.  no.  85, 
84-8;  Id.,  Congreso,  ii.,  no.  45,  747-55,  iii.,  no.  54,  953;  vi.,  ap.,  i.,  no.  138, 
53,  84-8,  no.  139,2772-5,  no.  140,  2789-91,  no.  141,  2813-17,  no.  142,  2838-9. 

63  The  first  part  of  the  programme,  it  is  said,  failed,  owing  to  British 
agencies. 


POLICY  OF  AUSTRIA  AND  FRANCE.  97 

was  supposed  to  be  connected  with  Mexico  in  this 
way :  the  republican  government  was  to  be  destroyed, 
and  replaced  by  an  Austrian  archduke,  with  the  hope 
of  negotiating  afterward  with  his  brother  the  cession 
of  Lombard  o-Venetia.56 

We  must  now  ascertain  when,  how,  and  by  whom 
the  propositions  were  made  in  Vienna.  The  Gazette, 
a  semi-official  organ  of  the  Austrian  government, 
said,  in  August  1863,  that  in  the  autumn  of  1861 
both  the  chief  and  representative  of  the  Mexican 
monarchists,  then  in  Paris,  confidentially  asked  if,  in 
the  event  of  an  initiative  by  France,  with  England's 
sanction,  an  Austrian  archduke  were  invited  to  oc 
cupy  the  throne  of  Mexice,  specially  naming  Ferdi 
nand  Maximilian,  there  would  be  good  reason  to 
apprehend  a  repulse.  It  was  then  asserted  that  the 
archduke  would  not  refuse  the  crown  if  his  brother, 
the  emperor,  approved  of  the  arrangement.  The 
answer  was,  that  no  such  proposals  could  be  considered 
unless  conditioned  upon  guarantees  of  success  to  secure 
the  dignity  of  the  archduke  and  of  the  imperial 
house.  The  Austrian  court  resolved  to  maintain  a  pas 
sive  attitude,  without  approaching'F ranee  or  England 
on  the  subject,  and  quietly  awaited  the  formal  tender 
on  the  basis  of  the  conditions  it  had  demanded.57 

56  This  province  was  to  be  conveyed  to  Italy  in  payment  for  Liguria,  which 
was  to  become  French.  Parisian  correspondence  of  L'Escaut,  Aug.  16,  1863. 
The  Presse  of  Vienna,  without  a  clear  explanation,  also  spoke  of  a  demand  in 
compensation  as  of  a  very  probable  thing,  declaring  beforehand  that  the  Aus 
trian  government  would  not  assent  thereto.  Lefdvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i. 
297-8;  Romero,  Intriy.  Europ.,  53.     Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  72,  pronounces  the 
exchange  of  Venice  for  Mexico  a  'cuento  inventado  por  la  malicia.'     It  may 
have  been  a  flight  of  imagination,  but  as  Hidalgo  from  his  own  interested 
motives  has  indulged  in  such  flights,  his  assertions  are  not  entitled  to  credence 
unless  corroborated  from  reliable  and  unbiased  sources. 

57  The  document,  as  semi-official,  could  not  be  explicit.     As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  said  too  much  and  too  little:  the  former,  inasmuch  as  it  stated  that 
before  the  signing  of  the  London  convention  of  Oct.  31,  1861,  the  Austrian 
government  had  been  confidentially  approached  to  ask  if  Maximilian  would 
accept  a  throne  in  Mexico,  if  called  thereto  by  France,  with  England's  sanc 
tion;  the  latter,  because  the  article  spoke  only  of  the  chief  and  representa 
tive  of  the  so-called  monarchial  party  of  Mexico,  who  could  be  no  others 
than  Gutierrez  and  Almonte,  and  these  persons  had  no  authority  to  speak  for 
a  party  not  existing.     It  is  clear  that  the  overtures  emanated  from  some  per 
sonage  occupying  a  higher  plane  in  the  official  world.  Lefivre,  Doc.  Maxi 
miliano,  i.  299-300. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    7 


98  MONARCHISM. 

Another  Austrian  organ,  Le  Memorial  Diplomatique, 
confirmed  the  foregoing  statement,  adding  that  Em 
peror  -Franz  Joseph  had  left  to  his  brother  the  right 
of  accepting  or  not  the  proffered  crown  at  the  proper 
time.  However,  he  sent,  immediately  after  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  confidential  overtures  from  the  French 
court,53  Count  de  Rechberg,  his  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,59  to  Miramare  to  apprise  Maximilian  of  what 
was  in  reserve  for  him  on  the  successful  issue  of  the 
French  intervention,  and  the  expression  of  the  will 
of  the  Mexican  people,  together  with  the  personal 
benevolent  feeling  of  Napoleon  III.;  and  it  was  left 
to  Maximilian  to  decide  for  himself.  The  archduke 
appeared  much  moved  at  this  manifestation  of  good 
will  on  the  part  of  the  French  emperor.  Now,  this 
semi-official  statement  does  not  agree  with  Hidalgo's 
version,  and  never  having  been  contradicted  by  the 
imperial  government,  it  must  be  accepted  as  the  true 
one,  even  though  it  overthrows  Billault's  and  Hidal 
go's  stories,  as  well  as  Thouvenel's  sincerity.  There 
fore,  it  would  seem  that  it  was  Napoleon  himself  who 
made  the  communication  to  Franz  Joseph,  and  that 
Almonte  went  to  Vienna  as  a  bearer  of  confidential 
despatches.60 

Amidst  all  that,  Billault,  on  the  26th  of  July, 
1862,  in  answering  Jules  Favre,  affirmed  that  the 
French  army,  on  marching  upon  Mexico,  would  ap 
peal  to  the  people  of  the  country  to  ascertain  if  they 
wished  or  not  to  support  what  he  called  the  tyranny 
of  Juarez;  and  when  hard  pressed  by  his  opponent, 
declared  that  if  the  nation  reflected  Juarez,  the 
French  government  would  acquiesce  without  demur. 

58Mons.  Thouvenel,  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  being  asked  by 
Lord  Cowley,  British  ambassador,  denied  it;  that  is  to  say,  lie  did  not  deny 
that  there  were  negotiations  with  the  court  of  Vienna,  but  pretended  that 
they  were  carried  on  between  that  court  and  some  Mexicans.  Ctfrtes,  Diario 
Senado,  ii.,  ap.  no.  85,  3. 

59  Maximilian,  in  his  memorial  to  Gen.  Escobedo,  May  29,  1867,  speaks  of 
it,  without  naming  the  individual,  as  a  'persona  de  alta  gerarquia  de  Austria. ' 

60 It  is  at  least  certain  that  the  French  rendered  secret  aid;  and  it  is  also 
»  fact  that  the  negotiations  between  Paris  and  Miramare  lasted  eight  months. 
Ktratry,  Max.,  7.  .  *. 


POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  99 

Saligny,  on  the  contrary,  resorted  to  no  subterfuges. 
He  said  plainly  that  the  object  of  the  intervention 
was  not  to  find  out  the  opinion  of  the  Mexicans  on 
the  form  of  government,  but  to  fix  in  the  family — 
that  is  to  say,  among  the  conservatives — the  basis  of 
the  establishment  that  Mexico  anxiously  expected 
from  the  friendly  interposition  of  the  third  Napoleon. 
The  official  newspapers  received  orders  to  prepare 
public  opinion  for  this  much-desired  monarchy,  and 
Almonte,  on  his  return  from  Vienna,  sailed  for  Vera 
Cruz,  where  he  arrived  early  in  March  1862.  We 
have  already  seen  what  he  did.61 

While  the  aforesaid  proceedings  were  going  on  in 
Europe,  which  culminated  in  Mexico  as  I  have  de 
tailed,  the  government  of  the  United  States,  being 
occupied  with  its  internal  war,  was  simply  a  looker-on, 
pursuing  a  prudent  course.  Secretary  Seward,  on  the 
15th  of  December,  1862,  wrote  Matias  Romero,  Mex 
ican  representative  at  Washington,  that  as  war  ex 
isted  between  France  and  Mexico,  the  United  States 
must  "act  in  regard  to  it  only  on  the  principles  which 
have  always  governed  their  conduct  in  similar  cases." 
Upon  Juarez'  abandonment  of  the  capital,  the  min 
ister  of  the  United  States,  Corwin,  declined  his  invi 
tation  to  follow  him  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  This  course 
was  approved  by  Seward.  On  the  26th  of  Septem 
ber,  1863,  the  French  being  in  possession  of  the 
capital,  and  a  crown  having  been  tendered  to  Maxi 
milian,  Seward  wrote  the  ministers  of  the  United 
States  at  Vienna  and  Paris,  and  on  the  23d  of  Octo 
ber  to  the  minister  at  the  British  court,  that  the 
American  government  would  pursue  a  policy  of  strict 
neutrality.62  From  the  words  and  spirit  of  the  secre- 

61A  Colonel  Garcia  surrendered  Almonte's  correspondence  to  the  Mexican 
government;  hence  Doblado's  request  to  the  allied  plenipotentiaries  for  Al 
monte's  expulsion,  and  the  latter  being  taken  under  the  protection  of  Loren- 
cez  and  Saligny. 

62 To  the  minister  in  Vienna  he  said:  'The  United  States  are  not  indif 
ferent  to  the  events  which  are  occurring  in  Mexico.  They  are  regarded, 
however,  as  incidents  of  the  war  between  France  and  Mexico.'  To  the  min- 


100  MONAECHISM. 

tary's  correspondence,  it  appears  that  if  an  imperial 
government  were  firmly  established  in  Mexico,  by  the 
consent  of  the  Mexican  people,  the  United  States 
government  would  hold  friendly  relations  with  it,  as 
it  was  doing  with  Brazil.  But  the  course  of  the 
Washington  cabinet  toward  Maximilian's  government, 
and  its  continued  recognition  of  that  of  Juarez,  made 
it  evident  that  in  its  estimation  the  empire  lacked 
stability,  and  its  fall,  after  the  French  intervention 
should  cease,  must  follow. 

ister  in  Paris  he  stated  that  the  U.  S.  '  have  neither  a  right  nor  a  disposition 
to  intervene  by  force  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico,  whether  to  establish 
and  maintain  a  republic,  or  even  a  domestic  government  there,  or  to  over 
throw  an  imperial  or  a  foreign  one,  if  Mexico  chooses  to  establish  or  accept 
it.  The  U.  S.  have  neither  the  right  nor  the  disposition  to  intervene  by  force 
on  either  side  in  the  lamentable  war  which  is  going  on  between  France  and 
Mexico.'  To  Minister  Adams  he  used  these  words:  'The  U.  S.  can  do  no 
otherwise  than  leave  the  destinies  of  Mexico  in  the  keeping  of  her  own 
people,  and  recognize  their  sovereignty  and  independence  in  whatever  form 
they  themselves  shall  choose  that  this  sovereignty  shall  be  manifested. '  Much 
discussion  was  had  in  the  U.  S.  congress  and  press  on  the  Mexican  question, 
many  seeing  in  the  European  proceedings  a  violation  of  the  Monroe  doctrine; 
but  a  perusal  of  Monroe's  words  will  clearly  show  that  there  had  been  as  yet 
no  attempt  at  violating  that  principle.  U.  S.  Oovt  Doc.,  Cong.  37,  Sess.  3, 
House  Ex.  1,  307-441,  passim;  Id.,  vol.  vi.;  Id.,  House  Journal,  702;  Id., 
Cong.  38,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Ex.,  11,  33;  Id.,  Foreign  Affiairs,  1862,  193,  338-40, 
350-7,  377-8,  384-5,  392,  400-5;  Id.,  1863,  pts  i.-ii.,  638-762,  1335-41;  Id., 
1864,  pt  ii.,  710-11,  936;  U.  S.  Oovt  Doc.,  Cong.  37,  Sess.  3,  Sen.  Journ., 
578;  Id.,  Sen.  Miscel.,  13;  Mex.  Affairs,  in  President's  Mess.,  June  16,  1864; 
N.  Am.  Rev.,  ciii.  137-42. 


CHAPTER  V. 

MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 
1863. 

INHERENT  IDEA  OP  EMPIRE — MONTEZUMA,  ITURBIDE,  MAXIMILIAN — FORCED 
ADHESIONS — CHARACTER  OF  THE  REGENTS — DEPUTATION  TO  MAXIMILIAN 
— His  ACCEPTANCE — MAXIMILIAN  AND  CHARLOTTE,  THEIR  CHARACTER 
AND  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE — IMPERIALIST  SUCCESSES — MOVEMENTS  OF 
THE  JUARISTS — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  ARCHBISHOP — BAZAINE — FRENCH  POLICY 
— ATTITUDE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — FALL  OF  MORELIA — DEATH  OF  Co- 
MONFORT — FURTHER  FIGHTING. 

THE  prospects  of  a  stable  government  could  not 
fail  to  appeal  widely  to  the  people,  even  if  introduced 
under  the  hateful  though  imposing  auspices  cf  French 
armies.  Property  holders  had  everywhere  suffered 
greatly  from  ravages  anpl  forced  contributions,  and 
the  effect  of  this  extended  also  to  a  wide  circle 
around  them,  which  otherwise,  with  true  Mexican 
volatility,  was  ready  to  welcome  any  change,  especially 
for  the  pomp  and  glitter  of  a  court.  The  cause  .of 
religion  found  naturally  a  large  following,  influenced 
in  particular  by  the  women,  who,  seeing  little  in  war 
but  its  horrors,  naturally  preferred  a  prince  of  peace 
of  fair  features  and  glittering  paraphernalia  to  the 
more  logical  and  patriotic  liberalism.  As  for  the 
Indians,  living  for  themselves  and  clinging  rather  to 
the  past,  the  revival  of  the  empire  struck  in  some  of 
them  a  sympathetic  chord,  which  set  in  vibration  the 
memories  of  recent  colonial  times,  with  their  sub 
stantial  privileges  and  exemptions,  and  above  all, 
traditions  of  the  golden  ante-Cortesian  period,  as  re 
called  in  the  imperial  coat  of  arms,  with  its  eagle  on 

(101) 


102  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

the  sea-girt  nopal.1  Conservative  organs  kept  before 
the  people  these  and  other  benefits,  and  wherever 
French  sway  prevailed,  the  new  order  of  things  found 
ready  acceptance,  and  acts  of  adhesion  to  the  empire 
flowed  in  freely.2  Not  that  all  this  was  spontaneous. 
The  provisional  government  did  not  fail  to  preserve 
the  originals  of  such  acts.  Thus  we  find  that  J.  M. 
Arroyo,  under-secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  on  the  7th 
of  August  requested  his  colleague  of  the  home  de 
partment  to  furnish  him,  for  the  use  of  the  regency, 
all  documents  bearing  on  the  subject,  duly  indexed. 
Those  records  showed  that  from  June  12th  to  August 
7th — that  is  to  say,  nineteen  months  after  the  land 
ing  of  the  allied  commissioners,  sixteen  months  after 
Lorencez  occupied  Orizaba,  in  open  violation  of  the 
preliminaries  agreed  upon  at  Soledad,  and  nearly 
three  months  after  Forey  himself  entered  Puebla — 
there  were  just  forty-five  acts  of  adhesion  to  the 
empire,  among  which,  if  we  except  the  capital,  only 
five  towns  were  really  important  ones,  and  that  the 
number  of  inhabitants  who  subscribed  to  the  proposed 
change  were  154,592.  Not  even  these  had  been  spon 
taneous  acts.  The  important  towns  alluded  to  were 
Cordoba,  Yera  Cruz,  Orizaba,  Puebla,  and  Toluca :  the 
three  first  named  had  been  under  the  control  of  the 
French  arms  from  the  first  days  of  the  military  opera 
tions;  the  fourth,  having  been  taken  by  assault,  had 
to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  conqueror;  and  the  fifth, 
situated  only  sixteen  leagues  from  Mexico,  had  ever 

1  Designated  by  Maximilian's  decree  of  June  18,  1864.  Mix.,  Boletin  Ley., 
1864,  32.     The  arms  issued  by  the  regency  differed  in  many  respects  with 
more  marked  allusions  to  the  empires  of   Iturbide  as  well  as  Montezuma. 
The  eagle  was  crowned,  and  the  angular  shield,  surmounted  by  the  Aztec 
crown  with  even  feathers,  had  on  either  side  a  Christian  sceptre  and  the  hand 
of  justice,  while  below  protrude  the  native  iztli  sword  and  quiver,  holding  the 
collar  of  Iturbide 's  order  of  Guadalupe,  entwined  by  laurel  and  oak  sprigs. 
This  rested  within  an   ermine-lined  inperial  mantle,  lifted  at  the  corners  by 
a  band  of  green,  white,  and  red,  the  national  colors,  on  which  was  inscribed, 
Religion,  Independence,  and  Union.     The  decree  for  this  was  dated  Sept.  20, 
1863.  Id.,  i.  295-6. 

2  As  maybe  seen  from  the  lists  presented  almost  daily  in  Period.  OJlc., 
July  1863  et  seq.,  and  other  journals.     In  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  78-81, 
151-2,  etc.,  may,  besides,  be  found  formal  and  early  notices  of  prominent 
Juarist  deserters. 


VAIN  EFFORTS  OF  JUAREZ.  103 

shared,  nolens  volens,  the  fate  of  the  capital.  These 
and  subsequent  acts  were  made  to  appear  as  the  will 
of  the  Mexican  people. 

Only  too  frequently  the  oath  was  taken  with  apa 
thetic  obedience  to  the  authority  in  control,  and  liberal 
journals  were  filled  with  notices  of  forced  compliance.3 
Among  the  notable  adherents  was  Miramon,  who  had 
made  his  way  from  Matamoros  to  Mexico  through  the 
heart  of  the  constitutionalist  country.4 

The  Juarez  government  did  its  best  to  counteract 
imperialist  influence,  by  offers  of  pensions  and  offices, 
which  circumstances  prevented  it  from  fulfilling;  by 
threats  of  confiscation  and  death,  which  were  carried 
out  only  in  the  rare  places  where  it  managed  to  regain 
a  temporary  control; 5  and  by  annulling  the  acts  of 
the  imperial  administration,  empty  declarations  which 
could  not  be  enforced.  In  the  circulars  issued  to  local 
authorities  and  foreign  powers,  the  new  government 
was  branded  as  a  cloak  to  cover  French  designs  to 
transform  Mexico  into  a  colony.  It  was  a  gross  in 
fringement  upon  national  rights,  at  first  attempted 
under  pretence  of  flimsy  claims  like  Jecker's,  and  of 
paltry  debts  which  the  republic  had  offered  to  pay. 
The  acts  of  adhesion  to  the  empire  were  forced  and 
fictitious,  and  emanated  from  an  insignificant  por 
tion  of  the  country ;  for  the  republicans  held  possession 
of  nearly  all  the  territory.  The  people  were  stirred 
against  the  invaders  by  enumerations  of  outrages  on 

3  Confirmed,  indeed,  by  peremptory  orders  in  Id.,  i.  222-3,  such  as  holding 
owners  of  country  estates  responsible  for  their  laborers.  Period.  Ofic.,  Aug. 
11,  1863.     See  also  Ltfivre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  327,  407-18;   Voz  Mtj.,  Nov. 
10,  1863.     Bribes  in  the  shape  of  offices  and  pensions  were  also  tendered. 

4  In  a  letter  of  July  30th  to  Gen.  Forey,  he  expresses  himself  in  favor  of 
the  monarchy,  as  the  only  means  to  save  the  country.  Period.  Ofic.,  Aug.  6, 
1863.     In  Aug.  several  Juarist  chiefs  gave  in  adhesion,  as  Col  Manuel  Prieto, 
Rodriguez,  Roldan,  Castillo.     Forey  and  others  loudly  proclaimed  that  the 
adhesions  flowing  in  from  every  place  as  occupied  by  French  armies  were 
sufficient  proof  of  popular  approval  of  the  empire.     His  letter  to  Napolean 
of  Sept.  14th.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  136. 

5 The  decrees  to  this  end  are  given  in  Mix.,  Col  Leyes,  1863-9,  i.  41-3, 
46,  93-6;  Derecho,  Intern.  Mex.,  pt  iii.  817-24;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex., 
ix.  652^,  659-65;  Diario  Deb.,  7th  cong.,  i.  258,  268,  290,  376,  428,  456, 
489-90,  1271;  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1863,  269-70.  No  officials  were  permitted 
to  remain  in  places  occupied  by  the  foe.  Even  indirect  favoring  of  the  im 
perial  cause  involved  the  penalties  imposed  on  traitors. 


104  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

sacred  institutions,  on  feeble  women  and  defenceless 
prisoners;  and  reminded  that  as  the  Spanish  armies 
had  been  driven  from  the  soil,  so  could  the  less 
numerous  French  forces — already  humbled  by  their 
inglorious  defeat  at  Puebla.6 

Among  the  first  .acts  of  the  regency  was  to  appoint 
a  commission  under  the  presidency  of  Jose  Maria 
Gutierrez  de  Estrada/  to  convey  to  Maximilian  the 
resolution  of  the  assembly,  and  offer  him  the  crown. 
This  was  formally  done  at  Miraraare,  on  October  3, 
1863;  the  archduke  replying  that,  flattered  as  he  felt 
by  the  predilection  of  the  Mexicans  for  his  house, 
descended  from  Charles  V.,  yet  he  recognized  that 
"the  monarchy  can  be  reestablished  on  a  legitimate 
and  solid 'basis  only  by  a  confirmatory  vote  of  the  en 
tire  nation  freely  expressed.  On  the  result  of  this 
general  vote  of  the  country  must  therefore  depend 
the  acceptance  of  the  proffered  throne.  .  .In  case  the 
election  of  the  noble  Mexican  people,  as  a  whole,  falls 
upon  my  name,  I  shall  be  ready,  with  consent  of  the 
august  chief  of  my  family,  and  with  reliance  on  the 
aid  of  the  Almighty,  to  accept  the  crown."8 

6  See  proclamations  and  despatches  in  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  iv53-G7, 
dated  July  22d  and  28th.     Governors  of  states  issued  similar  or  additional 
appeals.     Among  other  acts  of  Juarez  were  the  withdrawal  of  Mexican  con 
suls  from  France,  and  the  order  for  French  agents  to  leave  Mexico.     Several 
other  consuls  fell   under   temporary  or  perpetual  ban.     Governor  Tapia  of 
Michoacan  issued,  July  12th,  a  decree  confiscating  the  property  of  all  ad 
herents  of  the  empire,  in  case  the  regency  did  so  with  republican  followers. 

7  Who  had  figured  as  minister  of  state  and  envoy,  like  several  of  his  col 
leagues.     The  others  were  Velazquez  de  Leon,  ex-minister  of  fomento  and 
director  of  the  mining  college;  Ignacio  Aguilar  y  Marocho,  and  Francisco  J. 
Miranda,  ex  ministers  of  justice;  Gen.  Woll,  a  prominent  military  man;  Jose" 
Hidalgo,  ex-charge"  d'affaires;  Suarez  Perido,  conde  del  Valle  and  Jose"  Londa, 
landed  proprietors;  Antonio  Escandon,  banker;  and  Angel  Iglesias  y  Domin- 
guez,  secretary  of  the  commission,  a  descendant  of  the  famous  corregidor  of 
Quere"taro.  Estrada,  Discurso,  1.     Zamucois  adds  Tomas  Murphy,  and  Dome- 
nech  omits  two  of  the  names.     Estrada  and  three  others,  then  in  Europe,  were 
joined  there  by  the  rest,  who  left  Vora  Cruz  Aug.  18th,  the  party  reaching 
Trieste  on  Oct.  1st. 

8  He  concluded  by  promising  to  follow  the  example  of  his  brother  by  open 
ing  to  the  country  the  wide  road  of  progress,  under  a  constitutional  regime, 
based  on  order  and  morality,  and  guided  by  equity.     Parties  must  forget  their 
quarrels,  and  unite  to  place  Mexico  in  the  eminent  position  among  nations  for 
which  she  is  destined.     He  alluded  to  the  glorious  initiative  of  the  Freneii 
emperor  that  had  made  this  regeneration  possible.     The  full  text,  delivered 


AT  MIRAMARE.  105 

Notwithstanding  the  clearly  expressed  condition  of 
acceptance,  Arrangoiz,  among  others,  intimates  that 
Maximilian  ever  manifested  an  extreme  eagerness  for 
the  glittering  bauble  from  And-huac.  Such  was  not, 
however,  the  impression  left  on  the  commission,  to 
judge  from  their  letters,  filled  with  the  most  glowing 
accounts  of  the  wealth  and  magnificence  surrounding 
the  archduke.  For  a  brother  of  one  of  the  leading 
sovereigns  of  the  world,  with  a  certain  claim  upon 
the  Austrian  crown,  with  great  palaces  and  estates — 
for  such  a  man  to  abandon  this  lofty  position,  and 
leave  behind  the  centres  of  culture  and  society,  for  an 
insecure  throne  in  a  remote  and  half-barbaric  coun 
try,  torn  by  civil  war  and  offering  comparatively  fewer 
comforts,  this  seemed  to  them  a  sacrifice.9  But  they 
forgot  for  the  moment  the  hollowness  of  much  of  the 
pomp  spread  before  them,'  that  poverty  lay  behind  in 
the  shape  of  pressing  debts,  and  that  family  discord 
aided  ambition. 

Miramare,  the  residence  of  the  emperor  elect,  was 
certainly  worthy  of  the  praise  lavished  upon  it.  Upon 
a  tiny  promontory,  not  far  from  Trieste,  rose  the 
castle  out  of  the  waters  of  the  Adriatic.  Behind  ex 
tended  the  gently  sloping  hills,  transformed  from  craggy 
rocks  into  a  paradise  of  lawns  and  groves,  flower-beds 
and  groups  of  rare  plants,  with  fountains  and  brooks 
fed  from  the  wooded  crests  above.10  The  place  had 
been  made  additionally  attractive  to  the  Mexicans  by 
sumptuous  banquets,  during  one  of  which  they  beheld 
from  the  sea  the  palace  and  grounds  illuminated,  with 
a  predominance  of  Mexican  national  colors  in  various 
designs.11 

Personally,  the  archduke  impressed  them  with  his 
majestic  bearing,  and  tall,  imposing  figure,  six  feet 

in  French  on  both  sides,  may  be  found  in  Hex.,  Bohtiti  Ley.,  1863,  541-7; 
Estrada,  Discurso,  3-22;  Niox,  Exp&d.  du  Mex.,  326-8,  etc.;  Miramar  d 
Hex.,  7-13. 

9  Letters  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mrj.,  xvi.  759,  776,  777-8. 

10A  pleasing  view  of  the  plac'e  is  given  in  Miramar  d  M6x.,  14. 

nDomenech,  Hi*t.  Mex.,  ii.  371,  sneers  at  '  empl<5omanie, '  as  prevalent 
among  the  commission.  Arrangoiz  wrathiiy  objects.  Mej.,  iii.  150. 


106  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

two  inches  in  height,  his  high  forehead  and  clear, 
blonde  complexion,  with  flaxen  hair  and  full,  glossy 
beard,  both  parted  in  the  middle;  gentle  blue  eyes, 
and  the  frank,  intelligent  expression  denoting  both 
the  zealous  student  and  the  active  sailor-prince,  the 
latter  character  marked  by  more  than  one  trait,  such 
as  walking  with  hands  behind  the  back.  The  peculiar 
Hapsburg  underlip,  thick,  protruding,  and  semi-cleft, 
stamped  his  lineage,  and  kindness  and  refinement  his 
every  movement. 

With  the  archduchess,  Marie  Charlotte  Amelie, 
the  commissioners  were  even  more  pleased.  Tall  and 
dignified  like  her  husband,  with  the  same  gentle,  open 
face,  oval  in  form,  curved  at  the  temples,  and  readily 
moved,  the  expression  had  something  more  spiritual, 
impressed  also  by  the  infantile  sweetness  of  the 
mouth;  while  the  brown  and  flashing  bright  eyes  and 
corresponding  hair,  heavy  and  deep  auburn,  were 
features  that  could  not  fail  to  win  sympathy  among 
Mexicans.  The  readily  distended  nostrils  of  the 
slightly  aquiline  nose  denoted  a  brave  as  well  as 
emotional  nature,  confirmed  by  a  certain  firmness 
about  the  chin.  A  daughter  of  Leopold  of  Belgium, 
the  Nestor  of  kings,  she  had  with  the  Bourbon 
blood  of  her  grandmother,  the  holy  queen,  wife  of 
Louis  Philippe,  derived  a  gravity  of  manner  in 
creased  by  a  too  strict  companionship  with  persons 
of  mature  years.12  She  seemed  as  one  in  whom 
joyous  childhood  had  been  stunted  amidst  the  cold 
rigidity  of  the  palace,  and  a  strained  precocity  fos 
tered  under  constant  and  severe  lessons.  She  ap 
peared,  moreover,  as  one  weighted  with  the  scholarly 
talents  of  the  father,  who  sought  to  perfect  her  at- 

12  She  was  born  June  7,  1840,  at  Laeken  palace,  near  Brussels,  and  re 
ceived  at  the  font  the  names  Marie  Charlotte  Amelie  Auguste  Victoire  Clem 
entine  Le"opoldine.  Her  mother,  Queeu  Louise  of  Orleans,  died  in  1850, 
leaving  two  other  children,  Leopold  II.  and  Philippe,  Count  of  Flanders.  As 
a  child,  Charlotte  was  occupied  chiefly  with  religion  and  etiquette,  having  but 
little  recreation.  Later  she  rarely  attended  balls,  and  then  gave  her  hand 
only  to  men  of  royal  blood.  Hall's  Life  Max.,  21-3,  35  et  seq.;  Estrada,  Mej., 
40-2. 


CHARLOTTE.  107 

tainments  by  admitting  her  even  to  the  ministerial 
council-chamber.  In  1856,  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  she 
met  Maximilian,  who,  passionately  fond  of  travelling, 
had  from  Egypt  drifted  through  France  in  this  direc 
tion.  It  was  purely  a  love  affair;  yet  not  altogether 
displeasing  to  the  king  from  a  diplomatic  standpoint, 
for  he  readily  granted  his  consent,  and  in  the  follow 
ing  year  they  were  united.  As  consort  of  the  gov 
ernor-general  of  Lombardy,  she  gave  ample  evidence 
of  her  training  in  state  matters,  and  became  the  ad 
mired  counsellor,  while  the  practice  of  Christian  vir 
tues  endeared  her  to  the  people.13 

Meanwhile  affairs  in  Mexico  continued,  with  French 
cooperation,  to  unfold  an  ever  more  and  more  flatter 
ing  aspect  for  the  imperial  cause.  Juarist  guerrilla 
forces  hovering  in  and  around  the  lake  valley  were 
defeated  one  after  another,14  and  the  large  command 
under  Lejoa  was  routed  on  the  road  to  Cuernavaca 
by  General  Vicario,  with  a  loss  of  nearly  three  hun 
dred  men  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores.  This  was  fol 
lowed  on  July  29th  by  the  fall  of  Cuernavaca,  a  natural 
stronghold  captured  by  a  well-calculated  charge. 
The  republicans  with  indomitable  energy  formed 
anew  after  every  defeat,  and  during  the  following 
month,  into  September,  we  find  Fragoso,  Ugalde,  and 
other  chiefs  descending  now  on  one  place,  now  on 
another,  sacking  and  burning,16  or  attacking  some 
convoy  and  harassing  larger  forces.  When  a  place 

13  She  accompanied  her  husband  on  several  trips,  one  taking  him  to  Brazil, 
while  she  stayed  at  Madeira,  the  recollections  of  which  place  she  embodied 
in  Un  Voyage,  in  her  vernacular  French,  displaying  her  cultivated  mind,  her 
reflective  disposition,  and  her  refined  taste.     She  was  quick  to  learn,  and 
could  speak  and  write  German,   English,  Spanish,   and  Italian.  Kollonilz, 
Court  Mex.,  56. 

14  Fragoso  and  the  priest  Dominguez,  with  600  cavalry,  were  put  to  flight 
on  Apam  plains  by  Larrauri;  Tulancingo  was  evacuated;  attacks  on  Zum- 
pango  and  Ozumba  were  repulsed  by  the  inhabitants. 

15 The  defenders  Gelista  and  Vasco  were  not  well  organized;  hence  the 
main  reason  for  the  easy  capture.  A  French  column  under  Col  Leievre  co 
operated,  and  a  triumphal  entry  was  held  July  31st. 

16  Such  as  Chapa  de  Mota  and  Tepeji.  An  attack  on  Ixtlahuaca  was  re 
pulsed. 


15 


108  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

was  once  occupied  by  the  French,  the  Juarists  re 
garded  it  as  fair  prey;  and  the  inhabitants  were  con 
sequently  obliged  in  self-defence  to  arm  against,  even 
if  their  sympathies  might  under  other  circumstances 
have  turned  toward,  the  republican  cause.17 

Pachuca  and  Tulancingo  were  entered  by  Franco- 
Mexican  forces  already  in  July,  to  serve  as  radiating 
points  for  other  advances.  A  part  of  Mejia's  division 
won  a  fight  on  the  road  to  Guanajuato,  and  another 
was  gained  in  Puebla.18  Not  long  afterward  the  garri 
son  of  Chalchicomula  gained  Perote,  and  some  French 
vessels  from  Vera  Cruz  took  Tampico  on  August 
llth,  preparing  thence  to  enter  the  surrounding 
district.  Yet  these  were  after  all  petty  operations, 
although  the  last  blow  was  severe  in  its  effect  on 
Juarist  supplies.  The  French  were  only  waiting  for 
the  end  of  the  rainy  season  to  advance  against  the 
main  forces  of  the  republicans.  As  it  was,  the  im 
perialists  claimed  in  the  beginning  of  August  to  hold 
over  sixty  towns  and  hamlets  along  the  line  from 
Vera  Cruz,  and  to  control  a  circuit  of  fully  twenty- 
five  leagues  round  the  capital.  Two  months  later, 
when  the  French  main  body  was  only  preparing  to 
set  out,  the  actual  gain  was  not  much  greater,  but 
minor  and  advance  forces  were  keeping  up  the  fight 
with  alternating  advantages  in  all  thu  central  prov 
inces  from  Jalisco  and  San  Luis  Potosi  into  Oajaca.19 

Undismayed  as  ever  by  the  gathering  storm,  Juarez 
strained  every  nerve  to  fortify  himself  against  it, 
mainly  with  regard  to  obtaining  funds  to  sustain 
armies,  for  men  could  readily  be  had.  On  July  31st 
a  contribution  of  one  per  cent  on  all  capital  above  five 

17  This  happened  at  Ozumba,  Zumpango,  Izucar,  Cholula,  Tehuacan,  and 
other  places,  several  towns  uniting  at  times  for  defence  while  awaiting  aid. 

18  The  former  by  Chavez  over  O'Horan;  the  latter  resulted  hi  the  taking  of 
San  Juan  de  los  Llanos  by  Rodriguez. 

19  Details  concerning  the  operations  may  be  found  in  Period.  Ofic.;  Estrella 
de  Occid.;  Sociedad;    Voz  de  Mej.;  Estafeta;  and  other  newspapers  of  the 
period.     Also  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  622  et  seq.;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
v.  582  et  seq.;  Niox,  Evped.  du  Mex.,  285,  etc.;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  18G3-7,  i. 
241-60;  Laurent,  Guerre,  79,  etc. 


FINANCIAL  WARFARE.  109 

hundred  pesos  was  ordained  throughout  the  country, 
to  cover  the  budget  for  six  months;20  also  an  impost 
on  goods  entering  San  Luis  Potosi,  the  actual  head 
quarters  of  the  republican  government.  Another 
source  was  the  severe  sequestration  decree  of  August 
16th,  applied  to  all  adherents  of  the  empire,  and  di 
recting  the  immediate  sale  of  their  property  to  the 
best  bidder,  the  product  to  be  divided  between  the 
republican  treasury  and  those  injured  in  body  and 
estate  by  the  war,  as  well  as  active  adherents  of  the 
cause.21 

The  imperialists  sought  to  counteract  this  by  de 
claring  annulled  any  sales  or  gifts  by  the  Juarists, 
and  by  affirming  a  former  decree  of  confiscation,  yet 
explaining  that  it  would  be  applied  only  against  those 
bearing  arms  against  the  empire,  other  seizures  being 
provisional,  to  withdraw  resources  from  the  enemy.22 
This  was  certainly  a  less  exacting  measure  than  that 
of  Juarez,  at  least  on  the  face ;  and  a  still  more  effect 
ive  order  was  the  suppression  of  forced  levies,  which 
was  intended  to  conciliate  the  Indians  and  lower 
classes.  Yet  contributions,  fixed  and  casual,  had  to 
be  continued,  although  they  were  less  burdensome 
than  those  enforced  by  the  other  side,23  owing  to  the 
flow  of  funds  from  France;  and  retaliations,  often 
most  terrible,  were  exacted  by  either  side  upon  towns 
and  districts  which  had,  under  pressure,  yielded  alle 
giance  to  the  other.24 

20  Payable  in  two  instalments.  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  75-7.     For 
efforts  to  raise  loans  in  the  U.  S.,  see  Legac.  Mex.,  195  et  seq. 

21  The  sale  money  from  city  property  to  be  divided  into  three  equal  parts 
— for  the  treasury,  for  wounded  and  widows  and  orphans,  and  for  indemnify 
ing  those  who  had  suffered  confiscation  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy.     Of  coun 
try  property,  one  half  was  to  be  distributed  among  active  republican  adherents 
of  the  district  concerned,  and  the  other  half  sold  and  divided  as  above.     De 
tails  follow  as  to  the  classes  embraced  in  the  confiscation,  and  other  points. 

22  Decree  issued  August  21st.  Mtx. ,  Bohtin  Ley. ,  1863,  240-2.    On  Oct.  8th 
the  confiscation  decree  against  Puebla  republicans  was  set  aside  out  of  pity  for 
theh-  families. 

23  The  unusual  quota  from  industrial  establishments  ordained  in  July  may 
serve  as  an  indication. 

21Forey  inflicted,  Aug.  27th,  a  heavy  fine  on  Tlalpan  for  the  murder  there 
of  a  French  soldier,  and  threatened  to  kill  one  prominent  hostage  for  every 


110  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

Owing  to  differences  of  opinion,  due  mainly  to  a 
senseless  outcry  against  the  management  of  affairs,  a 
new  Juarist  cabinet  was  organized  September  1st, 
with  Governor  Doblado  of  Guanajuato  for  minister  of 
relations,  Ex-president  Comonfort  for  war,  and  Sebas 
tian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  for  justice,  Nunez  remaining  in 
charge  of  the  treasury.  Doblado  could  not  agree 
upon  certain  fundamental  points,  however,25  and  re 
signed  within  a  week,  whereupon  Lerdo  assumed  his 
portfolio,  Jose  Maria  Iglesias  replacing  him.  Among 
reasons  for  the  preference  shown  Doblado  was  his  in 
fluence  in  Guanajuato,  with  its  vast  resources,  and  his 
diplomatic  skill.  Otherwise  doubts  were  cast  on  his 
fidelity  to  Juarez,  although  nothing  could  be  said 
against  his  loyalty  to  the  cause  in  general.26 

.Even  greater  changes  were  about  the  same  time 
taking  place  among  the  imperialists.  Archbishop 
Labastida  arrived  at  Yera  Cruz  on  September  17th, 
the  day  after  the  national  festival,  attended  by  the 
prelates  of  Michoacan  and  Oajaca.  His  advance  to 
the  capital  was  a  triumphal  march,  evoked  partly  by 
his  long  absence,  but  due  more  to  his  character  as 
joint  regent,  and  above  all  to  the  victory  by  the 

imperial  adherent  who  might  be  assassinated.  Even  the  friendly  journal 
Pdjaro  Verde  raised  an  outcry  against  this. 

23  On  the  preservation  of  fuero  privileges  for  deputies  and  other  high  func 
tionaries.  Veya,  Doc.,  i.  42.  Zamacois  assumes  that  Doblado's  suspension  of 
the  subsidies  granted  to  Zarco  and  Zamacona,  editors  of  Diario  (Jficial  and 
Independencia,  created  a  breeze  which  resulted  in  his  separation.  Hist.  Mcj. , 
xvi.  689-91.  Zarco  was  president  of  the  chamber  of  deputies.  Diario  Debates, 
3d  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  55-9. 

26  Notwithstanding  the  momentary  suspicions  roused  by  his  peculiar  tac 
tics  against  the  foe,  Iglesias  vouches  for  him.  Itevistas,  59.  He  resumed  his 
governorship  Nov.  9th,  Rodriguez  having  managed  it  meanwhile.  Zacatecaa 
was  at  the  time  ruled  by  Gen.  Ortega,  Michoacan  being  on  Oct.  30th  trans 
ferred  to  Berriozabal  by  Gen.  Uraga,  who  had  shortly  before  succeeded  Co 
monfort  here,  and  who  now  took  control  in  Colima,  Jalisco  being  in  charge  of 
Gen.  Arteaga.  Estrella  Occid.,  Jan.  1,  1864;  Romero,  in  Juarez,  Vida,  49. 
Vega  seems  bitter  against  Doblado.  Doc.,  i.  175-7.  The  southern  states  were 
reorganized  by  Gen.  Diaz  after  Oct. ,  Col  Ballesteros  receiving  charge  of  Oajaca, 
Col  Gregorio  Mendez  of  Tabasco,  Col  Pantaleon  Dominguez  of  Chiapas,  Gen. 
Peraza  of  Yucatan,  and  Col  Pablo  Garcia  of  Campeche,  Gen.  Garcia  remain 
ing  in  Vera  Cruz,  Gen.  Fernando  Maria  Ortega  in  Puebla,  and  Antonio  Rojaa 
in  Tlascala.  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS.,  196;  Mex.,  Cot.  Leyes,  1863-7,  111-12.  Gen. 
1'atoiii  had  charge  of  Durango. 


CHURCH  PROPERTY.  Ill 

church  over  liberalism  personified  in  his  appointment 
and  arrival.  Arches  covered  the  approaches  to  prom 
inent  places,  flowers  were  strewn  along  his  path, 
gorgeous  processions  met  him  at  every  turn,  and 
vivas  rent  the  air.  The  prelate  took  his  seat  among 
the  regents  October  18th,  hitherto  filled  by  Ormae- 
chea,27  resolved  above  all  to  protect  the  interests  of 
the  church,  with  a  zeal  fortified  by  a  long  residence 
in  the  holy  city,  and  regardless  of  political  exigencies. 
The  more  diplomatic  Ormaechea  had  prevailed  on 
his  colleagues  to  suspend  the  circulation  of  bonds  and 
notes  issued  by  the  Juarez  government  against  con 
fiscated  and  sold  church  property,  and  to  stay  build 
ing  operations  thereon  by  new  holders.  So  vast,  how 
ever,  was  the  proportion  of  foreign  interest  in  these 
estates,  held  actually  or  nominally  by  Frenchmen  in 
particular,  that  Almonte  and  Salas  were  persuaded 
by  the  new  French  commander  to  repeal  this  act,  and 
very  properly  recognize  all  sales  so  far  made,  till  Maxi 
milian  himself  should  decide,  after  consulting  with  the 
pontiff  and  council.28  Labastida  protested  against 
this  legalization  of  church  plunder,  as  he  termed  it,29 
and  finding  that  he  could  not  be  persuaded,  the  other 
regents,  under  French  stimulus,  ignored  him  and  his 
further  protests  against  the  legality  of  acts  issued  by 
an  incomplete  regency.  The  supreme  tribunal  also 
taking  the  latter  view  regarding  this  body,  Almonte 
and  his  colleague  soon  after  removed  the  judges, 
including  Pavon,  their  president,  and  substitute 
regent.30  This  created  a  strong  feeling,  which  was 

27  Among  new  appointments  were,  for  prefect  of  the  capital,  Villar  y  Bo- 
canegra,  and  for  chief  of  police,  Col  Carbajal  Espinosa,  a  historian  of  Mexico. 

28  'Las  ventas  hechas  conforme  a  la  ley  quedaran  sancionadas  y  linicamente 
sujetos  d  revision  los  contratos  f raudulentos. '  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  18G3,  421 
etc.     This  was  the  result  of  a  conference  held  Oct.  20th  between  the  regent* 
and  Bazaine  and  Budin,  commissioner  of  the  treasury. 

29 Arguing  that  the  sales  were  all  fraudulent  in  being  made  either  privately 
or  secretly,  or  at  so  low  a  rate  that  only  too  often  a  rental  for  three  years  suf 
ficed  to  cover  the  price.  The  annulling  of  sales  could  affect  only  a  small 
number  of  holders — differently  estimated  by  conservatives  at  from  2,000  to 
9,000 — while  their  legalization  woirld  alienate  the  devotion  of  millions.  See 
journals  already  quoted,  for  Oct.  and  Nov. 

30And  eleven  others.  Max.,  Boletin,  Ley.,  1864,  23-4,  30-2,  giving  also  new 


112  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

fostered  by  the  clergy,  and  manifested  partly  in  flam 
ing  circulars  against  the  French  and  their  adherents 
or  tools.31  It  also  caused  a  split  among  the  conserva 
tives  into  progressionists  and  retrogressionists,  the  lat 
ter  joined  by  the  devout,  and  by  such  men  as  Anievas, 
assistant  government  secretary,  who  now  resigned, 
and  later  by  Estrada,32  but  the  former  readily  winning 
over  a  host  of  republicans,  owing  to  the  liberal  policy 
pursued  with  regard  to  church  affairs,  leniency  in  con 
fiscation,  and  other  matters. 

The  French  policy  toward  the  country  had  lately 
assumed  a  decided  tone.  The  sequestration  decrees  of 
Forey,  which  had  created  wide-spread  dissatisfaction, 
and  induced  the  Juarists  to  issue  even  more  severe 
retaliative  decrees,  and  the  clerical  tendency  of  him 
self,  as  well  as  Saligny,  which  threatened  also  French 
interests,  were  not  to  the  taste  of  Napoleon.  The 
recall  of  both  reached  Mexico  in  August,  tempered, 
especially  in  Forey 's  case,  with  a  semblance  of  pre 
ferment.83  The  latter  was  replaced  by  General 

judges.  The  appeal  against  this  act  is  presented  in  San  Miguel,  Expos.,  1-32. 
No  substitute  was  called  to  fill  Labastida's  place,  which  gave  further  cause 
for  protest;  but  since  both  substitutes  were  strong  churchmen,  they  were  not 
desirable.  Iglesias,  Revistas,  ii.  185-7,  laughs  at  the  illegal  regency  manoeu 
vred  by  the  French  general.  It  is  stated  that  the  substitutes  were  offered 
Labastida's  seat,  but  declined.  Estrella  Occid.,  Dec.  18,  1863. 

31  The  government  found  it  necessary  to  come  forth  in  a  proclamation 
against  the  unjust  insinuations  made  regarding  its  motives.  Mex. ,  Boletin  Ley. , 
1863,  419-21.  Bazaine  was  roundly  accused  of  having  a  personal  interest  in 
church  property,  and  it  was  stated  that  he  had  orders  to  dissolve  the  regency 
unless  it  obeyed  him.  This  was  unlikely,  however,  for  Napoleon  would  hardly 
venture  to  take  autocratic  measures  that  would  strengthen  the  Juarez  party 
and  rouse  the  watchful  U.  S.  while  undermining  the  basis  for  the  empire. 

32As  an  instance  of  deep  religious  feeling,  Zainacois  relates  that  a  circus 
manager  lost  a  fortune  by  using  a  confiscated  convent  for  the  performance. 
'  Ni  una  sola  senora,  ni  una  sola  f amilia  decente  Ileg6  &  pisar  el  circo. '  Hist. 
Mtj.,  xvi.  844.  Arrangoiz  denies  a  split.  Afej.,  hi.  177. 

33  Forey,  now  marshal  of  France,  passed  with  a  diplomatic  mission  through 
Washington.  Frank  and  unpretending,  he  possessed  a  kindness  of  heart 
which  was  strikingly  manifested  in  his  treatment  of  children.  His  farewell 
address  of  Sept.  30th,  in  Peri6d.  Oftc.,  Oct.  3,  1863,  etc. ,  expressed  a  hope  for 
the  union  of  parties,  which  had  been  his  aim.  While  many  conservatives  re 
gretted  his  departure,  that  of  Saligny  drew  forth  numerous  though  vain 
remonstrances,  as  in  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  329-31.  He  left  Mexico 
only  at  the  close  of  Dec.,  with  the  young  wife  there  taken.  The  prospect  of 
a  senatorship,  held  out  to  him  by  De  Morny,  was  not  fulfilled.  Arrangoiz, 
M<?j.,  iii.  130;  Cronista,  Aug.  28,  1863.  Boletin  OJic.  (Puebla),  Aug.  29,  1863. 


BAZAINE  IN  COMMAND.  113 

Bazaine,34  who  assumed  command  on  the  1st  of  Octo 
ber.  The  instructions  given  him  by  Drouyn  de 
Lhuys  express  clearly  enough  the  course  now  intended 
to  be  pursued,  reiterating  as  they  do  the  contradictions 
and  fallacies  that  France  aimed  at  no  conquest,  colon 
ization,  or  special  privileges,  but  merely  to  secure  the 
payment  of  claims  and  the  possession  of  guarantees 
for  the  future,  in  the  regeneration  of  the  country  from 
its  hitherto  anarchic  condition — a  regeneration  left 
wholly  to  the  good-will  and  patriotism  of  the  people, 
and  purely  seconded  by  France,  in  the  interest  of 
themselves  and  of  Europe  generally.  Bazaine  must 
accordingly  take  steps  to  let  the  true  popular  vote 
regarding  the  proposed  government  find  expression, 
and  promote  the  fair  election  of  officials,  for  the  exist 
ing  institutions  of  the  country  appeared  satisfactory 
enough.  The  emperor  deplored  the  sequestrations, 
outlawing,  and  restrictions  hitherto  imposed,  and  for 
bade  also  any  reactionary  or  exclusive  policy  that 
might  prevent  the  conciliation  of  parties.  The  army 
should  be  reorganized,  \vith  honorable  prominence  to 
native  troops,  and  steps  taken  to  hasten  the  object  of 
the  intervention,  so  as  to  shorten  the  French  occu 
pation. 

While  this  document  by  no  means  disclosed  several 
ultimate  considerations,  including  financial  matters, 
Sonora  colonization,  and  the  like,  it  served,  aside  from 
its  direct  object,  in  allaying,  for  a  time  at  least,  many 
rising  doubts,  notably  in  the  United  States.  Napo 
leon  recognized  that  the  struggle  in  the  northern  re 
public  must  soon  end,  and  that  however  weakened,  it 
would  have  surplus  armies  enough  to  render  itself 
formidable.  He  evidently  did  not  believe  wholly  in 
the  confederacy,  or  he  would  have  recognized  it. 
Then  again,  by  observing  neutrality,  he  hoped  to 

34  He  was  a  man  of  fifty-two  years,  descended  from  a  military  family,  and 
had  won  his  earliest  laurels  in  Africa,  distinguishing  himself  later  in  the 
Crimea  and  in  Italy,  as  general  of  a  division.  A  knowledge  of  Spanish  ac 
quired  in  a  campaign  against  the  Carlists  served  greatly  to  favor  him  in 
Mexico. 

HIST.  HEX.,  YOL.  VI.    8  , 


114  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROll  OF  MEXICO. 

secure  a  similar  attitude  toward  himself.  Meanwhile, 
he  sought  to  open  the  way  for  a  graceful  retreat  by 
declarations  like  the  preceding.  Unfortunately,  the 
very  eagerness  to  save  appearances  carried  operations 
in  Mexico  upon  fictitious  ground,  to  the  discomfiture 
of  many  calculated  plans  for  the  material  prestige  as 
well  as  Mexican  regeneration.  For  the  present,  the 
deferring  of  the  church-property  question  gave  rise 
to  conflicting  doubts;  the  upholding  of  the  incomplete 
regency,  without  appeal  to  the  assembly,  was  arbi 
trary;  and  promises  and  reports  were  made  to  create 
illusions,  many  of  them  bitterly  shattered  already  at 
the  outset,  by  neglecting  to  protect,  against  the  ven 
geance  of  the  Juarists,  towns  and  districts  that  had 
been  induced  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  empire.  These 
and  other  acts  served  to  rouse  distrust,  even  to  create 
enemies,  and  to  neutralize  more  or  less  the  liberal  and 
conciliatory  policy  which  promised  to  win  adherents.35 
Bazaine's  direct  share  in  shaping  the  new  policy  was 
manifested  in  a  proclamation  of  October  8th,  promis 
ing  to  sincerely  carry  out  the  programme  of  June  12th,. 
by  causing  the  sequestration  decree  of  Forey  against 
republican  adherents  in  Puebla  to  be  annulled,30 
and  by  effecting  the  reorganization  of  the  Mexican 
army  for  more  thoroughly  cooperating  in  the  ensuing 
campaigns.  One  of  the  principal  reforms  was  to  for 
bid  the  demoralizing  presence  of  women,  who  accom 
panied  almost  every  corps,  embarrassing  operations, 
plundering,  and  spreading  vice  and  disaffection.  The 
regular  army  was  placed  under  Marquez,  and  the . 
auxiliary  under  Mejia,  Vicario,  and  others.37  These 

85  The  fact  that  the  movement  was  led  by  a  foreign  power,  hated  for  ita 
superiority  and  success,  must  operate  against  it  to  some  extent;  and  super 
stition,  class,  and  race  feeling,  and  party  spirit  and  ambition,  were  still  too 
strong  for  indulging  the  hope  that  a  voluntary  fusion  might  be  effected,  like 
that  under  the  plan  of  Iguala.  Napoleon  wrote  decisively  against  any  re 
actionary  policy,  although  not  objecting  to  temporizing  in  order  to  keep  the 
clergy  in  good  humor.  Comments  in  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  95  et  seq.; 
Iglesia*,  Interven.,  ii.  184-919;  Ktratry,  Max.,  25-8. 

38  71/6%.,  BoktinLey.,  1863,  386-7. 

STFor  regulations  and  leading  generals,  see  Id.,  304-14.  The  decree  was 
issued  Sept.  25th,  so  that  Forey  contributed  his  aid. 


THE  OPPOSING  FORCES.  115 

troops  were  not  numerous,  and  forced  levies  being 
suppressed  for  reasons  of  policy  as  well  as  military 
efficiency,  a  militia  was  created,  under  the  term  Guardia 
Civil,  for  the  defence  of  towns  and  districts.  It  em 
braced  all  able-bodied  Mexicans  between  the  age  of 
eighteen  and  fifty,  and  was  maintained  by  regulated 
contributions.38  An  appeal  was  also  made  to  the 
Indians  in  Aztec,  rousing  their  superstition  in  behalf 
of  religion  outraged  by  liberals,  and  stating  that  the 
empire  was  spreading  fast  over  the  country.39  The 
French  forces  consisted  at  this  time  of  34,700  men, 
including  1,700  cavalry,  2,270  marines,  3,100  artillery, 
and  3,500  belonging  to  the  commissary  and  other  de 
partments,  with  8,700  horses  and  mules,  80  cannon, 
and  a  number  of  trains.  The  troops,  mobilized  at  the 
opening  of  the  actual  campaign  in  November,  are 
placed  at  14,000  French  and  7,000  Mexicans.40 

The  Juarist  forces  embraced  about  this  time  five 
divisions,  under  the  direction  of  Comonfort,  minister 
of  war,  the  eastern  of  about  3,000  men  under  Porfirio 
Diaz,  another  under  Governor  Doblado,  who  had  over 
four  thousand  men  and  large  means  in  Guana 
juato,  Jesus  Gonzalez  Ortega,  the  defender  of  Puebla, 
Uraga,  Arteaga,  Negrete,  and  Berriozdbal  ranking 
among  the  other  leading  generals.  In  Durango, 
Governor  Patoni  was  actively  providing  resources, 
with  the  cooperation  of  Chihuahua  and  Sinaloa;  and 
in  Puebla  and  Tlascala,  and  other  directions,  fresh 
troops  were  forming,  although  to  a  great  extent  by 
levies.41  The  minister  at  Washington  was  meanwhile 

38  Those  on  duty  alone  received  pay.     Armament,  medicine,  instructions, 
and  pensions,  if  the  fund  permitted  it,  were  covered.     The  decree  is  dated 
Oct.  3d.     Regulations   were  also   issued   for   maintaining   the  efficiency  of 
strongholds.     The  country  was  placed  under  French  military  laws  while  the 
war  lasted.  Rules  in  Id.,  432-8. 

39  The  original  text  is  preserved  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  1051-2. 

40  Capt.  Niox  of  the  staff  gives  exact  details  in  his  Exped.  du  Hex.,  328-30, 
335-7.     He  estimates  the  Mexican  troops  at  about  13,000.     A  small  but  fa 
mous  band  among  the  French  was  the  guerrilla  party,  operating  in  Vera  Cruz 
under  Col  Dupin,  whose  deeds  are  recorded  by  Keratry  and  others,  and  in 
LcfSvre,  Doc.  Maximilia-no,  i.  419-33. 

41  The  above  apportionment  underwent  certain  changes,  however,  Antillon 
being  alluded  to  shortly  after  as  commanding  the  second  division.  Estrella 


116  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

preparing  to  obtain  loans  and  armaments  in  the 
United  States;42  but  to  obtain  any  active  sympathy 
from  the  government  was  hopeless,  for  it  could  not 
venture  to  increase  complications  while  engaged  in 
its  exhaustive  struggle  with  the  rebellious  southern 
states.43  Even  arms  bought  in  the  United  States 
had  to  be  smuggled  out  of  them,  so  as  not  to  ex 
pose  the  authorities  to  complaints  on  the  part  of 
France.44 

There  was  need  for  exertion,  because  the  fighting, 
although  still  of  a  desultory  nature,  was  as  a  rule  un 
favorable  to  republican  arms.  Mejia  had  taken  Acto- 
pan  in.  Mexico,  and  several  other  reverses  followed 
in  this  state.45  So  also  in  Puebla.46  In  Vera  Cruz, 

Occid.,  Nov.  13  and  Aug.  7,  1863.  Niox,  Exped.  du  3Iex.,  336,  estimates  the 
forces  at  8,000  under  Negrete,  between  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Pachuca;  4,000 
under  Uraga,  in  Michoacan;  4,COO  under  Alvarez,  in  Guerrero;  and  5,000  un 
der 'Diaz,  to  move  into  Puebla  and  southward.  See  other  estimates  in  Lejevre, 
Doc.  Maximitiano,  i.  384-7;  Vega,  Doc.,  i.  141,  214,  218-19,  223-4;  Diario 
Ojlc.,  Oct.  3,  18G3,  etc.  Niox  estimates  the  republican. 

42A  new  minister,  Fuente,  had  left  for  Washington  in  Sept.  Mtx.,  Col. 
Leyes,  1803-7,  i.  164.  Romero  nevertheless  figures  throughout  as  Juarist 
representative. 

43  The  main  fear  was  naturally  a  recognition  of  the  confederacy  by  France 
and  other  powers,  which  might  at  best  lead  to  reinforcements  for  the  south 
ern  states.     The  caution  of  Seward  is  well  instanced  by  a  letter  to  Minister 
Corwin  in  Mexico,  who  had  taken  Prussians  and  other  foreign  residents  under 
his  protection,  cautioning  him  not  to  rouse  the  susceptibilities  of  the  govern 
ment.  Id.,  98-9;  Foreign  Affairs,  1-253,  38th  Cong,  lid  Sess.    The  enlistment 
of  men  for  the  Juarez  army  had  been  forbidden,  in  a  special  note  from  Sew- 
ard  of  Oct.  29th.     An  agent  from  Sonora  and  adjoining  states,  of  more  than 
doubtful  influence,  sought  about  this  time  to  arrange  with  the  Washington 
government  for  a  cession  of  these  states,  in  view  of  the  French  advance. 
Little  attention  was  accorded  to  him.    Voz  M6j.,  Feb.  23,  1864.     South  Amer 
ican  state*  were  not  illiberal  with  sympathy  for  Juarez,  but  that  was  all. 
See  correspondence  in  Id.,  Aug.  1-Nov.  3,  1863. 

44  In  the  autumn  of  this  year  Gov.  Vega  of  Sinaloa  went  to  California  to 
buy  arms,  the  amount  drawn  from  the  custom-house  of  Mazatlan  for  the  pur 
pose  being  over  $263,000.      For  documents  of  instruction,  vouchers,  and  in 
voices,  see   Vega,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  7  et  seq.;  Arellano,  CueiM,  MS.,  1-17.     The 
trouble  and  detention  with  the  11, 000  rifles,  etc.,  are  related  in  Vega,  Deposit*, 
MS.    Subscriptions  were  also  received  in  California  for  campaign  and  prisoners' 
fund.    Voz  Mej.,  Feb.  28,  1863,  and  following  numbers. 

45  The  force  holding  Aetopan  amounted  to  1,300  men  under  Herrera  and 
Cairo.     Cabrera  was  among  the  guerrillas  elsewhere  defeated.     In  return,  one 
party  under  Martinez  and  others  gained  a  temporary  advantage  at  Tlalpaii 
by  descending  from  the  Ajusco  Range,  and  in  the  following  month  of  Nov. 
they  captured  a  convoy  for  Cuernavaca.     A  few  days  later  Giron,  Fragoso, 
and  Romero  were  routed  near  Otumba.  Period.  Ofic.,  Sept.  10,  Nov.  24,  26, 
Dec.  1,  10,  12,  19,  1863,  etc.;   Voz  Mej.,  Oct.  15,  Nov.  10,  Dec.  10,  1863,  Jan. 
5,  1864,  etc. 

46  Where  Visoso  of  Chautla  gained  advantages  over  republican  guerrillas, 


JALAPA  AND  TAMPICO.  117 

Jalapa  was  surrendered  to  the  imperialists  by  Luciano 
Prieto,  after  vain  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Juarist 
governor,  Miron,  who  had  warning  of  the  treachery, 
to  capture  the  place.47  Higher  up,  in  Tamaulipas,  the 
French  had  gained  a  foothold  in  Tampico,  as  related, 
and  were  pressing  the  Juarists  to  extreme  measures, 
such  as  declaring  the  province  in  a  state  of  siege. 
This  roused  the  discontent  of  the  garrison  at  Mata- 
moros,  and  caused  a  pronunciamiento  against  Gov 
ernor  Ruiz,  who  thereupon  took  the  field  against  his 
rival,  Serna,  regardless  of  the  cause  he  was  imperilling. 
The  latter  prevailed,  but  the  condition  of  affairs  re 
mained  doubtful.48 


CAMPAIGN  IN  MICHOACAN. 

and  Gavito  relieved  Coayuca  besieged  by  them.  Period.  Ofic.,  Sept.  12,  19, 
Nov.  26,  1863;  La  Vozde  M6j.,  Nov.  12,  1863. 

47  Miron  retired  with  his  800  men  toward  Cotastla.     This  occurred  in 
the  latter  part  of  Oct.     The  French  guerrillas  under  Dupin  were  keeping  clear 
the  vicinity  of  Vera  Cruz  city.  Id.,  Oct.  13,  15,  Dec.  22,  1863.     In  Tabasco 
were  also  certain  movements.   Id.,  Oct.  15. 

48  Iglesias,  Revistas,  ii.  225.     This  incident  led  to  a  singular  conservative 
fiasco.     Jose"  Maria  Cobos,  a  Spanish  adventurer  who  had  risen  from  a  contra 
band  trader  to  the  rank  of  general  under  Zuloaga,  was  at  this  time  a  refugee  in 
Texas.    His  rank  and  antipathy  toward  the  French  caused  him  to  be  summoned 
as  a  leader  of  the  movement.    He  accepted,  and  without  fully  sounding  the  dis 
position  of  the  pronunciados,  prepared  to  form  a  revolution  against  the  Juarist 
government.     This  was  more  than  Cortina,  the  commandant  of  the  garrison, 
had  bargained  for.     He  promptly  seized  the  unsuspecting  Cobos  and  had  him 
shot,  and  thereupon  reported  to  Juarez,  declaring  his  loyalty,  but  demanding 


118  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEHOR  OF  MEXICO. 

The  imperialists  were  making  rapid  strides  in  dif 
ferent  directions,  Bazaine  himself  setting  out  from 
Mexico  on  November  12th  to  Acdmbaro,  whence  he 
despatched  Marquez  with  Berthier  against  Morelia, 
ever  one  of  the  main  positions  of  the  republicans. 
The  city  had  been  long  preparing  for  this,  yet  Ber- 
riozabal,  commanding  there,  thought  it  prudent  to 
evacuate  on  November  30th.  The  enemy  entered 
the  same  day  amid  a  subdued  demonstration.  The 
prospective  loss  of  so  rich  a  province  as  Michoacan 
could  not  be  quietly  endured,  and  reinforcements  were 
soon  sent,  which  raised  the  Juarist  army  here  to 
about  9,000  men.  Under  the  leadership  of  Uraga, 
fire  was  opened  against  the  city  on  December  17th, 
several  of  the  points  commanding  it  being  secured,  al 
though  the  imperialists  had  made  efforts  to  strengthen 
their  position.  On  the  following  day  a  general  as 
sault  was  undertaken,  and  although  several  advan 
tages  were  gained  at  different  points,  the  skill  and 
activity  of  Marquez  prevailed,  and  Uraga  found  him 
self  obliged  to  retreat  southward,  with  a  loss  of  abor.t 
1,300  killed  and  captured,  and  the  dispersion  of  a 
large  portion  of  his  force.49 

Still  more  severe  was  the  effect  of  imperial  opera 
tions  in  the  central  provinces.  Mejia,  in  union  with 
a  French  column  under  Douay,  was  allowed  to  enter 
Queretaro  on  November  ]  7th  without  striking  more 
than  a  passing  blow  at  some  guerrillas,  the  republi 
cans  retiring  into  Guanajuato,  where  Governor  Do- 
blado  was  making  preparations  for  resistance.  Flushed 

the  confirmation  of  Serna  as  governor,  and  the  removal  of  the  siege  procla 
mation.  Juarez  objected  to  the  arbitrary  overthrowing  of  Ruiz,  and  this 
gave  impulse  to  the  party  war  now  undertaken.  Diario  0/?c.,  ISov.  15,  18C3, 
etc.;  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS.,  104-5;  LaEstrela  de  Occid.,  Oct.  13,  Deo.  18,  1803. 
In  Mcx.,  Col.  Lcyes,  1803-7,  i.  189-99,  is  given  the  official  correspondence. 

49  Marquez' report,  1-27,  and  lists  enumerating  574  killed,  and  other  de 
tails.  La  Voz  de  M6j.,  Jan.  7.  12,  10,  1804,  etc.;  Perio/.  Ufa.,  Dec.  12,  1803. 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  894-920,  naturally  colors  the  story  in  fuvor  of 
Marquez;  and  Iglesias,  Rcvittfas,  ii.  219-21,  in  favor  of  Uraga.  Arrangoiz, 
Mij.,  iii.  181,  places  the  loss  at  1,500  prisoners  and  1 1  guns,  besides  200  killed. 
Marquez  was  wounded.  Niox  says  000  killed  and  as  many  prisoners.  Lxped. 
du  Mex.,  344;  Castillo,  (fruapan,  1-10,  with  uesciipuon  of  town. 


SAN  LUIS  TO  SALTILLO.  119 

with  success,  and  relying  on  the  close  vicinity  of  the 
main  army  under  Bazaine,  who,  rejoined  by  Berthier, 
was  advancing  by  way  of  Celaya,  Mejia  and  Douay 
now  proceeded  through  Allende  against  Guanajuato. 
Finding  it  unsafe  to  attempt  holding  a  city  so  readily 
commanded  by  surrounding  hills,  Doblado  withdrew, 
and  the  enemy  took  possession  on  December  9th.50 
Four  clays  later  Mejia  pursued  his  march  in  the  di 
rection  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  halting  on  the  16th  to 
celebrate  in  Hidalgo's  own  town  the  anniversary  of 
the  independence  there  cradled. 

The  approach  of  so  formidable  a  foe  pointed  to  the 
necessity  for  new  republican  headquarters;  and  on 
December  22d  Juarez  and  his  government  abandoned 
San  Luis  Potosi  for  the  more  distant  Saltillo,  capital 
of  Coahuila.  Monterey  had  been  proposed;  but  the 
doubtful  attitude  of  Governor  Vidaurri,  and  the  ru 
mors  of  negotiations  between  him  and  the  imperialists, 
made  this  inadvisable,  as  will  be  seen.  In  addition 
came  changes  in  the  cabinet,  owing  to  the  resignation 
of  Nunez,  who  had  so  long  and  worthily  held  the 
finance  portfolio,  and  the  killing  of  Comonfort,  minis 
ter  of  war,  in  an  ambush  laid  by  imperialists  during 
his  trip  to  Guanajuato,  on  November  14th.  Thus 
died  the  ex-president,  to  whom  belongs  in  a  measure 
the  constitution  round  which  the  great  struggle  was 
centring.  Vacillation  had  marked  his  course  as  a 
ruler,  but  as  minister,  the  subordinate  of  a  stronger 
mind,  his  character  and  talents  shone  with  a  brighter 
lustre,  and  his  humanity  will  ever  stand  forth  as  a 
redeeming  trait,  even  among  his  opponents.51 

50  The  division  of  Miramon  and  Taboada,  which  had  advanced  to  Irapuato, 
could  here  have  swelled  their  ranks  with  fully  3,000  volunteers;  but  Bazaine 
declined  to  encumber  himself  with  such  men. 

51  The  'assassination,'  as  republican  writers  unjustly  term  it,  took  place  at 
Molino  de  Soria,  under  the  lead  of  Col  Gonzalez  Aguirre,  who  also  killed  sev 
eral  of  the  small  escort  and  captured  some  funds  and  valuable  documents. 
The  body  was  buried  at  Allende,  and  a  nine  days'  mourning  imposed  on  offi 
cials  and  the  army,  Mex.,  Col.  Le.ye*>  1863-7,  i.  186-9,  funeral  honors  being 
again  decreed  in  1868,  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Lry.  Hex.,  x.  267,  when  Juarez  was 
ablo  to  transfer  the  remains  to  San  Fernando  cemetery  at  Mexico.     See  also 
Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,\i.  531;  Zamacols,  Hi*t.  M6j.y  xvi.  861-3;  La 


120  MAXIMILIAN,  EMPEROR  OF  MEXICO. 

General  Uraga  succeeded  him,  and  Iglesias,  minis 
ter  of  justice,  assumed  charge  also  of  the  treasury,52 
which  had  just  been  swelled  with  the  proceeds  from  a 
forced  loan  in  each  of  the  three  states  of  Zacatecas, 
Guanajuato,  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  from  the  sale 
of  sequestrated  imperialist  property — a  timely  meas 
ure,  since  these  provinces  were  now  doomed.  The 
day  before  abandoning  San  Luis  Potosi,  congress 
issued  one  of  the  usual  exhortative  and  bombastic 
proclamations,63  the  more  needful  to  sustain  the  peo 
ple  in  face  of  the  cautious  attitude  of  the  adjoining 
republic,  the  extension  of  the  gulf-coast  blockade  by 
French  vessels,  and  the  failure  which  soon  became 
manifest  of  the  leading  campaign  plan.  This  was  to 
avoid  encounters  with  the  imperialist  armies,  yet  to 
hover  near  enough  for  taking  advantage  of  any  neglect 
or  weakness.  Doblado's  retreat  had  for  an  additional 
or  main  object  to  draw  pursuit,  while  other  forces 
united  for  a  descent  into  the  lake  valley  and  upon  the 
capital,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  distracting  the  en 
emy  and  giving  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  cause  in  a 
moral  as  well  as  material  point  of  view.  The  effort 
of  Uraga  and  his  companions  against  Morelia  was  the 
opening  of  the  latter  movement,  and  its  disastrous 
failure  nipped  the  whole  project.  Doblado,  neverthe 
less,  continued  his  tactics,  entering  into  negotiations 
with  the  enemy  to  gain  time  and  to  dispose  of  mining 
interests,  yet  ever  keeping  at  a  distance  safe  enough 
to  escape  a  disadvantageous  conflict,54  retiring  before 

Dec.  10,  1863;  '  killed  by  malefactors,  led  by  the  Troncosos,'  says  a  letter  in 
La  Estrdla  de  Occid.,  Dec.  18,  25,  1863;  Period.  Ofic.,  Nov.  21,  1863. 

52  Iglesias,  Revistas,  ii.  197,  225. 

53  Declaiming  against  the  French  as  marauders  and  assassins,  who  proposed 
the  enslavement  of  Mexico,  and  pointing  out  that  the  more  they  spread  the 
weaker  they  would  become,  and  a  sure  prey  to  the  valiant  republicans.  Diario 
Deb.,  3d  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  59-61.     This  is  signed  by  73  deputies,  headed  by 
their  president,  Arriaga.     The  former  session  had  closed  on  May  31st,  the 
present  was  summoned  for  Sept.  5th.   Mex.,  Col.  Leye*,  1863-7,  i.  103-4. 

54 '  Farecia  destinado  Doblado  £  enganar  a  todos  los  diplomaticos  y  los  gen- 
erales,'  exclaims  Arrangoiz,  tartly.  Mej.,  iii.  182.  Bazaine's  object,  says 
a  French  writer,  was  to  win  over  Doblado  and  place  him  in  the  regency.  '  De 
jeter  en  bas  Almonte  et  Salas,  ou  tout  au  moins  le  dernier.'  Mex.  L'Interv. 
Fran?.,  204;  Peridd.  OJt.c.,  Dec.  10,  17,  19,  1863,  Jan.  12,  1864;  La  Voz  de 
Mtj.t  Dec.  12,  1863,  etc.;  Nlox,  Exped.  duMex.,  341-3. 


NEGRETE'S  DEFEAT.  121 

the  pursuit  from  Leon  to  Lagos,  and  thence  into 
Aguascalientes,  where  he  was  joined  by  Chavez  and 
by  Governor  Ortega  of  Zacatecas.65 

The  approach  of  Mejia  to  San  Luis  Potosi  had  led 
to  its  evacuation  by  General  Negrete,  who  com 
manded  in  this  section  for  Juarez.  Two  days  later, 
on  December  25th,  the  imperialists  took  possession; 
but  they  were  not  to  be  left  undisturbed.  Negrete 
obtained  reinforcements,  and  sought,  on  the  27th,  to 
regain  the  city  by  assault.  Mejia  had  sufficient 
warning  to  throw  up  a  few  intrenchments;  neverthe 
less,  the  republicans  penetrated  to  the  plaza,  and  but 
for  the  bravery  of  the  imperialist  leaders,  the  ad 
vantage  might  have  been  carried  further.  The  rally 
by  the  latter  came  so  unexpectedly  and  with  such 
force,  as  to  wholly  overwhelm  the  assailants;  and  they 
were  completely  routed,  leaving  200  killed  and  nearly 
900  prisoners,  together  with  all  the  guns  and  war 
material.53  The  disaster  was  no  less  severe  than 
that  of  Morelia,  depriving  the  Juarist  government,  as 
it  did,  of  its  chief  and  immediate  bulwark.  Fortu 
nately  Mejia  was  not  strong  enough  to  venture  in 
pursuit.  One  result,  however,  was  the  voluntary  sur 
render  shortly  after  of  the  generals  Aramberri,  Par- 
rodi,  and  Ampudia,  besides  a  host  of  lesser  chiefs.57 

65  Arteaga  and  Rojas  were  expected  to  join  Uraga  with  8,000  men.  Iglesias, 
Jlemstaa,  ii.  224. 

56Ghilardi  and  Alcalde  led  two  of  the  three  charging  columns.  The  fail 
ure  was  attributed  to  a  lack  of  accord.  Iglesias  denies  that  reinforcements 
had  been  received.  Itevixtas,  ii.  223.  Niox  places  the  combatants  at  2,500 
and  5,000  respectively.  Exp6d.  du  Mex.,  34(5.  Zamacois  raises  the  number  of 
prisoners  to  1,300.  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  926.  The  false  alarm  of  French  reen- 
i'orcements  for  Mejia  had  led  Negrete  to  evacuate  the  city.  Vega,  Audi. 
Comis.,  in  Vega,  Doc.;  Period.  Ofic.,  Jan.  12,  1864;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Feb.  9, 
1864,  etc. 

67  Parrodi  was  born  in  Habana,  Ampudia  in  Spain.  Arrangoiz,  Aftj.,  iii. 
180.  This  author  is  frequently  wrong  in  dates.  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-67, 
i.  235,  286-7,  alludes  feelingly  to  the  killing  of  Governor  Villanueva. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 
1864. 

MILITARY  MOVEMENTS — JUAREZ  DECLINES  TO  RESIGN  —  HE  RETIRES  TO 
MONTEREY — TAMPICO  CAMPAIGN— IMPERIAL  GAINS — PROCEEDINGS  IN 
EUROPE — FORMAL  ACCEPTATION  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CROWN — IMPERIAL 
VISIT  TO  ROME — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  SOVEREIGNS  AT  VERA  CRUZ — RECEP 
TIONS  AT  C6RDOBA,  ORIZABA,  AND  PUEBLA — ENTRY  INTO  MEXICO  — 
GRAND  DEMONSTRATION — NEW  ORDER  CREATED. 

BAZAINE  himself  met  with  equal  success  in  the  west 
by  occupying  the  important  city  of  Guadalajara,  on 
January  5, 1864,  without  a  blow,  General  Arteaga  re 
tiring  southward,  joined  by  the  Rojas  and  other  guerril 
las.  General  Mariano  Morett  was  appointed  prefect  of 
the  new  department,  and  several  other  distributions  of 
offices  took  place.1  Political  affairs  calling  the  French 
commander-in-chief  back  to  Mexico,  he  left2  Colonel 
Gamier  in  charge,  with  a  garrison  of  2,000  men. 
This  withdrawal  was  no  sooner  known  than  the  Juar- 
ist  generals  Uraga  and  Ortega  prepared  to  move 
against  the  city  with  respectable  forces,8  but  no  reso 
lute  operations  were  made,  Gamier  taking  the  offens 
ive  and  distracting  the  somewhat  scattered  forces, 
till  Douay  arrived  on  February  25th  with  strong  re- 
enforcements.  Ortega  now  retired  toward  Fresnillo, 
and  Uraga  westward.  The  latter  had  been  unfor- 

1  La  Voz  de  M4j.,  Jan.  15, 1864,  etc.;  PerMd.  Ofic.,  Mar.  3,  1864;  Zama- 
cois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  10-12. 

8  He  pursued  some  harassing  guerrillas,  and  placed  small  forces  at  La  Pie- 
dad  and  Zamora. 

3Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  353,  places  their  strength  at  5,000  and  2, 000  re 
spectively. 

(122) 


MICHOACAN  AND  JALISCO. 


123 


tunate  ever  since  the  defeat  at  Morelia.  After  several 
vague  movements  his  supplies  had  been  cut  off,  and 
his  forces  so  disorganized  that  on  retreating  into  Ja 
lisco  in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  he  found  himself 
reduced  to  little  over  2,000  men,  although  this  num 
ber  was  here  quickly  increased.  Michoacan  remained 
after  this  comparatively  quiet  under  the  administra 
tion  of  Marquez.4 


FRENCH  OPERATIONS  IN  JALISCO. 

Uraga's  retreat  had  been  mainly  due  to  Douay, 
who  thereupon,  in  conjunction  with  Castagny,  went 
northward,  captured  Aguascalientes,6  and  continued 

*  Guerrillas  hovered  here  as  elsewhere,  however,  directed  in  part  by  Caa- 
mano,  Juarist  governor.  La  VozdeMej.,  June  28,  1864;  Vega,  Doc.,  ii.  In 
May  Servin  was  surprised. 

5  Defended  by  about  600  men.  Three  chiefs,  Jaureguy,  Mendoza,  and 
Ramirez,  were  executed  for  brigandage. 


124  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

his  march  against  the  rich  mining  town  of  Zacatecas, 
which  was  occupied  without  a  blow  on  February  7th. 
Here  Castagny  was  left  in  charge,6  while  the  former 
hastened  to  the  relief  of  Gamier  at  Guadalajara,  and 
began  in  this  region  a  campaign  for  driving  out  Jua- 
rists.  He  was  encouraged  at  the  outset  by  the  adhe 
sion  of  General  Lozada,  who,  at  the  head  of  the 
Indians  in  Tepic  district,  had  affected  independence  of 
the  tw.o  contending  parties.7  Going  south  in  pursuit  of 
the  guerrillas  Gutierrez  and  Rojas,  he  inflicted  a  severe 
defeat  on  the  former,  and  destroyed  two  factories  for 
arms  and  powder  near  Cocula.8  A  little  later  he 
entered  Colima,  pressing  closely  General  Uraga,  who 
had  here  sought  to  recuperate  himself.9 

Meanwhile  detachments  were  penetrating  north 
ward,  a  garrison  being  placed  at  Cuquio,  on  the  road 
to  Zacatecas.  Colonel  Potier,  on  May  13th,  took  by 
assault  Nochistlan,  one  of  the  chief  republican  strong 
holds,10  which  was  obstinately  defended.  He  there 
upon  entered  the  mountains  in  pursuit  of  the  guerrilla 
chiefs  Sandoval  and  Cadena,  and  after  more  than  one 
victorious  encounter,  managed  to  restore  tranquillity 
for  a  time  in  the  valleys  above  Juchipila.11  The  upper 
portions  thereof  had  been  cleared  three  months  before 
by  Castagny 's  men,  who  on  February  16th  surprised 

8  Transferred  soon  after  to  Quere"taro,  Gen.  L'He"riller  took  command  here. 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  368. 

7  He  accepted  subsidies  for  his  troops,  which  were  placed  at  3,000,  includ 
ing  1,000  mounted  men.     The  arrangement  was  effected  March  19th,  through 
Rivas,  the  lieut  of  Lozada. 

8  At  Tula  and  Tlapalpa,  on  March  26th  and  27th. 

9  He  had  been  levying  on  cattle  and  grain.     Governor  Ramon  de  la  Vega 
had  left  some  time  ago  for  Acapulco,  La  Estrdla  de  Occid. ,  Mar.  11,1 864,  Julio 
Garcia  succeeding.  La  Voz  de.  Mfy'.,  June  28,  1864.     By  decree  of  March  31st, 
Uraga,  as  commander  of  the  central  division  of  the  army,  received  extraordi 
nary  powers,  which  served  him  little  however.  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii. 
17;  Dublanand  Lozano,  Leg.  Hex.,  ix.  679-80. 

10  Held  by  Jesus  Mejfa  with  nearly  500  men.     Mejia  fell,  with  most  of  his 
officers  and  about  200  men. 

11  Niox  claims  some  valiant  deeds  here  on  the  part  of  Courcy's  division. 
'Le  peloton  de  chasseurs  a  cheval,   re"duit  a  treize  hommes,  aborda  sans 
he"siter  plus  de  trois  cents  cavaliers. '  Exptd.  du  Mex. ,  369.    The  superiority  of 
French  arms  and  the  prestige  of  constant  victories  were  powerful  auxiliaries. 
Courcy  had  previously  driven  Sandoval  from  Colotlan  district.     Both  the 
chiefs  surrendered  not  long  after. 


DOBLADO  AND  MEJlA.  125 

Colotlan  and  took  four  score  prisoners,  including  Gen 
eral  Ghilardi.  The  latter,  being  a  fugitive  from  Puebla, 
after  the  capitulation,  was  shot.12  A  similar  fate  be 
fell  Chavez,  the  late  governor  of  Aguascalientes,  who 
during  the  following  month  made  a  raid  on  Malpaso 
hacienda,  and  allowed  his  followers  to  kill  a  number 
of  women  and  children.13  A  detachment  pursued  him 
to  Jerez,  and  captured  the  place  with  considerable 
slaughter.14 

In  the  Pinos  district,  eastward,  several  guerrilla 
bands  were  driven  back  into  the  Sierra  Hermosa, 
where  Ortega  was  holding  forth  with  nearly  3,000 
men,  gathering  tribute  from  mines,  and  awaiting  the 
opportunity  for  effective  demonstration.  This  he  lost 
by  failing  to  cooperate  with  Doblado,  who,  in  the 
middle  of  May,  descended  from  Monterey  upon  Mate- 
huala,  where  Mejia  had  been  stationed  since  January. 
Advised  of  the  movement,  the  latter  obtained  French 
reinforcements  under  Colonel  Aymard,  commandant 
at  San  Luis  Potosi,  arid  Doblado  met  with  a  recep 
tion  as  unexpected  as  it  was  hot.  Within  a  few 
hours  he  found  himself  completely  routed,  with  a  loss 
of  nearly  1,200  prisoners  and  all  his  artillery.15  The 
blow  overthrew  all  Juarist  plans  for  a  while,  and 
Doblado  felt  it  so  severely  that  he  left  the  country 
within  a  few  weeks  for  the  United  States,  where 
he  died  a  year  later.16  Mejia  was  gratified  by  the 

12  He  defended  Acapulco  in  Jan.  1863,  against  Admiral  Bouet,  and  fought 
at  San  Luis  Potosi,  as  we  have  seen.     'Asesinato'  is  the  term  applied  by  re 
publicans  to  his  execution.  Lefdvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  334. 

13  Certain  republican  sources  will  admit  only  that  the  place  took  fire  dur 
ing  the  attack,  and  charge  that  the  Mexican  rabble  in  the  French  wake  did 
such  deeds  at  Jerez,  whither  Chavez  retired.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  June  10, 
1864.     Zamacois  assumes  that  the  deed  was  committed  by  a  rebellious  band 
of  his  party.  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  111.     Of  course  the  Period.  Ofic.,  April  3,  1864, 
paints  it  stronger. 

14  A  widely  signed  petition  was  presented  in  his  behalf,  pleading  his  age, 
family  connections,  and  great  services  for  his  state;  but  in  vain.     Seven 
otners  were  likewise  executed. 

15  The  victors  place  Doblado's  forces  at  6,000,  with  18  cannon.  Niox, 
Exp6d.  duMex.,  371.     Iglesias  reduces  them  to  2,000.  Remstas,  366.     The 
battle  took  place  May  17th,  Antillon  leading  the  troops,  assisted  by  Carbajal. 
Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  47-9;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  May  22,  June  7,  1864. 

16  June  19,  1865.     He  remained  ever  true  to  the  cause,  as  may  be  judged 


126 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 


receipt,  shortly  after  the  victory,  of  the  cross  of  the 
legion  of  honor,  sent  by  Napoleon.  San  Luis  Potosi 
remained  after  this  comparatively  quiet,  save  in  the 
northern  districts;  but  even  in  the  more  southern 
department  of  Guanajuato  and  Querdtaro  into  Mex 
ico  and  Puebla,  guerrillas  rose  now  and  then,  with 
little  success,  however.17 

The  only  important  exception,  so  far,  to  the  suc 
cession   of  republican  disasters   is  furnished  in  the 


STATE  OF  OAJACA. 

campaign  of  General  Diaz.  At  the  head  of  the  east 
ern  division  of  the  army,  consisting  of  about  3,000 
men,  with  a  few  cannon,  organized  mainly  by  himself, 
he  swept,  early  in  the  autumn  of  the  preceding  year, 
through  Queretaro,  Michoacan,  and  Mexico,  into 
Guerrero,  driving  Valdes  before  him,  and  laying 

from  his  indignant  return  of  a  pass  procured  for  him  from  the  imperial  au 
thorities.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  516-18. 

*7  For  details  concerning  preceding  operations  in  the  northern  and  western 
regions,  see  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Jan.  to  June  1864,  passim;  Perl6d.  OJic.,  Id., 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mtj.,  xvi.  923  et  seq.,  xvii.  7  et  seq.j  Iglesias,  Hevistas,  ii. 
251  et  seq. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  PORFIRIO  DIAZ.  127 

siege,  on  October  26th,  to  the  small  though  strong 
town  of  Tasco,  celebrated  since  Aztec  times  for  its 
silver  mines.  The  militia,  headed  by  Toledo,  made  a 
vigorous  resistance,  but  were  compelled  to  capitulate 
three  days  later.18  On  the  5th  of  November  Diaz 
moved  against  the  brigade  of  Vicario,  who  took  refuge 
within  the  historic  Iguala;  but  reinforcements  com 
ing  from  Mexico  and  Michoacan,  the  siege  was  aban 
doned.  Diaz  now  proceeded  southward  and  into 
Oajaca,  receiving  continual  additions  to  his  forces, 
which  soon  after  were  estimated  as  high  as  8,000 
men.19  He  assumed,  also,  the  political  control  of  the 
states  from  Vera  Cruz  southward,  and  took  measures 
for  counteracting  imperialist  movements.  Guerrero 
remained  in  charge  of  the  valiant  ex-president,  Juan 
Alvarez,  practically  the  sovereign  in  this  region, 
whose  advanced  age  had  of  late  obliged  him  to  sur 
render  active  pursuits  to  his  son  Diego.  ,  He  died 
September  28th.  Pinzon  assisted  in  the  defence  of 
the  state,  which  found  protection  in  the  unhealthy 
climate  of  certain  coast  districts. 

In  Chiapas  the  imperialists  had  as  yet  obtained  no 
sure  foothold,20  and  their  position  was  further  imper 
illed  by  the  fall,  on  the  27th  of  February,  of  San 
Juan  Bautista,  capital  of  Tabasco,  after  a  siege  of  six 
weeks.  It  was  defended  both  by  garrison  and  French 
vessels;21  but  the  ready  water  communication,  the 
large  reinforcements  sent  by  Diaz,  and  the  hostility 

18  Surrendering  271  prisoners.  Iglesias,  Revistas,  ii.  195.  A  previous  at 
tempt  by  guerrillas  upon  Teloloapan,  near  by,  had  failed. 

19Niox  placed  them,  in  Oct.,  at  6,000.  Iglesias  raises  this,  a  little  later, 
to  7,000;  and  Vega,  Doc.,  i.  316,  hazards  8,000;  while  La  Estrella  de  Octid., 
July  8,  1864,  swells  the  number,  in  May  1864,  to  12,000.  La  Voz  de  Mej.y  Mar. 
22,  June  9,  1864;  Peridd.  Ofic.,  Jan.  16,  1864. 

ao  Their  forces  under  Ortega  were  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  holding 
forth  near  the  Tabasco  frontier.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  April  21,  1864;  La 
Voz  de  Mej.,  Dec.  22,  1863,  May  10,  1864. 

21  Gov.  Sierra  places  the  imperial  force  at  600,  with  4  steamers,  1  schooner, 
and  2  small  craft.  Six  cannon  were  captured.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Apr.  21, 
July  1,  1864.  Niox  allows  only  a  garrison  of  200  Mexicans,  and  alludes 
merely  to  one  French  vessel.  Exped.  da  Mex.,  374.  Mendez  gives  an  elaborate 
report  of  the  siege  operations  directed  by  him.  Resena  Ofic.,  26-44.  Fortifica 
tions  were  erected  to  secure  the  place.  Id.,  47-51;  Pap.  Far.,  civ.,  pt  5. 
Mendez  was  soon  after  rewarded  with  the  governorship,  replacing  Sierra. 


128  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

of  the  people  made  it  both  useless  and  expensive  to 
attempt  holding  this  state,  so  remote  from  the  centre 
of  operations.  The  French  accordingly  restricted 
themselves  for  a  while  to  a  not  very  effectual  block 
ade  of  the  river  mouth.  The  republicans,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  so  encouraged  by  their  success  as 
to  advance  into  Vera  Cruz,  under  Garcia,  and  lay 
siege  to  Minatitlan,  which  surrendered  March  28th.22 
These  advantages  were  neutralized  by  French  suc 
cesses  in  Yucatan.  A  strong  party,  headed  by  Gen 
eral  Navarrete,  had  pronounced  for  the  empire,  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  state,  and  incited  by  district 
rivalry,  they  seized  the  pretence  for  invading  Cam- 
peche,  which  upheld  Juarez.  Captain  Gloue  assisted 
v/ith  a  naval  force,  and  the  city  yielded  on  January 
22d  23  Navarrete  could  not  be  induced  to  join  in  a 
Tabasco  campaign,  but  the  imperial  control  over  the 
Terminos  region  served  in  a  measure  to  sustain  the 
(action  lately  rising  in  Chiapas. 

President  Juarez  had,  meanwhile,  been  so  pressed 
by  troubles  nearer  home  as  to  find  little  time  to  de 
plore  the  disasters  overwhelming  him  in  the  central 
and  western  provinces.  Discontent,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  roused  in  many  quarters  against  several  of  his 
acts,  invested  as  he  had  been  with  dictatorial  power; 
yet  the  feeling  could  be  traced  chiefly  to  personal 
jealousy,  which  seized  upon  military  reverses  for  the 
purpose  of  casting  discredit  upon  the  executive.  At 
this  time  the  term  of  the  supreme  judges  expired,  and 
congress  not  being  in  session,  and  an  election  difficult 
to  make,  Juarez  assumed  the  responsibility  of  appoint 
ing  others.  This  gave  fresh  cause  for  outcry  against 
a  president  whose  prestige  was  obscured  by  flight. 

z*Peritid.  Ofic.,  April  14,  1864,  etc.  Niox  places  Garcia's  force  at  3,000. 
Alatorre  was  carrying  the  war  farther  into  this  state.  f 

**  The  Magellan  was  Gloue'a  vessel.  Among  the  trophies  were  a  score  of 
cannon,  including  French  pieces  of  the  eighteenth  century.  On  the  30th  the 
French  troops  agreed  to  retire,  only  a  part  of  Navarrete's  remaining.  La  Es- 
trella  de  Occid.,  July  29,  1864;  La  Voz  de  MM.t  March  24,  1864;  National, 
March  21,  1864. 


JUAREZ  AND  VIDAURRI.  129 

His  resignation  was  demanded,  Doblado  and  Ortega 
sending  a  commission  to  Saltillo  to  that  effect.  Juarez 
refused  to  comply,  on  the  ground  that  not  he  but  the 
form  of  government  was  the  object  of  attack;  and, 
chosen  by  the  people  to  defend  their  institutions,  he 
felt  bound  to  maintain  his  position  while  they  were 
imperilled.24  There  had  been  some  talk  in  congress 
of  another  faction,  to  amend  the  constitution  so  as  to 
conciliate  a  large  element,  but  without  leading  to  any 
thing  definite.  The  firmness  of  Juarez,  and  his  desire 
to  avoid  discord,  prevailed  with  Doblado  and  Ortega. 
.Not  so  with  Vidaurri,  who  had  joined  in  the  outcry. 
The  yielding  of  the  others  caused  him  to  shift  his 
base  a  little,  and  demand  of  the  minister  of  finance  the 
restoration  to  the  government  of  the  sources  of  federal 
revenue  so  long  abandoned  to  his  state.  He  declared 
that  Nuevo  Leon  and  Coahuila  could  not  at  the  time 
spare  these  means,  and  indignant  at  the  interference 
now  begun  in  departments  which  he  had  hitherto 
controlled  like  a  sovereign,  he  peremptorily  forbade 
custom-house  collectors  from  paying  over  any  funds 
to  Juarez.25  The  latter  replied  by  stating  that  he  was 
about  to  transfer  his  seat  of  government  to  Monterey, 
Vidaurri's  capital,  attended  by  the  troops  of  Doblado, 
and  with  General  Antillon  in  close  proximity.26  Vi 
daurri  made  some  preparations,  but  dared  not  offer 
decided  resistance,  and  Juarez  entered  on  February 
12th,  amidst  the  sullen  silence  of  the  people.  Re- 
enforcements  were  approaching,  however,  to  sustain 
the  rebellious  governor,  who  had  persuaded  Doblado 
to  retire,  and  two  days  later  the  president  found  it 
prudent  to  return  to  Saltillo.27 

24  These  reasons  he  explained  in  a  letter  to  Doblado  of  Jan.  20th,  intimat 
ing  that  French  intrigues  were  at  the  bottom  of  the  outcry.     The  latter  idea 
was  plausible,  from  the  fact  that  the  outcry  was  taken  up  by  Vidaurri,  who 
stood  suspected  of  communicating  with  the  French. 

25  A  lengthy  correspondence  ensued,  culminating  Feb.  1st  in  a  pointed  de 
mand  on  Vidaurri  to  obey.  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  306,  etc. 

36  Commanding  respectively  1,500  and  2,000  men.  A  circular  of  Feb.  5th 
announced  the  change  of  capital.  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.  308. 

27  Vidaurri  had  withdrawn  into  the  citadel  with  the  troops  at  his  immediate 
command,  and  with  the  seeming  connivance  of  Doblado,  who  made  a  separate 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.  9 


130 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 


Deeply  incensed  at  the  humiliation,  Juarez  at  once 
took  steps  to  restore  his  prestige.  Doblado  was  drawn 
closer  by  promises,  and  Uraga,  Ortega,  and  Governor 
Patoni  of  Durango  were  ordered  to  send  aid.  Vi- 


NUEVO  LEON. 

daurri  had  resolved  to  break  with  the  republican 
authorities,  bidding  the  state  officials  to  ignore  them. 

agreement  to  retire,  regardless  of  Juarez'  wishes.  La  Estrella  de  Occid. ,  April 
15,  1864.  etc.;  Period.  Ofic.,  March  31,  1864,  etc.;  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7, 
i.  225-60. ' 


VIDAUERI'S  FALL.  131 

Personal  ambition  was  the  main  object  with  him,  and 
finding  from  the  preparations  of  Juarez  that  this  might 
be  imperilled,  he  entered  freely  into  the  negotiations 
opened  by  Bazaine,  who  held  out  both  threats  and 
promises.  Not  venturing  to  give  in  his  adhesion  to 
the  empire  without  the  consent  of  the  people,  he 
ordered,  on  March  2d,  that  their  votes  should  be  taken 
on  the  matter.28 

Aware  of  the  negotiations,  Juarez  had  on  the  26th 
of  February  issued  a  decree  dissolving  the  union  of 
Coahuila  and  Nuevo  Leon,  formed  by  the  ambitious 
Vidaurri  a  few  years  before,  and  declaring  them  in  a 
state  of  siege.  A  week  later  he  issued  a  proclamation 
imposing  the  penalty  for  traitors  on  all  who  obeyed  the 
summons  to  vote  issued  by  Vidaurri,  now  virtually 
considered  as  removed  from  his  government.29  This 
threat,  sustained  by  the.  gathering  Juarist  forces,  in 
timidated  the  people  from  voting,  and  signs  of  defec 
tion  appearing  among  the  troops,80  Vidaurri  sent 
commissioners  to  Juarez,  offering  to  retire  into  private 
life  if  the  past  were  overlooked.  The  president  re 
plied  that  submission  must  be  unconditional.  Vidaurri 
had  prepared  for  defence,  and  would  agree  to  no  such 
terms;  but  on  learning  that  the  troops  marching 
against  him  numbered  about  7,000,  under  Miguel 
Negrete,  minister  of  war,  he  abandoned  the  city  with 
a  force  of  over  1,000  men.  These  soon  abandoned 
him,  and  he  fled  into  Texas.  The  Juarists  occupied 
Monterey  March  29th,  and  the  government  installed 

28  The  vote  to  be  registered  before  the  local  authorities  in  two  books,  'uno 
con  el  titulo  cle  votacion  por  la  paz,  y  el  otro  Con  el  de  votacion  por  la  guerra.' 
Dnblan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  679.     Additional  documents  bearing  on  the 
attitude  of  Vidaurri  may  be  consulted  in  M6x.,  CoL  Leyes,  186.3-7,  i.  263 
et  seq.,  ii.  10-16;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  April  8,  1864,  etc.;  Period.  Ofic., 
Mar.  5,  1864,  and  other  journals  of  the  day. 

29  The  last  decree  is  dated  March  5th.  Af&c.t  CoL  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  9-10; 
Dublan,  ix.  673-4.     The  separation  of  the  state  was  contrary  to  the  constitu 
tion  of  1857,  and  Minister  Lerdo  sought  in  a  circular  to  excuse  it  on  the 
ground  of  Vidaurri's  tyrannical  and  treasonable  acts.     Lozano,  in  Vega,  Doc., 
i.  443-4,  expressed  a  wide-spread  sentiment  that  Juarez  should  have  left  Vi 
daurri  to  be  judged  by  the  nation,  and  not  imperilled  the  cause  by  drawing 
troops  from  exposed  provinces  for  the  sake  of  fighting  him. 

80  Vidaurri  had  only  2,000  men,  of  whom  only  those  under  Colonel  Quiroga 
could  be  relied  upon. 


132  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

itself  there  a  few  days  later,  summoning  the  congress 
to  meet  there 81  under  protection  of  the  army,  which 
was  imposing  enough  to  keep  in  check  the  French 
forces  in  San  Luis  Potosf,82  by  its  movements  in  the 
northern  part  of  that  state,  till  Doblado's  crushing 
defeat  at  Matehuala  reduced  its  proportions.  Mean 
while  it  also  assisted  to  restrict  imperialists  in  Tam- 
pico,  although  Carbajal  was  driven  from  the  district 
on  attempting  to  encroach  too  closely  upon  the  ground 
held  by  the  French  guerrilla  chief,  Dupin,  imperialist 
governor  of  Tamaulipas,  a  daring,  but  cruel  and  greedy 
soldier.83  This  reverse  by  no  means  quieted  the  region, 
and  in  order  to  obtain  submission,  he  caused  the  town 
of  Ozuluama  to  be  burned  for  a  refusal  to  surrender 
arms.  The  effect  was  to  hasten  the  evacuation  of 
Panuco,  by  the  Juarist  Pavon;  but  reenforced  from 
Huasteca,  he  retook  the  town  not  long  after.34 

The  preceding  review  of  military  operations  shows 
that  as  the  time  approached  for  Maximilian  to  take 
possession  of  his  throne,  the  most  important  part  of 
the  country  had  been  practically  brought  under  his 
sway,  embracing  the  vast  extent  of  rich  mining  and 
agricultural  provinces  from  about  latitude  18°  to  23°, 
containing  two  thirds  of  the  population  and  the  chief 
manufacturing  and  trade  interests.  In  some  of  these 
provinces  republican  guerrillas  still  hovered,  notably  in 

81  M6x.,  Col  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  18-21,  238.     The  evacuation  by  Vidaurri 
took  place  between  March  26th  and  29th.     He  spiked  the  abandoned  guns. 
Quiroga  followed  him  in  his  flight.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  April  21,  May  6, 
1864;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  April  30,  1864;   Vega,  Doc.,  i.  338. 

82  An  intercepted  letter  from  Baron  Aymar,  commanding  there,  places  his 
force  toward  the  end  of  April  at  2,500  Frenchmen  and  4,000  Mexicans.  La 
Estrella  de  Occid.,  July  1,  1864. 

83  Called  the  Tiger  of  the  Tropics,  for  his  wanton  cruelty.     Traits  instanced 
in  Edward's  Shelby's  Exped.,  43-5.     He  besieged  Temapache,  and  was  there 
defeated  April  18th,  with  a  loss  of  over  150  men,  says  Niox,  who  places  his 
force  at  1,200,  and  Dupin's  auxiliaries  at  about  300.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  373-4. 
The  Juarists  embraced  a  proportion  of  North  American  frontiersmen.     Car 
bajal  retired  to  Ciuclad  Rodrigo,  placing  himself  in  communication  with  the 
Juarist  governor,  Cortina,  commanding  at  Matamoros.  Iglesias,  Revistas,  412. 

81  In  the  autumn.  Dupin  forced  him  to  evacuate  May  22d,  and  allowed 
several  outrages  on  persons  and  property.  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  342- 
6;  La  Estrdla  de  Occid.,  Sept.  9,  Nov.  11,  18,  1864;  La  Voz  de  Mcj.t  May  19, 
June  30,  Aug.  25, 1864. 


PROGRESS  OF  FRANCO-MEXICANS.  133 

Michoacan,  Jalisco,  and  southern  Puebla,  but  the  im 
perialists  were  about  to  capture  Acapulco  and  reduce 
Guerrero,  to  invade  Sinaloa  and  advance  in  other  di 
rections,  so  that  the  position  of  the  former  party  was 
precarious  indeed.  At  the  close  of  May,  however, 
they  still  held  the  rather  scantily  inhabited  provinces 
of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  Durango  and  Chihuahua, 
Nuevo  Leon  and  part  of  Tamaulipas,  including  con 
trol  of  some  rich  mining  districts,  and  two  valuable 
custom-houses  at  Matamoros  and  Mazatlan.  In  the 
south  they  occupied  Guerrero,  Oajaca,  Tabasco,  and 
Chiapas,  where  Diaz  loomed  as  the  only  formidable 
bulwark ;  for  the  northern  armies  were  about  shattered, 
and  their  territory  protected  greatly  by  the  sparseness 
of  its  settlements,  with  the  attendant  lack  of  sup 
plies,  and  hardships.85 

The  reason  for  the  rapid  advance  of  the  Franco- 
Mexicans  was  due,  not  to  superior  valor,  for  the  re 
publicans  fought  well,  but  to  discipline  and  arms,  and 
above  all  to  a  better  organization  of  troops,  and 
carefully  studied  manoeuvres.  The  Juarist  forces,  on 
the  other  hand,  were  largely  of  raw  recruits,  attracted 
by  patriotism  qr  a  desire  for  plunder,  or  more  gen 
erally  pressed  into  service,  and  little  able  from  lack  of 
training  and  disposition  to  withstand  the  regular  sol 
diers  from  European  and  Algerian  battle-fields.  They 
were  deficient  in  armament  and  outfit,  in  quantity  as 
well  as  quality,  and  discord  reigned,  one  jealous  leader 
opposing  another,  or  refusing  to  act  in  accord,  and  so 
causing  the  failure  of  the  best  plans. 

The  successes  of  the  Franco-Mexican  columns  might 
have  been  made  even  more  effective  had  the  regency 
displayed  any  proportionate  energy  in  organizing  the 

35  The  official  organ,  Peridd.  Ofic.,  Nov.  12,  1863  et  seq.,  and  other  jour 
nals  of  the  day,  contain  lists  of  adhesion  and  the  ministerial  reports.  A 
very  acceptable  compilation  thereof  is  given  in  Max.  y  Carlota^  Adven.,  91- 
100,  and  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  470-80,  showing  the  gains  month  by 
month  till  Aug. :  yet  many  of  the  towns  and  districts  enumerated  turned 
back  to  the  republic  whenever  pressure  was  applied.  In  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maxi- 
miliano,  i.  335,  384-7,  is  given  the  republican  version  of  territory  held  at  this 
time,  and  the  forces  therein. 


134  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

administration  and  carrying  out  reforms.36  The  Mex 
ican  imperialists  clung,  above  all,  to  the  conservative 
principles,  and  the  liberal  ideas,  as  exhibited  in  church 
questions  and  other  respects,  were  generally  due  to 
French  compulsion.87  To  the  same  source  Juarists 
ascribe  the  popular  adhesion  to  the  empire.88  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  largest  proportion  of  the  people 
in  the  occupied  provinces,  including  the  steady  artisan, 
the  settled  farmer,  the  trader,  and  property  holder, 
the  substantial  people  of  the  country,  gave  in  their 
allegiance,  or  allowed  the  local  authorities  to  do  so  in 
their  name,  mainly  for  the  sake  of  peace,  admitting 
probably  that  this  appeared  to  be  best  insured  under 
a  strong  central  government,  like  the  empire,  upheld 
by  such  powerful  elements  as  French  armies.  But 
many  had  suffered  so  severely  from  unprincipled 
guerrillas  as  to  abhor  the  term  Juarist;  others  saw  in 
the  federal  republic  only  a  faction-torn  illusion;  and 
a  still  larger  party  was  influenced  wholly  by  the 
clergy,  to  whom  the  empire  promised  wealth  and 
power. 

Knowing  as  we  do  the  national  characteristics  of 
indolence  and  improvidence,  impetuosity  and  vanity, 
we  can  readily  understand  how  the  one  might,  in  cer 
tain  cases,  influence  submission,  while  the  others 
would  prompt  to  patriotic  efforts,  regardless  of  per 
sonal  comfort  or  prospects.  The  fact  that  French 
armies  piloted  the  new  government  was  enough  to 
modify  every  success,  as  instanced  by  the  constant 
effort,  of  land-holders  at  least,  to  tender  neutrality  in 
stead  of  submission,39  and  the  repeated  springing-up 

36 '  Si  ceux  des  Mexicains,  qui  se  disaient  imperialistes,  eussent  suivi  lea 
exemples  de  denouement  et  d'abne"gation  donnas  par  les  troupes  francaises, 
1' Empire  mexicain  cut  et<§  fonde",'  says  Niox,  Expdd.  du  Mex.,  371,  somewhat 
complacently.  This  applies  to  civil  as  well  as  military  operations. 

37  In  a  letter  written  to  Almonte  in  Dec.  1863,  Napoleon  manifested  dis 
pleasure  at  the  conservative  spirit  of  his  party,  and  declared  that  he  would 
allow  no  blind  reaction  that  might  compromise  the  future  and  disgrace  the 
French  banner. 

36  As  instanced  by  statements  in  Lefivre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  409-11;  La 
Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  16,  1864. 

89  True,  this  was  partly  prompted  by  fear  of  avenging  guerrillas.     The  sub- 


MAXIMILIAN'S  FINANCES.  135 

of  fresh  opponents,  even  in  the  central  provinces. 
Victories  by  foreign  soldiers  could  hardly  please  even 
the  most  rabid  conservative;  and  to  others  they  ap 
peared  in  more  sombre  aspect  as  being  achieved  for 
the  sake  of  installing  a  foreign  prince,  perhaps  a  mere 
agent  for  French  designs.  Every  severe  act  by  such 
hands,  as  the  execution  of  bandit  chiefs  or  guerrilla 
leaders,  tended  to  intensify  dislike  under  the  incentive 
of  republican  proclamations^ 


40 


At  the  opening  of  the  year  the  Franco-Mexican 
forces  had  overrun  the  most  important  part  of  the 
country,  and  in  February  there  were  adherents 
enough  to  represent  the  majority  of  the  provinces, 
and  presumably  of  the  population.  Regardless  of 
the  sincerity  of  this  vote,  the  regency  hastened  to 
send  the  returns  to  the  commissioners  in  Europe. 
This  unwarrantable  haste  must  not  be  censured  too 
severely,  however,  for  Maximilian  himself  appears  to 
have  been  eager  to  grasp  at  almost  any  illusions  that 
iiiight  excuse  his  acceptance  of  the  coveted  crown.41 
He  had  long  regarded  himself  as  emperor,  holding 
councils  and  arranging  private  affairs  with  that  view. 
The  latter  called  him  to  Brussels,  and  receiving  there 
the  report  of  the  plebiscit  in  Mexico,  he  hastened 
to  Paris  to  arrange  for  guarantees. 

With  the  cooperation  of  English  bankers,  a  loan  of 
£8,000,000  was  placed,  which,  after  deducting  the 
modest  discount  of  thirty-seven  per  cent  and  the  ex 
penses,  yielded  less  than  half  the  amount.  Of  this 
Maximilian  obtained  about  ten  per  cent,  and  most  of 
the  remainder  was  absorbed  for  interest  on  the  present 
and  previous  loans.  So  much  for  the  first  financial 

mission  tendered  through  local  authorities  proved  no  burden  on  the  con 
science. 

43 As  instanced  in  that  by  Gen.  Uraga  of  March  28,  1864,  from  San  Mar 
cos.  La  Estrdla  de  Occid.,  May  27,  18G4. 

41  'Se  pudo  echar  de  ver  los  deseos  que  tenia  S.  A.  de  ser  emperador,'  says 
Arrangoiz,  instancing  his  anxiety  and  agitation.  Mej.,  iii.  187.  Events  jus 
tify  this  statement. 


136  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

operation  of  the  empire.42  The  guarantees  were  satis 
factorily  arranged,  as  will  be  seen,  although  not  with 
out  some  trouble,  owing  to  Maximilian's  decided  re 
fusal  to  let  France  absorb  Sonora.43 

After  a  series  of  brilliant  receptions  at  Paris,  the 
archduke  and  his  consort  crossed  to  England  to  hold 
an  interview  with  Palmerston,  leading  to  no  better 
results  than  before.  Ex-queen  Marie  Arnelie,  grand 
mother  of  Charlotte,  living  at  Claremont,  expressed 
herself  decidedly  opposed  to  the  enterprise.  She  had 
experienced  the  dangers  and  illusions  connected  with 
a  crown,  and  in  a  country  more  stable  in  culture  and 
politics  than  Mexico.  But  nothing  could  now  change 
the  resolution  taken. 

Returning  to  Miramare,  where  the  Mexican  depu 
tation  was  awaiting  him,44  Maximilian  prepared  to 
formally  accept  the  throne.  There  was  a  serious  hin- 
derance,  however.  One  condition  expected  by  the  Mex 
icans,  and  demanded  by  Emperor  Francis  Joseph,  was 
that  he  should  renounce  his  right  of  succession  to  the 

O 

Austrian  throne.  But  the  sacrifice  appeared  greater 
as  the  time  approached  for  making  it.  There  was  but 
one  young  son  of  the  emperor  between  him  and  that 
mighty  object,  and  the  manner  in  which  Francis  Jo- 

42A1  though  the  English  were  bribed  with  a  payment  toward  previous 
neglected  loans,  the  money  was  subscribed  mainly  in  France.  Nearly  27 
millions  remained  unplaced  out  of  the  total  nominal  sum  of  201  million  francs, 
which  at  63  per  cent  equalled  127  millions  to  be  received.  The  net  result, 
less  expenses,  was  93,726,119.  The  English  obtained  from  this  23  millions 
against  old  dividends.  Interest  on  the  actual  loan  for  2  years  took  24  mil 
lions  at  6  per  cent  on  the  nominal  sum.  Maximilian  received  8  millions, 
and  the  French  managed  to  seize  a  part  of  the  small  remainder.  M4x., 
Mem.  Hoc.,  1870,  602-3.  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Alex.,  360,  is  somewhat  loose  in 
his  figures.  Arrangoiz  growls  at  the  sum  taken  by  the  emperor,  and  so  does 
Iglesias.  Revistas,  ii.  318-19,  343-8,  377-89. 

43  A  point  used  afterward  as  an  argument  for  defence.  See  Max.,  Defensa, 
50.     It  was  rumored  at  this  time  that  a  kingdom  might  be  formed  from  tho 
provinces  south  of  Tehuan tepee  isthmus,  including  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  and 
Honduras,  with  the  count  of  Flanders  for  ruler.  Lefevre,  Doe.  Maximiliano, 
441-2.     Mexicans  sought  to  oppose  Maximilian's  visit  to  Paris  in  his  then 
yielding  mood,  but  Napoleon  expressing  a  decided  wish  to  see  him,  he  dared 
not  delay.     He  arrived  at  Paris  March  5th. 

44  Consisting  of  nearly  the  same  number  as  before.     Miranda  had  returned 
to  Mexico,  and  there  died  March  7th.     He  was  a  zealous  churchman,  as  in 
stanced  by  his  several  writings,  one  of  which  I  possess  in  autograph,  entitled 
La  Vida  6  la  Muerte,  MS.,  1857,  99  leaves. 


THE  THRONE  ACCEPTED.  137 

seph  himself  had  gained  the  sceptre  held  out  alluring 
hopes  for  similar  accidents.  The  archducal  pair  wished 
to  retain  their  right  at  least  in  behalf  of  descendants, 
and  a  decided  coldness  sprang  up  between  the  broth 
ers  on  this  point,  Charlotte  displaying  her  agitation  by 
easy -flowing  tears.  Mexican  history  for  the  last  half- 
century  presented  by  no  means  a  reassuring  pros 
pect  to  rulers.45 

Finally  the  emperor  came  over  to  Miramare  and  the 
matter  was  arranged,  Maximilian  signing,  on  the  9th 
of  April,  the  desired  renunciation  in  behalf  of  himself 
and  his  descendants.46  On  the  following  day  he  re 
ceived  the  Mexican  deputation  in  the  midst  of  a 
brilliant  assemblage.  Their  president,  Gutierrez  de 
Estrada,  was  spokesman,  and  announced  that  the  vote 
of  the  assembly  of  notables  had  been  ratified  by  an 
immense  majority  of  the  people,  through  the  munici 
pal  authorities  and  other  popular  bodies.  They  ac 
cordingly  came  to  ask  him  for  a  full  and  definite 
acceptance  of  the  Mexican  throne,  from  which  to  ad 
vance  the  glorious  destiny  of  the  country.47  The  arch 
duke  replied  that  a  careful  examination  of  the  acts 
of  allegiance  filled  him  with  confidence  in  the  ratifi 
cation,  so  that  he  could  regard  himself  as  the  right 
ful  elect  of  the  people.  The  French  emperor  had 
given  the  necessary  guarantees  for  enabling  the  new 
empire  to  establish  its  independence  and  welfare  on 
solid  bases;  and  the  chief  of  his  family  having  con 
sented,  he  now  solemnly  accepted  from  the  Mexican 

45  The  Mexican  deputation,  so  far  kept  waiting,  found  'al  archiduque 
pasedndose  agitado;  a  la  archiduquesa  llorosa.'  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  192-3. 
Some  of  the  newspapers,  Action  and  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  2,  18G4, 
satirize  the  deputation  as  awe-stricken  in  the  presence  of  royalty.  Charlotte 
sought  vainly  in  a  special  interview  with  the  emperor  to  make  him  yield. 

16  So  long  as  a  male  descendant  of  any  of  the  archdukes  remained  alive, 
his  own  could  lay  no  claim,  not  even  to  guardianship  over  a  minor  heir  to  the 
throne.  He  also  resigned  his  claim  to  the  property  pertaining  to  the  arch- 
ducal  house,  except  under  certain  remote  conditions.  An  essential  change  in 
his  prospects  would  entitle  him  to  a  share,  however.  Full  text  in  Arrangoiz, 
Mej.,  iii.  193-9. 

47  While  promising  '  endless  love  and  inalterable  fidelity,'  they  added  the 
saving  clause,  'we  cannot  say  that  the  enterprise  will  be  easy.'  'Nunca  lo. 
fue",  ni  lo  sera  jamas,  lafuudacion  de  un  imperio.'  Hex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  8. 


138  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

nation  the  offered  crown.  He  assumed  the  power 
conferred  on  him,  but  "would  retain  it  only  till  order 
could  be  reestablished  in  Mexico,  with  wisely  liberal 
institutions."  He  would  "hasten  to  place  the  mon 
archy  under  constitutional  laws  so  soon  as  complete 
pacification  had  been  attained."  The  oath  was  there 
upon  administered,  followed  by  a  triple  viva  to  the 
new  emperor  and  empress,  in  whose  honor  the  impe 
rial  Mexican  flag  was  hoisted  amidst  salvos  from, 
battle-ships  and  batteries.  During  the  te  deum  ser 
vices  in  the  chapel,  Maximilian  wore  the  Guadalupa 
order.  A  banquet  concluded  the  ceremonies.48 

The  same  day  were  issued  decrees  dissolving  the 
regency,  and  appointing  Almonte  lieutenant  of  the 
empire,  to  govern  for  the  emperor;  sedate  old  Joaquin 
Velazquez  de  Leon  minister  of  state;  Arrangoiz, 
Hidalgo,  and  Murphy  ministers  plenipotentiary  to 
Belgium,  France,  and  Austria,  respectively;  Woll 
adjutant-general;  and  a  number  of  foreign  and  Mexi 
can  nobles  and  gentlemen  as  officers  of  the  imperial 
household,49  several  of  whom  were  decorated  with  the 
order  of  Guadalupe,  now  restored.50  The  empress 
was  declared  regent  in  case  of  accident.51 

A  more  important  transaction  was  the  signing  of 
the  convention  with  Napoleon,  whereby  it  was  agreed 

*8The  speeches  and  ceremonies  are  recorded  in  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1SG4, 
3-12,  together  with  names  of  those  attending.  The  ceremonies  are  more  fully 
described  in  Miramar  d  Mex. ,  14  et  seq.,  with  portraits.  Estrada  knelt  to 
kiss  the  hand  of  the  emperor,  'eii  sefial  de  homenage,'  says  this  and  other 
Mexican  authorities,  whereat  republicans  wax  wrathy;  but  Arrangoiz  doubts 
it.  '  Enthusiastic  tears  were  shed '  by  Mexicans;  '  the  emperor  was  too  moved 
to  attend  the  banquet,'  and  so  forth.  See  also  Arranfjoiz,  Mej.,  199,  app.  28 
etseq.;  Parthe,  Interven.,  35-40;  Hall's  Life  Max.,  79-83;  Domenech,  Hist. 
Mex.,  iii.  173-6.  In  Max.  y  Carlota,  Adwn.,  105-24,  is  a  full  account,  com 
piled  from  letters  and  periodicals. 

49  Count  de  Zichy,  grand  master  to  the  empress;  Count  de  Bombelles, 
chamberlain  to  the  emperor;  Marquis  de  Corio,  chamberlain  to  the  empress; 
Counselor  Schertzenlechner,  director  of  the  civil  list;  Angel  Iglesias,  provis 
ional  secretary  of  the  cabinet;  Ontiveros,  Schaffer,  Gunner,  adjutants;  and 
several  others  for  the  private  service  of  the  emperor,  Eloin,  secretary,  acquir 
ing  great  influence.  See  Max.  y  Carlota,  Adven.,  129-30;  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley., 
1864,  13-15.  Leon  was  very  ugly,  but  polite  and  refined;  Iglesias,  an  at 
tractive  man  of  mistrusting  disposition. 

50 Decree  and  names  in  Id.,  15-18.  The  order  was  divided  into  five  classes, 
Gutierrez  receiving  the  grand  cross,  as  did  the  generals  Marquez  and  Mejia. 

61  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes  Imp.,  i.  17. 


FRENCH  RELATIONS.  139 

to  reduce  the  French  troops  as  soon  as  possible  to 
25,000,  including  the  foreign  legion.  This  body,  serv 
ing  to  insure  the  object  of  the  intervention,  should 
evacuate  the  country  as  soon  as  the  forces  could  be 
organized  to  take  their  place;  yet  the  foreign  legion 
of  8,000  was  to  remain,  if  required,  for  six  years  after 
the  above  withdrawal,  sustained  from  this  time  by 
the  Mexican  government.  The  transport  service  for 
French  military  supplies  must  be  paid  by  the  same 
government  with  400,000  francs  for  the  round  trip; 
likewise  the  cost  of  the  French  expedition,  fixed  at 
270,000,000  francs  for' the  whole  time,  till  July  1, 
1864,  with  interest  at  three  per  cent  per  annum. 
After  this  date  the  expenses  of  the  Mexican  army 
rested  with  Mexico,  which  had  also  to  give  1,000 
francs  for  the  maintenance  of  each  French  soldier, 
pay  included.  Against  these  sums  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  had  to  pay  at  once  66,000,000  in  bonds  of 
the  late  loan,  at  the  rate  of  issue,52  and  25,000,000 
in  specie  annually.53  A  mixed  commission  of  three 
Frenchmen  and  three  Mexicans  was  to  meet  at  Mexico 
within  three  months,  to  adjust  the  claims  of  French 
citizens.54  All  Mexican  prisoners  of  war  held  by  'the 
French  were  to  be  released  as  soon  as  Maximilian 
entered  his  states.  In  additional  secret  articles,  Max 
imilian  approved  of  the  French  policy  as  outlined  in 
Forey's  proclamation  of  June  11,  1863,  and  subse 
quently  through  Bazaine  and  the  regency,  and  he 
promised  to  so  express  himself  in  a  manifesto  to  the 
people.  Napoleon  promised,  on  his  side,  that  the 
French  force  of  38,000  men  should  be  reduced  only 
gradually,  28,000  thereof  remaining  in  1865,  25,000 

52  Of  which  54,000,000  to  go  against  the  debt  of  270,000,000,  and  12,000,- 
000  against  claims  of  French  citizens. 

53  To   be  credited,  first,  against   transport   service  and   maintenance   of 
troops;  next,  interest  and  capital  of  debt;  and  lastly,  claims  of  French  citi 
zens.     The  sum  needed  for  maintenance  of  French  troops  to  be  paid  at  the 
close  of  every  month. 

54  A  revisionary  commission  had  afterward  to  meet  at  Paris  to  liquidate 
the  claims  admitted  by  the  body  at  Mexico,  deciding  upon  any  left  in  abey 
ance. 


140  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

in  1866,  and  20,000  in  1867.  The  officers  of  the  for 
eign  legion  included  in  the  above  force,  serving  as 
they  did  also  French  interests,  were  to  retain  the 
right  to  promotion  in  the  French  army.55 

The  secret  clauses  were  loudly  decried  afterward 
as  a  deception  on  the  people,  ministering  wholly  to  the 
ambitious  views  of  the  contracting  parties,  and  in 
direct  opposition  to  what  had  been  intimated  to  the 
deputation  from  Mexico.  The  trip  to  Paris  had 
greatly  modified,  or  rather  defined,  the  plans  of  Maxi 
milian;  yet  the  conservatives  should  have  learned 
from  his  administration  in  Lombardy  that  his  ideas 
were  decidedly  liberal.  The  clause  for  the  main 
tenance  of  a  larger  French  force  than  mentioned  in 
the  first  article  shows  how  little  confidence  the  new 
emperor  had  in  the  ' immense  popular  majority7  which 
elected  him,  a  doubt  expressed  also  in  the  demand 
for  frequent  demonstrations  on  the  coasts  by  French 
vessels,  and  in  his  reluctance  to  surrender  archducal 
rights.56  The  financial  part  of  the  agreement  was 
denounced  by  the  Juarists  as  an  outrageous  imposition, 
like  the  article  referring  the  final  adjustment  of  French 
claims  to  a  commission  at  Paris,  there  to  be  influenced 
by  Napoleon.  The  subordination  of  Mexican  officers 
of  whatever  rank  to  the  French,  when  associated 
on  garrison  or  field  duty,  was  a  humiliation  which 

55  This  document  was  signed  at  Miramare,  April  10,  1864,  by  Herbet,  for 
France,  and  by  Maximilian's  newly  appointed  minister  of  state,  Velazquez  de 
Leon.   It  contained  21  articles,  3  being  the  secret  clauses.    By  articles  4  and  f> 
the  new  emperor  and  the  French  general  were  jointly  to  determine  on  the  places 
to  be  occupied  by  French  troops.     Wherever  the  garrison  was  not  exclusively 
Mexican,  French  officers  should  hold  the  chief  command;  so,  also,  in  case  ol 
joint  expeditions;   but  they  could  not   interfere  in  administrative  matters. 
French  naval  stations  in  the  Antilles  and  Pacific  should  send  frequently  ves 
sels  to  display  the  tri-color  in  Mexican  ports.     Mexicans  naturally  objected 
to  have  their  officers,  often  of  superior  rank,  subordinated  to  the  French. 
The  full  text  of  the  document  may  be  consulted  in  Max.  y  Carlota,  Adven., 
127-9;  Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iii.  200-4,  etc.     A  proposed  cession  of  Sonora,  as  ar 
ranged  with  the  regency,  was  objected  to  by  Maximilian.  Niox,  Exped.  du 
Mex.t  745. 

56  '  Enganaba  a  Napoleon  hacidndole  creer  que  aceptaba  de  buena  fe"  el  trono 
de  Mexico,  cuando  s61o  querfa  que  le  sirviera  de  teatro  de  estreno  para  darse 
&  conocer  d  los  ultraliberales  austriacos.'     Arranyoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  204.     Zarco  is 
equally  severe.  Convention;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  July  8,  1864. 


MAXIMILIAN  AT  ROME.  HI 

served  to  rouse  conservatives  from  the  beginning.57 
Another  not  very  agreeable  feature  was  the  enrol 
ment  in  Austria  and  Belgium  of  volunteers  to  serve 
as  nuclei  for  the  imperial  army,  and  also  as  standing 
tokens  of  distrust,  sources  for  bitter  and  dangerous 
jealousies.58  Thus  far  alone  went  the  support  given 
by  Francis  Joseph,  who  in  other  respects  made  it  un 
derstood  that  he  felt  himself  in  no  manner  responsible 
for  or  connected  with  the  plans  of  his  brother. 

The  preparations  of  Maximilian  for  his  journey  had 
already  been  made,  and  on  the  fourth  day  after  ac 
cepting  the  crown  he  and  his  wife  embarked  at  Mira- 
mare  on  board  the  frigate  Novara  for  Civita  Vecchia,59 
en  route  for  Rome,  there  to  confer  with  the  pope  on 
points  already  imparted  by  Aguilar  y  Marocho,  the 
newly  accredited  minister  at  the  Vatican.  It  was 
understood  that  Maximilian  would  exert  himself  to 
remedy  the  evil  suffered  by  the  church,  and  to  restore 
the  respect  due  to  the  clergy.60  After  a  stay  of  two 
days  at  Rome  he  continued  his  voyage  April  20th, 

67  The  expression  of  the  Juarist  minister,  Iglesias,  '  El  llamado  emperador 
mexicano  ha  pasado  porla  humillacion  de  consentir,'  Revlstas,  ii.  340,  is  taken 
up  by  Zamacois,  Arrangoiz,  and  others  devoted  to  the  conservative  side. 
Leon's  conduct  is  stamped  by  them  as  '  culpable  debility. '    Commandant  J. 
M.  Rodriguez  was  sent  on  April  12th  by  way  of  France  to  carry  the  news  of 
these  proceedings  to  Mexico. 

68  The  Austrians  to  consist  of  three  battalions  of  infantry,  a  regiment  of 
hussars  and  ulans,  a  battery  of  artillery,  a  company  of  pioneers,   and  300 
sailors.     The  force  not  to  exceed  6,300,  and  the  Belgian  not  over  2,000.     For 
text  of  agreement,  see  Derecho,  Intern.  Mex.,  pt  ii.  352-C2. 

59  Accompanied  by  his  brother  Luis  Victor,  Gen.  Woll,  Leon,  Count  de 
Zichy,  his  chamberlains  and  secretary,  and  countesses  Zichy  and  Kollonitz, 
ladies  of  honor.     Arrangoiz  adds  Eloin  and  Friar  Gomez.     Several  vessels  at 
tended  for  a  distance,  the  frigate  Themis  to  escort  to  Vera  Cruz  on  behalf  of 
the  French  emperor.     Deputations  from  Trieste  and  other  places  came  to 
Miramare  to  bid  them  farewell.     Details  in  Max.  y  Carlota,  Adven.,  133-8. 

60  The  imperial  pair  called,  April  19th,  on  Pius  IX.,  who  returned  the  visit 
on  the  following  day.     Mass  in  the  Sixtine  chapel  was  attended  by  an  allo 
cution  on  the  duties  of  sovereigns  and  by  communion,  and  followed  by  break 
fast  in  the  library.     The  pontifical  blessing  was  bestowed  during  the  return 
visit  at  Marescotti  palace.     Visits  were  also  exchanged  with  the  king  of 
Naples.     Details  in  Miramar  d  Mexico,  45-52,  and  Nardi,  Visita  deli'  in- 
peratore,  Roma,  18b'4,  1-22.    In  a  bull  issued  April  28th  was  given  the  form  of 
prayers  to  be  said  for  the  sovereign  in  Mexican  churches.  H4x.y  Boletin  Ley., 
1804,  286-8. 


142  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

touching  at  Gibraltar61  and  Martinique,62  and  reach 
ing  Yera  Cruz  on  the  28th  of  May. 

The  Themis  arrived  a  few  hours  in  advance,  to  give 
the  people  notice,  and  bringing  to  them  a  proclama 
tion,  wherein  Maximilian  promised  to  consecrate  him 
self  to  their  happiness,  by  maintaining  inviolable 
justice,  equality  before  the  law,  open  path  for  all  to 
every  career  and  position,  personal  liberty  and  protec 
tion  of  property,  development  of  national  wealth  and 
trade,  and  the  free  unfolding  of  intelligence  in  all  its 
relations  to  public  interest.63  Almonte,  having  come 
down  from  Mexico,  presented  himself  on  board  to 
tender  welcome,  and  introduce  a  number  of  represent 
ative  men.  In  surrendering  the  supreme  command, 
he  received  the  appointment  of  grand  marshal  of  the 
court  and  minister  of  the  imperial  house.6* 

Early  the  following  morning  the  sovereigns  landed 
amid  a  vast  concourse  of  enthusiastic  people,  eager 
to  behold  personages  so  distinguished,  the  highest,  as 
the  European  world  goes,  that  had  ever  come  to  the 
country,  and  allied  too  in  blood,  the  one  to  the  actual 
Bourbon  family  of  Spain,  the  other  to  the  great 
Charles  for  whom  Cortes  had  occupied  Andhuac  three 
centuries  and  a  half  before.  In  this  very  month  and 
on  this  very  spot  the  famous  captain  had  received  the 
homage  of  Montezuma's  subjects,  and  conceived  the 
project  of  seizing  the  throne  now  offered  by  his  liber 
ated  descendants.  A  glittering  prize  it  was,  envied 
by  all  Europe  in  those  semi-barbaric  days,  and  not 
least  by  Francis  L,  who  consoled  himself  by  captur- 

61  The  governor,  Lord  Codrington,  extending  and  receiving  hospitalities 
during  the  stay  from  April  24th  to  27th. 

62  On  May  16th.     Here  were  confined  a  number  of  Mexican  prisoners,  to 
several  of  whom  were  granted  pardon  and  aid,  the  rest  being  promised  speedy 
consideration. 

63  To  the  empress  he  left  '  the  enviable  task  of  consecrating  to  the  country 
all  the  noble  sentiments  of  Christian  virtue  and  all  the  devotion  of  a  tender 
mother.'     '  Unamonos,  para  llegar  al  objeto  comun;  olvidemos  las  sombras  pa- 
sadas.'  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  289-91. 

64  Almonte  had  entered  on  his  office  of  lieutenant  of  the  empire  on  May 
20th.     For  proclamations,  see  Mdx.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864.     The  first  person  from 
the  shore  to  be  received  was  John  Laine,  captain  of  the  port.  Eco  del  Com. 
(v.  6),  May  31,  1864. 


AT  VERA  CRUZ. 


143 


ing  some  of  the  Aztec  treasures  while  expressing  a 
desire  for  their  sources.  And  now  France  held  pos 
session,  as  agent  for  restoring  them  to  a  descendant 
of  the  original  and  envied  holder,  but  in  another  garb; 
a  new-born  race  had  sprung  up  beneath  a  transoceainc 
culture,  and  unfolded  fresh  resources  and  vaster 
industries  and  intercourse. 

The  type  of  progress  lay  presented  in  Vera  Cruz* 


VERA  CRTJZ  AND  HARBOR. 

itself,  risen  out  of  the  sandy  plain  where  the  con 
querors  first  encamped  in  tents,  and  grown  into  a  fine 
cosmopolitan  city,  with  a  port  visited  by  vessels  from 
every  quarter  of  the  world,  and  protected  by  a  formi 
dable  sea-girth  castle.  The  first  impression  on  the 
sovereigns  could  hardly  have  been  displeasing,  as  they 
drove  through  the  streets  decorated  with  flowers 
and  bunting,  and  pompous  with  arches  and  festoons, 


144  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

while  cheers  and  salvos  appealed  to  every  ear  and 
heart.65 

Owing  to  the  unhealthiness  of  the  season  at  Vera 
Cruz  the  sovereigns  were  persuaded  to  hasten  direct  to 
the  railway  station.66  The  road  was  open  as  yet  only 
for  a  distance  of  fourteen  leagues  to  Loina  Alta,  and 
from  here  the  party  proceeded  by  coaches  to  C6rdoba. 
Two  mishaps  occurred  on  the  way,  which  struck  the 
superstitious  as  ominous.  One  was  the  breaking  of 
the  axle  of  the  imperial  coach,  and  the  other  a  rain 
storm  which  extinguished  all  the  torches  of  the  escort. 
C6rdoba  was  astir  and  brilliantly  illuminated,  although 
the  imperial  suite  arrived  before  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  The  whole  of  May  30th  was  spent  in  fes 
tivities,  and  in  receiving  deputations,  among  them 
one  from  Indians,  who  in  their  humble  attire  came  to 
tender  homage,  bringing  as  tokens  the  nosegays  that 
from  time  immemorial  had  served  to  welcome  the 
honored  guest.  "  Thou  comest  like  the  rainbow  to  dis 
sipate  the  clouds  of  discord;  sent  by  the  Almighty, 
may  he  give  thee  strength  to  save  us!"67 

In  this  allusion  to  a  heaven-sent  being  crops  out 
the  ancient  tradition,  connected  with  Quetzalcoatl,  of 
a  white-bearded  man  who  should  come  from  the  land 
of  the  rising  sun  and  rule  the  country,  bringing  peace 

65  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  603,  maintains  that  the  ovation  was  devoid  of 
enthusiasm  and  due  to  curiosity,  but  qualifies  by  adding:    'No  podia  haber 
ni  cariuo  ni  amor  por  unas  personas  que  no  eran  conocidas.'     'La  poblacion 
recibid  tan  friamente  &  SS.  MM.,  que  la  Emperatriz  se  afect6  hasta  el  pimto 
de  llorar,'  says  Arrangoiz  more  strongly.  Mtf.,  iii.  210.     So  also  Leffrrre,  Doc. 
Maximiliano,  i.  383.    Zamacois  attributes  these  tears  to  the  absence  of  a  depu 
tation  from  the  ladies  of  the  city,  Hist.  M6j.,  xvii.  283;  due,  says  the  Ero, 
May  31,  1864,  to  their  being  'poco  habituadas'  to  royalty.     There  was  no 
doubt  something  lacking  in  certain  directions,  for  the  city  had  long  been 
devoted  to  Juarez,  who  there  planted  his  seat  of  government  a  few  years  before. 
For  details  concerning  the  reception  and  journey  of  the  party,  see  Max.  y  Car- 
lota,  Adven.i  150  et  seq.,  and  Miramar  A  Mex.,  56  et  seq,  with  extracts  from 
letters  and  journals;  Mix.,  Boktin  Ley.,  1864,  164-8,  289-95,  with  speeches 
and  addresses;   Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,   iii.   183-6;    Torncl,  Discurso,   1-1*2; 
J/aWs  Life  Max.,  107-9;  Flint's  Mex.  under  Max.,  90-3;  Peridd.  Qfic.,  June 
2,  1864,  etc.     The  keys  of  the  city  were  delivered  on  a  silver  platter. 

66  Leaving  a  promise  to  return  at  a  later  date. 

67 The  Aztec  for  the  last  half  reads:  'In  senhulitini  mitztitlania,  ma 
yehuatzinmitzmochicahuiliicatitechmaquixtis.'  M6x.,Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  302; 
Max.  y  Car  lota,  Adven.,  198. 


RECEPTION  AT  PUEELA.  145 

and  prosperity.  It  was  to  this  belief  that  Cortes 
owed  many  of  his  successes,  and  his  lieutenant,  Al- 
varado,  received  the  epithet  Tonatiuh,  the  sun,  from 
his  fair  hue,  while  the  conquerors,  as  a  rule,  were 
known  as  the  children  of  the  sun.  Maximilian  was  a 
decided  blonde,  with  a  commanding  stature,  and  the 
still  lingering  myth,  applying  strikingly  both  to  his 
person  and  mission,  found  ready  application.  Nor  did 
his  gentle  expression  and  suave  condescension  fail 
to  impress  favorably  even  those  whose  republican 
principles  impelled  them  to  discourtesy.  It  is  related 
that  Maximilian  on  entering  Orizaba  noticed  four  per 
sons  planting  themselves  conspicuously  in  front  of  the 
crowd,  to  display  their  opposition  by  remaining  there 
fixed  and  solid.  He  saluted  them  pointedly,  raising 
his  hat,  and  with  true  Mexican  politeness  the  four 
men  acknowledged  the  compliment.68 

The  reception  at  Puebla,  entered  on  June  5th,  was 
particularly  brilliant,  corresponding  to  the  greater 
size  and  wealth  of  this  city.  The  arches  and  decora 
tions  were  finer,  and  the  festivities  more  elaborate  and 
gay.  The  emperor  in  this  vicinity  displayed  his  fine 
horsemanship  in  a  manner  that  pleased  a  large  class.69 
All  preceding  demonstrations  were  eclipsed,  however, 
by  those  at  the  capital.  On  approaching  the  town, 
centring  round  the  shrine  of  Guadalupe  they  found 
an  immense  throng  lining  the  road,  along  which  came 
to  meet  them  the  leading  people  of  the  country,  in 
carriages  and  on  horseback,  prominent  being  three 
hundred  of  the  representative  youth  mounted  in 
costly  array  on  spirited  chargers.  At  a  signal,  all 

68 Hidalgo,  Apuntes,  219:  Pruneda,  Hist.  Guer.,  110-11.  At  this  place  a 
tour  was  made  of  the  hospitals  and  public  places  during  the  stay,  from  May 
31st  to  June  3d,  and  balls  and  banquets  were  given.  A  number  of  prisoners 
were  released  in  honor  of  the  occasion.  Hex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  29-30. 

69  Ex- regent  Salas  was  here  rewarded  with  the  grand  cross  of  Guadalupe, 
Prefect  Pardo  and  several  others  receiving  lower  grades.  The  empress  added 
here  two  to  her  list  of  ladies  of  honor.  Descriptions  of  the  arches,  the  sol 
emn  mass  at  the  cathedral,  and  other  features  are  fully  given  in  the  special 
brochure,  Max.,  Breve  Noi.  del  Recib.  en  Puebla,  1-36;  also  Miramar d Mex., 
137-93,  and  others  already  referred  to.  The  festivities  received  an  addi 
tional  interest  from  the  birthday  celebration  on  June  7th,  in  honor  of  Chajy 
lotte.  Cholula  and  its  famous  pyramid  were  visited  on  the  following  day. 
HIST.  MKT..  VOL.  VI.  10 


146  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

dismounted  or  stepped  from  their  vehicles,  and  midst 
a  floral  shower  rent  the  air  with  vivas.  Nearer  the 
town  appeared  the  archbishop  and  several  other  pre 
lates  with  the  canopy,  both  of  the  sovereigns  kissing 
the  ring  of  the  primate. 

The  entry  into  Mexico  took  place  on  the  12th, 
amidst  great  enthusiasm.  The  principal  streets  were 
profusely  draped  in  gala  attire,  and  windows  had  been 
rented  at  fabulous  prices  for  the  occasion.  At  the 
palace  waited  Bazaine  and  other  leading  generals  and 
officials,  including  Mejia,  fresh  from  his  victory  in  the 
north  over  Doblado.  Appointed  spokesman  by  the 
knights  of  Guadalupe,  the  rough  soldier  manifested 
some  trepidation  before  the  brilliant  assembly,  where 
upon  Maximilian  took  the  paper  from  his  hand  and 
embraced  him,  saying:  "  I  care  not  for  words,  but  for 
hearts.  I  know  that  yours  belongs  to  me."70 

Among  the  provincial  people  at  the  reception,  with 
attendant  balls,  banquets,  illuminations,  and  enter 
tainments,  were  departmental  deputations,  to  which 
great  attention  was  paid.71  Decorations  were  freely 
dispensed;72  and  not  content  with  the  order  of  Guada 
lupe,  a  new  one  was  created  not  long  after,  called  the 

T0  The  empress  was  given  by  leading  ladies  a  magnificent  toilet-table  with 
&  profusion  of  silver  ornaments  incrusted  and  in  relief.  It  was  also  decided 
to  erect  a  marble  arch  in  her  honor  at  the  entrance  to  the  Piedad  avenue, 
henceforth  to  be  called  after  her.  An  illustrated  description  of  the  different 
arches,  decorations,  and  ceremonies  on  the  occasion  may  be  found  in  Max.  y 
Carlota,  Advert.,  252,  and  passim;  Le  tfaint,  Guerre,  115-28.  Among  special 
brochures  on  the  subject  are  Vega,  Programa,  1-10;  M£x.,  Espos.  Sentiment. , 
1-6;  Max.,  Com.  Poeticas;  Pap.  Far.,  xcv.  pt  iv;  Peridd.  Ofic.,  June  12,  1864, 
et  seq. ;  also  the  books  referred  to  in  connection  with  Vera  Cruz.  Festivities  in 
other  cities  are  described  in  Compos  Poet.,  1864,  1-54;  Gallardo,  Discurso, 
Leon,  1864,  1-30;  Zamora,  Expos.,  1-15;  Guadal.,  Seis  de  Julio,  1-27;  Yuc., 
Discurso.,  1864,  1-31;  Pdjaro  Verde,  El  Cronista,  Estafeta,  Sociedad,  La  Voz 
de  Mej. ,  and  other  journals  of  June  13th  and  subsequent  dates.  Poetry  is  scat 
tered  throughout  these  publications.  Payno  growls  in  later  republican  finance 
reports  at  the  extravagance  of  the  emperor  with  banquets  and  other  enter 
tainments.  Cuentas,  Gastos,  698-700;  and  Lefevre,  Doc.  Ofic.,  i.  379-84,  in 
stances  expenditures  by  local  authorities,  those  of  Vera  Cruz  amounting  to 
$54,954.  During  the  trip  from  this  city  to  the  palace  at  Mexico  the  emperor 
passed  under  1,500  triumphal  arches,  according  to  Juarist  versions. 

71For  list  of  these  and  their  speeches,  see  Max.  y  Carlota,  Adven. ,  317  et  seq. 

72  Arrangoiz  criticises  this  prodigality,  especially  in  the  direction  of  Europe, 
'a  individuos  desconocidos,  que  nada  habian  hecho  por  el  pais.'  Mej.,  iii.  223. 
A  list  of  decorated  personages  may  be  found  in  Almanaque  Imp.,  1866,  216, 
etseq.;  M4x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  30-1. 


HONORS  AT  MEXICO.  147 

Eagle,  which  was  placed  above  the  other,  and  given 
to  a  comparatively  small  number,  to  the  great  disgust 
of  a  large  class.73  A  special  order  was  instituted  for 
women,  the  San  Cdrlos.7*  An  amnesty  for  political 
offences  appeared,75  and  authorities  were  bidden  to  blot 
out  injurious  party  terms,  and  leave  unmolested  any 
opponent  of  the  imperial  cause  who  chose  to  lay  down 
arms  and  live  in  peace.76  Special  appeals  were  besides 
made  to  leading  republicans,  resulting  in  the  adher 
ence  of  such  men  as  Vidaurri,  who  became  councillor 
of  state,  and  General  Cortina,  who  soon,  however, 
ignored  this  allegiance,  as  did  many  another  when 
opportunity  or  inducement  drew  them  again  to  the 
Juarist  side.77  Among  these  figured  prisoners  who 
had  been  sent  to  France,  and  who  were  released  on 
giving  in  their  allegiance.78 

Freedom  of  the  press  was  bestowed,79  and  arrange 
ments  were  made  for  granting  public  audiences,  Sun 
day  being  selected  as  most  convenient  for  the  people.80 
To  this  direct  appeal  to  the  masses  he  added  the 
habit  of  occasionally  appearing  in  the  national  dress, 
notably  the  short  jacket  and  the  slashed  trousers  lined 
with  buttons.81  In  connection  with  the  audiences  for 

73  For  by-laws,  see  Hex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  ii.  9-14.  In  1865  Almonte  and 
Mejia  alone  held  the  grand  cross  in  Mexico.  Collars  of  the  order  were-  sent 
to  different  sovereigns. 

74 For  rules  and  members,  see  Id.,  Almanaque  Imp.,  1866,  236,  etc.;  also 
journals  of  the  day.  The  list  for  ladies  of  honor  was  added  to  at  intervals. 

75  On  July  6th,  the  birthday  of  Maximilian,  when  a  distribution  of  $5,000 
was  also  given  to  the  poor.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  42,  57-8. 

7ti  This  was  on  July  26th.  In  Dec.  prefects  were  forbidden  to  exact  any 
security  from  such  persons.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  190,  243,  288-98.  Com 
ments  on  policy,  in  Masseras,  Programa  Imp.,  1-34;  8.  Luis  Pot.t  Mem.  In- 
forme,  pt  1. 

77  In  Period.  Ofic.,  Mar.  29,  1864,  and  later  days,  are  given  the  names  of 
those  accepting  amnesty.  » 

78A  large  number  refused  to  sign  the  allegiance,  and  remained  true,  suffer 
ing  great  hardships,  for  the  Juarist  government  was  too  sorely  pressed  to 
afford  them  much  aid.  In  Payno,  Cuentas,  734,  etc. ,  is  given  an  account  of 
occasional  sums  remitted.  Huerta,  Apuntes,  Mex.,  1868,  1-92,  is  specially  de 
voted  to  their  fate.  Huerta,  himself  the  leading  prisoner,  sought  to  obtain 
subscriptions  for  their  relief.  Iglesias  refers  to  a  number  of  refugees  in  the 
United  States.  Hevistas,  iii.  107-9,  131. 

79  August  7th,  with  restrictions  only  against  rousing  party  bitterness. 

80 The  rules  governing  admission  are  given  in  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  i.  19. 

81  Whereat  Arrangoiz  takes  offence,  intimating  that  this  pertained  to  the 
Juarist  guerrillas  aod  peasants,  and  was  discountenanced  by  'respectable'  peo 
ple.  JK#.,  iii.  222. 


148  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  SOVEREIGNS. 

redressing  wrongs  came  a  revision  of  tribunals,  and 
the  appointment  of  a  visiting  inspector.82  Conciliatory 
proceedings  were  above  all  to  be  used,  and  no  costs 
levied  in  verbal  suits.83  The  empress,  on  her  side, 
ministered  to  charities  and  other  benevolent  institu 
tions.  As  an  instance  of  respect  for  popular  religious 
customs,  she  and  the  emperor  one  day  descended  from 
their  carriage  and  knelt  in  the  street  on  meeting  the 
host.  On  the  other  hand  came  an  order  for  keeping 
public  offices  open  during  the  forenoon  of  Sundays;84 
and  loose  remarks  on  toleration  were  brought  against 
Maximilian  by  conservatives,  as  well  as  the  absence  of 
the  cross  from  the  imperial  crown,  and  of  the  phrase 
'by  grace  of  God'  in  connection  with  his  title.85 

82  The  revision  was  intrusted  to  a  committee,  leading  meanwhile  to  a  re 
organization  of  minor  courts,  reaffirming  the  decisions  of  intervention  judges, 
etc.  Hex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864, 111-13,  211,  154,  179,  182,  310. 

83  Save  6  per  cent  on  the  amount,  and  not  even  this  for  the  very  poor. 

84  Issued  June  28th,  for  the  sake  of  promoting  the  disentanglement  of  affairs. 

85  Many  would  have  preferred  his  first  name,  Ferdinand,  as  more  Spanish. 
Countess  Paula,  Kollonitz,  The  Court  of  Mexico.     Translated  by  J.  E.  Olli- 

vant,  M.  A.  Balliol  College,  Oxford.  London,  1867,  8vo,  pp.  xix.  303.  The 
authoress  of  this  volume  was  lady-in-waiting  to  the  Empress  Charlotte,  and 
she  narrates  in  it  the  voyage  from  Miramare,  and  her  travelling  experiences  in 
Mexico  during  the  years  1864  and  1865.  Her  observations  on  the  customs 
and  habits  of  the  Mexicans  are  enjoyable  reading,  though,  as  she  remarks, 
the  exceptional  position  which  she  occupied  during  her  journeying  hindered 
her  from  obtaining  deep  insight  into  the  relations  and  circumstances  of  the 
country.  The  work  contains,  also,  many  trenchant  remarks  about  prominent 
persons,  and  the  impressions  of  the  countess  of  Miramon,  Mejia,  and  Bazaine 
are  extremely  interesting.  In  chap.  ix.  a  review  of  Mexican  history  is  given, 
in  which  attention  is  paid  to  the  war  of  independence.  Her  book  was  favor 
ably  reviewed  by  the  critics. 

Miramar  d  Mexico —  Viaje  del  Emperador  Maximiliano  y  de  la  Emperatriz. 
etc.,  Orizaba,  1864,  8vo,  pp.  412,  11.  2,  with  lithographs,  contains  an  account 
of  Maximilian's  acceptance  of  the  throne  of  Mexico;  his  journey  from  Miramare 
to  the  capital;  and  a  description  of  his  reception  and  celebrations  at  the  differ 
ent  cities  on  his  route.  Copies  are  inserted  of  the  addresses  delivered  on  these 
occasions,  and  of  odes,  hymns,  and  poems  composed  in  honor  of  him,  with 
copious  extracts  from  the  periodicals  of  the  day.  The  book  opens  with  a  brief 
summary  of  events  in  Mexico  from  the  fall  of  JPuebla,  in  May  1863,  and  closes 
with  biographies  of  the  emperor  and  empress.  The  author  is  anonymous. 

Advenimiento  de  SS.  MM.  II.  Maximiliano  y  Carlota  al  Trono  de  Mexico 
— Documentos  Relativoa  y  Narration  del  Viaje  de  Nuestros  Soberanos  de  Mira- 
mar  d  Veracruz  y  del  Recibimiento  que  se  les  hizo,  etc.  Edicion  de '  La  Sociedad. ' 
Mexico,  1864,  8vo,  pp.  368,  with  portraits  and  plates.  This  work  contains 
important  documents  relating  to  the  history  of  Mexico  during  the  period  1861- 
64.  In  it  the  political  events  from  the  inception  of  the  tripartite  alliance 
tot  Maximilian's  arrival  and  reception  in  the  capital  are  fully  described.  The 
editors  regarded  Maximiliano's  elevation  to  the  throne  by  the  wish  of  the  na 
tion  (!)  as  the  stepping-stone  of  Mexico  from  anarchy  to  order. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 
1864. 

CONCILIATING  POLICY  AND  CONSERVATIVE  JEALOUSY— GROWING  DISLIKE  OP 
THE  FRENCH — MAXIMILIAN'S  WEAKNESS  OF  CHARACTER — REORGANIZA 
TION  OF  THE  ARMY — EXCURSION  TO  THE  INTERIOR,  AND  MAXIMILIAN'S 
INFERENCES  THEREFROM — GUERRILLAS  TERMED  BRIGANDS,  AND  ORDERED 
HUNTED  DOWN — CHURCH  QUESTION — NUNCIO  IN  MEXICO— COMMISSION 
TO  ROME — PROPERTY  CONFISCATION — JUARIST  REVERSES. 

MEASURES  so  far  were  directed  in  particular  to  con 
ciliate  the  people,  and  thereby  to  counteract  the  influ 
ence  of  and  win  over  the  liberals,  who  relied  mainly 
on  the  masses.  In  doing  so,  Maximilian  paid  perhaps 
too  little  attention  to  the  conservatives,  to  whom  he 
owed  his  election.  At  any  rate,  they  expected  recog 
nition  and  reward  for  their  services,  and  all  could  not 
be  satisfied.  As  we  have  seen,  party  spirit  in  Mexico 
had  early  drifted  into  personal  currents,  intent  on 
offices  and  other  spoils,  and  regardless  of  principles 
and  the  common  good.  They  refused  to  see  that 
their  own  and  the  national  weal  demanded  for  the 
present  a  conciliatory  policy  toward  the  contending 
factions,  in  order  to  place  the  empire  on  a  sure  basis. 
It  was  to  their  interest  to  forbear  a  while,  but  they 
would  not.  One  pressed  the  other.  Individual  and 
party  jealousies,  and  the  insensate  selfishness  of  the 
clerical  element,  quickly  created  obstacles  to  block 
their  path.1 

1  On  his  return  from  Miraraare,  after  Maximilian's  preliminary  acceptance 
of  the  crown,  Miranda  expressed  fears  that  a  wrong  choice  had  been  made, 
'parecia  hombre  de  caracter  ligero.'  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  218.  This  doubt 
was  aroused  mainly  on  the  question  of  church  rights. 


150  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

Liberal-minded  by  nature,  Maximilian  could  not 
well  sympathize  with  the  conservatives;  and  he  felt 
less  and  less  inclined  to  yield  to  the  French,  chafing 
under  his  dependence  upon  them  till  the  feeling  broke 
out  in  actual  hostility.2  This  feeling  was  shared  by  a 
number  with  republican  tendencies,  yet  consenting  to 
an  empire — men  who  may  be  termed  moderate  liberals, 
and  who  were  gaining  favor  with  the  emperor.3 

He  was  ready  to  go  even  further  in  his  effort  to 
reach  the  people,  as  the  foundation  of  his  empire,  and 
he  began  by  admitting  into  the  cabinet  known  repub 
licans,  like  the  able  lawyer  and  scholar  Jose  Fernando 
Ramirez,  and  Juan  Peza,  as  colleagues  of  the  two 
conservative  ministers  Leon  and  Gonzalez  de  la 
Vega,  and  the  moderate  liberals  Escudero  y  Echdnove 
and  Robles  Pezuela4 — a  composition  soon  further 
colored  by  substituting  the  liberal  Cortes  y  Esparza  for 
Vega,  and  strengthened  by  the  appointment  of  pre 
fects  and  other  officials  of  similar  tendencies. 

The  usefulness  of  these  men  might  have  been 
greatly  increased  had  they  not  been  placed  in  a  cer 
tain  humiliating  dependence  on  a  private  cabinet  of 
polyglot  character,  under  the  direction  of  Felix  Eloin, 
a  Belgian  mining  engineer,  who  acquired  a  preponder- 

2Bazaine  complained  of  the  attitude  of  provincial  officials  toward  the 
troops,  only  to  be  snubbed  by  the  ministers.  Napoleon  consoled  him  with  a 
marshal's  baton.  The  growing  dislike  to  the  French  is  pointedly  told  in 
La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Dec.  9,  1864,  and  Niox,  Exped.  du  Hex.,  392.  See  also 
Gwin's  Mem.,  MS.,  231-3. 

3  The  conservatives  were  called  both  retrogressionists  and  men  of  Philip  II. 
Martinez,  Hist.  Rev.,  i.  222-4.     Domenech's  view  of  the  parties  savors  of 
rabid  sarcasm.  Le  Mex.,  267  et  seq.     As  for  Maximilian,  'los  franceses  le 
llaman  el  archidupe;  los  Mexicanos  el  empeorador. '  fglesias,  jRevistas,  iii.  10 — 
ironic  punnings  very  common  with  Mexicans.     The  last  term  may  be  rendered 
the  deteriorator,  the  first  explains  itself.     The  press  became  gradually  less 
cautious  in  observations,  so  much  so  that  a  check  had  to  be  placed  upon  it. 
Comments  in  Liberalismo  y  sus  Efectos,  1-14. 

4  Ramirez,  an  honorable  lawyer  of  some  ability,  had  shown  himself  so  hos 
tile  as  to  refuse  to  enter  the  assembly  which  voted  for  an  empire.     He  refused 
to  decorate  his  house  during  the  entry  of  the  imperial  pair.     I  shall  refer 
more  fully  to  his  literary  attainments  elsewhere.     He  became  minister  of  re 
lations.     Peza  took  the  war  portfolio,  and  Vega  and  Escudero  those  of  gober- 
nacion  and  justice.    Mex.,  Boletin  Let/.,  1864,  39,  184-5,  246      Robles  was 
appointed   to  the   fomento   department   only  in   Oct.,   when    Peza  received 
formally  the  charge  he  had  so  far  attended  to  as  assistant  secretary,  Martin  de 
Castillo  administering  the  treasury. 


ARCHIDUPE  AND  EMPEORADOR.  151 

ating  influence  over  Maximilian,  but  whose  ceaseless 
energy  and  plans  lacked  practical  application.5  As 
for  his  comrades,  intent  mainly  on  their  own  pro 
jects,  and  having  no  sympathy  for  Mexico,  these  for 
eigners  failed  to  understand  or  to  study  the  true 
interests  of  the  country.  Maximilian  himself  judged 
the  people  from  a  wrong  standpoint,  entangled  as  he 
was  in  the  meshes  of  intriguers  and  flatterers,  and  be 
ing  possessed  mainly  by  theories.  Energetic  enough, 
but  without,  force  or  true  aim,  he  wasted  time  on 
the  organization  of  the  palace,  and  on  details  which 
depended  on  a  constitution  yet  to  be  framed. 

With  an  honest  desire  to  promote  the  true  inter 
ests  of  the  country,  the  emperor  resolved  to  increase 
his  scope  of  observation  and  judgment  by  creating  a 
council  of  state,  under  the  presidency  of  Jose  Maria 
Lacunza,  to  project  laws  and  sit  as  a  tribunal  in  cases 
concerning  high  officials,  and  to  give  advice  in  all 
matters  submitted  to  it;  but  the  advice  had  to  suit 
the  mood  as  much  as  the  circumstances.6 

Commissioners  had  been  appointed  to  project  the 
reorganization  of  the  different  departments,  notably 
those  of  justice,  finance,  and  army.  In  the  former 
some  useful  reforms  were  outlined,  but  finances  be 
came  as  involved  as  ever.  The  reorganization  pro 
posed  from  France  involved  the  imposition  of  fresh 
taxes ;  and  afraid  of  the  difficulties  these  might  rouse, 

6A  protestant,  besides,  recommended  by  Leopold.  Kollonitz  praises  him 
for  modesty  and  loyalty,  for  sense  of  justice  and  fearless  frankness.  Court 
Mex.,  210-17.  Domenech  asserts  that  he  owed  his  rise  wholly  to  certain 
talents  as  a  society  man.  Hist.  Mex.t  iii.  202-3.  His  hostility  toward  the 
French  may  account  for  some  of  the  coloring.  His  colleague,  Scherzenlech- 
ner,  from  Hungary,  former  tutor  of  Maximilian,  and  of  similar  tendency, 
soon  quarrelled  with  him  and  left.  Niox,  Exped.  duMex.,  383-4,  Arrangoiz, 
and  others  are  equally  severe  on  the  foreign  members  of  the  departments,  as 
may  be  understood  from  the  national  jealousy.  They  are  accused  of  avarice, 
of  inquiring  into,  or  rather  meddling  with,  everything,  and  yet  accomplish 
ing  nothing.  See  also  Voile,  Viagero  Mex.,  39-66,  725-50. 

6  It  was  to  consist  of  a  president,  eight  councillors,  and  eight  auditors, 
appointed  and  summoned  solely  by  the  emperor,  and  paid  $6,000,  $4,000,  and 
$1,500  respectively.  The  councillors,  appointed  Dec.  4,  1864,  included  Uraga 
aud  Bishop  Ramirez.  M6x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  246-8,  283.  Honorary  mem 
bers  were  added,  and  Vidaurri  received  a  seat.  H6x.,  Regla.  Consejo,  1-12; 
Pap.  Far.,  ccxxvii.,  pt  xi. 


152  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

as  well  as  the  reflection  on  his  management,  Maxi 
milian  preferred  to  economize  in  a  different  direction, 
and  believed  that  this  could  be  most  effectively  done 
by  reducing,  or  at  least  keeping  down,  the  costly  and 
not  very  efficient  Mexican  army. 

This  project  was  wholly  to  the  taste  of  his  French 
advisers;  for  the  national  army,  instead  of  being  placed 
on  an  effective  footing  corresponding  to  the  gradual 
withdrawing  of  French  troops,  met  with  every  possi 
ble  check  from  Bazaine.  In  a  letter  to  Maximilian, 
the  latter  declared  that  he  could  not  afford  to  leave 
garrisons  in  the  towns,  but  recommended  the  forma 
tion  of  militia  bodies  to  act  in  accord  with  the  flying 
French  detachments,  which  were  deemed  best  for 
operating  against  the  Juarists;  yet  he  threw  obsta 
cles  in  the  way,  even,  of  arming  the  towns.  The 
explanation  for  this  lies  in  the  secret  articles  of  the 
compact  with  Napoleon.  It  is  readily  understood 
that  the  French  emperor  may  have  had  reasons  for 
desiring  to  retain  control  of  the  country,  besides  the 
prestige  and  good  pay  drawn  from  the  employment 
there  of  an  army ;  and  this  is  evident  from  the  policy 
outlined  by  Forey,  and  forced  upon  the  regency,  aim 
ing,  above  all,  to  secure  the  pecuniary  interests  of 
France,  which  depended  greatly  on  confiscated  church 
property.  The  conservatives  being  decidedly  opposed 
to  this  policy,  it  was  necessary  to  render  them  harm 
less  by  reducing  their  power  in  civil  as  well  as  military 
departments,  and  limiting  to  narrow  proportions  an 
army  which  naturally  would  side  against  French  rivals 
and  intruders.  To  this  end  even  Miramon  and  Mar- 
quez,  the  leading  Mexican  generals,  were  sacrificed  by 
honorable  exile.7 

In  June  1864  the  imperial  forces  embraced  35,550 
French  and  20,280  Mexicans,  the  latter  distributed 

7  The  former  to  Berlin,  to  study  Prussian  army  organization;  the  other  on 
a  more  flimsy  religious  mission  to  Jerusalem,  combined  with  the  position  of 
minister  to  the  Porte.  'La  Ingla terra  habia  puesto  por  eondicion para  el  en- 
vio  de  su  ministro,  el  destierro  de  los  generates. '  says  Rivera.  Hist.  Jal.,  v. 
632. 


MJLLJ.TAK*   UKUAJNIZAJLIUN.  103 

mainly  at  garrisons,8  and  in  April  of  the  following 
year,  while  the  French  were  reduced  to  28,000,  the 
Mexican  force  remained  undiminished.  The  rural 
guard  had  grown  to  8,500;  but  a  regular  corps  had 
risen  in  the  Austrian  and  Belgian  recruits  of  7,300 
men.9  The  former  were  stationed  chiefly  in  Puebla 
and  on  the  Vera  Cruz  road,  the  Belgians  farther  in 
the  interior,  and  both  roused  ill  feeling  by  their  pre 
sumption.10  The  creation  of  the  guard  proved  in  a 
sense  a  blow  to  the  regulars,11  and  afforded  a  plea  for 
not  fully  carrying  out  the  measure,  thus  leaving  a 
rankling  injury  as  well  as  a  sad  deficiency.  These 
half-way  proceedings  have  been  the  bane  of  Mexico. 
Early  in  1865  was  announced  the  reorganization  of 
the  national  army  on  the  rather  theoretic  plan  pre 
pared  by  the  commissions,  having  for  an  object  its 
limitation  to  31,200  men,  including  officers.  The  lat 
ter,  forming  a  host  of  ignorant  and  unfit  commanders, 
either  self-created  or  risen  by  favor  and  intrigue  dur 
ing  the  series  of  petty  revolutions,  were  to  be  reduced 
to  eighteen  generals,  with  a  fair  proportion  of  subor 
dinates.  To  attempt  a  reform  so  sweeping  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy  seemed  dangerous.  Aside  from 
this,  the  officers  were  not  likely  to  submit  humbly  to 
a  loss  of  position  and  prospects  in  life.  So  serious 
became  the  discontent  that  the  project  had  to  be  mod 
ified,12  and  since  Bazaine  showed  little  desire  to  effect 

8  Even  Marquez,  Mejia,  and  Vicario,  with  6,000,  5,270,  and  1,876  men  re- 
spectively,  in  Michoacan,  San  .Luis  Potosi,  and  south  Mexico,  were  chiefly 
engaged  in  holding  their  ground.     For  a  distribution  of  the  rest,  see  Niox, 
Exped.  du  Mex.,  750. 

9  Or  nearly  so.     The  last  detachment  arrived  May  5,  1865. 

10  Leading  at  Orizaba  to  a  bloody  encounter  and  punishment  of  Mexican 
rioters  which  lingered  in  their  memory.     A  Belgian  colonel  being  placed  over 
higher  Mexican  officers  in  Michoacan,  remonstrances  ensued  leading  to  counter- 
orders.     The  Belgians  in  their  turn  refused  to  submit  to  Mexicans.     Changes 
and  concessions  had  to  be  made  all  round.    See  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano, 
ii.  229,  etc.;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  317. 

11  By  decree  of  Nov.  7,   1864,  with  subsequent  modifications.  J/dz.,  Col. 
Ley.  Imp.,  iv.  133-48. 

12  Several  pronunciamientos  were  among  the  natural  features,  Rivera,  Hist. 
JaL,  v.  630,  and  a  number  of  men  joined  the  republicans  at  once.     The  pro 
ject  would  have  amounted  to  a  disbandment  of  the  forces  on  February  1st, 
with  a  gradual  reorganization  after  the  models  to  be  formed.     For  details,  see 


154  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

it,13  the  task  was  intrusted  to  the  Austrian  general, 
De  Thun,  but  with  so  little  cooperation  as  to  yield  no 
results.14  Maximilian  never  appreciated  the  army, 
and  its  discontent  diminished  both  his  estimation  and 
faith,  causing  him  to  rely  more  and  more  on  his  Aus- 
trians,  to  the  disgust  of  both  Mexicans  and  French.15 
His  neglect  to  increase  the  Mexican  forces  created 
not  alone  suspicion  and  ill-will,  but  obliged  the  de 
fenceless  towns  from  fear  of  retaliation  to  favor  the 
Juarists,  thus  adding  another  strong  encouragement 
for  the  guerrilla.18 

While  awaiting  the  result  of  the  labor  by  different 
commissions  engaged  in  projects  for  the  reorganization 
of  the  public  departments,  Maximilian  decided  upon 
a  tour  into  the  interior,  to  present  himself  to  the  peo 
ple  and  acquire  personal  knowledge  of  the  country. 

the  organic  law  of  the  army,  in  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  iv.  27  et  seq.;  also 
previous  decrees,  in  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  76-9,  198-9,  230-5;  Id.,  May 
1864,  64-182,  passim,  bearing  on  pay,  couf  t-martial,  etc.,  and  forbidding  the 
purchase  by  citizens  of  soldiers'  arms  and  clothing,  and  the  incorporation  of 
prisoners  of  war  into  the  army.  The  latter,  so  common  a  feature  in  Mexico, 
was  afterward  allowed.  Forced  levies  being  suppressed,  as  creating  discon 
tent  and  procuring  poor  soldiers,  Bazaine  recommended  conscription;  but 
Maximilian  fearing  that  this  would  not  answer  in  Mexico,  with  its  castes 
and  class  feeling,  the  bounty  system  was  used  to  some  extent,  especially  with 
the  rural  guard,  and  also  the  demand  for  municipalities  to  supply  a  certain 
number  of  men.  'The  new  army  was  to  embrace  a  legion  of  gendarmes,  over 
1,900  in  number,  of  whom  about  half  were  to  be  French,  at  a  high  pay — an 
objectionable  feature  to  Mexicans,  asZamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  819,bbserves. 
Additional  sources  for  regulations  and  comments,  in  Hans,  Quer.,  18-24;  Do- 
menech,  Hist.  Mex.,  153-79;  Voile,  Viagero  M ex.,  67-89;  Diario  Imp.,  Jan. 
12,  28,  June  10,  Sept.  9,  Dec.  20,  26,  1865,  etc.;  Bullock's  Hex.,  264;  Dur., 
Guardias  Rur.,  1-28;  Arellano,  Ley  de  1865,  1-21,  with  charges  against  war 
minister;  Pap.  Var.,  ciii.  pt  5.  The  navy  also  received  attention,  almost 
wholly  on  paper.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  iii.  1-4,  27-38;  Diario  Imp.,  Nov. 
22-7,  1865. 

13  Although  he  had  both  force  and  ability  to  do  so,  says  a  French  officer, 
he  confined  himself  to  blaming  the  Mexican  authorities  for  their  opposition. 

14  The  empress  herself  writes  clearly  on  this  point.  See  Domenech,  Hist. 
Mex.,  iii.  284-5.     The  distribution  of  medals  did  not  serve  to  conciliate  them. 
Mex.,  Anuario  Ordenes. 

15 Iii  his  AILS  de.n  Gefechten  in  Mex.,  Schonovsky  shows  that  the  large  pro 
portion  of  Austrians  were  raw  and  unreliable,  including  Poles,  Hungarians, 
Italians,  etc.  Belgians  formed  a  guard  of  honor  to  the  empress.  Bonncvie, 
Volont.  Beige*,  65-102.  See  also  Diario  Imp.,  Jan.  5,  19, 1865;  Peridd.  Ofa.t 
Nov.  10,  Dec.  1,  1864. 

16  Republicans  commented  hopefully  on  this  neglect,  and  on  the  resolution 
not  to  increase  the  stationary  forces,  thereby  rendering  sterile  the  victories 
achieved.  'Es  un  sueno  imaginarse  que  bastaran  30,000  hombres,'  says  Igle- 
sias,  Revistas,  iii.  235. 


PATRIOTS  DECLARED  BANDITS.  155 

He  set  out  on  the  10th  of  August  from  Chapultepec, 
\vhere  he  then  resided,  leaving  the  empress  in  charge 
of  affairs.  The  route  lay  through  Queretaro  into 
Guanajuato,  public  offices  and  institutions,  industrial 
establishments,  and  places  of  interest  being  visited  in 
an  informal  manner.17  Appointments  were  made  of 
prefects  and  minor  officials,  and  audiences  •  granted. 
September  16th  was  appropriately  celebrated  at  Do 
lores,  the  cradle  of  independence,  the  emperor  in  a 
speech  lauding  the  heroes  of  that  epoch.18  He  re 
turned  to  Mexico  at  the  close  of  October,  by  way  of 
Michoacan,  convinced  "that  the  empire  was  a  fact, 
firmly  based  on  the  free-will  of  an  immense  majority  of 
the  nation,"  and  that  this  majority  anxiously  demanded 
peace  and  justice.  His  duty  being  to  grant  this  de 
sire  and  to  protect  the  people,  he  could  no  longer  re 
main  indulgent  to  the  political  adversaries  who  used 
a  banner  merely  as  a  pretence  for  robbing  and  killing, 
and  ordered  that  all  armed  bands  overrunning  the 
country  and  creating  disorder  and  desolation  should 
"be  regarded  as  bandits,  and  subjected  to  the  inexor 
able  severity  of  the  law."19 

In  this  document  are  revealed  two  mistakes  of  Max 
imilian:  first,  in  allowing  himself  to  be  deceived  by 
enthusiasm,  evoked  partly  by  flattered  curiosity,  partly 
by  official  prompting,  and  along  a  narrow  circuit  in 

17  Preparations  to  receive  him  being  forbidden,  so  as  not  to  burden  the 
people,  who  still  felt  the  effect  of  the  war.  Mfa.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  90-1. 
At  Queretaro  the  absence  of  the  bishop  during  such  a  time  displeased  Maxi 
milian  highly.  Leftvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  437-40.     Inflammation  of  the 
throat  detained  the  emperor  for  a  while  in  the  mining  state,  as  did  the  bad 
roads  and  rainy  weather  throughout  the  journey. 

18  Who  had  released  the  country  from  centuries  of  serfdom.     The  conserva 
tives  hardly  liked  either  allusion,  and  writers  with  Spanish  tendencies,  like 
Zamacois  and  Arrangoiz,  declaimed  against  that  of  Spanish  despotism.     At 
Mexico  the  foundation-stone  was  laid  for  a  monument  to  the  independence, 
instead  of  the  one  proposed  for  the  empress.  Decrees  of  emperor,  in  Mex.t 
Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  31-2,  109-10. 

19  All  military  and  civil  officials  were  ordered  to  persecute  and  annihilate 
them.  Decree  of  Nov.   3,  1864.  Mex.,  Boletin  Ley.,   1864,  188-9.     Further 
allusions  to  this  decree  and  to  the  tour  may  be  found  in  La  Voz  de  Mej. ,  Oct. 
20,  1864,  etc.;  Peridd.  Ofic.,  Aug.  18th,  and  following  numbers.     Gen.  Yanez 
proceeded  at  the  same  time  to  inspect  the  frontier  departments.  Hex.,  Boletin 
Ley.,  1864,  131;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  ii.  157;  Anales  del  Foro  Hex.,  Nov.- 
Dec.  1864. 


156  MAXIMILIAN  IK  MEXICO. 

the  centre  of  the  country ;  second,  in  taking  so  extreme 
a  measure  as  to  treat  patriotic  opponents  as  bandits. 
He  may  have  assumed  the  sincerity  of  popular  alle 
giance  in  order  to  find  an  excuse  for  the  firmness 
necessary  to  success.  However  that  may  be,  he  had 
bitterly  to  rue  the  step.  Aware  of  the  lawless  pro 
ceedings  of  many  guerrillas,  and  the  reflection  cast 
thereby  upon  his  own  party,  Juarez  had  taken  strict 
measures  to  check  them,  and  with  promising  results, 
so  as  to  gradually  regain  popular  favor,  with  a  conse 
quent  reaction  in  behalf  of  his  daring  bands.20 

No  less  serious  was  the  hostility  evoked  by  his  at 
titude  toward  the  church.  Aware  of  the  liberal  ten 
dencies  of  Maximilian  and  the  aim  of  Napoleon,  the 
pope  had  preferred  to  await  developments  rather 
than  precipitate  affairs  by  means  leading  to  a  speedy 
settlement.  He  was  accordingly  reminded  that  meas 
ures  would  have  to  be  taken  independent  of  him  un 
less  a  representative  was  sent.21  The  result  was  the 
arrival  in  December  of  a  nuncio  in  the  person  of  Mon- 
signore  Meglia,22  bearer  of  a  letter  from  the  pontiff 
with  complaints  of  Maximilian's  neglect  to  redress 
the  wrongs  of  the  church,  as  promised  by  him  while 
at  Home,23  arid  now  asking  him  to  revoke  the  laws 
which  had  been  oppressing  it,  to  reorganize  ecclesiastic 

20  Id.  Arrangoiz  alludes  to  Maximilian's  assumption  of  wide  adherence  as 
'  hiciera  efecto  en  Europa.'  M6j.,  iii.  231.     He  also  picks  up  a  trivial  incident 
at  Toluca  as  indicating  growing  unpopularity;  but  omits  to  state  that  the 
reception  at  Mexico  was  everything  that  could  be  desired.     The  Estrdla  de 
Occid.,  May  27,  1864,  already  relates  the  execution  of  three  guerrilla  chiefs  for 
robberies  by  Juarist  generals.    The  mistake  was  made  by  French  commanders 
in  several  places  of  imposing  fines  or  contributions  on  neutral  land  proprietors, 
who  naturally  feared  to  openly  espouse  a  cause  that  exposed  them  to  the 
vengeance  of  another. 

21  This  reminder  was  dated  July  22d. 

22  Archbishop  of  Damascus  in  partibus.     He  reached  Vera  Cruz  Nov.  29th, 
and  the  capital  on  Dec.  7th.     Although  received  with  great  distinction,  says 
Arrangoiz,  he  was  kept  isolated  from  Mexicans,  and  'en  ninguna  parte. .  .se 
hicieran  demostraciones  oficiales.'  M^j.t  iii.  234;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  July  8,  1881. 

23  After  signing  the  French  convention,  it  is  not  likely  that  Maximilian 
made  any  definite  promises,  although  he  may  have  left  impressions,  and  so 
his  minister  declared  to  the  nuncio;  yet  Arrangoiz  and  others  insist  that  the 
earlier  promises  at  Miramare  were  strong;  '  prometi6  el  restablecimiento  com 
plete  del  catolicismo,  con  sus  comunidades  religiosas.'  Mtj.,  iii.  262-3. 


THE  POPE'S  NUNCIO.  157 

affairs  with  the  cooperation  of  the  bishops,  to  sustain 
the  Roman  religion  exclusively,  to  reestablish  and 
reorganize  the  religious  orders,  to  protect  the  patri 
mony  of  the  church,  to  let  public  and  private  in 
struction  be  directed  and  guarded  by  ecclesiastic 
authorities,  and  to  liberate  the  church  from  depend 
ence  on  civil  powers.24 

In  reply,  Maximilian  declared  that  duty  and  con 
science  would  direct  his  measures.  As  a  basis  for 
arrangement,  he  proposed  religious  tolerance,  yet  with 
special  protection  for  the  catholic  faith  as  the  state 
religion;  the  expenses  of  the  latter  to  be  defrayed  by 
the  public  treasury,  the  clergy  being  supported  like 
civil  servants,  and  granting  free  ministration  to  the 
people;  the  church  to  cede  to  the  government  all  the 
revenue  from  property  which  had  been  declared  na 
tional  during  republican  rule;  the  emperor  and  his 
successors  to  enjoy  rights  equivalent  to  those  con 
ceded  from  the  American  church  to  the  kings  of  Spain ; 
conditions  to  be  arranged  for  restoring  orders,  for  cler 
ical  jurisdiction,  and  cemeteries;  civil  registry  to  be 

kept,   where  deemed  desirable,  by  priests  acting  as 

•   -i  c      ±-         -21  * 

civil  functionaries. 

The  nuncio  answered  that  he  had  no  power  to  deal 
with  other  questions  than  those  indicated  in  the  papal 
letter,26  the  prospect  of  countenancing  Juarez'  laws 
being  wholly  unexpected.  He  must  confer  with  the 
Vatican.  Maximilian  declared  that  he  could  not  sub 
mit  the  course  of  justice  and  the  interests  of  the  peo- 

>4This  embraced  entire  freedom  for  bishops  in  their  pastoral  duties,  and 
prohibition  of  false  teachings.  It  has  been  assumed  in  some  quarters,  Pru- 
neda,  Hist.  Mej.,  151.  etc.,  that  a  threat  was  held  out  in  case  of  non-compli 
ance;  but  this  is  only  supposition. 

23  Parishioners  were  to  be  liberated  from  every  fee,  tithe,  or  other  emolu 
ment.  The  pontiff  to  designate  in  accord  with  the  emperor  what  orders 
should  be  reestablished,  how  to  subsist,  etc.;  existing  communities  to  remain, 
but  not  to  receive  novices  until  conditions  were  settled.  The  civil  registry 
clause  was  modified  by  decree  of  Dec.  18,  1865,  requiring  catholics  to  fulfil 
church  obligations  ere  submitting  to  the  civil  marriage  rite. 

26  Pretending  that  such  demands  were  startling  after  the  promises  held  out 
by  Maximilian;  yet  when  pressed,  he  declared  tolerance  contrary  to  the  doc 
trines  of  the  church  and  to  the  sentiments  of  the  Mexicans,  who  were  all 
catholics;  the  clergy  as  well  as  people  would  look  with  horror  on  support 
from  the  treasury,  preferring  the  charity  of  the  faithfuL 


158  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

pie  to  such  delays,  and  ordered  his  minister  to  proceed 
with  the  revision  of  church  property  sales  in  accord 
ance  with  the  laws  under  which  they  had  taken 
place.27  Several  prelates  joined  the  archbishop  in 
loud  protest,  only  to  receive  a  sharp  reprimand  from 
the  sovereign,28  and  the  haughty  nuncio  was  silenced 
by  the  observation  that,  while  Maximilian  as  member 
of  the  Christian  community  inclined  submissively  be 
fore  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  pope,  as  emperor, 
representing  Mexican  sovereignty,  he  recognized  no 
power  superior  to  his  own.29  This  put  a  stop  to 
further  communications;  and  the  nuncio  soon  after 
took  his  leave,30  preceded  by  a  commission  which 
should  seek  to  form  an  amicable  arrangement  with 
the  holy  see.31 

Meanwhile  the  government  hastened  to  carry  out 
the  policy  outlined,  by  issuing  a  decree  for  religious 
freedom,  ordering  the  council  of  state  to  revise  the 
nationalization  of  church  estates,  confirming  sales 
legally  made,  and  subjecting  bulls  to  government 
approval  ere  they  could  be  issued.32 

27  Ratifying  all  that  seemed  legal,  and  with  tolerance  principles.  Letter  of 
Dec.  27,  1864. 

28  They  knew  not  what  agreement  he  had  made  with  the  pontiff;  the  lat 
ter  had  been  warned  already  in  July  to  send  an  effective  representative,  and 
here  came  a  nuncio  without  power;  he  could  not  await  the  slow  proceedings 
of  the  Vatican.     The  bishops  had  been  meddling  too  much  in  politics,  and 
were  neglecting  duty  by  staying  away  from  their  dioceses.     They  had  a  good 
excuse  for  absence  in  the  lack  of  protection  from  the  Juarists. 

29  The  nuncio  had  declared  the  papal  superiority  supreme  in  the  matter. 
80  He  proceeded  to  the  Central  American  republics,  there  to  await  orders 

from  Rome.  He  embarked  at  Vera  Cruz  June  2d,  receiving  every  attention. 
For  details  concerning  his  mission,  see  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  5-32; 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.  491  et  seq.;  and  Arrangoiz,  ubi  sup.,  wherein  the 
church  is  upheld.  Niox  takes  a  sensible  middle  course  in  Exped.  du  Mex., 
397-405.  See  also  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  207-10;  Voile,  Vmge.ro  Hex., 
117-42.  Testory's  defence  of  Maximilian's  policy  in  Imp.  y  Clero,  33-44. 
Counter-arguments  in  Id.,  Observ.  sobre,  1-47;  Bustamante,  Cuatro  Palabras, 
8-103;  Arrillaga,  Observ.,  1-67,  1-87;  PinartCott.;  Ormaechea,  Expos.,  3-29. 

31  It  consisted  of  the  plastic  Velazquez  de  Leon,  the  only  and  nominal 
conservative  in  the  cabinet;  Joaquin  Degollado,  a  lawyer  with  republican 
principles,  like  his  father,  the  late  Juarist  general,  and  Bishop  Ramirez  of 
Tamaulipas,  appointed  imperial  almoner  in  July,  Mex.,  Boktin  Ley.,  1864,  42, 
whom  Arrangoiz  terms  an  ignorant  Indian,  serving  with  his  office  to  give  tone 
to  the  commission.  They  embarked  in  Feb.  following.  Minister  Aguilar 
wrote  from  Rome  in  March  expressing  faint  hope  for  any  arrangement.  Le~ 
f&vre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  28-9. 

82  The  latter  decree  was  issued  in  time  to  stop  the  publication  of 


DISAFFECTION  OF  THE  CHURCH.  159 

Such  measures  could  not  fail  to  imbitter  the  party 
which  regarded  itself  as  having  exalted  Maximilian 
to  the  throne.  They  declared  them  contrary  to  the 
bases  on  which  the  empire  had  been  erected,  the  main 
tenance  of  the  church  being  the  chief  reason  for  war 
against  the  Juarists.  To  approve  their  fundamental 
acts  was  to  proclaim  the  justice  of  their  cause,  and 
withdraw  the  main  principles  for  which  the  national 
armies  of  the  empire  were  fighting.  It  was  not  duly 
considered  that  the  empire  had  been  created  really  by 
Napoleon,  whose  views  and  material  interests  de 
manded  these  enactments.  The  tolerance  decree  was 
denounced  as  exceeding  the  most  iniquitous  reforms 
of  republicans.  It  would  sever  the  only  strong  bond 
between  the  races  of  the  country,  and  give  an  inten 
sity  to  caste  differences  that  might  lead  to  a  war  of 
extermination.  While  in  accord  with  the  general 
march  of  progress,  the  law  was  deemed  needless  for  a 
nation  so  wholly  catholic,  and  this  fact  in  itself  de 
manded  that  its  aim  to  promote  immigration  should 
be  restricted  to  co-religionists.  The  conservatives 
chose  not  to  see  how  irresistible  was  the  advance  of 
liberal  ideas,  and  that  their  resistance  could  serve  to 
delay  only  for  a  brief  term  the  inevitable.83 

The  clergy  were  stirred  to  actual  hostility,  menacing 

clical  letter  from  Rome  of  Dec.  8th.  Mtx.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  327-49.  The 
tolerance  decree  of  Feb.  26th  recognized  the  Roman  as  state  religion.  Au 
thority  had  to  be  obtained  for  practising  other  rites.  At  the  same  time  the 
public  sale  of  bibles  loomed  ominous,  and  the  cemeteries  were  placed  under 
control  of  local  authorities,  and  opened  to  persons  of  any  creed,  to  the  horror 
of  the  faithful.  The  revision  of  property  nationalization  was  to  be  conducted 
in  accordance  with  laws  of  June  20,  1856,  and  July  12-13,  1859,  and  supple 
mentary  decrees.  The  alienation  of  estates  by  clergy,  during  the  administra 
tion  of  Zuloaga  and  Miramon,  were  to  be  recognized,  unless  affected  by 
previous  claims.  Articles  16-24  regulate  the  bureau  of  administration  for 
nationalized  property  not  sold,  and  order  the  disposal  of  such  property. 
Domenech,  in  giving  these  decrees,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  318-21,  adds  a  few  com 
ments  from  the  journals.  Many  of  the  lessees  and  holders  assisted,  especially 
the  church,  in  hampering  the  execution  of  the  decree.  See  subsequent  mort 
main  law  of  1865.  Mex.,  Decreto  5  Julio,  1865,  1-24. 

33  Several  pamphlets  and  books  bear  more  or  less  exhaustively  on  this 
topic,  which  is  besides  fully  ventilated  in  the  journals  of  the  day,  such  as 
the  imperialist  paper,  Pdjaro  Verde,  Dec.  1864  et  seq.  Zamacois,  an  ardent 
defender  of  the  church,  embodies  a  number  of  them  in  his  Hist.  Mej.t  xvii. 
850,  892,  etc.;  but  he  is  loose  and  verbose  as  well  as  prejudiced. 


160  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

the  credulous  with  the  anger  of  the  church,  and 
using  other  means  that  created  a  wide-spread  feeling 
against  the  empire,  and  consequently  in  favor  of  the 
republicans.84  The  emperor  was  driven  by  bent  as 
well  as  circumstances  toward  the  liberals,  yet  failing 
to  gain  more  than  the  lukewarm  adherence  of  a  small 
fraction,  the  great  majority  being  repelled  by  the  ele 
ments  sustaining  him,  and  enraged  by  reason  of  every 
step  taken  by  him  in  securing  his  own  interest. 
Moreover,  while  missing  the  main  party,  the  repub 
licans,  and  losing  his  own,  he  was  even  estranging 
himself  from  the  French,  by  whom  the  throne  was 
upheld. 

The  commission  to  Rome  had  not  succeeded  in 
effecting  anything,  as  might  have  been  expected  after 
the  independent  and  radical  enactments  of  Maximil 
ian,35  and  intercourse  was  practically  broken  off,  Min- 

84  In  the  French  journal  U Estafette,  at  Mexico,  Sept.  21,  1864,  and  subse 
quent  dates,  are  given  somewhat  colored  accounts  of  troubles  with  church 
property  holders  in  Puebla.  In  LefSvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  342,  435-7,  are 
instances  of  priests  withholding  the  sacrament  to  compel  obedience  to  their 
wishes.  Maximilian  was  accused  of  letting  journals  rail  against  the  clergy. 

35  The  commission  arrived  at  Rome  in  April;  and  although  the  pope  con 
sidered  it  nothing  but  proper  to  ignore  it,  in  view  of  the  steps  taken  to  carry 
out  the  very  measures  submitted  for  consideration,  yet  a  conciliatory  attitude 
was  decided  upon.  Minister  Aguilar  understood  this  to  be  due  to  French  in 
fluence,  which  swayed  not  with  love,  for  the  pope  knew  well  the  source  for 
Mexican  church  policy.  On  July  8th  was  issued,  not  an  answer  to  the  me 
morial  presented,  for  that  could  not  be  entertained,  but  a  few  general  consid 
erations  upon  the  course  of  the  apostolic  see  with  regard  to  such  proposals. 
It  stood  charged  by  God  to  sustain  the  church,  not  to  destroy,  and  owed  it  to 
the  faithful  to  disapprove  everything  hostile  to  catholic  interests  and  princi 
ples.  Maximilian  had  been  called  upon  to  repair  the  ills  suffered  by  the 
church,  instead  of  which  he  had  undertaken  to  encroach  still  further  upon  its 
time-honored  claims.  Its  principles  permitted  no  civil  interference  with  its 
rights.  The  authority  of  Spanish  kings,  colonial  patronage,  and  other  matter 
had  been  usurped  or  extorted,  and  could  not  be  yielded  to  Maximilian;  nor 
the  restriction  of  ecclesiastic  tribunals  to  spiritual  affairs.  It  was  preposter 
ous  to  surrender  to  the  government  all  ecclesiastical  property,  including  any 
future  acquirements,  and  to  enslave  the  clergy,  as  dependents  on  the  state,  by 
letting  them  accept  its  bounty  like  civil  officials.  After  demanding  of  them 
all  these  material  sacrifices,  without  the  least  offer  of  compensation  for  prop 
erty  already  alienated,  they  were  further  expected  to  abandon  tithes,  fees, 
and  alms.  '  The  faithful  should  at  least  be  permitted  to  recognize  with  pious 
offerings  the  extraordinary  privileges  which  they  receive  from  the  apostolic 
ministration  of  their  pastors,'  such  as  'marriage  and  other  acts  of  grace  and 
favor.'  The  absence  is  noted  of  any  allusion  to  episcopal  right  of  free  inter 
course  wich  the  holy  see,  of  supervising  education,  of  censorship  over  impious 
or  immoral  books,  etc.  In  conclusion,  the  Mexican  clergy  and  people  are  ex 
horted  to  resist  encroachment,  declaring  that  the  firmness  of  sacred  pastors  in 


DIAZ  AND  URAGA.  161 

ister  Aguilar  having  found  it  necessary  to  informally 
retire.  Arrangoiz,  a  stout  conservative,  hastened  to 
resign  his  mission  to  the  courts  of  England,  Belgium, 
and  Holland  for  the  same  reason,86  yet  relations  with 
these  countries  remained  amicable,  as  they  did  with 
other  European  states,  nearly  all  of  which  had  recog 
nized  the  empire.37 

The  year  1864  had  continued  to  bring  disaster  on 
the  Juarists.  Only  two  respectable  armies  upheld 
their  banners,  under  Diaz  in  the  south,  and  under 
Uraga  in  Jalisco.  The  rest  of  their  adherents  were 
broken  up  into  guerrilla  bands,  or  little  better,  waging 
an  unsuccessful  contest  in  nearly  every  province.  In 
Mexico,  Biva  Palacio  claimed  a  certain  advantage, 
only  to  lose  it  in  Michoacan.  And  elsewhere  defeat 

critical  times  would  attract  the  blessings  of  heaven.  Arrangoiz,  M$.t  iii.  282- 
99,  333-56,  who  gives  this  question  much  space,  contents  himself  mainly  with 
reproducing  the  text  of  documents.  Zamacois  indulges  in  verbose  newspaper 
arguments  of  a  nature  utterly  opposed  to  the  anti-clerical  essay,  El  Imperio  y 
el  Clero,  by  the  French  chaplain  Testory. 

36  As  presented  in  a  strong  letter  to  Maximilian  disapproving  his  policy. 
Arrangoiz,  M6j.*  iii.  292,  ap.  56.  Reflections  thereon  by  Aguilar,  Reflex.,  1-16. 

37  The  English  and  Belgian  mission  was  now  divided  between  Col  J.  M. 
Duran,  a  liberal,  and  late  assistant  secretary  of  war,  and  Marquis  de  Corio,  of 
Milan,  the  latter  sent  to  Belgium.     Aguilar  was  transferred  from  Rome  to 
Madrid,  replacing  Col  Fran.  Facio,  who  had  caused  dissatisfaction  in  Mexico. 
Fernando  Mangino  was  sent  to  Lisbon.     Hidalgo  had  also  offended  with  his 
decided  French  ideas,  and  summoned  home  from  Paris,  he  resigned  in  Febru 
ary  1866.     The  Vatican  had  been  given  additional  cause  for  bitterness  by  the 
appointment  of  a  representative  at  Turin,  in  the  person  of  Gregorio  Barandia- 
run,  who  was  now  transferred  to  Vienna,  his  place  being  taken  by  Peon  y 
Regil,  acting  also  in  Switzerland.     The  mission  to  Russia  and  the  Scandina 
vian  countries  had  passed  from  F.  S.  Mora  to  Manuel  Larrainzar,  and  that  to 
Turkey  and  Greece  from  Martinez  del  Rio.  to  General  Marquez.     For  treaty 
of  commerce  with  Turkey,  see  Derecho  Intern.  Mex.,  pt  ii.  363-70.     Pedro 
Escandon  held  the  post  in  Brazil.    The  foreign  ministers  at  Mexico  were 
Count  Guido  yon  Thun,  representing  Austria;  Alphonse  Dan6,  France;  Peter 
Campbell  Scarlett,  England;  Blondeel  van  Cuelebroeck,  Belgium;  Sandoval, 
Marquis  de  la  Rivera,  Spain;  Count  de  la  Tour,  Italy.     There  had  also  ap 
peared  representatives  from  Portugal;  from  Sweden,  in  Baron  Wetterstedt; 
from  Russia,  in  Baron  Stoeckl.     Dan6  replaced  Marquis  de  Montholon,  who 
in  May  1865  proceeded  to  the  U.  S.,  where  he  had  been  educated.     The  ideas 
he  had  there  imbibed  did  not  suit  the  Mexicans.     The  three  leading  Mexican 
ministers  abroad,  to  France,  England,  and  Austria,  received  $12,000  pay  and 
$10,000  for  expenses;  others  $8,000  and  $5,000.     See  further,  also,  regula 
tions  in  Mex.,  Col  Ley.  Imp.,  ii.  115-31;  Lef&vre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.  364; 
M4x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  36,  322  et  seq.;  Diario  Imp.,  June  21,  1864,  and 
later  dates;  Almanaque  Imp.,  1866,  5-8;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  27,  44,  276, 
306,  etc.  •  Payno,  Cuentas,  698-9. 

'  HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    U 


162  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

was  the  rule;  notably  in  Jalisco,  under  Neri;  in  Guana 
juato,  where  the  republican  governor,  Gallardo,  was 
driven  out  of  the  state;  and  in  Guerrero,  where  the 
prominent  port  of  Acapulco  had  surrendered  June 
3d.38 

The  campaign  for  the  latter  six  months  was  directed 
essentially  toward  the  north,  beyond  latitude  24°,  be 
low  which  the  Franco-Mexican  columns  stood  prepared 
for  the  advance.  The  eastern  forces  centred  in  those 
of  Mejia,  which  were  cantoned  from  Rio  Verde  to 
Tula  and  Catorce,  supported  on  the  right  by  Dupin's 
guerrillas  in  Tampico,  on  the  left  by  the  brigade  of 
Aymard  at  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Venado,  and  in  the 
rear  by  Castagny's  division,  with  headquarters  at 
Queretaro,  all  of  which  were  destined  to  sweep  Tamau- 
lipas,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  Coahuila.  In  Zacatecas  the 
brigade  of  L'Heriller  was  about  to  enter  Durango,  and 
on  the  Pacific  coast  the  squadron  of  Kergrist  lay  ready 
to  cooperate  with  Douay  in  Jalisco,  and  support  a 
movement  into  Sinaloa.39 

Nevertheless  the  position  of  Juarez  at  the  beginning 
of  the  second  semester  seemed  not  altogether  alarm 
ing.  His  leading  generals  in  the  north,  Negrete, 
Ortega,  and  Patoni,  with  Cortina  and  Garza  in 
Tamaulipas,  had  still  about  12,000  men  under  their 
orders,  although  somewhat  scattered;  and  consider 
able  means  were  flowing  from  the  custom-houses  of 
Manzanillo,  Mazatlan,  and  Guaymas  on  the  Pacific, 
of  Piedras  Negras  on  the  Texan  frontier,  and  Mata- 
moros  on  the  gulf.  Add  to  this  loans  in  the  United' 
States,  forced  contributions,  church  property,  and 
other  resources,  and  not  least  the  moral  support  of 
the  northern  republic.  Arms  were  all  the  time  coin- 

83  To  French  forces,  owing  to  a  lack  of  artillery,  as  Alvarez  explains.  Solis, 
the  commander,  surrendered  500  men  and  81  officers.  Gallardo  and  Neri  are 
said  to  have  had  1,500  and  2,000  men  respectively.  In  Puebla  some  1,500 
republican  guerrillas  were  still  said  to  be  hovering,  indirectly  encouraged  by 
certain  imperialist  mistakes,  such  as  the  sacking  of  Huanchmango  in  Aug., 
as  described  in  Lefdvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  108-10. 

39  Castagny  passed  onward  against  Saltillo  and  Monterey.  Mejia  marching 
either  against  this  place  or  Matamoroa.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  414. 


URAGA  ABANDONS  JUAHEZ.  163 

ing  in  from  Texas  and  California,  and  even  a  few 
recruits,  encouraged  at  one  time  by  liberal  land  boun 
ties.40 

But  this  outlook  was  soon  to  be  darkened,  owing 
partly  to  internal  discord.  A  quarrel  broke  out 
between  Uraga,  commander-in -chief  of  the  army  of 
the  center,  arid  Arteaga,  general  of  the  fourth  divis 
ion,  and  in  charge  of  Jalisco.  The  latter  accused 
tJraga  of  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  im 
perialists,  and  refused  obedience.  Finding  the  muti 
nous  party  too  strong,  Uraga  offered  to  resign  in  favor 
of  any  one  whom  the  officers  might  elect.  Echeaga- 
ray  was  chosen;  but  recognizing  his  own  strength, 
Arteaga  allowed  prejudice  and  ambition  to  prevail, 
and  Juarez  was  persuaded  by  decree  of  July  1st  to 
give  him  the  chief  command.41  The  step  was  judi 
cious  so  far  as  concerned  Uraga,  who  now  openly  gave 
his  adhesion  to  the  empire,  and  received  a  seat  in  the 
council.42 

Still  more  serious  were  the  troubles  pressing  upon 
the  republican  government  in  its  immediate  surround 
ings.  Encouraged  by  the  overwhelming  defeat  of 

% 

4(1  Decree  of  Aug.  11,  1864,  Dublan&nd.  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  691,  annulled 
soon  after.  Mcx.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  94.  The  land  grants  varied  in  value 
from  $1,000  for  privates  to  $2,000  for  officers.  The  result  was  a  small  band 
of  not  over  50  from  the  U.  S.,  who  afterward  compromised  for  money.  Mex., 
Mem.  /zTac.«  1870,  627.  Vega  was  in  California  for  some  time  to  secure  arms; 
and  though  thwarted  on  more  than  one  occasion  by  the  French  consul,  he 
obtained  secret  countenance  from  the  authorities,  and  managed  to  send  large 
supplies,  as  reported  in  Vega,  Doc.,  i.,  passim.  Brown,  the  U.  S.  treasury 
agent  at  S.  F.,  gave  aid,  and  ^ntered  the  Mexican  service.  Id.,  424,  551; 
Vega,  Ausiliares,  MS.  The  question  of  shipping  arms  was  discussed  in  con 
gress.  U.  S.  Sen.  Doc.  15,  38th  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  1-22.  See  also  S.  F.  Bulletin, 
Aug.  6,  1864;  AUa  Gal,  June  29,  1864. 

41  Echeagaray  patriotically  accepting  the  second  position.  Mex.,  Col  Ley., 
1863-7,  ii.  77-9;  Vega,  Doc.,  i.  587-8.  This  gave  Arteaga  control  over 
Jalisco-,  Michoacan,  Guanajuato,  Quere"taro,  and  part  of  Mexico — that  is,  so 
far  as  republican  influence  extended.  The  four  divisions  of  this  army  were 
intrusted  to  Echeagaray,  Ortiz,  Salazar,  and  Herrera  y  Cairo,  governor  of 
Jalisco,  the  latter  acting  only  in  absence  of  Arteaga.  La  Estrella  de  Occid. , 
Sept.  9,  Nov.  4,  1864. 

"Several  high  officers  joined  him;  but  Echeagaray  and  O'Horan,  his  sup 
posed  intimate  friends,  refused  to  listen  to  his  urging.  DiaroDeb.,  9th  CVmg., 
i.  680.  Yet  in  June  Urp.ga  had  indignantly  rejected  the  invitation  extended 
by  the  imperialists.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  July  29,  Aug.  12,  1864.  He  sought 
to  win  over  Diaz  among  other?,  but  met  with  an  indignant  repulse.  Diaz, 


154 


MAXIMILIAN  m  MEXICO, 


Doblado's  forces  in  May,  the  Vidaurrista  had  again 
risen  in  Nuevo  Leon  under  Quiroga,  who  kept  the 
remnant*  of  Juarist  forces  busy.  At  the  same  time 
the  advance  of  imperialists  under  Mejfa  and  Castagny, 
the  former  northward  into  Tamaulipas,  the  other  by 
way  of  Saltillo,  obliged  a  division  of  the  Juarist  force*, 


in  TBS  NOKTH-ZA*T, 


with  a  view  to  check  the  invasion  at  certain  approaches, 
notably  at  Angostura.41    Quiroga,  assisted  by  Inda- 

"Of  Ortega'*  force*  there  were  000  at  Monterey  and  1,500  at  Saltillo. 
Kafanfo  *tood  tooth  of  thi*  point,  Qoe*a4a  bad  1,000  men  at  Halina*,  and 
Paton  MM  approaehtef  wWk  ratofbrewMtttft  '-;«:«; 

fc:.'j  /^:/.  UtZ<  tomt£<  w,r,  <:  W  4. 


REPUBLICAN  REVERSES.  163 

fecio,  son  of  Yidaurri,  took  advantage  of  the  diversion 
to  obtain  possession  of  Monterey  on  August  15th, 
Juarez  and  his  minister  having  a  narrow  escape,** 
and  being  compelled  to  flee  by  a  circuitous  route 
through  Coahuila  and  Durango  into  Chihuahua,  pur 
sued  as  far  as  Parras  by  Aymard.  So  desperate 
seemed  the  situation  that  the  president  sent  his  family 
to  New  Orleans, 

He  had  intended  to  seek  Saltillo,  but  learned  that 
Castagny  had  entered  it  on  the  17th  with  over  3,000 
men,  meeting  with  little  or  no  opposition*  This  gen 
eral  thereupon  advanced  against  Monterey,  regard 
less  of  the  entreaties  of  Yidaurri,  who  had  joined  his 
forces  at  this  city,  and  desired  to  let  the  submission 
of  his  state  appear  as  a  voluntary  act  of  the  people 
by  public  vote;  nor  would  Castagny  recogniie  him 
as  governor.4*  Licenciate  Aguilar  was  made  prefect, 
and  Yidaurri  and  Quiroga,  who  prudently  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  had  to  proceed  to  Mexico,  where 
the  conciliatory  Maximilian  consoled  the  former  by 
appointing  him  councillor* 

The  republicans  still  held  out  for  a  while  in  this 
i,  but  a  final  defeat  in  December  hastened  the 
submission  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  the  greater  part  of 
Coahuila,  to  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,*1  Kesist- 
ance  seemed  the  more  useless  since  Mejia  had  overrun 
Taiuaulipas.  Instead  of  taking  advantage  of  the  dif 
ficulties  presented  during  the  imperialist  march  in  the 
rainy  season  through  swamps  and  passes,  Cortina,  the 

farce  was  taosuMoTto  accomplish  anrthiog  MM*.  Lm  JMrtMt  *  <fcri&, 
Dee.  13s,  1391;  xVtwv  JftqaML  «f«  X  This  author an«M»  that  prompt 

coftwratioa  daring  Aft  paraututo  Chihuahua  might  hare  secured  the  peno* 

«Owing  to  the  troabfes  that  might  arise  from  putt*  di&veM*s»  it  was 
At  Moaterej  were  fotftd 53  pieces  of  artillery,  tw«4«*  much  ammo** 


**  He  had  retired  from  Moatarey  with  his  ftecca  om  the  approach  of 

MM  jftlrdfci  <fe 


orer  hb  dbcomfitvro.  /^m^  ^Vv^ktt.  hi.  :i. 

afeal^^ 
QOT«  Hinojoaaof  Noero  Leon  hati  io 


160  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

new  governor  of  the  province,  preferred  to  hurry  back 
to  Matamoros.  The  movement  was  not  unwarranted, 
however,  for  the  squadron  of  Admiral  Bosse  had  on 
the  22d  of  August  taken  Bagdad,  thence  blockading 
the  river  and  menacing  the  port.43  On  the  approach 
of  Meji'a,  Cortina  thought  it  best  to  surrender  with 
out  a  blow;  and  thus  on  the  26th  of  September  the 
last  important  town  on  the  gulf  was  lost  to  the  Juar- 
ists.49  He  lowered  himself  still  further  by  aiding  in 
the  pursuit  of  his  late  brothers  in  arms,  including 
Canales  and  J.  M.  Carbajal,  the  new  governor.50 

The  foreign  legion  under  Dupin  had  rendered  good 
service  by  subduing  the  district  between  Ciudad  Vic 
toria  and  Soto  la  Marina,  receiving  the  submission  of 

'  O 

Garza,  and  dispersing  the  guerrillas  not  without  some 
severity,  which  served  to  stir  anew  the  republican 
movements.  Dupin  was  created  governor  of  the 
province,  Nuevo  Leon,  Coahuila,and  Matamoros  being 
intrusted  to  the  care  of  Mejia.51  The  subjugation  of 
Tamaulipas  was  followed  by  the  adhesion  of  moun 
tainous  Huasteca,  in  northern  Vera  Cruz,52  where  the 
republicans  had  in  October  been  reduced  to  extremi 
ties  near  their  last  stronghold  of  Huejutla.  At  this 
stage  their  proposal  to  submit  was  entertained,  and 

48  With  four  vessels.     In  Texas,  on  the  opposite  bank,  the  federals  were 
at  the  time  besieging  Brownsville,  and  both  they  and  the  con  federates  sought 
to  interest  Mexicans  and  French,  especially  with  a  view  to  obtain  artillery. 
The  French  held  aloof;  but  Cortina  countenanced  the  federals,  while  Canales, 
his  Heat,  formed  a  futile  pronunciamiento  in  favor  of  the  confederates. 

49  Niox  gives  Cortina  900  men  and  12  cannon.     A  portion  escaped  with 
Canales  to  the  confederate  side,  to  return  soon  after  for  the  guerrilla  campaign. 
La  Extrella  de  Occid.,  Mar.  17,  1865.     Several  score  of  vessels  were  at  the 
time  in  the  river  with  cotton  and  other  effects. 

30  Ifjlesias,  Intervention,  iii.  110.  He  had  reason  for  anger  with  Juarez,  as 
we  have  seen;  yet  he  intended  to  turn  back  to  the  republicans  should  fortune 
again  favor  the  cause. 

51Dupin's  movements  are  fully  related  in  Revue  dcs  Deux  Jfondes,  Oct.  1, 
1865,  Feb.  1,  15,  1866.  etc.  The  outcry  against  his  severity  caused  his  recall 
soon  after. 

52  Dupin  had  achieved  a  certain  degree  of  success,  but  found  the  country 
too  difficult  for  a  satisfactory  campaign;  whereupon  Col  Tourre  entered  it 
from  Mexico,  and  won  a  hard-fought  victory  on  Aug.  1st  at  La  Caudelaria 
pass,  which  caused  the  evacuation  of  Huejutla,  but  led  to  no  other  results. 
Capt.  Bessol  now  entered  and  managed  to  press  the  tired  guerrillas  under 
Ujalde,  Escamilla,  and  Kampfner  into  greater  compliance.  Niox,  Exped. 
du  Mex.t  406-10,  follows  the  operations  closely. 


CERRO  DE  MAJOMA.  167 

they  were  allowed  to  reoccupy  for  the  empire  several 
towns  taken  from  them,  a  course  which  led  to  fresh 
troubles.53 

Westward,  the  French,  under  L'Heriller,  had  en 
tered  Durango  July  3d,  Acting  Governor  Mascarenas 
retiring  toward  Nazas54  and  joining  Governor  Patoni, 
who,  reenforced  by  Ortega  and  Carbajal,  prepared 
in  September  to  retake  the  city.  They  approached 
to  Estanzuela  with  nearly  4,000  men,  and  gained  at 
first  an  advantage  over  the  smaller  Franco-Mexican 
force  which  marched  against  them;  but  superior  dis 
cipline  prevailed  over  raw  recruits,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  retreat,  with  a  loss  of  about  400  men,  dead, 
wounded,  and  captured,  and  twenty  cannon.55  Two 
months  later  the  new  republican  governor,  Quesada, 
suffered  another  defeat.56 

Juarez  and  his  cabinet  had  reached  Nazas  in  Sep 
tember,  proceeding  thence  to  Chihuahua,  where  the 
capital  was  established  on  the  loth  of  October.57 
General  Ortega,  who  had  lost  prestige  since  his  late 
defeat  at  Durango,  and  been  wholly  ignored,  made  a 

53  As  explained  by  the  letters  and  articles  especially  in  El  Cronista,  Nov. 
2,  18G4,  and  passim.  Igleslas,  Revistas,  iii.  459,  523.     The  liberal  treaty  in 
their  favor  was  signed  April  5th.     After  a  fresh  varying  campaign,  Dec.  1864 
to  March  1865,  another  armistice  had  been  arranged.  Niox,  Expcd.  du  Mex.t 
432-3;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvii.   831-2,  934-43,    1001-4.     More  decided 
triumphs  were  achieved  by  the  imperialists  at  Tuxpan  and  Teziutlan. 

54  [Sustained  by  General  Ochoa,  he  had  prepared  for  resistance,  hoping  that 
Patoni  might  come  with  aid,  but  in  vain.     On  retreating,  one  of  the  chiefs, 
Corona,  of  Sinaloa,  undertook,  unsuccessfully,  to  operate  between  Nombre  de 
Dios  and  Zacatecas,  and  passed  thereupon  to  Sinaloa.     Sarabia  was  appointed 
prefect  by  L'Heriller. 

55  This  battle,  known  as  Cerro  de  Majoma,  was  fought  Sept.  21st.     Accord 
ing  to  Niox,  the  victors  numbered  only  530  French  and  80  Mexicans.     Col 
Martin,  the  French  commander,  fell  early  in  the  battle,  and  wTas  replaced  by 
Japy.    Iglesias  maintained  that  the  republicans  had  only  2,500  men,  of  whom 
less  than  half  were  engaged.  Revistas,  iii.  29.     Ortega  had  the  chief  command, 
imposed  on  him,  he  claims,  to  lose  his  prestige.  Leg.  Mex.,  Corresp.,  1S65-G, 
57-9.     Accounts  in  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Nov.  4,  1864,  assume  that  the  re 
publicans  remained  masters  of  the  field.  See  later  versions,  in  La  Voz  de  Mej. , 
Dec.  13,  1804;  Period.  Imp.,  Oct.  15,  1864. 

56  The  republicans  claiming  an  advantage  by  Borrego  over  a  Franco-Mexi 
can  column. 

57  Angel  Trias  had  here  been  appointed  governor  in  June,  replacing  Casa- 
vante,  whom  the  local  authorities  ignored;  Fatoni  being  made  chief  of  all 
forces  in  Durango  and  Chihuahua.  Mex.t  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  51,  76;  La  Es~ 
trdla  de  Occid.,  Nov.  11,  1864. 


168  MAXIMILIAN  IN  MEXICO. 

demand  about  this  time  for  the  presidency,  claiming 
that  Juarez'  term  expired  on  the  30th  of  November, 
and  that  to  himself,  as  president  of  the  supreme  court, 
belonged  the  office,  since  no  proper  election  could  be 
held,  owing  to  the  disorders  created  by  war.  It  was 
pointed  out,  however,  that  the  term  did  not  expire 
till  the  following  year.  Disgusted  with  his  position, 
Ortega  thereupon  proceeded  to  the  United  States,  to 
await  developments.58 

After  sharing  the  reverses  in  Durango,  General 
Corona  had  passed  into  Sinaloa  to  increase  his  forces 
for  a  campaign  in  Jalisco,  and  finding  Governor  Mo 
rales  there  indisposed  to  assist  with  funds  from  the 
rich  custom-house  at  Mazatlan  and  other  sources,  he 
had  him  seized  and  replaced  by  the  more  tractable 
Rosales.59  Meanwhile  the  imperialists  were  preparing 
to  enter  the  state.  On  the  12th  of  November  a 
French  squadron,  under  De  Kergrist,  appeared  before 
the  harbor  and  demanded  a  surrender,  threatening 
otherwise  to  bombard  the  town.  At  the  same  time 
came  news  of  the  rapid  approach  of  Lozada,  the  Tepic 
chieftain,  with  3,000  Indians,  to  cooperate  from  the 
land  side.  Thus  pressed,  Corona  thought  it  best  to 
evacuate  the  place  that  night,60  his  forces  now  break 
ing  into  guerrilla  bands  for  harassing  the  enemy.  This 
made  a  large  garrison  less  needful,  and  Lozada  re 
turned  at  once,  leaving  but  a  small  force  to  assist  the 

58  His  correspondence  on  the  subject  may  be  found  in  Leg.  Mex.,  Cor- 
resp.,  1865-6,  38-9,  43-4,  63-6,  and  passim;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1SG3-7,  ii.  110- 
23,  with  official  resolutions.     See  also  Iglesias,  Revlstas,  iii.  60-1.     It  was 
shown  that  the  election  having  taken  place  in  1861,  the  term  of  four  years 
could  end  only  in  1865.     It  was  proposed  at  the  time  to  remove  Ortega  from 
the  bench  for  having  acted  as  governor  of  Zacatecas,  and  being  so  long  away 
•on  expeditions;  but  this  was  not  acted  upon  till  the  following  year,  when  his 
prolonged  absence  in  the  U.  S.  afforded  more  just  cause. 

59  He  had  at  first  sought  to  win  him  by  an  ostensible  uniting  among  his 
troops  in  favor  of  Morales;  but  the  wily  governor  was  not  to  be  caught,  and 
so  his  removal  became  necessary,  Roman  taking  his  place  till  a  speedy  elec- 
.tion  made  Rosales  governor.     Morales  attempted  to  resist,  but  his  troops  de- 
3serted  and  Mazatlan  was  readily  taken,  Oct.  14th. 

eo  Not  aware  of  the  evacuation,  De  Kergrist  began  on  the  13th  to  cast  some 
Shells,  but  a  white  flag  soon  corrected  the  measure.  Lozada  entered  as  the 
last  republicans  departed,  and  ordered  a  fruitless  pursuit.  A  vast  amount  of 
.-stores  fell  to  the  victors.  The  French  fleet  consisted  of  the  frigate  Victoire 
and  three  smaller  vessels.  See  Hist.  North  Mex.  Stales,  ii.,  this  series. 


SINALOA  AND  JALISCO.  169 

French  in  keeping  the  bands  in  check,  and  in  holding 
from  the  Juarists  so  valuable  a  source  for  funds,  as 
well  as  an  avenue  for  supplies  from  abroad.  The 
guerrilla  campaign  proceeded  with  alternate  successes 
as  far  north  as  the  Sonora  border.61 

A  blow  equally  severe  was  dealt  in  Jalisco,  where 
the  only  respectable  Juarist  army  north  of  Mexico — 
that  of  the  centre,  under  Arteaga — had  remained  in 
comparative  inactivity  on  the  northern  border  of  Co- 
lima,  hemmed  in  by  the  French  lines,62  and  later  de 
tained,  like  them,  by  the  rainy  season.  This  over, 
General  Douay  set  out  from  Guadalajara,  and  joined 
by  Marquez,  he  made,  October  28th,  a  well-planned 
attack  on  Arteaga,  in  the  ravine  of  Atenquique. 
The  position  was  strong;  but  finding  themselves 
taken  also  in  rear  and  flank,  the  republicans  turned 
and  dispersed,  leaving  their  artillery  and  a  large  num 
ber  of  slain.  A  few  days  later  Gutierrez  and  Rojas 
were  routed  near  Ameca  by  Rivas,  opportunely  re- 
enforced  by  a  French  column.  Marquez  now  occupied 
Colima;  and  on  the  18th  of  November  took  posses 
sion  of  the  important  seaport  of  Manzanillo,  which 
was  not  retained,  however.  An  attempt  by  Rojas 
and  others  to  retake  Colima  resulted  in  a  disastrous 
failure.63  Arteaga  himself  was  overtaken  near  Jiquil- 
pan  by  a  French  force,  four  days  later,  and  routed.6* 

These  reverses  were  relieved  only  by  a  faint  glim 
mer  of  success  in  the  southern  states,  General  Vicario 
being  repulsed  at  Chilapa65  in  October,  while  on  the 

61  Among  republicans  joining  the  victors  was  Francisco  Vega,  who  carried 
their  banner  to  northern  Sinaloa,  but  was  besieged  at  ViHa  Fuerte,  and  cap 
tured  and  shot.  A  small  Franco-Mexican  reenforcement  by  way  of  Altata 
was  defeated.  Iglesias  claims  98  French  prisoners,  and  calls  it  one  of  the 
glorious  victories.  Re.vistas,  iii.  152-6. 

62An  effort  early  in  August,  by  four  of  his  battalions,  to  break  through 
northward,  at  Cocula,  was  frustrated  with  a  loss  of  200  men  killed,  many 
taken  prisoners,  and  six  cannon.  Niox,  Exp6d.  du  Mex.,  430. 

63Aud  a  loss  of  800  prisoners. 

61  With  a  loss  of  500  dead  and  captured,  2,000  fire-arms,  etc.  Previous 
to  this  he  had  successfully  passed  through  the  French  lines  by  a  circuitous 
route,  proposing  to  gain  Michoacan.  The  fullest  account  of  operations  in 
Jalisco  and  Sinaloa  is  found  in  Vigil,  Ensayo  Hist.,  211,  etc.,  but  from  a  re 
publican  standpoint. 

63  Diego  Alvarez  came  to  the  rescue  of  this  place,  which  Vicario  had  been 


170  MAXIMILIAN  IX  MEXICO. 

way  from  Iguala  to  replace  the  French  garrison  at 
Acapulco.  The  result  was,  that  the  port  had  to  be 
abandoned  by  the  imperialists  in  the  beginning  of 
December.66  The  whole  country  south  of  Puebla, 
including  Guerrero,  Oajaca,  Chiapas,  Tabasco,  and 
southern  Vera  Cruz,  practically  remained  in  hands 
of  the  republicans,  under  the  direction  of  Porfirio 
Diaz.  The  French  being  unable  to  spare  sufficient 
troops  for  this  direction,  the  proposed  operations  un 
der  Brincourt  from  Puebla  southward  were  deferred, 
but  a  garrison  was  retained  at  Yanhuitlan,  and  ex 
ploration  and  road-making  were  pursued  during  the 
closing  months,  with  a  view  to  advance  at  the  turn  of 
the  year.67 

besieging  for  three  weeks.  The  garrison  under  Pinzon,  jointly  with  the  re- 
enforcement,  made  sad  havoc  among  the  imperialists,  who  were  placed  at 
from  2,000  to  3,000  men.  Vicario,  who  had  regarded  the  expedition  to  the 
malarious  coast  with  disgust,  was  summoned  to  answer  for  his  evident  care 
lessness.  Finding  himself  suspected  of  intrigues  against  the  empire,  he  fled 
from  the  country  to  escape  arrest.  Diarij  Ofic.,  Oct.  28,  1869. 

66  Mainly  because  the  French  squadron  was  needed   at   Mazatlan,   and 
partly  because  Alvarez  and  his  valorous  Pintos,  supported  by  Diaz,  had  frus 
trated  every  effort  to  gain  further  foothold  in  the  province,  and  even  cut 
off  supplies  from  the  land  side.     The  last  Frenchman  embarked  Dec.  14th. 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Alex.,  435.     The  U.  S.  war  steamer  Saranac  remained  to 
protect  foreigners. 

67  Diaz  had  been  actively  keeping  guard,  and  had  gained  several  successes 
at  Cazatlan,  Calipa,  and  Tlajiaco,  repulsing  Visoso;  but  he  had  failed  in  a 
previous  attempt,   in  August,   on  Nazahuatipa,  near  Teotitlan,  his  brother 
Felix,  nicknamed  El  Chato,  from  his  flat  nose,  failing  at  Ayotla,  in  the  same 
region.  Diaz,  B'tog.,  MS.,  198-204;  Id.,  Datos  B'wg.,  61  etseq.     The  Indians 
of  Yucatan,  ever  suspicious  of  established  governments,  appearing  troubled, 
the  imperial  commissioner  hastened  to  conciliate  them  by  appointing  a  de- 
fensor  to  represent  and  plead  for  them,  as  in  colonial  days,  promising  redress 
of  wrongs.     Zamacois  has  preserved  the  Maya  text  of  the  decree.   Hist.  Mej., 
xvii.  583-4.     Details  concerning  the  preceding  military  operations  will  be 
found  in  La  Voz  de  M?j.,  Sept.  3,  1864,  till  Feb.   1865,  passim;  so  also  in 
Peritid.  Ofic.,  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Diario  Ofic.  Imp.,  Pdjaro  Verde,  and 
other  papers  for  the  same  period.     In  Juarez,  Biog.,  38,  it  is  estimated  that 
102  battles  took  place  during  the  last  seven  months  of  1864,  in  which  3,277 
were  killed  and  1,300  wounded. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

1865. 

PROVISIONAL  CONSTITUTION — PERSONAL  GUARANTEE — No  SLAVERY — FOND 
NESS  OF  MAXIMILIAN  FOR  LAW-MAKING — PROMOTION  OF  COLONIZATION — 
FINANCES — CABINET — MAXIMILIAN  PROTESTS  AGAINST  HIS  AUSTRIAN  RE 
NUNCIATION — FRENCH  LOAN  AND  FRENCH  TROOPS — ATTITUDE  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  —  REPUBLICANISM  GAINS  STRENGTH  —  MAXIMILIAN 
ALARMED — BAZAINE  BLAMED — TERRORISM. 

IN  1865,  on  the  anniversary  of  his  acceptance 
of  the  crown,  Maximilian  issued  the  provisional 
constitution  of  the  empire,  according  to  which  the 
emperor  represented  the  national  sovereignty,  arid 
exercised  it  in  all  branches,  the  form  of  government 
being  moderate  monarchical,  and  hereditary,  with  a 
catholic  prince.1  There  were  to  be  nine  ministerial 
departments;  namely,  of  the  imperial  household,  of 
state,  of  foreign  affairs  and  navy,  government  or  inte 
rior,  justice,  public  instruction  and  worship,  war,  fo- 
mento,  or  public  works  and  material  development, 
and  finance,2  the  whole  to  be  connected  with  an 
auditorial  tribunal,  with  administrative  and  judicial 

1  The  empress  assuming  the  regency  in  case  of  the  emperor's  disability. 

2  The  household  minister  took  charge  of  decorations  and  titles  and  crown 
domains.     The  minister  of  state  presided  at  the  ministerial  council,  took  cog 
nizance  of  affairs  relating  to  the  council  of  state,  tribunal  de  cuentas,  visita- 
dores,  chancellorship,  communicated  appointments  and  decrees  not  pertaining 
to  the  other  departments.     The  marine  department  was  temporarily  annexed 
to  that  of  foreign  affairs.     An  educational  council  was  to  be  formed  for  pro 
moting  education.     The  minister  of  fomento  attended  to    statistics,  vacant 
lands,  public  works,  railways,  internal  navigation,  forests,  industrial  develop 
ment,  mining,  colonization,  mails,   telegraphs,  and  weights  and  measures. 
For  regulations  and  duties,  see  J/dc.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  i.-viii.,  passim. 


172  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

power  for  inspecting  and  revising  all  financial  mat 
ters.3 

The  council  of  state  had  to  frame  bills,  decide  in 
ministerial  disputes,  and  give  advice.  The  private 
cabinet,  forming  the  medium  of  communication  for 
the  sovereign,  comprised  two  departments,  for  civil 
and  military  affairs.4  The  country  was  divided  into 
eight  military  districts,5  each  in  charge  of  a  chief,  and 
at  times  placed  temporarily  under  a  commissary  for 
correcting  abuses  by  officials,  inspectors  being  also 
appointed  to  make  tours  through  departments  for  the 
same  purpose.  The  departments,  fifty  in  number,6 
were  to  be  ruled  by  prefects  appointed  by  the  emperor, 
arid  guided  by  a  departmental  council.7  Districts  were 
placed  under  sub-prefects,8  also  assisted  by  councils, 
and  municipalities  with  no  less  than  3,000  inhabitants 
were  governed  by  ayuntamientos,  popularly  elected.9 
Smaller  municipalities  were  controlled  by  comisarios.10 
There  were  five  grades  of  tribunals,  of  which  the 

8  Including  those  of  municipalities  and  other  public  bodies. 

*Each  under  the  care  of  a  chief.  See  also  Mex.,  Reg.  Gabinete,  3-18. 

8  Besides  these,  whose  commanding  generals  at  the  time  are  named  in 
Diar.  Imp.,  April  10,  18Q5,  sup.,  there  were  formed  two  great  'commande- 
ments,'  the  first  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  embracing  the  north-east  provinces,  under 
Douay,  the  second  at  Durango,  for  the  north-west,  under  Castagny;  a  third 
was  proposed  in  the  south,  under  L'H^riller;  but  Bazaine  not  giving  enougJi 
troops,  it  was  abandoned.  Niox,  Exp6d.  du  Mex.,  505-6. 

6 List  in  Almanaque  Mex.,  1867,  43;  Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iii.  274.  Varying 
in  size  from  that  of  Valle  de  Me"jico,  with  410  square  leagues  and  482,000  in 
habitants,  to  that  of  Calif  ornia  with  about  8,400  square  leagues  and  12,000  in 
habitants,  the  most  populous  being  Guanajuato,  wit-h  over  600,000  people  upon 
an  area  of  1,452  square  leagues,  and  the  least  Mapirni,  with  6,700  people  upon 
4,500  square  leagues.  This  evidently  unequal  division,  of  Guanajuato  at  least, 
was  influenced  by  ministerial  courtesy,  says  Arrangoiz,  the  minister  of  fomento 
being  a  native  of  the  latter  department.  Mtj.,  iii.  275.  The  capitals  were 
also  badly  selected  in  several  instances,  for  significance  and  position.  The 
existing  division,  fixed  in  1857,  embraced  22  states,  6  territories,  and  the 
federal  district. 

*  Of  five  members  selected  by  the  supreme  government  from  the  nomina 
tions  of  the  prefect. 

8Appointed  by  the  prefect,  subject  to  approval. 

9  Varying  from  5  to  19,  according  to  the  population,  and  half  of  it  renewed 
every  year.     Every  Mexican  over  21  years,  and  with  honest  livelihood,  could 
vote. 

10Appointed  like  alcaldes,  by  the  prefect.  For  a  special  treatise  on  local 
administration,  see  Trigueros,  Ramos  Municip.,  1-66.  By  decree  of  Oct.  12th, 
three  maritime  prefectures  were  created,  at  Vera  Cruz,  Acapulco,  and 
Mazatlan. 


LAWS  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  173 

superior  judges  held  office  for  life.  The  people  re 
ceived  the  guarantee  of  equality  before  the  law, 
security  for  person  and  property  —  slavery  and  confis 
cation  being  forbidden  —  and  liberty  to  proclaim  their 
opinions.  Care  was  taken  to  alleviate  the  oppres 
sion  weighing  upon  laborers,  especially  Indians,  by 
limiting  the  deduction  for  debts  to  one  fifth  of  the 
pay,  abolishing  corporal  punishment,  and  prohibiting 
fathers  from  binding  their  children  to  employers.11 
But  these,  like  many  other  excellent  measures,  were 
frustrated  by  corrupt  officials,  disorderly  state  of 
affairs,  and  other  circumstances. 

The  emperor  certainly  had  a  greater  taste  for  issu 
ing  laws  than  firmness  and  power  to  carry  them  out; 
and  toward  the  end  of  this  year  there  came  in  a  flood 
of  enactments,  many  of  them  being  revivals  of  co 
lonial  decrees.12  A  characteristic  effort  was  made  in 
behalf  of  education,  for  the  spread  of  rudimentary 
knowledge  and  the  establishment  of  secondary 
schools,13  while  the  empress  fostered  benevolent  insti 
tutions.14  Amid  the  great  care  lavished  on  court 
routine,  it  may  be  readily  understood  that  the  theatre 
received  attention. 

11  Mex.  t  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  vi.  186.  And  relieving  children  from  debts  con 
tracted  by  parents.  During  the  absence  of  the  emperor,  Charlotte  brought  a 
number  of  deeply  studied  bills  before  the  council,  and  wrung  from  the  mem 


iens,  apr6s  avoir  excite  un  f  remissement  .  .  .a  6t£  accept^ 
sorte  d'enthousiasme.'  Rivera  is  willing  to  credit  Maximilian  with  good  in 
tentions,  but  he  was  overruled  in  many  instances.  Hist.  Jal.,  v.  652-3. 
Romero  abuses  his  law  for  operatives.  Leg.  Mex.,  CircuL,  ii.  202-6;  Mex., 
Code  Rural,  1-13.  On  press  regulations,  see  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii. 
33-73. 

12  To  persuade  Europe  that  he  had  a  'creative  genius,'  sneers  Arrangoiz, 
Mej.  ,  iii.  340,  and  was  lifting  Mexico  out  of  barbarism.  Too  weak  to  meet 
discussion,  says  Domenech,  he  often  took  advantage  of  a  minister's  absence 
to  execute  his  purpose.  Ubi  sup. 

13Approaching  the  German  gymnasia.  Covarrubias,  Instruc.  Ptib.,  is  not 
willing  to  give  credit  for  this  attempt,  but  Ratzel,  A  us  Mexico,  338,  etc., 
takes  pains  to  let  it  be  known.  I  need  only  instance  a  law  of  Nov.  1st,  re 
quiring  a  free  school  to  be  established  on  every  estate  where  over  20  families 
were  occupied.  This  applied  also  to  factories  employing  over  100  workmen. 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  vi.  187.  He  approved  the  decree  of.  1857  suppressing 
the  university,  but  created  an  academy  for  sciences  and  literature.  For  rules 
and  ceremonies  at  opening,  see  A  cad.  Imp.,  Ada,  Instal.,  1-27. 

"Assisted  by  a  council  do  beneficencia,  a  sisterhood  for  visiting  the  sick 
and  poor,  and  a  protective  union  for  workmen. 


174  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

Colonization  was  given  a  hitherto  unparalleled  prom 
inence,  both  in  projects  and  decrees.  An  immigration 
bureau  was  established,15  with  a  roost  favorable  de 
cree  for  the  appointment  of  agents,  the  grant  of  free 
lands,  and  other  privileges.16  All  races  were  to  be 
admitted,  and  a  special-contract  law  was  issued  regu 
lating  the  term  of  service  and  treatment  of  colored 
persons.17  Arrangements  were  also  made  for  French, 
United  States,  and  German  immigration  into  littoral 
and  interior  districts;  but  the  leading  project  was  the 
formation  of  colonies  by  refugees  from  the  southern 
United  States.  Prominently  connected  with  this 
plan  was  William  M.  Gwin,  formerly  United  States 
senator  from  California,  who  proposed  a  semi-inde 
pendent  settlement  in  Sonora,  and  received  such 
countenance  from  Napoleon  as  to  lead  to  an  outcry 
against  a  supposed  absorption  of  that  state  by  France. 
Even  the  United  States  intimated  that  the  establish 
ment  of  hostile  southerners  along  the  frontier  would 
not  be  regarded  with  favor.18  But  the  disturbed  con- 

15  With  the  confederate  general  Magruder  for  chief,  and  the  astronomer 
Maury  for  comisario.  Decree  of  Oct.  7th. 

16  Decree  Sept.  5,  1865.     Colonists  could  become  naturalized  at  once,  and 
were  exempt  from  taxes  for  the  first  year,  and  from  military  service  for  five 
years,  although  forming  a  militia  for  their  own  protection.  Ileport  on  grants 
and  their  partial  occupation,  in  Manero,  Doc.  Interes.,  53-7. 

17  Branded  by  opponents  as  a  renewal  of  slavery,    Leg.   Mex.,  Circ.,  ii. 
202-6,  although  the  opening  clause  declares  all  free.     The  term  was  limited 
to  ten  years;  in  case  of  the  father's  death,  children  remained  under  the  care 
and  in  the  service  of  the  employer  till  attaining  majority.     The  question  of 
African  and  Chinese  immigration  was  not  well  received  by  the  public,  which 
expressed  a  fear  for  a  deterioration  of  race.     Morales,  supported  by  Baron 
Sauvage,  proposed  to  introduce  100,000  negroes  and  Mongols,  and  a  Portu 
guese  received  in  Dec.  the  privilege  for  ten  years  to  bring  in  Asiatics. 

18  Gwin  had  labored  for  his  plan  ever  since  the  French  entered  Mexico. 
Hidalgo,  Arrangoiz,  and  other  ministers  opposed  it,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that 
any  littoral  or  frontier  settlement  by  foreigners  might  lead  to  a  repetition  of 
the  Texas  segregation.     Although  Napoleon  favored  Gwin,  Bazaine  neither 
could  nor  would  promote  it.     The  Juarist  minister  protested  at  Washington 
against  any  alienation  of  Mexican  territory.    Mgx.,  Col.  Leyes,   1863-7,  ii. 
212-15.     The  U.  S.  government  issued  its  warning  to  France,  being  likewise 
annoyed  at  the  reception  granted  to  confederate  officers,  several  of  whom  Niox 
mentions.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  502.     Several  editors  at  Mexico  were  fined  and 
imprisoned  by  Bazaine  for  joining  in  the  outcry.  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano, 
ii.  139.     For  details  on  these  points,  sea  Ley.  Mex.,  Circ.,  ii.  86  etseq. ;  Mex., 
Mem.  Fometito,  1868,  66-76,  350-74;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hoc.,   1868,  doc.  2;  Ar 
rangoiz,  Mcj.,  iii.  213,  279,  320,  iv.  3,  etc.;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mcj.,  xvii.  9G6, 
etc.;   U.  S.  Foreign  A/.,  356  et  seq.,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.;  Id.,  266,  2d  Sess.; 


FINANCIAL  CONDITION.  175 

dition  of  the  country,  and  the  lack  of  aid  to  efficiently 
promote  colonization,  neutralized  the  projects,  so  that 
hardly  anything  was  done.19 

Finances  remained  inextricably  confused,  especially 
after  Mexican  officials  received  charge  of  the  em 
pire.  Their  ill-will  and  inability  became  manifest 
in  decreasing  revenue;  and  notwithstanding  a  grow 
ing  dislike  for  the  French,  Maximilian  found  it  neces 
sary  to  apply  to  Napoleon  for  an  able  director,  and 
to  arrange  with  Bazaine  for  French  agents  in  the 
leading  towns  to  supervise  the  collection  of  revenue. 
The  Mexicans  naturally  objected  to  foreign  interfer 
ence,  and  arrayed  themselves  against  it,  so  as  to 
seriously  interfere  with  the  projects  elaborated  by 
Bonnefous,  who  came  out  as  inspector-general  of 
finances.  This  opposition  served  to  render  the  need 
for  money  all  the  more  pressing.  By  this  time  the 
news  of  military  successes,  and  the  glowing  report  of 
an  agent20  sent  from  Paris  to  examine  the  resources 
of  Mexico,  had  so  inspired  the  French  government 
itself  as  to  induce  it  to  lend  official  countenance  to 
the  loan  placed  in  April  18G5  on  the  market.  It  was 
consequently  obliged  later  to  assume  the  responsi 
bility. 

The  present  issue  was  increased  to  250  million 
francs,  which,  less  the  bonus  of  32  per  cent  and  ex 
penses,  including  a  lottery  amortization,  yielded  a  net 
sum  of  barely  97  millions,  very  little  of  which  reached 
the  Mexican  government.  The  original  debt  of  81 
million  pesos,  at  the  beginning  of  the  intervention, 
had  now  swollen  to  253  millions,  and  was  growing 
rapidly  under  French  military  expenses.  The  inter 
est  alone,  of  over  10  millions,  threatened  to  absorb 

lylesias,  Interv.,  iii.  247-9,  264,  etc.;  also  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Apr.  4,  1865,  and 
other  dates  and  journals.  Gwin,  Memoirs,  MS.,  244,  etc.,  condemns  Maxi 
milian  for  turning  against  the  confederates  afterward.  Maximilian  later  ad 
mitted  that  France  had  proposed  to  obtain  Sonora,  but  he  objected. 

19  Some  German  colonists  in  Puebla  retired  to  the  U.  S.  and  spread  bad 
reports. 

2uCorta,  whose  report  was  read  before  the  chambers  on  April  9th  and  10th, 
just  in  time  to  influence  the  new  loan. 


176  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

the  greater  part  of  the  imperial  revenue,  which,  at 
the  time  Maximilian  accepted  the  crown,  was  esti 
mated  at  1 5  millions;  and  we  know,  from  the  tenure  of 
the  Miramare  convention,  how  little  of  the  remainder 
could  be  claimed  by  Mexico.  During  1865  the  receipts 
increased  to  19  millions,  whereof  11  millions  were 
from  maritime  custom-houses;  but  they  were  rapidly 
drooping.21  Notwithstanding  the  reluctance  of  Max 
imilian  to  increase  the  burden  on  the  country,  fresh 
taxes  had  to  be  imposed  in  different  directions,  even 
on  manufactures  that  should  have  been  protected.22 
Langlais,  the  successor  of  Bonnefous,23  prepared  an 
admirable  plan  for  the  finance  department,  but  he 
died  before  the  application  could  be  made,  and  little 
came  of  it  between  ministerial  objections  and  counter- 
measures,  and  the  change  of  French  projects.24 

21  The  returns  were,  from — 

Vera  Cruz  custom-house $4,878,735 

Other  custom-houses  on  the  gulf 2,753,270 

Pacific  ports. 2,988,787 

Interior  custom-houses,  excise,  etc 6,941 ,900 

Direct  contributions 1,538,383, 


$19,101,135 

The  former  loan  was  now  converted  into  obligations  similar  to  the  present. 
By  arrangement  with  Jecker,  his  claim  was  reduced  by  60  per  cent.  French 
claims  for  outrages  were  fixed  at  40  million  francs.  For  additional  details, 
see  Payno,  Mem.,  1868;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1870,  643  et  seq. 

22Arrangoiz,  Mcj.,  iii.  305,  iv.  9-10,  takes  special  pains  to  point  out  mis 
takes  and  burdens  in  this  department,  wherein  he  had  committed  blunders 
perhaps  worse.  Zamacois,  Hist.Mex.,  xvii.  1085.  The  regency  had  introduced 
many  reforms,  such  as  stopping  direct  contributions,  by  decree  of  July  29, 

1863,  placing  instead  3  and  4  per  mille  on  town  and  country  property,  and 
adding  in  November  heavy  taxes  on  liquors  and  sugar.     Maximilian  reduced 
the  duties  of  May  1863  by  50  per  cent;  but  this  had  to  be  annulled,  and 
further  impositions  levied,  such  as  6  per  cent  on  paper,  thread,  and  fabrics, 
followed  by  a  series  of  decrees  annulling  or  interfering  with  others,  and  cre 
ating  no  little  confusion.     Undertakings  like  the  Vera  Cruz  railroad  had  to 
be  supported  by  special  increase  of  duties,  fiomero,  Mem.  Hac.,  1870,  648. 

23  Who  retired  through  sickness,  and  was  replaced  in  Oct.     Langlais  soon 
succumbed  to  the  climate. 

24  A  plan  for  a  national  bank  had  been  long  considered,  and  a  decree  ap 
peared  for  its  establishment,   but  nothing  was  done.    Arrangoiz,  iv.   37. 
Domeuech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  233-4,  blames  Ramirez.     The  elaborate  treasury 
regulations  in  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  i.  55-82,  and  Mex.,  Boletln  Ley.,  1804, 
45-56,  looked  well  on  paper.    Bazaine  is  blamed  for  loose  management  and  mis 
representations.  Pap.  y  Corr.  Fam.  Imp.,  137-41.     In  Leyac.  Mex.,  ii.  800-4, 
is  a  special  tirade  against  the  high  allowances  granted  to  French  employes, 
whereof  Arrangoiz  also  complains.  Mej.,  iii.  336,  iv.  33;  Niox,  Exped.  du 
Mex.,  496-7.     A  finance  committee  sat  in  Paris,  by  appointment  of  April  11, 

1864.  M6x.,  Boletin  Ley.,  1864,  27,  ap.  309.     For  bank  project  in  connection 


THE  CABINET.  177 

The  process  of  reorganizing  the  administration  was 
hampered  at  every  step,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  lack 
of  means,  financial  and  military,  for  maintaining  order 
and  giving  effect  to  the  many  commendable  measures 
that  were  proposed.  Party  spirit  and  personal  jeal 
ousy  added  their  pernicious  influence,  which  penetrated 
also  to  the  council  and  cabinet,  without,  however, 
leading  in  this  quarter  to  the  discord  that  would  long 
since  have  produced  radical  changes  in  any  other 
Mexican  government  under  similar  circumstances. 
In  October  the  cabinet  still  embraced  Ramirez,  who 
filled  also  the  place  of  the  absent  Velazquez  de  Leon, 
Almonte,  Peza,  Robles,  and  Escudero,  but  Cortes  Es- 
parza  had  resigned  the  portfolio  of  gobernacion,  now 
held  by  Jose  Maria  Esteva.  Manuel  Siliceo,  a  liberal, 
had  taken  that  of  instruction  and  worship;  and  Fran 
cisco  de  P.  Cesar  had  replaced  Campillo  as  under 
secretary  of  finance,  Langlais  being  actual  head  of  this 
department.25 

The  fact  that  the  cabinet  had  held  together  so  well, 
consisting  as  it  did  mainly  of  liberals  who  were  known 
to  be  at  heart  hostile  to  the  imperial  cause,  indicates 
at  least  a  zeal,  combined  with  absence  of  prejudice, 
that  merits  admiration  for  Maximilian.  Eagerness 
for  office  seems  a  leading  quality  on  the  opposite  side. 
He  desired  the  best  men  for  his  purpose,  irrespective 
of  creed  or  popularity;  but  he  was  too  readily  per 
suaded  or  imposed  upon  to  be  esteemed  for  judgment. 
Siliceo,  for  instance,  was  on  the  point  of  being  ex 
pelled  for  maintaining  correspondence  with  Juarez, 
when  Ramirez  managed  to  change  this  order  for  a 
seat  among  the  ministers,  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
necessary  to  win  over  republicans.26  The  gain  in  this 
direction  must  have  been  counteracted  by  the  irritat 
ing  appointment  of  L.  Ddtroyat,  a  French  lieutenant, 

with  mortmain  property,  see  Banco,  JProyecto  Soc*  Hipottt  1-12;  and  for  cer 
tain  claims,  Weil,  Contra  Mex.,  1-74. 

26  Esparza  was  made  a  councillor. 

™Arrangoiz,  Mcj.,  iii.  293.     He  entered  the  cabinet  on  April  13th. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    12 


178  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

as  assistant  secretary  of  the  navy,27  of  French  in 
spectors,  agents,  and  police,28  not  to  mention  again 
the  preeminence  of  foreign  military  officers;  one  effect 
being  to  promote  a  passive  or  even  hostile  attitude 
with  regard  to  many  commendable  measures  of  Max 
imilian. 

The  discontent  attained  a  marked  manifestation 
even  in  the  cabinet,  where  Escudero,  the  minister  of 
justice,  was  pointed  out  as  having  joined  a  conspiracy. 
The  plot  really  belonged  to  them,  with  the  archbishop 
and  General  Zuloaga  for  leaders,  the  object  being  to 
unite,  under  the  potent  name  of  Santa  Anna,  the 
host  of  nominal  imperialists  who  had  become  dissat 
isfied  with  Maximilian  and  his  foreigners,  and  the 
numerous  republicans  who  had  grown  tired  of  Juarez 
and  the  bloody  conflict  for  the  constitution  of  1857. 
At  the  time  of  Uraga's  removal  from  the  Juarist 
army  of  the  centre,  in  the  middle  of  1864,  several  of 
his  officers  indicated  a  readiness  to  conciliate  con 
servatives  with  a  modification  of  that  organic  law, 
and  the  latter,  including  the  clergy,  had  been  gradu 
ally  approaching  a  similar  state  of  mind,  seeing  that 
fully  as  good  terms  could  be  obtained  from  the  lib 
erals  as  from  Maximilian.  Michoacan,  then  in  a  state 
of  ferment,  was  looked  upon  as  a  favorable  cradle  for 
the  movement,  from  its  central  situation,  and  it  was 
believed  that  Porfirio  Diaz,  and  Alvarez  with  his  In 
dians,  might  be  induced  to  cooperate.  Santa  Anna 
launched  from  his  retreat  at  St  Thomas  a  proclama 
tion  to  the  two  great  parties  to  unite  for  the  holy 
struggle  of  casting  the  invaders  from  the  soil — an 
appeal  which  could  not  fail  to  obtain  response  also 
among  the  masses.29  He  proposed  to  dedicate  the 

27  On  Oct.  15th,  after  he  had  acted  for  seven  months  as  director-general  of 
the  navy. 

28  Partly  introduced  from  France,  and  placed  under  D'Istria,  a  Corsican. 
For  public  opinion  regarding  these  appointments,  I  refer  to  the  journals  of 
the  day,  as  Diario  Imp.,  Oct.  19,  1865,  etc.;  Constitutional,  etc. 

29  He  reminded  them  that  he  it  was  who  had  more  than  four  decades  before 
raised  the  successful  cry  against  the  Iturbide  empire.     The  proclamation  was 
dated  July  8th,  and  issued  some  weeks  later  in  Mexico  by  a  nephew  who 


SANTA  ANNA  ONCE  MORE.  179 

whole  of  his  still  vast  fortune  to  the  cause,  and  hinted 
at  the  active  cooperation  of  the  now  idle  United  States 
armies.  The  plot  was  not  allowed  to  develop,  however, 
owing  to  vigilance  of  the  secret  police  employed  by 
Bazaine  to  watch  in  particular  the  conservatives.30 
Another  source  for  pretentions  against  Maximilian 
had  already  been  removed  by  his  assuming  the  guar 
dianship  of  the  two  grandsons  of  Iturbide  and  pen 
sioning  the  sons.31  The  act  created  a  wide-spread  belief 
that  he  intended  the  boy  Agustin,  then  in  his  third 
year,  for  his  successor,  either  because  he  had  no  chil 
dren,  or  in  view  of  a  possible  departure  from  Mexico. 
The  latter  rumor,  though  officially  denied,  was  strength 
ened  by  a  protest  made  by  Maximilian  at  the  close  of 
the  preceding  year  against  the  renunciation  of  his 
rights  as  an  Austrian  archduke.  Many,  indeed,  began 
to  assume  that  his  liberal  policy  and  assiduous  law- 
making  in  Mexico  were  intended  greatly  for  achieving 
popularity  and  reputation  in  his  native  country.82  The 
protest  certainly  encouraged  the  liberals,  as  it  created 
distrust  among  imperialists. 

acted  as  agent.  Text  in  La  Voz  de  M6j.t  Aug.  29,  1865.  He  had  been  al 
lowed  to  land  in  Feb.  1864,  on  recognizing  the  empire,  but  yielding  to  a 
natural  bent  for  intrigue,  he  was  expelled.  For  this  recognition  the  Juarez 
government  ordered  the  confiscation  of  his  estates.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  ii. 
469;  Iglesias,  Interv.,  ii.  292-7. 

30  The  names  of  several  accused  personages  are  given  in  Arrangoiz,  M6j.t 
iv.  8,  and  Domeneck,  Hist.  Mex.t  iii.  226-8.  Santa  Anna  had  bought  4,000 
rifles  and  other  arms  in  the  U.  S.,  and  received  attentions  on  board  one  ef 
their  fr gates  at  St  Thomas.  His  son,  an  imperialist  colonel,  venturing  to 
disapprove  the  father's  manifest,  he  was  declared  disinherited  from  any  share 
in  the  paternal  fortune,  estimated,  says  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  511,  at  120,- 
000,000  francs.  See  Diario  Imp.,  Sept.  5,  1865,  and  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  17, 
vi.  1-179,  passim,  39th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

81  The  agreement  signed  at  Chapultepec  Sept.  9th  is  reproduced  in  Ar~ 
rangaiz,  Mej.,  iv.  12-14.  The  two  boys,  Agustin  and  Salvador,  were  the 
sons  of  Angel  and  Salvador,  the  mother  of  Agustin  being  an  American 
named  Alicia  Green.  She  protested  soon  after  against  the  Surrender  of  her 
son.  The  aunt  Josefa  remained  at  the  palace  as  joint  guardian,  proud  to  be 
called 'querida  prima '  by  Maximilian.  Bosch.,  Erin.,  i.  52-3.  The  reason 
given  for  the  arrangement  was  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  nation. 

32  The  protest  was  dated  at  Mexico  Dec.  28,  1864,  and  communicated  to 
England,  France,  Belgium,  and  Austria.  Leopold  objected,  and  the  Mexican 
minister  at  Vienna,  Murphy,  refused  to  communicate  it.  Prince  Metternich 
listened  to  it  merely  confidentially,  and  so  it  was  allowed  to  drop  out  of  sight. 
Zamacois  assumes,  Hist.,  M6j.,  xvii.  755,  that  a  withdrawal  of  the  Austrian 
troops  in  Mexico  might  have  been  one  of  Francis  Joseph's  retaliative  steps. 


180  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

So  passed  the  twelvemonth,  amidst  alternate  hopes 
and  fears.  French  successes  in  Oajaca  and  in  the 
northern  provinces  rendered  the  outlook  in  the  spring 
so  glowing  that  Bazaine  spoke  as  if  the  war  was  prac 
tically  over.  With  Maximilian  the  illusion  seemed 
to  be  impressed  by  the  enthusiastic  reception  accorded 
him  during  a  tour  from  April  into  June  eastward, 
through  Tlascala  and  Puebla  to  Jalapa,33  districts 
blessed  for  a  long  time  with  comparative  peace,  and 
therefore  more  ready  to  yield  to  exhilarating  inter 
course  with  rare  royalty.  Even  greater  demonstra 
tions  were  evoked  by  the  later  visit  of  Charlotte 
through  Vera  Cruz  to  Yucatan,34  as  might  be  ex 
pected  from  Mexican  gallantry.  France  caught  the 
infection,  and  subscribed  eagerly  for  the  new  Mexican 
loan  issued  in  April,  under  the  guarantee  implied  by 
Rouher's  utterance  that  the  French  army  should  not 
return  till  it  had  triumphantly  accomplished  its  task.35 
This  was  supported  by  a  letter  from  Napoleon  to 
Bazaine,  authorizing  him  to  retain  all  his  troops,  con 
trary  to  the  agreement  formed  at  Miramare,  and  to 
the  statements  made  before  French  representatives.38 

These  hopes  and  assurances  were  to  be  shaken  by 
the  decisive  federal  victories  in  the  north,  which  left 
the  United  States  at  liberty  to  look  freely  into 
French  aims  and  operations  in  Mexico,  and  to  specu 
late  upon  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  impelled 
by  a  natural  sympathy  for  the  republican  cause,  and 

83  He  lingered  in  the  Orizaba  district,  and  reached  Jalapa  on  May  25th, 
exhibiting  himself  freely  and  frequently  in  a  ranchero  dress,  to  which  staid 
men  naturally  objected.  The  demonstration,  on  returning  to  Mexico,  is 
said,  however,  to  have  come  from  official  sources  rather  than  from  the  peo 
ple.  'Lo  manifest6  (Charlotte)  con  gran  sentimiento  en  carta  a  una  Seflora  de 
Bruselas,'  says  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  316.  Full  reports  of  the  trip  may  be 
found  in  Diario  Imp.,  April  19,  1865,  and  following  numbers.  Rivera,  Hist. 
Jal.,  v.  639-47,  giving  special  attention  to  ceremonies  in  Vera  Cruz,  while  in 
Max.,  Alocuciones,  86,  etc.,  are  given  speeches  for  the  occasion.  Maximilian 
took  care  to  have  the  enthusiasm  reported  abroad. 

84 In  Nov.  and  Dec.,  as  described  in  Diario  Imp.,  Nov.  6,  1865,  etc.  Spe 
cial  accounts  of  local  demonstrations  are  given  in  such  brochures  as  Carlota, 
En  Vera  Cruz,  1-28. 

85 'Ne  doitrevenir.'  Session  of  French  chambers,  April  10,  1865. 

86  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  129  et  seq. 


THE  UNITED  STATES.  181 

sustained  by  a  host  of  trained  soldiers.  Notwith 
standing  the  popular  pressure,  headed  by  Grant  and 
his  party,  who  clamored  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  doc 
trine  to  the  letter,  and  the  immediate  withdrawal  of 
French  troops,37  the  United  States  government  wished 
by  no  means  to  rush  into  another  war,  and  swell  its 
enormous  debt.  It  even  endeavored  to  maintain  a 
fair  neutrality  toward  both  of  the  contending  parties, 
although  officials  did  manage  to  favor  the  Juarists 
somewhat.88 

Encouraged  by  this  attitude,  Maximilian  ventured 
to  write  to  President  Johnson,  only  to  find  both  his 
letter  and  envoy  ignored.89  In  August,  in  connection 
with  the  Gwin  colonization  scheme,  the  American 
minister  at  Paris  declared  in  an  official  note  that  the 
American  people  sympathized  warmly  with  the  re 
publicans  of  Mexico,  and  looked  impatiently  on  a  con 
tinuance  of  French  intervention.  The  French  reply, 
while  somewhat  haughty,  was  reassuring ;  and  in  pur 
suance  thereof,  an  effort  was  made  two  months  later 
for  a  recognition  at  Washington  of  the  empire,  with 
a  promise  that  this  would  hasten  the  departure  of 
French  troops.  The  United  States  refused,  and,  en 
couraged  by  the  deferential  tone  of  the  notes  from 
Paris,  they  assumed  so  hostile  an  attitude  that  the 
prospect  of  a  rupture  seemed  to  many  inevitable.40 

37  The  feeling  is  fully  presented  in  the  American  journals,  and  in  allusion 
to  public  speeches,  as  at  the  banquet  given  to  the  Juarist  minister  by  men 
like  George  Bancroft,  Dudley  Field,  and  Fish,  as  reported  in  Romero,  Ban- 
quete,  1-32. 

88  Although  the  French  consul  at  San  Francisco  induced  the  U.  S.  war 
steamer  Shubrick  to  overtake  and  bring  back  the  Brontes,  which  had  left  Sail 
Francisco  in  March  1865  with  several  hundred  volunteers  and  several  thou 
sand  rifles,  the  same  effects  were  allowed  to  reach  Juarez  by  another  route. 
Vega,  Deptfsito,  MS.;  Id.,  Ausiliares;  and  Vega,  Docs,  ii.-iiL,  passim.  Sim 
ilar  shipments  were  becoming  more  frequent  across  the  frontier,  as  the  atti 
tude  of  the  government  grew  more  hostile  toward  France.  See  also  Mex. 
A/airs,  ii.  8,  etc.,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  Vega  enumerates  three  shipments  by 
sea  from  California  during  the  summer,  Vega,  Docs,  ii.  479-80,  and  15,000 
rifles  with  ammunition  to  the  Colorado.  Id.,  iii.  73-4.  Imperialists  were 
naturally  treated  strictly. 

39Eloin  went  to  Europe  to  save  appearances  after  failing  to  obtain  recog 
nition  for  his  government  at  Washington,  observes  Iglesias,  Interv.,  386,  441. 

^The  continual  defeats  of  the  Juarists,  their  fugitive  government,  and 
lack  of  means,  were  vainly  pointed  out  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  legality 


182  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

During  the  progress  of  these  humiliating  negotiations 
the  imperialists  were  racked  by  serious  forebodings. 
In  the  middle  of  1865,  already  an  ominous  gathering 
of  troops  and  vessels  in  Texas  and  along  the  Hio 
Bravo  induced  Bazaine  to  concentrate  most  of  his 
men  in  the  northern  provinces,  to  the  neglect  of 
provinces  below,  like  Michoacan  and  Guanajuato. 
The  result  was  a  revival  of  republican  operations  in 
these  regions,  which  only  too  plainly  showed  that  the 
empire  rested  wholly  on  French  bayonets.41  It  could 
not  be  denied  that  the  intelligent  and  active  Mexicans 
were  nearly  all  imbued  with  republican  ideas.  A 
large  proportion  had  listened  for  a  while  to  the  prom 
ises  held  out  by  a  party  in  behalf  of  a  strong  central 
government  under  a  permanent  head;  but  these  prov 
ing  weak  and  illusive,  national  jealousy  and  impatience 
hastened  the  return  to  former  principles.  As  for  the 
Indians,  they  looked  on  with  passive  indifference. 

Notwithstanding  the  eagerness  for  office,  more  than 
one  of  the  prefects  preferred  to  resign  rather  than 
occupy  an  equivocal  position,  unable  as  they  were  to 
carry  out  measures  or  to  enforce  order  with  the  scanty 
troops  at  their  command.42  Their  representations  re 
called  to  Maximilian  the  warnings  uttered  already  at 
Miramare,43  and  in  a  series  of  alarming  letters  he  him 
self  depicted  the  situation  in  sombre  colors,  blaming 
Bazaine  as  the  cause,  and  declaring  him  responsible.44 

of  the  stronger  imperial  party.  Even  the  doubtful  conduct  of  Juarez  in  re 
taining  the  presidency  after  his  term  expired  in  November  did  not  impair  his 
standing  with  the  states. 

41  Charged  by  Drouin  de  Lhuys  to  report  on  the  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico, 
Domenech  wrote  in  effect  throughout  the  year:  '  J'ai  trouve"  le  Mexique  sur 
un  volcan,  I'empereur  et  1'empire  use's,  1'insurrection  triomphante,  partout  ou 
les  Fran^ais  ne  sont  pas  en  grand  nombre.'  Hist.  Hex.,  iii.  210.     But  he  waa 
not  believed;  certainly  not  at  first.  See  also  Uericault,  Max.,  28-34. 

42  Prefect  Moral  of  Michoacan,  a  most  worthy  and  respected  man,  resigned 
four  times  without  being  allowed  to  leave.     Some  of  his  letters  are  very  blunt. 
See  Domenech,  iii.  223-4.     He  also  objected  to  the  stringent  measures  which 
to  the  French  seemed  more  indispensable  the  smaller  their  forces  became. 

43  Notably  by  Teran,  whose  character  as  Juarez'  agent  caused  him  to  be 
disregarded. 

44  'La  ville de Morelia est entoure"e  d'ennemis;  Acapulco est perdu . . . Oajaca 
est  presque  de"garni;  San  Luis  Potosi  est  en  danger. .  .On  a  perdu  un  tempa 
prdcieux,  on  a  ruine"  le  tr^sor  public,  on  a  dbranle  la  con  fiance,  et  tout  cela 
parcc  qu'on  a  fait  croire  a  Paris. que  la  guerre  est  glorieusement  finie.'  Letter 


DECREE  AGAINST  GUERRILLEROS.  183 

Yet  at  this  very  time  he  had  given  the  marshal,  as  he 
now  ranked,  a  beautiful  palace  on  the  occasion  of  his 
marriage  with  a  Mexican.45  Regarding  the  French 
as  the  only  reliable  and  efficient  support,  he  continued 
to  ask  Napoleon  for  more  troops,  intimating  that  he 
preferred  Douay  for  chief.  Meanwhile  he  proposed 
to  remedy  the  lack  of  soldiers  with  terrorism.  Taking 
advantage  of  recent  successes  in  the  north,  and  the 
mere  rumor  that  Juarez  had  actually  fled  from  Mexi 
can  soil,46  he  declared  in  a  manifest  of  October  2d  that 
the  president  having  left  the  territory,  a  legal  pre 
tence  no  longer  existed  for  continuing  to  war  against 
the  empire,  and  guerrilla  bands  would  henceforth  be 
regarded  as  malefactors,  and  subjected  to  the  extreme 
severity  of  the  law.47  To  this  effect  was  issued  on  the 
following  day  that  much-abused  decree  of  Maximilian, 
ordering  the  trial  by  court-martial  and  execution  with 
in  twenty-four  hours  of  any  member  of  such  bands, 
or  abettors  thereof,  the  trial  and  sentence  to  be  car 
ried  out  by  the  officer  who  captured  them.48  Even 
those  who  secreted  guerrillas,  or  withheld  information 
and  aid  against  them,  were  to  be  imprisoned  or  fined.49 

of  June  29th.  Again  on  July  18th:  '  Je  parle  de  ces  hauts  fonctionnaires  qui 
ddpensent  1'argent  et  le  sang  du  Mexique  inutilement,  qui  font  toutes  les  in 
trigues,'  etc.  See  Niox,  Exped.  du,  Hex.,  488-91. 

46  A  grand-daughter  of  Azcarate,  the  regidor  of  1808.  The  palace  of  Buena 
Vista,  with  gardens  and  furniture,  was  given  as  a  dowry  to  her,  to  be  re 
deemed  by  the  government  with  $100,000  in  case  she  left  Mexico,  or  preferred 
not  to  keep  it.  Mexicans  were  naturally  surprised  at  this  liberal  bestowal  of 
national  property,  and  to  one  declared  so  unworthy.  Zamacois,  Hist.  M4j., 
xvii.  1125-7;  La  Voz  de  Mtj.,  July  8,  1881.  Bazaine  is  depicted  as  hypocriti 
cal  and  avaricious  in  Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil.  Imp.  Franc. ,  20.  In  Payno,  Cueutas, 
382-3,  699,  etc. ,  is  given  a  list  of  expenses  incurred  by  and  for  French  officers. 
Both  Woll  and  Eloin  had  gone  to  Europe  to  obtain  the  removal  of  Bazaine, 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  268,  301-2,  in  favor  of  Douay.  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Hex., 
483. 

46  Juarez  would  in  such  a  case  have  been  replaced  by  another  leader,  so 
that  the  republican  government  still  remained. 

47  The  manifest  begins:  'La  causa  que  con  tanto  valor  y  constancia  sostuvo 
Don  Benito  Juarez ' — a  phrase  by  no  means  to  the  liking  of  either  Napoleon 
or  other  opponents. 

48  The  only  exemptions  were  persons  who  accidentally,  or  by  force,  hap 
pened  to  be  with  the  bands.     No  regard  was  to  be  paid  to  the  size  of  the  band 
or  the  rank  of  the  prisoner,  so  that  a  lieutenant  might  judge  and  execute  a 


49  All  persons  between  the  ages  of  18  and  55  must  aid  in  defending  their 
town  or  estate  under  a  penalty.     Authorities  who  failed  to  prosecute  such 


184  IMPEEIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

Decrees  fully  as  severe  had  frequently  appeared  in 
the  course  of  Mexican  revolutions60 — instance  only 
that  by  Juarez  in  January  1862 — so  that  this  pre 
sented  nothing  very  unusual.  Unfortunately  it  was 
directed  by  a  foreigner;  and  striking  the  national 
jealousy,  as  well  as  a  rapidly  growing  sympathy 
among  all  classes,  it  was  to  rebound  upon  the  author, 
to  frame  his  own  sentence.  Maximilian's  character 
was  by  no  means  cruel;51  and  in  yielding  here  to  what 
lay  presented  as  an  absolute  necessity,  he  intended 
rather  to  convey  a  menace,  as  proved  by  more  than 
one  circumstance.52 

delinquents  were  to  be  fined.     All  who  surrendered  before  Nov.  15th  received 
pardon. 

60  As  shown  in  the  preceding  volume.  Domenech  brings  together  several 
instances,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  332-5,  including  the  so-called  mortuary  law  of  Jan. 
25,  1862.  Orders  for  reprisals  had  been  frequently  issued  before  this  by 
Juarists,  to  be  carried  ou  t  with  bitter  barbarity.  Alluding  to  Gov.  Escobedo's 
campaign  in  April  in  the  north-eastern  states,  Castro  reports  calmly  that  he 
executed  all  prisoners  '  paraejercerasi  el  derechode  retorsion.'  La Estrella de 
Occid.,  July  7,  1865. 

81  Liberal  journals  had  actually  ridiculed  his  aversion  for  war  and  his 
ready  leniency. 

52  Such  as  the  modified  decree  of  March  4th.  The  previous  decrees  of 
1863-4  for  treating  guerrillas  as  robbers,  and  extending  courts- martial,  were 
little  less  sevpre,  and  could  have  been  reaffirmed  or  applied.  In  fact,  this 
would  have  been  a  better  step.  Further,  Maximilian  himself  disapproved  of  a 
number  of  executions  made  in  accordance  with  the  decree,  and  gave  orders 
to  spare  honorable  soldiers,  issuing  on  Nov.  4th  a  modified  order  to  pass  sen 
tence  of  death  only  on  leaders  of  armed  bands,  the  rest  being  consigned  to 
impr'sonment,  unless  convicted  of  violence  and  robbery  of  person.  Courts- 
martial  were  also  restricted.  Lefevre,  Doc.,  ii.  290-3,  seeks  to  distort  the 
leniency  of  this  decree.  Rivera,  the  republican  champion,  is  ready  among 
others  to  regard  the  law  rather  as  a  menace,  and  to  clear  Maximilian  of  cruel 
intention.  Hist.  Jal.,  v.  658-9.  The  execution  of  General  Arteaga  and  others 
in  Michoacan  was  rather  a  retaliation  by  the  commander  there,  notwithstand 
ing  the  coloring  applied  in  Legation  Mex.,  Circul.,  ii.  213-15,  and  which  as 
sisted  to  stir  the  U.  S.  to  remonstrance.  See  U.  8.  Sen.  Doc.  5,  39th  Cong. 
1st  Sess.,  Chandler  and  Nye,  Speeches,  1-8.  Napoleon,  while  expressing  his 
dissatisfaction  with  the  decree,  replied  to  the  remonstrance  that  he  was  not 
responsible  for  Maximilian  or  his  acts.  LejSvre,  Doc.,  ii.  270-1;  Legac.  Mex., 
ii.  210-12.  Ke"ratry  seeks  to  absolve  Bazaine  from  connection  with  the 
decree,  which  he  calls  4the  suicide  of  the  monarchy,'  Max.,  82-4;  but  the 
marshal  issued  on  Oct.  llth  a  circular  urging  upon  his  officers  the  fulfilment 
of  the  decree,  and  that  no  quarter  should  be  given.  Maximilian  claimed  later, 
at  his  trial,  that  Bazaine  not  only  added  clauses  to  the  decree,  but  actually  sug 
gested  it,  the  ministry  approving.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal. ,  v.  660-3.  In  L<jfSvre, 
Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  266,  285-6,  is  given  a  list  of  sentences  passed  during 
the  closing  months,  under  the  decree.  The  Belgians  joined  in  protest 
ing  against  it.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  June  5,  1866;  Iglesias,  Interv.,  iii.  506-12. 
McSherry,  Essays,  36-8,  objects  to  the  undeserved  censure  roused  against 
Maximilian.  Flint,  Mex.  under  Max.,  115,  merely  observes  that  the  decree 
had  an  excellent  effect.  Arrangoiz  attributes  *  esta  impolitica  y  bdrbara  ley ' 


AFFAIRS  IN  MICHOACAN.  185 

Maximilian's  severe  decree  was  prompted  as  well  as 
felt  especially  in  Michoacan,  which,  owing  to  its  fa 
vorable  geographic  features,  with  rich  valleys,  moun 
tain  fastnesses,  and  approachable  sea-coast,  formed  a 
good  field  for  guerrillas.  They  held  forth  in  the  south 
and  west,  under  Regules,  Pueblita,  Salazar,  Riva 
Palacio,  and  others;  the  last  named  now  appointed 
governor  by  Arteaga,  who,  after  his  defeat  in  Jalisco, 
continued  here  to  wield  the  supreme  command.  The 
first  important  action  of  the  year  1865  was  the  de 
feat,  with  great  slaughter,  of  the  leader  Romero,  at 
Apatzingan,  by  Colonel  Potier,63  for  which  Salazar 
obtained  revenge  at  Los  Reyes.5*  After  this  a  re- 
enforcement  from  Douay's  forces  assisted  in  making  a 
partial  sweep  of  the  territory,  but  this  advantage  was 
lost  by  its  withdrawal  to  the  north,  and  Arteaga  oc 
cupied  the  region  of  Tacdmbaro,  Ugalde  and  Valdes 
captured  Zitdcuaro,56  and  Regules  approached  the 
frontiers  of  Guanajuato  with  a  force  of  about  2,000 
men.  Finding  himself  checked  here,  the  latter  has 
tened  back  and  surprised,  April  llth,  the  town  of 
Tacdmbaro,  forcing  the  Belgian  and  Mexican  garrison 
to  capitulate,  after  sustaining  a  heavy  loss.56  He 
thereupon  advanced  by  a  western  circuit  against  Mo- 
relia,57  but  was  overtaken  and  routed  at  ELuaniqueo 
by  Potier.58  f 

to  foreign  advisers,  M€j.,  iv.  22;  Domenech,  not  without  reason,  stamps  the 
outcry  abroad  against  the  decree  as  absurd  and  based  on  ignorance  of  Mexican 
traits  and  requirements,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  335-6;  and  so  forth. 

53  On  January  31st,  with  a  loss  of  200  killed  and  160  prisoners,  including 
Romero,  who,  with  two  comrades,  was  executed  for  brigandage. 

64  Including  the  capture  of  a  foreign  officer.  The  Estrella  de  Occid.,  19th 
May,  1865,  places  the  republican  victory  at  400,  against  700  French  and 
'traitors.' 

55  This  was  retaken  by  Mendez,  but  besieged  and  again  abandoned  in  April 
by  the  Belgian  and  Mexican  garrison  of  300  men. 

56  Including  Chazal,  a  son  of  the  Belgian  minister  of  war,  and  the  com 
mandant,  Tydgadt,  who  died  of  his  wounds.     Arrangoiz,  M6j.t  iii.  282,  places 
the  prisoners  at  350,  Niox  at  210.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  508.    The  loss  created  great 
excitement  in  Belgium,  where  several  journals  came  out  in  denunciation  of  the 
sale  of  soldiers  to  be  slaughtered  in  behalf  of  a  usurper.  Iglesias,  Revistas, 
iii.  422-4.     On  the  way  to  Tacambaro,  Rdgules  took  Cuitzeo  with  its  garri 
son  of  150  Mexicans.  La  Estrdla  de,  Occid.,  July  28,  1865. 

57After  failing  to  take  Uruapan. 

58  Who  had  replaced  Preuil  as  chief  in  this  province.    The  victory  was  for 


186  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

After  several  alternate  successes,69  including  the 
capture  of  Uruapan  by  Arteaga,  the  entire  French 
force  was  called  northward,  leaving  only  Belgians  to 
aid  the  Mexican  garrisons,  Pdtzcuaro,  Morelia,  and 
Tacd/mbaro  being  the  only  permanent  stations  occu 
pied.  Arteaga  advancing  against  the  last-named 
town  in  July  with  nearly  3,000  men,  Lieutenant-col 
onel  Van  der  Smissen  boldly  attacked  him  with  less 
than  1,000  allies,  and  achieved  so  decided  a  triumph 
as  to  cripple  the  Juarist  general  for  some  time.60  The 
credit  assumed  for  the  Belgians  in  this  and  other  en 
counters  led  to  such  discord  with  the  Mexicans61  that 
the  former  had  to  be  withdrawn.  Colonel  Mendez, 
now  chief  in  command,  displayed  great  activity,  and 
the  republican  nucleus  having  reappeared  near  Urua 
pan  in  October  with  about  1,000  men,  he  went  in 
pursuit  and  obtained  a  signal  victory  at  Amatlan, 
capturing  400  men,  including  the  generals  Arteaga 
and  Salazar.62  Maximilian's  brigandage  decree  hav 
ing  just  appeared,  Mendez  availed  himself  of  this  to 
promptly  execute  the  two  generals  and  three  colonels, 
an  act  which  created  an  outcry  throughout  the  coun 
try,  for  the  comrnander-m-chief  of  the  republican 

a  time  in  doubt.     Darkness  prevented  the  pursuit  of  the  republicans,  who 
were  said  to  have  lost  500  men.     Iglesias  does  not  admit  so  severe  a  defeat. 

59  The  republicans  shot  Col  Lemus,  the  commandant,  and  sub-prefect  Paz. 
At  the  same  time  Pueblita  gained  an  advantage  at  Los  Reyes,  and  thereupon 
entered  Uruapan.     Col  Clinchant  came  up  and  drove  away  his  force,  killing 
this  famous  leader,  the  latter  '  vendiendo  cara  su  vida.'  Iglesias,  Revistas,  iii. 
458;  Bol  Rep.,  July  5,  1867- 

60  The  united  Belgians  and  Mexicans  were  placed  at  850  men,  and  the  re 
publican  losses  at  300  killed,  and  6  cannon  and  165  prisoners  taken.     The 
allies  suffered  so  severely  as  to  retire  to  Morelia  for  recuperation.  Niox,  Ex- 
ped  du  Mex.t  508.     Iglesias  insists  that  only  a  part  of  the  republican  force 
was  engaged;  2,500  escaped.  Revistas,  iii.  458;  Diario  Imp.,  Aug.  11,  1865. 
The  empress  felt  flattered  at  so  great  a  victory  by  her  compatriots.     With  her 
French  descent  she  took  the-  next  deepest  interest  in  the  'pantalons  rouges.' 
*  Tout  regiment  francais  me  cause  un  battement  de  coeur, '  she  writes;  '  mais 
. .  .que  suis-je  pour  ces  hommes-la  qui  me  sout  toutl'  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.t 
iii.  321. 

61  Neither  of  the  leaders  choosing  to  submit  to  the  other,  the  Mexican 
claiming  superiority  of  rank,  the  Belgian  of  nobility,  etc. 

62  Vega,  Ausiliares,  MS.,  reduces  the  Juarists  to  400  men.    Vega,  Docs,  pt 
24.     Mendez  had  300  cavalry  and  400  infantry.     The  battle  took  place  on 
Oct.  12th.  Diario  Imp.,  Aug.  11,  1865. 


DEATH  OF  ARTEAGA  AND  SALAZAB.        187 

% 

army  of  the  centre  could  by  no  means  be  counted  a 
brigand.63 

63  Petitions  in  his  behalf  were  disregarded.  The  real  reason  was  retalia 
tion  for  the  shooting  by  Arteaga  in  June  at  Uruapan  of  the  commandant  and 
prefect,  as  Rivera  also  admits.  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  658-9.  The  three  colonels 
who  suffered  with  him  and  Salazar  were  Diaz  Paracho,  Villa  Gomez,  and 
Father  Mina.  Iglesias,  iii.  510.  Another  account  calls  the  latter  Gonzalez. 
The  other  twoscore  and  odd  officers  were  spared,  thus  proving  that  Mendez 
was  not  actuated  by  cruelty,  nor  seeking  to  enforce  the  brigand  law.  Honors 
were  afterward  conferred  on  Arteaga's  name,  and  steps  taken  to  erect  a  monu 
ment  to  the  victims.  Diario  Deb.,  9th  Cong.,  iii.  212-14.  Queretaro  adopted 
his  daughters,  and  added  his  name  to  that  of  the  state.  Monit.  Rep.,  Nov.  2, 
1872;  Mich.,  Doc.,  no.  74.  R<§gules  might  have  retaliated  on  his  Tacambaro 
prisoners,  but  preferred  to  exchange  them,  not  with  the  imperial  government, 
but  with  the  French.  See  also  Legac.  Mex.,  Circul.,  ii.  213-15;  Pap.  y  Corr. 
Fam'd.  Imp.,  129-33,-  144-5;  Vega,  Docs,  pt24;  Perez,  Dice.,  i.  168-9 j  La  Vo* 
de  Mej.,  Diar.  Imp.,  and  other  journals  of  the  day. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 
1865-1866. 

CAPITULATION     OF     OAJACA — ARMY     MOVEMENTS  —  BATTLES    AND     SlEGES  — 

WAS,  MEASURES — PRESIDENTIAL  TERM — NEW  REPUBLICAN  PLAN  or 
CAMPAIGN — SYMPATHY  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES — NAPOLEON  RECOGNIZES 
HIS  FAILURE — THE  UNITED  STATES  DEMAND  HIS  WITHDRAWAL — 
MAXIMILIAN  OVERWHELMED — CHARLOTTE  VISITS  EUROPE — SHE  PLEADS 
IN  VAIN  WITH  NAPOLEON — THEN  SEEKS  CONSOLATION  AT  ROME — HER 
SAD  FATE. 

THE  extensive  provinces  south  of  Puebla  had  in  the 
middle  of  1864  been  abandoned  to  the  indefatigable 
Diaz  and  his  allies;  but  their  wealth  and  proximity  to 
the  capital  induced  the  imperialists  to  make  in  this 
direction  an  advance  corresponding  to  that  in  the 
north.  Extensive  preparations  were  accordingly  un 
dertaken,  and  toward  the  close  of  the  year  General 
Courtois  d'Hurbal  entered  by  way  of  Yanhuitlan, 
other  columns  following  from  Orizaba  and  Mexico.1 
Diaz  had  concentrated  at  Oajaca  his  forces,  consisting 
of  3,000  regulars  and  an  equal  number  of  mountain 
eers,  and  converted  the  town  and  surrounding  heights 
into  fortified  camps,  the  inhabitants  taking  refuge 
elsewhere.2  The  importance  of  overcoming  this  last 

1  By  way  of  Cuernavaca  and  Teotitlan.  Iglesias  assumes  the  total  force 
to  be  7,000  French  and  1,500  'traitors.'  fievistas,  iii.  99. 
'  2The  four  chief  convents  formed  a  sort  of  bastions  at  the  cardinal  points, 
enclosing  a  vast  square,  while  a  double  line  of  barricades  and  fortified  houses 
represented  the  curtains.  Cannon  extended  along  the  terraces,  and  apertures 
had  been  cut  in  every  direction  for  loop-holes  and  communication.  Out 
lying  houses  had  been  razed.  A  fort  on  La  Soledad  hill  commanded  the  town, 
and  intrenchments  covered  every  adjoining  height.  Niox  describes  some  of 
these.  Exped.  duMex.,  447-8.  In  view  of  the  extensive  and  determined  prep 
arations  of  the  French,  Diaz'  policy  has  been  questioned  in  thus  passively 

(188) 


OAJACA  CAMPAIGN. 


189 


formidable  army  of  the  republican  decided  Bazaine  to 
undertake  the  task  in  person,8  and  with  his  usual 
caution  he  took  every  measure  to  insure  success, 
regardless  of  cost.  Indians  were  employed  by  the 


GLJLJGUL.GLGG 

BHEimLGUpr 


PLAN  OP  OAJACA  CITY. 


1.  Cathedral. 

2.  Santo  Domingo  Convent. 

3.  Palace. 

4.  Plaza. 


6.  El  Institute  College. 

6.  Mint. 

7.  Town  Hall. 

8.  Monte  Alban  Ruins. 


awaiting  them  at  this  place  and  ruining  it  with  comparatively  useless  works  of 
defence,  instead  of  harassing  them  along  the  difficult  route  and  prolonging 
resistance  by  skirmishing  operations.  It  is  easy  to  criticise,  however,  after 
the  occurrence. 

3Arrangoiz  assumes  that  the  popular  Brincourt,  who  formerly  commanded 
the  southern  operations,  had  been  removed  through  the  jealousy  of  Bazaine, 
'no  se  queria  dejar  que  aumentara  su  prestigio.'  Mej.,  iii.  269.  The  appar 
ent  reason  was  a  lack  of  success,  due,  however,  to  insufficiency  of  troops. 


190  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

thousands  to  convey  siege  material  and  supplies,  and 
to  throw  up  works  round  the  city,  which  from  the 
middle  of  January  was  so  closely  invested  that  a  re- 
enforcement  under  Felix  Diaz  failed  to  gain  entrance.4 
The  besieging  force  now  numbered  fully  7,000  men 
with  twenty-six  large  pieces  of  artillery.6 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1865,  firing  began  in  ear 
nest,  and  an  assault  was  ordered  for  the  9th.  Diaz, 
who  had  remained  comparatively  inactive,  owing  to  a 
panic  which  had  seized  his  men  on  account  of  the 
prestige  and  strength  of  the  French  troops,  found  that 
this  fear  had  led  to  wholesale  desertion,  and  would 
render  effective  resistance  vain.  To  save  useless 
bloodshed,  he  accordingly  listened  to  the  final  sum 
mons  and  surrendered  unconditionally.6  Most  of  the 
men  were  set  free  or  incorporated  with  the  imperial 
troops,  the  rest  being  sent  with  Diaz  and  other  offi 
cers  to  Puebla.7  On  his  return,  Bazaine  learned  that 
Tehuantepec  had  also  been  added  to  the  empire.  Thus 
ended  an  important  but  also  enormously  costly  expe 
dition.8 

*  Niox  asserts  that  both  Indians  and  well-to-do  planters  eagerly  welcomed 
the  French,  tired  of  republican  exactions.  The  laborers  were  paid.  Ubi  sup. 
Felix  Diaz,  commanding  700  cavalry,  had  left  his  brother  shortly  before  on 
an  expedition. 

6  Bazaine's  men  numbered  6,000.  The  rest  were  Mexicans.  Diaz  makes 
the  number  16,000. 

6  With  4,000  men  and  60  cannon,  says  Niox,  while  Diaz  explains  his  mis 
fortune  by  stating  that  the  3,000  with  which  he  began  the  defence  had  dimin 
ished  to  400.  Biog.,  MS.,  204,  209.     He  does  not  allude  to  the  irregulars. 
Iglesias  states  that  Diaz  prepared  to  cut  his  way  through;  but  while  attempt 
ing  personally  to  entertain  Bazaine  with  pretended  arrangements  for  surren 
der,  he  was  detained  as  an  escaped  prisoner,  having  been  captured  when  the 
French  took  Puebla.  Revistas,  iii.  404.     But  this  Diaz  does  not  admit.     See 
also  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  v.  631-2;  Manero,  Rel.,  1-2;  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  74-6. 

7  Diaz  states  that  he  had  never  given  his  parole,  as  some  declare.  Biog., 
MS.,  210-11,  213.     He  regretted  that  so  many  of  his  companions  did  so. 
Vega,  Docs,  iii.  54-5. 

8 '  Du  ler  juillet  1864  jusqu'an  ler  mai  1865,  on  ddpensa  en  transports  pour 
les  expeditions  sur  Oajaca,  1,866,000  francs.'  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  450. 
'Au  point  de  vue  financier,'  says  Domenech,  'ce  sie"ge  fut  ddsastreux.'  Hint. 
Mex. ,  iii.  283.  He  enters  into  details  on  road-making,  transport,  etc. ,  and 
asserts  that  Brincourt  would  have  effected  the  subjugation  of  fthe  whole  re 
gion  long  before  at  little  cost,  had  the  jealous  Bazaine  not  withdrawn  troops 
from  him.  See  also  Payno,  Cuentas,  619,  etc.  Arrangoiz  takes  a  similar 
view.  Loc.  cit.  Further  details  in  Diario  Imp. ,  Dec.  14,  1864,  and  subsequent 
numbers;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  id. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CAUSE. 


191 


General  Mangin  remained  with  some  foreign  and 
Mexican  troops  to  follow  up  the  advantage,  calling 
back  the  inhabitants  of  Oajaca,9  installing  local  author 
ities,  and  organizing  militia  in  Villa  Alta  and  other 
districts.  Felix  Diaz'  followers  melted  away  after 
several  ineffectual  movements.  Figueroa  was  driven 
from  his  retreat  at  Huehuetlan,  and  the  independent 
mountaineers  were  either  watched  or  won  over.  The 
French  being  called  away,  Austrians  took  their  place, 
but  ineffectually,  for  Figueroa  achieved  several  tri 
umphs,  and  other  republicans  rose  in  different  parts 


GlTERRERO. 


to  contend,  with  varying  success,  for  control  in  lower 
Puebla  and  Vera  Cruz;10  while  farther  south  the 
Juarist  cause  remained  supreme,  favored  to  a  great 
extent  by  the  renewed  outbreak  of  race  war  in  Yuca 
tan,  which  distracted  the  small  forces  of  General  Gal- 


vez. 


11 


'  The  emperor  sent  a  considerable  sum  to  assist  them. 

10  As  near  Vera  Cruz  city  as  Rio  Blanco.  Details  in  Diario  Imp. ,  Mar.  18, 
etc.,  1865;  La  Voz  de  Mtj.,  id.;  La  Estrella  de  Oecid.,  id.;  Iglesias,  Hevistas, 
iii.  455-7,  663-72.  'Hoy  Oaxaca  estd  casi  bloqueado,1  states  a  correspondent, 
in  Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil.  Imp.,  150-1;  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  v.  632,  651,  etc.; 
Vega,  Docs,  pt  24. 


missi 


n  The  Indians  had  been  encouraged  by  the  too  friendly  efforts  of  the  com- 
isioner,  Ilarregui,  'que  fuese  desarmada  la  guardia  m6vil.'  Iglesias,  iii. 


192  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

After  a  close  confinement  at  Puebla  of  over  seven 
months,  General  Diaz  escaped12  and  gained  Guerrero, 
where  Alvarez  readily  granted  the  necessary  assist 
ance  to  form  a  new  army.  This  province  had  been 
left  to  the  republicans  after  the  evacuation  of  Aca- 
pulco  in  the  preceding  autumn;  but  the  designs  of 
Santa  Anna  induced  the  imperialists  to  reoccupy  it 
on  the  llth  of  September,  with  the  aid  of  French 
vessels.13  Beyond  this,  however,  no  advance  was 
made,  and  the  nearest  allied  forces  eastward  were 
stationed  in  the  valley  of  Rio  Mescala,u  so  that  the 
opportunity  was  not  unfavorable  for  reviving  the  spirit 
of  patriotism.15 

In  the  central  provinces  of  Mexico,  Queretaro, 
Guanajuato,  and  those  adjoining,  the  patriotic  fire 
was  still  kept  alive,  though  feebly,  and  by  scattered 
guerrillas,  prepared  to  form  the  nuclei  for  larger  up 
risings  at  an  opportune  moment.  In  Jalisco  the  re 
cent  operations  of  Douay's  forces,  culminating  with 
the  defeat  and  death  of  the  redoubtable  Rojas,16  had 
restored  comparative  quiet,  which  the  proximity  of 
large  French  bodies,  and  those  under  Lozada  of  Tepic, 
served  to  insure.17 

280,  393;  Barrdro,  Yuc.,  60,  etc.  See  also  above  journals.  In  June  the 
imperialists  had  taken  the  adjoining  town  of  Jonuta,  in  Tabasco,  with  the  aid 
of  a  gunboat,  but  this  was  their  only  gain  westward.  Pap.  Far.,  civ.,  pt  v. 
39,  etc.;  Niox,  Exped.  du  M ex.,  540-1.  'Ou  pas  un  soldat  fra^ais  n'a  paru,' 
writes  Maximilian  in  1869,  in  alluding  to  Guerrero,  Tabasco,  and  Chiapas. 
Id.,  588. 

12  On  the  night  of  Sept.  20th,  by  means  of  ropes.  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS.,  222; 
Vega,  Docs,  ii.  524.     Evidently  with  the  aid  of  friendly  hands,  to  judge  from 
his  own  statement.     'Se  generalize  la  idea  de  que  por  drden  superior  se  le 
habian  facilitado  los  medios, '  says  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  269,  but  the  term  *6rden 
superior '  is  probably  unwarranted. 

13  Four  hundred  Mexicans  from  Manzanillo,  under  Montenegro,  forming  the 
garrison.  Vega,  Ausiliares,  MS.;    Vega.  Docs,  pt  24.     The  inhabitants  nearly 
all  left  the  place.     Niox  mentions  Aug.  llth  as  the  date,  and  Gen.  Oronoz  as 
commandant. 

14  Under  Pena,  who  had  succeeded  Vicario. 

15  Fever  proved  another  check  to  the  imperialists  at  Acapulco,  as  it  had  to 
many  of  their  expeditions  on  this  lower  coast.  Iglesias,  Revistas,  iii.  677. 

16  Jan.  28th,  at  Potrerillos.     He  fell,  together  with  60  of  his  men,  and  loss 
of  500  horses.     Antonio  Hojas  left  an  unenviable  record  for  cruelty,  which  in 
1858  had  caused  him  to  be  outlawed  by  his  chief  to  save  appearances. 

17  Eclieagaray,  for  a  time  commander-in-chief  of  the  central  army,  Romulo 
del  Valle,  Solis,  Neri,  and  other  republicans  now  gave  in  their  allegiance. 


IN  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


193 


The  necessity  for  following  up  the  advantage  gained 
by  the  occupation  of  Mazatlan  caused  the  transfer,  in 
January  1865,  of  Castagny  with  nearly  3,000  men 


DURANGO   AND   SlNALOA. 


Nevertheless,  some  movements  took  place  at  intervals,  especially  along  the 
Sinaloa  border.  Son.,  BoL  OJic.,  May  9,  1865;  La  Voz  de  Mtj.,  July  13,  Dec. 
30,  1865;  Diario  Imp.,  May  8,  Oct.  24,  1865;  Gonzalez,  Hist.  Aguascol.^  337 
et  seq. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    13 


194  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

from  Durango  to  this  port.  Severe  and  determined 
in  disposition,  this  general  retaliated  both  on  the  life 
and  property  of  republicans  for  their  hostility,  mainly, 
however,  with  a  view  of  terrifying  them  into  submis 
sion.18  General  Corona  and  his  followers  did  the  same, 
and  a  regular  war  of  extermination  ensued.  Favored 
by  the  nature  of  the  country,  the  guerrillas  generally 
managed  to  avoid  serious  encounters,  while  inflicting 
no  little  mischief  and  annoyance  by  their  flying  move 
ments  to  the  walls  of  Mazatlan.  Lozada  had  to  be 
summoned  to  assist  in  the  pursuit,  and  in  April  he 
succeeded  in  routing  the  republican  main  body  near 
Rosario.  The  reverses  suffered  by  the  republicans 
compelled  Corona  to  take  the  rest  of  his  army  to  the 
northern  part  of  the  state,  whence  he  went  into  Du 
rango,  but  was  back  in  five  months  and  opened  a  suc 
cessful  campaign  against  the  French,  defeating  them 
in  Palos  Prietos,  where  he  won  a  glorious  victory.19 

The  extolled  mineral  wealth  of  Sonora  had  long 
dazzled  the  eyes  of  Frenchmen,  with  such  results  as  the 
Raousset  de  Boulbon  expedition;  and  strong  influence 
had  been  brought  to  bear  in  France  for  obtaining  a 
cession  of  the  province;  but  the  objections  of  Maxi- 

18  Imperialist  writers  acknowledge  this  severity,  as  instanced  in  burning 
towns  and  estates,  and  executing  partisans  and  prisoners.     See  Zamacoi*, 
Hist.  Mtj.j  xvii.  775-8,  823-4;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  253;  Niox,  Exped.  du 
Mex.,  463-4.     If  they  condemned  such  acts,  we  may  understand  that  repub 
licans  raised  a  cry  of  execration,  as  in  Igleslas  and  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  so 
frequently  quoted;  Legation  Mex.,  CircuL,  ii.  285-8;  Laurent,  Guerre,  191 
et  seq. ;  and  Vigil  y  Hijar,  Ensayo  Hist.,  284,  etc.;  in  which  latter  this  north 
west  campaign  is  fully  related.    Castagny  was  roused  during  the  march  across 
the  coast  range  by  the  severity  inaugurated  really  by  Corona,  who  after  being 
driven  from  a  stronghold  at  Espinazo  del  Diablo  Jan.  1,  1865,  surprised  ten 
days  later  a  garrison  left  at  Veranos  and  executed  all  the  French  prisoners, 
placed  by  Iglesias  at  50.  Revistas,  iii.  158.     Marquez  de  Leon,  Hem.  Post., 
MS.,  243,  condemns  the  act  severely.     Castagny  hastened  back  and  burned 
the  village.     The  numerous  foreign  traders  at  Mazatlaii  and  elsewhere  did 
not  conceal  their  antipathy  for  the  French,  who  had  ruined  a  prosperous  en- 
trepdt  and  supply  trade. 

19  His  letters,  serving  to  defend  both  them  and  himself  against  the  charge 
of   treason    to  the  cause,  are  reproduced  by  Vigil  and  other  authorities. 
Corona  had  a  narrow  escape  from  capture  after  his  defeat.     The  republican 
governorship  of  the  state  had  by  Juarez'  order  been  surrendered  to  Gen.  San 
chez  Ochoa,  and  subsequently  to  Rubi,  by  Resales,  who  was  promised  other 
rewards  for  his  activity;  but  he  fell  soon  after  at  Alamos.  Iglesias,  fievistas, 
iii.  247,  531. 


SINALOA  AND  SONORA.  195 

milian  and  other  circumstances  made  the  project  un 
desirable.  Its  abandonment,  however,  did  not  dimin 
ish  the  allurements  of  the  region,  and  the  Sinaloa 
successes  enabling  Castagny  to  turn  his  attention  to 
the  upper  coast,  his  soldiers  eagerly  entered  upon  the 
expedition.  A  main  object  was  to  deprive  Juarez  of 
Quay  mas,  the  only  valuable  port  left  to  him.  On 
March  29th  the  French  squadron  landed  several  hun 
dred  men  under  Colonel  Gamier,20  Patoni  retiring 
with  the  republican  garrison,  yet  seeking  to  bar  all 
communication  with  the  interior,  supported  on  the 
road  to  Hermosillo  by  the  combined  forces  of  Gov 
ernor  Pesqueira  and  Morales,  numbering  about  3,000 
men.  While  unable  to  effect  much  in  this  direction 
for  a  time,21  Garnier  sent  troops  by  sea  to  Alamos, 
and  managed  to  gain  several  adherents,  notably  among 
the  Yaquis,  Mayos,  and  Opatas,  Tauori,  chief  of  the 
last  named,  joining  at  Guaymas  with  a  large  band.22 
Thus  reenforced,  the  colonel  marched  unmolested  into 
Hermosillo  on  July  29th,  and  a  fortnight  later  into 
Ures,  Pesqueira  falling  back  on  Arizpe.  This  left 
the  main  part  of  the  state  in  the  hands  of  the  impe 
rialists.23 

The  concentration  of  French  forces  at  this  time 
under  Bazaine  left  this  and  the  adjoining  province  of 
Sinaloa  combined  to  the  care  of  only  one  regiment;24 
one  battalion,  under  Colonel  Cotteret,  confining  itself 
almost  exclusively  to  Guaymas;  Hermosillo,  Alamos, 
and  other  points  being  intrusted  to  the  Indian  allies, 
with  varying  success.25  Such  stanch  auxiliaries 

20  Castagny  accompanying  only  for  the  trip.  The  squadron  consisted  of 
the  Lucifer,  d'Assas,  Cordelidre,  and  Pallas. 

'21  An  attempt,  May  22d,  to  surprise  Pesqueira's  blockading  forces  was  only 
partially  successful.  Republicans  seek  to  belittle  the  affair  still  more. 

22  The  fruit  of  encroachments  so  long  perpetrated  by  unscrupulous  gov 
ernors  and  colonists.     Ex-governor  Gandara  is  accused  of  using  his  influence 
with  the  tribes. 

23  *  Perdie"ndose  casi  todo  el  Estado  para  la  causa  nacional, '  laments  Iglesias, 
Hevistas,  iii.  465. 

"The  C2d,  which  relieved  the  51st.  Niox,  Exptd.  du  Mex.,  531. 

25  In  seeking  to  take  Alamos  in  August,  General  Resales  was  defeated  and 
killed.  A  pronunciamiento  at  Hermosillo  was  suppressed  and  the  city  retaken 
by  Prefect  Campillo,  assisted  by  three  French  companies.  An  attack  by  his 


198  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

existed  in  Sinaloa  that  Corona,  who  had  meanwhile 
been  laying  his  plans,  now  resumed  the  campaign  with 
a  vigor  that  soon  reduced  the  French  battalion  in  this 
state  to  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Mazatlan.r 


26 


Farther  eastward,  from  Chihuahua  to  the  gulf  of 
Mexico,  republican  arms  had  met  with  a  similarly 
varied  fortune.  The  growing  success  of  the  federals 
in  the  United  States  created  here  a  corresponding 
glow,  with  the  hope  that  a  portion  of  the  surplus,  or 
needless,  northern  armies  would  soon  lend  their  aid  to 
the  sister  cause.27  As  a  result,  the  victories  of  the 
imperialists  in  this  region  were  less  overwhelming 
among  the  Juarists,  and  the  spring  of  1865  saw  a 
number  of  leaders  in  the  field,  some  menacing  the 
eastern  line  of  Durango,  and  others  organizing  forces 
in  Nuevo  Leon  and  Tamaulipas.  Negrete  so  far 
mustered  the  largest  army,  of  about  2,000,  with  which 
he  in  March  moved  from  the  Rio  Florido  district  into 
Coahuila,  and  took  possession  of  Saltillo  on  April 
9th,23  and  three  days  later  of  Monterey.29 

From  here  he  advanced  against  Matamoros,  joined 
by  Cortina,  who  thought  the  movement  favora'ble  for 
again  changing  sides,30  and  by  Carbajal,  who,  assisted 

son  on  Malape  was  repulsed  by  Gen.  J.  G.  Morales,  who  now  figures  as  re 
publican  governor. 

26  Full  details  concerning  these  operations  are  given  in  my  History  of  the 
North  Mexican  States,  ii.,  based  on  original  documents,  local  reports,  and 
journals,  and  the  works  of  Vigil  y  Hi  jar,  Escudero,  and  others. 

27  This  prospect  was  widely  held  forth,  although  not  alluded  to  in  the  proc 
lamations  of  Juarez  to  his  patriots,  for  which  see  Mex.t  Boletin  Ley.,  1863-7, 
ii.  131-4,  222-5. 

28  The  city  had  been  taken  on  March  29th,  by  Col  Aguirre,  but  the  impe 
rialists  Olvera  and  Lopez  coming  from  Monterey  to  the  rescue,  he  had  to 
abandon  it.     The  republican  governorship  had  passed  from  Galindo  to  A.  S. 
Viesca,  who  before  Vidaurri's  usurpation  had  held  the  office.  Iglesias,  Revis- 
tas,  iii.  204,  244,  288-9. 

29  Abandoned  by  the  imperialists.     The  republicans  claim  to  have  found 
here  62  pieces  of  artillery.     Many  deserters  joined  them.  Peridd.  Ofic.,  and 
La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  May  19,  1865. 

30  It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  he  had  made  the  change  unaided,  April 
1st,  taking  with  him  his  command  of  400  horsemen  and  70  infantry,  and  secur 
ing  a  lot  of  ammunition  buried  at  Matamoros  before  he  gave  allegiance  to  the 
empire.     This  he  claims  to  have  done  by  force,  a  portion  of  his  men  driving 
back,  on  April  llth,  the  imperial  garrison,  while  another  bore  it  off.     His  re 
port,  and  the  thanks  accorded  him,  may  be  found  in  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863- 
7,  ii.  235-8. 


IN  THE  NORTH-EAST.  197 

by  a  band  of  United  States  volunteers,  and  in  con 
junction  with  leaders  like  Naranjo,  had  captured  all 
the  towns  along  the  Rio  Grande,  from  Piedas  Negras 
down.31  Finding  defection  among  his  troops,  General 
Mejia,  who  still  held  the  command  in  this  region,  re 
tired  within  the  walls  of  Matamoros,32  to  await  the 
aid  promised  by  Bazaine.  This  coming  by  sea  in  the 
shape  of  a  foreign  legion,33  Negrete  thought  it  best 
to  turn  back  on  May  2d,  after  a  feeble  demonstration 
for  two  days.3* 

At  the  first  news  of  the  Juarist  movements,  the 
French  commander-in-chief  had  despatched  generals 
Brincourt  and  Neigre  toward  the  Mapimi  border, 
with  a  view  to  check  the  eastward  movement  of  Ne- 
grete.35  Coming  too  late  for  this,36  he  followed  him, 
and  at  the  same  time  Colonel  Jeanningros  advanced 
from  San  Luis  Potosi,37  both  moving  on  Saltillo. 
Negrete  had  reached  the  latter  place  in  the  middle  of 
May,  and  occupied  the  adjoining  pass  of  Angostura 
to  stop  their  approach ;  but  after  a  feeble  skirmish  he 
retired  during  the  night  of  June  6th,38  taking,  with 

31  This  place  had  been  taken  April  23d,  by  Col  Naranjo,  the  imperial  gar 
rison  crossing  the  Rio  Bravo  to  the  confederates,  who  saved  the  greater  num 
ber  by  opening  fire  on  the  pursuing  Juarists.  Iglesias,  iii.  334. 

32  Negrete's  forces  are  placed  by  Zamacois  at  6,000,  with  20  cannon,  Hist. 
M&j.,  xvii.  986,  while  Niox  credits  Mejia  with  3,000  men,  assisted  by  800  lo 
cal  volunteers;  says  a  report  in  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  June  16,  1865,  1,800 
infantry,  300  cavalry,  and  1,000  volunteers. 

33  Of  500  men,  under  De  Brian. 

34Anotlier  probable  reason  for  this  lack  of  spirit  was  the  failure  of  ex 
pected  cooperation  from  the  Texan  side  of  the  river.  In  his  report,  dated  at 
Santa  Rosalia  on  the  same  day,  he  declares  that  evidence  was  obtained  of  co 
operation  against  him  of  confederates,  who  stood  prepared  to  fall  on  his  rear 
in  case  of  an  assault.  M6x.t  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  243. 

35  General  Aymard,  commanding  at  Durangd,  taking  personal  command  of 
the  advance  post  at  Rio  de  Nazas,  so  as  to  render  assistance.    Dupin's  contra- 
guerrillaa  were  ordered  toward  Matehuala  to  aid  the  column  forming  at  San 
Luis  Potosi,  under  Col  Jeanningros.  Niox,  Exped.  duMex.,  469-70.    Dupin, 
recalled  for  his  cruelty,  had  been  replaced  by  Captain  Ney  d'Elchingen. 

36  Not  finding  him  at  Mapimi,  he  turned  to  check  a  guerrilla  inroad  from 
Sinaloa,  by  way  of  Papasquiaro.     This  resulted  in  the  repulse  of  Carbajal, 
who  afterward  came  back  in  company  with  Patoni. 

37  Mejia  had  orders  to  cooperate  from  his  side,  but  the  federal  authorities 
taking  possession  at  this  period  of  Brownsville,  and  manifesting  hostility,  he 
dared  not  leave  Matamoros. 

38  His  forces  are  placed  at  about  4,800  men.     Jeanningros  came  up  May 
31st  with  about  1,500  men,  and  indulged  merely  in  a  skirmish  while  awaiting 
Brincourt.     The  approach  of  the  latter  caused  Negrete  to  withdraw. 


198  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

2,500  of  his  men,  the  route  to  Monclova,  while  Gen 
eral  Escobedo,  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon,39  proceeded 
eastward  to  Galeana,  with  the  remaining  2,000.  The 
French  passed  through  Saltillo  on  the  following  day, 
in  pursuit  of  the  former,  pressing  him  so  closely  that 
his  forces  disbanded  in  flight.40  Thus  the  republican 
main  army  was  again  dissipated,  and  with  it  confi 
dence  in  Negrete,  who  separated  from  Juarez.41 

A  better  record  is  presented  by  the  minor  Juarist 
forces  in  along  the  gulf  coast.  Beginning  in  Janu 
ary  with  the  needless  destruction  of  Linares,  Colonel 
Mendez  had,  after  a  series  of  rapid  movements,  cap 
tured  Ciudad  Victoria  on  April  23d,42  and  Tula  on 
June  4th,  after  which  he  kept  in  check  the  garrison 
of  Tampico,  cutting  off  all  communication  with  San 
Luis  Potosi.  Farther  up,  the  forces  of  Escobedo 
overran  in  several  parties  the  region  between  Linares, 
Burgos,  and  Matehuala,  routing  a  large  convoy  under 
Tijerina  at  Paso  de  las  Cabras  on  Rio  San  Juan,  and 
capturing  Catorce  on  August  21st.43  Matehuala  and 
Cadereita  were  strongly  garrisoned,  but  could  afford 
little  aid  beyond  their  limits,  so  that  flying  bodies  had 
to  sally  from  Queretaro  and  San  Luis  Potosi  to  drive 
back  the  daring  guerrillas.  Cortina  rendering  the 
communication  with  Matamoros  additionally  danger 
ous,  efforts  were  concentrated  to  maintain  that  with 
Tampico,  but  rains  and  fevers  impeded  operations.44 

89  Replacing  Gen.  Hinojosa,  the  former  holder.  J.  M.  Aguilar  figured  at 
the  same  time  as  prefect,  and  F.  Lopez  as  comandante  superior.  La  Estrella 
de  Occid.,  March  17,  May  19,  July  7,  1865. 

40  This  was  effected  mainly  by  Jeanningros,  Brincourt  having  returned  on 
the  route  to  Parras  to  close  this  line  against  him. 

41  His  orders  being  to  call  French  attention  from  Chihuahua,  he  continued 
to  straggle  for  a  while  in  Nuevo  Leon,  with  the  remnant  left  him.     Being 
called  to  account  for  funds  intrusted  to  him,  he  turned  to  labor  for  the  sub 
stitution  of  Ortega  as  president.    Vega,  Auviliares,  MS.,  pt  24,  in  Vega,  Doc*. 

*2After  a  siege  of  over  a  fortnight;  the  garrison  agreeing  to  leave  the  ter 
ritory.  Iglesias  places  the  siege  at  19  days,  ending  April  23d.  Revislas,  iii. 
333. 

"The  latter  feat  was  performed  by  Gen.  Vega,  the  former  by  Espinosa,  in 
connection  with  Canales,  Cerdo,  and  Naranjo,  the  convoy  being  estimated  at 
900  men.  Niox  credits  the  latter  victory  evidently  to  Cortina,  and  gives  the 
loss  at  250  men,  the  party  being  on  the  return  march  from  Cadereita  to 
Matamoros.  Exptd.  du  Mex. ,  5S2. 

**Chopin's  African  battalion  and  the  foreign  legion  at  Matamoros  were 


SIEGE  OR  MATAMOROS. 


199 


The  rainy  season  over,  Escobedo  reunited  his  troops 
and  laid  siege  to  Matamoros  in  October,  with  3,000 
men  and  eleven  cannon.  On  the  25th  a  spirited 
assault  was  made,  but  poorly  sustained,  and  conse 
quently  repulsed.45  Owing  to  the  fear  of  defection 
and  the  active  sympathy  of  the  adjoining  United 
States  forces,  Mejia  feared  to  take  the  offensive 
against  Escobedo;  but  one  of  the  French  vessels  pen 
etrating  up  the  river,  and  further  aid  approaching, 
the  latter  raised  the  siege  on  November  8th.  Both 
Mejia  and  the  French  naval  commander,  Cloue, 


ffy 


MATAMOROS  AND  VICINITY. 

protested  against  the  aid  given  by  United  States 
men  to  the  republicans  in  war  material,  supplies,  and 
hospital  care,  and  above  all,  in  lending  them  soldiers; 
but  the  commandant  at  Clarksville  replied  curtly  that 

brought  to  Tampico  for  the  purpose,  but  fever  reduced  both  rapidly,  the  lat 
ter  losing  half  of  its  men.  They  were  therefore  sent  back.  On  their  way  to 
Tampico,  Mendez  nearly  succeeded,  Sept.  9th,  in  overwhelming  the  convoy 
with  its  invalids. 

*5  It  was  made  in  two  columns  by  Hinojosa  and  Escobedo,  both  achieving 
decided  advantages;  but  being  made  successively  instead  of  simultaneously, 
Mejia  could  direct  his  whole  strength  against  both.  Hinojosa  and  his  second 
in  command,  A.  Garza,  were  wounded.  Iglesias  states  that  the  French 
steamer  Antonio,  came  up  the  river  and  assailed  them  in  the  rear.  Revistast 
iii.  52G.  Mejfa's  sorties  were  repulsed.  See  also  Arias,  Resefta,  33-5. 


200  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

the  men  who  had  joined  the  Juarists  were  no  longer 
in  the  United  States  service.  His  manifest  hostility 
continued,  and  early  in  January  1866  bands  of  negro 
soldiers,  with  Cortina's  name  on  their  caps,  came  over 
and  sacked  Bagdad,  carrying  off  the  garrison.  This 
being  a  manifest  infringement  of  neutrality,  the 
United  States  government  hastened  to  make  amends 
by  removing  the  commandant  and  arraigning  the  par 
ticipants  in  the  outrage.46 

Escobedo  fell  back  on  Monterey,  taking  possession 
of  the  town;  but  a  part  of  the  imperial  garrison  re 
tired,  after  a  sharp  contest,  into  the  citadel,  and  held 
out  till  Jeanningros  came  to  the  rescue  on  November 
25th,  after  a  flying  expedition  to  Monclova,47  and 
compelled  Escobedo  to  hurry  away  to  Camargo,  and 
there  recruit  for  the  next  favorable  opportunity.  In  the 
lower  part  of  Tamaulipas  Mendez  remained  supreme, 
notwithstanding  a  temporary  advantage  of  Ornano, 
who  took  Victoria  on  the  17th  of  November,  and 
held  it  for  a  month,  after  which  it  was  finally  evacu 
ated.48 

The  dispersion  of  Negrete's  army  having  deprived 
Juarez  of  his  last  imposing  support,  Maximilian  be- 

46 An  act  in  accordance  with  the  similar  conduct  of  Bazaine,  who  some 
months  previously  had  removed  certain  officers  arid  restored  war  material  in 
order  to  maintain  harmonious  relationa  with  the  commandant  at  Brownsville. 
Sheridan  sustained  Gen.  Weitzel,  the  commandant  at  Clarksville.  During  the 
sacking  of  Bagdad,  French  vessels  were  fired  upon  by  the  invaders,  and  U.  S. 
regulars  came  over  to  stop  the  excesses,  only  to  continue  the  pillage  in  their 
turn,  according  to  imperialist  accounts.  They  remained  at  Bagdad  till  the 
22d  of  Jan.  Three  days  later  an  Austro-Mexican  body  retook  the  town. 
Alvensleben,  With  Max.,  43-6,  relates  his  personal  observations  on  the  spot. 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  534-8,  reproduces  a  part  of  the  sharp  correspondence. 
Mejia's  conduct  under  these  trying  circumstances  brought  a  letter  of  thanks 
from  Maximilian  and  the  grand  cross  of  the  Aguila  order.  Arrangoiz,  Mej., 
iv.  40,  60. 

*T  La  Hayrie,  commandant  at  Saltillo,  arrived  earlier  in  the  day  with  a 
small  force,  which  managed  to  cut  its  way  through  Escobedo's  lines  and  reach 
the  citadel.  Elton,  With  the  French,  115-16,  places  his  force  at  110  men,  and 
the  republicans  at  1,400.  Iglesias  speaks  of  '  la  derrota  de  La  Hayrie,'  Re- 
vistas,  iii.  530,  in  allusion  to  his  later  sortie  from  the  citadel.  Escobedo  failed 
to  collect  the  $200,000  levied  on  the  city.  Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil.  Imp.,  165-7. 

48  For  additional  details  on  the  north-east  campaign,  I  refer  to  La  Voz  de 
M^j.,  Perida.  Ofic.,  Diario  Imp.,  Pdjaro  Verde,  Mexicano^  and  other  jour 
nals,  throughout  the  year. 


IMPERIAL  POLICY. 


201 


came  more  anxious  than  ever  that  the  advantage 
should  be  followed  up  by  driving  the  president  from 
the  territory,  and  before  the  meeting  of  the  United 
States  congress,  in  the  belief  that  this  might  change 
the  feeling  of  the  northern  republic  toward  the  em- 


CHIHUAHUA. 


pire.  The  manoeuvre  was  a  natural  sequence  to  the 
preceding  operations  in  the  north;  and  the  simulta 
neous  activity  of  the  French  columns,  east  and  west 
of  Chihuahua  province,  rendered  it  more  effective  by 


202  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

occupying  the  republicans  in  different  directions,  and 
preventing  their  government  from  seeking  refuge  in 
Sonora  or  Coahuila. 

Brincourt  had  returned  to  Parras  in  June,  after 
the  defeat  of  Negrete,  and  now  continued  his  march 
north-westward  into  Chihuahua  with  2,500  men, 
leaving  fortified  depots  at  Rio  Florido,  Allende,  Par- 
ral,  Santa  Rosalia,  and  Santa  Cruz  de  Rosales,  to  se 
cure  communication.  The  Juarist  forces  under  Ruiz, 
Aguirre,  Villagran,  Ojinaga,  and  Carbajal  retired  in 
different  directions  without  molesting  the  main  body, 
although  its  march  might  have  been  harassed  with 
advantage,  impeded  as  it  was  by  flooded  rivers  and 
bad  roads.  Brincourt  entered  Chihuahua  city  Au 
gust  15th,  reorganizing  the  administration,49  and  urg 
ing  on  the  several  Indian  movements  in  favor  of  the 
empire,  prompted  on  the  one  bide  by  discontent  with 
republican  exactions,  and  on  the  other  by  illusive 
promises  from  the  sovereign. 

Fearing  a  collision  with  United  States  troops,  Ba- 
zaine  had  given  the  general  strict  orders  to  return  to 
Durango  within  three  weeks  after  reaching  Chihua 
hua,  and  to  let  his  forces  penetrate  only  a  day's  march 
beyond  this  city.  It  was  enough  to  drive  Juarez  out 
of  the  last  state  capital  occupied  by  him.50  Brincourt 
saw  that  this  would  render  fruitless  the  whole  expe 
dition,  by  restoring  the  province  to  the  enemy,  and 
giving  him  fresh  confidence.  He  accordingly  delayed 
his  departure  while  awaiting  a  reply  to  his  representa 
tion.  "A  thousand  men,"  he  said,  "  could  hold  the 
entire  region  and  exclude  the  Juarists,  to  the  ruin  of 
their  party."  But  his  orders  were  repeated,  and  he 
left  October  29th. 

Juarez  had  meanwhile  made  Paso  del  Norte  his 
capital;61  but  hearing  of  the  evacuation,  he  hastened 

*9Appointing  T.  Zuloaga  prefect. 

60 '  Ce  serait  f olie  que  de  vouloir  le  suivre  en  ce  moment  dans  tous  lea 
recoins  ou  il  voudra  aller.' 

61  Leaving  Chihuahua  August  8th,  he  had  established  himself  here  on  the 
15th,  as  announced  in  circular  of  same  date.  Mex.t  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii. 


PRESIDENT  JUAREZ.  203 

back,  reentering  on  the  20th  of  November,  amidst 
great  demonstration.  Shortly  after,  however,  came 
news  that  Bazaine  had  yielded  to  Maximilian's  in 
stances  to  retain  Chihuahua,  and  that  500  men  were 
approaching  under  Billot.  On  December  9th,  accord 
ingly,  two  days  before  the  entry  of  the  French,  he  was 
again  on  the  way  back  to  his  refuge  on  the  border  of 
the  friendly  sister  republic;  and  with  him  fell  also  the 
hope  of  his  officers  for  any  effective  achievement  for 
some  time  to  come.  Not  that  they  had  been  idle. 
Villagran,  for  instance,  had  surprised  the  French  post 
left  by  Brincourt  at  Parral,  and  Ojinaga,  lately  made 
governor  of  the  state,  operated  near  Guerrero,  where 
he  fell.52 

In  addition  to  the  military  crisis  which  for  a  mo 
ment  threatened  to  ingulf  him,  Juarez  had  to  contend 
with  another  among  his  own  party.  His  term  as  presi 
dent  expired  on  November  30th.  Under  the  present 
condition  of  affairs  an  election  could  not  well  be  held, 
and  according  to  the  constitution  his  office  should  in 
such  a  case  be  assumed  by  the  chief  justice.53  But 
General  Ortega,  who  held  this  position,  had  long 
been  absent  in  the  United  States,  so  long,  indeed,  and 
without  formal  permission,  that  his  position  was  now- 
declared  forfeited.54  Further,  the  assumption  of  the 

251;  Juarez,  Biocj.,  31.  'Juarez  habia  sacado  de  Chihuahua  mas  de  400,000 
pesos.'  Rivera,  Hist,  Jed.,  v.  654. 

52  The  actions  and  skirmishes  in  1865  are  estimated  at  322,  with  5,674 
killed  and  1,279  wounded.  Juarez,  fiiog.,  30. 

53  '  Si  por  cualquier  motive  la  eleccion  de  presidente  no  estuviere  hecha  y 
publicada  para  el  1°  de  Diciembre. .  .cesara  sin  embargo  el  antiguo,  y  el  su 
premo  poder  ejecutivo  se  depositara  interinamente  en  el  presidente  de  la 
Suprema  Corte  de  Justicia. '  Art.  82  of  the  constitution. 

51  In  his  defence,  Ortega  published  a  letter  of  Dec.  30,  1864,  granting  him 
permission  to  leave  his  post  for  an  indefinite  time,  but  with  the  understand 
ing  that,  whether  passing  through  foreign  territory  or  not,  he  should  in  some 
unoccupied  part  of  Mexican  territory  continue  the  war  for  independence.  He 
had  remained  wholly  in  a  foreign  land,  however,  yet  engaged,  as  he  claimed, 
in  actively  aiding  the  cause,  advising  to  this  effect  the  president,  who  knew  of 
his  movements  from  journals.  He  received  no  reply  to  his  letter,  asking  for 
authority  to  enroll  volunteers,  etc.,  and  declared  that  a  private  suit  at  law  was 
concocted  to  detain  him  as  long  as  possible  abroad.  He  also  instanced  pre 
vious  futile  attempts  to  obtain  his  removal  from  the  post  of  chief  justice,  for 
having  acted  as  governor  of  Zacatecas,  and  to  injure  his  prestige  as  a  military 
leader  by  placing  him  in  critical  positions  with  insufficient  forces.  His  argu 
ments  are  fully  presented  in  Legac.  Mex.,  Corresp.,  3-210,  passim,  with  special 


204  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

presidency  by  the  chief  justice  was  intended,  accord 
ing  to  Juarist  interpretation,  to  be  only  temporary, 
till  a  speedy  election  could  install  the  one  chosen  by  the 
people.  In  view  of  the  war,  the  tenure  promised  to 
become  anything  but  brief,  and  this  appearing  con 
trary  to  the  constitution,  it  was  deemed  a  better  pro 
cedure  to  prorogue  the  power  of  the  actual  president 
and  his  substitute,  thus  preserving  the  government 
from  the  danger  attending  a  doubtful  change.  The 
president  had  for  that  matter  been  elected  to  govern, 
while  the  president  of  the  supreme  court  had  been 
elected  for  the  administration  of  justice;  and  the  peo 
ple's  choice  having  been  repeatedly  confirmed  by  con- 
fress,  together  with  the  bestowal  of  dictatorial  power, 
uarez  did  declare  the  functions  of  himself  and  his 
substitute  prorogued  till  they  could  be  surrendered  to 
a  new  officer,  duly  elected.55 

Ortega  had  hastened  to  the  Texan  frontier  as  the 
critical  time  approached,  and  learning  of  the  measures 
taken  against  him,  he  thence  launched  his  protests; 
but  finding  the  people  too  occupied  with  the  war,  and 
himself  in  little  favor,  he  returned  northward  to  plot 
against  his  rival.56  A  somewhat  similar  course  was 
adopted  by  Manuel  Ruiz,  the  substitute  chief  justice, 
who  saw  fading,  not  only  the  hope  faintly  entertained 

points  at  35-90,  and  in  Ortecja,  Protesta,  1-25.  The  suit  against  Ortega  was 
by  Col  Allen,  for  $7,000.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  executive  officers  in 
trigued  to  invalidate  his  claims;  but  warned  by  the  spirit  manifested  against 
him  in  1864,  he  should  not  have  afforded  them  the  stronger  grounds  now 
raised  by  going  away.  He  lived  in  reduced  circumstances  in  the  U.  S.,  ac 
cording  to  Cuevas,  Veya,  Ausiliares,  MS.,  and  he  sought  both  funds  and  free 
travelling  pass  through  the  Mexican  legation.  Leyac.  Mex.,  Circ.,  20-5.  His 
protest  was  written  in  Texas.  It  was  claimed  by  the  Juarists  that  Ortega's 
letter  concerning  his  movements  was  not  official,  and  therefore  not  recognized. 
By  his  prolonged  absence  as  chief  justice  and  general,  in  foreign  parts,  he  had 
committed  a  grave  fault,  and  by  decree  of  Nov.  8,  1865,  he  was  declared 
amenable  for  abandonment  of  his  post,  the  government  appointing  another 
chief  justice.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  719-21. 

65  Text  of  decree,  followed  by  ministerial  circular,  arguing  the  case  and 
giving  instances.  Id.,  718-19,  721-6;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-67;  ii.  276-9, 
283-94. 

56  Although  announcing  in  an  official  letter  of  Feb.  3,  1866,  to  Gov.  Vega 
of  Sinaloa  that  he  would  retain  only  the  title  of  president  of  the  supreme 
court,  for  he  considered  it  improper  to  create  discord  under  the  present  cir 
cumstances;  'still,  the  country  was  not  bound  to  recognize  the  acts  of  Juarez.' 
Vega,  Doc.,  iii.  212-15. 


ORTEGA  AND  JUAREZ.  205 

of  securing  what  Ortega  had  missed,  but  of  retaining 
the  leading  position  on  the  bench.  Thoroughly  dis 
appointed,  and  with  waning  faith  in  the  republic,  he 
availed  himself  of  the  imperial  decree  to  retire  into 
private  life  at  Mexico.57 

Sophistry  is  plentifully  used  in  the  arguments  of 
all  the  candidates;  and  the  Juarists  undoubtedly 
stretched  the  interpretation  of  the  article  bearing  on 
the  case,  for  personal  as  well  as  national  reasons.  Or 
tega  had  certainly  lost  prestige,  and  was  no  longer  a 
favorite,  either  with  the  people  or  their  leaders.  Ac 
tual  generals,  governors,  and  other  officials  owed  their 
position  mainly  to  Juarez,  and  in  sustaining  him  they 
sustained  themselves.  The  essential  point,  however, 
although  probably  secondary  with  many  of  them,  was 
the  superior  fitness  of  Juarez  for  his  position  as  com 
pared  with  Ortega,  or  perhaps  any  candidate  then 
available.  Moreover,  it  would  have  been  impolitic  to 
increase  existing  complications  by  removing  the  head 
which  had  so  well  maintained  the  government  and 
kept  the  party  united  for  the  one  great  object.  A 
change  was  apt  to  cause  dissolution.  Juarez'  success 
in  asserting  himself  at  this  critical  period  attests  both 
his  influence  and  ability.58 

It  was  fortunate  that  such  was  the  disposition  of 
Juarez  that  he  did  not  find  it  necessary  for  armies  or 
escorts  to  guard  himself.  It  was  a  remarkable  repe 
tition  of  the  old-time  story  of  the  European  hunting 

57  Letters  of  submission,  etc.,  in  M4x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  302-6.     This 
unpatriotic  act  relieved  the  government  from  replying  to  his  protest,  yet  it 
was  pointed  out  that  both  constitution  and  congressional  decision  opposed 
the  claim  of  any  accidental  occupant  of  the  chief  justiceship  to  succeed  as 
president.  Argument,  in  Id.,  306-10. 

58  Minister  Iglesias,  who  later  as  chief  justice  claimed  the  presidency,  ar 
gues  warmly  for  his  chief,  and  gives  a  list  to  show  the  immense  preponderance 
of  leading  men  supporting  him,  while  a  scanty  few  upheld  Ortega,  including 
generals  Patoni  and  Huerta,  and  Guillermo  Prieto.  JRevistas,  iii.  650-3;  also 
Quesada  and  Negrete.  Vega,  Ausiliares,  MS.;  Marquez  de  Leon,  F6  Perdida, 
MS.,  54-5.     The  latter  wrote  sharply  to  Juarez.  Mem.  Post,  MS.,  246.     They 
were  termed  Orteguistas,  the  others  calling  themselves  legalidad.     The  feeling 
in  the  U.  S.  favored  Juarez.  Legac.  M?x.,  Circ.,  ii.  91-175,  passim;  Mex. 
Affairs,  ii.  5,  63,  39th  Cong.  1st  Sess.     Maximilian  himself  pays  at  this  time 
tribute  to  the  zeal  and  intelligence  of  his  opponent  in  a  letter  to  Baron  de 
Pont.  Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iv.  53-6. 


206  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

down  the  Indian  to  kill  him  for  loving  home  and  lib 
erty;  only  in  the  present  instance  the  Indian  was  ar 
rayed  in  the  garb  of  the  same  European  civilization 
which  the  other  thought  himself  better  capable  of 
administering.  Unpretentious,  and  with  the  patience 
and  tenacity  of  his  race,  Juarez  was  prepared  to  meet 
any  hardships  and  seek  any  refuge,  intent  only  on  the 
cause  he  had  undertaken  and  the  object  for  which  he 
had  aimed.  To  meet  the  French  in  open  field  at  pres 
ent  seemed  indeed  suicidal,  and  he  proposed  rather 
to  save  the  issue  by  distracting  the  enemy  with  desul 
tory  and  rapid  movements  in  small  parties,  especially 
east  and  west  of  his  own  position.  The  withdrawal  of 
Brincourt,  and  the  retrograde  concentration  of  other 
bodies  in  different  regions,  lent  confirmation  to  the 
rumor  of  a  speedy  French  evacuation,  under  pressure 
from  the  northern  republic,  and  to  a  revival  of  repub 
lican  operations  in  all  parts,  as  we  have  seen,  under 
men  like  Diaz,  Escobedo,  Corona,  Regules,  and  Al 
varez,  who  now  figured  respectively  as  commanders- 
in-chief  of  the  eastern,  northern,  western,  central,  and 
southern  armies,  with  Ignacio  Mejia  for  minister  of 


war.59 


Although  disappointed  in  the  long-expected  coop 
eration  from  the  United  States,  the  republicans  felt 
grateful  for  the  sympathy  there  so  widely  extended. 
Many  feared  their  too  active  interference  in  view  of 
the  late  disastrous  loss  of  territory,  and  preferred  the 
diplomatic  and  pecuniary  aid  which  had  so  long  helped 
to  maintain  them,  and  which  now  was  forcing  their 
main  foe  to  fall  back.  A  loan  of  thirty  millions  had 
just  been  placed  in  New  York,  with  a  success  that  in 

59  Appointed  Dec.  25th.  Mix.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  297.  The  governors 
of  states  were  at  this  time  Ignacio  Pesqueira  in  Sonora;  Domingo  Rubi,  Sina- 
loa;  Antonio  Pedriu,  Lower  California;  Luis  Terrazas,  Chihuahua;  Silvestre 
Aranda  succeeding  Pereyra  in  Durango;  Miguel  Auza,  Zacatecas;  Andre's  S. 
Viesca,  Coahuila;  J.  C.  Doria  acting  for  Escobedo  in  Nuevo  Leon;  Santiago 
Tapia  succeeding  Carvajal  in  Tamaulipas;  Juan  Bustamante,  San  Luis  Potosi; 
Joaquin  Martinez  of  second  district  in  Mexico;  Alvarez,  Guerrero;  Gregorio 
Mendez,  Tabasco;  J.  Pantaleon  Dominguez,  Chiapas.  In  other  states  the  office 
was  vacant.  All  these  men  adhered  to  Juarez,  says  Iglesias.  Itevistas,  iii. 
651-2. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  207 

itself  proved  inspiring.60  Volunteers  asserted  their 
confidence  in  the  cause  by  ready  enlistment,61  and 
flattering  contributions  and  recognitions  flowed  in  from 
different  quarters.62  Juarez  had  every  reason,  there 
fore,  to  look  into  the  future  with  a  hopefulness  which 
brightened  in  proportion  as  the  prospects  of  the  em 
pire  grew  darker.63 

The  pronounced  attitude  assumed  by.  the  United 
States  since  the  conclusion  of  their  civil  war  had 
served,  not  alone  to  intimidate  Napoleon,  but  to  open 
his  eyes  to  the  illusive  nature  of  this  Mexican  enter 
prise.  The  irresistible  advance  of  his  troops  had  for 
a  long  time  blinded  him  to  dangers  and  disadvantages. 
He  now  saw  that,  although  defeated,  the  republicans 
were  never  crushed;  springing  up  ever  with  renewed 
courage  and  in  larger  numbers,  or  abiding  with  firm' 
and  bitter  purpose  the  moment  favorable  to  their 
cause,  confident  also  in  ultimate  aid  from  the  sis 
ter  republic.  His  triumphs  were  sterile,  and  the  end 
seemed  more  remote  the  further  he  advanced.  He 
had  set  out  primarily  to  recover  an  indebtedness ;  but 

60  It  was  arranged  by  J.  M.  Carbajal  and  Minister  Romero  with  the  house 
of  Corlies  &  Co.,  for  a  term  of  20  years  from  Oct.  1,  1865,  at  an  interest  of  7 
per  cent,  and  secured  by  the  joint  credit  of  the  governments  of  the  republic 
and  the  states  of  Tamaulipas  and  San  Luis  PotosI,  500, 000  acres  mineral  lands 
being  hypothecated,  as  well  as  the  general  revenue.     The  imperial  minister 
Arroyo  protested  in  the  states  against  the  loan.  Legac.  Mex.,  Circ.,  i.  77-8; 
Mex.  et  la,  Monarch.,  50-6.      ' Grant... se  han  apresurado  a  tomar  bonos.' 
Ir/lesias,  Revistas,  iii.   498;  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  v.  663-4;  Diario  OJlc.,  Aug. 
25,  1879. 

61  As  instanced  in   Vega,  Ausiliares,  MS.;   Vega,  Doc.,  ptli.;  La  Voz  de 
Mej.,  May  13,  1865  et  seq.;  S.  F.  Call,  July  4,  1865,  et  seq. 

62  Notably  republics  to  the  south,  as  Guatemala,  Colombia,  Chile,  and 
even  from  Holland.  Mex.,  Col  Leyes,  1863-7,  ii.  56-68,  142-9,  170-9,  253-65; 
Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  v.  632-77,  passim;  Legac.  Mex.,  Circ.,  i.  57,  76,  etc.;  also 
journals  already  referred  to. 

63  This  he  had  expressed  already  on  his  first  arrival  at  Paso  del  Norte,  in  a 
letter  to  his  former  secretary  and  minister  Teran.    The  day  was  not  long  distant 
when  the  French  would  abandon  the  empire,  either  from  recognizing  the  im 
possibility  of  subjugation  or  under  pressure  from  the  U.  S.     The  very  vic 
tories  of  the  French  would  destroy  them,  wrote  another  observer.  Domenech, 
Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  337-41.    Teran,  holding  friendly  intercourse  with  Baron  de 
Pont,  a  friend  of  Maximilian,  the  latter  was  kept  informed  of  these  views;  but 
to  the  advice  that  he  should  withdraw,  he  replied  by  expressing  the  utmost 
confidence  in  his  prospects.     Arrangoiz  wonders  what  he  means,  Mej.,  iv. 
56-7,  but  preceding  occurrences  reveal  that  mere  effect  was  intended. 


203  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

millions  had  been  expended  and  lives  sacrificed  with 
out  insuring  even  the  first  claim.  The  whole  nation 
took  alarm  at  the  gloomy  prospects  of  an  expedition 
which  from  the  beginning  had  found  many  opponents, 
and  had  gradually  encroached  upon  the  patience  of 
the  majority. 

At  the  opening  of  the  chambers  in  January  1866, 
Napoleon  accordingly  announced  that  he  had  taken 
steps  to  arrange  for  a  recall  of  the  troops.  It  was  by 
no  means  a  pleasant  course,  this  acknowledgment  of 
failure  in  an  undertaking  so  long  vaunted  as  the  most 
glorious  of  his  reign,  and  into  which  he  had  deluded 
so  many  of  his  subjects.  But  the  step  was  oppor 
tune  in  saving  France  from  yet  greater  disasters  and 
humiliation;64  for  politics  in  the  United  States  was 
,  assuming  an  aspect  which  required  the  government 
to  pursue  a  more  determined  foreign  policy  than  ever. 
In  reply  to  a  note  asking  for  at  least  a  strict  neutral 
ity  in  Mexican  affairs,  Seward,  on  February  12th,  in 
sisted  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  army  should 
be  effected  without  any  conditions;  for  the  states 
would  not  prove  untrue  to  the  political  principles 
they  had  so  far  practised,  or  depart  from  the  line  of 
conduct  traced  by  Washington.  Napoleon  answered 
this  imperious  demand  in  the  most  amiable  manner; 
and  grasping  at  the  vague  promise  of  an  adherence 
to  the  principles  of  the  first  president  as  '  sufficient 
guarantee/  he  declared  that  the  return  of  the  troops 
would  no  longer  be  deferred.  They  would  be  with 
drawn  in  three  detachments,  "  the  first  to  depart 
about  November  1866,  the  second  in  March  1 867,  and 
the  third  in  the  following  November."65  Encouraged 

64Domenech  blames  Montholon,  the  French  minister  at  Washington, 
lately  at  Mexico,  for  exaggerating  the  war  feeling  in  the  U.  S.,  to  which  he 
was  bound  by  strong  family  ties,  while  the  empire  had  never  obtained  his 
sympathy.  *  ;v, 

~  '  Nous  n'he'sitons  jamais  a  offrir  a  nos  amis  les  explications  qu'ils  nous 
demandent.  M.  Seward  nons  donnant  1'assurance  que  les  Etats-Unis  rester- 
ont  fideles  a  la  regie  de  conduite  que  leur  a  trace"e  Washington,  nous  accueil 
Ions  cette  assurance  avec  une  pleine  confiance,  et  nous  y  trouvons  une 
garantie  suffisante.'  So  runs  this  remarkable  note,  dated  April  6,  1866. 
While  certain  Frenchmen,  like  Niox,  admit  the  humiliation  to  France,  some, 


FRANCE  WITHDRAWS.  209 

by  this  ready  compliance,  Seward  required,  further, 
that  the  proposed  reinforcements  to  fill  gaps  should 
not  be  sent,  and  Austria  was  at  the  same  time  re 
quested  to  stop  the  enrolment  of  volunteers  for 
Mexico.  Both  governments  promptly  acquiesced.66 

Unconscious  of  the  impending  blow,  and  recogniz 
ing  only  too  well  that  to  France  alone  must  he  look 
for  safety,  Maximilian  made  once  more,  in  January 
1866,  an  appeal  for  money  and  men67  wherewith  to 
check  the  growing  republican  movements.  In  the 
same  month  Baron  Saillard  was  sent  to  communicate 
the  resolution  of  Napoleon  for  a  speedy  withdrawal, 
and  arrange  for  a  convention  to  replace  that  of  Mira- 
mare,  which  Mexico  had  been  unable  to  carry  out.63 
The  emperor  felt  overwhelmed.  Saillard  could  obtain 
no  satisfactory  proposals,  and  left  the  negotiations 
with  Minister  Dano;69  but  the  result  had  been 
achieved  of  shifting  the  responsibility  upon  Maxi 
milian,  and  permitting  the  announcement  of  the  time 
of  evacuation. 

like  Detroyat,  seek  to  avoid  the  subject,  and  others  join  Domenech  in  the 
futile  effort  to  draw  diplomatic  victories  for  their  country.  Instance:  'La 
forme  dans  laquelle  1'empereur  Napoleon  annonca  sa  resolution  lui  [Seward] 
a  enleve"  ce  triomphe'  of  acknowledging  the  effect  of  Reward's  note.  Hist. 
Mex.,  iii.  377;  Doc.  Hist.  Mix.,  1832-75,  pt  x.  86-90.  It  would  have  been 
more  satisfactory  to  show  that  France  merely  carried  out  the  convention  of 
Miramare,  in  letter  if  not  in  spirit,  by  withdrawing  the  troops. 

66The  Austrian  volunteers  were  ready  to  embark  when  the  countermand  was 
issued.  This  empire  was  at  the  time  menaced  by  Prussia,  and  France  began 
also  to  look  to  her  frontiers.  The  respective  protests  of  Motley  and  Bigelow 
were  made  in  April  and  May  1866.  For  details  concerning  the  relations  of 
the  U.  S.  with  Mexico  and  her  allies,  see  Alex.  Affairs*  i.-ii.,  39th  Cong.  1st 
Sess.;  Congress.  Globe,  1865-6,  passim;  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  20,  31,  38,  vii., 
30th  Cong.  1st  Sess.;  U.  8.  Sen.  Doc.  6,8,  in  Id.;  U.  8.  Foreign  Affairs,  266- 
388,  30th  Cong.  2d  Sess. ;  Legac.  Mex. ,  Circ.,  i.  5-102,  169-87,  passim.  Impe 
rialist  consuls  were  not  recognized.  Iglesias,  Interv.,  iii.  361,  602,  etseq. ;  Do 
menech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  359,  etc.;  Id.,  LeMex.,  297-348;  Flint's  Mex.  under 
Max.,  199-227;  L> Interven.  Frangaise,  235,  etc.;  Kcratry,  Max.,  105-14. 

67  If  merely  to  replace  the  troops  sent  back  to  France.     Toward  the  end 
of  1864  left:    'Outre  la  batterie  de  la  garde...  le  ler  et  le  20«  bataillons  de 
chasseurs  a  pied;  le  99e  de  ligne. .  .el  le  2«  zouaves.'    The  last  in  March  1865. 
Niox,  Exp6d.  du  Mex.,  484. 

68  The  French  minister  at  Mexico,  Dano,  was  instructed  to  support  the 
negotiations,  to  point  out  that  France  stood  released  from  responsibility,  and 
that  '  le  plus  dangereux  pour  un  gouvernement  qui  se  fonde  est  certainement 
celui  [accusations]  de  n'etre  soutenu  que  par  des  forces  e"trangeres.'    Despatch 
of  Jan.  15,  1866.     Rather  peculiar  language  from  the  foreign  power  that  had 
forced  the 'government  upon  the  country. 

69  Returning  to  France  within  a  fortnight  after  his  arrival. 

•HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    li 


210  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

Something  had  to  be  done,  however,  if  only  to  gain 
time.  The  French  government  was  asked  to  post 
pone  the  departure  of  the  army  for  three  years,  and 
to  accept  twenty-live  million  francs  a  year  in  payment 
of  its  claims  on  Mexico,  as  soon  as  the  Mexican  treas 
ury  could  afford  the  sum.70  This  proposition  was  for 
warded  by  Almonte,  who  had  also  to  replace  Hidalgo 
as  minister  at  Paris,71  the  hope  being  entertained  that 
his  previous  relations  with  Napoleon  as  conservative 
leader  might  have  an  effect.  The  request  was  refused, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  involving  as  it  did  only 
fresh  sacrifices  without  any  definite  prospect  of  pay 
ing  the  growing  debt.  It  was,  moreover,  coupled 
with  the  demand  for  financial  guarantees,  including 
the  assignment  of  one  half  of  the  custom-house  re 
ceipts;  otherwise  France  would  regard  herself  as 
liberated  from  all  engagements,  and  take  immediate 
steps  for  withdrawing  her  troops.72 

The  object  of  the  note  was  no  doubt  to  force  Maxi 
milian  to  abdicate,  and  so  facilitate  the  new  course 

70A11  the  war  material  was  to  be  purchased  from  the  army  on  its  departure. 
The  manner  of  pursuing  the  hostile  bands  roaming  the  country  had  to  be 
agreed  upon.  Maximilian  alone  should  communicate  orders  to  the  Mexican 
army,  into  which  French  officers  would  be  admitted  with  an  advance  of  one 
or  two  grades.  Two  French  naval  stations  to  be  formed;  in  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific.  Influence  should  be  brought  to  bear  with  the  U.  S.  to  recognize  the 
empire. 

71  The  latter  was  blamed  for  having  produced  a  false  impression  in  France. 
Arrangoiz  accuses  Maximilian  of  ingratitude  and  calumny.    Mej.,  iv.  88. 
Almonte  eagerly  accepted  the  mission  to  escape  the  humiliating  neglect  into 
which  he  and  his  party  had  fallen.     He  never  returned.     His  death  took 

Slaoe  at  Paris,  March  21,  1869,  con  ' remordimientos  de  la  conciencia. .  .lleno 
e  angustias.'  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  ii.  643;  Monitor,  April  30,  1869. 

72  Her  expedition  to  Mexico  had  been  undertaken  merely  to  secure  guaran 
tees  for  her  claims.     This  required  the  formation  of  a  government  for  main 
taining  order.      France  could  not  impose  such  a  government.     Elements 
existed  for  erecting  it,  and  Maximilian  undertook  the  task.     Napoleon  merely 
offered  the  necessarily  limited  assistance  defined  by  the  convention  of  Mira- 
mare,  measuring  *  a  1'importance  des  int6rets  francais  engage's  dans  cette  entre- 

Erise  l'6tendue  du  concours  qu'il  lui  6tait  permis  de  lui  offrir.'  France  had 
irgely  fulfilled  the  treaty;  not  so  Mexico,  who  had  on  the  contrary  given  pref 
erence  to  English  claims,  and  allowed  her  officials  to  systematically  oppose 
the  interests  of  France.  Despatch  of  May  31st.  The  peremptory  nature  of 
the  note  might  have  assumed  an  even  more  decided  tone  had  Almonte 
carried  out  his  instruction,  'de  pedir  que  las  tropas  francesas  evacuasen  im- 
mediatamente  el  territorio  del  imperio,'  unless  Maximilian's  proposal  was  ac 
cepted.  Almonte's  letter,  in  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  311. 


MAXIMILIAN  AND  NAPOLEON.  211 

entered  upon.73  Such  might,  indeed,  have  been  the 
result7*  but  for  the  firm  stand  taken  by  the  empress,75 
who  undertook  to  plead  with  Napoleon  in  person;  for 
neither  she  nor  her  consort  at  this  time  regarded  the 
attitude  of  the  United  States  with  the  same  fears  as 
France.  She  took  with  her  a  letter  from  Maximilian, 
presenting  an  elaborate  answer  to  the  last  peremptory 
note.  It  assumed  that  Napoleon  stood  compromised 
to  found  a  strong  government  in  Mexico.  This  could 
be  done  only  after  establishing  the  peace  needful  for 
creating  resources.  So  far  the  loans  and  revenue  had 
been  absorbed  mainly  by  the  army,  to  the  sacrifice  of 
other  interests  and  projects,  proof  enough  that  every 
possible  effort  had  been  made  to  fulfil  the  convention 
of  Miramare.  Maximilian  could  not  be  blamed  for 
the  state  of  the  finances.  They  had  always  been  in 
disorder,  and  the  task  of  reform  had  all  this  time 
been  intrusted  to  French  officials.  So  far  only  a  por 
tion  of  the  country  had  been  brought  under  the  em 
pire  by  the  French  cominander-in-chief.  The  very 
condition  of  placing  all  the  imperial  forces  at  his  dis 
posal  implied  an  obligation  for  him,  the  representative 
of  France,  to  effect  the  subjugation;  instead  of  doing 
this,  he  had,  by  inaction  and  disregard  for  Maximil 
ian's  remonstrances,  lost  to  a  great  extent  the  results 
achieved  by  costly  campaigns.  In  short,  both  mili 
tary  and  financial  failures  were  charged  to  the  French.76 

73  Saillard  had  declared,  on  his  return,  that  an  empire  under  Maximilian 
was  impossible. 

74  'L'abdication  devait  avoir  lieu  le  7  juillet,'  writes  De"troyat,  L'Interven. , 
246.     'Am  7  Juli  ergriff  er  in  der  That  die  Feder,  urn  den  Fall  der  Monarchic 
zuunterzeichnen,' adds  another  witness.  Kaiser,  Max.,  146;  and  so  Arrangoiz; 
but  among  the  officials  were  those  who  believed  differently.     They  bethought 
themselves  of  his  obstinacy,  which  would  be  affirmed  by  the  prospect  of"  in 
creasing  the  trouble  for  France.  Niox,  Exp6d  du  Mex.,  584.     Ke"ratry  de 
clares  that  Maximilian  spoke  to  his  friends  of  a  formal  agreement  with 
Napoleon  for  retaining  the  French  troops  till  the  end  of  1868,  without  which 
he  would  never  have  accepted  the  throne;  but  he  must  have  depended  on 
rumor,  and  reveals  weakness  in  his  own  statements. 

75  The  moment  for  abdication  seemed  unfavorable  for  Maximilian's  hopes 
in  Europe,  for  the  result  of  the  'seven  days'  war'  was  not  yet  known  in  Mex 
ico.     Had  a  cable  existed  at  the  time  to  bring  the  news,  he  might  have 
hastened  home  to  take  advantage  of  the  blow  at  his  brother's  popularity. 

76  He  had  not  expected  the  subjugation  to  cover  only  a  part  of  the  conn- 


212  THE  EMPIRE  A  FAILURE. 

In  all  this  lay  a  great  deal  of  truth.  The  French 
had  encountered  obstacles,  but  they  were  mainly  con 
nected  with  the  nature  of  the  undertaking,  and  not 
due  to  the  Maximilian  government.  Deceived  with 
regard  to  his  expedition,  Napoleon  had  deceived  the 
archduke;  and  now  discovering  his  mistake,  he  re 
solved  to  ignore  the  spirit  of  the  compact,  and  disre 
gard  the  various  promises  held  forth.77  Fortunately 
for  himself,  he  would  save  appearances  to  some  extent 
by  pointing  to  the  letter  of  the  Miramare  convention, 
followed  near  enough  by  him  for  all  essential  purposes, 
while  Mexico  could  give  no  hope  of  fulfilling  her  part. 
Maximilian  was  accordingly  to  be  sacrificed — a  victim 
to  a  sanguine  and  over-confiding  nature. 

Charlotte  found  Napoleon  obdurate.78  Thereupon 
she  proceeded  to  Rome  in  such  a  frame  of  mind  that 
she  became  insane.79 

try,  nor  the  transport  charges  alone  to  rise  to  several  millions.  Bazaine  had 
been  charged  to  organize  a  national  army,  but  neglected  to  do  so,  casting  ob 
stacles  also  in  the  way  of  Thun  when  he  undertook  the  task;  lately  the  sub 
sidy  needed  for  effecting  it  had  been  withdrawn.  Maximilian  had  been 
accused  of  favoring  too  much  liberal  principles  and  men;  but  he  followed  the 
line  drawn  by  the  French. 

77  Instance  only  the  utterances  of  Rouher  at  the  issue  of  the  last  loan,  and 
the  order  then  issued  to  Bazaine   to  retain  all  needed   forces.     Charlotte 
brought  copies  of  two  letters  of  March  1864,  which  she  regarded  as  guaran 
tees  of  union  between  the  emperors.  L' 'Interven.  Franqaise,  262. 

78  At  first  he  declined  to  receive  her,  pleading  illness.     Finally  on  the  24th 
of  Aug.  she  received  her  answer.     So  low  was  the  treasury  at  Mexico  that 
her  travelling  money  had  to  be  taken  from  the  drainage  fund.    She  embarked 
July  13th,  taking  the  mail-steamer  for  St  Nazaire,  yet  refused  to  be  conveyed 
on  board  by  the  French  naval  boat.  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  393-4.     Cas 
tillo,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  was  one  of  her  companions.    Although  not  offi 
cially  advised,  Almonte  went  to  receive  her.     She  stayed  at  Paris  from  Aug. 
9th  to  the  29th,  Empress  Eugenie  calling  upon  her.  Le  Saint,  Guerre,  172-3; 
Lefevre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  336,  etc.     See  also  Maweras,  Essai,  66  et  seq. ; 
Revue  Deux  Mondes,  Feb.  1,  Sept.  15,  1866;  Mex.  Emp.,  1-13;  Diario  Imp., 
July  7  et  seq. ;  National,  id. ;  Elizaga,  Ensayos,  145,  etc. 

79  She  remained  for  a  few  days  at  Miramare,  and  left  for  Rome  Sept.  18th. 
At  Boetzen  her  mental  condition  suddenly  became  manifest.     She  believed 
herself  henceforth  surrounded  by  hirelings  of  Napoleon  engaged  to  poison 
her,  and  frequently  refused  the  food  set  before  her,  preferring  the  water, 
chestnuts,   or  other  articles  which  she  sometimes  bought.     The  pontiff  re 
ceived  her  and  gave  her  his  sympathy,  though  he  had  to  listen  mainly  to  this 
now  fixed  topic.     After  a  stay  of  three  weeks  her  brother  took  her  away  to 
Miramare.     Thence  she  was  conducted  to  the  palace  of  Tervueren,  near  Brus 
sels,  one  of  the  most  picturesque  localities  in  that  country,  which  henceforth 
became  her  home.     The  loss  of  her  husband  tended  to  increase  her  malady. 
Reports  concerning  her  continually  clouded  mental  condition  are  given  in 
Constit.,  Feb.  6,  Mar.  13,  1868;  Monti,  tfep.,  Oct.  17,  1872;  Diario  Ofic.,  and 


THE  INSANE  PRINCESS.  213 

La  Vpzde  Mej.,  Mar.  14,  1880,  and  in  1885.  The  rumor  is  current  among 
certain  classes  in  Mexico  that  she  was  poisoned  with  juice  from  the  dreaded 
palo-de-leche  tree,  and  by  the  orders  of  Napoleon  or  Bazaine.  Alluding  to 
this  subject,  Hall  writes:  'Her  physicians  have  lately  attributed  her  insanity 
to  the  effect  of  poison.'  'In  the  fall  of  1866  his  majesty  Maximilian  re 
ceived  an  anonymous  letter,  stating  that  the  empress  had  been  poisoned  in 
Cuernavaca.'  'Her  insanity,  as  emanating  from  such  a  source,  had  been 
talked  about  in  Mexico  before  the  news  of  its  actual  occurrence.'  Life  Max., 
56-7.  What  object  Napoleon  might  have  in  poisoning  her  is  not  mentioned. 
Others  state  that  she  was  sun-struck  while  promenading  with  a  crown  on  her 
head.  Velazquez  de  Leon  spoke  of  peculiarities  during  the  trip  to  France. 
Masseras,  Esxai,  79-80.  Arrangoiz  publishes  extracts  from  notes  made  at 
Rome,  showing  the  extreme  form  taken  by  her  fancies.  M6j.,  iv.  130-5, 
157-9,  220.  The  emperor  was  moved  to  tears  on  learning  the  truth,  as  Basch 
minutely  relates.  Erinnerungen,  i.  45-51,  71.  This  occurred  Oct.  18th. 
Before  this  news  had  come  of  her  leaving  Paris  indisposed.  The  public  mani 
fested  for  her  great  sympathy,  and  public  prayers  were  offered  by  request. 
See  Diario  Imp. ,  Oct.  18,  1866,  etseq.;  La  Voz  de  Mej. ,  id. ,  also  Feb.  18,1876. 
The  truth  is,  that  while  Charlotte  was  yet  a  girl,  it  was  understood  that  she 
was  precocious,  having  had  a  joyless  childhood,  in  which  may  have  been 
sown  the  seeds  of  her  disease.  The  death  of  her  father,  the  murder  of  the 
envoys  from  the  new  king,  the  irritating  attitude  of  Napoleon,  and  the  begin 
ning  of  military  reverses,  all  shocked  her  sensitive  mind,  and  inclined  it 
toward  disease,  fostered  also  by  distrusting  self-restraint  and  reserve.  Before 
her  appearance  at  Paris  there  were  fancies  and  acts  which  struck  many  as 
peculiar,  and  have  since  been  recalled  as  clear  symptons,  especially  those 
manifested  during  the  trip  to  Vera  Cruz  and  across  the  ocean. 


CHAPTER  X. 

IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 
1866. 

MONEY  MATTERS — NEW  TREATY — ARMY  REORGANIZATION — AUSTRIANS  DIS 
CONTENTED — DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS — CHARACTER  OF  CHARLOTTE  —  MAXI 
MILIAN'S  HABITS— HOURS  OF  LABOR,  FOOD,  AND  EXERCISE — DRESS- 
AMUSEMENTS — RELIGIOUS  SHOWS — WASHING  FEET — THE  EMPEROR'S 
COLD  WIT — CONSERVATIST  PLOT — SANTA  ANNA— NEW  POLICY  OF  MAX 
IMILIAN — BAZAINE'S  QUARREL  AND  RECALL — CASTELNAU — ABDICATION 
URGED — ORTEGA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES — MAXIMILIAN  AT  ORIZABA. 

THE  departure  of  the  empress  only  served  to  pre 
cipitate  negotiations  at  Mexico,  and  on  the  30th  of 
July,  1866,  Maximilian  was  obliged  to  sign  a  new 
convention  regulating  the  financial  question,  whereby 
the  French  government  should  receive  one  half  of  all 
maritime  custom-house  receipts,1  after  November  1st, 
in  payment  of  interest  and  capital  due  for  the  loans 

1  Including  export  and  import  duties,  'internacion' and  '  contraregistro,' 
'mejores  materiales'  fund,  now  liberated  from  payments  to  the  Vera  Cruz 
railroad,  but  less  three  fourths  of  the  Pacific  custom-house  receipts,  which 
were  already  hypothecated.  The  sums  so  granted  were  to  be  applied  to  the 
payment  of  interest  and  capital  of  the  loans  of  1864-5;  to  the  payment  of  three 
per  cent  interest  on  the  216  million  francs  recognized  by  the  treaty  of  Mira- 
mare,  and  on  all  subsequent  advances  by  the  French  treasury,  amounting  to 
about  250  million  francs.  Any  surplus  left  after  making  these  payments 
should  serve  to  reduce  the  capital  due  the  French  government.  No  change 
of  tariff  must  be  made  tending  to  lower  the  sum  now  granted.  Special  agents 
under  the  French  flag  should  direct  the  collection  of  duties  at  Vera  Cruz  and 
Tampico,  all  of  which  were  to  be  assigned  for  the  above  payments,  less  the 
part  already  set  aside  for  acknowledged  claims,  and  for  salaries  of  officials  at 
these  custom-houses,  the  latter  not  to  exceed  five  per  cent  of  the  receipts. 
Any  surplus  or  deficiency  remaining  after  applying  these  receipts  to  the  total 
one  half  were  to  be  adjusted  in  the  accounts  rendered  from  other  custom 
houses  every  three  months,  with  assistance  of  French  consular  agents.  This 
document  was  signed  by  Dano  and  Luis  de  Arroyo,  the  latter  assistant  secre 
tary  of  state,  in  charge  of  the  foreign  portfolio.  It  had  to  take  effect  on 
a  date  to  be  determined  by  Napoleon,  which  was  Nov.  1st.  See  Derecho  In 
tern.  Hex.,  pt  ii.  386-90. 

(214) 


MILITARY  REORGANIZATION.  215 

negotiated  in  France,  and  for  the  heavy  war  expenses. 
The  Vera  Cruz  and  Tampico  custom-houses  were  sur 
rendered  to  the  French  agents  as  guarantees.  A 
great  part  of  these  receipts  being  already  hypothecated, 
and  the  advance  of  the  republicans  cutting  off  one  re 
source  after  another,  so  small  a  revenue  remained  with 
which  to  conduct  the  government  that  bankruptcy  was 
inevitable.2  Both  sovereigns  must  have  recognized  the 
uselessness  of  the  convention;  yet  they  signed  it,  one 
because  he  was  obliged  to,  and  the  other  to  save  ap 
pearances.3 

Notwithstanding  the  effort  to  seek  better  terms  from 
Napoleon,  Maximilian  had  taken  several  steps  to  se 
cure  his  position  in  case  of  need,  and  among  them 
ranked  foremost  the  reorganization  of  the  army. 
Napoleon  had  promised  his  aid  for  the  formation  of 
a  European  army,  to  embrace  the  Austro-Belgian 
volunteers  of  some  7,500  men,  and  the  foreign  legion 
of  the  French  expedition,  placed  in  the  Miramare 
treaty  at  8,000  men,  and  Bazaine  was  occupied  in 
organizing  a  Franco-Mexican  body,  under  the  term  of 
cazadores,  or  chasseurs,  which  should  become  fully  as 
strong.  Add  to  this  the  25,000  or  more  of  rural 
guards  and  auxiliaries  in  different  parts,  one  third 
mounted,  and  600  pieces  of  artillery,  together  with  the 
means  for  manufacturing  arms  at  more  than  one  of 
the  fortified  points  in  the  empire,  and  the  strength 
of  Maximilian  appeared  by  no  means  insignificant. 

2  The  net  receipts  of  the  empire  in  1865  amounted  to  19  millions,  of  which 
nearly  5  millions  came  from  Vera  Cruz,  2^  millions  from  other  gulf  ports,  and 
3  millions  from  the  Pacific,  the  remainder  being  obtained  from  excise,  direct 
contributions,  and  other  sources.     Of  the  Pacific  receipts,  75  per  cent  had 
already  been  assigned,  and  a  large  proportion  of  the  gulf  duties;  further  claims 
were  impending,  a  convention  having  been  signed  June  26th  whereby  English 
claims  should  be  decided  upon  by  a  body  of  four  commissioners.      'Nada  se 
estipulo .  .  .  respecto  de  las  reclamaciones  de  ciudadanos  Mexicanos  contra  el 
gobierno  britanico,'  observes  Romero  caustically.   Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,   1870, 
683.     The  continual  reverses  of  1866  cut  off  resources  in  every  direction. 

3  And  to  secure  by  manipulations  at  Vera  Cruz  all  the  money  possible. 
'En  provision   d'une   chute  prochaine.'  Niox,  Exped.  du   Mex.,  603.     The 
Juarist  minister  at  Washington  protested  against  the  arrangement  as  intended 
to  prolong  the  stay  of  French  troops.   Legac.  Mex. ,  Circulares,  ii.  244-9.     The 
relations  with  France  becoming  more  strained,  the  convention  was  soon  ignored 
by  Maximilian,  as  will  be  seen. 


216  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

Unfortunately  for  him,  the  warfare  was  rather  of  a 
guerrilla  character,  involving  the  scattering  of  forces; 
many  of  the  soldiers  drafted  into  the  ranks  from 
unwilling  subjects,  and  from  the  class  of  deserters, 
or  even  malefactors,  could  not  be  relied  upon;*  and 
outfit  as  well  as  pay  proved  scanty  or  lacking,  so 
that  altogether  the  value  and  efficiency  of  the  army 
were  greatly  reduced.5 

In  addition  came  discontent  among  the  Austro- 
Belgian  regiments,  ever  opposed  to  any  subordination 
to  Mexican  officers,  or  even  to  French — a  trouble 
increased  by  unforeseen  hardships,  and  by  the  war  in 
Europe.6  The  greatest  obstacle  of  all,  however,  was 
the  lack  of  money,  which  was  causing  an  outcry  from 
every  direction,  impeding  operations,  and  threatening 
wide-spread  disband  men  t.7  The  case  was  placed  before 
Bazaine  in  April,  with  an  urgent  appeal  for  assistance. 
A  small  advance  now  would  obviate  a  crisis,  and  save 
enormous  outlays  at  a  later  time.  France  could  not 
allow  its  work  to  collapse  by  refusing  so  slight  a  sac 
rifice.  The  marshal  yielded  by  granting  a  monthly 
allowance  of  two  and  a  half  million  francs.8  The 

4  A  battalion  ordered  to  Yucatan  during  the  spring  was  composed  mainly 
of  vagabonds  and  criminals,  and  Casanova,  the  commander,  refused  to  go 
unless  a  reliable  force  was  added  to  control  the  rest.  Niox,  Exped. ,  554. 

5  The  cazadores  were  offered  a  bounty  of  $25.     It  was  proposed  to  form  40 
battalions  of  them,  under  French  officers  and  French  army  regulations.     The 
term  of  service  extended  from  two  to  seven  years.     Osmont  and  Friant  had 
immediate  charge  of  them,  and  Courtois  D'Hurbal  organized  the  artillery  in  a 
manner  that  received  the  acknowledgment  of  Maximilian.  Domenech,  Hist. 
Mex.,  iii.  381,  415-16;  Detroyat,  L'Interv.,  244.     Le  Saint  pays  a  tribute  to 
the  bravery  of  the  Mexicans.   Guerre  Mex.,  193.    For  drafting  orders  and  other 
regulations,  see  Diario  Imp.,  June  3d,  25th,  Aug.-Dec.,  passim;    Voz  Mej., 
Feb.  20,  March  6,  Aug.  28,  30,  1866,  etc.,  and  other  journals.     This  system, 
so  frequently  forbidden  as  unjust  and  unsatisfactory,  had  to  be  resumed,  as 
Ke"ratry  shows.  Max.,  137-9.     Col  Shelby,  lately  of  the  U.  S.   confederate 
army,  had  brought  some  men  and  urged  an  enlistment  of  American  soldiers 
as  the  most  effective  measure;  but  Maximilian  did  not  entertain  the  idea. 
Edward's  Shelby's  Exped.,  22-4,  42,  90-2. 

6  Large  numbers  of  them  insisted  on  returning  to  Europe,  and  great  efforts 
had  to  be  made  to  quiet  the  feeling.  Niox,  Exped.,  554-7,  579. 

7  Lacunza,  who  had  charge  of  the  finance  department,  explained  the  critical 
situation  in  a  letter  to  the  marshal  of  April  28th.     Mejia  and  Quiroga  in  the 
north  were  suffering  from  actual  want,  and  had  to  impose  forced  loans.     Lopez 
could  not  leave  San  Luis,  nor  Franco  Oajaca,  for  similar  reasons;  the  Austro- 
Belgians  owed  half  a  million,  and  so  forth. 

8  The  question  was  discussed  in  a  council  presided  over  by  Maximilian. 
Dano  and  Main  tenant,  inspector  of  the  treasury,  objected  to  granting  any  ad- 


FINANCIAL  OUTLOOK.  217 

French  government  objecting,  the  allowance  stopped, 
and  consequently  any  progress  of  army  organization. 
The  temporary  cooperation  of  Bazaine  was  greatly 
due  to  Maximilian's  effort  to  retain  French  army 
officials  for  the  finance  department,  thereby  placing 
additional  responsibility  on  their  government.9  But 
all  this  had  served  merely  to  postpone  the  trouble. 
The  budget  for  1866  placed  the  expenses,  with  a  low 
estimate,  at  over  $35,000,000,10  and  as  the  revenue  in 
the  preceding  and  far  more  prosperous  year  came  to 
little  more  than  half  this  amount,  the  outlook  for  the 
present  one  may  be  imagined.  Among  the  measures 
adopted  to  meet  a  portion  of  the  demand  was  a  con 
tribution  on  the  net  revenue  of  town  and  country  es 
tates  of  one  sixth  and  one  seventh  respectively,  and  a 
tax  of  six  and  one  quarter  cents  on  each  50,000  square 
varas.11  But  the  difficulty  with  these  and  previous 
exactions  was  to  collect  them.12 

yance,  in  accordance  with  instructions  from  their  government;  but  Bazaine 
took  upon  himself  the  responsibility,  although  a  previous  advance  by  him  had 
been  objected  to  in  Paris.  Ke"ratry  quotes  the  letter  written  by  Maximilian 
in  Feb.,  thanking  him  for  this  aid.  Max.,  97-102.  See  also  Arrangoiz,  Mej., 
iv.  90. 

9  Langlais  having  died  in  Feb.  1866,  M.  de  Maintenant,  French  inspector- 
general  of  finances,  took  his  place  till  Friant,  intendant  en  chef  of  the  French 
army  in  Mexico,  was  permitted  to  occupy  it  jointly  with  his  own — a  double 
duty  which  led  to  conflicting  measures.   Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  598-9. 

10  The  estimate  as  prepared  by  Lacunza  for  May  till  Dec.  demanded  for  the 

Ministry  of  war $4,395,710 

Ministry  of  treasury 2,379,077 

Other  departments 2,807,962 

Subventions  for  railroads,  steamship  lines,  etc ,  1,466,334 

Interior  debt 1,937,000 

Old  contracts 720,948 

Interest  on  debt 6,715,150 

French  army  support 3,205, 130 

$23,627,311 

11  'Contribucion  injusta  y  desigual,'  exclaims  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  94,  since 
property  near  towns  was  far  more  valuable  than  remote  land.     But  the  object 
was  also  to  compel  the  distribution  of  land  among  the  Indians  and  immigrants 
for  cultivation.     Domenech,  Hi*t.  Mej.,  iii.  383-4,  takes  a  more  reasonable 
view.     An  attempt  to  bring  sold  church  property  under  fresh  levies  failed,  as 
did   many  another   measure,  such   as    Basch,    Erin.,  i.   136-7,    enumerates, 
'ergaben  auf  dem  Papiere  ein  sehr  annehmbares  Resultat.' 

12  The  attempt  of  De"troyat  and  others,  L'Interv.,  241,  to  attribute  causes 
to  single  individual  effort  or  neglect  is  hasty.     Comparison  with  municipal 
taxes.  Jalisco,    Tar  if  a,   1865,   1-14;   Triyueros,  Mem.  Municip.  Mex.,   1866, 
1-66. 


218  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

Maximilian  had  been  assigned  a  civil  list  of 
$1,500,000,  like  his  predecessor  Agustin  I.;  but  in 
view  of  the  financial  distress,  he  now  renounced  two 
thirds  of  this  sum,13  Charlotte  relinquishing  half  of 
her  allowanca  The  sacrifice  hardly  affected  them, 
for  their  mode  of  living  was  extremely  simple  for  a 
court.  The  loss  fell  rather  upon  officials  of  the 
household,  and  upon  benevolent  objects  and  the  poor, 
for  whom  the  list  had  mainly  been  expended.  Both 
of  them  were  imbued  with  a  noble  but  misguided 
ambition  for  all  that  was  good  and  just,  and  they 
were  courageous  in  following  this  bent.  Charlotte 
had  a  more  nervous  energy,  as  was  displayed  in  her 
assiduous  attention  to  public  affairs,  and  in  her  disin 
terested  application  to  schools,  charities,  and  other 
institutions.14  She  would  personally  examine  scholars 
and  distribute  rewards,  enter  the  hospitals  and  cheer 
the  sick  with  a  kind  word,  decorate  the  soldier  whose 
bravery  deserved  the  medal,  and  charm  the  multi 
tude  with  her  gracious  manner.  The  gallant  Mexi 
cans  could  not  fail  to  show  devotion  in  return,  the 
more  stolid  Indians  being  mollified  by  the  marked 
intimacy  with  which  she  honored  one  of  their  own 
race,  as  one  of  her  maids  of  honor.15  Like  them, 
she  delighted  in  flowers,  and  found  one  of  her  great 
est  pleasures  in  supervising  the  garden,  leaving  also  a 
beautiful  record  of  her  taste  in  the  blooming  aspect 
of  the  Paseo  and  the  palace-ground. 

The  imperial  couple  had  at  first  taken  up  their 
abode  in  the  national  palace  at  Mexico,  dating  in 
foundation  from  or  before  the  time  of  Cortes,  and  con 
secrated  by  a  long  line  of  viceregal  residents.16  In 

18 By  letter  of  March  15,  1866.     See  also  Diario  Imp.,  May  1,  1886. 

14  As  president  of  a  charitable  society,  she  influenced  similar  efforts  by 
prominent  ladies  in  the  capital  and  elsewhere. 

15  Senorita  Josefa  Varela,  a  descendant  of  Montezuma,  about  22  years  of 
age  and  of  dark  complexion.     She,  like  Senora  G.  P.  Pacheco,  received  $4,000 
a  year,  while  other  ladies  of  honor  who  attended  merely  on  certain  occasions 
had  no  pay. 

16  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vols  i.  and  iii.,  this  series,  for  site,  building,  and  recon 
struction. 


THE  CAPITAL. 


219 


MEXICO. 


220  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

• 

this  vast  though  plain  pile,  embracing  three  courts 
and  practically  three  stories,  they  occupied  only  the 
southern  section,  the  central  being  left  to  state  offi 
cers  and  the  northern  and  eastern  to  soldiers  and 
prisoners.17  It  faced  the  great  plaza  with  its  throng 
of  people  and  imposing  cathedral,  but  was  otherwise 
relieved  only  by  a  small  garden.  Maximilian,  with 
his  unassuming  informality  and  sailor  traits,  looked 
upon  it  as  a  cloister,  and  soon  selected  for  his  chief 
residence  the  palace  of  Chapultepec,  standing  on  the 
oval  hill  160  feet  high,  and  a  league  south-west  of 
the  capital.  It  stood  within  groves  of  cedar,  elm,  and 
poplar,  interspersed  with  wild  shrubbery  and  flowers, 
the  building  rising  upon  different  terraces  in  plain  and 
irregular  form,  and  nothing  gorgeous  within  to  re 
mind  the  royal  pair  of  their  imperial  presence.18 

For  this  spot,  hallowed  by  the  myths  as  a  resting- 
place  for  monarchs,  Montezuma  had  shown  his  predi 
lection  when  oppressed  with  omens  of  a  falling  throne, 
or  drawn  by  longing  for  peaceful  intercourse  with 
nature;  watching  from  the  forest-girded  summit  the 
city  reflected  in  the  changing  waters  of  the  lake,  and 
surrounded  by  verdure-clad  shores,  with  whitened 
tenements,  waving  fields,  and  the  shady  copse,  which 
extended  in  variegated  hues  until  it  merged  in  the  hazy 
distance  with  the  circling  ranges  that  marked  the 
limits  of  the  valley.  And  now  another  last  monarch 

17  Juarez  preferred  the  central  court,  where  at  this  time  lived  the  prin 
cess  Iturbide.     Her  name   was   sometimes  applied  to   the   great  reception- 
room,  in  the  third  story  of  the  southern  part  of  the  palace,  with  its  gilt- 
edged  cross-timbered  ceiling,  holding  a  dozen  pendent  chandeliers,  its  floor 
of  dark  inlaid  wood,  and  its  numerous  life-size  portraits  of  prominent  Mexi 
cans  and  of   Washington.     In  the  parallel  Lion  saloon  hung  likenesses   of 
Charles  V.  and  other  Spanish  rulers.     South-east  of  the  former  room  was  the 
audience-chamber,    the   walls   covered   with   crimson   silk    damask,    having 
inwoven   the   Mexican  arms.     The   former   senate-hall   had  been  converted 
into  a  chapel,  with  starred  blue  ceiling.  Consult  Rivera,  Mex.  Pint.,  i.  2-29, 
for  views  and  detailed  description;  also  Arroniz,  Viajero,  110-12,  etc.;  Bul 
lock's  Across  Mex.,  90-1;  Wilxon's  Mex.  and  Relig.,  265-6. 

18  The  front  formed  two  stories,  with  verandas,  flanked  by  a  tower,  and 
connected  in  the  rear  on  a  higher  terrace  with  a  line  of  one-story  buildings, 
surmounted  by  a  still  higher  and  more  pretentious  tower.     Shady  walks  ;md 
flower-beds,  with  statuary  and  fountain,  lent   their  attractions,     iur  vie^a 
and  detailed  descriptions,  see  authorities  in  preceding  note. 


THE  EMPEROR  AT  CHAPULTEPEC.  221 

abided  here  the  lifting  of  the  veil,  pondering  on  the 
changes  wrought  by  Christian  civilization.  The  tow 
ering  temple  pyramid,  with  vestal  fires  and  reeking 
stones  of  sacrifice,  were  replaced  by  crested  naves, 
with  domes  arid  steeples,  and  the  famed  Aztec  garden 
dwellings  by  dense  and  cheerless  blocks  of  houses. 
The  canals,  with  their  throng  of  gliding  canoes,  em 
bowered  and  flower-decked,  had  disappeared,  and  the 
glistening  lake  had  shrunk  away  from  the  new-built 
city,  and  from  the  ravaged  shores,  once  fringed  with 
groves  and  shrubbery. 

Here  Maximilian  lived,  on  the  whole,  an  unosten 
tatious  life,  making  occasional  visits  to  Cuernavaca,  a 
score  of  leagues  or  so  south,  midway  on  the  slopes 
into  the  tierra  caliente,  a  paradise  of  balmy  air  and 
enchanting  environment.  He  rose  sometimes  as  early 
as  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  attended  to  letters 
and  documents.  Two  hours  later  he  took  coffee,  and 
was  soon  afterward  in  the  saddle.  He  breakfasted 
usually  between  eight  and  nine.  Ministerial  consul 
tations  wrere  held  between  one  and  half-past  two.  At 
half-past  three  he  dined  with  the  empress  and  a  few 
friends,  eating  but  little,  and  drinking  either  mineral 
water  with  ice,  or  champagne,  but  neglecting  fruit  and 
coffee.  The  table-service  was  plain,  and  also  the  food, 
despite  the  cooks  imported  from  Europe,  and  excuses 
were  not  infrequently  made  before  guests.19 

This  was  usually  the  first  reunion  of  the  consorts 
during  the  day,  for  the  empress  had  her  hours  and 
duties.  She  rose  at  half-past  six,  opening  the  day 
with  a  bracing  ride.  Prayers  were  held  between  eight 
and  nine,  followed  by  breakfast  in  the  company  of  her 
maids  of  honor.  Then  she  drove  round  to  schools, 
hospitals,  and  other  institutions,  turning  her  steps 
about  two  for  Chapultepec,  in  readiness  for  dinner. 
This  over,  she  sauntered  in  the  grove,  retired  with  a 

19  'Habeii  Sie  jemals  so  schlecht  gegessen  wie  bei  mir,'  he  said  one  day 
apologetically  to  Countess  Kolloiiitz,  as  she  relates.  Heine  uach  Jlexico,  183. 
See  also  Court  of  Mexico,  222. 


222  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

book,  indulged  a  little  in  authorship,  or  yielded  to  the 
allurements  of  pencil  and  crayon,  not  forgetting  to 
scan  the  journals  and  mark  interesting  articles  for 
Maximilian's  perusal,  adding  keen  observations  of  her 
own.  Receptions  were  not  frequent,  but  during  the 
winter  her  saloons  were  open  every  Monday.  On 
these  occasions  the  cambric,  muslin,  or  plain  silk  and 
woollen  dresses  gave  way  to  decollete  robes  of  rich 
material,  with  a  profusion  of  ornaments  and  jewelry; 
and  she  manifested  an  almost  childlike  pleasure  in 
impressing  one  class  with  her  beauty  and  taste,  and 
another  with  the  glitter  of  her  apparel.  She  joined 
in  quadrilles  to  a  limited  extent.  A  series  of  court 
regulations  served  to  check  certain  easy  manners  that 
provincialism  had  introduced  among  an  otherwise  cere 
monious  people. 

Maximilian  personally  objected  to  formality,  as 
shown  by  his  preference  for  the  country.  He  de 
lighted  in  white  linen  suits  and  a  Panama  hat,  or  one 
of  soft  white  felt  with  low  crown;  yet  a  plain  civil 
dress  was  usually  worn,  of  black  frock-coat  and  vest, 
with  light-colored  pantaloons,  gray  overcoat,  and  in 
the  city,  a  gray  high-crowned  hat.  On  great  occasions 
he  could  be  seen  in  a  simple  dark  green  uniform,  with 
gold-embroidered  collar,  red  sash,  and  white  gold- 
striped  trousers.  He  wore  little  jewelry.20  On  special 
occasions  he  donned  the  national  dress,  preferably  the 
ranch ero's,  with  a  view  to  flatter  the  masses.21  He 
certainly  enjoyed  the  life  with  which  this  was  con 
nected,  riding,  roaming,  and  exercising,  especially 
swimming.22  Billiards  formed  a  favorite  entertain- 

20  Two  heavy  plain  gold  rings  on  the  second  finger  of  the  right  hand,  one 
of  them  with  the  initials  G.  G.  G.  and  the  date  July  1857.  On  the  little 
finger  of  the  hand  was  a  ring  with  a  large  blue  stone  bearing  the  Mexican 
arms.  A  similar  stone  setting  marked  his  studs  and  sleeve-buttons,  worn  for 
years  without  change.  On  first  putting  on  the  Mexican  uniform  at  Miramare 
he  seemed  sensitive,  and  whispered  to  a  friend  something  about  'Nichts 
lacherliches  als  solch  einen  Anzug.'  Kollonitz,  Reise,  181. 

21 '  Que  ninguna  persona  de  respectabilidad  usaba  en  poblado, '  exclaims  the 
punctilious  Arrangoiz.  Mej. ,  iii.  222. 

22  At  Acapantzingo  he  erected  a  bathing  pavilion,  and  cultivated  a  little 
garden. 


WASHING  OF  FEET.  223 

ment,  following  the  after-dinner  drive.  In  his  driving 
he  put  on  a  certain  pomp,  his  carriage  being  frequently 
drawn  by  six  white  mules,  and  attended  by  a  groom 
and  a  mounted  escort  in  advance,  dressed  in  apparel 
of  soft  leather.  He  retired  between  eight  and  nine, 
reading  in  bed  for  half  an  hour,  always  some  instruct 
ive  book,  for  novels  he  never  touched. 

The  imperial  pair  paid  great  attention  to  religion, 
partly  for  effect,  as  may  be  judged  from  their  descend 
ing  one  day  from  their  carriage  and  kneeling  in  the 
street  while  the  host  passed.  Another  silly  perform 
ance  was  to  wash  the  feet  of  twelve  poor  persons  on 
Maundy-Thursday,  in  imitation  of  the  pope  and  amidst 
great  ceremony.'23  The  devotion  of  the  empress  and 
her  frank  benevolent  disposition  were  generally  recog 
nized.  Not  so  with  her  husband,  whose  geniality  and 
kind-heartedness  proved  insufficient  to  counteract  the 
often  intrusive  liberalism  in  views,  and  the  cold  wit 
and  innate  bent  for  raillery  which  spared  not  even 
friends  and  partisans.24  This  examination  into  the 
private  life  of  the  emperor  and  empress  does  not  tend 
to  elevate  our  estimation  of  their  strength  of  mind  or 
originality  of  character. 

The  failure  of  the  last  conservative  plot  had  by  no 
means  stilled  the  efforts  of  the  discontented.  -Santa 

23  The  ceremony  took  place  at  noon  in  the  great  reception-room  of  the 
national  palace,  to  which  tickets  admitted  a  large  number.  On  one  side  of 
the  room  stood  a  table  and  bench  for  twelve  old  men,  on  the  other  for  twelve 
women,  both  parties  dressed  in  black,  with  white  collars.  The  emperor  in 
the  uniform  of  a  Mexican  general,  and  the  empress  in  black,  served  at  the 
respective  tables,  pouring  out  wine  and  water,  and  changing  plates.  The 
dinner  over,  a  dozen  boys  and  girls  removed  the  foot-gear  of  the  old  folk,  and 
the  imperial  couple  knelt  and  washed  their  feet,  concluding  with  each  person 
by  kissing  one  of  the  feet.  Let  us  hope  that  God  was  well  pleased  at  this 
foolishness. 

"*  For  other  details  concerning  the  mode  of  life  and  traits  of  the  sovereigns, 
see  Kollonitz,  Raise  nach  Mexico;  Id.,  Court  of  Mexico,  passim;  Hall's  Life  of 
Max.,  passim,  especially  the  first  half;  Bosch,  Erinnerungen  am  Mexico;  Id., 
Recuerdos,  passim;  Max.  y  Carlota  Adven.,  passim,  the  authors  of  which  had 
all  associated  with  the  imperial  pair.  Additional  points  may  be  found  in  the 
books  quoted  for  Maximilian's  acceptance  of  the  throne  and  arrival  in  Mexico, 
including  those  by  Domenech,  Flint,  Keratry,  De"troyat,  etc.  K6ratry  speaks 
of  his  leaning  to  mysticism,  which  fostered  his  belief  in  the  divine  right  of 
kings,  and  himself  as  a  chosen  one.  Max,,  161. 


224  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

Anna  continued  to  intrigue,  issuing  a  stirring  mani 
festo;25  and  the  archbishop  pursued  his  agitation, 
joined  by  a  large  number  of  prominent  persons,  includ 
ing  members  of  the  cabinet.  Encouraged  by  the 
dissatisfaction  in  the  army,  and  the  weakness  of  a 
government  now  to  be  deserted  by  its  main  supporters, 
they  resolved  to  act  decisively  upon  the  French  desire 
for  Maximilian's  removal,  with  the  hope  of  uniting 
parties  in  support  of  a  more  popular  government. 
The  emperor  had  due  warning,  and  sought  to  defeat 
the  plot  by  conciliatory  measures.  These  failing,  he 
caused  the  arrest,  July  15th  and  17th,  of  threescore 
conspirators,  and  had  the  greater  number  deported  for 
safe-keeping  to  Yucatan,26  ordering  also  the  confisca 
tion  of  Santa  Anna's  vast  estates.  This  schemer  re 
ceived  about  the  same  time  a  decided  snub  from  the 
Juarists,  with  whom  he  sought  to  ingratiate  himself.27 
The  preceding  fiasco  convinced  Maximilian  how 
little  reliance  was  to  be  placed  in  liberals  who  had 
chosen  to  pocket  their  republican  sympathies  for  the 
sake  of  imperial  offices.  Nor  had  his  long  effort  to 
court  and  conciliate  the  Juarists  and  constitutionalists 
produced  any  marked  benefits.  A  few  needful  and 
severe  measures  had  served  to  counteract  the  good 
impression  at  one  time  produced,  and  wherever  mili 
tary  authority  declined,  there  rose  at  once  anti-imperial 
sentiments.  Moreover,  in  the  futile  attempt  to  win 
over  the  main  party,  he  had  lost  his  hold  upon  the 

25  Of  June  5th  from  Elizabeth  Port.     Santa  Anna  had  mingled  freely  with 
U.  S.  naval  officers,  and  had  even  been  visited  by  Seward  at  St  Thomas.  Diario 
Imp.,  July  10,  1866,  etc. ;  and  the  most  was  made  of  it.     See  also  Elizaga,  Corte 
de  Roma  y  Max.,  1-93. 

26  Including  generals  Jos6  Rojo,  Zires,  Parra,  and  Partearroyo,  also  Ignacio 
Ramirez,  J.  M.  Arroyo,  and  others.  See  Diario  Imp.,  July   16,   1866,  etc.; 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  109-1 1.     A  few  arrests  were  also  made  in  the  departments 
and  several  changes  in  official  positions.     The  most  active  agent  of  Santa 
Anna  was  Padre  Ordonez,  his  natural  son.     LefSvre,  Doc.,  ii.  335;  Le  Saint, 
Guerre  Mex.,  174. 

27  He  wrote  in  May  to  Minister  Romero:   '  Es  mi  prop6sito  cooperar  d  la 
reinstalacion  del  Gobierno  constitucional  republicano; '  but  his  services  were 
declined.   See  correspondence  in  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,   1863-67,  iii.  59-70,  and 
I</ffsias,  Revistas,  iii.  654-62.     He  could  not  be  trusted.     The  Juarists  decried 
him  as  a  traitor.  Legac.  Mex.,  ii.  218-41;  Estrella  Occid.,  Sept.  28,  1866,  Jan. 
25,  Feb.  1,  1867, 


A  NEW  CABINET.  225 

clerico-conservative  element  which  had  created  him. 
To  pursue  further  so  fruitless  a  policy  seemed  there 
fore  out  of  the  question. 

As  early  as  January  1866  he  began  "to  consider  a 
change;28  yet  when  in  March  Ramirez,  Esteva,  Peza, 
and  Robles29  resigned,  in  face  of  the  hopeless  pros 
pects,  he  still  chose  for  their  successors  moderate  re 
publicans,  in  the  persons  of  General  Garcia,  Francisco 
Sornera,  a  rich  land-owner,  and  Salazar  Ilarregui, 
lately  commissioner  in  Yucatan,  intrusted  respectively 
with  the  portfolios  of  war,  fomento,  and  gobernacion. 
Luis  Arroyo,  late  minister  at  Washington,  was  given 
charge  of  foreign  relations  as  under-secretary.  Artigas 
was  dismissed  from  the  department  of  public  instruc 
tion,30  which,  merged  into  that  of  gobernacion  and  the 
treasury  control,31  passed  to  J.  M.  Lacunza,  president 
of  the  council,  now  made  president  of  the  cabinet. 
Several  of  these  changes  were  dictated  by  economy. 
The  conspiracy  of  July  brought  about  the  dismissal  of 
Lacunza,  Somera,  Garcia,  and  the  older  member  Escu- 
dero;32  and  now  a  decided  approach  was  made  toward 
the  conservatives,  by  appointing  Teodosio  Lares  minis 
ter  of  justice; 33  the  departments  of  fomento  and  gober 
nacion  were  combined.  The  effect  of  this  departure 
was  neutralized  among  Mexicans  by  the  otherwise 
commendable  surrender  of  the  war  and  finance  divis 
ions  to  two  Frenchmen,  General  D'Osmont  and  Fri- 
ant,  intendant-general  of  the  army,  and  by  the  appoint 
ment  of  Father  Fischer34  as  chief  of  his  cabinet,  who 

28  Asking  Almonte  in  fact  to  suggest  a  new  cabinet;  but  the  general  did 
not  believe  in  his  sincerity,  and  did  not  do  so. 

29  The  last  three  were  made  comisarios,  and  the  learned  Ramirez  president 
of  the  academy  of  sciences,  all  receiving  a  decoration.  See  letters  to  them,  in 
Arrangoiz,  M6j.,  iv.  79-81. 

30  Receiving  the  post  of  abogado-general  in  the  supreme  court. 

31  M.  de  Castillo  had  charge  of  the  treasury  and  foreign  relations  for  a 
while.     Among   new  comisarios  were  Bureau,  Saravia,  and   Iribarren,  and 
the  generals  Castillo,  Portilla,  Casanova,  and  Gutierrez  received  the  military 
control  of  divisions  4,  5,  7,  and  8. 

32 '  Sin  darles  aviso  previo,'  says  Iglesias,  Remstas,  iii.  635,  but  Arrangoiz 
reproduces  a  courteous  letter  to  Lacunza.  Mej.,  iv.  72,  77,  112. 

33  Assisted  by  T.  Marin,  president  of  the  Tribunal  at  Mexico. 

34  A  German  Lutheran,  who  after  a  varied  life  as  colonist,  notary,  and  gold- 

HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.    15 


226  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

soon  acquired  a  decided  influence  with  Maximilian, 
despite  his  doubtful  antecedents.  The  French  ap 
pointments  appeared  a  necessary  adjunct  to  the  July 
convention  with  France  and  the  Franco-Mexican  re 
organization  of  the  army;  but  Napoleon  objected  to 
the  semi-official  interference  implied,  and  Bazaine  was 
soon  obliged  to  seek  an  excuse  for  withdrawing  them.35 
Meanwhile  advances  continued  to  be  made  for  con 
servative  favor,  and  on  September  14th  Lares,  as 
president  of  the  cabinet,  was  reenforced  by  Garcia 
Aguirre,  Teofilo  Marin,  and  Mier  y  Teran,  for  the 
department  of  public  instruction  and  worship,  gober- 
nacion,  and  fomento  respectively;  and  to  these  were 
added  the  Portuguese,  J.  N.  Pereda,  I.  T.  Larrainzar, 
subsequently  M.  Campos  and  R.  Tavera,  intrusted 
with  foreign  relations,  finance,  and  war,  Arroyo  being 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  household.36  In  the  pro 
gramme  now  issued  the  necessity  was  pointed  out  of 
harmonious  cooperation  between  political  and  military 
powers,  and  of  suppressing  hostile  demonstrations, 
while  otherwise  allowing  freedom  of  opinion  and  sus 
taining  individual  guarantees,  with  inviolability  of 
property.  The  administration  had  to  be  intrusted 
exclusively  to  the  ministers,  who  were  responsible, 
and  territorial  divisions  to  reliable  adherents— an  mi- 
digger  in  the  United  States,  became  in  Mexico  a  catholic  priest  and  secretary 
to  the  bishop  of  Durango,  and  later  curate  at  Parras,  under  the  patronage  of 
the  rich  Sanchez  Navarro,  who  subsequently  recommended  him  to  Maximilian. 
He  had  just  returned  from  Rome  without  achieving  anything  at  the  Vatican. 
His  coarse  heavy  physique  and  smooth  sensual  face  stood  in  marked  contrast 
to  the  oily  tongue  and  flitting  eyes.  Maximilian  came  soon  to  speak  ironically 
of  him,  and  Basch  accuses  him  of  '  Mangel  an  Offenheit  und  politischer  Ehrlich- 
keit.'  Erinnerunyen,  ii.  1,  3,  16-17,  etc.  KeYatry  alludes  to  his  dismissal 
from  the  episcopal  palace  at  Durango  for  loose  conduct.  Max.,  160;  Comtit., 
June  19,  1868. 

35  Influenced  partly  by  a  protest  from  the  U.  S.     Note  dated  at  Washington 
Aug.  16th.   Payno  alludes  to  Friant  as  harsh  and  autocratic.   Cuentas,  856;  a 
man  who  held  more  absolute  control  of  the  treasury  than  any  previous  im 
perial  minister. 

36  Iglesias  criticises  Lares  as  an  '  hombre  malo,  pero  de  capacidad,  *  he  and 
Aguirre  being  secessionists   from   the   liberal   ranks.     Tavera's  record  was 
blemished  with  cruelty;  the  rest  were  unknown   or  incapable    Revistas,  iii, 
637-9.     He  adds  something  about  sub-secretarial  changes.     Arrangoiz  grieves 
over  the  fate  of  Marin,  Teran,  Lacunza,  and  others  as  having  to  die  in  exile. 
M<*j.,  iv.  137.     Niox  calls  Lares  an  agent  of  the  archbishop.  Exptd.  618. 


MODIFIED  POLICY.  227 

plied  conservative  right  to  offices.  A  good  under 
standing  should  be  restored  between  church  and  state 
by  means  of  a  concordat  with  Rome,  embracing  a 
removal  of  the  insecurity  hanging  over  alienated 
estates,  the  right  of  acquiring  property  and  the 
means  of  sustenance  for  the  clergy.37  Meanwhile 
steps  should  be  taken  to  smooth  difficulties,  and  fore 
most  to  hasten  the  organization  of  the  army,  and  per 
fect  a  plan  for  the  finance  department.  As  a  means 
to  improve  the  condition  of  the  poorer  classes,  a  sys 
tem  of  land  grants  was  inaugurated.38 

In  accordance  with  this  plan  came  a  host  of  addi 
tional  appointments,  and  changes,  especially  in  the 
ranks  of  prefects  and  councillors,39  and  several  anti- 
catholic  enactments  were  revoked,  including  that 
which  had  transferred  the  cemeteries  to  municipal 
control.*0  Notwithstanding  the  declared  inviolabil 
ity  of  property,  an  embargo  was  laid  on  that  of  all  per 
sons  hostile  to  the  empire,  to  be  administered  for  the 
benefit  of  bereaved  loyal  families — an  act  which  only 
encouraged  the  Juarists  to  larger  reprisal.41  The 
change  of  policy  was  received  with  mixed  feelings. 
Stanch  conservatives  accepted  it  as  a  triumph,42  and 

37  A  base  for  such  a  concordat  had  been  brought  by  Fischer,  and  it  was 
widely  believed  that  a  payment  of  ten  per  cent  of  the  value  of  seized  estates 
might  be  accepted.     Maximilian  later  declared  that  he  had  been  deceived  by 
Fischer.     So  says  Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  17,  etc.     Seminaries  should  be  founded 
to  promote  education  among  the  clergy. 

38  The  usual  suggestions  followed  for  fostering  colonization,  agriculture,  com 
merce,  etc.,  for  reforming  the  administration  of  justice,  for  settling  land  dis 
putes  between  communities  and   individuals.     The   number   of   councillors 
should  be  increased,  but  only  a  few  to  receive  salary.     The  government  had 
to  sustain  its  free  control  of  the  national  army.     '  Una  parte  del  programa 
era  la  reprobacion  completa  de  los  actos  del  Emperador,'  observes  Arrangoiz, 
Mej.,  iv.  151.     Iglesias  and  others  sneer  at  it. 

89 Complete  lists  from  Diario  Imp.,  Sept.  19,  Oct.  17,  1866;  La  Voz  de 
Mej.,  etc.,  have  been  preserved  by  Arrangoiz.  Mej.,  iv.  143,  151,  etc. 

*°Thus  by  decree  of  Sept.  19th  the  bodies  of  persons  not  belonging  to 
the  catholic  religion  were  to  be  interred  in  special  cemeteries  or  parts. 
Catholic  grounds  were  to  be  surrendered  to  the  bishops.  The  issue  of  the 
civil  code  on  July  6th,  with  affirmation  of  the  civil  marriage  rite,  had  left  an 
unfavorable  impression. 

41  Larger,  because  conservatives  owned  most  estates.   See  Juarez'  decree  of 
confiscating  property  of  imperialists.  Mex.t  Col.  Leyes,  1862-7,  iii.   128-30, 
134-7. 

42  Deputations  come  to  thank  the  emperor  rfor  the  step.     Rivera,  Hist. 
Jal,  v.  681-2. 


228  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

hoped  with  the  regained  cooperation  of  the  clergy  to 
achieve  good  results.  Liberals,  on  the  other  hand, 
condemned  it  as  a  suicidal  declaration  of  war  against 
the  majority,  and  foresaw  only  dire  consequences. 
Yet  it  was  but  a  return  of  the  government  to  the 
party  to  which  it  really  stood  pledged,  and  probably 
as  good  a  course  as  could  have  been  taken  under  the 
pressing  circumstances,  after  so  many  failures/3  It 
was  worth  an  effort  to  win  over  the  clergy;  yet  it 
may  be  compared  to  the  clutch  of  a  drowning  man. 

The  reconciliation  of  the  emperor  with  the  clerical 
party,  and  his  evident  intention  of  retaliating  upon 
the  French  for  their  abandonment,  made  relations 
with  Paris  more  disagreeable  than  ever,  and  upon 
Bazaine  as  agent  fell  no  little  of  the  brunt.  The 
general  had  received  many  a  favor  from  Maximilian,*4 
and  had  granted  many  a  one  in  return,  as  instanced 
lately  by  advancing  funds  against  the  wishes  of  his 
master.  But  the  disposition  of  the  prince  for  ridicule, 
and  his  occasions  for  discontent  with  military  opera 
tions,  aggravated  by  a  vacillating  character,  all  tended 
to  interpose  frequent  clouds  between  the  two.  The 
failure  to  maintain  or  follow  up  advantages  gained, 
the  concentration  of  troops,  and  other  measures  were 
mainly  the  result  of  political  exigencies  and  lack  of 
sufficient  forces,  yet  the  attitude  at  times  assumed  by 
the  marshal  from  offended  pride  or  arrogance 45  led  to 
his  being  suspected  of  greater  iniquities.  Complaints 
had  not  been  sparing,  joined  with  requests  for  his 
removal,  and  in  April  1866  came  a  letter  authorizing 
Bazaine  to  return  to  France,  leaving  Douay  in  com- 

48  KeYatry,  in  condemning,  assumes  it  to  have  been  an  effort  to  support  the 
appeal  of  Charlotte  at  Rome.  Max.,  161.  Arrangoiz  believes  in  the  influence 
of  Maximilian's  mother,  or  the  reprobation  in  Europe  of  his  having  abandoned 
the  party  which  called  him.  Mej. ,  iv.  196.  Niox  regards  it  as  a  doubtful  move 
ment.  Exped.  du  Mex.,  619;  as  do  several  others. 

44  Their  Majesties  had  held  the  marshal's  infant  at  the  font,  and  even  of 
fered  him  the  title  of  duke.  Letter  by  Loysel  of  May  20th. 

45  There  were  ever  persons  ready  to  bring  him  an  account  of  Maximilian's 
pleasantry  concerning  himself,  and  the  consciousness  of  controlling  the  real 
power  which  upheld  the  throne  frequently  led  to  disagreeable  self-assertion. 


BAZAINE  AND  CASTELNAU.  229 

mand.46  This  arrived  at  a  time  when  his  relations  at 
court  were  again  amicable,  and  he  replied  accordingly, 
without  pretending  to  understand  the  hint  to  return, 
for  his  connections  with  the  country  by  marriage 
and  business  affairs  made  it  inconvenient  to  depart. 
Changes  being  made  in  the  plan  for  evacuation,  it  was 
finally  thought  best  to  allow  the  marshal  to  remain  in 
command.47 

There  was  no  objection  to  his  conduct  as  commander- 
in-chief,  but  he  did  not  show  himself  sufficiently  pli 
able  to  the  wishes  of  Napoleon  in  carrying  out  the 
political  programme,48  and  it  was  resolved  to  send  out 
an  agent  in  the  person  of  General  Castelnau,  with  full 
power  to  give  effect  to  it.  The  pecuniary  interests  of 
France,  which  had  now  become  the  main  considera 
tion,  demanded  above  all  a  firm  government  in  Mexico. 
The  conservatives  seemed  to  offer  little  prospect  for 
its  formation,  owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  United 
States  and  the  strength  and  growth  of  the  Juarists ; 
and  furthermore  their  clerico-financial  principles  were 
unfavorable  to  those  interests.  The  only  hope  for  suc 
cess  appeared  to  lie  with  the  liberals.  Maximilian 
had  failed  to  win  them  over,  and  it  was  unlikely  that 
any  other  foreign  prince  would  do  better.  The  head 
of  the  new  government  must  therefore  be  sought 
among  the  liberals  themselves.  An  arrangement  with 
the  tenacious  Juarez  was  unpromising  as  well  as  hu 
miliating,49  and  Diaz,  Ortega,  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and 
Kuiz  were  assumed  to  be  preferable. £ 


50 


48 '  En  lui  annoncant  que  1'empereur  lui  r^serverait  en  France  une  haute 
position. '  Niox,  Expect,  du  Mex. ,  596. 

47  Douay  had  objected  to  carry  out  the  evacuation  on  the  plan  announced 
in  April.     Napoleon's  reasons  were  overcome  by  the  inadvisability  of  chang 
ing  commanders  at  the  close  of  the  expedition,  and  on  Aug.  15th  the  marshal 
was  advised  to  remain.     '  Jusqu'au  dernier  soldat,'  was  his  eager  reply.  Id., 
625.  In  Pap.  y  Corresp.  Famtt.  Imp. ,  74-80,  are  given  reasons  for  this  eager 
ness. 

48  Often  only  implied.    Bazaine  preferred  to  act  to  the  letter  of  instructions, 
and  such  were  not  always  sent,  for  prudent  reasons. 

49  The  opinion  presented  by  Niox,  Exped.,  642,  that  Juarez  was  regarded 
as  a  figure-head,  could  not  have  been  entertained  by  many,  after  this  exhibition 
of  strength  during  the  contest  with  Ortega  and  others. 

so  Castelnau  favored  Lerdo,  and  Bazaine  is  said  to  have  preferred  Ruiz, 


230  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

Castelnau  was  moreover  instructed  to  hasten  the 
departure  of  the  French  troops,  now  fixed  for  the 
spring  of  1867,  in  one  mass,  on  the  ground  that 
evacuation  in  detachments  might  expose  the  last 
division  to  the  combined  onslaught  of  the  rapidly 
swelling  republican  armies.81  This  measure  was  also 
intended  to  impress  Maximilian  with  the  necessity  of 
abdicating  before  his  position  became  wholly  unten 
able,  and  thus  promote  the  installation  of  a  new  gov 
ernment  favorable  to  France  and  acceptable  to  the 
United  States. 

Advised  beforehand  of  Napoleon's  desire,  and  rec 
ognizing  that  Maximilian  could  not  sustain  himself, 
Bazaine  began  to  recommend  abdication.  The  mo 
ment  proved  favorable.  The  efforts  of  the  new  con 
servative  cabinet  to  collect  means  served  only  to 
expose  their  poverty;  news  had  arrived  of  Charlotte's 
failure  at  Paris,  and  the  discouraging  aspect  was  ren 
dered  still  gloomier  by  the  delicate  health  of  the 
emperor.52  Now  on  the  18th  of  October  came  the 

but  it  seems  that  he  looked  with  more  respect  on  Diaz.  Lerdo  had  displayed 
admirable  tact  as  Juarez'  minister,  and  many  regarded  him  as  the  controlling 
power,  while  his  connection  with  the  Lerdo  law  and  other  measures  presented 
him  to  all  as  a  leader  among  liberals.  Ruiz,  as  mere  occupant  of  Ortega's 
place,  never  had  much  influence;  but  Diaz  was  again  assuming  among  Juarist 
generals  the  leading  place  acquired  before  his  imprisonment  at  Puebla. 

61  Troops  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  Sept.  26th,  ready  to  embark,  but  had  to 
return  into  the  interior  to  support  the  general  retrograde  movement.  The 
order  came  in  advance  by  telegraph,  dated  Sept.  12th,  with  injunction  to 
defend  tht  honor  of  the  flag — against  the  U.  S.,  explains  Keratry,  Max.,  193. 

52  Affected  by  intermittent  fever.  Basch,  the  physician  and  intimate 
associate  of  Maximilian,  declares  that  the  latter  frequently  alluded  to  a  let 
ter  from  Napoleon  imploring  him  to  abdicate  the  throne,  'den  er  [Napoleon] 
nicht  mehr  im  Stande  sei  zu  halten,'  and  that  in  the  beginning  of  Sept.  already 
he  had  taken  the  resolution  to  liquidate  the  Mexican  business.  Erimier- 
ungen  aus  Mexico,  i.  22-3.  Arrangoiz  thinks  a  proof  of  the  latter  lies  in  the 
neglect  or  failure  of  any  one  to  deny  it,  in  the  face  of  Basch's  bold  declara 
tion.  Mtf.,  iv.  167.  Nevertheless  there  are  doubts,  supported  by  the  state 
ment  that  Napoleon  had  stooped  to  plead  considerations  for  his  dynasty. 
That  less  committing  verbal  utterances  had  been  transmitted  through  Char 
lotte  or  other  personages  is  possible.  Basch  may  not  be  so  wrong  about  the 
date,  however,  for  on  Sept.  26th  Maximilian  asked  Bazaiue  to  recall  a 
number  of  Austrian  troops  to  Mexico,  and  on  the  14th  of  Oct.  he  an 
nounced  his  departure  for  the  coast  'to meet  the  empress,'  and  the  desire  to 
consult  the  marshal  on  '  some  points  of  exceeding  importance,'  hoping  that  he 
would  let  no  obstacle  of  whatever  nature  pi-event  his  appearance  at  the 
interview.  A  note  of  the  19th  again  demanded  attention  to  escort  'for  the 
empress,'  and  to  the  insecure  condition  of  the  route.  Now,  the  emperor 


THOUGHTS  OF  ABDICATION.  231 

message  announcing  the  mental  condition  of  his  con 
sort.  With  trembling  voice  and  tear-dimmed  eyes  he 
consulted  with  his  intimate  associates53  what  best  to 
do,  and  bis  health  and  nerves  requiring  in  any  case  a 
change,  he  was  advised  to  proceed  to  Orizaba,  there 
to  await  developments,  while  benefiting  from  the 
balmy  temperature  of  the  tierra  templada.  A  strong 
reason  for  leaving  is  said  to  have  been  the  hope  of 
succeeding  to  the  sceptre  of  his  brother,  on  the 
strength  of  his  own  popularity  as  the  once  liberal 
governor  of  Lombardy,  and  of  the  discontent  evoked 
by  the  late  humiliating  war  with  Prussia.54 

On  learning  of  the  intended  journey,  the  public 
in  general  immediately  suspected  the  truth,  and  the 
fate  of  the  empire  was  freely  discussed  with  voice  and 

already  knew  of  Charlotte's  mental  condition,  and  that  business  connected 
with  the  estate  of  her  father,  Leopold  I. ,  lately  deceased,  and  other  matters, 
would  in  any  case  have  detained  her;  hence  the  escort  could  be  only  for 
himself,  and  the  departure  for  the  coast  meant  embarkation.  That  the  point 
to  be  discussed  included  abdication,  '  lo  se  por  persona  a  quien  lo  refiri6  Max- 
imiliano  mismo,'  asserts  the  positive  Arrangoiz.  Mej.,  iv.  156.  Ke>atry,  Max., 
189-92,  reasons  to  the  same  effect,  as  do  Niox  and  others. 

53  Among  whom  were  counted  Basch,  Councillor  Herzfeld,  lately  consul- 
general  at  Vienna  and  early  bosom  friend,  Count   de   Bombelles,  formerly 
captain  in  the  Austrian  navy,  and  raised  to  a  general  in  Mexico,  Fischer,  the 
unctuous  priest,  and  Prof.  Bilimek  of  the  museum.     Basch  declared  that  the 
French   having  broken   their  compact,  Maximilian  was  justified  before  all 
Europe  in  departing,  and  was  called  away  besides  by  the  condition  of  the 
Empress.     Herzfeld  did  the  same,  and  urged  immediate  embarkation,  intent 
only  on  the  safety  of  the  '  archduke.'     Basch  thought  that  undue  haste  should 
not  be  allowed  to  reflect  on  the  duty  of   the  'emperor.'  Erinmrungvn  aus 
Mexico,  i.  49-50,  etc.    According  to  Ke"ratry,  Bazaine  urged  that  the  abdication 
should  be  performed  in  Europe,  so  as  to  prevent  anarchy  and  protect  French 
interests. 

54  *  II  nous  repugne  de  croire  que  ces  sentiments  coupables  aient  pu  p6nd- 
trer  dans  Fame  e'leve'e  et  si  ge"ne"reusc  de  ce  prince,'  objects  D^troyat.  L'ln- 
terven.,   290;   and   Basch,    Erinn.,    i.    79-80,    naturally   defends    his   prince 
warmly  against  'die  schamlosen  Insinuationen, '  declaring  that  he  intended 
to  travel  for  two  years  before  returning  to  Austria.     In  the  plan,  as  dictated 
by  Maximilian,  Corfu  is  mentioned  as  a  point  at  which  to  meet  the  empress, 
'  or  somebody  '  from  Miramare,  if  she  could  not  come.     But  Basch,  who  would 
probably  not  have  been  informed  of  such  designs,  forgets  that  the  protest  of 
Maximilian  in   Dec.   1864   against   his  renunciation  meant  something,  that 
brotherly  feeling  would  no  longer  have  deterred  him,  and  that  the  letter  of 
Eloin,  then  on  secret  mission  in  Europe,  as  will  be  alluded  to,  is  entitled  to  a 
certain  weight.     Ke>atry  lays  great  stress  on  this  letter,  and  even  believes 
that  Maximilian  may  have  hoped  to  unite  the  Austrian  and  Mexican  sceptres. 
Max.,  221.     Arrangoiz  adds  the  testimony  of  Father  Gomez,  Spanish  teacher 
to  the  prince,  and  Bazaine,  to  the  effect  that  Charlotte  had  more  than  once 
spoken  of  a  better  crown  in  Europe.  Mej.,  iv.  84-5.     This  came  from  second 
or  third  hand,  however. 


232  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

pen,  some  journals  advocating  departure,  others  op 
posing  it.55  The  conservatives  were  seized  with  con 
sternation,  for  the  fall  of  the  throne  implied  to  them 
loss  of  power  and  privileges,  the  fading  of  all  pros 
pects,  and  with  all  the  dire  vengeance  of  the  republi 
cans  on  their  persons  and  estates.  The  blow  startled 
above  all  the  clergy,  whose  prelates  were  even  then 
uniting  at  Mexico,  hoping  to  settle  questions  be 
tween  church  and  state.56  Petitions  by  committees 
and  in  writing  came  pouring  in  against  the  departure, 
and  Lares  rushed  forward  with  the  resignation  of  the 
cabinet.  But  with  the  aid  of  Bazaine  the  ministers 
were  reassured,  and  the  journals  gave  notice  that  the 
journey  was  nothing  more  than  one  of  the  trips  so 
frequently  undertaken.57  This  served  only  in  a  meas 
ure  to  allay  the  excitement,  and  Bazaine  thought  it 
best  to  take  precautions  both  against  a  possible  mob 
in  the  capital,  and  against  a  combination  of  parties 
throughout  the  country.58  Maximilian  left  Chapul- 
tepec  for  Orizaba  before  dawn  the  following  morning, 
October  21st.59 

55  L'Estafette,  the  French  journal,  La  Sociedad,  and  certain  liberal  papers, 
showed  good  reasons  for  abdication,  to  which  La  Patria,  the  ministerial 
organ,  replied  by  pointing  to  a  probable  anarchy  in  consequence.  One 
journal  declared  that  Bazaine  would  remain  as  lieut-gen.  of  the  empire,  and 
created  no  little  excitement  in  numbers  for  Oct.  21st  et  seq.  Also  Diario 
Imp.,  for  announcement  of  the  journey,  etc.,  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  etc.;  LefSvre, 
Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  352-5.  Several  writers  express  themselves  as  if  Max 
imilian's  departure  was  certain,  but  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal,  v.  683,  assumes  that 
this  rested  on  false  assumption. 

66  Maximilian  had  himself  prepared  a  speech  for  opening  the  synod,  and 
Basch,  Erinn.y  i.  39-44,  produces,  not  without  a  certain  vanity,  his  own, 
Latin  translation  to  be  read  by  the  emperor. 

57  Arrangoiz  upholds  the  self-sacrificing  patriotism  of  the  ministers  against 
the  charge  that  they  lost  their  heads,  recognizing  their  lack  of  strength  and 
energy.  Mej.,  iv.  162-70.  He  scouts  the  idea  that  Bazaine's  persuasion 
proved  stronger  than  their  own  voice  of  honor.  Basch  writes  that  Maximil 
ian's  first  impulse  was  to  form  a  regency  of  Lares  as  presiding  minister, 
Lacunza  as  presiding  councillor,  and  Bazaine,  with  the  charge  to  summon  a 
congress  to  which  the  abdication  should  be  submitted.  The  decree  was  made 
out,  but  kept  for  consideration.  The  second  thought  was  to  remove  the  gov 
ernment  to  Orizaba,  Minister  Arroyo  accompanying,  and  Bazaine  remaining 
in  control  at  the  capital.  Erinnerungen  aus  Mexico,  i.  56-7. 

58 Car  il  ne  doutait  pas. .  .on  verrait  les  administrations  se  d^sorganiser  et 
tous  les  partis  unir  leurs  forces  centre  les  Francais.  Niox,  Expcd.  du  Mex.,  633. 

59 Attended  by  Arroyo,  minister  of  the  household,  Father  Fischer,  Dr 
Basch,  Professor  Bilimek,  officers  Rodrguez,  Pradillo,  and  Secretary  Ibar- 
rondo.  Herzfeld  with  an  escort  of  300  men  under  Kodolitsch  remained  to 


ORTEGA  FOR  PRESIDENT.  233 

General  Castelnau  had  arrived  at  Yera  Cruz  more 
than  a  week  previously,  and  after  an  unaccountable 
delay60  set  out  for  Mexico,  passing  the  imperial  cor 
tege  at  Ayotla,  without  being  allowed  to  see  Maximil 
ian.  Bazaine  submitted  with  tolerable  good  grace  to 
the  subordination  imposed  upon  him  by  this  represent 
ative  of  his  sovereign.  Castelnau  displaying  laudable 
tact,  no  unpleasantness  occurred.61  Joined  by  Minis 
ter  Dano,  they  began  actively  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  formation  of  a  new  government.  Nothing  could 

O  O 

be  acomplished  with  a  man  of  Diaz'  stanch  loyalty 
and  patriotism;  Lerdo  de  Tejada  was  supposed  to  be 
equally  unyielding,  and  so  the  choice  for  presidential 
candidate  finally  settled  on  Ortega.  He  possessed 
the  advantage  of  a  decided  claim  to  the  chief  magis 
tracy,  which  had  been  set  aside  on  a  mere  technical 
ity,  and  was  therefore  supposed  to  have  left  him  a 
strong  hold  on  popular  sympathies.  Moreover,  his 
active  supporters  were  by  no  means  insignificant, 
notably  along  the  Texan  border,  where  Matamoros 
was  foremost  in  his  favor.62  It  was  believed  that 
many  more  adherents  would  join  as  soon  as  he  could 
present  himself  with  sufficient  strength  to  face  Juarez. 
Less  clerical  than  Santa  Anna,  who  held  so  large 
a  following,  he  was  also  less  radical  than  his  success 
ful  rival,  and  could  not  therefore  be  so  obnoxious  to 
conservatives.  In  his  eagerness  to  obtain  French 
support  he  had  shown  a  disposition  to  promote  an 

prepare  letters  to  Bazaine,  arranging  for  the  embarkation  of  the  Austro-Bel- 
gian  troops,  farewell  letters  to  the  Iturbide  family,  promising  to  recommend 
them  to  the  new  government,  orders  for  taking  inventory  of  effects,  and  to 
obtain  the  concession  of  the  estate  Olindo  near  Cuernavaca  for  Uraga  and 
other  officers.  While  little  came  of  all  this,  it  shows  what  decision  had  been 
reached  in  Maximilian's  mind.  See  Basch,  Erinn.,  i.  60,  etc.;  Keratry,  Max., 
209-13.  The  latter  is  somewhat  free  in  framing  words,  etc.,  for  the  prince. 
The  reception  along  the  route  was  all  that  could  be  desired. 

60Attributed  to  the  intrigues  of  Bazaine.  Maximilian  sent  Capt.  Perron, 
chief  of  his  military  cabinet,  to  receive  him;  but  Castelnau  declined  an  inter 
view. 

61  While  Bazaine  could  take   no  step  without  consulting   the  envoy,  his 
power  remained  otherwise  unimpaired,  and  there  was  no  occasion  for  him  to 
'briser   son    e"pe"e,'  as   the   rumor  ran.    Detroyat,  L'Interv.,  293.     He  could 
have  left  the  command  to  Douay  and  departed,  if  so  inclined. 

62  Then  held  by  Canales,  who  was  besieged  by  the  Juarist  governor  Tapia. 


234  IMPERIAL  HOME  LIFE  AND  VICISSITUDES. 

arrangement  for  securing  the  claims  connected  there 
with,  and  his  stanch  federalist  principles  and  legal 
rights  to  the  presidency  were  believed  to  prove  suffi- 
cent  inducements  for  obtaining  the  favorable  consid 
eration  of  the  United  States. 

Unfortunately  the  cabinet  at  Washington  felt  less 
disposed  than  ever  to  assume  a  yielding  attitude. 
The  first  news  of  a  change  in  the  plan  of  evacua 
tion,  while  really  approaching  more  than  the  former 
toward  the  wishes  of  Seward,  provoked  a  haughty 
note  to  the  minister  at  Paris.63  There  were  no  objec 
tions  to  Ortega;  but  to  favor  him  would  be  to  support 
French  influence  in  Mexico,  and  it  was  preferable  to 
substitute  that  of  the  United  States  by  sustaining 
Juarez,  to  whom  moreover  the  latter  stood  pledged 
to  a  certain  extent  by  the  recognition  accorded.64  Mr 
Campbell,  who  had  already  been  appointed  minister  to 
the  Juarist  government,  was  accordingly  instructed 
to  hasten  to  his  post.65  In  order  to  give  more  effect 
to  this  mission,  General  Sherman66  accompanied  him. 

63  Casting  doubts  on  the  real  intentions  of  Napoleon.     The  U.  S.  would 
entertain  suggestions  for  the  firm  establishment  of  order,  etc.,  in  Mexico  only 
after  the  evacuation  had  been  effected.     Despatch  of  Oct  8th.     Bigelow  was 
told  that  French  troops  would  be  \vithdrawn  in  the  spring  if   Maximilian 
consented  to  abdicate.     In  case,  however,  the  prince  believed  he  could  main 
tain  himself,  the  departure  of  the  troops  would  be  as  previously  arranged  by 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  Despatch  from  Paris  of  Nov.  8th;  see  Leg.  Mex.,  Circ., 
ii.  264  et  seq. 

64  This  was  greatly  due  to  Minister  Romero's  active  support.     The  fear 
expressed   by  some   writers   that   Ortega's   entry  would   lead  to  dissension* 
bears   different   interpretations.     As  a  famous  soldier,  with  a  large  liberal 
following  and  the  adhesion  of  conservatives  and  moderates,  he  seemed  the 
man  most  likely  to  unite  the  several  factions;  but  the  late  Juarist  successes 
had  materially  affected  his  chances.     Domenech  gives  too  much  importance  to 
support  accorded  to  Santa  Anna  in  the  U.  S.     He  assumes  that  Seward  pro 
posed  to  install  the  arch  intriguer  as  president  and  use  him  as  a  tool,  while 
permitting  the  recognition  of  French  claims  and  debts  contracted  by  Maximil 
ian.     Finally  his  influence  in  Mexico  was  thought  to  be  insufficient,  and  he 
was  cast  aside.  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  371-2. 

65  His  instructions  of  Oct.  22d  allude  to  the  promised  withdrawal  from 
Mexico  of  French  troops,  and  the  observance  by  France  of  a  non-intervention 
policy  similar  to  that  of  the  U.  S.     The  withdrawal  would  lead  to  a  crisis, 
and  he  ought  then  to  be  present  as  the  representative  of  the  U.  S.  with  the 
republican  government.     Juarez  was  recognized  to  be  the  president,  and  he 
must  acknowledge  no  other  head.      The  U.   S.  had  no  designs  on  Mexican 
territory,  but  were  ready  to  make  demonstration  along  the  border  to  promote 
the  reestablishment  of  order. 

66  Grant,  the  general-in-chief,  having  declined. 


POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  235 

In  the  same  month  of  November  Ortega  was  arrested 
in  Texas  while  on  the  way  to  join  his  supporters  in 
Mexico,  and  American  troops  soon  after  crossed  to 
Matamoros,  hoisting  their  flag  there,  and  indirectly 
promoting  the  capitulation  of  the  city  to  the  Juarists. 
Demonstrations  like  these  could  not  fail  to  excite 
alarm  among  imperialists,  and  convince  them  of  the 
hopelessness  of  coming  to  an  understanding  with  the 
northern  republic.67 

67  See  Diario  Imp.,  Nov.  30,  1866,  etc.  The  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Dec.  21, 
1866,  reproduces  triumphantly  Gen.  Sheridan's  order  to  the  commander  at 
Brownsville  against  Orteguists  and  other  opponents  of  the  '  only  recognized 
government.'  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  May  26,  1866,  etc.,  alludes  to  the  significant 
attentions  paid  at  that  date  already  to  Juarez'  wife,  then  at  Washington. 
For  correspondence  and  comments  on  the  relations  between  the  U.  S.t 
Mexico,  and  France,  see  U.  ft.  Foreign  Aff.,  1-423,  passim,  39th  cong.  2d 
sess.;  Leg.  Mex.,  Circ.,  i.  l^i-454,  passim,  ii.  230-83;  Id.,  1865-6,  187- 
91;  Lefgvre,  Doc.  Maximiliano,  ii.  355-71;  Mex.  A/.,  ii.  275-8,  39th  cong. 
1st  sess.;  Senate  Jour.,  5S5-6,  39th  cong.  2d  sess.;  House  Jour.,  71b'; 
Cong.  Globe,  1866-7,  71,  etc.;  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  93,  xii.,39th  cong.  1st  sess.; 
U.  8,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  13  et  seq.,  39th  cong.  2d  sess.  The  position  of  the 
U.  S.  in  the  question  is  discussed  from  different  standpoints  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  1832-75,  pt  x.  90-4;  Mex.  under  Max.,  138,  etc.;  Flint's  Mex.,  228  et 
seq.j  in  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  Amer.  View,  in  Max.  and  the  Mex.  Empire,  1-8, 
and  in  Domenech,  L' Empire  Mex.,  55-68,  the  prospect  of  a  conquest  by  the 
northern  republic  is  considered.  There  was  even  talk  of  a  secret  treaty  at 
El  Paso,  ceding  certain  territory  in  return  for  the  arms  and  funds  which 
had  now  become  so  abundant  among  republicans.  In  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863- 
7,  iii.  6-9,  is  an  effort  to  rouse  feelings  against  imperialist  cruelties. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MAXIMILIAN'S   VACILLATION— REPUBLICAN  SUCCESSES. 

1866. 

MAXIMILIAN  AT  ORIZABA— PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEPARTURE — INDECISION- 
PERSUASIONS  or  FATHER  FISCHER — RETURN  OF  MIRAMON  AND  MAR- 
QUEZ — AUSTRIAN  CROWN  PROSPECTS  —  MAXIMILIAN  WARNED  NOT  TO 
RETURN  TO  AUSTRIA — COUNCIL  OF  ORIZABA — FRENCH  PROTESTS — JUA- 
RISTS  GAINING  STRENGTH — UNITED  STATES  VOLUNTEERS — ARMY  MOVE 
MENTS — ORTEGA'S  PARTY — BAZAINE'S  QUARRELS. 

MAXIMILIAN  had  meanwhile  been  recreating  at  Ori 
zaba,1  relieving  his  conscience  by  modifying  the  bloody 
decree  of  October  3,  1865,2  and  making  arrangements 
for  departure,  by  settling  his  private  affairs  and  ship 
ping  his  effects 3  on  board  the  Austrian  frigate  Dan- 
dolo.  But  while  the  rumor  spread  at  the  close  of 
October  1866,  from  Mexico  to  foreign  parts,*  that  he 
had  already  left  Mexico,  he  was  still  meditating  what 

1  Making  frequent  scientific  expeditions  in  the  neighborhood,  with  Bili- 
mek,  Basch,  and  Fischer,  and  leading  a  simple  invalid  life,  as  Basch,  Erinn., 
i.  117-21,  describes. 

2  On  the  way  to  Orizaba  he  had  asked  Bazaine  to  arrange  with  the  minis 
ters  to  this  effect,  and  to  forbid  courts-martial  in  political  matters,  even  urging 
the   stay  of   persecution  and  '  hostilidades, '  the  latter  term  very  properly 
applied  by  the  marshal  only  to  political  offences,  for  a  stay  of  '  hostilities ' 
was  not  to  be  thought  of.  See  Niox,  Exped.  du  Alex.,  132.    Basch,  65-8,  gives 
extracts  from  Maximilian's  diary  to  show  that  he  placed  the  responsibility  for 
the  decree  on  Bazaine  and  the  ministers.     K.6ratry  brings  up  the  fact  that 
when  Maximil'in  in  August  sought  to  proclaim  martial  law  Bazaine  dissuaded 
him  from  the  measure  as  needless.  Max.,  149-54.     Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  183- 
7,  reproduces  the  modified  decree  of  Nov.  4th. 

3  The  shipment  of  his  effects  had  begun  before  the  news  came  of  Charlotte's 
condition,  it  seems.     Herzfeld  was  now  sent  to  Europe  to  prepare  for  his  ar 
rival  there.  Baxch,  Erinn.,  i.  74.     The  account  of  his  civil  list  sent  in  showed 
a  balance  in  his  favor  of  $180,000. 

*  L'Estafette,  Oct.  31,  1866,  etc.  See  also  Niox,  631-3.  Doubts  were  dis 
sipated  to  some  extent  by  a  telegram  announcing  that  his  health  had  im 
proved,  whereby  the  object  of  his  journey  was  achieved!  This  was  .intended 
merely  to  allay  any  excitement  which  might  arise. 

( 230  i 


A  CHANGE  OF  PLAN.  237 

to  do,  swayed  now  by  reported  disasters  to  his  arms, 
and  again  by  mirages  conjured  up  by  interested 
advisers. 

The  best  evidence  of  his  varying  mood,  as  influenced 
by  men  and  happenings,  is  furnished  in  the  correspond 
ence  with  Bazaine  and  his  colleagues,  entered  upon 
partly  with  a  view  to  learn  the  plans  of  the  French  for 
evacuation  and  for  protecting  imperialist  interests,  and 
partly  to  arrange  matters  connected  with  the  civil  list, 
intimate  adherents,  and  Austro-Belgian  troops,  which 
appealed  to  his  personal  sympathy.  The  nature  of 
these  arrangements,  as  well  as  verbal  and  written  ex 
pressions,  continued  to  inspire  a  confident  belief  in 
his  withdrawal.5  Suddenly,  however,  came  a  change 
which  overthrew  all  these  expectations. 

5  Lares  and  Arroyo  had  been  permitted  to  confer  with  the  French  repre 
sentatives,  and  informed  of  the  project  for  a  new  government,  they  demanded 
a  reply  in  writing  as  to  the  war  material  to  be  left  to  the  Mexican  minister 
of  war,  and  the  measures  for  securing  protection  to  towns  and  the  country 
generally.  By  letter  of  Nov.  9th  it  was  answered  that  Castelnau  came  to 
promote  the  departure  of  the  French  troops,  during  the  opening  months  of 
1867,  and  to  ascertain  whether  Maximilian  could  sustain  the  government 
with  the  resources  left  to  him.  The  Mexican  troops  and  the  war  material 
were  ever  at  his  command.  The  government  would  be  informed  of  the  evac 
uation  of  towns  by  the  French  in  time  to  take  measures.  So  long  as  the 
French  troops  remained  at  a  place  they  would  protect  the  people.  As  for 
steps  to  prevent  anarchy  in'  case  Maximilian  abdicated,  they  would  be  dic 
tated  by  French  interests  and  the  need  for  maintaining  order.  Meanwhile 
Castelnau  had  become  alarmed  at  the  resolute  declaration  of  Lares  that  the 
government  could  maintain  itself,  supported  by  a  note  from  Maximilian, 
wherein  he  alluded  to  negotiations  the  failure  of  which  would  determine 
him  to  abdicate.  Arrangoiz  interprets  the  negotiations  to  be  with  republi 
can  leaders.  Mej.,  iv.  174.  An  intercepted  letter  from  Kloin  confirmed  the  ad 
vice  of  certain  confidants  that  an  abdication  before  the  departure  of  the  French 
would  be  an  act  of  weakness  and  a  triumph  for  Napoleonic  intrigues.  The 
French  envoy  accordingly  sent  Capt.  Pierron  to  Orizaba  to  promote  the  abdi 
cation.  He  returned  on  the  9th  of  Nov.  with  the  assurance  that  Maximilian 
would  depart.  Before  renouncing  the  crown,  however,  he  wanted  certain 
assurances.  These  Castelnau  was  ready  to  make;  and  in  a  despatch  to  Paris 
he  gave  the  impression  that  his  object  had  been  attained  in  this  respect.  The 
request  by  Maximilian  came  in  a  letter  dated  Nov.  12th,  and  in  a  declara 
tion  of  the  16th,  signed  by  Bazaine,  Dano,  and  Castelnau,  he  was  assured 
that  the  French  government  would  send  home  the  Austro-Belgian  troops 
before  the  last  French  brigade  departed,  paying  gratuities  to  crippled  and 
invalid  soldiers,  and  indemnity  to  all.  An  effort  would  be  made  to  secure 
an  advance  on  their  pensions  for  Princess  Josefa  and  Prince  Salvador  de  Itur- 
bide.  The  debts  of  the  civil  list  and  the  gran  chancellerla  were  to  be  settled, 
and  if  necessary  the  aid  of  the  new  government  invoked  to  this  effect.  Max 
imilian  had  requested  a  promise  of  fixed  sums  for  these  payments,  to  be  made 
before  the  French  evacuation,  and  the  answer-  was  therefore  not  wholly  sat 
isfactory;  but  in  transmitting  his  thanks  for  the  efforts,  he  added  that  there 


2C8  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

Father  Fischer's  persuasive  tongue  had  been  wag 
ging  fluently  yet  cautiously  in  behalf  of  the  clerical 
cause,  and  was  acquiring  ever  greater  power  as  the 
improving  health  of  the  emperor  gave  buoyancy  to  his 
spirit.6  Nor  had  he  been  unaided,  for  Navarro  and 
other  conservatives  came  to  support  his  promises  of 
large  pecuniary  assistance  from  the  church,7  and  the 
speedy  formation  of  an  army.  In  their  anxiety  for 
the  imperilled  estates  and  other  prospects,  they  were 
intent  above  all  on  delay,  and  Mexicans  are  prover 
bially  lavish  with  promises.8  The  outlook  for  an  army 

yet  remained  to  arrange  measures  for  a  stable  government  to  protect  the  in 
terests  pending,  and  to  this  end  he  had  summoned  the  council  of  state, 
Bazaine  being  invited  to  attend.  This  overthrew  all  the  calculations  of  the 
French  leaders,  for  the  journey  of  so  large  a  number  of  prominent  conserva 
tives  would  hardly  imply  or  result  in  a  simple  abdication.  On  the  20th, 
indeed,  came  a  telegram  from  the  emperor  intimating  that  none  of  the  steps 
so  far  taken  authorized  the  belief  that  he  would  abdicate  in  favor  of  any 
party.  The  council  had  been  called  to  determine  into  what  hands  the  supreme 
power  should  be  placed  from  the  date  of  abdication  till  the  result  of  a 
national  vote  could  be  ascertained.  He  must  restore  the  power  to  the  nation 
which  conferred  it.  The  marshal  had  declined  to  attend  the  council,  and  now 
*se  arrepintio,'  says  Arrangoiz.  Mej.,  iv.  194.  Ke'ratry,  Max.,  244,  dilates  on 
the  trap  into  which  Maximilian  had  drawn  the  French  representatives  by  their 
disclosing  that  a  new  government  was  near  at  hand;  but  the  trap  is  probably 
an  assumption.  Basch,  93-4,  admits,  however,  that  the  discovery  of  nego 
tiations  for  a  new  ruler  without  deference  to  his  own  wishes  did  affect  the 
emperor  deeply.  '  Mehr  denn  je  fiihlte  er  jetzt  die  tiefe  Verletzung.' 

6  Fischer  feared  at  first  to  press  the  point,  and  aimed  only  to  keep  Maxi 
milian  irresolute;  'and  I  aided  him,'  says  Basch,  76-7,  but  with  the  object  of 
preventing  abdication  till  the  proper  time — when  the  French  left.  He  could 
then  have  retired  with  honor,  observes  K^ratry,  235.  Basch,  66-7,  declares 
that  the  abdication  would  have  been  performed  on  the  way  to  Orizaba  but 
for  the  remonstrances  of  Fischer  and  himself.  Diaz'  triumphs  in  Oajaca  had  a 
very  depressing  effect.  Domenech  scouts  at  the  influence  of  Fischer,  Hist. 
Mex.,  iii.  404,  but  others  held  it  at  a  higher  value.  D'H6ricault  understands 
that  $150,000  were  offered  to  induce  Fischer  to  urge  the  departure  of  Maxi 
milian,  and  names  Martin  Daran  as  the  banker  holding  the  check;  yet  it  may 
have  been  an  invention  by  Marquez  and  others.  Max.  et  Mex.,  38-9.  Basch 
always  suspected  the  sincerity  of  the  oily  priest,  and  states  that  the  emperor 
came  too  late  to  a  similar  conclusion.  '  Pater  Fischer  hat  mich  mit  dem  Con- 
cordate  betrogen  und  belogen,'  he  exclaimed  in  his  prison  at  Quer^taro.  Erin- 
nerungen,  i.  99. 

7<Mille  promesses,  de  la  part  du  clergeV  D6troyat,  294.  Fixed  at 
$4,000,000  without  delay.  Keratry,  254.  The  sources  were  'a secret  with  the 
party.'  Rivera  indicates  Campos'  hacendarias  laws  as  tho  means.  Hist.  Jal., 
v.  696. 

8  Intent  on  the  arrangement  for  settling  British  claims,  Minister  Scarlett 
is  said  by  Basch  to  have  supported  Fischer's  pleading,  but  Arrangoiz  doubts 
it.  Mej.y  iv.  181.  Maximilian  ratified  the  convention  with  England  Nov.  9th. 
Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1870,  682.  For  text,  see  Derecho  Intern.  Mex.,  ptii.  373- 
85,  391-408.  'Le  ministre  de  Prusse,  M.  le  baron  Magnus,  parlait  dans  le 
meme  sens,  declares  D^troyat.  L'Interven.,  295. 


NOT  WANTED  IN  AUSTRIA.  239 

was  based  on  more  solid  grounds,  however,  for  just 
then  Miramon  and  Marquez  returned  from  Europe 
and  tendered  their  cooperation.9  Their  fame  as  the 
ablest  and  most  influential  of  conservative  generals 
could  not  fail  to  draw  recruits,  and  their  assertion  that 
they  had  more  than  once  extricated  themselves  from 
worse  positions  than  the  present  tended  toward  wide 
spread  encouragement. 

And  now  came  a  letter  from  Eloin,  at  the  time  on 
a  secret  mission  in  Europe,  who  brought  his  undeni 
able  influence  to  bear  against  abdication  before  the 
French  departed,  as  a  sign  of  weakness,  and  a  triumph 
to  Napoleonic  intrigues.  Called  by  the  nation,  the 
emperor  should  appeal  to  it  when  freed  from  the 
pressure  of  foreign  intervention;  and  if  the  appeal 
failed,  he  might  return  to  Europe  with  the  prestige  of 
a  mission  nobly  fulfilled.  Such  conduct,  he  intimated, 
would  have  its  effect  in  Austria,  where  the  discon 
tented  people  were  turning  from  the  present  ruler 
to  himself.10  The  aspirations  of  his  brother,  real  or 
fancied,  reached  the  ear  of  Francis  Joseph,  and  he 
took  the  precaution  to  warn  him  that  he  would  not 
be  permitted  to  enter  Austria  as  emperor  of  Mexico, 
and  that  the  family  compact  would  be  adhered  to,  thus 
attaching  to  the  return  as  many  humiliations  as  possi 
ble.11  His  mother  wrote  at  the  same  time  that  he 

9  All  admit  the  value  of  the  offer,  and  D^troyat  assumes  that  this  de 
cided  Maximilian;  not  so  Basch,  92,  who  states  that  at  first  their  arguments 
had  no  effect.     Marquez  had  been  summoned  back,  but  Miramon  came  of  his 
own  accord,  allured  by  the  prospects  of  becoming  the  leader  in  view  of  the 
emperor's  departure.     Finding  him  still  here,  he  sacrificed  his  own  hopes, 
despite  the  treatment  he  had  received.     Arrangoiz,  183,  stoutly  defends  him 
against  the  charge  that  he  really  came  to  work  against  the  empire.     The  truth 
probably  is,  that  he  saw  no  good  chance  for  himself,  owing  to  opposition  from 
the  French  and  others,  and  thereupon  yielded  to  the  noble  impulses  he  un 
doubtedly  possessed.     The  two  generals  arrived  Nov.  9th. 

10  This  letter,  dated  at  Brussels,  Sept.   17th,  was  heedlessly  addressed  to 
the  care  of  the  Mexican  consul  at  New  York,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  Ro 
mero,  Juarez'  agent,  who  distributed  copies  of  it.     Arrangoiz,  189-90,  assumes 
that  the  secret  mission  was  to  sound  the  prospects  in  Austria.    Ke'ratry,  Max., 
221,  attributes  to  this  letter  a  decisive  effect,  and  so  does  Domenech,  406,  in 
the  main,  while  De"troyat  believes  that  the  emperor  had  already  resolved  to 
stay  before  the  letter  came.     There  is  no  denying,  however,  the  coincidence 
between  the  advice  of  this  letter  and  the  course  adopted. 

11  De"troyat,  296,  claims  possession  of  several  documents  attesting  the  hostile 


240  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

should  not  compromise  his  honor  by  yielding  to  the 
pressure. 

These  letters  impressed  Maximilian  with  the  idea 
that,  whatever  his  plans,  circumstances  were  not  then 
favorable  to  his  reappearance  in  Europe;  and  as  the 
extent  of  the  secret  negotiations  for  a  new  ruler  be- 

O 

came  revealed,  his  pride  revolted  at  the  slight  cast 
upon  himself,  and  the  humiliating  role  of  slinking 
away  at  the  bidding  of  Napoleon,  like  a  disgraced 
servant,  or  a  tool  which  had  served  his  purpose.  Find 
ing  him  in  this  frame  of  rnind,  his  conservative  advis 
ers  pointed  out  how  unworthy  of  a  Hapsburg  to  turn 
his  back  to  a  foe  and  desert  his  party  in  the  hour  of 
danger.12  The  effect  of  such  an  appeal  can  readily  be 
understood  upon  the  frank  sailor  prince,  whose  idealis 
tic  and  chivalric  disposition  had  been  impressed  by  the 
lustre  inherited  from  a  long  line  of  noble  ancestors. 
Duty  now  became  a  guiding  motive — duty  to  his  fam 
ily  record;  to  himself,  with  a  view  to  his  more  or  less 
important  projects  in  Europe;  and  consequently  to 
the  party  whose  cause  he  had  embraced. 

The  course  he  now  proposed  to  follow  was  outlined 
in  a  note  to  Lares,  the  chief  minister.  The  condition 
of  affairs  seemed  to  demand  that  he  should  return  to 
the  nation  the  power  vested  in  him,  and  to  this  end 
he  summoned  his  council  to  give  their  advice.13  This 
body  met  on  the  25th  of  November  at  Orizaba.14  The 

attitude  of  Baron  Lago,  the  Austrian  minister,  toward  Maximilian.  Arran- 
goiz  and  others  assume  that  a  total  exclusion  from  Austria  was  intended. 
Able  lawyers  held  the  opinion  that  the  family  compact  was  null.  Niox,  Exped. , 
631,  considers  that  Francis  Joseph  had  reason  to  suspect  his  brother. 

12Lacunza  is  said  by  Basch  to  have  given  this  successful  prompting. 

13  As  reasons  he  enumerated  the  deplorable  civil  war,  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  U.  S.,  and  the  widely  uttered  belief  that  a  republican  government,  for 
which  France  and  the  U.  S.  were  negotiating,  alone  could  benefit  the  country. 
He  would  not  stand  in  the  way  of  such  prospects.  The  entry  in  his  diary, 
'  deseo  de  salir,  llamado  de  losconsejos,'  implies  that  the  advice  of  the  council 
would  determine  his  duty.  By  this  time  all  official  communications  by  him 
were  in  Spanish. 

14 Rivera  names  19  who  attended,  including  four  ministers.  Niox  reduces 
them  to  18,  and  Arrangoiz  makes  the  number  23,  on  the  strength  of  Basch's 
vague  intimation.  Bazaine  had  also  been  invited,  but  pleaded  the  need  of  his 
presence  at  Mexico.  Lares,  in  the  opening  speech,  stated  that  nothing  official 
was  known  of  Franco- American  negotiations  for  a  new  government;  Maximil 
ian  should  return  to  Mexico,  and  there  sustain  his  government  after  the  de- 


REPUBLICAN  SUCCESS.  241 

concentrating  and  retrograde  movements  of  the 
French  troops,  now  going  on  for  some  time,  had 
placed  the  republicans  in  possession  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  country,  including  practically  all  the 
region  north  and  west  of  a  line  drawn  from  Tuxpan 
through  San  Luis  Potosi  to  Morelia,  and  south  of 
Cuernavaca.  Success  had  swollen  the  number  of 
their  adherents,  even  hitherto  passive  or  hostile  fac 
tions  joining  for  prudential  reasons,  till  every  prov 
ince  was  overrun  by  their  triumphant  bands,  hemming 
in  the  retiring  foreigners,  and  threatening  the  neigh 
borhood  of  the  capital.  Even  stubborn  conservatives, 
therefore,  began  to  look  upon  the  struggle  as  hopeless. 
Lares  nevertheless  prevailed  with  his  views  in  so  far 
that,  as  abdication  at  the  present  moment  might  lead 
to  anarchy,  it  should  be  deferred  till  measures  could 
be  taken  to  obtain  better  security  for  the  interests  at 
stake. 

Although  this  resolution  was  carried  by  a  bare 
majority,  Maximilian  hastened  to  respond;  yet,  in 
order  to  render  the  sacrifice  of  value,  he  desired  the 

parture  of  the  French.  The  committee  on  the  subject,  composed  of  Vidaurri, 
Fonseca,  and  Arango,  reported  that  the  reasons  for  abdicating  were  insuffi 
cient,  and  that  Maximilian  should  be  requested  to  relinquish  that  idea  for 
the  present,  Arango  explaining  that  abdication  at  this  time  might  prove  dis 
astrous;  it  was  necessary  to  inspire  confidence  by  retaining  the  empire  till 
elements  had  been  collected  for  combating  disorder.  The  finance  representa 
tive  said  that  a  revenue  of  fifteen  millions  could  be  counted  upon,  and  the 
greater  part  of  this  could  be  used  to  raise  the  army  to  30,000  men,  not  count 
ing  the  militia.  Siliceo  had  his  doubts  about  obtaining  this  amount;  it  was, 
in  any  case,  insufficient;  a  levy  of  troops  would  not  answer;  he  saw  no  ele 
ments  with  which  to  sustain  the  empire,  and  Maximilian  had  no  longer  influ 
ence  enough  to  rally  sufficient  support.  Fearing  the  turn  given  to  the 
discussion,  Lares  interposed  by  declaring  that  the  question  was  what  to  do, 
not  how  to  do  it;  the  point  was  not  means,  but  the  advisability  of  present 
abdication;  the  nation  would  not  then  take  back  the  power  bestowed.  Men- 
dez  and  Orozco  foresaw  a  republican  triumph,  but  the  abdication  should  be 
made  with  honor,  by  entering  into  arrangements  to  secure  the  interests  at 
stake.  The  objection  was  raised  that  an  arrangement  could  hardly  be  effected. 
By  a  vote  of  10  to  9,  it  was  thereupon  resolved  that  Maximilian  should  be 
requested  to  defer  his  abdication.  Siliceo  and  Cortes  Esparza,  former  minis 
ters,  urged  unconditional  abdication;  another  larger  party  believed  that  the 
empire  should  be  sustained  under  any  circumstance;  but  the  majority  took 
the  middle  course,  revealing  'unverschamt  ihren  nackten  Egoismus!'  as  Basch 
exclaims  with  righteous  indignation.  Erinnerungen,  i.  109.  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL, 
v.  689,  693,  appears  contradictory  in  his  account  of  the  affair.  Detroyat, 
L'luterven.,  298,  declares  that  Vidaurri  urged  immediate  abdication;  but  his 
vote  went  with  Lares  nevertheless, 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.  16 


242  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

council  first  to  report  on  the  prospects  of  calling  a  na 
tional  congress  for  deciding  what  form  of  government 
the  country  desired,  the  means  for  raising  funds  arid 
armies,  and  the  settlement  of  the  questions  with 
France  and  the  United  States.15  The  questions  were 
too  uncertain  to  be  entertained  by  the  conservatives; 
and  content  with  having  gained  what  they  considered 
the  main  point,  they  passed  them  over  with  a  prom 
ise  to  consider  them  in  due  time.16  The  emperor 
himself  must  have  recognized  that  the  solution  was 
exceedingly  doubtful,  yet  he  accepted  the  promise  as 
satisfactory,  and  on  the  1st  of  December  issued  a 
manifest  to  the  people,  declaring  that  he  had  yielded 
to  the  desire  of  his  council,  on  the  condition  that  a  con- . 
gress  representing  all  parties  should  be  summoned  to 
decide  the  existence  of  the  empire.17  The  reunion  of 
a  national  congress  could  not  be  effected  without  a 
previous  armistice,  and  Juarez  was  not  likely  to  en 
tertain  such  terms  in  face  of  the  French  withdrawal, 
,  and  the  victorious  progress  of  his  arms  sustained  by 
the  United  States.  Maximilian  saw  the  difficulty,  for 
the  republican  leaders  so  far  approached  had  repelled 
him;  but  his  foremost  aim  now  was  to  achieve  with 
the  forces  at  his  command  triumphs  of  sufficient  im 
portance  to  induce  the  enemy  to  listen  to  this  or  any 
other  reasonable  proposals,  and  to  enable  him  at  least 
to  retire  with  honor,  conscious  of  having  fulfilled  his 
duty  toward  his  adherents.  Like  a  reckless  gambler, 
he  somewhat  blindly  risked  all  upon  one  cast;  yet  his 
motive  must  be  applauded,  even  if  wounded  pride  and 
self-interest  formed  ingredients  therein.18 

15  Also  laws  for  colonization. 

16  A  minority  of  nine  protested  against  this  postponement  of  vital  points. 
Basch  stamps  the  conduct  of  the  majority  as  dishonorable  and  deceptive. 

"Text  inDiario  0/c.,  Dec.  6,  1866.  If  the  empire  were  confirmed,  he 
would  devote  himself  to  promote  its  welfare. 

18  The  convocation  was  draughted,  also  the  communication  to  Juarez,  with 
terms  for  armistice,  and  a  manifest  to  the  nation  in  case  Juarez  proved  obdu 
rate.  Quere"taro  was  named  as  the  best  place  for  reunion.  In  voting  for 
empire  or  republic,  the  ruler  was  to  be  designated  and  the  constitutional  con 
gress  summoned,  a  general  amnesty  attending  the  new  order  of  affairs.  It  was 
proposed  that  congress  should  introduce  the  following  reforms:  establishment 


QUARREL  WITH  NAPOLEON.  243 

The  French  representatives  formally  signified  their 
regret  at  the  course  adopted,  and  the  conviction  that 
the  empire  could  not  sustain  itself.19  On  the  19th 
of  December  came  the  intimation  from  Napoleon  to 
withdraw  all  Frenchmen,  soldiers  and  others,  who  so 
desired,  including  the  foreign  legion  and  the  Austro- 
Belgian  column.20  This  was  an  open  violation  of  the 
convention  of  Miramare,  which  still  held  in  this  re 
spect;  and  in  return  Maximilian  resolved  to  ignore  the 
financial  agreement  of  July  30th.  The  result  was  a 
series  of  protests  and  embargoes,  with  interruption  to 
business,  and  a  bitterness  of  feeling  which  neither 
emperor  nor  subjects  took  pains  to  conceal/ 


21 


of  a  chamber  of  senators;  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  except  their  president, 
to  hold  office  for  life;  president  and  deputies  to  be  elected  by  direct  vote;  clergy 
to  reassume  active  and  passive  vote;  corporations  to  be  at  liberty  to  acquire 
property;  amnesty  to  be  issued,  persons  excluded  from  this  to  be  tried  before 
common  courts  under  the  laws  of  Dec.  31,  1861;  the  recognition  of  the  debts 
contracted  and  the  grants  made  by  the  empire  should  be  considered.  See, 
further,  Restauracion,  Lib.;  Estrella  Occid.,  May  10,  1867;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal., 
v.  700-1.  Efforts  so  far  made  to  win  republican  leaders  for  a  congress  had 
failed.  See  Maximilian's  letter  in  Hall's  Life  Max.,  171-4.  It  was  prob 
ably  not  duly  considered  how  many  victories  might  be  required  to  prevail 
with  the  irrepressible  and  unflinching  Juarez,  nor  that  the  republicans  would 
have  the  advantage  over  the  foreign  prince  by  intimidation  and  other  manoeu 
vres.  A  fusion  of  parties  seemed  improbable.  The  volatile  character  of  the 
people,  and  the  unreliability  of  prefects  and  soldiers  were  additional  factors. 
In  considering  Maximilian's  motives,  Basch  gives  prominence  to  family  pride; 
Niox,  rather  to  the  humiliation  imposed  by  France;  De"troyat  combines  the 
two:  'II  ne  voulait  pas  se  retirer  vaincu,  chasse";'  and  so  does  Kdratry,  while 
loosely  assuming  that  he  places  great  confidence  in  conservative  prospects. 
Arrangoiz  seeks  to  defend  this  party  from  the  charge  of  deception,  by  imply 
ing  deceit  on  Maximilian's  side. 

19  Bazaine  personally  approved  the  determination  of  Maximilian,  and  be 
lieved  that  he  might  with  prudence  hold  his  own,  in  the  interior  at  least,  till 
a  more  favorable  moment.     He  felt  an  interest  in  the  empire  he  had  assisted 
to  erect.  Niox,  Exped.,  655-6.     Drouyn  de  Lhuys  doubted  his  energy  for  a 
campaign  that  alone  might  prevent  'une  tache  pour  sa  vie  politique.'  L 'Inter- 
ven.  Franc.,  302.     A  circular  of  Dec.  10th  advised  the  foreign  ministers  of 
the  resolution  formed,  and  not  without  giving  emphasis  to  the  role  played  by 
France.     Another  circular  exhorted  the  comisarios  to  cooperate  by  letting 
friends  and  foes  understand  the  patriotic  intentions  of  the  emperor. 

20  Castelnau  and  Dano  had  meanwhile  made  another  vain  effort  to  dissuade 
Maximilian.     The  interview  took  place  at  Fuebla  on  Dec.  14th.      '  Mi  per- 
manencia  salva  el  pais  de  este  peligro'  (of  plundering  Mexico  by  an  arrange 
ment  with  Ortega),   runs  the  entry  in  his  diary.  See  Basch,  Erinn.,  i.  152. 
D'He"ricault,  Max.,  39-40,   considers   that  the  French  efforts  failed  partly 
from  lack  of  delicacy. 

21  At   Mexico  the  people  had   hissed   the  portrait  of   Napoleon  during  a 
dramatic  presentation,  and  Bazaine  closed  the  theatre.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv. 
180-1.     Maximilian  had  always  entertained  an  antipathy  for  the  French, 
observes  Keratry,  Max.,  211-12.     Early  in  Nov.  Bigelow  had  been  informed 


244  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION, 

In  the  midst  of  the  rejoicings  instigated  by  the 
jubilant  conservatives  after  Maximilian's  resumption 
of  power,22 -news  came  that  the  United  States  envoys 
had  arrived  off  Vera  Cruz.  They  came  with  the  im 
pression  that  the  emperor  had  departed,  and  were  pre 
pared  to  enter  the  country  to  meet  Juarez,  yet  with 
a  friendly  spirit  toward  France.  Finding  matters 
different,  they  turned  back  at  once.23 

Maximilian  left  Orizaba  for  Mexico  in  the  middle 
of  December,24  lingering  at  Puebla  for  nearly  three 
weeks,  and  taking  steps  above  all  for  the  campaign. 
The  country  was  divided  into  three  great  military 
districts :  the  western,  comprising  the  provinces  north 
of  Colima,  including  Durango  and  Chihuahua;  the 
eastern,  stretching  from  Aguascalientes  and  Tainpico 
northward;  and  the  central,  embracing  all  the  vast 
remainder  to  Chiapas.  Miramon,  who  took  command 
of  the  western  district,  had  already  set  out  to  create 
his  army,  with  little  regard  for  the  means  to  be  em 
ployed,  but  Mejia  in  the  east  stood  at  the  head  of 
nearly  4,000  men;  and  Marquez,  controlling  the  cen 
tre,  had  4,000  under.  Mendez  in  Michoacan,  and  fully 
2,000  at  Puebla.  Maximilian  assumed  the  supreme 
command,  and  issued  orders  for  the  active  formation 
of  the  new  national  army  as  well  as  militia,  and  for 

that  if  Maximilian  chose  to  remain,  the  French  troops  would  stay  according 
to  the  former  terms  fixed  by  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  This  new  resolution  raust 
therefore  be  attributed  to  the  anger  of  Napoleon  at  Maximilian's  stubborn 
opposition  to  his  plans.  The  officials  had  already  placed  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  French  efforts  to  assume  control  of  the  Vera  Cruz  custom-house,  arid  pro 
tests  and  reprisals  took  place  which  seriously  interfered  with  business.  See 
observations  in  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  7,  1867,  and  other  dates,  also  in  fire. 
Nouvelle,  the  French  organ,  and  other  journals.  Several  French  writers  con 
demned  the  forcible  encroachment  by  their  government  on  the  few  available 
resources  of  an  empire  which  it  had  'condemned  to  death.'  See  Keratry, 
Max.,  273  et  seq.;  Dttroyat,  L'Interv.,  293-4,  etc. 

"Attended  by  salvos,  ringing  of  bells,  illuminations,  etc.,  greatly  to  Maxi 
milian's  annoyance,  as  Basch  declares. 

23  Touching  at  Tampico,  but  failing  to  communicate  with  Juarez  from  the 
gulf  coast.     They  arrived  Nov.  29th,  in  the  Susqnehanna,  and  retired  during 
the  night  of  Dec.  2d,  after  receiving  friendly  invitations  from  the  French. 

24  On  the  12th;  yet  with  half  an  intention  to  let  Orizaba  remain  the  seat 
of  government,  or  even  to  cross  to  Yucatan.    Rivera,  Hint.  JaL,  v.  697.     He 
was  still  preparing  plans  for  improvements  at  Miramare.  Bosch,  153. 


MILITARY  ^PREPARATIONS.  245 

the  dissolution  of  the  Austro-Belgian  legions,  yet 
holding  out  special  inducements  for  their  reenlistment 
in  the  new  Mexican  army,  with  a  view  to  form  a 
foreign  nucleus.  Few,  however,  took  the  hint.25 

They  could  hardly  be  blamed,  for  the  entire  west 
ern  and  eastern  army  districts  were  in  possession  of 
the  republicans,  as  well  as  the  region  south  of  Puebla, 
while  the  few  remaining  central  provinces  were  over 
run  by  hostile  bands,  and  about  to  be  invaded  by 
the  victorious  Juarists.  On  the  other  side  the  long- 
projected  national  army  had  become  reduced  to  insig 
nificant  proportions  amid  the  lack  of  means  and  energy, 
especially  of  late,  when  the  question  of  maintaining 
the  empire  hung  in  the  balance,  to  the  demoralization 
of  all  branches;  and  the  prospects  of  raising  the  force 
to  any  effective  proportions  seemed  slight.26  . 

The  disappointments  and  reverses  of  the  imperial 
ists,  so  far  outlined,  indicate  in  a  measure  the  corre 
sponding  hopes  and  gains  of  their  opponents.  With 
every  retrograde  step  of  the  French  grew  the  courage 
and  activity  of  the  Juarists,  and  every  victory  served 
to  swell  the  number  of  their  adherents,  and  expand 

85  The  offer,  with  thanks  for  their  past  services,  was  made  Dec.  10th.  An 
advance  of  one  grade  was  tendered,  with  promise  of  land  grants  after  six 
years'  service,  or  free  passage  home.  See  Diario  Imp.,  Dec.  24,  1866.  The 
cause  for  the  small  reenlistment  is  attributed  to  the  French  officers,  and  es 
pecially  to  the  Austrian  and  Belgian  ministers.  See  charges  by  officers  against 
Baron  de  Lago,  in  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  ii.  269-79;  also  Basch,  143-4;  Detroyat, 
296,  376,  etc.  French  efforts  promoting  militia  troops  had  been  made  already 
in  Nov.  The  decree  for  the  three  army  districts  appeared  in  Diario,  Ojic., 
Dec.  13,  1866,  Miramon,  Marquez,  and  Mejia  being  entitled  chiefs  of  the 
1st,  2d,  and  3d  army  corps  respectively.  Marquez  received  the  grand  cross 
of  the  eagle. 

a6  Bazaine  reported  early  in  Oct.  that  the  national  army  numbered  22  bat 
talions  of  infantry,  including  cazadores,  10  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  4  com 
panies  of  gendarmes,  with  plenty  of  artillery  and  other  arms;  46,000  muskets 
and  other  arms  had  been  distributed  among  the  army  and  people  within  three 
years.  See  Keratry,  198.  All  this  had  declined;  it  was  declared  that  even 
these  numbers  were  correct  only  so  far  as  concerned  the  battalions,  which  at 
the  time  counted  only  200  or  300  men  each.  Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil.  Imp.,  206. 
D'He"ricault  enumerates  some  2,500  foreign  troops  in  Dec.  Max.,  74—5.  See 
Elton's  discouraging  review,  With  the  French,  172-7;  Pap.,  Var. ,  cxii.  pt  viii. 
Yet  Miramon  had  already  written  rather  hopefully  of  the  proposed  levy  of 
60.000  men,  in  6  divisions,  with  Woll,  Uraga,  and  Parrodi  as  additional 
commanders.  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  347. 


246  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

the  confidence  of  their  sympathizers.  The  effort  to 
procure  a  loan  from  the  government  at  Washington 
had  been  rejected  in  congress,27  but  private  coffers 
were  opening  more  freely  every  day  among  bankers, 
traders,  and  others.'28  Arms  and  ammunition  were 
obtained  in  any  quantity,29  and  a  large  number  of 
volunteers  offered  themselves,  more  indeed  than  it 
was  thought  needful  or  prudent  to  accept.30 

In  pursuance  of  the  plan  for  withdrawing  the 
French  troops,  Billot  had  retired  on  the  31st  of  Jan 
uary,  1866,  from  Chihuahua,  leaving  it  in  charge  of  a 
Mexican  garrison,  sustained  by  the  Indian  tribes  which 
had  pronounced  for  the  empire  and  proved  its  stanch- 
est  adherents;31  but  erelong  the  whole  country  was  in 
revolt.  Chihuahua  fell  in  March  into  the  hands  of 
Luis  Terrazas,  the  Juarist  governor.  Allende,  Bato- 
pilas,  and  other  places  revolted ;  and  the  posts  still  held 
at  Parral,  Cerro  Gordo,  and  to  the  south  had  to  be 
evacuated.32  The  province  of  Durango  also  responded, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  year,  to  the  liberation  move 
ment,  especially  as  the  French  in  July  fell  back  on  its 

27  Only  by  a  small  majority,  however.  See  U.  S.  H.  Jour.,  355,  etc.,  and 
H.  Res.,  SO,  30th  cong.  1st  sess. 

28 Instance  alone  the  advances  reported  by  Garcia,  Libro  Mayor,  MS., 
from  California,  $15,500  from  Widman  &  Brothers,  and  $24,000  from  General 
Vallejo  and  three  other  native  Californians.  In  Vega,  Doc.,  i.-iii.,  we  find 
lists  of  loans  and  contributions  from  the  same  state,  and  in  Legac.  Mex.,  i.-ii., 
correspondence  on  loans  generally,  especially  on  pp.  300-403,  401-96. 

29 See  Romero,  Contratos  en  E.  U.  por  Mex.,  1-590,  for  a  history  of  con 
tracts  for  war  material  and  other  supplies,  including  money,  obtained  in  the 
U.  S.;  also  Vega,  Depdtito,  MS.,  Doc.,  etc.  Eldridgeof  San  Francisco  figured 
among  the  creditors  for  $64,000.  See  also  notes  on  similar  points  for  pre 
vious  years. 

30  Col  Green  brought  from  San  Francisco  27  American  officers  who  had 
served  in  the  union  war.     Gen.  Vega  followed  with  a  larger  number,  and 
Major  McNulty,  from  Texas,  with  more  than  a  dozen,  not  to  mention  other 
parties  of  officers  and  private  soldiers.     Over  threescore,  serving  under  Aranda 
in  Dec.  1866,  were  organized  into  a  company,  as  the  American  legion  of  honor. 
Garcia,  Libro  Mayor,  MS.;  Vega,  Doc.,  iii.;  Overland  Monthly,  vii.   445-8; 
S.  F.  Bulletin,  Sept.  14,  1866;  S.  F.  Times,  Jan.  11,  1867;  Legac.  Mex.,  Circ., 
ii.,  passim;  Caballero,  Hist.  Aim.,  43-8;  Edwards'  Shelby' ft  Exped.,  22-5,  41-3, 
on  confederate  enlistments. 

31  Notably  in  the  districts  of   Cusihuiriachic,  Concepcion,  Abasolo,  and 
Guerrero. 

82  Maximilian  almost  commanded  Bazainein  May  to  retake  Chihuahua,  and 
Castagny  was  actually  ordered  to  prepare  at  Durango  a  new  expedition,  with 
the  intention  to  push  as  far  as  Paso  del  Norte;  but  the  new  instructions  from 
France  caused  the  movement  to  be  suspended.  Niox.,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  580. 


REPUBLICANS  IN  THE  WEST.  ,  247 

capital,  which  in  its  turn  was  evacuated  in  November, 
Castagny  having  already  removed  his  headquarters  to 
Leon.33  The  republicans  at  once  took  possession,  levy 
ing  a  heavy  contribution  on  the  inhabitants,  and 
Juarez,  who  had  for  some  time  held  forth  at  Chihua 
hua,  made  Durango  the  seat  of  his  government  on 
December  26th.34 

In  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  republican  triumphs  had 
been  attended  with  more  arduous  campaigning.  The 
French  had  confined  themselves  properly  to  Guaymas 
and  Mazatlan;35  but  in  the  interior  of  Sonora  the  im 
perial  comisario,  General  Langberg,  held  possession 
of  the  central  and  northern  districts,  assisted  especially 
by  the  brave  Opatas.  In  the  south  the  Juarist, 
Martinez,  had,  with  forces  from  Sinaloa,  managed  to 
secure  possession  of  Alamos,36  and  to  inflict  some  sharp 
lessons  upon  the  Mayos  and  Yaquis.  He  thereupon 
marched  north  and  captured  Hermosillo  on  May  4th;37 
but  the  imperialists  regained  the  place.38  In  Septem 
ber  the  French  were  withdrawn  from  Guayrnas,  and 
about  the  same  time  Langberg  fell  in  a  battle  which 
insured  to  the  republicans  the  town  of  Ures.39  The 

33  In  Aug.,  leaving  Cottret  to  hold  in  check  a  while  the  republicans  who 
swarmed  around  and  threatened  to  cut  off  his  communications.  He  made 
several  sorties  against  them  and  the  invading  Apaches,  and  a  more  regular 
movement  in  Sept.  against  the  large  force  which  had  occupied  the  road  to 
Fresnillo.  Returning  in  Oct.,  he  at  once  made  preparations  to  evacuate,  and 
effected  this  Nov.  13th.  The  Mexican  garrison  followed  him  three  days  later, 
regarding  it  as  hopeless  to  maintain  the  position. 

84  M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  iii.  146;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  750. 
For  details  concerning  the  campaign  in  these  provinces,  I  refer  to  Hist.  North 
Mex.  States,  ii.,  this  series,  based  on  government  reports,  local  histories, 
journals,  etc. 

35  The  garrisons  numbering  respectively  about  800  and  1,300  men. 

30 In  Jan.,  after  an  open  fight  in  which  the  commandant  T.  Almada  lost 
about  half  of  his  400  men. 

37  Massacring   the  French   residents,  according   to   imperialist   accounts. 
Vega  names  Gov.  Pesqueira  as  leading  1,300  men  against  the  garrison  of  350 
men  under  Almada.  Ausiliares,  MS. 

38  Langberg  came  up  with  800  men,  and  would  have  been  defeated,  says 
Iglesias,  but  for  the  confusion  created  by  Martinez'  cavalry  charge  among  his 
own  party.     The  republicans,  nevertheless,  held  possession  of  the  town  till 
the  morning  of  the  5th,  when  news  of  French  reinforcements  caused  them  to 
leave  it.  RrviMa*,  iii.  687-8.     In  June  the  republicans  assailed  both  this  place 
and  Ures,  but  without  success.     In  Aug.  they  held  it  for  a  few  days. 

39Ternon,  Arevalo,  and  Teran  fled  with  the  remnant  of  Langberg's  forces, 
and  Ures  was  captured  Sept.  5th,  after  a  brief  resistance.  The  French  could 


248 


MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 


rest  of  the  province  now  yielded  almost  without  a 
struggle,  but  hundreds  of  people  hastened  away  to  the 
United  States  or  attempted  to  place  themselves  under 
the  wings  of  the  French  to  escape  the  vengeance  of 


; 


DrjRANGO   AND   SlNALOA. 


render  no  assistance,  for  they  were  about  to  embark,  the  last  of  them  leaving 
Guaymas  for  Mazatlan  ^ept.  15th.  Lt-col  Fistic",  who  had  commanded  the 
garrison,  killed  himself,  partly  out  of  despondency  over  certain  faulty  ma 
noeuvres.  Niox.,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  663, 


OPERATIONS  AT  MAZATLAN.  249 

the  victors,  among  them  Tanori  and  Almada,  who 
were  overtaken  and  shot.40 

Corona,  conimander-in-chief  of  the  western  repub 
lican  army,  had  been  practically  in  possession  of  Si- 
naloa  since  the  preceding  autumn,  and  began  soon 
after  a  series  of  assaults  on  Mazatlan.  The  French 
found  it  necessary  to  clear  the  immediate  vicinity; 
and  Lozada  having  consented  to  assist,  they  gained 
some  advantages  during  the  spring,  but  were  unable 
to  maintain  them.41  The  Tepic  chieftain  became  dis 
satisfied  at  not  receiving  the  payments  expected,  and 
finding  the  struggle  unpromising,  he  retired  shortly 
after,  proclaiming  neutrality.  In  September  the  re 
publicans  gained  one  of  the  outposts  of  Mazatlan, 
after  a  hard  battle,  and  harassed  the  French  con 
stantly  till  their  embarkation  on  November  13th  for 
San  Bias.42 

In  the  eastern  provinces  the  imperialists  occupied  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  a  line  extending  from  Mata- 
moros,  through  Cadereita,  Monterey,  and  Saltillo,  to 
Parras,  under  the  control  of  the  generals  Mejia,  Jean- 
ningros,  and  Douay,  the  last  named  as  chief,  with 
headquarters  at  Matehuala.43  Fears  of  an  interven- 

40 With  their  families,  'sin  distincion  de  sexo  ni  edad.'  Arrangoiz,  M&j., 
iv.  200.  On  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  the  French  had  not  found  op 
portunity  to  set  foot,  and  it  had  remained  in  the  comparatively  passive  occu 
pation  of  the  republicans. 

41  Presidio  was  taken  March  19th,  but  reenforced  to  fully  3,000  men,  Corona 
compelled  the  Franco-Mexican  column  to  retire  again,  with  great  loss,  says 
Iglesias,  iii.  679,  but  with  great  credit  according  to  Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil. 
Imp.,  184-5.     The  French  are  accused  of  cruelties.     Lozada  defeated  Perfecto 
Guzman,  Corona's  lieutenant,  and  reached  Concordia  April  1st,  with  2,000 
men.     Here   he  was   attacked  by  Gov.  Kubi  and  Gen.  Gutierrez,  but  man 
aged  to  sustain  himself.     Gxitierrez  fell  in  the  assault. 

42  By  this  time  the  force  from  Guaymas  had  swelled  the  garrison  to  fully 
2,000  men,  of  whom  7^0  were  on  the  sick-list.     The  intention  to  march  by 
land   had   to  be  abandoned,  owing  to  the   strength  of   the  enemy  and   the 
difficulty  of  the  route  for  invalids  and  baggage.     Of  the  sick  600  were  sent 
to  Panama.     Col  Roig,  the  commandant,  was  joined  at  Tepic  by  Castagny 
who  protected  the  retreat.     For  details  concerning  the  above  campaign,  I 
refer  to  my  Hist.  North.  Mex.  States,  ii.,  for  which  Vigil  and  Hijar,  the  his 
torians  of  the  western  army,  have  been  consulted  among  other  supplementary 
or  more  original  authorities.     The  effort  to  form  a  Mexican  garrison  at  Maza 
tlan  proved  futile. 

43  Parras   was  left   in   charge   of   Prefect   Campos,   Saltillo  was  held   by 
Briant,    and   Cadereita  by  Col  Tinajero,  while  Jeanningros  occupied  Mon- 


250 


MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 


tion  by  the  United  States,  fostered  by  the  sacking 
of  Bagdad,  kept  the  French  from  active  campaigning, 
content  to  hold  a  few  strong  positions,  and  to  main 
tain  communication,  especially  with  the  ports  of  Mata- 
moros  and  Tampico.  But  tliis  plan  could  not  be  long 
adhered  to,  in  view  of  the  projected  retrograde  concen- 


CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  NORTH-EAST. 

tration  and  the  growing  audacity  of  the  republicans, 
encouraged  as  they  were  by  the  passive  attitude  of 
their  opponents  and  the  motive  influencing  it. 

The  principal  forces  threatening  the  line  of  posts 

terey,  from  which  a  series  of  posts  connected  with  Matehuala,  by  way  of 
Saltillo,  Encarnacion,  Salado,  and  Cedral. 


IN  THE  NORTH-EAST.  251 

were  those  of  Mendez,  who  blocked  the  route  to  Tam- 
pico,  of  Escobedo,  chief  of  the  army  of  the  north,  who 
held  forth  between  Linares  and  northward,  and  Gon 
zalez  Herrera  and  Trevino,  who  hovered  round  Par- 
ras.  This  place  being  surprised  during  a  sortie  by 
the  Mexican  garrison,  Commandant  Briant  of  Sal- 
tillo  came  to  the  rescue,  and  reinstalled  Campos,  the 
imperialist  prefect,  on  the  20th  of  February.  A 
few  days  later  he  set  out  with  400  men  to  attack  the 
liberals  at  the  adjoining  rancho  of  Santa  Isabel;  but 
he  had  miscalculated  both  their  number  and  position, 
and  his  force  was  cut  to  pieces  and  captured,  a  few 
horsemen  alone  escaping  to  Parras.44  This  place  was 
now  attacked,  but  relief  columns  arrived,  and  it  was 
held  till  the  progress  of  events  enabled  the  Juarists 
to  occupy  it  permanently  toward  the  close  of  June.45 

The  sad  result  of  Briant's  rashness  caused  Bazaine 
to  issue  more  stringent  orders  than  ever  against  any 
operation  by  Frenchmen  beyond  the  immediate  vicin 
ity  of  their  posts  and  lines;  the  pursuit  of  guerrillas 
must  be  left  to  the  Mexicans. 

A  still  greater  disaster  to  the  imperial  arms  oc 
curred  on  the  route  from  Monterey  to  Matamoros, 
traversed  at  intervals  by  convoys.  Jeanningros  had 
in  April  advanced  to  Charco  Escondido  to  exchange 
caravans  and  give  Mejia  a  reenforcement  of  600  Mex 
icans.  With  this  aid  the  latter  was  able  to  take  a 
more  determined  attitude  toward  the  closely  pressing 
opponents,  whose  ranks  were  swelled  by  discharged 
soldiers  from  the  Texan  side.  In  June  again  an  ex 
change  of  convoys  was  to  be  effected;  and  to  this  end 
General  Olvera  left  Matamoros  with  about  1,800 

44 The  liberals  estimate  Briant's  force  as  high  aa  900.  Legac.  Hex.,  Circul., 
1862-7,  198;  while  Elton,  With  the  French,  reduces  it  to  barely  300.  He  had 
been  warned  by  Campos,  but  believed  the  reports  of  the  enemy's  strength  to 
be  exaggerated,  and  paid  for  his  rashness  with  his  life.  One  officer  and 
over  threescore  men  were  captured,  the  wounded  being  murdered,  says  Elton, 
who  also  unjustly  accuses  the  Mexicans  of  cowardice.  Niox,  Exped.,  570-1, 
is  more  correct.  Lt  Bastidon  remained  at  Parras  with  80  men,  and  was 
besieged  on  March  1st  to  3d.  Arias,  JRe#ena,  50-2,  512-13,  adds  a  plan  of 
the  field  to  his  account. 

45  The  hitherto  loyal  militia  pronounced  June  23d,  and  Campos  had  to  flee. 


252  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

men,  including  300  Austrians,  in  charge  of  nearly  200 
wagons.  On  the  16th  of  June,  when  near  Ca- 
margo,  he  was  surrounded  by  the  troops  of  Escobedo, 
over  4,000  strong,  and  after  a  bloody  battle,  in  which 
half  of  the  Austrians  perished,  the  convoy  was  cap 
tured,  together  with  nearly  1,000  prisoners.  Olvera 
regained  Matamoros  with  150  cavalry,  and  Tuce, 
who  had  advanced  from  Monterey  with  about  2,000 
men  to  meet  him,  was  obliged  to  return  with  his  car 
avans,  less  a  large  number  of  deserters,  who  took 
advantage  of  the  proximity  to  the  Texan  frontier.46 
Mejia  was  now  left  with  only  500  men,  many  of 
them  disaffected,  to  defend  Matamoros;  yet  he  pre 
pared  to  do  so,  withdrawing  to  this  effect  the  garrison 
at  Bagdad.  Foreseeing  only  a  useless  loss  of  life  and 
property,  American  merchants  and  other  influential 
persons  hastened  to  prevail  on  Governor  Carbajal  and 
General  Garza,  then  besieging  the  town,  to  grant  a 
favorable  capitulation,  under  which  Mejia  on  June 
23d  retired  by  sea  for  Vera  Cruz  with  all  his  men, 
arms,  and  baggage,  sacrificing  only  the  artillery. 
Juarez  refused  to  confirm  the  arrangement,  and  the 
inhabitants  were  held  in  suspense  for  a  time.47 

46  About  80  of  the  foreign  legion  left  him.     He  had  advanced  by  three 
routes,  and  finding  communications  cut,  he  left  his  encumbrance  at  Cerralvo 
under  charge  of   the  Belgians,  and  hurried   to  Mier,  there  to  learu  of   the 
disaster.     He  managed  to  reenter  Monterey  June  28th.     There  were  said  to 
be  1,200  or  1,500  Americans  in  Escobedo's  army.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex..  577. 
Escobedo  reported  Olvera's  force  at  2,000  men,  and  his  own  at  1,150  infantry 
and  two  columns  of  cavalry,  the  latter  under  Trevino.     The  fight  was  decided 
in  one  hour,  with  a  loss  killed  of  155  republicans  and  396  imperialists,  includ 
ing  145  Austrians,  besides  250  wounded  and  1,000  prisoners,  of  whom  137 
were  Austrians.  La   Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  28,  Oct.   12,  1866.     Another 
report  mentions  only  100  wagons  as  captured.  Id.,  Aug.  20th.     Le  Saint  gives 
Olvera's  force  at  1,600,  and  his  loss  in  prisoners  at  800.  Guerre  Mex.,  165; 
Pap.  y  Corr.  Famil.  Imp.,  191.     Elton  as  usual  casts  a  slur  on  the  Mexicans, 
by   saying  that   they   deserted,    leaving   the  Austrians  to   be   slaughtered. 
With  the  French,  99.     The  merchants  of  Matamoros  had  paid  heavily  to  have 
the  convoy  sent.     The  fullest  account  of  the  affair  is  to  be  found  in  Arias, 
Eesena,  60-70,  160-1,  etc.,  with  plan  of  the  field.  See  also  Voz  Mej.,  Oct.  4-6, 
1866;  Pdjaro  Verde,  Oct.  3,  etc.,  Mexican  o,  etc.,  and  Salm-Salm,  My  Diary y 
78,  who  states  that  Escobedo  kept  a  sum  for  himself  out  of  the  millions  cap 
tured,  8,000,000  francs  according  to  Le  Saint. 

47  Carbajal  and  Garza  were  besides  held  to  answer  for  their  conduct.    See 
despatch  in  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,   1863-7,  iii.  75-6.     They  merited  reprimand; 
for  Escobedo  was  then  hurrying  to  the  spot,  and  to  him  as  commander-in- 
chief  should  have  been  referred  the  capitulation.     Not  that  he  would  have 


THE  EASTERN  CAMPAIGN. 


Before  the  victory  over  Ol-vera,  Escobedo  had  in 
March  descended  from  his  retreat  between  Linares 
and  Galeana,  with  2,000  men,  as  far  as  Catorce,  at 
tempting  also  a  futile  attack  on  Matehuala,  and  thence 
swooping  upon  Tula,  from  which  the  approach  of  a 
strong  force  drove  him  back.  Jeanningros  and  Douay 
pursued  and  inflicted  contributions  on  the  towns  sup 
porting  him;48  but  he  escaped,  and  the  whole  line, 


PLAN  OF  TAMPICO. 

from  the  Huasteca,  through  Victoria  and  Linares  to 
Rio  Grande,  remained  in  republican  hands.  The  val- 

obtained  much  better  terms,  for  American  interests  were  largely  concerned, 
and  the  American  flag  was  actually  hoisted  to  protect  the  embarkation  of 
Mejia.  Voz  Mej.,  July  7,  Oct.  9,  1866;  EstreUa  Occicl,  Aug.  20,  Oct.  12,  26, 
1866;  Elton,  99;  Le  Saint,  Guerre  Mex.,  166;  Aria*,  Resena,  161,  etc.;  Rivera, 
Hist.  Jal. ,  v.  675.  Over  forty  cannon  were  left.  Maximilian  issued  a  puerile 
decree  closing  the  port  to  trade;  but  the  Washington  government  declared 
it  void,  although  Maximilian  could  not  have  enforced  his  '  disposiciones . .  . 
ilusorias/  as  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  109,  very  properly  terms  them. 

48  They  advanced  by  different  routes  from  Monterey  and  Saltillo,  while 
Dupin,  who  had  resumed  command  of  the  contre-guerrillas,  guarded  the  Sole- 
dad  side.  Warned  by  the  friendly  inhabitants,  IjCscobedo  was  able  to  avoid 
conflict  with  the  better  trained  French  troops.  Elton,  With  tke^French,  117 
et  seq.,  gives  interesting  details;  also  Leyac.  Mex.,  CircuL,  176-7- 


254  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

iant  Mendez,  who  had  hitherto  made  the  communica 
tion  between  San  Luis  Potosi  and  the  gulf  so  difficult, 
fell  during  a  successful  raid  on  the  magazines  of  Tan- 
toyuquita,  near  Tampico.49  A  Mexican  garrison  hav 
ing  replaced  the  French  at  Tula,  Aureliano  Rivera 
managed  to  capture  it  early  in  May;  and  in  conjunc 
tion  with  Armenta  and  other  leaders,  several  entries 
were  made  into  the  Rio  Verde  and  Jalpan  districts, 
which  encouraged  Huasteca  to  cast  off  the  yoke  once 
more.50  These  movements  tended  to  isolate  Tampico; 
and  after  a  close  siege  of  two  months,  during  which 
desertion  and  fever  greatly  reduced  the  garrison,  the 
French  surrendered  the  port  to  General  Pavon,  by 
honorable  capitulation.51  This  was  followed  a  month 
later  by  the  surrender  of  Tuxpan;52  so  that  Vera  Cruz 
remained  the  only  gulf  port  in  imperial,  or  rather 
French,  hands.53 

The  resolution  to  leave  Matamoros  to  its  fate  ren 
dered  the  occupation  of  Monterey  of  little  value;  but 
the  emperor  regarded  it  as  the  key  to  the  north-east 
ern  provinces,  and  in  order  to  please  him,  the  French 
deferred  their  departure  till  another  garrison  could  be 
found.  Discontented  with  their  lot,  and  aware  of  the 
growing  odds  against  them,  Belgians  as  well  as  Mexi 
cans  refused  to  stay;54  and  on  the  25th  of  July  the 

49  They  were  burned,  with  a  loss  of  $200,000.  Gen.  Garza  took  his  place, 
although  he  had  lately  submitted  to  the  empire.  This  occurred  during  the 
two  opening  months  of  the  year. 

50Huejutla  was  taken  by  the  insurgents  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  and 
although  retaken  by  the  Austrians  in  June,  revolts  in  the  rear  compelled  the 
latter  to  retire  soon  after. 

51  The  garrison  consisted  of  nearly  200  contre-guerrillas  and  500  Mexicans, 
under  Captain  Langlois.  The  town  and  one  fort  were  captured  Aug.  1st,  by 
Pavon,  who  commanded  over  2,000  men.  The  Mexicans  now  dwindled  by 
desertion  to  barely  100.  Food  and  ammunition  fell  short,  but  the  arrival  of 
French  vessels,  while  not  sufficient  to  change  materially  the  position  of 
affairs,  enabled  Langlois  to  obtain  a  capitulation,  with  guarantee  of  arms  and 
baggage.  He  reached  Vera  Cruz  Aug.  10th.  Le,  Saint,  Guerre  Mex.,  176. 
The  prefect  de  la  Torre  was  assassinated,  a  deed  ascribed  by  Arrangoiz,  Mej., 
iv.  113,  to  republican  excesses. 

62  Whose  garrison  was  taken  by  sea  to  Vera  Cruz,  Sept.  20th. 

53  Maximilian  demanded  reoccupation,  but  in  view  of  the  speedy  departure 
of  the  French,  and  the  land  blockade,  it  was  not  thought  advisable.  Niox, 
Exped.,  611-14. 

54  Efforts  to  cut  communication  with  the  south  grew  more  threatening 
every  day.     The  Belgians  also  objected  to  a  mixed  occupation  which  gave  any 


•  REPUBLICAN  VICTORIES.  255 

city  was  evacuated,  after  destruction  of  the  fort,  Sal- 
tillo  being  abandoned  on  August  4th.55 

The  republicans  took  immediate  possession,  amidst 
more  or  less  sincere  rejoicings.  Although  many  im 
perialists  had  here  as  elsewhere  found  it  prudent  to 
depart,  others  ventured  to  stay,  in  the  hope  that  the 
penalty  might  be  reduced  to  a  mere  contribution. 
Escobedo  was  prevailed  upon  to  restore  to  the  Ameri 
cans  at  least  a  part  of  the  intercepted  convoys,  and 
now  trade  promised  to  revive  again.  Unfortunately 
Matamoros  declared  itself  at  this  time  under  Canales 
for  Ortega,  the  rival  of  Juarez,  the  port  being  again 
besieged  till  the  close  of  November,  when,  with  the 
somewhat  suspicious  intervention  of  United  States 
troops,  Escobedo  regained  it  under  capitulation.56 

This  diversion  among  the  republicans  relieved  the 
French  somewhat  in  their  retreat,  although  several 
skirmishes  took  place  en  route.57  Bazaine  had  him 
self  come  northward  to  direct  the  movement,  impelled 
by  anxiety  over  the  recent  disasters,  and  a  desire  to 
survey  the  field.  Hearing  of  a  large  mustering  against 
Matehuala,  which  since  August  formed  his  most 
northern  post,  he  gave  orders  for  a  sweep  of  the  vicin 
ity  within  a  distance  of  three  days'  march,  so  as  to 
strike  a  blow  and  then  retire  to  Queretaro.  This  was 

superiority  to  the  Mexicans.  Mutiny  broke  out  on  these  questions,  and  finally 
they  were  sent  to  Queretaro. 

55  Elton  followed  Douay  from  Saltillo  to  protect  the  evacuation  of  Monte 
rey,  and  thence  back  through  Saltillo  southward,  and  describes  in  somewhat 
bantering  tone  the  incidents  en  route.  See  With  the  French,  103-13,  etc.; 
Pdjaro  Verde  and  Mexicano;  Voz  Mej.,  Oct.  20,  1866;  Diario  Imp.,  Aug. 
15th,  etc.,  and  above  all  Arias,  fiesena,  passim,  for  all  this  north-east  cam 
paign. 

°6Carbajal  had  as  governor  taken  possession  when  Meji'a  left  the  place;  but 
Juarez  disapproved  his  conduct  and  appointed  a  new  governor  in  the  person 
of  Gen.  Tapia.  Canales  took  advantage  of  this  news  to  revolt,  to  pronounce 
against  Carbajal,  and  have  himself  proclaimed  governor.  Juarez  ignoring  this 
movement,  Mex.,  Col.  Let/es,  1863-7,  iii.  97-100,  he  declared  for  Ortega.  The 
entry  of  U.  S.  troops  during  the  subsequent  siege  was  satisfactorily  explained 
to  Escobedo.  It  was  caused  partly  by  the  appeal  of  U.  S.  traders  for  protec 
tion,  partly  to  favor  Juarez,  as  Gen.  Sedgwick  declared.  Canales  and  his 
troops  were  incorporated  in  the  army,  but  proved  rebellious  again.  Arias, 
Resena  Hi*t.,  79-99,  etc.;  Voz  Mej.,  Sept.  27,  1866,  and  dates  and  journals. 

57  In  one,  at  La  Noria  de  Custodio,  the  French  claimed  to  have  killed  125 
adversaries. 


256  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

effected   in   the  latter  part  of  October,  but  without 
much   effect,  for  the  republicans  retired,  and  on  the 
28th    Douay   evacuated    the    place.58     A    force   was, 
nevertheless,  left  at  San  Luis  Potosi  to  sustain  Mejia, 
who  proposed  here  to  make  a  stand  for  the  empire; 
but  the  troops  sent  to  him  proved  insufficient;  lack  of 
funds  dampened  what  little  ardor  remained,  and  a  few 
days  after  the  departure  of  the  last  French  column,  on 
Christmas  eve,  he  retired  to  San  Felipe,  in  Guana 
juato.59     Castagny  reached  this  state  about  the  same 
time  with  the  French   force  from  Durango  and  the 
north-west  provinces,  Zacatecas  having  been  evacuated 
a  month  before,  and  subsequently  Aguascalierites,  the 
Mexican  imperial  troops  following  close  upon  his  heels, 
unwilling  and  unable  to  face  the  triumphant  Juarists.60 
Jalisco  had  been  less  subject  to  revolutionary  move 
ments  than  might  have  been  expected  from  its  position 
between  the  ever-disturbed  Sinaloa  and  Michoacan, 
owing  to  the  imposing  forces  stationed  in  the  Tepic 
region    under   Lozada,   and    at    Guadalajara   and    in 
Guanajuato  under  the  French  commanders.     Never 
theless,  inroads  from  the  Sinaloa  and  Zacatecas  lines 
had  become  more  threatening,  as  well  as  those  from 
the  south;61  and  with  the  approaching  departure  of 
the  French  troops,  the  liberated   republican    armies 
from  the  north  prepared  to  overwhelm  the  province. 
Joined   at   Tepic  by  the  garrisons   withdrawn  from 
Guaymas  and  Mazatlan,  Castagny  retired  into  Gua- 

68  After  destroying  the  fortifications.  During  the  preceding  month  several 
sorties  had  been  made  against  Martinez,  Flores,  and  others.  See  Elton's  With 
the  French,  120-63,  passim,  for  details;  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Oct.  3,  1866,  et  seq. ; 
Arias,  Resena,  120,  514,  etc. 

59  In  a  manifesto  of  Dec.  31st,  Juan  Bustamante  as  governor  proclaimed 
the  state  free  from  imperialists.  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Feb.  8,  1867. 

60Cadena  had  risen  in  Jan.  and  occupied  the  valleys  of  Jerez  and  Juchi- 
pila,  despite  the  effort  to  oust  him,  and  the  guerrillas  of  La  Laguna  had  helped 
to  hold  the  north-eastern  part  of  Zacatecas  since  spring.  Niox,  Exped.,  568. 
See  also  Diario  Imp. ,  March  2,  1866,  et  seq.;  Voz  Mej.,  id.;  Pdjaro  Verde, 
id.;  Mexicano,  id.;  Vigil  and  flijar,  Ensayo,  220,  etc.  Martinez  came  down 
from  Sonora  by  sea  to  assist  in  driving  the  imperialists  out  of  Jalisco.  Vega, 
Doc.,  iii.  423-4,  etc.;  Gonzalez,  Hist.  Aguascal.,  358-74. 

61  Near  Colima,  where  Capt.  Berthelin,  commanding  the  imperial  gen 
darmes  was  surprised  and  killed  in  Nov. 


BETREAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  257 

najuato,  abandoning  Guadalajara  on  the  12th  of  De 
cember  to  the  imperial  force  under  Gutierrez.  The 
lack  of  funds  hampered  the  latter  greatly,  leading  to 
a  serious  falling-off  among  his  men,  and  with  the  ap 
pearance  of  the  advance  guard  of  Corona's  army  his 
position  became  precarious.  The  disastrous  failure  of 
an  advance  movement  by  his  Franco-Mexican  com 
panies,62  involving  the  loss  of  450  soldiers,63  brought 
matters  to  a  crisis;  and  on  the  following  day,  Decem 
ber  19th,  the  imperialists  evacuated  the  city,64  hasten 
ing  to  take  refuge  in  Guanajuato.  Lozada  had  by 
this  time  proclaimed  the  neutrality  of  the  department 
of  Nayarit,  wherein  he  had  long  ruled  like  a  sover 
eign.65  Thus  Jalisco,  the  key  to  the  north-west,  was 
lost  to  the  empire. 

The  last  days  of  the  year  saw  the  French  leav 
ing  the  mining  state  of  Guanajuato,  joining  at  Que- 
retaro  the  columns  from  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  thence 
retiring  during  January  toward  Yera  Cruz.  In 
Guanajuato,  however,  the  imperialists  could  safely 
make  a  stand  by  themselves;  arid  sustained  by  the 
number  here  accumulating  under  Mejia  and  other 
leaders  who  had  retreated  from  the  provinces  north 
and  west,  they  were  able  to  check  the  local  move 
ment  inaugurated  since  spring  by  Antillon  and  his 
patriot  companions;66  but  the  victorious  armies  from 
the  north-west  and  north-east  were  approaching. 

62  Now  about  to  be  dissolved,  owing  to  orders  from  France  to  withdraw 
even  the  foreign  legion. 

63 And  the  death  of  Sayn,  the  leader.  Col  Parra  of  Corona's  army,  assisted 
by  Guadarrama  and  Mendoza,  achieved  this  victory  Dec.  18th,  at  the  hill  of 
Coronella,  and  claimed  to  have  killed  150  imperialists,  including  135  French, 
and  to  have  captured  312  men,  of  whom  101  French,  while  his  own  losses 
reached  only  39  killed.  Estrella  del  Norte,  Jan.  25,  1866;  Vigil  and  Hijar, 
Ensayo,  424,  etc.;  Diario  Imp.,  Mar.  27,  1866,  etc.;  Voz  de  Mfy'.,  id.;  Arran- 
goiz,  Mej.,  iv.  224.  Corona  now  swept  down  toward  Colima,  and  Marquez 
de  Leon  advanced  by  way  of  La  Barca  to  clear  the  state  of  imperialists.  Mar 
quez,  Mem.  Post,  MS.,  287. 

64  Parra  behaved  considerately  on  taking  possession  the  day  after. 

65  To  sustain  this  neutrality  till  the  nation  had  established  a  government, 
1.000  men  were  to  be  kept  under  arms;  yet  armies  might  pass  through  the 
department  after  making  due  arrangements.     The  administration  was  to  be 
vested  in  persons  chosen  by  a  representative  council.  Full  text  in  Estrella 
de  Occid.,  Jan.  18,  1867,  issued  at  San  Luis  de  Lozada,  Dec.  1,  1866. 

66  More  than  one  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  preceding  French  garrisons. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    17 


258  MAXIMILIAN  S  VACILLATION. 

In  Michoacan  the  irrepressible  Regules,  chief  of 
the  centre  army,  had  sustained  the  campaign,  despite 
a  series  of  reverses  at  the  hands  of  French  and  Mex 
ican  troops,  which  in  April  caused  a  dissolution  of  his 
forces.67  A  month  later  he  was  again  in  the  field,  and 
extended  his  operations  into  the  Toluca  region,  find 
ing  ever  a  refuge  among  the  ranges  of  his  province, 
and  warm  and  generous  adherents  in  the  rich  valleys, 
especially  round  Zitacuaro,68  as  well  as  stout  allies  in 
the  neighboring  province  of  Guerrero,  which  had  been 
little  trodden  by  imperialists.  Acapulco  alone  re 
mained  in  their  hands,  defended  by  Montenegro,  but 
fever  and  desertion  were  making  sad  havoc  among 
them,  and  paving  the  way  for  the  entry  of  the  patient 
Juarists.69 

In  this  state  Porfirio  Diaz  also  had  found  refuse 

O 

after  his  escape  from  the  prison  at  Puebla,  and  means 
to  form  anew  the  dispersed  army  of  the  south.  Sup 
ported  by  the  French  fleet,  the  imperialists  had  ob 
tained  a  foothold  along  the  Oajacan  coast,  Prefect 

had  tended  to  limit  their  extension,  as  Iglesias,  Revistas,  iii.  676,  confesses. 
See  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  <§p.  2a,  iv.  748;  Niox,  Exped.,  615,  622. 

67  Gen.  Mendez  overtook  him  near  Tangauce'cuaro  Jan.  28th,  and  utterly 
routed  his  forces,  estimated  at  from  2,500  to  3,000,  against  700  of  his  own, 
taking  600  prisoners  and  most  of  the  arms  and  baggage.     On  Feb.  20th  he 
met  Riva  Palacio  and  Canto  near  Uruapan,  and  received  in  his  turn  a  decided 
check.     Iglesias  speaks  of  2,500  imperialists  against  1,700  republicans.     The 
former  attacked  and  were  routed  with  a  loss  'de  mas  de  las  dos  terceras  partea 
de  su  fuerza.'  Revistas,  iii.  675.     Imperialist  accounts  reverse  the  forces  to 
1,500  against  3,000,  with  a  loss  to  themselves  of  150  killed,  while  the  repub 
licans  lost  200  killed  and  300  prisoners.     The  latter  retired  in  good  order, 
after  leaving  a  garrison  at  Uruapan.     Regules  was  surprised  a  month  later 
near  Zamora  by  Aymard,  who  dissipated  his  forces,  capturing  900  horses,  and 
thereupon  took  Uruapan.     Mendez  followed   up  the   advantage,  aided   by 
French  columns,  and  reaching  Huetamo  at  the  end  of  April,  he  obliged  Regules 
to  disband  the  remnant  left  him.     Yet  the  latter  wrote  hopefully  as  ever  of 
his  prospects.    Vega,  Doc.,  iii.  194-5. 

68  Which  remained  loyal  amidst  all  the  horrors  of  wars.     It  w-as  burned 
over  and  over  again.     The  inhabitants  mostly  abandoned  it  on  the  approach 
of  the  imperialists.     The  more  fortunate  Riva  Palacio  had  been  chosen  by  his 
comrades  chief  of  the  centre  army,  but  the  appointment  of  Regules  came  be 
fore  this  was  known.  Iglesias,  iii.  675-6.     For  details  concerning  the  preceding 
and  later  movements,  see  Diario  Imp.,  Feb.  3,  1866,  et  seq. ;    Voz  de  Mej., 
Pdjaro  Verde,  Mexicano,  and  others. 

69 Iglesias  assumed,  in  Oct.,  a  loss  by  fever  of  nearly  600  out  of  800;  others 
place  the  deaths  at  a  little  over  £  out  of  750  men,  £  deserting.  On  Aug.  27th 
the  supreme  government  declared  the  province  in  a  state  of  siege,  confirming 
Diego  Alvarado  as  governor.  Mex,,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  iii.  82-3. 


IN  THE  SOUTH-WEST. 


233 


Prieto  holding  Tehuantepec  since  the  middle  of  1865, 
and  making  it  a  base  for  operations  in  this  vicinity 
till  the  autumn  of  the  following  year.70  Westward, 
among  the  Miztecs,  the  Austrians  helped  to  hold 
several  points,  especially  along  the  valley  of  the 
Atoyac,  and  round  Tlajiaco.  Diaz  obtained  in  the 
spring  several  advantages,  notably  at  Jamiltepec  and 
Putla,71  and  he  thereupon  turned  his  attention  more 


50    0  100  200  300  400  Metros 


BATTLE  OP  MIAHUATLAN. 
Explanation  of  plan: 

Light  rectangles  with  numbers  designate  the  republicans,  and  black  lines  with  letters  the 
imperialists. 

1.  First  position  of  General  Diaz.  5,  6,  Advance  of  republicans. 

2.  Second  position  of  General  Diaz.  A.  First  position  of  imperialists. 

3.  First  position  of  republicans.  B.  Second  position  of  imperialists. 

4.  Second  position  of  republicans.  C.  Final  position  of  imperialists 

D.  Dispersion  of  imperialists. 

The  column  in  the  upper  left  corner  represents  the  commemorative  monument  raised  on  the 
adjoining  hill. 

directly  to  cutting  off  communication  between  Oajaca 
and  Puebla,  a  task  already  undertaken  with  some 
effect  by  General  Figueroa,72  who  in  June  had  occu- 

70  When  he  died  from  fever,  after  a  severe  defeat  near  Juchitan  in  Sept., 
from  which  only  50  escaped  to  Tehuantepec,  says  Iglesias.  See  also  Le  Saint, 
Guerre,  155-6. 

71Miahuatlan,  Ejutla,  and  other  places  had  risen  for  the  republican  cause 
early  in  the  year. 

72  After  seizing  Villa  Alta  in  Dec.  1865,  this  indefatigable  aid  of  Diaz  had 


260 


MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 


pied  Tehuacan  for  a  time,  and  was  now  with  Felix 
Diaz  menacing  the  Puebla  lines,  assisted  by  the 
broken  nature  of  the  country.  Porfirio  Diaz  took 
Teotitlan  in  August,  but  failed  at  Huajuapan,  and 
had  to  retire  into  the  sierras  before  the  advancing 
Austro-Mexican  troops.  Early  in  October,  however, 
he  surprised  Oronoz,  commanding  in  Oajaca,  who  had 
descended  the  valley  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
forces.  Nearly  all  were  killed  and  captured,73  and 


BATTLE  OF  LA  CARBONERA. 
Explanation  of  plan: 

The  black  dots  and  strokes  on  the  right  hand  represent  the  republican  forces. 

1.  Battalion  Libres,  under  Colonel  Diaz.  5.  Reserve,  under  Colonel  Oroa. 

2.  Battalion  Sierra  Juarez,  under  Colonel  Diaz.        6.  General  Diaz. 

3.  Battalion  Soyaltepec,  under  General  Figueroa.    7.  Brigade,  under  Colonel  Gonzalez. 

4.  Cavalry  Soyaltepec,  under  General  Ramos.          8.  Battery. 

The  light  squares  and  rectangles  on  the  left,  near  Loma  de  la  Carbonera,  denote  the  impe 
rialist  columns. 

Oronoz  narrowly  escaped  with  a  remnant  to  Oajaca 
city,  followed  by  the  victor,  who  now  laid  siege.     This 

severely  pressed  Prieto  at  Tehuantepec,  and  later,  in  April,  successfully  re 
sisted  Austrian  attacks  in  the  Ixcatlan  region. 

73  Most  of  the  French  soldiers  fell,  including  Testard,  their  leader.  The 
total  force  numbered  1,200  men,  according  to  French  accounts,  while  Diaz  had 
2,000.  This  occurred  near  Miahuatlan  Oct.  3d.  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS.,  247-58; 
Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  2,  1882. 


VICTORIES  OF  DIAZ.  261 

he  suspended  for  a  few  days  to  march  against  an 
Austro-Mexican  relief  column  of  about  1,000  men.74 
After  routing  it  and  taking  nearly  half  of  them  pris 
oners,76  he  again  appeared  before  the  city,  which 
capitulated  on  the  1st  of  November.  A  few  addi 
tional  movements  toward  the  coast  completed  the 
recovery  of  Oajaca,76  and  he  thereupon  advanced  into 
Puebla,  giving  fresh  impulse  to  the  rising  along 
the  lines  from  the  lakes  to  the  gulf,  yet  without  the 
useless  risk  of  measuring  his  main  forces  against  the 
retreating  French.  Tabasco  and  the  country  south 
had  been  restored  to  order  for  some  time  already, 
and  the  troops  there  were  assisting  the  still  struggling 
republicans  in  Yucatan.77 

The  republican  movements  in  southern  Vera  Cruz 
had  been  steadily  approaching  the  main  French  lines 
along  the  Orizaba  road,  harassed  by  guerrillas  from  the 
mountain  fastnesses.  A  decided  struggle  took  place 
in  March  for  the  possession  of  the  Papaloapan  River ; 
but  by  August  Tlacotalpan  and  Alvarado  had  to  be 
surrendered  by  the  Mexican  garrisons  then  left  by  the 
French;  and  now  the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz 
harbor  itself  became  subject  to  invasion.78  North  of 

74Niox  has  800;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.,  v.  685,  gives  600  Austrians  and  400 
Mexicans,  and  in  Pap.  y  (,'orr.  Fam.  Imp.,  209,  800,  and  400,  respectively. 
Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  86-92;  Diaz,  Miscel,  pt43,  p.  3;  Perez,  Dice.,  iii.  217-18. 

75 Gen.  Diaz  was  regarded  as  the  most  humane  of  the  Juarist  leaders,  treat 
ing  foreigners  with  consideration,  and  showing  most  severity  toward  those 
whom  he  regarded  as  native  traitors.  See  his  own  letter  on  forbearance,  in 
Vega,  Doc.,  iii.  421.  See  also  Elton's  testimony,  With  the  French,  186-91,  and 
Niox,  678.  Diaz  admits  shooting  the  Mexican  officers.  He  claims  in  this 
last  battle,  on  Oct.  18th,  to  have  obtained  700  rifles.  Biog.,  MS.,  263.  Thi* 
work  gives  the  fullest  details  of  this  campaign. 

76  And  active  steps  were  thereupon  taken  to  restore  order  in  the  adminis 
tration,  Lie.  Juan  M.  Maldonado  being  appointed  governor  and  Felix  Diaz 
comandante  militar.   Id.,  277. 

77  Jonuta,  the  only  place  held  by  imperialists  in  Tabasco,  in  the  early  part 
of  1866,  fell  in  the  middle  of  April;  retaken,  it  finally  yielded  in  Aug.  Period. 
Ofic.  (Chih.),  July  27,  1866;    Vega,  Doc.,  iii.  248.     Full  details  of  operations 
are  given  in  Mendez,  Resetia,  62  et  seq. ;  Pap.  Var.,  civ.  pt  v.     Yucatan  move 
ments.  Voz  de  Mej.,  Feb.  13,  Nov.  6,  1866;  Diario  Imp.,  Aug.  27,  1866;  Pap. 
Var.,  civ.  pt  v.  66  et  seq. 

78  The  leading  spirit  in  these  operations  had  been  Gen.  Benavides  and  Ale 
jandro  Garcia,  the  latter  now  made  a  general  for  his  achievements,  and  soon 
after  governor  of  the  province,  Benavides  being  set  aside.  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS., 
266-7,  270.     Alvarado  was  captured  by  Lozano  at  the  end  of  July,  and  Tla 
cotalpan  a  month  later.  Iglesias,  Revistas,  iii.  670. 


262  MAXIMILIAN'S  VACILLATION. 

this  the  Austro-Mexicans  had,  in  the  early  part  of 
1866,  smothered  the  revolt  led  by  Alatorre  in  the 
districts  of  Papantla  and  Misantla;79  but  with  repub 
lican  successes  in  Tamaulipas  and  Huasteca,  Alatorre 
and  others  rose  again,  retaking  their  former  stamp 
ing-ground  and  advancing  against  Jalapa,  which  sur 
rendered  in  November.80  Perote  fell  in  January,81 
leaving  to  the  French  only  a  narrow  strip  by  which  to 
reach  Yera  Cruz.  This  was  also  the  case  in  Puebla, 
where  Figueroa  hovered  along  the  southern  line  of 
march,  and  other  leaders  along  the  northern,  as 
far  down  as  Huamantla.82  In  September  Bazaine 
had  the  garrisons  strengthened  on  either  side  from 
Tehuacan  through  Chalchicomula  to  Tlascala  and 
Tulancingo,  yet  his  opponents  carried  Pachuca  in 
November.83 

In  the  province  of  Mexico  the  republican  spirit 
had  been  sustained,,  especially  along  the  west  borders. 
The  hills  encircling  the  valley — hitherto  nestling- 
places  for  petty  bands,  which  had  ever  made  the  route 
to  Puebla  unsafe84 — now  became  the  headquarters  for 
the  ever-growing  guerrilla  forces.85  Cuautitlan  was 

79  Mainly  by  the  capitulation  of  Jan.  15th,  with  Major  Schonowsky.  Igle- 
sias  gives  Alatorre  477  men  against  1,500  of  the  imperialists.  Liberal  terms 
were  granted,  like  those  to  the  Huastecans.  Le  Saint,  Guerre  Mex.,  156. 

80Calderon  was  ajlowed  to  withdraw  the  small  Austro-Mexican  garrison  to 
Puebla,  Nov.  llth.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.,  v.  686;  Pap.  y  Corr.  Fam.  Imp.,  83- 
100,  199-200;  Cinco  Mayo,  Sept.  27,  1866. 

81  Aymard  on  Jan.  8th  taking  away  the  Austrian  garrison,  which  had  been 
closely  pressed  since  its  relief  in  Nov. 

82  Notably  Col  Rodriguez,  who  established  himself  at  Los  Llanos  in  Sept. 

83  Rodriguez'  attack  on  Tlascala  was  repulsed  Nov.  2d,  with  assistance 
from  San  Martin,  but  Apam  yielded.     Tehuacan  had  to  be  reenforced  against 
Figueroa,  and  Aymard,  then  commanding  in  Puebla,  took  up  a  position  at 
Palmar  with  a  strong  force  so  as  to  render  aid  to  either  side.     Col  Dupin, 
whose  contre-guerrillas  guarded  the  coast,  assumed  the  command  in  Vera 
Cruz.     In  Dec.  Douay  reached  Puebla  with  his  troops  and  assumed  the  com 
mand  there.     For  his  retreat  thus  far,  see  Elton'' s  With  the  French,  169-72, 
184;  Niox,  Exped.,  674-80,  Diario  Imp.,  Oct.  13,  1866,  etc.,  and  other  jour 
nals. 

84 Among  other  victims  were  the  Belgian  envoy,  Gen.  Foury  and  his  aid, 
Capt.  D'Huart,  bringing  news  of  the  coronation  of  Leopold  II.  They  were 
attacked  at  Rio  Frio  on  March  4,  1866.  Their  death  created  no  little  sensa 
tion.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  84.  The  Mexican  escort  was  accused  of  cowardice. 
Pap.  y  Corr.  Fam.  Imp.,  179-81.  Toluca  was  nearly  captured  by  Re"gules  in 
Aug. 

^The  Belgians  were  severely  repulsed  when  at  the  close  of  Sept.  they 


IMPERIALIST  REVERSES  263 

raided  in  October;  and  two  months  later  Chalco  and 
Tlalpari,  within  sight  of  Mexico,  were  equally  exposed, 
while  the  route  from  Queretaro,  with  its  wagon  trains 
bearing  the  effects  of  returning  Frenchmen  and  fugi 
tive  Mexicans,  attracted  hordes  of  eager  despoilers. 
Ortiz  de  la  Pena  had  retired  in  disorder  to  Cuerna- 
vaca  after  a  severe  defeat  at  Ixtla,  and  Regules  and 
Riva  Palacio  had  followed  up  their  victories  in  Mi- 
choacan  by  occupying  the  Lerma  Valley.  Toluca 
alone  stood  between  them  and  the  capital.96 

sought  to  retake  Jxmiqmlpan  from  Martinez.  Iglesias  gives  their  leader,  Col 

Van  der  Smissen,  350  men.   Revistas,  iii.  673.  He  had  to  retire  to  Tula. 

86 Twice,  early  in  Dec.  and  in  Jan.,  had  French  troops  gone  to  the  re 
lief  of  Toluca. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 
1867. 

FURTHER  DISAFFECTION  BETWEEN  BAZAINE  AND  THE  COURT — RECALL  OF 
EUROPEAN  SOLDIERS — BAZAINE'S  CONDUCT  AND  CHARACTER — EXCHANGE 
OF  PRISONERS — DEPARTURE  OF  TROOPS — BAZAINE  •  IN  DISGRACE  IN 
FRANCE — COST  OF  EXPEDITION — A  NEW  COUNCIL  UPHOLDS  THE  EM 
PIRE — MOVEMENTS  OF  MIRAMON — MAXIMILIAN  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  THE 
ARMY — His  MARCH  TO  QUERETARO — INVESTED.  BY  THE  REPUBLICAN 
FORCES. 

THE  ministry  expected  Bazaine  to  make  a  few  more 
efforts  in  their  behalf  against  the  Juarists,  but  a  tele 
gram  from  Paris,  of  the  10th  of  January,  1867,  in 
structed  him  to  hasten  the  departure  of  the  troops. 
His  measures  in  accordance  therewith  increased  the 
bitterness  of  feeling  between  the  marshal  and  the 
court  till  intercourse  was  completely  broken  off.1 
Among  the  strongest  reasons  for  this  rupture  was  the 
strictness  with  which  the  commander-in-chief  carried 
out  the  order  for  returning  to  their  homes  all  Euro- 

1  In  a  letter  to  Bazaine  of  Jan.  25th,  Lares  alluded  to  the  promise  made 
to  protect  the  districts  occupied  by  French  soldiers,  and  pointing  out  that 
this  had  not  been  fulfilled  with  respect  to  Tezcuco  and  other  near-lying  towns, 
he  sneeringly  inquired  what  course  would  be  pursued  if  the  capital  were  at 
tacked  while  still  held  by  the  French.  He  also  demanded  when  the  French 
would  depart,  and  the  surrender  of  the  citadel  and  war  stores  take  place,  as 
well  as  satisfaction  be  given  for  the  suppression  of  La  Patna  journal,  which 
had  abused  the  marshal  because  he  interfered  in  behalf  of  a  suspected  Juarist 
named  Garay.  Bazaine  curtly  replied  that  he  would  hold  no  further  inter 
course  with  the  ministry.  He  wrote  to  Maximilian  complaining  of  their  in 
sinuating  language  and  evil  policy,  explaining  that  arrangements  were  made 
with  Marquez  for  the  surrender  of  the  fortifications,  etc. ,  and  that  he  would 
depart  during  the  first  half  of  Feb.  Maximilian  returned  the  letter,  and  de 
clared  that  no  further  intercourse  would  take  place  until  satisfaction  was 
given  for  the  reflections  cast  on  his  ministers.  D6troyat  adds  to  K^ratry's 
extracts  the  comments  of  Murphy  on  the  rupture.  L' Intervention,  304-8. 

(264) 


BAZAINE'S  ACTS.  265 

pean  soldiers  who  so  desired,  even  those  who  had 
enlisted  under  Maximilian,  in  accordance  with  the 
convention  of  Miramare;  thus  encouraging  them  to 
break  their  oath  and  to  unfairly  retain  the  bounty 
given  them.2  Further,  as  many  of  the  army  effects 
could 'not  profitably  be  taken  to  France,  horses,  sad 
dles,  arid  other  cumbrous  material  were  sold  by  auction 
at  the  different  camps,  going  at  insignificant  prices 
often  direct  into  the  hands  of  the  republicans,  while 
a  large  quantity  of  projectiles  and  powder  was  de 
stroyed,  instead  of  being  allowed  to  swell  the  resources 
of  the  imperial  government.3  Bazaine  has  been  widely 
abused  for  these  and  other  acts  in  which  he  undoubt- 

2  Going  even  so  far  as  to  place  those  who  refused  in  the  category  of  desert 
ers.  The  object  was  partly  disgust  with  Maximilian,  partly  a  measure  to 
promote  his  abdication,  although  the  same  telegram  forbade  any  further 
urging  in  this  respect;  but  also  a  desire  to  save  further  sacrifices  of  French 
blood.  This  'emporta  sur  toute  autre  consideration,  says  D'H^ricault,  Max., 
85;  by  leaving  them,  he  adds,  the  life  of  Maximilian  could  readily  have 
been  saved,  for  a  few  thousand  foreign  soldiers  could  penetrate  anywhere  in 
Mexico.  Maximilian  at  first  refused  to  let  them  go,  but  yielded  by  telegram 
of  Jan.  14th.  Id.,  94.  Their  bounty  had  been  $25,  besides  other  expenditure 
for  the  pressed  treasury.  Salm-Salm  intimates  that  'not  less  than  six  thou 
sand  men'  deserted  nevertheless  to  join  Maximilian.  My  Diary,  i.  18-19;  but 
this  is  an  exaggeration.  A  result  of  the  measure  was  that  Escobedo  caused 
to  be  shot  more  than  100  Frenchmen  captured  early  in  Feb.  at  the  defeat  of 
Miramon,  on  the  ground  that  they  could  no  longer  claim  the  protection  of 
the  tricolor.  Several  French  officers  appeared  with  a  bitter  protest  in  Le 
Courrier,  at  Mexico,  reflecting  on  the  steps  which  had  led  to  such  slaughter 
of  their  comrades,  now  termed  bandits  by  the  Juarists.  Basch  is  naturally 
Revere  upon  Bazaine.  Erinnerungen,  i.  143-8. 

8  Because  it  could  not  pay  the"  trifle  demanded  for  the  stores.  It  must  be 
admitted,  however,  that  the  projectiles  were  as  a  rule  useless  for  the  Mexican 
artillery,  and  that  the  empire  had  plenty  of  ammunition,  as  intimated  in  a 
letter  by  Maximilian  to  Gen.  D'Hurbal,  who  organized  this  artillery.  Domenech, 
Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  415-16.  Ke"ratry  publishes  a  report  from  the  artillery  depart 
ment  showing  that  the  Mexicans  had  received  from  France  3,228,226  cart 
ridges  and  21,437  kilogrammes  of  powder,  and  that  the  capital  possessed  at 
this  time  34,741  shot  of  different  caliber  with  the  needful  powder,  at  the  rate  of 
300  charges  per  piece;  also  a  reserve  of  500,000  cartridges,  besides  the  supply 
held  by  the  Austro-Belgians.  Max.,  315.  Nevertheless  the  destruction  of 
available  ammunition — estimated  by  one  authority  at  14  million  cartridges — 
Ulntcrven,  Mex.,  313 — was  wanton;  and  the  sale  of  horses,  etc.,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  republicans  may  be  termed  even  worse.  After  abandoning  the  empire 
to  its  fate,  this  material  should  at  least  have  been  surrendered,  as  promised 
in  the  joint  note  of  Nov.  9th,  from  the  French  representatives.  Maximilian 
expresses  himself  bitterly  on  the  point.  Basch,  ii.  75;  Niox  finds  it  'difficile 
d'expliquer.'  Exptd.,  695;  and  D^troyat,  309-16,  blames  the  French  govern 
ment,  which  had  left  orders  for  remitting  such  armament  to  the  'head  to  be 
legally  recognized.'  None  such  appearing  to  Bazaine,  he  could  not  act  other 
wise  than  he  did.  A  Juarist  decree  stamped  all  effects  sold  by  the  French 
army  as  just  booty.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  2. 


266  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

edly  followed  only  instructions,  although  impelled 
occasionally  perhaps  to  a  certain  excess  by  the  hostil 
ity  and  misconstruction  applied  on  every  side;  yet  it 
must  be  admitted  that  sordid  avarice  was  among  the 
defects  of  character  which  tended  to  justify  suspicion 
against  him.*  A  letter  from  General  Diaz  was  not 
without  its  effect,  accusing  him  of  offering  to  surrender 
all  the  towns  in  French  possession  with  armament, 
and  even  the  persons  of  Maximilian  and  his  leading 
supporters ;  but  this  rests  on  the  misinterpreted  utter 
ances  of  the  agent  sent  to  confer  with  him  about  as 
suming  the  leadership  of.  the  new  government  sought 
by  France.  Negotiation  with  Ortega  had  been  frus 
trated  by  the  United  States,  as  we  have  seen,  and 
Diaz  was  too  loyal  to  entertain  the  offer;5  yet  he  as 
well  as  several  other  leaders  showed  every  considera 
tion  for  Frenchmen,  and  readily  exchanged  the  pris 
oners  of  this  nationality.6 

4  He  sold,  for  instance,  for  private  benefit,  the  furniture  of  his  residence, 
placed  merely  at  his  service  by  the  government;  and  also  a  carriage  belonging 
to  Santa  Anna,  as  Maximilian  himself  puts  it.  Basch,  i.  173,  ii.  75.     A  writer 
in  Pap.  y  Corr.  Fam.  Imp.,  74-80,  adds  that  Col  "Boyer  was  his  agent  in  all 
manner  of  speculation,  including  dealings  in  army  pay  warrants.   See  also 
Mex.,  El  Imp.,  18-20;  Allenet,  Bazaine  Acusado,    1-4.     Aspirations  are  also 
hinted  at  toward  a  position  as  supreme  ruler  over  Mexico;  but  these  D^troyat, 
314,  will  not  entertain.     He  considered  that  the  favors  received  from  Maxi 
milian  could  not  have  been  forgotten  by  him.     Ke'ratry  also  defends  him,  and 
states  that  this  refusal  to  take  extreme  steps  against  the  empire  without  posi 
tive  instructions  brought  upon  him  the  anger  of  Napoleon,  who  objected  to 
commit  himself  in  writing.    Max.,  280.     This  anger  was  increased  by  the 
effort  of  Bazaine  to  justify  himself  before  his  officers,  to  whom  he  revealed  a 
portion  of  these  instructions.     Arrangoiz  echoes  Ke>atry,  by  pointing  out  that 
with  all  the  accusation  against  Bazaine  his  conduct  was  not  investigated. 
Mej.,  iv.  248.     Later  we  find  him  in  a  responsible  command,  during  the  war 
with  Prussia.     Salm-Salm  insists,  nevertheless,  that  his  conduct  was  more 
brutal  than  it  should  have  been.  My  Diary,  i.  16;  and  so  does  Basch,  who 
assumes  that  his  failure  to  carry  out  his  (Napoleon's)  plans  roused  anger  and 
'  liess  nun  der  Marschall  die  Maske. .  .fallen.    LOG.  cit. 

5  Which  involved  the  recognition  of  French  claims  '  la  cual  desech.6  por  110 
recerme  honrosa, '  says  Diaz.  Lefevre,  Docs,  ii.  376.     The  offer  implied  the 

previous  abdication  of  Maximilian.  The  sale  of  arms  to  Diaz  was  to  take 
effect  only  after  his  acceptance  of  the  presidency  had  been  settled.  So  KǤr- 
atry  very  reasonably  explains  it.  Max.,  248-51.  The  agent  was  the  U.  S. 
consul  Otterburg,  who  had  pecuniary  reasons  for  favoring  a  new  govern 
ment  with  French  aid,  and  also  a  Frenchman  named  Thiele,  employed  by 
Diaz.  Salm-Salm  asserts  himself  somewhat  too  positively  on  mere  hearsay. 

6  Diaz  refused,  however,  to  surrender  the  Austrians.     Ke>atry  publishes 
several  of  the  letters  exchanged  on  this  subject.     Not  having  enough  military 
prisoners,  says  Arrangoiz,  Mej.t  iv.  245,  political  offenders  were  included  in 
Bazaine 's  delivery. 


BAZAINE  LEAVES  MEXICO.  267 

The  arrangements  of  Bazaine  being  made,  he 
marched  out  from  Mexico  on  the  5th  of  February, 
the  inhabitants  being  comparatively  silent;  for  if  one 
party  regarded  the  departure  as  an  humiliating  neces 
sity,  another  looked  upon  it  as  a  desertion  of  their 
cause,  and  trembled  for  the  consequences.7  At  Puebla 
the  feeling  was  even  less  friendly,  influenced  to  a  great 
extent  by  the  proximity  of  the  republicans,  who  fol 
lowed  closely  though  quietly  upon  the  heels  of  the 
French,  occupying  the  evacuated  towns  along  the 
route.8  The  national  imperial  army  did  not  attempt 
to  hold  a  single  place  between  Puebla  and  Vera  Cruz. 
Hearing  of  a  disaster  to  the  imperial  arms,  Bazaine 
considerately  sent  a  message  to  Maximilian,  offering 
to  wait  for  him  in  case  he  should  decide  to  join  him. 
This  was  naturally  declined;  yet  the  marshal  took 
pains  to  add  to  the  strength  of  Vera  Cruz,  now  left 
in  charge  of  General  Perez  Gomez,  so  that  it  might 
serve  as  a  refuge  for  the  unfortunate  prince.9  The 

7  Burying  their  gold  and  '  les  boutiques  se  f  ermerent  comme  des  tombes. ' 
D'Herica,ult,  83.     '  No  friendly  word,  no  farewell,  greeted  the  hated  oppres 
sors,'  writes  Salm-Salm  in  prejudiced  as  well  as  contradictory  manner.  My 
Diary,  i.  17.     Even  the  fire  Notivelle  of  Feb.  5th,  while  alluding  to  sympathy, 
admits  that  no  demonstration  took  place.     It  may  be  well  to  remember  the 
kind  and  sociable  intercourse  between  them  and  the  people,  the  good  behav 
ior  of  the  soldiers  as  a  rule,  and  the  many  friendships  formed,  to  understand 
that  the  silence  must  be  attributed  mainly  to  momentary  political  motives. 
Frenchmen  are  the  most  favored  foreigners  in  Mexico.     Bazaine  camped  for 
the  night  not  far  from  the  city,  leaving  there  a  force  till  the  morrow.     He 
had  removed  the  cannon  from  the  ramparts  into  the  citadel,  under  pretext, 
says  Niox,  of  preventing  the  enemy  from  suddenly  carrying  them  off.  Exped., 
695.     Detroyat,  318,  believes  rather  that  Bazaine  feared  a  hostile  movement. 
In  his  proclamation  of  Feb.  3d,  bidding  them  farewell,  the  marshal  assured 
the  people  that  the  object  of  France  had  never  been  to  impose  on  them  any 
government  opposed  to  their  wishes.     This  expression,  as  well  as  the  absence 
of  any  reference  to  Maximilian,  could  not  be  regarded  as  complimentary  to 
the  latter.     In  the  address  to  the  army  he  spoke  flatteringly  of  their  five 
years  of  victorious  campaigns.     A  distribution  of  medals,  nominations  for  the 
legion  of  honor,  and  promotions  took  place  before  embarking.     On  assuming 
military  command  of  the  city,  Marquez  also  issued  a  proclamation,  wherein 
occur  the  words  '  ya  me  conoceis  y  no  tengo  que  decir  mas' — you  know  me 
already,  and  I  need  say  no  more — a  phrase  which  became  proverbial.  Le  Samt, 
Guerre  Mex.,  202-4. 

8  Notice  had  been  given  that  republicans  must  not  approach  too  near.     A 
troupe  did  so,  however,  near  Chalco,  and  was  severely  punished — a  lesson  not 
lost  to  the  rest.   Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  249,  alludes  to  insults  heaped  on  the  re 
treating   soldiers,  and   sneeringly  intimates   that   an  agreement   seemed   to 
exist  with  the  republicans  for  occupying  the  abandoned  towns. 

VA  certain  amount  of  arms  and   other  effects  were  left  there;   arid  the 


268  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH 

embarkation  of  troops,  28,690  in  all,  had  been  going 
on  regularly  since  February  14th,  more  than  thirty 
vessels,  including  transports,  mail-steamer^  and  ships 
of  the  squadron,  having  gathered  in  the  harbor  for 
the  purpose.10  The  last  of  the  Belgians  had  left  in 
January,  and  most  of  the  Austrians  followed,  only  a 
regiment  of  hussars  and  a  battalion  of  infantry  of 
the  latter  remaining  with  their  prince.11 

Bazaine  embarked  the  last  of  all,  on  March  12th, 
for  Toulon,  there  to  bear  the  brunt  of  popular  ill-will, 
which  had  been  slowly  growing  under  the  accumulat 
ing  news  of  sterile  victories  and  wasted  millions,  till 
capped  by  the  humiliating  reasons  for  the  retreat,  and 
the  inglorious  circumstances  attending  it.  The  gov 
ernment  sought  prudently  to  divert  attention  as  much 
as  possible  from  itself  by  fostering  the  feeling  against 
the  marshal.  No  salutes  of  honor  were  accorded  to 
him,  and  he  retired  for  a  while  under  a  cloud,  silent  as 
beseemed  a  subject  to  his  sovereign;  yet  it  escaped 
not  attention  that  he  was  never  called  to  answer  for 
the  missteps  imputed  to  him.12 

Castelnau  returned  at  the  same  time  and  obtained 
promotion.  Dano  remained  after  having  in  February 

admiral  was  induced  to  cede  30  quintals  of  powder,  against  a  check  for  150, 
000  fcs,  'qui  n'a  jarnais  e"te"  payee.'  L  Interv.  Frang.,  318.    Bazaine  sought  even 
to  promote  the  sale  of  a  not  very  desirable  gun-boat,  but  failed.  See  his  letter 
to  the  admiral  of  March  7th,  Keratry,  Max.,  316-18. 

10  Castagny  reached  Orizaba  with  the  last  troops  on  the  21st  of  February. 
They  were  spread  out  from  Paso  del  Macho  to  Soledad,  so  as  not  to  crowd 
the  port.  From  the  latter  place  they  were  brought  in  daily  by  railway,  up  to 
a  certain  hour,  and  after  camping  during  the  night,  sent  on  board  before  9 
A.M.,  thus  exposing  them  as  little  as  possible  to  risk  from  fever.  Including 
three  vessels  which  in  the  middle  of  Dec.  and  Jan.  took  about  3,000  men, 
there  were  41  in  all  assisting  at  the  embarkation;  3  of  the  squadron  received 
none  for  conveyance;  three  transports  took  mainly  war  stores,  one  was  sent  to 
New  Orleans,  two  received  merely  a  score  of  men,  but  the  rest  took  from  200 
to  1,250  each;  seven  were  mail  steamers  and  thirty  may  be  called  transports. 
The  total  force  embarked  numbered  28,093,  including  about  2.900  Austro-Bel- 
gians  and  169  superior  officers.  See  table  in  Nioe,  Exptd.,  761. 

J1  Both  the  Belgian  and  Austrian  ministers  having  opposed  the ir  stay,  as 
I  have  shown.  See'also  Pap.  Var.,  cxxx.,  pt  ii.  p.  38;  Ba«ch,  i.  143-4.  Salm 
Salm  sought  in  vain  to  enroll  Austrians;  but  Count  Kherenhiiller  succeeded 
in  forming  the  hussars,  and  Baron  Hammerstein  the  infantry,  both  of  which 
rendered  good  service.  My  Diary,  i.  15-16  Niox  places  them  at  400  and  200 
men  respectively.  Exped.,  703-4. 

"Napoleon  had  certain  reasons  for  dissatisfaction  with  him;  yet  he  wa3 
aware  that  the  blame  lay  almost  wholly  with  himself. 


THE  EMPEROR  WILL  REMAIN.  269 

arranged  that  the  custom-house  at  Vera  Cruz  should 
be  restored  to  the  Mexicans  for  a  monthly  payment 
of  $ 5 0,0 00, 13  a  proposed  pittance  on  behalf  of  the 
scattered  Gallic  treasures,  whereof  more  than  three 
hundred  million  francs  had  disappeared  in  expenses 
paid  by  the  government  of  France,  and  other  hundreds 
of  millions  had  been  paid  by  deluded  subscribers  to 
Mexican  bonds,  not  to  mention  the  millions  of  unrecog 
nized  claims  and  of  losses  to  trade.14 

On  reaching  the  capital  in  January  1867,  Maximil 
ian  held  another  council  to  determine  whether  the 
empire  should  be  sustained.  Nearly  twoscore  per 
sons  attended,  including  ministers,  councillors,  ecclesi 
astics,  and  army  men.  Bazaine,  strange  to  say,  had 
thought  it  best  to  respond  in  person,  representing  the 
futility  of  continuing  with  insufficient  men  and  means 
the  struggle  against  the  republicans,  whose  armies 
occupied  the  greater  part  of  the  country,  and  whose 
cause  was  sustained  by  most  of  the  people.  But  his 
objections  were  overruled.  The  minister  of  war  spoke 
alluringly  of  26,000  men  at  his  command,  and  after  a 
glib  enumeration  of  provinces  still  declared  to  be  under 
imperial  control,  he  of  the  finance  department  gave 
the  assurance  that  a  revenue  of  eleven  millions  could  be 
counted  upon,  a  sum  which  might  be  doubled  twice  or 
three  times  by  the  recovery  of  a  few  other  provinces. 
This  glowing  picture  failed  to  produce  any  great 

lsThe  1st  payment  was  made  on  April  2d,  and  deposited  on  board  Le 
Phleqeton,  which  remained  at  this  station.  Le  Saint,  Guerre  Mex.,  201. 

uThe  figures  of  expenses  are  as  follows:  In  1861,  3,200,000  fcs;  1862, 
63,400,000;  1863,  97,619,000;  1864,  69,074,000;  1865,  41,405,000;  1866, 
65,147,000;  1867,  23,310,000.  Total,  363,155,000  fcs,  of  which  231,990,000 
pertained  to  the  war  department,  116,873,000  to  the  navy,  14,302,000  to  the 
treasury,  besides  13,000,000  extras,  2,250,000  loss  of  war  stores,  and  20,000,- 
000  for  return  charges.  Against  these  sums  and  the  loans  France  received 
only  61,975,000.  Add  to  this  the  thousands  of  lives  sacrificed  in  battles  and 
hospitals,  the  latter  being  placed  at  over  5,600.  Payno  mentions  among  the 
sums  paid  by  Mexico  $1,013,358  for  quartering  French  troops  and  other  ex 
penditures.  Cuentas,  379-408,  599-674,  733-40.  Figures  vary  somewhat  as 
given  in  Niox,  763-4;  An.  Econ.  Polit.,  1838;  Diar.  Oftc.,  Aug.  17,  1866; 
Conxtitucional,  Jan.  28-9,  Feb.  8,  Mar.  2,  1868,  with  allusion  to  a  pressure 
on  France  for  Jecker's  claim, 


270  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

enthusiasm,  however.  On  taking  the  vote  the  empire 
was  upheld,  but  by  a  not  very  decided  expression  of 
confidence.15 

Maximilian  accepted.  If  deceived,  as  his  sympa 
thizers  hastened  to  avow,  he  must  have  been  blind 
indeed.  The  truth  is,  that  pride  and  fancied  honor 
bade  him  stay.  He  could  less  afford  to  recede  now 
than  after  the  conference  at  Orizaba.  A  proof  of  his 
miserable  condition  came  at  once  in  the  desperate 
effort  required  to  collect  a  forced  loan  of  a  million. 
Only  a  part  of  the  sum  was  obtained,  and  a  contribu 
tion  of  one  per  cent  had  to  be  imposed.16  On  the 
other  hand,  came  news  that  Miramon  had  trium 
phantly  penetrated  to  the  capital  of  Zacatecas,  and  had 
nearly  succeeded  in  capturing  Juarez.17 

Exultation  was  speedily  checked,  however.  Mira 
mon  did  not  propose  to  advance  farther  in  this  direc 
tion  with  his  present  force.  Satisfied  with  a  forced 

15  Among  the  members  present  were  the  archbishop  and  the  prelate  of  San 
Luis  Potosi.     There  were  36  in  all,  of  whom  a  bare  majority  sustained  the 
empire,  yet  not  without  some  wavering;  the  rest  either  abstained  from  voting 
or  declared  for  abdication.     Remembering  that   the  council  was  composed 
almost  wholly  of  friends  of  the  ministry,  whose  interest  it  was  to  uphold  the 
empire  at  any  price,  the  value  of  the  vote  is  obvious.     Marquez  said  there 
were  enough  men  and  means  to  continue  the  fight;  the  present  aspect  was  but 
a  phase  of  civil  war.     Cort6s  y  Esparza  asked  pertinently  where  the  eleven 
millions  could  be  found,  and  whether  the  26,000  men  were  soldiers  or  only 
armed  men.     Aguirre  declared  that  men  could  be  levied  and  money  extorted. 
Marin  maintained  that  the  country  really  desired  imperial  rule.     Bazaine 
intimated  that  he  had  found  it  different,  and  impossible  to  gain  the  end  in 
view  with  the  superior  forces  at  his  command.     The  two  prelates  would  not 
express  an  opinion  on  a  point  involving  civil  war.     Both  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL, 
v.  703,  and  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.t  iii.  411,  intimate  a  vote  in  the  affirmative 
of  two  thirds.     The  tire  Nouvclle,  Jan.  18,  1867,  etc.,  after  a  full  account  of 
the  proceedings,  places  the  affirmative,  against  any  change,  at  25.     La  ^ode- 
dad  gives  the  opposing  vote  at  only  4  or  5;  Cronista  avoids  figures.     KeYatry, 
289,  assumes  that  4  only  opposed  the  empire.     See  also  Lefdvre,  Doc. ,  ii.  362- 
3.  Pdjaro  Verde,  Jan.  17th,  quotes  briefly  other  journals.   Arrangoiz,  iv.  232- 
8,  is  non-committal,  and  wastes  his  pages  on  a  vapid  speech  of  Arango. 
'Mismo  dictamen,'  is  Maximilian's  comments  on  the  result.   Bosch,  i.  165. 

16  The  foreign  representatives  protested  in  vain,  and  alluded  to  the  strug 
gle  as  vain.     See  comments  in   Constitutional,  Dec.  20,  1867.     The  finance 
measures  proposed  at  Orizaba,  as  enumerated  by  Basch,  i.  136-7,  remained  in 
abeyance. 

17  On  Jan.  27,  1867.     Gov.  Auza  was  not  sufficiently  strong  to  resist  the 
2,500  men  of  Miramon,  including  350  Frenchmen,  and  beat  a  retreat,  covering 
the  escape  of  Juarez.     Republicans  claim  an  orderly  retreat  with  artillery. 
Efitrella  de  Oc.cid.,  March  1,  1867.     Not  so  imperialists.     Salm-Salm,  Diary, 
i.  35-6,  speaks  of  French  excesses.     A  large  contribution  was  exacted.  Aguas- 
calieutes  had  yielded  without  resistance.  Gonzalez,  Hist.  Ayuas.,  375. 


DEFEAT  OF  MIRAMON.  271 

contribution  and  the  supposed  diversion  created  among 
the  republicans,  he  retired  to  join  Castillo,  who  had 
made  a  movement  toward  San  Luis  Potosi.18  Unfor 
tunately  for  him,  Escobedo,  commanding  the  republi 
can  army  of  the  north,  divined  his  intentions  and 
intercepted  him  at  San  Jacinto  on  the  1st  of  February, 
attacking  with  a  skill  and  determination  that  led  to  a 
complete  rout.  Escobedo  stained  his  achievement  with 
the  wanton  execution  of  a  vast  number  of  prisoners, 
notably  a  hundred  French  soldiers.19  Miramon  ar 
ranged  to  join  Castillo  with  a  few  followers  and  took 
refuge  in  Queretaro.  Guanajuato  had  already  fallen.20 
Morelia  followed  in  the  crash,21  and  now  from  Michoa- 
can  northward  to  the  borders  of  San  Luis  Potosi  the 
imperialists  fell  back  to  Queretaro,  where  the  fortunes 
of  the  empire  were  to  be  decided. 

In  order  to  counteract  the  discouraging  effect  of 
Miramon's  defeat  and  other  disasters,  Maximilian  was 
persuaded  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  a 

18  Yet  it  has  been  generally  assumed  thai  the  news  of  approaching  troop* 
led  Miramon  to  retire.     He  would  have  been  cut  off  had  he  remained. 

19  The  blame  for  this  was  widely  laid  on  Bazaine  because  of  his  recall  of 
French  soldiers  who  had  enlisted  under  Maximilian,  depriving  of  French  pro 
tection  those  who  remained.     Escobedo  excuses  himself  partly  by  pointing 
to  excesses  by  these  men  at  Zacatecas.  Arias,  Resena,  114-18,  352.     In  this 
work  is  given  a  plan  of  the  battle.     Salm-Salm  gives  an  elaborate  account  of 
needless  cruelties  attending  the  execution.  Diary,  i.  37-8.    Miramon's  brother 
Joaquin  was   shot,  though  half  dead  with  wounds.     The  general  had  not 
counted  on  the  improved  discipline  of  the  republicans.     His  own  men  were 
partly  impressed,  and  many  showed  signs  of  defection;  700  of  them  were  in 
corporated  with   the  victorious   army.   Diar.  Imp.,  Feb.  6,   13,   1866,   etc.; 
Estrdla,  Voz,  etc.  « (8e  regiment  de  ca valeric)  qui  trahit,'  bought  by  Escobedo. 
D'Hericault,  Max.,  105-6;  Arellano,  Ult.  Horas,  24-8. 

20  Captured  Jan.  26th  by  Antillon  and  Klricon,  Liceaga  escaping  with  a 
remnant  of  his  600  or  800  men  to  Querdtaro.     The  prisoners  are  variously 
given  at  from  150  to  400.   Eatrella  de  Occid.,  Mar.  1,  1867,  etc.     Gen.  Guzman 
was  the  new  Juarist  governor.  Arias,  Resefia,  103-7,  11.2.     Herrera  attacked 
Castillo  on  the  way  at  La  Quemada,  and  was  defeated— an  imprudence  by 
which  Escobedo  failed  to  intercept  the  latter,  and  then  capture  Queretaro 
ere  succor  came.   Id.,  122. 

21  Corona  had  compelled  Chacon  to  evacuate  Colima  by  honorable  capitula 
tion  Feb.  1st.     The  300  men  chosen  to  accompany  Chacon  to  the  nearest  im 
perial  army  deserted.     In  Michoacan  Re"gules  had  in  Jan.   made  Patzcuaro 
his  headquarters  and  begun  to  encircle  Morelia  after  taking  Zamora,  whereupon 
Mendez  thought  it  better  to  mass  his  troops  with  these  collecting  at  Queretaro, 
influenced  by  the  defeat  of  Miramon.     He  left  Feb.  13th  with  nearly  4,000 
men.  Hans,  Queret.,  9  et  seq.;  Estrella.de  Occid.,  Mar.  15,  22,  29,  1867;  Diar. 
Imp.,  Feb.  20,  etc. 


272  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

step  proper  enough  under  the  circumstances,  although 
prompted  by  the  ministry  partly  with  a  view  of  re 
moving  him  to  a  distance,  and  drawing  his  attention 
from  them  and  their  assumed  task  of  providing  re 
sources.22  The  emperor  accordingly  set  out  on  the 
13th  of  February  with  1,600  men  and  twelve  camion, 
the  Austrians  being  left  behind  for  political  reasons/3 
and  to  assist  in  holding  the  capital,  which  was  deemed 
of  vital  'importance.24  Minister  Aguirre,  Marquez, 
and  the  traitor  Lopez  were  among  the  party.  The 
campaign  fund  scraped  together  for  the  occasion  with 
great  trouble  amounted  to  $50,000 — a  munificent  sum, 
truly,  with  which  to  sustain  the  impatient  army  wait 
ing  at  Queretaro !  And  yet  the  ministers  continued 
to  hold  up  the  golden  prospects  displayed  at  the  late 
conference. 

Lares  remained,  with  his  somewhat  reconstructed 
cabinet,25  in  charge  of  affairs,  the  defense  of  the  city 
being  intrusted  to  General  Tavera,  late  minister  of 
war,  aided  by  O'Horan  as  prefect.  To  this  end  the 
troops  in  Cuernavaca,  Toluca,  and  other  outlying 

22  Basch  relieves  Fischer  and  Baron  Magnus  from  the  charge  of  having  in 
fluenced  the  step,  but  casts  the  blame  especially  on  the  '  plotting '  Marquez. 
So  do  Arellano,    Ult.  Noras,  27,  Peza,  Max.,  18-19,  and  others;  yet  Marquez 
disclaims  any  hand  therein.   Refut.,  28—9.     One  of  his  motives  is  said  to  have 
been  a  desire  for  Miramon's  loss  of  independent  command.     Lacunza,  pres 
ident  of  the  council,  and  many  leading  people  objected.  Arranyoiz,  Mej.,  iv. 
249-50. 

23  To  show  that  he  now  relied  wholly  on  national  arms.     Basch,  who  is 
somewhat  unreasonable  on  these  points,  accuses  the  ministry  of  seeking  the 
Austrians  for  their  own  protection.     The  best  among   the  troops  were  the 
municipal  guards,  containing  a  slight  sprinkling  of  Austrians;  half  were  un 
reliable  recruits.  Peza,  y  Pradillo,  Max.,  20,  gives  a  list  of  Maximilian's  force. 

24  Foreign  representatives,  said   the   ministry,  would  not   recognize   the 
government  unless  it  held  the  capital.  Marquez,  Refnt.,  33.     Basch,  Erinn., 
i.  54-5,  and  others  blame  Marquez  severely  for  letting  the  emperor  depart 
so  poorly  provided. 

25  At  the  opening  of  the  year  it  stood  as  follows:  Lares,  minister  of  justice 
and    president;   Marin,    gobernacion;   Mier  y   Teran,    fomento;   Pereda,    in 
charge  of  foreign  affairs;  Aguirre,  public  instruction  and  worship;  Campos 
in  charge  of  finances,  and  T.  Murphy  of  war.     After  the  decision  of  Jan. 
14th,  several  councillors  resigned,  and  now  Murphy  received  the  foreign  port 
folio,  Sanchez  Navarro,  the  rich  land-owner,  became  minister  of  the  house 
hold,  and  Gen.  Portilla  figures  after  this  as  war  minister.     Fischer,  who  had 
replaced  Pierron  in  the  private  cabinet,  stayed  at  Mexico,  while  Ramirez, 
Escudero,  Robles,  and  others  hastened  to  leave  the  country,  in  view  of  the 
impending  crash.  See  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  209-28,  239,  284;  Domenech,  Hist. 
Alex.,  iii.  412. 


AT  QUE&ETARO. 


273 


points  were  withdrawn,  giving  them  a  garrison  of 
5,000  men,  which  could  be  swelled  by  further  impress 
ment.  Puebla  had  half  that  number,  under  the  aged 
Noriega,  and  another  force  stood  locked  up  at  Yera 
Cruz  and  in  Yucatan. 

Maximilian  reached  Queretaro  on  the  19th,  and 
was  received  with  the  enthusiasm  to  be  expected  from 
one  of  the  stanchest  of  imperial  cities,  and  withal  of 


1.  Palace, 

2.  Conve 

3.  Conve 

4.  Theater  Iturbide. 

5.  Casino. 

6.  Bull  Ring, 

7.  San  Sebaatian 

8.  Santa  Clara. 
Hacienda  c 

Jacnl 


PLAN  OF  QUERETARO. 

strong  clerical  proclivities.26  The  vicissitudes  of  war 
had  restricted  him  to  this  spot  as  the  most  northerly 
rendezvous  and  headquarters,  although  a  better  one 

26  His  party  had  two  skirmishes  on  the  way,  one  with  Tragoso.  near  Cuau- 
titlan,  the  other  near  Calpulalpan,  in  both  of  which  Maximilian  freely  ex 
posed  himself  to  danger.  Miramon  and  other  generals  came  forth  to  meet 
him  at  Queretaro,  and  the  city  appeared  in  gala  attire.  During  the  receptioa 
ceremonies  Gen.  Escobar  closed  his  speech  with  the  declaration  that  posterity 
would  undoubtedly  bestow  upon  the  emperor  the  glorious  title  of  Maximilian 
the  Great.  Basch,  ii.  2.  Salm-Salm  observes  that  Maximilian's  horse.stum* 
bled  on  entering  the  place — omen  enough  to  settle  his  fate.. 
HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.  18 


274  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

might  have  been  found.  The  place  was  picturesque, 
lying  within  a  narrow  valley,  on  the  southern  banks 
of  the  Rio  Blanco,  forming  a  quadrangle  of  houses 
about  8,000  feet  in  length  by  4,000  in  breadth,  freely 
interspersed  with  conspicuous  churches,  chapels,  con 
vents,  and  a  number  of  other  fine  edifices  with  gar 
dens.  It  was  not  only  the  capital  of  the  state  bearing 
the  same  name,  but  one  of  the  leading  manufacturing 
places  in  the  country,  owing  partly  to  its  water  power; 
and  it  sustained  a  population  of  nearly  40,000  souls. 
For  strategic  purposes,  however,  the  situation  was 
bad;  for  hills  commanded  it  in  every  direction,  and 
the  river  was  fordable  at  more  than  one  place.27 

A  few  days  after  their  arrival  a  review  of  the 
troops  was  held,  showing  -9,000  men  with  39  cannon, 
including  about  600  Frenchmen.28  Miramon  was 

O 

placed  at  the  head  of  the  infantry,  of  which  Castillo 
and  Casanova  received  each  a  division,  Mendez  assum 
ing  command  of  the  reserve  brigade,  in  which  Lopez 
served  as  colonel.  Mejia  became  chief  of  the  cavalry, 
Reyes  of  engineers,  and  Arellano  of  the  artillery.  To 
Marquez,  chief  of  the  general  staff,  was  accorded  the 
foremost  place,  greatly  to  the  anger  of  Miramon.29 
Although  a  large  portion  of  the  troops  consisted  of  raw 
and  not  very  devoted  recruits,  forcibly  enrolled,  yet 

27  A  striking  feature  was  the  massive  aqueduct  entering  the  eastern  border. 
On  the  nothern  bank  lay  the  suburb  San  Luis,  its  gardens  rising  on  the  slopes 
of  the  range.  For  plan  with  military  positions,  see  Arias,  Rcsena,  192.  It 
once  bore  the  term  'Ciudad  levitica,'  for  its  church  tendencies. 

u8  D'Ht§ricault  doubts  if  the  number  much  exceeded  500.  Max.  ,112.  Salm- 
Salm  absurdly  intimates  that  'not  less  than  6,000'  deserted  from  Bazaine's 
ranks  before  he  reached  Vera  Cruz.  Diary,  i.  19,  42.  The  best  Mexican  in 
fantry  is  said  by  him  to  have  been  the  veterans  of  Mendez,  and  of  the  cavalry, 
the  men  who  served  under  Vidaurri  when  he  opposed  the  other  parties. 
Peza,  Max.,  29,  declares  the  Empress  and  5th  the  best.  For  details  of 
Mendez'  forces,  see  Hans,  Queret.,  14  et  seq. 

29  It  was  even  announced  in  the  council  of  Feb.  22d  that  Marquez  should 
be  the  general-in-chief.  Miramon  made  several  remonstrances  against  being 
subordinate  to  Marquez,  as  he  had  been  president  of  the  republic,  and  supe 
rior  to  Marquez  also  in  the  army ;  yet  he  had  served  under  the  latter  before. 
Trouble  was  avoided  by  Maximilian  continuing  to  act  as  chief  of  the  army. 
Arellano,  Ultimas  Horas,  33-7;  Marquez,  Refut.,  38-45;  Peza  ?/  Pradi/lo, 
Max.,  25  et  seq.,  give  a  roster,  showing  officers  commanding  battalions  and 
regiments,  and  contradict  Salm-Salm's  version.  They  rate  Marquez  as 
quartermaster-general.  Casanova  was  soon  removed  for  inefficiency. 


MIRAMON,  MARQUEZ,  MEJf  A,  AND  MENDEZ.  275 

as  a  whole  they  presented  a  fair  average  enough,  even 
among  the  officers,  though  too  numerous,  and  of  whose 
ability  Salm-Salm  and  other  foreigners  speak  slight 
ingly 

The  brave  and  dashing  Miramon,  handsome  in  face, 
with  mustache  and  imperial,  and  with  a  career  almost 
unequalled  for  brilliancy  at  so  early  an  age,  for  he  was 
only  in  the  middle  of  the  thirties,  made  a  good  im 
pression  ;  but  his  military  science  was  indifferent.  So 
they  said  was  that  of  Marquez,  a  keen-eyed  little 
fellow,  with  sinister,  swarthy  face  and  full  beard,  and 
known  for  his  cruelty  as  the  Alva  of  Mexico.  The 
loyal  Mejia  was  a  tawny,  unprepossessing  Indian, 
with  high  cheek-bones  and  an  enormous  mouth,  sur 
mounted  by  scanty  bristles.  He  was  a  god  among 
the  natives  of  the  adjoining  Sierra  Gorda,  who  called 
him  by  the  endearing  name  of  Don  Tomasito.  Men- 
dez  was  also  classed  as  an  Indian.  He  was  plump 
and  rather  handsome,  devoted  to  the  emperor  and 
beloved  by  his  soldiers,  yet  not  free  from  cruelty. 
Unimposing  in  stature  but  daring  in  character,  these 
men  formed  with  Maximilian  the  so-called  five  magic 
M's  of  the  empire.30  The  only  soldier  of  acknowl 
edged  education  was  Severo  Castillo,  a  thin,  delicate 
man,  almost  deaf,  cool  in  battle,  and  the  best  strategist 
among  the  Mexican  generals.  Good  in  his  line  was 
also  the  artillerist  Arellano,  a  dark  young  man,  agree 
able  and  well  educated.  The  most  distinguished-look- 

o 

ing  of  them  all  was  Minister  Aguirre,  stanch  and 
well-meaning,  with  a  bent  for  religion.  Their  devo 
tion  to  the  emperor  was  not  doubted,  save  in  the  case 
of  Miramon,  who  stood  suspected  of  ambitious  plans.31 

80  Basch,  i.  176.  Maximilian  had  nicknames  for  all,  partly  to  avoid  utter 
ing  names.  Miramon  was  known  as  the  young  general;  Mejia,  as  the  little 
dark  one;  Mendez,  as  the  little  stout  one,  etc.  Salm-Salm,  i.  124.  Ariaa 
speaks  highly  of  Mejia's  military  talent,  of  Mendez  as  a  rude,  severe  soldier, 
and  of  Marquez  as  ferocious  and  persevering.  Resefia,  107-8.  See  also  LefSvre, 
Doc.,  i.  398-403.  Peza,  13,  objects  to  Salm's  statement  that  Marquez  figured 
best  as  an  organizer  of  troops. 

31  Maximilian  is  also  said  to  have  remarked  at  this  time  that  Miramon 
needed  watching.  D'Hericault,  Max.,  114. 


276  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

It  was  decided  to  demand  from  Mexico  all  the  for 
eign  troops,  together  with  war  material,  ambulances, 
and  money;  but  no  response  was  made  to  the  appeal. 
The  ministry  appeared  intent  on  keeping  everything 
for  its  own  ends  and  safety.32  Maximilian  found  it 
necessary  to  rely  on  himself,  and  appointed  as  minister 
of  finance  and  war  the  experienced  Vidaurri,  a  lank 
man  of  Yankee-looking  exterior,  about  sixty  years  of 
age,  who  had  acquired  fame  as  the  liberal  ruler  of 
New  Leon,  which  he  for  a  time  maintained  almost 
independent.  Forced  loans  were  levied  with  com 
paratively  little  trouble,  and  the  troops  kept  in  good 
humor. 

This  feeling  was  greatly  promoted  by  the  conduct 
of  Maximilian,  who  gave  his  personal  attention  to 
almost  every  detail,  mingling  freely  with  the  soldiers 
and  citizens,  in  plain  uniform  or  national  garb,  often 
joining  the  crowd,  accepting  a  light  for  his  cigar,  and 
living  like  a  poor  officer  in  two  simple  rooms.  He 
enjoyed  walking  unattended  in  the  alameda,  and  could 
be  seen  in  the  evenings  at  a  game  of  skittles.  His 
coolness  under  fire  excited  general  admiration.  His 
commanding  stature,  and  the  never-absent  field-glass, 
rendered  him  apparent  to  the  foe,  and  in  making  his 
tour  of  inspection  he  became  a  target  for  their  shots.33 

In  the  first  council  held  on  the  22d  of  February,  it 
had  been  apparently  agreed  to  set  forth  and  fight  the 
approaching  republicans  in  detail,  before  they  should 
by  combining  prove  too  strong.  This  admirable  reso 
lution,  which  might  have  given  victory  to  imperial 
arms,  and  achieved  the  conciliation  project  of  Maxi 
milian,  was  not  acted  upon,  evidently  by  advice  of  the 

82  The  only  remittance  made  was  a  paltry  $19,000.  Maximilian  reserved 
for  the  civil  list  only  $10,000  a  month.  Salm-Salm,  ii.  49.  An  offer  was  made 
to  send  cannon,  etc.,  but  on  condition  that  troops  from  Queretaro  advance 
half-way  to  receive  them. 

33  'Ich  finde  in  der  Kriegsfiihrung  einen  grossen  Reiz,'  writes  he  to  a  friend. 
Bosch,  ii.  72,  24-5,  95-6.  He  attended  the  hospitals  to  soothe  the  sick,  and 
personally  inquired  into  the  comforts  of  the  soldiers. 


IN  THE  MOUSE-TRAP.  277 

all-influential  Marquez.  His  reasons  are  not  given. 
In  case  of  defeat,  Queretaro  would  still  have  served  as 
a  refuge.34  And  so  the  precious  moments  were  al 
lowed  to  glide  by,  the  imperialists  passively  waiting 
till  the  Juarist  forces  had  come  up  and  invested  the 
place  with  lines  and  batteries,  shutting  them  up  in 
their  mouse-trap,  as  the  emperor  not  inaptly  began  to 
term  it.  Now,  when  the  dispiriting  effect  of  a  siege 
began  to  be  felt,  Marquez  recommended  that  they 
should  evacuate  the  city,  beat  a  retreat  to  Mexico, 
and  there  with  all  available  forces  deliver  battle  to  the 
united  republican  armies  and  settle  the  question  at 
one  cast  This  advice  was  not  acted  upon,  partly 
owing  to  the  demoralizing  influence  of  a  retreat  and 
the  danger  of  assault  from  the  growing  masses  of 
pursuers,  who  already  numbered  25,000  before  Quere 
taro  alone,  including  nearly  a  third  of  cavalry,  not  to 
mention  the  large  forces  which  Diaz  and  other  leaders 
could  bring  against  the  rear.35 

On  March  5th  the  republican  forces  appeared  be 
fore  Queretaro,  and  began  to  occupy  positions,  at  first 
along  the  south  and  west  line,  extending  later  east 
and  north,  as  additional  troops  arrived,  and  protected 
by  the  batteries  established  on  the  surrounding  hills. 
They  embraced  the  army  of  the  north  under  Trevino, 

54  Hans,  Basch,  Salm-Salm,  and  others,  all  combine  in  blaming  Marquez 
for  this  neglect.  The  quarrel  then  rising  between  him  and  Miramon  is  sup 
posed  by  some  to  have  contributed  to  it;  yet  the  latter  in  subsequent  council 
openly  charges  Marquez  with  the  sole  responsibility,  and  no  satisfactory  ex 
cuse  was  tendered.  Arellano,  41-3;  Basch,  ii.  56.  A  letter  signed  somewhat 
later  by  the  leading  generals  confirm  Miramon's  charge,  and  this  Arias,  Rt- 
sena,  215,  also  publishes. 

a5  Marquez,  who  claims  this  as  a  brilliant  plan,  expected  to  have  17,000  to 
20,000  men  on  reaching  Mexico.  He  assumes  that  Mejia  and  Arellano  alone 
opposed  it,  the  latter  secretly.  Mejia  urged  that  in  case  of  a  retreat,  artil 
lery  and  cumbrous  baggage  should  be  abandoned,  and  a  mountain  route  taken. 
Vidaurri  believed  that  Monterey  would  offer  better  advantages  than  Mexico 
for  obtaining  men  and  means.  Refut.,  55-8.  Maximilian  preferred  to  gather 
confidence  and  try  the  foe  by  a  series  of  sorties.  Arellano,  Ultimas  Horas,  49. 
Marquez  this  time  objected  in  vain,  says  Hans,  Quer.,  68.  Vidaurri's  proposal 
for  a  campaign  in  the  north  had  found  utterance  already  on  the  way  to  Quere"- 
taro,  in  a  proclamation  by  Maximilian  to  his  army,  wherein  he  also  alluded  to 
the  inspiring  sense  of  being  freed  from  foreign  pressure,  and  of  being  able  to 
lift  high  their  banner,  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  250 — reflections  by  no  means  pleas 
ing  to  the  French. 


278  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

to  whom  Escobedo  had  relinquished  the  immediate 
command,  the  army  of  the  west  under  Corona,  and 
the  army  of  the  centre  under  Regules  and  Riva  Pa- 
lacio,36  the  latter  being  among  later  arrivals. 

With  the  usual  mixture  of  veterans  and  hastily 
drilled  and  impressed  recruits,  and  a  sprinkling  of  for 
eigners,  notably  Americans,  these  forces  presented  as 
fair  an  average  as  those  of  the  imperialists,  whom 
they  exceeded  in  number  by  nearly  two  to  one,  already 
at  the  outset.37  The  northern  army  was  the  best  in 
organization,  and  the  troops  from  Sinaloa  excelled  in 
good  arms,  while  those  from  Michoacan  appeared  the 
most  neglected  of  all,  although  infused  with  the  in 
domitable  spirit  of  their  energetic  leader,  Regules.38 

86  Trevino  had  two  infantry  divisions  under  Rocha  y  Arce,  and  a  large  body 
of  cavalry  under  Aguirre.  A  third  division  under  Aranda  was  placed  with 
Corona,  who  also  controlled  the  Sinaloa  division  under  Vega,  that  of  Jalisco 
under  Manuel  Marquez,  and  Regules'  Michoacan  forces.  Arias,  Resena,  151-6. 

•7  The  estimates  vary  from  15,000  to  18,000.  Although  this  number  was 
more  than  doubled  in  the  course  of  the  siege,  yet  desertion  and  withdrawal 
reduced  it  to  about  32,000  by  the  close,  with  100  cannon.  Hans,  Quer.,  83. 

38  Hans  intimates  that  the  cavalry  was  imposing  chiefly  in  number;  but 
this  expression  may  be  due  to  the  general  feeling  of  contempt  which  one  side 
sought  to  infuse  against  the  other.  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  108,  265-6,  speaks  of 
maltreatment  and  neglect  among  the  republicans,  as  reported  by  the  men. 
They  received  only  now  and  then  a  half  of  the  promised  pay  of  one  real  a  day; 
their  food  was  the  invariable  tortillas  and  frijoles,  with  thin  coffee  and  cheap 
sugar;  meat  came  rarely.  Before  battle  a  real  and  a  glass  of  liquor  served  to 
cheer  them.  Those  who  complained  were  flogged,  and  close  watch  was  kept 
to  prevent  desertion.  While  superior  officers  paraded  in  glittering  uniforms, 
with  heavy  gold  chains,  subalterns  stooped  to  importune  prisoners  and  citi 
zens  for  gifts,  glad  to  accept  even  small  coins. 

Emil  Graf  Keratry,  Kaiser  Maximilian's  Erhebung  und  Fall.  Original- 
correspondenzen  und  Documente  in  geschichtlichem  ZttHammenhange  dargestellt. 
Leipsic,  1867,  8°,  pp.  vi.,  328.  The  greater  part  of  this  work  was  first  pub 
lished  in  Paris  in  the  Revue  Contemporaine.  Several  documents,  not  allowed 
to  appear  in  that  periodical,  were  inserted  in  the  Leipsic  editions — for  it  was 
also  published  in  French  at  that  city  in  the  same  year  in  12°  form.  The 
volume  contains  a  history  of  the  intervention  from  the  first  causes  down  to 
the  evacuation,  and  is  a  clear  expose1  of  the  unfortunate  expedition.  It  is  re 
plete  with  valuable  documents,  and  in  his  preface  the  author  assures  his 
readers  that  the  greatest  reliance  can  be  placed  on  such  as  are  in  strange  con 
tradiction  to  public  opinion,  and  at  variance  with  political  utterances.  This 
assertion,  he  says,  is  guaranteed  by  the  high  reputation  of  the  Revue  Contem 
poraine  for  conscientious  investigation  and  impartiality  in  regard  to  foreign 
matters  under  the  management  of  Vicomte  de  Colonne.  These  documents 
bear  on  the  relations  that  existed  between  Maximilian  and  Bazaine,  and  in 
clude  correspondence  with  the  U.  S.  government  relating  to  the  withdrawal 
of  the  French  troops.  Count  Keratry,  wrho  was  an  aide-de-camp  of  Bazaine, 
speaks  in  complimentary  terms  of  the  army,  which,  he  says,  had  little  chance 
of  displaying  brilliancy  of  action  in  so  vast  a  field.  His  language  with  respect 


AUTHORITIES.  279 

to  Napoleon  and  the  French  government  is  different,  and  he  exposes  the 
double-faced  policy  of  the  former.  Attention  is  also  called  to  Maximilian's 
unlucky  choice  of  advisers. 

KeYatry  published  in  Paris  the  same  year  L' Elevation  et  la  chute  de  1'em- 
pereur  Maximilien.  Intervention  frangaise  au  Mexique  1861-1867.  Paris, 
1867,  8°,  pp.  xx.,  372.  In  1868  there  was  published  in  London  The  Rite  and 
Fall  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian.  A  Narrative  of  the  Mexican  Empire  1861- 
67.  From  Authentic  Documents.  With  the  Imperial  Correspondence.  By 
Count  ^rnile  de  K6ratry.  Translated. .  .by  G.  H.  Venables.  London,  1868, 
12°,  pp.  viii.,  312,  plate.  Other  works  by  Ke"ratry  are,  La  Cr6an.ce  Jecker, 
ks  indemnites  franqaises,  et  les  imprunts  Mexicains,  Paris,  1868,  8°,  pp.  2, 
158;  and  La  Contre-guerilla  frangctise  au  Mexique.  Seconde  edition.  Paris, 
1869,  16°,  pp.  4,  313. 

Revista  Filosdftca  de  la  Historia  Polttica,  Monterey,  1866,  8°,  96  pp.  A 
philosophical  review,  or  rather,  a  very  sketchy  account,  of  Mexican  history 
from  the  Spanish  conquest  to  the  end  of  the  French  intervention,  said  to  have 
been  issued  in  New  York  by  an  American  citizen.  The  present  copy  is  a 
Spanish  translation  of  the  English  original  by  I.  G. 

El  Imperio  y  la  Intervention,  n.  p.  n.  d.,  8°,  pp.  83,  contains  particulars 
and  documents  relating  to  the  intervention  and  the  establishment  of  the  em 
pire.  The  last  page  bears  the  date  Feb.  2,  1867,  and  is  signed  Un  Mexicano. 
The  writer  was  evidently  a  strong  conservative,  and  defends  Maximilian's 
policy,  explains  the  reasons  why  monarchy  ought  to  be  preferred  to  a  repub 
lican  form  of  government  in  Mexico,  and  deprecates  the  withdrawal  of  the 
French  troops,  which,  he  says,  was  a  dishonor  to  the  court  of  Paris  and  a 
harm  to  Mexico.  Fear  of  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  U.  S.  is  the  prominent 
feature  in  this  production,  and  the  author  sums  up  the  result  of  the  French 
expedition  by  remarking  that  it  had  left  the  U.  S.  more  arrogant,  the  Mexi 
cans  more  divided,  French  interests  more  insecure,  the  influence  of  France 
nullified  in  the  new  world,  her  debt  increased,  and  her  arms  less  respected, 
pp.  81-2. 

Charles  D'Hericault — Maximilien  et  Mexique — Histoire  des  Verniers  Mois 
de  r  Empire  Mexicain,  Paris,  1869,  12°,  pp.  419.  The  author,  an  uncompro 
mising  supporter  of  the  intervention,  regards  it  and  all  events  connected  with  it 
from  a  thoroughly  French  point  of  view.  He  denounces  the  execution  of  Max 
imilian,  which,  he  says,  was  instigated  by  savage  feelings  of  hatred,  and  not  by 
patriotic  desire  to  save  Mexico.  He  compares  the  Mexicans  with  the  Apaches 
in  ferocity  and  rapacity,  but  admits  that  among  them  there  are  great  charac 
ters  of  pure  and  elevated  sentiments.  After  the  fall  of  Maximilian  he  could  see 
no  future  for  the  country.  Liberty  and  independence,  he  says,  can  no  longer 
be  spoken  of  in  reference  to  Mexico.  By  liberty  was  meant  the  right  to  over 
throw  a  government  that  was  not  ready  to  make  promotions  to  any  desired 
extent;  by  republicanism  was  meant  the  right  to  impose  a  forced  loan  on  a 
town  the  morning  after  losses  at  monte;  and  by  independence  the  right  to  im 
press  and  arm  hordes  of  Indians  whenever  the  spirit  of  warfare  or  pillage 
instigated.  D'He"ricault  predicts  that  Mexico  will  be  gradually  absorbed  by 
the  U.  S.,  which  he  speaks  of  with  much  bitterness.  He  reviews  the  con 
sequences  of  the  intervention  to  France,  and  sketches  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
humiliating  failure,  in  every  respect,  of  the  expedition.  Then  he  discusses  the 
causes  of  the  failure,  attributing  them  to  the  blindness  and  want  of  prevision 
of  the  French  government,  which  did  not  recognize  the  difficulties  attending 
the  conquest  of  an  expensive  country  like  Mexico,  with  its  great  diversity  of 
physical  features,  and  its  inhabitants  of  a  warlike  character  but  wanting  in 
compactness,  thereby  precluding  their  subjugation  by  one  great  victory.  As 
a  climax  to  these  difficulties  was  the  jealous  attitude  of  the  U.  S.  and  the  pres 
sure  applied  by  that  nation.  The  French  government,  D'He"ricault  re 
marks,  instead  of  having  espoused  the  Confederate  cause  when  the  North 
was  weak,  insidiously  bit  its  talons  when  it  had  become  strong.  His  work 
includes  the  period  from  the  autumn  of  1866  to  the  departure  from  Mexico  of 


280  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 

the  last  French  soldiers  in  Feb.  1867.     The  22d  chapter  is  devoted  to  reflec 
tions  on  the  expeditions  of  which  the  above  is  an  outline. 

J.  Passama  Domenech — U  Empire  Mexicain,  La  Paix  et  les  Int6r$l$  du 
Monde.  Mexico,  Setiembre  1866,  8°,  98  pp.  The  author  enters  into  an 
explanation  of  the  advantages  of  establishing  a  monarchy  in  Mexico  and 
thereby  securing  its  independence,  which  he  considers  to  be  a  necessity  for 
the  peace  and  interests  of  the  world.  He  discusses  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
which  he  pronounces  to  be  a  law  of  despotism  on  the  part  of  the  U.  S.  over 
the  rest  of  Am  rica,  and  an  attack  on  the  rights  of  European  nations.  The 
attitude  of  the  U.  S.  towards  Mexico,  and  their  gradual  absorption  of  her  terri 
tory,  next  occupy  his  attention.  Domenech  declares  the  empire  to  be  the  only 
counterbalance  to  their  aggressive  intentions  and  a  solution  of  the  Mexican 
question,  and  maintains  that  France  ought  to  sustain  it,  and  no*  evacuate  the 
country.  He  argues  that  there  would  be  nothing  to  fear  from  a  war  with  the 
northern  republic. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 
1867. 

MARIANO  ESCOBEDO — His  PHYSIQUE  AND  CHARACTER — IMPERIAL  LINES — 
SKIRMISHING — CONVENTO  DE  LA  CRUZ — MARQUEZ  SENT  TO  MEXICO — 
NEW  MINISTRY — MIRAMON — BESIEGERS  REENFORCED — ASSAULTS  AND 
REPULSES  —  MAXIMILIAN  DECORATED  FOR  BRAVERY  —  STARVATION — 
MARQUEZ  SUSPECTED  OF  TREACHERY — SALM-SALM  PREPARES  TO  Go  IN 
SEARCH  OF  HIM — PLANS  TO  BREAK  THROUGH  THE  LINES  DEFEATED. 

MARIANO  ESCOBEDO,  who  held  the  chief  command 
of  the  besieging  forces  at  Queretaro,  was  a  lean  man 
of  fair  stature,  forty  years  of  age,  with  a  dark  com 
plexion,  full  black  beard,  and  enormous  ears,  which 
had  procured  for  him  the  nickname  of  Orejon.  He 
had  served  with  credit  since  his  first  enlistment  during 
the  United  States  invasion  of  1847-8,  and  displayed 
considerable  administrative  ability;  he  had  also  earned 
a  reputation  for  severity,  united  with  a  decided  aver 
sion  for  foreigners,  and  a  temper  that  easily  exploded 
under  provocation.  His  blemishes  were  offset  by 
strong  patriotic  instincts  and  rare  unostentatiousness.1 
Second  to  him  stood  the  equally  severe  Corona,  a  fine- 
looking  man,  somewhat  bronzed  in  visage,  whose 

1  Although  belonging  to  a  wealthy  family,  says  Arias,  his  mind  had  not 
been  directed  to  learning.  He  possessed  a  good  imagination,  with  much 
practical  sagacity;  his  habits  were  temperate,  ftesena,  145-6,  etc.  He  was 
born  at  Galeana,  Nuevo  Leon,  Jan.  12,  1827,  and  had  been  devoted  to  trade 
from  an  early  age — muleteering,  say  others,  followed  by  a  superficial  reading 
of  law.  During  the  reform  war  he  was  captured,  and  narrowly  escaped  exe 
cution.  He  shared  as  brigadier  in  the  defence  of  Puebla,  1862.  Foreign 
writers  return  his  antipathy  by  alluding  to  his  ferocity,  as  in  Salm-Salm, 
wherein  he  is  declared  to  be  little  of  a  soldier,  and  careful  of  his  person. 
Diary,  i.  202;  ii.  113.  D'Hericault  commends  his  'art  d'achet^r  les  ge'ne'raux 
eunemis.'  Max.,  70.  Hans  says  he  resembled  a  Jew  trader.  Quer.,  75. 

(281) 


282  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

vivacious   energy   had   raised   him   foremost   among 
north-western  soldiers.2 

Regules  was  a  Basque  who  had  served  under  Don 
Cdrlos  as  sergeant.  Riva  Palacio  stood  distinguished 
for  ability  both  with  sword  and  pen,  and  the  humane 
sentiments  conveyed  in  his  poetry  he  practised  as  a 
soldier.  Trevifio,  tall  and  of  fair  complexion,  also 
possessed  a  heart  and  an  admirable  integrity.  An- 
tillon  of  Guanajuato,  Echeagaray,  so  prominent  ten 
years  before,  Paz,  the  artillerist,  Yelez  and  Rocha, 
old  companions  of  Miramon,  Guadarrama,  Juan  Men- 
dez,  Joaquin  Martinez,  Aureliano  Rivera,  Jimenez, 
and  the  flighty  Carbajal  figured  among  the  ablest 
leaders,  under  whom  ranged  the  usual  disproportion 
ate  mass  of  inferior  officers,  who,  in  guerrilla  or  militia 
service,  or  by  intrigue,  had  acquired  titles,  from  gen 
eral  down,  which  they  flaunted  with  no  small  bravado. 
The  imperial  officers  could  safely  be  rated  a  grade 
higher  as  military  men,  on  an  average,  and  the  record 
of  their  four  leading  generals  with  the  initial  M  could 
hardly  be  equalled  so  far  by  the  leaders  of  the  siege. 

The  imperialists,  who  at  first  extended  their  bat 
teries  to  the  slopes  of  San  Gregorio,  soon  confined 
their  north  line  along  the  southern  bank  of  the  river, 
from  Cerro  de  la.  Campana,  an  oblong  hill  some 
severity  feet  high,  which  formed  the  western  apex  of 
the  defences,  to  the  eastern  line  skirting  the  slight 
elevation  on  which  rose  the  Convento  de  la  Cruz. 
Thence  the  line  of  fortifications  ran  parallel  to  the 

2  Born  at  Tuscueca,  Jalisco,  and  employed  in  a  hacienda  shop  near  Aca- 
poneta  about  the  time  that  the  reform  struggle  began.  Inspired  by  some 
guerrillas,  he  abandoned  trade  for  fighting,  and  with  intelligence  and  bravery 
rose  rapidly.  He  affected  great  simplicity,  and  for  a  long  time  dressed  in  a 
red  cotton  shirt,  with  a  red  band  round  his  hat.  Diaz,  Bioy.,  MS.,  500-2. 
Vigil  and  Hijar  speak  of  him  as  '  administrador  de  una  iiegociacion  de  minas, ' 
when  in  1858,  at  the  age  of  21,  he  was  induced  to  join  a  small  party  which 
seized  Acaponeta  from  the  then  triumphant  conservatives,  and  began  a  reaction 
for  the  liberal  cause.  Corona  rose  rapidly  from  a  petty  officer.  Ensayo,  1-5 
et  seq.  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Post.,  MS.,  139,  is  severe  upon  his  fathers 
character.  He  applied  himself  to  study  in  leisure  moments,  and  passed  among 
many  as  educated  in  Paris. 


OPENING  SKIRMISHES.  283 

river,  along  the  southern  edge  of  the  town,  turning 
from  its  south-west  corner  toward  the  Cerro  de  la 
Campana.  Only  a  part  of  the  walls  and  earthworks 
had  been  constructed  before  the  siege  began,  and  the 
remainder  had  to  be  done  often  under  a  galling  fire. 
The  southern  and  western  lines  were  more  regular; 
but  elsewhere  house-walls  and  barricades  formed  a 
considerable  part  of  them,  and  wholly  so  for  interior 
lines.  The  elevations  of  La  Cruz  figured  as  the  key 
to  the  place,  the  points  next  in  importance  being  the 
bridge  of  Miraflores  street,  crossing  the  centre  of  the 
town,  the  Campana  hill  and  the  Pueblito  gate  at  the 
south-east  corner,  where  rose  the  strongest  batteries.3 

The  hills  surrounding  these  lines,  and  commanding 
the  entire  town,  had,  with  the  exception  of  San  Gre- 
gorio,  been  passively  left  to  the  Juarists  for  their  bat 
teries,  with  which  they  soon  began  to  rake  the  place.* 

Skirmishing  begins  a  few  days  after  the  arrival  of 
the  besiegers,  a  score  or  two  of  horsemen  approaching 
from  either  side  and  commencing  at  long  range  with 
volleys  of  epithets,  one  seeking  to  excel  the  other  in 
this  species  of  savagism,  varying  it  at  times  with  a 
shrill  vibrating  cry.  Soon  the  bravest  gallop  forward 
a  distance,  discharge  their  rifles,  and  turn  rapidly  back. 
Others  imitate  them,  until  they  tire  or  till  the  loose 
firing  inflicts  some  harm.  The  party  first  to  retreat 
is  generally  pursued  by  the  other,  and  the  latter  as 
readily  takes  to  flight  in  case  of  a  rally  by  the  pursued. 
The  republicans  having  extended  their  lines  eastward, 
the  emperor  passed  on  the  13th  of  March  from  Cerro 
de  la  Campana,  and  his  headquarters  became  henceforth 
the  Convento  de  la  Cruz,  the  centre  point  for  attacks, 
and  exposed  especially  to  the  battery  on  Cuesta 

3  Several  other  lines  of  guns  appeared  at  different  points.   See  fialm-Salm, 
i.  49,  77,  etc.     In  D'Hericault,  Max.,  151-6,  is  given  a  detailed  account  of 
the  line  of  defences,  and  several  other  books  bring  in  descriptions  when  refer 
ring  to  siege  operations,  as  Peza  and  Prad'dlo,  Max.,  31,  etc. 

4  The  abandonment  of  San  Pablo,  on  the  north  side,  was  especially  regretted, 
and  an  abortive  attempt  made  to  seize  it  on  the  10th  of  March.     A  skirmish  on 
the  following  day  procured  for  Salm-Salm  the  colonelcy  of  the  cazadores  regi 
ment. 


284  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

China.5  The  convent  had  once  been  occupied  as  a 
a  Franciscan  propaganda  fide  college,  famed  through 
out  the  north,  and  dating  from  the  days  of  Cortes.6 
It  was  a  stone  edifice  of  great  strength,  standing  at 
the  lower  end  of  the  convent-grounds,  which  were 
enclosed  by  heavy  stone  walls,  and  had  at  its  higher 
eastern  extreme  a  somewhat  smaller  but  equally 
strong  building  known  as  the  pantheon,  the  burial- 
place  of  the  convent. 

The  following  day  the  republicans  made  a  general 
attack  on  the  town,  in  three  divisions,  against  the 
bridge  of  Miraflores,  the  convent,  and  the  line  west  of 
the  Alameda,  a  fourth  movement  against  the  Campana 
hill  being  a  feint.  The  assaults  were  executed  al 
most  simultaneously  under  cover  of  batteries;  the  cav 
alry  being  directed  against  the  south  side,  there  Mejia 
received  them  with  similar  forces,  driving  them  back 
in  disorder.  A  second  attack  resulted  still  worse,  and 
in  the  pursuit  the  reserve  was  overthrown  with  great 
slaughter.  Castillo  defended  the  bridge  line  with 
equal  spirit,  the  cazadores  distinguishing  themselves, 
and  earning  the  title  of  zouaves  of  Mexico;  but  the 
summit  of  San  Gregorio  was  nevertheless  occupied 
by  the  opponents,  under  the  direction  of  Trevino. 
The  main  struggle  took  place  at  the  convent,  however. 
The  pantheon  having  most  unaccountably  been  left 
unprotected,7  it  was  carried  at  the  first  advance,  and 
turned  to  advantage  by  the  republicans.  The  im 
portance  of  this  commanding  structure  now  became 
evident  to  the  negligent  imperialists,  and  Marquez 
led  in  the  struggle  to  recover  it.  In  this  he  suc 
ceeded,  although  at  no  small  sacrifice.  By  five  o'clock 
the  repulse  was  concluded  at  all  points;  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  with  a  more  sustained  effort  to  follow  up 

5Arellano  inveighs  against  what  he  called  this  useless  and  criminal  expos 
ure  of  the  imperial  person. 

8  The  name  came  from  a  miraculous  cross  erected  here  in  commemoration 
of  the  conquest.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  543-4,  this  series. 

7 Another  evidence  of  Marquez'  hellish  design  to  sacrifice  Maximilian  and 
the  empire,  says  the  rabid  Arellano.  Ultimas  Horas,  60-1. 


THE  BESIEGERS  REPULSED.  285 

advantages  the  besieged  might  have  obtained  better 
results.  As  it  was,  the  day  cost  them  about  600  lives, 
while  the  more  exposed  republicans  counted  their 
losses  above  a  thousand,  including  several  hundred 
prisoners.8 

Then  followed  days  of  inaction,9  during  which  the 
besiegers  hemmed  in  the  town  closer  than  ever,  after 
ward  directing  their  batteries  against  the  houses.  At 
first  the  inhabitants  kept  in  retirement  as  much  as  pos 
sible,  but  gradually  they  became  so  used  to  the  whiz 
zing  messengers  that  the  women  and  children  returned 
to  their  accustomed  haunts,  notwithstanding  the 
casualties,  and  the  cafes  were  thronged  with  news 
mongers,  especially  after  a  day's  struggle. 

Marquez  again  brought  to  bear  upon  Maximilian 
his  project  for  a  retreat  to  Mexico,  sustained  to  some 
extent  by  Mendez  and  Mejia,  who  felt  discouraged  at 
the  prospect  of  a  long  siege;10  but  Miramon  and 
others  stoutly  opposed  him  in  a  council  held  on  the 

8Arias  admits  264  killed,  272  wounded,  and  419  captured  and  missing. 
The  report  in  Bol.  Noticias,  April  12th,  says  750  captives.  For  details,  see 
Arellano,  Ult.  Horas,  56-65;  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  33-8;  Hans,  Quer., 
89-98;  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  56-72,  with  special  attention  to  the  bridge  fight; 
Marquez,  RefiLt.,  69-4.  Medals  and  promotions  now  came  freely,  and  Salm- 
Salm  claims  to  have  obtained  the  command  of  a  brigade  for  his  share,  but 
this  Peza  denies.  The  general  of  division,  Casanova,  and  the  brigadiers 
Herrera  and  Calvo,  were  removed  for  inefficiency,  or  rather  because  they  were 
Miramon's  friends,  says  Arellano,  the  enemy  of  Marquez.  Arias  avoids  dis 
agreeable  details,  and  in  Vigil  the  account  is  too  partial. 

9  A  proposal  to  act  upon  the  demoralization  among  the  besiegers  before 
they  received  further  reinforcements  was  opposed  by  Marquez,  yet  Miramon 
carried  his  point  for  a  movement  to  recover  the  hill  of  San  Gregorio,  although 
it  was  deferred  for  the  17th.     When  the  time  arrived   for  the  sally,  a  false 
alarm   came   that   the  convent  was  threatened,  and   confusion   during   the 
march  of  the  reserves  arose  to  prevent  the  manoeuvre,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of 
Miramon,  who  felt  sure  of  a  triumph.  Hans,  Quer.,  108-9.     Maximilian  was 
equally  angry,  and  caused  Mendez  to  be  transferred  from  the  reserves  and 
placed  under  Miramon  direct,  in  command  of  Casanova's  late  division.     The 
traitor  Lopez  was  promoted  to  the  reserve.     Arellano,  Ult.  Horas,  74,  claims 
that  both  the  failure  of  the  movement  and  the  change  of  commanders  were 
part  of  Marquez'  plot.     The  latter  ridicules  the  whole  charge,  and  declares 
that  he  objected  to  Lopez.     Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  52,  writes  that  Miramon  was 
allowed  to  oversleep  himself,  and  thus  he  failed  to  cooperate,  adds  Arrangoiz. 
Mej.,  iv.  275. 

10  Arellano  maintains  that  Maximilian  had  been  persuaded  to  prepare  for 
evacuation,  but  that  Miramon,  and  above  all  himself,  managed  to  overrule  the 
'  suicidal '  plan.     « Behold  their  wisdom ! '  observes  Marquez,  in  alluding  to  the 
fall  of  Queretaro  and  its  results. 


286  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

20th  of  March,  in  which  it  was  finally  resolved  to 
continue  the  defence,  taking  advantage  of  every  favor 
able  opportunity  for  attack,  and  seek  reinforcements 
from  Mexico.11 

The  latter  task  was  intrusted  to  Marquez,  with  full 
power  to  act  as  he  thought  best;  and  to  this  end  he 
was  appointed  lugarteniente,  locum  tenens,  of  the  em 
peror.12  The  ministry  which  had  shown  so  little  de 
sire  to  carry  out  its  promises  was  to  be  reconstructed. 
The  loyal  and  able  Vidaurri  should  formally  assume 
the  finance  portfolio,  together  with  the  presidency, 
assisted  by  Iribarren,  who  was  to  take  charge  of  the 
interior  and  fomento  departments.  Of  the  existing 
ministers,  Portilla,  Murphy,  and  Aguirre  were  con 
firmed,  the  latter  assuming  charge  also  of  Lares' 
portfolio  of  justice.13  At  the  same  time  Maximilian 

11  In  a  copy  of  the  original  proceedings  published  by  Salm-Salm,  it  is  shown 
that  five  projects  were  submitted:  to  retreat  with  artillery  and  train;  to  re 
treat  with  army  alone,  spiking  the  guns  and  leaving  the  war  material;  to 
continue  the  defence  with  the  whole  army;  to  send  half  the  force  to  Mexico 
for  reinforcements  wherewith  to  compel  an  abandonment  of  the  siege;  and 
last,  to  let  one  general  as  commander-in-chief  attack  the  enemy  with  all  the 
army,  save  a  small  reserve  for  guarding  the  emperor.     The  latter  was  Are 
llano's  view,  although  he  also  advocated  the  final  plan.     There  was  plenty  of 
ammunition  for  a  considerable  time.     Mendez  refused  to  express  any  opinion. 
Castillo  and  Mejia  favored  a  defensive  attitude  for  some  time,  but  after  an 
attack  by  the  foe,  their  repulse  should  be  availed  of  for  gaining  an  ad  vantage. 
Vidaurri  added  that  attention  should  be  given  to  destroy  the  besieging  lines 
to  the  west  so  as  to  secure  the  way  for  a  later  retreat.     These  last  views  were 
approved  by  Miramon  and  Marquez,  the  latter  alluding,  like  Mejia,  also  to  the 
need  of  reinforcements.     The  emperor  now  rejoined  the  council  and  sided 
with  the  latter,  whereupon  it  was  resolved  to  disembarrass  the  left  wing  of 
the  Cerro  de  la  Campana,  to  direct  the  mounted  guerrillas  against  the  rear  of 
the  enemy,  to  consider  the  question  of  reinforcements  and  funds.  Diary,  i. 
80-7.     Arellano,  80-97,  who  acted  also  as  secretary  to  the  council,  gives  the 
report  less  fully.     He  states  that  Marquez  prevailed  upon  Maximilian  to  let 
him  go  to  Mexico.     Marquez  claims  that  his  proposed  retreat  was  a  strategic 
movement  to  draw  the  foe  from  an  advantageous  position  to  a  field  where  the 
imperialists  with  increased  force  might  have  crushed  them.  Refut.,  81.     Maxi 
milian  speculated  afterward  that,  victory  achieved  with  the  aid  of  reenforce 
ments  from  Mexico,  he  would  establish  the  government  in  the  centre  of  the 
country,  evidently  Guanajuato,  and  there  summon  the  projected  congress. 
'Nach  Nueva  Leon. .  .eine  Stadt,'  writes  Basch,  ii.  73,  somewhat  confusingly 
— meaning  no  doubt  Leon,  not  the  capital  of  Nuevo  Leon,  though  he  repeats 
the  latter  form. 

12  Marquez  gives  a  copy  of  the  commission,  '  investido  de  plenos  poderes 
segun  las  ordenes  verbales  que  ha  recibido.'  Refut. ,  200. 

13  Navarro  also  remained  as  head  of  the  household,  but  only  for  a  while, 
Salm-Salm  obtaining  this  office.     See  p.  226  for   composition  of  ministry 
hitherto.  Basch,  Erinnerungen,  ii.  53-4.     Arrangoiz,  M6j.t  iv.  278,  284,  de 
fends  the  dismissed  members,  and  asks  if  Vidaurri  achieved  anything  more 


MISSION  OF  MARQUEZ.  287 

provided  for  a  case  of  captivity  by  an  abdication,  and 
for  a  possible  death  by  appointing  as  regents  Vidaurri, 
Lacunza,  and  Marquez,  who  should  be  governed  by 
the  organic  statute  of  the  empire,  and  convoke  the 
congress,  by  which  the  form  of  government  must  be 
determined.14  Marquez  should  strain  every  nerve  to 
obtain  funds,  war  material,  and  men,  and  he  might 
abandon  Mexico  if  thought  best;  but  Queretaro 
must  be  reenforced — this  was  a  matter  of  the  very 
first  importance.15 

tnan  Lares.  Arellano,  who  again  hints  at  Marquez'  machinations  in  this 
change,  is  not  well  informed  about  the  appointments. 

14 As  soon  as  the  congress  could  be  installed  the  regency  expired.  Marquez 
should  act  as  chief  of  the  army  till  the  regency  met.  As  substitute  regents 
were  named  Lares,  Meji'a,  and  Councillor  Linares.  This  document  is  dated 
March  20th.  Several  copies  have  been  published.  Those  in  Arrangoiz,  iv. 
324,  and  Masseras,  425-9,  differ  somewhat  in  form.  In  Hall's  Life  Max., 
183,  is  given  only  the  earlier  draught  of  the  document  of  March  llth,  naming 
Lares  instead  of  Vidaurri.  Masseras  has  wrong  dates,  and  many  copies  give 
May  instead  of  March.  Lacunza  failed  to  publish  the  abdication  in  due  time, 
instigated  by  the  false  reports  of  Arellano,  says  Marquez,  197.  Many  con-' 
found  this  with  the  regency  document,  and  others,  like  Masseras,  conclude 
that  it  never  existed,  but  a  solemn  assurance  was  made  before  the  later  court- 
martial  that  it  did.  Max.,  Causa,  and  Lefevre,  Docs,  ii.  442.  See  also 
Palacio's  statement  in  Max.,  Mem.,  9-11.  The  date  given  by  Marquez  to 
his  appointment  as  lugarteniente  is  March  19th,  which,  if  correct,  would  in 
dicate  that  he  had  prevailed  on  Maximilian  to  take  the  present  step  before 
the  council  met. 

15  Marquez  denies  that  his  instructions,  wholly  verbal,  required  him  to  re 
turn  with  reinforcements,  as  generally  declared.  He  was  to  hold  Mexico  as 
the  capital,  and  as  a  centre  in  case  Queretaro  fell,  sending  to  Maximilan 
funds  and  war  material,  and  reports,  so  that  he  could  receive  further  orders. 
His  sole  statement,  however,  is  opposed  by  overwhelming  testimony  on  the 
other  side.  See  his  Refut.,  93-7,  and  Manifesto.  Maximilian's  instructions 
at  this  time  to  Navarro  indicate  that  Mexico  might  be  left  less  protected,  and 
that  his  archives  and  other  valuable  effects  should  in  such  a  case  be  placed 
with  Marquez  and  the  army,  except  such  as  could  impede  the  movement  of 
the  troops,  Schaffer,  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  palace,  having  to  bring  the 
effects  most  needed  for  a  long  campaign.  A  letter  to  this  Schaffer,  written 
by  dictation  to  Basch,  indicate  still  more  strongly  that  Mexico  might  be  left 
wholly  without  troops,  in  which  case  Schaffer  and  others  would  accompany 
Marquez  and  his  army,  '  bringing  to  this  place '  (Quere"taro)  certain  needful 
effects.  This  '  bringing '  is  repeatedly  mentioned.  These  remarks  do  not 
exactly  define  what  option  Marquez  had,  but  they  prove  that  his  own  decla 
ration  is  false.  See  full  text  of  letters  in  Basch,  ii.  60-4;  Arrangoiz,  iv. 
280-3.  Basch  adds,  he  knows  for  a  certainty  that  Marquez  was  instructed 
'  in  any  case  to  return  with  aid  to  Quere"taro,'  'was  in  14  Tagen  geschehen 
musste; '  his  only  option  being  to  take  all  or  a  part  of  the  troops  at  Mexico, 
ii.  54-67.  Marquez  states  that  it  was  understood  he  should  go  to  Puebla 
from  Mexico,  but  the  absurd  manner  in  which  he  seeks  to  prove  this  side 
issue  tends  only  to  confirm  his  unworthiness  of  belief.  Salm-Salm  declares 
that  he  was  forbidden  to  undertake  any  other  expedition  than  to  bring  troops 
from  Mexico,  and  before  all  the  generals  assembled,  Marquez  'gave  his 
word  of  honor  to  return  to  Queretaro  within  a  fortnight,  cotite  que  cotite.' 


283  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

In  order  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  besiegers, 
Miramon,  on  the  22d  of  March,  led  an  expedition 
down  the  valley,  which  captured  a  quantity  of  pro 
visions.16  This  enabled  Marquez  to  depart  unobserved 
during  the  night,  across  the  hills  to  the  south,  with 
1,200  horsemen/7  and  attended  by  the  new  prime 
minister,  Vidaurri.  The  well-instructed  Castillo  took 
Marquez'  place  at  Queretaro,18  and  Miramon,  now 
acknowledged  as  the  leading  general,  rapidly  gained 
favor  and  influence  with  the  emperor. 

With  the  additional  inroads  of  desertion  and  bullets, 


Diary,,  i.  91.  But  this  open  promise  is  doubtful.  Salm-Salm  was  not  at  the 
council.  Peza  and  Pradillo  assert,  however,  that  at  parting  Maximilian  in 
presence  of  several  witnesses  said:  ';  General;  no  olvide  vd.  que  el  Imperio  se 
encuentra  hoy  en  Quer^taro  ! ' — '  Descuide  V.  M.;  antes  de  quince  dias  estare" 
de  vuelta,'  was  the  answer.  $lax.f  110.  The  united  declaration  of  the  lead 
ing  generals  at  a  later  council  twice  alludes  to  a  relieving  army  from  Mexico, 
which  might  be  abandoned,  Marquez'  chief  mission  being  to  return  to  Quer6- 
»  taro  with  all  the  troops  possible,  Maximilian  having  confided  to  Marquez  the 
glorious  mission  'de  venir  a  auxiliar,' for  which  sufficed  '15  6  20  dias  para 
llegar.'  Arias,  217,  220.  This  seems  most  conclusive  testimony,  confirmed 
also  by  Lago,  to  whom  among  others  Maximilian  related  his  instructions  to 
Marquez.  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex. ,  iii.  437.  Arellano,  the  bitter  enemy  of  the 
general,  weakens  it,  however,  by  intimating  that  the  plans  of  Marquez  were 
to  be  kept  a  secret  even  from  the  other  generals,  and  that  no  combination 
was  arranged  for  operating  against  the  besiegers.  Ultimas  Horas,  97.  Mar 
quez  naturally  takes  advantage  of  this  to  state  that  as  none  knew  his  instruc 
tions,  he  cannot  be  accused.  It  might  also  be  supposed  that  Maximilian's 
revelations  to  Basch  and  others  were  intended  for  effect  to  inspire  confidence. 
Nevertheless  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  whatever  Marquez  had  to  do,  he 
certainly  had  to  send  or  bring  reinforcements  of  men  as  well  as  funds  and 
material.  This  becomes  evident  from  the  subsequent  attempt  to  send  after 
Marquez  and  arrest  him,  and  from  the  very  fact  that  the  already  meagre  gar 
rison  was  despoiled  of  its  best  troops  to  aid  Marquez  in  the  plan  for  relief — a 
B'an  which  could  not  have  meant  operations  in  the  southern  districts  where 
iaz  was.  Maximilian's  projects  for  a  congress,  in  the  cen4"  e  of  the  country, 
and  his  orders  for  bringing  archives  and  valuables  from  Mexico  to  Queretaro, 
show  that  the  latter  was  now  regarded  as  the  key-point.  Marquez'  evident 
fabrications  should  therefore  have  been  made  to  prove  that  he  was  unable  to 
bring  or  send  the  required  troops,  etc.  As  for  his  motives,  the  desire  for 
bitter  vengeance — for  what  is  not  explained — attributed  by  Arellano,  resolves 
itself  rather  into  strategic  efforts,  with  blunders  and  overweening  ambition 
to  retain  the  autocratic  position  of  locum  tenens,  etc. 

16  According  to  Basch,  22  wagons  of  provisions  and  war  material,  60  oxen, 
and  200  sheep  and  goats;  but  Peza,  Max.,  46,  reduces  them  to  6  wagons  and 
some  goats.  The  large  train  reported  by  spies  had  been  mostly  distributed 
by  this  time.  Salm-Salm  claims  great  credit  for  his  share  in  the  sally.  Diary, 
i.  87-90;  which  Peza  disputes. 

1Z  Including  Quiroga's  regiment,  from  Nuevo  Leon,  and  No.  5,  1,100  men, 
says  Salm-Salm.  The  bronze  medal  for  military  merit  was  fastened  on  his 
breast  as  he  left.  Arellano,  Ult.  Horns,  99. 

18  Valdez  succeeding  to  his  division. 


REPUBLICANS  AGAIN  REPULSED.  289 

the  garrison  was  soon  reduced  to  less  than  7,000  men,19 
while  the  besieging  forces  were  at  this  time  increased 
by  the  arrival  of  Riva  Palacio,  Martinez,  and  others 
with  nearly  10,000  men.20  Thus  strengthened,  they 
made  another  determined  assault  on  the  24th,  this 
time  only  against  the  south  line,  between  the  Ala- 
meda  and  the  Pueblito  corner  gate,  defended  so  far 
by  the  cavalry,  for  the  fortifications  were  not  com 
pleted.  The  newly  arrived  troops  were  mainly 
employed  under  the  direction  of  Corona,  second  in 
command.  After  a  simulated  charge,  and  amidst  the 
play  of  batteries  from  every  direction,  Martinez'  column 
fell  upon  the  line  immediately  west  of  the  Alameda; 
but  Miramon  was  here,  assisted  by  Mendez,  and  ere 
long  it  was  driven  back  in  disorder,  with  the  loss  of 
numerous  prisoners.21  Meanwhile  Riva  Palacio  had 
with  still  larger  force  moved  against  the  Casa  Blarica, 
the  main  point  of  attack.  Mejia  directed  the  reduced 
cavalry  with  great  spirit,  notwithstanding  a  severe 
wound  in  the  face,  and  succeeded  in  repelling  the  first 
charge.  The  republican  officers  bravely  rallied  them, 
however,  and  onward  they  rushed,  carrying  all  before 
them.  It  was  a  critical  moment;  but  Arellano  saw 
the  danger,  and  hastened  in  person  to  direct  the  guns 
upon  the  densest  masses.  The  effect  was  overwhelm 
ing.  Once  more  the  attacking  column  wavered,  giv 
ing  time  for  reinforcements  to  come  up  from  the  now 
liberated  Alameda;  and  then  the  cavalry  led  the 
return  charge  by  the  imperialists  with  resistless  im 
pulse,  with  the  inspiring  cry  of  'Viva  el  emperador!' 
It  was  an  acknowledged  and  costly  defeat  for  the 

19Salm-Salm  fixes  it  as  low  as  6,500. 

30  They  arrived  March  23d,  the  other  generals  being  Juan  Mendez  and 
Martinez.     Arrangoiz,  285,  names  the  subordinate  Jimenez  and  Velez,  and 
Salm-Salm  gives  Carbajal  instead  of  Mendez.     He  now  estimates  the  liberal 
force  at  '  above  40,000,'  with  70  to  80  guns.  Diary,  i.  92.     Basch,  68,  who  con 
firms  this  number  from  deserters'  statements,  places  the  forces  brought  by 
Palacio  and  Martinez  at  2,800  and  5,000  respectively;  Arias,  while  avoiding 
numbers  for  Martinez,  allows  Mendez  2,500  men.  Ensayo,  163-5.     Arellano, 
i  10-11,  places  the  imperialists  at  a  little  below  7,000  and  the  republicans  at 
over  30,000. 

31  Taken  mainly  by  Col  Gonzalez  with  his  Emperatriz  regiment. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    19 


290  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

republicans,  who  admitted  a  loss  of  2,000  in  killed  and 
wounded,  besides  several  hundred  prisoners.22 

Arellano,  whose  prompt  and  spirited  action  had 
probably  saved  the  day,  was  made  a  general,  and  the 
rare  bronze  medal  for  valor  was  bestowed  upon  the 
leading  officers,  gold  and  silver  medals  being  distrib 
uted  among  the  lower  ranks.  At  the  conclusion  of  this 
ceremony,  Miramon  took  a  bronze  medal  and  asked 
permission  of  the  emperor  to  decorate  him  in  the  name 
of  the  army,  as  worthy  above  all  to  receive  the  token, 
for  his  fearless  conduct,  noble  endurance,  and  self- 
denying  and  sympathizing  participation  in  the  dangers 
and  hardships  of  his  soldiers.  Deeply  affected,  Maxi 
milian  accepted  it,  and  wore  the  medal  ever  after  as 
the  most  valued  of  his  decorations.23 

After  this  the  republicans  decided  to  waste  no  more 
blood  in  regular  assaults,  but  to  await  the  fall  of  the 
securely  invested  city  by  starvation,  while  submitting 
it  to  a  continual  bombardment.  The  latter  proved 
not  an  unalloyed  torment,  however,  for  the  missiles 
were  welcomed  by  the  besieged  as  additions  to  their 
scanty  war  material,  rewards  being  paid  to  those  who 
brought  them  in.24  The  energetic  Arellano,  chief  of 
artillery,  had  established  factories  for  powder  and  pro 
jectiles,  assisted  by  the  stock  of  raw  material  in  the 
warehouses,  and  by  that  obtained  from  church-bells, 

28 Arias  places  the  latter  at  'mas  de  200.'  Ensayo,  170.  The  repulse  of 
Palacio,  not  acknowledged  as  a  defeat,  was  attributed  as  a  consequence  of 
Martinez'  rout.  Basch,  ii.  71,  puts  the  captives  at  400,  and  Salm-Salm  the 
dead  at  1,500,  the  imperial  losses  being  comparatively  small,  owing  to  the 
position  of  the  republican  lines,  which  prevented  a  free  play  of  their  tire-arms, 
and  to  their  reliance  on  the  bayonet.  Diary,  i.  98-9.  He  speaks  highly  of 
Malburg's  charge  with  a  body  of  cavalry.  Riva  Palacio  alone  is  assumed  to 
have  brought  10,030  men  against  the  Casa  Blanca  line. 

'^  So  far  he  had  worn  the  knight  cross  of  the  Guadalupe  and  Eagle  orders. 
The  medal  was  accompanied  by  an  appropriate  letter  signed  by  the  command 
ing  generals.  Basch,  Erin.,  ii.  78-9,  92-3.  On  the  24th  an  attack  had  also 
been  made  on  the  convent,  which  the  emperor  repulsed,  not  without  danger, 
for  a  grenade  exploded  close  to  him.  On  such  occasions  he  bore  himself  with 
a  coolness  that  surprised  the  bravest.  Arellano  speaks  very  modestly  of  his 
own  deed,  Ultimas  Horas,  109;  but  Hans,  Quer.,  120,  among  others,  accords 
due  credit. 

24  At  the  rate  of  two  reales  for  cannon-balls,  says  Basch.  Salm-Salm,  L  75, 
allows  a  dollar  for  shells  and  half  a  dollar  for  a  shot. 


NO  REINFORCEMENTS.  291 

roof  covering,  and  other  sources.25  Work  at  the  forti 
fications  was  carried  forward  with  increased  activity; 
and  to  this  end  were  impressed  the  prisoners,  and  also 
citizens,26  who  had  often  to  expose  themselves  to  heavy 
fire,  especially  from  American  sharpshooters.27 

The  troublesome  proximity  of  the  besiegers  on  the 
north  side 28  induced  Mlramon  to  make  an  attack  upon 
them  before  dawn  on  the  1st  of  April;  but  while  the 
cazadores  pushed  their  way  to  the  very  summit  of  San 
Gregorio,  and  gained  a  decided  advantage,  capturing 
two  guns,  they  were  not  properly  supported  by  the 
other  forces,  and  the  movement  proved  futile.29  An 
equally  vain  and  costly  attack  was  undertaken  against 
the  Garita  de  Mexico,  east  of  the  Convento  de  la 
Cruz,30  tile  day  after  celebrating  the  anniversary  of 
Maximilian's  acceptance  of  the  throne.31 

Notwithstanding  the  boastful  tone  of  the  speeches 
on  this  occasion,  it  may  be  imagined  that  their  spirit 
was  rather  forced,  and  mainly  owing  to  the  absence 
of  news  from  Marquez.  Everybody  had  felt  confident 
that  the  expected  reinforcements  would  arrive  within 
a  fortnight,  but  three  weeks  had  passed  without  a 
sign.  The  numerous  enemies  of  the  general  began 

25  Caps  were  made  from  stiff  paper,  Arellano,  109-10,  and  the  cannon  were 
promptly  repaired.     For  funds  granted  him,  etc.,  see  Quer.,  Caida,  173-8. 

26  Between  the  ages  of  16  and  60,  says  Lef^vre,  Docs,  ii.  384,  who  exagger 
ates  the  severity  used.     Hans,  124-6,  states  that  Maximilian  interfered  to  • 
spare  the  prisoners  from  exposure. 

27  Such  as  Green's  legion  of  honor. 

28  Two  slight  attacks  had  been  made  on  the  Miraflores  bridge  on  the  25th 
and  26th,  under  the  direction  of  Antillon,  subordinate  to  Mendez,  who  com 
manded  the  north  line,  Trevino  having  now  taken  charge  of  the  west  line. 
Arias,  Resena,  171-3. 

29  Arias  admits  a  defeat  for  Antillon,  and  a  heavy  loss,  but  the  final  result 
was  that  the  republicans  advanced  their  Hues.  Emayo,  172-4.     Salm-Salm, 
i.  110-18,  124,  who  led  the  cazadores,  intimates  that  he  was  left  in  the  lurch 
by  Miramon;  and  the  frequency  with  which  the  latter  exposed  him  and  his 
men  roused  a  suspicion  that  the  foreigners  were  to  be  sacrificed.     Peza  and 
Pradillo;  52-5,  attribute  the  failure  to  Salm-Salm's  disobedience  of  orders. 

30  The  line  was  held  by  Riva  Palacio.    Jimenez  repulsed  the  attack.  Arias, 
177.     Salm-Salm  had  remonstrated.     Peza  and  Pradillo  agree.     The  object 
was  to  favor  the  departure  of  couriers.  Hans,  Quer.,  130. 

31  In  the  speeches  on  this  occasion  the  empire  was  still  declared  to  be  the 
choice  of  the  people;  Mexico  had  not  been  deceived  in  Maximilian.     The  lat 
ter  assured  his  adherents  that  a  Hapsburg  would  never  desert  his  post  in  dan 
ger — a  somewhat  difficult   thing   to  do  at  this  juncture.  Basch,   ii.   85-8. 
Perhaps  the  subsequent  sally  was  part  of  the  celebration,  snarls  Arias. 


292  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

openly  to  hint  at  treachery,  and  to  rouse  suspicion 
even  among  his  adherents,  Maximilian  not  excepted.32 
More  than  one  messenger  had  been  sent  to  communi 
cate  with  him,  but  the  corpses  left  conspicuously 
dangling  by  the  besiegers  created  a  fear  that  none 
had  penetrated  their  lines. 

Days  passed  in  ever-increasing  suspense;  eyes  and 
ears  strained  in  vain  for  the  sound  of  battle  in  the 
rear,  which  should  prove  the  welcome  signal.  At 
last  it  was  decided  to  send  a  leading  officer  in  search 
of  him,  attended  by  a  picked  band  of  horsemen.  The 
task  was  dangerous;  for,  aware  of  all  movements,  Es- 
cobedo  kept  close  guard,  arid  had  not  only  warned  re 
publican  leaders  in  all  directions  to  watch  especially 
the  route  to  Mexico,  but  he  had  detached  considerable 
forces  to  check  the  advance  of  any  relief  expedition.33 
Mejia  being  too  ill  to  move,  the  mission  was  intrusted 
to  Prince  Salm-Salm  and  General  Moret,  with  in 
structions  to  return  at  once  with  reinforcements  and 
funds,  the  former  being  secretly  charged  to  arrest 
Marquez  and  evacuate  Mexico  if  desirable.34  They 

32  Several  times  he  was  caught  with  a  half-checked  utterance  of  doubt. 
Basch,  ii.  54-5,  65;  and  Salm-Salm,  i.  31-2,  etc.,  now  remembered  more  than 
one  instance  when  Marquez  had  been  found  by  them  with  sinister,  conscience- 
stricken  countenance,  doubtless  laying  the  devilish  plots  of  which  Arellano  is 
foremost  to  accuse  him. 

33  Olvera  was  even  then  holding  forth  in  the  mountains  north-westward, 
with  fully  1,000  men,  but  checked  by  a  republican  column;  Diaz  and  other 
generals  round  Mexico  were  observing  Marquez,  and  Guadarrama  had  ad 
vanced  with  4,000  cavalry  to  meet  him.  Arias,  Resena,  171-2. 

34  Miramon  and  Arellano  urged  Maximilian  to  start  with  1,000  cavalry, 
but  honor  and  duty  bade  him  stay.     Moret  was  proposed  by  Miramon  as  a 
personal  friend,   much  against   Maximilian's  wishes.     Miramon  had  to  be 
courted,  and  so  it  was  decided  to  send  both,  with  equal  command,  but  the 
former  received  merely  instructions  to  find  Marquez  and  return  with  him  and 
his  troops,  while  Salm-Salm  carried  additional  secret  instructions,  with  orders 
to  Marquez  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the  prince  all  cavalry  in  and  round 
Mexico,  or  on  the  way  to  Quere'taro.     With  this  he  was  to  return  withirr  24 
hours,  unless  Marquez  promised  to  come  to  their  relief.     At  least  $ 200,000 
must  be  brought,  including  the  emperor's  private  money.     He  might  arrest 
Moret  if  he  thought  best,  and  also  Marquez,  should  the  reports  of  his  treason 
prove  reliable.     The  European  troops  at  Mexico  must  obey  him  alone,  and 
Olvera,  then  in  the  Sierra  Gorda,  should  give  him  his  cavalry.     The  diplo 
matic  corps  should  be  invited  to  send  some  of  their  members  to  Queretaro  to 
induce  the  Juarists  to  act  humanely,  and  to  announce  that  the  emperor  would 
not  yield  unless  he  could  surrender  his  commission  to  a  legal  congress.     The 
public  should  be  cheered  with  good  news,  and  Vidaurri  and  Marquez  alone 
informed  of  the  true  state  of  affairs.     It  was  to  be  stated  that  all  the  generals 


FAILURE  OF  SALM-SALM  AND  MORET.  293 

made  the  attempt  early  one  morning  to  break  through 
the  lines  in  the  direction  of  Sierra  Gorda,  but  seem 
ingly  informed  of  the  project,  the  republicans  mus 
tered  in  such  force  as  to  defeat  it.35 

This  failure  increased  the  discouragement,  and 
several  officers  manifested  it  so  far  as  to  write  to 
Mejia,  urging  negotiations  for  surrender.  The  prompt 
arrest  of  the  leaders  served  to  check  a  desire  which 
seems  to  have  been  wide-spread.36  Shortly  after,  as 
if  in  accord  with  the  other,  came  a  proposal  from  Es- 
cobedo  for  capitulation,  offering  to  let  Maximilian  de 
part;  but  it  was  rejected,37  with  the  assurance  that 
there  was  no  lack  of  resources,  of  which  proof  was 
tendered  in  a  lively  reply  to  the  bombardment.38  This 
was  intended  also  to  distract  the  attention  of  the 

had  desired  the  emperor  to  leave  Quere"taro  with  all  the  cavalry.  Mexico 
should  be  abandoned  if  all  the  troops  there  were  needed  for  the  relief.  Salm- 
Salm  might  negotiate  with  the  republican  leaders.  Decorations  and  a  mass 
of  private  effects  were  to  be  brought.  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  135-40.  Baseh, 
who  wrote  out  the  instructions,  gives  them  less  fully,  Erin.,  ii.  97,  102,  but 
he  adds  at  length  a  letter  to  the  U.  S.  consul  Otterburg,  presenting  certain 
cruel  deeds  of  the  republicans,  and  urging  more  humane  treatment,  like  that 
accorded  to  the  600  prisoners  at  Querdtaro.  The  letters  are  dated  April  16th 
and  17th.  See  also  Arrangoiz,  iv.  291-7;  Globo,  July  28,  1867;  and  Arellano, 
114-24.  The  latter  adds  that  the  proposal  for  Maximilian  to  leave,  made  on 
April  llth,  was  intended  to  save  him.  If  no  aid  could  reach  the  remaining 
troops,  they  would  then  break  through.  The  illness  of  Mejia  delayed  the 
project  for  eight  days.  On  the  19th  the  council  finally  determined  as  above, 
the  town  having  to  be  held  till  news  came  from  Mexico,  or  till  all  resources 
were  exhausted.  Marquez  accuses  Miramon  and  Arellano  of  a  desire  to  get 
rid  of  Maximilian  at  any  cost,  exposing  him  to  rout  and  death  in  the  effort  to 
break  through  the  lines.  Refutation,  T21-8. 

35  Salm-Salm  suspects  that  the  traitor  Lopez  had  already  begun  his  machi 
nations,  but  he  blames  especially  Moret,  who  led  the  van,  for  his  indecision 
at  a  moment  when  the  break  might  have  been  effected,  and  he  hints  at  more 
than  carelessness  in  Miramon  for  selecting  him.  A  daring  guerrilla  named 
Zuazua  did  penetrate  with  about  50  men,  and  Peza  and  Pradillo  point  to  this 
as  proof  that  the  prince  failed  in  energy  and  duty  on  the  occasion.  Max.,  59- 
60.  There  seems  to  be  some  truth  in  what  they  say.  Salm-Salm  indicates 
that  the  attempt  was  made  after  midnight  on  the  18th,  but  Basch  says  the 
22d;  others  are  divided. 

3CMejfa  and  Mendez  are  said  to  have  been  in  favor  of  capitulating.  Are 
llano,  128.  The  object  of  the  letter  to  Mejia,  sent  by  15  officers,  says  Salm- 
Salm,  may  have  been  to  sound  the  prospects.  Those  arrested  were  Gen. 
Ramirez,  Col  Rubio,  and  Maj.  Adame.  At  this  time  Maximilian  was  startled 
by  the  report  that  Miramon  intended  to  arrest  him;  but  even  Salm-Salm 
doubts  it. 

87  Made  on  April  1st.  Basch,  ii.  102-3. 

88  Especially  on  April  24th,  from  the  new  fortifications  at  the  convent,  at 
tended  by  a  sally.     Ammunition  was  plentiful  enough  so  far,  thanks  to  Are 
llano's  energy. 


2D4  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

soldiers  and  citizens,  to  whom  crumbs  of  comfort  were 
distributed  in  the  form  of  fabricated  news,  amidst 
ringing  of  bells,  of  important  victories  by  Marquez. 

As  if  in  derision  of  the  effort  came  seemingly  relia 
ble  news  of  the  annihilation  of  Marquez'  forces  and 
the  fall  of  Puebla.  This  was  naturally  kept  a  secret 
among  the  most  trusted  officers 39  of  Maximilian,  who 
now  began  to  entertain  the  project  of  fighting  his  way 
out  with  the  army.  Preparatory  for  this,  Miramon 
planned  an  attack  on  the  Cimatario  hill,  commanding 
the  south  line  of  the  town,  and  early  on  the  27th  of 
April  he  advanced  against  it  with  about  2,000  men, 
another  less  strong  column  being  led  by  Castillo 
against  the  Garita  de  Mexico,  to  divide  the  opponents. 
So  unexpected  arid  determined  was  the  charge,  that 
the  republicans  fell  into  disorder,  and  within  an  hour 
their  entire  line  was  in  full  flight,  guns,  ammunition, 
and  provision  trains  being  abandoned  to  the  victors, 
who  made  an  immense  havoc,  and  captured  more  than 
500  prisoners,  raiding  to  the  headquarters  of  Corona. 
Thousands  of  the  fleeing  dispersed,  never  to  return. 
The  joy  of  the  soldiers  at  this  unprecedented  capture 
was  intense,  and  joined  by  the  famished  towns-people, 
they  began  to  carry  in  the  booty.  Even  Miramon 
seemed  dazed  by  his  success,  and  joined  by  Maximilian, 
he  strutted  about  the  battle-field  speculating  on  the 
effect  and  on  the  next  best  movement.  In  this  man 
ner  more  than  two  precious  hours  were  lost;  and 
when  at  last  he  collected  his  troops  and  resolved  to 
pursue  this  advantage,  sweeping  the  summit  of  the 
hill  and  thence  falling  in  the  rear  of  the  adjoining 
lines,  the  more  active  Escobedo  had  managed  to  bring 
forward  his  choicest  reserves/0  and  gain  the  best  posi 
tion.  So  severe  was  the  repulse  now  met,  that  the 
late  victors  turned  in  flight,  heedless  of  the  daring 

89  Embracing  on  this  occasion  only  Miramon,  Castillo,  and  Salm-Salm,  now 
chief  adjutant. 

*°  Bearing  the  name  of  Su,premos  Poderes,  assisted  by  cazadores  from  t!:e 
northern  states.  Maximilian  is  said  to  have  directed  this  second  charge  up 
the  hill.  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  67. 


VICTORY  AND  DEFEAT.  295 

example  of  the  emperor  and  their  generals,  who  rushed 
into  the  thickest  bullet  showers  to  cheer  them.  Sev 
eral  hundred  were  slain  and  captured,  including  ma 
rauding  citizens,  and  a  large  part  of  the  store  trains 
was  retaken.41 

This  turning  of  victory  into  defeat  was  undoubtedly 
due  to  a  lack  of  promptness  on  the  part  of  Miramon, 
to  a  neglect  to  follow  up  his  advantage.  The  be 
sieged  appear  to  have  been  animated  by  a  report  that 
the  attack  was  in  cooperation  with  Marquez'  arrival 
in  the  rear.  Now  came  the  double  disappointment, 
arid  dejection  settled  upon  all,  as  manifested  also  among 
the  soldiers  during  the  subsequent  unproductive  at 
tacks  against  Garita  de  Mexico  and  San  Gregorio.42 

The  misery  was  becoming  too  apparent  in  every 
direction  to  be  covered  any  longer  with  false  hope. 
Desertion  and  bullets  had  reduced  the  garrison  to 

41  Escobedo's  report  announced  300  killed  and  over  100  captured.  Estrella, 
de  Occid. ,  May  31,  1867.    •Salm-Salm  says  that  250  were  killed  on  the  way  to 
Casa  Blanca  alone.     He  gives  the  result  of  the  first  success  at  547  prisoners, 
7  colors,  and  15  guns,  together  with  6  guns  brought  in  by  Castillo,  who  had 
taken  a  iirst  intrenchrnent  in  his  direction,  but  failed  at  the  following.     The 
ammunition  proved  acceptable,  and  the  provisions,  including  cattle,  lasted  for  a 
few  days.     Arias  admits  a  loss  of  over  20  guns.     The  report  ran  that  the  re 
publicans  lost  10,000  by  desertion,  and  that  some  of  their  generals  favored 
raising  the  siege.    Basch,  Erin.,  ii.  109-13,  writes  as  if  the  movement  had  been 
intended  merely  to  call  attention  from  the  north  side  of  the  town,  where  it 
was  proposed  to  break  through,  and  he  alludes  to  a  planned  attack  against 
the  San  Gregorio  hill  for  the  preceding  day,  which  failed  to  be  carried  out, 
through  some  misunderstanding.     Salm-Salm  also  declares  that  everything 
stood  packed  and  prepared  for  departure,  but  by  what  direction  is  not  stated, 
although  he  says  that  after  the  victory  at  El  Cimatario  '  nothing  prevented  ns 
from  leaving  the  city. '     But  the  success  changed  all  plans,  Miramon  evidently 
persuading  Maximilian  to  remain  and  '  annihilate  the  rest  of  the  enemy's 
forces;'  yet  he  confesses  that  the  exact  plans  for  that  day  were  unknown, 
save  to  Miramon,  and  perhaps  Castillo.     He  calls  Miramon  the  bad  spirit  of 
Maximilian,  though  willing  to  believe  him  blinded  by  illusions  rather  than 
guilty  of  deception.  Diary,  i.  154-68.     Magufia  says  in  Quer.,  Caida,  86-7, 
that  false  messages  purporting  to  be  from  Marquez  caused  the  loss  of  time. 
Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  64,  78,  doubt  the  project  of  breaking  through, 
while  misinterpreting  it  as  intended  to  save  only  a  part  of  the  army.     Are 
llano,  Ultimas  Horas,  123,  assumes  that  it  was  intended  to  beat  the  besiegers 
in  detail.     The  packing-up,  which  at  first  created  unpleasant  suspicions  in 
Hans,  Quer.,  136-50,  and  others,  is  indicated  by  later  accounts,  by  Salm-Salm 
and  others,  to  have  been  merely  a  precaution  in  case  of  a  disaster  during  these 
preliminary  operations. 

42  On  May  1st  and  3d;  the  republicans  retaliating  on  the  5th,  the  anniver 
sary  of  their  victory  at  Puebla  in  1862,  with  a  sharper  cannonade  and  an  at 
tack  on  the  Miraflores  bridge.     The  death  of  the  popular  Col  Rodriguez  dur 
ing  the  first  of  these  attacks  increased  the  gloom. 


296  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

5,000  men,  whose  remuneration  had  long  been  but 
half-pay  for  the  men  only,  with  slim  prospects  for  its 
continuance.43  The  cavalry  was  for  the  greater  part 
unmounted,  their  horses  having  died  of  starvation,44 
or  been  consigned  to  the  butcher.  Other  meat  was 
almost  unknown,  save  when  brought  in  by  some  raid 
ing  party;  and  flour  and  maize  were  rapidly  disap 
pearing,  provisions  of  every  description  commanding 
enormous  prices*.  Frijoles,  the  staple  dish,  still  re 
mained  to  ward  off  actual  famine,  yet  hungry-looking 
faces  were  visible  at  every  turn,  and  mothers  wandered 
in  eager  search  for  a  tortilla  and  a  pinch  of  salt.  In 
order  to  equalize  the  condition  somewhat,  strict  orders 
had  been  issued  for  the  surrender  of  all  stocks  of 
produce,  and  seizures  were  besides  made  of  moneys  as 
well  as  food  in  exchange  for  worthless  drafts.  Every 
conceivable  means  was  brought  to  bear  for  procuring 
funds,  from  poll,  window,  and  balcony  taxes,  to  weekly 
payments  from  all  classes  who  wished  to  buy  exemp 
tion  from  the  hard  and  dangerous  work  on  the  fortifi 
cations.45 

It  cannot  be  said,  however,  that  discontent  was 
very  marked.  Mexicans  are  a  long-suffering  race,  and 
the  Queretanos  submitted  with  fair  grace  to  the  in 
evitable.  The  emperor  assisted  not  a  little  to  main 
tain  a  good  feeling  by  sharing  freely  in  every  hardship 
and  danger,  visiting  the  crowded  hospitals 46  to  cheer 
the  wounded,  exposing  himself  recklessly  in  the 

43  The  officers  received  hardly  anything.     The  number  of  men  was  insuf 
ficient  for  the  length  of  the  lines,  that  between  the  Pueblito  gate  and  Campana 
hill  being  very  poorly  defended.  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  170-1. 

44  Chopped  brushwood  and  leaves  formed  the  main  fodder. 

46  Varying  from  25  cents  to  several  dollars  weekly,  according  to  the  stand 
ing  and  revenue  of  the  citizen.  In  Arias,  Ensayo,  198-212,  218-21,  and  Le- 
f£vre,  Docs,\i.  384-9,  are  instances  of  these  exactions  and  the  outrages  suffered 
by  many  leading  people.  From  41  persons  alone  $253,000  was  obtained. 
See  also  Hans,  Quer.,  160,  etc.;  Quer.,  Caida,  171-2;  Basch,  and  others. 
Salm-Salm,  i.  177-8,  relates  that  about  this  time  the  republicans  sent  a  lean 
ox  to  the  lines  of  the  imperialists,  urging  them  to  maintain  the  sparks  of  life 
till  the  town  fell.  The  latter  replied  by  sending  a  starved  horse  wherewith 
the  besiegers  might  overtake  them  when  they  cut  their  way  through. 

46  Basch,  ii.  82-3,  95,  was  appointed  inspector-general  of  the  hospitals,  and 
strove  to  improve  the  arrangements.  There  were  about  800  wounded  in  the 
hospitals,  Quer.y  Caidat  101. 


PLANS  FOR  ESCAPE.  297 

trenches  to  encourage  the  soldiers,  and  seeking  to  al 
leviate  as  much  as  possible  the  suffering  of  the  poor, 
among  whom  dysentery  was  making  havoc.  What 
ever  bitterness  existed  was  directed  against  Marquez, 
now  classed  as  a  traitor  by  Maximilian  himself.47 

Mendez  and  other  generals  had  long  objected  to  the 
sorties  of  Miramon  as  achievements  worse  than  use 
less,  since  they  served  only  to  sacrifice  valuable  lives, 
weakening  the  army,  and  disheartening  the  soldiers, 
as  shown  by  increasing  desertion.  The  project  of 
breaking  through  the  siege  lines  must  evidently  be 
energetically  taken  in  hand  while  means  yet  remained, 
and  before  the  demoralization  became  dangerous.  It 
was  accordingly  decided48  to  seek  the  ranges  of  Sierra 
Gorda,  which,  passing  about  seven  leagues  north-west 
ward,  stretched  over  a  vast  expanse  of  country  filled 
with  strong  passes  and  impregnable  strongholds,  and 
occupied  by  a  sturdy  race  of  mountaineers  who  were 
enthusiastically  devoted  to  General  Mejia.  A  march 
direct  to  Mexico  would  place  them  with  wavering 
troops  between  two  overwhelming  forces,  but  in  these 
mountains  they  could  plan  future  movements  at  their 
ease,  strengthened  by  Olvera's  battalions  and  other 
recruits,  and  even  reach  the  coast.49 

In  justification  of  this  step,  the  leading  generals 
signed  a  manifesto,  reviewing  the  siege  operations, 
and  pointing  out  the  neglect  of  Marquez  in  not  attack 
ing  the  republicans  before  they  had  united,  and  in 
failing  to  lay  in  a  greater  stock  of  provisions.  Capit 
ulation  with  the  foe  before  them  not  being  deemed 
reliable,  it  was  suggested  to  attack  them,  and,  if  de 
feated,  to  cut  their  way  through,  after  spiking  the 


*7  He  might  let  Lopez  go,  he  remarked  later,  but  '  ich  liess . . .  Marquez 
hangen.'  Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  183.  He  still  sent  messages  to  him  early  in  May. 
See  letter  in  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  300. 

48  On  the  12th,  by  decision  of  the  10th.  Arellano,  127, 120.     Basch  observes, 
ii.  129,  that  the  foreign  officers  had  long  ago  recommended  the  break. 

49  Summoning  the  Austrian  corvette  Elizabeth  and  other  means  of  trans 
port.  Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  127. 


298  IMPERIALISM  CAGED. 

guns.50  Mejia  promised  to  use  his  influence  among 
the  townsfolk  for  enrolling  sufficient  men  to  protect 
the  rear  for  a  few  hours.  He  did  not  succeed  so  well 
as  expected,  partly  owing  to  lack  of  arms,51  and  the 
departure,  already  fixed  for  the  12th  of  May,  was  de 
ferred  till  the  night  of  the  14th.  At  the  last  moment 
came  another  postponement  for  the  15th,  at  the  sug 
gestion  of  Mendez,52  which  found  ready  acceptance 
with  the  too  sanguine  Miramon  and  the  vacillating 
Maximilian. 

All  stood  prepared  for  departure.  The  last  scanty 
distribution  had  been  made  of  beans,  with  some  maize, 
horse-meat,  and  red  wine,  other  effects  being  reduced 
to  the  smallest  compass  so  as  not  to  impede  the 
march.  Only  light  field-pieces  were  to  be  carried 
away  on  mules,  and  nineteen  portable  bridges.  Picked 
men  formed  the  escort  of  the  emperor.  Although  the 
departure  had  been  deferred,  all  were  ready  on  the 
night  of  the  14th  to  fall  in  line,  the  horses  remaining 
saddled.53 

50 This  document,  reproduced  in  Arellano,  Arias,  Arrangoiz,  etc.,  is  dated 
the  14th  of  May,  although  adopted  several  days  earlier.  Mejia  signed  it  also, 
although  he  is  said  to  have  favored  capitulation.  The  phrase  '  if  defeated  ' 
appears  to  have  been  added  for  saving  appearances. 

51  Arellano  states  that  he  pretended  to  have  obtained  only  160  men,  intent 
as  he  was  to  force  a  capitulation;  but  this  is  open  to  doubt.  Hans,  Quer.,  172, 
also  writes  that  only  a  small  number  volunteered,  but  other  witnesses  declare 
that  1,000  or  more  were  enrolled,  the  lack  of  arms  and  organization  proving 
the  main  obstacle.  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  80;  Quer.,  Caida,  88,  108,  117; 
Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  132. 

52  So  Basch,  Peza,  and  Arellano  declare  the  professed  object  being  to  rise 
from  his  sick-bed  and  animate  his  brave  battalion,  so  as  to  promote  the  suc 
cess  of  the  break.     Salm-Salm  attributes  the  delay  still  to  Mejia,  who  had 
not  finished  the  organization  of  his  recruits.     Castillo  supported  the  proposal, 
whatever  it  may  have  been,  and  it  was  adopted,  unfortunately  for  Maximil 
ian.     Miramon  was  ready  enough  to  delay,  filled  as  he  appeared  with  illusive 
beliefs  in  sorties  and  in  the  resources  of  the  place;  and  Maximilian  still  had 
his  scruples  of  honor  and  duty  about  abandoning  the  inhabitants  and  yielding 
a  valuable  place,  for  Marquez  might  yet  como.   See  Basch,  ii.  128-9;  Salm- 
Salm,  i.  168,  etc.     He  expressed  a  preference  for  the  15th  as  being  the  name- 
day  of  his  mother,  and  therefore  of  good  import  for  him. 

53  Basch,  127-8,  gives  the  composition  of  the  escort.     Mogana  adds  impor 
tant  details.  Quer.,  Caida,  88;  and  Hall,  Life  Max.,  85,  speaks  of  magazines 
to  be  flooded,  etc. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 
1867. 

MIGUEL  LOPEZ  THE  TRAITOR — His  PLOT  TO  BETRAY  MAXIMILIAN — SEIZURE 
OF  THE  CITY — ARREST  OF  MAXIMILIAN  AND  HIS  GENERALS — IMPRISON 
MENT —  ABDICATION — TERMS  PROPOSED— COURT-MARTIAL  ORDERED — 
TRIAL  AND  CONVICTION — PETITIONS  AND  INTERCESSIONS — EXECUTION  OF 
MAXIMILIAN,  MIRAMON,  AND  MEJIA— EFFECT  OF  EXECUTION  IN  AMERICA 
AND  EUROPE — REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAREER  OF  MAXI 
MILIAN. 

AMONG  the  most  favored  of  Maximilian's  officers 
was  Colonel  Miguel  Lopez,  a  tall,  portly  man,  of  fine 
presence,  strikingly  attired  in  the  rich  uniform  of  the 
Empress  dragoons.  With  blond  complexion,  bluish 
eyes,  fair  mustaches,  and  short  imperial,  he  looked 
anything  but  a  Mexican,  although  possessing  all  their 
attributes,  including  fine  manners  and  flowing  speech.1 
The  good  graces  of  the  emperor  had  roused  against 
him  a  pronounced  jealousy,  especially  among  Mexicans, 
with  whom  his  foreign  appearance  did  not  attract  sym 
pathy;  but  they  had  also  good  reason  to  dislike  him, 
for  two  acts  of  treason  stood  recorded  against  him ; 
and  lately,  when  the  monarch  wished  to  add  to  his 
favors  by  making  Lopez  a  general,  the  leading  offi 
cers  protested  and  exposed  him.2  The  confidence  of 

1  He  had  formed  one  of  the  escorts  of  Maximilian  when  he  first  arrived  in 
the  country,  and  managed  especially  by  his  manner  to  become  his  favorite. 
Appointed  col  of  the  Emperatriz  regiment  of  cavalry,  he  remained  in  intimate 
contact  with  the  imperial  pair,  and  figured  now  practically  as  adjutant  of  the 
emperor,  intrusted  by  him  with  frequent  secret  missions.     The  latter  had 
stood  godfather  to  his  child.     Hans  observes  that  he  had  big  Anglo-Ameri 
can  feet.  Quer.,  72.     Salm-Salm  speaks  of  his  fascinating  manner. 

2  By  producing  a  government  decree  dismissing  him  from  the  army  for  in 
famous  conduct  at  Tehuacan,  during  the  U.  S.  invasion  in  1847.     He  was  then 

C299) 


300  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

Maximilian  was  not  greatly  shaken,  however,  for  he 
appointed  him  to  command  the  chosen  escort,  and 
decorated  him,  on  the  eve  of  the  projected  departure, 
with  the  bronze  medal,  although  little  or  no  claim 
existed  for  the  distinction,  or  for  the  cross  of  the 
French  legion  of  honor  already  hanging  on  his  breast. 
Lopez  did  not  forgive  those  who  had  stood  between 
him  and  promotion.  He  was  not  wholly  devoid  of 
gratitude,  but  gratitude  was  not  his  ruling  passion. 
He  could  love  a  little;  he  could  hate  a  great  deal. 
Moreover,  this  empire  was  doomed;  and  for  himself 
in  this  company  he  was  a  branded  man.3  What  other 
motives  may  have  influenced  him  is  difficult  to  say. 
At  any  rate,  on  this  night  of  the  14th  of  May,  1867, 
this  man  Lopez  stole  away  to  the  headquarters  of 
Escobedo,  and  in  a  private  interview  disclosed  the 
condition  and  plans  of  the  besieged,  and  arranged  to 
betray  them  to  the  enemy.4  To  accomplish  his  object 

an  ensign.  He  acted  as  spy  for  the  Franco-Mexican  armies,  and  in  May  1863 
led  Bazaine  by  little  known  paths  to  San  Lorenzo.  Documents  in  Quer.,  Caida, 
125-7,  185;  HaW*  Life,  Max,,  193. 

3  The  commission  as  general  had  been  prepared  on  the  late  anniversary  of 
the  emperor's  acceptance  of  the  throne.  Lopez  claims  that  it  was  to  be  con 
ferred  after  a  successful  departure  from  Quere'ter-o.  Basch,  ii.  125,  relates 
that  the  favorite  setter  dog  of  Maximilian  showed  an  intense  aversion  for  the 
man. 

*  For  the  sum  of  2,000  ounces  of  gold,  according  to  Baron  Lago,  of  which 
he  received  only  some  $7,000,  it  is  said.  Domemch,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  438. 
Eleven  reales  a  head,  was  the  bitter  observation  of  Maximilian  on  hearing  of 
it.  Other  estimates  vary.  Salm-Salm,  i.  239,  ii.  32,  has  3,000  ounces.  The 
money  obtained  was  probably  gambled  away  before  he  left  Quere"taro.  He 
preferred  gold  and  life  to  death,  says  Hans,  Quer.,  174.  Maximilian  al 
luded  to  his  act  as  due  to  cowardice.  Yet  he  had  given  proofs  enough  of 
courage.  The  removal  from  command  of  certain  friends,  like  Casanova,  had 
offended  him.  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  75-6.  In  the  brazen-faced  defence 
issued  by  Lopez  in  La  Toma  de  Qiieretaro,  Mexico,  1867,  and  other  forms,  he 
declares  that  the  demoralization  among  the  troops,  the  growing  desertion, 
officers  being  retained  only  by  honor,  the  lack  of  food,  of  good  ammunition, 
and  the  faithlessness  of  Marquez  and  others,  had  thoroughly  discouraged  the 
emperor.  He  vaguely  accuses  Arellano  of  speculating  with  the  ammunition 
and  artillery  funds.  Thus  disheartened,  Maximilian  had,  on  the  night  of  the 
14th,  sent  him  to  Escobedo,  asking  permission  to  leave  QuenStaro  with  a  few 
friends,  escorted  by  the  Emperatriz  regiment.  He  was  formally  received  by 
the  republican  commander-in-chief,  who  told  him  that  he  had  no  power  to 
grant  the  request.  Maximilian  and  his  army  must  surrender  at  discretion. 
A  plea  for  the  emperor's  person  met  with  no  better  result.  Arias,  the  biog 
rapher  of  Escobedo,  repeats  this  story,  Ensayo,  224-6;  yet  he  admits  that 
Lopez  revealed  the  forlorn  condition  of  the  besieged — proof  enough  of  treason. 
So  does  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  ii.  673.  A  number  pf  writers  take  pains  to  refute 


TREASON  OF  LOPEZ.  301 

was  not  very  difficult,  for  he  commanded  the  reserve 
brigade,  which  occupied  the  Convento  de  la  Cruz  and 
adjoining  fortifications,  and  held,  therefore,  the  key 
to  the  town.5  He  had  already  removed  certain  troops, 
replacing  them  with  men  under  control  of  a  fellow- 
conspirator,  and  with  incorporated  prisoners  of  war; 
and  on  returning  from  Escobedo's  camp  he  made 
further  changes,  ordering  the  horses  to  be  unsaddled, 
cannon  to  be  removed,  and  so  forth.  He  thereupon 
introduced  the  republican  soldiers  under  General 
Velez,6  and  favored  by  darkness,  led  them  from  one 
post  to  another,  explaining  that  they  were  relief 
troops,  whenever  he  deemed  any  explanation  neces 
sary.  His  presence  as  commander  and  recognized 
favorite  of  the  emperor,  and  the  mixture  of  uniforms 
among  the  imperialists  preventing  suspicion,  many 
assumed  at  once  that  the  movements  were  part  of  the 
evacuation  plan.7 

the  story,  by  showing  that  Maximilian  was  busy  till  midnight  that  day,  giv 
ing  orders  for  the  proposed  breaking  through  the  lines;  that  he  had  recently 
rejected  a  favorable  offer  of  capitulation,  and  imprisoned  certain  officers  who 
advocated  it,  etc. ;  but  the  knowledge  we  already  possess  of  his  brave  spirit, 
high-minded  conduct,  and  Hapsburg  pride,  serves  to  defend  him.  at  least 
against  the  intimation  of  private  and  selfish  negotiations.  Conclusive  proofs 
of  Lopez'  treason  and  lies,  besides  self-contradictions  and  instances  in  later 
notes,  appear  in  the  fact  that  this  man  was  the  only  superior  imperial  officer 
not  arraigned  by  the  victors;  he  was  allowed  to  leave  Quere"taro,  and  move 
freely  about.  Further,  the  republican  authorities  have  never  alluded  to  any 
such  advances  on  the  part  of  Maximilian;  and  they  would  not  have  failed  to 
expose  so  detested  a  personage  had  they  been  able.  Lopez  may  have  opened 
his  negotiations  with  the  story,  so  that  Arias  and  others  may  have  had  some 
ground  for  the  assertion.  Among  other  excuses,  Lopez  ridicules  the  idea  of 
bargaining  for  a  comparatively  small  sum,  when  he  had  plenty  of  means.  He 
stakes  an  estate  against  the  proof  of  such  bargain,  and  so  forth.  Toma  Que.r., 
.1-26,  etc.  He  lived  despised  by  all  men,  even  by  his  wife,  who  abandoned 
him.  Edwards'  Shelby's  Exped.,  131. 

5  He  succeeded  Mendez,  as  we  have  seen.     He  claims  that  only  1,100  cov 
ered  these  lines,  extending  over  1,400  yards,  and  gives  a  list  of  the  main  posts. 
Toma  Quer.,  18-19. 

6  Formerly  serving  under  Miramon.     The  troops  brought  were  mainly  the 
reserve  known  as  Supremos  Poderes.     They  entered  partly  through  a  widened 
embrasure. 

7  Lopez'  story  is  that  Escobedo  must  have  surmised  enough  from  the  mes 
sage  sent  by  Maximilian  to  attempt  a  surprise,  for  on  returning  to  his  men, 
after  speaking  to  the  emperor,  he  was  pounced  upon  and  arrested  by  the  re 
publicans.     Then,  intent  only  on  saving  the  emperor,  he  led  them  away  to 
the  pantheon  and  other  posts,  while  sending  the  conspirator  Jablonski  to  warn 
him,  and  affording  time  for  escape.     He  undoubtedly  wished  to  save  him,  if 
none  else.     This  admission  that  he  found  an  early  opportunity  to  send  the 


302  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

As  soon  as  the  main  posts  were  secured  Lopez 
hastened  to  send  warning  to  the  emperor,  for  whom 
he  seems  to  have  entertained  a  certain  consideration. 
Similarly  advised,  Salm-Salm,  Castillo,  and  some 
others  rushed  in  soon  after  and  found  Maximilian 
dressed  and  calm.  He  bade  them  summon  the  hus 
sars  and  body-guard,  and  ordered  all  to  hurry  to  Cerro 
de  la  Campana,  there  to  decide  on  further  action. 
Not  a  guard  or  detachment  of  imperial  troops  could 
be  seen  round  the  convent;  but  as  they  issued  from  it 
to  cross  the  square  a  republican  body  appeared,  guided 
by  Lopez.  Escape  was  impossible,  but  a  whisper 
from  the  traitor  to  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
troops  caused  the  latter  to  turn  aside  his  men,  saying, 
'Let  them  pass,  they  are  civilians!'  Yet  they  wore 
nearly  all  their  full  glittering  uniforms.  It  was  evi 
dently  agreed  that  the  emperor  should  be  allowed  to 
escape.8 

warning  convicts  him;  for  by  the  same  opportunity  he  could  have  roused  his 
ready  comrades  and  army.  His  professed  reason  for  surrendering  the  posts 
was  to  save  bloodshed.  Tender-hearted  consideration  in  a  soldier,  truly! 
Toma  Quer. ,  14  et  seq.  Arias,  adopting  this,  intimates  that  Escobedo  assumed 
Maximilian  to  be  disinclined  for  further  resistance,  and  ordered  the  assault  in 
accordance.  There  was  a  pretended  arrest  of  the  traitor,  of  course.  Ensayo. 
227-8.  Lopez  points  out  that  more  than  a  dozen  commanders  of  posts  had  to 
be  seduced  for  a  case  of  treason.  Seduce  them  he  did  not.  Why,  then,  did 
none  of  them  give  the  alarm?  These  very  men  came  out  in  a  joint  protest, 
revealing  step  by  step  his  treason  as  it  became  clear  to  them  afterward,  and 
showing  that  but  for  his  directing  the  enemy  and  issuing  orders  the  alarm 
must  have  been  given.  Quer.,  Caida,  43  et  seq.  Hans,  who  was  stationed 
among  the  foreposts,  gives  a  minute  account  of  Lopez'  removal  and  changes 
of  troops,  abstraction  of  their  arms,  displacing  of  cannon,  etc.  Quer.,  175  et 
seq.  Salm-Salm  enumerates  a  long  list  of  points  condemning  him,  Diary,  ii. 
259-63,  adding  that  he  removed  even  the  guard  at  the  emperor's  quarters; 
that  he  moved  freely  about  after  leading  round  the  republican  commanders, 
who  were  in  citizens'  dress,  and  afterward  rifled  Maximilian's  room.  Several 
liberal  officers  pointed  him  out  to  the  besieged  as  the  traitor.  See  also  Are 
llano,  141-2;  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Max.,  98  et  seq.  A  report  from  more  than  one 
republican  officer  appeared  in  Restauracion,  no.  23,  1867,  admitting  that  the 
place  was  surrendered  by  the  chief  in  command  at  the  convent.  A  report  in 
M6x.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  210,  places  the  capture  at  3  A.  M.  Lopez,  Rcfut., 
1-24;  Mex.  Legac.,  i.  82-5,  etc.;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1832-75,  pt  vii.  3-19;  Pap. 
Far.,  cxxxv.  pt  ii.;  Sodedad,  Sept.  9,  11,  15,  1867,  etc.;  Bol.  Rep.,  June  26, 
1867,  and  other  journals. 

8  The  officer  in  command  was  Col  Rincon  Gallardo,  on  whose  family  the 
empress  had  conferred  many  favors.  Maximilian  attributed  his  conduct  to 
gratitude,  for  the  recognition  was  mutual.  Indeed,  the  monarch  was  too 
striking  a  person  not  to  be  readily  known.  His  companions  were  Salm-Salm, 
Gen.  Castillo,  Lt-Col  Pradillo,  and  Sec.  Blasio.  Basch  states  that  he  had 


OH  FOR  A  FRIENDLY  BULLET!  303 

On  the  way  to  the  Cerro  Lopez  overtook  them,  this 
time  alone  and  still  unsuspected.  He  entreated  Maxi 
milian  to  hide  himself  in  a  certain  house,  where  his 
safety  would  be  assured.  "  I  do  not  hide,"  was  his 
answer.  He  even  refused  to  mount  the  horse  which 
Lopez  sent  up  soon  after,  saying  that  as  his  compan 
ions  had  to  walk,  so  would  he.  During  this  slow 
progress  they  again  came  face  to  face  with  republican 
troops,  which  turned  aside  as  they  saw  him,  allowing 
the  party  to  reach  the  Cerro.9 

Owing  to  the  energy  of  Lopez,  republican  troops 
had  been  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  town;  and  now 
with  daybreak  the  yet  remaining  unmelted  bells  joined 
in  the  triumph  signals  of  the  camps  around.  Yet  the 
surrender  passed  not  everywhere  so  smoothly  as  at 
the  convent.  Several  bodies  managed  to  fall  in  line 
for  skirmishing,  and  the  report  of  fire-arms  could  be 
heard  in  different  parts.  But  taken  in  flank  and  rear, 
the  isolated  companies  had  to  yield  one  after  another 
to  overwhelming  numbers.  Many  thought  the  arrival 
of  reinforcements  from  Marquez  was  the  cause  of  the 
tumult  and  demonstration. 

And  now  the  besiegers  concentrated  round  the  Cerro 
de  la  Campana,  upon  which  the  batteries  opened  fire. 
"Oh  for  a  friendly  bullet!"  exclaimed  Maximilian  as 
he  beheld  the  darkening  prospect.  The  absence  of 
Miramon  increased  the  anxiety ;  nor  did  it  abate  when 
news  came  that  the  latter  had  been  overcome  in  an 
encounter  and  wounded.10  To  hold  the  Cerro  much 
longer  was  impossible.  Turning  to  Mejia  the  emperor 

been  restless  during  the  night  from  anxiety  and  dysentery.  When  first  roused, 
he  imagined  a  plot  against  his  person.  Lopez  was  now  assumed  to  be  a  pris 
oner,  from  being  in  company  of  Gallardo.  At  the  consultation  just  before 
midnight  he  had  been  instructed  by  Maximilian  to  shoot  him  rather  than  let 
him  fall  alive  into  the  enemy's  hands  during  the  proposed  break.  '  Dureii  eine 
Kugel  mein  Leben  enden.'  Erin.,  ii.  134. 

•  Lopez  admits  even  that  he  had  power  to  detain  and  control  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  Toma  Quer.,  17. 

10  Shot  in  the  face,  he  was  carried  to  the  house  of  Dr  Licea,  who  betrayed 
him  the  same  day  through  fear.  Salm-Salm,  i.  196.  Both  he  and  Mendez  had 
fought  fiercely  until  wounded,  when  they  sought  safety  in  hiding.  Edwards' 
Shelby's  Exped.,  129. 


304  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

spoke  about  cutting  their  way  through.  "  It  is  use 
less,  sire,"  replied  the  latter  in  a  disheartening  tone,  as 
he  surveyed  the  dense  lines  of  besiegers;  "  yet  if  your 
Majesty  commands,  it  can  be  tried."11  A  moment 
later  the  white  flag  was  hoisted  by  the  imperialists, 
and  Pradillo  sent  to  negotiate  with  Escobedo  for  the 
good  treatment  of  the  army,  Maximilian  offering  him 
self  if  a  victim  must  be  had.1'2 

The  firing  having  ceased,  the  republicans  bethought 
themselves  only  of  making  matters  sure  by  advancing 
close  upon  the  Cerro,  heedless  of  the  white  flag  and 
the  messenger  to  Escobedo,  and  General  Echegaray 
stepping  forward  declared  the  emperor  his  prisoner.1* 
Soon  the  commander-in-chief  came  up.  Maximilian 
surrendered  his  sword,  and  repeating  the  message  sent, 
he  announced  that  his  abdication  had  already  been 
sent  to  Mexico.  He  stood  otherwise  prepared  to  leave 
the  country.  Escobedo  answered  that  the  republican 
government  could  alone  decide  in  the  matter.14 

In  charge  of  Riva  Palacio,  he  was  now  conducted 
back  to  his  old  quarters  at  the  convent,  together  with 
his  favorite  officers,  the  cazadores  and  citizens,  espe 
cially  the  women,  mutely  greeting  him  with  bent 

11Miramon  would  probably  have  attempted  it,  but  Mejia  had  long  been 
discouraged  and  was  still  suffering  from  sickness.  A  tradition  has  it  that  a 
French  officer  did  offer  to  save  the  emperor.  He  declined,  and  the  officer  cut 
his  way  through  at  the  head  of  a  small  force.  D'Hericault,  Max.,  264. 

12  See  Peza  and  Pradillo,  97-8,  wherein  it  is  also  stated  that  Maximilian 
found  only  150  infantry  on  reaching  the  Cerro.  Mejia  brought  a  small 
mounted  escort.  Salm-Salm  declares  that  under  pressure  of  sharp  firing  white 
flags  had  already  been  hoisted  at  two  points  on  the  Cerro  before  Maximilian 
consented  to  yield.  The  enemy  continued  to  fire  for  at  least  ten  minutes 
after  the  hoisting. 

15  '  In  a  polite  manner  and  bareheaded,  addressing  the  emperor,  Vuestra 
Majestad.'  Salm-Salm.,  Diary,  i.  200.  Oil  descending  the  hill  to  meet  Corona 
he  was  embraced  by  an  excited  republican  who  expressed  admiration  for  his 
brave  defence.  Another  seemingly  drunken  officer  flourished  a  pistol  in  his 
face.  Hans,  Quer.,  194,  calls  him  Ddvalos,  formerly  serving  under  Marquez. 

14  Both  Corona  and  Escobedo  report  that  Maximilian  declared  he  had  ab 
dicated  and  was  no  longer  emperor.  He  desired  an  escort  to  the  coast,  there 
to  embark,  promising  never  to  return.  Escobedo  said  he  could  concede 
nothing.  *  I  at  least  hope  to  be  treated  with  the  considerations  due  to  a 
prisoner  of  war,'  he  resumed.  '  Eso  es  V.  mio,'  was  the  affirmative  answer. 
Arias,  Ensayo,  233,  This  promise  having  been  denied  by  many,  Salm-Salm 
solemnly  asserts  that  it  was  clearly  made.  Diary,  i.  203;  Masseras,  Essai, 
251-4.  ' 


SURRENDER.  305 

heads  and  tear-dimmed  eyes.15  The  other  officers 
were  consigned  to  the  adjoining  church,  arid  the  rank 
and  file  to  the  camps,  there  to  be  incorporated  among 
the  liberal  forces.16  Escobedo,  in  reports  and  procla 
mations,  attributed  the  fall  of  the  city  to  the  actions 
of  his  army. 

The  inhabitants  were  not  molested,17  save  those  who 
neglected  the  stringent  order  to  denounce  all  officers 
in  hiding.  This  caused  the  surrender  of  Miranion  and 
many  other  leaders,  of  whom  several  fell  victims  to 
the  blind  fury  of  the  uncontrolled  soldiers.18  A  few 
managed  to  escape,  among  them  General  Arellano.19 
Mejia,  to  whose  generosity  Escobedo  owed  his  life  not 
long  before,  was  offered  means  for  flight;  but  the  no 
ble  Indian  would  not  accept  liberty  unless  in  company 
with  Maximilian  and  Miranion.  This  was  declared 
impossible.  "Then  let  me  die  with  them,"  he  said.20 
Mendez  remained  in  hiding,  and  being  betrayed,  he 
was  led  out  and  shot,  in  accordance  with  the  recent 
proclamation,  but  really  in  retaliation  for  his  loudly 
condemned  execution  of  the  republican  general  Arte- 

15  Among  the  favorites  with  him  were  Col  Guzman  ar?.d  Minister  Aguirre, 
besides  those  who  followed  him  to  the  Cerro.     Lopez  had  rifled  his  room  of 
effects  and  documents.     Basch  relates  how  the  officers  pressed  their  prisoners 
for  every  valuable  article  about  them,  and  even  took  them  by  force.  Erin.,  ii. 
138-40. 

16  The  Emperatriz  regiment  was  left  entire  under  the  liberal  officers;  but 
on  the  march  to  Mexico  the  latter  were  assassinated,  and  the  men  formed 
themselves  into  a  guerrilla  band.  Salm-Salm,  i.  212.     Escobedo  reported  8,000 
rank  and  file  captured  and  incorporated,  and  over  500  officers,  including  15 
generals;  also  55  cannon,  68,500  cartridges,  etc.   Estrdla  de  Occid.,  July  12, 
1867;  Lef6vre,  Docs,  ii.  415.;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  iii.  211.     The  8,000 
men  must  embrace  Mejia's  lately  organized  citizens.     In  the  republican  ranks 
they  were  not  treated  very  liberally,  as  may  be  supposed,  especially  foreigners, 
who  complained  of  being  both  starved  and  beaten.  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  225- 
6,  266,  ii.   130.     Hans  states,  however,  that  his  party  was  well  treated  in 
Palacio's  division.   Quer.,  197. 

17  Two  marauders  were  shot  as  a  warning.  Sombra  de  Zaragoza,  May  21, 
1867. 

18  Hans,  195-6,  204-6,  and  Salm-Salm,  212,  give  instances.     Forty  are  said 
to  have  been  put  up  for  targets,  but  this  is  doubtful.     In  one  case  a  tumult 
created  belief  in  a  plot  to  escape,  and  led  to  unfortunate  shooting. 

19 The  artillery  chief,  who  bribed  his  captor  and  reached  Marquez  at  Mex 
ico.  Arellano,  148-51.  Marquez  accuses  this  man  of  treason,  in  retaliation 
for  his  charges.  Refut.,  145-9;  but  there  is  no  evidence  against  him. 

20  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  315,  complains  that  this  incident  has  been  left  un 
noticed  by  others. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    20 


306  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

aga  and  his  companions,  carried  out  under  Maximil 
ian's  unfortunate  decree  of  October  3,  1865.  Other 
leaders  were  kept  on  thorns  by  broad  hints  that 
Juarez'  similar  decree  of  January  25,  1862,  might  at 
at  any  moment  send  them  as  well  as  Maximilian  after 
Mendez.21 

The  republicans  gave  little  heed  to  the  exalted  rank 
and  pretensions  of  their  captive.  He  was  unceremo 
niously  transferred  from  one  abode  to  another,  among 
them  the  grave  vaults  of  the  pantheon,  with  the  atro 
cious  reminder  that  his  end  was  at  hand.22  Finally 
he  was  lodged  in  a  scantily  furnished  cell  in  the 
Capuchin  convent,23  together  with  his  generals,  Mi- 
ramon  and  Mejia,  Dr  Basch  and  two  servants  oc 
cupying  adjoining  cells.  Although  exposed  to  the 
intrusive  gaze  of  visitors,  and  the  eyes  of  numerous 
guards,  he  was  not  altogether  miserable,  and  at  times 
even  enjoyed  the  importance  attached  to  his  person. 


•24 


21  Escobedo,  says  Arias,  '  tenia  en  sus  manos  las  vidas  de  Maximillano,'  etc. , 
and  could  have  done  so  with  impunity.  Ensayo,  234.     Mendez  was  to  be  shot 
in  the  back  as  a  traitor,  but  objecting  to  the  insult,  he  turned  partly  round  as 
the  signal  was  given.  Salm-Salm,  i.  217-18.     Hans,  205-6,  alludes  with  feel 
ing  to  his  last  adieu.     According  to  Salm-Salm,  an  order  came  later  to  shoot 
all  the  leaders,  but  this  is  doubtful.     A  number  of  French  officers  tendered 
their  services  to  Escobedo,  which  he  contemptuously  refused.     Their  action 
was  condemned  by  compatriots.     Names  in  Diary,  i.  222-5. 

22  This  outrage  was  due  to  Gen.  Rufio  Gonzalez,  an  ultra-republican  who 
had  protested  against  the  earlier  indications  of  sympathy  for  Maximilian,  and 
managed  to  assume  a  share  in  the  guardianship.     After  a  transfer  on  May 
17th,  to  Santa  Teresa  convent,  he  passed  from  the  22d  to  the  24th  in  the 
grave  vault,  and  was  thereupon  removed  to  the  Capuchin  convent. 

23  It  was  situated  in  the  upper  story,  opening  on  a  passage  which  embraced 
three  sides  of  a  small  central  court.     The  furniture  consisted  of  an  iron  bed 
stead,  two  tables,  a  rocking-chair,  a  few  ordinary  chairs,  and  a  box.     The 
only  article  de,  luxe  was  a  silver  candlestick  with  wax  candles.     The  size  of 
the  brick-floored  cell  being  only  about  18  by  20  feet,  the  passage  proved 
acceptable  for  giving  additional  room.     A  cut  is  given  in  Salm-Salm,  Diary, 
i.  234-5,  ii.  105. 

24 '  Die  unten  zittern,  wenn  der  Lowe  im  Kafig  sich  regt. '  Basch,  Eritm. , 
ii.  190.  Whether  intentionally  or  not,  a  crown  of  thorn  had  been  hung  against 
the  wall.  Rubio,  the  rich  manufacturer  of  the  town,  provided  the  table  of 
the  emperor,  and  from  this  his  poorly  supplied  companions  obtained  a  share. 
He  continued  to  suffer  from  dysentery,  and  a  doctor  from  Escobedo's  army  was 
called  in  to  join  Basch  so  as  to  allay  suspicion.  His  companions,  notably 
Salm-Salm,  were  constantly  in  his  room  to  entertain  him,  conversing,  playing 
dominos.  and  so  forth.  Among  the  few  books  at  his  command  was  the  His- 
torn  of  King  Charles  /.,  appropriate  if  not  cheering. 


PROPOSED  ABDICATION  OR  ESCAPE.  307 

In  order  to  sound  him,  Escobedo  expressed  his 
readiness  to  listen  to  any  proposals;  whereupon  Maxi 
milian  offered  to  officially  abdicate  the  crown  of  Mex 
ico,  to  promise  never  to  meddle  in  Mexican  affairs, 
and  to  order  his  armies  to  lay  down  their  arms  and 
surrender  all  strongholds,  on  condition  of  being  es 
corted  to  Vera  Cruz,  all  foreign  prisoners  also  to  be 
sent  to  this  port  for  embarkation.  His  Mexican  ad 
herents  he  recommended  to  the  generosity  of  the 
government.25  No  answer  to  these  proposals  was 
returned;  but  on  the  following  day  appeared  an  order 
from  the  minister  of  war  to  arraign  the  ' so-called' 
emperor  and  his  two  leading  abettors,  the  'so-called  ' 
generals  Miramon  and  Mejia,  before  a  court-martial, 
in  accordance  with  the  bloody  decree  issued  by  Juarez 
on  January  25,  1862,  against  traitors  and  invaders.20 
This  in  itself  was  equivalent  to  a  death  sentence. 
Time  had  above  all  to  be  gained;  and  to  this  end 
Maximilian  addressed  Juarez  for  a  postponement  to 
allow  the  selected  lawyers  to  arrive  from  Mexico. 
He  also  asked  for  an  interview,  wherein  he  hoped  to 
make  an  impression.  The  former  request  was  granted, 
after  some  hesitation,  but  the  president  declined  to 
enter  into  any  direct  communications.27 

From  the  first,  friendly  republican  officers  had  ex 
pressed  the  view  that  their  government  was  obdurate; 
and  the  order  coming  for  a  court-martial,  the  project 
of  escape  was  pressed  upon  the  emperor.  At  first  he 
objected  to  so  undignified  a  proceeding,  but  finally 
yielded,  on  condition  that  Miramon  and  Mejia  should 
not  be  left  behind.  It  was  argued  that  as  Juarez 
had  refused  to  admit  the  conditions  under  which  they 

25Salm-Salm  was  given  full  power  to  arrange  the  points  with  Col  Villa  - 
nueva,  acting  for  Escobedo.  The  negotiations  were  made  on  May  20th. 
Diary,  i.  220-3. 

26  They  were  to  be  judged  especially  under  its  articles  6  to  11;  yet  it  was 
pointed  out  that  according  to  art.  28  they  might  have  been  executed  on  the 
instant.  Max.,  Causa,  4-9. 

'21  Princess  Salm-Salrn,  who  exerted  herself  zealously  with  Juarez  and  others 
in  behalf  of  the  emperor  and  her  husband,  claims  to  have  obtained  the  second 
prolongation  of  time  for  nine  days,  till  the  13th  of  June.  Diary,  ii.  41-4. 
The  first  was  for  three  days.  Legac.  Alex.,  i.  186-96,  260-8. 


308  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

surrendered,  as  prisoners  of  war,  they  were  bound  by 
no  obligation.  Three  officers  had  been  won  over,  and 
everything  was  prepared  for  the  flight,  to  take  place 
during  the  night  of  June  2d,  in  direction  of  the  coast 
and  toward  Vera  Cruz,  which  still  remained  in  impe 
rial  hands.  That  afternoon  a  telegram  announced 
that  two  of  the  best  lawyers  in  Mexico  and  several 
members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  were  en  route  for 
Queretaro.  This  sufficed  to  decide  the  ever- vacillating 
Maximilian  for  another  of  those  unfortunate  postpone 
ments  that  had  ruined  so  many  of  his  plans.28 

Maximilian  had  selected  for  his  lawyers  Mariano 
Riva  Palacio,  Martinez  de  la  Torre,  Eulalio  Maria 
Ortega,  and  Jesus  Maria  Vazquez,  who  occupied  the 
foremost  rank  in  their  profession.  Foreseeing  the  ver 
dict  of  a  court-martial,  the  two  former  resolved  to 
give  their  attention  mainly  to  pleading  with  the  gov 
ernment  for  mercy,  and  urge  the  policy  of  lenient 
treatment.  To  this  end  they  brought  to  bear  a  wide 
influence  with  the  controlling  party,  for  they  were  all 
stanch  republicans.  This  applied  especially  to  Riva 
Palacio  in  his  additional  character  as  father  of  the 
popular  general,  famed  in  letters  as  well  as  battles, 
and  who  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  siege. w 
The  juridical  defence  was  left  to  the  other  lawyers, 
of  whom  Ortega  excelled  for  his  grasp  of  mind  and 
rhetoric,  and  Vazquez  for  forensic  acquirements  and 
acute  dialectics.  The  latter  belonged  to  Queretaro, 

28 '  He  is  not,  however,  the  only  prince  who  has  had  to  mourn  over  a  too 
late, '  writes  Salm-Salm,  i.  250.  This  warm  adherent  received  on  this  occa 
sion  his  despatch,  as  general,  antedated  the  14th  of  May,  and  other  honors. 
He  relates  fully  the  efforts  made  to  carry  out  the  promising  flight.  Horses 
stood  ready  in  certain  houses,  and  promises  had  been  issued  to  pay  additional 
sums  to  the  abettors  in  case  of  death  or  success.  Maximilian  consented  only 
to  tie  up  his  beard  and  put  on  colored  spectacles  fora  disguise.  The  fugitives 
were  to  live  henceforth  at  Miramare,  Mejia  declaring  that  his  wants  were  few, 
for  he  would  'nichts  thun,  ala  fischen.'  Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  189.  The  display 
of  gold,  from  the  advance  paid  to  the  conspirators,  led  to  a  disclosure  after  a 
few  days,  and  stricter  measures  and  a  stronger  guard  were  the  result.  Salm- 
8dm,  Diary,  i.  232-58. 

aBIt  was  one  of  his  columns,  under  Velez,  which  took  possession  of  La  Cmz 
during  the  eventful  morning  of  May  15th.  He  had  been  specially  commended 
by  Maximilian  fur  his  humanity,  and  this  won  the  father's  heart. 


THE  TRIAL.  309 

and  had  with  the  assistance  of  Frederic  Hall  from 
California  taken  active  steps  in  the  case  before  the 
others  arrived.80 

The  trial  opened  on  June  13th  in  the  Iturbide  the 
atre,  in  which  the  stage  was  reserved  for  the  officials, 
defendants,  and  counsel,  and  the  auditorium  for  the 
public,  admission  being  obtained  with  tickets.31  The 
judges  consisted  of  a  lieutenant-colonel  and  six  cap 
tains,32  selected  with  little  or  no  regard  for  the  weighty 
questions  involved.  The  fiscal,  or  attorney  for  the 
government,  was  Manuel  Aspiroz.33  Mejia  and  Mira- 
mon  appeared  first,  and  impressed  the  hushed  audience 
with  the  dignity  of  their  bearing.  Their  case  was 
disposed  of  early  in  the  afternoon.34  They  must  die. 
Then  came  that  of  Maximilian,  which  involved  practi 
cally  the  same  charges  and  defence.  Here  the  expect 
ant  assembly  was  doomed  to  disappointment,  for  the 
imperial  defendant  refused  to  expose  himself  to  the 
humiliation  of  a  public  appearance,  and  his  plea  of 
sickness  was  accepted. 

The  charges,  thirteen  in  number,  were  elaborated 
from  the  points  presented  in  the  ministerial  order  for 
a  court-martial,  based  on  the  severe  decree  of  January 
25, 1862,  and  formed  a  most  incongruous  and  tautologic 
medley.35  They  may  be  reduced  to  the  following 
points:  that  he  had  offered  himself  as  an  instrument 
for  the  French  intervention,  aiming  at  the  overthrow 

80  Their  first  joint  consultation  was  held  on  June  5th.     Hall  claims  to  have 
furnished  the  main  points  used  for  the  argument — an  assertion  which  the  Mexi 
cans  are  not  likely  to  admit.     As  a  foreigner,  he  was  debarred  from  practising 
in  the  court.  LiJ'e  Max.,  212,  etc. 

81  To  the  number  of  about  1,500.     A  full  report  of  the  proceedings  is  given 
in  the  local  journal,  Sombra  de  Arteaga. 

32  The  former,  named  Platon  Sanchez,  was  killed  by  his  men  not  long  after. 
For  other  names,  see  Max.,  Causa,  173.  All  were  young,  and  some  could  not 
read,  says  Salm-Salm;  unfit,  adds  Hall,  Life  Max.,  284,  to  decide  the  points 
presented. 

83  Originally  a  lawyer,  but  now  a  lieut-col,  assisted  by  J.  M.  Escoto  as 
asesor,  both  young  men.     Salm-Salm  describes  the  latter  as  'a  young  fellow 
of  twenty,  who  had  a  very  bad  and  ferocious  expression,'  and  was  a  tool  of 
Escobedo.   Diary,  i.  262. 

84  They  refused  to  add  anything  to  the  arguments  of  their  counsel,  P.  C. 
Vega  appearing  for  Mejia  and  Jauregui  and  Moreno  for  Miramon. 

35  Provoking  a  smile  even  from  Maximilian  when  submitted  to  him  at 
former  private  examinations. 


310  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

of  the  constitutional  government  for  base  purposes ;  he 
had  voluntarily  accepted  the  liabilities  of  a  usurper, 
in  the  face  of  the  laws,  such  as  that  of  January  25, 
1862;  he  had  disposed  of  the  lives  and  interests  of 
the  people  with  armed  forces  swelled  by  foreign  fili 
buster  enlistments;  authorizing  to  this  end  atrocities 
of  every  description,  as  instanced  in  particular  by  the 
barbarous  decree  of  October  3,  1865;  he  had  retained 
the  false  title  of  emperor  after  the  departure  of  the 
French  armies,  preparing  lately  an  abdication  which 
should  take  effect  only  in  case  of  his  capture.  The 
final  charges  declared  that  he  had  protested  against 
the  competency  of  the  court-martial  to  try  him;  and 
it  was  observed  that  his  refusal,  at  the  preliminary 
private  examinations,  to  answer  the  charges  on  the 
ground  that  they  were  of  a  political  character,  beyond 
the  •  jurisdiction  of  this  court,  would  be  taken  as  an 
admission  of  their  truth.38 

The  prospective  futility  of  influencing  a  court-mar 
tial  installed  under  the  decree  of  1862  led  the  coun 
sel  very  properly  to  direct  the  main  arguments  against 
the  competency  of  such  a  court  for  the  case.  To  this 
end  it  was  urged  that  the  conflict  between  the  re 
public  and  empire  was  a  civil  war,  and  not  a  mere 
uprising  by  a  faction,  for  the  latter  had  long  controlled 
the  greater  part  of  the  country,  and  had  been  recog 
nized  by  nearly  every  foreign  power.37  This  being 
evident,  the  leaders  of  the  vanquished  side  could  not 
be  subjected  to  the  summary  treatment  applicable  to 
petty  rebels.  Maximilian  was  not  a  usurper  as  charged, 
for  he  came  by  invitation  of  a  representative  council, 
confirmed  by  popular  vote.38  His  administrative  acts 

56  Hall  among  others  inveighs  against  this  and  other  features  as  outrageous; 
but  he  does  not  always  bear  in  mind  the  nature  of  the  court. 

37  This  existence  de  facto,  together  with  the  popular  as  well  as  representa 
tive  vote  on  which  it  rested,  was  proof  enough  of  its  sovereignty  de  jure. 
The  constitution  permitted  a  change  of  government,  and  a  majority  had  de 
clared  for  the  empire.     What  the  real  feelings  were  of  the  voters  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  case;  nor  was  it  affected  by  liberal  triumphs,  else  the  liberals 
might  have  been  counted  out  of  existence  on  more  than  one  occasion  since 
1857. 

38  He  refused,  in  fact,  to  come  till  such  vote  had  been  given.     If  the  vote 


MAXIMILIAN'S  DEFENCE.  311 

and  marked  liberal  policy,  with  an  entire  absence  of 
persecution  for  political  creed  or  attitude,  proved  that 
he  came  not  to  oppress.  The  issue  of  the  severe 
decree  of  October  3,  1865,  was,  at  the  instance  of  the 
French  commander,  supported  by  the  ministry,  and 
in  the  belief  that  Juarez  had  abandoned  Mexican  ter 
ritory.  Besides,  he  had  as  sovereign  as  much  right 
to  issue  such  protective  measures  as  the  republican 
government  to  publish  its  equally  severe  law  of  1862. 
He  revoked  his  decree,  and  according  to  international 
usages  Juarez  should  have  followed  his  example.39  If 
Maximilian  remained  after  the  French  prepared  to 
depart,  it  was  partly  to  prevent  a  new  government 
from  being  forced  upon  the  people. 

This  exposition  of  the  rights  and  conduct  of  Maxi 
milian  and  his  party  sought  to  demonstrate  that  the 
law  of  January  25,  1862,  was  inapplicable  to  the  case. 
Further,  the  law  was  shown  to  be  unconstitutional.40 
Federal  interests  were  concerned  in  the  case,  and 
according  to  the  constitution,  congress  or  a  civil  tri 
bunal  must  decide  upon  it.41  Hence  a  court-martial 
was  incompetent.42  No  witnesses  being  called  by  the 

was  fraudulent,  he  as  a  foreigner,  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  could  not 
j.idge.  The  demonstrations  always  accorded,  on  and  after  arrival,  tended  to 
confirm  the  sincerity  of  the  vote.  The  term  'filibuster'  is  inapplicable  and 
absurd  under  the  circumstances.  Besides,  he  brought  no  troops,  but  came 
peaceably,  even  without  escort.  Nor  did  he  serve  as  a  French  instrument, 
for  he  opposed  the  projected  session  of  Sonora  and  other  Napoleonic  schemes. 

39  His  decree,  instigated  by  duty,  was  intended  rather  to  intimidate,  and 
f  j\v  executions  resulted  from  it. 

*°  Ortega  devoted  some  attention  to  demonstate  this  from  articles  in  the 
constitution  and  in  the  law  itself.  The  danger  to  which  it  applied  was  past, 
and  the  power  of  the  president  by  art.  29  to  suspend  certain  guarantees  did 
not  extend  to  those  securing  life.  According  to  the  defence  prepared  by  Hall, 
the  president  had  no  authority  to  legislate,  and  any  law  not  issued  by  the 
legislative  power  was  unconstitutional.  It  was  also  unconstitutional  to  pun 
ish  political  crimes  with  death.  Congress  had  no  right  to  let  the  president 
make  laws.  These  points  were  not  pressed  by  the  Mexican  counsel. 

41  The  acts  of  a  government  risen  against  the  constitution  should  be  tried 
according  to  art.  128.     The  rights  of  the  nation  having  been  violated,  the 
federation  was  interested,  and  according  to  art.  97  federal  tribunals  must  take 
cognizance;   so  also   by  art.   101,  when   personal  guarantees  are  concerned. 
The  observance  of  the  constitution,  interrupted  by  rebellion,  must  be  restored 
as  soon  as  the  people  recovered  its  liberty.     This  was  no  doubt  a  lost  point, 
for  the  fight  continued  round  Mexico,  in  accordance  with  Maximilian's  late 
regency  decree. 

42  Art.  13  of  the  constitution  forbade,  besides,  any  special  tribunal.     Mili- 


312  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

fiscal,  who  supported  his  charges  on  the  evidence  of 
public  notoriety,  the  proceedings  were  denounced  as 
illegal,  and  the  charges  not  proved  as  required  by 
law.43  According  to  the  constitution,  the  penalty  of 
death  did  not  exist  for  political  offences  such  as  the 
present.  It  did  apply  for  treason;  but  Maximilian 
as  a  foreigner  could  not  be  charged  with  this  crime.44 
Allusion  was  made  to  the  considerate  treatment  ac 
corded  in  the  republic  of  the  United  States  to  the  far 
more  censurable  president  of  the  late  confederacy, 
who  had  never  been  recognized  by  any  other  nation.45 
Finally,  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  honor  and  sym 
pathy  of  the  republicans  not  to  abuse  their  victory 
and  stain  their  laurels  with  a  bloody  and  useless  exe 
cution.46 

It  had  also  been  urged  that  Maximilian  should  be 
treated,  if  not  as  emperor,  as  archduke,  and  be  sent 
back  to  his  country  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  for  as 
such  he  had  been  admitted  by  Escobedo.  But  the 

tary  courts  were  for  discipline,  etc.,  and  Maximilian  not  belonging  to  the 
army — at  least,  not  to  the  army  controlled  by  these  courts — he  could  not  be 
subjected  to  them.  The  points  involved  were  difficult  for  experienced  judges, 
much  more  so  for  the  young  military  members  of  court,  who  knew  little  or 
nothing  of  law.  Maximilian  had  already  protested  against  them  as  of  too  low 
a  rank  to  try  him.  All  this  had  been  previously  overruled  by  Escobedo.  A 
court  of  generals  would  undoubtedly  have  been  less  subservient  to  dictation 
from  an  interested  source,  and  more  careful  of  their  local  and  foreign  reputa 
tion,  hence,  more  impartial. 

43  Evidence  of  public  notoriety  was  inadmissible,  unless  proved  reliable, 
and  so  forth.     Vazquez  entered  into  a  review  of  this  point,  altogether  too 
elaborate  as  compared  with  others. 

44  Nor  did  international  law  sanction  the  taking  of  an  enemy's  life,  save  in 
case  of  actual  resistance.     It  was  contested,  however,  that  he  was  taken  in 
arms.     Instances  were  taken  from  history  to  show  that  bloody  vengeance  on 
the  defeated,  as  with  Charles  I.,  ever  left  a  stain. 

46  The  case  of  Ortega  was  also  brought  up  in  a  previous  representation,  as 
being  left  to  a  superior  tribunal. 

46  The  defence,  as  framed  by  Ortega  and  Vazquez,  is  lacking  in  symmetry 
and  sequence,  partly  because  each  took  a  special  section;  but  even  with 
greater  study  and  intonation  of  points  it  would  not  have  availed  against  a 
court  biassed  by  political  feelings,  and  acting  under  pressure,  if,  indeed,  they 
were  not  pledged  beforehand.  It  forms  an  appendix,  pp.  17-55,  to  Palacio's 
and  Torre's  Mem.  In  previous  representations  a  public  investigation  of  Max 
imilian's  administrative  acts  was  urged  as  needful  to  so  important  a  case,  for 
the  honor  of  the  defendant  and  the  country;  but  the  republicans  were  not 
willing  to  enter  on  grounds  so  dangerous  to  their  aim.  That  he  had  abdicated 
was  also  made  a  point.  The  Miramare  treaty  might  have  been  produced  to 
weigh  in  his  favor,  as  freed  from  criminal  intentions  with  regard  to  French 
acts. 


THE  VERDICT.  313 

government  ignored  this  admission  and  availed  itself 
of  certain  appearances  and  technicalities  to  declare 
that  he  had  been  taken  in  arms.  The  empire  was 
assumed  to  be  a  mere  form  to  cover  the  treasonable 
acts  of  a  rebellion.  This  remaining  as  yet  unquellecl, 
and  the  constitution  therefore  in  abeyance,  it  was 
resolved  to  abide  by  the  decree  of  January  1862, 
which,  furthermore,  should  be  sustained  for  the  justifi 
cation  of  previous  steps.  Maximilian  had  come  with 
full  knowledge  of  this  law.  With  the  departure  of 
the  French  he  saw  how  unstable  was  his  position,  yet 
he  persisted  in  braving  the  consequences  by  continu 
ing  a  useless  and  bloody  war — now  changed  from  one 
of  invasion  to  rebellion — and  even  delegating  it  to  a 
regency.  Nay,  more:  a  scion  of  European  royalty, 
a  worshipper  at  the  shrine  of  the  Roman  church,  had 
stepped  far  out  of  his  way  to  cross  the  Atlantic  and 
attempt  to  force  upon  republican  America,  with  her 
liberty-of-conscience-loving  people,  the  old  arid  de 
tested  monarchical  ideas  of  Europe,  and  the  dogma 
tism  of  Rome.  This  man,  and  any  man  attempting 
to  do  this  thing,  should  surely  die. 

The  fiscal  did  not  enter  into  all  these  points,  but 
contented  himself  mainly  with  denying  the  validity 
of  the  arguments  against  incompetency  and  unconsti 
tutionally,  and  intimating  that  objections  to  form 
were  hardly  pertinent  where  the  victors  might  have 
shot  the  defendants  on  capturing  them.  The  war 
still  raging,  the  constitution  was  in  abeyance,  and 
the  decree  of  1862  in  force.  The  withdrawal  of  the 
French  deprived  the  imperialists  of  all  claims  as 
belligerents,  and  stamped  their  struggle  as  rebellion. 
Maximilian  had  added  to  its  iniquity  by  delegating  it 
to  a  regency,  and  made  himself  doubly  responsible  for 
the  outrages  and  bloody  inflictions  perpetrated  under 
the  cloak  of  an  empire. 

The  public  session  of  the  court  ended  on  the  14th 
of  June.  It  thereupon  considered  the  case  in  pri 
vate,  arid  late  that  same  night  the  unanimous  verdict 


314  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

of  guilty  was   brought   forth,  with  the  sentence  of 
death.47 

Whatever  censure  may  be  applied  to  the  Juarez  gov 
ernment  for  ignoring  the  nature  of  the  struggle  as 
a  civil  war,  for  refusing  the  peaceful  overtures  for  a 
congress,  and  for  not  recognizing  the  claim  as  prisoner 
of  war,  it  must  be  considered  that  Maximilian  had 
loosely  seized  a  pretence  for  ignoring  the  republican 
government,  stamping  the  leaders  of  its  cause  as  ban 
dits,  and  executing  them  as  such.  The  decision  was 
applied  to  himself,  and  his  executioners  cannot  be  said 
to  have  overstepped  international  law  in  a  greater 
measure  than  he  did.  Even  if  impelled  by  resent 
ment,  Juarez  did  what  he  considered  his  duty  for  the 
safety  of  the  republic,  by  obviating  later  possible 
claims  by  the  infliction  of  death,  and  impressing  a 
warning  against  invasion  projects.  The  retaliation 
can  hardly  be  termed  unjust;,  yet  it  was  severe,  and 
Mexico  has  been  widely  condemned,  on  grounds  of 
humanity  at  least,  yet  by  some  not  only  excused,  but 
applauded.  A  stronger  government  might  have  been 

47  Maximilian  was  found  guilty  of  the  crimes  specified  in  parts  1,  3,  4,  5, 
of  art.  1,  in  part  5  of  art.  2,  and  part  10  of  art.  3,  in  law  of  Jan.  25,  1862;  that 
is,  of  promoting  invasion  and  usurping  the  supreme  power.  Miramon  and 
Mejfa  fell  under  parts  1,  3,  4,  5,  of  art.  1.  The  death  penalty  was  in  accord 
ance  with  art.  28,  for  persons  caught  in  flagrante  delicto.  The  asesor  approved 
the  documents  in  the  case,  which  embraced  also  preliminary  interrogatories. 
These  began  May  24th,  with  inquiries  for  name,  birthplace,  etc.,  of  the  ac 
cused,  why  he  had  come  to  Mexico,  waged  war,  etc.  The  questioning  con 
tinued  on  the  25th  and  26th,  Maximilian  demanding  on  the  latter  date  to  be 
judged  by  a  congress  and  given  time  for  defence.  On  the  29th  he  made  a  dec 
laration  reviewing  the  reasons  for  coming  to  Mexico  and  his  acts,  and  pro 
testing  against  a  court-martial,  under  the  decree  of  1862.  A  more  elaborate 
protest  was  made  June  6th,  supported  by  Riva  Palacio  and  Torre  on  the  10th, 
and  by  their  supplementary  appeal  on  the  12th,  in  addition  to  petitions  for 
mercy.  For  full  and  partial  reports  of  proceedings,  with  documents,  see 
Canto,  de  Maximiliano,  Mexico,  1868,  473  pp.,  reprinted  with  Arias,  ficsena, 
283-725,  which  forms  the  official  report;  Memorandum  sobre  el  Procexo  del 
Archiduque  Fernando  Maximiliano,  Mexico,  1867,  i.-iv.  3-109,  embracing 
the  account  by  Riva  Palacio  and  Torre  of  their  zealous  efforts  in  Maximilian's 
behalf.  Defensa  del  Archiduque,  1-55,  records  the  pleading  of  Vazquez  and 
Ortega.  In  Jj all's  Life  of  Maximilian,  i.  213-84,  are  found  also  points  pre 
pared  by  this  American  lawyer  for  use  of  counsel.  See  also  documents  in  Mex., 
Col.  Lcyes,  1863-7,  iii.  210-45;  Pap.  Var.,  cxxv.  pt  2,  cxxxv.  pt  1;  LefSrre, 
Doc.,  ii.  413-50;  Boletin  Rep.,  July  2,  1867,  and  later  dates;  Estrella  de  Occid., 
Constitutional,  Diario  Ofic.,  Sociedad,  and  other  journals;  Vega,  Docs,  iii. 
319,  etc.,  Correspond.  Let/acion,  i.  1-345,  contains  correspondence  with  lega 
tion  at  Washington  on  the  trial  and  execution. 


APPEALS  FOR  MERCY.  315 

able  to  show  more  magnanimity;  nevertheless,  let  all 
sprigs  of  European  royalty  take  warning  and  remain 
at  home. 

On  the  16th  of  June,  Escobedo  confirmed  the  sen 
tence,  and  ordered  the  execution  to  take  place  that 
day  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Foreseeing  the 
result,  Prince  Salm-Salm  and  his  wife  had  once  more 
bestirred  themselves  to  save  Maximilian  bv  flight,  to 
take  place  on  the  night  of  the  14th.  Two  colonels 
had  signified  their  readiness  to  yield  to  the  tempting 
oifer  of  a  hundred  thousand  pesos  each;  but  finding 
that  only  drafts  on  Austria  could  be  tendered  in  pay 
ment,  or  after  merely  acting  as  decoys,  they  withdrew, 
turned  honest,  and  disclosed  the  plan.  The  result 
was  increased  precautions,  and  the  expulsion  from  the 
city  of  the  foreign  diplomatic  agents  for  having  favored 
the  attempt.48 

The  position  of  the  chivalrous  though  weak-minded 
and  misguided  Maximilian  could  not  fail  to  rouse 
wide-spread  sympathy,  even  in  Mexico ;  and  petitions 
for  mercy  came  pouring  in  from  all  quarters,  including 
several  from  army  men.  Riva  Palacio  and  Torre,  who 
had  made  it  their  special  aim  to  plead  as  supplicants 
with  the  government,  pointed  to  the  need  for  consid 
ering  the  honor  of  the  country.  Foreign  governments 
had  also  instructed  their  representatives  to  assist  the 
efforts  of  the  Austrian  einbassador,  Baron  Lago,  and 
Curtopassi,  Hoorickx,  Forest,  and  Baron  Magfius, 
acting  for  Italy,  Belgium,  France,  and  Prussia,  re 
spectively,  hastened  up  from  Mexico  for  that  purpose, 
Magnus  taking  the  lead  as  the  least  obnoxious  to  the 

48  Of  the  colonels,  Villanueva  and  Palacios,  the  latter  broke  his  word 
of  honor  in  revealing  the  plan.  They  had  demanded  the  signature  of  foreign 
ministers  on  the  bills  besides  Maximilian's.  Baron  Lago  of  Austria  gave  his, 
but  the  other  ministers  refusing  to  sign,  he  withdrew.  Salm-Salm  was  placed 
under  closer  arrest  and  his  wife  sent  away.  For  details  and  fac-simile  of 
Maximilian's  order,  see  Salm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  269,  281-90,  ii.  65,  80,  etc.; 
Basch,  ii.  200-5.  It  has  been  assumed  that  the  colonels  intended  merely  to 
•implicate  the  ministers,  and  Masseras  believes  that  the  prudence  of  the  latter 
saved  them  from  great  danger.  Essai,  321.  Juarez  is  said  by  some  to  have 
personally  desired  an  escape  of  the  prisoner;  but  this  is  not  probable. 


316  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

government,  and  exerting  himself  with  admirable 
zeal.49  The  most  effective  interference  would  un 
doubtedly  have  been  from  the  United  States  govern 
ment;  but  this  was  exerted  with  so  little  zeal  as  to 
wholly  fail.60 

As  it  was,  the  Juarist  authorities  remained  firm  in 
their  decision  that  the  cause  of  justice  and  the  future 
peace  of  Mexico  demanded  the  death  of  the  prisoners. 
Magnus  offered  to  procure  guarantees  from  the  lead 
ing  European  sovereigns  that  they  should  never  again 
tread  the  soil  or  disturb  the  country.  But  all  in 
vain.51  Nor  did  the  earnest  pleading  of  deputations 
of  prominent  women  avail  anything,  or  the  frantic 
appeal  of  others  like  Princess  Salm-Salm,  speaking  for 
her  husband  as  well  as  for  the  archduke.  Especially 

1.  «/ 

heart-rending  was  the  scene  with  Miramon's  wife, 
who  with  her  two  little  children  fell  weeping  at  the 

49  Lago  excused  his  apparent  inaction  by  the  plea  that  a  direct  appeal  from 
the  Austrian  representative  would  injure  rather  than  serve  Maximilian.  For 
est  was  merely  a  consul,  sent  by  Dano.  De"troyat  blames  the  latter  for  nob 
acting  in  person.  L' 'Intervention,  367.  He  was  afraid  for  himself  and  doubted 
his  influence.  Middleton,  the  English  charge"  d'affaires,  also  remained  at 
Mexico.  Salm-Salm  accuses  the  Austrian  and  Belgian  members  of  the  corps 
of  talking  very  loosely  about  Maximilian,  and  stamps  the  former  as  a  rank 
coward;  yet  Maximilian  wrote  him  a  letter  of  thanks,  in  '  good-natured  weak 
ness.'  Diary,  ii.  59-60,  63,  74,  98.  Arrangoiz  makes  more  ado  about  their 
refusal  at  Mexico  to  implicate  themselves  by  taking  charge  of  effects  from  the 
imperial  palace.  Mej.,  iv.  326-9.  Among  the  army  men  who  spoke  for  clem 
ency  were  generals  Trevino  and  Vega.  Quer^taro  offered  Maximilian's  weight 
in  gold.  Bosch,  Erinn.,  ii.  237,  242-4. 

5uAustria  among  others  had  prompted  the  cabinet  at  Washington,  and 
their  minister  Campbell  was  instructed  to  recommend  a  humane  policy;  but 
he  remained  passively  at  New  Orleans,  and  only  sent  despatches  which  served 
rather  to  annoy  by  their  tone  of  authority  and  of  censure  for  previous  cruel 
ties.  Again  prompted,  Seward  spoke  to  the  Juarist  minister  Romero,  but 
delayed  further  action  till  too  late.  U.  S.  Foreijn  Aff.,  Lcfevre,  Docs,  ii. 
401-10.  Domenech  assumes  that  proper  remonstrances  from  Seward  would 
have  been  commands  to  Juarez,  and  concludes  that  the  neglect  to  send  them 
entails  'une  terrible  responsabilite'  relativement  a  la  mort  de  ce  malheureux 
prince.'  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  432.  He  hints  at  selfish  political  motives.  Otter- 
burg  was  appointed  to  replace  Campbell  and  interpose  his  ministerial  influ 
ence,  but  too  late.  He  lays  the  blame  on  Campbell.  D'H<§ricault,  Max.,  326, 
and  Arrangoiz,  iv.  347,  accuse  the  United  States  of  a  desire  to  retaliate  on 
France.  See  also  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  iii.  194,  etc.;  Vega,  Docs,  iii.  319 
et  seq.;  Mex.,  Leyac.,  i.  3-345,  passim;  Masseras,  Jfeaat,  430-2;  Max.,  Mem., 
79-83,  etc.  Victor  Hugo  and  Garibaldi  were  among  the  pleaders. 

61  This  was  in  reply  to  Minister  Lerdo's  observation  that  no  guarantees 
existed  against  a  fresh  invasion.  Austria  supported  the  promise  with  an 
offer  to  reinstate  the  archduke  in  his  rights  as  such,  after  he  had  renounced 
his  projects  in  Mexico.  This  offer  came  too  late. 


JUAREZ  REFUSES  PARDON.  317 

feet  of  the  president,  and  fainted  as  Juarez  in  deeply 
moved  voice  repeated  his  refusal. 

The  ostensible  reason  for  the  refusal  was  not  alone 
that  Maximilian,  once  in  safety,  would  renew  his  pre 
tensions,  amid  a  group  of  discontented  fugitives,  to 
form  his  court,  but  that  in  case  of  subsequent  internal 
or  foreign  trouble,  his  cause  might  serve  as  a  dangerous 
pretence.  Among  the  real  reasons  were  a  national 
jealousy  of  foreign  interference  and  dictation,  and  the 
desire  to  show  that  Mexico  could  act  independently. 
Leniency  would  be  attributed  to  fear,  although  an 
other  invasion  was  improbable  after  Napoleon's  fail 
ure.  Hence  the  very  pleading  for  mercy  proved 
irritating,  and  tended  to  rouse  the  consciousness  of 
comparative  weakness  to  assume  a  mask  of  implacable 
sternness.  The  strongest  pressure  for  punishment, 
however,  came  from  the  army,  here  composed  of  men 
from  northern  provinces,  whose  aversion  to  foreigners, 
unsoftened  by  lack  of  intercourse,  had  been  increased 
by  the  irritation  arising  from  the  proximity  of  a  pow 
erful  and  suspected  neighbor.  They  cried  for  revenge 
on  the  author  of  the  decree  under  which  their  beloved 
loaders,  like  Arteaga,  had  met  a  cruel  end.5'2  It  also 
flattered  the  national  vanity  of  many  to  aim  a  blow  at 
divine  rights  through  republican  sovereignty,  by  kill 
ing  a  monarch  for  lese-majeste  populaire — and  a  ruler 
so  widely  connected  among  European  rulers. 

On  the  IGth  of  June  Maximilian  and  his  compan- 

52  This  is  generally  admitted,  and  Escobedo  stands  widely  accused  for  hav 
ing  promoted  the  feeling.  Many  insist  that  he  could  have  saved  Maximilian. 
His  selection  of  men  for  the  court-martial  was  a  proof  of  ill-will.  He  declared 
'  to  the  president  that  if  Maximilian  was  not  shot,  that  he,  Escobedo,  could 
not  hold  his  army  together.'  /Jail's  Life  Max.,  207,  212.  Salm-Salra  is  doubt 
ful  about  vindictiveness  and  cruelty  as  motives,  but  believes  in  a  desire  for 
revenge  by  army  and  ultra-republicans.  Diary,  i.  273;  Lefivre,  Docs,  ii. 
410.  Basch  assumes  that  Juarez  did  not  forget  that  Maximilian  had  refused 
to  recognize  him,  giving  the  preference  to  Ortega.  Erin.,  ii.  103.  His  letter 
to  Miramon,  ordering  Juarez  and  officers  to  be  judged  by  court-martial,  if 
caught — at  Zacatecas — is  also  brought  forward  as  irritating.  The  Indian  na 
ture  is  certainly  tenacious.  Maximilian  would  no  doubt  have  given  guaran 
tees  to  abstain  from  all  claims,  but  promises  have  never  had  much  value  in 
Mexico.  Pardoned  chiefs  used  to  rise  again  as  soon  as  released. 


318  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

ions  made  their  preparations,  partaking  of  the  com 
munion,  and  stood  waiting  for  the  death  escort,  the 
former  calm  and  in  light  converse  with  his  attendants, 
the  others  engaged  with  their  confessors.  The  dreaded 
hour  of  three  came,  and  still  no  signs  of  a  guard  ap 
peared.  More  than  an  hour  later  an  officer  came  to 
announce  a  postponement  of  the  execution  to  the  19th 
— the  only  concession  granted  by  the  government — 
in  order  to  give  them  time  to  settle  their  affairs.53 
"It  is  a  pity,"  exclaimed  Maximilian,  "for  I  was  pre 
pared  to  finish  with  life."  Whatever  may  have  been 
his  feelings,  the  order  roused  false  hopes  in  his  friends, 
and  led  to  another  vain  appeal  for  mercy,  on  the 
ground  that  death  had  already  been  suffered  in  an 
ticipation. 

Maximilian  availed  himself  of  the  delay  to  write 
additional  letters  and  instructions.  The  counsel  re 
ceived  each  a  letter  of  thanks,54  as  did  likewise  his 
captive  officers,55  while  to  Juarez  he  addressed  an  ap 
peal  to  stop  further  bloodshed,  and  let  his  death  serve 
to  promote  tranquillity.  With  noble  impulse  he  had 
begged  that  his  two  companions  might  be  spared ;  and 
this  being  refused,56  he  commended  Miramon's  wife 
and  children  to  his  relatives,57  Mejia  having,  with 
touching  confidence,  charged  his  debtor  and  victor, 
Escobedo,  to  care  for  his  son.  A  large  number  of 
persons  were  remembered  in  his  will;  a  few  trinkets 

53  Escobedo  had  certainly  not  acted  with  military  strictness  in  letting  the 
hour  fixed  pass  by.     The  telegram  of  reprieve  from  San  Luis  Potosi  came  fully 
an  hour  late. 

54  The  emperor  of  Austria  rewarded  them  with  rich  presents,  for  they  re 
fused  a  fee.  Diar.  Ojic.,  July  13,  15,  29,  1868. 

55  The  proclamation  attributed  to  him,  wherein  he  rails  against  Napoleon, 
is  not  authentic.     It  appeared  in  Sonera  de  JZaragoza,  May  21,  1807,  suppl. 
Hall  gives  a  translation  in  Mex.  under  Max.,  194-5.     A  proposed  denuncia 
tion  of  Marquez  was  not  written.     A  letter  to  the  pope  asked  for  an  indulgent 
opinion  and  prayers.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  340. 

66  In  Mejia's  case  no  doubt  for  the  sake  of  showing  that  partiality  had  not 
been  manifested  for  a  native. 

57  The  empress,  or  her  Belgian  relatives.  Arrangoiz,  iv.  327-30.  Domenech 
speaks  of  a  legacy  of  $30,000,  and  an  appeal  to  his  brother.  Hist.  Mex.,  iii. 
416.  But  the  letter  to  Lago  says  that  she  was  recommended  to  his  mother, 
Jfall,  290-1,  receiving  a  pension  of  4, COO  florins.  Comtit.,  Jan.  17,  June  7, 
1868.  Mem.  Hoc.,  1868,  ap.  46,  doc.  7,  pp.  23-8;  Estrdia  de  Occid.,  June  5, 
1868,  refer  to  some  landed  property  of  Miramou. 


THE  LAST  MOMENTS.  319 

were  distributed;88  Dr  Basch  was  given  his  marriage- 
ring,  with  the  charge  to  report  at  home  on  the 
siege  and  his  last  days,  "and  tell  my  mother  that  I 
have  done  my  duty  as  a  soldier  and  die  a  good  Chris 
tian."59  During  these  last  days  came  a  false  report 
that  Charlotte  had  died.  It  affected  him  deeply,  but 
soon  grief  gave  way  to  resignation.  "  It  is  one  bond 
less  holding  me  to  life,"  he  said. 

Shortly  after  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  June 
19th,  after  mass,60  the  three  prisoners  were  driven, 
each  with  his  confessor,  in  a  common-looking  car 
riage,  to  the  Cerro  de  la  Campana,  where  the  surrender 
had  taken  place.  A  strong  escort  kept  at  a  distance 
the  grief-stricken  citizens,  and  a  force  of  4,000  men 
enclosed  the  field.61  Maximilian  stepped  lightly  from 
his  carriage  and  walked  with  dignity  to  the  spot  as 
signed,  stroking  his  beard.  He  was  dressed  in  black, 
with  high-buttoned  frock-coat  and  broad-brimmed  felt 
hat.  "Ah,  what  a  splendid  day!"  he  said;  "  I  always 
wished  to  die  on  such  a  day." 

They  took  their  position  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  in 
front  of  a  shattered  wall,  which,  like  the  adjacent 

58  Hoorickx  vainly  objected  to  the  number  of  legatees.  Queen  Victoria, 
the  count  of  Flanders,  and  the  empress  of  Brazil  received  tokens.  He  had 
directed  Salm-Salm  to  write  down  a  distribution  of  orders,  Diary,  i.  268,  but 
this  M'as  overruled,  as  a  resumption  of  sovereign  power.  Miramon  com 
mended  his  sons  also  to  Gen.  Arellano.  Arranyoiz,  iv.  337-9.  Mejia's  wife 
spurned  the  aid  of  her  husband's  murderer,  as  she  termed  Escobedo. 

59 Erin.,  ii.  209.  After  some  discussion  about  the  persons  to  be  charged 
with  writing  the  history  of  his  reign,  Father  Fischer  and  Prince  de  Joinville 
being  considered,  he  determined,  in  an  unsigned  codicil  to  his  will,  upon  the 
ex-minister  Ramirez  and  Prince  Salm-Salm.  See  preface  to  the  Diary  of  the 
latter  for  obstacles.  Masseras  assumes  wrongly  that  'la  question  ne  fut  paa 
tranchee.'  Essai,  315. 

60  Maximilian  had  retired  at  eight  o'clock,  and  fallen  asleep  after  reading 
a  while  in  Imitation  of  Christ.     Toward  midnight  Escobedo  intruded  to  say 
farewell.     He  thereupon  rested  peacefully  till  half-past  three.     Mass  was 
held  at  five.     Soon  after  he  took  breakfast  of  coffee,  chicken,  half  a  bottle  of 
red  wine,  and  bread.     Dr  Basch  received  his  last  injunction  to  take  to  his 
mother  the  scapulary  in  his  vest  pocket.  Erin.,  ii.  218. 

61  Salm-Salm  states  that  the  hour  was  anticipated  to  prevent  a  demonstra 
tion;  yet  from  the  roofs  some  epithets  and  missiles  were  launched  upon  the 
soldiers.  Diary,  i.  306.     Hans,  Quer.,  219,  speaks  of  deserted  streets,  and 
Domenech  copies  him.     Arias  denies  that  insults  were  offered  to  Maximilian; 
others  speak  of  loud  sympathy. 


320  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

fields  and  slopes,  bore  evidence  of  devastating  batteries 
and  cruel  conflict.  Turning  to  Miranion,  who  stood 
to  the  right,  Maximilian  remarked,  "A  brave  soldier 
is  respected  by  his  sovereign;  permit  me  to  yield  to 
you  the  place  of  honor;"  whereupon  he  moved  him  to 
the  centre  and  embraced  him.  He  also  pressed  Mejia 
to  his  breast,  saying,  "  General,  what  has  not  been 
rewarded  on  earth  will  be  in  heaven."  After  distrib 
uting  some  gold  pieces  among  the  soldiers  detailed  for 
the  execution,  and  bidding  them  fire  straight  at  his 
heart,62  upon  which  he  placed  his  hand,  he  spoke  with 
firm  voice,  "  May  my  blood  be  the  last  shed  in  sacri 
fice  for  the  country,  and  if  more  is  required,  let  it  be 
for  the  good  of  the  nation,  never  in  treason."63 

With  equal  composure  Miramon  read  a  brief  piece, 
protesting  against  the  imputation  of  treason.  Mejia, 
at  first  unnerved  by  the  effect  of  sickness  and  the 
sight  of  his  wife  frantic  with  grief,  had  now  recovered 
himself  and  exclaimed  firmly,  "  Viva  Mexico,  viva  el 
emperador ! "  The  signal  to  fire  was  then  given,  and  the 
three  fell  simultaneously.  Miramon  died  instantly, 
Mejia  had  to  receive  a  final  shot,  and  also  Maximil 
ian,  who  received  a  bullet  in  the  heart  as  he  faintly 
whispered,  "Hombre."64  It  was  the  hour  of  seven. 

62  He  gave  each  of  the  seven  men  in  his  squad  a  Maximiliano  de  oro,  about 
$20.     The  captain  in  charge  Lad  with  tears  in  his  eyes  begged  his  pardon. 
'  You  are  a  soldier,  and  must  do  your  duty,'  was  the  answer  in  a  kind  tone. 
The  men  belonged  to  the  first  battalion  of  Nuevo  Leon.     Maximilian  noticed 
with  regret  the  absence  of  a  friend  to  whom  he  might  give  a  last  message,  but 
Basch  had  remained  behind  wholly  overcome  with  grief,  and  Baron  Magnus 
stood  behind  the  line  of  guard.     He  accordingly  gave  his  hat  and  handker 
chief,  after  wiping  his  brow,  to  the  valet  Tiidos,  requesting  him  to  give  them 
to  his  mother.     Simon  Montemayor,  who  commanded  at  the  execution,  died 
Jan.  1881.  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  21,1881. 

63  This  is  the  version  given  in  Basch,  ii.  220,  by  Dr  Reyes,  who  attended 
the  execution.     Others  vary.     The  most  commonly  accepted  is:   '  I  die  for  a 
just  cause,  the  independence  and  liberty  of  Mexico.     May  my  blood  seal  the 
misfortunes  of  my  new  country.     Viva  Mexico!'     This  is  given  in  the  official 
Causa  Max.,  451.     Yet  a  longer  speech  circulated  among  the  public:   'Mexi 
cans,  persons  of  my  class  and  origin  are  appointed  by  God  either  for  the  hap 
piness  of  peoples  or  to  become  martyrs. '     He  had  come  to  promote  their  weal, 
he  continued,  and  thanked  those  who  had  sought  to  aid  him.     He  hoped  that 
his  blood  might  'regenerate  this  unhappy  country.'  Max.,  Mem.,  88.     Hans, 
Qtutr.,  222,  differs  somewhat  from  the  former  version.     Some  republicans  claim 
that  he   begged  pardon  for  the  blood  he  had  spilled.     See  also  D'Htricault, 
Max.,  362-5. 

84  '  Man. '     Others  say  that  it  was,  '  Poor  Charlotte. '     Arias,  the  official 


RETURN  TO  AUSTRIA.  321 

In  accordance  with  Maximilian's  wishes,  his  body 
was  embalmed65  and  sent  to  Mexico,  to  the  chapel 
San  Andres,  to  be  held  till  a  formal  requisition 
arrived  from  Austria.68  Armed  with  this,  Vice-ad 
miral  Tegetthoff  received  it  in  November,  and  carried 
it  home  on  the  Novara,  the  same  vessel  which  three 
years  before  had  conveyed  the  unfortunate  man  to  his 
adopted  country  and  his  doom.67 

account,  Hall,  and  Salm-Salm  declare  that  he  received  a  coup-de-grace,  and 
uttered  the  word  'hombre.'  Some  will  even  have  two  final  shots.  Others 
assume  that  he  died  without  a  struggle,  on  the  authority  of  Basch,  who 
writes  that  he  had  been  penetrated  by  six  bullets,  fired  at  a  short  distance, 
three  striking  the  breast  with  deadly  effect,  one  the  heart.  The  face  re 
mained  untouched.  Basch,  Erin.,  ii.  219-20.  But  it  has  not  been  clearly 
shown  that  one  of  these  bullets  was  not  the  final  one.  Salm-Salm  claims 
five  bullets  for  the  first  fire,  and  that  notwithstanding  all  the  Mexican  doc 
tors  indicated  a  bullet  near  the  spine,  probably  the  last.  Diary,  ii.  128.  '  Era 
una  alma  grande!'  exclaimed  the  colonel  in  command,  on  returning  to  Basch. 
The  mourning  in  Quere"taro  was  very  general,  especially  among  women,  says 
Salm-Salm,  and  relics  were  eagerly  sought,  and  so  says  Hall,  Life  Max.,  295, 
297,  301.  A  monument  was  raised  on  the  hill  in  latter  years.  Diario  Ofic.y 
Mar.  23,  1881. 

65  By  Rivadeneyra  and  Licea,  the  former  inspector-general  of  the  army 
medical  corps,  the  latter  the  betrayer  of  Miramon-.     The  operation  was  diffi 
cult,  owing  to  lack  of  proper  means,  as  reported  June  27th,  when  concluded. 
Arias,  Resena,  709-10.     Salm-Salm  speaks  of  indecent  treatment  of  the  body 
by  Licea  and  ultra-liberal  officers.   Diary,  i.  312-13.     The  embalmment  ia 
claimed  to  have  been  good.  Diar.  Ofic.,  Nov.  10,  1867.     The  doubt  expressed 
in  HalVs  Life.  Max.,  306,  is  set   aside  by  Basch,  Erinn.,  ii.  224;  Manero, 
Rel.<  2. 

66  Maximilian  had  ordered  its  surrender  to  Baron  Magnus  and  Dr  Basch, 
Erin.,  208,  216,  but  the  government  desired  to  be  relieved  more  formally  of 
the  charge.     It  was  sent  from  Quere"taro  at  the  end  of  August.     The  beard 
and  hair  were  reduced  by  relic-hunters,  black  glass  eyes  replaced  the  natural 
blue  ones,  and  the  body  was  dressed  in  blue  campaign  coat  with  gilt  buttons, 
military  boots,  black  tie  and  gloves.     The  cedar  coffin  was  lined  with  zinc, 
and  covered  with  black  velvet  banded  with  gold  lace.     The  head,  visible 
through  a  glass  panel,  rested  on  a  black  velvet  cushion  with  gilt  tassels.  Diar. 
Ofic.,  Nov.  10,  1867.     Later  a  fine  granadilla  coffin  was  provided.     Vice-ad 
miral  Tegetthoff  arrived  in  Aug.  and  demanded  the  corpse  on  behalf  of  the 
family;  but  coming  in  no  official  character,  he  had  to  wait  till  a  formal  appli 
cation  arrived  from  Chancellor  Beust.     For  correspondence  on  the  subject,  see 
Max.,  Causa,  454-64;  Arias,  708-16;  Max.,  Mem.,  105-13,  etc.     The  bodies 
of  Miramon  and  Mejia  were  surrendered  to  their  families. 

67  The  admiral  was  attended  to  Vera  Cruz  by  a  cavalry  escort  of  100  men. 
Here  a  ceremonious  reception  was  accorded  at  the  draped  parish  church.     On 
Nov.  26th  the  Novara  left  the  harbor  by  way  of  Habana,  where  imposing 
demonstrations  took  place.     Concerning  the  funeral  in  Austria,  see  Constit., 
Nov.  13,  1867,  Jan.   11,  28,  Feb.   15,  Mar.  12,  20,  1868;  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr. 
15,  May  7,  July  8,   1868,  etc.     Maximilian   had   requested   that   his   body 
should  be  deposited  by  the  side  of  Charlotte,  but  she  still  lived  her  living 
death,  and  it  was  placed  in  the  imperial  vault.     In  Nov.  1870  a  statue  was 
unveiled  to  his  memory  at  Hietzing,  near  Schonbrunn,  Austria,  Napoleon 
subscribing  to  it  among  others.    Voz  Mej.,  Jan.   16,   1872;  Federal,  Jan.  6, 
1872;  Monitor,  Jan.  17.  1869.     Dr  Licea  had  kept  a  lot  of  clothing,  hair,  and 

HIST.  MEX.,VOL.  VI.    21 


322  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

The  effect  of  the  execution  in  the  republic  varied 
greatly  in  various  quarters.  The  boisterous  manifes 
tations  attending  the  capture  had  reduced  the  pressure 
on  public  feeling,  and  now  a  certain  sympathy  and 
respect  tended  to  render  more  subdued  the  uphold 
ing  of  Juarez'  conduct.  Nevertheless,  we  find  strong 
demonstrations  in  the  ultra-liberal  provinces,  where 
the  memory  of  cherished  leaders  fallen  in  battle  re 
ceived  too  pronounced  a  revival.  Among  the  conserv 
atives,  on  the  other  hand,  protestations  of  grief  were 
freely  made,  especially  by  the  women  at  Queretaro 
and  in  the  capital,  masses  being  held  and  emblems 
distributed.  Conservative  journals  were  naturally 
restrained  by  fear.  In  Europe,  as  may  be  imagined, 
monarchist  devotion  joined  with  partisan  spirit,  race 
feeling,  and  pretensions  to  humanity,  to  condemn  the 
deed,  some  denouncing  it  as  an  assassination,  others 
qualifying  it  as  a  useless  and  deplorable  excess.  In 
the  United  States  opinion  ranged  between  the  latter 
view  and  one  of  reluctant  approval,  as  a  sad  necessity.63 

The  empire  was  undoubtedly  a  huge  mistake.  It 
can  hardly  be  termed  illegal,  for  all  international  law 

other  effects  of  the  archduke,  awaiting  a  purchaser,  but  the  courts  compelled 
their  surrender.  Most  of  the  belongings  were  scattered,  however.  His  villa 
became  a  school  house;  part  of  his  furniture  and  table  service  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Gov.  Leyva;  his  sword  passed  from  Juarez'  family  to  the  later  pres 
ident  Lerdo;  his  fine  library  was  hurried  away  to  Europe  and  sold,  the 
choicest  part  going  to  enrich  my  own  collection;  nis  private  papers  were 
many  of  them  scattered,  Arellano  accusing  Fischer  of  selling  several.  Uit. 
Horns,  iii.-iv.  See  also  Federal,  May  3,  1873;  Voz  Mej.,  June  2,  7,  9,  1877; 
Constitutional,  Nov.  16,  1867,  Jan.  3,  Feb.  10,  1868,  etc.  In  Derecho,  iv. 
1 17-55,  is  an  account  of  litigation  for  effects.  ConMing's  Guide,  200.  Among 
the  obstacles  to  the  execution  of  Maximilian's  testament  was  the  unfortunate 
condition  of  Charlotte. 

68 '  La  polltica  de  los  Estados-Unidos,  que  han  querido  dar  una  leccion 
severa  a  Europa/  Arranyoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  347.  Cluseret  maintained  that  most 
Americans  regarded  it  as  '  un  acte  de  haute  politique  commande  por  la  situa 
tion.'  * L'acte  severe  et  tout  au  moins  inutile,' says  Detroyat,  L'Interven., 
369-70;  Moniteur  Univ.,  July  5,  1867,  takes  a  severe  tone.  While  French 
men  are  ready  to  blame  the  church  and  conservative  party  for  deception,  etc., 
Germans  and  others  prefer  to  blame  Napoleon.  See  Sulm-Salm,  Diary,  i.  281; 
Arrangoiz,  etc.  In  Legac.  Mex.,  i.  241-345,  is  reviewed  the  feeling  in  the 
sister  republic  from  a  Juarist  standpoint.  See,  further,  Bol.  Rep.,  July  '21, 
1867  et  seq.;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  131;  D'Htricault,  Max.,  1-20.  Sympathy 
for  Maximilian  spread  in  Mexico,  as  shown  by  Hans,  Quer.}  224-7;  Tovar, 
Hist.  Parl.,  i.  359. 


GENERAL  REFLECTIONS.  323 

is  based  upon  the  right  of  might.  The  assembly 
which  issued  the  plan  and  nomination  may  be  chal 
lenged,  but  the  country  cannot  repudiate  the  immense 
vote  which  lent  confirmation,  whatever  the  insincerity 
and  reservation  underlying  that  vote.  The  plea  of 
compulsion  affected  only  a  part.  It  was  but  natural 
to  suppose  that  a  nation  so  long  torn  by  revolutions 
and  attendant  maladministration  would  hail  a  stable 
government;  and  Napoleon  and  Maximilian  hugged 
the  belief  only  too  eagerly,  the  latter  influenced  not  a 
little  by  the  glitter  of  an  imperial  crown.  Unfortu 
nately,  their  views  were  framed  by  European  stan 
dards,  and  by  the  expressions  of  a  comparatively  small 
party  in  Mexico.  The  rest  of  the  people  they  failed 
to  understand  or  to  fully  consider.  There  was  little 
to  fear  from  the  passive  Indian,  but  everything  from 
the  middle  race,  the  mestizos,  that  mixture  of  activity 
and  indolence,  of  brightness  and  dreaminess,  insincer 
ity  and  selfishness,  in  whose  ever-growing  strength 
rests  the  future  of  the  country.  Although  reckless 
and  improvident  by  nature,  the  mestizo'  had  tired  for 
a  while  of  war,  and  yielded  with  the  substantial  classes 
to  the  effort  for  a  peaceful  rule.  But  soon  his  jeal 
ousy  was  roused  by  the  growth  of  foreign  influence, 
and  the  preference  accorded  to  assuming  officials  from 
beyond  the  ocean.  The  gleam  of  foreign  bayonets 
supporting  the  throne  now  flashed  wider,  and  his 
restive  independence  of  spirit  took  alarm,  fostered  by 
conservative  discontent.  The  very  strength  of  the 
invader  became  a  source  of  weakness. 

The  liberal  policy  of  Maximilian  was  based  on  ap 
parently  good  grounds,  seeking  as  it  did  to  conciliate 
factions,  which  formed  the  worst  foe  to  unity  and 
progress,  and  making  an  effort  to  reach  the  people 
itself.  If  in  a  sense  he  turned  traitor  to  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  party  to  whom  he  stood  bound,  and  con 
sequently  lost  a  certain  support,  he  did  so  in  search 
of  advancement,  and  in  the  hope  of  greater  gains. 
He  meant  well  Noble  ideas  ever  filled  his  mind  with 


324  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

grand  and  humanitarian  schemes;  but  he  lacked 
strength  and  energy  to  carry  them  out.  He  might 
have  done  well  in  a  settled  country  like  Lombardy, 
where  he  gained  so  much  approval ;  but  Mexico  needed 
a  creative  reformer,  and  this  he  was  not. 

Commissions  formed  good  projects,  but  they  were 
not  acted  upon,  partly  through  the  militating  jealousies 
of  Mexican  and  French  officials.  The  latter  tended 
to  defeat  the  organization  of  a  national  army,  the  lack 
of  which  gave  force  to  the  fatal  decree  of  October  3d, 
and  to  the  fall  of  the  empire.  Almost  every  essential 
feature  of  reform  suffered  from  opposition,  neglect,  or 
inanition;  while  petty  regulations  for  office  or  barrack 
routine,  consular  service,  orders  and  theatres,  palace 
arrangements,  court  etiquette,  and  the  like  absorbed 
undue  attention  and  led  to  unwarrantable  expense. 
Fond  of  making  laws,  Maximilian  gave  less  heed  to 
their  value  or  observance.  He  was  not  practical 
enough.  He  seemed  to  play  at  monarch  and  to  pose 
royally  before  Europe,  intent  also  on  other  plans,  as 
shown  by  the  protest  against  his  renunciation  of 
Austrian  rights  which  opened  wide-spread  mistrust. 

While  bearing  in  mind  that  the  most  important 
measures  were  dependent  on  French  interests  and 
cooperation — and  that  their  failure  must  be  attributed 
to  this  source — yet  it  is  evident  that  Maximilian  was 
hardly  the  man  for  the  place.  It  required  one  of 
sterner  mould  to  cope  with  bitter  factions  and  schem 
ing  partisans,  and  face  a  situation  so  critical.  Usually 
kind-hearted  to  a  fault,  he  on  one  side  judged  others 
too  mildly,  while  occasional  rancor  and  mistrust  led  to 
serious  errors  on  the  other.  Of  aesthetic  temperament, 
he  objected  to  the  inharmonious,  and  was  readily  cap 
tivated  by  fine  appearance  and  manner,  and  suscep 
tible  to  insidious  praise.  All  these  were  deplorable 
weaknesses  under  the  circumstances,  for  they  tended 
to  misdirect  his  admirable  impulses.69 

69  Salm-Salm  exalts  him  as  the  '  noblest,  best,  and  most  amiable  '  of  men. 
Diary,  i.  315.  The  disappointed  conservative  Arrangoiz  finds  him  'seco, 


MAXIMILIAN'S  CHARACTER.  325 

Irresolute  and  lacking  confidence  in  himself,  he  was 
readily  influenced  by  others  to  adopt  unsuitable  or 
impractical  plans.  While  inviting  able  men  like 
Ramirez  and  Lacunza,  he  yielded  to  mere  theorists 
or  schemers,  to  congenial  foreigners  who  either  failed 
to  understand  their  surrounding  or  subordinated 
everything  to  private  aims.  Ramirez  was  not  hearty 
enough  in  his  cooperation  as  imperial  minister.  His 
republican  inclinations  served  to  lessen  the  energy 
and  thoroughness  of  action  demanded  by  circum 
stances,  and  led  to  half-hearted  measures  and  false 
conclusions.  Later,  under  Lacunza,  the  turn  of  events 
could  hardly  be  changed;  and  Lares,  the  evil  star  of 
two  preceding  governments,  allowed  blind  selfishness 
and  illusion  to  undermine  the  last  imperial  foothold. 

None  of  these  men,  however,  exercised  any  real  in 
fluence  over  Maximilian,  such  as  was  wielded  by  Eloin, 
who,  while  talented  and  energetic  enough,  lacked 
practical  ability,  and  was  in  many  respects  a  visionary 
reformer  like  his  master.  Marquez  had  not  the 
broad  mind  and  elevated  character  needed  to  evolve 
grand  schemes,  or  to  long  maintain  a  controlling  in 
fluence.  Mejia  and  Mendez  were  but  brave  and  loyal 
soldiers;  and  among  other  later  friends  and  compan 
ions  Miramon  alone  exercised  any  real  power.  Al 
though  a  brilliant  soldier,  who  by  his  sword  and  mag 
netism  had  made  his  way  to  the  presidential  chair  at 
the  early  age  of  twenty-six,  he  was  too  much  imbued 
with  illusions,  lacking  the  stability  of  character  and 
maturity  of  mind  requisite  for  either  a  great  leader  or 
a  good  counsellor.70 

altivo,  y  vengativo,'  even  false  and  inconstant.  Mej.,  iv.  340.  D'H^ricault 
points  to  his  freedom  from  prejudice  in  the  desire  to  leave  even  the  hostile 
attorney  Aspiroz  a  legacy.  Max.,  323.  Arias  himself  is  ready  to  admit  his 
humane  sentiments.  jResena,  244.  In  the  suite  of  these  different  representa 
tive  opinions  we  find  most  others  follow,  the  generality  being  ready  to  praise, 
especially  Stern,  Basch,  Kollonitz. 

70  The  half-uttered  imputations  against  his  loyalty  have  not  enough  founda 
tion  to  merit  consideration,  and  he  atoned  for  any  such  intent  with  his  blood. 
Salm-Salm  states  that  he  accused  himself  in  his  last  days  of  having  brought 
Maximilian  into  captivity.  Diary,  i.  301.  But  this  may  refer  to  his  neglect 
of  better  campaign  plans.  Even  this  writer  is  ready  to  believe  that  he  waa 
merely  unconsciously  the  evil  genius  of  the  archduke. 


326  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

France  stood  compromised,  by  the  spirit  at  least  of 
the  Miramare  convention,  to  found  a  strong  govern 
ment.  She  promised  more  than  she  performed,  and 
moreover  sapped  the  roots  by  absorbing  the  means 
for  growth.  The  hostile  attitude  of  the  northern 
republic,  with  her  disengaged  lines  of  armies,  tended 
to  dispel  the  illusive  hopes  infolding  the  Mexican 
enterprise.  Quicksand  stood  disclosed,  and  fear  and 
interest  demanded  a  retreat,  even  at  the  cost  of  hu 
miliation.  Maximilian  was  offered  safety  at  the  same 
price,  but  he  refused. 

Now  rise  the  redeeming  traits  of  the  prince  in  the 
midst  of  misfortune.  It  is  needless  again  to  examine 
closely  additional  motives  of  ulterior  plans  and  re 
volted  pride,  in  connection  with  Austrian  prospects 
and  French  intrigues  for  another  government.  Suf 
fice  it  to  recognize  that  the  honor  of  his  name  and  the 
appeal  of  his  imperilled  party  proved  the  main  im 
pulse  which  called  him  to  what  he  deemed  duty,  to 
stand  by  his  adherents  till  terms  could  be  obtained 
for  their  security.  "  Tell  my  mother  that  I  have 
done  my  duty  as  a  soldier!"  was  a  last  message  that 
reflected  true  as  well  as  noble  feelings.  His  sacrifice 
to  honor  arid  party  was  wholly  thrown  away.  Not 
that  he  could  have  been  much  deceived  by  the  shal 
low  assurances  of  his  ministers ;  but  his  usual  irreso 
lution  and  yielding  to  certain  men  led  him  into 
fresh  mistakes,  and  to  the  neglect  of  opportunity 
that  might  have  gained  at  least  honorable  conditions 
and  safety.  The  last  struggle  proved  merely  a  waste 
of  blood,  although  serving  to  embalm  his  memory  as 
a  brave  and  chivalric  prince,71  if  not  as  a  great  man. 

71  '  Durch  mich  wird  der  Ruhm  meiner  Ahnen  gewisa  nicht  verdunkelt 
werden,'  was  a  piece  of  vanity  which  did  not,  however,  belie  its  author. 

Alberto  Ham,  Queretaro;  Memorias  de  un  Official  del  Emperador  Maxlmili- 
ano,  Traducidas  del  Frances,  con  Notas  y  Rectificaciones  par  Lorenzo  Elizafja. 
2a  ed.,  Mexico,  1869,  sm.  8°,  pp.  250.  The  author,  an  ensign  of  artillery  in 
the  imperial  army,  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  siege  of  Quere"taro  and  dif 
ferent  military  operations.  He  passes  judgment  upon  the  capacity  and  con 
duct  of  various  generals  serving  in  that  army,  strategical  faults  being  pointed 
out.  Hans  wrote  in  French  and  dedicated  his  book  to  Charlotte.  It  is  regarded 
as  an  important  work,  and  was  translated  into  Spanish  by  Lorenzo  Elizaga, 


AUTHORITIES.  327 

who  at  the  end  appends  some  pages  of  notes  and  corrections  by  himself,  as 
well  as  an  article  written  by  Manuel  Payno  and  published  in  the  Siglo  XIX. 
Haus  was  a  strong  partisan  of  Maximilian,  and  while  being  as  impartial  as  his 
position  and  political  views  would  allow  in  his  narration  of  events,  he  is  occa 
sionally  unjust  to  the  republican  party.  It  is  to  refute  such  expressions  that 
Elizaga  penned  his  notes  and  Payno  his  article. 

Felix  Salm-Salm,  My  Diary  in  Mexico  in  1867,  including  the  Last  Days  of 
the  Emperor  Maximilian,  with  leaves  from  the  Diary  of  the  Princes  Salm-Salm. 
London,  18G8,  sm.  8°,  2  vol.,  pp.  xiv.,  320,  and  328.  Maximilian  in  his  last 
will  expressed  the  desire  that  this  author  and  the  ex-minister  Fernando  Ra 
mirez  would  undertake  to  write  an  historical  account  of  his  three  years'  sojourn 
in  Mexico  and  of  the  preparatory  period,  with  the  assistance  of  documents 
kept  in  England  and  at  Miramare.  Salm-Salm  was  unable  to  procure  those 
papers,  and  in  his  preface  relates  the  efforts  he  made  to  obtain  them  and  carry 
out  one  of  the  last  wishes  of  the  emperor.  Aware  that  a  publication  about 
the  occurrences  at  Quere"taro  was  expected  from  him,  he  resolved  to  publish 
such  a  narrative  with  the  help  of  his  diary.  He  has  to  regret  the  loss  of 
many  important  papers  during  the  occupation  of  Quere"taro  by  the  liberals 
and  his  own  imprisonment.  He  had  written  while  a  prisoner  an  account  of 
these  events  for  the  emperor  of  Austria,  and  delivered  it  to  Mr  Pric'e  to  for 
ward  it  by  the  English  courier  to  Vera  Cruz.  He  states,  vol.  ii.,  p.  105,  that 
he  did  not  know  whether  it  ever  reached  the  hands  of  the  emperor.  Salm- 
Salm  enters  minutely  into  the  occurrences  at  the  siege  of  Querdtaro,  describing 
particularly  the  imprisonment  and  execution  of  Maximilian,  as  well  as  his 
own  experiences  while  under  condemnation  of  death  to  the  time  of  his  release. 
His  wife's  diary,  which  occupies  the  first  88  pages  of  the  2d  volume,  contains 
an  account  of  her  exertions  to  effect  the  escape  of  Maximilian  by  attempting 
to  bribe  the  officers  under  whose  guard  he  was  placed.  She  attributes  her 
failure  to  the  meanness  of  the  foreign  representatives  in  not  supplying  her 
with  funds.  The  Austrian  and  Belgian  ministers  she  regarded  as  actually  un 
friendly.  In  both  diaries  the  personal  appearance  and  manners  of  prominent 
men  are  described.  Prince  Salm-Salm  was  general,  first  aide-de-camp,  and 
chief  of  the  household  of  Maximilian.  He  subsequently  entered  the  Prussian 
service,  and  was  killed  before  Metz,  in  August  1870.  His  wife  was  an 
American,  and,  as  she  states,  '  understood  perfectly  well  the  feelings  of  the 
Mexicans.'  ii.  57.  This  work  has  been  translated  into  Spanish  by  Eduardo 
Gibbon  y  Cardenas,  and  was  published  in  Mexico  in  1839,  under  the  title, 
Felix  de  Salm-Salm.  Mis  Memorias  sobre  Queretaro  y  Maximiliano.  The 
diary  of  the  princess  was  also  translated  from  the  German  and  published  sep 
arately,  tinder  the  title,  Queretaro;  Apuntes  del  Diario  de  la  Princesa  Ines  de 
Salm-Salm.  Mexico,  1869,  sm.  4°,  pp.  51. 

Ignitcio  de  la  Peza  y  Agustln  Pradillo,  Maximiliano  y  los  Ultimos  Sucesos 
del  Imperio  en  Queretaro  y  Mexico.  Mexico,  1870,  sm.  8°,  p.  179.  The  object 
of  the  authors  of  this  volume  was  to  refute  numerous  false  statements  and 
misrepresentations  asserted  to  be  contained  in  Salm-Salm's  book  entitled 
My  Diary.  Peza  was  a  colonel  of  artillery  in  the  imperial  army,  and  Pra- 
clillo  Maximilian's  only  aide-de-camp  in  Queretaro,  *  Unico  Oficial  de  6rdenes 
del  Emperador  en  Queretaro.'  They  accuse  Salm-Salm  of  ingratitude  to  his 
Mexican  friends,  of  untruthfulness,  and  of  attempting  to  stain  the  reputations 
of  those  who  generously  extricated  him  from  difficulties  on  his  arrival  in  Mex 
ico.  In  their  narrative  of  events  they  charge  him  with  being  responsible  for 
the  disastrous  results  of  various  engagements,  and  speak  lightly  of  his  mil 
itary  qualities.  The  last  28  pages  are  taken  up  by  an  appendix  written  by 
Manuel  Noriega,  whom  the  authors  defend,  and  who  deemed  it  necessary  also 
to  take  up  his  pen  in  the  same  cause.  Salm-Salm's  remarks  about  the  Mex 
ican  officers  and  troops  were  somewhat  supercilious  and  ill-judged,  and  these 
wrriters  show  their  resentment. 

L<t  Caida  de  Queretaro  en  1867;  Varios  Documentos  Relativos  d  aquel 
A<-on.tecimiento.  Mexico,  1868,  sm.  8°,  p.  102.  Miguel  Lopez,  a  colonel  in  the 
imperial  army,  smarting  under  the  charge  of  treacherous  conduct  at  Queretaro, 


328  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

published  July  31, 186V,  a  manifesto,  under  the  title  of  La  TomadeQueretaro, 
in  which  he  attempts  to  vindicate  his  action,  giving  his  version  of  events 
connected  with  the  fall  of  that  city.  He  supports  his  assertions  with  copies 
of  14  official  documents.  Lopez  allows  himself  to  be  carried  away  by  passion, 
and  makes  a  number  of  false  statements,  which  are  refuted  in  a  pamphlet 
issued  by  imperial  officers  imprisoned  at  Morelia,  and  by  publications  of 
Salm-Salm,  Felix  Becerra,  and  others.  The  attack  of  these  imperialists  on 
Lopez  is  very  severe,  and  proves  that  he  was  bribed  to  surrender  the  point 
which  in  all  honor  he  ought  to  have  defended.  This  volume  is  a  collection  of 
the  above-named  pamphlets  and  documents,  and  of  insertions  in  periodicals 
bearing  upon  the  question. 

8.  Basch,  Erinnerumjen  aus  Mexico.  Geschichte  der  letzten  Zehn  Monate 
des  Kaiserreichs.  Leipsic,  1868,  8°,  2  bks  in  1  vol.,  pp.  vi.,  196,  and  vi.,  261. 
This  book  may  be  considered  as  a  sequel  to  Ke"ratry's  work  on  the  interven 
tion,  the  author  commencing  his  narrative  at  a  historical  point  just  before 
the  departure  of  the  French,  with  which  event  Ke"ratry  closes.  Basch  was 
physician  in  ordinary  to  Maximilian,  and  was  by  his  side  from  September 
1866  to  the  time  of  his  death.  He  enjoyed  the  emperor's  confidence,  and  was 
an  eye-witness  of  many  circumstances  which  would  have  remained  unknown 
had  he  not  published  them.  His  work  has  an  importance  almost  official, 
since  Maximilian,  with  the  intention  of  writing  a  history  of  the  war,  intrusted 
Basch  with  the  care  of  preparing  material,  and  placed  at  his  disposal  his  own 
private  manuscripts  and  documents  of  the  war  department,  among  which 
were  plans  of  campaigns,  orders  of  the  day,  and  protocols  of  councils  of  war. 
When  Basch  was  made  prisoner,  many  of  the  papers  written  in  Spanish  were 
lost,  but  nearly  all  those  in  German  were  saved.  From  these,  and  from  notes 
made  by  himself  and  others  around  Maximilian,  Basch  produced  his  work  by 
the  express  order  of  the  fallen  emperor,  who  himself  gave  to  it  its  title.  It 
contains  copies  of  a  number  of  official  documents  that  had  not  been  previously 
published.  This  volume  has  been  translated  into  several  European  languages, 
and  in  1870  Dr  Manuel  Paredo  published  a  translation  in  Spanish  from  the 
Italian  edition,  under  the  title,  Samuel  Basch,  Recuerdos  de  Mexico,  Meworms 
del  Medico  ordinario  del  Emperador  Maximiliano.  (1866  d  1867.)  Mexico, 
1870,  8°,  pp.  479,  1.1.  In  this  volume  the  translation — which  is  an  excellent 
one — occupies  the  first  327  pages,  the  remaining  152  pages  being  taken  up 
by  a  production  of  Hilarion  Frias  y  Solo,  written  for  the  purpose  of  correcting 
and  refuting  Basch,  whose  depreciation  of  Mexicans,  false  views  of  affairs,  and 
errors  could  not  be  passed  over  in  silence. 

Frederic  Hall,  Life  of  Maximilian  /.,  Late  Emperor  of  Mexico,  with  a 
Sketch  of  the  Empress  Carlota.  New  York,  1868,  sm.  8°,  pp.  317,  with  por 
traits  and  plates.  The  author  was  one  of  the  legal  advisers  of  Maximilian. 
In  the  first  chapter  he  gives  a  brief  sketch  of  the  leading  events  connected 
with  the  Austrian  nation  and  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  He  states  in  his  pref 
ace  that  his  object  was  not  to  give  a  history  of  the  Mexican  empire  under 
Maximilian,  but  to  portray  his  personal  qualities,  and  concisely  state  the  facts 
and  law  pertaining  to  his  trial.  Hall  is  a  great  admirer  of  the  unfortunate 
emperor,  whom  he  regards  as  a  victim,  and  describes  as  a  'noble  chief.'  The 
trial  he  stigmatizes  as  a  farce,  which,  with  the  succeeding  tragedy,  *  are  re 
corded  as  a  stain  on  the  pages  of  the  history  of  the  Mexican  nation  which  can 
never  be  effaced  therefrom.'  The  author  supplies  a  number  of  documents, 
the  most  of  which  relate  to  Maximilian's  trial.  The  same  work  was  also  pub 
lished  in  New  York,  without  date,  under  the  title,  Invasion  of  Mexico  by  the 
French,  and  the  Reicjn  of  Maximilian  I. ,  with  a  Sketch  of  the  Empress  Carlota. 

Juan  de  Dion  Arias,  Resena  Historica  de  la  Formacion  y  Operaciones  del 
Cuerpo  de  Ejercito  del  Norte  durante  la  Intervention  Francesa,  Sitio  de  Quere- 
tiro  y  Noticiax  Oficiales  sobre  la  Captura  de  Maximiliano,  su  Proceso  Intetjro 
y  su  Muerte.  Mexico,  1867,  8°,  pp.  725, 11.  3,  with  portraits  and  plans.  This 
author  does  not  attempt  to  enter  into  any  explanation  of  the  causes  which 
conduced  to  the  English,  Spanish,  and  French  alliance,  but  attributes  the 
intervention  to  the  machinations  of  Napoleon,  who  made  Mexico  his  safety- 


AUTHORITIES.  329 

valve  by  employing  the  restless  French  army  in  a  foreign  war,  and  thereby 
diverting  it  from  revolutionary  outbreak  at  home.  Arias  regards  Maximil 
ian's  fate  as  merited,  and  the  disgrace  which  attended  the  arms  of  France  as 
justly  deserved.  This  work,  as  the  title  sets  forth,  contains  an  account  of 
the  operations  of  the  army  of  the  north,  the  siege  of  Quere"taro,  and  Maximil 
ian's  capture,  trial,  and  execution.  The  plans  of  battle-fields  are  good. 

Fuller  references  for  preceding  chapters  are:  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.-iv. 
passim;  Mex.,  Legation,  Circ.,  i.-ii.  passim;  Marquez,  Refutation,  1-223; 
Basch,  Erinn.,  i.-ii.  passim;  Id.,  Recuerdos,  7-327;  Vega,  Doc.,  i.-iii.  passim; 
Gwins  Mem.,  MS.,  passim;  Mex.,  Bolet.  Leyes,  1863,  passim;  Id.,  Abr.-Dic., 
1SG4,  passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  iv.  677-8,  748;  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS., 
502-5;  Id.,  Datos  Biog.,  29-39,  61-92,  139-41;  Id.,  M-lneel.,  no.  47,  p.  3; 
Niox,  Exp6d.  du  Mex.,  passim;  Gallardo,  Martirologio,  passim;  Maxim. , 
Defensa,  1-55;  La  Sombra  de  Zaragoza,  May  21,  1867;  Buenrostro,  Hist. 
Primero  y  Segundo  Congresos;  Derecho  Intern.  Mex.,  1st  pt,  657-60,  699- 
706;  2d  pt,  320-408;  3d  pt,  817-24;  Pap.  y  Corresp.  Fam.  Imp.,  11,  63-7, 
74-101,  115-76,  187-212;  Arellano,  Ult.  Horas,  passim;  Manero,  Relation, 
MS.,  1-2;  Id.,  Doc.  Interv.,  53-7;  Keratry,  Kaiser  Max.,  passim;  Lopez, 
Mig.,  Refut.,  1-24;  Id.,  La  Toma  de  Quer.,  3-19;  Salm-Salm,  Quer.  and 
Maxim.,  passim;  Id.,  Ten  Years  of  My  Life,  132,  157-229,  276-81;  Id.,  Con 
testation;  Id.,  Diary,  i.-ii.  passim;  Sac.  Union,  1866-7,  passim;  Sitio  de 
Zaragoza,  Contin.,  1-61;  Nic.,  Bolet.  OJic.,  March-No v.  1862,  passim;  July 
11,  1863;  Payno,  Cuentas,  Gastos,  passim;  Id.,  Carta  al  Gen.  Forey;  Rouher, 
Discours  de,  1-51;  Bonnevie,  Volont.  Beiges,  65-75,  89-102;  Rivera,  Mex. 
Pint.,  i.  28-9,  378-80;  ii.  280-5;  Id.,  Hist.  Jalapa,  v.  passim;  Id.,  Gob.  de 
Mej.,  ii.  360-373;  Romero,  Hist.  Intng.  Europ.,  13,  66-244;  Id.,  Gran  Ban- 
quote,  1-32;  Id.,  Dinner  to;  Id.,  Contratos  en  EE.  UU.,  590  pp.;  Id.,  Circ. 
Legac.  Mej.,  passim;  Trigueros,  Ramos  Mimic.,  1-66;  Elizaga,  Corte  de  Roma, 
1-93;  Palatios,  Mem.,  1-92;  Eur.  Sentinel,  July  30,  1872;  San  Rafael  Jour 
nal,  Nov.  21,  1863;  Tribune  Almanac,  1867,  35;  L'Emp.  Mex.  Pass.,  3-21; 
35-41,  77-94;  8.  F.  Post,  July  26,  1872;  8.  F.  News  Letter,  June  4,  11,  1864; 
La  Era  Nuem,  May  5,  1878;  Cos,  Extadixtlca  Part.  Silao;  Smithsonian  Rept, 
1866,  432-4;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  i.-iv.  passim;  San  Miguel,  Exposic.,  1-32; 
Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  30,  1875;  Evans'  Sister  Repub.,  228-36,  310;  Exdmen 
Grit.  Adm.  Max.;  S.  F.  Alta,  1862-7,  passim;  Masseras,  Essai  d'Empire, 
passim;  Id..  El  Programa,  1-34;  Maxim.,  Alocutiones,  etc.,  1-163;  Id.9 
Breve  Notic.,  1-36;  Frias,  in  Bosch,  Erinn.,  ii.  338-477;  Garcia  Cubas,  Es- 
critos  Diversos,  247-8;  Aguilar,  Reflex.,  1-16;  Ahrens,  Mex.  und  Mex.  Zust., 
94-111;  Maxim.,  Emp.  du  Mex.,  1-154;  Mex.,  El  Imperio,  51-83;  Maxim., 
Mem.,  1-103,  passim;  Id.,  Mem.  Proc.,  1-164;  Gab.  Zarate,  Pap.  y  Corresp., 
pp.  214;  Elizaga,  Ensayos,  passim;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  1866-75,  passim;  Tra- 
couis,  Acusacion,  1-27;  Escalera  y  Liana,  Mex.  hist-descript. ,  1-4;  Courrier 
de  S.  F.,  Aug.  28,  1868;  8.  F.  New  Age,  1865-7;  Maxim,  y  Carlota,  Adven., 
passim;  Zarco,  La  Junta  de  los  35;  Pap  Var.,  xcv.,  pt  4;  Tubino,  Trono 
en  Mex.,  1-42,  76-78;  Guad.,  El  Sets  de  Julio,  1-27;  Altamirano,  Alg.  Palo- 
bras;  Chavero,  Alg.  Observac.,  1-14;  Amer.  Christ.  Union,  xv.  271-3;  Hall's 
Sonora,  60;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  vi.  250-5,  448-50,  571;  Ail  Monthly, 
July  1864;  Asambka  Gen.  de  Not.,  Doc.  Relat.,  1-74;  Vigil,  Ensayo  Hist., 
56-196,  211,  321,  424-30;  Zamora,  Espos.  de  Sucesos,  1-15;  Exdmen  Critico, 
1-77;  Pacheco  Cartas;  Marsin,  Precis,  157-60,  204-372;  Festimdades  Nac., 
Set.  15  y  16,  1864,  pp.  23;  Yuc.,  Discurso  pronunciado  en  la  Cap.,  1-31; 
Mex.,  Soc.  Geog.  Bolet.,  2a  epoca,  iv.  747-8;  Abbot's  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  149-68, 
187-242;  Gran  Almanaque  Mex.,  1866,  36-50;  Id.,  1867,  20,  28-33;  D'Heri- 
cault,  Maxim.,  passim;  Mex.,  Vindication  del  Pueblo,  1-52;  McDougalfs 
Speech,  Feb.  3,  1863;  El  Federal,  1872-3,  passim;  Vind.  Pueb.  Mex.,  1-32; 
Maasey's  Mex.  As  It  Is;  Academia  Imper.,  Acta  de  Imtal,  1-27;  Mex.,  Acta 
de  los  Traidores;  La  Estrella  de  Occidente,  July  24,  1863;  Pap.  Var.,  civ., 
pt  1;  La  Estrella  de  Octid.,  passim;  Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  131-2;  San  Jos6 
Patriot,  July  19,  1867;  Valle,  El  Viajero  de  Mex.,  passim;  A/airs  in  Mex., 
MS.,  4;  Garde's  Letter  to  Palmerston;  Mex.  Debt  Repts,  ii.;  Altamirano,  Dis- 


330  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

curso,  6-10;  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  Discurso,  1-31;  Id.,  Mex.  y  el  A rchiduque, 
1-20;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1852-75,  no.  4;  Arrillaga,  Terc.  Observ.;  Id.,  Cuar/aa 
Observ.,  1-87;  Ifayes'  Scraps,  Cal.  Pol.,  vii.  65;  viii.  17,  76;  Zaragoza,  Def. 
de  Puebla,  1-16;  El  Siglo  XIX.,  Feb.  13,  1885,  p.  2;  Le  Trait  d'  Union,  1862, 
passim;  Son.,  Peridd.  Ofic.  del  Dep.,  March  23,  1866,  p.  4;  Pinart  Coll;  Mc- 
Sherry's  Essays  and  Lectures,  35-50;  Gallardo,  Discurso  Pronunciado,  Leon, 
1864,  pp.  30;  Alaman,  Mej.,  ii.  528;  El  Amigo  del  6rden,  of  Tepic,  July  20, 
1867;  Mex.,  Ayuntam.  de  1865,  Memor.,  1-21;  Zorilla,  Drama  del  Alma,  245- 
56;  Edwards'  Shelby's  Exped.  to  Mex.,  22-5,  45-9,  85,  98-9,  121-39;  Le  Saint, 
Guerre  de  Mex.,  passim;   Veritas,  Just.  Str.  Fr.  Mex.,  39-40,  90-1,  100-18, 
130-59;  San  Leandro  Gazette,  Sept.  15,  1866;  June  15,  July  27,  1867;  May  8, 
1869;  Garcia,  Libro  Mayor,  MS.;  Aguascal.,  Represent,  que  los  Hob.,  1-18; 
Mex.  Empire  and  Amer.   Union,  1-12;  Arellano,  Cuenta  Corr.,  MS.,  1-17; 
Id.,  Ley  de  12  de  Oct.,  1-21;  Reese  River  Reveille,  June  29,  July  21,  18G4; 
Sept.  15,  1865;  May  1,  30,  1866,  etc.;  Hoffman,  Californien,  324-67,  393-423; 
Mem.  Propiedad.  Ecles.,  25-8,  34-52;  Hobbs1  Wild  Life  in  Far  West,  276-312; 
Huerta,  Apuntes,  1-92;   Zuloaga,  Manif.  1862,  1-16;    Vigil,  Discurso,  6-V; 
Eco  de  Espana,  Nov.  16,  1853;  Mex.  under  Max.,  153-5;  La  Sociedad,  Sept. 
and  Oct.  1867;  Elton's  With  the  French,  passim;  Gold  Hill  News,  May  22, 
1865;  March  15,  Aug.  10,  July  3,  1866;  Alvensleben,  With  Max,  in  Mex.,  43- 
6;  Mex.  Empire,  Act.  Situation,  1-13;  Mexicanische  Typen  und  Skizzen,  33-4, 
59-68,  140-56;  Gutierrez,  Leyes  de  Ref.,  G3-7;  Arch.  Mex.,  Actas,  3-9;  8.  F. 
Times,   1866-7,  passim;  Amigo  del  Pueblo,  June  22,   1861;  Allenet,   Bazaine 
Acuxwlo,   1-41;  Mex.  and  Monroe  Doctrine,  1-24;  Mex.  et  la  Monarch.,  32- 
49;  Barreiro,  Porvenir  Yuc.,  60;  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xlvi.  172-3;  Juarez, 
Biog.  del  Ciud.,  34-40,  49-52;  Mex.,  Code  rural,  1-13;  Id.,  Mem.  Princip. 
Ramos,  1-289;  Baz,  Vida  Juarez,  18;  Mex.,  .Anuario  Ordenes  Imper.;   Voz 
de  Mej.,  1862-80,  passim;  El  Estado  de  Sin.,  1867-8,  passim;  Tornel  y  Men- 
divil,  Discurso,  1-12;   Valori,  L'Exped.  du  Mex.  Rehabilitee,  1-39;  Testory, 
El  Imper.  Seg.   Observ.  sobre,  1-47;  Id.,  El  Imper.  y  el  Clero,  33-44;  Sa:i 
fiafael  Jour.,  Jan.  31,  1863;  Maxim.,  Causa,  passim;  Fossey,  Mex.,  364-5; 
Maxim.,  Colec.  Poetica;  Nic.,  Gac.,  1863-70,  passim;  Gaqern,  Apclac.  de  los 
Mex,,  35-86;  Mendoza,  Question  de  M6j.,  1-108;  8.  F.  Golden  Era,  May  5, 
June  2,  16,  July  7,  1867;  Almanaque  Imper.,  1866,  1-212,  passim;  Alma- 
naque  de  la  Corte,  1866,  1-117;  Aim.  Calend.  Gulvan,  1864,  47-50;  1866,  57- 
90;  1867,  63-89;  1869,  58-72;  Alvarez  d  sus  Conciudad.,  47-50,  56-68;  Id., 
Manifest.,    1-10;   Pamphlets,  ii.  no.  4;   Hansard's  Parl.  Deb.,  clxxiii.  703; 
clxxvi.  2159,  2199-2203;  Harper's  Mag.,  xxv.  113;  xxvi.  138-9,  560-1;  xxvii. 
274,  416,  831-4;  xxviii.  562;  xxix.  134;  xxxv.  128-9,  264,  529-33;  xxxvi.  31- 
6;  xxxvii.  520-5,  667-82;  Armin,  Heutige  Mex.,  403-27;   Testory,  El  Imp.  y 
el  Clero,  1-25;  Iglesias,  Refut.  Discurso  Billault,  1-40:  Jalisco,  Tarifa,  Gua- 
dal.,  1865,  pp.  14;  Nardi,  Visita  dell'Imperatore,  1-22;  La  Baja  CaL,  Feb. 
23,   1867;  Baril,  Mexiqne,  183;  Banco,  Proyecto  de,  1-12;  Kingsley's  French 
Interv.;  Mex.,  Guest.  Monarq.  Constituc.,  1-44;  Id.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7,  i.- 
ii.  passim;  Id.,  Constit.  Govt,  Decrees,  etc.;  Billault,  Refutac.,  1-40;  Prim, 
Discurso,  1-26;  Negocios,  Discusion  en  el  Senado,  1-16;  Biart,  Mexique  d'kier, 
18-32;  Lacombe,  Le  Mex.  et  les  Etats  Unis,  1-162;  Berendt,  in  Smithsonian 
Rept,  1867,  426;  Mex.,  Col.  Dec.,  1861-8,  vi.  128-50;  Id.,  Bolet.  Leyes,  1863, 
ap.,  489-93,  539-47;  Id.,  Primer  Calend.  Guerra  Estranj.,  1-50;  Id.,  Circ.  d 
los  Gobern.,  1-16;  Laurent,  Guerre  du  Mex.,  1-345;  LefSvre,  Le  Mex.,  286-95; 
Id.,  Max.  et  V Interv.,  passim;  Cal.  Chr.  Advocate,  May  11,  1865;  Feb.  27, 
Aug.    1,   Sept.,    1867;   Bedolliere,    Guerre   Mex.,    16-18,  39-80;  Lempriere's 
Notes  in  Mex.,   321-421,   464-80;  Bolet.  de  Noticias,  Feb.  24,  1861;  Son., 
Bolet.  Ofic.  de  la  Division,  May  9,  13,  1865;  Bolet.  Ofic..  Estado  Sin.,  Jan.  IS, 
21,  1870;  Sept.  12,  1872;  Bivouac  Vera  Cruz,  1-218;  Mex.,  El  Imp.,  9-51, 
69-78;  Id.,  Instruction  d  los  Prefectos,  1-23;  Id.,  Ettatuto  Provis.  Imp.  Mex., 
1-11;  Id.,  Espos.  de  los  Sentim.,  1-6;  Id.,  Dec.  5  de  Jul.  de  1865,  1-24;  Id., 
Derroteros,  1-23;  Le  National,  1864-7,  passim;  Stockton  D.  Herald,  Aug.  23, 
1870;   Traidores  Pintados  por  Si  Mismos— Libro  Secreto  de  Maxim.,  passim; 
S.  F.  Bulletin,  passim;  Losada,  Cuestion  Mex.,  1;  Bolet.  Mepub.,  Jun.-Agosto, 


AUTHORITIES.  331 

1867,  passim;  Mfa.  y  la  Interv.,  23-62;  Id.,  El  Imp.  y  la  Interv.,  1-83;  Id., 
Informe  Comis.  30  de  Set.  1872,  84-5;  Bouzet,  Interv.  Francesa,  1-46;  Mex., 
Regl.  Gabin.  Emp.,  3-18;  Id.,  Mem.  Fom.,  1868,  66-76,  350-74;  Id.,  La 
Interv.  y  la  Monarquia,  1-18;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1875,  34-7;  Id.,  Succso,  pp. 
i.-v.  1-207;  Id.,  Regl.  Consejo  de  Estado,  1-8;  Id.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1SG8,  ap.  46, 
annex  5,  pp.  45-7;  Id.,  1870,  passim;  S.  F.  Call,  1864-7,  passim;  Wilson's 
Mex.  and  Its  Relig.,  265-6;  Bullock's  Across  Mex.,  90-1,  104,  264;  Canedo, 
Los  Guerrilleros,  1-259;  CabaUe.ro,  Hist.  Aim.,  37^49;  Calvo,  Anales  Hist., 
vi.,  pp.  xlvii.-li.,  Ixxv.-vii. ;  Cabezut,  Los  Tres  Malditos;  Bustamante,  Ensayo, 
13-26;  Id.,  Cuatro  Palabras,  8-103;  Mex.,  The  Republic  Restored,  3-13; 
Carlota,  S.  M.  la  Emperatriz  en  V.  Cruz,  1-28;  Carriedo,  Estud.  Hist.,  ii.  65; 
Carson  Appeal,  May  17,  July  20,  1865;  April  27,  May  30,  June  30,  1863; 
June  9,  July  3,  Aug.  24,  1867;  Mex.,  Suceto  Ocurrido,  pp.  ii.-v.  1-207;  Id., 
S'dio  de  Puebla,  132-36;  El  Dirito,  Florence,  in  8.  F.  Time*,  Aug.  30,  1867; 
Dilke^s  Greater  Brit.,  233-8;  Castillo  y  Lanzas,  Discurso,  1-15;  Castro  y  Car- 
rillo,  in  La  Eslrdla  de  Occid.,  June  16,  July  7,  1865;  Castillo,  Ciudad  de 
Uruapan,  1-16;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1832-75,  no.  5,  3-74;  no.  10,  passim;  Doc. 
Diplom.  Gob.  Espanol,  1-262;  Mex.,  Resena  Festio.,  1-24;  Id.,  Rev.  Filosdf. 
Hist.  Polit.,  passim;  Doc.  Relat.  Asamblea  Gen.  de  Notables,  1-73;  Cau*a  de 
Maxim.,  457-67;  Catholic  Guardian,  Sept.  14,  1872;  Castro,  La  Guest.  Meji- 
cana,  1-88;  Chynoweth's  Max.,  48-118;  Chevalier,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  1-3,  75- 
9;  Chicago  Tribune,  in  S.  F.  Times,  Aug.  14,  1867;  La  Chinaca,  no.  12,  3; 
no.  14,  1-2,  21;  no.  16,  17,  38;  no.  30,  1,  2;  Mex.,  Sketch  of  Juarez;  Id.,  Shall 
our  Govt  Act?  1-11;  Mex.  Scraps,  ii.  passim;  Dubois,  Le  Mex.,  141-91;  Cole- 
gio  de  San  Ygnacio,  Prog.,  1-9;  Cluseret's  Mex.;  Conkliny's  Guide,  200,  262; 
Dur., \Guardias Rurales,  1-28;  Duvernois,  Franzos.  Interv.,  124-88;  Mex.,  tilt. 
Notas  Diplom.,  1-43;  Cdrdoba,  Sitio  de  Puebla,  8-135;  Cor.  del  Pacif.,  Feb.- 
May  1868,  passim;  El  Correo  de  Ultramar,  in  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Aug.  20, 
1862;  Courrier  de  Mex.,  in  S.  F.  Times,  July  7,  1867;  Pacheco,  La  Guest,  de 
Mex.,  11-15;  Mex.,  L'Empereur  de,  1-32;  Id.,  Le  General  Prim.,  44-5,  83- 
90,  98-106;  Id.,  L 'Interv.  Frangnise  (Paris,  1868),  121-221,  245-6,  263-80, 
319-74;  Mich.,  Decretos,  no.  74;  Cnevas,  El  Imperio,  1-75;  S.  F.,  La  Crdnica, 
Aug.  2,  1876;  Davis'  Speeches,  395-6,  456-79;  Decretos  y  Reglam.  (Mex., 
1865),  1-177;  Denny's  Cruise,  236-7;  El  Der<<cho,  i.  15-16;  iii.  418;  iv.  147, 
55;  v.  48,  235-6;  Detroyat,  Mex.  Interv.,  232-377;  After  y  Teran,  Apunt. 
Biog.,  14-30;  Mex.  and  the  U.  S.;  Miramar  a  Mex.,  passim;  El  Monitor, 
Jan.  17,  April  30,  Aug.  17.  1869;  Oct.  17,  Nov.  1,  2,  1872;  May  3,  1873;  El 
Porvenir,  New  York,  in  Nic.  Bol.  Ofic.,  Sept.  3,  1863;  N.  Am.  Review,  ciii. 
118-37;  Nuevos  Doc.  Guest.  Mex.  (Mex.,  1863),  5-84;  North  Pac.  Review,  i. 
218,  224;  Novarro,  In  for  me  sobrefrec.  Revol.,  65-176;  Oaxaca,  Mem.  Cajiga, 
1861,  28-32;  Ober,  Mex.,  489-513;  Ormachea,  Erposic.,  1-29;  Ortega,  Protesta, 
1-25;  Id.,  Parte  General,  1-185;  Id.,  Parte  Gen.  Defenxa,  Zaragoza,  1-252; 
Id.,  Parte  Gen.  Jorn.  Talallaco,  1-84;  Id.,  Plaidoycr,  1-26;  Overland  Monthly, 
i.  227-34;  v.  327-34;  vii.  445-8;  x.  364-7,  466-7;  Payno,  Mex,  y  el  Sr  Em- 
bajador,  1-98;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  1866-8,  passim;  Id.,  Merc.  Chronicle, 
1866-8,  passim;  Payne's  Hist.  Europ.  Colonies,  317-21;  Romero,  Apunt.  Bo*q. 
Hist.,  pp.  335;  Peza  y  Pradillo,  Maxim.',  4-107;  8.  L.  Potosi,  Gefat.  Polit., 
1-8;  Perez,  Dice.  Geogr.,  i.  114;  ii.  536-50;  iii.  217-18;  P.  S.,  Observ  al 
Discurso  Pacheco;  Peridd.  Ofic.  Gob.  Constit.,  Chihuahua,  July  27,  1866;  El 
Coruttituc.,  Sept.  1867-Oct.  1868,  passim;  Parthe,  Die  Interv.  in  Mex.,  17,  22- 
64;  People's  Mag.,  pt  x.  683-4;  El  Plan  de  Tnxtepec,  May  18,  1877;  Pierard, 
Souv.  du,  Mex.,  207-21;  \Peri6dicos  Var.,  Bertoldino,  i.  nos  1-14;  Prim's  Speech, 
7-41;  Pinart  Coll;  El  Pueb.  de  Son.,  Dec.  3,  17,  1867;  PyaJt,  Carta  d  Juarez, 
1-32;  Quer.,  Caida,  passim;  Repub.  Mex.,  Dernieres  Notes,  3-36;  Rev.  des  Deu.c 
Mpndes,  1862-6,  passim;  Papeles  Varios,  xxv.  pts  2,  4;  xcv.  pts  1,  2,  7,  8,  11; 
ciii.  pts  2,  5,  8;  civ.  pts  4,  5,  7,  8;  cvi.  pt  1;  cviii.  pts  2,  6;  ex.  pt  3;  cxii. 
pts  6,  7,  8;  cxvi.  pts  3,  4,  5;  cxvii.  pt  2;  cxxi.  pt.  4;  cxxv.  pts  1,  2;  cxxxv. 
pts  1,  2;  clxvii.  pt  17;  ccxxiv.  pts  13,  15;  ccxxvii.  pt  11;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes 
Imp.,  iii.  5,  13-19;  Dub  Ian  and  Lozano,  Legisl.  Mex.,  ix.  passim;  x.  5,  18-28, 
207;  Domenech,  Le  Mex.,  153-207,  267-348;  Id.,  L'Emp.  Mex.,  1-97;  Id., 


332  DEATH  OF  EMPIRE  AND  EMPEROR. 

Hist,  du  Mex.,  iii.  passim;  Mex.,  Bolet.  Leyes,  En. -Mayo,  1864,  passim; 
Kollonitz'  Court  of  Max. ,  passim;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  1867-84,  passim;  Cdrtes, 
Diario  Senado,  ii.  878,  928,  956,  991-2,  1068,  1082-7,  1096,  1104-9,  1122-31; 
1160-5;  no.  85,  ap.  pp.  5-105,  passim;  Cdrtes,  Diario  Congreso  VI. ,  passim; 
Mex.,  Diario  del  Imperio,  1865-6,  passim;  Id.,  Ptritid.  Ofic.  Imper.  Hex., 
1863-4,  passim;  Id.,  Diario  Debates  3°  Congr.,  torn,  i.-ii.;  7°  Congr.,  i.  258, 
268,  290,  376,  428,  456,  489-90,  etc.;  80  Congr.,  i.  180-1;  iii.  227-33,  419; 
9°  Congr.,  i.  passim;  iii.  212-14;  iv.  114-15;  tO*  Congr.,  ii.  648-52,  751;  iii. 
158;  Iglesias,  Revistas,  i.-iii.  passim;  Spencer  St  John's  Gt  Britain  and  Mex., 
MS.,  1-4;  Estatuto  Provis,  Imp.  Mex.,  1865,  1-21;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes  Imp., 
i.-iv.  passim;  v.  59-63;  vii.  119-22;  Martinez,  Hist.  Revol.  Mex.,  i.  217-34; 
Hairs  Life  Max.,  passim;  U.  S.  Gov.  Docs,  Cong.  Globe,  1862-3,  app.  94; 
1863-4,  index  'Mex.,'  p.  xxiii.;  186-~»-6,  index  'Mex.,'  pp.  xxviii.,  Ixxviii. ; 
1866-7,  index  'Mex.,'  p.  xix.;  Id.,  Rept  Sec.  Navy,  1863,  p.  xviii.;  Id.,  Rept 
Sec.  Treas.,  1865,  147-58;  1866,  129-42;  Id.,  Foreign  Affairs,  1862,  passim; 
1863,  pt  ii.,  638-762,  1134-59,  1335-41;  Id.,  Mex.  Affairs,  in  President^ 
Mess.,  June  16,  1864;  Id.,  37th  cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  750;  37th  cong. 
3d  sess.,  H.  Jour.,  702;  Sen.  Jour.,  578;  H.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  1  (Mess,  and  Doc., 
pt  1),  pp.  307-441,  729-76;  no.  23,  vol.  v.,  pp.  1-27;  no.  54,  vol.  vi.;  Sen. 
Docs  nos  24,  40;  Sen.  Misc.  Doc.  13;  Sen.  Com.  Rept  90;  /(/.,38th  cong.  1st 
sess.,  Sen.  Jour.,  964;  H.  Jour.,  1117;  H.  Ex.  Doc.  92,  vol.  xv.;  H.  Com. 
Rept  129,  vol.  ii.;  Id.,  38th  cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  15;  Foreign  Affairs 
(Mess,  and  Doc.,  pt  iii.),  1-253;  Id.,  39th  cong.  1st  sess.,  Mex.  Affairs,  vols. 
i.-ii.;  Foreign  Affairs  (Mess,  and  Doc.,  pt  ii.),  pp.  xviii.-xxv.;  (Mess,  and 
Doc.,  pt  iii.),  pp.  356-849;  H.  Jour.,  1309-10;  Sen.  Docs  5,  6,  and  8;  H.  Ex. 
Doc.  no.  20,  vol.  vii.;  nos 31,  38;  no.  93,  vol.  xii.;  no.  137,  vol.  xvi.;  Id.,  39th 
cong.  2d  sess.,  Foreign  Affairs  (Mess,  and  Doc.,  pti.),  pp.  266-388;  (Mess, 
and  Doc.,  pt  iii.),  pp.  1-423;  Sen.  Jour.,  585-6;  H.  Jour.,  716;  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
no.  17,  vol.  vi.;  no.  76,  vol.  xii.;  /(/.,  40th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  11; 
Id.,  40th  cong.  2d  sess.,  Foreign  Affairs  (Mess,  and  Doc.,  pt  L),  pp.  93-4, 
212-360;  Arias,  Resena  Hist.,  passim;  Hans,  Queretaro,  pcissim;  Lefevre, 
Doc.  Maximiliano,  i.-ii.  passim;  Marquez  de  Leon,  Fe  Perdida,  MS.,  passim; 
Id.,  Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  passim;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  x.  185,  1097-1149; 
xv.  621;  xvi.  passim;  xvii.  passim;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  Deer,  y  Circ.,  1863-7, 
toin.  i.-iii.  passim. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

1867-1868. 

MOVEMENTS  OF  MARQUEZ  AND  DIAZ — THE  LAST  IMPERIAL  CABINET — PROG 
RESS  OF  REPUBLICAN  ARMS — MARQUEZ  IN  MEXICO — DIAZ  BESIEGES  THE 
CITY — RESULTS  OF  INTERVENTION — JUAREZ'  ENTRY  INTO  THE  CAPITAL — 
NEW  REPUBLICAN  CABINET — TREATMENT  OF  REBELS  AND  TRAITORS — 
PROPOSED  REFORMS — PARTIES  AND  PRINCIPLES — ELECTION  LAWS — POP 
ULAR  DISCONTENT — DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS. 

WE  will  now  follow  briefly  the  fortunes  of  Marquez 
and  Diaz,  and  the  progress  of  affairs  subsequent  to  the 
downfall  of  the  empire.  In  pursuance  of  preconcerted 
arrangements,  under  the  emperor's  orders,  Marquez 
made  on  the  22d  of  March,  1867,  a  successful  sally 
with  1,200  cavalry.  His  departure  became  known 
soon  after,  however,  at  Escobedo's  headquarters,  arid 
the  fact  was  at  once  communicated  to  Porfirio  Diaz, 
who  commanded  the  republican  forces  operating  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico;  a  division  of  cavalry,  4,000  strong, 
was  also  despatched  to  act  in  concert  with  the  troops 
of  Lalanne,  Cuellar,  and  others,  and  prevent  the  pas 
sage  of  hostile  reinforcements  that  might  leave  the 
capital. 

Marquez  effected  a  difficult  though  rapid  march 
through  the  sierra  without  meeting  with  any  serious 
opposition  from  the  enemy,1  and  reached  Mexico  in 
the  morning  of  the  27th.2  He  lost  no  time  in  carry  - 

1  He  had  a  trifling  encounter  with  a  republican  party  at  the  place  called 
Puerto  de  los  Chivos.  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Maxim.,  110. 

2  The  people  were  greatly  surprised  on  seeing  Marquez  and  Vidaurri  unex 
pectedly  enter  the  city  at  the  head  of  1,000  men.  Masseras,  Un  Essai  d?Em' 
pire,  185. 


334  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ing  out  his  instructions  to  reconstitute  the  cabinet, 
which  he  did  with  the  following  ministers,  namely: 
.Santiago  Vidaurri,  minister  of  the  treasury  and  presi 
dent  of  the  council;  Tomds  Murphy,  of  foreign  affairs; 
Jose  Maria  Iribarren,  formerly  the  imperial  commis 
sioner  in  Sinaloa,  of  government  and  fomento;  Ma 
nuel  Garcia  de  Aguirre,  of  justice  and  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  and  during  his  absence  in  Queretaro  the  port 
folio  was  to  be  in  charge  of  the  under-secretary  Pedro 
Sanchez  Castro;  General  Nicolds  de  la  Portilla,  of 
war;  and  Carlos  Sanchez  Navarro,  of  the  imperial 
household.  Lares  and  Marin  were  relieved.3  Tubera 
and  O'Horan  retained  their  respective  offices,  the  one 
as  general-in-chief  of  the  garrison,  and  the  other  as 
political  prefect. 

The  selection  of  Marquez,  Vidaurri,  and  Iribarren 
implied  an  energetic  policy.  That  of  Marquez  would 
hardly  call  for  any  comment;  it  was  intended  to  for 
ward  the  aims  of  Maximilian  and  his  supporters,  which 
I  have  explained  elsewhere;  that  of  Vidaurri  presaged 
that  there  would  be  no  half-way  measures  in  financial 
affairs,  and  as  for  Iribarren,  he  had  shown  himself  in 
difficult  positions  to  be  a  man  of  indomitable  energy, 
and  seemed  to  be  a  proper  person  to  cooperate  with 
the  others. 

Marquez  found  the  condition  of  affairs  not  so  favor 
able  as  he  expected  on  leaving  Queretaro.  Events 
soon  proved  that  it  was  a  change  of  measures  as  well 
as  men  that  had  recently  taken  place.  Vidaurri  sum 
moned  to  his  presence  the  chief  merchants  and  prop 
erty  owners,  and  demanded  from  them  a  prompt 
contribution  of  funds  to  enable  the  government  to 
resume  military  operations.  And  in  order  to  avoid 

8 They  were  restored  to  their  former  positions;  Lares  to  the  presidency  of 
the  supreme  court,  and  Marin  to  that  of  the  superior  court  of  the  valley  of 
Mexico.  Maximilian  wrote  each  of  them  a  letter  of  thanks  for  services  in  the 
cabinet,  accompanying  to  the  former  the  cross  of  grand  officer  in  the  order  of 
the  Aguila  Mexicana,  and  to  the  latter  that  of  commander  in  the  same  order. 
Zamacois,  Hitf.  Mej.,  xviii.  1177-8.  Lares  died  in  Mexico  in  Jan.  1870.  He 
was  held  to  be  a  man  of  large  information  and  a  distinguished  jurist.  El  I>t- 
recho,  iv.  97-8. 


MARQUEZ  IN  MEXICO.  335 

superfluous  discussion,  a  list  was  produced,  setting 
forth  the  amount  each  was  expected  to  contribute.4 
By  surprise,  not  entirely  unaccompanied  with  a  secret 
terror,  Vidaurri  obtained  $300,000,  which  sum  was 
placed  at  Marquez'  disposal  for  military  purposes.5 

The  city  of  Puebla  had  been  closely  invested  by 
the  republicans  under  Diaz  since  the  9th  of  March. 
The  garrison  consisted  of  about  2,500  men,  mostly 
rural  militia  got  together  by  the  commandant,  Gen 
eral  Manuel  Noriega,  including  the  16th  battalion  of 

O      *  O 

the  line.     No   reinforcements    having  reached   him, 

O  ' 

notwithstanding  his  urgent  demands,  Noriega's  situa 
tion  had  become  critical,  but  he  was  determined  to 
defend  the  place  at  all  hazards.  The  besiegers,  on 
the  other  hand,  made  repeated  assaults,  gaining  con 
siderable  advantages.8  Noriega  again,  on  the  22d, 
wrote  the  minister  of  war  that  he  was  left  almost 
without  efficient  officers  or  money,  and  that  his  am 
munition  would  last  only  six  days;  furthermore,  the 
town  "was  not  the  Puebla  of  1856,  its  inhabitants  hav 
ing  now  become  either  hostile  or  indifferent."  This 
letter  was  laid  before  the  lugarteniente  on  the  day  of 
his  arrival  in  Mexico,7  who,  after  a  consultation  with 
Vidaurri  and  the  other  ministers,  concluded  that 
Puebla  should  be  relieved;  for  if  the  republicans  were 

4  Foreigners  obtained  a  reduction  of  one  half,  owing  to  the  interference  of 
Dano,  supported  by  the  Spanish  and  Prussian  ministers.  Masseras,  Un  Easai 
d'Empire,  187-8. 

5  It  may  well  be  surmised  that  this  device  caused  much  displeasure.     Vi 
daurri  called  together  the  editors  of  newspapers,  on  the  2d  of  April,  and  ex 
plained  the  pressing  necessity  for  the  funds.     The  editor  of  the  Cronista  de 
Mejico  unhesitatingly  said,  and  his  words  were  supported  by  the  others,  that 
the  necessity  was  well  understood,  and  the  government's  right  to  procure 
funds  was  not  disputed;  that  the  objections  lay  in  forcing  people  to  contrib 
ute  more  than  they  were  able,  and  in  the  despotic  manner  employed  in  the 
collection.     Vidaurri  then  said  that  O'Horan  had  been,  and  would  be  again, 
told   to  employ  gentler  means.     He  added  that  the  government  had  been 
compelled  to  procure  money  to  remit  the  emperor  for  his  army,  and  $100,000 
had  been  sent  him  on  the  1st;  and  on  Marquez'  return,  after  defeating  Diaz* 
army,  the  imperialist  forces  would  be  increased,  a  sufficient  garrison  left  in 
the  capital,  and  aid  forwarded  at  once  to  the  relief  of  Quer6taro. 

6  In  the  assault  of  March  19th  the  imperialist  generals  Calderon  and  Prieto 
were  seriously  wounded. 

7  Minister  Portilla's  letter  embodying  Noriega's  report  is  given  in  Zama- 
cois'  Hist.  Mej,,  xviii,  1180-2. 


336  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

permitted  to  take  the  place,  Diaz  would  march  on 
the  capital,  allowing  no  time  to  prepare  the  resources 
so  much  needed  at  Queretaro  Marquez  hoped  by  a 
timely  defeat  of  this  commander  to  bring  on  a  most 
favorable  change  for  the  empire;  he  could  then  return 
to  the  capital  with  Noriega's  troops  and  the  war  ma 
terial  in  Puebla,  raise  more  forces,  which  might  be 
also  augmented  by  the  prisoners  taken,  and  then,  with 
a  large  train  of  artillery,  money,  and  plenty  of  am- 
nunition,  march  to  the  aid  of  Queretaro,  and  force 
the  republicans  to  abandon  the  siege.  The  republi 
cans  looked  upon  this  plan  as  the  only  one  that  could 
give  the  imperialists  the  victory,  and  were  therefore 
anxious  that  Diaz  should  take  possession  of  Puebla 
before  Marquez  could  succor  it.8 

Marquez  started  on  the  30th  of  March  from  Mexico, 
with  3,480  men9  and  17  pieces  of  artillery,  taking  the 
route  of  the  Llanos  de  Apam,  as  it  afforded  greater 
facility  for  manoeuvring  with  cavalry.  At  the  haci 
enda  of  Soltepec  he  received  on  the  2d  of  April  the 
alarming  news  that  Puebla  had  fallen,  and  that  the 
imperialists  were  concentrated  upon  the  fortified  hills 
of  Loreto  and  Guadalupe.  On  the  next  day  the  hus 
sars  were  despatched  to  Huamantla  to  ascertain  wThat 
had  really  occurred  at  Puebla.  From  that  and  other 

8  The  republican  general,  Gonzalez,  an  eye-witness,  said  in  a  letter  of  Sept. 
15,  1867,  to  a  newspaper  of  Mexico,  that  if  Diaz  had  been  repulsed  from 
Puebla,  '  Marquez,  15  days  later,  could  have  marched  on  Queretaro  with 
14,000  men  and  60  or  80  pieces  of  artillery, '  and  compelled  the  besieging 
army  to  beat  a  retreat,  and  break  up.  Marquez'  right  to  go  to  Puebla  in 
the  face  of  Maximilian's  instructions  has  been  questioned.  But  even  allowing 
that  his  orders  were  positive  to  return  to  Queretaro  at  once  with  the  funds  he 
could  gather  and  the  garrison  of  the  capital,  it  is  doubtful,  from  a  military 
standpoint  that  he  could  leave  Puebla  to  its  fate.  He  had  only  5,000  men. 
Had  he  attempted  to  go  back,  without  affording  relief  to  that  town,  it  would 
have  surrendered  at  once,  and  then  Diaz,  with  the  forces  of  Leyva,  Cuellar, 
Lalanne,  and  others,  together  with  Guadarrama's  4,000  men,  would  have  anni 
hilated  him,  and  the  fall  both  of  Mexico  and  Queretaro  must  follow.  Zama- 
cois,  Hist.  Mtj.,  xviii.  1184-7. 

"His  force  has  been  variously  estimated  at  4,000  and  5,000,  but  the  number 
given  in  the  text  is  believed  to  be  correct,  as  follows:  infantry,  2,001;  cavalry, 
1,281;  artillery,  198.  Ptza  and  Pradil/o,  Maxim.,  112-4.  The  news  received 
at  the  republican  headquarters  was  that  Marquez  had  marched  with  1,900 
picked  men  of  infantry  and  1,600  horse.  In  a  letter  from  him  to  Noriega  at 
Puebla,  dated  March  27th,  he  promises  to  go  to  his  aid  with  8,000  men  of  all 
arms.  Diaz,  Porf.,  Bioy.,  105,  124, 


OF  DIAZ.  337 

sources  no  doubt  was  left  in  Marquez'  inind  that 
Puebla  and  the  hills  before  named  had  fallen  into  the 
enemy's  hands,  and  that  the  whole  republican  force 
under  Diaz  would  be  soon  upon  him. 

After  his  successful  campaign  in  Tehuantepec,  Gen 
eral  Diaz  returned  to  Oajaca,  where  he  was  met  by 
several  commissions  from  the  republicans  of  Puebla, 
Vera  Cruz,  Tlascala,  and  Mexico,  asking  him  to  come 
among  them,  and  inaugurate  active  military  operations. 
A  large  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition,  sent  by  the 
Mexican  minister  in  the  United  States,  had  arrived 
at  Minatitlan,  but  armament  for  cavalry  and  other 
things  were  needed  for  the  troops  then  being  organ 
ized.  He  would  not  leave  Oajaca  till  these  troops 
were  ready.  But  finding  the  delay  too  long,  he  ap 
pointed  General  Alejandro  Garcia  governor  and  mili 
tary  commandant  of  Oajaca,  and  toward  the  end  of 
January  or  early  in  February,  took  his  departure  with 
only  200  lancers,  his  aids  and  a  few  officers  of  the  com 
missariat  and  medical  departments,  bound  for  Acatlan 
el  Grande.10  Before  reaching  this  place  Diaz  de 
manded  the  surrender  of  the  considerable  imperial 
garrison  occupying  the  city  of  Matamoros  Izucar, 
which,  believing  itself  in  danger  of  an  attack  by  a 
largely  superior  force,  hurriedly  fled  to  Puebla. 

Diaz  lost  no  time  in  concentrating  the  republican 
forces  in  northern  Oajaca,  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  and 
Puebla  for  future  operations.  He  at  once  assumed 
control  of  the  districts  in  the  valley  and  south  of 
Puebla,  giving  his  personal  supervision  to  administra 
tive  and  financial  as  well  as  to  military  affairs.31  He 
also  established  his  authority  in  the  military  line  of 
Chalco  and  Tezcuco,  and  placed  it  in  charge  of  Gen- 

10  He  had  on  the  15th  of  Jan.  written  Godoy,  Mexican  consul  in  San  Fran 
cisco,  Cal.,  that  in  the  course  of  the  next  month  he  would  take  up  a  position 
between  Puebla  and  Mexico,  with  from  10,000  to  15,000  men,  exclusive  of 
garrisons  in  republican  towns.   La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  March  8,  1867. 

11  He  declared  contraband  of  war  all  effects— exempting  only  such  as  had 
been  seized  from  private  parties — sold  by  the  French  on  their  retreat  to  the 
coast,  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,95. 

HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.    22 


338  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

eral  Cuellar;12  and  afterward  retired  Garcia  from 
Oajaca,  making  him  governor  and  comandante  gen 
eral  of  Yera  Cruz,  with  headquarters  at  Orizaba;  and 
to  his  former  position  as  governor  appointed  J.  M. 
Maldonado,  and  to  that  of  military  commandant 
Colonel  Felix  Diaz. 

During  Diaz'  sojourn  in  Acatlan  an  episode  oc- 
cured  which  is  worthy  of  mention.  E.  Bournouf, 
representing  himself  as  an  emissary  from  Maximilian, 
came  to  tender  Diaz,  in  the  emperor's  name,  the  com 
mand  of  the  imperial  forces  in  Puebla  and  Mexico, 
coupled  with  the  assurance  that  Marquez,  Lares,  and 
others  of  that  clique,  should  be  driven  from  power, 
and  that  Maximilian  would  leave  the  country,  first 
placing  the  republican  party  in  control  of  the  situation. 
To  which  proposition  Diaz  answered  that  he  had  no 
right  to  hold  with  the  archduke  other  relations 
than  military  laws  and  usages  allowed  with  the  com 
mander  of  a  hostile  force.13  Bournouf  also  asked 
that  Maximilian  should  be  permitted  to  pass  unmo 
lested  with  5,000  Belgians  and  Austrians  to  Yera 
Cruz,  where  they  would  embark.  Diaz'  reply  to  this 
was  that  if  such  a  force  appeared  near  his  lines  he 
would  certainly  attack  it. 

On  the  9th  of  March  Diaz  already  had  his  head 
quarters  on  the  Cerro  de  San  Juan.  His  force  con 
sisted  of  two  divisions  of  infantry  under  the  respective 
command  of  Alatorre  and  Bonilla,  and  one  of  cavalry 

12  Early  in  March  Diaz  received  the  orders  of  the  government  adding  to 
his  command  the  federal  district,  and  the  three  districts  of  the  state  of  Mexico. 

13  Bournouf  had  been  introduced  in  the  camp  blindfolded.     Having  sig 
nified  his  inability  to  go  at  once  on  account  of  ill  health,  Diaz  deemed  it 
advisable  to  communicate  those   facts  to   the  governors  and  military  com 
mandants,  which  he  did  in  a  circular,  saying,  besides,  that  it  was  surprising 
such  a  proposition  should  be  brought  to  him,  who  had  indignantly  rejected 
similar  ones  made  him  in  Oajaca  in  1864,  and  again  when  he  was  a  prisoner  in 
Puebla  in  1865.     He  then  concludes  with  words  to  this  effect:   'These  Euro 
peans  must  hold  us  in  poor  estimation  when  they  act  with  so  little  discretion, 
and  in  the  manoeuvres  of  their  arduous  diplomacy  ignore  even  the  plainest 
dictates  of  common  sense.'  Diaz,  Datos  £iog.,  MS.,  278-80;  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog., 
97.     The  circular  was  published  in  nearly  all  the  republican  journals,  among 
which  may  be  mentioned  La  RepuUica  of  Jalapa,  and  La  Estrella,  de  Occid., 
May  3,  1867. 


DIAZ  AT  PUEBLA. 


339 


under  Toro.14  After  the  southern  division  at  Cuerna- 
vaca  had  been  incorporated  with  his  army,  the  line  of 
observation  of  Chalco  and  Tezcuco  established,  and 
the  telegraph  lines  in  the  plains  and  Rio  Frio  repaired, 
Diaz'  authority  extended  from  Tabasco  and  Chiapas 
to  Pachuca  and  Toluca.  He  had  to  devise  means  to 
procure  resources  for  supporting  his  troops  without 
imposing  too  heavy  burdens  on  the  people,  in  which 
he  was  singularly  successful.15 


PUEBLA. 

14  While  here  he  despatched  an  invitation  to  Diego  Alvarez  to  join  him 
with  his  1,500  men;  Leyva  was  ordered  to  occupy  Chalco  with  his  brigade, 
and  Cuellar  was  placed  under  him.  Siege  operations  had  already  begun,  when 
the  general  government,  now  on  its  way  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  asked  him  to 
reenforce  tho  army  besieging  Queretaro.  A  force,  composed  of  troops  from 
the  1st  and  2d  districts  of  Mexico,  and  one  Puebla  brigade,  was  accordingly 
forwarded  under  Gen.  Mendez.  Diaz,  Porf.,  Bioy.,  99-102. 

10  He  established  a  custom-house  in  Apizaco,  and  a  property  tax  of  1%,  o'n 
the  strength  of  which  lie  raised  a  loan  in  Orizaba  to  meet  urgent  needs.  He 
sent  an  inspector  of  customs  to  the  gulf,  reorganized  the  custom-house  at 
labasco,  closed  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz  while  it  should  be  in  possession  of  the 
enemy,  and  made  Alvarado  a  port  of  entry.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  295; 


340  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  operations  against  Pueblawere  carried  on  with 
the  utmost  vigor,  the  besiegers  gaining  some  advan 
tage  every  day,  till  on  the  2d  of  April  at  4  o'clock  in 
the  morning  their  artillery  opened  fire,  under  cover  of 
which  assaults  were  undertaken  simultaneously  at  dif 
ferent  parts,  which  culminated  in  the  capture  of  the 
place.  In  less  than  one  hour  the  assailants  were 
assembled  in  the  place  d'armes,  the  survivors  of  the 
garrison  having  taken  refuge  in  the  Loreto  and  Gua- 
dalupe  forts.18  The  latter  offered  on  the  4th  to  sur 
render  if  honorable  terms  were  granted  them,  but 
Diaz  would  listen  to  nothing  but  an  unconditional  sur 
render,  and  they  had  to  comply.  Being  amenable 
to  the  death  penalty  for  high  treason,  many  of  the 
prisoners  employed  that  day  in  preparation  for  it. 
But  such  was  not  to  be  their  fate.  The  victorious 
general  had  a  difficult  problem  to  solve.  He  had  in 
Oajaca  over  1,000  prisoners — Mexican  officers  of  all 
ranks,  and  foreign  officers  and  soldiers — and  those  of 
Puebla  were  more  numerous,  for  even  leaving  out  the 
rank  and  file,  they  must  have  exceeded  600.17  To 
shoot  them  was  out  of  the  question,  and  to  set  them 
at  liberty,  though  a  magnanimous  act,  might  not  meet 
with  the  approval  of  the  government.18  He  adopted 
the  latter  course.19  That  same  day  he  issued  a  gen 
eral  order  to  the  military  commandants  to  release  all 
the  prisoners,  who  were  to  remain  for  the  time  under 

Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  188-91,  256-61;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1870, 
681. 

16  The  same  day  Diaz  wrote  the  minister  of  war  at  San  Luis  Potosi  of  his 
success,  and  that  the  traitors  Febronio  Quijano,  Mariano  Trujeque,  and  20 
others  had  been  executed.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  May  17,  1867;  Arrangoiz, 
M4j.,  iv.  316-17;  Mier  y  Terdn,  Apunt.  Bioy.,  30-6;  Pera  and  Pradillo, 
Maxim.,  121-57. 

11  Among  them  were  the  bishops  Colima,  Berea,  and  Covarrubias. 

18  Diaz  remarked  to  one  who  recommended  the  release,  '  Va  a  creer  Juarez 
que  le  dispute  el  porvenir.'  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,  112. 

18  Diaz  took  with  him  the  imperialist  generals  Noriega  and  Tamariz  to 
the  place  where  the  prisoners  were  confined,  and  addressing  them,  said:  '  The 
nation  has  expressed  her  judgment  on  the  empire's  cause,  but  will  not  do  her 
self  justice  unless  she  forgives  the  errors  of  her  children;  you  are  all  free.' 
Then  turning  to  those  accompanying  him  he  added,  '  I  was  not  born  to  be  a 
jailer  nor  an  executioner.'  Diaz,  Dates  Biog.,  MS..  314;  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.t 
112 


RETREAT  OF  MARQUEZ.  341 

the  surveillance  of  the  local  authorities,  and  subject 
to  the  disposal  of  the  supreme  government.  Such  of 
the  foreign  portion  of  the  prisoners  as  selected  to 
reside  in  the  country  were  to  be  allowed  to  do  so 
under  the  same  conditions,  and  the  rest  might  freely 
leave  the  republic.20 

Diaz'  triumph  had  not  been  without  heavy  casual 
ties  in  his  army,  which  had  154  killed,  223  wounded, 
and  87  missing,  in  the  first  division  alone.21  The 
victorious  republicans  now  went  in  hot  pursuit  of 
Marquez,  who  took  to  flight,  but  was  overtaken  on 
the  9th  in  the  hacienda  of  San  Lorenzo,  and  routed 
on  the  10th.22  This  was  a  disastrous  day  for  the 
empire.  Marquez  had  his  heavy  artillery  that  he 
could  not  carry  along  thrown  down  the  barranca  of 
San  Cristobal,  and  ordering  his  Austrians  to  continue 
the  resistance,  escaped  at  full  gallop  to  the  capital, 
arriving  there  on  the  llth.  The  republican  army 
tarried  in  Tezcuco,  pursued  its  march  on  the  llth, 
and  reached  Tacubaya  on  the  12th.  The  enemy 
made  some  resistance  at  both  places,  but  was  dis 
lodged,  and  sought  safety  in  flight.23  The  republican 

20 The  order  bears  date  April  4th,  and  included  the  prisoners  taken  in  the 
battles  of  Miahuatlan  and  La  Carbonera,  in  the  occupation  of  Oajaca,  and  in 
the  assault  of  Puebla  and  surrender  of  the  forts.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS., 
315-16;  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,  113.  Gen.  Noriega,  in  a  letter  of  Dec.  81,  1869, 
explaining  his  conduct  at  Puebla,  and  contradicting  statements  of  Prince 
Bum-Salm,  speaks  of  the  danger  he  and  his  companions  had  been  in  of  being 
executed,  from  which  they  were  saved  by  Diaz'  clemency,  '  que  todo  el  mundo 
conoce  y  merced  d  la  cual  no  subimos  al  cadalso.'  Peza&nd  Pradillo,  Maxim., 
151-74. 

21  Official  report  in  Diaz,  Porf.,  Biog.,  115-21.     Bazaine's  words,  that  if 
Diaz  attempted  the  siege  of  Puebla  his  destruction  was  certain,  did  not  prove 
true.  Id.,  101-2. 

22  Notwithstanding  the  glowing  accounts  of  imperialist  writers  who  called 
the  flight  of  Marquez'  column  from  Huamantla  to  Mexico  the  battle  of  five 
days,  it  was  nothing  but  an  exhibition  of  panic  and  lack  of  military  skill. 
Marquez  succeeded,  however,  in  saving  himself.     Descriptions  of  the  opera 
tions  at  San  Lorenzo  appear  in  Peza  and  Pradillo,  Maxim.,  111-24;  Arellano, 
(Jit.  Horas,  94-106,  152-3;  Hericaidt,   Maxim.,  212-32;  Safm-Salm's  Diary, 
294-302;  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  706;  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  321-36;  Diazy 
Porf.,  Biog.,  129-31;  Masseras,  Uti  Essai  d* Empire,  189-91. 

23  The  demonstration  on  Tacubaya  was  intended  to  make  sure  of  Chapul- 
tepec.     As  the  march  against  Marquez  was  begun  the  day  after  the  fall  of  the 
Lore  to  and  Guadalupe  forts,  Diaz  had  been  unable  to  bring  into  immediate  use 
the  immense  war  material  captured  from  the  enemy.     Another  circumstance 
that  could  not  be  revealed  at  that  time  was  that  Guadarrama,  who  was  sent  to 


342 


REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 


general  headquarters,  after  Chapultepec  had  been 
made  safe,  were  transferred  to  the  city  of  Guadalupe, 
and  the  operations  for  investing  Mexico  were  begun 
at  once.24 


MARCH  OF  DIAZ  TO  MEXICO. 


watch  Marquez,  had  been  recalled  to  Quere"taro.  Later,  Diaz  had  been  asked 
not  only  to  reenforce  the  army  of  the  interior,  but  on  the  27th  or  28th  of 
April  to  go  there  himself  with  his  main  force.  He  was  offered  the  command 
in  chief  of  the  besieging  forces,  and  wrote  Escobedo  that  he  would  join  him 
in  eight  days.  '  Mantenga  V.  sus  posiciones  por  algunos  dias  mas,  seguro  de 
que  dentro  de  ocho  me  poudr6  en  marcha  para  ese  campamento.'  But  final 
orders  released  him  from  going  to  Quere"taro.  Diaz,  Datos  /hog.,  MS.,  341. 
24  Marquez  has  been  blamed  lor  the  abandonment  of  Chapultepec  and 


•26 


AT  THE  CAPITAL.  343 

Meantime  Marquez  exerted  himself  to  place  the 
city  in  condition  for  a  desperate  defence.  But  he 
encountered  great  difficulty  in  procuring  funds  where 
with  to  pay  expenses.  Vidaurri,  minister  of  the  treas 
ury,  acknowledged  his  inability  to  provide  any,  and 
placed  his  resignation  in  the  lugarteniente's  hands.25 
All  denials  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  the  fact 
was  that  Marquez  and  Vidaurri  were  no  longer  in 
accord,  owing  to  the  latter's  disapproval  of  O'Horan's 
violent  course  in  collecting  the  forced  loan.  J.  M. 
Lacunza  became  president  of  the  council. 

Marquez  paid  no  regard  to  right  or  common  decency 
He  continued  to  extort  money  in  the  emperor's  name.'2 
His  emissaries  forcibly  entered  private  dwellings  to 
make  seizures.  He  also  resorted  to  the  unjustifiable 
device — so  bitterly  censured  by  the  conservatives 
when  Juarez'  minister,  Mendez,  used  it  in  1863 — of 
confining  those  who  resisted  his  demands,  barely 
allowing  food  enough  to  support  life,  with  the  intent 
to  force  the  payment  of  ransom.27 

The  imperialist  press  assured  its  partisans  that  their 
triumph  was  certain;  Escobedo  and  Diaz  would  be 
compelled  to  retire  from  before  Queretaro  and  Mex 
ico.28  Encouraging  news  reached  Marquez  on  the  6th 
of  May  from  Maximilian,  announcing  his  victory  of 
April  27th,  and  giving  the  assurance  that  he  would 
soon  march  to  the  relief  of  Mexico.29  Marquez  needed 

Guadalupe,  forgetting  that  to  defend  those  positions  and  the  extent  of  seven 
leagues  the  city  would  require  a  garrison  of  20,000  men,  whereas  he  had  only 
5,000  or  6,000. 

25  'No  me  es  posible  cubrir  ni  el  ramo  mas  preferente  del  ramo  militar.' 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xviii.  1437.     Diaz  had  on  the  19th  of  April  reminded 
all  concerned  of  the  law  of  April  12,  1862,  prohibiting  under  the  penalty  of 
death  all  aid  to  the  foreign  enemy,  manifesting  his  determination  to  make  ifr 
effective  upon  all   that  should   supply  provisions   to   the  beleaguered   city. 
Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  259-60;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  423. 

26  From  the  house  of  Barron  he  got  $125,000;  from  Beistegui  $100,000;  and 
lesser  sums  from  others. 

27 '  On  les  met  au  regime  de  la  diete  forcee,  jusqu'a  ce  qu'ils  se  decident  a 
payer  ram^on.'  The  Prussian  count,  Bennecke,  paid  $6,000  to  escape  that 
treatment.  Masseras,  Un  Essni  d?  Empire,  214-15.. 

28  The  Boletin  Oficial  and  La  Union  were  the  organs  referred  to. 

29  In  another  letter  to  Iribarren,  published  in  the  Diano  del  Imperio  on 
the  7th  of  May,  he  spoke  of  his  hopes  to  be  able  to  compel  the  republicans  to 


344  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

no  spurring  to  bring  out  his  characteristic  energy 
and  activity,  and  his  subordinates  closely  followed  his 
example. 

Forage  was  now  extremely  scarce.  General  M. 
Diaz  de  la  Vega,  who  had  charge  of  the  exterior  line 
of  San  Cosme,  make  a  sortie  in  force  on  the  12th  of 
of  May,  and  drove  the  besiegers  from  their  positions, 
pursuing  them  to  the  Hacienda  de  la  Ascension  y 
Popotla.  Meanwhile  Quiroga's  brigade  foraged  at 
ease.  The  object  being  accomplished,  the  imperialists 
went  back  with  loaded  horses.30 

The  siege,  though  unaccompanied  with  fighting  to 
any  great  extent,  was  producing  horrible  effects  on 
the  poor  of  the  city,  who  had  no  means  to  procure  the 
necessaries  of  life  at  their  enhanced  prices.31  The 
garrison  held  out  stoutly,  in  the  expectation  of  imme 
diate  succor,  when,  on  the  16th  of  May,  a  rumor  cir 
culated  through  the  city  that  Queretaro  had  fallen. 
The  news,  as  communicated  in  a  telegram  of  Alcerreca 
to  Diaz  from  San  Juan  del  Rio,  had  been  thrown  into 
the  town  enclosed  in  bombs  and  grenades.  It  natu 
rally  caused  much  alarm;  but  after  a  while  the  idea 
began  to  prevail  that  it  was  a  ruse  of  the  enemy,  de 
serving  of  no  credence  whatever.  The  news  was  true, 
for  all  that;  15,000  men  of  all  arms,  under  General 
Ramon  Corona,  started  from  before  Queretaro  on  the 
1 7th  of  May  to  the  assistance  of  Diaz.  Riva  Palacio 
with  his  division,  and  Marquez  Galindo  with  his 
brigade,  returned  on  the  22d  from  Queretaro.32  On 
the  24th  Corona  reported  himself  with  his  15,000 
men.  General  Felix  Diaz  came  the  same  day  from 

raise  the  siege  of  Mexico,  urging  that  the  defence  should  be  continued,  and 
the  supply  of  war  material  increased. 

30Salm-Salm.  Diary,  ii.  312,  erroneously  places  this  first  sortie  on  the  18th, 
giving  the  Austrians  the  whole  credit  of  its  success.  Marquez  thanks  Vega 
for  that  service  on  the  12th.  No  Austrians  took  part  in  the  sortie.  Pezaand 
Pradillo,  Maxim.,  136-9. 

31 A  board  of  charity  and  the  sisters  of  St  Vincent  de  Paul  relieved  the  in 
digent  as  well  as  they  could. 

32  The  Boletin  de  Oriente,  a  republican  journal  published  in  Diaz'  camp, 
said,  on  the  24th  of  May,  that  the  valley  of  Mexico  was  becoming  the  rendez 
vous  of  the  uprisen  nation. 


SIEGE  OF  MEXICO.  345 

Oajaca  with  cavalry.  The  ge.neral-in-chief,  leaving 
Guadalupe  in  charge  of  Corona,  transferred  his  head 
quarters  to  Tacubaya.  The  division  of  the  north  oc 
cupied  Atzcapotzalco  and  Tacubaya.  The  investment 
was  now  complete,  and  the  besiegers  could  not  compre 
hend  what  made  the  garrison  hold  out,  exposing  itself 
and  the  city  to  utter  destruction.33  The  cause  was 
that  Marquez  would  give  no  credence  to  any  report 
not  coming  direct  from  the  emperor.  Even  after  he 
saw  a  letter  from  Vicente  Kiva  Palacio  to  his  wife, 
saying  that  he  would  soon  be  with  her,  he  persisted 
in  the  defence,  and  to  this  end  resorted  to  imposture. 

At  last,  after  many  consultations  as  to  whether  the 
regency  appointed  by  Maximilian  at  Queretaro  on 
the  20th  of  March,  1867,  should  assume  its  office,  it 
was  resolved  that  Mariano  Riva  Palacio  should  repair, 
on  the  28th  of  May,  to  Diaz'  headquarters  and  ascer 
tain  the  facts.  That  same  morning  Diaz  placed  in 
his  hands  Maximilian's  telegram  to  Baron  Magnus, 
requesting  him  to  come  to  Queretaro  with  counsel  to 
defend  him,  with  which  he  returned  to  the  city  on 
the  29th. 

Marquez  still  resolved  to  resist  till  the  government 
was  reconstituted  pursuant  to  Maximilian's  decree  of 
May  llth.  On  receiving  the  information  of  the  sur 
render  of  Queretaro  and  Maximilian's  capture,  Mar 
quez  attempted,  in  the  night  of  the  I7th-18th  of  June, 
a  sally  with  6,000  men,34  throwing  a  bridge  over  the 
wide  fosse  surrounding  the  city,  but  was  driven  back 
by  Diaz  in  person.35  In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  Aus- 

83  Diaz  felt  that  with  sufficient  sacrifice  of  life  and  destruction  of  property 
he  could  at  once  take  the  city;  but  there  was  no  pressing  need,  and  he  pre 
ferred  to  spare  both  his  men  and  the  town,  together  with  its  inhabitants.  As 
he  has  said  himself,  'comprendi6  que  con  algunos  dias  mas  de  fuegos  artifi- 
ciales  se  rendirian.'  Di<tz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  343-4.  Masseras  confirms  it, 
characterizing  Diaz  as  'un  homme  qui  s'etait  fait  une  loi  de  sacrifier  1'impa- 
tience  du  succes  au  souci  de  ses  consequences.'  Un  Essat  d1  Empire,  196. 

34  In  the  preparations,  lasting  48  hours,  his  agents  used  the  most  violent 
means  to  obtain  men,  money,  and  horses.  Masseras,  Un  Essai  cTEmpire,  222. 

3i  He  was  met  by  Diaz  on  the  puente  de  los  cuartos  with  two  small  bri 
gades.  On  his  way  back  he  was  a  long  time  under  the  besiegers'  cross-fire. 
Diaz,  DatosBiog.,  MS.,  345. 


346  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

trian  charge*  directed  the  Austrians  to  abstain  from 
further  service.36  His  right  to  do  so  has  been  denied, 
but  the  Austrian  officers  at  once  notified  General 
Tabera  of  the  receipt  of  this  command.87  Through 
the  intercession  of  Baron  Lago,  Diaz  agreed,  on  the 
1 9th  of  June,  to  grant  the  Austrians  terms  of  capitu 
lation,  assuming  the  responsibility  of  his  act  before 
his  government,  and  pledging  his  word  that  the 
terms  should  be  carried  out.38  That  same  day  Mar- 
quez,  who  had  received  positive  advice  of  the  execu 
tions  on  the  Cerro  de  las  Campanas,  concluded  to  resign 
his  position,  leaving  the  commanders  of  the  garrison 
free  to  act  as  they  might  think  proper.  And  being 
aware  that  if  captured  his  execution  was  certain,  he 
went  into  concealment,  his  family  doing  the  same. 
His  example  was  also  followed  by  Vidaurri,  Lacunza, 
O'Horan,  and  Manuel  Ramirez  Arellano. 


36  He  wrote  the  Austrian  colonel  Khevenhuller  that  the  emperor  had  told 
him  he  would  send  the  Austrian  officers  an  autograph  letter  requesting  them 
to  stop  further  bloodshed   for  him.     Baron  Lago  felt  certain  that   the  em 
peror  had  written  the  letter,  and  it  must  have  been  intercepted  by  Marquez. 
Masseras,   Un  Essai  d' Empire,  222-3;  Znmacois,  Hist.   Mej.,  xviii.   1624-5; 
Boletin  Republicano,  June  27,  1867. 

37  The  action  of  the  Austrians  has  been  set  down  as  selfish,  and  far  from 
honorable.     They  had,  under  the  conditions  of  their  reenlistment,  pursuant 
to  Maximilian's  proclamation  at  Orizaba  Dec.  6,  1866,  ceased  to  be  Austrians, 
and  had  become  Mexicans.  Zamacois,  Hi*t.  Mej.,  xviii.  1626-7. 

28 1st.  The  Austrians  were  to  abstain  from  all  participation  in  hostilities 
against  the  republican  forces.  2d.  Should  they  leave  the  capital  on  the  20th 
and  present  themselves  at  the  general  headquarters  of  the  besieging  army, 
Diaz  would  furnish  them  transportation  to  Vera  Cruz  at  the  expense  of  the 
Mexican  government.  Their  baggage  was  also  guaranteed.  The  officers 
were  allowed  to  retain  their  arms  and  horses.  All  other  arms  and  horses 
must  be  given  up  by  them.  3d.  Should  the  stipulated  time  elapse  without 
the  Austrians  having  availed  themselves  of  it,  though  observing  the  condition 
expressed  in  article  1st,  if  the  Austrian  soldiers,  in  the  event  of  a  fight,  re 
tired  therefrotn  and  hoisted  the  white  flag,  Diaz  guaranteed,  if  he  succeeded 
in  taking  Mexico,  only  their  lives,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  supreme  govern 
ment  to  decide.  4th.  Austrians  desiring  to  reside  in  the  country  would  be 
permitted  to  do  so,  with  guarantee  of  person  and  property.  5th.  Austrians 
stationed  at  distant  posts  were  allowed  till  the  morning  of  the  21st  to  come 
in  under  clause  no.  2;  after  that  time  they  would  be  entitled  only  to  the  con 
cessions  in  clause  no.  3.  6th.  The  same  terms  were  extended  to  other  for 
eigners.  As  to  the  Mexicans,  Diaz  could  not  anticipate  the  resolution  of  the 
republican  government  by  granting  them  terms  which  might  be  contrary  to 
its  determinations.  7th.  Diaz  wished  to  be  timely  informed  when  they  would 
march  out  of  Mexico,  in  order  to  afford  them  all  the  aid  in  his  power.  Those 
terms  were  accepted  by  the  Austrians.  Id.,  1638-9,  1641-2;  Domenech,  Hist, 
du  Mex.,  iii.  438-40. 


FIKAL  SURRENDER.  347 

General  Ramon  Tabera,  upon  whom  had  devolved 
the  chief  command,  sent  commissioners  to  Diaz  to 
treat  of  capitulation.39  He  also  had  a  conference 
with  Diaz,  at  which  the  latter  assured  him  that  he 
could  entertain  no  propositions  which  did  not  recog 
nize  the  supremacy  of  his  government.  Tabera  feared 
the  application  to  himself  and  his  companions  of  the 
law  for  the  punishment  of  high  treason,  and  told  Diaz 
that  rather  than  to  submit  to  it  the  garrison  would 
fight  to  the  last.40  The  brief  truce  agreed  upon  hav 
ing  terminated  without  reaching  the  desired  end,  the 
besiegers  reopened  fire  upon  the  town,  and  again 
set  their  columns  in  motion,  the  general's  purpose 
being  rather  to  feign  an  assault  than  to  effect  one.41 
After  a  few  moments  the  white  flag  was  again  hoisted 
on  the  fortifications,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  descried 
the  firing  ceased.  This  was  on  the  20th  of  June. 
Commissioners  came  out,  to  surrender  the  town  and 
garrison  at  discretion,  and  Diaz  instructed  them  how 
to  effect  the  delivery,  resolving  to  enter  the  city  on 
the  next  day,  due  precautions  against  treachery  being 
first  taken.42  After  adopting  measures  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  order,  and  for  supplying  food  to  the  in 
habitants,  Diaz  had  three  prisons  prepared  for  the 
servitors  of  the  late  archduke.43  A  term  of  forty- 
eight  hours  was  allowed  for  all  such  to  present  them- 

39  The  white  flag  being  hoisted,  and  the  call  for  a  parley  sounded,  Otten- 
burg,  the  U.  S.  charge",  came  out  in  a  carriage,  with  the  proposition  that  the 
city  would  surrender  on  the  condition  of  life  being  guaranteed  to  its  de 
fenders.  This  was  what  the  bearers  of  the  flag  of  truce  had  asked  for. 
Diaz  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposition,  and  allowed  seven  minutes  for  his 
return  to  the  city.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog. ,  MS. ,  346. 

40 '  Esas  leyes  son  de  sangre  y  exterminio,  y  antes  que  poner  el  cuello  bajo 
la  cuchilla  del  verdugo,  preferiremos  seguir  peleando  como  hombres  resueltos.' 
Diaz,  Prof.,  Biog.,  139. 

41 '  El  general  solo  se  habia  propuesto  simular  un  ataque  y  no  practicarlo. ' 
Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  346. 

42  Further  particulars  from  republican  as  well  as  imperialist  sources  may 
be  seen  in  Boletin  Rep.,  June  27,  July  22,  1867;  P(jza  and  Pradillo,  Maxim., 
121-36;    Pdjaro    Verde,   Jan. -June   1867;  Salm-Salm's    Diary,    ii.    303-28; 
He"ricault  accuses  Marquez  of  incapacity  or  treason,  and  praises  Diaz'  conduct. 
Maxim.,  185-241,  269-85,  375-82. 

43  One  for  his  secretaries  of  state,  councillors,  and  generals;  the  second  for 
other  high  civil  officials  and  field-officers;  and  the  third  for  lower  officials  and 
subalterns.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  348-9;  Boletin  Rep.,  July  5,  10,  1867. 


348  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

selves,  during  which  Tabera  alone  responded.  The 
time  was  extended  twelve  hours,  and  within  the  first 
six  the  prisons  were  full;*4  only  such  men  as  Marquez, 
Lacunza,  O'Horan,  Yidaurri,  and  a  few  others  having 
failed  to  report  themselves.45 

A  resume  of  the  war  of  intervention,  from  April 
1863  to  June  1867,  shows  that  there  took  place  within 
that  period  1,020  battles,  actions  of  war,  and  skir 
mishes,  in  which  73,547  republican  and  12,209  imperi 
alist  Mexicans  were  placed  hors  de  combat.46  To 
these  victims  must  be  added  those  of  the  French  and 
other  nationalities,  for  which  Napoleon's  unjustifiable 
policy,  in  aid  of  a  body  of  traitors  to  foist  a  monarchical 
government  on  this  unfortunate  country,  is  mainly 
responsible.  Probably  not  less  than  50,000  persons 
in  all  yielded  their  lives  in  this  struggle,  to  say  nothing 
about  the  money  and  misery  connected  with  it. 
Surely  it  was  a  small  enough  matter,  and  one  entirely 
justifiable,  to  throw  in  with  the  rest  the  lives  of  the 
leaders  in  this  most  iniquitous  invasion. 

President  Juarez  made  his  entry  into  the  capital  in 
an  open  carriage,  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the 

44  No  harsh  treatment  of  the  prisoners  \vas  allowed.     Their  families  and 
friends  had  free  access  to  them.     The  sick  were  permitted  to  remain  at  their 
homes.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xviii.  1655-6. 

45  The  Hungarian  and  Polish  cavalry,  quartered  in  the  National  palace, 
having  remained  neutral  from  the  time  they  heard  of  Maximilian's  fate,  was 
allpwed  as  a  mark  of  honor  to  retain  during  three  days  its  arms  and  horses. 
The  privilege  was   also  granted,  for   the  same  reason,  to   Chenet's   French 
guerrilla  force,  which  was  quartered  in  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo. 

46 Republicans:  killed,  31,962;  wounded,  8,304;  prisoners,  33,281.  Impe 
rialists:  killed,  5,671;  wounded,  2,159;  prisoners,  4,379.  These  figures  indi 
cate  that  the  actual  number  of  Mexicans  who  lost  their  lives  on  the  field  of 
battle  was  37,633,  and  the  number  of  wounded  10,463.  Gallardo,  MartiroL, 
49.  The  general  title  of  this  work  is  Martlrologio  de  los  Defenaores  de  la  in- 
dependencia  de  Mexico.  Mex.,  1875.  Oblong  fol.,  50  pp.  The  author,  Basilio 
Perez  Gallardo,  claims  to  have  obtained  his  data  from  official  reports  in  the 
Diario  del  Imperio,  and  from  La  Sociedad,  said  to  be  the  most  sensible  of  the 
publications  of  the  intervention,  disregarding  letters  of  correspondents,  or 
information  furnished  by  newspapers  of  the  so-called  departments.  The  work 
purports  to  give  the  encounters  between  the  interventionist  and  republican 
forces  to  the  date  in  1867,  wrhen  the  city  of  Mexico  was  reoccupied  by  the 
republican  government,  together  with  the  number  of  Mexicans  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners  of  both  armies,  the  year,  month,  and  date,  state,  and 
place  of  each  encounter;  names  of  commanders  or  leaders,  and  some  notes  of 
considerable  importance.  The  work  was  dedicated  to  President  Juarez,  who 
warmly  thanked  the  author  for  his  patriotic  service. 


ENTRY  OF  JUAREZ.  349 

15th  of  July,  accompanied  by  his  ministers  Sebastian 
Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Jose  Maria  Iglesias,  and  Ignacio 
,Mejia,  and  was  welcomed  amidst  the  shouts  of  the 
people,  the  roar  of  artillery,  and  the  ringing  of  bells. 
The  same  day  he  issued  a  manifesto  to  the  effect  that 
during  the  four  years  he  had  been  away  from  the  city 
he  had  contracted  no  obligations  prejudicial  to  the  in 
dependence  and  sovereignty  of  the  republic,  the  in 
tegrality  of  her  territory,  or  to  the  respect  due  to  the 
constitution  and  laws.  He  displayed  benevolence 
toward  the  vanquished,  and  hoped  all  good  Mexicans 
would  aid  in  securing  for  the  country  the  benefits  of 
peace.47  The  day  after  his  arrival  at  the  capital  a 
number  of  imperialists  wTere  sentenced  to  death  by 
court-martial  at  Queretaro.48  A  strong  petition  was 
telegraphed  him  from  there  on  behalf  of  the  prisoners 
and  of  their  families.  The  sentence  was  commuted  to 
imprisonment.  O'Horan,  who  was  captured  a  few 
days  later,  was  not  so  fortunate.  He  was  tried,  con 
victed,  and  shot  on  the  21st  of  August,  Juarez  refus 
ing  to  spare  his  life,  notwithstanding  the  supplications 
of  his  mother  and  other  members  of  his  family,  and 
the  numerons  petitions  addressed  to  him  from  all 
quarters.49  Vidaurri,  who  had  been  arrested  in  the 
capital  on  the  8th  of  July,  was  not  allowed  even  the 
privilege  of  a  trial.  His  identity  being  established, 
he  was  shot  forthwith.  Severo  del  Castillo,  also  sen 
tenced  to  execution  at  Queretaro,  had  the  good  for 
tune  to  obtain  a  commutation  of  his  penalty.  Marquez, 

47  The  document  seems  to  have  been  dictated  by  a  desire  to  conciliate  op 
posing  elements.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  286-8;  Boletin  Rep.,  July  16, 
17,  21,  1867;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  7-28;  La  Estrella  de  Occid., 
Aug.  30,  1867. 

48  Casanova,  Escobar,  Ramirez,  Vald£s,  Moret,  Reyes,  Herrera  y  Lozada, 
Calvo,  Magana,  Liceaga,  Monterde,  Othon,  and  Prince  Salm-Salm.  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.,  63-7,  iii.  246-50;  Salm-Salm's  Diary,  ii.  101,  119-20;  El  Estado  deSin., 
Oct.  4,  1867. 

**  'Algo  se  debia  a  la  justiciay  a  la  venganza  nacional.'  Baz,  Vidade  Juarez, 
302.  Among  the  petitioners  were  Porfirio  Diaz  and  other  liberal  generals. 
Full  particulars  on  his  case  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  xviii.  1661-85;  Niox, 
Exped.  du  Mex.,  714-15;  Salm-Salm's  Diary,  ii.  102-3,  120;  Masseras,  Un 
E*»a%  d'Empire,  386-7;  Boletin  Repub.,  July  23,  24,  Aug.  21,  25,  1867;  La, 
Estrella  de  Occid.,  Nov.  15,  1867. 


350  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Lacunza,    and    Ramirez   de   Arellano   succeeded    in 
escaping  from  the  country.50 

The  time  had  now  come  when  the  government 
might  have  disarmed  party  hatred,  and  gained  the 
support  of  its  former  opponents;  but  the  men  in  power 
adopted  the  policy  of  persecution,  continuing  to  pun 
ish  the  imperialists  with  confiscation  of  their  estates, 
thereby  reducing  whole  families  to  indigence.  How 
soever  justifiable  such  a  course,  not  all  the  liberal 
party  looked  with  favor  upon  the  proceeding,  a  portion 
of  the  progressionist  press  strongly  condemning  it  as 
unconstitutional.51  The  confiscation  was  decreed  pur 
suant  to  the  law  of  August  16,  1&63;  but  the  presi 
dent,  exercising  his  discretional  powers,  finally  com 
muted  it,  deciding  that  the  persons  who  had  incurred 
it  should  pay  instead  a  fine,  to  be  fixed  by  the  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury.52  The  imperialist  prisoners  were 
disposed  of  in  an  order  of  July  14th;  many  of  them 
were  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  and  together  with 
those  from  Queretaro  were  sent  to  Perote.  A  still 
larger  number  was  liberated,  but  to  continue  under 
the  surveillance  of  the  authorities.53  Twelve  of  the 
most  prominent  imperialists  were  expelled  from  the 
republic.54 

A  portion  of  the  press  was  trying  to  prevail  on  the 

50 It  is  understood  that  Marquez,  after  a  six  months'  concealment,  during 
which  his  aged  mother  was  in  constant  agony  dreading  his  arrest,  resolved  to 
hazard  an  escape,  and  effected  it  in  daylight,  disguised  as  an  Indian  charcoal 
vender,  occupying  16  days  to  reach  Vera  Cruz,  all  the  time  in  danger  of  de 
tection.  He  had  to  tarry  five  days  at  the  port,  where  he  finally  embarked 
for  the  U.  S.,  whence  he  went  to  reside  in  Habana,  at  which  place  he  eked 
out  a  living  as  a  pa wnbroker. 

51 El  Monitor  Rcpublicano  of  Aug.  3,  1867,  declared  it  a  violation  of  the 
constitution  of  1857,  and  altogether  unjust. 

62  All  claims  such  persons  might  have  against  the  government  were  for 
feited,  however.     The  benefits  of  the  decree  were  not  extended  to  persons 
declared  traitors  to  the  country.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  321-3;  Dublan 
and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  42-3,  109-10,  112;  Tovar.  Hist.  ParL,  i.  65-400, 
passim. 

63  Such  as  captains  and  subalterns,  and  officials  of  an  inferior  order.  M4x.t 
Col  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  278-9,  289. 

64  Among  the  last  were  Bishop  Ormaechea,  and  the  ex-ministers  Maria, 
Mier  y  Teran,  Portilla,  and  Torres  Larrainzar. 


AMNESTY  DEFEATED.  351 

government  to  issue  an  amnesty  law/5  This  was 
rather  pleasing  to  the  president  and  his  cabinet,  who 
would  have  acceded  thereto  but  for  the  office-seekers, 
who  kept  up  their  clamor  of  treason  against  the  fallen 
party.  But  the  government  tempered  its  rigor  as 
far  as  it  could  without  running  the  risk  of  being 
charged  with  weakness  by  the  opponents  of  amnesty. 
It  evidently  intended  to  gradually  give  way,56  so  as  to 
arrive  at  the  end  desired  by  the  friends  of  a  general 
amnesty,  without  too  openly  antagonizing  the  most 
radical  portion  of  its  opponents.  This  was  frankly 
acknowledged  by  the  conservative  Revista  Universal. 
But  the  radical  element  would  sanction  no  half-way 
measures.  Several  attempts  were  made  from  time  to 
time,  and  a  general  amnesty  bill  was  favorably  re 
ported  on  by  the  committees  of  judicial  and  govern 
ment  affairs  in  congress,  but  failed  of  passage,  its 
antagonists  claiming  that  it  would  be  dishonorable 
and  immoral  to  pardon  the  traitors.57 

The  imperialist  commander  Olvera  had  surren 
dered  on  the  27th  of  May,  with  his  force,  to  General 
Martinez  at  Huichapan,  on  condition  of  not  being 
molested  for  the  past  on  account  of  political  opinions,58 
so  that  all  military  resistance  to  the  government's 
authority  had  ceased.  After  the  embarkation  of  the 
French  troops,  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  which  had  been 
under  the  imperialist  generals  Taboada  and  Herran, 
made  some  resistance  for  a  while,  but  on  the  27th  of 
June  capitulated  to  the  republican  troops  of  Alejandro 

55  La  Orquesta,  edited  by  Riva  Palacio,  favored  the  measure.     Francisco 
Zarco's  paper,  El  Siglo  XIX.,  opposed  it. 

56  Four  days  after  their  imprisonment,  14  were  allowed  to  go  to  their  homes 
on  the  plea  of  old  age  or  sickness;  on  the  10th  day  58  others  of  the  least 
culpable  were  released;  and  on  the  73d  those  who  were  to  be  liberated  but 
to  continue  under  surveillance.  La  Revista  Universal,  Oct.  10,  1867.     This 
was  a  conservative  journal. 

57  The  arguments  for  and  against  are  given  in  Tovar,  Hist.  ParL,  i.  65-383, 
passim. 

58  The  arrangement  was  disallowed  on  the  7th  of  June  by  the  government 
at  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Martinez  suspended  from  command.     Subsequent 
events  must  have  made  it  an  accomplished  fact.  M6x..  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii. 
206-9. 


332  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Garcia  and  Benavides.59  The  last  stronghold  of  the 
imperialists,  namely,  that  of  Nayarit,  submitted  on 
the  22d  of  July,  when  Lozada  and  his  subordinates, 
with  the  civil  authorities  and  people,  recognized  the 
supreme  government  of  the  republic.60 

Among  the  president's  first  'acts  was  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  the  portfolio  of  fomento,  calling  Bias  Balcdr- 
cel  to  take  charge  of  it;  and  upon  the  resignation  of 
Jose  Maria  Iglesias  from  the  department  of  justice 
and  public  instruction,  Antonio  Martinez  de  Castro 
was  appointed  his  successor.61  He  also  decreed  that 
the  supreme  authorities — legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial — of  the  several  states  should  not  reside  at  sea 
ports,  and  that  ah1  should  return  to  their  former 
respective  capitals.62  Next  came  a  general  order  of 
the  23d  reducing  the  four  corps  d'armee,  Centro, 
Oriente,  Norte,  arid  Occidente,  to  as  many  divisions 
with  a  force  of  4,000  men  each.63  The  fifth  division, 
Juan  Alvarez'  command,  was  to  garrison  Acapulco. 
This  decree,  sending  into  poverty  two  thirds  of  the 
army  which  had  fought  the  battles  of  the  republic 
against  both  the  foreign  foe  and  imperialism,  and  at 

59 The  authorities  and  other  compromitted  persons  sought  refuge  on  foreign 
vessels.  Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  715;  Salm-ScUm's  Dairy,  ii.  100;  La  Estrelta 
de  Occid.,  Aug.  2,  1867;  Zamacois  Hist.  Mej.,  xviii.  1649. 

60  In  order  to  accomplish  it,  Guadarrama's  cavalry,  of  Corona's  command, 
secured  the  strategic  points.  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Aug.  9,  Sept.  13,  Oct.  4, 
1867;  ElEst.  de  Sin.,  Aug.  9,  Sept.  13,  1867.  It  has  been  said  that  it  was 
effected  through  the  influence  with  Lozada  and  others  there  of  Barren,  Forbes, 
&  Co. ,  whose  good-will  had  been  secured  by  confirming  to  them  the  concession 
made  by  Maximilian  to  build  the  Vera  Cruz  railroad.  Marqucz  de,  Leon,  Mem. 
P6st.,  MS.,  312-7.  Tepic  was  made  a  military  district  directly  dependent  on 
the  general  government.  Riva  Palacio,  Hist.  Adm.  Lerdo,  112,  412-4. 

"Decrees  of  July  20  and  21,  1867.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  280-3; 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  28;  ElDerecho,  i.  15. 

62 On  the  22d  of  July,  1867.  Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  21,  1867;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley., 
1863-7,  iii.  293-4;  Dub' an  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  28-9. 

63  The  central  division  was  placed  in  command  of  Nicolas  Regules,  with 
headquarters  in  Mexico;  the  eastern  was  given  to  Porfirio  Diaz,  headquarters 
in  Tehuacan — including  the  garrisons  of  Vera  Cruz  arid  Tabasco;  the  northern 
was  to  be  under  Mariano  Escobedo,  including  the  garrisons  of  Tampico,  Mata- 
moros,  and  other  northern  frontier  places,  with  headquarters  at  San  Luis 
Potosi.  The  command  of  the  4th  or  western  was  given  to  Ramon  Corona, 
who  was  to  control  Manzanillo,  Mazatlan,  and  Tepic,  with  headquarters  in 
Guadalajara.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1863-7,  iii.  295-8;  Diaz,  Dato*  Biog.,  MS., 
352;  Boletin  Repub.,  July  27',  30,  Aug.  21,  1867. 


MEASURES  OF  JUAREZ.  353 

the  same  time  striking  a  blow  at  many  aspirations,  was 
not  well  received  by  the  soldiers,  and  erelong  their 
displeasure  was  manifested  in  an  alarming  manner.64 
All  discretional  powers  given  to  divers  generals  dur 
ing  the  war  were  revoked  by  the  same  general  order. 
General  Diaz,  out  of  deference  to  the  president's 
wishes,  accepted  the  command  of  the  eastern  division 
for  a  limited  time;  at  the  expiration  of  two  months 
he  retired  to  private  life.65  The  discretional  powers 
vested  in  Juarez  were  by  him  applied  to  several  other 
uses  in  the  promotion  of  the  country's  interests.66 
The  government  now  had  an  opportunity  to  carry  to 
completion  the  intended  reforms,  and  to  reconstruct 
the  political  edifice.  The  reorganization  of  the  several 
administrative  branches  was  a  long  task,  much  pruning 
being  needed  to  retain  in  service  only  competent  and 
useful  men.  It  was  of  paramount  importance  to  estab 
lish  the  judiciary,  and  Juarez  did  so  at  the  earliest 
opportunity,  appointing  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada 
president  ad  interim  of  the  supreme  court.67  Another 
decree  made  valid  all  judicial  acts  passed  during  the 
existence  of  the  empire,  the  lawyers  and  notaries  who 
took  part  in  them  being  restored  to  the  exercise  of 
their  offices.  Marriages  contracted  during  the  same 
period  were  also  validated.63 

64  The  claims  of  these  soldiers  of  the  republic  were  neglected.   Riva  Palacio, 
Hint.  Adm.   Lerdo,  25-6.     The  president,  however,  decreed  on  the  5th  of 
Aug.,  1867,  special  decorations  to  honor  their  services.  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  M<-x.,  x.  36-7;  Bole.tin  Rep.,  Aug.  16,  1867. 

65  When  he  surrendered  the  command  of  the  late  besieging  army,  which 
exceeded  20,000  men,  all  had  been  paid  in  full;  he  had  also  covered  other 
large  expenses,  and  still  had  in  hand  a  balance  of  over  $315,000,  which  he 
turned  over  to  the  general  treasury.     After  his  return  to  Oajaca  his  pay  as  a 
general  of  division  was  tendered,  but  he  refused  i*    ugnifying  to  Juarez  that 
he  would  not  return  to  the  service  as  long  as  the  government  pursued  a  con 
stitutional  course.  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  354-5. 

66  Privileges  for  constructing  railroads  on  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  an  1 
from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  were  renewed;  special  schools  of  medicine,  juris 
prudence,  engineering,  fine  and  mechanic  arts,  agriculture,  and  for  the  deaf 
and  dumb  were  created. 

67  The  associate  justices,  also  provisionally  appointed,  were  Pedro  Ogazon, 
Manuel   M.   Zamacona,  Vicente   Riva  Palacio,  Jose"  M.  Lafragua,  Mariano 
Yaftez,  Pedro  Ordaz,  Guillermo  Valle,  Manuel  Z.  Gomez,  Joaquin  Cardoso, 
and  Rafael  Donde".     See  the  decree  of  Aug.  1,  1867.   Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1863-7, 
iii.  302-6;  Boletin  Rep.,  Aug.  4,  1867;  Duhlan  and  Lozani,  Leg.  Mex^  x~  32^3, 

88  Decrees  of  Aug.  20  and  Dec.  5,  1867.  Id.,  62-6,  209-10. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    23 


354  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

The  government  had  to  encounter  and  overcome 
the  anarchical  tendencies  showing  themselves  in  many 
places,  and  to  free  the  press  from  the  thraldom  it  had 
been  under  during  the  late  war,69  and  citizens  in  gen 
eral  from  an  insufferable  tyranny.70  Several  political 
organizations,  among  the  most  prominent  of  which 
was  the  Zaragoza  club,71  were  endeavoring  to  aid  the 
government,  their  aims  being  to  have  the  constitution 
amended  by  legal  means,  constituting  the  congress  in 
two  chambers,  and  establishing  fairness  in  public 
elections;  to  encourage  foreign  immigration;  to  raise 
the  communal  or  municipal  element  to  the  rank  of  a 
fourth  power;  and  to  promote  the  permanent  existence 
of  an  American  continental  congress.  , 

The  liberals  were  quite  hopeful  that  the  principles 
they  had  struggled  so  long  for  would  soon  become 
established.  But,  unfortunately,  the  call  for  general 
elections  again  divided  the  progressionist  party,  and 
brought  on  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  The  discretional 
powers  the  president  held,  though  never  abused  by 
him,  were  displeasing  to  the  majority  of  the  people, 
who  feared — martial  law  being  still  retained  in  force 
to  protect  freedom  of  elections — that  the  public  liber 
ties  were  imperilled,  when  subjected  thus  long  to  the 
wnll  of  one  man.  The  long-delayed  electoral  law  was 
finally  enacted  on  the  14th  and  published  on  the  17th 
of  August,  calling  on  the  people  to  choose  a  president 
of  the  republic,  members  of  a  fourth  constitutional 
congress,  and  a  president  and  justices  of  the  supreme 
court.  The  people  were  also  asked  to  express  their 
wish  on  certain  proposed  amendments  to  the  constitu 
tion;  among  others,  if  it  was  the  national  will  that  the 
ordinary  congress  should  effect  the  changes  without 

69  Many  newspapers  had  been  despotically  suppressed,  and  liberal  writers 
imprisoned  for  an  open  expression  of  their  opinions. 

70  Scandalous  outrages  against  citizens  had  been  perpetrated   in  Aguas- 
calientesand  elsewhere.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  677.     A  presidential  decree 
of  the  14th  of  Aug.  greatly  curtailed  the  powers  of  governors  with  the  view 
of  preventing  abuses.  Mix.,  Col.  Ley.,   1864-7,  iii.  323-9;  El  Derecho,  i.  15; 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  56-7. 

71  Inaugurated  late  in  July  1867.  Boletin  Rep.,  Aug.  2,  1867. 


NEW  DISCONTENT.  355 

the  requirements  of  the  127th  article  of  that  funda 
mental  law  being  fulfilled.72 

The  proposed  reforms  were  good  in  themselves,  but 
the  manner  suggested  to  effect  them  met  with  public 
disfavor.  They  were  not  urgent,  and  might  be  intro 
duced  without  infringing  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 
The  idea  of  allowing  ecclesiastics  the  power  to  inter 
fere  in  elections  was  distasteful  to  the  more  advanced 
liberals.  In  fact,  the  whole  proposition  produced  such 
a  bad  effect  that  Juarez  found  it  expedient  to  make 
explanations;78  but  his  words  failed  to  allay  the  popu 
lar  discontent,  which  was  exhibited  in  the  protests  of 
political  clubs,  ayuntamientos,  arid  other  corporations, 
every  such  act  increasing  the  general  disquietude.74 
Distinguished  members  of  the  liberal  party  recom 
mended  a  complete  abstention  from  voting  on  that 
part  of  the  electoral  decree  comprising  the  proposed 
amendments.75 

These  differences  led  to  the  organization  of  a  com 
pact  party  calling  itself  constitucionalista,  and  favor 
ing  the  election  of  Porfirio  Diaz  to  the  presidency.76 

72  Establishment  of  two  legislative  chambers;  giving  the  executive  the  veto 
power,  subject  to  being  overruled  by  a  two- thirds  vote  of   both  houses  of 
congress;   prescribing  the  mode  of  filling  vacancies  caused  by  the  death  or 
inability  of  the  president  and  vice-president;  restricting  the  power  of  the  co- 
mision  permanente  to  call  extra  sessions  of  congress.    The  people  were  likewise 
asked  to  decide  if  state  constitutions  were  to  be  amended  to  conform  with  the 
foregoing  changes,  if  adopted;  and  finally,  if  ecclesiastics  might  have  the  priv 
ilege  of  voting  and  being  voted  for.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  44-56, 
67-8;  Rivera,  Gob,  de  A/ex.,  ii.  678;  Riva  Palacio,  Hist.  Adm.  Lerdo,  33-40; 
Boletin  Hep.,  Aug.  18,  21,  1867;   Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  i.  1-7;  M4x.,  Col.  Ley., 
1863-7,  iii.  328-9;  Convocatoria,  Obwrv.,  1-12. 

73  In  a  manifesto  of  Aug.  22d  he  said,  among  other  things,  that  the  reform 
adopted  by  him  had  been  directed  to  the  development  and  perfection  of  the 
constitution;  and  that  the  amendments  suggested  in  his  decree  of  the  14th 
were  an  expression  of  his  positive  convictions,  resulting  from  past  events,  and 
from  the  dictates  of  experience  in  Mexico  and  other  republics.    Tovar,  Hist. 
Part,,  i.  13-14. 

74  At  a  large   public  meeting  held   in  the  Teatro  Principal  of   Mexico, 
resolutions  were  passed  against  the  decree.     Nearly  all  the  prominent  jour 
nals  of  the  country  also  objected  to  the  innovation.     Baz,  while  acknowledg 
ing  that  the  law  was  'la  manzana  de  la  discordia,'  and  the  opposition  just 
though  exaggerated,  denies  that  the  latter  was  justifiable  after  the  govern 
ment  retraced  its  steps.    Vida  de  Juarez,  300. 

75  Among  the  opponents  were  Leon  Guzman  and  Mendez,  governors  re 
spectively  of  Guanajuato  and  Puebla,  who  were  dismissed  from  office.   Rivera, 
Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  679;  Bolrtin  Rep.,  Sept.  2,  1867;  El  Constitutional,  Sept.  26, 
1867;  La  Estrella  de  Occid..  Nov.  22,  1867. 

76 Boletin  Rep.,  Sept.  4,  1868. 


356  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

Nevertheless,  when  the  elections  took  place  early  in 
October,  Juarez  obtained  the  majority  of  votes  for 
president  of  the  republic,77  and  Sebastian  Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  who  had  also  had  Diaz  as  a  competitor,  for 
president  of  the  supreme  court.  At  the  opening  of 
the  fourth  constitutional  congress,  Juarez  surrendered 
his  discretional  powers,  though  he  was  authorized 
to  hold  them  thirty  days  longer,  and  shortly  after 
accounted  for  the  manner  in  which  he  had  exercised 
them.78  On  the  19th  of  December  he  was  declared 
by  congress  the  president  elect,  and  on  the  25th 
assumed  the  duties  for  the  term  ending  on  the  30th 
of  November,  187 1.79  The  constitutional  reforms  he 
had  proposed  to  the  people  were  put  out  of  mind  for 
the  time.80 

The  republican  government  of  Mexico,  since  the 
time  of  the  European  intervention  and  subsequent 
establishment  over  the  country  of  a  monarchy  which 
was  recognized  by  all  the  powers  of  that  continent, 
had  been  permitted  to  hold  diplomatic  relations  solely 
with  the  republics  of  America,  all  of  which,  during 
the  nation's  struggle  to  shake  off  the  foreign  incubus, 
manifested  at  every  opportunity  their  sympathy  and 
wishes  for  the  success  of  the  republic.  The  relations 
of  amity  with  the  United  States  were  continued  after 
Juarez'  government  resumed  its  functions  at  the 
national  capital.  At  the  opening  of  the  Mexican 
congress,  in  December  1867,  President  Juarez  took 
occasion  to  express  his  acknowledgment  of  the  con- 

"  He  received  7,422  votes  out  of  10,380.  Tovar,  Hist.  ParL,  i.  91;  Soe. 
Mex.  Oeog.  Boletin,  2d  ep.,  iv.  570-85.  The  fact  is,  that  the  majority  of  the 
liberal  party,  Diaz  himself  among  the  number,  had  all  along  favored  Juarez' 
reelection,  duly  appreciating  'su  comportamieuto  abnegado  y  constante.' 
Diaz,  Datos  Bioy.,  MS.,  359. 

78 He  was  called  upon  by  congress  on  the  18th  of  Jan.,  1868,  to  do  so. 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Ley.  Mex.,  x.  233. 

TS>  Tovar,  Hist.  Part.,  i.  56-60,  94;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x. 
217,  219;  El  Derecho,  111,  258;  El  Constitutional,  Dec.  10,  14,  21,  25,  1867; 
Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  8,  25,  1867. 

80  In  1869,  however,  congress  amended  the  electoral  law,  giving  the  right  to 
vote  to  the  priests  or  pastors  of  all  religious  sects.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii. 
683. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  357 

stant  sympathy  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  moral  support  its  government  had  extended 
to  the  republican  cause  in  Mexico.81  The  good  feeling 
toward  the  United  States  was  specially  manifested 
upon  the  visit  to  Mexico  of  William  H.  Seward,  late 
secretary  of  state,  in  1869.82  The  long-pending  ques 
tion  of  claims  was  finally  adjusted  by  arbitration.83 
A  balance  appearing  against  Mexico,  her  government 
has  been  since  paying  it  off  in  yearly  installments  of 
$300,000.  Other  conventions  were  also  entered  into 
by  the  two  governments;  one  on  the  10th  of  July, 
1868,  to  determine  the  nationality  of  citizens  of  either 
republic  emigrating  to  the  other.84  A  consular  con 
vention  was  likewise  signed  at  Washington  July  10, 
1868,  but  failed  to  be  ratified  by  Mexico.85 

Diplomatic  relations  with  the   powers  of  Europe 
were  only  gradually  renewed,86  the  Mexican  govern- 

81  Adding,  'Han  merecido  y  merecen  justamente  las  simpatias  y  la  conside- 
racion  del  pueblo  y  del  gobierno  de  Mexico.'   Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  i.  57. 

82  Seward  was  received  at  Manzanillo,  and  every  mark  of  respect  extended 
him  by  the  authorities  from  his  landing  to  his  departure.   Clarke's  Mex.,  MS., 
3;  Evans'  Sinter  Rep.,  268. 

83  A  convention  was  first  entered  into  by  the  two  governments  on  the  4tn 
of  July,  1868,  leaving  to  a  mixed  commission  and  an  umpire  to  decide  on  the 
claims  of  the  citizens  of  either  country  against  the  other,  within  two  years 
and  six  months.     Further  conventions  were  subsequently  concluded,  granting 
more  time  to  the  commission,  the  last  one,  of  the  29th  of  April,  1876,  pro 
roguing  the  term  for  the  completion  of  the  task  till  the  20th  of  Nov.,  1876. 
U.  S.  Gov.  Doc.,  40th  Cong.  3d   Sess.,  H.   Ex.  98,  xiii.;   Id.,  44th  Cong. 
2d  Sess.,  Sen.  31,   1-103;   Id.,  45th  Cong.   1st  Sess.,  Miscel.   13;  Id.,  45th 
Cong.  2d  Sess.,  H.  Com.  Report,  27,  pts  1,  2,  i.;   Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  iv.  785- 


6;  Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  Istpt,  283-315;  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel,  1873,  11-19,  app. 
v.-vi.,  annex  no.  1,  3-194,  and  numerous  tables;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  x.  585-8;  xi.  5-8,  15-16,  25-7,  161,  470-2;  Diario  Debates,  8  Constit. 
Leg.,  ii.  13-14;  Aspiroz,  C6d.  Extrangeria,  190-9;  Rodriguez,  Com.  Mixta, 
1-67;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1870,  919-26;  Mex.,  Sinop.  Hist.  Redam.,  14- 
53;  El  Constitutional,  June  12,  1868;  Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  18,  1868,  July  7,  1870; 
Scdv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  5,  1875. 

84  Under  this  convention,  American  citizens  residing  five  consecutive  years 
in  Mexico  are  considered  Mexicans;  and  vice  versa,  Americans  naturalized  in 
Mexico  returning  to  the  U.  S.  without  the  intention  of  going  back  to  the 
former  recover  their  original  nationality.  The  same  privilege  is  enjoyed  by 
Mexicans  returning  to  their  native  country.  This  convention  was  given  force 
for  ten  years  or  more,  unless  either  party  was  notified  by  the  other  within 
six  months  after  the  expiration  of  the  10  years  that  it  should  cease.  Aspiroz, 
Cod.  Extrangeria,  199-202;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  iii.  860,  891-2,  1072,  1120-8; 
Nubian  and'Loza?^o,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  583-5;  Diario  Ofic.,  May  12,  1869. 

*~3Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  2d  pt,  175-80. 

86  The  British  minister,  on  the  8th  of  Dec.,  1867,  demanded  passports  lor 
himself  and  the  members  of  his  legation,  which  were  sent  to  him.  Dublan  and 
Lozano,  x.  217;  Diaro  Ofic.,  Dec.  20,  1867;  El  Constitutional,  Dec.  23,  1867. 


358  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

ment  pursuing  an  independent  and  decorous  course 
toward  thgni.  It  avoided  offending  them;  and  with 
out  asking  for  any  favor,  had  resolved  to  oppose  no 
unnecessary  obstacles  to  the  reestablishment  of  amica 
ble  relations,  and  the  negotiation  of  new  treaties,  par 
ticularly  for  the  furtherance  of  trade.  European  sub 
jects  received  protection  to  their  persons  and  property, 
and  were  assured  of  its  continuance.87  The  govern 
ment  likewise  decreed  measures  for  the  payment  of 
certain  British  and  Spanish  claims.88  Italy  was  the 
first  European  nation  to  reopen  diplomatic  relations 
with  the  republic,  which  she  did  by  accrediting  a  min 
ister  near  the  Mexican  government  in  1868,  and  enter 
ing  into  treaties.89  The  king  of  Prussia,  in  the  name 
of  the  North  German  Confederation  and  the  Zollverein, 
also  made  a  treaty  of  friendship,  commerce,  and  navi 
gation  with  Mexico,  in  1869.90  Spain  in  1871,  having 
changed  her  dynasty,  reestablished  friendly  relations 
with  Mexico,  accrediting  a  minister  near  her  govern 
ment,  and  asking  for  the  Mexican  legation  to  be  rein 
stalled  at  Madrid.91  The  government  of  the  United 

87  Frenchmen  specially  were  told,  as  they  had  been  on  the  12th  of  April, 
1862,   '  Los  fraiiceses  pacificos  residentes  en  el  pais,  quedan  bajo  la  salva- 
guarda  de  las  leyes  y  de  las  autoridades  mexicanas.'  HI  ex.,  Mem.  Relaciones, 
1873,  annex  no.  x.  74-5. 

88  Decree  of  Dec.  21,  1867,  reiterated  Feb.  1,  1868.     The  Brit,  and  Sp. 
bondholders  were  asked  March  14,  1870,  to  produce  their  bonds  for  adjust 
ment.  Dublan&nd  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  220-1,  258-9,  265-6,  xi.  21-2. 

fc9  A  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  was  concluded  in  Mexico 
on  the  14th  of  Dec.,  1870,  and  a  convention  for  the  extradition  of  criminals  on 
the  17th.  El  Constitutional,  Feb.  2,  1868;  Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  1st  pt,  577- 
96.  Diario  Debates,  T  Cong.,  i.  1031-8;  Bol.  Ofic.  Est.  Sin.,  Sept.  28,  1874. 
M6x.,  Mem.  Rel.  Exter.,  1873,  annex  L. 

90  On  the  28th  of  Aug.     A  protocol  was  added  to  it  on  the  26th  of  Nov.  of 
the  same  year.  Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  1st  pt,  80-101;  Mex.,  Dinrio  Ofic.,  Aug. 
28,  1869,  June  10,  1870;  Diario  Debates  Quinto  Cong.,  i.  33;  Aspiroz,  C6d.  Ex- 
trangeria,  203-14;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  xi.  168-76. 

91  The  correspondence  was  reopened  with  an  autograph  letter  from  King 
Amadeo  I.  of  Apr.  30,  1871,  delivered  by  Feliciano  Herreros  de  Tejada,  accred 
ited  minister  to  the  president  of  Mexico,  expressing  a  desire  to  restore  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  governments,  which  feeling  was  reciprocated  on 
receipt  of  that  letter  in  Sept.  by  J  uarez,  whose  government  extended  a  most 
cordial  reception  to  the  Spanish  minister,  promising  soon  to  send  a  repre 
sentative  to  Madrid.     Prim's  friendliness  toward  Mexico,  and  the  good  offices 
of  the  U.  S.  government  in  the  negotiations  to  bring  about  the  desired  result, 
are  gratefully  alluded  to  in  the  correspondence  between  the  ministers  of  for 
eign  affairs  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  Mex.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1871,  8-9,  32-43; 
El  Monitor,  July  1,  1871. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  359 

States,  through  whose  friendly  offices  diplomatic  re 
lations  had  been  restored  between  Mexico  and  the 
kingdoms  of  Italy,  Prussia,  and  Spain,  was  negotiat 
ing  in  the  same  spirit  in  1873  to  bring  about  a  simi 
lar  result  with  the  republic  of  France,  and  every 
thing  presented  a  favorable  aspect.92 

92  The  details  and  correspondence  may  be  seen  in  M6x. ,  Mem.  Relaciones, 
1873,  63-5,  annex  no.  4,  39-40.  The  author  of  E.  Masseras,  Un  Essai  d' Em 
pire  au  Mexique,  Paris,  1879,  12mo,  i.-ii.  and  441  pp.,  had  been  at  different 
times  chief  editor  of  newspapers  in  the  French  language,  namely,  La  France., 
Le  Courrier  des  Siat*  Uuis  of  New  York,  and  UErc,  of  Mexico.  He  had 
advocated,  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  Le,  Programme,  de  I* Empire,  the  necessity 
of  foreign  intervention  in  Mexican  affairs,  and  the  establishment  of  a  mon 
archy  in  that  country  under  the  auspices  of  European  governments,  commend 
ing  the  policy  of  Napoleon  III.  and  denouncing  that  of  the  U.  S.  In  his 
present  works  he  expatiates  on  the  results  of  the  foreign  intervention,  briefly  on 
Maximilian's  administration,  but  fully  and  in  detail  on  the  events  which  fol 
lowed  the  evacuation  of  Mexico  by  the  French  army;  namely,  siege  and  capture 
of  Quer6taro  by  the  republican  forces,  and  subsequent  trial  and  execution  of 
Maximilian  and  his  generals  Miramon  and  Mejia;  and  the  final  crushing  blows 
struck  at  the  imperial  regime  in  Puebla  and  Mexico,  culminating  in  the 
triumphant  return  of  Juarez  and  his  government  to  the  capital.  The  narra 
tive,  which  is  in  clear  and  elegant  language,  ends  with  the  republican  govern 
ment's  first  acts  in  Mexico,  including  the  surrender  of  Maximilian's  remains 
to  his  family.  The  whole  may  be  called  an  impartial  account  of  the  events. 
Diariodelos  Debates,  Tercer  Congreso  Constitutional  de  la  Union.  M6x.,  1873. 
Fol.,  2  vol.,  1st,  200  pp.,  ii.  104  pp.  The  first  volume  comprises  the  minutes 
of  the  first  ordinary  session  of  the  Mexican  congress  in  1832;  and  the  second 
contains  those  of  the  second  ordinary  session  in  1863.  The  national  legisla 
ture  decreed  the  publication  of  the  minutes  of  its  sessions  beginning  with  the 
labors  of  the  1st  congress  existing  under  the  constitution  of  1857;  but  as 
there  was  in  the  years  of  the  3d  congress,  1862-3,  and  the  preceding  ones, 
110  stenographic  bureau  in  the  secretary's  office,  nor  any  one  to  keep  the 
minutes,  recourse  was  had  to  compiling  the  acts  and  official  documents  exist 
ing  in  the  office  of  the  secretary,  and  of  the  records  kept  by  some  journals 
published  at  those  periods,  among  which  were  those  of  the  Siylo  XIX., 
taking  therefrom  the  extracts  of  deputies'  speeches.  The  utmost  exactness 
having  been  observed,  all  facts  related  are  founded  on  existing  acts  and  docu 
ments.  Some  of  the  documents  the  compiler  was  unable  to  find,  owing, 
doubtless,  to  the  fact  that  a  large  portion  of  the  archives  was  lost  at  the  time 
the  French  army  occupied  Mexico  in  1863.  Tovar,  Pantaleon,  Historia  Par- 
lamentaria  del  Cuarto  Congreso  Constitutional,  M6x.,  1872-4,  fol.,  4  vol.,  is  a 
history  of  the  labors  of  the  4th  congress  of  Mexico  from  the  5th  of  Nov. , 
1867,  to  the  end  of  its  legal  term,  namely,  May  31,  1869.  The  compiler, 
who  was  a  deputy  to  that  body  from  Puebla,  actually  began  his  work  on  the 
4th  of  Dec.,  1867,  preceding  it  with  the  official  text  of  the  congressional  acts, 
and  not  with  the  minutes,  which  he  found  to  be  full  of  errors.  All  facts 
stated  in  the  work  the  compiler  assures  us  he  has  carefully  collated  and 
compared  with  the  acts  and  official  documents  of  the  congress.  Vol.  L,  con 
taining  xx vi.  and  664  pp.,  gives  the  labors  of  that  body  during  the  1st  session, 
that  ended  March  29,  1868;  vol.  ii.,  with  xvi.,  627,  and  172  pp.,  gives  the 
doings  of  the  2d  session,  from  March  31  to  May  31,  1868,  and  the  appro 
priations  bill  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1869;  vol.  iii.,  with  xii.  and 
1148  pp.,  has  the  minutes  of  the  third  session,  from  Sept.  5,  1868,  to  Jan.  21, 
18(39;  and  vol.  iv.,  with  xxiv.  and  1140  pp.,  sets  forth  the  congressional  work  in 
the  4th  session,  from  Apr.  I  to  May,  1831.  The  pages  in  Roman  contain 


360  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

analyses  of  the  labors  of  each  session  respectively.  Each  volume  furnishes 
also  an  alphabetical  index  of  the  subjects  therein  contained.  Diario  de  los 
Debates.  Fol. ,  24  vol.  These  large  and  thick  volumes  give  us  in  detail  the 
daily  work  of  the  5th,  6th,  7th,  8th,  9th,  and  10th  congresses  of  Mexico  at 
their  several  sessions,  together  with  that  of  their  respective  permanent  com 
mittees  during  the  recess  of  the  legislative  body,  embracing  the  period  from 
Sept.  1,  1869,  to  Apr.  1,  1882,  and  their  results. 

Francisco  de  P.  Arrangoiz,  Mejico  desde  1808  hasta  1867.  Mex.,  1872.  Sm. 
4°,  4  vol.  The  chief  aim  of  this  work  is  to  furnish  an  historical  picture  of 
the  second  Mexican  empire,  and  this  it  does  fully  and  clearly.  The  author 
is  evidently  well  informed  on  general  modern  history,  and  on  the  interna 
tional  relations  of  the  several  prominent  powers.  So  much  had  been  published 
in  France,  after  the  execution  of  Maximilian,  displaying  ignorance  of  Mexican 
history,  manners,  and  civilization,  that  the  author,  prompted  by  patriotic 
motives,  undertook  to  throw  lighten  those  subjects,  and  to  draw  public  atten 
tion  to  events  connected  with  his  country,  about  which  so  little  seemed  to  be 
known.  The  narrative  for  the  period  from  1808  to  1830  is  a  mere  condensa 
tion  from  Alaman's  Uistoria  de  Mejico.  From  and  after  the  last-mentioned 
year  he  gives  an  independent  statement  of  events  down  to  the  time  when  the 
conservative  party  and  clergy  of  Mexico  conceived,  as  he  alleges,  the  plan  of 
choosing  a  ruler  from  among  the  reigning  families  of  Europe.  From  this 
point  his  work  assumes  in  a  measure  the  form  of  a  diary,  treating  events  as 
they  arise  without  any  attempt  at  historical  generalization.  The  author  was 
among  the  first  to  suggest  to  Maximilian  the  acceptance  of  the  Mexican 
throne,  and  was  for  some  time  in  his  service  in  a  diplomatic  capacity;  but  he 
resigned  his  office  when  he  saw  Maximilian's  course  toward  the  interests  of 
the  church  and  conservative  party  of  Mexico.  His  letter  of  resignation  to 
Maximilian  points  out  what  he  considered  the  errors  of  that  prince's  policy, 
and  foreshadowed  the  fatal  result.  He  asserted  that  no  complete  history  of 
Maximilian's  rule  could  be  written  without  having  access  to  the  documents 
in  the  possession  of  the  French  government.  Maximilian's  unhappy  fate  is 
wholly  attributed  to  Napoleon  III.  and  his  ministers. 

Emmanuel  Domenech — Histoire  du  Mexique — Juarez  et  Maximilien — Cor 
respondences  Inedltes  des  Presidents,  Ministres  et  Generaux  Almonte,  Santa- 
Anna,  Gutierrez,  Miramon,  Marquez,  Mejia,  Woll,  etc.,  etc.,  de  Juarez,  de 
L'Empereur  Maximilien,  et  de  L' Imperatrlce  Charlotte.  Paris,  1868.  8°,  3  vol., 
pp.  314,  412,  and  455.  Beginning  with  the  earliest  date  of  Indian  mythology, 
the  author  of  these  volumes  carries  the  history  of  Mexico  down  to  1867.  The 
contents  of  the  work  are  thus  divided.  In  volume  i.  Indian  history  previous 
to  the  conquest  is  treated  of  in  the  first  136  pages;  then  follows  a  narration  of 
the  conquest  itself  in  1519  to  1521,  for  the  statments  in  which  the  writer  has 
relied  chiefly  upon  Bernal  Diaz.  This  period  occupies  100  pages.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  volume  is  taken  up  by  a  succinct  review  of  the  colonial  times 
from  1521  to  1810.  Although  Domenech  does  not  name  the  authorities  he 
made  use  of  in  writing  this  portion  of  his  work,  it  seems  that  he  was  mainly 
guided  by  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos.  The  2d  volume  is  devoted  to  the  history  of 
Mexico  from  1810  to  1861,  in  which  the  war  of  independence  is  treated  in  a 
very  superficial  manner,  only  42  pages  being  given  to  it.  With  much  greater 
detail  is  narrated  the  history  of  the  succeeding  40  years,  full  accounts  being 
furnished  of  the  different  metamorphoses  which  the  republic  underwent  dur 
ing  that  period.  The  author  here  frequently  quotes  from  Suarez  y  Navarro, 
Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  Luis  de  la  Rosa,  Poinsett,  Filisola,  and  others.  Volume  iii. 
is  the  moat  important  part  of  the  whole  work,  and  is  entirely  devoted  to  the 
history  of  the  tripartite  alliance  and  the  French  intervention,  ending  with  the 
tragic  death  of  Maximilian.  The  author  supports  his  narrative  of  this  period 
by  numerous  documents,  mainly  consisting  of  letters  written  by  Maximilian, 
the  Empress  Carlota,  Almonte,  Santa  Anna,  Gutierrez,  Miramon,  Marquez, 
Mejia,  Juarez,  Woll,  and  others,  thus  rendering  this  part  of  his  production 
not  only  important,  but  trustworthy.  Domenech  resided  for  20  years  in  the 
U.  S.  and  Mexico,  which  time  he  employed  in  familiarizing  himself  with 


WORKS  OF  LEFEVRE.  361 

the  political  conditions  of  these  countries  and  the  respective  characters  of  the 
inhabitants;  at  the  same  time  he  collected  the  documents — 4,000  in  number,  as 
he  says — which  he  has  made  use  of  in  his  work.  During  Maximilian's  gov 
ernment  he  was  director  of  the  cabinet  press  and  chaplain  of  the  army.  He 
speaks  of  many  of  the  events  narrated  as  an  eye-witness.  His  language  is 
plain,  and  his  statements  well  and  clearly  expressed.  The  author  claims  he 
is  impartial,  and  has  reasonably  succeeded  in  his  endeavors  to  be  so. 

E.  Lefevre,  Le  Mexiqueet  Z/' Intervention  Europeeune.  Mex.,  1862.  8°,  479 
pp.  This  work  is  divided  into  two  parts;  the  first  relates  to  events  that 
preceded  the  European  intervention  in  Mexico,  the  second  to  the  acts  of  the 
intervention,  concluding  with  a  series  of  documents  issued  during  the  first 
two  months  after  the  rupture  of  the  London  convention  and  withdrawal  of 
the  Spaniards  and  English,  the  whole  comprising  the  period  from  1857  to 
1862.  The  main  object  of  the  author — evidently  a  French  republican — was 
to  expose  the  trickery  of  certain  men  who  held  positions  as  French  ministers 
accredited  near  the  Mexican  government,  and  to  prove  that  President  Juarez 
and  his  cabinet  constituted  the  legitimate  and  constitutional  government  of 
Mexico. 

E.    Lefevre,  Documentos  Oficiales  recoyidos  en  la  secretaries  privada  de 
Maximiliano.     Hixtoria  de  la  Intervention  Francesa  en  Mejico.     Brusselas 
y  Londres,  1869.  8°,  2  vol.,  1st,  464  pp.,  2d,  454  pp.     This  is  another  work,  but 
in  the  Spanish  language,  by  the  same  author,  who  was  chief  editor  of  La 
Tribune  in  Mexico.     In  the  first  volume,  after  a  brief  review  of   Mexican 
affairs,  explaining,  among  other  things,  the  conduct  of  French  ministers  ac 
credited  to  the  republic,  the  difficulties  the  liberal  government  had  to  sur 
mount  in  order  to  restore  peace  and  order,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  debts 
of  Mexico  orginated,  the  author  enters  fully  upon  the  question  of  European 
intervention,  policy  of  the  French,  English,  Spanish,  and  American  govern 
ments,  invasion  of  Mexico  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  powers  to  the  tripartite 
convention,  and  subsequent  events  till  the  occupation  of  the  Mexican  cap 
ital  by  the  French  army,  and  organization  of  a  usurping  government  under 
the  protection  of  that  army,  followed  by  the  arrangements  entered  into  in 
Europe  under  which  Archduke  Maximilian  was  forced  upon  Mexico  as  its 
emperor,  and  afterward  recognized  as  such  by  the  monarchical  governments 
of  Europe.      The  2d  vol.  treats  of  Maximilian's  administration,  including  his 
relations  with  the  pope  and  Napoleon  III.,  till  the  evacuation  of  the  country 
by  the  French  army,  together  with  the  subsequent  events  that  ended  with 
Maximilian's  capture  and  execution.     The  author  assures  us  that  he  has  been 
careful  not  to  assert  too  much  on  the  intrigues  which  originated  the  empire; 
that  with  the  permission  of  the  government  of  Juarez  he  made  a  search  among 
the  papers  left  behind  by  Maximilian,  for  documents  to  clear  up  those  in 
trigues,  without  success;  but  he  well  knew  that  such  documents  existed,  some 
in  the  hands  of  the  pope,  others  in  those  of  the  imperial  family  of  Austria,  and 
still  others,  perhaps,  in  London.     Referring  to  the  Journal  de  Paris  as  his 
authority,  he  declares  that  in  one  of  the  clauses  of  Maximilian's  last  will  he 
bequeathed  to  Prince  Salm-Salm  all  his  papers,  including   those  taken  to 
Europe  by  his  wife,  Princess  Charlotte,  and  entrusted  to  him  the  task  of  pub 
lishing  the  secret  negotiations  that  preceded  his  departure  from  Miramare, 
his  general  plans,  and  the  causes  beyond  his  control  by  which  they  were  made 
to  fail.     Thia  clause  of  Maximilian's  will,  he  asserts  upon  the  same  authority, 
was  withheld  from  publication  by  the  emperor  of  Austria,  who  claimed  the 
right  as  head  of  the  family,  and  Maximilian's  brother  and  sovereign.     The 
papers  were  accordingly  not  delivered  to  Salm-Salm,  but  subsequently  trans 
ferred  from  Miramare  to  the  archives  of  the  Lorraine  family.     The  pope  also 
returned  a  refusal  to  Salm-Salm's  demand.  Consult  Salm-Salm,,  My  Diary,  i., 
Pref.  v.-xi.     It  will  be  well  to  state  here  that  Lefe"vre  in  every  line  of  his 
work  disapproves  the  conduct  of  France  toward  Mexico,  and  shows  himself 
to  be  a    confirmed    republican.     The    Mexican   congress,    appreciating   the 
sources  from  which  the  author  derived  his  material,  authorized  the  govern 
ment,  by  decree  of  Apr.  20,  1868,  to  purchase  1,000  copies  of  the  work. 


362  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION. 

O.  Niox,  Expedition  du  Mexique,  1861-1867.  Paris,  1874.  8°,  p.  770, 
The  author  was  a  captain  of  the  general  staff  of  the  French  army.  His  work 
contains  full  information  on  the  European  intervention  in  Mexico  during  the 
years  1861-7,  beginning  with  the  action  of  France,  England,  and  Spain,  and 
closing  with  the  capitulation  of  Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz  in  June  1867,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  republican  government.  The  political  considerations  are 
given  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  comprehensive  the  causes,  chain  of  events, 
and  consequences  of  the  military  operations.  The  author  quotes  copiously 
from  official  documents,  and  appears  to  be  fairly  impartial  in  his  details, 
though  evidently  inclined  to  blame  the  Mexican  republicans  for  many  of  their 
acts,  particularly  the  execution  of  Maximilian. 

Manuel  Ramirez  de  Arellano — Ultimas  Horaa  del  Imperio.  (Traducida 
del  francos,  y  seguida  de  las  consideration's  del  Sr  N.  Hugdmann.)  Mexico, 
1869.  12°,  pp.  105.  Arellano,  a  general  of  brigade  in  the  imperial  army,  de 
nounces  in  strong  terms  the  conduct  of  General  Marquez,  which  he  classifies 
as  treacherous.  With  reference  to  the  manifesto  published  by  the  latter  in 
defence  of  his  action,  Arellano  makes  this  severe  remark:  'El  autor  de  esta 
memoria  lleva  la  hipocresla,  la  falsedad  y  el  cinismo  a  un  grado  talr  que  en 
honor  de  la  verdad  hist6rica,  nuestro  deber  es  refutarlo.'  On  the  following 
page  he  speaks  of  the  manifesto  as  'setenta  y  tres  paginas  de  la  edicion  eco- 
nomica,  de  que  se  compone,'  in  which  there  is  not  a  word  of  truth.  He 
maintains  that  Marquez  was  the  author  of  the  executions  at  Tacubaya,  and 
that  his  claims  to  having  won  the  battles  of  Ahualulco  and  San  Joaquin  were 
pretensions  that  Miramon  would  smile  at  from  the  tomb.  The  Ultimas  HOTOA 
was  first  published  in  French  at  Paris,  and  afterward  translated  into  Spanish. 
It  elicited  a  reply  from  Marquez,  under  the  title,  Refutation  hecha  porel  Gen 
eral  de  Division  Leonardo  Marquez  al  Libelo  del  General  de  Brigadd  Don 
Manuel  Ramirez  de  Arellano  publicado  en  Paris  el  30  de  Diciembre  de  1868, 
bajo  el  Eptgrafe  de  'Ultimas  Horas  del  fmperio.'  Mexico,  n.  d.  12°,  p.  371. 
As  these  political  and  military  rivals  were  bitterly  opposed  to  each  other,  it 
can  only  be  expected  that  their  counter  imputations  display  bitter  animosity. 
But  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  spiteful  expressions,  marked  by  want  of  dignity, 
creep  into  their  pages.  I  have  already  quoted  Arellano;  Marquez  speaks 
thus  of  his  opponent's  publication:  '  Es  un  farrago  de  disparates,  un  cumulo 
de  necedades,  una  serie  de  contradicciones  tal,  que  verdaderamente  no  se 
comprende,  y  se  necesita  la  paciencia  de  Job  para  acabar  de  leer  el  libro  sin 
arrojarlo  de  las  mauos  en  cien  ocasiones.'  Page  vii.  The  extreme  views  of  the 
two  political  parties  are  presented  to  the  reader  by  these  two  writers. 

Papeles  y  Correspondencia  de  la  Familia  Imperial  de  Francia. .  .Relitivos 
d  la  Intervention  France^a  en  Mexico,  Mexico,  1873,  12°,  pp.  214,  with  index, 
contains  a  series  of  letters,  a  few  of  which  are  addressed  by  General  Bazaine 
to  the  emperor  Napoleon.  The  greater  portion  of  them  were  written  by 
members  of  the  imperial  army  serving  in  Mexico  to  their  relatives  in  France: 
As  may  be  expected,  they  represent  one-sided  views,  but  most  of  them  show 
Bazaine's  duplicity,  and  the  intrigues  and  corruption  of  Maximilian's  ministers 
and  advisers. 

Niceto  de  Zamacois — Historia  de  Mejico  desde  sus  Tiempos  mas  Remotos 
hasta  Nuestros  Dias,  etc.  Barcelona  and  Mex.,  1877-82.  8°,  vol.  i.-xviii.  This 
heavy  work  includes  what  the  author  terms  the  four  great  phases  of  Mexican 
history;  viz.,  the  period  preceding  the  conquest;  the  conquest  itself,  preceded 
by  an  account  of  the  discovery  of  America  and  following  events;  the  three 
centuries  of  Spanish  domination;  and  the  independent  period,  commencing 
from  the  first  events  preparatory  to  Hidalgo's  revolution  down  to  Maximil 
ian's  death.  The  arrangement  is  chronological,  events  and  government  meas 
ures  being  recorded  year  by  year.  The  last  date  is  December  1867.  The 
author's  style  is  clear,  and  generally  speaking  elegant,  though  at  times  turgi  1 
and  diffuse,  statements,  or  matter  previously  treated  of,  being  often  repeated. 
He  has,  moreover,  a  faculty  of  singling  out  trifles  as  subjects  for  argument  or 
correction,  while  great  questions  appear  to  be  beyond  reach  of  his  recognition; 
at  the  same  time,  his  vanity  is  evident  from  the  praise  he  bestows  upon  him- 


WORK  OF  ZAMACOIS.  363 

Belf.  Vol.  xiii.  527.  Zamacois  professes  an  impartiality  which  his  treatment 
of  questions  does  not  always  bear  out.  His  Spanish  instincts  (he  is  a  Spanish 
Basque)  warp  his  judgment.  He  depicts  in  glowing  colors  the  prowess  and 
wisdom  of  his  countrymen  and  government,  but  touches  faintly  upon  their 
evil  actions;  and  where  he  cannot  avoid  setting  forth  some  heinous  deed,  he 
manages  to  provide  extenuating  circumstances,  except  in  one  or  two  instances. 
Even  when  describing  the  massacre  of  the  Indian  nobles  in  the  temple  of 
Mexico  by  order  of  Alvarado,  while  he  disapproves  the  deed,  he  defends  the 
motive  which  prompted  it,  taking  Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  the  actors,  as  an  infal 
lible  authority.  But  so  far  as  the  conquest  is  concerned,  Zamacois  has  evi 
dently  not  consulted  half  the  authorities,  yet  he  assumes  to  chide  Prescott 
for  mistakes,  and  frequently  raps  at  his  fingers  for  deviating  from  Bernal 
Diaz,  whose  work  is  Zamacois'  historical  gospel.  The  fact  is,  that  Prescott 
found  many  facts  in  works  not  known  to  the  latter.  It  must  be  acknowledged, 
however,  that  full  credit  is  given  to  the  Indian  allies  of  the  Spaniards  for 
their  share  in  the  conquest.  Much  space  is  devoted  to  the  system  of  admin 
istration  by  Spain  in  Mexico  and  other  colonies,  comparing  it  with  that  of 
other  nations,  particularly  of  England  in  her  North  American  colonies,  inva 
riably  giving  the  fullest  preference  to  the  former.  The  author  delights  in 
showing  the  Anglo-Saxon  to  have  been  in  those  days  fanatical  and  ignorant, 
as  well  as  given  to  piracy  upon  'harmless '  Spain.  He  rarely  misses  an  oppor 
tunity  of  airing  his  ill  feeling  against  the  English,  and  abusing  their  successors 
in  North  America.  In  his  reckless  onslaught  he  often  exhibits  much  ignorance. 
He  professes  to  have  consulted,  in  the  preparation  of  his  work,  Clavigero, 
Gomara,  Benavente,  Sahagun,  Camargo,  Ixtlilxochitl,  Munoz,  Oviedo,  Zurita, 
Aepsta,  Bernal  Diaz,  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  Solis,  Las  Casas,  Gama, 
Torquemada,  Betancurt,  Herrera,  Robertson.  Zuazo,  and,  as  he  assures  us, 
'one  hundred  other  illustrious  writers,'  among  whom  appear  Prescott,  Cavo, 
Alaman,  Zavala.  Mora,  Bustamante,  Arrangoiz,  Liceaga,  Rosains,  Tornel, 
the  Riveras,  and  several  manuscripts  obtained  from  friends;  he  likewise  states 
that  he  levied  contributions  from  the  Archivo  Nacional  of  Mexico,  and  from 
precious  documents  which,  till  a  recent  date,  enriched  the  religious  houses  of 
Mexico,  CorteV  letters,  and  the  letter  from  the  town  council  of  the  Villa 
Rica  to  the  king.  Aside  from  Cortes'  own  letters,  the  author  gives  more 
credence  to  Bernal  Diaz  than  to  any  one  else,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  an  eye 
witness,  and  a  frank  soldier,  who  in  his  narrative  did  not  draw  upon  imagi 
nation.  Robertson's  work  he  considers  truly  estimable,  and  yet  containing 
'  inexactitudes  y  contradicciones  palpitantes  que  forman  un  desagradable 
lunar  en  la  obra.'  Raynal  and  Pauw  are  harshly  criticised  in  a  few  lines  as 
unworthy  of  credence.  Alaman's  Hist.  Mej.  and  Disertaciones  are  spoken  of 
in  the  highest  terms  of  praise,  and  full  reliance  seems  to  have  been  at  once 
placed  on  them,  though  with  the  saving  clause  that  the  author  disagrees  with 
the  Mexican  on  many  points.  It  is  noticeable  that,  while  Zamacois  copies 
from  that  author  page  after  page,  giving  him  full  credit,  he  also  takes  a  large 
amount  of  facts,  often  almost  in  Alaman's  own  words,  without  crediting  him 
therefor — which  looks  very  much  like  the  trick  of  a  common  plagiarist.  An 
other  peculiarity  is  observed  in  this  connection:  foot-notes  are  taken  verbatim 
et  literatim  from  Alaman's  book,  so  that  the  reader  is  left  to  suppose  that 
the  copyist  obtained  them  direct  from  the  Mexican  author's  original  sources. 
Zamacois  shows  a  peculiar  pleasure  in  correcting  what  he  calls  mistakes 
of  Prescott,  Robertson,  Solis,  and  others,  coolly  asserting  in  divers  places 
that  the  escritores  extrangeros  are  ever  disposed  to  misrepresent  facts,  or  to 
make  exaggerated  appreciations  of  them,  with  the  view  of  stigmatizing  Span 
ish  character.  He  repeatedly  enters  upon  a  comparison  between  Spanish 
civilization  and  advancement,  as  well  as  political  and  religious  policy  in 
America,  and  those  of  England — which  is  always  his  bugbear — invariably 
awarding  the  superiority  to  the  former,  and  it  may  be,  in  some  instances,  not 
altogether  wrongly.  To  the  charge  of  the  'autos  de  fe",'  as  telling  against 
Spanish  civilization,  he  answers  that  they  cause  horror  now,  but  when  prac 
tised  in  Mexico — and  they  were  very  few  in  number — public  opinion  deemed 


364  REPUBLICAN  RECONSTRUCTION 

them  useful  and  necessary  to  prevent  the  spread  of  pernicious  ideas  on  mat 
ters  of  religious  faith,  and  he  does  not  fail  to  bring  forward  the  horrible  tor 
tures  inflicted  in  England  and  other  European  nations,  and  in  the  American 
colonies,  upon  both  political  and  common  prisoners,  the  burning  of  witches, 
etc.  Zamacois  lived  many  years  in  Mexico,  and  died  there  early  in  1886. 
During  Maximilian's  empire  he  was  the  chief  editor  of  El  Cronixta,  and  had 
likewise  been  previously  known  as  a  novelist.  He  confesses  a  strong  affec 
tion  for  Mexico  and  Mexicans,  and  in  his  treatment  of  questions  discon 
nected  \vith  Spanish  interests  endeavors  to  exercise  an  unbiassed  judgment, 
feeling  his  responsibility,  and  resolving  to  accomplish  his  task  honorably.- 
On  the  whole,  he  ought  to  be  awarded  some  credit  for  the  good  arrange 
ment  of  events,  and  for  much  information  on  character,  literary  advancement, 
and  many  other  points  of  real  interest.  Nor  should  mention  of  his  industry 
be  omitted.  He  states  that  for  five  years  he  worked  daily  from  nine  to  eleven 
hours,  and  sometimes  twelve  hours,  xviii.  1773.  His  last  three  volumes,  con 
taining  no  less  than  3,971  pages,  are  devoted  to  the  tripartite  alliance,  and  the 
French  intervention.  Zamacois  considers  that  the  governments  of  the  U.  S., 
England,  and  France  caused  irreparable  injury  to  the  Mexican  nation,  'by 
their  lying  promises  of  sympathy  and  disinterestedness.'  He  maintains  that 
there  are  very  few  foreign  writers  who,  in  their  narratives  of  those  events, 
have  not  spoken  with  injustice  of  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans.  Salm-Salm, 
Ke"ratry,  and  Domenech  come  under  his  special  censure  for  offensive  and 
unjust  expressions,  the  latter  being  freely  quoted  and  commented  upon  for 
his  exposure  of  the  immoralities  of  the  Mexican  priesthood  and  their  want  of 
enlightenment.  Zamacois  maintains  that  Domenech's  assertions  are  false. 
Among  the  few  impartial  foreign  writers  he  mentions  Alberto  Hans,  '  who 
knew  how  to  appreciate  properly  the  good  qualities  of  the  sons  of  the  country.' 
The  typographical  work  throughout  is  good,  and  all  the  volumes  are  em 
bellished  with  wood-cuts,  a  large  number  of  them  purporting  to  be  portraits 
of  distinguished  men  of  Mexican  history. 

Circulares  y  Otras  Publicaciones  hcchas  por  la  Legation  Mexicana  en  Wash 
ington  durante  la  Gnerra  de  Intervention  en  1862-1867.  Mexico,  1868.  2  vol., 
pp.  507  and  408.  These  volumes  contain  a  collection  of  circulars  and  other  pub 
lications  issued  during  the  years  18(32-1867  by  Matias  Romero,  the  envoy  ex 
traordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Washington.  They  were  sent  to 
Mexico  by  Romero  for  the  purpose  of  inspiring  patriotism  in  the  people  dur 
ing  the  intervention,  and  are  of  a  diversified  nature,  including  official  corre 
spondence  and  documents,  accounts  showing  the  sales  of  Mexican  bonds  and  the 
purchase  of  war  material,  speeches  and  extracts  from  periodicals,  and  a  great 
variety  of  other  such  matter.  In  vol.  i.,  406-48,  will  be  found  a  biography 
of  Benito  Juarez,  written  by  Un  Mcxicano,  and  in  vol.  ii.,  306-13,  is  an  intro 
duction  by  Romero  to  Historia  Militar  del  General  Ulixes  S.  Grant,  written  in 
English  by  Adam  Badeau,  and  proposed,  at  the  suggestion  of  Romero,  to  be 
translated  into  Spanish.  The  names  of  the  collectors  and  editors  of  these  vol 
umes  do  not  appear. 

As  a  sequel  to  the  above  is,  Correspondencia  de  la  Legation  Mexicana  en 
Washington ...  sobre  la  Captura,  Juicio  y  Ejecucion  de  Don  Fernando  Maxi'- 
miliano  de  Hapsburgo,  which  was  published  in  Mexico  the  same  year  by 
Romero,  and  contains  his  correspondence  with  the  minister  of  foreign  relations 
of  the  Mexican  republic  and  the  department  of  state  at  Washington  relative 
to  Maximilian's  capture  and  execution,  and  also  accounts  of  conferences  held 
by  him  with  Mr  Seward  relative  to  the  intervention  of  the  U.  S.  on  his  behalf. 

L.  Le  Saint— Guerre  du  Mexique  1861-1867,  Lille  and  Paris,  n.  d.,  8°,  pp. 
224,  is  a  French  version  of  the  intervention,  devoted  principally  to  sound 
ing  the  praises  of  the  French  army  and  its  leaders,  as  well  as  of  Maximilian, 
whose  course  of  action  is  warmly  supported.  The  data  relating  to  military 
and  political  events  are  comparatively  meagre,  and  the  accounts  of  them  fa 
vorable  to  the  imperialists.  Occasionally  documents  of  an  official  character 
are  given. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

1868-1872. 

UNDER  THE  NEW  ORDER  OF  THINGS— REELECTION  OF  JUAREZ — SEDITIONS  AND 
UPRISINGS — MINISTERIAL  CRISES — EARTHQUAKES  AND  HURRICANES — • 
CREATION  OF  NEW  STATES — ADMINISTRATIVE  REORGANIZATION  AND  IM 
PROVEMENTS — PRONUNCIAMIENTOS  AND  REVOLUTIONS — INSECURITY — AM- 
NESTY — POLITICAL  PARTIES— JUARISTAS,  LERDISTAS,  AND  PORFIRISTAS— 
PLAN  OF  LA  NORIA — FAILURE  OF  THE  PORFIRISTAS— DEATH  OF  JUAREZ — 
SEBASTIAN  LERDO  DB  TEJADA  INSTALLED  AS  PRESIDENT— REMAINS  of 
JUAREZ— REFLECTIONS  ON  HIS  CAREER. 

JUAREZ  had  scarcely  taken  possession  of  the  execu 
tive  chair  on  his  reelection  in  December  1867,  when 
political  disturbance  broke  out  which  lasted  to  the 
day  of  his  death.  First,  an  attempt  was  made  to  dis 
pute  the  legitimacy  of  Juarez'  authority.  Then  fol 
lowed  insurrections  in  several  of  the  states.  In 
Yucatan  quite  a  serious  disturbance  took  place,  and 
Alatorre  was  sent  there  with  his  brigade.1  The 
revolted  Indians,  even  after  several  defeats,  continued 
their  irruptions  on  the  peaceable  towns.  The  govern 
ment  decreed  on  the  27th  of  March,  1868,  to  establish 
in  Campeche  a  military  colony  of  500  men.2  There 

1  He  defeated  the  insurrectionists  at  Maxcanu  Jan.  31,  1868,  the  principal 
leaders  being  killed.     Battles  were  fought  at  Uman  and  other  places.     These 
victories  were  followed  up  by  the  occupation  of  M<*rida  and  Sisal.     Many  of 
the  chief  insurgents  were  captured.     Early  in  March  the  insurrection  was  at  an 
end,  and  the  troops  left  the  peninsula  in  May,  the  prisoners  with  few  excep 
tions  having  been  pardoned.  El  Constitutional,  Jan.  2-25  passim,  Feb.  7-29 
passim,  March  6,  19,  21,  May  4,  June  3,  1868;  Diario  Oficial,  Feb.  14,  15,  22, 
27,  March  4,  Aug.  20,  22,  1868;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  225-6; 
Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  ii.  5,  17,  383-4;  La  Estrella  de  Occid. ,  March  20,  Apr.  3, 
1868. 

2  The  cost  was  computed  at  about  $114,000,  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1870, 
767;  Mex.,  Jniciativas,  etc.,  1869,  4. 

(365) 


366  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

were  seditious  movements,  also,  in  Guerrero,3  Puebla, 
Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  Queretaro,  Jalisco,  Sinaloa,  and 
other  parts,  all  of  which  were  defeated  by  the  govern 
ment's  forces.  The  most  formidable  were  headed  by 
Miguel  Negrete,  the  ex-general,  and  by  the  guerrilla 
chief  Aureliano  Rivera;  but  they  met  with  ill  success, 
and  had  to  seek  safety  in  flight.4  An  insurrection  of 
the  Yaquis  occurred  in  Sonora,  which  region  suffered 
likewise  from  the  raids  of  the  Apaches.  The  govern 
ment,  among  other  measures,  concluded  to  establish 
military  colonies  near  the  frontiers.5 

Ministerial  crises  likewise  contributed  to  the  gen 
eral  uneasiness.  Juarez  determined  to  have,  under 
his  present  tenure  of  office,  the  same  cabinet  ministers 
that  served  during  the  dictatorship.  This  was  an 
other  step  which  awakened  a  strong  opposition.6 
Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  was  asked  to  be  minister 
of  foreign  and  internal  relations,7  and  congress  was 
requested  to  grant  him  leave  to  act  as  such,  a  ell 
as  for  Deputy  Balcdrcel  to  continue  as  minister.  The 
permissions  were  granted,  but  without  implying  a 

8  It  was  merely  local  there,  against  Gov.  Diego  Alvarez,  and  ended  with 
the  surrender  of  the  chief  Jimenez  with  his  forces  early  in  April.  Diario  Ofi- 
cial,  Apr.  12,  1868. 

4  Details  of  the  actions  which  never  assumed  the  proportions  of  battles, 
and  of  the  defeats  of  the  insurgent  leaders,  may  be  found  in  El  Constitutional, 
April  13  to  June  30,  1868;  Diario  Oftcial,  April  12,  19,  30,  May  17,  July  14, 
Aug.  23,  Sept.  26,  1868.  Miguel  Negrete  was  a  deserter  from  the  republican 
service  during  the  imperial  war,  and  went  abroad;  he  afterward  tendered  his 
services  to  Maximilian,  who  gave  him  the  office  of  comandante  general  of 
Vera  Cruz.  On  the  downfall  of  the  empire  he  became  the  leader  of  a  gang 
nicknamed  Los  Plateados.  Aureliano  Rivera  was  a  general  of  brigade  of  the 
republic,  and  for  his  rebellion  was  dropped  from  the  rolls  of  the  army.  Bole- 
tin  Rep.,  June  28,  1867;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  June  28,  1867,  July  3,  1868. 
Congress  on  the  8th  of  May  suspended  certain  articles  of  the  constitution  for 
conspiracy  offences,  and  they  remained  so  suspended  till  Dec.  31,  1868.  El 
Derecho,  iii.  441-2;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  319-20,  511. 

6  Details  on  Apache  depredations  are  given  in  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  ii., 
this  series. 

6  There  were  many  who  considered  themselves  entitled  to  the  portfolios  of 
government  and  treasury  left  vacant  by  Iglesias. 

7  The  supreme  court,  whose  president  he  was,  for  a  while  refused  to  allow 
him  to  serve  in  the  cabinet;  it  finally  consented,  but  not  for  a  prolonged  ser 
vice.  El  Constitutional,  June  7,  1868.     Lerdo's  enemies  called  him  a  Jesuit. 
Gen.  Placido  Vega,  in  a  letter  to  Gov.  Pesqueira  early  in  1867,  warned  him 
against  Lerdo,  who  was  always  intriguing  to  make  himself  president.     He 
would,  he  said,  ally  himself  with  the  moderados  to  attain  his  end.    Vega  Doc., 
iii.  427-8. 


POLITICAL  TROUBLES.  367 

vote  of  confidence,  an  opposition  of  forty  deputies  do 
ing  Juarez  much  damage.  The  portfolio  of  the  treas 
ury  was  finally  intrusted  to  Matias  Romero,  and  that 
of  government  to  IgnacioL.  Vallarta;  the  latter  held 
his  position  but  a  short  time,  as  he  was  a  confirmed 
constitutionalist.  After  his  retirement,  Jose  M.  Igle- 
sias  succeeded  him  in  June,  in  which  month  Ignacio 
Mariscal  was  called  to  the  department  of  justice,  to 
fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Martinez 
de  Castro.8  Juarez  failed  to  restore  harmony  in  the 
liberal  party,  and  congress,  being  mainly  made  up  of 
the  victorious  republicans,  was  the  object  of  constant 
attack  from  the  conservatives,  who  accused  it  of  pue 
rility,  frivolity,  tardiness,  and  the  like. 

Political  troubles  were  not  the  only  calamities 
heaped  upon  Mexico.  Convulsions  of  nature  now 
visited  some  portions  of  the  republic.  The  worst 
cases  were  those  of  Matamoros,  Bagdad,  and  Brazos 
in  Tainaulipas,  and  Tuxtepec  in  Oajaca,  which  were 
almost  destroyed  in  October  and  November  1867,  by 
earthquakes,  hurricanes,  and  freshets.9  The  last- 
named  state  had  again  to  suffer,  in  May  1870,  from 
a  great  destruction  of  life  arid  property,  caused  by 
earthquakes. 

The  disturbances  of  the  several  states  arose  from 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  minorities,  who  alleged  that 
their  defeat  had  been  the  result  of  violence  and  cor 
ruption,  the  general  government  being  charged  with 
tampering  with  the  polls  to  secure  the  election  of  its 
friends.10  The  injudicious  electoral  law  of  August  14, 
1867,  prompted  many  to  suspect  Juarez  of  unconsti- 

8 El  Constitutional,  Jan.  17,  30,  31,  Feb.  3,  June  19,  1868;  Diario  Ofic., 
June  16,  18,  1868;  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  302;  Tovur,  Hist.  ParL,  i.  222;  ii. 
508,  517,  529;  iii.  9,  31-3,  43;  El  Defensor  de  la  Heforma,  of  Zac.,  Jan.-Dec. 
1868;  Clarke's  U.  S.  and  Hex.,  MS.,  3. 

9  El  Constitutional,  Nov.  4,  25,  1867;  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  5,  1867;  La  Soci- 
edad,  Oct.  22,  25,  30,  1867. 

10  'Toraando  el  gobierno  parte  activa  en  las  elecciones  de  diputados,  gob- 
ernadores,  y  aun  magistrados  de  la  suprema  corte.'  Riva  Palacio,  Hist.  Adm. 
Lerdo,  27. 


368  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

tutional  ideas.  This  suspicion  was  increased  when 
his  ministers  asked  congress  several  times,  and  par 
ticularly  on  the  25th  of  January,  1868,  to  grant  him 
larger  powers,  which  was  done  on  the  8th  of  May, 
when  several  personal  rights  were  suspended,  and  the 
mode  of  trying  conspirators  was  determined.  Meas 
ures  were  taken  for  internal  improvement,  and  for  the 
promotion  of  trade,  agriculture,  and  general  business.11 

One  trouble  was  the  friends  of  Gonzalez  Ortega, 
now  known  as  Orteguistas,  who  wished  to  have  undone 
all  that  had  been  done,  going  back  to  the  time  when, 
as  they  claimed,  Ortega  should  have  been  recognized 
as  president,  he  having  issued  a  manifesto  in  support 
of  his  claim.  Ortega  arrived  in  Zacatecas  on  the 
8th  of  January,  1867,  accompanied  by  General  Pa 
toni,  and  announced  himself  to  Governor  Anza,  who 
sent  Secretary  of  State  Marquez  to  inquire  the  object 
of  his  visit.  He  said  that  he  had  come  as  president 
of  the  republic,  and  wished  to  hold  a  conference  with 
the  governor.  This  being  granted,  Ortega  urged  his 
right  to  the  presidency;  but  in  place  of  acknowledging 
this,  Anza  arrested  Ortega  and  Patoni  and  sent  them 
to  Juarez,12  who  kept  them  in  durance  until  his  posi 
tion  was  assured,  when  the  government  ordered  their 
release.13 

Early  in  1868  insecurity  throughout  the  country 
assumed  alarming  proportions.14  In  most  of  the  states 
robbery,  kidnapping,  and  murder  were  of  daily  occur 
rence.15  But  by  the  end  of  1868  quiet  was  somewhat 

11  Agriculture  was  declining  from  heavy  taxes;  stagnation  in  trade  pre 
vailed;  money  was  scarce;  and  the  public  roads  were  in  bad  condition. 

"Anza's  course  was  approved.  Hex.,  Col.  Leyes,  1863-7;  iii.  148-52; 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  4-5. 

18  They  were  not  tried.  The  order  was  issued  July  18,  1868.  Diario  Ofic., 
July  21,  1868;  Tovar,  Hist.  Part.,  i.  93,  100,  106-7,  120. 

**  In  Jalpan  Marquez  and  Santa  Anna  were  proclaimed  in  May.  The  lat 
ter  carried  on  his  intrigues  from  Habana,  and  had  agents  in  Mexico.  The 
clergy  threatened  with  excommunication  all  who  claimed  damages  for  losses 
during  the  foreign  intervention.  Id.,  iii.  85;  El  Constitutional,  Jan.  25,  Apr. 
25,  May  24,  1868. 

15  The  assassination,  Aug.  18,  1868,  of  Gen.  Patoni,  said  to  have  been  by 
officers  of  the  1st  brigade  of  the  4th  division — Corona's  command — was  a 
scandalous  one.  The  supposed  chief  instigator,  Gen,  Benigno  Canto,  was 


NEW  STATES.  369 

restored,  the  insurgents  being  defeated  everywhere, 
without  the  government  having  resorted  to  ruinous 
taxation. 

The  expediency  of  creating  new  states  from  the 
large  territory  possessed  by  the  old  state  of  Mexico 
was  generally  acknowledged.  On  the  1st  of  Decem 
ber,  1868,  congress  enacted  a  law  for  the  formation 
of  the  state  of  Morelos. 16  It  required  that  a  legislature 
and  executive  should  be  there  installed  within  four 
months.  President  Juarez  sanctioned,  and  published 
on  the  17th  of  April,  1869,  the  creation  of  the  new 
state,  and  it  was  subsequently  ratified  by  the  other 
states.  The  state  government  was  formally  installed 
on  the  26th  of  April.17  The  population  of  Morelos 
at  that  time  was  about  121,000.18  The  capital  was 
established  in  Cuernavaca,  a  town  of  some  12,000 
souls. 

The  state  of  Hidalgo  was  erected  pursuant  to  an 
act  of  congress  of  January  16,  1869,19  which  measure 
was  well  received  by  the  nation.  The  boundaries 

finally  brought  to  trial,  and  sentenced,  on  the  21st of  Feb.,  1873,  to  ten  years' 
imprisonment.  He  died  at  Durango  in  April  of  the  same  year.  The  opera 
tions  of  the  kidnappers  caused  much  terror,  and  business  was  paralyzed. 
Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  24,  1868,  Nov.  5,  1869;  Monitor  Rep.,  June  23,  26,  1872; 
El  Federal,  Feb.  25,  March  7,  1873;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Sept.  11,  Oct.  2, 
1868;  La  Gaceta  de  Policia,  Oct.  1868  to  May  1869;  Rivera,  Gob.  de  M6x., 
ii.  682.  Gen.  Placido  Vega,  on  the  14th  of  Oct.,  1868,  wrote  several  mem 
bers  of  congress  that  he  had  a  narrow  escape  from  a  fate  similar  to  Patoni's. 
Vega,  Doc.,  iii.  672-3. 

16  It  was  formed  with  the  districts  of  Cuernavaca,  Yautepec,  Cuautla  de 
Morelos,  Jonacatepec,  and  Tetecala,  whose  respective  chief  towns  bear  the 
same  names.     Its  area  is  4,600  square  kilometers.  Morelos,  Exped.  sobre,  1- 
34;    Tovar,   Hist.   Parl,  i.  95,  152,   218,  310,  489;  ii.  530-3;  iii.   91-1107 
passim;  iv.  102,  140,  160,  170,  180;  Diario  Debates,  8°  Cong.,  i.  103. 

17  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  20,  1869;  JK,  Monitor,  Apr.  28,  1869.     The  state  con 
stitution  was  adopted  on  the  28th  of  July,  1870,  and  was  considerably 
amended  on  the  3d  of  Dec.,  1878.  Morelos,  Constitution  Polit.,  1-37. 

18  In  1874  it  was  about  150,300.  Garcia  Cubas,  Atlas  Metdd.,  48.     The 
chief  sources  of  wealth  were  agriculture  and  the  manufacture  of  flour  and  ex 
cellent  sugar  and  rum.  Hermosa,  Compend.  Oeog.,  138-40. 

19  Gen.  Doria  was  made  the  provisional  governor.  El  Monitor,  Jan.  21,  22, 
1869;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  519-18;  La  Regeneration  de  Sin., 
Feb.   10,  13,  1869.     The  petition  for  its  creation  was  presented  by  Deputy 
Antonio  Tagle,  and  bore  the  signatures  of  a  number  of  deputations  and  up 
wards  of  60  representatives.     Petitions  to  the  same  effect  also  came  from  mu 
nicipalities  and  private  citizens.    Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  i.  74-616  passim;  ii.. 
235-533  passim;  iii.  32-1105  passim. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    24 


370  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  K^GIME. 

were :  on  the  north,  the  states  of  San  Luis  Potosi  and 
Vera  Cruz;  on  the  east,  Puebla;  on  the  south,  Mex 
ico;  and  on  the  west,  Queretaro.20  Its  population  was 
about  404,000.  The  chief  source  of  wealth  con 
sisted  in  working  the  rich  mines  of  gold,  silver,  lead, 
copper,  iron,  alum,  sulphur,  etc.  Pachuca  was  made 
the  capital,  a  town  of  about  12,000  inhabitants.  The 
organization  was  completed  with  the  election  of 
authorities  by  the  people  on  the  17th  of  May,  1869; 
Antonio  Tagle  was  chosen  governor,  and  installed  on 
the  27th.21 

The  state  of  Mexico  with  the  curtailment  of  terri 
tory  was  left  with  only  20,300  square  kilometers.22 
The  population  in  1870  was  612,000,  and  in  1874, 
663,557.  The  capital  was  established  at  Toluca,  a 
city  of  about  12,000  inhabitants.  The  state  does  not 
include  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  with  a  portion  of 
adjacent  country  forms  the  district  of  Mexico,  or  fed 
eral  district,  where  the  supreme  national  authorities 
officially  reside.23 

The  year  1869  opened  under  more  favorable  auspices. 
Liberal  institutions  were  becoming  more  firmly  rooted ; 
administrative  reorganization  and  material  improve 
ments  again  went  forward.  Hopes  were  entertained 
that  no  more  serious  disturbances  would  take  place, 

20  The  state  had  the  following  districts:  Atotonilco  el  Grande,  Actopan, 
Apam,  Jacala,  Huichapan,  Huejutla,  Metztitlan,  Pachuca,  Tulancingo,  Tula, 
Ixmiquilpan,  Zacualtipan,  and  Zimapan,  whose  respective  chief  towns  had 
the  same  names.  Its  area  was  21, 130  square  kilometers.  Garcia  Cubas,  Atlas 
Metdd.,  46;  Hermosa,  Compend.  Geog.,  119. 

21He  was  enthusiastically  received.  Diario  Ofic.,  June  8,  1869;  El  Moni 
tor,  May  14,  20,  27,  30,  June  9,  1869.  Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  i.  187. 

22  The  boundaries  became  then:  on  the  north,  Hidalgo;  on  the  east,  Tlas- 
cala;  on  the  south-east,  Morelos;  on  the  south,  Guerrero;  and  on  the  west, 
Michoacan.  An  attempt  was  made  in  1 868  to  form  with  the  towns  of  the 
valley  a  state  to  be  named  Estado  del  Valle,  but  no  action  seems  to  have  been 
taken.  Tovar,  Hist.  ParL,  i.  100,  111,  168-552  passim;  ii.  5,  319,  359.  The 
15  districts  in  which  the  state  was  divided  are  Jilotepec,  Tezcuco,  Chalco, 
Otumba,  Tlalnepantla,  Cuautitlan,  Zumpango,  Toluca,  Tenango,  Lerma,  Te- 
nancingo,  Ixtlahuaca,  Villa  del  Valle,  Zoltepec,  and  Tejupilco.  Their  re 
spective  chief  towns  bear  the  same  names.  Hermosa,  Comp.  Geog.,  128,  130. 
23  Its  limits  now  extend  to  Zacoalco  on  the  north;  Los  Remedies  on  the 
west;  Tlalpam  on  the  south;  and  El  Peiion  Viejo  on  the  east.  Id.,  51,  208} 
Mex.y  Mem.  Gobern.,  1871,  16-17,  annex  no.  14,  89-90. 


TROUBLES  IN  YUCATAN. 


371 


at  least  till  there  should  be  another  attempt  to  reelect 
President  Juarez.  These  hopes  were,  however,  des 
tined  to  disappointment.  A  pronunciamiento  of  a 
seditious  character  occurred  in  Merida,  Yucatan,  in 
January  and  February,  which  was  summarily  sup 
pressed,  and  a  number  put  to  death  by  Colonel  Ceba- 
llos.  These  executions  were  regarded  throughout 
Mexico  as  but  little  better  than  assassinations.24  The 
Indians  also  were  troublesome  here.  After  the  resto- 
vation  of  the  supreme  authority  of  Mexico  over 
Yucatan,  the  state  was  regularly  allowed  pecuniary 


YUCATAN. 

resources,  which  with  its  revenue  sufficed  to  meet  all 
expenses,  even  leaving  a  balance  over.  But  early  in 
1869  the  general  government  stopped  the  supplies, 
and  then  the  state  treasury  was  obliged  to  support  the 
troops  on  the  Indian  frontier.25 

24  Ceballos  was  subjected  to  trial  by  order  of  the  government,  though  the 
legislature  of  Yucatan  had  decreed  him  a  vote  of  thanks  for  suppressing  the 
sedition.  El  Monitor,  Feb.  7,  12,   16,  March  24,  25,  May  22,  June  9,  1869; 
Diario  Ofic.,   March  9,  April  15,  22,   1869;  El  Derecho,  ii.  227,  247-8,  290, 
307. 

25  They  were  defeated  at  the  hacienda  of  Katbe\     In  June  a  force  of  4,000 
Indians  was  concentrated  at  Tihosuco.     On  the  7th  of  July  they  burned  Yax- 


372  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

During  1869,  owing  to  drought,  the  corn  crop, 
forming  the  staple  of  food  for  the  masses,  was  very 
small,  and  the  people  suffered  greatly.  Agriculture 
was,  generally  speaking,  in  a  deplorable  state,  result 
ing  from  the  twenty  years'  struggle,  which  required  a 
large  portion  of  the  population  to  be  constantly  on 
the  frontier  watching  the  Indians.  However,  in  the 
region  free  from  Indian  depredations  henequen  was 
cultivated  on  a  large  scale,  and  quite  profitably, 
promising  to  become  a  source  of  wealth.26  The  war 
of  races  continued  without  the  hostile  Indians  man 
ifesting  any  disposition  to  submit,  or  even  to  treat 
with  the  government.27 

Other  states  were  also  the  victims  of  hostile  In 
dians.  Nuevo  Leon  was  often  raided  by  wild  Indians 
from  the  United  States.28  Chiapas  suffered  from  a 
war  of  castes;29  the  national  congress  and  executive  at 
once  resolved  to  aid  the  state  with  arms  and  money.30 
Indian  troubles  continued,  however,  for  a  long  time 
afterward.  The  frontier  states  of  Chihuahua  and 
Sonora  continued  to  be  the  trarnping-ground  of  the 
relentless  Apaches. 

A  pronunciamiento  took  place  at  Puebla,  headed 
by  Miguel  Negrete,  who  had  been  in  concealment  in 

kaba.  The  state  government  had  but  few  serviceable  arms;  but  in  Sept.  the 
national  executive  contributed  troops  and  money.  Diario  Ofic.,  March  27, 
Aug.  7,  Oct.  2,  1869;  El  Monitor,  July  9,  1869;  Diario  Debates,  5° Cong.,  i.  46. 

26  There  were  in  the  state  1,145  haciendas,  363  ranches,  831  sitios  and  pa- 
rages,  117,668  head  of  cattle,  16,251  horses,  etc. ;  96  estates  had  been  destroyed 
since  1862,  and  39  new  ones  made.     The  estimated  value  of  agricultural  prop 
erty  was  $1,568,717.   Yuc.  Exped.  Visita  Ofic.,  5,  6,  15-17,  27. 

27  In  the  latter  part  of  1871  some  chiefs  were  murdered,  being  suspected 
by  their  people  of  a  wish  to  tender  their  submission  to  the  government.  El 
Monitor  Rep.,  Jan.  7,  10,  1872. 

28  One  of  the  many  invasions  was  that  of  the  Kickapoos  in  1869,  when  the 
Posa  rancho  was  assaulted  by  them.  Mex.,  Informe  Comis.  Pesquis.,  1874, 
52-61,  and  ap.  xxii.-xxvi.,  xlviii.-ix.;  Mex.,  Rept  Mex.  Border  Comm.,  307-18; 
Diario  Ofic.,  March  20,  1869. 

29  Two  of  their  chiefs  were  captured  and  shot.     About  7,000  Indians  were 
dispersed  on  the  7th  of  July,  1869,  by  350  government  troops.     The  rebels 
were  again  defeated  with  heavy  loss,  at  Puntehuitz,  Nov.  13,  1869.  El  De- 
rec/io,  iii.  111-12;  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  10,  1869;  El  Monitor,  Aug.  14,  1869;  El 
Occidental,  Aug.  4,  11,  25,  Sept.  1,  29,  Oct.  20,  27,  1869. 

80  Six  hundred  muskets  and  $3,000  monthly  to  be  exclusively  used  for 
defence  against  the  Indians.  Id.,  Oct.  30,  1899;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.t  x.  743;  La  Eatretta  de  Occid.,  Dec,  24,  1869r 


OTHER  REVOLTS.  373 

that  city,  on  the  3d  of  February.  He  was,  however, 
obliged  to  abandon  the  place  on  the  7th,  and  on 
the  22d  of  the  same  month  was  defeated  by  General 
Cuellar  at  Lagunilla  near  San  Martin  Atexcal.  The 
rebel  force  was  completely  dispersed.31  Insurrection 
ary  movements  also  occurred  in  almost  all  the  states; 
but  by  the  end  of  June  public  security  was  reestab 
lished,  and  in  October  and  November  the  pacification 
was  nearly  completed.82 

Another  revolution  broke  out,  however,  on  the 
15th  of  December,  1869,  at  San  Luis  Potosf,  headed 
by  generals  Francisco  Aguirre,  Martinez,  and  Lar- 
ranaga,  against  Juarez'  government,  and  was  seconded, 
on  the  10th  of  January,  1870,  in  Zacatecas  by  Gov 
ernor  Trinidad  Garcfa  de  la  Cadena,  who  placed  him 
self  at  the  head  of  the  whole  movement.83  The  rebels, 
supported  by  a  body  of  troops  of  the  fourth  division, 
seized  a  conducta  of  about  $70,000.  The  public  peace 
was  also  again  disturbed  in  other  states.  The  pres 
ident  displayed  due  activity,  having  first  obtained 
ample  powers  from  congress.34  The  states  where  the 

31  Forty -eight  officers  of  all  ranks  and  330  rank  and  file  were  taken  prisoners; 
a  large  quantity  of  arms  and  other  war  material  fell  into  the  victors'  hands. 
El  Monitor,  Feb.  5-9,  21,  23,  24,  1869.     Several  of  the  insurgent  officers  were 
executed,  one  of  them  being  Gen.  Francisco  Lujan.  Diario  Ofic.y  March  10, 
1869;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  April  2,  16,  May  7,  1869. 

32  Details  of  the  operations  appear  in  Diario  Ofic.,  March  24,  31,  Apr. 
14  to  Dec.  18,  1869,  passim;  El  Derecho,  iii.   141,  157,  173;  Diario  Debates, 
5°  Cong.,  i.  388-918  passim;  Zac.,  Mem.  del  Est.,  1-72  passim;  Mex.,  Mem., 
Hacienda,  187,  993-4;  El  Monitor,  El  Occidental,  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  El 
Def.  de  Ref.,  and  other  journals,  in  almost  every  issue. 

33Gk>v.  Escandon,  the  legislature,  and  other  functionaries  of  San  Luis 
Potosi  were  arrested,  and  Aguirre  was  proclaimed  governor.  Diario  Ofa., 
Dec.  28,  1869,  Jan.  1,  March  30,  1870;  El  Monitor,  Dec.  21,  1869;  La  Estrella 
de.  Occid.,  Feb.  18,  March  4,  1870;  Mex.,  Mem.  Gobern.,  1871,  4,  and  annex 
no.  2,  p.  43-4;  V.  Cruz,  Mem.,  1871,  19-20.  Marquez  de  Leon  attributes 
the  revolution  to  Juarez'  attempts  to  retain  power,  and  to  the  cruelties  of 
government  officers  in  that  year,  which  had  been  unparalleled.  The  murders 
in  Yucatan  by  Ceballos,  in  Sinaloa  by  Parras,  and  the  executions  at  Atexcal 
had  been  the  work  of  savages  rather  than  of  civilized  authorities.  Public 
opinion  condemned  them,  but  Juarez  offered  no  redress,  preferring  to  play  the 
part  of  dictator.  In  San  Luis  Potosi,  S6stenes  Escandon  was  chosen  governor 
iii  spite  of  Juarez.  Mem.  P6st.,  MS.,  325-34. 

34  He  was  authorized  to  muster  into  service  4,000  men  of  the  national 
guard  of  the  states.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  779-83,  xi.  9-11; 
Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  i.  390,  500-8,  759-884  passim;  Boletin  Qfic.  Estad. 
Sin.,  Jan.  18,  1870;  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  13,  IS,  1870;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda, 
1870,  882-3. 


374  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

~t 

revolution  developed  itself  in  force,  namely,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  Zacatecas,  Jalisco,  and  Quere*taro,  were  placed 
under  martial  law.85  In  about  four  months  the  move 
ment,  which  had  been  one  of  personal  ambition,  but 
threatened  the  existence  of  Juarez'  administration, 
was  forced  to  succumb,  the  rebels  being  defeated  on 
the  22d  of  February,  1870,  by  General  Rocha,36  at  a 
place  known  as  Lo  de  Ovejo,  with  heavy  losses.37 
The  result  was  that  Guadarrarna  and  other  prominent 
leaders  submitted  to  the  government.  Garcia  de  la 
Cadena  afterward  captured  Zacatecas,  from  whose 
merchants  he  obtained  a  large  sum  of  money,  and 
from  private  citizens  arms  and  horses,  and  then  de 
parted  for  Sierra  Hermosa;  but  soon  after  was  routed 
at  Yillanueva,  and  forced  into  exile.38  The  insurgents 
met  with  disaster  at  every  encounter,  and  finally  gave 
up  the  struggle.39  This  revolution  left  homeless  a 
large  number  of  men  who  had  rendered  good  services 
to  their  country. 

The  long-desired  general  amnesty  law  was  finally 
enacted  by  congress  on  the  13th  of  October,  1870.40 

85  From  which  they  were  released  on  the  26th  of  March.    El  Derecho,  iv. 
289. 

36  This  general  had  routed  Toledo  at  El  Tejon  in  January. 

37  They  lost  all  their  artillery — about  26  pieces — a  large  quantity  of  other 
arms,  800  killed  and  wounded,  and  many  officers  and  upwards  of  1,000  rank 
and  file  were  taken  prisoners.     The  rest  of  their  force,  which  had  been  of 
about  5,000  on  going  into  battle,  became  dispersed.     Garcia  de  la  Cadena, 
Martinez,  Huerta,  and  Toledo  fled.  Diario  Ofic.,  March  5,  Apr.  6,  1870;  El 
Derecho,  iv.  185;  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Post.,  MS.,  335-7;  La  Estrella  de 
Occid.,  Apr.  1,  8,  1870;  Cos,  Estadist.  Silao,  in  Mex.,  Soc.  Geog.  Boletin,  2a 
^lp.,  iv.  748;  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  303-3. 

38  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  2,  5,  10,  etc.,  1870;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Apr.  22, 
1870;  Peridd.  Ofic.,  of  Zac.,  1870-4. 

39  Some  of  the  governors  were  given  extraordinary  powers  where  needed 
to  restore   peace.    Guer.,    Varias  Lei/.,  Decree  58.     Ex-gen.  Gutierrez  was 
court-martialed  and  shot  for  having  belonged  to  a  'banda  de  foragidos.'  El 
Monitor,  Feb.  16,  1860;  Boletin  Ofic.  Estad.  Sin..,  Apr.  18,  1870.     The  gov 
ernment   is  accused  of   using   arbitrary  measures   to  uphold  its  authority. 
The  Diario  Ofic.  throughout  the  year  is  full  of  details  on  the  political  disturb 
ances.     The  same  may  be  said  of  El  Occidental,  El  Monitor  Rep.,  etc.     Riva 
Palacio,  Mem.  d  la,  Legist,  de  Mex.,  9,  and  Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  i.  882, 
887-8,  also  give  information. 

40  The  state  of  Puebla,  by  its  legislature  and  executive,  had,  as  early  as 
the  16th  of  July,  1870,  restored  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  state  to  those  who 
served  under  the  intervention  or  the  empire,  excepting  from  the  privileges  of 


LAW  OF  AMNESTY.  375 

It  contained  eleven  articles,  and  embraced  persons 
who,  to  the  19th  of  September  of  the  same  year,  had 
been  guilty  of  infidencia,  or  treason,  sedition,  conspir 
acy,  and  other  offences  of  a  political  nature.  From 
its  benefits  were  excepted,  1st,  the  regentes  and  lugar- 
tenientes  of  the  empire;  and  2d,  generals  who,  while 
commanding  in  chief  a  division  or  corps  d'armee, 
deserted  to  the  foreign  invader.41  One  month  was 
granted  for  insurgents  still  under  arms  to  apply  for 
their  pardons ;  failing  in  which,  they  were  to  be  pros 
ecuted.  The  eleventh  article  declared  that  the  persons 
included  in  the  second  exception  should  not  be  sen 
tenced  to  the  penalty  of  death,  to  which  they  were 
amenable,  but  to  the  "mayor  extraordinaria."  A  few 
days  later  several  deputies42  moved  that  the  benefits 
of  the  amnesty  should  be  extended  to  the  men  who 
had  been  regents  of  the  empire,  but  congress  rejected 
the  motion.  Prisoners  entitled  to  the  amnesty  were 
released.  Among  them  were  the  ex-generals  Severo 
del  Castillo  and  Miguel  Negrete.  The  latter  had 
been  arrested  in  July,  subjected  to  trial,  and  being 
convicted,  was  sentenced  to  death.43  But  the  people 
would  not  allow  such  a  fate  to  befall  one  of  the  heroes 
of  the  Cinco  de  Mayo,  as  well  as  a  brave  defender  of 
Puebla  the  following  year,  and  petitions  for  his  un- 

the  law  those  persons  who  held  the  offices  of  secretary  or  under-secretary  of 
state,  and  those  who  acted  as  members  of  courts-martial,  or  who,  while  serv 
ing  their  country,  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Puebla,  Var.  Ley.,  no.  41. 

41  The  executive  wanted  also  to  be  excepted  the  so-called  ministers  who 
countersigned  Maximilian's  decree  of  Oct.  3,  1865,  and  the  leaders  of  insur 
rections  and  mutinies  that  had  occurred  from  Aug.  1867  to  the  date  of  the 
law,  but  congress  rejected  the  proposition.  The  benefits  of  the  amnesty  were 
also  allowed  to  those  among  the  excepted  whose  fate  had  been  defined  by  the 
executive,  and  it  might  be  extended  to  persons  comprised  in  the  second  excep 
tion  whenever  the  executive  deemed  it  expedient.  Prosecutions  already 
instituted  were  to  be  discontinued,  and  fines  remitted.  Sequestrated  or 
confiscated  property,  not  yet  sold,  was  to  be  restored,  in  the  condition  it 
might  then  be,  to  the  parties  interested.  The  amnesty  did  not  exempt  from 
responsibility  for  property  of  the  government  or  private  parties  illegally  seized; 
nor  did  it  imply  restoration  of  rank,  decorations,  offices,  honors,  pay,  pen 
sions,  montepio,  etc.  Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  iii.  213-18;  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct. 
16,  1870.  Marquez  de  Leon  claims  some  credit  for  this  enactment.  Mem. 
Post.,  MS.,  342-4. 

42Zamacoria,  Islas,  Prieto,  AVila,  and  Orozco.  El  Siglo,  Oct.  23,  1870. 

43  Diario  Ofic. ,  July  12,  13, 1870.  Lerdo  was  accused  of  favoring  Negrete'a 
execution  out  of  personal  hostility.  El  Monitor  Rep.,  July  13-15,  1870. 


376  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

conditional  pardon  came  from  all  quarters,  and  he  was 
released  on  the  14th  of  October.44  One  of  the  great 
difficulties  Juarez  had  to  contend  with  was  the  con 
stant  demand  from  the  liberal  party  for  a  change  of 
policy,  and  consequent  change  of  ministers,  to  which 
he  paid  no  heed.  He  was  also  greatly  censured  for 
having  his  salary  account  adjusted,  and  the  balance 
due  him  paid  by  the  treasury.45 

The  presidential  election  for  the  next  constitutional 
term,  to  end  on  the  30th  of  November,  1875,  now 
came  again  to  throw  the  country  into  turmoil.46  The 
chief  candidates  were  Juarez,  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and 
Porfirio  Diaz.  Juarez  had  in  his  behalf,  besides  his 
great  prestige  with  the  'puro'  wing  of  the  liberal 
party,  a  large  following  of  office-holders.  He  encoun 
tered  much  opposition,  however,  on  the  part  of  the 
strict  constitutionalists,  who  honestly  believed  that 
successive  reflections  were  against  the  spirit  of  de 
mocracy.47  Nevertheless,  disregarding  these  consider 
ations,  Juarez  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  secure 
his  reelection,  which  was  a  grave  error  on  his  part. 
Indeed,  had  he  shown  a  disinclination  to  appear  again 
as  a  candidate,  the  opposition  would  have  been  dis 
armed,  and  in  all  probability  the  great  national  party 
would  have  insisted  on  his  continuing  at  the  head  of 
affairs  another  term  to  complete  his  work.48 

44  He  published  a  card  expressing  his  gratitude  to  the  people  who  had 
manifested  so  much  interest  on  his  behalf.  Id.,  Oct.  16,  1870;  La,  Estrdla  de 
Occid.,  Dec.  2,  1870. 

45  A  sum  exceeding  $60,000.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  683. 

^Congress  adopted,  April  22,  1871,  an  amendment  to  the  electoral  law  of 
1857,  prescribing  that,  in  the  event  of  no  presidential  candidate  obtaining  the 
requisite  constitutional  majority,  it  should  choose  one  of  the  two  most  favored 
candidates,  voting  not  by  deputations,  but  by  individual  members.  This  was 
looked  on  by  some  as  contrary  to  the  true  spirit  of  the  institutions  which 
called  for  equal  representation,  in  such  cases,  of  the  'entidades  f ederativas. ' 
Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  23,  1871.  Another  amendment,  May  8th,  had  for  its 
object  to  insure  greater  freedom  of  election.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex., 
xi.  495-9.  This  last  law  was  repealed  Oct.  13,  1873.  Diario  Debates,  T  Cong., 
i.  1269. 

47  They  were  considered  by  many  thinking  men  as  a  source  of  danger,  even 
though  the  reelected  president  should  be  a  man  of  acknowledged  virtues, 
'hubiera  sido  la  encarnacion  de  la  reforma,  y  se  llamara  Benito  Juarez.'  Riva 
Palacio,  Adm.  Lerdo,  28. 

48  It  has  been  alleged  in  support  of  his  course  that  he  was  filled  with  the 


PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATES'.  377 

Diaz  was  a  military  man,  and  a  representative  of 
the  popular  element.  His  victories  during  the  war 
of  intervention,  his  patriotism  and  honesty  of  pur 
pose,  had  made  him  the  favorite  of  the  men  who  took 
a  more  or  less  active  part  in  the  war  against  the 
French.49  Juarez'  opponents  used  their  best  endeavors 
to  secure  the  election  of  Diaz.50 

Lerdo  was  acknowledged  to  be  a  man  of  great  abil 
ity ;  still,  he  owed  much  of  his  reputation  to  the  name 
he  bore,  made  popular  by  his  brother  Miguel  Lerdo, 
the  author  of  the  famous  decrees  on  the  property  of 
the  clergy,  and  whose  memory  was  held  dear  by  all 
liberals.  Sebastian  Lerdo  had  won  to  his  support  a 
portion  of  the  official  element,  by  aiding  with  the 
whole  power  of  the  national  administration  the  choice 
of  certain  governors,  etc.  He  had  taken  advantage 
of  the  confidence  Juarez  had  reposed  in  him,  and  of 
the  ample  powers  he  had  given  him,  to  fill  the  chief 
offices  of  the  national  and  state  governments  with 
men  friendly  to  himself,  and  who  must  have  been 
antagonistic  to  Juarez'  candidacy.61  His  supporters 
were  the  least  numerous,  however,  and  represented  no 
party  with  a  decided  political  color.  For  there  were 
among  them  some  well-known  liberals;  others  with 
conservative  proclivities;  and  not  a  few  were  supposed 

idea  that  it  was  his  duty  not  to  leave  unfinished  the  task  of  reconstruction 
and  reform.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  683-4;  La  Paz,  Jan. -June  1871. 

49  They  formed  a  party  of  action,  whose  ranks  had  been  greatly  swelled 
with  men  discontented  with  the  government  on  account  of  Lerdo 's  policy. 
Riva  Palacio,  Adm.  Lerdo,  28-9;  El  Mensajero,  Jan. -July  1871. 

50  Juarez  having  been  taken  ill  in  Oct.  1870,  so  that  his  life  was  despaired 
of,  his  friends  were  disposed  to  support  Diaz;  but  he  recovered  and  no 
arrangement  was  made.     Marquez  de  Leon  asserts  that  he  worked  for  Diaz 
in  Sinaloa  and  elsewhere,  and  that  through  the  imprudence  of  Benitez,  Diaz' 
chief  supporter,   some   of   his   most   prominent  political  friends — Vallarta, 
Ogazon,  Montes,  Leon  Guzman,  Zamacona,  and  others — became  alienated. 
This  result  was  also  brought  about  by  squabbles  between  Lerdo  and  others, 
of  which  Juarez  took  advantage  to  win  them  over  to  his  side.  Mem.  P6st.t 
MS.,  73,  337-47;  Mex.,  JDiario  Ofic.,  Feb.  19,  20,  1871;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Jan. 
6,  1871. 

61  Even  those  who  were  opposed  to  Juarez'  reelection  looked  with  dis 
pleasure  on  Lerdo's  crooked  conduct.  He  was  also  accused  of  unconstitu 
tional  acts.  Riva  Palacio,  Adm.  Lerdo,  29-30,  41-2;  El  Monitor  Rep. ,  Nov. 
26,  29,  Dec.  9,  28,  1870,  Feb.  9,  March  24,  1871. 


378  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

to  have  no  fixed  political  opinions.52  Under  the  cir 
cumstances,  Lerdo  could  no  longer  be  a  member  of  the 
ministry,  and  he  accordingly  resigned  in  January, 
1871,  returning  to  his  office  of  president  of  the  su 
preme  court.58 

The  election  came  off  at  last;  but  none  of  the  can 
didates  having  obtained  the  requisite  majority,5*  the 
sixth  congress,  on  the  12th  of  October,  1871,  chose 
and  formally  declared  Juarez  to  be  the  constitutional 
president  for  the  next  term.55  He  was  inducted  into 
office  on  the  1st  of  December  with  the  usual  cere 
monials.  In  his  address  to  congress  he  bewailed  that 
the  spirit  of  militarism  had  come  again  to  disturb  the 
public  peace;  expressing  the  hope  that  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  and  all  good  citizens  would  frown 
it  down.56  But  long  before  congress  had  made  this 
declaration,  the  supporters  of  Lerdo  and  Diaz  were 
aware  that  their  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  The  friends 
of  the  latter  accused  the  government  of  having  tam 
pered  with  the  polls,  effecting  its  purpose  through  the 
official  element.67 


62  The  conservatives  divided  their  suffrages  between  Juarez  and  Lerdo.  Baz, 
Vida  de  Juarez,  304.     La  Paz,  Jan. -June  1871,  supported  Juarez;  whereas 
El  Correo  del  Com.,   El  Federalista,  and  El  Impartial  advocated  Lerdo's 
election. 

63  The  cabinet  after  this  was  formed  of  personal  supporters  of  Juarez,  Jos<§ 
M.  Castillo  Velasco  becoming  the  minister  of  government.  El  Monitor  Rep., 
Jan.  11,  18,  1871. 

64  Juarez  had  5,837  electoral  votes;  Lerdo,  2,874;  Diaz,  3,555.  Baz,  Vida, 
de  Juarez,  306. 

53  Dec.  1,  1871,  to  Nov.  30,  1875,  He  was  so  declared  under  the  electoral 
law  of  1857,  and  the  amendments  of  Apr.  22  and  May  8,  1871.  Dublan  and 
Lozano,  Leg.  Hex.,  xi.  581;  Diario,  Debates,  6°  Cong.,  i.  187,  218,  230,  271-3; 
Hex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  June  27,  29,  July  4,  8,  11,  Oct.  7,  13,  14,  17,  18,  1871; 
El  Monitor,  Oct.  14,  Nov.  1,  Dec.  2,  1871;  Boletin  Ofic.  Est.  Sin.,  Oct.  31, 
1871;  El  Provenir  Nic.,  Oct.  1871. 

56  The  president  of  the  chamber  promised  the  cooperation  of  his  colleagues. 
Diario  Debates,  6°  Cong.,  i.  627-9. 

67  Marquez  de  Leon  says  that  false  credentials  were  obtained  by  some  depu 
ties;  that  a  shameless  disrespect  for  law  prevailed  at  the  elections;  'there 
were  towns  of  only  2,000  inhabitants  where  2,500  votes  appeared  as  cast;  the 
government's  partisans  claiming  a  majority  where  Juarez  had  not  had  a  single 
vote.'  Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  347-8.  Diaz  himself  says:  'It  was  clearly  seen  that 
by  official  instructions  rather  than  by  the  wish  of  the  people  votes  in  favor  of 
Juarez  had  been  polled  in  quantities; '  and  it  has  been  asserted — recent  party 
animosities  have  not  permitted  to  clear  up  this  matter — that  in  counting  the 
votes  'hubo  suplantacion.'  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  357-8. 


REVOLUTION  UNDER  DIAZ.  379 

The  supporters  of  Porfirio  Diaz,  popularly  called 
Porfiristas,  refused  to  recognize  Juarez  as  lawfully 
elected,  resolving  to  gain  by  force  of  arms  the  victory 
they  claimed  to  have  been  robbed  of  by  the  govern 
ment's  influence  and  money.  Revolutionary  move 
ments  followed  one  another  in  quick  succession;  and 
finally  Diaz,  who  had  been  residing  at  his  hacienda  of 
La  Noria,  after  declining  to  countenance  any  revolu 
tionary  movements,  gave  way  to  the  suggestions  of 
Ignacio  Vallarta,  Zamacona,  and  Marquez  de  Leon — 
deputies  respectively  for  Jalisco,  Sinaloa,  and  Pue- 
bla — General  Ogazon  and  others,58  and  now  about 
the  8th  of  November,  1871,  issued  from  La  Noria  a 
manifesto  to  the  Mexican  people,  setting  forth  the 
grounds  for  the  revolution,  which  was  to  have  for  its 
battle-cry,  "Constitucion  de  '57  y  libertad  electoral," 
and  for  its  programme,  "Menos  gobierno  y  mas  liber- 
tades,"  and  embodying  a  plan  for  the  reconstruction 
of  the  government.  The  reconstruction  was  to  be 
effected  by  a  convention  composed  of  three  repre 
sentatives  for  each  state,  chosen  by  the  direct  votes  of 
the  people,  which  body  was  to  form  an  organic  law, 
meantime  choosing  a  provisional  president,  who  upon 
no  consideration  should  be  the  commander  of  the 
revolutionary  forces.59 

The  revolution  presented  a  threatening  attitude; 
but  though  seconded  in  many  places  of  more  or  less 
importance,  it  had  the  germ  of  self-destruction.  Its 

58  'Cediendo  el  Gen.  Diaz  a  lo  que  le  proponian  Vallarta,  Ogazon  y  demas 
oposicionistas  d  aquel  gobierno,  se  retir6  para  Oaxaca  con  el  propdsito  de  ini- 
ciar  y  encabezar  la  revolucion.'  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  359. 

59  The  other  bases  of  reconstruction  were  the  following:  The  election  of 
president  of  the  republic  to  be  direct  by  individual  vote,  excluding  from  can 
didacy  any  citizen  who  during  one  year  preceding  the  date  of  election  had,  if 
even  for  one  day,  held  any  authority  or  office  whose  functions  extended  over 
the  whole  national  territory.     Congress  was  to  exercise  electoral  powers  only 
in  economic  matters,  and  never  in  designating  high  public  functionaries.     The 
appointments  of  secretaries  of  state,  or  other  officials  having  a  yearly  salary 
of  §3,000  or  upwards,  must  be  submitted  for  confirmation  to  congress.     The 
Mexican  union  must  guarantee  to  ayuntamientos  rights  and  means  of  their 
own  to  secure  their  independence  and  freedom  of  action;  trial  by  jury  to  be 
established;   the  odious  excise  tax  to  be  abolished;   and  the  regulations  of 
custom-houses  to  be  amended.  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.   13,   1871;  Riva  Palacio, 
Adm.  Lerdo,  30;  Caballero,  Hist.  Aim.,  57-9;  El  Monitor,  Nov.  14,  1871. 


380  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

authors  and  sponsors  called  themselves  constitutional- 
ists,  and  yet  went  to  work,  by  means  of  violence  and 
bloodshed,  to  break  the  constitution  they  made  their 
battle-cry.  Allowing  that  the  reelection  of  Juarez 
had  been  unjustifiable  and  illegal,  and  that  his  title 
should  have  been  set  aside  with  all  the  energy  of  the 
nation,  why  was  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  president  of  the 
supreme  court,  and  the  official  designated  by  the  con 
stitution  of  1857  as  the  legal  temporary  successor, 
also  set  aside?60  It  is  surmised  that  the  revolutionists 
mistrusted  him ;  but  if  so,  they  failed  to  express  it  in 
their  plan.61  The  result  of  it  all  was  that  the  plan 
met  with  but  few  supporters,  the  liberal  party,  as  a 
whole,  looking  upon  it  as  hostile  to  the  constitu 
tion  of  1857,  as  an  impending  military  dictatorship 
prompted  by  the  spirit  of  militarism,  as  Juarez  called 
it,  and  as  exclusive.  Had  the  revolutionary  move 
ment  been  well  directed,  however,  without  resorting 
with  such  precipitancy  to  arms,  its  chances  of  success 
might  have  been  greater,  for  its  possibilities  were 
large,  whole  states  having  made  declarations  against 
the  general  government.62 

But  previous  to  Diaz'  open  rupture  with  the 
government,  his  partisans  had  broken  out  into  re 
bellion  in  several  parts  of  the  republic.  A  pronun- 

60  Art.  79th  of  the  constitution  says:   'During  a  temporary  vacancy  of  the 
presidential  office,  and  during  an  absolute  one  till  the  newly  elected  shall  pre 
sent  himself,  the  executive  authority  is  to  be  exercised  by  the  president  of 
the  supreme  court  of  justice.'  Mex.,  Ley.  Fund,  369. 

61  Marquez  de  Leon,  who  must  be  well  informed  on  the  events  of  this 
period  as  well  as  on  the  moti\res  of  the  men,  says:  'While  the -capture  of  Sal- 
tillo  by  Trovino  was  being  glorified,  the  press  was  engaged  in  discussing  the 
'abominable  plan  de  la  Noria,'  by  which  Gen.  Diaz,  influenced  by  Lie.  Justo 
Benitez,  ignored  the  president  of  the  supreme  court. . .  .The  ill-advised  plan 
was  badly  received;  public  opinion  became  lukewarm.     The  plan  was  a  mere 
proclamation  of  the  chief,  subscribed  by  himself  alone.     In  this  he  had  'de- 
silusionado  4  la  generalidad. '  Mem.  P6*t.,  MS.,  358-9;  El  Monitor,  Jan.  3, 
1872.     Diaz   thus   explains   the   unexpected   result:    'Meantime  Juarez  ap 
pointed  Lie.  Vallarta  governor  of  the  state  of  Jalisco,  cajoled  some   others 
that  he  suspected  to  be  compromitted,  y  la  revolucion  comenzd  d  debilitarse 
mas  de  lo  que  debia,'  Datos,  Biog.,  MS.,  359-60. 

62  The  party  calling  itself  constitutionalist,  born  of  the  opposition  to  the 
electoral  law  of  Aug.  14,  1867,  lost  its  prestige,  its  moral  force,  with  the  rude 
attack  made  against  the  constitution  by  the  Plan  de  la  Noria.     The  revolu 
tion  was  defeated  by  public  opinion  rather  than  by  force  of  arms.  Bazy  Vida 
de  Juarez,  310. 


DIAZ  AND  JUAREZ.  881 

ciamiento  at  Tampico,  which  had  been  quelled  by 
General  Sostenes  Rocha  after  a  short  siege  and  bloody 
assault,63  was  followed  by  other  revolts  which  were  put 
down  only  with  the  spilling  of  much  blood.6*  A  seri 
ous  attempt  to  upset  the  government  occurred  in  the 
national  capital  on  the  1st  of  October,  when  Toledo, 
Chavarria,  Negrete,  Mayer,  and  others  seized  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  Ciudadela  and  the 
Belem  jail.  Juarez,  with  his  characteristic  prompt 
ness,  adopted  measures  for  the  suppression  of  the  sedi 
tion,  and  its  authors  were  routed  at  midnight,  after  a 
desperate  resistance,  by  Rocha,  under  orders  from 
General  Garcia,  their  position  being  taken  by  assault.65 
Colonel  Castro,  governor  of  the  federal  district,  per 
ished  in  an  encounter  on  the  road  to  Popotla  with  the 
forces  of  the  guerrilla  chief  Aureliano  Rivera. 

Diaz'  partisans  in  Oajaca,  before  his  manifesto  was 
issued,  had  seized  the  federal  artillery,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  other  war  material.  Juarez  was  well 
enough  prepared  to  meet  the  issue  of  battle,66  though 
it  must  be  confessed  that  at  times  the  fate  of  his 


63  According  to  Rocha's  telegram  of  June  llth,  he  had  taken  the  place  at 
point  of  the  bayonet;  'muchos  prisioneros;  ni  un  oficial;  todos  han  muerto  en 
el  combate,  y  son  muchos.'  Mex.,  Diario,  OJtc.,  June  11,  1871;  Tomade  Tarn- 
pico,  1-29;  Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  iv.  555;  6°  Cong.,  i.  193;  Baz,  Vida 
de  Juarez,  305-6. 

64 The  garrison  of  Guaymas,  on  the  1st  of  Nov.,  mutinied,  killing  the  offi 
cers,  and  seizing  the  custom-house,  but  Was  Soon  brought  again  under  sub 
jection.  In  Nuevo  Leon,  Gen.  Trevino  rebelled  and  invaded  Durango.  In 
Sinaloa,  Marquez  de  Leon,  Parra,  and  others  made  a  pronunciamiento  on  the 
13th  of  Sept.  with  300  men,  but  were  defeated  on  the  21st,  at  Las  Higueras 
de  Culiacan.  The  official  report  has  it:  'Muchos  muertos;  nada  de  prisio 
neros.'  It  seems,  however,  that  Parra  surrendered,  a  few  days  later,  with  a 
number  of  his  men.  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  4,  9,  25,  26,  1871.  Tabasco  and 
Chiapas  also  had  some  disturbances. 

65  Upwards  of  300  prisoners,  together  with  all  the  artillery  and  ammuni 
tion,  fell  into  Rocha's  hands.  Mex.,  Mem.,  Gobern.,  1871,  10,  and  annex  no.  6, 
69-70;  El  Monitor,  Oct.  3,  6.   1871;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  2,  8,  9,  1871. 
Marquez  de  Leon  says:  '  Rocha  proved  himself  an  assassin  by  his  massacre  of 
prisoners,'  adding  that   Gen.  Guerra,  who  had  charge  of   the  cavalry,  was 
ordered  by  the  minister  of  war  to  bring  in  no  prisoners,  but  kill  them  all. 
Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  348-9. 

66  Congress,  immediately  after  the  inauguration,  granted  him  extraordinary 
powers  to  bring  about  the  restoration  of  peace,  which  included  that  of  increas 
ing  the  forces  for  active   service.     These  powers   were   continued  him  on 
the  2d  of  Apr.,  1872.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  xi.  593-5;  Diario  De 
bates,  8  Constit.  Leg.,  i.  181-2,  iii,  419;  Id.,  6°  Cong.,  ii.  9-10. 


382  END  OP  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

government  depended  on  the  result  of  a  single  en 
gagement.  He  despatched  to  the  front  two  of  his 
most  trusty  generals.  Alatorre  advanced  upon  Oa 
jaca,  which  he  occupied  on  the  4th  of  January,  1872, 
after  a  sanguinary  encounter  between  Loaeza's  bri 
gade  of  his  command  and  a  body  of  Diaz'  forces  under 
General  Luis  Mier  y  Teran  at  San  Mateo  Xindihui.67 
This  victory  virtually  ended  the  campaign  in  Oajaca. 
Felix  Diaz  lost  his  life  soon  after.88 

Porfirio  Diaz,  after  organizing  the  insurrection  in 
the  east,  marched  with  about  100  mounted  men  into 
the  interior,  reaching  Zacatecas69  on  the  8th  of  Feb 
ruary,  amidst  a  great  ovation.  Rocha  repaired  to  the 
interior,  and  on  the  Cerro  de  la  Bufa  in  Zacatecas 
signally  defeated  the  main  army  of  Nuevo  Leon  under 
Trevino  on  the  2d  of  March,70  after  five  hours7  fight 
ing,  the  latter  losing  all  his  artillery,  a  large  number 
of  prisoners,  together  with  an  immense  supply  of 
arms  and  ammunition.  His  infantry  was  lost,  and 
the  remnants  of  the  cavalry  fled,  one  portion  toward 

67  The  action  took  place  from  the  21st  to  the  23d  of  Dec.,  1871,  the  For- 
firistas  being  nearly  annihilated,  and  their  general  seriously  wounded.     The 
remnants  of  Teran's  force,  as  well  as  himself,  succeeded  in  reaching  Oajaca, 
where  Gen.  Felix  Diaz  commanded,  who  concluded  not  to  defend  the  place, 
on  being  informed  that  the  forces  of  both  Alatorre  and  Rocha  were  approach 
ing  it.  Mier  y  Terdn,  Apuntes  Eiog.,  40-2;  El  Monitor  Eep.y  Dec.  29,  1871, 
Jan.  4,  9,  10,  13,  23,  1872. 

68  His  body  was  brought  to  the  commandant  of  Pochutla  at  5  A.  M.  of  Jan. 
23,  1872.     He  was  slain  by  a  pursuing  party  from  Tehuantepec.  Official  tele 
gram  in  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Feb.  2,  1872. 

69  The  place  had  been  taken  by  the  Porfirista  chiefs  Donate  Guerra  and 
Pedro  Martinez,  Jan.  26th.  Id.t  Feb.  3,  20,  1872;  El  Federalista,  Jan.  24, 
1872. 

70  According  to  Marquez  de  Leon,  the  Porfirista  army  was  9,000  strong,  of 
which  3,000  were  cavalry  armed  with  repeating  rifles.     Trevino  started  with 
this  force  toward  San  Luis  Potosi.     Rocha  was  then  coming  against  him  from 
Mexico  with  3,500  men,  and  Corella  was  moving  from  San  Luis  with  1,500  to 
watch  their  opponents.     Antillon  had  3,000  in  Guanajuato,  offering  to  join 
the  pronunciados  and  end  the  revolution  if  the  president  of  the  supreme  court 
was  called  to  the  presidency;  but  Licenciado  Benitez  was  present  and  opposed 
it.     There  was  now  a  favorable  opportunity  for  the  pronunciados  to  defeat  the 
enemy  before  he  got  his  forces  together;  they  also  had  the  best  of  artillery. 
These  advantages  were  thrown  away  by  Trevino's  retreat  into  a  region  where, 
from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  artillery  was  rendered  useless.     Rocha  came 
against  him  with  8,000  men,  on  the  Bufa  hill,  and  routed  the  Porfirista  army. 
Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  366-7;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  March  5,  15,  26,  1872;  Boletin  Oftc. 
Est.  Sin.,  May  8,  12,  July  10,  1872. 


JUABIST  SUCCESSES.  383 

Fresnillo  and  another  toward  Jerez.71  Rocha's  cav 
alry  pursued  for  some  distance.  The  result  of  this 
victory  was  the  reoccupation  of  Zacatecas  by  the 
Juaristas  on  the  13th  of  April,  Durango  having  been 
abandoned  by  their  opponents,  and  taken  by  Rocha. 

Sinaloa,  by  her  legislature,  had  in  December  1871 
declared  against  the  authority  of  Juarez;  and  Maza- 
tlan  and  other  important  towns  of  the  state  were  for 
some  time  under  control  of  the  revolutionists;  but 
after  the  Juarist  successes  in  Zacatecas  and  Durango, 
matters  changed  again.72  Yucatan  was  once  more 
at  this  time  brought  into  the  vortex  of  revolution. 
A  pronunciamiento  on  the  13th  of  March,  1872,  at 
Valladolid,  ignored  the  authority  of  Governor  Cicerol, 
which  was  seized  by  Mariscal,  who  with  the  insur 
gents  operated  against  both  the  state  and  federal 
authorities.73  They  were  still  in  arms  in  July. 

While  military  operations  were  going  on  in  Za 
catecas,  Diaz  approached  Mexico  with  a  column  of 
cavalry,74  being  deceived  with  the  assurance  that  a 
movement  in  his  favor  would  break  out  in  the  city. 
On  becoming  convinced  that  no  such  assistance  could 
be  counted  on,  he  proceeded  to  Jalisco.75  A  document 
purporting  to  have  emanated  from  the  leader  of  the 

71  Guerra  was  afterward  surprised  in  Laguna  de  Tahualila,  and  lost  Mar- 
quez'  and  his  own  cavalry.  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  Pdst.,  367-8;  El  Feder- 
alista,  June  21,  1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  June  7,  1872. 

72  They  had  raised  forced  loans  at  Mazatlan  to  the  amount  of  $250,000 
to  Jan.  4,  1872.     Pesqueira  had  recovered  El  Fuerte  and  Culiacan  in  Feb. 
Marquez  endeavored  to  take  the  latter  in  May,  but  met  with  defeat  at  Pes- 
queira's  hands.     Mazatlan  was  occupied  by  Rocha  early  in  May.  El  Federa- 
lista,  Feb.  29,  March  14,  Apr.  16,  May  28,  1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Dec.  7, 
1871,  Jan.  27,  March  20,  24,  Apr.  11,  13,  17,  May  8,  16,  22,  28,  June  19,  22, 
July  18,  1872;  Marquez  de  Leon,  Mem.  P6st.,  MS.,  361-3,  375-8,  388. 

73  The  government  troops  were  defeated  March  20th,  and  Gen.  Cepeda 
Peraza  was  killed;  but  in  April  the  insurgents  abandoned  Me"rida,  Progreso, 
and  Sisal,  which  were  reoccupied  by  the  government.  El  Federalista,  Apr.  2- 
24,  May  9,  1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Apr.  5,  June  18,  1872,  July  18,  25,  1873; 
Boletin  Ofic.  Eat.  Sin.,  May  21,  30,  1872. 

74  *  Con  una  habilidad  sin  ejemplo,  se  present6  &  las  orillas  de  la  capital.' 
JBaz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  310. 

75  Jalisco,  like  the  other  states,  had  been  suffering  from  the  effects  of  sedi 
tious  movements  in  various  districts.     Gov.  Vallarta  had  been  granted  discre 
tional  powers;  martial  law  ruled,  and  heavy  taxes  were  levied.  E»  Monitor  Rep.t 
Jan.  17,  30,  March  28,  Apr.  27,  May  4,  7,  July  19,  1872;  El  Federalista,  Feb. 
20,  1872;  Jalisco,  Mem.,  1-3,  11-2,  doc.  no.  5. 


384  END  OP  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

revolution  at  Ameca  on  the  3d  of  April,  and  to  be  a 
modification  of  the  La  Noria  plan,  was  circulated  in 
Mexico;  the  object  being  to  establish  the  president  of 
the  supreme  court  as  provisional  president  of  the 
republic;  but  thinking  men  looked  upon  it  as  apocry 
phal.76  It  was  no  less  unconstitutional  than  the  plan 
of  La  Noria.  Diaz  finally  sought  an  asylum  with 
Lozada  at  Tepic.77  After  the  triumph  of  La  Bufa, 
the  insurrection  did  not  present  the  same  menacing 
aspect  as  at  the  latter  part  of  1871 ;  but  in  Chihuahua, 
Guerrero,  the  Sierra  of  Puebla,  arid  indeed  every 
where  throughout  the  country,  it  still  possessed 
elements  strong  for  resistance,  which  any  turn  of 
events  might  render  formidable.  The  government 
had  gained  several  victories,  but  they  were  not  of  a 
decisive  character.78  Juarez'  administration  could  not 
feel  assured  of  its  safety  as  to  the  war  as  late  as  July 
1872.79  The  political  situation  was  no  more  satisfac 
tory.  The  three  political  parties,  Juaristas,  Lerdistas, 
and  Porfiristas,  were  about  equal  in  number  of  dep 
uties  in  the  sixth  congress,  and  though  Juarez  had 
a  majority,  his  measures  might  be  jeopardized  by  a 
temporary  alliance  of  the  two  opposing  parties.80  In 
the  early  part  of  June  1872  there  was  a  ministerial 
crisis,  Mariscal.  Romero,  and  Castillo  Velasco  resign- 

78  It  was  in  the  form  of  a  circular  to  the  generals  supporting  Diaz,  who 
were  to  send  it  to  those  serving  the  government.  El  Federalista,  May  28,  1872. 

11  El  Monitor  Rep.,  July  7,  1872,  on  the  authority  of  La  Civilization  of 
Guadalajara,  states  that  Diaz  visited  the  Seboneco  volcano  in  company  with 
Lozada  and  Placido  Vega,  without  attempting  to  keep  himself  incognito. 

78  Donate  Guerra  defeated  Gov.  Terrasas  in  Chihuahua,  and  won  for  him 
self  friends.  Diaz  with  his  presence  there  gave  renewed  encouragement  to 
his  cause.  In  Guerrero,  Jimenez,  and  in  Puebla,  Negrete,  Lucas,  Carrillo, 
and  Mendez  kept  the  government  busy  and  incurring  heavy  expenses  to  support 
its  numerous  forces.  Riva  Palacio,  Adm.  Lerdo,  12,  15;  Marquez  de  Leon, 
Mem.  Pdst.,  MS.,  389-83;  Diario  Ofic.,  24,  25,  Nov.  28,  30,  1871;  El  Monitor 
Rep.,  Nov.  29,  1871,  to  July  24,  1872,  passim;  El  Federalisla,  Jan.  25  to  July 
13,  1872,  passim;  Voz  de  Mej.,  Jan.  3,  11,  1872;  Guer.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1872,  4-6, 
31-8;  Diario  Debates,  8  Constitut.  Leg.;  ii.  95;  Mex.,  Llamamiento,  1-12; 
Mix.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1883,  49-53,  annex  no.  3,  89-94. 

7f  '  No  era  por  cierto  muy  halagador  el  cuadro. '  Riva  Palacio,  Adm. 
Lerdo,  15. 

80  Party  animosity  was  exacerbated  by  the  attempt  of  the  Juaristas  to 
throw  out  several  credentials,  though  they  succeeded  in  only  two  or  three 
cases* 


DEATH  OF  JUAREZ.  385 

ing  their  portfolios.  Juarez  then  reconstructed  his 
cabinet  with  the  following  ministers:  Jos6  Maria 
Lafragua,  of  relations;  Francisco  Gomez  del  Palacio, 
of  government;  Joaquin  Ruiz,  of  justice  and  pub 
lic  instruction;  Bias  Balcarcel,  of  fomento;  Ignacio 
Mejia,  of  war;  and  Francisco  Mejia,  of  the  treasury. 
Ruiz  declined  on  the  21st  of  June  the  position  ten 
dered  him.81 

Juarez  had  been  taken  seriously  ill  with  an  affec 
tion  of  the  brain,  as  it  was  reported,  in  October  1870, 
from  which  he  rallied;  shortly  after  he  lost  his  wife, 
whom  he  highly  prized.82  It  seems  that  Juarez  had 
a  presentiment  that  his  own  end  was  near;  for  in  con 
versing  with  his  friends  he  expressed  regret  that  it 
would  be  out  of  his  power  to  reconstruct  the  affairs 
of  his  country,  wherein,  he  said,  almost  ever}'-  effort 
hitherto  had  been  directed  to  destroy.  Nevertheless, 
amidst  all  the  turmoil,  he  was  beginning  to  see  the 
realization  of  his  heart-felt  wish  for  peace,  when 
death  overtook  him.  On  the  18th  of  July,  1872,  he 
experienced  an  acute  pain  in  one  of  his  legs,  and  had 
some  difficulty  in  breathing;  but  he  thought  the 
trouble  would  all  pass  off.  He  left  his  office  earlier 
than  usual  that  day,  and  spent  the  time  with  his  fam 
ily,  hoping  next  morning  to  take  some  exercise  in  the 
forest  of  Chapultepec.83  As  night  approached  the 
family  noticed  that  he  was  becoming  very  ill,  and 
that  his  heart  seemed  to  be  affected.  Doctors  Bar- 
reda,  Alvarado,  and  Lucio  were  summoned;  but 
though  every  remedy  known  to  science  was  applied, 

81  El  Federallsta,  June  11.  14,  1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  June  11,  12,  22, 
1872. 

82  Jan.  2,  1871.     The  foreign  ministers,  as  well  as  all  classes  of  society, 
manifested  their  sorrow.     She  had  been  a  noble  matron,  who  by  acts  of  char 
ity  won  for  herself  the  esteem  of  all.  Baz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  304.     The  funeral 
took  place  on  the  3d,  and  was  largely  attended,  the  representatives  of  the 
U.   S.,  Prussia,  and  Italy  being  among  the  cortege.  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.   14, 
1871;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Jan.  3,  1871;  El  Occidental,  Jan.  31,  1871. 

83  It  was  his  custom  when  he  felt  unwell  to  walk  there  early  in  the  morn 
ing,  and  to  rapidly  go  up  the  hill  so  as  to  bring  on  a  perspiration.     This  with 
an  early  bath  usually  relieved  him. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    25 


386  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

the  disease  rapidly  progressed,  and  shortly  after  11 
o'clock  that  night  the  president  expired,  surrounded 
by  his  children  and  friends.  At  dawn  the  next  morn 
ing  minute-guns  announced  to  the  Mexican  nation 
that  their  chief  magistrate  was  no  longer  among  the 
living;  that  the  great  mind  which  during  so  many 
years  and  mid  so  many  difficulties  and  tribulations 
faithfully  guided  it  toward  liberty  and  progress  had 
ceased  its  labor,  the  great  heart  that  so  dearly  loved 
Mexico  had  ceased  to  beat.  The  announcement  fell 
upon  the  people  like  a  calamity.  Even  party  strife 
for  the  moment  was  paralyzed.  Juarez'  remains, 
while  still  warm,  were  taken  to  the  salon  de  embaja- 
dores  of  the  palace;8*  and  the  people  thronged  the  hall 
to  view  the  peaceful  features  of  him  who  had  been  in 
life  the  object  of  so  much  admiration  on  the  part  of 
some,  and  of  so  much  hatred  on  the  part  of  others.85 
The  president  of  the  supreme  court,  Sebastian 
Lerdo  de  Tejada,  having  been  summoned  to  assume 
the  reins  of  government,  qualified  at  half- past  eleven 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  July,  before  the 
comision  permanente  of  congress,  received  the  condo 
lence  of  the  diplomatic  corps S6  and  public  officials, 
and  gave  directions  for  the  funeral  of  the  late  chief 
magistrate  to  be  in  accordance  with  that  exalted  posi 
tion.  The  remains  were  embalmed  and  kept  in  state 
till  the  22d,  when  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning 
they  were  placed  in  a  zinc  coffin,  which  in  its  turn 
was  enclosed  in  a  mahogany  case,  garnished  with  two 
sprigs  of  laurel  and  olive,  and  bearing  the  initials 
B.  J.  A  magnificent  hearse,  drawn  by  six  horses, 
which  were  kept  in  hand  by  six  lackeys,  conveyed  the 

84  Pursuant  to  an  unrepealed  law  which  brought  to  mind  the  practice  of 
the  colonial  period  at  the  death  of  a  viceroy.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Hex.,  ii.  685. 

83  Among  the  public  manifestations  of  sorrow  were  particularly  noticed 
those  of  the  French  residents,  who  remembered  that  his  protection  had  not 
failed  them  in  times  when  popular  passions  in  Mexico  were  violently  roused 
by  the  acts  of  their  government. 

86  Manifestations  of  sorrow  came  afterward  from  the  heads  of  foreign  gov 
ernments  having  relations  with  Mexico,  among  which  was  an  autograph  letter 
from  Amadeo  of  Spain.  M6x.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1873,  annex  no.  4,  51-8,  116- 
17;  El  Monitor  R?p.,  Nov.  17,  1872. 


HONORS  TO  THE  DEAD  PRESIDENT.  387 

body  to  the  San  Fernando  cemetery,  to  be  interred  in 
the  family  tomb.87  In  an  angle  of  the  garden  in  the 
plazuela  de  San  Fernando  had  been  raised  a  monu 
ment  in  the  style  of  the  Greek  parthenon.  The  coffin 
was  laid  on  a  large  urn,  covered  with  laurel  leaves 
made  of  gold  and  evergreens;  in  the  upper  triangle 
were  seen  alpha  and  omega,  symbolizing  the  beginning 
and  end  of  things,  and  on  the  top  of  the  small  temple 
was  a  bust  of  Juarez.88  The  standard-bearer  of  the 
Batallon  de  Supremos  Poderes,  holding  in  his  hand 
the  national  flag  draped  in  mourning,  took  a  position 
in  front  of  the  monument  surrounded  by  a  guard  of 
honor.  After  the  requisite  ceremonies,  the  body  was 
consigned  to  the  tomb,  and  at  a  signal  from  the  towers 
of  San  Fernando,  the  battery  of  the  palace  officially 
announced  that  the  grave  already  enclosed  the  mortal 
remains  of  the  great  leader  of  reform  and  indepen 
dence.89  Honors  to  the  memory  of  Juarez  were  after 
ward  paid  by  several  state  and  municipal  governments, 
and  in  several  foreign  countries,  in  various  ways.90 

87  The  pall-bearers  were  Luis  Velazquez,  director  of  the  law  school,  Gen. 
Alejandro  Garcia,  comandante-general  of  Mexico,  Manuel  P.  Izaguirre,  the 
nation's  treasurer,  and  Alfredo  Chavero,  representing  the  ayuntamiento  of 
the  capital.     The  late  president's  aides-de-camp  and  one  infantry  company 
with  a  band  escorted  the  body.     The  presidential  carriage,  draped  in  black, 
followed,  and  after  it  went  those  of  President  Lerdo,   secretaries  of  state, 
diplomatic  corps,  deputies,  judiciary,  and  other  distinguished  persons  and 
corporations*     In  the  cortege  were  seen  journalists,  workingmen's  associa 
tions,  alumni  of  the  preparatory,  law,  and  medical  schools,  physicians,  ma 
sonic  lodges,  the  Santa  Cecilia  and  Philharmonic  societies,  and  the  German 
club.     The  army  was  represented  by  a  military  band,  the  cadets  of  the  mili 
tary  school,  bodies  from  each  of  the  arms,  besides  a  battery  of  12  pieces.    The 
procession  consisted  of  nearly  5,000  persons.     An  immense  concourse  of  peo 
ple  rilled  the  streets,  windows,  balconies,  and  house-tops,  probably  constitut 
ing  three  fourths  of  the  population  in  the  city. 

88  The  mausoleum  was  surrounded  with  colossal  tapers,  and  had  inside  two 
magnificent  alabaster  vases,  from  which  rose  the  vapors  of  incense  and  myrrh. 

89 El  Monitor  Rep.,  July  20,  21,  24,  1872;  Mix.,  Derecho  Intern.,  3d  pt, 
116-17;  Baz,  V ida  de  Juarez,  312-15;  Chavero,  Discurso,  1-20;  Romero,  Brevv 
Oration;  El  Federalista,  1-15. 

90  Quer6taro  declared  him  a  benemeYito,  and  gave  his  name  to  the  plaza 
formerly  called  de  la  Cruz,  also  appropriating  funds  to  make  it  worthy  of  its 
new  name.  Oajaca  decreed  to  purchase  the  house  where  Juarez  was  born, 
and  dedicate  him  a  monument  there.  In  Puebla  it  was  enacted  that  his 
name  should  be  inscribed  in  golden  letters  in  the  legislative  chamber,  and  a 
monument  should  be  raised.  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Aug.  1,  Nov.  14,  1872;  El  Fed- 
erali*ta,  May,  22,  1873;  Diario  Ofic.,  May  5,  1875.  The  medical  college  of 
Peru,  early  in  1872,  had  awarded  him  a  gold  medal.  El  Federalista,  March 
21,  1872. 


388  END  OF  THE  JUAREZ  REGIME. 

The  national  congress  in  due  time  took  into  con 
sideration  the  form  of  posthumous  honors  to  the  late 
statesman,  including  substantial  provision  for  his  fam 
ily.  Several  ways  were  proposed;  and  finally  a  reso 
lution  was  adopted,  on  the  18th  of  April,  1873,  giving, 
among  other  things,  monuments  to  himself  and  wife, 
and  pensions  to  their  children.91  On  the  7th  of  May, 
1875,  the  remains  of  Juarez  and  his  wife  were  ex 
humed  from  the  family  vault  and  transferred  to  the 
provisional  niche  which  was  to  hold  them  till  the 
monument  then  being  prepared  in  the  San  Fernando 
cemetery  should  be  finished.  The  final  exhumation, 
with  appropriate  ceremonies,  took  place  on  the 
18th  of  July,  1880.92  Juarez  left  property  valued  at 
$  138, 000  ;93  and  three  books  in  his  own  handwriting, 
namely,  a  compilation  of  maxims  from  Tacitus,94  an 
account  of  his  expenditures  during  his  peregrinations, 

91 1st.  Juarez  was  declared  a  'beneme"rito  de  la  patria  en  grado  herdico;' 
his  name  was  ordered  to  be  inscribed  in  letters  of  gold  in  the  chamber  of  the 
national  congress.  2d.  On  the  21st  of  March  of  each  year  the  national  flag 
was  to  be  hoisted  on  all  public  buildings,  in  commemoration  of  his  birth,  and 
also  on  the  18th  of  July  at  half-mast,  as  a  sign  of  mourning  for  his  death,  3d. 
The  executive  to  appropriate  from  the  treasury  $50,000  to  erect  a  commemo 
rative  monument,  with  a  statue  of  Juarez  thereupon.  This  monument  was 
to  be  finished  on  the  5th  of  May,  1874.  4th.  The  executive  to  apply,  out  of 
the  treasury,  $10,000  for  a  sepulchre  to  hold  the  mortal  remains  of  Juarez  and 
his  wife.  The  work  was  to  be  finished  on  the  18th  of  July,  1873.  5th.  A 
pension  of  $3,000  a  year  granted  to  each  of  Juarez'  daughters,  Soledad,  Josefa, 
and  Maria  de  Jesus,  while  they  remained  unmarried,  and  the  same  to  the 
minor  son,  Benito,  till  he  completed  his  professional  studies,  or  till  his  25th 
year.  The  same  pension  to  be  allowed  to  each  of  Juarez'  seven  children 
should  they  ever  become  poor.  The  pensions  to  be  paid  in  monthly  instalments 
of  $250,  and  the  executive  never  to  reduce  the  amounts  upon  any  considera 
tion.  6th.  The  pension  of  $3,000  allowed  the  unmarried  daughters  to  be  re 
duced  to  $1,500  from  the  date  of  marriage.  This  latter  sum  to  be  paid  yearly 
from  date  of  the  law  to  each  of  the  married  daughters,  and  to  the  son  after 
he  completed  his  25th  year.  7th.  The  executive  was  authorized  to  capitalize 
each  one  of  these  pensions,  taking  as  a  basis  a  period  of  five  years,  provided 
the  party  interested  assented  to  it.  8th.  A  prize  of  $2,000  was  to  be  offered 
for  the  best  biography  of  Juarez,  the  executive  to  appoint  the  judges.  Diario 
Debates,  6°  Cong.,  iv.  138-9;  Mtx.,  Derecho  Intern.,  3d  pt,  118-19;  Boletin 
Ofic.  Est.  Sin.,  May  24,  1873;  El  Fenix,  of  Mazatlan,  Dec.  13,  1872.  Young 
Benito  was  in  1877  appointed  secretary  of  the  Mexican  legation  near  the  gov 
ernment  of  Italy.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Oct.  17,  1877. 

mM6x.,  Diario  Otic.,  May  9,  1875;  Rivera,  Mex.  Pintoresco,  i.  377-8, 
gives  a  view  and  description  of  the  tomb. 

93  Including  $17,000  of  unpaid  salary.     This  was  a  moderate  fortune  as 
compared  with  that  of  some  other  rulers,  when  we  consider  that  he  had  been 
president  about  15  years.   El  Monitor  Rep.,  Aug.  11,  1872. 

94  Another  account  says  it  was  an  autobiography.  Id.,  July  24,  1872. 


PATRIOT  AND  REFORMER.  389 

and  sketches  of  the  more  prominent  men  with  whom 
he  had  relations  during  his  public  life. 

Juarez  with  his  death  bequeathed  to  his  country 
the  boon  of  peace.  Opponents  in  arms  laid  them 
down,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  constitutional 
flag.  He  had  ever  an  unfaltering  faith  in  his  mission. 
Old  traditions  he  ignored;  petty  wrangles  and  tem 
porizing  policies  he  despised.  Heeding  only  the  dic 
tates  of  duty,  he  opposed  an  iron  will  to  the  torrent 
of  personal  ambitions  and  party  strife,  to  the  wicked 
envy  of  a  triumphant  reaction,  as  well  as  of  a  foreign 
invasion.  He  saved  the  constitution  of  1857  by  tak 
ing  into  his  hands  the  reins  of  government  at  the  time 
that  the  allied  clergy  and  army  were  endeavoring  to 
destroy  it.  Without  him  the  liberal  party  would  have 
found  itself  without  a  leader,  or  even  a  cause  to  fight 
for.  What  would  have  been  the  fate  of  the  republic, 
we  might  ask,  if  Juarez,93  the  chief  magistrate,  without 
soldiers  or  resources,  had  faltered  ?  Who  would  have 
taken  up  the  struggle  had  he  abandoned  it  ?  Indeed, 
in  vain  may  we  search  history  for  a  more  wonderful 
example  of  human  greatness  and  success — a  poor, 
ignorant  Indian  boy,  emerging  from  the  wild  moun 
tains  of  Oajaca  to  link  his  name  to  some  of  the  most 
radical  reforms  the  American  continent  has  ever  wit 
nessed. 

95  '  El  presidente  peregrine.'  Bcuz,  Vida  de  Juarez,  316. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

LERDO  PRESIDENT. 
1872-1874. 

EFFECT  OF  JUAKEZ'  DEATH — LERDO  RETAINS  THE  MINISTERS  OF  JUAREZ- 
GENERAL  AMNESTY  PROCLAIMED— DIAZ  REFUSES  TO  ACCEPT  IT — CON 
FLAGRATION  IN  THE  PALACE — THE  COUNTRY  TRANQUILIZED — DIAZ  SUB 
MITS — LERDO  ELECTED  CONSTITUTIONAL VPRESIDENT — His  POPULARITY — 
HE  PERSISTS  IN  RETAINING  THE  MINISTERS— DISAPPOINTMENT — CLOS 
ING  OF  CONGRESS — THE  VERA  CRUZ  RAILROAD — THE  TEPIC  REBEL 
LION — GUADALAJARA  THREATENED — CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  LOZADA— 
END  OF  THE  REBELLION  —  THE  DISTRICT  OF  TEPIC  —  CONGRESSIONAL 
ACTS— EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS — PASSAGE  OF  THE  REFORM  LAWS — 
DISTURBANCES — SEVENTH  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONGRESS. 

As  the  news  of  Juarez'  death  spread  throughout  the 
land,  there  was  no  little  uneasiness  felt  by  many.  A 
change  in  the  administration  of  affairs  was  now  certain ; 
but  what  it  would  be,  or  how  it  would  affect  the  coun 
try,  were  beyond  the  power  of  man  to  foretell.  At 
the  time  of  his  death  the  Juaristas  were  still  powerful 
enough,  and  could  not  be  disregarded.  Indeed,  as 
stated  in  the  last  preceding  chapter,  any  change  in 
the  fortunes  of  war  might  give  the  upper  hand  to  the 
revolutionists.  So  much  as  to  the  military  situation. 
The  political  field  was  not  more  promising,  for  the 
reason  that  neither  of  the  three  parties  struggling  for 
supremacy  had  sufficient  strength  of  its  own  to  carry 
its  measures  in  congress.1 

The  first  matter  to  occupy  the  public  mind  was 

1  This  was  the  sixth  constitutional  congress,  and  the  elections  of  the  mem 
bers  to  it  had  been  signalized  by  the  interference  of  those  in  power.  The 
governors  of  the  different  states  were  supporters  of  one  or  other  of  the  three 
factions,  and  each  had  used  every  means  to  send  deputies  attached  to  the 
cause  of  his  party.  Riva  Palacio,  Hist.  Admin.  Lerdo,  15. 

C390J 


POLICY  OF  THE  NEW  RULER.  3Vi 

the  expected  formation  of  a  new  cabinet.  No  one 
doubted  that  the  ministers  of  Juarez,  who  had  shown 
themselves  the  persistent  enemies  of  Lerdo,  would  be 
removed;2  but  to  the  surprise  of  every  one  they  were 
retained.  To  the  demands  of  his  party  for  a  new 
ministry,  expressed  through  the  medium  of  its  jour 
nals,  Lerdo  paid  no  heed.  It  was  thought  that,  re 
garding  himself  as  only  acting  president,  he  intended 
to  let  things  remain  as  they  were  until  the  elections 
should  decide  who  should  be  chief  magistrate.  By 
taking  no  step  which  might  cause  alarm,  his  own  elec 
tion  would  be  the  more  certain.3  Such  was  the  gen 
eral  opinion;  but  Lerdo  was  a  man  who  could  keep 
his  own  secrets.  He  delighted  to  mystify,  to  place 
men  in  equivocal  positions;  and  to  involve  political 
affairs  in  a  mist  of  doubt  and  uncertainty,  he  re 
garded  as  the  height  of  administrative  ability. 

Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  y  Corrial  was  born  in 
Jalapa,  in  1825,  and  his  education  began  at  Puebla. 
In  the  first  years  of  his  studies  he  was  inclined  to 
adopt  theology,  under  the  patronage  of  Bishop  Pablo 
Vazquez;  but  he  afterward  abandoned  it  for  law, 
and  completed  his  education  at  Mexico.  While  still 
young  he  was,  by  reason  of  his  great  attainments, 
chosen  president  of  the  college  of  San  Ildefonso  in 
Mexico.  Later  he  was  made  magistrate  of  the  su 
preme  court.  During  the  administration  of  Comon- 
fort  he  received  his  appointment  as  minister  of  foreign 
affairs.  The  reader  is  already  familiar  with  his  politi 
cal  career  since  that  time.  He  was  a  man  small  in 

2  The  cabinet  ministers  were:  of  relations,  Jose"  Maria  Lafragua;  of  war, 
General  Ignacio  Mejia;  of  the  treasury,  Francisco  Mejia;  of  public  works  and 
development  of  industries,  Bias  Barcarcel.    Contrary  to  the  constitution,  there 
was  neither  a  ministro  de  goberuacion  nor  a  ministro  de  justicia,  the  duties 
of  these  being  performed  by  the  oficiales  mayores  of  the  respective  offices. 

3  The  position  of  the  ministers  was  somewhat  anomalous.     With  the  death 
of  Juarez  their  former  relations  had  ceased;  yet  Lerdo  retained  them  in  office 
without  formally  reappointing  them.     They  themselves  reported  that  they 
had  sent  in  their  resignations,  and  that  they  had  not  been  accepted.     By  re 
taining  their  portfolios,  they  exposed  themselves  to  the  attacks  of  the  period 
icals  of  every  political  view;  'los  periodicos  de  todos  los  colores  pollticos 
Beguian  haciendo  guerra  mas  6  menos  franca  al  Ministerio,  tachando  de  poco 
delicados  a  los  ministros  de  J  uarez  que  continuaban  al  lado  de  Lerdo. ' 


392  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

frame  but  well  built,  modest  and  unassuming  in 
manner,  thoroughly  republican  in  politics,  a  great 
worker,  and  in  argument  clear,  deliberate,  and  logical. 
I  have  said  that  his  measures  were  ofttimes  dark; 
but  a  little  light  broke  in  on  his  present  policy 
when  he  issued  orders  for  the  election  of  a  president. 
By  retaining  the  old  ministers  he  might  so  inspire 
confidence  as  to  secure  the  union  of  the  former  men 
of  Juarez  with  his  own,  and  so  make  certain  his  posi 
tion.  Hence  on  the  27th  of  July  he  published  a  de 
cree,  assigning  the  13th  and  27th  of  October  following 
as  the  two  election  days.  Still  further  to  restore 
public  confidence,  he  proclaimed  at  the  same  time  an 
amnesty,  extending  it  to  all  political  offenders;  and 
on  the  2d  of  August  issued  decrees  relieving  the  states 
of  Puebia,  Zacatecas,  and  Hidalgo  from  martial  law, 
to  y/hich  they  had  been  subject,  tho  release  being  ex- 
tonded  at  later  dates  to  all  the  states  of  the  republic.4 
By  this  measure  such  constitutional  governors  and 
officers  as  had  lost  their  positions  during  the  ad 
ministration  of  Juarez,  in  consequence  of  the  revolu 
tion,  were  restored  to  office.  These  liberal  measures 
gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  public,  and  the  offer 
was  quickly  accepted  by  most  of  the  insurgent  lead 
ers,5  who  hastened  to  tender  their  submission  to  the 
governors  of  the  states,  under  the  shield  of  the  am 
nesty.6 

4  Copies  of  decrees  in  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Ang.  3,  8,  1872,  and  Sept.  18,  1872. 

6A  list  of  ten  revolutionary  leaders  who  availed  themselves  of  the  amnesty 
is  given  in  Id.,  7th  Aug.,  1872.  Among  them  was  Negrete,  who  retired  to 
private  life,  having  issued  a  proclamation  expressing  his  confidence  in  Lerdo. 

6  In  one  instance  only  does  it  appear  that  the  amnesty  was  not  properly 
observed.  Jimenez,  the  leader  of  the  revolution  in  Guerrero,  presented  him 
self  to  the  governor  of  that  state,  relying  upon  the  promises  of  the  president. 
El  Monitor,  Oct.  1,  10,  1872.  The  governor,  Gen.  Arce,  however,  impris 
oned  him  on  the  plea  that  all  the  insurgent  arms  had  not  been  delivered  up, 
and  arbitrarily  fixed  the  number  in  excess.  The  friends  of  Jimenez  in  the 
capital  represented  the  case  to  Lerdo,  who,  day  after  day,  promised  to  order 
the  release  of  Jimenez.  He  failed  to  do  so,  however,  and  Jimenez,  after  a 
month's  imprisonment,  was  liberated  by  Arce  and  Figueroa,  the  commander 
of  the  forces  in  Guerrero.  The  enemies  of  Lerdo  charge  him  with  intentional 
neglect.  Riva  Palacio,  Hist.  Admin.  Lerdo,  69-71.  Figueroa  deemed  the 
small  delivery  of  arms  an  indication  that  Jimenez'  submission  was  simulated. 
El  Federal,  Oct.  24,  1872. 


DIAZ  NOT  SUBMISSIVE.  393 

General  Porfirio  Diaz,  however,  declined  to  accept 
the  amnesty,  save  under  certain  modifications.  On 
the  1st  of  August  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  presi 
dent,  setting  forth  his  views  of  the  position,  and 
conveying  covert  threats  of  future  opposition  in  case 
existing  evils  were  not  remedied,  and  satisfactory 
guarantees  given  that  the  popular  suffrage  should 
be  inviolably  established.7  Alluding  to  the  amnesty, 
he  thought  that  the  spirit  in  which  it  had  been  ex 
tended  was  adequate  to  the  necessities  of  the  political 
position,  but  that  the  terms  of  it  were  not  sufficiently 
favorable.  He  moreover  urged  Lerdo  to  extend  the 
time  assigned  for  the  election  of  president,  in  order  that 
the  towns  in  which  the  revolution  had  been  developed 
might  become  settled,  and  calmly  consider  and  cast 
their  votes.  Lastly,  as  a  main  condition  by  which  to 
secure  his  cooperation  in  pacifying  the  country,  he 
asked  that  an  exception  should  be  made  in  his  own 
case  with  regard  to  the  deprivation  of  position  and 
salary  as  laid  down  in  the  fourth  article  of  Lerdo's 
decree.  In  fact,  while  recognizing  Lerdo  as  president, 
he  dictated  conditions  to  him,  and  hinted  at  war  in 
case  they  were  not  accepted. 

The  president  yielded  in  no  point.  Diaz  was  given 
to  understand  that  no  conventional  agreement  with 
him  would  be  entertained,  and  that  his  submission 
would  have  to  be  made  in  accordance  with  the  am 
nesty  law.8  By  the  end  of  September  all  the  revolu 
tionary  forces,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  Sinaloa 
and  Chihuahua,  had  accepted  the  amnesty,  and  the 

7  '  Pero  si  no  se  le  hace  experimentar  el  cambio  que  en  la  politica  apetece, ' 
he  said,  '  si  no  se  reparan  hasta  doncle  sea  posible  los  males  ocasionados  por  la 
dictadura,  y  sobre  todo,  si  no  se  dan  garantias  s<§rias  y  practicas  al  voto  popu 
lar,  la  situacion  presente  accarreara  una  tregua,  pero  no  la  pacificacion  de- 
finitiva  de  la  Repiiblica.'  El  Monitor  Rtp.,  Sept.  3,  1872. 

8  In  a  later  communication  dated  Sept.  22d,  and  addressed  to  Gen.  Carrillo, 
commander  of  the  government  forces  in  Durango,  Diaz  intimated  that  the 
conditions  under  which  he  would  submit  were:  that  a  new  amnesty  law 
should  be  proclaimed,  free  from  the  restrictions  contained  in  the  existing  one; 
that  the  government  should  initiate  before  congress  a  constitutional  reform 
with  respect  to  the  non-reelection  of  the  president;  and  that  free  suffrage 
should  be  guaranteed. 


394  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

fact  that  Diaz  refused  to  do  so  caused  some  inquietude. 
No  one  could  regard  the  revolution  as  completely 
terminated  so  long  as  be  held  aloof. 

During  the  earlier  communications  between  Diaz 
and  Lerdo,  while  men's  minds  were  still  agitated  by 
the  change  in  affairs,  an  event  occurred  significant  in 
superstitious  quarters  of  dire  calamity.  Early  in  the 
afternoon  of  August  22d,  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  in 
terior  of  the  palace,  originating  on  the  wooden  roof  of 
the  chamber  of  deputies.9  The  conflagration  spread 
with  rapidity,  and  the  cupola,  also  of  wood,  was 
quickly  ablaze.  Tongues  of  flame  shot  intermittently 
upward,  streaking  with  fiery  red  black  columns  of 
smoke  which  soon  formed  a  pall  over  the  capital,  the 
great  bell  of  the  cathedral  ringing  out  further  commo 
tion.  The  knowledge  that  quantities  of  ammunition 
were  deposited  in  the  store-rooms  increased  the  inter 
est.  By  the  exertions  of  General  Mejia  and  the  min 
isters,  the  fire  was  kept  confined  to  that  portion  of  the 
building  occupied  by  the  legislative  chambers,  which 
was  totally  destroyed.1 


10 


As  the  election  days  drew  near  the  pacification  of 
the  country  was  gradually  accomplished,  and  consti 
tutional  order  restored.  In  Sinaloa  the  revolution 
ists,  after  gaining  possession  of  Mazatlan,11  and  mak 
ing  captives  of  the  commandant  Flores,  the  civil  and 

9  The  fire  was  caused  by  the  carelessness  of  a  plumber  engaged  in  repairing 
some  leaden  water-pipes,  and  who  left  his  brazier  with  live  coals  in  it  on  the 
roof  while  he  went  to  dinner.  El  Federalixta,  Aug.  23,  1872. 

10  After  this  disaster  the  deputies  occupied  the  theatre  of  Iturbide.     For- 
tunattly  all  archives  and  documents  were  saved.     The  loss  caused  by  the 
destruction  of  the  buildings  was  estimated  at  $200,000.     Seven  fire-engines 
were  brought  up,  only  one  of  which  proved  serviceable,  and  that  belonged  to 
private  persons.     The  editor  of  the  Federalista,  in  recording  this  condition  of 
the  fire  department,  remarks:   'Debemos  hacer  esta  justicia  a  la   bomba  de 
palacio:  ;era  la  que  se  hallaba  en  peor  estado!'     The  sword  and  walking-stick 
of  Iturbide,  which  hung  on  a  wall  of  the  chambers,  were  saved,  though  the 
hilt  of  the  former  was  lost  for  a  time.     Iturbide 's  sword  had  been  presented 
to  congress  by  Gen.  Bustamante.     The  blade  was  Damascus  and  the  hilt  of 
ivory.   Cambas,  Mex.  Pint.  i.  11-12;  El  Federalista,  Aug.  27,  1872. 

11  Mazatlan  was  taken  Sept.  14th,  by  Doroteo  Lopez.  El  Monitor  Rep., 
Sept.  26,  1872. 


HOPES  OF  DIAZ.  395 

military  authorities,  and  the  garrison,  accepted  the 
amnesty  on  the  6th  of  October,  Flores  and  the  other 
prisoners  being  released  by  Colonel  Francisco  Canedo, 
a  revolutionary  leader  who  had  recognized  Lerdo's 
government,  and  installed  himself  as  provisional  gov 
ernor  of  the  state.12  On  the  19th  Mazatlan  was  occu 
pied  by  the  federal  troops,  and  the  revolutionary 
movement  in  Sinaloa  was  virtually  at  an  end.  Nor 
were  affairs  in  Chihuahua  more  favorable  to  Diaz' 
designs.  Lerdo  managed  matters  so  as  to  make  it 
clear  that  the  direct  cause  of  the  former  revolution  no 
longer  existed.  To  continue  a  contest  which  had  been 
entered  into  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  one  gov 
ernment,  against  another  of  different  and  more  liberal 
politics,  might  or  might  not  be  called  for.  Diaz  well 
knew  this;  but  he  hoped  that  by  refusing  submission 
he  would  obtain  from  Lerdo  those  changes  in  the  po 
litical  programme  which  he  had  suggested,  and  which 
would  enhance  his  own  prospects  of  election  to  the 
presidency.  His  generals  evidently  did  not  all  share 
his  views.  Guerra,  among  the  last  of  those  who  sub 
mitted,13  on  the  5th  of  September  had  entered  into  a 
convention  with  Terrasas,  by  which  the  former  recog 
nized  the  latter  as  governor,  agreeing  to  evacuate  the 
city  of  Chihuahua  on  the  15th,  and  withdraw  his 
troops  from  the  state  by  the  23d,14  which  terms  he 
complied  with,  proceeding  to  Durango,  where  he  made 
his  submission. 

12 El  frderalista,  Oct.  11,  1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Oct.  12,  1872.  Canedo 
had  assumed  the  military  and  political  command  of  the  state,  Gov.  Buelna 
having,  according  to  Caiiedo's  statement,  resigned  in  his  favor.  Buelna,  how 
ever,  did  not  confirm  his  resignation  when  released  from  the  power  of  Caiiedo, 
but  asserted  that  it  had  been  extorted  from  him  by  compulsion.  An  order 
was  accordingly  sent  to  Gen.  Ceballos,  commander  of  the  government  troops 
in  Sinaloa,  to  reinstate  Buelna.  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Oct.  12,  24,  25,  Nov.  21, 
1872;  El  Federallsta,  Oct,  26,  Nov.  7,  1872. 

13  Guerra  arrived  at  the  capital  the  last  of  Nov.  El  Federalista,  Nov.  28, 
1872. 

u  El  Monitor,  Sept.  26,  1872.  Guerra's  submission  was  still  considered 
doubtful,  as  he  did  not  disband  his  troops  and  formally  accept  the  amnesty. 
His  intentions  were  the  more  suspicious  from  the  fact  that  in  the  agreement 
he  stipulated  that  $25,000  should  be  paid  him  for  their  maintenance.  It  was 
suspected  that  he  intended  to  march  against  Durango,  and  Gen.  Rocha  waa 
ordered  to  Chihuahua. 


396  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

Diaz  at  last  became  aware  that  it  was  useless  for 
him  to  hold  out  longer  for  terms;  and  to  engage  in  a 
contest  with  the  government  at  present  was  impossi 
ble.  His  troops  were  demoralized  by  the  knowledge 
that  so  many  leaders  had  laid  down  their  arms,  and 
that  Lerdo  would  listen  to  no  proposition  for  a  com 
promise.  The  first  election  day  was  past,  and  nothing 
that  he  could  do  would  have  any  effect  toward  secur 
ing  freedom  of  vote  at  the  polls,  and  the  promotion  of 
his  own  interests.  However  humiliating  it  might  be, 
there  was  no  course  open  to  him  but  submission ; 
hence  on  the  26th  of  October  the  minister  of  war  re 
ceived  a  telegram  announcing  that  Porfirio  Diaz,  with 
the  forces  under  his  command,  had  accepted  the  am 
nesty  without  condition.  This  intelligence  was  greeted 
with  demonstrations  of  joy,  the  more  so  from  the 
fact  that  on  the  same  day  the  secondary  elections  were 
being  held. 

O 

On  the  16th  of  November  congress  declared  the 
result  of  the  elections,  and  proclaimed  Lerdo  presi 
dent.15  The  announcement  was  received  with  great 
rejoicing  and  public  festivities.  Lerdo's  popularity 
had  daily  increased  from  the  time  he  had  assumed  the 
presidency.  The  public  now  felt  confident  that  he 
would  inaugurate  a  social  and  political  regeneration. 
He  enjoyed,  moreover,  a  high  reputation  for  talent 
arid  administrative  ability.  The  public,  wearied  of 
wars,  longed  for  a  government  which  would  devote 
itself  to  the  arts  of  peace.16  On  the  1st  of  December 
the  inauguration  of  the  president  took  place.  Stand 
ing  before  the  assembled  congress,  he  made  the  cus 
tomary  protestation  of  loyalty  and  patriotism.  He 
said  nothing,  however,  about  free  suffrage  and  non- 
reelection.17  Lerdo,  in  fact,  proved  a  disappointment. 

15  Lerdo  polled  9,520  votes,  Diaz  604,  and  others  136.     The  declaration  of 
Lerdo  as  president  was  voted  for  by  150  deputies  against  three  who  opposed 
it.     Alfaro,  Mirafuentes,  and  Tagle  represented  the  minority. 

16  Believing  in  this,  Lerdo  obtained  a  loan  of  $600,000  to  meet  the  necessi 
ties  of  the  treasury,  which,  on  his  succession,  was  wellnigh  exhausted. 

17  On  Dec.  4th  a  congressional  decree  was  passed,  ordering  Mexican  lega 
tions  to  be  sent  to  Spain,  Germany,  and  Guatemala.     Porfirio  Diaz  was  pro- 


A  DISAPPOINTMENT.  397 

The  nation  expected  that  a  new  cabinet  composed  of 
Lerdistas  and  Porfiristas  would  be  formed  at  once. 
A  change  of  ministers  would  be  a  pacific  revolution, 
effected  by  the  pressure  of  public  opinion,  and  without 
resort  to  arms.  According  to  the  principles  pro 
claimed  by  the  leaders  of  the  late  revolution,  Lerdo 
had  no  legitimate  right  to  assume  the  position  of 
president  ad  interim  on  the  death  of  Juarez.  The  lat 
ter  was  regarded  as  having  usurped  the  presidential 
chair,  and  it  was  illogical  to  allow  that  he  could  have 
a  successor.  But  neither  Lerdistas  nor  Porfiristas 
were  inclined  to  raise  objections:  the  former,  because 
their  leader  was  now  in  power,  and  their  aspirations 
were  fulfilled;  and  the  latter,  because  they  believed 
that  the  change  in  affairs  for  which  they  had  been 
contending  would  presently  be  effected,  now  that  one 
who  was  politically  opposed  to  Juarez  stood  at  the 
head.  They  preferred  ignoring  the  principle  which 
they  had  proclaimed  to  protracting  a  sanguinary  war. 
Thus  a  league  was  established  between  the  two  parties, 
and  the  Porfiristas  proved  the  sincerity  of  their  in 
tentions  by  casting  their  votes  in  favor  of  Lerdo.  A 
coalition  of  the  two  factions  would  constitute  an  over 
whelming  majority,  and  each  party  confidently  antici 
pated  such  a  union.  Nothing,  indeed,  was  wanting 
to  cement  their  friendly  relations  but  the  formation 
of  a  ministry  composed  of  the  most  eminent  Porfiris 
tas  and  Lerdistas.  But  this  was  not  done.  The  dis 
satisfaction  which  he  caused  by  neglecting  to  remove 
the  ministers  of  Juarez  from  office  during  his  ad  in 
terim  administration  had  been  appeased  by  the  confi 
dent  expectation  that  the  change  would  be  effected 
when  he  was  constitutionally  elected  president.  These 
hopes,  however,  were  converted  into  exasperation, 
when  Lerdo,  at  a  feast,  in  reply  to  one  of  his  stanch- 
est  partisans,  who  indicated  to  him  that  a  change  of 
the  ministry  was  necessary,  stated  that  he  owed  his 

posed  to  the  government  as  a  suitable  citizen  on  whom  to  bestow  one  of  the 
European  appointments. 


308  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

elevation,  not  to  his  party,  but  to  constitutional  law, 
and  that  consequently  he  was  fettered  by  no  compro 
mise. 

On  the  15th  of  December  the  sixth  constitutional 
congress  closed  its  third  term.  Perfect  accord  at 
that  time  existed  between  the  president  and  the 
chamber.  Lerdo  in  his  discourse  spoke  of  the  advan 
tages  to  commerce  which  would  be  derived  from  the 
establishment  of  the  legations  in  Germany,  Spain,  and 
Guatemala ;  and  called  attention  to  the  great  impor 
tance  of  creating  commissions  to  inquire  into  the 
depredations  committed  on  the  northern  frontier.  The 
extension  of  telegraph  lines  and  the  promotion  of 
railroad  projects  would,  he  said,  receive  the  careful 
attention  of  the  executive;  and  he  concluded  his 
speech  by  congratulaing  the  deputies  upon  the  pa 
triotic  zeal  with  which  they  had  discharged  their 
important  duties.  The  reply  of  the  president  of  the 
chamber  was  equally  satisfactory. 

The  opening  of  1873  was  signalized  by  the  inaugu 
ration  of  the  Vera  Cruz  railroad.  On  the  morning 
of  new-year's  day  peals  of  artillery  and  bands  of  music 
announced  the  departure  of  the  president,  attended 
by  his  ministers  and  a  numerous  suite  of  officials,  for 
Vera  Cruz,  by  the  line  now  for  the  first  time  opened 
to  the  public.  His  journey  to  the  port  and  return  to 
the  capital  were  marked  by  an  uninterrupted  succes 
sion  of  festivities.  The  cities  and  towns  through 
which  he  passed  were  gay  with  bright  colors,  and  the 
inhabitants  vied  with  each  other  in  obsequious  adu 
lations  to  the  new  president.  Balls  and  banquets, 
public  receptions  and  speeches,  bonfires  and  the  pop 
ular  joy,  indicated  the  high  favor  in  which  Lerdo  stood. 
After  remaining  some  days  in  Vera  Cruz  he  returned 
to  the  capital,  where  he  arrived  on  the  15th.18  But 
nevertheless,  when  the  excitement  calmed,  the  public 

18  For  full  particulars,  consult^  Diario  Oficial,  Jan.  1873;  El  Sigh  XIX.; 
El  Monitor  Rep.;  La  VozdeMex.;  El  Federalista. 


TROUBLE  IN  NAYARIT.  399 

began  to  feel  that  it  had  been  hoaxed.  It  soon  became 
notorious  that  the  railroad  was  not  completed  accord 
ing  to  contract,  and  that  the  inauguration  had  been 
premature.  This  was  regarded  as  a  fraud  on  the  part 
of  the  contractors,  to  whom  large  concessions  had 
been  granted.  The  press  severely  denounced  the  mat 
ter;  but  the  government  entered  into  no  explanation, 
which  indicated  that  it  intended  to  support  the  rail 
road  company.  Unfavorable  comments  were  made, 
and  conclusions  drawn  as  to  what  would  be  the  ruinous 
result  of  future  expensive  concessions  for  like  enter 
prises. 

While  Lerdo  was  thus  being  f6ted  and  flattered, 
trouble  was  brewing  elsewhere.  Manuel  Lozada, 
cacique  of  Alica,  had  acquired  a  despotic  power  over 
the  district  of  Tepic,  whose  inhabitants  had  practically 
maintained  their  independence  from  the  time  of  the 
conquest.  This  chief,  ever  ready  to  aid  those  op 
posed  to  the  government,  had  afforded  hospitality  to 
several  of  the  late  revolutionary  leaders,  and  these 
had  gained  ascendency  over  him.  On  the  1st  of 
August,  1872,  he  issued  a  proclamation  stating  that 
the  towns  of  Nayarit  could  only  yield  a  passive  obe 
dience  to  the  government;  they  could  not  defend  it. 
At  the  same  time  hospitality  was  offered  to  Porfirio 
Diaz,  Pldcido  Vega,  Trinidad  Garcia  de  la  Cadena, 
and  others.  At  the  beginning  of  October  the  ayun- 
tamieritos,  constituted  authorities  of  Tepic,  were  for 
cibly  removed  from  office,  and  others  of  insurgent 
tendencies  appointed  in  their  places.  In  November 
Lozada  sent  commissioners  to  Lerdo  to  explain  mat 
ters,  and  lay  before  the  government  propositions  for 
the  settlement  of  matters  relative  to  the  district. 
The  commission  returned  at  the  end  of  the  year,  but 
the  result  of  their  mission  was  not  satisfactory  to  the 
people  of  Tepic.  On  January  15,  1873,  a  great  coun 
cil  was  held  at  San  Luis  de  Lozada,  and  on  the  17th 
the  tribes  of  Nayarit  issued  a  plan  proclaiming  war 


400  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

against  the  government,  styled  their  armed  forces 
the  '  ejercito  mexicano  popular  restaurador,'  and  ap 
pointed  Lozada  their  commander  in  chief.19 

Lozada  was  prepared  for  the  contest,  having  at 
his  command,  as  was  claimed,  12,000  to  15,000  men, 
armed  and  provided  with  ammunition.20  Dividing 
his  forces  into  three  divisions,  Sinaloa,  Zacatecas,  and 
Jalisco  were  invaded;  Lozada  directing  in  person  the 
movement  against  the  last-named  state.21  With  half 
of  his  force  he  marched  rapidly  against  Guadalajara, 
town  after  town  falling  into  his  hands,  most  of  the 
inhabitants  fleeing  at  his  approach.  On  January 
24th  he  arrived  before  Tequila,  which,  after  an  obsti 
nate  resistance,  succumbed  to  overwhelming  numbers. 
The  unfortunate  inhabitants  were  submitted  to  the 
grossest  outrages.  The  rebels  now  marched  against 
Guadalajara,  and  arrived  at  the  rancho  of  Mojonera, 
four  leagues  from  the  city. 

On  the  27th  General  Corona  at  the  head  of  the 
federal  troops  marched  from  Guadalajara,  and  during 
that  day  and  on  the  28th  engaged  the  insurgents  at 
Mojonera,  defeating  them  with  the  loss  of  more  than 
1,000  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  three  pieces  of  ar 
tillery.22  Owing  to  the  unserviceable  condition  of  his 
artillery,  Corona  could  not  pursue,  and  so  returned  to 
Guadalajara.  But  from  that  time  no  success  attended 
Lozada's  enterprise.  While  he  was  engaging  with 
Corona  at  Mojonera,  General  Ceballos  on  the  27th 

19  Full  particulars  with  documents  will  be  found  in  El  Federalista,  Oct.  9, 
1872;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Jan.  25,  28,  29,  and  Feb.  12,  1873;  Eatado  de  Sin., 
Jan.  29,  1873. 

20  El  Monitor  Hep.,  Feb.  23,  1873.     An  approximate   calculation   made 
about  a  month  later  reduces  the  number  to  9,000  men,  with  13,000  serviceable 
muskets  and  rifles.     In  this  estimate  it  is  stated  that  though  Lozada  had  more 
than  50  pieces  of  artillery,  no  more  than  6  were  serviceable,  and  that  the 
ammunition  had  been  so  spoiled  during  the  six  preceding  years  of  peace  that 
he  had  sent  to  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  for  powder  and  gun-caps.  Id.,  Mar.  9, 
1873.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  these  figures  only  represent 
estimates  which  appeared  in  a  journal  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 

M  The  invasion  of  Sinaloa  was  directed  by  Agaton  Martinez  and  Leonardo 
Sandoval;  that  of  Zacatecas  by  Dionisio  Gerdnimo  and  Marcelino  Renterfa. 
Id.,  Feb.  23,  1873. 

aa  Despatches  of  Corona,  Flores,  and  Gov.  Vallarta,  in  Id.,  Jan.  31  and 
Feb.  12,  1873. 


CAPTURE  OF  LOZADA.  401 

routed  the  division  directed  against  Sinaloa,  and  at 
the  head  of  about  3,000  men  directed  his  course  to 
Tepic.  The  incursion  into  Zacatecas  was  also  re 
pulsed.  The  policy  of  the  federal  commanders,  too, 
in  conjunction  with  Lozada's  cruelty  and  causeless 
executions,  worked  against  him.  Corona  liberated 
the  prisoners  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  the 
reports  carried  by  these  of  the  kindly  treatment  they 
had  received  had  great  effect  among  the  insurgents. 
On  the  28th  of  February  Ceballos'  cavalry,  under 
General  Carb<5,  entered  Tepic,  and  on  March  1st  the 
remainder  of  the  command.  On  the  2d  Ceballos 
issued  an  amnesty,  and  during  the  month  numer 
ous  insurgent  bands  submitted.  About  the  mid 
dle  of  March  Corona  arrived  with  nearly  5,000  more 
men.  Lozada,  whose  force  was  now  reduced  to  4,000 
men  at  the  most,  had  retreated  to  the  Sierra,  and 
during  April  the  rebels  were  dislodged  from  several 
strongholds.23  These  reverses  led  to  still  further  sub 
mission,  and  when  on  May  5th  the  insurgents  were 
routed  by  General  Carbo  with  heavy  loss  at  Arroyo 
de  Guadalupe,  only  a  handful  of  followers  accom 
panied  Lozada  in  his  flight  to  the  pass  of  Rio  de 
Alica.  The  pacification  of  Tepic  was  now  almost 
accomplished.  During  May  and  June  various  de 
tachments,  sent  in  different  directions  into  the 
Sierra,  subjected  several  refractory  towns;  but  the 
chief  leader  eluded  all  efforts  to  capture  him.  On 
July  12th,  however,  Lieutenant-colonel  Andres  Rosa- 
les,24  who  was  stationed  at  San  Luis  de  Lozada, 
made  an  incursion  into  the  mountains,  and  on  the 
14th  surprised  a  group  of  about  half  a  dozen  men, 
among  whom  was  Lozada.  Resistance  was  useless, 
and  he  was  taken  to  San  Luis.  Proceedings  were 

23  On  the  10th  they  were  driven  from  Mala  Noche.  El  Federcdista,  April 
15,   1873;  on  the  13th  and  14th  the  fortified  hill  of  Jazmin  was  taken.  El 
Monitor  Rep.,  April  17,  19,  1873;  and  on  the  22d  Lozada  was  dislodged  from 
Guaynamota.  Id.,  April  29  and  May  14,  1873. 

24  Andres  Resales  had  abandoned  Lozada  in  Oct.  1872,  on  account  of  his 
cruelty  and  unjustifiable  executions  of  his  own   followers.  El  Federcdista. 
Nov.  6,  1872. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    26 


402  LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

instituted  against  him,  and  on  the  18th  sentence  of 
dqath  was  pronounced,  and  carried  out  on  the  19th.25 
With  the  death  of  this  chief  the  rebellion  in  Tepic 
was  ended.  On  August  5th  the  last  insurgent  band 
surrendered.26 

When  congress  reassembled  in  March  1873,  it  soon 
became  evident  that  a  strong  opposition  was  present. 
This  was  made  manifest  by  the  election  of  Gomez  del 
Palacio  as  president  of  the  house,  although  in  the 
antechamber  the  majority  had  been  greatly  against 
him.  The  result  was  that  the  ministerial  deputies  left 
the  hall,  and  the  session  remained  without  a  quorum. 
Such  an  event  could  not  take  place  without  comments 
in  the  press.  El  Siglo  XIX.,  which  had  firmly  de 
fended  Lerdo' s  candidature,  now  attacked  the  ministry, 
maintaining  that  no  proper  union  could  exist  between 
it  and  the  president,  as  the  former  had  been  the  soul 
of  Juarez'  administration.  This  elicited  a  reply  from 
the  Diario  Oficial,  to  the  effect  that  complete  concord 
existed  between  Lerdo  and  his  ministers;  that  the 
latter  had  long  exhibited  firmness  and  self-denial  in 
favor  of  an  administration  which  considered  their  ser 
vices  necessary;  and  that  such  doctrines  as  those  ex 
pressed  in  El  Siglo  would  most  certainly  never  gain , 
their  object.  This  language  of 'the  official  organ  was 
a  severe  blow  to  the  Lerdistas,  and  naturally  estranged 
them.  Thus  Lerdo,  instead  of  strengthening  himself 
\)j  a  judicious  management  of  the  three  parties,  was 
already  laying  the  basis  of  a  strong  hostile  faction. 
While  alienating  the  Lerdistas,  and  treating  with 
disfavor  the  Porfiristas,  he  did  not  win  the  decided 

85 Id.,  July  24,  25,  1873;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Aug.  2,  1873.  In  the  Bole- 
tin  Official,  of  Tepic,  July  19,  1873,  it  was  stated  that  $20,000,  which  had  been 
offered  for  the  capture  of  Lozada,  was  being  distributed  on  that  date  to 
Rosales  and  his  command.  No  declaration  or  testimony  was  taken  from 
Lozada,  who  might  have  revealed  something  with  regard  to  his  accomplices 
or  his  intentions.  Riva  Palacio  thus  comments  upon  this  mode  of  proceedings 
1  Pero  parece  que  se  tuvo  empefio  en  echar  tierra  sobre  este  asunto.'  Hist. 
Admin.  Lerdo,  117.  Lozada  said  that  others,  not  he,  were  to  blame. 

^  Corona's  telegraphic  despatch  in  El  Monitor  Rep.,  Aug.  7,  1873. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  ADDRESS.  403 

support  of  his  former  enemies,  the  Juaristas,  and 
consequently  failed  to  surround  himself  with  devoted 
partisans. 

On   the   1st  of  April  the  president  delivered  his 
address  on  the  opening  of  congress,  speaking  in  most 
flattering  terms  of  the  prospects  of  the  country.     The 
principal  topics  of  his  discourse  were  the  relations 
with  the  United  States  with  regard  to  the  settlement 
of  mutual  claims,  the  reduction  of  railroad  tariffs,  the 
development  of  telegraphs,  and   the  question  about 
the  district/  of  Tepic.     As  early  as  1867,  Juarez  had, 
on   the  submission  of  the  insurgent  leader  Manuel 
Rivas,  formed  a  military  canton  out  of  that  portion  of 
Jalisco  subject  to  the  federal  government;  and  in  1869 
it  was  proposed  to  the  legislature  of  Jalisco  that  Tepic 
should  be  raised  to  the  position  of  an  independent 
state.     This  proposal  met  with  decided  opposition,27 
and  Tepic  continued  to  remain  in  its  abnormal  position, 
although  certain  deputies  in  congress,  from  time  to 
time,  demanded  its  restoration  to  the  state  of  Jalisco. 
In  March  1873  the  government  of  Jalisco  inquired 
of  the  federal  government   if  it  could  organize  the 
ayuntamieritos   and  appoint   officials  in  the  district. 
The  reply  was,  that  Tepic  was  a  military  federal  dis 
trict,  and  would  remain  such  until  the  congress  decided 
otherwise.     Lerdo,  in  his  discourse,  adhered  to  this 
decision,  and  during  April  the  question  was  warmly 
discussed  in  the  house,  and  the  action  of  the  govern- 

*  .  O 

ment  severely  commented  on.  At  that  time  the 
subjection  of  Tepic  had  been  all  but  accomplished;  and 
the  government's  refusal  to  restore  the  district  to 
Jalisco  laid  it  open  to  the  charge  of  evasion,  and  of 
temporizing  on  a  matter  of  vital  importance,  namely, 
the  integrity  of  the  states.  The  segregation  of  Tepic 
and  its  permanent  conversion  into  a  military  district 
would  be  unconstitutional;  nevertheless,  this  appeared 
to  be  the  object  of  the  government.28 

37 Diario  Debates,  5°  Cong.,  ii.  177,  179,  205,  213;  Id.,  6°  Cong.,  iii.  319, 
448,  677,  745. 

a8  The  opposition  naturally  feared  that  when  the  matter  was  brought  be- 


404  .       LERDO  PRESIDENT. 

During  this  last  session  of  the  6th  congress,  whose 
constitutional  term  was  drawing  to  a  close,  much  time 
was  devoted  to  discussions  of  the  financial  question. 
Over  twenty-two  millions  were  asked  for  by  the  gov 
ernment;  but  the  congressional  commission,  in  its  re 
port  presented  April  2d,  stated  that  the  estimated 
income,  which  would  not  be  less  than  eighteen  mil 
lions,  would  be  sufficient  to  meet  all  necessary  expenses; 
and  called  attention  to  the  frequent  waste  of  the  public 
funds,  and  the  excessive  peculation  that  had  been 
practised  in  previous  years.29  The  debates  on  the 
matter  were  long  and  serious;  and  as  there  was  little 
prospect  of  a  speedy  termination  of  them,  on  the  mo 
tion  of  the  deputies  Baz  and  Islas,  the  discussion  of 
the  report  was  suspended,  and  a  law  was  passed  to  the 
effect  that  the  estimates  which  had  ruled  during  the 
fiscal  year  about  to  close  should  be  taken  as  those  for 
the  following  one.  Another  important  matter  to 
which  the  congress  gave  its  attention  was  the  devel 
opment  of  railroad  systems  and  the  establishment  of 
telegraph  lines,  and  several  concessions  were  granted. 

Assassinations  and  the  abduction  of  prominent  cit 
izens  prevailed  to  such  an  extent  that  the  executive 
brought  the  matter  before  congress;  and  on  the  2d  of 
May  martial  law  was  proclaimed  against  highwaymen 
and  abductors.30 

During  the  early  part  of  this  year  Jesuits  began  to 
reassemble  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  reform,  and 

fore  congress  the  government  would  carry  the  question.  Riva  Palacio  fully 
discusses  the  matter.  Hist.  Admin.  Lerdo,  112-120,  129-34.  The  opening 
addresses  will  be  found  in  Id.,  143-51. 

29  The  commissioners  were  Gomez  del  Palacio,  Zamacona,  Gochicoa,  Sta- 
voli,  and  Perez  Castro.     They  stated  in  their  report  that  more  than  $1,500,- 
000  was  unaccounted  for  of  the  receipts  in  the  treasury  during  the  fiscal 
year  1871-2. 

30  The  punishment  of  death  was  pronounced  against  any  such  malefactor 
caught  in  delicto  flagrante,  without  further  proceedings  than  the  drawing  up 
of  a  statement  by  the  officer  of  the  capturing  force,  proving  the  capture  and 
the  identification  of  the  individual.     Those  not  caught  in  the  act  were  to  be 
tried  by  the  authorities  whose  agents  effected  the  capture,  whether  civil  or 
military.     The  trial  was  not  to  extend  beyond  15  days,  and  the  accused,  if 
proved  guilty,  was  to  be  condemned  to  death,  without  power  of  appeal,  and 
executed.  Diario  Debates,  6°  Cong. ,  iv.  312. 


THE  JESUITS.  405 

even  to  preach  against  them.  Nuns  also  again  formed 
themselves  into  communities.  On  the  night  of  May 
20th  the  governor  of  the  district  caused  two  hundred 
nuns,  who  were  living  in  community  in  Mexico  City, 
Guadalupe,  and  Tacubaya,  to  be  turned  into  the 
streets.  At  the  same  time  about  seventy  Jesuits, 
friars,  and  servitors  were  arrested.  The  executive, 
on  the  23d,  by  virtue  of  the  faculties  extended  to  him 
by  the  33d  article  of  the  constitution,  ordered  the 
banishment  of  nineteen  Jesuits.  They  appealed,  how 
ever,  for  protection  to  the  district  judge,  who  granted 
it  to  them.  But  this  was  of  no  avail,  for  the  supreme 
court  annulled  his  decision  in  their  favor  on  August 
19th.31  Though  the  press  and  the  greater  portion  of 
the  intelligent  public  approved  of  these  proceedings, 
the  passions  of  the  lower  orders  were  excited,  and  the 
severe  treatment  of  the  nuns  evoked  wide  sympathy. 
At  a  later  date — by  decree  of  December  1,  1874 — the 
sisters  of  charity  were  expelled  from  the  country,  a 
proceeding  which  was  regarded  by  many  as  unneces 
sarily  severe. 

On  May  31st  the  term  of  the  sixth  constitutional 
congress  expired.  One  of  its  last  acts,  and  by  far  its 
most  important  one,  was  the  approval,  on  the  29th,  of 
the  reform  laws  proposed  as  additions  to  the  constitu 
tion  of  1857.  By  these  reforms  the  church  and  state 
were  declared  independent  of  each  other,  and  freedom 
of  religion  proclaimed;  marriage  became  a  civil  con 
tract;  no  religious  institution  could  acquire  real  estate 
or  hold  mortgage  thereon;  the  religious  oath  was 
done  away  with,  an  assertion  on  the  part  of  a  witness 
that  he  would  speak  the  truth  being  only  required; 
forced  labor  was  forbidden;  and  the  liberty  of  man,  in 
respect  of  labor,  education,  and  religion,  declared  in 
violable.  As  a  consequence,  the  law  neither  recog- 

31  Consult  Riva  Palacio,  ut  snp.,  168,  258-60,  291-2;  El  .Federalist**,  June 
4,  July  29,  and  Aug.  1,  1873;  El  Monitor  Rep.,  May  22-25,  July  29-30,  and 
Aug.  21,  1873.  Jesuits  were  also  expelled  by  the  senate  from  Puebla,  and 
some  disagreement  occurred  between  the  legislature  and  the  governor,  who 
sought  to  protect  them.  Id.,  Mar.  25-26,  Apr.  5,  6,  10,  24,  Aug.  23,  1873. 


406  LERDO  PRESIDENT 

nized  nor  permitted  the  establishment  of  monastic 
orders  of  any  denomination  whatever.  These  impor 
tant  laws  were  incorporated  into  the  constitution,  and 
became  organic  by  decree  of  the  seventh  congress  Sep 
tember  25th  following.32  It  cannot,  however,  be  ex 
pected  that  such  sweeping  reforms  would  be  quietly 
accepted  without  some  trouble  from  the  clergy.  All 
public  functionaries  and  municipal  authorities  were 
required  to  make  a  formal  and  solemn  protestation 
to  observe  the  new  laws.33  Excommunication  was 
fulminated  from  the  Vatican  against  those  who  did  so, 
and  the  clergy  stirred  up  the  passions  of  the  ignorant 
Indians.  In  Fresnillo,  Juchipila,  and  Villanueva,  the 
municipal  authorities  refused  to  protest.  The  cry  of 
Mueran  los  protestantes  1  —  death  to  those  who  protest  ! 
—  was  heard  in  numerous  towns  in  Oajaca.  In  the 
state  of  Mexico,  the  chief  of  police  and  the  adminis- 
trador  de  rentas  at  Tejupilco  were  murdered,  and  the 
town  pillaged  and  reduced  to  ashes.  At  Zinacantepec 
the  municipal  buildings  were  assaulted  by  2.000  or 
3,000  infuriated  fanatics,  and  three  employes  put  to 
death.  But  these  wild  efforts  soon  spent  themselves.34 
Priestcraft  in  Mexico  was  henceforth  and  forever 
fangless. 

The  elections  for  the  seventh  constitutional  congress 
passed  off  quietly,  but  not  without  indications  of  gov 
ernment  intrigues.35  On  the  16th  of  September  con- 


Debates,  6°  Cong.,  iv.  658-9;  Id.,  T  Cong.,  i.  184-93.  The 
decree  was  definitely  approved  Nov.  12th.  The  legislatures  of  the  following 
states  had  recognized  the  new  laws;  namely,  Mexico,  Morelos,  Hidalgo,  Gua 
najuato,  Oajaca,  Tlascala,  Michoacan,  Aguascalientes,  Quere"taro,  Puebla, 
Vera  Cruz,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Tamaulipas,  Guerrero,  Chiapas,  Durango,  and 
Campeche.  Riva  Palado,  ut  sup.  ,  304-5. 

33  The  form  administered  to  the  president  and  members  of  congress  was  as 
follows:  'Protesto  sin  reserva  alguna  guardar  y  hacer  guardar  las  adicionesy 
reformas  a  la  constitucion  politica  de  los  Estados  Unidos  Mexicanos,  decre- 
tadas  el  25  de  Setiembre  de  1873  y  promulgadas  el  5  de  Octubre  del  mismo 
ano.' 

34  Fuller  particulars  will  be  found  in  Id.,  313-14;  El  Federalista,  Nov.  11, 
1873;  El  Monitor,  Oct.  1,  3,  5,  Nov.  13,  15,  20,  25,  1873. 

35  In  Jalisco  instances  of  double  elections  of  deputies  occurred,  establish 
ing  a  pernicious  precedent.     The   'dobles  elecciones,'  as  explained  by  Riva 
Palacio,  occurred  when  two  members  were  appointed,  the  one  by  credentials 
issued  by  a  legitimate  electoral  college,  and  the  other  by  falsified  credentials. 
One  of  the  cases  in  question  was  this:  In  the  district  of  La  Barca,  Alfonso  Arzo 


RAILROAD  MATTERS.  407 

gress  was  installed.  Much  of  its  attention  was 
directed  to  railroad  matters,  and  important  work  was 
done.  It  disapproved  the  contract  of  May  29,  1873, 
with  the  International  Company  of  Texas,  for  the 
construction  of  a  line  from  the  capital  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  rejected  the  proposition  to  incorporate 
together  all  or  any  one  of  the  three  companies,  the 
Union  Contract,  the  International  of  Texas,  and  the 
Mexican  Limited.  It  moreover  finally  approved  a 
modified  form  of  an  agreement  made  between  the  gov 
ernment  and  the  Yera  Cruz  Railway  Company,  fixing 
the  tariff  of  freight  charges,  known  as  the  corivenio 
de  las  tarifas.  Into  this  agreement  amplified  conces 
sions  had  been  introduced,  distinct  from  the  question 
of  freight  rates,  and  it  had  been  the  subject  of  much 
debate  in  the  previous  congress.  The  terms  of  the 
original  agreement  were  so  conspicuously  favorable  to 
the  company,  and  detrimental  to  a  large  class  of  Mex 
ican  producers,  that  faith  in  Lerdo's  railroad  policy 
and  his  intentions  was  shaken.  It  was  considered 
that  the  interests  of  the  nation  wrere  being  sacrificed 
to  those  of  the  English  company.  The  labors  of  con 
gress  were  so  severe  that  it  did  not  close  its  sessions 
until  the  21st  of  January,  1874. 

was  named  deputy  with  all  legal  requirements,  while  Sabas  Lomeli  was  also 
appointed  for  the  same  district  by  virtue  of  credentials  purporting  to  be  issued 
by  an  electoral  college  assembled  at  Tototlan,  which  was  not  a  cabecera  de 
distrito.  The  excuse  given  for  the  meeting  of  the  electors  at  that  town  was 
fear  of  interference  by  an  armed  force.  The  certificate  was  fabricated,  and 
the  college  suppositious.  Nevertheless,  the  federal  government  managed  to 
get  the  false  credentials  approved,  to  the  rejection  of  the  legitimate  certificate. 
Hist.  Adm.  Lerdo,  390-1. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 
1874-1876. 

POLITICAL  TROUBLES  IN  THE  STATES — AFFAIRS  IN  YUCATAN — RELIGIOUS 
UPRISING  IN  MICHOACAN — CONDITION  OF  THE  COUNTRY — PROGRESS  OF 
PROTESTANTISM — THE  STAMP-ACT — PREROGATIVES  OF  THE  SUPREME 
COURT  ATTACKED — DECLINE  OF  LERDO'S  POPULARITY — POLITICAL  PER 
SECUTIONS — REELECTION  SCHEMES — DIAZ  LEAVES  MEXICO — INSURREC 
TION  IN  OAJACA — A  REVOLUTIONARY  BLAZE— PLANS  OF  TUXTEPEC  AND 
PALO  BLANCO— DIAZ  IN  THE  NORTH — His  RETURN  TO  OAJACA — FRAUD 
ULENT  ELECTIONS — LERDO  PROCLAIMED  REELECTED — IGLESIAS  PROTESTS 
— HE  ASSUMES  THE  EXECUTIVE  POWER — DIAZ  DEFEATS  ALATORRE  AT 
TECOAC — FLIGHT  OF  LERDO — CONSTITUTIONALIST  VERSUS  REVOLUTION 
IST — DIAZ  ENTERS  THE  CAPITAL — PROCLAIMS  HIMSELF  EXECUTIVE — 
IGLESIAS  LEAVES  THE  COUNTRY — DIAZ  AT  THE  HEAD. 

PEACE  was  now  almost  established  in  Mexico,  and 
during  the  next  two  years  no  military  opposition  of  im 
portance  was  offered  to  Lerdo's  administration.  There 
were  disturbances,  it  is  true,  in  different  parts  of  the 
republic,  but  they  were  local ;  and  though  the  federal 
troops  were  employed  in  restoring  tranquillity,  the 
demonstrations  were  not  generally  directed  against 
the  government.  In  August  1873  difficulties  had 
arisen  between  the  diputacion  permanente  of  Coahuila 
and  the  governor,  Cepeda.  The  latter  was  accused  of 
malversation  in  office,  of  usurping  the  prerogatives 
of  the  judiciary  and  legislative  powers,  and  attacking 
the  personal  rights  of  citizens.  Cepeda's  friends  in 
the  legislature,  being  in  the  minority,  absented  them 
selves  from  the  sessions,  thereby  preventing  a  legal 
quorum  in  the  assembly.1  Nevertheless,  the  remain- 

1  The  diputacion  permanente  consisted  of  eleven  members,  four  of  whom 

(408) 


WAR  IN  YUCATAN.  409 

ing  seven  diputados  permanentes  passed  a  decree, 
September  10th,  deposing  Cepeda,  and  appointing 
Ismael  Salds  as  governor  ad  interim,  and  then  re 
moved  to  Monclova.  Cepeda  retaliated  by  denouncing 
them  as  rebels,  and  on  the  19th  hostilities  broke 
out.  Both  parties  appealed  to  the  general  govern 
ment  for* aid,  which  was  refused;  but  by  the  inter 
position  of  federal  troops,  and  the  appointment  of  a 
military  provisional  governor  in  the  person  of  Gen 
eral  Fuero,  by  the  central  executive,  the  state  was 
pacified. 

In  Yucatan  a  serious  local  rebellion  broke  out. 
This  state  had  long  been  distracted  by  internal  strife. 
The  pacific  arrangements  entered  into  with  the  In 
dian  chief  Tzuc  in  18532  were  of  short  duration. 
There  was  an  uprising  again  in  the  following  year,  and 
two  expeditions  directed  against  Chan  Santa  Cruz3 
resulted  in  serious  reverses  to  the  Yucatec  troops. 
Emboldened  by  this  failure  to  punish  them,  the  In 
dians  assumed  the  offensive.  Tecax  and  other  pueblos 
were  assaulted,  and  more  than  2,000  persons  of  both 
sexes  and  all  ages  were  put  to  death.  Valladolid  was 
next  attacked,  and  though  the  assailants  were  repulsed, 
it  was  at  the  cost  of  a  great  number  of  lives.  In 
1860  a  force  of  3,000  men  under  Colonel  Acereto  was 
sent  against  Chan  Santa  Cruz,  which,  after  much 
hard  fighting  and  discouraging  difficulties,  was  occu 
pied.  Acereto  then  endeavored  to  advance  farther 
into  the  enemy's  country,  but  met  with  such  tenacious 
resistance  that  he  returned  to  Chan  Santa  Cruz;  and 
seeing  that  his  men  were  demoralized,  and  their  spirit 
broken  by  the  losses  sustained  in  this  warfare  in  thick 
forests  against  ambuscades  and  an  invisible  foe,  he 
gave  up  the  expedition  and  returned,  with  the  loss  of 

were  attached  to  Cepeda.  The  law  required  that  two  thirds  of  the  members 
should  be  present,  to  constitute  a  quorum,  and  as  seven  do  not  amount  to  two- 
thirds  of  eleven,  that  number  was  not  considered  sufficient. 

2  See  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  539,  this  series. 

3 'Chan,  quiere  decir  chica  or  peque.na^  that  is  little.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.t  2* 
Ep.  i.  73. 


410  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

1,500  men  killed,4  2,500  muskets,  and  all  his  artillery, 
ammunition,  and  baggage  trains.  The  resources  of 
Yucatan  were  now  exhausted;  and  efforts  were  con 
fined  to  self-defence,  which  were  only  partially  suc 
cessful.  Many  a  thriving  town  was  burned,  and  large 
tracts  were  desolated.5 

In  1864  Jose  Salazar  Ilarregui  was  appointed  by 
Maximilian  comisario  of  Yucatan,  and  attempted  to 
pacify  the  Indians  by  kind  words  and  pacific  over 
tures.  He  sent  an  agent  to  them,  who,  after  having 
brought  back  a  few  peaceable  Indians,  returned  and 
entered  the  hostile  territory,  where  he  was  soon  put- 
to  death.6  Hostilities  were  now  prosecuted  with  re 
newed  vigor,  and  dreadful  atrocities  were  committed.7 
Ilarregui,  finding  his  peace  policy  useless,  despatched 
the  imperialist  general  Galvez  against  the  Indians, 
with  1,000  government  troops  and  400  Yucatecs. 
Galvez  advanced  as  far  as  Xonot,  six  leagues  from 
Tihosuco,  and  occupied  it.  But  he  was  soon  besieged 
and  compelled  to  retreat,  having  lost  400  men  and 
three  pieces  of  artillery  and  his  ammunition.  Tiho 
suco  then  foil  int~  the  enemy's  hands;  the  military 
line  of  detcn  was  withdrawn  fifteen  leagues;8  arid  to 
this  day  the  Indians  are  unsubdued. 

But  this  war  of  races  was  not  the  only  scourge  from 

*  The  wounded  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  were  all  put  to  death.  Mendiolea, 
in  Id.,  79. 

5  The  devastations  of  the  Yucatan  Indians  were  unsurpassed  even  by  those 
of  the  Apaches  in  LJie  northern  part  of  the  republic.     In  the  three  districts  of 
Valladolid,  EspiU,  -  d  Tizimin  the  population  in  1846  was  97,468;  in  1862 
it  had  been  reduced  to  35,469.     In  the  former  year  there  were  49  thriving 
towns,  19  of  which  had  been  totally  destroyed  by  1862.     Out  of  693  flourish 
ing  haciendas  and  ranches,  33C  were  devastated  and  abandoned  during  the 
same  period. 

6  He  was  '  machetead^, '  which  consisted  in  slowly  nicking  or  crimping  the 
victim's  limbs  and  body     '  ^vcr  with  cuts  given  with  '  h    machete,  care  being 
taken  not  to  deal  a  fatal       und,  or  cause  too  great  a  loss  of  .  lood.     The  cuts 
were  so  skilfully  arranged  wita  regard  to  circulation  that  no  more  blood 
flowed  from  a  dozen  wounds  than  from  one,  each  successive  cut  always  stop 
ping  the  supply  to  the  pr  ocding  wound  inflicted. 

' '  De  nuevo  quemaron  £  los  hombres  y  clavaron  en  estacas  a  las  mugeres, 
cortdndoles  el  seno. '  Id. ,  80, 

8  All  through  this  devastating  warfare  the  Indians  were  well  supplied  with 
fire-arms  and  ammunition  from  Belize.  The  British  government  made  no 
attempt  to  stop  such  traffic,  and  the  colonial  government  openly  connived  at  it. 


STATE  OF  CAMPECHE.  411 

which  the  unhappy  Yucatec  peninsula  suffered.  Po 
litical  quarrels  and  intestine  strife  were  endless.  The 
rivalry  between  Carnpeche  and  Merida  was  fierce  and 
implacable*  and  for  years  a  series  of  struggles  had 
been  carried  on,  each  more  sanguinary  and  deplorable 
than  the  last.  It  became  obvious  that  the  only  means 
of  terminating  them  was  by  separation.  On  Febru 
ary  5,  1858,  Campeche,  recognizing  the  constitution 
of  1857,  and  following  the  example  of  Vera  Cruz, 
asserted  its  sovereignty;  all  the  towns  in  the  district 
having  declared  in  favor  of  its  separation  from  Yuca 
tan,  it  proclaimed  its  elevation  into  a  state,  May  18, 
1858.9 

From  this  time  more  harmony  prevailed  between 
Campeche  and  Merida,  but  political  troubles  did  not 
cease;  and  during  the  decade  1861  to  1870  various 
local  insurrections  occurred.  In  1873  one  of  a  seri 
ous  nature  took  place  in  Yucatan.  The  May  elections 
had  been  conducted  with  much  violence,  the  candi 
dates  for  the  vice-governorship  being  Francisco  Can 
ton  and  Miguel  Castellanos  Sanchez.  Encounters  in 
the  streets  of  Merida  were  frequent,  attended  with 
bloodshed,  arid  on  the  day  of  the  election  the  disorder 
was  so  great  that  the  provisional  governor,  General 
Alatorre,  with  the  federal  troops,  interfered.  Sanchez 
having  been  elected,  a  general  revolution  broke  out, 
which  was  aggravated  by  inroads  of  the  ever-hostile 
Indians.  Alatorre  resigned  in  disgust.  The  state 
executive  was  powerless  to  restore  order;  and  in  view 
of  the  prevailing  anarchy  Colonel  Cueto,  in  command 
of  the  union  forces,  proclaimed  martial  law,  June 
19th,  to  the  indignation  of  the  state  government  and 

9A  convention  had  been  entered  into  with  the  government  at  Me"rida,  May 
3d,  by  which  the  territorial  div 4on  was  defined.  The  state  of  Campeche 
was  to  include  the  districts  of  El  Carmen,  Seibaplaya,  Campeche,  Hecelchacan, 
and  Hopelchen.  Copies  of  documents  in  Barbachano,  Mem.  Campeche,  April, 
120-42.  In  art.  2  of  the  state  constitution,  which  was  formed  and  published 
in  1861,  the  districts  into  which  the  territory  was  divided  were  given  as  El 
Carmen,  Champoton,  Campeche,  Hocelchacan,  and  Bolonchenticul,  together 
with  the  coast  line  comprising  the  salt  lands  known  as  El  Real,  La  Herradura, 
and  Las  Desconocidas.  Campeche,  Constitut,  Polit.,  pp.  14,  1  L 


412  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

of  the  legislature  of  Hidalgo,  which  protested,  con 
sidering  the  sovereign  rights  of  Yucatan  attacked. 
In  August  General  Palomino  was  sent  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  federal  troops,  and  several  engagements 
occurred.  But  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  restore  order. 
There  was  so  much  knavery  and  intrigue  in  the  De 
cember  elections  that  when  the  legislature  met  it  was 
found  impossible  to  declare  who  was  governor  or  vice- 
governor,  and  new  elections  were  held,  Castellanos 
Sanchez  being  chosen  governor.  But  this  did  not  put 
an  end  to  the  political  confusion.  Further  difficulties 
followed.  Two  electoral  districts  declared  that  the 
members  representing  them  in  the  legislature  were  not 
the  legitimate  ones,  and  others  were  substituted  in  their 
places.  The  ejected  deputies,  in  conjunction  with 
other  discontented  members,  and  supported  by  a  strong 
armed  force,  constituted  themselves  into  a  legislature 
and  appointed  Arcadio  Escobedo  governor.  Thus  in 
1874  two  governors  arid  two  legislatures  were  strug 
gling  for  supremacy.  In  October  1874  Sanchez 
resigned  and  left  the  state;  but  it  was  not  until  No 
vember  1875  that  the  rebellion  was  suppressed  and 
tranquillity  restored  in  distracted  Yucatan.10 

Of  a  different  nature  was  the  uprising  which  took 
place  in  Michoacan  in  1874.  Instigated  by  the  priest 
hood,  which  was  furious  in  its  denunciations  against 
the  reform  laws,  the  Indian  population  in  many  por 
tions  of  the  state  rose  in  rebellion,  and  a  revolution 
of  a  religious  rather  than  a  political  character  fol 
lowed.  The  insurgents,  divided  into  numerous  bands, 
headed  by  guerrilla  chiefs,  carried  on  a  desultory  war 
fare,  which  extended  over  the  whole  state.  The  con 
dition  of  Michoacan  became  deplorable.  Banditti 
infested  the  different  districts,  and  all  kinds  of  atroci 
ties  were  committed  by  them  and  by  religious  fanatics. 
During  1875  numerous  encounters  took  place,  without 

10  For  further  details  regarding  affairs  in  Coahuila  and  Yucatan,  consult 
Riva  Palacio,  Hist,  Admin.  Lcrdo,  257-8,  288-90,  297-300,  350-1,  391-404, 
412-13,  422-3;  El  Federalista,  1873,  1874,  1875,  passim;  El  Monitor  Hep.,  El 
Diario  Oficial,  and  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  for  the  same  years. 


MICHOACAN  AND  TEPIC.  413 

the  government  making  much  headway.  The  trouble, 
however,  did  not  extend  beyond  the  state,  and  in 
December  General  Escobedo  was  sent  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  federal  forces.  The  work  of  pacification 
was  slow,  requiring  as  it  did  the  suppression  of  a 
multitude  of  scattered  bands;  but  he  succeeded  in  time 
in  reducing  Michoacan  to  comparative  tranquillity.11 

In  the  beginning  of  1874  an  attempt  at  rebellion 
was  again  made  in  Tepic;  but  though  this  district 
was  for  some  time  more  or  less  subject  to  spasmodic 
uprisings,  these  efforts  were  insignificant  in  effect, 
and  in  November  1875  the  return  to  obedience  of  a 
number  of  refractory  chiefs  held  out  prospects  of  per 
manent  peace.12  About  the  middle  of  this  year  a 
military  revolution  occurred  in  the  territory  of  Lower 
California,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  and  deposal 
of  the  legal  governor,  General  Davalos,  and  the  pro 
visional  appointment  of  Emiliano  Ibarra  as  military 
and  political  chief  pending  the  decision  of  the  central 
government.  DaValos  capitulated  with  the  insurgents 
by  resigning,  and  the  affair  ended  without  any  serious 
consequences. 

Although  this  period  compared  with  previous  years 
may  be  considered  one  of  peace,  hardly  a  month  passed 
without  bloodshed  in  some  part  of  the  union.  Scarcely 
a  single  state  escaped  trouble,  generally  arising  from 
intrigues  of  the  federal  government,  and  frauds  or 
unfair  pressure  at  elections.  Banditti,  also,  and  law 
less  guerrilla  bands,  infested  the  country,13  while  the 

11  Besides  the  Diario  Oficial  for  these  two  years,  consult  La  Voz  de  Me}., 
passim.  This  was  the  catholic  organ,  and  consequently  represents  the  ac 
tion  of  the  government  as  unfavorably  as  the  law  allowed.  The  oiiginal  sub 
title  of  this  latter  paper  \vas:  Diario  politico,  religiose,  cientifico,  y  literario 
de  la  Socivdad  Catd/ica.  I  notice  that  after  the  18th  of  Feb.  the  words  '  de 
la  Sociedad  Cat61ica '  are  suppressed,  and  in  the  following  number — Feb.  19th 
— the  public  is  informed  that  the  paper  had  never  been  subsidized  by  the 
archbishop  of  Mexico. 

12 Telegraph  despatch  from  commander  Tolentino  to  the  war  office  in  Dia 
rio  Oficial,  Nov.  16,  1875. 

13  The  law  of  1872  for  the  trial  and  punishment  of  highwaymen  and  kid 
nappers  was  extended  to  May  1874;  and  in  May  1875  a  decree  was  passed 
depriving  them  of  all  citizens'  rights  in  the  civil  courts,  and  declaring  them 
outlaws.  Id,,  May  6,  1875. 


414  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

northern  states  and  frontier  suffered  from  Indian  raids; 
and  much  indignation  was  aroused  in  those  parts  by 
the  withdrawal  in  1874  of  the  subsidies  made  by  the 
federal  government  to  those  states  to  assist  them  in 
their  defence  against  these  inroads.14 

One  of  the  effects  of  the  reform  laws  was  the  influx 
into  Mexico  of  protestant  missionaries  of  various  de 
nominations.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  the 
introducers  of  the  new  doctrines  preached  would  meet 
with  the  tolerance  which  the  constitution  prescribed, 
and  they  encountered  no  little  persecution.  In  Jan 
uary  1874  protestants  were  assaulted  in  Toluca;  and 
on  May  2d  John  Stephens,  an  American  protestant 
minister,  was  killed  at  Ahualulco,  Jalisco,  by  a  crowd 
of  fanatics,  who  raised  the  cry  of  Viva  el  cura  ! 15  In 
June  of  the  following  year  a  protestant  church  in 
Guerrero  was  attacked  during  service,  and  some  lives 
were  lost.  Nevertheless  the  foreign  sects  made  con 
siderable  progress;  and  I  find  that  in  November  1875 
there  were  no  fewer  than  125  protestant  congregations 
_n  the  republic,  with  eleven  churches  and  ninety-nine 
meeting  halls  where  service  was  held.18  Among  others, 
he  Mormons  made  an  attempt  at  proselytism.  In 
1875  select  portions  of  the  book  of  Mormon  were 
published  at  Salt  Lake  City  in  a  duodecimo  pamphlet 
of  96  pages,  for  circulation  in  Spanish-speaking  coun 
tries.  Copies  of  this  work  were  distributed  in  Mex 
ico.17  In  1876  their  missionaries  were  in  Chihuahua. 

The  tranquillity  in  which  the  government  was  left 

14  Consult  Discursos  pronunciados  ante  el  Conyreso  de  la  Union  en  las  Se- 
slones  del  1G,  18,  y  19  de  Mayo  de  1874,  Mexico,  1874,  8°,  pp.  113;  which  is  a 
collection  of  speeches  delivered  before  congress  ]y*  embers  for  Chihuahua, 
Sonora,  and  Durango,  protesting  against  the  m^-ure. 

15 Full  particulars  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Ofic.  Mayor  Gob.,  18V<4,  39-41,  and  Doc., 
7-8;  Mex.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1875,  30-4;  El  F^derai^ta,  May  8,  1874. 

16  There  were  also  28  free  protestant  schools,    -d  22  of  a  higher  class.     The 
protestants   possessed   two  printing-presses   and   (>ublished   six   periodicals. 
Their  church  property  was  worth  $139,000  and  their  annual  expenses  amounted 
to  $100,000.  Diario  Olcial,  Nov.  15,  1875. 

17  See  Mormon,  Trozos  Selectos,  in  Pap.  Far.,  vol.  219,  No.  7;  also  Hist. 
Utah,  this  series, 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS.  .        415 

in  1874  and  1875  afforded  an  opportunity  to  devote 
its  attention  to  the  duties  of  administration,  and  va 
rious  constitutional  changes  were  effected.  Besides 
the  passage  of  the  reform  laws  already  mentioned,  a 
bill  for  the  establishment  of  the  chamber  of  senators 
was  brought  before  the  house,  and  passed  November 
6,  1874,  to  take  effect  September  16,  1875.18  On 
December  1,  1874,  a  stamp-act  was  passed,  substitut 
ing  the  use  of  stamps  for  the  'papel  sellado,'  the  rates 
of  which,  while  they  increased  the  revenue,  were  bur 
densome  to  the  people.  This  act  was  amended,  with 
some  relief  to  the  public,  in  March  1876. 19 

In  1874,  also,  diplomatic  relations  were  renewed 
with  European  powers,  and  ambassadors  were  sent 
to  Paris  and  to  the  courts  at  Madrid  and  Berlin. 
Friendly  relations  with  Great  Britain  were  still  inter 
rupted,  previous  differences  being  further  aggravated 
by  the  belief  that  the  inroads  of  Indians  into  Yucatan, 
if  not  instigated  by  the  authorities  at  Belize,  were  to 
a  great  extent  owing  to  the  unfriendly  attitude  of  the 
British  colony.  During  the  commencement  of  this 
year  a  treaty  was  entered  into  with  Italy  for  the 
extradition  of  criminals. 

Owing  to  the  roligious  uprising  in  Michoacan  and 
the  disturbed  state  of  Queretaro,  Guanajuato,  and 
Jalisco,  the  president,  in  April  1875,  asked  congress 
to  invest  him  with  extraordinary  powers  in  matters 

l*Diario  Debates,  T  Cong.,  iii.  505-14.  The  legislatures  of  the  states 
had  been  called  upon  in  Oct.  to  declare  their  opinions  relative  to  this  reform. 
The  result  was  that  the  legislatures  of  18  states  were  in  favor  of  it; 
namely,  Aguascalientes,  Campeche,  Chiapas,  Colima,  Chihuahua,  Coahuila, 
Guerrero,  Guanajuato,  Mexico,  hoacan,  Morelos,  Nuevo  Leon,  Quere'taro, 
Tabasco,  Tamaulipas,  Tlascala,  Vera  Cruz,  and  Zacatecas.  The  remaining 
states  did  not  vote;  at  the  same  time  they  did  not  oppose  the  reform.  In 
congress  the  bill  passed  with  118  ayes  against  13  noes  Riva  Palacio,  ut  sup., 
424. 

19  All  kinds  of  documents  had  to  bear  corresponding  stamps.  The  account- 
books  of  all  business  men,  the  diplomas  of  professors,  engineers,  dentists,  law 
yers,  and  physicians,  were  all  taxed  by  this  law.  Even  agriculturists'  and 
master  workmen's  certificates  were  required  to  bear  a  stamp  of  the  value  of 
$5.  A  lawyer's  or  doctor's  stamp  cost  $20.  The  respective  tariffs  of  1874  arid 
1876  will  be  found  in  Mix.,  Ley  del  Timbre,  1874,  and  Mex.t  Ley  del  Timbre 
rtformada  en  28  de  Marzo  de  1876. 


416  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

of  war  and  finance.  After  some  deliberation  a  decree 
was  passed,  May  26th,  to  that  effect.20 

On  the  18th  of  May,  a  decree  was  passed  declaring 
that  the  electoral  colleges  only  could  decide  upon  the 
legitimacy  of  popular  elections.  This  was  a  direct 
blow  at  the  supreme  court.  The  design  was  obvious. 
Lerdo  feared  that  that  tribunal,  with  its  existing 
powers,  would  counteract  his  electoral  intrigues,  and 
restricted  its  faculties  by  this  measure,  which  his 
majority  in  congress  enabled  him  to  push  through. 
Jose  Maria  Iglesias,  the  president  of  the  court,21  im 
mediately  resigned,  considering  that  the  constitutional 
prerogatives  of  the  supreme  court  were  assailed.'22 
Lerdo,  however,  was  unwilling  that  Iglesias  should 
retire  under  such  circumstances,  and  declined  to  accept 
his  resignation.  He  had  several  interviews  with  him, 
and  Iglesias  finally  withdrew  his  resignation;  but 
entered  a  strong  protest  against  the  new  law,  and 
declared  that  he  would  not  submit  to  it.23 

At  the  time  of  Lerdo's  elevation  to  the  presidency, 
it  would  not  have  been  a  difficult  matter  for  him  to 
break  down  the  barrier  of  differences  between  the 
rival  parties,  who  were  then  in  a  mood  to  coalesce  on 
broad  principles.  Had  he  effected  this,  he  would  have 
surrounded  himself  with  a  largfe  circle  of  stanch  sup 
porters,  to  which  only  the  feeblest  opposition  could 
have  been  offered.  But  his  popularity,  as  we  have 

20  This  decree,  which  declared  those  of  December  2,  1871,  and  May  14,  1872, 
to  be  in  force,  authorized  the  executive  to  proclaim  martial  law  in  the  dis 
affected  districts;  to  apprehend  suspected  persons;  to  search  private  dwell 
ings;  to  raise  forces  and  incur  all  necessary  expenses.  Diario  Debates,  7°  Cong., 
iv.  418-25,  551-86;  Mex.,  Inic.  Ejec.,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  n°  9.     These  powers 
were  to  last  till  one  month  after  the  reassembling  of  congress,  that  is,  till  Oct. 
17th. 

21  When  the  presidency  became  vacant  in  1872  by  the  elevation  of  Lerdo 
to  the  chief  magistracy,  the  most  popular  candidates  for  the  position  were 
Iglesias  and  Riva  Palacio.     The  former  was  elected  and  proclaimed  by  con 
gressional  decree  of  May  15,  1873.  Diario  Debates,  6°  Cong.,  iv.  432-4,  444- 
63;  El  Federalista,  Nov.  28,  1872,  May  17,  1873;  Estado  de  Sin.,  May  15,  1873; 
El  Monitor  Hep.,  May  17,  20,  1873. 

22 '  Atacaba  a  mi  juicio,  de  una  manera  incuestionable,  las  facultades  con- 
stitucionales  de  la  corte.'  Iglesias,  Recuerdos  Polit.,  MS.,  1. 

23 '  Convine  en  sustituir  £  la  renuncia  una  energica  protesta  oficial  contra 
la  ley  de  18  de  Mayo  de  1875,  a  la  que  declare  que  no  me  someteria.'  Id.,  2. 


VICENTE  KIVA  PALACIO.  417 

seen,  was  rapidly  declining;  and  by  his  neglect  to 
adopt  a  judicious  and  impartial  course  with  respect  to 
administrative  appointments,  by  his  persistent  enmity 
to  the  Porfiristas,  and  his  disregard  of  the  old  Ler- 
distas,  he  only  aggravated  the  rivalry  existing  between 
the  latter  faction  and  the  Juaristas  in  their  struggle 
for  political  interests,  and  rendered  more  bitterly  hos 
tile  the  Porfiristas.  If  Lerdo  had  exercised  that 
political  acumen  with  which  at  first  he  was  credited, 
he  could  not  have  failed  to  foresee  the  coming  storm. 
But  he  was  strangely  wanting  in  certain  qualities. 
His  confidence  in  his  great  talents  seems  to  have 
dulled  his  power  of  perception  and  ability  to  recog 
nize  the  magnitude  of  the  troubles  he  was  brewing 
for  himself  and  his  country.  One  of  Lerdo's  most 
conspicuous  opponents  was  General  Vicente  Riva 
Palacio,  who  as  editor  of  the  Ahuizoie  persistently 
assailed  him  in  that  periodical.  In  February  1875 
the  president  thought  best  to  banish  him  from  the 
capital,  and  appointed  San  Juan  del  Rio  as  his  place 
of  residence;  whereupon  Riva  Palacio  sent  in  his 
commission,  and  requested  leave  to  retire  altogether 
from  the  army.  His  resignation  was  accepted;24  and 
on  April  2d  he  laid  before  congress  an  accusation 
against  the  president,  charging  him  with  violation  of 
the  constitution  in  divers  of  its  articles.  Though  the 
accusation  was  dismissed  May  19th  by  a  large  major 
ity,25  it  ought  to  have  been  a  warning  to  Lerdo  of 
the  change  in  public  opinion;  but  to  public  opinion  he 
seemed  indifferent.  He  took  no  notice  of  the  repeated 
denunciations  of  his  line  of  conduct  by  the  press,  or 
its  ominous  predictions.  The  interference  of  the 
central  executive  in  the  settlement  of  the  political 
troubles  in  Coahuila,  Yucatan,  and  elsewhere,  was 
regarded  as  an  encroachment  upon  the  sovereignty 

24  Copy  of  onicial  correspondence,  in  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  March  7,  1875. 

25 By  128  votes  against  10.  Diario  Debates,  T  Cong.,  iv.  403-- 17.     Lerdo 
was  accused  of  violating  articles  7,  13,  14,  20,  21,  29,  50,  and  128  of  the  con 
stitution.     The  accusation  was  read  in  secret  session,  and  passed  to  the  grand 
jury  to  report  upon.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  April  4,  1875. 
HIST.  HEX..  VOL.  VI.    27 


418  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

and  independence  of  the  states;  the  prerogatives  of 
the  judicial  courts  were  curtailed;  the  influence 
brought  to  bear  on  the  elections  nullified  the  popular 
wish;  and  the  acquisition  of  the  extraordinary  powers, 
of  which  I  have  just  made  mention,  was  so  distasteful 
that  General  Mirafuentes — a  contributor  to  the  Ahui- 
zote — was  bold  enough  to  assert  that  the  government 
had  promoted  the  revolution  for  the  purpose  of  obtain 
ing  them.26  As  the  year  advanced  political  persecu 
tions  followed.  In  September  General  Manuel  Gon 
zalez  was  placed  under  espionage  of  the  secret  police ; 
on  the  9th  and  10th  of  the  same  month  generals 
Chacon  and  Mirafuentes  were  arrested  and  im 
prisoned,  and  on  the  16th  of  October  were  sent  out 
of  the  country.  An  initiative  step  was  taken  to  re 
form  the  78th  article  of  the  constitution  on  the  24th  of 
October.  It  was  proposed  to  congress  that  in  future 
the  president  might  be  once  reflected,  but  after 
this  second  term  a  period  of  at  least  four  years  must 
elapse  before  he  could  again  become  eligible.  The 
bill  passed  to  a  second  reading,  and  a  day  was  fixed 
for  its  discussion.  This,  however,  did  not  take  place, 
and  the  question  remained  for  the  time  undecided. 
But  the  motion  was  significant,  and  pregnant  with 
civil  war.  The  advocates  of  non-reelection  were  more 
than  ever  numerous,  and  they  did  not  intend  to  sub 
mit  passively  to  the  operation  of  such  a  law,  even  if 
it  were  pushed  through  congress. 

Lerdo's  action,  indeed,  from  first  to  last  was  directed 
to  a  gradual  absorption  of  the  states'  rights,  and  a  sys 
tematic  usurpation  of  power.  During  the  latter  part 
of  1875  he  stood  on  a  political  volcano,  which  was 
ready  at  any  moment  for  eruption.  The  Lerdista 
and  Juarista  parties  were  each  intriguing  in  congress 
in  the  local  governments,  and  around  the  president,  to 
gain  the  upper  hand  before  the  next  elections.  The 

26  '  Para  llegar  a  la  situacion  presents,  necesitaba  el  gobierno  el  pretesto  de 
la  revolucion,  y  por  eso  ha  puesto  en  juego  todos  los  medios  posil  les  para  pro- 
ducirla.  La  revolucion  es  obra  del  gobierno.'  Mirafuentes'  article  copied 
from  the,  Ahuizote,  in  Id.,  May  29,  1875. 


FALL  OF  LERDO.  419 

Porfiristas,  kept  underfoot  by  these  two  factions, 
which  united  against  the  common  enemy,  were 
secretly  preparing  for  revolution.  Porfirio  Diaz, 
though  restored  to  his  military  rank,27  had  kept  aloof 
from  politics,  arid  had  been  apparently  inactive.  But 
all  the  time  he  had  been  laying  his  plans ;  and  having 
made  his  preparations  for  revolt  in  Oajaca,  he  left 
Mexico  at  the  beginning  of  December  1875,  and 
proceeded  to  the  United  States,  selecting  Browns 
ville,  Texas,  opposite  to  Matamoros,  as  his  place  of 
residence.  Manuel  Gonzalez  also  left  on  the  same 
steamer  with  him.28 

Lerdo  might  still  have  avoided  the  disgrace  of 
defeat  and  an  ignominious  flight  had  he  renounced 
his  reelection  schemes.  But  he  gave  no  sign  of  doing 
so ;  and  the  smouldering  fire  broke  out.  On  the  1 5th 
of  January,  1876,  General  Fidencio  Hernandez,  in 
Oajaca,  pronounced  against  the  government,  and  is 
sued  the  plan  of  Tuxtepec  at  the  town  of  that  name. 
He  then  marched  against  the  capital  of  the  state  at  the 
head  of  2,000  badly  armed  Indians.  On  the  27th  he 
encountered  and  defeated  an  inferior  force  of  federal 
troops  and  national  guards  at  San  Felipe  del  Agua, 
about  half  a  league  from  the  city,  and  taking  advan 
tage  of  the  panic  which  followed,  entered  Oajaca  the 
same  day  without  opposition.  The  troops  stationed 
there  surrendered  without  striking  a  blow,  and  were 
incorporated  into  his  ranks,  many  of  the  officers  also 
joining  him.  No  less  than  2,000  Enfield  and  500 
Remington  rifles,  with  500,000  rounds  of  ammunition, 
fell  into  his  possession.  Having  destroyed  all  tele 
graphic  communication,  he  proclaimed  himself  gov 
ernor  of  Oajaca,  and  published  the  plan  of  Tuxtepec,29 

27  The  proposal  was  laid  before  congress  Oct.  8,   1874,  and  passed  to  the 
military  committee  for  decision  thereon.  Diario  Debates,  7°  Cong.,  iii.  232. 

28  An  English  vessel  named  the  Corsica.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,   Dec.  5,   1876; 
Diario  Ofitial,  Jan.  3,  1876. 

29  Esperon,  governor  of  the  state,  was  absent  at  this  time  in  the  district  of 
Miahuatlan.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Feb.  6,  1876.     The  plan  of  Tuxtepec  was  after 
ward  reformed  by  Porfirio  Diaz.     Its  principal  items  will  be  mentioned  later. 


420  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

denouncing  Lerdo  and  his  government,  and  proclaim 
ing  Porfirio  Diaz  general-in -chief  of  the  revolutionary 
army. 

Thus  initiated,  the  revolution  burst  into  blaze  all 
over  the  republic.  In  the  beginning  of  February, 
generals  Donato  Guerra  and  Galvan  adopted  the  plan 
in  Jalisco;  Mendez,  Bonilla,  and  Carrillo  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  in  Puebla ;  at  Jalapa  Colonel  Garcia 
made  captive  the  governor  of  Yera  Cruz;  Trevino 
and  Naranjo  in  Nuevo  Leon,  Canto  in  Yucatan,  Rocha 
in  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Couttolenne  in  Guerrero, 
took  up  arms.  The  storm  which  had  been  raised  was 
furious  and  far-reaching.  The  nation  was  thoroughly 
aroused,  and  by  the  end  of  March  there  was  not  a 
state  that  did  not  show  disaffection.  The  government 
exerted  itself  to  the  utmost  to  suppress  the  rebellion. 
In  Oajaca,  Jalisco,  Yera  Cruz,  and  many  other  states, 
martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and  numerous  engage^ 
ments  took  place,  with  varied  success,  though  at  first 
the  advantage  was  on  the  side  of  the  federal  arms. 

O 

Escobedo  succeeded  in  subduing  for  a  time  the  insur- 

O 

rection  in  Michoacan,  and  the  insurgents  sustained 
defeats  in  several  other  states.  In  Oajaca  Genera] 
Alatorre  attacked  the  rebels  at  the  Cerro  del  Jazmin, 
but  was  repulsed,  and  retired  to  Yanhuitlan,  about  a 
league  distant,  where  another  sanguinary  engagement 
took  place,  in  which  the  federal  troops  were  victo 
rious.30 

On  the  28th  of  May,  the  same  general  defeated  the 
revolutionary  leaders,  Hernandez,  Teran,  and  Coutto 
lenne  at  Epatlan,  the  second  being  made  captive 
and  sent  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  sub 
mitted  to  trial,  and  confined  in  prison  till  the  downfall 
of  Lerdo.31 

30  At  Jazmin  the  insurgent  cavalry  charged  the  enemy's  artillery  three 
times  with  great  bravery.  At  the  last  charge  one  of  the  guns  was  captured, 
and  the  federals  were  compelled  to  retire,  but  only  S3  combatants  remained 
of  the  600  cavalrymen  who  charged  the  guns.  In  this  day's  combats  903 
insurgents  and  603  of  the  government  troops  were  left  dead  on  the  field.  The 
number  of  wounded  is  not  known.  Diario  Oficial,  Feb.  29  and  March  17,  1876; 
La  Voz  de  M?j.,  Feb.  29  aud  April  11,  1876. 

'^Miery  Teran,  Apunt.  Bioy.,  54-65. 


PLAN  OF  TUXTEPEC.  421 

On  the  22d  of  March,  General  Diaz  crossed  the 
Rio  Grande  with  General  Gonzalez  and  forty  fol 
lowers.  This  number  was  quickly  increased  to  four 
hundred,  and  approaching  Matamoros  on  the  31st,  he 
published  at  Palo  Blanco,  a  few  leagues  to  the  south 
of  that  city,  the  plan  of  Tuxtepec  in  a  reformed  shape. 

The  preamble  of  the  plan,  almost  a  verbatim  copy 
of  that  proclaimed  at  Tuxtepec,  set  forth  that  the 
Mexican  republic  was  being  ruled  by  a  government 
that  had  created  a  political  system  subversive  of  the 
laws  and  institutions  of  the  nation ;  that  the  right  of 
suffrage  had  been  reduced  to  a  farce,  as  the  elections 
were  entirely  controlled  by  the  president  and  his  ad 
herents;  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  states  had  been 
repeatedly  infringed  by  the  deposal  of  governors  and 
the  appointment  of  creatures  of  Lerdo  as  rulers,  es 
pecially  in  the  cases  of  Coahuila,  Oajaca,  Yucatan, 
Nuevo  Leon,  and  Jalisco,  to  weaken  which  last  state, 
Lerdo  had  segregated  and  made  a  military  canton  of 
Tepic;  that  he  had  squandered  the  public  funds  in 
personal  amusements;  that  the  courts  of  justice  had 
been  made  subservient  to  him;  that  municipal  author 
ity  was  destroyed,  as  the  members  of  ayuntamientos 
were  simply  dependents  of  the  government;  that  the 
stamp  act  was  an  extortion;  that  the  commercial  and 
agricultural  interests  of  the  nation  were  sacrificed  by 
the  concessions  granted  to  the  English  railway  com 
pany  and  the  scandalous  convenio  de  las  tarifas;  that 
by  the  monopoly  of  that  line,  the  establishment  of 
other  railroads  was  prevented ;  that  Lerdo  had  agreed 
to  recognize  the  debt  to  English  bond-holders  for  the 
consideration  of  $2,000,000,  and  that  he  contemplated 
making  an  arrangement  with  the  United  States  fcr 
the  assumption  of  that  debt  by  the  latter,  which  was 
equivalent  to  selling  the  country  to  the  neighboring 
republic;  and  that,  owing  to  his  acquirement  of  ex 
traordinary  faculties  and  the  suspension  of  the  guar 
anties  of  personal  rights,  a  remedy  of  these  abuses 
could  only  be  sought  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  The  pro- 


422  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

gramme  of  the  original  plan  had  not  given  satisfaction 
to  many  of  the  prominent  leaders  of  the  revolution, 
who  regarded  it  with  suspicion.  It  was  too  narrow 
in  its  conception.  While  proclaiming  the  supremacy 
of  the  constitution,  the  free  suffrage  of  the  people, 
and  non-reelection,  it  left  these  organic  principles  ex 
posed  to  military  oppression.  It  denounced  the  ad 
ministration  of  Lerdo  as  an  exhibition  of  usurpation 
and  assumption  of  dictatorial  powers,  ruinous  alike  to 
the  liberty  and  interests  of  the  nation.  But  while 
seeking  to  overthrow  one  despotic  government  by 
a  national  exertion,  it  paved  the  way  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  another  of  similar  character.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  unpopularity  of  Lerdo,  the  revolution, 
under  such  a  programme,  would  have  perished  in  its 
infancy.  But  the  main  and  determined  intention  of 
the  discontented  was  to  get  rid  of  Lerdo,  and  they 
did  not  wait  to  examine  too  closely  and  demur  against 
the  plan  under  which  they  commenced  action.  It 
could  be  rectified  when  the  leading  object  was  attained. 
By  the  plan  of  Tuxtepec,  Lerdo  was  no  longer  rec 
ognized  as  the  executive  power,  nor  any  of  his  minis 
ters  or  officials  in  their  positions.  Only  such  governors 
of  states  as  accepted  the  plan  would  be  recognized, 
and  substitutes  would  be  appointed  by  the  general-in- 
chief  of  the  revolutionary  forces.  The  governors  thus 
established  were  to  appoint  a  provisional  executive; 
and  as  Diaz  was  declared  the  general-in-chief  by  the 
tenth  article,  and  could  appoint  the  substitute  gov 
ernors,  it  was  obvious  that  he  would  become  the 
president  ad  interim,  with  the  means  at  his  command 
of  supporting  his  intentions  by  military  force  if  he 
chose.  Diaz  soon  perceived  the  objections  to  which 
this  plan  was  exposed,  and  the  dislike  with  which  it 
was  regarded.  The  leaders  in  the  northern  provinces 
suggested  that  Iglesias,  the  president  of  the  supreme 
court — and  by  virtue  of  that  position  the  vice-presi 
dent  of  the  republic — should  be  called  upon  to  assume 
the  executive  power,  and  in  the  reformed  plan  this 


ADVENTURES   OF  DIAZ.  423 

was  done.  But  the  reformed  plan,  or  plan  of  Palo 
Blanco,  as  it  was  called,  was  but  the  original  one  in 
another  form.  Iglesias  was  required  to  recognize  it 
in  toto,  otherwise  the  general-in-chief  would  be  in 
vested  with  the  executive  power.32  As  Iglesias,  the 
president  of  the  supreme  court,  the  legitimate  suc 
cessor  of  a  deposed  executive,  was  a  strong  constitu 
tionalist,  he  would  not  entertain  the  revolutionary 
proposals,33  and  rejected  the  plan. 

Favored  by  the  defection  of  the  troops  and  garrison 
at  Matamoros,  Diaz  entered  that  city  April  2d,  after 
a  slight  engagement  with  the  cavalry  which  sallied 
out  against  him.  The  surrendered  forces,  amounting 
to  400  infantry  and  over  300  cavalry,  were  set  at  lib 
erty.  Escobedo,  however,  was  already  on  the  march 
to  the  frontier  with  6,000  men  in  different  columns, 
and  on  his  approach  Diaz,  though  he  had  been  joined 
by  Trevino  and  Naranjo,  and  his  forces  were  daily 
increasing,  was  obliged  to  evacuate  Matamoros,  and 
directed  his  course  with  the  cavalry  toward  Monterey, 
while  Gonzalez  with  the  infantry  marched  southward 
through  the  Huasteca.  It  was  the  intention  of  Diaz 

32  The  following  is  a  synopsis  of  the  reformed  plan:  Art.  1st.  The  consti 
tution  of  1857,  the  reform  act  of  Sept.  25,  1873,  and  the  law  of  Dec.  14,  1874, 
are  the  supreme  laws  of  the  republic.     2d.  Non-reelection  of  the  president  of 
the  republic  and  governors  of  the  states  shall  be  a  supreme  law  until  it  be 
legally  made  a  constitutional  reform.     3d.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and  all  function 
aries  appointed  by  him,  are  no  longer  recognized,  nor  the  elections  of  July 
1075.     4th.  Governors  of  states  who  accept  this  plan  will  be  recognized. 
Where  this  is  not  the  case,  the  general-in-chief  will  appoint  a  provisional 
governor.     5th.  The  elections  for  the  supreme  powers  of  the  union  will  be 
held  two  months  after  the  occupation  of  the  capital,  and  conducted  in  con 
formity  with  the  electoral  laws  of  Feb.  12,  1857,  and  Dec.  23,  1872.     6th.  The 
executive  power,  with  only  administrative  faculties,  will  reside  in  the  presi 
dent  of  the  supreme  court,  provided  that  he  accept  this  plan  in  all  its  parts, 
and  publish,  his  recognition  of  it  within  one  month  after  the  publication  of 
the  plan  in  the  journals  of  the  capital.     In  case  of  his  refusal,  the  general-in- 
chief  will  be  invested  with  the  executive  power.     7th.  On  the  assembling  of 
the  eighth  constitutional  congress,  the  object  of  their  first  labors  will  be  the 
constitutional  reform  which  guarantees  the  independence  of  municipalities, 
and  the  law  conferring  a  political  organization  on  the  federal  district  and 
Lower  California.     8th.  Generals,  chiefs,  and  officers  who  support  this  plan 
will  be  retained  in  their  positions.  Diario  Debates,  8°  Cong. ,  i.  3-5.     Consult 
also  Velasco,  Planes  de  Tuxtepecy  Palo  Blanco,  8-11;  La   Voz  de  Mej.,  Apr. 
8,  1876. 

33  See  his  letter,  published  in  Diario  Ofidal,  Apr.  8,  1876,  and  Tagle,  Cir 
cular  Exped.,  4. 


424  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

to  penetrate  into  the  interior,  but  recognizing  that 
the  northern  regions  with  their  sparse  population 
would  afford  little  support  to  the  cause,  he  decided  to 
return  to  Oajaca,  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  crossing 
Texas  and  Louisiana  he  took  passage  in  June  from 
New  Orleans  for  that  port,  on  board  the  steamer  Cify 
of  Habana,  disguised  as  a  Cuban  doctor.  His  voyage 
was  an  adventurous  one.  No  suspicion  of  his  per 
sonality  was  entertained  until  the  vessel  touched  at 
Tampico,  where  the  same  troops  which  he  had  re 
leased  at  Matamoros  were  taken  on  board.  His  de 
tection  soon  followed,  and  the  officers  took  steps  to 
secure  him  on  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz.  Though  the 
vessel  lay  more  than  four  miles  from  land,  Diaz,  in  the 
evening  of  the  21st,  made  a  desperate  attempt  to  swim 
ashore.  He  was  discovered  and  a  boat  sent  after 
him.  He  was  picked  up  at  nightfall  in  an  exhausted 
condition.  On  being  brought  back  to  the  vessel  he 
was  befriended  by  the  purser,  who  managed  to  secrete 
him  till  their  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  where,  disguised 
in  the  dress  of  a  Mexican  sailor,  he  succeeded  in  get 
ting  ashore  on  a  launch  loaded  with  cargo  from  the 
steamer.34  From  Vera  Cruz  he  hastened  to  Oajaca, 
at  which  city  he  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  July,  after 
several  narrow  escapes  from  falling  into  the  hands  of 
federal  troops.  Meanwhile  Gonzalez,  after  a  toilsome 
inarch,  advanced  into  Hidalgo  and  Tlascala. 

As  the  time  approached  for  the  election  of  the 
president,  it  became  evident  that  Lerdo  would  accept 
the  candidateship  for  reelection,  and  in  that  case  the 
popular  suffrage  would  be  sacrificed  to  electoral  in 
trigues;  and  indeed,  the  machinations  of  his  party 
were  so  notorious  that  a  large  number  of  electors,  in 
fluenced  by  the  opposition  press,  refrained  from  vot 
ing.35  In  June  and  July  the  elections  took  place,  and 

™Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  363-79;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  July  2,  1876. 

35  According  to  art.  14  of  the  organic  electoral  law,  in  order  to  become  pres 
ident  the  successful  candidate  was  required  to  obtain  a  majority  of  the  total 
number  of  electoral  votes.  The  electors  in  the  republic  at  this  date  numbered 
18,075,  apportioned  to  the  227  electoral  districts  of  the  republic.  Conse- 


MOVEMENTS  OF  IGLESIAS.  4£5 

on  the  31st  of  August,  Lerdo,  with  the  undoubted 
design  of  forcing  his  reelection  through  congress, 
changed  his  cabinet.  Manuel  Romero  Kubio  was 
appointed  minister  of  relations;  General  Escobedo 
took  the  place  of  Mejia  as  minister  of  war;  Juan  Joso 
Baz  became  minister  of  government;  the  portfolio 'of 
the  fomento  department  was  given  to  Antonino  Tagle ; 
that  of  the  treasury  to  Francisco  Mejia;  and  that  of 
justice  to  Jose  Diaz  Covarrubias.  This  change  had 
the  desired  result.  An  electoral  commission  was  ap 
pointed,  composed  of  a  majority  in  Lerdo's  favor;  and 
on  the  2Gth  of  October  congress,  by  virtue  of  a  dictd- 
men,  pronounced  him  reflected.86 

Meantime,  Inglesias,  in  anticipation  of  the  fraudulent 
elections  being  maintained,  had  secretly  left  the  capital 
and  entered  into  communications  with  various  promi 
nent  men,  advancing  the  view  that  at  the  termination 
of  Lerdo's  term,  November  30th,  he  was  the  legiti 
mate  provisional  executive  pending  the  holding  of 
legal  elections.  Proceeding  to  Salamanca  in  Guana 
juato,  he  found  the  governor,  Antillon,  and  the  legisla 
ture  of  that  state,  ready  to  support  him.  Generals 
Rocha  and  Berriozabal  also  declared  themselves  in 
favor  of  his  design  to  assume  the  presidency.  When 
Lerdo's  reelection  was  published,  Iglesias  proceeded  to 
act.  He  immediately  addressed  from  Salamanca  a 
manifesto  to  the  nation,  formally  protesting  against  the 
illegality  of  the  reelection,  declaring  it  his  intention  to 
oppose  it,  and  calling  upon  the  nation  to  support  him.37 
This  step  precipitated  matters.  It  was  in  fact  a  new 

quently,  the  total  number  of  votes  required  by  the  law  for  the  election  of  the 
president  was  half  the  above  number;  and  one  more  for  each  district,  that  is, 
9,265.  In  the  ensuing  elections,  only  7,899  electors  voted  ;  and  it  was  con 
sequently  claimed  that  no  legal  election  had  been  held.  In  the  states  of 
Coahuila,  Chiapas,  Chihuahua,  Morelos,  Oajaca,  Tabasco,  and  Zacatecas  no 
elections  were  held  on  this  occasion,  and  in  certain  districts  of  many  other 
states  there  were  no  quorums.  Gallardo,  Cuad.  Estad.,  1876;  Id.,  1877,  p.  3. 

36 Consult  lylesias,  Recuerdos  Polit.,  MS.,  3-23;  Diario  Debates,  8  Constit. 
Legis.,  ii.  234,  iii.  315-331,  433;  Diario  Ofic.,  Sept.  15,  1876.  Extraordi 
nary  powers  were  also  again  granted  the  president  Oct.  14th.  Id.,  Oct.  15, 
1876  ;  Diario  Debates,  8  Constit.  Legis.,  iii.  91-3,  140-55,  170-337,  280. 

af  Full  copy  of  the  protect  is  found  in  Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  31,  1876. 


426  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

revolutionary  movement.38  A  programme  of  govern 
ment  was  drawn  up,  and  ministers  were  appointed. 
The  plan  of  Salamanca,  as  it  was  called,  was  submitted 
to  the  legislature  of  Guanajuato  by  Antillori,  and  ap 
proved.  Lerdo's  position  as  president  of  the  republic 
was  no  longer  recognized,  arid  the  president  of  the 
supreme  court  assumed  the  executive  office,  supported 
by  a  strong  force  which  was  daily  increasing.  Proceed 
ing  to  Guanajuato,  October  31st,  with  two  of  his  newly 
appointed  ministers,  Guillermo  Prieto  and  Berriozd- 
bal,39  Iglesias  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  that  city, 
being  received  with  all  the  honors  due  to  the  presi 
dent  of  the  republic.  The  enthusiasm  was  great,  and 
extended  throughout  the  state. 

Lerdo's  position  was  now  a  serious  one.  He  had 
not  only  to  contend  with  this  new  combination,  but 
with  the  original  revolutionists,  who  were  being  organ 
ized  by  Diaz  in  Oajaca,  and  by  Gonzalez,  who  had 
already  advanced  into  Tlascala.  On  November  4th, 
the  latter  was  joined  at  Tlaxco  by  General  Tolentino, 
who  abandoned  the  Lerdista  cause  with  his  command.40 
Diaz  was  now  advancing  from  Oajaca,  having  left  that 
city  at  the  end  of  October  with  4,000  men  and  four 
teen  rifled  cannon  of  medium  size.  Alatorre  was  at 
that  time  at  Teotitlan,  about  fifteen  leagues  inside 
the  boundary  line  of  that  state.  As  Diaz  approached, 
he  gradually  fell  back  toward  Tehuacan  and  Puebla, 
arid  might  successfully  have  decided  the  question  in 

38  In  the  Diario  OJic.,  April  8,  1876,  Iglesias  published  a  letter  with  refer 
ence  to  the  6th  article  of  the  plan  of  Palo  Blanco.   See  note  32,  this  chapter. 
In  it  he  uses  these  words:   'No  acepto,  ni  he  de  aceptar,  plan  alguno  revolu- 
cionario;  y  que  seguira  siendo  mi  regla  invariable  de  conducta,  la  extricta 
observancia  de  la  constitucion. ' 

39  Three  of  the  portfolios  were  offered  to  Joaquin  Ruiz,  Francisco  Gomez 
del  Palacio,  and  Francisco  de  Landero  y  Cos.     Pending  their  acceptation,  a 
provisional  government  was  organized,  composed  of  two  ministers — Guillermo 
Prieto  of   government,   and  Felipe  Berriozabal  of  war — and  three  oficiales 
inayores,    namely,   Emilio  Velasco,    Manuel  Sanchez  Marmol,  and  Eduardo 
Garay,  who  respectively  represented  the  departments  of  the  treasury,  justice, 
and  internal  improvements.  Iglesias,  Recuerdos  Polit.,  MS.,  25-6. 

40 Though  it  is  asserted  in  the  Diario  OJic.,  Nov.  6,  1876,  that  the  officers 
and  soldiers  under  Tolentino  were  betrayed  by  him  to  Gonzalez,  and  impris 
oned  for  refusing  to  serve  with  the  revolutionists,  the  defection  seems  to 
have  been  general. 


FLIGHT  OF  LERDO.  427 

that  neighborhood,  as  Diaz'  army,  owing  to  his  labori 
ous  march,  was  greatly  reduced  in  numbers.  Bub 
the  latter  evaded  him,  and  hastened  to  Huamantla  in 
order  to  unite  his  forces  with  those  of  Gonzalez, 
Mendez,  Carrillo,  and  other  leaders  who  had  taken  up 
positions  in  the  adjacent  sierras.  Alatorre  gave  chase, 
and  Diaz  took  up  a  position  at  Tecoac,  to  the  north 
of  Huamantla.  On  the  evening  of  November  15th, 
the  opposing  armies  bivouacked  almost  within  cannon- 
range  of  each  other;  and  on  the  following  morning, 
Alatorre,  believing  the  forces  in  front  of  him  were 
the  same  which  he  had  seen  on  the  previous  evening, 
attacked  with  great  confidence.41  But  the  revolution 
ary  leaders  stationed  in  the  sierras,  with  the  exception 
of  Gonzalez,  had  joined  Diaz  during  the  night,  and 
greatly  increased  his  strength.  The  battle  was  san 
guinary,  and  was  maintained  for  several  hours.  Diaz 
was  on  the  point  of  defeat  when  the  opportune  arrival 
of  Gonzalez,  who  unexpectedly  fell  on  Alatorre's  right 
flank,  decided  the  day.42  The  rout  of  the  Lerdistas, 
or  reelectionists,  as  they  were  called,  was  crushing. 
Many  died  on  the  field,  and  3,000  prisoners  were 
taken ;  while  all  their  artillery,  baggage,  and  war  ma 
terial  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.43 

When  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached  the  capital, 
panic  seized  the  government.  The  members  were  not 
sufficiently  of  accord  to  devise  any  scheme  in  the 
emergency,  various  plans  being  discussed  only  to  be 
rejected.  Finally,  it  was  decided  to  leave  the  capital; 
and  on  the  night  of  the  20th,  Lerdo.  accompanied  by 
Escobedo,  Baz,  Francisco  Mejia,  and  Romero  Rubio, 

41  Diaz  states  that  he  had  only  1,360  men  when  Alatorre  pursued  him. 
Datos  Biofj.,  MS.,  385.  •     ' 

42  Alatorre's  surprise  was  complete.     He  believed  that  the  approaching 
troops  of  Gonzalez  were  a  reenforcement  coming  to  his   assistance,  having 
previously  ordered  up  3,000  more  men.    Voz  de  Mej.,  Nov.  24,  1876. 

43  It  is  stated  that  of  Alatorre's  army,  1,900  were  killed  and  800  wounded. 
Among  the  prisoners,  numbering  1,564,  was  Gen.  Topete.     The  revolutionists 
lost  857  killed  and  656  wounded,  among  the  latter  being  Gonzalez.      These 
figures  are  doubtless  greatly  exaggerated.     Diaz  states  that  3,000  prisoners 
were  taken,  but  sa\s  nothing  about  the  number  of  killed  and  wounded.  Datos 
Bhg.,  MS.,  388. 


428  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

members  of  his  cabinet,  a  number  of  deputies,  and 
other  partisans  betook  himself  to  flight,  escorted  by  a 
strong  cavalry  force,  and  taking  with  him  a  large 
supply  of  the  public  funds.4*  The  last  act  of  his 
government  was  to  surrender  the  city  to  the  Porfi- 
ristas,  General  Loaeza  being  left  in  charge  of  the  gar 
rison,  and  Protasio  Tagle  of  the  civil  government. 
On  the  following  day  Teran  wras  released  from  prison 
and  sent  to  inform  Porfirio  Diaz  of  the  state  of 
affairs.45  Lerdo  pursued  his  wray  without  molestation 
toward  Acapulco,  where,  after  a  toilsome  journey 
through  the  south  of  Michoacan  and  across  Guerrero, 
he  arrived  about  the  middle  of  December.  Thence 
he  embarked  January  25th  for  the  United  States,  and 
took  up  his  residence  in  New  York. 

Thus  terminated  the  political  career  of  the  suc 
cessor  of  Juarez.  Since  the  date  of  the  independence 
no  man  had  obtained  the  chief  magistracy  of  the 
Mexican  republic  with  more  wide-spread  popularity, 
or  was  driven  from  it  by  more  general  discontent. 
Called  to  the  head  of  the  government  by  a  people 
which  hailed  him  with  joy  as  its  future  liberator  from 
encroachments  upon  its  sovereign  rights,  but  which, 
still  angry  at  the  assumption  of  dictatorial  powers  by 
Juarez,  could  easily  be  roused  to  indignation,  he  pur 
sued  the  most  aggravating  course  that  he  could  have 
adoptee}.  Instead  of  healing  wounds,  he  irritated 
them;  instead  of  holding  out  the  hand  of  friendship, 
he  threw  down  the  gauntlet.  With  an  ambitious 
rival  in  the  field,  ever  on  the  watch  to  turn  mistakes 
to  account,  he  committed  unpardonable  errors;  none 
more  so  than  his  system  of  exciting  by  intrigue  local 
revolutions  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  out  obnoxious 

44 '  E  iba  bien  provisto  de  fondos,  sacados  en  la  misma  noche  de  la  Tesorcria 
general'  L/lesias,  Recmrdos  Polit.,  MS.,  36.  Before  leaving  he  took  £5,030 
from  the  montepio  fund.  Voz  de  Mej.,  Nov.  22,  1876.  His  escort  amounted 
to  1,000  cavalrymen,  with  a  train  of  25  -wagons,  besides  about  50  mules  loaded 
with  money  amounting,  it  was  calculated,  to  over  $200,000.  The  wagons 
were  also  supposed  to  contain  treasure.  /(/.,  Nov.  25,  1876. 

*bl<jlesia^  Pecuerdos  Polit.*  MS.,  36;  Mier  y  Teran,  Apunt.  Bloj.,  64-5; 
Diario  Ofic.,  7  Die.,  1876. 


IGLESIAS  PROVISIONAL  PRESIDENT.  429 

governors  of  states  by  federal  interference.  Hereby 
lie  made  for  himself  innumerable  enemies.  His.  for 
eign  policy,  too,  caused  great  dissatisfaction.  While 
he  encouraged  European  enterprises,  he  was  strongly 
opposed  to  promoting  American  ones.  Though  this 
partiality  may  have  proceeded  from  a  fear  that  by 
the  introduction  of  United  States  interests  on  a  large 
scale  into  Mexico  difficulties  might  arise,  the  policy 
was  too  narrow  even  for  the  Mexican  people. 

During  the  month  of  October  Iglesias,  before  he 
had  proclaimed  himself  provisional  president,  opened 
negotiations  with  Diaz  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
whether  the  latter  would  support  him  in  his  projected 
design,  as  being  the  most  constitutional  way  of  pro 
ceeding.  Diaz  consented  to  do  so,  provided  Igle 
sias  would  recognize  the  plan  of  Palo  Blanco,  arid 
agree  to  other  conditions,  one  of  which  was  that  he 
should  select  his  ministers  from  among  the  parti 
sans  of  the  revolution.  This,  with  any  degree  of 
consistency,  Iglesias  could  not  do.  Nevertheless, 
negotiations  were  continued  into  November,  after  the 
assumption  on  the  part  of  Diaz  of  the  provisional 
presidency,  by  Joaquin  M.  Alcalde,  who  on  the  6th 
of  that  month  entered  into  an  agreement  at  Acatlan 
with  Diaz,  the  terms  of  which  Alcalde  considered  so 
reasonable  that  he  pledged  his  own  and  Iglesias'  word 
of  honor  that  they  would  be  accepted.46  But  this 
agreement  contained  points  similar  to  the  previous 
conditions,  and  were  equally  objectionable  to  Iglesias, 
whose  firmness  was  regarded  by  the  opposite  side  as 
an  intention  to  exclude  the  revolutionists  under  the 
plan  of  Tuxtepec  from  having  any  influence  in  the 


46  Alcalde  seems  to  have  acted  too  Confidently  in  the  matter,  as  he  was  not 
commissioned  by  Iglesias,  who  says:  '  Expontaneameiite  se  dirigid  al  campo 
del  Sr  Diaz,  animado  de  patriotic©  deseo  de  unir  los  esfuerzos  de  los  enemigos 
comunes  del  golpe  de  Estado.'  Manifiesto,  Dec.  1,  1876.  See  also  Tayle, 
Circular  Expedida,  Nov.  29,  1 876.  These  two  pamphlets  contain  all  partic 
ulars  and  correspondence  relative  to  these  negotiations.  Copy  of  the  latter 
will  be  found  in  Voz  de  Mej.,  Dec.  6,  1876. 


430  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

government.     After  a  few  telegraphic  exchanges,  on 
November  27th  the  conferences  terminated. 

After  the  victory  at  Tecoac  Diaz  was  for  a  mo 
ment  embarrassed  as  to  his  immediate  movements, 
owing  to  his  want  of  ammunition  for  the  Remington 
rifles  with  which  the  prisoners  that  had  been  taken, 
and  now  incorporated  into  his  force,  were  armed. 
Alatorre  had  fled  to  Puebla;  and  at  a  council  of  war 
held  by  Diaz  it  was  discussed  whether  that  city, 
Mexico,  or  Orizaba  should  be  first  attacked.  But 
Diaz  soon  decided  to  make  the  capital  his  objective 
point.  He  encountered  no  difficulty  in  his  progress. 
Almost  at  the  commencement  of  his  march  he  was 
met  by  a  commission  from  the  governor  and  legisla 
ture  of  Tlascala,  announcing  their  espousal  of  his 
cause,  and  placed  at  his  disposal  400  men  and  40,000 
Remington  cartridges.  Before  his  arrival  at  Apizaco 
he  was  met  by  another  commission  from  Altamirano, 
in  command  at  Puebla,  which  had  been  abandoned  by 
Alatorre,  informing  him  that  this  general  placed  him 
self  under  his  orders.  Whereupon  Diaz  turned  his 
course  toward  that  city;  and  as  General  Alonso  with 
his  column  happened  to  be  temporarily  stationed  there, 
Diaz  secured  his  person  and  won  over  his  troops. 
Thus  Puebla,  garrisoned  by  3,000  men  and  supplied 
with  immense  war  stores,  was  occupied  without  opposi 
tion.  Then  followed  the  submission  of  Ibarra,  in  com 
mand  of  Orizaba,  and  of  Marcos  Carrillo  of  Vera  Cruz, 
the  former  with  2,000  men,  and  the  latter  with  3,000 
stationed  in  different  towns.  These  submissions  were 
received  on  the  same  day  that  Diaz  entered  Puebla; 
and  having  left  a  small  garrison  there  under  Coutto- 
lenne,  whom  he  appointed  military  governor  of  the 
state,  he  proceeded  without  delay  to  the  capital,  at  the 
head  of  a  well-organized  and  thoroughly  equipped 
army  of  12,000  men.  On  his  march  thither  he  was 
met  by  Teran,  who  informed  him  of  the  flight  of  Lerdo, 
and  the  position  of  affairs  in  the  city.  On  the  23d 


ATTITUDE  OF  IGLESIAS.  431 

he  made  his  entrance  into  the  capital,  and  five  days 
afterward,  negotiations  with  Iglesias  having  termi 
nated,  Porfirio  Diaz  assumed  the  executive  power 47 
He  proceeded  at  once  to  reorganize  the  different  gov 
ernment  departments,  and  formed  his  cabinet  as  fol 
lows:  minister  of  relations,  Ignacio  Valiarta;  of  the 
treasury,  Justo  Benitez;  of  fomento,  Vicente  Riva 
Palacio;  of  government,  Protasio  Tagle;  of  war, 
Pedro  Ogazon;  and  of  justice,  Ignacio  Ramirez.48 
Thus  at  this  juncture  there  were  no  less  than  three 
persons  claiming  the  presidency  of  the  Mexican  re 
public.  Lerdo,  though  practically  out  of  the  fight,  was 
still  protesting.49  Iglesias  claimed  to  be  the  legitimate 
president  ad  interim  according  to  the  existing  consti 
tution.  But  this  was  not  Diaz'  view  under  the  cir 
cumstances.  So  during  the  first  week  in  December 
10,000  of  his  best  troops  with  50  cannon  were  put  in, 
motion  for  Guanajuato.  Placing  Mendez  in  charge 
of  the  executive,50  Diaz  left  the  capital  on  the  8th. 

Iglesias  was  at  this  time  at  Celaya.  After  his  en 
trance  into  Guanajuato  and  the  establishment  of  his 
government  there,  he  was  recognized  in  a  large  portion 
of  the  country.  Queretaro,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Zaca- 
tecas,  and  Aguascalientes  all  declared  in  his  favor, 
the  troops  of  Lerdo  in  those  states  for  the  most  part 
proclaiming  him  under  their  respective  commanders. 
Ceballos,  general  of  the  4th  division,  which  occupied 
Jalisco,  placed  the  whole  of  his  command  at  the  dis 
posal  of  Iglesias,  whose  progress  during  the  month  of 

47  By  decree  of  Nov.  28th,  as  given  in  Diario  Ofic,,  Dec.  4,  1876. 

48  These  ministers  made  the  necessary  protestation  on  the  29th.    Voz  de 
Mej.,  Nov.  30,   1876;  Hex.,  Anal.  Minist.  Foment.,  Feb.  1,  1877,  5-6;  Diario 
Debate*,  Constit.  Legist.,  ii.  525.     Diaz  also  effected  a  loan  of  $500,000  from 
wealthy  proprietors,  payable  during  the  following  year  from  the  proceeds  of 
the  custom-houses.    Voz  de  Mej.,  Nov.  28,  1876. 

49  Lerdo  on  his  departure  from  the  capital  addressed  a  communication  to 
the  foreign  representatives,  informing  them  that,  though  circumstances  neces 
sitated  his  leaving  the  capital,  his  government  was  the  legitimate  one,  and 
would  continue  to  act.  Id.,  Nov.  25,  1876.     During  his  flight  also  he  still 
maintained  that  he  had  not  resigned. 

6yBy  decree  of  Dec.  6th.  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  7,  1876.  Mendez  had  been 
appointed  by  Diaz  his  second  in  command,  Nov.  19th,  while  at  Puebla.  Id., 
Dec.  6,  1876. 


432  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND   DIAZ. 

November  was  rapid,  full  of  promise,  and  bloodless. 
At  the  beginning  of  December  his  forces  probably 
amounted  to  20,000  veteran  troops,  well  armed  and 
equipped.  As  soon  as  the  negotiations  which  had 
been  carried  on  with  Diaz  were  closed,  he  made  every 
effort  to  concentrate  them  at  Celaya,  whither  he  pro 
ceeded  with  several  members  of  his  government  to 
organize  a  plan  of  campaign.51  Buii  notwithstanding 
all  this,  it  soon  became  evident  that  he  would  not  be 
able  to  pope  with  Diaz.  The  extraordinary  success 
of  the  latter  was  not  without  its  effect  upon  the  fol 
lowers  of  Iglesias,  and  during  December  the  defection 
of  his  troops  and  supporters  was  alarming.  But  a 
still  more  fatal  effect  was  the  want  of  resources.  I^le- 

O 

sias  had  a  minister  of  the  treasury;  but  the  treasury 
was  empty,  and  there  were  no  means  of  filling  it. 
Apart  from  all  consideration  of  pay,  he  could  not  pro 
vide  for  the  common  wants  of  an  army  in  the  field. 

Meanwhile  Diaz  advanced  with  his  well-appointed 
army  to  Queretaro,  which  he  entered  December  20th, 
having  met  with  no  opposition  on  his  inarch.  In  the 
hope  of  adjusting  matters,  Iglesias  had  expressed  the 
desire  to  have  an  interview  with  him,  and  on  the  21st 
they  held  a  conference  at  the  hacienda  de  la  Capilla, 
about  a  league  from  Queretaro.  But  they  could  come 
to  no  arrangement.  Iglesias,  urging  his  constitutional 
right,  claimed  that  for  the  good  of  the  country  he 
ought  to  be  recognized  as  the  provisional  president,  at 
the  same  time  consenting  to  accept  a  cabinet  organized 
by  Diaz.  But  the  latter  was  in  no  mood  to  make 
concessions.  He  replied  by  reminding  Iglesias  that 
in  their  telegraphic  communications  he  had  positively 
refused  to  accept  the  reformed  plan  of  Tuxtepcc,  and 
had  closed  the  negotiations.  Diaz  added  that  there- 

bl  Here  he  received  replies  from  Ruiz  and  Landero,  to  whom  he  had  offered 
portfolios.  They  declined,  and  others  were  appointed.  His  cabinet  was  now 
composed  of  minister  of  relations,  Francisco  Gomez  Palacio;  of  fomento,  Joa- 
quiu  Alcalde;  of  justice,  Alfonso  Lancaster  Jones;  Guillermo  Prieto  of  gov 
ernment;  of  the  treasury,  Emilio  Velasco;  and  Gen.  Berriozabal,  of  war. 
iglwias,  Recuerdoa  Polit.,  MS.:  25-6,  53;  Altarrdrano,  in  Aim.  Hist.,  70. 


RECOGNITION  OF  DIAZ.  433 

upon  he  had  himself  shouldered  the  responsibility  of 
government,  and  should  continue  to  act  in  that  posi 
tion.52  After  some  further  argument  the  conference 
ended,  and  Iglesias  returned  to  Celaya.  He  thence 
proceeded  to  Silao,  where  he  held  a  council  of  war 
with  his  ministers  and  generals  of  division,  at  which 
the  impossibility  of  opposing  Diaz  was  admitted.  But 
Iglesias  would  never  resign  his  just  right,  and  he  de 
parted  for  Guadalajara,  where  he  arrived  on  the  30th. 
Here  another  council  was  held,  with  similar  result. 
The  states  which  a  few  weeks  before  had  declared  in 
his  favor  now  recognized  Diaz  in  quick  succession. 
Only  two  alternatives  were  left — exile  or  submission. 
But  the  stanch  constitutionalist  preferred  self-banish 
ment  to  the  recognition  of  a  revolutionist ;  and  having 
issued  another  manifesto  to  the  nation  January  2,  1877, 
he  left  Guadalajara  on  the  5th  for  Manzanillo,  at 
which  port  he  arrived  on  the  13th.  On  the  17th  he 
embarked  on  the  steamer  Granada,  and  landed  at 
San  Francisco,  California,  on  the  25th  of  the  same 
month. 

Porfirio  Diaz,  after  the  conference  at  La  Capilla, 
experienced  no  difficulty.  The  different  divisions  of 
Iglesias'  army  successively  recognized  him.  March 
ing  rapidly  through  the  states  which  had  proclaimed 
for  Iglesias,  he  reorganized  their  governments  without 
opposition,  and  after  a  bloodless  campaign  of  two 
months,  Diaz  returned  to  the  capital,  which  he  entered 
February  llth,  reassuming  the  provisional  presidency 
on  the  15th.53  Meantime  Mendez  had  issued  the  con- 
vocatoria  for  the  congressional  and  presidential  elec 
tions.54 

62  Diaz,  DatosBiog.,  MS.,  399-402;  Igksias,  Recuerdos  Poltt.,  MS.,  55. 

™Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  402;  La  Vaz  de  M4j.,  Feb.  13,  1877;  Diario> 
Ofic.,  Feb.  16,  1877. 

54  On  Dec.  23d.  By  it  all  who  during  the  last  four  years  had  been  guilty 
of  falsifying  electoral  votes,  or  had  aided  Lerdo  in  his  illegal  proceedings, 
were  declared  excluded  from  candidateship.  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  25,  1876. 
Copy  of  convocatoria  in  La  Voz  de,  Mej.%  Dec.  26,  1876,  and  Diario  Debates, 
8°  Cong.,  i.  5-7. 

Vicente  Rivi  Palacio — Historia  de  la  Administration  de  D.  Sebastian 
Lerdo  de  Tejada.  Mexico,  1875,  8°,  pp.  496,  with  portraits.  This  book 
HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.  28 


434  LERDO,  IGLESIAS,  AND  DIAZ. 

contains  a  history  of  Lerdo  de  Tejada's  administration,  with  a  description  of 
his  policy  and  of  the  men  by  whom  he  was  surrounded.  The  laws  he  en 
acted  and  the  railroad  contracts  he  made  with  foreign  companies  are  also  dis 
cussed.  The  work  was  planned  by  Riva  Palacio,  who  intended  to  divide  it 
into  books,  each  having  a  special  title;  but  after  having  written  80  pages  of 
it,  circumstances  of  a  private  nature  compelled  him  to  desist.  His  publisher 
was,  however,  compromised,  and  at  his  request  Palacio  consented  that  another 
should  carry  it  on  to  its  conclusion,  provided  that  his  political  creed  and  senti 
ments  were  not  interfered  with.  The  work  was  accordingly  concluded  by  an 
anonymous  writer,  and  Ireneo  Paz,  the  editor,  assures  the  reader  that  the 
ideas  contained  in  it  are  strictly  those  of  Riva  Palacio,  to  whom  the  manu 
script  was  submitted,  and  to  which  he  offered  not  a  single  objection.  For 
this  reason  his  name  appears  on  the  title-page  as  that  of  the  author.  The 
original  plan  of  the  work  was  not  carried  out.  With  regard  to  the  language 
employed,  it  is  generally  measured,  but  occasionally  the  writer,  who  was  evi 
dently  no  friend  of  Lerdo,  indulges  in  virulent  expressions  and  hard  words. 
Judging  from  the  temper  of  the  work,  the  author  appears  prejudiced  against 
Lerdo;  but  at  the  same  time  he  draws  a  correct  picture  of  the  president's 
administration,  and  the  causes  which  led  to  his  downfall.  The  fact  that  such 
an  expose  was  published  while  Lerdo  was  still  in  power  is  a  proof  of  the  im 
mense  unpopularity  he  had  acquired. 

Jos6  Maria  Iglesias — Recuerdos  Politicos.  Mexico,  1884,  MS.,  8°,  pp. 
89.  This  is  an  original  manuscript,  setting  forth  the  causes  that  prompted  the 
author,  in  1876,  to  assume  the  duties  of  president  ad  interim  of  Mexico,  and 
describing  his  efforts  to  consolidate  a  constitutional  government,  which  was 
rendered  impossible  by  the  acts  of  Porfirio  Diaz.  Iglesias,  having  left  the 
country,  recognizes  the  collapse  of  the  constitutional  party  and  the  uselessness 
of  any  further  effort  to  restore  it.  Whereupon,  he  shortly  afterward  returned 
to  Mexico  with  his  companions  in  exile. 

Ildefonso  Estrada  y  Zema — Manual  de  Oobernadores  y  Jefes  Politicos. 
Mexico,  1878,  4°,  pp.  314.  Portraits.  A  work  containing  information  for 
the  guidance  of  governors  of  states  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  It  is 
divided  into  three  parts,  in  the  first  of  which  the  personal  qualifications  which 
a  governor  ought  to  possess  are  treated  of,  the  questions  or  the  education  and 
moral  qualities  requisite  for  such  a  position  being  discussed.  In  the  2d  part 
the  principal  duties  in  different  branches  of  government  are  pointed  out  and 
explained.  Part  iii.  contains  extracts  from  the  federal  constitution  of  1857, 
and  from  the  constitutions  of  most  of  the  states.  The  portraits  in  this  man 
ual  are  those  of  Porfirio  Diaz  and  his  ministers,  of  the  governors  of  states,  the 
jefe  politico  of  Lower  California,  and  the  comandante  militar  of  Tepic.  Es 
trada  y  Zenea  was  a  member  of  the  Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geogratia  y 
Estadistica,  and  several  other  scientific  and  literary  societies. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

.  -  -      i . . 

DIAZ,   GONZALEZ,    AND  DIAZ. 

1877-1887. 

POLITICAL  PROGRAMME  OF  DIAZ — INSTALLATION  OF  CONGRESS — DIAZ  ELECTED 
PRESIDENT — OPPOSITION  TO  HIS  GOVERNMENT — MUTINY  OF  THE  CREW  OF 
'  LA  TRINIDAD  ' — FOREIGN  RELATIONS — DIFFICULTIES  WITH  THE  UNITED 
STATES — JOINT  COMMISSION  ON  CLAIMS — ADJUSTMENT  OF  CLAIMS — THE 
NORTHERN  BORDER  TROUBLES  —  THEIR  SETTLEMENT  —  ATTEMPTS  AT 
REELECTION  DEFEATED — ADMINISTRATION  OF  DIAZ  REVIEWED — PRESI 
DENT  GONZALEZ'  BIOGRAPHY — GUATEMALA'S  CLAIM  TO  CHIAPAS — ADJUST 
MENT  OF  DISPUTE — FOREIGN  RELATIONS — INTERNAL  AFFAIRS — PROGRESS 
OF  MEXICO— GONZALEZ  AS  AN  ADMINISTRATOR— THE  MODIFIED  STAMP 
ACT— RECOGNITION  OF  DEBT  TO  BRITISH  BOND-HOLDERS — DIAZ  AGAIN 
ELECTED  PRESIDENT. 

WHILE  Diaz  was  absent  much  anxiety  had  been 
caused  in  the  capital  by  the  action  of  the  press  and 
certain  ill-balanced  individuals,  who  sought  to  divert 
the  revolution  from  its  true  progressive  course  by 
inculcating  reactionary  principles.  In  order  to  coun 
teract  the  effect  of  such  doctrines,  Diaz  on  February 
16th  issued  a  circular,1  in  which  he  set  forth  that  it 
was  his  intention  to  restore  constitutional  order  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  firmly  carry  out  the  promises  of 
the  plan  of  Palo  Blanco  with  regard  to  constitutional 
reorganization,  the  security  of  personal  guaranties,  and 
the  reforms  prescribed  therein.  The  revolution,  he 
stated,  was  not  reactionary  or  retrogressive,  but  lib 
eral  and  progressive  in  its  principles.  In  conclusion, 
he  wished  to  impress  upon  the  nation  that  the  present 
executive  was  not  exclusive  in  his  views  of  govern- 

1  See  Diana  Delxites,  8°  Cong.,  i.  142;  and  La  Voz  de  M6j.,  Feb.  20,  1877, 
in  which  a  copy  of  the  circular  will  be  found. 

(485) 


436  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

ment.  It  was  his  wish  to  govern  with  the  liberal 
national  party,  without  distinction  of  cliques,  and  he 
invited  the  intelligent  of  all  factions  to  cooperate  with 
him  in  the  work  of  constitutional  reconstruction. 
Thus  the  policy  of  Diaz,  from  the  first,  was  the  re 
verse  of  that  of  Lerdo;  and  by  his  impartial  regard 
for  the  liberal-minded  partisans  of  all  cliques  he  made 
his  administration  successful. 

The  day  appointed  for  the  primary  elections  was 
January  28,  1877,  while  the  secondary  or  electoral 
votes  of  the  districts  for  the  members  of  congress  and 
the  president  were  to  be  cast  on  the  llth  and  12th 
respectively  of  February  following.  Congress  was  to 
be  installed  on  the  12th  of  March.2  It  was  found 
necessary,  however,  in  the  case  of  the  more  distant 
states,  to  extend  this  time,  and  it  was  not  until  April 
1st  that  a  number  of  deputies  sufficient  to  constitute 
a  quorum  could  be  assembled.  On  that  day  congress 
formally  opened  its  sessions,  and  Diaz,  still  in  the 
character  of  provisional  president,  delivered  the  cus 
tomary  address  to  the  house.  He  stated  that  although 
the  relations  of  the  government  with  foreign  powers 
were  for  the  present  abnormal,  the  diplomatic  agents 
resident  in  the  capital  had  manifested  so  friendly  a 
spirit  that  he  did  not  doubt  that  the  nations  they 
represented  would  shortly  recognize  the  new  govern 
ment.  Alluding  to  the  elections,  he  said  that  the 
popular  suffrage  had  been  entirely  free ;  that  though 
in  some  cases  abuses  had  occurred,  they  were  attrib 
utable  to  the  practices  inaugurated  by  the  late  admin 
istration,  and  he  called  the  attention  of  congress  to 
this  evil,  in  order  that  by  reforms  of  the  electoral 
laws  and  the  punishment  of  violators  of  them,  it  might 
be  put  a  stop  to.  He  then  touched  upon  the  measures 
that  had  been  taken  for  the  internal  improvement  of 

aThis  was  in  conformity  with  the  plan  of  Palo  Blanco,  which  provided 
that  the  elections  of  the  supreme  powers  should  take  place  two  months  after 
the  occupation  of  the  capital  by  the  revolutionists,  and  that  congress  should 
assemble  one  month  after  the  elections.  See  the  convocatoria  iu  Diarw 
Debates,  8°  Cong.,  i.  6-10. 


LIFE  OF  DIAZ.  437 

the  country.  The  rural  police  had  been  increased  for 
the  suppression  of  brigandage;  initiatory  steps  had 
been  taken  to  effect  reforms  in  the  courts  of  justice; 
improvements  had  been  begun  for  the  advancement 
of  public  instruction;  and  attention  had  been  given  to 
the  development  of  telegraphic  and  railroad  systems. 
He  then  spoke  of  the  lamentable  condition  of  the 
treasury,  and  informed  congress  that  the  minister  of 
that  department  would  lay  before  it  the  budget  for 
the  ensuing  financial  year,  in  which  efforts  had  been 
made  to  reduce  expenditures  to  the  ordinary  income 
of  the  federal  government  without  burdening  the 
nation  with  fresh  imposts.  The  president  of  the  con 
gress  in  his  reply  congratulated  Diaz  on  the  success 
of  the  revolution,  and  the  nation  on  the  prospects  of 
peace  and  progress  held  out  by  his  programme.  Con 
gress,  he  said,  would  accept  the  circular  of  February 
16th  as  a  part  of  the  programme  of  the  government, 
setting  forth,  as  it  did,  the  spirit  and  principles  of  the 
revolution. 

It  was  not  till  May  2d  that  congress  was  able  to 
declare  the  result  of  the  presidential  elections,  and  on 
that  day  it  pronounced  Diaz  elected  constitutional 
president.  His  election  had  been  almost  unanimous, 
10,500  votes  out  of  10,878,  cast  in  181  districts,  being 
in  his  favor.  On  the  5th  he  made  the  necessary  pro 
testation.  His  term  of  office  was  to  expire  Novem 
ber  30,  1880. 

Porfirio  Diaz,  whose  previous  public  career  is 
already  before  the  reader,  was  born  September  15, 
1830,  in  the  city  of  Oajaca,  and  was  educated  in  the 
clerical  and  scientific  institutes  established  there. 
He  began  a  course  of  studies  for  the  bar,  which,  after 
long  interruption,  he  completed  later  in  the  city  of 
Mexico.  From  early  youth  his  career  was  a  military 
one,  having,  while  still  quite  young,  joined  the  move 
ment  against  Santa  Anna.  In  1857  he  gave  in  his 
adherence  to  the  reform  party,  and  fought  bravely 
during  the  ensuing  war.  Throughout  the  French 


438  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

invasion  he  was  conspicuous  for  his  opposition  to  the 
establishment  of  a  monarchy,  and  his  brilliant  achieve 
ments  raised  him  to  the  foremost  rank  of  military 
leaders.  His  administrative  ability  was  signally 
shown  in  the  successive  positions  which  he  occupied 
as  chief  of  a  district,  governor  of  a  state,  and  virtually 
civil,  military,  and  financial  ruler  of  the  territory  to 
the  south  of  the  linea  del  Oriente.  Accomplished, 
and  in  personal  intercourse  agreeable,  Diaz  displays 
in  his  conversation  decision  and  military  abruptness. 
With  dignity  of  deportment,  he  unites  a  manner 
marked  by  simplicity.  His  will  is  indomitable. 
When  the  rebellion  against  Lerdo  broke  out,  Diaz 
was  generally  disliked  by  foreigners,  who  feared  the 
revolutionary  projects  of  a  military  leader.  They 
would  have  preferred  the  unprogressive  but  quiet 
administration  of  Lerdo  to  the  disturbance  of  a  revo 
lution  which  entailed  risk  to  their  private  interests. 
But  these  feelings  in  time  died  out  under  his  firm  and 
progressive  policy. 

Although,  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  his  position, 
Diaz  surrounded  himself  at  first  by  his  particular 
partisans,  he  soon  began  to  display  a  more  inclusive 
policy,  and  in  time  the  prominent  men  of  all  parties 
were  drawn  within  the  circle  of  his  supporters. 
Neither  civil  nor  military  positions  were  closed  to 
Inglesistas,  Juaristas,  or  Lerdistas;  and  though  the 
latter  long  held  aloof  and  refused  to  accept  his  gov 
ernment,  before  the  completion  of  his  term  he  had 
won  them  over  and  opened  a  way  for  their  entrance 
into  political  life  during  the  time  of  his  successor. 

Some  opposition  was,  nevertheless,  offered  to  his 
government.  General  Alvarez,  governor  of  Guerrero, 
rose  against  Jimenez,  the  military  governor  sent  by 
Diaz,  and  the  state  was  more  or  less  disturbed  during 
the  first  half  of  1877,  Jimenez  being  finally  driven  out 
of  it.  In  July,  however,  an  arrangement  was  made 
between  Alvarez  and  General  Cuellar,  by  which  the 


CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS.  439 

former  recognized  the  authority  of  Diaz3  More 
troublesome  were  demonstrations  made  on  the  northern 
border  from  the  territory  of  the  United  States  in 
favor  of  Lerdo,  as  they  complicated  matters  pending 
with  the  neighboring  republic.4  Escobedo,  in  the 
latter  part  of  1877,  organized  a  force  in  Texas  for 
the  invasion  of  Mexico,  and  entered  Coahuila.  Jose 
Maria  Amador  made  a  similar  movement  into  Tamau- 
lipas.  In  1878  several  engagements  took  place,  but 
with  no  success  to  the  Lerdistas.  On  June  3d  Es 
cobedo  wras  defeated  by  Nuncio,  and  captured  shortly 
after  at  Cuatro  Cieriagas,  whence  he  was  taken  to 
Mexico  city,  where  he  was  released  on  parol  Septem 
ber  13th.5  Amador  was  not  so  fortunate.  After  a 
series  of  ill  successes  he  was  routed  August  24th  at 
the  Rancho  de  Guadalupe,  five  leagues  from,  the 
Villa  de  Mendez,  and  slain  with  his  brother  Albino 
and  brother-in-law  Jose  Maria  Cisneros. 

Apart  from  these  hostile  movements  directed  against 
the  federal  government,  there  were  others  of  a  local 
character,  for  the  most  part  stirred  up  by  revolution 
ary  malecontents.  During  the  years  1878  to  1880 
inclusive,  Vera  Cruz,  Jalisco,  Puebla,  San  Luis  Potosi, 
Oajaca,  Yucatan,  and  Campeche  were  more  or  less 
afflicted  by  such  disturbances,  while  the  most  trouble 
some  one  occurred  in  Sinaloa.  They  were  all,  how 
ever,  suppressed;  and  where  the  intervention  of  the 
federal  troops  was  necessary  no  very  serious  exertion 
on  the  part  of  the  government  was  required.  The 
government  of  Diaz,  in  fact,  may  be  regarded  as  hav- 


3  U.  8.  Ex.  Doc.,  For.  Rel.,  1877-1878,  i.  406,  425-6;  La  Voz  de  Mtj.,  May 
10  and  Aug.  2,  1877. 

4  Lerdo  issued  a  manifesto  from  New  York  Feb.  24,  1877,  claiming  to  be 
the  constitutional  president.     Iglesias  did  the  same  from  New  Orleans  on. 
March  16th.     Copies  will  be  found  in  Id.,  March  26,  27,  1877.     The  latter 
returned  to  Mexico  about  the  middle  of  Oct.     He  took  no  further  part  in 
public  affairs,  but  retired  to  private  life  without  molestation  on  the  part  of 
the  government.  lylesias,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  87-8. 

5  Particulars  of  Escobedo's  operations  will  be  gathered  from  La    Voz  de 
Mej.,  July  24,  26,  28,  Aug.  8,  15,  Nov.  20,  Dec.  1,  14,  15,  1877;  Id.,  June  17, 
19,  21,  Sept.  14,  Nov.  7,  1878;  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  30,  Dec.  15,  1877,  and  June 
14,  17,  18,  20,  28,  July  2,  25,  27,  31,  and  Aug.  2,  14,  16,  1878. 


440  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND    DIAZ. 

ing  enjoyed  unusual  freedom  from  trouble,  considering 
the  discordant  elements  from  which  it  sprung. 

Special  mention  must  be  made  of  a  mutiny  in  1879 
at  Tlacotalpan,  on  the  Alvarado  River,  which  gave 
occasion  to  a  most  unfortunate  event,  causing  great  ex 
citement  at  Yera  Cruz.  A  portion  of  the  crew  of  the 
war-steamer  Trinidad,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence 
of  the  commander,  and  led  by  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  artillery,  Francisco  A.  Navarro,  who  was  in 
concert  with  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Alvarado, 
seized  the  vessel  and  put  out  to  sea  in  the  direction  of 
El  Carmen,  Campeche.  When  this  was  known  at 
Vera  Cruz,  Luis  Mier  y  Teran,  the  governor,6  caused 
some  suspected  persons  residing  in  the  city  to  be  seized, 
shot,  and  buried  the  same  night  without  form  of  trial. 
This  gave  rise  to  a  storm  of  indignation.  The  report 
sent  to  the  government  was  to  the  effect  that  a  mu 
tiny  in  concert  with  that  on  board  the  Trinidad  had 
taken  place  at  the  barracks  in  Vera  Cruz,  and  that 
the  victims,  nine  in  number,  had  fallen  in  the  attack. 
But  the  relatives  of  the  deceased  denied  this,  and 
clamored  for  justice;  the  press  was  loud  in  its  de 
nunciations;  and  the  government  was  compelled  to 
issue  orders  for  the  exhumation  of  the  bodies,  that 
they  might  be  submitted  to  medical  examination. 
Teran  interposed  every  obstacle  to  delay  this  action; 
nor  did  the  government  show  much  more  alacrity. 
On  July  1 3th,  however,  the  corpses  were  disinterred, 
and  bore  undeniable  evidence  that  the  victims  had 
been  put  to  death  by  military  execution.7  Proceed 
ings  were  instituted  against  Teran,  who  was  tried 
before  the  grand  jury,  which  on  May  18,  1880,  de 
clared  itself  incompetent  to  pass  judgment  in  the  case; 
It  was  then  referred  to  the  chamber  of  deputies,  which 

6  Teran  had  been  elected  governor  June  1,   1877.   Mier  y  Teran,  Apunt. 
c,.,  72. 

7  All  the  bodies  had  six  gun-shot  wounds,   representing  the  regulation 
number,  five  of  a  iiriiig  platoon  and  a  coup  de  grace.     It  is,,  moreover,  stated 
that  on  four  of  the  bodies  the  cords  with  which  they  had  been  bound  while 
alive  were  still  remaining.   La  Voz  de  Mtf.,  July  18,  20,  1879. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS.  441 

on  November  14,  1881,  pronounced  itself  likewise  in 
capable  of  rendering  a  decision.8 

With  regard  to  the  Trinidad,  the  mutineers  having 
proceeded  to  the  Isla  del  Carmen  seized  $4,000  of  the 
public  funds,  and  Navarro  with  a  part  of  the  crew 
having  remained  on  shore,  a  counter-mutiny  was  pro 
moted  by  the  boatswain,  who  retook  the  ship  and 
brought  her  back  to  Vera  Cruz,  June  30th.  Na 
varro  and  those  with  him  were  apprehended  later,  in 
the  plaza  of  Campeche,  having  with  them  over  $2,500 
of  the  stolen  money.9 

During  the  administration  of  Diaz  the  relations  of 
Mexico  with  foreign  countries  were  greatly  extended. 
The  aim  of  both  his  foreign  and  domestic  policy  was 
to  insure  the  progress  and  increase  the  prosperity  of 
the  republic.  By  the  middle  of  1877  Diaz  had  been 
recognized  by  Spain,  Germany,  Italy,  Switzerland, 
and  most  of  the  Central  and  South  American  repub 
lics.  In  1879  relations  were  again  entered  into  with 
Portugal  and  Belgium,  and  finally  with  France,  in 
October  1880,  after  several  years  of  negotiation.10 

While  new  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  were 
thus  being  formed,  the  diplomatic  and  consular  ser 
vices  were  enlarged  in  the  interest,  and  consequent 
expansion  of  trade.  Nor  was  Diaz  blind  to  the  dis 
advantages  under  which  Mexico  lay  with  regard  to 
certain  existing  treaties,  and  the  proper  notifications 
were  given  for  their  annulment  in  order  to  procure 
others  more  favorable.11  The  relations  between  Mex- 


*  Diario  Debate*,  10°  Cong.,  iii.  591-5;  La  Vaz  de  Mej.,  May  20,  1880. 

9J\fex.,  Mem.  Guerray  Marina,  1881,  5;  Diario  OJic.,  July  4,  10,  11,  1879. 
Consult,  further,  Id.,  July  24,  1879,  et  seq.;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  June  27,  July 
30,  1879,  passim. 

10  See  Mix.    Correspond.  Dipt.,  i.    155-75;   ii.   175-88;  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec. 
1879.     Emilio  Velasco  was  appointed  minister  to  France  and  Baron  Boissy 
d'Anglas  as  French  minister  to  Mexico.     The  oficial  reception  of  the  latter 
took  place  Nov.  29th,  the  day  before  the  expiration  of  Diaz'  term  of  office. 
Id.,  Oct.  5,  14,  29,  30,  and  !Nov.  29,  1880. 

11  The  United  States,  Germany,  and  Italy  were  notified  that  the  commer 
cial  treatises  with  Mexico  would  cease  to  be  in  force  in  accordance  with  the 
agreements   therein.     Those  with   the  former  nations  would   thus  become 


442  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

ico  and  the  United  States  require  more  than  a  pass 
ing  notice,  and  I  shall  consequently  enter  somewhat 
more  into  details  regarding  them. 

Soon  after  the  ratification  of  the  Guadalupe  treaty 
in  1848,  mutual  complaints  began  to  arise  on  the  part 
of  Mexican  and  United  States  citizens  against  the 
respective  authorities,  on  account  of  injuries  to  their 
persons  or  property.  When  the  Gadsden  treaty,  in 
1854,  released  the  United  States  government  from 
the  obligations  contained  in  the  eleventh  article  by 
which  that  government  solemnly  agreed  to  restrain 
by  force  Indian  incursions  into  Mexico  from  United 
States  territory,  the  complaints  of  Mexican  citizens 
increased,  owing  to  the  incessant  depredations  com 
mitted  on  the  frontier  by  Indians  and  lawless  desper 
adoes,  who  crossed  the  border  from  the  neighboring 
republic.  Still  more  numerous  and  more  urgently 
pressed  were  the  claims  made  against  Mexico  by 
United  States  citizens,  many  of  whom  had  suffered 
severe  grievances  during  the  troublous  times  of  that 
nation.  Such  a  multitude  of  claims  against  the  Mex 
ican  government,  demanding  compensation  for  forced 
loans,  for  losses  incurred  by  military  operations,  for 
appropriation  of  private  property,  and  for  compulsory 
military  service,  was  laid  before  Secretary  Seward, 
that  he  proposed,  in  March  1867,  to  Romero,  the 
Mexican  minister  at  Washington,  that  in  order  to 
avoid  difficulties  which  might  lead  to  a  rupture,  a 
treaty  should  be  made,  by  which  United  States  citi 
zens  should  be  exempted  from  forced  loans  or  con 
tributions  of  any  kind,  and  from  military  service. 
Romero  reported  the  matter  to  his  government  The 
result  was  a  convention  entered  into  by  the  two  gov- 
erments  in  1868,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  a  mixed 
commission,  composed  of  two  members  respectively 
representing  the  two  nations,  should  be  appointed  to 

null  one  year  after  the  respective  dates  of  notification,  and  that  of  Italy  July 
14,  1882.  Diaz,  Informe,  1880,  8. 


CLAIMS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  443 

adjust  the  claims.12  The  commission  was  to  appoint 
an  arbiter  and  hold  its  sessions  in  Washington.  Go 
mez  Palacio  was  appointed  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  and  William  H.  Wads  worth  by  that  of  the 
United  States.  These  commissioners  began  their 
labors  in  August  1869. 

To  enter  into  particulars  connected  with  this  joint 
commission,  whose  labors  extended  over  a  period  of 
seven  years,  would  be  tedious.  Its  abrupt  termina 
tion  several  times  seemed  imminent,  threatening  a 
rupture  between  the  two  nations,  and  it  was  frequently 
prorogued.  In  1870,  Doctor  Lieber,  after  much 
wrangling,  was  appointed  arbiter,  and  on  his  death, 
which  took  place  October  1,  1872,  Sir  Edward  Thorn 
ton,  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  was  made  um 
pire  in  October  1873.  There  were  further  frequent 
interruptions.  Twice  the  Mexican  commissioner  was 
changed.  In  1871  Palacio  was  appointed  Mexico 
minister  to  the  United  States,  and  Leon  Guzman 
succeeded  him  as  member  of  the  joint  commission 
in  April  1872.  Guzman  and  Wads  worth,  however, 
could  not  work  amicably  together,  and  the  former  re 
signed  in  December,  the  labors  of  the  commission 
being  again  interrupted  till  the  arrival,  in  July  1873, 
of  his  successor,  Manuel  Maria  Zamacona.  Hence 
forth  more  cordiality  existed  between  the  commission 
ers;  and  on  the  31st  of  January,  1876,  their  labors 
terminated.  The  time  allowed  the  commission  for 
the  adjustment  of  their  claims  had  been  on  several 
occasions  extended  by  special  conventions,  and  when 
the  cases  which  still  remained  undecided  were  sub 
mitted  to  the  umpire,  who  was  required  to  send  in  his 
decisions  within  six  months  after  the  closing  of  the 
commission,  it  was  also  found  necessary  to  extend 
that  time  to  November  20th,  on  which  day  the  ad 
justment  was  finally  concluded. 

The  result  of  this  lengthy  investigation,  which  cost 

12  Copy  of  convention  in  Spanish  and  English  is  supplied  in  Hex.  Sinop. 
Hist.  Reclam.,  14-19. 


444  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

over  $300,000,  was  that  awards  were  made  against 
Mexico  in  favor  of  United  States  citizens  to  the 
amount  of  $4,125,622,  while  $150,498  was  awarded 
to  Mexican  claimants,  the  latter  sum  to  be  deducted 
from  Mexico's  liability,  which  was  to  be  paid  by  yearly 
instalments  of  $300,000,  to  begin  January  31,  1877.'13 

With  regard  to  the  2,000  claims  that  were  laid  before 
the  commission,  representing  the  sum  of  $556,788,- 
600, u  the  greater  portion  of  them  were  fictitious,  and 
the  legitimate  ones  exorbitant.  The  joint  commission 
opened  a  field  for  speculation  to  every  class  of  rascals. 
Every  device  was  practised  to  rob  one  government  or 
the  other,  the  claimants  hesitating  not  at  all  at  per 
jury  and  forgery.  Before  the  convention  of  1868  the 
claims  filed  by  American  citizens  against  Mexico 
amounted  to  330;  but  this  number,  after  the  commis 
sion  was  installed,  was  swelled  to  over  1,000.  Out  of 
1,017  American  claims  examined  by  the  commission 
ers,  831  were  rejected,  and  out  of  998  Mexican  claims 
only  167  received  awards.15 

Notwithstanding  this  settlement  of  claims,  there 
were  still  other  matters  threatening  a  rupture  between 
the  two  countries.  There  was  the  refusal  of  Mexico 
to  exempt  United  States  citizens  from  the  payment 
of  forced  loans — by  doing  which  she  claimed  that  she 
would  be  surrendering  her  sovereign  right  to  exact 
contributions  in  times  of  emergency  from  residents 
in  the  country;  and  the  refusal  to  permit  American 

"Consult  U.  S.  House  Misc.  Doc.  39,  44th  cong.  2d  sess.  For  full  par 
ticulars  about  the  commission,  see  report  of  the  Mexican  agent  in  Mex.,  Mem. 
JRdac.  Exter.,  1876-1877,  pp.  xii.-xvi.,  with  doc.  7,  letter  A  to  G  inclu.;  Mex. 
Sinop.  Hist.  Reclam.,  1866;  Guzman,  JDictdmen  del  Comis.;  U.  S.  Foreign  Rel, 
43d  cong.  2d  sess.,  i.  p.  lxvii.-ix.;  Id.,  ii.  p.  lix.-lxi.,  836-984;  U.' S.  Sen. 
Jour.,  44th  cong.  2d  sess.,  525. 

uThe  claims  against  Mexico  amounted  to  $470,126,613,  and  those  against 
theU.  S.  to  $86, 661, 891.  Mex.  Mem.  Relac  Exter.,  1866-1869,  p.  xiii. 

15 Grant's  message  of  Dec.  5,  1876,  in  U.  S.  Foreign  Rel.,  44th  cong.  2d  sess., 
p.  vii.  The  Mexican  government  regarded  several  of  the  awards  as  unfair, 
especially  those  given  to  Benjamin  Weil  and  the  La  Abra  Mining  Co.,  respect 
ively  in  the  sums  of  $487,810  and  $681,041.  It  was  held  that  these  claims 
were  supported  by  false  statements.  The  Mexican  government  made  repre 
sentations  showing  their  fraudulent  character.  The  first  instalment  was  paid, 
though  the  government  was  compelled  to  have  recourse  to  a  forced  loan. 
Mex.  Mem.  Relac.  Exter.,  1876-1877,  pp.  xiv.,  xv. 


THE  NORTHERN  BORDER,  445 

troops  to  enter  Mexican  territory  in  pursuit  of  ma 
rauders. 

As  early  as  January  1871,  Nelson,  United  States 
minister  in  Mexico,  asked  that  the  latter  concession 
might  be  granted,  and  repeated  the  request  in  April 
following.  On  both  occasions  he  was  refused;  and 
in  April  1875  Secretary  Fish,  in  order  to  satisfy  the 
Mexican  government  on  the  point  of  international 
honor,  proposed  to  Minister  Mariscal  that  an  agree 
ment  should  be  made  by  which  the  troops  of  both 
nations  might  cross  the  boundary  line  in  pursuit  of 
savages,  bandits,  and  desperadoes.  Such  a  mutual 
concession  would  have  been  derogatory  to  the  dignity 
of  neither  republic,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that 
Lerdo,  during  the  peaceful  years  of  his  administra 
tion,  could  have  taken  measures  that  would  have  satis 
fied  the  expectations  of  the  United  States.  But  this 
he  neglected  to  do,  and  when  the  revolution  broke  out 
it  was  beyond  his  power.  Consequently  the  depre 
dations  on  the  frontier  became  more  frequent  and 
irritating.  Somewhat  later  during  the  last-named 
year  the  United  States  minister,  John  W.  Foster, 
again  called  the  government's  attention  to  this  matter, 
and  receiving  no  satisfactory  reply,  finally  informed 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  that  if  Mexico  would 
not  afford  the  necessary  protection  the  United  States 
would  assume  the  responsibility  of  doing  so.  Affairs 
thus  remained  till  1877,  during  which  the  representa 
tions  to  the  Mexican  government  were  frequent  and 
more  urgent.  It  is  not  surprising,  however,  that  in 
the  distracted  condition  of  Mexico  during  this  period 
they  met  with  no  immediate  attention.  But  the  ex 
citement  in  Texas  had  become  threatening.  The  de 
mands  of  that  state  for  redress  and  the  application  of 
self-protection  were  so  clamorous  that  on  June  1,  1877, 
orders  were  issued  from  Washington  instructing  Gen 
eral  Ord  to  cross  the  Mexican  frontier  in  pursuit  of 
marauders  on  United  States  soil.  He  was,  however, 
charged  to  request  the  cooperation  of  the  authorities. 


446  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

This  elicited  a  protest  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican 
agent  at  Washington,  on  the  ground  that  such  a  step 
was  contrary  to  treaty  and  international  law,  and 
Diaz  instructed  General  Trevino  to  oppose  by  force 
any  such  invasion.16 

Matters  at  this  time  were  still  further  complicated 
by  the  fact  that  the  United  States,  opposed  to  revolu 
tionary  principles,  did  not  recognize  Diaz  as  the  head 
of  the  government,  while  the  question  of  annexation 
of  the  northern  states  was  animatedly  discussed. 
War  in  fact  seemed  imminent.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  Foster  would  have  fomented  hostilities  if  he 
could,  and  President  Hayes  did  not  seem  adverse  to 
such  a  course.  Nevertheless,  the  action  of  Diaz  while 
maintaining  the  national  dignity  was  energetic,  and 
at  the  same  time  not  marked  by  unfriendliness.  An 
adequate  force  was  sent  to  the  frontier,  with  great 
effect  in  suppressing  depredations;  and  the  first  and 
second  instalments  of  the  joint  commission's  awards 
were  punctually  paid.  In  view  of  this  conciliatory 
line  of  action,  and  of  the  firm  establishment  of  Diaz  as 
executive,  the  government  at  Washington  recognized 
him  as  president  in  April  1878;  and  though  occasional 
encroachments  were  made  on  Mexican  territory,  lead 
ing  to  official  correspondence,  peaceful  relations  con 
tinued.  On  May  9th  following  Manuel  Maria  de 
Zamacona  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
the  United  States.17 

In  September  1880  the  government  at  Washington 
asked  for  a  formal  permission  on  the  part  of  Mexico 

16  M4x.,  Mem.  Guerra  y  Mar.,  1876-1877,  vi.,  with  doc.  A,  B,  C.     It  is  be 
lieved,  however,  that  secret  instructions  were  issued  to  avoid  collision.  Fris- 
bie's  Reminis.,  MS.,  11. 

17  For    details  regarding  these  questions  of  dispute,  consult  Mex.,  Mem. 
Guerra  y  Marin.,   1876-1877;    Mex.,  Mem.  Notas  Relac.,  1877,  pp.  45;  Id., 
Relac.  Exter.,  1878;  Mex.,  Comments  U.  8.  Leg.;  Frisbie's  Reminiscences,  MS., 
10-23;  Mex.,    Territorio  Invasiones,  1873-1877,  pp.  94;  U.  S.  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  i. 
376-429,   45th  cong.   2d  sess.;  Clarice's  Mex.,  MS.,  4-11;  Romero's  reply  to 
Foster's  Report,  in  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  15,  1879,  et  seq.;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Aug. 
1,  1877;   Id.,  Oct.  18,   1877.     Foster,  who  had  been  appointed  by  Grant  in 
1872,  was  transferred  to  St  Petersburg  in  March  1880,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Morgan  as  minister  to  Mexico.  Diario  Ofic.,  March  24,  25,  and  April  21, 
1880;  Skittons  Statements,  MS. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  DIAZ.  447 

to  allow  United  States  troops  to  cross  the  boundary 
line.  The  executive  laid  the  matter  before  congress, 
which  finally  expressed  its  willingness  to  grant  the 
concession  under  certain  conditions.  The  result  was, 
that  on  the  29th  of  July,  1882,  a  convention  was 
signed,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  federal  troops 
of  both  republics  might  reciprocally  cross  the  frontier 
in  pursuit  of  savage  Indians.18  On  July  29th  of  the 
following  year  a  treaty  was  entered  into,  by  which  it 
was  agreed  that  each  nation  should  appoint  a  survey 
ing  party,  to  form  when  combined  an  International 
Boundary  Commission.  The  duty  of  this  commission 
was  to  mark  out  afresh  the  dividing  line,  which,  owing 
to  the  destruction  of  monuments,  was  giving  rise  to 
difficulties.19 

On  the  1st  of  November,  1877,  congress  approved 
the  non-reelection  law,  and  on  May  5th  of  the  follow 
ing  year  a  congressional  decree  amending  the  federal 
constitution  to  that  effect  was  published.20  Neverthe 
less,  as  the  elections  drew  near,  several  of  the  states, 
especially  Morelos,  proposed  that  Diaz  should  again 
be  eligible  to  the  presidency,  provided  that  he  obtained 

18  The  districts  into  which  the  pursuit  could  be  conducted  were  defined  as 
unpopulated  or  desert,  having  no  points  within  two  leagues  of  an  encampment 
or  town.     The  pursuing  party  was  to  give  the  earliest  possible  notice  of  the 
invasion  to  the  authorities  of  the  territory  invaded,  and  immediately  to  retire 
as  soon  as  it  had  effected  its  purpose,  or  had  lost  the  enemy's  trail.     Provis 
ions  were  also  made  to  meet  cases  of  outrage  committed  by  the  troops  of 
either  nation.     Copy  of  the  convention  will  be  found  in  Diario  Ofic.,  Aug.  25, 
1882,  and  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Aug.  27,  1882. 

19  Reconnoissance  parties  were  to  be  first  sent  out  and  report  the  condition 
of  the  existing  boundary  monuments;  the  number  of  those  destroyed  or  dis 
placed;  the  places  settled  or  capable  of  settlement,  where  it  might  be  advis 
able  to  set  monuments  closer  together  on  the  line;  and  the  character  of  the  new 
monuments  required,  whether  of  stone  or  iron,  and  their  approximate  number 
in  each  case.     The  two  governments  agreed  that  the  convention  should  be  re 
garded  as  continuing  in  force  until  the  conclusion  of  the  work,  provided  that 
the  time  did  not  exceed  four  years  and  four  months  from  the  date  of  the 
exchange  of  ratifications.     The  ratifications  were  exchanged  in  Washington, 
March  3,  1883.  Mex.,  Boundary  Line  Treaty  with  U.  S. 

2i)rj.he  amendment  also  provided  that  the  governors  of  states  could  not  be 
reflected.  No  president  or  governor  could  be  eligible  till  after  a  lapse  of 
four  years  from  the  cessation  of  his  functions.  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  Nov.  3, 
1877,  May  8,  1878;  Diario  Debates,  8°  Cong.,  iii.  112-232;  Diario  Ofic.,  May 
7,  1878. 


448  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

two  thirds  of  the  electoral  votes.21  In  most  of  the 
states,  however,  the  plan  was  disapproved;  nor  was 
Diaz  so  imprudent  as  to  favor  a  movement  directly 
opposed  to  the  plan  of  Tuxtepec,  to  which  he  was 
pledged.  He  recognized  that  such  an  action  might 
destroy  confidence  in  his  good  faith,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  he  consequently  instructed  his  friends  to 
desist  from  their  efforts  to  procure  his  reelection.22 

The  candidates  for  the  presidential  chair  were  Man 
uel  Gonzalez,  Justo  Benitez,  Garcia  de  la  Cadena, 
Ignacio  Mejia,  and  Manuel  M.  de  Zamacona.  By 
decree  of  September  25th  congress  declared  Gonzalez 
elected,23  and  on  December  ],  1880,  he  assumed  the 
executive  office. 

The  administration  of  Diaz  was  essentially  pro 
gressive,  and  a  consequent  general  amelioration  in  the 
condition  of  the  people  was  observable  in  both  a  social 
and  material  point  of  view.  Owing  to  the  excellent 
condition  into  which  the  urban  rural  police  was 
brought,  never  had  the  security  of  the  public  been  so 
well  provided  for.  Relations  between  the  federal 
government  and  the  states  were  cordial ;  and  although 
the  president  retained  extraordinary  powers,  he  never 
resorted  to  declarations  of  martial  law  in  districts  that 
required  federal  interposition.24  Great  impetus  was 
given  to  education.  The  establishment  of  numerous 
agricultural  schools  and  of  scientific  observatories  was 
contemplated,  together  with  the  repair  of  roads, 
causeways,  and  bridges,  as  well  as  several  improve 
ments  in  the  ports  of  the  republic.  But  the  diffi 
culties  the  government  had  to  contend  with,  having 

21  The  legislature  of  Morelos  adopted  such  a  plan  in  1879,  and  proposed  it 
to  those  of  the  other  states,  and  to  the  diputacion  permanente. 

32Z>mz,  Datoa  Biog.,  MS.,  407-9. 

*Diario  Ofic.,  Sept.  27,  1880.  He  obtained  11,528  electoral  votes— La 
Vox,  de  Mtj.,  Oct.  3,  1880— a  very  large  majority,  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was 
supported  by  Diaz. 

u  Sinaloa  was,  in  the  early  part  of  Diaz'  administration,  declared  in  a  state 
of  siege  without  his  authorization.  It  was  immediately  released  from  it  as 
soon  as  he  became  aware  of  the  fact.  Liaz,  Informe,  1880,  12. 


CHRONIC  INDEBTEDNESS.  449 

as  yet  to  quell  the  turbulent  spirit  which  still  pre* 
vailed  even  after  the  crushing  out  of  a  general  revolu 
tion,  were  in  the  way,  and  hindered  it  from  carrying 
out  most  of  its  progressive  plans.  It  may  be  said  that 
under  Diaz'  rule  the  chief  material  improvements  in 
troduced  were  the  establishment  of  two  observatories, 
astronomical  and  meteorological.  The  government 
took  in  hand  the  railway  problem,  making  liberal 
grants  to  several  companies  that  were  disposed  to 
engage  in  the  construction  of  railroad  lines,  both  in 
ternational  and  local.  It  should  be  born,  in  mind 
that  in  adopting  this  progressive  policy  the  president 
had.  to  contend  with  the  opposition  existing  in  his  own 
cabinet,  brought  about  by  the  establishment  of  railway 
communication  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 
The  only  minister  who  openly  upheld  the  railway 
scheme  without  exhibiting  any  fear  of  undue  Ameri 
can  influence  was  General  Gonzalez,  minister  of  war, 
who  later  becane  the  successor  of  General  Diaz  in 
the  executive  office,  and  efficaciously  aided  him  in  re 
moving  the  prejudices  of  his  colleagues. 

The  financial  condition  of  Diaz'  government  was 
truly  a  painful  one.  The  consequences  of  the  revolu 
tion  which  had  just  triumphed  had  caused  a  great  dis 
turbance  in  treasury  affairs.  Moreover,  the  army  had 
been  considerably  increased  with  the  triumphant  revo 
lutionary  troops,  and  the  treasury  was  unable  to  meet 
the  enormous  expenses  of  so  large  an  armed  force. 
The  government  was  under  the  absolute  necessity  of 
introducing  economy  on  a  large  scale,  involving  a  con 
siderable  reduction  of  the  army  and  the  suppression 
of  many  civil  offices.  Notwithstanding  this  saving, 
the  treasury  continued  in  great  strait;  there  were 
years  when  one  fourth  of  the  salaries  were  left  unpaid, 
and  during  the  whole  of  that  time  public  officers  and 
the  army  had  to  submit  to  the  loss  of  a  percentage 
of  their  pay.  When  Diaz  surrendered  the  executive 
chair  the  treasury  was  exhausted,  and  burdened  with 

HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.    29 


450  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

obligations  to  the  amount  of  about  three  million  dol 
lars,  which  had  to  be  met  at  once.25 

In  strong  contrast  with  Lerdo's  stagnation  policy, 
during  the  administration  of  Diaz  frequent  changes 
in  his  cabinet  occurred.  I  have  alre  dy  called  atten 
tion  to  his  non-exclusive  principle  in  regard  to  politi 
cal  appointments,  and  this  was  well  illustrated  in 
January  1880  by  his  nomination  of  General  Berrio- 
zdbal  as  minister  of  government.26  On  November  15th 
the  members  of  Diaz'  cabinet  sent  in  their  resignations, 
in  order  to  leave  the  new  president  at  liberty  to  form 
his  own  ministry.  Gonzalez  had  already  consulted 
Diaz  with  regard  to  his  selection  of  ministers,  and 
requested  him  to  accept  the  portfolio  of  public  works. 
The  new  cabinet,  therefore,  was  thus  composed:  min 
ister  of  foreign  affairs,  Ignacio  Mariscal;  of  govern 
ment,  Carlos  Diez  Gutierrez;  of  justice,  Ezequiel 
Montes;  of  fomento,  Porfirio  Diaz;  of  war,  Geronimo 
Trevino;  and  of  the  treasury,  Francisco  Landero  y 
Cos.27 

Gonzalez'  history,  like  that  of  the  greater  number 
of  political  men  now  figuring  in  Mexico,  is  highly 
romantic.  Born  in  obscurity,  he  rose  through  every 
difficulty  and  danger  to  the  highest  office  of  the  nation. 
Neither  the  death-potential  bullet  nor  the  assassin's 
hand  could  stop  his  onward  career.28  At  Puebla  he 
lost  his  right  arm,  and  at  Tecoac  he  was  again  severely 
wounded  on  the  stump  by  a  bullet,  besides  being 
struck  on  the  thigh.  His  body  bears  the  scars  of  a 
dozen  wounds  received  in  combats  with  the  French 
or  in  civil  war.  On  his  left  cheek  a  long  gash  has 

25  Memoria  de  Gonzalez. 

26  Berriozabal  had  been  Iglesias'  minister  of  war. 

27  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  1,  1880;  Diaz,  Datos  Biog.,  MS.,  409.     Diaz  accepted 
the  resignation  of  his  ministers  with  the  understanding  that  they  should  con 
tinue  to  exercise  their  functions  until  Dec.  1st,  when  the  new  ministry  would 
enter  office..  Diario  Ofa.,  Nov.  29,  1880.     He  resigned  his  portfolio  May  20, 
1881,  and  on  the  27th  of  June  following  Gonzalez  nominated  Carlos  Pacheco 
ministro  de  fomento.  Id.,  July  1,  1881.     At  this  time  Diaz  was  elected  gov 
ernor  of  Oajaca.  Id.,  June  28,  1881. 

28  Two  attempts  were  made  to  assassinate  him  during  his  presidential  can 
vass  or  immediately  afterward.  Diaz,  Misc.,  no.  56. 


PRESIDENT  GONZALEZ.  451 

left  its  cicatrice.  When  he  became  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency,  his  opponents  said  that  he  was  a 
Spaniard,  and  therefore  ineligible.  The  opposition 
press  raised  the  cry,  and  the  credulous  masses  believed 
it.  It  was  necessary  to  bring  his  origin  to  light,  and 
his  baptismal  certificate  was  published.  It  appears 
that  he  was  christened  in  Matamoros  on  the  18th  of 
June,  1833,  as  a  legitimate  son  of  Fernando  Gonzalez 
and  Eusebia  Mores,  both  native-born  Mexicans.  The 
names  given  him  at  the  baptismal  font  were  Jose* 
Manuel  del  Refugio.  He  was  born  in  that  city,  and 
spent  his  early  years  in  the  Moquete  rancho,  situated 
five  leagues  from  the  town.  Upon  attaining  manhood, 
he  became  the  chief  clerk  of  a  mixed  store  and  bakery 
in  Matamoros,  kept  by  an  uncle-in-law  of  his,  named 
Campuzano.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  enlisted  as  a 
soldier,  and  from  that  day  his  military  career  was 
never  interrupted.  In  a  few  years,  and  solely  by  his 
courage  and  meritorious  services,  he  attained  the  high 
est  rank  in  the  army.  His  record  shows  that  every 
promotion  awarded  him  was  due  to  a  brave  deed  or 
to  a  wound  received  on  the  battle-field. 

Gonzalez  is  of  low  stature  and  stalwart  build.  His 
complexion  is  somewhat  ruddy,  and  shows  the  effects 
of  exposure  during  his  long  military  life.  He  wears 
a  heavy  black,  mustache;  his  beard  is  partially  gray; 
his  hair  abundant  and  inclined  to  curl. 

Gonzalez  assumed  the  presidential  office  at  the  very 
time  that  the  government  was  experiencing  the  finan 
cial  difficulties  above  alluded  to;  and  although  the 
country  was  at  peace,  and  his  efforts  were  mainly  di 
rected  to  an  administrative  organization,  the  task  was 
an  arduous  one.  In  regard  to  international  policy, 
there  were  only  two  questions  pending,  but  they  were 
of  the  highest  import,  and  difficult  ones  to  solve.  One 
of  them  was  that  arising  from  troubles  on  the  fron 
tier  of  the  United  States;  the  other  was  the  boundary 
dispute  with  Guatemala. 

After  the  separation  of  Central  America  from  the 


452  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

Mexican  federation  in  1824,  and  the  decision  of  Chi 
apas  to  cast  her  lot  with  Mexico,  the  Central  Ameri 
can  federation  still  laid  claim  to  Soconusco,29  which 
was  a  department  of  Chiapas.  Instigated  by  agents 
and  partisans  of  the  Central  American  government, 
the  discontented  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Soco 
nusco  pronounced  at  Tapachula  July  24,  1824,  against 
annexation  of  the  department  to  Mexico,  and  the  Cen 
tral  American  congress  thereupon  passed  a  decree 
incorporating  it  into  that  republic.  In  March  1825 
the  Mexican  government  firmly  proclaimed  against 
this  encroachment,  on  the  ground  that  Soconusco,  be 
ing  an  integral  part  of  Chiapas,  was  a  portion  of  the 
Mexican  federation.  The  pronunciamiento  of  Tapa 
chula  was,  in  fact,  nothing  less  than  a  revolutionary 
demonstration  against  the  local  government  of  Chi 
apas  and  the  federal  government,  and  Mexico  had  a 
right  to  interfere  by  force  of  arms  to  suppress  the  re 
volt.  The  federal  executive,  however,  refrained  from 
doing  so,  and  the  Central  American  government  oc 
cupied  Tapachula  with  troops.  As  the  protest  of 
Mexico  was  disregarded,  a  few  months  later  a  brigade 
under  General  Anaya  was  sent  to  Chiapas,  but  it  did 
not  advance  beyond  that  city.  When  Mexico  assumed 
this  threatening  attitude,  negotiations  were  opened  by 
Juan  de  Dios  Mayorga,  minister  plenipotentiary  of 
the  united  provinces  of  Central  America,  who  pro 
posed  that  the  question  should  be  decided  by  the 
congress  of  Panama.  This  the  minister  of  relations, 
Liicas  Alaman,  refused  to  agree  to,  on  the  ground 
that  such  assent  would  be  an  admission  of  a  doubt  as 
to  Mexico's  right  to  the  department.  Mayorga  then 
suggested  that  the  question  of  the  boundary  should  be 
settled  by  a  joint  commission,  which  proposal  Alaman 
accepted,  without  in  any  way  renouncing  Mexico's 
right  to  Soconusco.  An  agreement  was  entered 
into  by  which  both  governments  were  pledged  to 
withdraw  their  troops,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Soco- 

»See  Hist.  Mex.t  vol.  v.  23-4,  and  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  vol.  iii.,  this  series. 


RELATIONS  WITH  CENTRAL  AMERICA.  453 

nusco  were  not  to  be  called  upon  by  either  for  contri 
butions  of  men  or  money,  and  left  to  be  governed  by 
their  own  municipal  authorities  until  the  question  was 
settled.  That  this  agreement  was  weak  on  the  part  of 
Mexico  is  obvious.  Consenting  not  to  exercise  author 
ity  in  a  portion  of  a  state  which  had  annexed  itself  to 
Mexico  by  popular  vote  strengthened  the  claim  of 
Central  America.  And  this  was  really  all  that  was 
done  by  these  early  negotiations ;  half  a  century  passed 
before  any  joint  commission  was  appointed.  The  po 
sition  of  Soconusco  for  the  next  seventeen  years  was 
anomalous.  It  was  virtually  independent,  without  the 
capability  of  self-government.  Its  political  condition 
bordered  on  anarchy,  and  its  moral  condition  on  sav- 
agism.  The  department  became  the  headquarters  of 
marauders  and  the  asylum  of  criminals  and  malefactors, 
while  from  time  to  time  it  was  invaded  by  Central 
American  troops,  whose  conduct  did  not  mend  matters. 
Affairs  remained  thus  till  1842,  when  Santa  Anna, 
in  consequence  of  representations  of  the  authorities 
and  citizens,  decreed  September  11,  1842,  that  Soco 
nusco  was  an  inalienable  part  of  Chiapas,  and  conse 
quently  of  the  Mexican  nation.  The  district  was 
formed  into  a  prefectura  of  Chiapas,  and  Tapachula, 
which  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  city,  was  designated 
as  the  capital.  Guatemala,  the  dissolution  of  the 
Centra]  American  federation  being  already  forecast, 
protested,  and  some  correspondence  followed;  but  the 
internal  troubles  of  both  countries  caused  the  matter 
to  be  dropped  until  1853,  when  Santa  Anna  appointed 
Juan  Nepomuceno  de  Pereda  minister  plenipotentiary 
to  Guatemala,  now  an  independent  republic,  and  lay 
ing  claim  to  Chiapas  and  Soconusco.  Guatemala's 
claim  was  still  more  far-fetched  than  that  of  the  Cen 
tral  American  federation.  It  was  based  on  the  ground 
that  Chiapas  had  belonged  to  the  captaincy -general  of 
Guatemala,  the  Guatemalan  government  ignoring  the 
fact  that  Chiapas  had  acquired  its  independence  of 
Spain  and  Spain's  government.  As  well  might  Guate- 


454  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

i 

mala  have  laid  claim  to  Nicaragua  or  Costa  Rica, 
since  both  those  countries  formed  provinces  of  the 
extinguished  captaincy -general.  Pareda's  mission  was 
to  effect  a  treaty  for  the  determination  of  the  boun 
dary,  and  the  settlement  of  pending  disputes,  and  he 
submitted  a  project  to  Pa  von,  the  Guatemalan  minis 
ter.  But  his  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  A  new  aspect 
was  given  to  Guatemala's  demands.  Pavon  put  in 
a  claim  against  Mexico  for  nearly  half  a  million  of 
dollars,  known  as  the  deuda  de  Chiapas.30  In  1858 
Pereda  was  recalled,  and  for  fifteen  years  the  matter 
remained  in  abeyance. 

In  August  1874  Ramon  Uriarte,  Guatemalan  en 
voy  extraordinary  to  Mexico,  presented  a  memoran 
dum  to  Lafragua,  the  minister  of  relations,  in  which 
lie  again  brought  forward  the  boundary  question,  and 
roposed  to  make  the  project  of  the  treaty  discussed 
uy  Perada  and  'Pavon  in  1854  the  starting-point. 
Negotiations  were  carried  on  for  some  time  without 
interruption;  a  convention  was  signed  December  7, 
1877,  and  a  joint  commission  appointed.  Neverthe 
less,  matters  did  not  go  on  smoothly;  the  labors  of 
the  commission  were  several  times  stopped,  and  at 
one  time  the  danger  of  hostilities  breaking  out  was 
imminent.  During  the  years  1879  and  1880  several 
irruptions  into  Soconusco  were  made  by  bands  of 
armed  men,  proceeding  from  Guatemalan  territory; 
and  in  December  of  the  latter  year  Tuxtla  Chico  was 
attacked  by  a  force  200  strong,  commanded  by  the  jefe 
politico  of  San  Marcos,  a  department  of  Guatemala. 
Mexico  grew  angry,  began  to  contemplate  war,  and 
sent  a  strong  force  into  Chiapas.  But  milder  meas 
ures  prevailed;  and  on  September  27,  1882,  a  treaty 

30  The  grounds  for  this  claim  were  as  follows:  When  independence  was 
proclaimed  the  united  provinces  of  Central  America  assumed  the  public  debt 
of  the  extinguished  captaincy -general,  and  when  the  union  was  dissolved  in 
1847,  to  each  of  the  Central  American  republics  its  corresponding  quota  was 
assigned.  Guatemala  claimed  that  JTexico,  having  appropriated  Chiapas, 
ought  to  pay  that  state's  quota,  amounting  to  $458,060.  Martinez,  Cuettion 
Mex.  y  Guat.,  103-7. 


GONZALEZ'  TERM.  455 

was  signed  by  which  Guatemala  renounced  forever 
her  pretended  rights  to  Chiapas  and  Soconusco,  as 
well  as  all  claims  for  indemnity,  and  the  boundary 
line  between  the  two  republics  was  denned  in  perpe 
tuity.31 

The  new  commercial  treaties  with  Germany,  Italy, 
and  Belgium,  initiated  under  the  former  administra 
tion,  as  well  as  an  extradition  treaty  with  Spain,  were 
concluded  by  Gonzalez  and  ratified  in  1883.  The 
long-interrupted  relations  with  Great  Britain  were 
renewed  by  Gonzalez,  and  it  should  be  remembered 
that  Mexico  had  not  made  the  first  advance  toward 
reconciliation.  Sir  Spencer  St  John  arrived  in  Mex 
ico  in  July  1883,  as  the  representative  of  the  British 
government,  and  as  a  result  of  the  negotiations  held, 
friendly  relations  were  formally  restored  between  the 
two  countries,  and  Ignacio  Mariscal  was  in  that  year 
accredited  as  the  minister  of  Mexico  near  the  British 
government. 

In  the  arrangements  of  a  new  treaty  with  the 
United  States,  some  little  delay  occurred.  The  first 
project  was  disapproved  by  the  senate  at  Washington 
in  November  1882,  and  another  on  the  reciprocity 
principle  was  drawn  up.  A  treaty  of  this  nature  was 
finally  agreed  to,  and  ratified  by  the  Mexican  senate 
May  14,  1884. 

Comparing  Gonzalez'  administration  w^ith  the  pre 
ceding  ones,  so  greatly  disturbed,  we  may  well  say 
that  peace  reigned  during  its  whole  period,  and  that 
there  was  no  local  trouble  to  lament.  This  period  of 
Mexican  history  was  marked  by  internal  progress  and 

31  The  treaty  was  duly  ratified  by  both  governments,  and  exchanged  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  May  1,  1883.  Hex.  Tratado  entre  Estad.  Un.  Mex.  y  Guat.  In 
addition  to  official  organs  of  the  press  and  other  periodicals,  the  following 
authorities  on  this  subject  have  been  consulted:  Larrainzar,  Notic.  Hist. 
Soconusco,  Mexico,  1843;  Id.,  Chiapas  y  Soconusco,  con  motivo  de  la  cuestion 
de  limites  entre  Mexico  y  Guatemala,  Mexico,  1875;  Martinez,  Cuestion  entre 
Mexico  y  Guatemala,  Mexico,  1882;  Mex.,  Cuestion  de  limites  entre  Mex.  y 
Gnat.;  Mex.  y  Guat.,  Cuestion  de  limites,  Mexico,  1875;  Uriarte,  Convencion  de 
7  Dec.,  1877;  Chiapas,  Manig.  de  los  Poderes,  Mexico,  1882;  Mex.,  Correspond. 
Diplom.,  ii.  429-48,  469-634;  Mex.t  Mem.  Relac.  Exter.,  1878,  43-5,  with  App. 
1-3;  Id.,  1881,  13-19. 


456  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

prosperity.  The  advance  of  the  republic  was  rapid, 
and  of  that  stable  nature  which  indicates  the  forward 
march  of  civilization.  The  railway  undertakings  sub 
sidized  by  Diaz  were  carried  into  effect  during  the  rule 
of  Gonzalez,  who,  notwithstanding  the  poverty  of 
the  treasury,  provided  the  money  required  to  pay  the 
heavy  instalments;  and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that 
under  his  government  no  company  was  ever  left 
unpaid. 

Trade  and  industry  were  considerably  encouraged ; 
the  army  was  reorganized  and  provided  with  the  best 
arms  and  artillery  known  in  the  world;  there  were 
constructed  bridges,  causeways,  wharves,  and  other 
necessary  works  at  the  ports;  public  buildings,  well 
deserving  of  special  mention,  were  erected,  such  as 
the  custom-house  at  Mexico;  the  telegraph  service 
was  extended,  and  public  education  zealously  developed 
by  the  government.  The  moral  tone  of  the  people 
was  gradually  becoming  more  elevated.32  Owing  to 
the  excellent  organization  of  the  rural  police,  male 
factors,  formerly  rendering  the  highways  unsafe,  were 
done  away  with,  and  crime  notably  decreased. 

In  order  to  meet  the  great  expenditure  called  for 
by  so  many  material  improvements,  Gonzalez  devoted 
his  attention  particularly  to  the  reorganization  of 
the  public  treasury.  During  the  first  three  years 
of  his  administration,  the  financial  condition  of  the 
country  was  very  much  improved,  with  an  increase 
of  several  millions  of  revenue.  As  to  the  point  of 
order  in  the  management  of  funds,  the  most  perfect 
system  was  established;  indeed,  it  was  during  Gon 
zalez'  term  that  the  treasury  for  the  first  time  had  a 
perfect  system  of  accounting. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  improvements  which  the 
country  received  the  benefit  of  under  the  government 
of  Gonzalez,  giving  him  a  right  to  be  enrolled  among 
its  most  liberal  rulers,  his  administration  experienced 
a  period  of  adversity,  which  was  in  its  last  year.  The 

32  Memorias  of  Fomento  y  Guerra  and  Hacienda. 


MORE  FINANCIAL  TROUBLES.  457 

immense  expenditures  incurred,  both  in  the  construc 
tion  of  railways  and  in  the  improvement  of  every 
branch  of  the  public  administration,  naturally  kept 
the  treasury  in  an  exhausted  condition.  The  public 
revenue,  far  from  being  diminished  in  1884  had  be 
come  increased;  but  the  task  of  introducing  progress 
in  a  country,  and  of  causing  it  to  live  according  to 
modern  ideas  and  ways,  is  bound  to  be  a  difficult  and 
costly  one,  and  the  treasury  of  Mexico  did  not  pos 
sess  the  means  to  meet  at  the  same  time  the  necessary 
expenses  of  the  administration  as  well  as  those  of 
material  development. 

Gonzalez  found  himself  placed  on  the  horns  of  a 
dilemma ;  he  must  either  pay  the  public  employes  their 
salaries,  neglecting  to  meet  the  obligations  agreed 
upon  by  his  predecessor  with  the  companies  engaged 
in  building  the  railways,  or  solely  look  after  the  in 
terests  of  the  latter  to  the  prejudice  of  the  civil  list. 
He  hesitated  not.  Being  convinced  that  the  credit 
of  the  nation  and  her  future  progress  were  intimately 
connected  with  the  payment  of  her  debts,  contracted 
to  secure  the  material  improvements  already  realized, 
he  applied  the  public  revenue  to  the  payment  of  those 
debts,  leaving  the  government  officials  without  their 
pay.  This  policy  caused  an  outcry  against  the  presi 
dent  from  that  class  of  the  community  living  on  the 
public  revenue,  and  from  his  enemies;  and  that  class 
of  politicians  who  entertained  the  belief  that  the  best 
means  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  coming  ruler  lay 
in  running  down  -the  credit  of  the  present  one,  worked 
their  points,  spreading  innumerable  calumnies  against 
the  president,  whom  they  represented  as  a  monster  of 
iniquity.  Not  one  of  those  calumnies  has  been  sub 
stantiated  to  such  a  degree  as  to  even  give  it  the  sem 
blance  of  truth.  It  was  said  that  the  source  of  his 
fortune,  which  has  been  grossly  exaggerated,  was  due 
to  peculation;  when  the  fact  is,  that  at  a  time  of  such 
material  development  as  Mexico  derived  from  the  ad 
ministration  of  Gonzalez,  it  was  an  easy  matter  for 


458  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

any  intelligent  and  shrewd  man  to  acquire  wealth  in 
enterprises  of  recognized  utility  to  the  country,  as 
was  done  by  many  others,  some  of  whom  were  not  at 
all  friendly  to  the  president.  It  was  also  reported  that 
he  was  steeped  in  vice,  when  it  is  a  well-known  fact 
that  Gonzalez  is  one  of  the  few  political  men  of  Mex 
ico  who  have  never  failed  to  maintain  the  respectability 
of  their  position. 

The  seed  of  slander  against  the  president  having 
been  sown,  it  was  not  long  in  growing,  and  every 
financial  measure  adopted  by  the  government,  both  to 
do  away  with  the  existing  difficulties,  and  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  next  administration,  which  was  to  assume 
power  in  a  few  months,  was  construed  by  the  public — 
ill  advised  by  the  enemies  of  Gonzalez — as  a  scheme 
to  acquire  large  pecuniary  means,  to  be  divided  be 
tween  the  president  and  his  favorites.  The  main 
causes  of  disturbance  were  two;  namely,  the  modifica 
tions  introduced  in  the  stamp  law,  and  the  convention 
entered  into  for  the  payment  of  the  sums  due  the 
British  bondholders.  The  nickel  question,  which  had 
been  a  source  of  speculation  on  the  part  of  a  few 
money-grabbers,  and  with  which  the  government  had 
had  no  concern  whatever,  gave  rise  to  a  petty  popular 
commotion  in  the  city  of  Mexico. 

In  March  1884,  with  the  view  of  augmenting  the 
public  revenue,  and  providing  resources  for  the  next 
administration,  orders  were  given  to  carry  into  effect 
a  law  decreed  by  the  national  congress,  under  which 
a  number  of  articles  were  added  to  the  list  of  those 
subject  to  the  payment  of  stamp  dues.  The  mer 
chants  became  highly  indignant;  and  in  order  to 
deceive  and  excite  the  populace,  they  spread  the  re 
port  that  the  stamp-tax  was  intended  to  enrich  the 
president;  the  fact  being  that  Gonzalez  would  have 
no  hand  in  its  collection,  but  left  it  to  his  successor. 
A  few  commercial  houses  of  the  city  of  Mexico  were 
closed  two  or  three  days;  but  the  firm  attitude  of  the 
government  prevailed,  and  after  making  a  few  light 


THE  BRITISH  DEBT.  459 

concessions  to  the  merchants,  the  law  went  into  effect. 
The  government  of  Diaz  has  made  it  imperative  to 
the  present  time,  and  its  observance  is  undisputed. 

Much  deeper  was  the  excitement  caused  by  the 
recognition  of  the  British  debt,  and  the  plan  of  con 
verting  the  Mexican  bond  in  London  into  others,  en 
titled  the  Consolidated  debt  of  Mexico  in  London. 
Some  intriguing  persons,  who  had  entertained  the  idea 
of  themselves  entering  into  arrangements  with  the 
bondholders,  under  the  belief  that  they  would  be  well 
compensated  by  the  latter,  endeavored  to  hinder  Gon 
zalez  from  so  doing,  imagining  that  when  the  next 
administration  came  into  power  they  would  be  ap 
pointed  the  agents  to  complete  the  negotiation. 
The  terms  of  the  convention  were  that  the  debt 
should  nominally  represent  £17,200,000.  Of  this 
sum  there  would  be  recognized  to  the  bondholders 

o 

only  £14,448,000;  the  by  no  means  insignificant  dif 
ference,  £2,752,000,  was  to  be  set  aside  by  the  Mexi 
can  government  to  meet  the  expenses  of  conversion. 
What  Gonzalez  had  in  view  was  that  this  large  sum, 
which  his  successor,  and  not  himself,  was  to  receive 
— as  his  administration  would  terminate  in  fifteen 
days — should  be  applied,  one  part  to  meet  the  ex 
penses  of  conversion,  and  the  other  to  place  the  next 
administration  in  funds  to  pay  the  bondholders  the 
first  coupons,  thus  protecting  the  credit  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  paving  the  way  for  it  to  raise  a  loan  in 
London,  and  facilitate  the  development  of  internal 
works.  But  that  sum,  under  the  name  of  gasios, 
became  the  touchstone  of  scandal,  which  the  enemies 
of  Gonzalez  made  the  most  of  to  charge  him  with  the 
intent  of  using  it  to  his  own  advantage,  while  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  do,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  he 
had  but  a  few  more  hours  to  wield  the  executive 
authority.  Through  the  agency  of  paid  agitators  and 
of  a  few  deluded  students,  they  incited  the  rabble  of 
the  city  of  Mexico  to  revolt  at  the  moment  the  cham 
ber  of  deputies  was  discussing  the  clauses  of  the  con- 


460  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

vention,  and  approving  them  in  the  main.  Gonzalez 
in  this  matter  had  acted  with  his  usual  prudence, 
inasmuch  as,  being  authorized  by  congress  to  make 
the  arrangement  himself,  as  was  done  by  Diaz  later, 
on  the  22d  of  June,  1885,  he  declined  to  act  without 
the  sanction  of  the  legislative  authority,  preferring 
that  the  discussion  should  be  postponed  until  the  new 
president  should  go  into  power,  and  not  to  spill  blood 
by  employing  the  armed  force  of  the  government  to 
put  down  the  mob.  These  scenes  occurred  in  the 
last  days  of  November  1884,  and  the  new  president 
was  inaugurated  on  the  1st  of  December  of  the  same 
year. 

The  presidential  election,  which  took  place  in  Sep 
tember,  favored  Porfirio  Diaz,  who  obtained  a  large 
majority,  the  count  showing  that  he  had  received 
15,999  out  of  the  16,462  electoral  votes.  The  ene 
mies  of  Gonzalez  spread  the  slanderous  report  that  he 
had  attempted  to  murder  and  poison  Diaz  in  order 
that  the  latter  should  not  assume  the  executive  office ; 
and  to  that  effect  took  advantage  of  an  accident  which 
occurred  to  the  train  of  the  Irolo  railway,  on  which 
the  president-elect  was  journeying.  But  plain  com 
mon  sense  suffices  to  destroy  this  calumny;  for  in  a 
country  like  Mexico,  where  elections  are  effected  under 
the  absolute  control  of  the  government,  with  but  little 
regard  to  the  popular  will,  President  Gonzalez  had  no 
need  of  Diaz'  death  to  keep  him  out  of  office.  All  he 
need  do  would  be  to  cause  the  election  of  some  one 
else.  Diaz  was  chosen  because  Gonzalez  favored  his 
election. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  1884,  Gonzalez  surren 
dered  the  executive  office.  In  spite  of  the  financial 
difficulties  of  his  last  year,  of  the  efforts  made  by  his 
enemies  to  destroy  his  prestige,  he  did  not  forfeit,  as 
would  have  been  the  case  with  many  another  ruler,  the 
respect  and  esteem  of  the  people.  During  the  stormy 
days  of  the  British  Debt  Convention,  when  the  armed 
mob  of  Mexico  was  engaged  in  rioting,  President 


END  OF  GONZALEZ'  ADMINISTRATION.  461 

Gonzalez,  unaccompanied,  walked  the  streets,  day  or 
night,  among  the  crowds,  by  whom  he  was  constantly 
cheered  as  a  homage  to  his  reckless  courage.  He 
retired  to  his  own  house  only  upon  the  day  that  he 
retired  from  the  national  palace. 

His  administration  will  ever  be  a  memorable  one  in 
the  history  of  Mexico.  Though  it  is  true  that  he  left 
the  treasury  heavily  burdened,  the  fact  stands  that 
he  caused  the  execution  of  a  number  of  public  works 
which  completely  changed  the  face  of  the  country. 
The  debt  he  incurred  represents  the  progress  of 
Mexico,  and  continued  the  reorganization  of  every 
branch  of  the  administration  before  begun. 

Among  the  persons  most  efficiently  cooperating  in 
the  labors  of  the  administration  of  Gonzalez,  especial 
credit  should  be  given  to  Carlos  Rivas,  who,  for  his 
intelligent  and  successful  discharge  of  commissions 
intrusted  to  him,  obtained  the  respect  and  considera 
tion  of  the  president,  and  of  all  his  fellow-citizens. 

Diaz,  succeeding  Gonzalez,  found  himself  at  first  in  a 
most  difficult  position  financially,  because  the  treasury 
was  exhausted,  owing  to  the  large  obligations  con 
tracted  bv  the  former  ruler.  He  issued  the  decree  of 

t/ 

June  22,  1885,  suspending  the  payment,  not  only  of 
the  floating  debt,  but  also  of  the  subsidies  which  he 
had  himself  granted  during  his  former  term  to  rail 
way  companies  and  others,  he  consolidated  the  inter 
nal  and  external  debts  into  bonds  of  the  treasury,  and 
paid  with  regularity  the  salaries  of  public  officials,  less 
a  discount  of  twenty-five  and  later  ten  per  cent. 

Peace  for  the  most  part  followed,  though  there 
were  communistic  uprisings  in  Mexico  and  Cordoba 
in  1885,  and  a  revolutionary  movement  in  Nuevo 
Leon  and  Coahuila,  and  later  similar  revolts  else 
where.  Then  there  was  the  Yaqui  war  in  Sonora, 
the  arrogant  chief  Cajeme  being  the  cause.  Lareta 
Molina,  with  twenty-two  Yaquis,  endeavored  to  sup 
press  him,  but  the  federal  government  was  at  length 


462  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

obliged  to  send  a  large  force  against  Cajeme,  who 
raised  fortifications  at  various  points.  In  March  1886, 
three  columns,  each  about  1,200  strong,  were  set  in 
motion  against  his  positions,33  while  every  town  or 
point  of  importance  around  the  Yaqui  Valley  was  suf 
ficiently  fortified  and  garrisoned  to  resist  any  hostile 
demonstration  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  The  Ya- 
quis  were  thus  hemmed  in  on  all  sides.  It  was  a  well- 
planned  campaign,  and  completely  successful.  The 
Indians  were  driven  successively  from  stronghold  to 
stronghold,  till  all  were  taken  possession  of  by  the 
Mexican  troops.  Cajeme,  however,  baffled  all  efforts 
to  capture  him,  though  several  of  his  principal  men 
were  caught  and  executed. 

In  connection  with  the  Yaqui  war,  mention  must 
be  made  of  outrages  committed  by  the  Apaches  in 
Chihuahua  and  Sonora  during  1885-6.  To  enumer 
ate  in  the  briefest  manner  all  the  murders  and  atroci 
ties  committed  by  these  savages  in  that  short  space 
of  time  would  require  a  chapter ;  suffice  it  to  say  that, 
by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  Mexican  and  United 
States  troops,34  the  scourge  has  been  to  a  great  extent 
wiped  out. 

A  hope  seems  to  have  been  entertained  by  certain 
schemers  in  the  United  States  that  the  acquisition  of 
the  northern  portion  of  Mexico  by  purchase  would 
not  be  impracticable  under  the  present  administration, 
considering  the  financial  straits  in  which  Mexico  found 
herself  when  Diaz  entered  office.  The  project,  how 
ever,  is  a  vain  one.  No  people  are  more  opposed  to 
the  dismemberment  of  their  national  domain  than  the 
Mexicans,  and  any  administration  that  should  pro- 

83  One  under  generals  Leiva  and  Carillo,  with  2  mitrailleuse  from  the  west; 
another  under  Gen.  Camano,  with  2  howitzers  from  the  south-east;  a  heavy 
body  of  cavalry  was  also  moved  from  the  town  of  Buena  Vista  on  the  north 
east;  while  Gen.  Martinez,  the  commandant,  with  his  headquarters  at  Baro- 
jica,  directed  his  attention  to  the  occupation  of  Torin,  which  was  the  key  to 
the  situation. 

34  A  momentary  cloud  cast  its  shadow  over  the  friendly  relations  between 
the  two  nations,  occasioned  by  an  unfortunate  collision  which  occurred  in 
1886  between  a  Mexican  detachment  and  a  body  of  U.  S.  troops  under  Capt. 
Crawford,  who  lost  his  life  in  the  scrimmage. 


PEACE  AND  GOOD- WILL.  463 

pose  the  sale  of  a  portion  of  their  territory  would  be 
liable  to  overthrow.  It  is  true  that  in  the  northern 
states  the  holders  of  great  tracts  of  land,  and  no  few 
of  the  wealthier  class,  are  favorably  disposed  to  annex 
ation  to  the  United  States,  but  they  form  but  a  small 
proportion  of  the  mass  of  the  population.  The  imagi 
nary  necessity,  too,  for  the  sale  of  territory,  has  dis 
appeared  under  the  able  financial  reforms  effected  by 
Diaz,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  day  may  never 
arrive  when  the  counsels  of  unprincipled  men  shall 
prevail.  Under  such  administrations  as  the  present 
one,  the  yearly  increasing  intercourse  between  the 
two  nations,  and  the  mutual  commercial  advantages 
to  be  derived  by  peace  and  reciprocal  comity,  jealousy 
and  apprehension  will  cease  on  the  one  side,  and  arro 
gant  pretensions  on  the  other.85 

85The  principal  authorities  used  in  writing  the  five  preceding  chapters  are 
government  documents  and  official  papers,  and  the  works  of  Mexican  writers 
of  the  period.  Of  the  latter,  notice  must  be  made  of — 

DerecJio  Internacional  Mexicano,  Mex.,  1878-9,  4°,  3  pts,  i.  p.  vii.  and  707; 
ii.  408  pp.;  iii.  1174  pp.  A  compilation  made  by  Jose  Fernandez,  chief  clerk 
of  the  department  of  relations  of  Mexico,  and  approved  by  the  executive,  of  all 
treaties  and  conventions  entered  into  by  Mexico  with  other  powers  from  1821 
to  1878.  In  the  first  part  are  those  concluded  and  ratified  by  the  contracting 
parties;  annexed  to  the  respective  ones  are  important  documents,  such  as  con 
ferences  and  treaties  of  Spain  with  other  nations  affecting  Mexico.  In  the 
2d  part  are  treaties  made  but  not  ratified  by  the  Mexican  republic,  with  an 
appendix  containing  several  important  documents.  The  appendix  includes, 
among  other  papers,  several  treaties  entered  into  by  Maximilian,  the  ratifica 
tions  of  which  were  never  exchanged;  and  like  all  acts  emanating  from  the 
empire,  they  were  declared  null  by  the  legitimate  government  of  Mexico. 
The  3d  part  contains  laws  and  regulations  on  matters  of  a  general  nature; 
viz.,  commercial  agents,  admiralty,  antiquities,  archives,  national  arms, 
public  lands,  bulls,  naturalization  and  citizenship,  foreign  relations,  cere 
monials,  penal  code,  colonization,  foreign  debt,  and  many  other  subjects  of 
more  or  less  interest  to  foreigners.  The  typographical  work  is  very  fair. 

Correspondencies  Diplorndtica  cambiada  entre  el  gobierno  de  los  Estados  Unidos 
Mexicanos  y  los  de  varias  potendas  extranjeras.  Mexico,  1882,  1.  4°,  2  vol.,  i. 
993  pp.,  5  1;  ii.  726  pp.,  3  1.  Contains  all  the  diplomatic  correspondence  that 
occurred  between  the  government  of  Mexico  and  the  governments  of  foreign 
powers  from  July  1,  1878,  to  June  30,  1881,  with  annexes,  some  of  which  are 
of  earlier  dates.  A  part  of  the  correspondence  appearing  in  many  of  the 
affairs  contained  in  the  work  is  not,  properly  speaking,  of  a  diplomatic  nature, 
but  internal,  having  taken  place  between  authorities  of  Mexico;  but  the  com 
piler,  Jose  Fernandez,  chief  clerk  of  the  department  of  relations,  thought 
proper  to  insert  it  for  the  reason  that  much  of  the  matter  in  it  refers  to  a 
critical  period  of  Mexican  international  relations. 

Datos  Biogrdficos  del  General  de  Division  C.  Porjirio  Diaz  con  Acopio  de 
Documentos  Histdricos.  Mexico,  1884.  Fol,  p.  247,  with  portrait.  This 
work  contains  data  for  the  biography  of  General  Diaz  from  his  birth  to  the 


464  DIAZ,  GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ. 

end  of  his  presidency  in  1880.  The  data  are  not  very  extensive;  indeed,  for 
his  early  life,  they  are  very  scanty;  but  after  he  entered  public  life  the  in 
formation  is  abundant,  and  accompanied  with  official  documents  of  high  im- 
portaiice.  In  giving  to  the  public  this  life  of  Diaz,  it  became  also  necessary 
to  relate  the  historical  events  of  his  country  for  the  period  embraced.  The 
whole  will  be  found  important  in  writing  the  history  of  Mexico. 

Agustin   R.    Gonzalez,    Historia    del    Estado    de  Aguascalientes.      Mexico, 

1881.  Sm.  4°,  518pp.,  1 1.,  2  maps.     A  comprehensive  history  of  the  state  of 
Aguascalientes  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  foundation  to  1875,  followed  by 
general  information  on  her  literature,  the  customs  of  the  inhabitants,  agricul 
ture  and  mines,  manufactures,  and  other  industries,  and  terminating  with 
remarks  on  various  matters  connected  with  the  state  to  date  of  publication. 
*      Pldcido  Vega,  Documentos  de  la  Comision  Confidential.     1863-8.     Fol.,  15 
vol.  MSS.     This  collection  consists  of  the  correspondence,  documents,  ac 
counts,  vouchers,  etc.,  connected  with  Gen.  Vegas  commission  to  procure 
funds,  arms,  and  munitions  of  war  at  San  Francisco,  California,  for  the  repub 
lican  government  of  Mexico  during  the  French  intervention  and  imperial 
regime  in  that  country.     The  correspondence  shows  the  difficulties  met  with 
by  the  commissioner,  and  how  he  overcame  them.     It  also  furnishes  many 
important  facts  on  the  war  between  the  republicans  and  imperialists,  on 
President  Juarez'  policy,  etc.     The  whole  is  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
history  of  that  eventful  period. 

The  following  list  contains  an  enumeration  of  a  large  number  of  the 
authorities  that  have  been  consulted.  Those  of  an  official  character  are: 
Mex.,  Diario  de  los  Debates,  18G9,  and  succeeding  volumes;  reports  of  the  gov 
ernment  officials,  notably  those  of  the  secretaries  of  state  for  the  treasury, 
government,  war,  foreign  relations,  and  fomento  departments,  and  decrees 
and  treaties  during  the  period;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  Dec.  y  Cir.,  ii.  275-6;  iii.  129- 
330,  passim;  Id.,  Bol.  Ley.,  1863,  passim;  Id.,  Recop  Leyes,  etc.,  i.  1867,  and 
succeeding  volumes;  Id.,  Sinop.  Hist.  Reclam.,  1868-76,  passim;  Id.,  Corre 
spond.  Diplom.,  i.-ii.,  1877-1882,  passim;  Id.,  Informs  de  la,  Com.  Pesquis., 
1874;  Id.,  DerecJio  Intern.  Mex.,  1878,  passim;  Id.,  Codigo  Re  forma,  1860,  1SG1; 
Id.,  Iniciativas...Hac.,  1869;  Id.,  Ley  de  Timbre,  1876,  81;  1880,  48;  Id., 
Estat.  Cuerpo  Estado  Mayor,  1879;  Discurso  pronun.  por  el  Presidente,  1881, 

1882,  1883;  Diaz,  Informe,  1880,  54pp.;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  1837,  and  follow 
ing  years;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  v.  414-51,  596-7,  727-8;  viii.  156- 
67,  218,  255-60,  305-6,  547-8,  571-8;  ix.  8,  259-65;  x.-xi.,  passim;  Discursos 
pronunciados  ante  el  Congreso  de  la  Union  en  las  Sesiones  del  16,  18,  19  de  Mayo 
de  1874,  Mexico,  1874,  113  pp.;  U.  S.  government  documents  covering  this 
period;  notably,  Sen.  Doc.;  Sen.  Misc.;  Sen.  Journal;  For.  Rel.;  House  Jour 
nal;  H.  Com.  Reports;  H.  Ex.  Doc.;  H.  Misc.;  and  Commer.  Rel.;  to  the  re 
spective  indices  of  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  Mexican  affairs,  as  well  as 
to  those  of  the  Cong.  Globe  and  Hansard's  Parl.  Debates.     The  Mexican  and 
other  writers  and  collectors  that  have  been  consulted  are:  Riva  Palacio,  Hist. 
Admin.  Lerdo;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl.,  i.-iv.,  passim;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iv.,  passim; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iv. ;  Romero,  Circulares  y  otras  Publicaciones  hechas  por  Li 
Legacion  Mexicana  en  Washington  durante  la  Guerra  de  Intervencion,  Mexico, 
1868,  507  pp.;  Id.,  Refut.,  49-51,  85-6;  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  ii.  674  et  seq.; 
Niox,  Exped.  du  Mex.,  705-16;   Navarro,  Informe  sobre  fr.  RevoL;   Rivera, 
Mex.  Pint.,  i.,  passim;  Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  438-40;  Romero,  Diaz,  pas 
sim;  Diaz,  Misc.,  nos.  1,  2,  4,  6,  8,  9,  12,  15,  16,  18-20,  27,  41-3,  45,  55-7, 
59-62;  Id.,  Biog.,  MS.,  1-471;  Id.,  Datos  Biog.,  92-232,  passim;  Quevedo,  El 
General  Gonzalez,  Mexico,  1884;  Iglesias,  Recuerd.  Polit.,  1884,  89,  MS.;  Id., 
Manifie*to,    1876,   20;  Id.,  Estud.  Constit.  Justic.,  Mex.,  1874,  84;  Hamilton's 
Mex.  Laws;  Frisbie's  Reminis.,  MS.,  40;   Vega,  Docs,  MS.,  iii.  304,  427-8, 
672-3;  Id.,  Rep.  M6j.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  104,  no.  9;  D'Htric,  Maxim.,  185-410; 
Hall's  Mex.  Law,  3l7;  Hayes  Scraps,  Ariz.,  v.  126-7,  135;  Id.,  Raja  Col.,  i:c. 
62;  Queretaro,  Col.  de  Ley  y  Dec.,  18G9,  31;  ScJm-Salm's  Diary,  ii.,  passim; 
Soc.  Mex.   Geog.,  2d  Ep.,  iv.  570-85,  748;  Id.,  3d  Ep.,  i.  306;  Sheldon s  Let 
ters,  1-26;  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  i.,  p.  xc.-xci.;  ii.,  6th  pt,  420;  Id.,  I:n- 
puest.  Fed.,  1877-8,  v.-viii.  3-18,  489-607;  Bancroft's  Notes  on  Mex.,  MS.,  1- 


AUTHORITIES.  465 

116;  Oder's  Travels  in  Max.,  S.  F.,  1884,  672;  Estrada  y  Zenea,  Man.  Gob.  Jef. 
Pol.,  Mex.,  1878,  pp.  314,  3  1.;  Evans,  Sister  Rep.,  passim;  Brocklehurst's  Mex 
ico  To-day,  London,  1883,  pp.  250,  56  plates;  Bishop's  Old  Mex.,  18-21,  139^8, 
269-89;  Bonilla,  Informe,  Mex.,  1880,  133;  Bustamante,  contra  Arzobispo  de 
Mex.,  1877,  34;  Pern,  Maxim.,  109-74;  Perez,  Die.  Geog.,  i.  327,  333-5, 
345^54;  ii.  313-23;  iii.  589-600;  Perez,  J.  S.,  Aim.  Estadist.,  77,  104-31,  172, 
181-8,  212;  Price,  Brief,  22-58,  passim;  Mex.,  Kept  Border  Commis.,  1864-73; 
Id.,  Conven.  entre  Mex.  y  Belgica,  1882,  23;  Mex.,  Scraps,  i.-ii.,  passim;  Maille- 
fert,  Direct.,  66-70,  209-70;  Mexia,  Coment.  a  la  Constit.,  Mex.,  1878,  19  series 
of  pamphlets;  Martinez,  Guest,  de  Mex.  y  Guat.,  Mex.,  1882,  279;  Maneros 
Guide,  25-40;  Montiel  y  Duarte,  Estad.  Garant.  Indio,  310-12,  540-69;  Hernan 
dez,  Geog.  Son.,  no.  ii.  85-95;  Vallarta,  Votos,  Mex.,  1883,  603;  Cadena,  Con- 
testacion,  Mex.,  1880,  48;  Carrington,  Affairs  in  Mex.,  MS.,  1-12;  Mier  y 
Teran,  A  punt.  Biog.,  30-73;  Caballero,  Hist.  Aim.,  passim;  Marquez  de  Leon, 
Mem.  Post.,  MS.,  312  et  seq.;  Id.,  Fe  Perdida,  55  et  seq.;  Clarice's  U.  S.  and 
Mex.  Rel,  MS.,  1-33;  Mata,  Anuario  Univ.,  1881,  passim;  Pap.  Var.,  104,  no. 
7;  Id.,  120,  no.  2;  Id.,  227,  no.  9;  Romero,  Apunt.  Estad.,  Mex.,  1883,  52;  Mor 
gan's  U.  S.  and  Mex.,  MS.,  1-9;  Robertson's  Handbook,  1-14;  Toma  de  Tam- 
pico,  Mex.,  1871,  29;  Tagle,  Circ.  Exped.  Iglesias,  1876, 11-,Nayaril,  Los  Pueb. 
del  Estad.,  1-24;  Manero,  Doc.  Interes.,  1874-8,  83;  Aspiroz,  Cod.  Extran., 
190-214;  Anderson,  Mex.  St.  P.,  126-41;  Juarez,  Col.  Artie.,  Mex.,  1871,  69; 
Abbot's  Mex.  and  U".  S.,  363-8;  Groso,  MS.,  no.  viii.;  Gonzalez,  Hist.  Estado 
Aguasc.,  Mex.,  1881,  518;  Guzman,  Systema  de  Dos  Camaras,  Mex.,  1870,  88; 
Id.,  DictamendelComis.,  1872,  71}-  Jal.  Mew,.  Ejec.,  1875-9,  1-65;  Gomez,  Re- 
clam.  Depred.  Ind.,  Mex.,  1872,  172;  Id.,  Informe,  1874,  7;  Garcia,  Esp.  y  los 
Espan.  en  Mex.,  Mex.,  1877,  33;  Gallardo,  Cuad.  Compar.  Elec.  Presid.,  Mex., 
1872,  7;  Id.,  Sob.  de  los  Estados,  Mex.,  1874,  40;  Id.,  Cuad.  Estad.  Elec.  Pre 
sid.,  Mex.,  1877,  8;  Wadsworth,  Diet.  Reclam.  Mex.,  Mex.,  1873,  94;  Rodri 
guez,  Com.  Mex.  Reclam.,  Mex.,  1873,  pp.  67,  11.  2;  Conkling's  Guide,  N.  Y., 
1884,  378;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1832-75,  nos.  3,  9.  A  great  quantity  of  other  pub 
lications,  from  a  pamphlet  of  a  single  sheet  to  works  of  several  hundred  pages, 
far  too  numerous  to  specify,  have  also  been  examined,  as  well  as  a  great  num 
ber  of  files  of  newspapers  covering  the  period,  some  partially  and  others  en 
tirely.  The  principal  ones  are  El  Monitor;  El  Siglo  XIX.;  El  Federalista;  El 
Boktin  Oficial  del  Estado  de  Sinaloa;  El  Boletin  Republicano;  La  Estrella  de 
Occidente;  El  Constitucional;  El  Diario  de  Avisos;  El  Publicista;  El  Occidental: 
LaNacion;  El  Nacional;  Amigo  del  Pueblo;  El  Arco  Iris;  La  Voz  de  Mejico; 
El  Fenix:  El  Derecha;  El  Defensor  de  la  Reforma;  El  Correo  del  Pacifico;  El 
Estado  de  Sinaloa;  El  Eco  de  Occidente;  La  Era  Nueva;  La  Regeneracion  de 
Sinaloa;  SI  Porvenir  de  Nicaragua;  Gaceta  de  Nicaragua;  El  Mensagero; 
Gaceta  Ojicial  de  Salvador;  El  Pueblo  de  Sonora;  El  Susurro;  El  Fronterizo, 
published  in  Tucson;  La  Cronica,  published  in  Los  Angeles,  Cal.;  Panama 
Star  and  Herald:  Panama  Mercantile  Chronicle;  The  Mexican  Financier,  pub 
lished  in  the  city  of  Mexico  in  English  and  Spanish,  alternate  columns. 
Without  enumerating  a  number  of  California!!  and  other  local  newspapers, 
mention  must  be  made  of  The  Morning  Call;  The  Chronicle;  The  Evening  Bul 
letin;  The  Evening  Post:  The  Alta  California;  The  Daily  Examiner;  and  The 
Evening  Report,  all  published  in  San  Francisco,  and  the  Sacramento  Union,  is 
sued  at  the  capital  of  the  state.  The  Mexican  correspondents  of  these  papers 
furnish  news  of  events,  and  express  the  views  of  political  parties  and  the  feel 
ings  of  the  people  as  regarded  from  an  outside  standpoint.  Such  communica 
tions  are  valuable  to  the  historian,  since  they  afford  him  an  opportunity  of 
drawing  a  balance  between  extremes. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.  30 


CHAPTEK   XX. 

GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 
1800-1887. 

PARTY  SPIRIT — STRUGGLES  FOR  SUPREMACY — ARMY  INFLUENCE  AND  REVO 
LUTIONS — CENTRALISM,  IMPERIALISM,  AND  FEDERALISM — CONSTITUTIONS 
AND  REFORMS — CONGRESS  AND  THE  EXECUTIVE — POWERS  OF  THE  PRESI 
DENT — CABINET — ADMINISTRATIVE  DUTIES  AND  REFORMS — TERRITORIAL 
DIVISIONS — STATE  GOVERNMENT — MUNICIPALITIES — SUFFRAGE — LAWS — 
JUDICIARY —  POLICE —  FOREIGN  RELATIONS —  NATURALIZATION — COLONI 
ZATION — FINANCES — ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

NATIONAL  independence  was  achieved  by  the  revo 
lution  of  Hidalgo,  but  it  was  not  the  ideal  freedom 
pictured  by  the  patriot  leaders.  Still  present  were 
many  of  the  chains  riveted  by  centuries  of  oppression. 
One  war  over,  another  began,  the  fight  being  between 
the  old  order  of  things  and  the  new;  between  cham 
pions  of  popular  rights  and  sticklers  for  class  privileges 
and  tradition.  But  they  played  the  game  with  danger 
ous  weapons.  Most  of  them  were  blind  with  ignorance, 
and  inefficient  from  lack  of  experience,  acting  some 
times  perhaps  too  rashly  in  discarding  their  leading- 
strings.  Some,  dazzled  by  military  display,  overlooked 
the  dictates  of  duty  and  the  blessings  of  peace,  and 
betook  themselves  to  war  for  personal  aggrandizement. 
The  division  of  a  united  country  into  semi-independent 
states  loosened  the  bond  which  had  hitherto  united 
them,  and  fostered  anarchy;  so  that  the  liberty  of 
which  they  boasted  was  too  often  a  debasing  license. 

Hence  for  a  long  time  the  tendency  of  political 
affairs  was  to  foster  a  bitter  party  spirit,  and  still  hold 
to  caste  distinctions,  tribal  differences,  and  the  sec- 

(466) 


PARTY  WARS.  467 

tional  nature  of  the  warfare  begun  in  1810.  The 
aristocratic  element,  the  wealthy  and  office-holding 
classes  in  church  and  state,  accustomed  to  control, 
sought  to  regain  the  power  seized  by  the  people.  Old 
influences  and  old  feelings  were  not  wholly  dead; 
there  was  still  strength  in  the  Spanish  constitution  of 
1812,  due  to  a  liberal  clique  among  the  otficers  of  the 
army,  and  which  found  representation  in  Mexico 
among  the  escoseses,  so  named  from  a  masonic  lodge 
with  Scotch  rites.1  True,  their  aim  had  gradually- 
turned  toward  independence.  Foreseeing  the  inevi 
table,  the  threatened  clergy  rose  in  behalf  of  their 
privileges,  and  skilfully  manoeuvred  into  existence, 
with  Bourbon  aid,  an  empire  under  Iturbide,  to  fore 
stall  the  radicals.  But  republicanism  had  already 
acquired  strength,  and  the  escoseses  availed  themselves 
of  it  to  overthrow  the  empire,  seeking  as  an  aris 
tocratic  body  to  establish  a  dominant  central  govern 
ment.  The  provincials,  however,  had  scented  the 
sweets  of  state  independence  under  a  federation,  and 
regardless  of  anything  save  party  interests,  the  im 
perialists  joined  them  in  large  force  to  overwhelm  the 
escoseses.  Here  again  the  aristocratic  element  ac 
quired  the  upper  hand,  notably  in  the  control  of  offices, 
to  the  disappointment  of  the  hungry  radicals,  who 
thereupon  combined  under  the  term  of  yorkinos,  from 
another  masonic  lodge,  to  strive  for  a  share  of  spoils. 
The  mere  prospect  was  enough  to  revive  the  crushed 
party,  and  unite  the  rich  and  influential  classes  to  re 
tain  the  exclusive  possession. 

These  two  formed  the  great  factions,  as  we  have 
elsewhere  seen,  which  for  decades  kept  the  country  in 
tumult,  with  or  without  principles,  though  never  lack 
ing  war-cries,  with  subdivisions  and  branches,  and 
with  an  occasional  partial  coalescence.  Both  appealed 
to  the  people  with  empty  promises  and  doubtful 

1  Concerning  the  masonic  influence  on  Mexican  politics,  see  Alaman,  Mej., 
v.  24-5,  58,  409;  Id.,  Defenm,  pp.  ix.-xv.;  Pap.  Var.,  cxlvi.  ptx.;  Ixxiii.  pt 
ix. ;  and  in  the  English  of  Robinsons  Mex.  Mil.  Heroes,  145-8. 


468  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

concessions,  the  former  under  the  name  of  conserva 
tives.  Although  known  at  different  times  also  as  par- 
tido  del  orden,  novenarios,  gentes  decentes,  hombres  de 
bien,  aristocratas,  retrogrades,  monarchistas,  and  cen- 
tralistas,  yet  the  radicals,  being  of  the  people,  dis 
played  a  growing  sympathy  for  them,  and  sought  to 
uphold  more  and  more  their  assumed  title  of  progres 
sists.2  This  effort  becoming  recognized,  the  masses 
were  induced  to  support  their  champions  and  decide 
the  issue,  in  favor  of  a  federal  and  liberal  system,  as 
against  a  central  and  aristocratic  one.  Meanwhile 
the  army,  as  possessing  the  readiest  means  for  revolu 
tion,  was  the  alternate  instrument  and  arbiter  in  the 
struggle;  sustaining  anarchy  or  military  despotism, 
as  strikingly  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  during  the 
time  between  1821  and  1857  the  country  had  more 
than  half  a  dozen  forms  of  government,  under  imperial 
and  republican  regencies,  empire  and  federal,  central 
arid  dictatorial  rules,  of  varying  shades,  and  over  50 
different  administrations,  for  which  fully  250  revolu 
tions  were  undertaken.3 

Revolution  became  so  common  that  it  was  often 
treated  more  as  a  joke  than  as  something  to  be  hanged 
for,  and  captured  conspirators  were  elegantly  enter 
tained  and  afterward  pardoned.  A  man  did  not  know, 

2  Known  also  as  liberals,  puros,  anarquistas,  canallas,  de   los   cambios, 
federalistas,   democratas.     In  later   times,  the  victorious   liberals  generally 
assumed  the  leader's  name,  as  Lerdistas,  Porfiristas. 

3  Some,  like  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  370,  counts  240  between  1821-67; 
but  others  swell  the  figure  far  beyond  by  close,   and  not  very  arbitrary, 
reckoning.     And  so  we  find  enumerations  of  55  administrations  within  40 
years,  some  provisional,  and  of  a  few  days'  duration.  See  ready  instances  in 
Cortes,  Diar.  Sen.,  i.  63;  Gal.  Man.  y  Ouia,  1852,  294-300.     Comments  on 
development  of  parties,  and  causes  of  revolution,  in  Arranyoiz,  Mej.,  iii.,  ap. 
3-15,  etc.;  Agras,  Reflex.,  1-33;  Godoy,  Discurso,  1-32;  Pap.    Far.,  xlii.  pt 
7,  xcv.  pt  3;  Repub.  Mex.,  Resena,   1-80;  Cuevas.  Porvenir,  161-560,  passim; 
Lozada,   Cuestion,   1-5;  Ortiz,  Mex.   Indep.,  50-97,  with  a  more  philosophic 
aspect  in  Martinez,  Sinopsis,  Rev.,  1-286.     German  views  are  given  in  Rkht- 
kofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  7,  etc.  Ratzel,  Aus  Mex.,   1^;  Miihlenpfordt,  Mej.,  i.  383 
et  seq. ;    Wappdus,  Mex.,  127,  139.     For  French  opinions,  I  refer  to  the  chap 
ters  on  the  intervention.     Americans  have  expressed  themselves  in   Thomp 
sons  Recoil,  58,  180,  243-51;  Gwins  Mem.,  MS.,  205-6;  Robertsons  Mex.,  ii. 
15-150,  passim.     The  first  step  in  a  revolution  is  the  pronunciamiento,  to  pro 
nounce  for  a  certain  principle  or  man,  followed  generally  by  a  plan  or  declara 
tion  of  object  and  principles,  and  attended  by  the  grito,  or  war-cry. 


THEORY  OF  REVOLUTION.     '        >;y|  469 

being  himself  in  power  to-day,  when  his  time  to  be 
shot  would  come.  Although  it  was  often  apparently 
a  lucky  turn  to  a  day's  doings  that  sent  one  to  the 
palace  instead  of  to  the  gallows ;  and  not  infrequently 
there  was  a  bloody  settlement  of  accounts  after  a  bat 
tle,  yet  it  has  evidently  been  the  policy  of  the  govern 
ment  not  to  drive  the  defeated  to  desperation,  but  by 
every  means  possible  to  restore  confidence  and  main 
tain  peace. 

The  government,  installed  by  a  momentarily  victo 
rious  faction,  found  it  often  necessary  to  purchase  its 
continuance  by  leniency  and  bribery  of  opponents,  and 
it  was  generally  powerless  to  undertake  the  reforms 
with  which  the  people  had  been  deluded,  or  too  short 
lived  to  carry  out  those  that  might  be  attempted. 
This  weakness  encouraged  revolutions  also  by  indiv 
iduals  for  gain  of  office  promotion  and  notoriety,  or  to 
cover  defalcations;  and  so  corporals  sprang  quickly  by 
a  series  of  bloodless  outbreaks,  or  intimidations,  to  be 
generals  and  governors. 

As  in  the  early  days  of  the  United  States  republic, 
the  first  federal  officials  of  Mexico  were  exceedingly 
simple  in  their  habits  and  surroundings,  trained  as 
they  had  been  midst  hardships  of  field  and  camp,  and 
mountain  fastnesses.  They  were  easy  of  approach, 
and  prompt  in  the  execution  of  their  duties.  During 
part  of  the  French  revolution,  the  newly  made  powers 
were  likewise  gracious.  Says  a  visitor  to  Mexico  in 
1828:  "I  was  introduced  to  the  president,  went 
through  his  dining-room,  where  was  a  table-cloth  on 
the  end  of  a  coarse  table  with  three  plain  covers  on  it, 
passed  from  that  to  his  bed-chamber,  which  was  very 
plainly  furnished  with  a  mattress  laid  on  a  bedstead 
without  any  curtains,  and  thence  passed  to  his  audi 
ence-chamber,  as  frugally  furnished  as  the  others." 
Such  were  the  simple  surroundings  of  the  man  who 
occupied  the  palace  where  the  Aztec  emperors  once 
held  sway;  and  after  them  the  viceroys  from  Spain, 
in  imitation  of  their  royal  master,  clothed  them- 


470  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

selves  with  imperial  luxury  and  pomp.  Gradually, 
however,  this  primitive  simplicity  on  the  part  of  offi 
cials  wore  away,  and  business  became  burdened  with 
more  forms  and  technicalities. 

Of  the  two  leading  forms  of  government  in  republi 
can  times,  centralist  and  federalist,  the  former  em 
bodied  a  central  administration  at  Mexico  for  the 
whole  country,  in  one  strong  hand,  supported  by  the 
clergy  and  property  holders,  in  managing  the  revenue 
and  promoting  advancement,  the  states  being  accord 
ingly  reduced  to  mere  departments  under  governors 
appointed  by  and  subject  to  the  authority  at  the  cap 
ital,  congressmen  being  limited  in  number  and  power, 
and  franchise  being  further  contracted  by  property 
restrictions  and  official  and  military  supervision.  It 
was  argued  in  favor  of  this  system  that  the  masses 
were  unfit  for  equal  rights,  or  a  share  in  the  govern 
ment;  that  the  division  into  states  was  a  special  source 
of  danger  to  a  nation  so  heterogeneous  in  composition, 
and  that  the  church  must  be  upheld  as  a  bond  of 
safety  between  the  races.  All  this  might  have  been 
reasonable  but  for  the  selfish  aim  to  maintain  the 
people  in  ignorance  and  subjection. 

The  empire  under  Maximilian  was  the  final'effort 
of  the  conservatives,  since  centralism  had  failed.  The 
idea  was  regarded  as  acceptable,  especially  to  the  In 
dians,  and  with  a  permanent  head  there  would  be 
greater  prospects  of  maintaining  peace,  controlling  fac 
tions,  and  unfolding  prosperity,  partly  by  means  of  a 
reorganized  army,  by  obviating  the  excitement  and 
danger  of  elections,  and  the  strife  for  leadership  and 
spoils.  A  native  ruler  being  apt  to  rouse  jealousy,  a 
foreign  prince  was  called,  with  the  prestige  of  royalty 
and  talents. 

The  federalists  adopted  for  a  model  the  adjoining 
northern  United  States,  which  stood  commended  by 
success,  and  copied  the  main  features  of  their  organic 
law  in  the  constitution  of  1824,  though  failing  to  ob- 


CENTRALISTS  AND  FEDERALISTS.  471 

serve  its  spirit,  as  they  had  so  many  other  wise  ordi 
nances.  This  fundamental  law  has  practically  sur^ 
vived  till  our  day,  in  that  of  1857,  with  its  amend 
ments  and  additions,  some  of  which  are  on  the  face  at 
least  a  step  in  advance  on  the  other.  It  proclaimed 
the  rights  of  man  by  granting  free  speech,  a  free  press, 
and  liberty  of  education ;  permitted  no  passports  or 
restriction  of  personal  freedom ;  forbade  the  inflection 
of  the  lash  or  other  indignities,  or  confiscation  of 
property ;  recognized  no  hereditary  honors,  nobility,  or 
prerogatives;  and  abolished  all  special  tribunals  save 
for  military  discipline.  No  corporation  could  hold 
real  estate  beyond  what  was  required  for  direct  use, 
and  no  monopolies  might  exist  except  in  patents.  The 
legislative  power  was  restricted  to  one  house  with  in 
creased  representation,  election  being  by  secret  ballot, 
with  intervention  of  an  electoral  college.  The  execu 
tive  power  was  vested  in  a  president  elected  for  four 
years,  with  temporary  succession  of  the  president  of 
the  supreme  court.  Supreme  judges  were  elected  for 
six  years.4 

*  All  honest  Mexicans  above  the  age  of  18  if  married,  above  21  if  unmar 
ried,  were  declared  citizens,  with  a  vote  and  right  to  candidacy,  and  obligation 
to  join  the  national  guard.  Amendments  to  the  constitution  required  a  two- 
thirds  vote  of  congress,  and  approval  by  a  majority  of  state  legislatures. 
The  law  differed  from  that  of  1824  by  abolition  of  the  senate,  by  a  numerical 
increase  of  the  other  chamber,  and  notably  by  divesting  the  church  of  its 
many  privileges.  Mexican  constitutions  had  their  beginning  in  the  Spanish 
organic  law  of  1812,  which  admitted  colonies  to  a  share  in  national  affairs 
through  the  cdrtes,  and  to  elect  legislatures  and  municipalities  among  them 
selves,  Indians  being  raised  to  citizenship,  but  not  African  admixtures.  This 
law  gave  impulse  to  the  first  republican  constitution  issued  in  1814  at  Apat- 
zingan,  which  extended  citizenship  to  all,  and  vested  the  supreme  power  in 
an  elected  congress,  limited  to  one  member  for  each  of  the  17  provinces. 
Congress  appointed  the  triple  alternating  executive,  the  judges,  and  the  mili 
tary  chiefs.  Throughout  prevailed  an  aristocratic  spirit  which  seemed  to 
promise  well  for  the  limited-monarchy  programme  issued  at  Iguala  by  Itur- 
bide.  Regarding  the  country  as  immature  for  republican  rule,  he  revived 
the  empire  of  Monteznma  among  the  resuscitated  Mexican  nation,  while 
conceding  to  it  the  privileges  of  the  improved  constitution  of  1812,  as  issued 
in  1820,  with  an  elective  congress. 

Ihe  federalists  gained  the  upper  hand,  however,  and  the  constitution  of 
the  adjoining  United  States  was  introduced  with  a  few  French  aud  Spanish 
modifications.  The  representation  in  the  lower  house  of  congress  was  one  for 
every  80,000,  elected  every  second  year;  the  senate  was  formed  of  two  mem 
bers  from  every  state,  chosen  by  the  legislatures,  one  for  two  years,  the  other 
for  four.  One  regular  session  was  to  be  held  yearly,  with  a  congress  deputa 
tion  during  the  recess  acting  as  government  council.  The  executive  power 


472  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

The  main  feature  of  the  document  was  the  blow 
aimed  at  the  church  by  no  longer  declaring  the 
Roman  catholic  to  be  the  state  religion,  by  embody 
ing  the  famous  laws  of  Juarez  and  Lerdo,  which 
withdrew  the  fuero  privileges  of  the  clergy,  and  their 
power  to  hold  property,  subjecting  them  to  the  super 
vision  of  the  government,  by  taking  from  them  the 
control  of  education,  dispersed  monastic  bodies,  and 
granted  a  liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  which 
left  them  exposed  to  levelling  criticism.  Their  effort 
to  resist  these  encroachments  led  to  the  long  war  of 
reform,  and  subsequently  to  the  moderate,  hereditary 
monarchy  under  Maximilian,  unhampered  by  popular 
representation.5  Favored  by  success,  the  republican 

was  vested  in  a  president  elected  for  four  years,  with  a  vice-president.  Con 
fiscation  of  property  was  forbidden.  States  enjoyed  independent  internal 
government,  under  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  heads;  but  had  to 
report  annually  on  their  condition.  The  clause  excluding  other  religions  than 
the  Roman  catholic  was  omitted  in  several  state  constitutions.  Indeed, 
tolerance,  need  for  jury  system,  longer  terms  for  congressmen,  restriction  of 
congressional  power,  more  direct  election,  control  of  land  and  militia  by  the 
republic,  were  among  the  questions  speedily  brought  into  agitation.  See 
Mora,  Rev.,  i.  323-42;  Richtkofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  for  comments.  Alaman,  Hist. 
Mex.,  iv.  173,  prefers  the  aristocratic  Apatzingan  law.  In  1835  the  conserva 
tives  gained  control,  and  issued  a  centralist  constitution,  under  which  the 
states  were  reduced  to  departments,  ruled  by  governors,  with  subordinate 
prefects,  appointed  by  and  subject  to  the  government  at  Mexico,  yet  assisted 
by  elected  councils.  Towns  with  over  8,000  inhabitants  could  alone  elect  a 
municipality.  The  representation  in  the  lower  house  was  reduced  to  one 
member  for  every  150,000  inhabitants,  elected  for  four  years;  the  senate  was 
limited  to  24  members  chosen  for  six  years  by  the  departmental  councils  from 
the  triple  nominees  of  the  three  supreme  powers.  Two  sessions  were  desig 
nated  yearly,  with  a  diputacion  of  seven  members  during  recess.  The  presi 
dent  was  chosen  for  eight  years  by  the  departmental  councils,  from  three 
nominees  selected  by  the  lower  house  from  the  triple  number  presented  by 
government  council  and  ministry,  senate,  and  court.  He  was  assisted  by  a 
council  of  thirteen  picked  from  39  congress  nominees,  one  third  being  men 
from  the  church  and  army.  Judges  were  perpetual,  the  supreme  judge  being 
selected  like  the  president.  A  supremo  poder  conservador  of  five  persons  was 
placed  to  watch  over  the  acts  of  the  three  supreme  powers.  In  this  constitu 
tion  were  many  commendable  features,  but  as  usual  it  was  infringed  and 
disregarded.  A  reformed  issue  of  it  in  1843  increased  the  congressional  rep 
resentation,  and  gave  more  power  to  the  president,  to  departmental  assemblies, 
and  to  electors,  while  restricting  the  franchise  to  incomes  of  not  leas  than  $200  a 
year.  In  1846  the  federal  constitution  of  1824  was  reestablished,  with  amend 
ments,  which  abolished  the  vice-presidency,  increased  congressional  represen 
tation,  and  modified  the  electoral  method.  For  full  text  of  the  different 
constitutions,  see  Mex.  Constit.,  i.-ii.,  and  Col  Constit.,  i.-iii.,  passim;  Mex., 
Leyes  Fund.,  1-379;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  326-50,  433-51,  547-50; 
v.  155,  238,  256;  viii.  169,  384,  409. 

0  Guided  by  nine  ministers  and  a  council  of  state,  of  his  own  selection. 
The  empire  was  divided  into  eight  comisario  sections,  and  50  departments. 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  PRESIDENT.  473 

sought  to  ensnare  it  by  several  amendments,  first 
by  proclaiming  tolerance  and  separating  church  and 
state,  by  declaring  marriage  a  civil  contract,  by  sub 
stituting  for  the  religious  oath  a  simple  promise  to 
speak  the  truth,  by  forbidding  alienation  of  personal 
liberty  by  vow  or  contract.6  A  senate  was  added  in 
1874,7  and  later  came  the  amendment  brought  about 
by  Diaz'  revolution,  which  forbade  the  reelection  of  a 
president  or  governor  for  a  consecutive  term.8 

Congress  consists  of  two  houses,  one  of  deputies, 
and  one  of  senators,  both  elected  by  indirect  popular 
vote,  the  former  for  two  years,  in  the  proportion  of 
one  for  every  40,000  inhabitants.  The  senate  is  com 
posed  of  two  members  for  every  state,  renewable 
every  second  year  by  half.  It  has  the  exclusive 
faculty  to  approve  treaties,  decide  for  cases  of  interfer 
ence  with  states,  and  confirm  appointments  of  minis 
ters,  diplomatic  agents,  and  superior  military  and 
financial  officers.  Two  sessions  are  held  yearly,  the 

The  latter  ruled  by  prefects  appointed  by  the  emperor,  and  guided  by  a 
council  of  their  joint  selection.  Towns  of  over  3,000  inhabitants  obtained 
popularly  elected  ayuntamientos.  Superior  judges  were  perpetual.  Mex., 
Col.  Leyes  Imp.,  i.-viii. 

6  This  was  passed  on  Sept.  25,  1873,  and  amplified  on  Dec.  10,  1874.     All 
religions  might  be  practised  as  long  as  laws  were  not  infringed,  but  the  gov 
ernment  retained  control  over  their  meetings  to  enforce  order,  and  also  over 
cemetries.     Religious  feast  days  were  abolished,  Sunday  being  regarded  as  a 
day  of  rest,  and  religious  rites  and  teaching  were  forbidden  outside  of  tem 
ples,  and  consequently  in  schools,  where  general  morality  alone  could  be 
inculcated.     Religious  ministers  could  receive  no  legacy,  nor  any  gifts  in 
real  estate  or  obligations.     While  marriage  was  a  civil  contract,  a  full  divorce 
could  not  be  granted. 

7  El  Publicista,  ii.  175  et  seq. 

8  A  president  accordingly  cannot  be  a  candidate  until  four  years  after  the 
close  of   his  term.  Amendment  issued  May  5,   1878.     For   text  of   amend 
ments,  with  debate  and  comments,  I  refer  to  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.,  iv.  663-87, 
where  the  need  of  a  senate  is  advocated.  Zarco,  Hist.  Cong.,  i.  100-876;  ii. 
5-1031;   debate   on  1857  constitution,  Archivo,  Mex.,  iii.    1008-11,  vi.   210; 
Mex.,   Mem.   Gob.,  1875,  13-20;  Zaremba,  Merchant,  6;  Rivera,  Palacio,  Hist. 
Lerdo,   423-42,  486-93;  Diar.  Debates,  Cong.  7,  i.   193-203,  630,  825,  1268, 
etc.,   ii.    12-20,   iii.   16,   102-886;  Diar.   Ofic.,  Apr.   9,   10,   23,  June  4,  1877, 
Oct.  24,  1881,  with  proposed  amendments.     Attacks  upon  them  in  Munguia's 
elaborate  works,  in  his  Opusc.,  vi.  1-28;  Crimenes  Demagog.,  5;  Hustamante, 
Emayo,   142;  Pinart,  Coll,  Relig.  y  Independ.,  1-23.     Comments  in  connec 
tion  with  monarchic  views,  in  Cliivalier,  Exped.,  42;  Estrada,  Mex.  y  Archi- 
duque,  31;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1831-75,  pt  4.     Also  by  Domenech,  Masseras,  and 
others,  and  pamphlets  in  Pap.   Far.,  xxv.  pts  v.-vi.,  Ixxxii.  pt  ii.,  ciii.  pt  i., 
ex.  pt  iv.,  cxii.  pt  viii.  16. 


474  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

second,  beginning  April  1st,  being  preferable,  devoted 
to  financial  questions.  A  deputation  of  15  deputies 
and  14  senators  sits  during  the  recess.9 

The  executive  power  is  vested  in  the  president, 
elected  by  popular  indirect  vote,  and  holding  office 
from  December  ]  st  for  four  years.10  His  substitute 
in  case  of  temporary  or  final  vacancy  is  the  president 
of  the  supreme  court,  provisionally,  until  elections  can 
be  held.11  The  president  can  appoint  civil  and  mili 
tary  officers  of  a  certain  grade,  and  remove  diplomatic 
agents  and  financial  chiefs,  but  those  of  a  superior 
rank  can  be  submitted  only  in  nomination  to  the  sen 
ate.12  Juarez  set  an  example  of  extreme  unobtrusive- 
ness  in  connection  with  public  proceedings,  acting  even 

9  At  the  close  of  the  first  session,  which  lasts  from  Sept.  16th  till  Dec.  15th, 
must  Le  presented  the  budget  for  consideration  of  the  committee  during  re 
cess.     The  second  session  ends  May  31st.    Each  session  may  be  prorogued  for 
30  and  15  days,  respectively,  which  must  be  dedicated  to  the  object  which 
caused  the  prorogation.     Bills,  if  rejected  by  one  or  both  houses,  cannot  be 
presented  again  during  the  same  session.     A  simple  majority  in  congress 
suffices  to  pass  them  over  a  presidential  veto.     Deputies  must  be  25  years  of 
age,  senators  30.    They  cannot  belong  to  the  ecclesiastic  profession,  and  must 
not  accept  federal  office  with  pay.     Of  the  former,  any  number  over  one  half 
the  total  constitutes  a  quorum;  of  the  latter,  two  thirds.    Suplentes  or  substi 
tutes  are  elected  for  cases  of  absence  or  vacancy.     The  federal  district  re 
ceived  two  senators.     The  profusion  of  titles  of  former  days  has  been  set 
aside.     They  have  shifted  from  the  national  palace  to  different  sites,  the  lower 
house  occupying  lately  the  old  Iturbide  theatre,  and  the  senate  a  modest  hall 
elsewhere.     The  representation  has  varied  for  deputies,  as  we   have  seen. 
Under  the  central  constitution  of  1836,  it  fell  to  one  for  150,000  inhabitants, 
while  the  senate  consisted  of  only  24  members.     There  used  to  be  a  property 
qualification,  which  in  1824  amounted  to  $8,000,  or  an  income  of  $1,000.    The 
term  has  ranged  between  2  and  4  years  for  deputies,  and  2  to  6  years  for  sen 
ators.     For  rules  during  the  middle  period,  see  Arrillaya,  Recop.,  1828-50; 
Mex.,   Legis.,   1852  et  seq.;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Ley.   Mex.,  ii-xi.,  passim; 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1853  et  seq.     In  1877  a  bill  was  presented  for  abolishing  the 
senate,  in  conformity  with  the  revolutionary  plan  of  1876,  Diar.  Debates,  Cong. 
8,  i.  470-1,  488,  but  it  failed  to  pass.     It  was  created  only  in  1874  under  the 
new  constitution.     It  is  not  the  first  time  that  its  abolition  has  been  urged 
and  moreover  effected. 

10  Some  favor  a  longer  period,  to  permit  the  carrying  out  of  reform  plans, 
and  to  avoid  the  disorder  of  too  close  election  agitation.  Biog.,  MS.,  450-1. 
He  must  be  not  less  than  35  years  of  age,  and  cannot  leave  the  capital  with 
out  permit  from  the  congress. 

11  The  vice-presidency  was  not  admitted  into  the  present  constitution,  and 
has  been  abolished  on  former  occasions,  as  needless  and  as  the  cause  for  in 
trigue  and  differences. 

12  As  shown  in  a  previous  note.    He  of  course  chooses  his  own  ministers. 
The  appointment  of  inferior  officials  is  determined  by  law.     The  pardon  of 
persons  convicted  by  federal  courts  lies  with  him.     See  previous  statement 
about  senators  concerning  treaties  and  army  movements. 


ADMINISTRATIVE  POWERS  AND  DUTIES.  475 

as  the  plain  magistrate.  The  inauguration  of  Diaz 
was  unattended  by  any  of  the  imposing  ceremonies 
and  pageantry  introduced  by  earlier  rulers,  even  by 
Juarez.  For  a  time  Diaz  lived  in  a  retired  dwelling 
of  modest  size,  and  used  the  palace  purely  for  the 
transaction  of  business  and  for  certain  receptions.13 

With  extraordinary  powers  to  make  appointments, 
especially  in  the  army,  which  looks  above  all  to  him, 
and  with  a  controlling  influence  in  the  many  states, 
owing  to  concessions,  swayed  elections  and  installa 
tions  of  leading  officials,  the  power  of  a  president  in 
Mexico  is  immense,  the  more  so  as  parties  in  and  out 
of  the  congress  can  be  so  readily  won  over,  manoeuvred, 
or  split.  It  requires,  therefore,  a  high  sense  of  duty 
and  patriotism  to  abstain  from  arbitrary  acts.14  As  a 
means  to  lessen  intrigues  on  the  part  of  the  govern 
ment  for  promoting  the  reelection  of  its  powerful  chief, 
and  to  leave  the  people  at  greater  liberty  to  manifest 
its  choice,  President  Diaz  introduced  the  no-reelection 
amendment.  Nevertheless,  it  is  easy  for  the  party  in 
office  to  secure  the  election  of  its  choice,  and  so  per 
petuate  authority  within  certain  hands.  This  oligarchy 
is  insured  by  duly  propitiating  influential  men  and 
leaders  with  offices  or  means  for  gain. 

The  administrative  duties  are  divided  among  six 

13  In  Dtiblan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  vi.  8-11,  ix.  246,  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1853, 
208,  318-19,  etc.,  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1833,  1-10,  1849-50,  293-4,  and  previous 
volumes,  are  instances  of  rules  for  ceremonies  connected  with  business,  inau 
gurations,  and  funerals.  By  decree  of  May  24,  1838,  the  salary  assigned  to 
the  pres.  was  $30,000;  to  a  prov.  pres.,  $  1,500  monthly,  and  a  like  sum  to  the 
pres.  of  the  council;  secretaries  of  state  and  councillors,  $6,000  and  $4,000, 
respectively;  the  salary  of  a  senator  was  fixed  at  $3,500,  and  that  of  a  dep 
uty  at  $3,000  a  year,  to  commence  from  the  day  on  which  they  entered  upon 
their  duties.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iii.  409.  These  salaries  were  re 
duced  temporarily  by  Diaz,  Dec.  1884.  The  president's  titles  have  ranged 
from  Excellency  to  Most  Serene  Highness,  the  latter  assumed  by  Santa  Anna 
during  his  last  dictatorship.  At  present  no  other  title  is  recognized  other 
than  Citizen  President.  While  pomp  ruled  high  under  Santa  Anna,  Maxi 
milian  excelled  in  punctilious  regulations  for  office  and  court,  and  promised 
to  extend  etiquette  and  rank  notably  by  the  creation  and  revival  of  orders 
and  patents  of  nobility,  with  their  rules  for  dress,  precedence,  and  titles,  con 
cerning  which  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  earlier  chapters  in  this  volume,  and 
to  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  ii.  5-26. 

u  Lerdo  did  not  scruple  to  foment  a  revolution  in  order  to  obtain  extraor 
dinary  powers  for  interference  in  the  affairs  of  states  and  other  designs. 
Some  pertinent  comments  on  this  power  are  made  by  Clarke,  Hex.,  MS.,  32-6. 


476  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY^ 

cabinet  secretaries,  for  foreign  affairs,  justice  and  pub 
lic  instruction,  interior,  treasury,  and  public  credit,  war 
and  navy,  and  public  works,15  freely  selected  by  the 
president,  yet  responsible  for  their  acts.  The  first 
named  embraces  the  premiership,  with  possession  of 
the  great  seal,  and  attends  to  official  publications  and 
ceremonials.  With  the  department  of  justice  was 
generally  connected  ecclesiastic  affairs,  but  since  the 
separation  of  church  and  state  the  supervision  is 
merely  of  a  magisterial  character.  The  interior  minis 
try,  known  as  gobernacion,  divides  with  the  public 
works  department,  a  later  creation  known  as  fomento, 
the  home  affairs  not  designated  by  the  titles  of  the 
other  portfolios,  the  fomento  secretary  attending  to 
matters  connected  directly  with  trade,  industries  and 
colonization,  buildings,  roads,  lands,  and  scientific  sub 
jects.16  Each  minister  must  countersign  orders  con 
nected  with  his  department,  and  present  an  annual 
report  to  congress.17 

The  cabinet  has  been  subject  to  even  greater  vicis 
situdes  than  the  presidency,  as  may  be  understood 
from  the  long  political  turmoil.  The  chronic  malady 
having  been  the  lack  of  funds,  the  finance  ministry 

15  The  offices  are  called  secretaria  del  despacho,  secretariat  for  the  despatch 
of  foreign  affairs.     Their  number  has  varied  from  two  under  Hidalgo,  in  1811, 
to  nine  under  Maximilian,  embracing  ministers  for  the  imperial  household, 
state,  foreign  affairs,  and  navy,  interior,  justice,  public  instruction  and  wor 
ship,  war,  public  works,  and  treasury.     Between  these  two  there  were  usually 
four  departments,  interior  and  foreign,  embracing  public  works,  the  other 
three  being  justice  and  public  instruction,  treasury,  and  war,  yet  all  with 
several  subdivisions,  especially  the  first.     The  holders  have  mostly  been  law 
yers,  with  military  men  for  war  affairs,  and  a  sprinkling  of  merchants  for 
finance. 

16  The  secretary  of  the  interior  attends  to  the  important  branch  of  elec 
tions,    to  relations  with   the   states   to   government   of   federal   district,   to 
tranquillity,   national  guard,  police,  amnesty,  registration,  festivals,  health, 
benevolence,  entertainments,  the  public  press,  and  mails.     The  maritime  mail 
service  pertains  to  the  treasury.     When  the  national   guard  is  in  federal 
service,  the  war  office  takes  control. 

"The  expenses  of  the  different  departments  for  the  fiscal  year  1883-4 
were:  the  executive,  $44,750,  including  president's  salary  of  $30,000;  the 
supreme  court,  $314,764,  of  which  $188,981  was  expended  on  the  district 
courts;  of  gobernacion,  $1,434,999,  of  which  $418,100  was  paid  the  rural 
police,  $260,787  the  urban  police,  and  $404,249  on  the  mail  service;  justice 
and  public  instruction,  $748,860;  fomento,  $5,243,753,  $2,904,295  being  spent 
in  developing  railroads;  the  treasury,  $4,484,510;  war  and  navy,  $9,480,241. 

.j  Mem.  Hoc.,  1884,  xxi.-xxiii. 


THEORY  <3F  PECULATION.          ~^'~  477 

has  changed  most  of  all,  over  a  hundred  times  during 
the  period  1821-54.  The  premiership  follows,  while 
the  war  minister,  from  his  greater  intimacy  with  the 
presidential  interests,  and  his  influence  with  the  army, 
has  proved  the  firmest.  The  constant  change  gave 
no  opportunity  for  introducing  or  establishing  order 
or  reforms,  and  the  confusion  naturally  affected  gen 
eral  interests.18 

Juarez  and  Lerdo  sought  to  remedy  the  abuse,  but 
lacked  the  necessary  energy  and  thoroughness,  ham 
pered  as  they  allowed  themselves  to  be  by  factions. 
Diaz,  on  the  other  hand,  proved  true  to  his  promise  by 
a  sweeping  reorganization  of  the  departments,  first  by 
removing  the  host  of  useless  officials  who  added  to 
the  disorder  and  swelled  the  expenses  for  selfish  pur 
poses;  next,  by  introducing  system  and  encouraging- 
zeal  and  honesty,  selecting  capable  men  and  reward 
ing  merit.  Indeed,  peculation  and  other  abuses  were 
rigorously  looked  after,  although  allowed,  no  doubt, 
under  certain  circumstances  for  politic  ends.  In  the 
matter  of  spoliation,  there  is  a  difference  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States.  In  .the  northern 
republic,  the  people  being  the  power,  and  on  the  watch, 

18  The  foreign  office,  depending  greatly  on  international  law,  had  more 
definite  principles.  Its  fourscore  changes  between  1821-55  brought  in  over 
40  new  men,  of  whom  fully  half  ranked  as  lawyers.  Some  of  the  offices 
open  in  the  afternoon  as  late  a»  6  P.  M.  This  branch  of  the  govt  is  divided 
into  four  depts,  the  American,  the  European,  the  cancilleria,  and  the 
national  archive  office.  In  the  cancilleria,  foreigners  are  registered,  and  their 
certificates;  letters  of  naturalization  are  extended;  passports  issued,  and  de 
spatches  from  different  branches  of  the  government  registered.  Signatures 
are  affirmed,  and  the  births,  marriages,  and  deaths  of  foreigners  registered. 
The  expenses  of  the  foreign  office  for  the  fiscal  year  1883-4  was  $335,868,  the 
diplomatic  and  consular  abroad  costing  $255,583.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  p. 
xxi.;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.  Ext.,  1881.  For  earlier  times,  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  i.  205- 
9;  iv.  49-51,  72-5,  292-3,  329-31,  342-4;  xiii.  52-4;  Mex.,  Legis.,  1851,  18-34; 
1852,  244-55,  329-41;  1853,  5-7,  13-14,  91-4;  1854,  104-9,  274-5;  1855,  580-9, 
621-2;  1856,  349;  Archivo  Mex.,  i.  691;  v.  63-5,  430-5,  683-96;  vi.  230-1, 
581-6;  Codigo  Reforma,  292-5;  Mex.,  Bol  Ley.,  1863,  63-6,  79-90;  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.  Imp.,  i.-vii.,  passim;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  vii.  327,  607-11,  627; 
viii.  462;  ix.  81,  88,  139,  235,  337;  x.  28-31,  37,  166,  and  other  volumes  and 
pages  of  preceding  collections.  Buenrostro,  Secund.  Cong.,  i.  120-1;  Diar. 
Debates,  Cong.  10,  xiii.  431-9,  876-7;  Diaz,  Miscel,  nos.  17,  56;  Siliceo,  Mem. 
Fom.,  119-24;  Thompsons  Recol.,  180-6.  Under  centralist  and  imperial  re 
gime,  the  council  of  state  formed  an  important  body,  which  during  federal 
times  has  been  replaced  by  the  congress  diputation  of  the  recess.  The  occa 
sional  junta  de  notables  also  acted  as  such. 


478  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND   MILITARY. 

will  not  permit  the  higher  officials  to  steal  to  any  great 
extent,  so  that  the  more  extensive  robberies  are  com 
mitted  by  the  smaller  officials,  local  boards,  legislators, 
and  other  tools  of  the  millionaires  and  monopolists, 
while  in  Mexico  the  chief  rulers  have  not  been  in  the 
habit  of  leaving  much  for  their  subordinates  and  in 
feriors.  Indeed,  it  is  the  customary  thing,  and  wholly 
to  be  expected,  not  only  to  take  all  there  is  to  take, 
but  to  anticipate  future  revenue,  to  draw  wealth,  with 
out  much  concealment  or  reproach,  both  from  the 
inside  and  the  outside. 

"I  will  give  you  five  thousand  dollars  to  pass  this 
measure  for  me,  and  hold  the  transaction  a  strict 
secret  between  ourselves,"  said  a  New  Yorker,  who 
prided  himself  in  his  skill  in  the  art  of  bribery,  to  a 
Mexican  governor.  "Make  it  ten  thousand,"  replied 
the  governor,  "and  you  may  tell  all  the  world." 

This  state  of  affairs  applies  more  to  former  days, 
however,  when,  for  instance  between  1841  and  1844, 
about  12,000  military  commissions  alone  appear  to 
have  been  issued  to  please  adherents  and  win  oppo 
nents.  It  was  this  extreme  abuse  that  gave  the  pre 
text  for  most  revolutions,  for  greed  and  jealousy  were 
ever  the  prominent  characteristics  of  statesmen.19 

The  great  official  centre  in  the  city  of  Mexico  is 
the  palace,  formerly  occupied  by  viceroys  and  presi 
dents,  now  surrendered  almost  entirely  to  the  admin 
istrative  departments,  to  archives,  treasury,  post- 
office,  scientific  institutions,  council  and  reception 
halls,  some  furnished  in  rich  style,  others  bare." 


20 


19  A  certain  class  of  officials  managed  to  retain  their  position,  not  alone 
through  favor  or  intimidation,  but  because  their  experience  and  ability  were 
valuable.     More  than  once  academies  were  opened  to  train  men  for  the  civil 
service,  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1854,  79-81,  and  inspectors  supervised  federal  offices, 
only  to  succumb  to  the  common  vice.   Carbajal,  Discurso  sobre  Empleos,  1-52; 
Rep.  Mex.,  Consid.  PolU.,  38-41;  Pap.   Var.,  Ixxxviii.  pt  9,  cliv.  pt  17,  form 
instances   of   the   numerous   tirade   against   corruption.     See   also  Villalobo, 
Reyla,  Regimen,  Calend.,  1850,  37-8. 

20  por  a  description  of  this  venerable,  two-story  edifice,  with  its  art  and 
other  treasures,  I  refer  to  Rivera,  Mex.  Pint.,  i.  23  et  seq.;  also  Brocklehurst's 
Mex.,  44-6,  and  other  late  descriptive  books. 


OFFICIALS   AND  LAND  MONOPOLISTS.  479 

The  federal  spirit  has  not  been  fostered  by  race  and 
caste  distinctions,  by  the  frequent  sectional  attitude 
during  civil  wars,  and  by  the  encroachment  on  state 
rights  of  a  corrupt  general  government;  but  with  the 
now  prolonged  peace,  with  unfolding  resources  promot 
ing  close  communication  by  means  of  roads  and  rail 
ways,  and  with  the  growing  number  and  control  on 
the  part  of  the  mestizos,  the  national  feeling  is  surely 
strengthening.  The  distant  northern  states,  so  long- 
neglected  under  savage  raids  as  to  seriously  consider 
secession,  are  becoming  more  valued  as  a  frontier 
bulwark  and  promising  region  for  colonization.21 

The  municipal  power,  while  amplified  under  a  liberal 
government,  has  in  another  sense  been  brought  under 
better  control.  The  lack  of  pay  for  local  offices,  to 
gether  with  the  indifference  of  the  masses,  threw 
them  generally  into  the  hands  of  wealthy  or  design 
ing  men,  who  used  their  positions  as  stepping-stones 
to  greater  influence,  wielding  their  power  with  great 
effect  against  a  weak  government,  and  against  peace 
and  advancement,  while  sustaining  a  retrogressive 
unequality  of  classes.  They  sought  to  impose  on  the 
poorer  people;  using  the  Indian  merely  for  their 
own  purposes  as  a  prey  and  tool,  they  deprived  him 
of  the  benefits  of  a  paternal  cololonial  regime,  giving 
him  in  return  only  the  empty  title  of  citizen,  for  the 
privileges  connected  therewith  were  retained  for  them 
selves.  The  communal  land  system  of  the  pueblos 
has  operated  against  the  formation  of  homes,  with 
their  lofty  incentives,  and  fostered  improvidence. 
The  ownership  of  land  in  general,  monopolized  as  it 
is  by  a  small  number,  needs  reform  in  order  to  pro 
mote  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  this  can  be  effected 
sufficiently  by  a  judicious  imposition  of  taxes.22 

'21  Yucatan,  which  once  proved  most  turbulent  and  aimed  at  independence, 
has  become  reconciled,  partly  under  the  stress  of  Indian  uprisings,  partly  by 
a  division  of  the  peninsula  into  two  states.  The  secession  of  the  northern 
states  was  frequently  agitated  by  political  leaders  from  the  second  decade  of 
the  independence,  the  title  Sierra  Gorda  among  others  being  considered,  even 
during  the  last  decade. 

22  For  municipal  regulations  under  different  govts,  see  Mex.  Legis.,  1852, 


480 


GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND   MILITARY. 


The  12  intencias  and  3  provincias  of  the  colonial 
days  appeared  in  the  constitution  of  1824  as  19  states 
and  5  territories.  Party  triumphs  assisted  several  to 
admission,  and  despite  the  loss  of  about  half  the  soil 
to  the  northern  republic,  so  far  a  comparatively  useless 
border  waste,  the  country  now  embraces  28  states  and 
2  territories.23 

217-23;  1854,  204-36;  1855,  100^t6,  440-1;  Mex.,  Col  Ley:,  i.  116-17;  iv. 
34-44,  56-60,  76,  285,  348-56;  viii.  228-30;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  vi. 
385-99,  455,  563,  604;  ix.  180-8;  Mex.  Bol.  Leg.,  1863,  107-15.  Also,  with 
comments  on  mismanagement,  Paz,  Ley  Inst.;  Sagazeta,  Acus.,  1-15;  Mex., 
Reg.  Junta,  1-12;  Mex.  Ordenanzas  Munidp.,  1843;  Mex.  Ayunt.,  1844,  1-72; 
Berasueta  alSlndico  San  Miguel,  1-36;  Pap.  Far.,  li.  pt  3;  Ixxx.  pt20;  Ixxxiii. 
pts  1-3;  Ixxxiv.  pt  10;  cxlv.  pt  1;  clxxxiii.  pt  2;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  vi. 
passim. 

a3  The  following  alphabetical  table  supplies  their  respective  areas,  popula 
tions,  and  capitals,  according  to  the  latest  statistics: 


States. 

Area  in 
Sq.  Leagues. 

Population. 

Capitals. 

Aguascalientes  

411 
3,810 
2,367 
12,352 
7,506 
552 
6,270 
1,683 
3,621 
1,204 
5,777 
1,156 
3,497 
262 
3,486 
4,953 
1,773 
473 
4,056 
5,339 
11,650 
1,748 
4,458 
239 
3,869 
8,160 
3,392 

140,430 
116,000 
200,000 
250,000 
145,000 
65,827 
200,000 
898,072 
327,050 
500,000 
1,012,117 
752,893 
784,108 
150,000 
223,017 
754,468 
784,470 
192,317 
550,000 
201,918 
141,000 
110,093 
141,000 
153,269 
611,586 
500,000 
470,000 
400,000 

30,000 
121,742 

Aguascalientes. 
Campeche. 
San  Cristobal  de  lasCasas 
Chihuahua. 
Saltillo. 
Colima. 
Durango. 
Guanajuato. 
Tixtla. 
Pachuca. 
Guadalajara. 
Toluca. 
Morelia. 
Cuernavaca. 
Monterey. 
Ojaca. 
Puebla. 
Queretaro. 
San  Luis  Potosi. 
Culiacan. 
Hermosillo. 
San  Juan  Bautista. 
Ciudad  Victoria. 
Tlascala. 
Vera  Cruz. 
Merida. 
Zacatecas. 
Mejico. 

La  Paz. 
Tepic. 

Campeche 

Chiapas      ....         ... 

Chihuahua     •  . 

Coahuila  

Durango   

Guanajuato 

Guerrero       

Hidalgo 

Jalisco  

Mejico 

Michoacaii   ...        .  ,  . 

Morelos 

Nuevo  Leon  
Oajaca 

Piiebla  

Queretaro             .    ... 

San  Luis  Potosi  
Sinaloa     .               .... 

Tabasco                   .... 

Tamaulipas 

Tlascala  .  '    

Vera  Cruz                  . 

Yucatan  

Zacatecas  

Valle  de  Mejico.'  

Territories  — 
Lower  California  .... 
Tepic 

68 
9,080 

11,026,377 

DISTRICTS  AND  MUNICIPALITIES.  481 

Their  constitution  and  form  of  government  differ 
in  many  features  from  one  another.  Some  have  one 
chamber,  others  two ;  at  times  with  a  fixed  number  of 
representatives,  at  others  with  varied  proportions  and 
terms,  and'  so  with  regard  to  number,  length,  and 
dates  of  the  sessions.  The  gubernatorial  term  is 
mostly  for  four  years,  sometimes  with  a  designated 
substitute ;  the  secretaries  of  state  are  frequently  only 
one  or  two  in  number,  and  the  number  of  courts  and 
judges  vary.24  Departments  or  districts,  corresponding 
to  counties,  are  ruled  according  to  some  constitutions 
by  prefects  appointed  by  and  subject  to  the  state 
government,  elsewhere  by  jefes  politicos  elected  by 
direct  popular  vote.  In  some  states,  every  municipal 
ity  has  an  ayuntamiento,  or  local  board,  composed  of 
from  two  to  twelve  regidores,  at  the  rate  of  about  one 
to  1,000  inhabitants,  with  an  alcalde  or  president,  and 
one  or  two  sindicos,25  all  elected  usually  every  year. 
In  other  states,  small  villages  have  merely  a  municipal 
council  with  less  legislative  power.  Ayuntamientos 
are  also  restricted  to  municipalities  of  not  less  than 
say  3,000  inhabitants,  and  in  the  smaller  places  rule 
lieutenants  appointed  by  the  government,  and  sub- 
prefects  controlling  partidos.  Extraordinary  measures 
and  expenditures  by  ayuntamientos  require  state  gov 
ernment  approval.2** 

The  limitation  of  suffrage  can  scarcely  be  considered 

The  federal  district  was  raised  into  the  state  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  in  1885, 
while  the  territory  of  Tepic  was  segregated  from  Jalisco  in  1884.  Morelos 
was  made  a  state  in  1864.  Duhlan  and  Lazano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  570;  Penaftel, 
Estad.  Gen.,  num.  i.,  passim;  Garcia  Cubas,  Atlas,  9;  Id.,  Hep.  Mex.,  9-10; 
Caballero,  Prim.  Aim.,  221-78,  passim.  The  limit  for  admission  is  now  fixed 
at  a  population  of  120,000,  and  approval  is  required  from  two  thirds  of  con 
gressmen  and  legislatures.  During  centralist  rule,  the  states  were  reduced 
to  departments,  and  so  under  Maximilian,  when  they  were  divided  into  50. 
Names  in  Gran,  Almanaque,  1867,  43;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  274-6. 

21  Certain  states,  like  Chiapas,  have  sought  to  uphold  the  Roman  catholic 
as  the  state  religion;  others,  like  Puebla,  to  exclude  illiterate  persons  from 
citizenship  after  a  certain  period. 

25  These  terms  have  been  explained  in  other  volumes  of  the  work.     See 
index. 

26  The   prefect   system,    without  legislative   power,    savors   of   centralist 
times,  when  ayuntamientos  were  limited  to  large  towns,  often  with  justices 
of  the  peace  as  the  sole  rulers  in  minor  places. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    31 


482  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

a  hardship,  in  view  of  the  indifference  manifested 
toward  exercising  the  privilege.  To  assume  that  one 
tenth  of  the  qualified  voters  participated  in  the  most 
popular  of  late  presidential  elections  is  a  liberal  esti 
mate  ;  hence  the  ease  with  which  officials  can  influence 
or  decide  the  result,  especially  as  regulations  for  the 
polls  and  ballots  are  little  observed  or  understood  by 
the  great  mass  of  Indian  and  cognate  castes. 

The  Mexican  system  of  elections  is  divided  into 
primaries  and  secondaries.  According  to  the  organic 
law  of  1857,  each  governor  of  a  state  divides  his 
political  territory  into  electoral  districts  containing 
40,000  inhabitants  each,27  and  designates  the  town 
where  the  electoral  junta  is  to  assemble.  The  muni 
cipalities  in  each  district  next  divide  their  jurisdictions 
into  sections  containing  500  inhabitants  each,  and  one 
elector  for  each  section  is  chosen  by  popular  vote. 
These  are  the  primary  elections.  On  an  appointed 
day,  the  electors  chosen  met  at  the  town  selected  by 
the  governor,  and  having  appointed  a  president,  two 
examiners  and  counters  of  votes,  and  a  secretary,  these 
constitute  a  junta  electoral,  or  electoral  college.  The 
votes  having  been  counted,  the  junta's  first  duty  is  to 
pronounce  upon  the  legality  or  illegality  of  the  elec 
tions  in  the  case  of  each  member.  For  this  purpose, 
a  committee  is  appointed  to  examine  the  credentials 
with  which  the  electors  are  furnished  by  the  officers 
of  the  primaries.  Its  report  is  submitted  to  the  junta, 
which  approves  or  disapproves  of  the  findings  by  tak 
ing  a  general  vote  on  each.  The  junta  then  proceeds 
on  the  second  Sunday  in  July  to  the  election  of  one 
deputy  to  the  general  congress,  and  one  suplente.28 
On  the  following  day  the  elections  of  the  presidents 
of  the  republic  and  of  the  supreme  court  take  place ; 
arid  on  the  third  day  those  of  the  magistrates  of  the 

27  A  fractional  portion  containing  over  20,000  inhabitants  forms  a  district 
nevertheless;  when  less  than  that  number,  it  is  united  with  the  nearest 
district. 

28  A  candidate  for  congress  must  be  a  citizen  of  the  state  in  which  the 
district  which  he  wishes  to  represent  lies,  and  a  layman  of  25  years  of  age. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE.  483 

supreme  court.  These  are  the  secondary  elections. 
The  returns  are  sent  to  the  general  congress,  which, 
having  erected  itself  into  an  electoral  college,  declares 
who  have  been  elected.  The  primary  elections  are 
held  on  the  last  Sunday  in  June,  and  the  secondaries 
commence  on  the  second  Sunday  in  July  of  each  elec 
tion  year.29 

The  administration  of  justice  has  ever  been  in  a  sad 
condition,  owing  to  frequent  change  of  constitutions 
and  administrations,  with  consequent  variations  in  the 
judicial  system,  and  of  judges,  who  were  at  one  time 
perpetual,  at  another  appointed  by  dictatorial  author 
ity  or  elected  for  brief  terms,  and  with  the  selection  of 
persons  often  worthless  in  character  or  unacquainted 
with  law.  With  none  to  check  or  hold  them  respon 
sible  midst  the  shifting  of  power,  they  fell  more 
readily  into  the  general  corruption,  until  justice  be 
came  a  mockery,  and  at  the  free  disposal  of  the  bidder 
or  the  bully.  Since  the  reign  of  the  new  constitution 
greater  order  has  prevailed.30 

The  laws  are  based  on  those  established  during  the 
colonial  period,31  modified  to  suit  republican  and  pro 
gressive  times,  largely  after  the  Code  Napoleon,  and 
published  in  a  series  of  special  collections;82  but  the 

29  Copy  of  the  electoral  organic  law  in  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  viii. 
409-18.     By  referring  to  the  population  column  in  the  preceding  statistical 
table,  an  approximate  idea  will  be  arrived  at  of  the  number  of  deputies  sent 
to  congress  by  each  state.    For  earlier  election  rules,  see  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos, 
Col,  ii.  307-8;  Guerra,  Rev.,  p.  xl.-iii.;  Mex.,  CoL  Dec.  y  Ord.,  55,  85;  M«x., 
Col  Ley.,  1841,  110-11;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  Hi.  et  seq.;  Mex.,  Ley. 
Elect.,  1848,  1-34.     Comments  on  neglect  and  fraud  in  Clarke's  Mex.,  MS., 
30-2;  Diaz'  Miscel,  No.  56;  Pap.    Far.,  Ixxxviii.  pt  2.     There  have  been 
property  limits  to  the  exercise  of  franchise,  of  from  $100  to  $200. 

30  There  have  been  marked  reforms  by  Diaz.     Instance  the  report  in  his 
Informe,  1880,  16-17,  and  the  suppression  of  highway  robbery  and  crime 
generally,  as  elsewhere  shown. 

81  Which  date  back  to  the  first  recorded  code,  El  Fuero  Juzgo  of  about  690, 
developed  in  the  Siete  Partidas  of  Alfonso  the  Wise,  and  the  Recopiladones, 
and  extended  with  special  reference  to  the  colonies  in  the  Recopilacion  de  In- 
dias,  together  with  special  ordenanzos  and  decretos,  as  shown  in  Mex.  Law  , 
MS.,  1  et  seq.,  and  as  explained  in  previous  volumes  of  this  work. 

32  As  Gal  van '3,  which  extends  to  1829  and  even  beyond,  Arrillaga's  till  1837 
and  partly  later,  Lara's,  Navarro's,  the  several  sets  issued  during  the  reform 
war,  during  th  French  and  imperial  periods,  besides  odd  publications,  and  the 
compilation  of  Dublan  and  Lozano,  which  has  nearly  reached  our  decade. 


484  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

confusion  is  great,  and  a  revised  code  is  needed  to 
eliminate  the  mass  of  odd,  feudal,  and  mediaeval  haoty 
and  contradictory  enactments.  Those  ccncerning  the 
administration  of  justice  rest  on  the  decree  of  October 
9,  1812,  though  subjected  to  many  changes,  especially 
after  1857.  The  special  privileges  under  the  fuero 
tribunals  of  the  clergy,  army,  and  guilds  are  abolished 
yet  the  custom  thus  inculcated  has  done  some  good  in 
promoting  arbitration  methods.  There  is  no  imprison 
ment  for  civil  debt,  and  no  detention  as  prisoner  be 
yond  three  days,  without  justifiable  proofs,  to  which 
end  the  amparo  law33  may  be  invoked;  yet  numbers 
languish  in  waiting  for  delayed  trials.  Counsel  is 
provided  for  those  in  need  thereof.  Criminal  cases 
are  limited  to  three  instances,  and  a  defective  jury 
system  extends  only  to  certain  cases.34  State  codes 
differ  greatly. 

The  present  form  of  tribunals  does  not  vary  much 
from  that  ordained  by  the  constitution  of  1824. 
There  are  three  grades  of  federal  courts,  suprem  , 
circuit,  and  district,  with  original  jurisdiction  in  affairs 
of  state,  and  as  courts  of  appeal  or  final  instance. 
The  eleven  supreme  judges  arc  elected  for  six  years S5 
There  are  eight  circuit  courts,36  and  one  district  court 

All  of  them  have  been  frequently  quoted  in  my  pages  genjrally  as  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.  and  Col.  Legis.  Several  special  abridged  sets  have  >een  issued  in  the 
United  States  by  Halleck,  Hamilton,  Hall,  and  others,  the  latter  appearing 
at  S.  F.  in  1885  with  an  840-page  volume.  The  growing  intercourse  will 
bring  forth  more.  Besides  codes  of  procedure,  as  by  Chavez,  the  different 
laws  appear  with  collections  of  enac  Amenta,  and  cddigos.  Note  allusions  to 
reformed  issues,  in  Diar.  Debates,  Cong.  6,  *  648-57;  ii.  51,  179-86;  Mex., 
Mem.  Jtist.,  for  different  years.  Ctidigo  Civil  Imp.,  1-46,  is  a  specimen  of 
Maximilian's  efforts. 

33  Introducing  writ  of  protection  and  suspension  of  protested  acts,  of 
greater  scope  than  the  habeas  corpus  aH. 

8i  It  was  not  established  until  s  me  time  after  the  federal  constitution,  and 
met  with  a  temporary  check  in  the  sixth  decade.  For  decrees  concerning, 
see  Rivera,  Hist.  Jal.t  iv.  690-1;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  525,  537-43, 
658-65;  Mex.,  Mem.  Just.,  1869,  5,  72-9;  S.  Lms  Pot.,  Jurados,  1-9.  Adverse 
comments,  in  Chavez,  Cod.  Proced.  Penal,  8;  M<.  clure,  Opinions,  i.  413.  It  was 
extended  to  the  army. 

85  In  the  same  manner  as  the  president.  Their  presiding  judge  being 
temporary  successor  to  the  chief  magistrate.  The  court  is  divided  into  hree 
salas,  or  halls,  the  first  with  five  judges.  F  ur  supernumeraries,  one  fiscal, 
and  one  procurador  general  are  attached. 

36  Each  covering  two  or  more  states,  the  three  northern  and  that  of 
Merida  having  a  wide  circuit. 


LAWYERS  AND  JUDGES.  485 

for  each  state,  except  two,  which  have  more;  appeals 
go  from  these  to  the  other  two  courts.  The  federal 
district  and  Lower  California  have  special  federal 
courts.  Tribunals  of  common  jurisdiction,  not  count 
ing  the  supreme  court  of  the  nation,  are  of  three 
grades,  superior  tribunals  in  the  capitals  of  states  and 
territories,  courts  of  first  instance,  and  the  courts  of 
local  judges,  including  alcaldes,  justices  of  the  peace, 
and  conciliadores  or  inferior  justices.  The  first  vary 
in  composition,  with  usually  three  salas,  five  elected 
judges,  one  fiscal,  and  one  agent.  The  second  corre 
spond  very  nearly  to  prefect  districts,  as  may  be 
found  necessary;87  they  consider  appeals,  and  among 
other  procedures  hold  verbal  trials  for  cases  involving 
amounts  between  $100  and  $300.  Amounts  below 
this  pertain  to  the  local  judges,  elected  or  appointed.88 
The  legal  profession  is  the  favorite  in  Mexico,  as 
shown  by  the  number  of  law  students;89  but  with 
the  departed  strictness  of  Spanish  times,  a  host  of 
inefficient  men  crept  in  to  help  the  corrupt  and  irre 
sponsible  judges  in  distorting  still  further  the  defect 
ive  laws,  arid  the  irregular  mode  of  procedure,  too 
often  conducted  in  secret,  and  with  interminable  pro- 

87  When  two  or  more  in  number,  the  judges  divide  the  civil  and  criminal 
jurisdiction  exclusively.     In  some  places  they  are  elected,  in  others  appointed. 

38  According  to  the  laws  of  the  state.     Even  the  jueces  menores,  or  inferior 
justices,   must  have  practised  as  lawyers  for  four  years.     Elected  alcaldes 
have  their  legal  advisers.     Local  judges  take  cognizance  also  in  written  pro 
cedures  involving  amounts  below  $300.     Further  details  in  Mex.  Laws,  MS., 
4  et  seq;  Chavez,  Cod.,  i.-iii.;  Bdrcena,  Foro,  Id.,  Manual  de  Practica;  Palla-, 
res,  Poder  Judicial.     For  earlier  tribunal  regulations  and  procedures,  see 
Decreto  Cortes   Tribunales,  1-12;  Mex.,  Col.  Dec.  y  Ord.,  35-58,  121-30,  165; 
Cortes,  Diario,  viii.  40;  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  i.  11-14,  156-76,  234-6,  351-2,  619-20; 
Id.,  y  Dec.,  1841,  65-6,  97-109;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1827-37,  passim;  Archtvo 
Mex.,  ii.  739,  etc.;  Mex.  Legis.,  1851,  317-29,  etc.;  Hex.,  Col  Ley.  Imp.,  vii., 
passim.     Debate  on  criminal  law  of  procedure,  in  Diar.  Debates,  i.  119-545, 
629;  Mex.,  Mem.  Just.,  1849,  1-23;  1868,  41-55;  1876-7,  3-16;  187881,  pt 
xl.  et  seq.  and  docs.;  Bustamante,  Gabine.te  Mex.,  iii.  MS.,  L  68-9,  215;  Buen- 
rostro,    Hist.  Prim,  y  Sec.  Cong.,  nos.  48-75;  Mex.,  Dictamen.  Just.,  3-27; 
Ramirez,   Col.  Dec.,    333,  etc.     Foreign   comments,   in   Mayer,   Mex.  Aztec, 
ii.  147 -50;  Fossey    Mex.,  262-4;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  250-3.     Peculiar 
instances   and   complaints.    Alaman,    Conducta,    1-20;    Contest.,    1-15;   Pap. 
Var.,  Ixxiii.  pts  10-11;  Angulo,  Import.  Cuest.,  4;  Bustamante,  Emayo,  118-34. 
For  state  rules,  see  S.  Luis  Pot.,  Arreglo  Trib.,  1-29;  Id.,  Arancel,  1-48. 

39  The  academy  of  colonial  times  still  lives,  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos,  Cot.  Doc.t 
v.  218-38,  and  the  fraternity  have  a  strong  organization.     For  noted  names, 
see  Oagern,   Apel.,  64-75;   Snm,  Bioy.,  passim;  Pap.    Var.,  cviii.,  pt  i.  64; 
S.  Miguel,  Mex.,  i.  180-7.     Notarial  duties.  Derecho,  ii.  326-44. 


486  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

traction,  especially  in  civil  suits.  This  state  of  afiairs 
has  been  greatly  fostered  by  national  indolence  and 
excessive  good-nature,  which  hold  citizens  from  aiding 
in  the  arrest  or  prosecution  of  criminals.  Fear  of 
vengeance  affect  both  judges  and  witnesses.  This 
leniency  has  fostered  crime,  for  which  inducements 
may  be  found  in  race  feeling  and  caste  distinctions,  with 
the  degraded  condition  of  many  classes;  in  the  perni 
cious  church  absolutions;  in  the  civil  wars  and  official 
corruption  which  encouraged  smuggling  and  gave 
impulse  to  what  the  Spanish  government  termed  an 
innate  propensity  for  highway  robbery;  and  in  the 
rooted  inclination  for  gambling.  The  prevalence  of 
robbery  lias  been  proclaimed  by  all  travellers.  Even 
Mexicans  at  times  became  roused  to  protest,  and  to 
impel  the  government  to  spasmodic  steps.40 

President  Diaz  recognized  the  need  for  swift  and 
strict  justice,  and  his  efforts  have  procured  for  the 
country  a  security  never  before  attained.  The  former 
general  use  of  arms,  and  employment  of  combinations 
and  escorts  for  even  short  journeys,  are  fast  disappear 
ing.  The  decrease  of  crime  is  immense,  greater  than 
indicated  by  statistics  of  convictions,  which  with  early 
administrations  formed  a  mere  percentage.41  This  has 

40  The  reestablishment  was  several  times  urged  of  the  colonial  acordada, 
or  vigilance  tribunal.  Bustamante,  Diar.,  MS.,  xlv.  3-11.     For  other  meas 
ures,  see  Arrillaga,  Recop.,   1849-50,   134;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1848,  176-8;  Id., 
1863-67,   261-3;   Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,   viii.  311-19;   Diar.  Debates, 
Cong.  6,  iy.  310-12. 

41  The  increasing  application  of  justice,  and  its  effect  on  the  diminution  of 
crime,  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  statistics:  During  the  first  nine 
months  of  1875,  the  total  number  of  persons  taken  to  the  city  prison,  includ 
ing  218  dead,  killed  by  wounds  or  accident,  was  33,368,  of  whom  32,819  were 
at  once  dismissed  or  released  after  short  detention;  212  were  sentenced;  and 
the  cases  of  119  were  still  pending.     During  the  same  period,  the  correspond 
ing  figures  for  the  national  prison  at  Me  ~ico,  the  dead  being  201,  were  14,- 
325,  13,148,  604,  and  372.  Mex.,  Mem.  Ofic.  Mayor  Gob.,  1875,  129-31,  Doc. 
37  and  38.     In  the  first  six  months  of  1881,  the  number  of  persons  imprisoned 
in  the  federal  district  was  7,605.     In  addition,  583  wounded  by  design  or  ac 
cident  were  conveyed  thither,  and  178  dead  bodies.     The  charges  against 
1,679  were  dismissed,  and  178  were  released  after  different  terms  of  imprison 
ment,  thus  showing  the  apparent  number  of  criminals  to  be  5,748.     During 
the  period  from  Sept.  15,  1880,  to  Aug.  30,  1881,  15,675  arrests  were  made  in 
the  same  district,  the  cases  of  8,047  being  dismissed.     Proceedings  were  in 
stituted  against  9,109,  and  4,060  sentences  passed.     The  number  of  persons 
arrested  for  minor  offences  was  3,456,  and  for  grave  crimes  681,  on  7  of  whom 
the  death  sentence  was  passed.  Mex.,  Mem.  Jmticia,  1881,  Doc.  101  and  102, 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE.  487 

been  accomplished  partly  by  the  tribunal  reforms 
already  noticed,  together  with  an  improved  peniten 
tiary  system,42  and  a  more  unflinching  enforcement  of 
penalty,  especially  upon  highway  robbers,  whom  local 
judges  and  military  commanders  were  instructed  to 
shoot  on  sight  or  execute  without  delay.  At  the 
same  time  a  more  judicious  gradation  of  punishments 
was  recommended  to  the  courts,  and  the  intention  is 
to  speedily  abolish  executions.43  No  confiscation,  lash, 
or  mutilation  is  permitted.44  The  police  force  has 
been  greatly  improved,45  and  the  admirable  security 
of  the  country  roads  is  mainly  due  to  the  rural  guard,4* 
a  select  body  of  men,  assisted  by  converted  robbers, 
on  the  principle  of  setting  a  thief  to  catch  a  thief. 

The  republic  has  not  stood  on  the  best  footing  with 
foreign  powers,  owing  to  the  anarchic  state  of  affairs, 
and  her  disregard  for  obligations  and  international 
usages.  At  first  Europe  held  aloof  out  of  respect 
for  Spain,  Colombia  being  the  first  to  establish  offi 
cial  relations,  although  no  intimacy  resulted.  Indeed, 
Mexico  was  a  main  cause  for  the  failure  of  the  pro- 

42  Slowly  being  adopted.     It  was  advocated  by  Bustamante,  Ensayo,  184— 
6,  and  was  partly  introduced  at  Guanajuato  during    he  'ast  decade.  Guan., 
Mem.  Gob.,    1873,  33-9;  Mea\,  Mem.  Gob.,   1873,   177-81.     Report  on  new 
European  system  for  adoption.  Bdrcena,  Estud.  Ores.   306;  Medina,  Project 
Penit  nc.    1-186;  Diaz'  Informe  Guadalajara  has  so  far  the  most  complete  sys 
tem.  *al,  Mem.  Ejec.,  1875-9,  1-44.     See  also  8.  Luis  Pot.,  Penitenc.,  1-1  . 
Lenient  treatment  of  prisoners  is  still  excessive. 

43  As  expressed  already  in  art.  23  of  the  constitution,  whi"h  prohibits  them 
for  pcLtical  offences,  etc.     For  efforts  in  states  to  that  end1   see  Twar  Hist. 
Parl,  in.  189  387,  394,  456,  530,  et  seq.;  Diar.  Debates,  Co  ~.*.  5,  iii.  151-2  0, 
passim,  707;  Monitor,  Ju  a  10,  Nov.  25,  1809;  Estrella     cdd.    Sept.  2,  1870. 
It  h?    been  the  custom  to  enroll  criminals  in  the  army    s  rec  mmended  even 
by  law.  Colima,  Leyes,  no.  35. 

44  According  to  the  constitution.     The  administrative  power  can  impose 
only  a  correction  not  exceeding  a  month's  imprisonment  or  a  fine  of  $500. 

45  They  carry  lanterns,  which,  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  of  tea 
forms  the  only  illumination.     Electric  lights  are  being  int  oduced.     Regula 
tions  of  the  force.  Chavez,  Cod.  Penal,  19-24;  Mex.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1873,    9-85, 
and  later  dates;  Polida,  Begla.,  1-8. 

46  '  Al  principio  esta  guardia  era  compuesta  de  bandidos  que  se  arrepen- 
tian.'  Diaz,  Biog.,  MS.,  485.     Its  beginning  lies  in  Jua.  ez  decree  of  1857, 
Mex.,  Ley.  Guardia  Seguridad,  1-27,  which  lacked  due  enforcement.     Report 
on  later  efficient  steps.  Mex.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1877-8    29-31    and  later  dates. 
The  police  signal  and  assist  at  fires.     Regular  fire  departments  are  forming, 
the  neglect  thereof  so  far  being  due  to  the  rari  y    f  large  fires  owing  to  the 
general  use  of  adobe  and  stone  for  buildings.  Groao,  MS.,  2-3. 


488  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

ject  to  form  an  Hispano- American  confederacy  for 
defence,  moved  as  she  was  by  jealousy  of  Bolivar's 
supremacy;  subsequently  came  indifference.  England 
effected  a  commercial  treaty  in  1826,  which  served  as 
a  model  for  others,  as  Prussia  and  other  German  states, 
Holland,  Denmark,  Switzerland,  Austria,  the  United 
States,  and  Italy,  several  of  them  advantageously  re 
vised  by  Diaz.47  The  neighboring  northern  republic 
was  looked  upon  as  model  and  ally  with  the  achieve 
ment  of  independence,  but  the  incidents  of  1846-8 
changed  admiration  to  suspicion;  yet  the  effective 
attitude  of  the  United  States  during  the  French  in 
tervention  should  not  be  forgotten,  and  with  rapidly 
growing  trade  and  intercourse  intimate  connections 
will  follow. 

The  strained  relations  with  several  powers  at  differ 
ent  times,  and  the  grasping  disposition  of  foreign  res 
idents,  have  not  promoted  the  best  of  feelings  toward 
the  latter,  and  they  have  consequently  suffered  much 
annoyance  and  loss,  although  indemnity  has,  as  a  rule, 
been  exacted  for  the  latter.  Naturalization,  which 
according  to  the  constitution  can  be  acquired  by 

47  In  1883  diplomatic  relations  were  maintained  with  the  U.  S.,  Cent.  Am., 
France,  Germany,  Belgium,  Spain,  and  Italy.  Relations  with  Eng.  were 
interrupted  for  many  years  in  consequence  of  the  attitude  of  Gt  Britain  dur 
ing  the  French  intervention.  In  1884  they  were  partially  renewed,  without 
either  side  making  advances  toward  reconciliation,  by  the  arrival  in  the  capi 
tal  of  Spencer  St  John  on  a  mission  connected  with  British  claims.  In  the 
following  year  this  man  was  formally  recognized  by  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  and  diplomatic  relations  renewed.  There  are  resident  in  the  Mexican 
capital,  besides  representatives  of  the  above-mentioned  nations — Cent.  Am. 
excepted — envoys  extraordinary  from  Guatamala,  Salvador,  and  Honduras. 
Mexican  consul  and  consular  agents  reside  in  most  of  the  principal  cities  and 
ports  of  the  following  countries:  the  U.  S.,  Bolivia,  Ecuador,  U.  S.  of  Co 
lombia,  U.  S.  of  Venezuela,  Costa  Bica,  and  Honduras,  in  America;  in 
Europe,  Gt  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Denmark,  Belgium,  Spain,  Italy,  Por 
tugal,  and  Switzerland.  There  is  also  a  consul  at  Honolulu.  All  the  above- 
named  countries,  except  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  have  consular  representation 
in  Mexico,  and  also  Holland,  Norway  and  Sweeden,  the  Argentine  Republic, 
and  Chile.  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel  Ext.,  1881,  93-103;  Diaz,  MutceL,  no.  17,  p.  3; 
St  John,  Gt  Britain  and  Mex.,  MS.  Few  consuls  received  regular  pay, 
yet  several  enjoyed  large  fees.  Diaz  reorganized  the  service,  and  retained 
enough  of  the  fees  to  cover  nearly  the  entire  cost  of  foreign  agents.  Preced 
ing  rules,  in  Derecho  Intern.,  iii.  107-99,  504-22;  Mex.  Leyis.,  1856,  45-8;  Arch. 
Mex.,  ii.  392-4;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  ii.  125  et  seq. ;  Mex.,  Reyla.  Consular \ 
1871,  1-23;  Pap.  Var.,  xccix.  pt  ii.  Mexicans  possess  fine  diplomatic  in 
stincts,  and  their  ministers  are,  as  a  rule,  men  of  high  culture,  though 
not  always  well  sustained. 


NATURALIZATION  AND  COLONIZATION.  489 

merely  holding  real  estate  or  having  Mexican  chil 
dren,  has  until  lately  been  little  sought  for,  owing  to 
the  prevalent  disorder  and  insecurity.  Foreigners 
found  themselves  safer  under  their  own  flag,  which 
protected  them  against  seizures,  arbitrary  contribu 
tions,  and  other  ills  afflicting  citizens.  Residents  can 
now  enjoy  unmolested  their  property,  though  subject 
to  restriction  on  land  holdings  within  a  certain  range 
of  coasts  and  borders,  and  transients  can  move  freely 
without  passports.48 

The  reasons  that  discouraged  naturalization  operated 
also  against  colonization,  to  which  must  be  added  in 
tolerance  and  jealousy  of  foreigners,  manifested  in  a 
too  narrow-minded  form  by  early  legislators  in  seeking 
only  catholic  settlers,  and  in  limiting  the  extent  and 
ownership  of  land.49  The  result  was  the  failure  of  the 
few  attempts  made,50  the  military  colonies,  as  on  the 

48  Landed  property  cannot  be  held  by  persons  who  reside  abroad,  or  are 
absent  for  over  two  years.  Formerly,  restrictions  were  more  severe  with 
regard  to  estate  and  trade  privileges,  and  foreigners  had  to  obtain  annually  a 
letter  of  security,  against  a  fee  of  $4,  besides  a  permit  to  carry  weapons,  in 
order  to  be  able  to  claim  the  derecho  de  estrangeria;  yet  their  real  protectors 
or  derecho  lay  with  the  ministers,  if  they  had  any;  and  these  found  it  neces 
sary  to  exercise  their  power  energetically,  as  events  indicate,  in  a  manner 
that  often  assisted  a  weak  government.  Even  Mexicans  found  it  prudent  to 
place  capital  under  foreign  names  and  firms.  The  levy  of  forced  contribu 
tions  was  nevertheless  long  applied  to  foreign  residents,  on  the  plea  that  they 
must  share  in  the  cost  of  protecting  their  property.  For  number  and  con 
dition,  see  the  later  chapter  on  society.  The  intensity  of  feeling,  which  in 
1828  and  following  years  led  to  the  expulsion  of  Spaniards,  was  hurtful  to 
industries.  Decrees  in  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1828,  35-204;  1829,  47-195,  passim. 
Lament,  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  vi.  706-13.  Earlier  naturalization  was 
more  troublesome.  See  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  v.  161. 

*9  It  was  feared  that  a  colony,  if  allowed  to  grow  strong,  might  prove  a 
thorn  by  objecting  to  arbitrary  and  unjust  interference,  and  aim  at  indepen 
dence,  or  bring  foreign  intervention.  The  ownership  of  land  was  also  in  dis 
pute  between  the  states  and  general  govt..  For  earlier  laws  on  colonization, 
see  Cortes,  Diar.,  x.  9-11;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Estadp,  1823,  52-3,  and  later 
dates,  under  fomento,  finance,  and  interior  ministries;  Coloniz.  Regla.,  1846, 
1-22;  Rockwell's  Span.  Law,  630;  Mex.,  Proyect.  Colon.,  1849,  1-12;  Pap.  Var., 
liv.  pt  8,  cxiv.  pt  5;  Mex.  Legis.,  1856,  60-1;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  iii.  108. 
Comments  on  narrow  policy,  in  Rosa,  Ensayo,  25  et  seq.;  Zavala,  Rev.,  ii. 
129-30;  Ortiz,  Espos.,  Sartorius,  Import.  Mex.,  34-7;  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist., 
MS.,  v.  250;  Coloniz.  Progreso,  1848,  1-40. 

5e)  Notably  by  the  French  on  the  Goazacoalco,  in  1830-1,  and  at  Nautla  in 
1832-35.  Fossey,  Mex.,  4-62,  passim,  318.  The  blame  is  laid  on  the  managers 
by  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel.,  1832,  13.  Grants  made  to  Baring  and  others  by  one 
govt  were  annulled  by  another.  Such  irregularities  were  enough  to  deter 
settlers.  On  other  colonies,  see  Beckers  Mex.,  259;  Drake's  Grants,  1-70; 
Rosa,  Ensayo,  30-2;  Ratzel,  Mex.,  373-80. 


490  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

northern  border,  alone  managing  to  keep  alive  with 
the  help  of  government.  Mexicans  are  not  good  col 
onists.51  Later  statesmen  have  recognized  the  need 
for  emigrants  to  develop  neglected  resources  and 
establish  new  industries,  which  should  open  fresh 
avenues  for  employment,  and  set  at  the  same  time  a 
practical  and  striking  example  to  Mexicans  in  methods 
and  in  manner  of  life,  and  stimulating  them  by  success 
to  energetic  imitation.  With  his  usual  energy  and 
foresight  President  Diaz  began  to  take  steps,  partly 
for  introducing  settlers,  but  mainly  to  insure  peace  and 
security,  and  prepare  wise  enactments  which  should 
attract  self-assisted  immigrants  as  the  most  desirable 
class.  In  1883  a  new  colonization  law  was  promul 
gated,  which  facilitated  the  acquisition  of  land  by  gift 
or  purchase,  defined  regulations,  offered  liberal  ex 
emptions,  permitted  the  government  to  grant  aid 
toward  passage  and  sustenance,  and  for  planting  set 
tlements.52  The  result  has  been  a  rapidly  growing 
influx  from  the  United  States,  Italy,  and  other  coun 
tries.53 

From  January  12,  1878,  to  December  6,  1882,  the 
principal  contracts  entered  into  were  no  less  than  nine- 

51  On  this  subject,  see  Hist.  Mex.}  v.,  this  series,  and  vol.  vi.,  chapter  on 
army  reorganization. 

52  Free  grants  to  foreigners  should  not  exceed  100  hectares.     Not  over 
2,500  hectares  could  be  sold  to  one  person,  but  payment  by  engineers'  valua 
tions  might  be  extended  over  ten  years,  with  exemption  during  that  period 
from   military  service,   from    taxes,  save   municipal,   from   import   duty  on 
necessaries.     By  planting  trees,  further  exemption  could  be  obtained.     Ab 
sence   for  six   months   forfeited   free   grants.      Lots  could   be  obtained   by 
founders  of  new  towns  by  building  thereon.     Companies  might  arrange  for 
extended  terms  of  exemption,  payment,  etc.,  and  retain  one  third  of  the  land 
granted.     Disputes  must  be  settled  by  Mexican  tribunals  alone.     Private 
land-holders  could  introduce  settlers.     Islands,  border,  and  coast  lands  were 
subject  to  nationality  restrictions.     The  price  for  government  lands,  as  fixed 
in  1878,  varied  from  6  cents  the  hectare  in  sterile  Lower  Cal.  to  $2.50  in  the 
federal  district,  the  average  in  the  border  states  being  from  12  to  18  cents, 
and  in  the  settled  central  provinces  from  $1  to  $2.  Hamilton's  Law,  148.     The 
very  common  tract  of  one  sitio  de  ganado  mayor  was  a  square  league,  5,000 
varas  square,  equal  to  1,755  hectares,  or  4,428  acres.     Further  rules  in  Hall's 
Mex.  Laws,  98-163.     For  later  efforts  to  promote  immigration,  and  comments, 
Mex.,  Mem.Fomento,  1873-85,  passim;  Diar.  Debates,  Cong.  5,  iii.  395-9;  Cong. 
10,  ii.  451-3;  Derecho  Intern.,  iii.  1173^;  Busto,  Estad.  Mex.,  ii.  pt  y.,  365-70. 
An  excellent  writer  on  this  and  similar  progress  topics  is  Manero,  in  his  Doc. 
Interes,  60-111,  passim. 

63  Companies  received  a  bonus  of  about  $25  a  head  for  desirable  families. 


ENCOURAGEMENT  OF  IMMIGRATION.  491 

teen  in  number,  of  which  the  only  really  successful 
ones  were  the  Italian  settlements  established  in  Vera 
Cruz,  Puebla,  Morelos,  San  Luis  Potosl,  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  capital.  In  these  states,  the  gov 
ernment  purchased  lands  to  the  extent  of  22,458  hec 
tares  at  a  cost  of  $169, 988.54  During  the  years  1883 
to  1885,  numerous  other  colonization  contracts  were 
made,55  the  prospects  of  the  success  of  which  projects 
will  be  greatly  enhanced  by  the  rapid  progress  that  is 
being  made  by  Mexico.  The  government  is  desirous 
for  the  immigration  of  foreigners,  and  the  policy  is  to 
infuse  into  a  colony  a  certain  proportion  of  Mexican 
element  for  the  improvement  of  the  natives  in  indus 
trial  occupations  by  contact  with  other  races.  With 

54  Other  lands  were  also  acquired  on  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  in  Coa- 
huila,  Guerrero,  and  on  the  island  of  Tiburon,  to  the  value  of  $1,628,178,  of 
which  sum  $1,355,331  were  paid  for  lands  in  Coahuila.     Mex.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Fomento,  1884,  i.,  6-8.     The  first  Italian  colony  arrived  Oct.  19,  1881,  and 
consisted  of  84  families,  numbering  423  persons.     They  arrived  at  Huatusco 
on  Nov.  3d  of  the  same  year.     The  name  given  to  the  settlement  was  the 
Manuel  Gonzalez  colony.     In  Jan.  1882,  53  families,  numbering  193  persons, 
and  85  Mexican  settlers,  were  established  in  Morelos.    They  were  shortly  after 
increased  by  404  more  Italians  and  36  Mexicans.     The  name  given  to  the  col 
ony  was  that  of  Porfirio  Diaz.     The  third  Italian  colony  established  was  on 
the  hacienda  de  Mazatepec,  Puebla,  in  April,  1882,  and  comprised  376  Italians 
and  24  Mexicans.     It  was  called  the  Carlos  Pacheco  colony.     The  San  Luis 
Potosi  colony  was  established  at  Ojo  de  Leon  in  May,  consisted  of  410  persons, 
and  Mras  named  after  Diez  Gutierrez.     The  last  arrival  of  Italian  colonists  took 
place  Sept.  25,  1882,  to  the  number  of  656,  who  were  thus  distributed:  424  be 
came  settlers  on  the  haciendas  of  Chipiloc  and  Tenamaxtla  in  Puebla,  219  went 
to  Huatusco,  Vera  Cruz,  and  13  to  the  Mexican  capital,  where  a  small  model 
colony  was  established  on  the  lands  of  Aldama  and  Nativitas  adjoining  the 
agricultural   school.     It  consisted   of  26   families,  comprising  124  persons, 
Italian  immigrants  chosen  for  their  superior  qualities.     The  settlement  at 
Chipiloc  was  called  the  Fernandez  Leal  colony.     In  April  1878,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  found  a  Mexican  colony  at  Suchil,  Tehuantepec,  and  170  settlers 
were  sent  thither.     There  being  no  foreign  element  among  them,  the  enter 
prise  failed.    Id.,  i.   10-38.     See  also  Dtorio  Ofic.,  Mayo  8,   16,  Oct.  11,  12, 
1878 ;  Apr.  28,  1879 ;  Mayo  27,  Oct.  19,  Nov.  3,  1881 ;  Enero  24,  Mar.  21, 
Jul.   14,  Sep.  12,  1882;  Bol.  of  Gob.  B.  Cal,  Jul.  30,  1882,  p.   2-3;   Voz  de 
Mex.,  Ag.  25,   1882;  Puebla,  Mensaje  Gob.,  18-9. 

55  Among  which   may  be   mentioned   those  with  Verdier,  Daniel  Levy, 
Proceros,  Jose  Iglesias  &  Co.,  Ramon  Fernandez  &  Co.,  Ign.  Franchi  de  Al- 
faro  &  Co.,  Mendez  &  Co.,  Quillemot  &  Co.,  Sierra  and  Zetina,  and  Ibarra  & 
Co.  Diario  Ofic.,  Enero  30,  Feb.   1,  Mar.  2,  1883;  En.  5,  Mar.  7,  10.  14,  26, 
Ag.   18,  Nov.   19,   1884;  Mex.  Finan.,  June  13,  July  4,   1885,  pp.   166,  213. 
Large  contracts  were  made  with  Rafael  Portas  Martinez  to  establish  settle 
ments  in  Champoton,  Yucatan,  with  immigrants  from  the  Canaries.     No  less 
than  1,000  families  were  expected  to  arrive  from  those  islands,  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  the  project  met  with  any  success.  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  i.  6, 

Vozde  Mex.,  Ag.  25,  1882;  Diaiio  Ofic.,  Mar.  14,  15,  1883. 


492  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

the  loss  of  Texas  in  her  memory,  and  the  bitter  feel 
ings  engendered  thereby,  citizens  of  the  United  States 
were  for  a  long  time  excluded  from  becoming  coloniza 
tion  immigrants;  nor  is  it  asserting  too  much  to  say 
that  settlers  of  any  other  nationality  are  preferred  to 
the  present  day.56 

Mexico  thinks  she  wants  population,  but  she  will 
get  enough  in  time  without  the  aid  of  immigration 
and  colonization  societies;  at  all  events,  she  can  do 
better  with  her  money  than  by  paying  the  passage  to 
her  shores  of  European  paupers. 

If  a  large  and  superior  foreign  population  flocks  in, 
the  native  Mexicans  will  be  overwhelmed,  thrust  aside, 
to  some  extent  absorbed,  and  for  the  rest  extirpated. 

Mexico  then  wants  no  more  people  from  abroad  in 
her  cities  or  in  her  mines;  these  can  take  care  of  them 
selves.  If  she  could  have  some  of  the  right  kind  of 
instructors  in  her  agricultural  districts,  if  those  who 

O 

enter  from  abroad  come  as  teachers  in  the  several  arts 
and  industries,  rather  than  as  usurpers  of  the  soil, 
many  of  the  present  inhabitants  will  be  educated  and 
improved,  and  thus,  generation  after  generation,  the 
children  even  of  the  lowest  would  grow  in  enlighten 
ment  and  improved  physical  condition. 

A  history  of  the  revenue  department  during  colo 
nial  times  down  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution 
ary  war  has  been  briefly  given  elsewhere.  In  the 
last  fifty  years  the  receipts  increased  from  less  than 
$7,000,000  to  more  than  $20,000,000.  From  that 
time,  owing  to  the  paralyzation  of  all  industries,  the 
ordinary  resources  materially  declined,57  while  the  ex 
penditures,  under  those  peculiar  circumstances,  neces 
sarily  increased.68  The  government  had  to  resort  to 

56 This  at  any  rate  was  Gen.  Frisbie's  opinion  in  1884.    Reminis.,  MS.,  30. 

57  In  1819   the  revenue  was  $10,212,373;   in  1820,  $10,743,574.    Liceaya, 
Adic.  y  fiectif.,  532. 

58  According  to  Viceroy  Calleja,  in  April  1813,  the  government  already  owed 
$30,000,000;  the  decrease  of  the  receipts  was  $260,000  monthly,  and  all  or 
dinary,  and  some  of  the  extraordinary,  resources  were  exhausted.  Gaceta,  Mex., 
1813,  iv.  422. 


DEBT  AND  REVENUE.  493 

forced  loans,  and  extraordinary  financiering  devices,59 
in  order  to  meet  the  most  pressing  demands  of  the  mo 
ment.  All  persons  and  corporations  were  in  turn  com 
pelled  to  contribute.80  Among  other  auxiliary  devices, 
a  house-tax  and  a  war-tax  were  established.61 

During  the  earlier  years  of  the  revolution,  the  reve 
nue  and  expenditures  were  enormous ;  but  toward  the 
close  of  the  war,  the  combined  ordinary  and  extraordi 
nary  sources  of  supplies  declined  to  less  than  one  third 
of  their  original  productiveness,62  while  the  govern 
ment  debt  had  been  more  than  doubled;  and  when  the 
last  viceroy  left  the  shores  of  Mexico,  the  liabilities 
of  the  treasury  exceeded  $75,000,000.63 

After  Mexico  became  independent,  the  rulers  went 
to  extremes  in  their  liberality,  and  by  inconsiderate 
reduction  of  duties  and  taxes,  as  well  as  by  opening 
too  suddenly  the  avenues  of  commercial  enterprise, 
the  government  soon  found  that  the  receipts  of  the 
exchequer  did  not  correspond  with  the  ill-judged  esti 
mates.  Iturbide  restored  in  his  time  some  of  the 
taxes  which  had  been  abolished,  and  issued  paper 
money,  which  only  obtained  a  partial  circulation  by  the 
sacrifice  of  two  thirds  of  its  nominal  value.64  After 

59  In  Jan.   1812,  $2,000,000  was  demanded,  which  sum  was  delivered  in 
gold,  and   silver  plate   to   be  coined.     In  1814   $500,000  was  exacted  with 
threats,  of  which  $300,000  was  collected  from  the  merchant  class.     Repay 
ment  of  the  principal,  or  even  interest,  on  those  loans  was  rarely  possible. 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  215-16;  Gaceta,  Mex.t  1812,  iii.  116-18,  124-5;  1820,  xi. 
224-5. 

60  The  contributions  forced  upon  the  capital  alone  during  the  war  amounted 
to  $12,600,000.  Mix.,  Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1823,  65. 

61  Ten  per  cent  on  the  rents  of  all  dwelling-houses,  one  half  paid  by  the 
owners,  and  the  other  by  the  tenants.     This  must  have  yielded  largely,  and 
was  continued  in  force  until  the  independence.     Private  carriages,  hired  ve 
hicles,  and  riding-horses  were  also  taxed.    A  duty  was  also  imposed  on  mescal. 
Dispos.  Far.,  ii.  26-30;  Pinart's  Coll,  i.  print  21;  Cedulario,  MS.,  iv.  34;  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  x.  512.    It  is  not  possible  to  furnish  exact  financial  statistics 
for  this  period,  as  the  govt  archives  were  plundered  to  conceal  former  rob 
beries.    Ward's  Mex.  in  1827,  i.  365. 

62 Receipts  for  1813  were  $45,072,804;  expenditures,  $45,015,895.  It  is 
clear  that  enormous  sums  were  raised  by  loans.  Gaceta,  Mex.,  1814,  v.  34-5. 
In  1820  the  revenue  from  all  sources  only  reached  $14,405,574;  the  expendi 
tures  being  $14,631,941.  Mix.,  Mem.  Min.  Hoc.,  1844,  7. 

63  As  ascertained  by  the  Junta  de  Credito  Publico.  Id.,  1848,  22-7;  Id., 
1870,  75-6. 

64  The  republican  govt  subsequently  redeemed  this  paper.  Id.,  72-3. 


494  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

his  fall,  the  republican  government  found  itself  in  dire 
strait,  and  was  obliged  to  resort  to  extraordinary 
means,  temporarily  more  oppressive  than  the  former 
method  employed  by  the  viceroys  during  the  last  war. 
All  resources  had  greatly  diminished.  Heavy  loans 
had  to  be  raised  by  mortgaging  public  property.  To 
make  matters  worse,  corruption  prevailed  generally  in 
the  revenue  departments.65  No  ordinary  measures 
or  threats  awakened  the  inferior  officers  from  their 
apathy.  The  government  changed  the  system.  In 
September  1824,  comisarios  generales  were  appointed 
to  supersede  the  former  intendentes ;  and  in  November 
of  the  same  year,  the  constituent  congress  thoroughly 
reorganized  the  revenue  department,  establishing  a 
system  which  may  be  deemed  the  most  complete 
hitherto  adopted  since  the  independence.  This  remark 
applies  only  to  the  period  down  to  1870.  By  the  new 
organization,  the  contadurias  generales,  or  auditing 
offices,  connected  with  the  different  branch  depart 
ments  of  the  service,  were  abolished,  as  well  as  the 
local  direction  of  the  latter.  A  treasury-general  of 
the  federation  was  organized,  and  also  a  coinisaria 
central  de  guerra  y  marina,  subject  to  the  former, 
whose  duties  consisted  in  collecting  data  for  making 
up  the  general  accounts  of  the  army  and  navy.  Lastly, 
a  contaduria  mayor,  or  chief  auditor's  office,  was 
created.  All  offices  connected  with  the  revenue  had 
to  send  their  original  accounts  to  the  treasury-general. 
This  system  effectually  checked  the  wide-prevailing 
corruption  that  existed.  But  the  financial  situation 
was  otherwise  not  improved.  Taxes  and  export  dues 
were  remitted  without  devising  a  sound  method  of 
compensation.  But  the  import  duties  were  success 
ively  doubled  and  tripled,  a  short-sighted  policy  which 
directly  worked  in  favor  of  smuggling  and  illicit 
trade,  while  the  reduction  of  the  export  dues  on  the 

65 In  1823  the  deficit  was  $3,000,000,  a  'terrible  langosta,'  was  the  term 
Minister  Arrillaga applied  to  the  alcabalas.  Id.,  75. 


CRIMINAL  POLICY.  495 

precious  metals  to  three  per  cent  had  caused  immense 
amounts  of  treasure  to  leave  the  country.66 

The  first  foreign  loan  was  contracted  with  Gold- 
schmidt  in  1823  for  the  sum  of  £3,200,000,  which  rep 
resented  $16,000,000,  and  in  the  following  year  an 
other  for  a  similar  sum  was  concluded  with  Barclay, 
Herring,  Richardson,  and  Company.  The  loss  on 
these  loans  was  enormous.67  At  the  end  of  Decem 
ber  1841,  the  indebtedness  for  the  principal,  with 
arrears  of  interest  and  unpaid  dividends,  amounted 
to  $49,277,557.  Having  found  it  impossible  to  meet 
the  liabilities  agreed  upon,  an  understanding  was 
arrived  at  with  the  London  bond-holders,  which  was 
ratified  on  the  1st  of  June,  1839,  to  fund  the  whole 
debt,  and  new  bonds  were  then  issued.68  Neverthe 
less,  the  same  difficulties  existed  in  the  future,  and 
Mexico  was  unable  to  pay  the  dividends  with  punctu 
ality,  to  say  nothing  of  the  redemption  of  her  bonds; 
and  the  amount  of  her  foreign  indebtedness  increased 
rapidly  by  the  accumulation  of  arrears.  Under  an 
other  adjustment,  made  in  1850  with  the  bond-holders, 
Mexico  recognized  £10,241,650,  and  the  interest  was 
reduced  from  five  per  cent  to  three  per  cent.69  For 
the  payment  of  the  new  stock,  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  revenue  from  customs  was  pledged.70  For  a 

66  The  result  was  the  adoption  of  endless  changes  and  modifications,  which 
disturbed  business  without  doing  the  treasury  any  benefit. 

67  Out  of  the  $32,000,000,  the  Mexican  govt  only  received  $11,197,868. 
The  latter  lost  $2,244,542  by  the  failure  of  Barclay,  Herring,  Richardson,  and 
Company.  Alaman,  Liquid.  Gen.  Denda  Exter. ,  92-3. 

68  The  new  bonds  were  made  payable  on  October  1,  1866,  and  on  October  1, 
1876,  at  5  and  6  per  cent  interest,  for  the  payment  of  which  one  sixth  of  the 
customs  at  Vera  Cruz  and  Santa  Anna  de  Tamaulipas  was  set  apart.     And 
for  greater  security  100,000,000  acres  of  land  in  the  Calif ornias,  Chihuahua, 
New  Mexico,  Sonora,  and  Texas  were  hypothecated.     The  lands  could  be 
purchased  with  the  bonds,  but  no  one  cared  to  buy  lands  in  Mexico.  Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  1839,  125-27;  Rosa,  Ensayo,  33. 

69  The   bond-holders  agreed   to   this   on  Mexico  giving  them  a  draft  for 
$2,500,000  on  the  indemnity  due  by  the  U.  S.     The  arrears  of  dividends  were 
considered  as  paid  up.     The  bond-holders  sacrificed  nearly  $27,000,000.     By 
a  previous  compromise  in  1846,  they  sacrificed  $18,500,000.  Mexican  National 
Debt,  6. 

70  Twenty -five  per  cent  of  the  import  duties  of  the  maritime  and  frontier 
custom-houses,  75  per  cent  of  the  export  duties  in  the  ports  of  the  Pacific, 
and  5  per  cent  of  those  on  the  gulf  of  Mexico.     For  the  first  six  years  the 


496  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

few  years,  financial  matters  appear  to  have  gone  more 
smoothly,  but  from  1858  to  1862  dividends  were  again 
delinquent,  and  bonds  remained  unredeemed.  The 
French  intervention  was  the  ultimate  result. 

Maximilian,  before  occupying  a  throne  in  Mex 
ico,  contracted  enormous  debts  in  Europe.  During 
his  ephemeral  game  at  king-craft  supported  by  for 
eign  bayonets,  he  augmented  the  liabilities  of  the  na 
tion  to  $187,000,000.  At  the  end  of  1866  the  liability 
of  the  empire  was  over  $200,000,000.  It  is  not  strange 
that  on  his  downfall  Mexico  would  not  recognize  the 
debts  contracted  by  him  in  Europe.71  In  October 
1880,  the  total  public  debt  was  $144,953,785,  of 
which  $40,241,215  represented  the  internal  debt,  and 
$104,712,570  the  foreign  one.72  There  was,  besides, 
a  very  large  floating  indebtedness.  ' 

To  enter  into  details  of  the  changes  and  counter- 
changes  which  have  been  made  by  successive  minis 
ters  who  have  directed  the  financial  policy  of  the 
federal  government,  in  the  innumerable  vicissitudes 
through  which  the  Mexican  nation  has  passed  during 
this  century,  would  require  a  volume,  and  the  result 
would  be  interesting  only  to  the  financier.  But  one 
fact  stands,  that  whether  Mexico  had  a  foreign  war,  or 
indulged  in  the  pastime  of  intestine  strife,  the  balance- 
sheet  in  the  treasurer's  office  always  exhibited  an  in 
crease  in  the  national  debt. 

The  Texan  war,  followed  by  that  with  the  United 

surplus  of  these  assignments,  where  there  was  any,  was  applied  to  form  a 
sinking  fund.  When  this  delay  had  expired,  the  Mexican  govt  undertook  to 
remit  annually  $250,000  to  London.  For  fuller  particulars,  see  Mex.,  Piezas 
Justific.  Denda  Exter.,  passim;  Murphy,  Mem.  Denda  Exter.,  passim.  On  the 
financial  condition  of  the  republic  to  July  1850,  see  Pay  no,  Expos.  Hac., 
1850,  1-128. 

71  When  friendly  relations  were  resumed  with  France,  it  was  expressly 
understood  that  the  latter  should  press  no  claim  of  the  past  debt  against 
Mexico.     England  somewhat  later  renewed  friendly  intercourse,  and  negotia 
tions  were  opened  toward  effecting  some  arrangement  in  favor  of  the  British 
bond-holders. 

72  Due  Eng.  creditors,  $89,252,360,  including  arrears  of  interest  since  1850. 
There  were  $15,460,210  due  to  English,  Spaniards,  and  Americans.  Mex.,  Mem. 
Min.  Hac.,  1880  a  1881,  155-6.     No  definitive  arrangement  about  the  Eng 
lish  debt  had  been  made  to  the  end  of  1885,  nor  has  it  since.  Mex.,  Irtfbrmc 
Sec.  Hoc.,  1885,  3-4. 


FINANCIAL  EMERGENCIES.  497 

States,  the  invasion  by  the  French,  and  the  ensuing 
struggle  for  existence  as  a  nation,  sank  the  republic 
more  deeply  in  liabilities.  But  the  national  vitality 
is  great,  as  evidenced  in  the  increase  of  revenue  from 
legitimate  sources.73  The  receipts  for  the  five  fiscal 
years  1869  to  1874  were  $78,636,331,  averaging 
$15,727,266  yearly,  and  those  of  the  years  1874  to 
1879  were  $90,856,712,  or  an  average  of  $18,171,342 
a  year.  In  1879-80,  the  revenue  was  $21,124,037,74 
and  in  1880-1,  $21, 329,912;  of  which  sum  $14,324,676 
represented  the  receipts  from  customs,  $3,411,498 
from  stamps,  and  the  rest  from  several  other  sources. 
The  expenditures  for  the  year  had  been  estimated  at 
$24,216,518,  but  they  exceeded  that  sum  in  $2,983,424. 
Mexico  was  experiencing  a  financial  crisis  in  1884-5. 
The  expenditures  authorized  by  congress  amounted  to 
$38,903,353,  whereas  the  revenue  was  not  expected  to 
reach  even  $27,000,000.75  The  prospects  for  1885-6 
were  still  less  reassuring.  The  government,  being  con 
vinced  that  sixty  per  cent  of  the  probable  receipts  would 
not  cover  the  liabilities  of  the  floating  debt  which  had 
been  in  course  of  payment,  clearly  saw  the  necessity 
of  introducing  a  great  economy  in  the  expenses,  and 
of  at  once  arranging  and  consolidating  the  national 
debt.  In  order  to  effect  this,  on  the  22d  of  June,  1885, 
laws  were  passed  to  put  off  the  payment  of  liabilities 
of  previous  years,  and  to  adopt  other  measures  deemed 
necessary.  The  government  also  took  advantage  of 
the  crisis,  to  fix  the  basis  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
debt,  with  a  view  to  its  future  payment.  It  was 
thought  that  by  these  measures  the  government  would 
be  enabled  to  meet  its  current  obligations.76  Among 
the  expenditures  the  government  had  assumed  were 
$2,477,467  of  subsidies  to  several  railroad  companies, 

"Previously  to   1861   they  did  not  exceed  $11,000,000.  Busto,  Estadist. 
Rep.  Mex.,  i.  xc.  xcii. 

74  'Cuyo  resultado  jamas  se  habia  obtenido.'  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hoc.  (for 
1879-80),  1881,  xxii. 

75  The  expenditures  for  the  fiscal  year  1883-4  were  estimated  at  $30,717,997, 
™Mex.,  Informe.  Sec.  Hac.,  1885,  4-5  ;  Mex.,  TheConsolid.  of  the  Mex.  Nat. 

Debt,  1-27;  Id.,  Monitor  fiep.,  June  24,  1885. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    32 


498  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND   MILITARY. 

which  had  also  to  suffer  under  the  laws  of  June  22cl 
above  alluded  to. 

Mexico  has  been  regarded  by  her  creditors  as  a 
hopeless  bankrupt,  but  the  amount  of  her  indebtedness 
bears  no  comparison  with  the  debts  of  other  countries.77 
The  measures  which  are  being  taken  to  increase  her 
prosperity,  by  opening  railroads,  encouraging  foreign 
colonization,  and  otherwise,  for  which  the  government 
makes  concessions,  cannot  fail  to  be  attended  with  pro 
gress;  and  if  Mexico  were  so  fortunate  as  to  enjoy  a 
few  decades  of  peace,  her  advance  in  civilization  and 
wealth  would  be  conspicuous;  taxation,  which  at  pres 
ent  is  heavy,  would  gradually  become  less  burden 
some,  while  the  sources  of  the  public  revenue  would 
become  more  remunerative.78 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  of  independence,  the 
standing  army  in  Mexico  could  compare  favorably 
with  those  in  Europe,  and  during  the  long  struggle 
which  followed,  the  nation  was  developed  into  an  essen 
tially  military  one.  It  is  true  that  the  revolutionary 
forces  were  for  the  most  part  ill  organized  and  ill 
disciplined,  and  that  the  independence  would  never 
have  been  achieved  had  it  not  been  for  the  final  coop 
eration  of  the  army ;  but  long  experience  on  the  battle 
field  had  produced  a  strong  fighting  element.  After 
the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  many  professional 
soldiers  of  the  French  armies  sought  in  Mexico  a  new 
field  for  the  exercise  of  their  calling,  and  their  skill 
raised  the  military  art  to  a  high  standard.79 

.  7T  The  debt  distributed  over  the  population  who  must  pay  it  is  $22  per 
head;  that  of  France,  $127.53;  that  of  Italy,  $71.94;  and  that  of  Great 
Britain,  $114.62. 

78  For  further  information  on  Mexican  financial  affairs,  see  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Hac.,  1868-9,  and  1884  ;  Id.,  Id.,  Rel.,  1875,  on  German  and  American  claims; 
Id.,  Id.,  Gobern.,  1880-4;  Id.,  Recop.  Ley.,  iii.  390-5  ;  Id.,  Ley  de  Ingreso,  1884- 
5;  Mex.,  DiarioOfic.,  April  1,  1885;  Id.,  Mex.  Financier,  July  11,  Aug.  1,  1885; 
Mex.,  Monitor  Hep.,  July  11,  14,  16,  22,  1885;  Id.,  Ley  de  Ingreso,  1885-6;  Id. 
Ley  del  Timbre,  1885,  1^5. 

79 Says  one  who  saw  the  Mexican  troops,  writing  in  1829:  'The  soldiers  of 
Mexico,  for  respectability,  decent  appearance,  and  discipline,  are  equal  to 
those  of  any  country.  Their  officers,  particularly  the  young  ones,  are  well 
educated.'  M aclure's  Opinions  on  Various  Subjects,  i.  385. 


INEFFICIENCY  OF  FIGHTING  MEN.  499 

But  many  years  of  internal  desultory  warfare,  while 
fostering  a  martial  spirit,  reduced  the  army  to  a  low 
ebb  in  sterling  efficiency.  Organization  became  de 
fective;  drill  and  instruction  in  military  evolutions 
were  interrupted,  discipline  was  relaxed,  and  owing 
to  want  of  money,  the  equipment  of  the  troops  was 
wretched  in  comparison  with  progress  made  in  other 
nations.  Thus  in  the  war  with  the  United  States, 
Mexico,  though  able  to  send  armies  vastly  superior  in 
numbers  into  the  field,  was  unable  to  cope  with  the 
enemy.  The  native  Mexican  was  ready  enough  to 
fight,  and  did  fight  to  the  best  of  his  power.  Raw  re 
cruits  by  thousands  shouldered  their  old-fashioned  mus 
kets,80  and  untrained,  ill  fed,  and  miserably  equipped, 
faced  the  foe  over  and  over  again,  to  die  on  battle 
fields  while  giving  to  the  enemy  the  victory. 

The  disastrous  result  of  the  war  was  a  severe  lesson 
to  Mexicj;  and  when  the  French  intervention  came, 
her  army  had  been  raised  to  a  higher  degree  of  effi 
ciency,  and  was  not  ill  provided  with  improved  weapons 
and  war  material.  Since  the  successful  issue  of  that 
struggle,  her  military  strength  has  gradually  increased. 
To  the  government  the  army  has  ever  been  a  neces 
sity,  and  to  support  it  and  render  it  efficient,  the  party 
in  power  has  always  directed  its  earnest  attention. 

When  Diaz  was  firmly  installed,  one  of  his  first 
cares  was  the  reorganization  of  the  federal  forces.  .  To 
raise  them  to  an  equality  with  those  of  foreign  nations 
was  a  work  of  time,  and  put  to  the  test  his  ability  as 
a  commander,  statesman,  and  financier.  The  first  ob 
ject  to  be  attained  was  numerical  reduction.  The  late 
contests  had  called  into  the  field  a  much  larger  num 
ber  of  troops  than  was  necessary  for  a  firm  adminis 
tration,  and  he  began  gradually  to  get  rid  of  the 
excess,  in  due  time  converting  a  cumbersome  number 
of  men,  unwieldy  through  defective  regulations,  into 
a  smaller  but  far  more  compact  and  serviceable  arrny. 

80  At  the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  Scott  took  between  4,000  and  5,000  stands 
of  arms,  which  for  their  worthlessness  he  ordered  to  be  destroyed.  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  Cong.  30,  Sess.  1,  Sen.  Ex.  i.  p.  257. 


500  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

Reorganization  and  the  reform  of  the  military  code 
were  matters  requiring  still  more  time.  Radical 
changes  had  to  be  effected.  Grave  contradictions  ex 
isted  between  the  military  code  and  the  fundamental 
law  of  the  nation,  causing  serious  embarrassment  to 
chiefs  who  had  no  escape  from  awkward  dilemmas  ex 
cept  by  assuming  heavy  responsibilities.  Antiquated 
Spanish  ordinances  incompatible  with  the  existing  in 
stitutions,  especially  in  connection  with  the  military 
judicial  courts  and  the  military  privilege,  had  to  be 
done  away  with,  and  the  code  to  be  reformed  in  many 
important  particulars. 

The  reforms  proposed  were  most  important,  and 
affected  every  branch  of  the  service.  The  old  perni 
cious  system  of  compulsory  recruiting — the  cause  of 
incessant  desertion — was  to  be  done  away  with,  and 
the  voluntary  system  adopted. 

Accordingly,  a  new  military  judicial  code  was  laid 
before  congress  in  1879,81  and  a  reformed  military 
ordinance  was  approved  by  Diaz  in  September  1880. 

During  his  presidency,  his  aim  was  to  elevate  the 
army  to  a  par  with  those  of  foreign  nations,  and  he 
effected  great  improvements,  not  only  in  its  discipline 
and  .armament,  but  also  in  its  moral  tone.  His  suc 
cessor,  Gonzalez,  completed  the  work,  and  in  June 
1881  issued  a  decree  establishing  a  complete  and 
definite  organization.82 

On  the  close  of  the  war  with  the  United  States, 
the  Mexican  government  turned  its  attention  to  the 

81  Copy  of  it  will  be  found  in  Diario  Debates,  9th  Cong.,  ii.  596-650;  Id., 
10th  Cong.,  iii.  148,  283,  371,  556,  708. 

82  Mex.,  Ap.  Mem.  Guerra  y  Marin,  1881,  p.  1  et  seq.;  Diario  OJic.,  Sept. 
14-17,  1881.     In  1882  and  1883  further  important  reforms  were  carried  out. 
Id..  4  Jul.,  11  Set.,  1882;  2  and  3  Enero,  19  Set.,  1883.     Under  the  new 
organization,  the  army  was  composed  of  20  battalions  of  infantry,  numbering 
12,900  officers  and  men;  20  skeleton  battalions,  4,720  officers  and  men,  desig 
nated  by  numbers  from  1  to  40;  10  regiments  of  cavalry,  4,890  men;  10  skele 
ton  cavalry  regiments,  1,480,  also  designated  by  number;   3  battalions  of 
artillery,    1,200  men;  and  an  artillery  battalion  of  reserves,   194  men;  the 
battalion  of  supers,  617  men;  the  train  squadron,  109  men;  fixed  batteries  at 
the  ports,  258  men;   and   the  invalid  corps,   263  men;   in  all,  26,651  men. 
The  troops  were  armed  with  Remington  rifles  and  carbines,  and  the  dress 
uniform  was  dark  blue. 


MILITARY  COLONIZATION.  501 

protection  of  the  northern  frontier,  and  an  effort  was 
made  to  establish  military  colonies  for  that  purpose, 
the  particulars  of  which  are  related  in  the  previous 
volume.83  The  result  was  a  failure ;  and  in  April  1868 
Juarez  issued  decrees  ordering  the  establishment  of 
thirty  colonies  on  the  northern  frontier,  composed  of 
100  men  each,  and  two  in  Yucatan  and  Campeche, 
composed  of  500  men  each.84  To  carry  out  the  sys 
tem  on  so  large  a  scale  would  have  required  enormous 
sums  of  money,  and  no  steps  were  ever  taken  to  do 
so.  A  commission  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  pro 
ject  for  the  reform  of  the  law,  and  new  colonial  regu 
lations.85  The  report  of  the  commission  was  handed 
in  April  1871,  and  suggested  two  important  modifi 
cations;  namely,  that  the  government  was  not  under 
the  obligation  of  establishing  simultaneously  a  consid 
erable  number  of  colonies,  but  successively,  at  its  own 
discretion,  in  those  states  where  the  necessity  seemed 
to  be  most  urgent,  and  in  a  number  according  to  the 
condition  of  the  treasury.  Secondly,  that  the  num 
ber  of  colonists  in  each  settlement  should  not  be 
arbitrarily  fixed  at  one  hundred,  but  left  to  the  decis 
ion  of  the  executive. 

Although  the  commission  performed  its  duty,  and 
drew  up  a  project  for  new  colonial  regulations  based  on 
those  issued  in  1868,  it  pronounced  the  system  as  im 
practicable.  Military  service  and  agricultural  pursuits 
combined  would  never  be  successful.  The  former 
would  be  inefficient,  and  the  latter  fall  into  neglect. 
It  suggested  that  the  far  better  plan  would  be  to  es 
tablish  military  posts,  garrisoned  by  federal  troops,  or 
rural  companies,  which  would  be  much  more  econom 
ical,  and  would  tend  to  the  growth  of  pueblos  round 
the  fortified  posts.86 

83  Hist.  Max.,  v.  572-5,  this  series. 

84  See  decrees  in  El  Derecho,  iii.  439-40,  v.  128,  171.     List  of  locations  in 
Manero,  Doc.  Interes.,  41-2.     Consult  also  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x. 
313-15,  439;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  i.  384-6,  510-13,  523-4;  ii.  16,  22-4,  177,  201, 
213-14,  223,  236,  253,  383-4,  397,  453,  469;  iii.  772;  iv.  740. 

85  Issued  Nov.  10,  1868.  Mem.  Ap.  Mex.  Guerray  Marin,  1881,  p.  136. 

86 Id.,  136-7.     This  report  was  still  under  consideration  in  1882.  Id.,  p.  ii. 


502  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

During  the  civil  wars  which  raged  throughout 
Mexico  previous  to  and  after  the  death  of  Juarez, 
the  colonies  established  were  greatly  neglected  and 
fell  under  the  control  of  state  governments,  which  in 
the  depleted  condition  of  the  federal  treasury  received 
no  pecuniary  assistance.  The  frontier  states  under 
these  circumstances  suffered  grievously  from  the  in 
cursions  of  the  Indians,  while  the  military  settlements 
retrograded.  During  Lerdo's  administration,  they 
again  came  under  the  care  of  the  federal  government, 
and  some  little  improvement  was  effected,  but  still  in 
1875  there  were  only  twelve  locations  on  the  northern 
frontier,  scattered  over  an  immense  extent  of  terri 
tory.87  The  government's  attention  was  naturally 
directed  to  this  condition  of  the  frontiers,  especially 
to  those  of  Yucatan  and  Sonora ;  and  for  the  financial 
year  of  1878-9  $600,000  figure  in  the  budget  as  an 
appropriation  for  frontier  defence.88 

The  troubles  with  Indians  on  the  northern  frontier 
may  be  considered  as  ended,  but  it  cannot  be  asserted 
that  such  a  result  would  have  been  attained  had  the 
matter  depended  entirely  on  the  Mexican  military 
colonial  system.  In  Yucatan,  more  time  will  be  re 
quired  to  prevent  the  inroads  of  barbarians.  Never 
theless,  the  military  line  has  been  greatly  advanced 
during  late  years,  and  large  tracts  of  country  recovered 
from  the  Indians.89 

During  the  earlier  years  of  independence,  little 
attention  could  be  given  to  military  instruction,  and 
the  growth  of  a  military  educational  system  was  ex 
ceedingly  slow;  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  institution 

87  According  to  the  report  of  the  minister  of  war,  Nov.  17,  1875,  there 
were  1786  military  colonists  doing  service.     They  were  distributed  as  follows: 
Sonora,    200;  Chihuahua,   150;  Coahuila,   100;   Durango,    109;  Nuevo  Leon, 
100;  Lower  California,  25.     In  Yucatan  there  were  952,  and  in  Campeche 
150.     The  disorganization,  during  the  time  that  the  military  colonies  were 
under  the  charge  of  the  state  governments,  was  so  great  that  they  had  almost 
ceased  to  be  such.     The  number  of  officers  was  out  of  all  proportion  to  that 
of  the  men.  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  17,  1875. 

88  Thus  apportioned:  Yucatan,  $150,000;   Sonora,   $120,000;   Chihuahua, 
Nuevo  Leon,  Coahuila,  and  Durango,  each  $60,000;  Campeche,  $50,030;  and 
Lower  California  and  Chiapas,  each  $20,000.  Manero,  Doc.  Inieres.,  107. 

™Mex.,  Mem.  Guerra,  1883,  129.  The  estimates  for  the  army  and  navy 
^•nenses  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1884,  were  $8,252,352.  Id.,  doc.  22. 


ARMY  AND  NAVY.  503 

worthy  the  name  of  a  college  was  established  till 
1833.90  Its  first  location  was  in  the  capital,  but  for 
many  years  it  had  no  fixed  abiding-place,  and  was 
removed  from  one  building  to  another,  as  circumstances 
necessitated,  till  finally  Tacubaya  was  selected  as  the 
place  for  its  permanent  establishment. - 

The  instruction  of  soldiers  of  the  line,  until  1839, 
was  almost  entirely  neglected,  but  in  June  of  that 
year  Santa  Anna  established  a  primary  school  in  each 
army  corps,  arid  laid  down  regulations  for  their  gov 
ernment.91  He,  moreover,  founded  in  the  capital  a 
normal  school  for  the  instruction  of  primary  teachers.92 

In  1840  Bustamante  established  a  school  at  Cha- 
pul tepee,  in  which  students  at  the  military  college 
might  complete  their  education  for  all  branches  of  the 
service.  This  institution  was  called  La  Escuda  de 
Aplicacion.  In  1843  the  code  of  ordinances  of  both 
these  establishments  was  remodelled,  since  which  time 
a  marked  improvement  is  observable,  military  acade 
mies  being  established  in  all  the  army  corps. 

Some  changes  were  made  by  Maximilian,  but  were 
no  more  lasting  than  his  own  brief  reign.  The  college 
at  Tacubaya  was  broken  up,  but  reestablished  by 
Juarez  in  December  1867,  and  was  afterward  removed 
to  Chapultepec.93  At  this  institution  cadets  are  edu 
cated  for  every  branch  of  the  service;  and  it  is  to 
Mexico  what  West  Point  is  to  the  United  States,  with 
which  establishment  it  can  be  favorably  compared.94 

After  independence,   the    government   for   several 

wBy  decree  of  Nov.  16th.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  538. 

91  Mex.,  Col  de  Ley.  y  DecreL,  1839,  144-50. 

92  Orphan  sons  of  soldiers  were  admitted.     The  sum  of  $36,000  was  as 
signed  for  the  maintenance  of  these  schools.  Ib. 

93  In  January  1880,  Porfirio  Diaz  by  decree  established  in  it  a  chair  for 
the  instruction  of  mechanics,  as  applied  to  navigation.     The  salary  attached 
was  $1,200  per  annum.  Decreto,  no.  6,  annex  2,  in  Decretos  Circulares,  1879- 
80;  Mex.,  Recap.  Leyes,  i.  563-5;  Id.,  iii.  481-97.- 

91  The  curriculum  is  as  comprehensive.  Diaz  reformed  the  code  of  ordi 
nances  in  1879,  and  Gonzalez  in  1881.  Forty  professors  and  instructors  are 
employed,  and  the  course  of  studies  includes  geodesy,  astronomy,  physics, 
che.riistry,  stereotomy,  military  jurisprudence,  logic,  and  the  rights  of  nations, 
topographical  and  linear  drawing,  and  the  French  and  English  languages. 
T:ie  annual  appropriation  is  over  $115,000,  and  the  military  system  of  disci- 
pi  1113  13  observed.  Graduated  cadets  are  under  the  obligation  to  serve  for 
three  years  in  the  army.  Mex.,  Ap.  Mem.  Guerra  y  Mann,  Doc.  4;  Mex., 


604  GOVERNMENT,  FINANCES,  AND  MILITARY. 

years  attempted  to  maintain  a  naval  fleet,  but  unable 
to  meet  the  cost,  the  idea  was  abandoned  in  1829,95 
and  the  navy  was  represented  by  a  few  revenue  vessels. 
At  a  later  date,  however,  it  was  revived,  and  in  1856 
the  government  possessed  15  vessels  mounting  40 
guns.9d  In  1875  the  navy  was  strengthened  by  two 
iron-clads  which  were  built  at  Liverpool,  England, 
and  arrived  at  Yera  Cruz  in  September.  These  were 
the  first  vessels  of  this  class  introduced  into  the  Mex 
ican  navy;97  two  others  were  added,  and  in  1880  the 
republic  possessed  four  iron-clad  war  steamers.98  Na 
val  arsenals  have  been  established  at  Lerma,  in  Cam- 
peche,  and  in  the  bay  of  Acapulco,  the  first  mentioned 
being  provided  with  a  floating  dock.99 

As  early  as  1822  a  decree  was  passed  to  found  a 
naval  school  at  Tepic,  and  in  1854  one  was  established 
on  the  Isla  del  Carmen,  Campeche,  in  1857  another  was 
established  at  the  Fortress  Ulua,  and  lastly  in  1881 
a  naval  school  was  founded  at  Alvarado.100  At  the 
present  time,  two  such  institutions,  one  in  Campeche 
and  the  other  at  Mazatlan,  are  supported  by  the 
government  at  an  annual  expense  of  $6,300  each.101 
Ten  resident  pupils  are  admitted  into  each  of  these 
establishment,  whose  expenses  are  included  in  the  an 
nual  estimates  for  the  military  college. 

95  Maclure's  Opinions,  358. 

96  Namely,  in  the  gulf,  4  steamers  with  16  guns,  5  schooners  with  17  guns, 
and  2  transports.     In  the  Pacific   there  were   2  barks  with   4  guns,  and  2 
schooners  with  3  guns.  Butterfield's  U.  S.  and  Mex.,  Ap.  43.     In  Feb.  two 
war  steamers  were  sold  in  London  on  account  of  debt,  the  purchasers  en 
gaging  to  use  them  as  packets  plying  between  Vera  Cruz  and  New  Orleans. 
Mex.,  Legisl.  Mej.,  Jan. -June,  1856,  406;  Pensamiento  Nac.,  Feb.  17,  1856,  2. 

97  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  2,  Oct.  2,  Nov.  15,  1875;   Voz  de  Mex.,  Sept.  2, 
Nov.  17,  1875. 

98  Namely,  the  Independencia  and  Libertad  in  the  gulf,  and  the  Mexico  and 
Dem6crata  in  the  Pacific.  Mex.,  Mem.  Guerra  y  Marin,  1877-81,  i.  37-42. 
Two  coast-guard  steamers  were  added   to  the  gulf   fleet  later,  named  the 
Cuauhtemoc  and  Xicotencatl.  Id.,  1883,  i.  135. 

"Mex.,  Mem.  Guerra,  1883,  i.  134-5.  The  estimate  of  the  expenses  of 
these  arsenals  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1884,  was  $44,115  each,  and 
$6,838  for  the  floating  dock  at  Lerma.  The  total  estimate  for  naval  expenses 
was  $593,251.  Id.,  Doc.  22,  290-99. 

10(9 Gac.,  Guad.,  May  22,  1822,  393;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley...0rd.,  May  to  Dec. 
1854,  vii.  292-3;  Cor.  de  Espaila,  Jan.  13,  1855;  Archiveo  Mex.  Col.  Ley.,  iii. 
639-47;  Mex.,  Diario  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  ii.  338,  942;  iii.  58,  181,  230. 

101  This  sum  is  the  estimate  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1884.  Mex.,  Mem. 
Guerra  y  Marin,  1883,  i.  299. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 
1800-1887. 

EFFECT  ON  MINING  OF  THE  REVOLUTION — SUBSEQUENT  POLICY  OF  THE  GOV 
ERNMENT — EFFECT  OF  MINING  ON  AGRICULTURE — MINE  MANAGEMENT 
AND  ROUTINE — MINING  DISTRICTS — MINOR  METALS — MINTS — DEVELOP 
MENT  OF  NATIONAL  MANUFACTURES — BANCO  DE  Avio — PATENT  LAWS — 
COTTON  FACTORIES  IN  THE  COLONIAL  PERIOD — WOOLLEN  INDUSTRY — - 
OTHER  MANUFACTURES — SILK,  PAPER,  CROCKERY,  AND  GLASS — TOBACCO 
AND  ITS  UTILIZATION  —  FISHERIES  —  FOOD-FISH  —  PEARLS  —  TORTOISE 
SHELLS — SPONGES — WHALING — INTERNATIONAL,  NATIONAL,  AND  STATE 
EXHIBITIONS. 

THE  prospects  of  mining  were  full  of  promise,  when, 
early  in  the  century,  a  cloud  overspread  this  and  other 
industries,1  in  the  form  of  the  political  agitation,  which 
after  ten  years  of  warfare  brought  to  an  end  Spain's 
domination  in  Mexico.  The  first  blow  for  indepen 
dence  was  struck,  not  at  the  capital,  but  in  the  region 
of  Guanajuato,  and  the  revolution  demolished  in  a  few 
years  what  had  occupied  nearly  three  centuries  in 
building  up.2  From  1814,  with  the  exception  of 
the  districts  of  Catorce,  Zacatecas,  and  Sornbrerete, 
scientific  mining  was  almost  wholly  suspended.  Min- 

1  Detailed  information  on  the  subject  to  the  end  of  the  18th  century  may 
be  found  in.  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  578-9,  this  series. 

2  The  mining  population  dispersed  to  participate  in  the  events  of  the  day, 
or  fled  from  their  homes,  the  general  insecurity  rendering  further  pursuit  of 
their  industry  unproductive  and  often  dangerous.     Most  of  the  buildings, 
machinery,  and  reduction-works  were  destroyed.     This  naturally  envolved 
the  disappearance  of  the  rescatadores  or  purchasers  and  their  capital.      Facil 
ities  for  obtaining  supplies  were  frequently  cut  off.     In  evidence  of  Guana 
juato's  loss,  we  have  that  the  production  which  had  been  617,474  marks  of 
silver  and  1,842  marks  of  gold  in  1808  had  fallen  to  73,983  marks  of  silver 
and  298  of  gold  in  1821.    Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  44;  Mex.,  Mem.  Min.  Hac.,  1870,  68; 
1872,  68;  Del  Mars  Precious  Metals,  147. 

(506) 


506  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND   FISHERIES. 

ing  was  carried  on,  however,  after  a  fashion,  by  men 
of  the  lower  classes,  generally  called  buscones,  gam- 
businos,  or  searchers,  who  to  the  injury  of  the  mines 
worked  the  upper  levels  or  spots  abandoned  in  better 
times,  and  sold  the  metal  at  low  prices  to  wealthy 
men,  who  put  it  away  until  better  times  when  they 
could  carry  it  to  the  mint. 

I  have  spoken  elsewhere  of  the  mining  laws  enacted 
by  the  Spanish  crown  in  1783  and  subsequently.3 
The  government  of  the  regency  in  1821,  after  Mexico 
became  independent,  passed  on  the  8th  of  February, 
1822,  a  law  reducing  the  taxes  on  silver  and  gold,  and 
the  coinage  dues ;  quicksilver,  both  native  and  foreign, 
was  exempted  from  imposts,  and  blasting-powder  for 
mining  purposes  was  to  be  supplied  by  the  govern 
ment  at  cost  and  charges.4  These  measures  could  not 
at  once  restore  confidence,  or  bring  back  the  capital 
which  the  wholesale  emigration  of  Spaniards  had  re 
moved  from  the  country.  In  order  to  remedy  the 
difficulties,  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  old  Spanish 
policy  of  excluding  foreigners.  A  law  was  accord 
ingly  passed  5  repealing  the  Spanish  restrictive  laws, 
and  granting  to  foreigners  the  privilege  of  becoming 
share-holders  in  mines,  for  the  working  of  which  they 
furnished  the  requisite  means;  but  it  was  not  per 
mitted  them  to  file  claims  either  for  new  or  old  aban 
doned  mines.  No  sooner  had  this  law  become  known 
in  Europe  than  several  associations  were  formed,  es 
pecially  in  England,  to  take  advantage  of  the  privi 
lege  thus  conceded.  But  in  the  majority  of  cases, 
from  ignorance  of  the  country,  the  parties  exhibited  a 
lack  of  judgment  in  their  eagerness  to  possess  them 
selves  of  mines,  which  in  former  years  had  been  profit 
ably  worked,  regardless  of  their  actual  condition  at 

3  Under  these  laws  was  created  the  Colegio  de  Mineros.     The  plan  was 
much  improved  in  1853  by  the  creation  of  the  Escuela  Practica  de  Minas  y 
Metalurgia,  which  lost  its  special  character  in  1867  on  being  converted  into  an 
Escuela  de  Ingenieros. 

4  For  details,  see  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  59-61;  Ataman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  437^*3. 

5 Oct.  7,  1823.  Mex.,  Col,  6rd.  y  Dec.,  ii.  192;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Hex.,  i.  681  j  Dug.  transl,  in  HalkcVs  Min.  Laws,  403-5. 


FOREIGN  CAPITAL.  507 

the  time  of  making  their  contracts.6  It  was  during 
the  most  depressed  period  of  the  mining  industry  that 
Lucas  Alaman  7  secured  the  cooperation  of  English 
and  French  capitalists,  who  formed  themselves  into 
the  United  Mexican  Mining  Company,  having  in  view, 
mainly,  to  renew  operations  in  the  Cata  mine,  in  which 
he  was  personally  interested.  It  was  but  natural  that 
such  companies  should  turn  their  attention  to  Guana 
juato.  Hence  the  above  named,  and  another  associa 
tion  called  the  Anglo-Mexican,  acquired  shares  in  the 
most  prominent  mines  of  that  district,  particularly  in 
the  Valenciana,  the  draining  of  which  by  the  latter 
was  begun  in  1825.8  In  September  of  the  following 
year,  the  outlay  had  already  reached  $672,000,  when 
the  task  was  given  up  as  impracticable.  The  United 
Mexican  Mining  Company,  which  had  renewed  work 
on  the  Ray  as  mines,  second  only  to  the  Valenciana, 
fared  somewhat  better.  The  expenditure  of  $412,000 
for  draining  was  repaid  by  a  good  production  of  ore. 
But  the  yield  never  reached  the  possible  maximum. 
In  fact,  at  the  expiration  of  the  contract  in  1841  it 
was  not  renewed.  The  same  company  had  contracts 
in  other  mines,  whose  results  were  indifferent.9 

Unfortunately,  the  same  fickleness  so  noticeable  in 
former  years  in  the  general  policy  of  the  government 
prevailed  in  regard  to  revenue  from  mining — reducing 
the  duties  and  imposts  one  day,  only  to  excessively 
augment  them  when  least  expected.  The  conse- 

6  Some  well-written  remarks  on  the  subject  appeared  in  the  Brit.  Quart. 
Rev.,  1827,  91  et  seq.,  xxx.  167-70. 

7  He  had  exerted  himself  as  a  Mexican  deputy  to  the  Spanish  cdrtes,  on 
behalf  of  protection  to  mining.     In  after  years  he  rendered  valuable  services 
to  manufactures  in  his  country. 

8  The  undertaking  was  a  laborious  and  costly  one.     The  principal  shaft 
was  the  largest  and  deepest  of  all  Mexican  mines.  Duport,  Met.  Prec.,  215; 
Evans'  Sister  Rep.,  197  et  seq.     The  Valenciana's  profits  in  1808-9  were  still 
$200,000;  in  1823  they  had  been  reduced  to  $4,000. 

9  The  English  companies,  having  shares  in  mines  of  Guanajuato,  Zacatecas, 
Sombrerete,  and  El  Oro,  had  invested  since  1826  about  $5,000,000,  of  which 
they  had  recovered  in  1829  about  $3,000,000.     Alaman  says  that  other  com 
panies  lost  all  their  capital.     A  German  company  was  more  fortunate.  Bur- 
Tcart,  Iteisen,  i.  100-2,  114-15;  Niks'  Reg.,  xxiii.  27,  228;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic., 
Feb.   26,    1879.     The   immense  losses  sustained   by  the   share-holders  were 
mainly  caused  by  the  difficulties  and  expenses  of  transportation.  Dahlgren's 
Hist.  Mines  Mex.,  20. 


508  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

quences  of  such  instability  were  the  repeated  frauds 
against  the  treasury  by  the  clandestine  exportations 
of  precious  metals,  and  the  derangement  of  the  mining 
business.10 

After  the  promulgation  of  the  constitution  of  1857, 
which  did  not  confer  on  the  general  government  power 
to  legislate  on  mining,  only  two  states,  Hidalgo  and 
Durango,  framed  a  special  mining  code.  The  others 
merely  adopted  isolated  measures.  Oajaca,  in  1873, 
declared  free  of  taxation  all  capital  exclusively  in 
vested  in  mining,  on  the  mines  and  reduction-works, 
metals  taken  out  in  any  form,  upon  their  transit 
through  the  interior,  or  on  their  exportation,  machin 
ery,  quicksilver,  iron,  blasting-powder,  dynamite,  and 
everything  else  for  conducting  the  industry.  Men 
engaged  in  mining  were  likewise  exempted  from  mili 
tary  and  municipal  service.  Puebla,  between  1880 
and  1882,  also  enacted  liberal  laws  for  the  promotion 
of  this  branch  of  business.  In  most  of  the  states,  how 
ever,  it  was  heavily  burdened.  The  national  constitu 
tion  being  amended  in  December  1883,  the  general 
government  obtained  power  to  issue  a  mining  code  for 
the  whole  republic.11 

19  It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  how  much  revenue  was  derived  from  the 
mines  in  the  present  century.  During  the  ten  years  from  1835  to  1844  it 
aggregated  $1,988,899. 

11  It  was  so  done  Nov.  22,  1884.  Under  this  law,  which  went  int<5  opera 
tion  on  January  1,  1885,  are  exempted,  for  fifty  years  from  its  date,  from  ail 
direct  taxation,  mines  of  coal  in  all  its  varieties,  iron,  and  quicksilver,  as  well 
as  the  products  thereof.  The  transit  through  the  interior  of  gold  and  silver, 
in  bullion  or  coined,  as  also  that  of  other  metals  and  of  all  mining  products, 
is  likewise  made  free  from  every  kind  of  impost.  Quicksilver  continues  free 
from  import  dues,  and  from  all  direct  taxes.  Mines,  not  of  coal,  iron,  or 
quicksilver,  are  required  to  pay  a  single  impost  on  the  value  of  the  products 
without  deducting  expenses,  which  are  not  at  any  time  to  exceed  2  per  cent. 
This  tax  is  levied  for  the  use  of  the  state  within  which  the  property  is  situ 
ated,  or  for  that  of  the  federal  treasury  if  it  should  be  within  a  federal  terri 
tory,  or  in  that  of  Lower  Cal.  This  tax  is  to  be  fixed  every  year  by  the  re 
spective  legislature,  or  by  the  federal  congress,  as  the  case  may  be.  This  tax 
is  aside  from  the  coinage  duty.  Mills  and  reduction-works  pay  no  higher 
rates  of  taxation  than  other  industrial  establishments.  The  federal  govern 
ment  receives  25  per  cent  of  the  taxes  collected  by  the  state  under  this  law. 
Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Nov.  26,  1884.  Full  information  on  mining  laws  to  Dec. 
1883  is  given  in  Ramirez,  fiiqueza  Min.  Mex.,  723-47.  Santiago  Ramirez, 
the  author  of  Riqueza  Mlnera  de  Mexico,  an  8vo  of  768  pages,  printed  in  Mex 
ico,  is  a  mining  engineer;  and  for  the  preparation  of  this  exhaustive  treatise, 
had  before  him  all  the  data  in  possession  of  the  Mexican  government,  and  of 
the  Sociedad  Minera.  He  also  consulted  the  most  noted  authorities  upon 
the  subiect. 


MINING  PROCESSES.  509 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  mines  in  Mexico  are 
a  peculiar  species  of  property  belonging  to  the  gov 
ernment,  which,  without  entirely  throwing  off  its 
domain  over  it,  grants  the  mines  to  private  persons  or 
corporations  desirous  of  working  them.  Any  intelli 
gent  person,  by  a  little  industry,  and  by  the  observance 
of  certain  prescribed  rules,  may  acquire  the  ownership 
of  a  valuable  property. 

The  mining  industry  has  a  direct  and  fruitful  influ 
ence  on  agriculture.  Miguel  Velazquez  de  Leon,  a 
very  competent  authority,  urgently  recommended  it 
to  the  fostering  care  of  the  government.  He  favored 
its  exemption  from  taxation,  on  the  ground  that  its 
development  naturally  led  to  that  of  agriculture  and 
other  industries;  arguing,  moreover,  that  gold  and  sil 
ver  were  the  only  available  articles  of  exportation  of 
the  central  mesa,  and  it  was  expedient  to  procure  for 
eign  markets  for  them.  A  small  mill  yielding  a  gross 
amount  of  $4,000  provides  labor  for  many  men,  not 
only  in  the  works  themselves,  but  in  the  field,  road, 
etc.  It  consumes  the  products  of  agriculture,  and 
feeds  trade  and  other  industries.12 

Each  mine  in  Mexico  has  an  administrator  or  super 
intendent,  in  whose  charge  is  the  management  of  the 
whole  business.  He  has  several  assistants,  who,  in 
their  turn,  have  a  number  of  subordinates.13  Pay 
rolls  are  covered  every  Saturday,  the  men  receiving  a 
portion  of  their  wages  in  rations,  and  the  balance  in 
coin. 

The  ore  once  sorted  is  put  in  bales  of  150  pounds 

12  It  brings  from  abroad  machinery  and  quicksilver;  from  the  coasts,  salt; 
from  the  sorting  department,  sulphate  of  copper;  from  the  mints,  coin;  from 
the  forest,  wood  and  coal;  from  the  soil,  food  for  man  and  beast;  and  employs 
men  in  the  transportation  of  its  products  as  well  as  of  the  articles  of  con 
sumption. 

13  There  are  a  head  miner  and  his  under-miners,  called  soto-mineros,  or 
pobladores;  the  rayador  keeps  the  tally;  the  velador  is  the  watchman.     In 
the  patio,  or  amalgamation  floor,  there  is  an  overseer  who  superintends  the 
ore-sorters.     The  head  miner  chooses  his  barreteros  or  hole -drillers,  tanateros 
or  packers  of  ore  in  zurrones  or  tanates,  limpiadores  or  quebradores,  or  pepe- 
nadores,  who  are  the  ore-sorters.     If  the  mine  is  wet,  he  hires  an  achichinque, 
or  man  to  pack  water  out;  and  at  times  an  ademador  or  timber-man.     Miners 
generally  do  their  own  blaeksmithing  and  sharpening  of  tools. 


510  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

each,  and  carried  on  mule-back  to  the  hacienda  or 
reduction-works  by  the  arrieros.  The  sortings  at 
the  mines  into  several  sizes  are  called  respectively 
gavarro  or  broza,  or  stones  as  large  as  an  egg  or  apple, 
granzas  or  tierras  de  labor,  which  are  chips  from 
blasting,  or  assorted.  Their  richness  is  also  taken 
into  account  at  the  assortment,  the  gavarro  or  broza 
being  the  first  and  richest;  the  second  follows,  and 
the  piedra  comun  and  tierras  de  labor  are  the  lowest. 
After  the  ore  has  been  reduced  to  powder,  it  is  made 
into  a  pasty  substance,  and  then  placed  in  the  patio  in 
great  heaps  of  from  one  to  twelve,  and  even  twenty, 
tons,  where  it  is  subjected  to  the  process  of  amalga 
mation  by  the  old  Medina  .system.  The  second  step 
is  to  concentrate  the  sulphurets;  the  third  to  produce 
the  plata  fuego,  or  fire-silver,  in  cakes.  The  ores  are 
worked  very  closely,  97  to  98^  per  cent  of  their  assay 
value  being  extracted,  though  consuming  much  time 
and  losing  a  great  deal  of  quicksilver.  Another  method 
in  general  use  is  that  of  smelting.  The  first  and  sec 
ond  groups  of  ores,  known  respectively  as  colorados 
and  negros,  are  amalgamated ;  the  ligas  or  polvillos,  or 
sulphurets,  are  smelted.  In  later  times  lixiviation  or 
leaching  has  come  into  use.  The  leaching  process  by 
means  of  hyposulphate  has  not  been  long  practised 
in  Mexico.  Many  mills  in  Chihuahua,  Sinaloa,  So- 
nora,  and  Lower  California  have  taken  out  their 
barrels  and  pans,  and  replaced  them  with  leaching 
tubs.14 

14  Mines  have  10,  15,  or  20  stamps.  One  has  as  many  as  40.  The  rock  is 
crushed  dry,  and  passed  through  screens  of  from  20  to  30  meshes  to  the  inch. 
The  ore  is  then  roasted  in  reverberatory  furnaces  with  salt;  after  which  it  is 
placed  in  large  tanks  or  tubs  holding  8  to  10  tons,  and  a  stream  of  clear 
water  is  turned  on  until  the  ore  is  covered,  and  kept  running  five  or  six  hours. 
The  water  is  then  run  off,  and  a  cold  solution  of  hyposulphate  of  soda  is  passed 
through  the  ore  in  the  same  manner,  until  it  is  seen  that  the  solution  carries 
110  more  silver.  The  precipitation  of  the  silver  is  effected  by  adding  a  solu 
tion  of  quicksilver  and  sulphur,  made  by  boiling  lime  and  sulphur.  This  is 
done  in  the  tanks  by  the  aid  of  steam.  After  the  precipitation,  and  the  run 
ning  off  of  the  precipitating  liquid,  the  silver  remains  in  the  form  of  a  sul 
phide.  It  is  then  put  into  canvas  filters,  and  afterwards  dried,  when  it  is 
roasted  in  reverberatory  furnaces  to  carry  off  the  sulphur,  and  then  melted  into 
bars.  When  the  operation  is  successfully  performed,  the  bullion  is  900  to 
1,000  fine.  The  solution  is  pumped  back  into  the  tanks  to  be  used  again. 


METALLIFEROUS  CENTRES.  511 

The  metalliferous  line  unites  two  important  mineral 
centres — Guanajuato  and  Hidalgo — having  a  mean 
direction  of  north-west  45  degrees  south-east.  Near 
this  line  are  the  most  important  and  best  known  min 
ing  sections  in  the  country — Zacatecas,  Fresnillo, 
Sombrerete,  Durango,  San  Dimas  Guarisamey, 
Gavilanes,  Aguascalientes,  Queretaro  and  states  of 
Mexico  and  Oajaca;  near  it  also,  on  the  west,  are  the 
mining  districts  belonging  to  Sonora  and  Sinaloa, 
Bolanos,  El  Oro,  Tlalpujahua,  Angangues,  Sultepec, 
Temascaltepec,  Zacualpan,  and  Tasco;  and  on  the 
east,  Batopilas,  Catorce,  Ramos,  Charcas,  San  Pedro, 
Guadalcazar,  Zimapan,  El  Chico,  Pachuca,  and  Real 
del  Monte.15 

The  states  of  Guerrero,  Mexico,  and  Oajaca  have  de 
posits  of  native  gold,  respectively  in  the  districts  of 
Tepantitlan,  Oro,  and  San  Antonio.  There  are  aurif 
erous  placers  in  several  localities  of  Chihuahua  and 
Sonora,  and  in  Ixtapa,  of  the  state  of  Mexico.  The 
silver  of  several  districts  contains  gold.  Of  such  are 
Guadalupe  y  Calvo,  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes,  and 
Parral  in  Chihuahua,  twenty-three  in  Durango,  the 
Tasco  in  Guerrero  ;  most  of  the  silver  mines  in  Guana 
juato  have  gold,  chiefly  those  of  Ray  as,  Monte  de  San 
Nicolas,  Sirena,  and  Nayal;  Pachuca  and  Zimapan 
in  Hidalgo,  Etzatlan  in  Jalisco,  four  in  Mexico,  An- 

fangueo  and  Tlalpujahua  in  Michoacan,  Ixtlan  and 
Wioles  in  Oajaca,  Tetela  del  Oro  in  Pueblo,  Doctor 
in  Queretaro,  San  Pedro  in  San  Luis  Potosi,  seven  in 
Sinaloa,  Promontorios  and  Minas  Nuevas  in  Sonora, 
and  nine  in  Zacatecas.  There  is  native  silver  in  the 
districts  of  Batopilas  in  Chihuahua,  Guanajuato,  Pa- 

See  Historic  Mines  of  Mexico,  by  Charles  B.  Dahlgren,  machinest  and  mining 
engineer,  a  4o.  of  220  pages,  with  engravings  and  maps,  issued  at  New 
York  in  1883.  This-  book  is  what  it  purports  to  be,  a  review  of  the  mines 
worked  in  Mexico  during  the  last  three  centuries,  compiled  from  the  best 
sources,  and  based  upon  a  personal  experience  of  several  years  as  a  super 
intendent  of  mines  in  Mexico.  Dahlgren  has  been  enabled  to  bring  into  an 
available  form  a  large  mass  of  useful  data.  The  maps  show  the  mining  dis 
tricts  and  their  relation  with  the  lines  of  railway.  • 

15  The  prolongation  of  this  line  northward  runs  to  the  E.  of  Guaimas 
through  numerous  and  little  known  groups.  Ramirez,  Riqueza  Min.  Mex.,  63. 


612  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

chuca,  and  Zacatecas.  Argentiferous  and  platinifer- 
ous  ores  are  found  in  the  district  of  Jacala,  or  Santa 
Maria  de  Alamos,  in  Hidalgo.16  Most  of  the  gold  and 
silver  ore  in  Mexico  is  found  in  veins. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  the  best  mines,  by 
states  and  districts,  from  past  history:  In  Guana 
juato,  the  districts  of  Guanajuato  and  Villalpando;  in 
Zacatecas,  Zacatecas,  Sombrerete,  and  Fresnillo;  in 
San  Luis  Potosi,  Catorce,  Cerro  de  San  Pedro,  and  Ra 
mos;  in  Hidalgo,  Real  del  Monte  (Moran,  Pachuca), 
and  Zimapan;  in  Jalisco,  Bolanos;  in  Durango,  San 
Dimas  or  Guarisamey,  Topia,  Guanacevi,  and  Gavi- 
lanes;  in  Chihuahua,  Batopilas,  Jesus  Maria,  Santa 
Eulalia,  Cosihuiriachic,  Guadalupe  y  Calvo,  and  Par- 
ral;  in  Sonora,  Mulatos,  Alamos,  and  Caborca;  in 
Sinaloa,  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes,  Jocuistita,  Rosario, 
Copala,  and  Panuco ;  in  Michoacan,  Tlalpujahua,  and 
El  Oro;  in  Mexico,  Temascaltepec,  Sultepec,  and 
Zacualpan;  and  in  Guerrero  et  al.,  Tascoa  nd  Tehuilo- 
tepec.17 

The  district  of  Santa  Fe  de  Guanajuato  was  the 
richest  in  Mexico,  and  had  a  steady  production, 
seventy-five  per  cent  of  it  coming  from  amalgamation 
and  twenty-five  per  cent  from  smelting.  It  is  believed 
that  this  district  has  produced  from  first  to  last 
$800,000,000  to  $1,000,000,000.18 

The  district  de  la  Luz  some  years  ago  shipped  over 
$200,000  of  bullion  weekly.  Most  of  the  mines  are 
now  abandoned.  The  state  of  Zacatecas  has  been  the 

16  The  number  of  silver  districts  are  as  follows:  in  Chihuahua  15;  Durango 
33;  Guanajuato  13,  including  the  renowned  Valenciana;  Guerrero  4;  Hidalgo 
2;  Jalisco  10;  Mexico  7;  Michoacan  2;  Morelos,  the  San  Juan  de  Dios;  Nuevo 
Leon,  the  Minas  Viejas  of  Villaldama;  Oajaca  4;  Puebla,  the  Tetela  de  Oro; 
Queretaro,  the  Doctor;  San  Luis  Potosi  6;  Sinaloa  26,  some  of  which  have 
proved    immensely  productive;   Sonora  10;   and  Zacatecas  16,  all  very  rich. 
These  districts  yielded  all  the  gold  and  silver  coined  throughout  Mexico  from 
July  1,  1878,  to  June  30,  1879,  namely,  547,324,905  kilograms  of  silver,  and 
1,029,519  kilograms  of  gold.  Busto,  Estadtst.  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  2d  pt  7. 

17  About  16  of  them  have  American  machinery  at  work,  either  for  hoisting, 
pumping,  or  reduction,  or  for  all.     The  advent  of  railroads  may  entirely  in 
vert  or  change  this  order.  Dahlgren's  Hist.  Mines  Hex.,  28. 

18  The  Rayas  mine,  next  in  importance  to  the  Valenciana,  is  said  to  have 
yielded  in  44  years  about  87  million  dollars.  Rocha,  Estudio  Estadist.  Min. 
Ouan.,  1884,  p.  18. 


FAMOUS  MINING  DISTRICTS.  513 

second  in  rank  as  a  bullion  producer.  From  1548  to 
1832  it  yielded  $2,120,000  a  year,  and  in  the  next  35 
years  an  average  of  $4,000,000  a  year.  Its  wealthiest 
district  bears  the  same  name,  whose  great  mines  are 
the  Veta  Grande,  Quebradilla,  and  San  Bernabe.  Its 
ores  have  been  classified  as  follows :  stephanite  or  pris 
matic  black  silver,  argentite,  native  silver,  black  silver, 
dark  ruby,  chloride  of  silver,  embolite,  horn  silver, 
carbonates,  argentiferous  galena,  and  tescatete.  There 
is  no  gold  except  to  the  west  of  Zacatecas.  The  dis 
trict  of  Fresnillo  in  the  Cerro  de  Proano  produced 
in  1841  $1,025,113.  With  the  coming  of  the  rail 
way  its  further  success  is  assured.  The  district  of 
Sombrerete  has  a  large  number  of  mines,  the  aver 
age  yield  of  whose  ore  is  $300  per  ton.  The  past 
production  of  this  group  is  veiled  in  doubt;  but  one 
half  of  the  amount  officially  stated  would  be  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  million  dollars,  which  is  probably  cor 
rect.  An  American  company  is  now  operating  in 
those  mines.  The  district  of  Mazapil,  it  is  said,  yielded 
$50,000,000,  which  is  probably  true,  for  the  workings 
and  slag-piles  even  now  give  $50  per  ton.  It  has  been 
often  raided  by  the  Apaches,  causing  its  abandonment 
for  some  time.  Later  it  was  worked  by  the  New  York 
Company,  which  sent  there  a  40-ton  water-jacket  fur 
nace  to  reduce  the  ores.  The  state  of  San  Luis  Potosi 
was  in  former  times  the  third  bullion  producer.  Its 
greatest  district  was  Catorce,  yielding  from  $600,000  to 
$662,000  a  year.  In  its  best  years  it  gave  $2,804,000 ; 
in  1804,  three  and  a  half  millions.  The  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion,  Padre  Flores,  or  Zavala  mines,  and  the  Vi- 
centin,  have  also  been  rich.19 

The  state  of  Sonora  is  a  vast  mineral  region,  and 
its  numerous  mining  districts  are  productive.  In  that 
of  Babicanora,  the  Cdrmen  mine  is  said  to  have  pro 
duced  $25,000,000  from  1820  to  1830,  and  the  Babi- 

19  In  the  Mineral  de  Guadalcazar,  ruined  by  the  events  of  1810  to  1821, 
about  103  claims  were  filed  to  1878,  most  of  them  with  the  main  view  of 
holding  the  lands  freely.     The  Concepcion  was  destroyed  by  a  heavy  rain. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    33 


514  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

canora  mine  has  given  $31,000,000.  Sinaloa  has  the 
districts  of  Rosario,  Concordia,  Mazatlan,  San  Ignacio, 
Sinaloa,  and  Fuerte.  The  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes 
mine  has  produced  $85,000,000.  Its  ore  yields  from 
$85  to  $115  per  ton,  using  no  salt.  The  Tajo  in  Ro- 
sario  has  given  nearly  200,000  tons,  which  at  $60 
makes  $12,000,000.  It  produces  24  tons  daily  at  $125 
per  ton.  The  Jocuistita  is  also  quite  productive. 

The  state  of  Chihuahua  possesses  many  mining  dis 
tricts,  the  richest  being  San  Pedro  Batopilas  in  the 
Canton  San  Andres  del  Rio.  It  is  not  possible  to  as 
certain  what  its  actual  production  has  been,20  whether 
100  or  300  million  dollars.  No  district  of  Mexico  has 
been  so  celebrated  as  this  for  its  yield  of  native  silver. 
It  has  been  worked  of  late  by  the  Consolidated  Bato 
pilas  Silver  Mining  Company,  under  the  energetic  man 
agement  of  A.  R.  Shepherd.  He  produces  about 
$70,000  per  month.  The  district  of  Parral  has  yielded 
$60,000,000,  and  is  the  second  richest  in  the  state. 
The  Santa  Barbara  is  next  in  wealth.  The  Santa 
Eulalia,  or  Chihuahua  el  Viejo,  produced  from  1704 
to  1833  $344,000,000,  and  from  1835  to  1844 
$17,109,652;  no  gold.  The  Santa  Rosa  de  Cusihui- 
riachic  was  worked  from  1666  to  1810,  when  it  was 
abandoned  because  of  the  revolution.  Its  estimated 
production,  smuggling  included,  has  been  from  60  to 
80  millions.  There  are  several  other  productive  dis 
tricts.  The  state  of  Durango  has  several  famous 
districts,  and  others  of  lesser  fame  are  yet  new  and 
untried.  The  Candelaria  mine  in  the  district  of  San 
Dimas  paid  $11,000,000  of  fifths  royalty  on  its  pro 
ducts.  The  mine  is  now  scientifically  worked. 

In  Coahuila,  the  San  Juan  de  Guadalupe,  district 
of  Santa  Rosa,  produces  free-smelting  ore,  which  has 
gone  as  high  as  $5,600  per  ton.  The  Santa  Ger- 
trudis  and  Pabellon  have  yielded  rich  native  silver 
ores  as  high  as  $1,680  per  ton.  An  American  com 
pany  is  working  them.  There  are  ten  others  aver- 

20  The  records  suffered  by  fire,  revolution,  and  time. 


MINES  AND  MINERALS.  515 

aging  $274  per  ton.  In  the  district  near  Castanos 
copper  has  been  mined.  There  is  also  a  great  coal 
belt,  which  is  thought  to  extend  into  Texas,  and  up 
into  Missouri.  Jalisco  and  Michoacan  have  likewise 
been  well  known  for  their  productive  mines.  Guer 
rero  has  been  truthfully  called  one  extensive  crust  of 
silver  and  gold;  the  renowned  Tasco  mines  are  in  its 
territory.21  In  1803  Tehuilotepec,  Sochipala,  Cerro- 
del  Limon,  San  Est^van,  and  Cuautla  only  produced 
495,000  ounces  of  silver  annually. 

The  state  of  Hidalgo  is  one  of  the  wealthiest  in 
Mexico  for  mines.  The  famous  districts  of  Pachuca, 
Heal  del  Monte,  and  Moran  are  in  its  territory.  The 
original  owner  of  the  Viscaina  mine,  after  spending  in 
1760  about  $2,000,000  on  it,  took  out  over  $15,000,000 
at  small  cost.  For  his  donations  to  the  king,  he  was 
made  a  count.  From  1781  to  1819  the  production 
was  $10,000,000.  It  is  asserted  that  the  mine  has 
produced  in  300  years  $200,000,000.  An  English 
company  who  worked  it  from  1824  to  1848  lost  money. 
From  1849  to  1865,  according  to  a  partial  record, 
there  were  552,277  tons  of  ore  taken  out  of  the  Rosa- 
rio,  yielding  a  clear  profit  of  $12,057,490.  The  states 
of  Mexico,  Puebla,  and  Yera  Cruz  likewise  possess 
valuable  mines.  Lower  California  has  several  mining 
districts,  the  chief  being  Real  de  Santa  Rita,  Mu- 
leje  and  Triunfo.  Aguascalientes  possesses  mining 
wealth.22  Campeche  has  none  at  all.  Chiapas  has 
some  productive  salt  mines.  The  state  of  Colima  is 
yet  undeveloped.23 

The  country  is  rich  in  deposits  of  other  metals; 
namely,  sulphate  of  silver  in  the  districts  of  Guana 
juato,  Pachuca,  Zacatecas,  and  Zacualpan,  in  the  state 
of  Mexico ;  light  ruby  silver,  red  antimonial  ore,  in 

21  Tasco,  Pachuca,  Tlalpujahua,  and  Zultepec  were  the  four  mines  first 
worked  by  the  Spaniards. 

22  The  Asientos  district  was  famous  in  1714.   Gamboa,  Comentarios  sobre  las 
leyes  de  min.  de  N.  Esp.     The  mines  were  worked  by  the  Jesuits  1712-67. 

23  Extensive  information  may  be  found  in  Dahlgrens  Hist.  Mines.  Mex.t 
20-220;  Busto,  Estadist  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  2d  pt,  28-364,  and  5th  pt,  371-83,  42-7, 
31;  Ramirez,  Ri<jueza  Minera  Mex.,  295-618;  El  Minero  Mex.,  no.  ii.  135. 


516  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

the  district  of  Morelos,  of  the  state  of  Chihuahua; 
dark  ruby  silver  in  Chihuahua,  Guanajuato,  and  Zaca- 
tecas;  refractory  silver  in  Guanajuato  and  Zacatecas; 
argentiferous  galenas  in  most  of  the  mineral  districts 
of  the  republic;  muriate  of  silver  in  Catorce  of  San 
Luis  Potosi,  and  Mina  Verde  of  Sombrerete,  in  the 
state  of  Zacatecas;  cinnabar  of  several  varieties  in 
Durango,  Guanajuato,  Guerrero,  Jalisco,  Queretaro, 
San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Zacatecas;  iron  in  Chihuahua, 
Coahuila,  Durango,  Hidalgo,  Mexico,  and  Jalisco; 
pyrites  in  Guanajuato  and  Zacatecas;  lead  in  Hidalgo 
and  Aguascalientes;  pyromorphite,  a  variety  of  phos 
phate  of  lead,  which  by  fusion  becomes  crystallized,  in 
Morelos;  carbonate  of  lead  in  Hidalgo  and  Quere 
taro;  sulphurous  copper  in  Aguascalientes;  yellow 
copper  in  Michoacan,  Chihuahua,  and  Jalisco;  native 
and  sulphurous  bismuth  in  Zacatecas;  carbonate  of 
bismuth  in  San  Luis  Potosi;  ochre  of  bismuth  in 
Queretaro ;  zinc  in  the  Tasco  mines  of  Morelos;  native 
sulphur  in  the  volcanoes;  precious  stones,  to  wit: 
rubies  in  Durango;  diamonds  in  Guerrero  and  in 
Tonalixco  toward  the  sierra  of  Zongolica ;  topaz  in  the 
sierra  de  Canvas,  San  Luis  Potosi;  emeralds  in  Teju- 
pilco,  Mexico;  garnets  in  Xalostro,  Morelos,  and  in 
Chihuahua;  fine  opals  in  Queretaro  and  Hidalgo; 
common  opals  in  Hidalgo;  other  stones  in  several 
states.  Marble  in  Puebla,  Queretaro,  Guerrero, 
Guanajuato,  Michoacan,  Nuevo  Leon,  etc. ;  Mexican 
onyx  or  tecali  in  Puebla;  gypsum  in  Tamazula,  Ja 
lisco  ;  granite  in  Oajaca,  Jalisco,  Mexico,  and  Guerrero ; 
porphyry  in  Chihuahua,  Hidalgo,  Jalisco,  Puebla, 
Querdtaro,  and  Zacatecas;  and  several  other  kinds  of 
stones  in  many  of  the  states;  saline  lands  in  Lower 
California,  Colima,  Jalisco,  Michoacan,  San  Luis  Po 
tosi,  Tamaulipas,  Valley  of  Mexico,  Yucatan,  and  Za- 
coalco;  copperas  in  Mexico,  Hidalgo,  and  Michoacan. 
Coal,  anthracite  in  Querdtaro  and  Puebla ;  bituminous 
in  Chamacuero  of  Guanajuato;  and  other  varieties  in 


MINTS  AND  COINAGE.  517 

Pueblo  and  Hidalgo;24  petroleum  in  Puerto  Angel  of 
Oajaca;  naphtha  in  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  of  the  federal 
district.25 

The  government,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  full  as 
well  as  reliable  information  on  the  hitherto  hidden 
wealth  of  the  country,  appointed  exploring  commis 
sions,  and  increased  their  number  as  far  as  the  condi 
tion  of  the  public  treasury  permitted  it.  Among  the 
commissions  a  number  were  instructed  to  study  the 
mining  branch,  two  being  sent  to  Michoacan,  one  to 
Guerrero,  one  to  the  states  of  Oajaea  and  Puebla,  and 
one  to  the  Huastecas.  The  special  object  of  the  last 
two  was  to  survey  and  make  a  study  of  the  carbonifer 
ous  deposits.  Some  of  the  commissions  rendered  their 
reports  between  1878  arid  1882.26 

The  rapid  increase  of  mining  products,  and  the 
great  distance  of  the  mines  from  the  mint  at  Mexico, 

'24No  knowledge  existed  of  coal-beds  in  Mexican  till  1854,  when  the  first 
petition  for  a  grant  was  presented  to  the  government.  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fo 
mento,  1884,  i.  626  et  seq. 

25  Busto,  Estadist.  Hep.  Mex.,  ii.   2d  pt,   6-11.      Further  information  in 
Ramirez,    Riqueza  Min.   Mex.,    147-92;    Diaz,   Bioq.,    MS.,    474-6;    Fiisbies 
Remiwisc.,  MS.,  39;  Oaj.,  Mem.,  1858,  22-3;  1861,  64;  Escobedo,  Mem.,  14-15, 
and  docs.  20-2;  Perez,  Dice.  Geog.,  ii.  224-57,  302-6;  Del  Mars  Precious  Metals, 
151-2;    Wyllie'sMex.  Kept  Finances,  10-12;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  15  to  Nov. 
20,  1875,  passim;  Jan.  28,  March  13,  May  7,  Sept.   13,  1876;  Caballero,  Aim. 
Hist.,  145-55;  CJiimalpopoca,  Informe  Min.  Comanja,  1-40;  Gonzalez,  Hist.  Est. 
AguascaL,  3-4,  9,  471-86;  Mex.,  Anaks  Fomento,  1880,  iii.  331-404,  633-87; 
1881,    v.    295-009;    Robertson's  Handbook,   7-8,  55,  61-80;   Mex.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Fomento,  1882,  i.  447-637.     The  largest  producers  of  pure  silver  in  the  fiscal 
year  1878-9  were  the  states  of  Zacatecas,    117.417,861  kilogr.;   Guanajuato, 
105.311,621  kilogr.;  Hidalgo,  95.501,983  kilogr.;  San  Luis  Potosf,  67.838,861 
kilogr.;    Jalisco,    34.222,216  kilogr.;    Sonora,  32.917.049  kilogr.;    Durango, 
28.534,697   kilogr.;    and  Chihuahua,    27.925,958   kilogr.     Sinaloa,    Mexico, 
Michoacan,  Oajaea,  Guerrero,  and  Queretaro  ranged  from  11.705,015  to  230. 72j 
The  different  systems  employed  yielded  the  following  results:  patio  or  amal 
gamation,  306.284,317  kilogr.;  tonel,  24.503,843  kilogr.;  lixiviation,   16.107,- 
771  kilogr.;  and  smelting,  142.224,667  kilogr. 

26  The  commission  in  charge  of  Santiago  Ramirez,  intrusted  with  the  ex 
ploration  of  Oajaea  and  Puebla,  reported  the  results  obtained  in  the  districts 
of  Matamoros,  Acatlan,  and  Chiautla,  in  Puebla.     It  was  also  incidentally 
directed  to  explore  the  carboniferous  deposits  of  the  state  of  Tlascala,  those 
of  Tlaquiltenango  in  Morelos,  Huetamo  in  Michoacan,  Actopan  in  Vera  Cruz, 
and  to  make  a  study  of  the  coal  of  Tlaxiaco  in  Oajaea.     The  reports  were 
published  in  the  Anales  de  la  Secretaria  de  Fomento.     The  two  commissions 
despatched  to  Michoacan,  besides  procuring  the  discovery  and  examination 
of  the  coal-beds,  were  to  study  the  metal  deposits.     Manuel  Urquiza,  the 
chief  of  one  of  them,  made  a  report  full  of  scientific  and  industrial   data, 
which  the  government  ordered  published  in  the  7th  vol.  of  the  aforementioned 
Anales.  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  i.  451-637. 


518  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

rendered  it  necessary  to  establish  other  mints,  which 
at  one  time  reached  the  number  of  fifteen.27  After 
this,  only  a  small  quantity  of  the  precious  metals 
reached  the  city  of  Mexico.  The  mint  and  refin 
ery  were  leased  to  private  persons  in  1847  for  ten 
years,  and  the  lease  was  several  times  renewed.28 
From  1804  to  1848  the  total  yield  of  gold  and  sil 
ver  was  $768,000,000,  and  the  production  from  the 
latter  year  to  June  30,  1877,  $702,000,000,^  making 
$4,470",000,000.  By  the  fourth  table  of  the  treas 
ury  department  showing  the  coinage  of  the  fiscal 
year  1877-8,  it  is  seen  that  the  amount  of  gold 
coined  was  $691,998,  and  of  silver  $22,084,204,  or  a 

27  There  were  eleven  in  1887;  namely,  at  Alamos,  Culiacan,  Chihuahua, 
Durango,  Guadalajara,  Guanajuato,   Hermosillo,  Mexico,   Oajaca,   San  Luis 
Potosi,    and   Zacatecas.     Those  of  Guadalajara,  Durango,   Chihuahua,   and 
Oajaca  were  administered  for  government  account.     The  other  seven  were 
leased  to  private  parties.     That  of  Hermosillo  was  established  in  1867,  and 
that  of  Alamos  in  1868.  Ramirez,  Riqueza  Min.  de  Hex.,  47-53;  Hex.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  i.  638. 

28  In  1866  it  was  still  leased.     The  mint  had  been  transferred  to  another 
building,  where  the  coinage  was  begun  on  the  1st  of  July,  1850.     The  amount 
coined  there  from  that  date  to  Dec.  31,  1866,  was  $64,325,999.  Orozco  y  Berra, 
Mem.    Piano  Ciud.  Mex.,  168-71.     According  to  the   Balanzas  del  Comercio, 
published  by  the  Real  Tribunal  del  Consulado  at  Vera  Cruz  for  the  four  years 
preceding  1810,  there  were  exported  $70,862,203,  in  which  sum  were  repre 
sented  gold  and  silver,  manufactured  and  coined,  to  the  value  of  $54,103,787, 
all  else  amounting  to  $16,758,416.     The  same  document  showed  that  in  those 
iour  years  the  mint  coined  $94,210,204,  that  is  to  say,  those  $16,758,416  mul 
tiplied  by  5.65,  which  makes  it  evident  that  the  gold  and  silver  coined  repre 
sented  six  times  the  amount  of  all  other  branches  of  export.     It  was  proved 
in  the  report  read  before  that  tribunal  in  January  24,  1817,  that  the  annual 
products  of  all  New  Spain  were  $227,911,939,  of  which  the  mines  yielded 
$192,192,000,  or  five  sixths  of  the  totality.  Mem.,  Sobre  la  utilidad  e  influjo  de 
la  mineria  en  el  reino.     From  Humboldt's  official  data  we  gather  that  the 
Spanish  American  colonies  produced  from  1492  to  1803  gold  and  silver  valued 
at  4,035,156,000  pesos,  registered,  and  the  further  sum  of  816,000,000  pesos, 
not  registered,  making  a  total  of  4,851,156,000  pesos;  in  which  sum  the  mines 
of   New    Spain   figured  for  2,027,952,000  pesos;    and  the   further   sum   of 
972,048,000  pesos  may  be  added  for  value  not  included  in  those  computations, 
making  a  grand  total  of  3.000  millions.     It  is  not  known  how  much  gold  and 
silver    had  been   obtained  before  the   Spanish  conquest.     On   one   occasion 
Montezuma  gathered  the  value  of  7,000,000  pesos  to  be  sent  to  Spain. 

29  Demon's  Mem.,  in  Buslo,  Estadist.  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  pt  2,   12;  Inform*  de 
Comisio.  gen  de  tierras,  in  Ib.     The  coinage  system  was  reorganized  by  decree 
of  Nov.  27,  1867.     Under  this  law  the  decimal  system  was  established.     The 
monetary  unit  was  declared  to  be  as  heretofore,  the  silver  peso  or  dollar, 
of  the  weight  of  27  grams  and  73  miligrams,  and  value  of    100  centavos. 
It  was  to  be  coined  in  pieces  of  one  dollar,  and  50,  25,  and  10  and  5  centavos. 
The  gold  coin  was  to  be  in  pieces  of  20  pesos  with  the  weight  of  33  grams, 
and   841  miligrams.     There  are  also  pieces  of  10,  5,  2^,  and  1  dollar.     The 
copper  cent  has  the  weight  of  8  grams.  Mex.,  Becop.  Ley.,  i.  425-9. 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT.  519 

total  of  $22,776,202;  and  taking  one  half,  one  semes 
ter's  share  will  be  $11,388,100,  which  deducted  from 
the  preceding  sum  leaves  $4,458,611,900  for  the 
production  to  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year  1876-7. 
Adding  the  products  of  the  seven  fiscal  years  1877-84, 
$171,043,661,30  we  have  a  sum  of  $4,629,655,561,  to 
which  must  be  added  the  copper  coined  till  1882, 
$5,438,476,  making  the  grand  total  $4,635,000,037.81 
In  December  1881,  the  coining  of  nickel  money  was 
decreed.32  The  people  refused  the  coin  because  it  was 
sold  by  the  government  in  large  amounts  at  a  dis 
count,  while  it  was  made  legal  tender  only  for  a  small 
amount.  The  question  excited  much  comment  by  the 
press  and  the  people  in  1883.33 

The  development  of  national  industries  early  en 
gaged  the  attention  of  the  government.  The  minister 
of  state,  Lucas  Alaman,  being  opposed  to  the  impor 
tation  of  foreign  manufactures,  and  to  the  exportation 
of  gold  and  silver,  desired  to  see  every  branch  of  manu 
facture  fairly  started  in  the  country.  One  of  his 
schemes  was  the  opening  of  industrial  schools.  To 
his  influence  was  due  the  creation  of  a  Banco  de  Avio, 
under  government  control,  and  with  the  capital  of  one 
million  dollars,  to  afford  pecuniary  aid  and  machinery 
to  manufacturers  and  agriculturists.84  The  authors 
of  the  plan  expected  it  would  at  once  develop  indus- 

30  Averaging  $24,434,808  a  year. 

31  The  figures  for  the  last  years  are  smaller  than  for  the  actual  products, 
because  the  exportation  of  bullion  and  ore  lowers  the  amount  coined.  Ramirez, 
Riquez'i  Min.  Mex.,  717-22;  Mex.  Financier,  Jan.  31,  1885;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic., 
May  21,   1883;  Busto,  Estadtst.  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  2d  pt,   12;  Kept  Director  Mint, 
1880,  133-5;  1882,  27-8,  88-9,   101;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,   1882,  638-50; 
1884,  Ixii.-iii.;  Mills'  Mex.,  June  1,   1884,  35;  Garcia  Cubas'  Rep.  of  Mex., 
25-7;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1884,  i.  644-9. 

32  It  is  impossible  for  the  government  and  its  officers  to  conduct  business 
honestly.     If  one  official  does  not  steal,  there  are  twenty  who  do — just  as  in 
all  other  republics. 

33  The  evil  getting  worse,  the  people  took  matters  into  their  own  hands, 
for  which  procedure  they  had  the  respect  of  all  fair-minded  men. 

34  Such  was  the  main  object;  but  the  aid  might  also  be  given  to  other 
branches.     The  bank's  regulation  was  approved  by  government  Oct.  5,  1835. 
Dublan  and  Lozano,   Leg.  Mex.,  ii.  293-4;  ArriUaga,  Recop..  1836  (July  to 
Dec.),  83,  243,  392-4;  Banco  de  Avio,  Inf.  y  Cuentas,  Jan.  1  and  Dec.  31, 
1832,  17-26,  and  3-24. 


520  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

tries,  which  was  not  the  case,35  as  neither  money,  ma 
chinery,  nor  raw  material  could  be  procured  as  cheaply 
as  in  Europe,  and  the  Mexican  population  lacked  num 
ber,  compactness,  industry,  and  intelligence.  The 
government  made  glowing  reports  on  the  progress  of 
manufactures,  which  was  attributed  to  the  aid  of  the 
bank,  but  it  all  proved  fallacious  upon  the  destruction 
of  the  bank  by  its  own  founders.36  The  effort  made 
was  not,  however,  entirely  fruitless,  several  companies 
having  been  organized,  which  laid  the  foundation  of 
manufacturing  industry  in  Mexico.37 

Patent  laws  have  been  from  time  to  time  enacted 
to  promote  improvements  in  methods.  Any  product 
or  manufacture,  or  means  of  producing,  previously 
unknown  in  the  country,  became  entitled  to  the  bene 
fits  of  the  law.  In  granting  a  patent  for  introduction, 
preference  has  been  given  to  the  inventor  holding  a 
patent  obtained  from  a  foreign  government.38 

The  manufacture  of  cotton  goods  during  the  Span 
ish  rule  existed  to  some  extent  in  New  Spain, 
notwithstanding  the  special  favor  shown  by  the  gov 
ernment  to  fabrics  of  the  mother  country.  There 
were  factories  in  Queretaro,  Tezcuco,  Puebla,  Tlas- 
cala,  and  Huetzotzingo.  The  business  did  not,  how 
ever,  attain  great  importance.  Its  progress  was  slow, 
and  more  as  a  need  resulting  from  foreign  wars. 

35  Some  coarse  woollen  and  cotton  fabrics  were  the  only  productions,  and 
the  prospect  was  that  even  these  would  soon  cease  to  be  made.  Mora,  Revol. 
Mix,,  i.  40-1. 

36  The  bank  had  loaned  in  specie  and  in  imported  machinery  $1,176,234, 
to  develop   several   industries.    Mex.,  Mem.   Min.  Int.,  1838,    16-17,   33-72; 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mex.,  326.     The  funds  were  in  many  instances  mis 
applied,  and  in  two  or  three  years  the  bank's  capital  had  disappeared.     Since 
March  1883  the  govt  had  used  much  of  it.  Richtlwfen,  Mejico,  278^9. 

37  La  Constancia,  an  appropriate  name,  was  one  set  up  in  Puebla  by  E.  de 
Antunano  and  others.  Mex.,  Mem.  Min.  Ext.,  1835,  20-3;  Alaman,  Mem.  Ayric. 
e  Ind.,  1843,  19;  D'Orbigny,  Voy.  Duex  Ameriques,  413;  Andunano,  Doc.  Hist. 
Industrial,  1-31. 

™Arrillaga,  Recap-,  1832-3,  87-9;  Mtx.,  Legis.  Mex.,  1852,  193-6;  Galvan, 
Ordenanzas,  48-50.  The  number  of  patents  issued  from  July  16,  1853,  to  June 
30,  1857,  was  61;  they  were  for  the  respective  terms  of  5,  6,  10,  and  15  years. 
Siiiceo,  Mem.  Fomento,  104-11,  and  annex  Ivi.  51-73;  Diario  Debates,  9th  Cong., 
iii.  314-16;  Siva  Palacio,  Mem.  Fom.,  1877,  526.  Nearly  220  petitions  for 
patents  were  presented  from  Dec.  1,  1877,  to  Dec.  31,  1882.  Hex.,  Mem.  Sec. 
Fomento,  1884,  437^2;  Hex.,  Financier,  Feb.  9,  1884. 


COTTON  FACTORIES.  521 

Much  the  larger  portion  of  the  goods  was  not  made 
in  regular  factories,  but  by  itinerant  weavers.39  In 
Indian  towns,  the  inhabitants  wove  the  fabrics  they 
wore,  the  cost  of  the  raw  material  being  the  only 
money  they  put  into  circulation.40 

Drawn  into  the  armies  were  large  numbers  of 
weavers,  as  well  as  tillers  of  the  soil.  After  the  in 
dependence  was  secured,  foreign  trade  became  so  much 
favored  that  manufacturing  interests  continued  to 
suffer;  indeed,  though  the  government  did  something 
to  revive  them,  and  some  cotton  mills  sprang  into  life 
in  Victoria's  administration,  the  industry  did  not  ac 
quire  a  healthy  growth.  In  1823  the  factories  were 
little  better  than  prisons.41  The  policy  of  protection 
to  home  industry  was  initiated  in  1828,  exempting 
from  taxation  all  manufactures  of  the  country,  and 
also  the  raw  cotton  produced  therein,  and  the  twist 
or  yarn  made  therefrom.42  The  importation  of  raw 
cotton  had  been  forbidden,  and  in  1836  the  same  rule 
was  applied  to  ginned  cotton,  and  in  1837  to  cotton 
twist,  the  higher  numbers  of  which  were  to  cease 
coming  in  March  1838.  The  next  step  was  to  levy  a 
heavy  inland  tax  on  foreign  fabrics;  and  finally,  the 
importation  of  common  cotton  goods  was  prohibited. 
This  and  other  restrictive  measures  had  been  clamored 
for  by  cotton  planters  and  manufacturers.43  Cotton 
manufacturers,  for  all  occasional  checks,  went  on  as- 

39  The  jrebozp  maker  of  Puebla,  for  instance,  travelled  about,  and  might 
be  found  with  Tiis  spinning-wheel  and  hand-loom  in  different  places,  even  at 
the  distance  of  300  miles;  his  stock  consisting  of  about  20  Ibs.  of  raw  cotton, 
worth  three  pesos  or  less,  to  make  one  piece  of  manta,  32  varas  long  by  \ 
vara  wide,  out  of  which  he  supported  himself  and  his  family. 

40  According  to  statistics  of  1817,  the  value  of  all  manufactures  in  Mexico 
was  computed  at  61,011,818  pesos.  Quirds,  Mem.  de  Estatuto,  in  Soc.   Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  i.  18. 

41  Many  of  the  workmen  were  criminals  sentenced  to  labor  in  the  obrajes, 
as  the  factories  were  called,   and  were  rigorously  treated.     Others,  by  bor 
rowing  money  from  the  owners,  pledged  themselves  and  their  labor  till  it  was 
reimbursed,  which  in  most  instances  never  was,  and  the  workman  became  a 
peon  for  life.  Bullock's  Six  Months  in  Mex.,  222-5;  Tobias  Estadist.,  MS.,  43. 

^Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1828,  115;  1838,  277-8. 

43  They  were  looked  upon  as  necessary  to  save  their  interests.  Mex.,  Expos. 
CuUiv.  Algodon,  1841,  8-9;  Bustamante,  Gab.  Mex.,  i.  13;  Id.,  Voz  de  la  Pa- 
trio,  MS.,'xiii.  38-9. 


522  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

suming  a  healthful  tone,  and  in  1843  there  were  62 
factories,  with  106,718  spindles  and  2,609  looms,  in 
operation,  making  weekly  8,479  pieces  of  sheeting. 
The  cotton  produced  being  insufficient,  leave  was 

f ranted  in  May  1844  to  import  100,000  quintals, 
hose  efforts  to  build  up  the  industry44  were  aban 
doned  in  1848.  The  government,  on  the  ground  that 
home  manufactures  could  not  compete  with  the  for 
eign,  discontinued  the  prohibitive  system,  and  foreign 
fabrics  were  allowed  to  come  in  by  paying  duties.  At 
the  end  of  1850  there  were  in  operation  55  factories 
of  cloth  and  twist  in  Coahuila,  Colima,  Durango, 
Guanajuato,  Jalisco,  Mexico,  and  the  federal  district, 
Puebla,  Queretaro,  and  Vera  Cruz,  besides  no  less  than 
10,000  looms  scattered  throughout  the  country.45 
The  fabrics  were  plain,  worked,  and  print,  the  quality 
gradually  improving.  The  price  had  been  lowered, 
so  that  poor  people  could  be  clothed  seventy  per  cent 
cheaper  than  prior  to  183 1.46 

After  the  fall  of  the  dictator  Santa  Anna,  the  new- 
rulers  were  disposed  to  afford  every  possible  aid  to 
home  manufactures.47  By  the  law  of  August  4,  1857, 
a  tax  of  37^  cents  a  year  was  set  on  each  spindle,  the 
states  being  forbidden  to  tax  factories  or  their  products. 
In  1836  there  were  bitter  complaints,  because  cotton 
thread  of  low  numbers  and  common  cloths  and  tex 
tures  were  allowed  to  be  imported  at  lower  duties  than 
had  been  intended  in  1850.  The  factories,  it  was  said, 
were  losing  money;  at  any  rate,  their  owners  clam 
ored  for  a  return  to  the  prohibitive  system,48  denying 

44  It  had  not  been  invariably  nurtured  tenderly.  Some  administrations,  for 
the  sake  of  getting  a  few  millions,  had  disregarded  it. 

45 The  value  of  factories,  looms,  etc.,  was  $29,000,000,  supporting  42,900 
families,  equivalent  to  214,500  persons. 

46  There  were  already  made  seven  varas  of  manta  for  each  one  of  the  7^  mil 
lion  inhabitants.     Had  there  been  a  demand,  three  times  that  quantity  could 
have  been  made  with  the  machinery  on  hand.  Obsew.  Fab.  y  Agric.,  17-18. 

47  Santa  Anna  had  in  1853  levied  a  tax  of  37^  cents  on  every  spindle,  prom 
ising  it  should  be  the  only  burden ;  but  the  political  troubles  forced  several 
state  governments  to  lay  on  more  taxes,  which  increased  the  general  depres 
sion,  and  this,  added  to  the  difficulty  of  procuring  raw  material,  compelled 
many  factories  to  close. 

48  According  to  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  the  annual  value  of  manufactures  was 
estimated  at  90  to  100  million  dollars.  Butter jidd's  U.  S.  and  Hex.,  63. 


WOOLLEN  GOODS.  523 

that  manufactures  had  been  in  a  flourishing  state  since 
1856.  The  statement  by  the  opponents  of  the  pro 
tective  system,  that  the  cotton  factories  had  reached  a 
point  where  profit  was  secured,  was  in  1879  declared 
an  exaggeration.  It  was  further  claimed  that  a  num 
ber  of  men,  under  the  garb  of  manufacturers,  were 
really  smugglers.  The  real  fact  was,  that  from  1852 
to  1879,  with  manta  paying  only  four  cents,  factories 
had  multiplied,  the  production  had  been  enlarged,  the 
fabric  was  much  improved,  and  the  price  greatly  re 
duced.  Consequently,  a  much  larger  portion  of  the 
people  went  clad.  In  the  days  of  protection  and  pro 
hibition,  the  manta  of  Puebla  weighed  seven  pounds; 
its  texture  resembled  lattice- work ;  in  1879  it  weighed 
more,  and  the  texture  was  excellent.49 

The  figures  in  the  note  show  the  approximate  state 
of  cotton  manufactures  in  1879.  The  well-known 
mills  scattered  throughout  the  republic  were  from  68 
to  72  in  number,  producing  fully  3,500,000  pieces 
yearly.  All  the  factories  also  made  cotton  thread 
to  the  amount  of  12  to  15  million  pounds  annually. 
There  were  many  other  mills  whose  names  were  not 
known.  There  were  three  factories  in  Mexico,  three 
in  Puebla,  two  in  Durango,  and  one  more  elsewhere, 
making  together  400,000  pieces  annually  of  prints  an 
Mexican  calicoes.50 

The  manufacture  of  woollen  goods  during  the  Span- 

i9  Diario  Debates,  9th  Cong.,  ii.  852-3. 

60Mauta  3,500,000  pieces,  value  $10,000,000,  capital  invested  $38,000,000; 
prints  500,000  pieces,  value  $2,500,000,  capital  invested  $3,000,000;  white 
goods  200,000  pieces,  value  $1,250,000,  capital  invested  $2,000,000;  total 
pieces  42,000,000,  total  value  $13,750,000,  total  capital  $43,000,000.  Thread 
8,000,000  Ibs.,  value  $2,500,000,  capital $8, 000, 000  ;  wick  1,000,000  Ibs.,  value 
$250,000,  capital  $500,000;  total  value  $2,750,000,  total  capital  $8,500,0t,0. 
rebozos  2,000,000,  value  $2,000,000,  capital  $2,500,000.  Total  value  of  Mex 
ican  manufactures  in  market  $18,500,000.  Value  of  property  and  capital  in 
vested  $54, 000, 000.  Diario  Debates,  9th Cong.,  ii.  854-6.  Statistical  and  other 
information  on  the  cotton  business  for  the  years  1842-6,  1854,  1860,  1815, 
1870,  and  1876  may  be  found  in  Mex.,  Anales  Min.  Fom.,  717-18;  Id.,  Me.n. 
Fom.,  1866,  438-40;  1868,  annex  no.  22;  Evans'  Sifter  Rep.,  63-5;  Garcia 
Cuhas,  Rep.  Mex.,  2^30;  Mayers  Mex.  Aztec,  ii.  112-4;  Id.,  Mex.  as  it  Was,  etc., 
312-6;  Mex.,  Diario  Ojic.,  June  18,  1871;  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  1880,  table 
no.  2etal.;  Mex.,  Mex.  Financier,  June  21,  1884,  182-3;  Zaremba's  Merck., 
38-140,  pass.;  Conkling's  Guide,  165-6,  224,  261-3,  269. 


624  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

isli  rule  mainly  contributed  to  the  prosperity  of  sev 
eral  places,  such  as  Queretaro,  Acambaro,  San  Miguel, 
Zinapecuaro,  and  others,  where  the  mills  made  large 
quantities  of  common  cloths,  blankets,  frieze,  baize, 
and  mangas,  or  cloaks.  The  industry  fell  into  de 
cadence  from  the  same  cause  that  so  injuriously 
affected  the  cotton  business,  though  not  to  the  same 
extent,  as  the  government  continued  to  clothe  the 
troops  with  Mexican  woollens.51  The  number  of  w^ool- 
len  factories  had  greatly  increased  in  1845-6,  the 
texture  was  improving,  and  the  demand  becoming 
larger.  Early  in  the  next  decade  the  production  had 
increased  so  much  that  the  price  of  raw  material  rose 
considerably,  and  that  of  foreign  woollen  goods  went 
down.  In  1860  there  were  eight  factories  of  cloths, 
kerseymeres,  and  carpetings,  making  the  previous 
year  34,000  pieces,  valued  at  $2,720,000.52 

Silk  manufacturing  in  Mexico  owes  its  life  to  the 
Manila  trade  during  the  colonial  period.  The  industry 
progressed  but  slowly.  In  1844  the  works  of  Morelia 
were  started;  the  products  were  excellent,  and  happy 
results  were  expected.  The  business  became  profit 
able  during  several  years.  There  were  in  1857  21 
factories  and  shops  engaged  in  preparing  the  material, 
producing  about  100,000  pounds,  and  employing  about 
4,000  persons  in  spinning,  dyeing,  etc.,  and  4,000  more 
made  silk,  and  silk  and  linen  rebozos,  many  of  them 
of  surpassing  excellence.  The  business  continued 

^Alaman,  Mem.  Agric.  6  Ind.,  28. 

62  The  fabrics  were  of  good  quality,  but  could  not  compete  in  European 
markets.  Hernandez,  Estadist.  Hex.,  137.  According  to  an  account  of  1868, 
the  wool  annually  used  by  the  large  mills  reached  nearly  three  million  pounds, 
while  the  smaller  ones  and  hand-looms  increased  the  demand  perhaps  another 
million.  There  were  in  1879  about  ten  factories  making  yearly:  Cassimere 
1,500,000  varas,  value  $2,000,000,  capital  invested  $3,500,000;  barragan 
2,000,000  varas,  value  $800,000,  capital  $1,000,000;  carpeting  500,000  varas, 
value  $500,000,  capital  $800,000;  serapes  2,000,000  varas,  value  $1,000,000, 
capital  $1,300,000;  thread  $200,000,  capital  $300,000;  total  value  in  market 
$4, 500, 000,  total  capital  invested  $6, 800, 000.  It  was  stated  by  Deputy  Pombo 
in  congress,  May  20,  1879,  that  the  woollen  progress  was  actually  declining, 
and  would  soon  come  to  an  end.  '  Y  se  puede  asegurar  que  esta  industria 
esta  tocando  a  su  fin.'  Diario  Debates,  9th  Cong.,  ii.  829.  See  also  Busto, 
Estadist.  Rep.  Mex.,  1880,  table  no.  2. 


PAPER  AND  CROCKERY.  525 

to  progress.53  In  later  years  the  factories  of  Mexico, 
Puebla,  Guanajuato,  Queretaro,  Jalisco,  etc.,  were 
making  the  best  quality  of  goods,  such  as  are  used  ( 
for  ladies'  dresses,  kerchiefs,  and  scarfs,  preferred  to 
the  foreign  because  of  the  superiority  of  the  material 
they  were  made  of.54 

A  paper  factory  was  successfully  established  in  San 
Angel,  near  Mexico,  in  1825,  and  the  next  year  the 
government  exempted  for  seven  years  from  excise  duty 
all  paper  made  in  the  country.55  Later  two  other 
factories  started.  The  government  then,  and  again  in 
1853,  decreed  that  only  home-made  paper  should  be 
used  in  the  public  offices,  and  for  stamping.56  In  1845 
there  were  in  the  republic  six  factories  of  unglazed 
paper,  producing  a  great  deal  more  than  there  was  a 
demand  for  by  the  newspapers.  They  then  began  to 
make  writing-paper,  the  quality  of  which  was  gradu 
ally  improved,  and  the  price  reduced  very  considera 
bly.  In  1860,  eight  establishments  made  1,641,580 
reams,  valued  $6,366,320.57  The  industry  has  all  along 
had  the  fostering  care  of  the  government. 

Crockery,  porcelain,  crystal,  and  glass  manufactur 
ing,  with  government  protection,  gradually  developed,58 
attaining  a  commendable  degree  of  perfection.  In 
1857  the  number  of  crockery  and  glass  factories  in  the 
country  were  five,  employing  326  persons  at  the 
weekly  wages  of  $910.59  In  1860  there  were  five  fac 
tories  of  fine  and  three  of  common  crockery,  producing 
to  the  aggregate  value  of  nearly  one  and  a  half  million 

53  In  1860,  186,9.67  doz.  rebozos  were  made  at  an  average  of  $10  apiece, 
and  upwards  of  45,000  Ibs.  of  twist  at  $7  each.  Hernandez,  Estadist.  Mex.t 
137-8. 

54  Garcia  Cubas'  Rep.  of  Hex.  in  1876,  28-30. 

55  Mex.t  Mem.  Min.  Ester.,  1825;  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1838,  62;  Ouia  de  Hoc., 
v.  107-8. 

1)6 Max.,  Mem.  Agric.  e  Ind.,  22-32;  Hex.,  Legis.  Mej.  (1853,  Aug. -Dec.), 
407-8;  Mex.,  Mem.  sobre  Agric.,  etc.,  1845,  app.  17-19,  and  annexes  1-3,  6. 

57  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.  e  Ind.,  1846,  57-62;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  137. 

58  Abbot  Cimeros  of  Guadalupe  established  the  first  factory  about  1811. 
Cancelada,  Ruina  N.  Esp. ,  32. 

.  59  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.  e  Ind.,  1843,  34-5;  Mex.,  Mem.  Coloniz.  e  Ind.,  1851, 
annex  4;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1836,  289;  Siliceo,  Mem..  Fomento,  annex  lv.,  no. 
18,  3d  table;  Mosaico  Mex.,  iv.  245;  Semanario  Ind.  Mex.,  no.  2. 


626  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

dollars,  and  four  crystal  and  glass  establishments 
producing  to  the  value  of  $147,696.60  Earthen-ware 
of  the  finest  quality  has  been  made  in  New  Spain  from 
very  early  times. 

There  are  no  means  of  arriving  at  a  correct  estimate 
of  the  quantity  of  tobacco  produced,  nor  of  that  actu 
ally  manufactured  in  the  country.  Since  1765  the 
cultivation  of  the  weed  had  been  subject  to  the  strict 
est  supervision,  the  manufacture  and  sale  being  a  gov 
ernment  monopoly.  But  persons  who  had  suitable 
land  far  away  from  that  tyrannical  inspection,  more 
especially  after  the  administration  became  unbalanced 
by  the  wars  of  independence,  planted  tobacco  on  a 
large  scale  in  1814  and  1815,  and  carried  on  their 
illicit  business  so  boldly  that  the  viceroy  in  1816 
ordered  them  to  be  vigorously  prosecuted.61  After 
independence,  the  monopoly  practically  ceased  for  a 
while,  but  it  was  restored  by  the  new  government.62 
In  1825  the  factorfa  at  Orizaba  gathered  about  20,, 
450  bales,  for  which  the  planters  received  $1,151,684. 
In  1833  the  estanco  was  again  done  away  with,  and 
the  staple  was  exempted  from  primicias  and  tithes. 
This  arrangement  gave  great  impulse  to  the  tobacco 
industry.  But  in  1837  the  old  system  was  restored, 
and  the  whole  business  of  manufacture  and  sale  was 
farmed  out  to  a  company;  all  the  staple  grown  in  the 
departments  of  Mexico,  Puebla,  Oajaca,  and  Vera  Cruz 
was  brought  under  it.  Yucatan  was  exempted,  but 
could  send  no  tobacco  to  any  other  part  of  Mexico, 
except  to  deliver  to  the  contractors.63  Vera  Cruz 
emancipated  herself  from  that  thraldom  in  1848  and 
1849,  but  was  subjected  to  it  again  by  Santa  Anna 

60  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  137. 

61  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  407;  La  Abispa  de  Chilpancingo,  1821,  15. 

62  Mex.,  CoL  Ley.,  6rd.  y  Dec.,  ii.  38;  Gaz.  Imp.  Mex.,  ii.  752-3. 

63  Hunt's  Merchants  Mag.,  ii.  182;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  408,  416.     A  com 
putation  in  1836  had  set  the  average  yearly  consumption  at  about  85,988 
bales  of  1,753  Ibs.  each,  which  in  the  form  of  cigars  and  cigarettes  were 
valued  at  a  little  over  14£  million  dollars,  which  should  yield  to  the  govern 
ment  some  six  millions  of  revenue.   Prieto,   Vic.  Manif.,  10-11.     But  it  seems 
that  in  1845,  under  the  estanco  system,  it  did  not  prove  quite  satisfactory. 


FISH  CULTURE.  527 

in  1854.  After  his  downfall,  a  decree  of  January  21, 
1856,  suppressed  the  estanco,  which  has  not  been  re 
vived  since.  The  importation  of  foreign  manufactured 
tobacco,  but  riot  in  the  raw  state,  subject  to  duty  was 
permitted.  Under  the  free  system  the  business  re 
vived,  and  it  is  found  that  in  I860  twenty  factories 
produced  the  equivalent  to  a  weight  cf  41,258,700 
pounds  valued  at  $16,503,480.  In  1869  a  large  ex 
tent  of  country  on  the  coast  north  and  south  of  Vera 
Cruz  was  planted  in  tobacco,  that  of  Tlapacoyam  being 
of  fine  quality.64 

The  fishing  industry,  though  of  sufficient  importance 
to  engage  the  statistician's  attention,  has  been  hitherto 
much  neglected.  The  value  of  food-fishes  caught  on 
both  the  north  and  south  coasts  was,  according  to  an 
official  report  of  1810,  set  dcwn  at  $150,000.  In 
1811  the  catch  on  the  Yucatan  coast  for  exportation, 
chiefly  to  Vera  Cruz,  was  of  about  100,000  pounds, 
which  declined,  however,  prior  to  1845.  At  various 

64  Two  Cubans  had  charge  of  the  cultivation;  300,000  young  plants  had 
been  placed  in  the  ground  at  Tlapacoyam.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  420.  Sev 
eral  other  branches  of  manufactures  deserve  notice.  The  following  list  shows 
the  production  and  value  of  each  in  18GO.  In  later  years  their  importance 
must  have  been  greatly  augmented.  Iron-works  10,  making  126,489,600  Ibs., 
$7,589,376;  matches  7,  28,935,514  gross  boxes,  $4,340,271;  pianos  2,  M6  in 
struments,  $43,800;  soap  32,  134,600  loads,  $2,692,000;  fine  hats  6,  2,658,- 
443  hats,  $5,316,886;  gold  and  silver  lace  7,  4,612  pieces,  $192,480;  cannon 
foundries  3,  78  pieces,  $23,400;  caps  2,  12, 830, COO  caps,  $12,800;  gunpowder 
3,  2,825,000  Ibs.,  $84,750;  chocolate  13,  1.248,000  Ibs.,  $780,000.  Number  of 
rogular  factories  of  all  kinds  in  the  country  207,  producing  $58, 000,  COO.  In 
this  amount  cotton  and  woollen  goods  made  in  regular  factories  count  for  only 
$10,1C5.  We  have  already  seen  that  in  1079  their  value  was  $23,000,000. 
Chops  of  all  kinds,  at  which  goods  were  made,  including  hemp,  flax,  and 
maguey  fabrics,  35,715,  among  them  85  printinrj-opces,  some  of  them  doing 
fine  work.  Furniture,  carriages,  gold,  and  silver  jewelry  of  the  finest  kind, 
\vere  also  made.  The  computed  value  of  goods  placed  in  the  list  of  manu 
factures  proper,  $58,000,000;  of  mechanical  and  liberal  arts,  $150,000,000; 


ng  autortes  ao  g 

of  manufactures:  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  448;  Guerra,  Rev.  Nva  Effp.,  ii.  641; 
McndiUl,  Resumen  Hist.,  153;  C6rtes,  Col.  Dec.,  ii.  51-2;  Notic.  Gen.,  May  29, 
1320;  Mex.,  Col  Dec.  y  6nL,  193-4;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1830,  393;  1839,  158- 


quez,  Mem,  Maguey,  1-32. 


528  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

times  laws  have  been  enacted  to  encourage  the  busi 
ness.  In  1861  the  culture  of  fish  was  declared  free 
throughout  the  republic,  and  in  1872  a  regulation  was 
issued,  making  it  free  for  all  citizens  of  the  republic 
to  engage  in  fishing,  and  also  in  diving  for  pearls,  and 
generally  to  take  part  in  all  marine  business  in  Mexi 
can  waters.  Mexican  vessels  occupied  in  the  business 
were  exempted  from  all  taxation.  Foreign  bottoms, 
upon  payment  of  tonnage  dues,  were  to  be  granted 
temporary  licenses  of  six  months  to  fish  in  Mexican 
waters,  and  to  establish  drying  and  salting  houses  on 
shore.  The  crew  of  any  one  vessel  never  to  exceed 
twenty-five.  Other  clauses  in  the  law  were  for  the 
preservation  of  order  and  the  prevention  of  smuggling.65 

The  different  species  of  fish  in  Mexican  waters, 
both  fresh  and  salt,  are  very  numerous.  The  industry 
was,  on  the  sea,  pursued  mostly  by  men  enrolled  in 
the  marine  list;  in  the  rivers,  lakes,  and  lagoons,  by 
Indians.  It  was  estimated  about  1860  that  the  busi 
ness  produced  yearly  two  and  three  quarters  million 
dollars,  more  or  less,  only  for  food-fishes.  The  shrimps 
taken  in  Acaponeta,  Escuinapa,  El  Rosario,  and 
Camaronera  of  Vera  Cruz  in  October,  'November,  and 
December,  some.  8,000  loads,  are  worth  in  the  interior 
$480,000. 

The  pearl  fisheries  have  been  from  the  earliest 
times  of  the  Spanish  occupation  a  source  of  profit  to 
the  government  and  the  people  dwelling  on  the  Pa- 
cine  coasts  of  Mexico.  In  1811  the  Spanish  govern 
ment  permitted  the  colonists  to  engage  in  diving  for 
pearls.  In  the  first  quarter  of  this  century  an  Eng 
lish  lieutenant  named  Hardy  made  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  fish  pearl-oysters  with  diving-bells. 

Pearls  as  well  as  tortoise  shells  are  obtained  at 
several  places  near  Manzanillo;  the  coast  of  Petatlan, 
in  Guerrero,  is  famous  for  its  many  banks  of  pearl- 

^Notldoso,  Gen.  (1817,  Nov.  19);  Cdrtes,  Col  Dec.,  i.  128;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes, 

1829-30,   78G-7;    Mex.,  Col  Ley 6rd.,  Jan. -Aug.   1855,  viii.   79;  Archivo 

Hex.,  Col  Ley.,  v.  398-9;  Dublanand  Lozano,  Leyis.  Mex.,  ix.  81;  Sin.,  Boletin 
0/c.,  June  14,  1872,  285-G. 


SHELL  FISH  AND  WHALES.  529 

oysters,  and  its  abundance  of  tortoise-shell  turtle. 
Every  year  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  engage  in 
diving  for  them,  at  some  risk  of  life,  as  everywhere 
on  this  coast,  and  in  the  gulf  of  California,  from 
sharks;  but  they  are  skilful  at  killing  them.  Pearl- 
oysters  have  been  plentiful  also  near  the  Piedra  de 
Zipegua,  a  reef  of  rocks  north  of  Tehuantepec.66  The 
richest  field,  however,  seems  to  be  near  La  Paz,  in 
Lower  California,  for  details  on  which  I  will  refer  to 
the  volume  of  this  work  that  specially  treats  of  that 
territory.  It  is  understood  that  down  to  1860  the 
pearl  fisheries  in  Lower  California  and  elsewhere, 
together  with  coral,  oysters,  clams,  sponges,  shells  of 
all  kinds,  produced  annually  about  $15s/,000.  In  1874 
the  Mexican  government  permitted  foreigners  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  trade,  but  under  such  onerous  condi 
tions  that  the  native  divers  could  have  but  little  to 
fear  from  foreign  competition. 

The  western  coast,  especially  that  portion  lying 
between  the  gulf,  the  Three  Marias  Islands,  and 
Cape  San  Lucas,  teamed  with  cachalots  or  spermaceti 
whales,  which  became,  as  early  as  the  past  century,  a 
profitable  business  for  English  and  American  whalers, 
the  Mexicans  never  taking  any  part  in  it.  A  decree 
was  issued  by  the  Spanish  cortes,  April  16,  1811, 
granting  to  the  colonists  permission  to  engage  in  all 
kinds  of  fishery  on  the  coast.67 

Among  the  means  employed  by  the  general  and 
local  governments  for  the  encouragement  of  national 
industry  has  been  that  of  public  exhibitions,  of  which 
several  were  held  at  different  dates  and  localities. 
Some  of  those  fairs  were  of  a  general  national  charac 
ter,  comprising  works  of  art,  natural  and  agricultural 
products,  including  domestic  animals,  and  manufac 
tures  ;  others  were  limited  to  the  industries  of  a  single 
state. 

66  Ward's Mex.,  ii.  593-4;  Hermandez,  Estad.  Hex.,  115-71;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  i.  317;  ix.  181-2;  Brocklehurst's  Mex.,  42;  Findlay's  Directory,  i.  261; 
Pfeiffers  Second  Journey f  329. 

"Mex.,  Col.  Dec.  y  Ord.,  7-8;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Est.,  48-9. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    34 


530  MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 

A  number  of  the  national  fairs  took  place  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  and  one  in  Aguascalientes.  Of  the 
former,  special  mention  is  made  of  those  of  1849, 
1850,  1853,  1854,  1856,  and  1857.  The  one  of  the 
same  class  in  Aguascalientes  was  on  the  26th  of 
April,  1853,  the  first  general  exhibition  in  the  coun 
try,  after  those  held  in  the  nation's  capital.68  The 
fair  of  1850  was  quite  a  satisfactory  one  in  its  results. 
That  of  1853,  called  for  since  September  1852,  did 
not  meet  the  aspirations  of  the  board  having  charge 
of  it.  Nevertheless,  a  large  number  of  objects  were 
exhibited.69 

The  exhibition  of  1854  was  the  best  thus  far,  due  no 
doubt  to  the  efucacious  efforts  of  the  state  governors 
and  agents  of  the  general  government.  From  one  called 
for  1856  much  had  been  expected;  but  the  political 
troubles  made  the  transportation  of  objects  difficult, 
and  the  exhibition  was  pretty  much  limited  to  products 
of  the  federal  district  and  state  of  Mexico.70  Another 
invitation  was  issued  for  1857,  and  the  fair  proved  a 
very  poor  one,  owing,  doubtless,  to  the  disturbed  con 
dition  of  the  country.  Still  another  was  to  take  place 
in  November  1859,  but  I  can  find  no  evidence  that  it 
took  place.  Indeed,  Mexico  was  then  in  the  throes  of 
civil  war.71  It  is  doubtful  if  any  attempt  was  made 
in  that  direction  during  the  succeeding  years  of  war. 
In  June  1865  the  imperial  government  then  flourish 
ing  at  the  capital  decreed  the  establishment  of  a  per 
manent  board  of  exhibitions,  protective  of  industries,72 

™Doc.  Rel  la  Espos.,  in  Juido  de  las  Expos.,  no.  4,  1-39;  no.  5,  1-12;  El 
Espanol  (1853,  Mar.  26);  El  Universal  (1852,  Oct.  14);  Gonzalez,  HisL  Est. 
AguascaL,  198;  2a  Expos.,  in  Id.,  no.  9,  3-40;  Discurso,  Oct.  7,  1852,  in 
Id.,  no.  9i,  1-8. 

63  Archive,  Mex.  'Actas,  i.  392.  The  only  first-class  premium  awarded  was 
for  a  pair  of  revolvers  made  in  Angangueo.  Siliceo,  Mem.  Fomento,  112,  and 
annex  Ivi.  79;  Expos.  Gen.  Ind.  A  eta  y  Docs.,  in  Juido  de  las  Expos.,  no.  8, 
3-50. 

70  Gold  medals  were  awarded  to  iron  from  Santa  Fe,  and  to  crockery  from 
the  Nino  Perdido  factory.     Silver  medals  to  an  iron  chest,  morocco,  and  Mex 
ican  silk.    Cotton  and  woollen  fabrics  and  carriages  merely  received  honorable 
mention.  Id.,  113,  and  annex  Ivi.  151.  Mex.,  Legis.  Mej.  (1856,  Jan.  to  June), 
547-8;  LaNadon,  Oct.  27,  1856;  El  Estandarte  Nac.,  Nov.  16,  1856. 

71  El  Estandarte  Nac.  (1857,  Mar.  17);  Diario  de  Avisos,  Aug.  3,  1859. 

72  El  Diario  del  Imp.,  July  4,  1865;  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  65-7;  El  Eco  Nac.,  Oct. 
16,  1857. 


FAIRS  AND  EXHIBITIONS.  531 

which  probably  became  a  dead  letter  at  the  fall  of  the 
imperial  regime. 

Among  the  state  fairs  of  a  limited  character,  I  find 
mention  of  those  held  in  Toluca,  1851-2,  1870-1; 
Aguascalientes,  1851,  1852,  1856,  1857,  and  1871; 
Zacatecas,  1853;  Yucatan,  1865,  at  which  Carlota, 
Maximilian's  wife,  was  present.  Puebla  in  1857  de 
creed  that  an  annual  exhibition  of  the  natural  and  in 
dustrial  products  of  the  state  should  be  held  at  her 
capital.73 

Busto  in  1880  gives  an  account  in  detail  of  the  ex 
hibitions  held  at  Mexico  in  1875,  at  Merida,  Yucatan, 
in  1879,  and  at  Puebla  in  1880.  Mexico  has  been  in 
vited  to  take  part  in  the  several  world's  exhibitions, 
but  she  did  so  only  at  those  held  in  Paris  in  1855,  and 
in  Philadelphia  in  1876,74  at  both  of  which  she  was 
quite  respectably  represented  by  her  natural  and  in 
dustrial  products,  etc.  At  the  Paris  fair  she  had  107 
exhibitors,  among  whom  were  awarded  four  medals 
of  first  class,  eight  of  the  second,  and  seven  honor 
able  mentions.  There  were,  besides,  awarded  one  gold, 
four  silver,  and  three  bronze  medals  to  the  members 
of  the  Mexican  commission.75  At  Philadelphia  the 
result  could  hardly  have  been  more  satisfactory,  for 
there  were  73  diplomas  and  47  medals  awarded  to  the 
Mexican  exhibitors,  besides  an  extraordinary  diploma 
to  the  Mexican  government.  Among  the  awards 
were  15  for  objects  coming  within  the  nomenclature 
of  manufactures.76  The  republic  has  likewise  been 
creditably  represented  at  the  exhibitions  held  at  Saint 
Louis  and  Chicago,  in  the  United  States,  in  1879-80. 

73 Expos.,  in  Juido  de  las  Expos.,  no.  7,  26,  44-5;  El  Univers,  Nov.  5,  1850; 
Oct.  15,  1852;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.  Aug.  5,  1870;  Feb.  8,  May  18,  1871;  Gonza 
lez,  Hist.  Est.  Aguascal,  194;  El  Espanol,  Feb.  21,  1852;  El  Pensamiento,  May 
7,  1856;  Diario  de  Avisos,  Dec.  11,  1856;  El  Eco  Nac.,  May  12,  1857;  El  Dia 
rio  del  Imp.,  Jan.  26,  1866;  El  Estandarte  Nac.,  Sept.  14,  1857. 

74  She  was  prevented  from  sharing  in  the  London  exhibition  of  1851  by  the 
cholera  epidemic;  and  in  the  second  of  the  same  city  and  others,  by  war. 
Mex.,  Mem.  Coloniz.,  etc.,  28-30;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  vi.  310-11. 

75 Escandon,  La  Industria,  etc.,  230-2;  Rep.  Mex.  Catal.  des  Produites,  in 
Juido  de  las  Expos.,  no.  10,  1-54;  Siliceo,  Mem.  Fomento,  etc.,  113,  and  annex 
Ivi.  81-110. 

™Riva  Palado,  Mem.  Fomento,  1877,  531,  535-6;  Anales  Min.  Fomento, 
1877,  Feb.,  i.  207-8;  Busto,  Estadist,  Rep.  Mex.,  i.  3d  pt  11. 


532 


MINING,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  FISHERIES. 


A  project  to  hold  an  international  fair  at  the  city  of 
Mexico  in  1880  met  with  much  favor  from  both  the 
federal  and  state  governments,  as  well  as  from  congress; 
but  after  some  consideration  it  was  abandoned.  Since 
that  time  the  Mexican  republic  took  a  prominent  part 
at  the  international  exhibition  of  New  Orleans  in 
1884-5,  her  agricultural  and  industrial  products,  as 
well  as  her  specimens  of  the  fine  arts,  being  awarded 
due  meed  of  praise,  and  numerous  medals,  and  other 
marks  of  recognition.77 

77  Further  information  on  Mexican  manufactures  may  be  found  in  Mancera, 
fnforme,  1-145;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  26,  June  30,  Dec.  19,  1876;  Jan.  24, 
Nov.  19,  1878;  Jan.  18,  24,  25,  Apr.  8,  May  14,  16,  June  2,  July  22,  Aug.  16, 
Nov.  17,  19,  1879;  Jan.  6,  1880;  Aug.  10,  Sept.  23,  1882;  Andersons  Mex. 
St.  P.,  87-90;  Voz  de  Mex.,  Feb.  1,  6,  1872;  Feb.  21,  Nov.  20.  1878;  Jan. 
23,  1879;  Jan.  8,  March  8,  May  5,  Oct.  31,  Nov.  16,  1882;  Mex.,  Mem. 
Sec.  Guerra  y  Marina,  1877-8,  28-33;  Mex.,  Anales  Fomento,  1881,  iv.  3-273; 
V  -ladez,  Apuntes  Estadist.,  1-138;  Bdrcena,  Estudis  pres.  d  la  Sec.  de  Fomento, 
1-415;  Zac.,  Expos.  Nac.,  1-13;  Caballero,  Album  Queretano,  32-75. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

1800-1887. 

SYMPTOMS  OF  FREE  TRADE — A  COMMERCIAL  INROAD— EXPORTS  AND  IMPORTS — 
CUSTOMS  AND  CUSTOM-HOUSES — CABOTAGE — ABOLISHMENT  OF  THE  ALCA- 
BALAS — SMUGGLING — THE  MERCANTILE  MARINE — THE  CARRYING  TRADE 
—COMMERCIAL  REGULATIONS — FOREIGN  STEAMERS — CASE  OF  THE  '  DAN 
UBE  '—FIRST  MEXICAN  STEAMSHIPS— THE  MEXICAN  TRANSATLANTIC  S.  S. 
Co. — UNJUST  TAXATION — TARIFFS — METROPOLITAN  HIGHWAYS — MER 
CANTILE  TRIBUNALS — BROKERS — BANKS — THE  MAIL  SERVICE — NICKEL 
COINAGE— THE  DECIMAL  SYSTEM — RAILROADS — THE  MEXICAN  RAIL 
WAY  —  DEVELOPMENT  —  PROJECTED  LINES  —  CONSIDERATIONS  —  TELE 
GRAPHS,  TELEPHONES,  AND  ELECTRIC  LIGHTS. 

THE  permission  granted  in  1799,  consequent  upon 
the  existing  war  with  Great  Britain,  for  neutral  ves 
sels  to  come  direct  from  Spain  to  her  American 
possessions,  gave  way  to  a  still  more  liberal  law,  which 
held  good  from  1805  to  1808,  but  was  only  formally 
repealed  May  17  and  July  27,  1809.  After  this  spe-1 
cial  permits  were  at  times  issued  to  private  parties 
residing  in  the  colonies  to  bring  cargoes  from  foreign 
ports.  Before  and  after  the  period  above  mentioned, 
other  measures  were  enacted  to  do  away  with  impedi 
ments  to  trade.  The  latest  one,  in  1820,1  was  the 

1  Aug.  10,  1804,  the  reexportation  of  goods  to  other  open  ports  was  allowed. 
Jan.  16,  1806,  vessels  from  Spain  were  permitted  to  enter  and  discharge  at 
intermediate  ports.  During  the  war  of  independence,  various  ports  were 
opened  to  trade  at  different  dates:  Sisal  in  1810;  San  Bias  in  1812;  Tampico 
in  1816;  and  finally,  in  Nov.  1820,  the  Spanish  cdrtes  decreed  the  opening  of 
the  ports  of  Tlacotalpan,  Matagorda,  Matamoros,  Soto  la  Marina,  and  Pueblo 
Vie  jo  de  Tampico  in  the  gulf,  and  Acapulco,  San  Bias,  and  Mazatlan  on  the 
Pacific.  Cortes.  Diario,  1811,  v.  337;  1820,  vi.  15-18;  xi.  28;  Cortes,  Act.  Pub., 

(533) 


534  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

opening  of  several  ports  on  the  two  seas  to  commerce, 
which,  if  carried  out,  would  have  been  a  great  blow  to 
the  monopoly  Vera  Cruz  had  enjoyed  during  three 
centuries.  But  notwithstanding  that  law,  licit  trade 
was  continued  only  through  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco. 
When,  however,  independence  had  been  achieved,  the 
new  government,  by  decree  of  December  15,  1821,2 
ratified  the  decree  of  November  1820,  permitting  the 
free  entry  of  vessels  and  merchandise  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  destroying  forever  the  system  of  monopoly 
enjoyed  by  the  Spaniards  and  Vera  Cruz.  Other 
ports  were  opened  at  different  times.8  Nevertheless, 
there  were  not  wanting  many  who  advocated  a  return 
to  the  old  system,  on  the  ground  that  the  great  im 
portations  of  foreign  goods  ruined  the  home  manufac 
turing  industries,  and  deprived  the  poor  of  even  their 
wretched  means  of  livelihood  by  the  introduction  of 
the  commonest  articles  previously  made  by  them,4 
while  the  influx  of  foreigners  soon  wrested  the  trade 
of  the  country  from  the  Spanish  capitalists,  numbers 
of  whom  retired  from  business  in  disgust.  Flooding 
the  market  with  foreign  merchandise  caused  a  de 
pression  in  trade,  and  British  and  European  manufac 
tures  were  frequently  sold  at  prime  cost.  In  1821, 
the  exports  and  imports  at  Vera  Cruz  amounted  to 
$17,244,569,  in  1823  only  to  $6,259,209. 

The  opening  of  so  many  ports  was  soon  found  to 
be  inconvenient  and  expensive,  and  on  February  17, 
1837,  a  law  was  passed  reducing  their  number  to  ten,5 

1820,  ii.  1;  Gaz.,  Gob.  Max.,  1816,  vii.  685-8;  Anillaga,  Informe,  1-8;  Almpa 
de  Chilpancingo,  427-39;  Niks'  Reg.,  xix.  396;  Alaman,  Hist  Mej.,  iv.  473-4; 
Lerdode  Tejada,  Com.  Est.,  21;  Manero,  Notic.  Com.  Mex.,  19-20. 

2 Mex.,  Col.  Dec.  y  Ord.,  143-51;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hoc.,  1838,  pt  1,  6;  Prieto, 
Breve  Estud.,  17. 

3  Huatulco  in  1824,  Manzanillo  in  1825,  Tuxpan  and  Tampico  in  1827,  be 
sides  others  later.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  (>rd  y  Dec.,  iii.  44;  Guia  de  Hac.,  iv.  38-9, 
253-4;  v.  46-7;  vi.  18-19. 

*  '  No  ha  perdonado, '  foreign  trade,  '  ni  a  las  infelices  costureras  que  vivian 
de  coser  camisas  ni  a  los  mismos  leperos  que .  . .  buscaban  su  pambazo  y  su 
chinguirito  en  el  portal,  llevando  trompetitas  de  cana  para  los  muchachos. ' 
Fisiologia  Oosa.  Pub.,  37. 

5  Namely,  in  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  Vera  Cruz,  Santa  Anna  de  Tamaulipas 


EXPORTS  AND  IMPORTS.  535 

largely  increased  in  succeeding  years.  The  number 
of  ports  designated  for  coasting  trade  underwent  simi 
lar  changes.6 

The  stagnation  in  trade  did  not  last  long,  an  im 
pulse  being  presently  given  to  it  by  the  recognition  of 
Mexico  as  an  independent  nation,  and  in  1827  the 
imports  amounted  to  $14,889,049,  and  the  exports  to 
$12,171,777.  From  this  time,  though  commerce  was 
subject  to  periodical  depressions,7  the  exports  and 
imports  of  Mexico  have  gradually  increased.8  The 
exportations  of  Mexico  have  been  and  still  are  almost 
entirely  confined  to  the  precious  metals  and  raw  pro 
ductions,  the  value  of  the  former  far  surpassing  that 
of  the  latter,  the  principal  of  which  are  coffee,  sugar, 
cochineal,  hennequen,  ixtle,  hides  and  skins,  timber, 
and  dye-woods. 

During  the  earlier  years  of  free  trade,  England  sup 
plied  Mexico  with  the  largest  proportion  of  manu 
factured  goods,  and  as  late  as  1875  was  still  paramount 

(Tampico),  Matamoros,  Campeachy,  Sisal,  and  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Tabasco; 
in  the  Pacific,  Acapulco  and  San  Bias;  in  the  gulf  of  CaL,  Guaymas;  in 
Upper  Cal.,  Monterey,  Bacalar,  Goazacoalco,  Alvarado,  Matagorda,  Galves- 
ton,  Huatulco,  Manzanillo,  Natividad,  Mazatlan,  La  Paz,  Loreto,  San  Diego, 
and  San  Francisco,  heretofore  open  ports,  were  to  be  closed  six  months  after 
the  publication  of  the  decree.  A  number  of  others  was  added  to  this  list  in 
succeeding  years  down  to  1873.  Arrillaga,  Recop  ,  Jan.  to  Apr.,  1849,  app.  4, 
120;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Max.,  vi.  168;  viii.  650;  ix.  172,  217,  317, 
548;  x.  258;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  i.  517;  Sin.,  Bol  Ofic.,  May  31,  1872, 
249;  Hex.,  Diar.  Ofic.,  Dec.  25,  1870;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1873,  8;  Mex., 
Diar.  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  iii.  916;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  iii.  321,  411,  804, 
844. 

6 Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1837,  86-7;  Jan.  to  April,  1849,  app.  120;  May  1849 
to  April  1850,  302;  Mex.,  Legis.  Mej.,  1850,  111,  Jan.  to  June  1856,  352; 
Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  217.  In  1876,  the  following  were  the 
coasting  trade  ports:  in  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  Alvarado,  Balancan,  Nautla, 
Santecomapan,  Soto  la  Marina,  and  Tecolutla.  On  the  Pacific,  Agiabampo, 
Altata,  Bocorehuis,  Cabo  de  San  Lu"cas,  Chamala,  Libertad,  Navachiste,, 
Puerto  Escondido,  San  Jose"  del  Cabo,  Tecsana  ja,  and  Zihuatanejo. 

7  The  years  1840,  1841,  and  1857  are  instances.  Niles  Register,  Ivii.  353^ 
Otero  Obras,  MS.,  i.  111-26,  242;  Diario  Avis.,  June  12,  1857,  3. 

8The  importations  for  the  year  1881  amounted  to  $44,991,401,  and  the 
exports  to  $24,879,211;  for  the  nine  months  ending  March  31,  1883,  the  ex 
ports  reached  $32,298,294,  of  which  $24,032,787  were  silver,  and  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1884,  $46,725,498,  of  which  $33,473,283  represented  the 
precious  metab.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  xliii.-xlvii.;  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  27, 
1885;  Mex.,  Financier,  Jan.  31,  1885,  285-6;  Zaremba,  Merchants, A.. 


536  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

in  this  respect  over  all  other  nations,9  owing  chiefly  to 
Mexico's  great  demand  for  cotton  stuffs.  But  during 
late  years,  the  United  States  has  outstripped  her  rival. 
The  collection  of  revenue  from  customs  has  been, 
from  the  earliest  days  of  independent  Mexico,  in  charge 
of  aduanas  marftimas,  fronterizas,  and  terrestres.  The 
first  named  were  divided  into  two  classes,  those  for 
general  commerce,  and  those  for  cabotage.  Both  the 
maritinias  and  fronterizas  have  appendages  under  the 
title  of  receptorias,  or  receiving  offices.  The  terrestres 
have  receptorias  and  sub-receptorias.  At  each  port 
open  to  foreign  trade,  the  government  keeps  a  custom 
house  or  dependency  with  the  requisite  officials.  Each 
custom-house  has  a  special  regulation  suited  to  its 
locality,  besides  the  rules  governing  all.  It  is  also 
provided  with  a  comandante  de  resguardo,  whose  chief 
duty  is  to  guard  against  smuggling/ 


10 


9  The  following  table  of  importations  during  the  fiscal  year  1874-5,  de 
rived  from  official  documents,  will  make  this  apparent: 

France— Cotton  goods $344,732 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 2,752,258 

$3,096,990 

Germany — Cotton  goods $199,750 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 806,013 

1,005,763 

England— Cotton  goods $5,109,231 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 3,547,932 

8,657,163 

United  States— Cotton  goods $1,674,184 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 3,354,451 

5,028,635 

Spain— Cotton  goods. $2,374 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 912,534 

914,908 

South  America— Cotton  goods $49,065 

Miscellaneous  merchandise 140,966 

190,031 

Total $18,793,490 

Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  i.  4ta  pte,  115-17.  The  above  figures  are  those  on  the 
face  of  the  invoices.  On  the  entry  of  goods  into  Mexican  ports,  the  invoice 
figures  were  raised  to  the  valor  de  plaza  upon  which  the  duties  were  calcu 
lated.  The  valor  de  plaza  corresponding  to  this  total  of  $18,793,490  was 
$27,300,855.  The  system  of  raising  the  invoice  prices  of  merchandise  was 
employed  in  order  to  prevent  fraudulent  evasion  of  the  duties  by  exhibiting 
fictitious  invoices. 

10  He  is  required  to  keep  the  government  promptly  advised  of  vessels  ar 
rived,  together  with  their  cargoes  and  other  particulars,  including  the  lists  of 
passengers,  and  their  nationality,  trade,  and  occupations. 


INTERSTATE  DUTIES.  537 

Custom-houses  are,  from  time  to  time,  inspected  by 
visitadores,  whose  mission  is  to  examine  the  books 
and  accounts,  investigate  the  acts  of  each  office,  and 
report  as  to  the  competency  and  attention  to  duty  of 
the  officials.11 

An  aduana  de  cabotage,  or  some  dependency  of 
one,  is  at  each  of  the  ports  open  to  coasting  trade. 
Foreign  vessels  may  also  come  to  them  direct  for 
loading  with  lumber  or  live-stock.  The  frontier  cus 
tom-houses  have  undergone  many  changes,  several  of 
them  resulting  from  the  change  of  sovereignty.12 

Early  in  August  1880,  the  government  placed 
custom-houses  on  the  frontier  of  Sonora  at  the  places 
named,  Quitovaquita,  Sasabe,  Nogales,  and  Palo- 
minas.13 

The  aduanas  terrestres  were  to  be  found  in  every 
place  of  any  importance  throughout  the  country. 
This  system  was  a  specialty  of  the  colonial  period, 
and  was  in  every  way  burdensome  and  injurious  to 
the  country's  industries;  yet  it  has  been  continued 
down  to  December  1884,  though  every  minister  of 
the  treasury  had  condemned  it  and  propositions  had 
been  made  in  congress  for  its  suppression.14 

In  May  1882,  a  law  was  passed  abolishing  the 
alcabalas,  or  interstate  duties,  to  take  effect  December 

11  They  also  report  upon  the  ports  and  the  facilities  afforded  for  smuggling, 
with  such  suggestions  as  each  case  may  demand.  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  May  1849 
to  Apr.  1850,  app.  310-23. 

12  There  were  the  following  in  1876:  on  the  northern  frontier,  Altar,  Ca- 
inargo,  Guerrero,  Janos,  Magdalena,  Matamdros,  Mier,  Monterey,  Laredo, 
Paso  del  Norte,  Piedras  Negras,  Presidio  del  Norte,  Reinosa,  and  Tijuana; 
on  the  southern  frontier,  Soconusco  and  Zapaluta.     Arperoz,  C6d.  de  Extrany., 
46-7.     The  following  are  the  custom-houses  declared  open  to  foreign  trade 
by  decree  of  Jan.  24,  1885:  Pacific  coast — Soconusco,  maritime  and  frontier, 
Tonala,  Salina   Cruz,  Puerto  Angel,  Acapulco,  Manzanillo,  San  Bias,  Maza- 
tlan,  Altata,  Guaymas,  La  Paz,  Cabo  de  San  Lucas,  Bahia  de  la  Magdalena, 
Todos  Santos.     Gulf  of  Mexico — Matamoros,  maritime  and  frontier,  Tampico, 
Tuxpam,  Vera  Cruz,  Coatzacoalco,  Frontero,  Isla   del  Carmen,  Campeche, 
Progreso.  North  frontier — Tijuana,  Quitovaquita,  Nogales,  Sasabe,  Palominas, 
Ascencion,  Paso   del  Norte,  Piedras   Negras,  Loredo,  Guerrero,  Mier,  and 
Camargo.     South  frontier — Zacatula.     In    1884   an  inspector-generalship  of 
frontier  custom-houses  was  created.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  Doc.  22;  Hex., 
Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  11,  1885. 

13  Approved  by  congress  in  1881,  and  $17,800  appropriated  for  salaries. 
Diario  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  ii.  970. 

"Tavar,  2d  Cong.  Const.,  127;  Diario  Debates,  8th  Cong.,  i.  399. 


538  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

1,  1884;  yet  the  states,  most  of  which  obtained  their 
principal  revenue  from  this  source,  were  strongly 
opposed  to  the  measure,  and  in  October  1883,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  president,  a  conference  of  commis 
sioners  from  the  different  states  was  held  at  the 
capital,  to  discuss  the  question.  A  commission  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  a  report  on  the  matter,  which 
was  laid  before  the  conference  on  the  15th.  In  the 
report,  it  was  stated  that  most  of  the  states  derived 
from  the  alcabalas  a  portion  of  their  revenue,  varying 
from  30  per  centum  to  75  per  centum  of  the  total 
receipts ;  and  that  many  of  the  states  had  attempted 
the  abolishment  of  those  duties,  but  had  failed,  from 
the  fact  that  the  new  local  imposts  that  had  been 
decreed  instead  thereof  had  been  inadequate  to  meet 
the  pecuniary  requirements  for  governmental  purposes 
in  the  locality.15 

With  the  view  of  preventing  contraband  traffic,  the 
government  of  Mexico,  in  August  1825,  decreed  the 
establishment  at  convenient  places  of  revenue  guards.18 
Later,  from  time  to  time,  further  laws  and  regulations 
were  issued  to  perfect  the  service  on  the  coast  of  both 
seas,  and  on  the  frontiers.  On  November  24,  1849, 
a  law  was  passed  for  stationing  revenue-cutters  in  both 
the  gulf  of  Mexico  and  Pacific  sea,  with  authority  to 
overhaul  suspicious  vessels.  Like  laws  were  adopted 
between  1872  and  1878,17  and  suitable  vessels  were 
procured. 

Early  in  the  present  century  smuggling  was  carried 
on,  mostly  at  the  ports  of  Yera  Cruz,  Tuxpam,  Tampico, 
and  Campeche,  in  small  vessels,  bringing  the  prohib 
ited  goods  from  Jamaica.  In  time  of  war,  it  was  not 

15  Mex.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1880-4,  p.  x.  and  doc.  3;  Bol,  Of.  Gob.  B.  Col.,  June 
10,  1882,  1-2;  Mex.,  Mem.  Hoc.,  1884,  pp.  xxxv.-xxxviii. 

16 Mex.,  Guia  de  Hoc.,  iv.  231-2,  v.  3-4.  During  the  Spanish  rule,  the 
government  kept  armed  vessels  on  the  coasts  of  America.  Cortes,  Diarto  Ofic., 
iii.  122. 

17  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec..,  1839,  163-4;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1839,  117,  169-70, 
302-3;  1847,  182-3;  Mex.,  Lecjis.  Mej.,  Jan. -Dec.  1850,  168-74;  1851,  276-86; 
Jan. -June  1856,  428;  Sin.,  Boletin  Ojic.,  May  23,  1872,  234-5;  Du'ilan  and 
Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  xi.  108-21;  Mex.,  Diario  Debates,  7th  Cong.,  i.  173,  376, 
625-8,  648-9;  iv.  335-6;  8th  Cong.,  iii.  200. 


SMUGGLING.  539 

unusual  to  see  large  ships  landing  smuggled  goods  on 
the  island  of  Sacrificios.  Government  had  to  relax 
its  prohibitory  system  and  wink  at  trade  with  neutrals. 
Smuggling  became  comparatively  easy,  as  the  custom 
house  officers  were  not  too  strict  in  their  inspection  of 
papers.18  In  1803  the  government  made  use  of  the 
consulado  to  check  the  evil,  but  all  efforts  proved  un 
availing.  In  spite  of  watchfulness  and  severe  penal 
enactments,  illicit  trade  continued  to  thrive  through 
connivance  of  poorly  paid  officials.  The  same  state  of 
things  prevailed  after  the  independence,  and  as  long 
as  the  Spaniards  held  possession  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
smuggling  operations  were  carried  on  through  the 
castle.  Very  stringent  laws  were  passed,19  but  with 
out  effect.  Officials  were  eager  to  be  bribed;  and  if 
any  such  attempted  to  do  his  duty  honorably,  he  either 
lost  his  position  through  the  influence  of  the  smugglers, 
or  was  driven  from  it  by  maltreatment  and  threats  of 
death.  A  custom-house  or  revenue  officer  had  to  be 
accommodating.  For  half  a  century  law  after  law 
was  passed,  each  more  rigid  than  the  former,  but  only 
with  very  brief  success.20  The  last  and  most  stringent 
one  was  enacted  by  congress  in  1879,  which  besides 
inflicting  mulcts,  or  imprisonment,  declared  that  any 
commercial  house  or  firm  established  in  the  republic, 
which  was  discovered  to  be  engaged  in  smuggling, 
should  have  its  signature  nullified  for  all  transactions 
with  the  public  treasury,  by  not  being  accepted  in  any 

18  Probably  in.  time  of  peace  the  value  of  smuggled  goods  was  of  four  to 
five  million  pesos;  in  time  of  war,  of  six  to  seven  million  pesos. 

19  When  the  amount  defrauded  should  exceed  $500,  the  name  of  the  per 
son  and  his  offence  were  to  be  published  in  the  newspapers;  for  a  second 
offence,  suspension  of  his  citizen  rights  for  five  years;  for  a  third  offence, 
banishment    from    Mexican    territory.      The   expulsion    from  the   country 
might  be  applied  for  the  first  offence  to  foreigners.     Those  penalties  were  in 
addition  to  those  prescribed  in  the  tariff  regulations.     The  law  having  fallen 
into  disuse,  the  goverment  reiterated  it  March  23,  1831.  Arrillaga,  Recop., 
1831,  222-3;  Mex.,  Col.  6rd.  y  Dec.,  ii.  1G9-71;  Mex.,  Mem.  Provis.,  1823, 
13-15. 

^Arrillaga,  Recop.,  508-11;  Espos.  Comercio  Guadal,  4-6;  Inform.,  Eat. 
Empl  8.  Flos,  12;  Mex  ,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec.,  1839-40,  824-9;  Mex.,  Legis.  Mcj., 
1851,  335-8;  Jan.  to  June  1856,  419;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley...6rd.,  Jan.  to  May 
1854,  vi.  24-5;  Archivo,  Mex*,  Col.  Ley.,  i.  802;  iii.  1CC2-5;  Mex.,  Espos. 
Sac.,  16-17. 


540  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

official  or  mercantile  act  at  government  offices.  But 
the  evil  seems  eradicable.  It  is  estimated  that  at  the 
present  time  the  loss  to  the  government  amounts  to 
$3,000,000  annually.  This  illegal  traffic  is  extensively 
carried  on  along  the  northern  frontier. 

At  each  principal  port  is  stationed  a  capitan  de 
puerto,  whose  duties  are  both  of  a  civil  and  naval 
character.  He  has  charge  of  the  police  force,  and  it 
is  incumbent  upon  him  to  support  and  aid  the  customs 
authorities.  In  case  of  shipwreck,  it  is  his  duty  to 
save  and  take  care  of  stranded  property;  and  if  it  is 
foreign,  he  has  to  call  for  the  cooperation  of  the  con 
sular  agent,  should  there  be  one  at  his  port.21 

The  national  mercantile  marine  received  a  fostering 
care  on  the  part  of  the  government  from  the  earliest 
days  of  the  republic,  especially  the  coasting  trade,  for 
eign  vessels  being  only  allowed  to  carry  goods  from 
one  Mexican  port  to  another,  when  there  was  no 
Mexican  vessel  at  the  port  of  departure  bound  to  the 
same  destination.22  In  1830  Mexican  citizens  were 
permitted  to  purchase  foreign-built  vessels  and  place 
them  under  the  national  flag,  but  it  was  required  that 
the  masters,  officers,  and  at  least  two  thirds  of  the 
crews  should  be  Mexican  citizens.  Nor  was  any  ves 
sel  under  the  Mexican  flag  to  be  owned  by  a  foreigner. 
In  January  1856,  certain  allowances  were  decreed  to 
Mexican  vessels  engaged  in  foreign  trade;23  and  in 
December  1883  a  decree  was  passed  aiding  the  de- 

zlAzpiroz,  C6d.  de  Estrang.,  104;  Mex.t  Leg.  Mej.,  Aug.  to  Dec.  1853,  112- 
16;  Mex.,  Col.  de  Ley. .  .Ord.,  Sept.  to  Dec.  1853,  22-5. 

22  They  could  also  at  all  times,  after  discharging  cargo  and  paying  duties, 
transport  passengers  and  their  baggage,  or  mails,  but  nothing  else.   Azpiroz, 
Cod.  de  Estrang.,  Ill;  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1830,  393-4,  443. 

23  Four  dollars  per  ton  to  vessels  of  over  eighty  tons  bringing  foreign  mer 
chandise  to  Mexico  from  ports  of  the  American  continent  or  Islands,  and  $8 
to  those  of  over  100  tons  bringing  such  merchandise  from  ports  in  Europe, 
Asia,  Africa,  or  Australia.     A  receipted  bill  for  the  amount  thus  awarded 
•was  to  be  accepted  at  the  custom-house  in  part  payment  of  the  cargo's  duties. 
The  law  was  to  have  effect  during  the  next  five  years.  Archivos  Mex.,  Col. 
Ley.,  i.  438-40.     A  law  of  Nov.  24,  1868,  ordered  the  establishment  of  two 
nautical  schools,  one  in  Mazatlan  and  one  in  Campeche,  and  granted  builders 
of  Mexican  vessels,  exceeding  100  tons  burden,  a  subvention  of  $15  per  ton. 
Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1870,  813. 


SHIPPING. 


541 


vclopment  of  the  national  mercantile  marine  by  the 
reduction  of  importation  duties.24 

With  regard  to  the  carrying  trade,  the  United 
States  has  always  far  surpassed  England  and  all  other 
nations.  In  1826,  399  vessels  under  the  United 
States  flag  entered  Mexican  ports,  against  55  Eng 
lish;  in  1851,  435  American,  108  English,  and  296 
vessels  of  other  nations  entered.  The  subjoined  tables 
supply  shipping  statistics  for  later  years.25  During 
the  fiscal  year  1883—4,  no  less  than  1,241  vessels 

24  Namely,  2  per  cent  on  goods  brought  from  any  foreign  port;  4  per  cent 
on   goods  from  Asiatic  ports  to  the  Pacific   coast  of  Mexico,   by  irregular 
voyages,  and  8  per  cent  by  regular  steamer  lines.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884, 
pp.  xvii.-xviii.;  DiarioOfic.,  Dec.  15,  1883. 
25 The  entries  were  as  follows: 

Vessels.  Tonnage. 

1GG9— American 371  531, 194 

English IcO  87,779 

Other  nations 337  97,059 

Mexican 2,473  110,673 

Totals 3,331  826,705 

These  Vessels  conveyed  7, 146  passengers  to  Mexico. 

Vessels.  Tonnage. 

1870— American 328  386, 176 

English 163  75,461 

Mexican 2,155  108,641 

Other  nations...., 304  98,783 

Totals 2,950  669,061 

These  vessels  conveyed  6,780  passengers. 

Vessels.  Tonnage 

1871— American 299  371,040 

English 165  91,951 

Mexican 1,978  98,408 

Other  nations 311  92,343 

Totals 2,753  653,742 

These  vessels  conveyed  6,294  passengers. 
Departures: 

Vessels.  Tonnage. 

1869— Foreign 830  *  664,917 

Mexican 2,489  104,722 

1870— Foreign 801  559,543 

Mexican 2,140  100,008 

1871     Foreign 752  446,398 

Mexican 1,906  105,617 

Total  for  the  3  years 8,918  1,981,205 

Hex.,  Mem.  Fomento,  1873,  annexes  B,  C,  &  D.  Comparing  the  number  of 
Mexican  vessels  and  their  corresponding  tonnage  with  that  of  foreign  vessels 
a.id  their  tonnage,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  former  were  of  smaller  burden, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  the  Mexican  mercantile  marine  consists  principally  of 
small  coasting  craft,  with  but  few  ocean-traversing  bottoms. 


542  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

freighted  with  merchandise  entered  the  ports  of  the 
republic,  besides  442  in  ballast.26 

The  regulations  to  govern  merchant  vessels  visit 
ing  the  ports  of  Mexico  have  been  subjected  to 
changes  from  time  to  time,  since  the  establishment  of 
the  republic.  The  following  were  for  the  most  part 
in  force  in  1887.  A  merchant  vessel  is  considered  to 
have  arrived,  when  she  has  entered  the  territorial 
waters  of  the  republic,  and  no  person  can  go  on  board 
except  the  pilot,  until  she  has  been  visited  by  the  offi 
cer  of  the  board  of  health,  and  by  the  custom-house 
officials.  Invoices  and  manifests  must  be  authenti 
cated  by  the  Mexican  consular  representative  at  the 
port  of  departure;  or  in  the  absence  of  such  agent,  by 
two  responsible  merchants.  These  documents  must 
be  made  in  triplicate,27  and  be  accompanied  by  receipts, 
on  separate  paper,  for  the  payment  of  consular  fees 
for  authentication  of  invoice  and  manifest,  which  must 
contain  an  exact  detail  of  quantity,  kind,  quality,  and 
value  of  each  class  of  goods  in  the  cargo.  The  goods, 
moreover,  must  be  put  up  in  separate  packages,  ac 
cording  to  the  classification  of  the  tariff.  If  this  re 
quirement  is  not  followed,  the  highest  duty  is  charged 
on  all  goods  in  the  same  packing-case.  Masters  of  ves 
sels  are  required  to  produce  their  ships'  registers,  crew 
lists,  and  documents  establishing  their  nationality.28 
In  1884  bonded  warehouses  were  for  the  first  time  es 
tablished  in  Mexico,  a  decree  permitting  the  entry  of 
bonded  goods  being  passed  March  25th.23 

26  Mex.,  Mem.  Hoc.,  1884,  pp.  xix.-xx.     These  numbers  of  course  do  not 
include  the  coasting  vessels. 

27  Must  have  no  interlineations,  erasures,  or  corrections,  such  alterations 
subjecting  the  shipper  to  fines  of  from  $50  to  $200.     Cargo  thrown  overboard 
during  stress  of  weather  must  be  reported  on  arrival.  Azpiroz,  Cod.  Estrang., 
112-14.     If  the  consular  receipts  are  wanting,  double  duties  are  charged. 

28  As  a  rule,  a  sailing  vessel  pays  for  pilotage  and  anchorage  fees,  in  the 
regular  ports  $25,  and  in  those  of  cabotage  $12.     Steam  vessels  for  pilotage 
and  anchorage  in  the  regular  ports  $30,  and  in  the  minor  ones  $20  harbor 
masters'  fee  and  $3^ — not  collected  from  fishing  vessels  or  other  small  craft 
plying  within  the  port.    Other  dues  paid  are  those  of  tonnage  and  light-house, 
from  which  several  exemptions  are  allowed  in  favor  of  passenger-steamers, 
whalers,  and  other  vessels  entering  ports  for  supplies  or  repairs.     Mexican 
vessels  are  exempted  from  paying  tonnage  dues.  Id.,  108-10;  Manero,  Notic. 
Cons.  Mex.,  21. 

29  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  doc.  15;  Diario  Oftc.,  March 25,  April  24,  1884. 


STEAMERS.  543 

Peculiar  privileges  were  conceded  to  foreign  steam 
ers  before  they  became  commercial  carrying  vessels. 
The  first  vessels  of  this  kind  belonged  to  the  Royal 
Mail  Steamship  Company,  and  the  same  exemptions 
were  granted  them  as  to  men-of-war,  being  free  from 
tonnage  and  port  dues,  and  from  visits  by  custom 
house  officers.  They  were  allowed  to  import  quick 
silver  and  goods  on  the  free  list,  and  export  cochineal 
and  the  precious  metals.  The  courier  of  the  British  le 
gation  conveyed,  free  of  charge,  the  government  mail, 
between  the  capital  and  Vera  Cruz,  in  return  for  the 
privilege  granted  the  company  of  receiving  correspond 
ence  of  merchants  free  of  postage  charges.30  The 
privileges  granted  the  company  were  frequently  abused 
by  contraband  proceedings,  a  flagrant  case  occurring 
in  March  1868,  when  the  captain  of  the  Danube  sailed 
out  of  port  in  defiance  of  the  authorities,  with  a  quan 
tity  of  gold  that  had  been  smuggled  on  board.31 

The  first  steamers  possessed  by  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  appear  to  be  two,  which  arrived  in  Vera 
Cruz  in  August  1842,  and  which  had  been  built  in 
London.  In  1845  a  small  one  also  plied  between 
Sisal  and  Vera  Cruz.  During  the  last  half  of  this 
century,  many  liberal  concessions  have  been  granted 
steamship  companies,  among  which  may  be  mentioned 
that  to  the  Panama*  and  California  steamship  com 
pany  in  1849,  allowing  vessels  to  land  and  receive 
passengers  and  coin  at  the  ports  of  Acapulco,  San 
Bias,  and  Mazatlan.  In  1856  a  line  was  established 
between  San  Francisco,  California,  and  the  ports  of 
the  Pacific.  For  a  number  of  years  England,  owing 

30  By  decree  of  July  28,  1841,  British  steamers  were  granted  an  exemption 
from  import  and  export  dues  for  ten  years,  at  Vera  Cruz  and  Tampico,  on 
coal  for  their  service.     In  Sept.   1843,  France  claimed  the  same  privileges 
for  French  steamers  as  those  granted  to  the  English  company.     Ihe  claim 
was  acceded  to  in  Dec.  of  the  same  year.  Azpiroz,  Cod.  Estrang.,  284-5. 

31  The  president,   in  consequence,  issued  new  regulations  with  regard  to 
English  steam-ships.     In  future,  if  they  brought  merchandise,  they  would  be 
considered  as  merchantmen,  though  still  exempt  from  dues  in  consideration 
of   their  mail  and  passenger  service.     Steamers  not   bringing  merchandise 
remained  in  full  enjoyment  of  existing  privileges.     The  Danube  would  only 
l>3  allowed  to  land  passengers  and  mails,  until  the  captain  gave  satisfaction 
for  his  conduct.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  x.  290-1. 


544  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

to  the  dilatoriness  of  the  United  States  government 
in  encouraging  steamship  service,  enjoyed  an  unrivalled 
monopoly  of  it  on  the  Atlantic  side,  giving  her  a  cor 
responding  preponderance  in  trade  with  Mexico;  but 
in  1860  and  1861  congress  was  at  last  aroused,  and 
with  such  satisfactory  results  that  at  the  present  date 
the  steamships  plying  between  Mexican  and  United 
States  ports  are  owned  and  controlled  by  American 
companies.  The  effect  on  the  trade  between  the  two 
countries  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  United 
States  receives  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  the 
exports  from  Mexico.52 

During  the  first  administration  of  Porfirio  Diaz, 
great  impulse  was  given  to  the  establishment  of 
steamer  lines.  When  he  assumed  office  there  were 
but  three  lines  subsidized;  at  the  end  of  his  term 
there  were  eight.33  In  1883  the  first  national  enter 
prise  for  transatlantic  navigation  was  undertaken, 
and  a  company  was  organized  under  the  title  of  the 
Mexican  Transatlantic  Steamship  Company.  Three 
iron  steamers,  each  about  4,000  tons  burden,  were 
built,  and  run  monthly  between  Vera  Cruz,  England, 
and  Italy.  The  company  obtained  a  large  concession 
from  the  government  under  contract  to  convey  immi 
grants  to  Mexico  at  low  rates.34 

32  Bustamante,   Hist.   Sta  Anna,   69;   Registro  Yucateco,  i.   119-20;  Mex.T 
Legist.  Mej.,  1849,  11-13;  Pensamiento,  Nac.,  Feb.  17,  1856.     During  the  fis 
cal  year  1883^,  the  exportations  to  the  U.  S.  amounted  to  $21,824,400, 
while  those  to  England  amounted  to  $19,330,152.     But  the  proportion  of 
goods  received  by  England  is  small,  the  principal  export  to  that  country 
being  the  precious  metals.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hoc.,  1884,  p.  xliv.;  Hex.  Financier, 
Feb.  14,  1885,  319. 

33  Mex.,  Diaz  Informe,  13.     The  three  principal  ones  are  the  Alexander 
lines,  plying  between  Vera  Cruz  and  New  York,  and  between  Vera  Cruz  and 
N.  Orleans,  and  the  Morgan  line,  plying  between  the  two  last-named  portsr 
and  touching  at  Galveston,  Texas. 

^Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  12,  1883;  Monit.  Repub.,  Aug.  20,  1885.  The  first 
vessel,  the  Tamaulipas,  was  launched  at  Glasgow,  Oct.  18,  1883;  Pan.  Star 
and  Herald,  Nov.  15,  1883;  Mex.  Financier,  Nov.  3  and  Dec.  29,  1883.  The 
names  of  the  other  two  vessels  are  the  Oajaca  and  Mexico.  The  two  first  are 
named  after  the  states  in  compliment  to  generals  Gonzalez  and  Diaz,  respect 
ively.  During  the  period  1882-7,  many  contracts  and  concessions  were  made,, 
of  which  the  principal  are  that  with  Andrade,  to  establish  a  line  in  the  gulf 
of  Cal. ;  the  concession  to  the  Cal.  Steam  Navigation  Co.  to  >ply  between 
S.  F.  and  Mazatlan;  that  to  Larraza  et  al.  for  a  Transpacific  line;  the  con- 


SPAIN'S  POLICY.  545 

In  colonial  times,  the  imposts  levied  on  Spanish 
produce  or  manufactures,  and  especially  on  foreign 
goods,  which  had  to  come  via  Spain,  upon  their  being 
exported  thence  to  America,  were  very  heavy — no 
less  than  36^  per  centum  on  the  latter.35  The  repub 
lic,  in  her  admission  of  foreign  produce  and  manufac 
tures,  pursued  the  policy  of  protecting  home  industries, 
even  to  the  extent  of  prohibiting  every  article  of  com 
merce  that  might  be  detrimental  to  them.  Thus  by 
the  provisional  tariff  of  December  15,  1821,  tobacco, 
raw  cotton,  some  breadstuffs,  manufactured  wax,  spun 
cotton  of  certain  numbers,  and  several  other  manufac 
tured  articles  were  not  allowed  to  enter.  Several 
modifications  were  made  between  that  year  and  1830. 
The  tariff  law  of  1827  established  excessively  high 
rates,  forbidding  the  importation  of  raw  cotton  and 
common  yarn.  Still  further  changes  were  made  be 
tween  1837  and  1845.36  The  illiberality  noticeable  in 

tract  with  the  Sonora  B.  R.  Co.  for  a  line  between  G-uaymas  and  Manzanillo; 
that  with  Bulnes  Bros,  for  one  between  Bagdad  and  Progreso,  touching  at 
way -ports;  that  with  Joaquin  Redo  for  a  line  between  Guaymas  and  Man 
zanillo,  and  way -ports;  and  the  concession  to  Garma  et  al.  for  an  ocean  line 
between  Vera  Cruz  and  Buenos  Ayres.  Estad.  de  Sin.,  Feb.  17,  24,  1882; 
Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  15,  Dec.  18,  1883;  March  13,  Oct.  15,  1884;  Jan. 
15,  March  3,  30,  1885;  Mex.,  Recop.  Leyes,  xxxv.  883-6;  xxxvi.  150-5;  El 
Cronista,  S.  F.,  Apr.  26,  Dec.  13,  1884;  Apr.  25,  1885;  El  Siglo  XIX.,  Jan.  20, 
1885;  Mex.  Financier,  Apr.  4,  18,  1885. 

35  Namely,  introduction  into  Spain,  15  per  100;  internacion,  5;  consolida 
tion  of  royal  warrants,  5;  almirantazgo,  |;  almojarifazgo,  7;   consulado,   1; 
war  subvention,  1^;   reemplazos,   1;   Guadalquivir  canal,  \.     Total,   36^  per 
cent,  which  constituted  the  revenue  of  Spain,  drawn  indirectly  from  the  colo 
nies;  and  adding  it  to  the  import  and  consumption  duties  collected  in  Mexico, 
we  have  an  aggregate  of  about  65  per  cent;  hence  the  wealthy  only  could 
purchase  imported  goods.     Cochineal  had  to  pay  the  enormous  export  duty 
of  $41.30  for  every  25  pounds. 

36  The  tariff  of  March  11,  1837,  permitted  the  importation  of  many  arti 
cles  forbidden  in  that  of  1830,  but  was  illiberal  in  other  respects.     That  of 
1842  augmented  the  prohibitions,  and  the  tariff  of  April  1843  increased  20 
per  cent  the  duties  established  in  the  previous  year.     A  law  of  Feb.  28,  1843, 
established  a  bonded  warehouse  in  Acapulco,  with  a  reduction  of  the  duties  on 
goods  imported  through  it.  Guia  de  Hac.,  iii.  30-51;  iv.  252-3;  vi.  140-216, 
287-99;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  Ord.  y  Dec.,  iii.  47-50,  139;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1837, 
85-120,  144-92;  Valkjo,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  i.  no.  64;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec.,  1839, 
240-5;  Manero,  Not.  Com.  Mex.,  26-7,  31-2.    The  products  of  the  maritime  and 
frontier  custom-houses  in  11  years  ending  June  30,  1837,  were  $72,819,980, 
or  an  average  of  $6,619,998.     The  expenses  of  collecting,  including  salaries, 
did  not  exceed  3^  per  cent.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda  (1822,  Feb.  28;  1823,   June 
2,  Sept.  3,  Nov.  12;  1824,  none;  1825,  Jan.  1,  4;  1826,  Jan.  13,  Id;  1827,  Jan. 
1;  1828,  Jan.  29;  1829,  Jan.  2;  1830,  Apr.   1;  1831,  Jan.  22;,  1832,  Jan.  2; 

HIST.  MEX..  VOL.  VI.    35 


546  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

the  early  tariffs  is  exhibited  by  the  fact  that  the  rates 
were  fixed  so  as  to  fall  lightly  on  the  rich  and  heavily 
on  the  poor.  Nearly  two  months'  wages  every  year 
had  to  go  to  pay  for  the  cotton  cloth  worn  by  the 
Indian  laborer  and  his  family,  if  indeed  they  wore 
cloth;  while  a  half-day's  income  covered  all  that  the 
government  received  from  duties  on  articles  consumed 
by  the  rich  man,  or  by  a  convent  of  friars. 

Between  1845  and  1856  several  changes  occurred, 
among  them  the  liberal  one  of  1848,  and  the  famous 
order  of  Santa  Anna,  in  1854,  under  which  he  estab 
lished  a  prohibitive  discrimination  against  nations  hav 
ing  no  commercial  treaty  with  Mexico  on  the  basis  of 
reciprocity ;  it  was  repealed  by  the  liberal  government 
that  deposed  him,  on  the  9th  of  January,  1856.37  On 
the  31st  a  new  tariff  was  issued,  lowering  the  duties 
from  the  standard  of  that  of  1853.  The  import  dues 
were  classified  import  and  additional,  the  latter  being 
equivalent  to  about  75  per  centum  on  the  amount  of 
the  former.38  In  May  1858  the  permission  was  given 
to  import  cotton  through  Yera  Cruz  by  paying  one 
dollar  and  a  half  per  hundred  pounds.  On  the  17th 
of  March  of  the  same  year  the  governor  of  Tamau- 
lipas  had  decreed  the  zona  libre  by  which,  in  the  towns 


1833,  May  15;  1834,  none  printed;  1835,  May  22;  1838,  July  27  and  28,  for 
the  fiscal  years  1835-6,  and  1836-7).  Willie,  Noticia,  Hoc.  Pub.,  tables  C 
and  D.  The  effect  of  the  tariff  of  1837  was  felt  in  diminished  revenue.  The 
following  figures  represent  net  proceeds:  July  1,  1837,  to  Dec.  31,  1838, 
$4,258,411,  equivalent  for  a  year  to  $2,838,941;  1839,  $5,174,888;  1840, 
$7,115,849;  1841,  $5,544,065;  1842,  $4,900,667;  1843,  $7,249,722.  Mex.,  Mem. 
Hacienda  (1839,  July  25;  1840,  July  14;  1841,  July  28;  1844,  Jan.,  for  the 
fiscal  years  1841,  1842,  1843). 

37  The  yield  of  the  maritime  and  frontier  custom-houses  for  import  and  ex 
port  duties,  including  also  vessels'  port  charges,  in  those  years  was  as  follows: 
Total  collected,  at  rates  of  40,  30,  25,  and  12^  per  centum,  from  Jan.  1  to 
Dec.  31,  1844,  $6,933,991.     During  war  with  the  U.  S.,  no  reports  were  made 
in  1846  and  1847;  the  collection  from  Jan.  1,  1848,  to  June  30,  1849,  gross, 
$5,442,113,  net,  $4,949,692.     The  total  recovered  in  the  five  years  from  1847 
to  June  30,  1852,  $24,532,616;  in  the  next  three  years,  $25,039,502;  in  the 
first  six  months  of  1856,  gross,    $3,641,745,  which  would  make  for  a  year 
about  $7,283,490.     Owing  to  civil  war,  there  were  no  further  reports  to  June 
30,  1860.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1845,  July  8,  1849;  1850,  Feb.  12;  1851,  July  18; 
1852,  Feb.  23;  1857,  Feb.  10,  annexes  176,  177;  1870,  Sept.  16. 

38  This  additional  duty  was  suspended  for  10  years  by  decree  of  April  8, 
1861. 


METALS  AND  MERCHANDISE.  547 


on  the  Rio  Grande,  within  that  state  foreign  goods 
were  exempted  from  duty  and  other  charges'39 

Under  the  different  tariffs  enacted,  the  produce  and 
manufactures  of  the  country  have  been  generally  ex 
empt  from  export  duty.  The  precious  metals,  how 
ever,  from  the  earliest  periods  of  the  republic,  have 
been  subject  to  an  exportation  tax,  varying  on  gold 
from  three  to  one  half  per  centum,  and  on  silver  from 
ten  to  five  per  centum,  the  lowest  rates  having  been 
fixed  by  congress  in  1882.  The  exportation  of  gold 
and  silver  bullion  has  been  often  forbidden,  and  at 
times  allowed,  the  latter  being  the  case  under  the  last- 
mentioned  decree  of  congress.  Occasionally,  a  small 
duty  was  levied  on  national  produce,  as  in  1853,  when 
eighteen  articles  were  taxed,  such  as  live-stock,  raw 
wool,  hides,  salt  beef,  lard,  etc.40 

During  Maximilian's  reign,  various  decrees  were 
passed  concerning  import  dues,  all  of  which  were 
ignored  by  the  republican  government  after  his  fall. 
On  January  1,  1872,  a  new  tariff  was  established, 
which  in  March  1877  was  declared  to  be  still  in  force, 
together  with  the  orders  issued  during  the  interval. 
This  law  removed  all  prohibitions,  and  foreign  goods 
of  every  kind  were  allowed  to  enter  on  payment  of 

39  The  federal  government  sanctioned  the  decree  Sept.  30th  following,  and 
enlarged  the  belt  later,  not  without  great  opposition.  In  June  17,  1878,  a 
regulation  was  issued,  ratifying  all  that  had  been  decreed  before  relative  to 
the  zona  libre,  and  finally  by  decree  of  Jan.  24,  1885,  establishing  new  tariff 
regulations,  the  zona  libre  was  extended  all  along  the  frontier  from  Mata- 
moros  to  Tijuana  in  Lower  Cal.  Manero,  Not.  Com.,  Mex.,  31-7,  47-8;  Mex., 
Mem.  Hoc.,  1868,  app.  last  doc.,  1-9;  Diario  Debates,  6th  Cong.,  iv.  14-15; 
U.  S.  H.  Misc.,  Cong.  40,  Sess.  3,  doc.  16;  U.  S.  Sen.  Misc.,  Cong.  41,  Sess.  2, 
doc.  19;  U.  S.  Com.  Kept,  701,  pp.  xix.-xxi.,  and  app.  vol.  iii.,  Cong.  46, 
Sess.  2;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  31,  1885. 

48  Information  on  the  above  subject  will  be  found  in  Gaz.  Imp.,  i.  157-8; 
Guia  de  Hac.,  iii.  1-2;  Gac.  Gob.  Mex.,  April  18,  1827;  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Hex.,  ii.  30,  75;  v.  82;  vi.  416;  ix.  175-6;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  i. 
631-2;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  May  1849  to  Apr.  1850,  69;  Hex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1853, 
Apr. -Aug.  1853,  66-7,  93^;  Mex.,  Legis.  Mej.,  Apr. -July  1853,  236;  Aug.- 
Dec.  1853,  323-4;  Jan. -May  1854,  109-11;  El  Correo  Nac.,  Nov.  11,  1847; 
El  Razonador,  Nov.  20,  1847;  Diario  de  Avisos,  July  11,  1859;  Mex.,  Col  Ley., 
Dec.  y  Ord.,  Sept. -Dec.  1853.  195-6;  Arco  Iris,  Oct.  1847;  Sin.,  Bol.  Ofic., 
May  16,  1872,  217;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  iii.  1004-6;  iv.  38,  230,  272,  705; 
Diario  Debates,  10th  Cong.,  iii.  889. 


548  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

the  duties  assigned  to  them.41  Again,  in  November 
18-80,  the  tariff  was  altered,  and  being  modified  by  a 
presidential  decree  of  June  25,  1881,  went  into  force 
November  1st  following.  Lastly,  President  Diaz,  by 
decree  of  January  24,  1885,  proclaimed  a  new  one,  to 
go  into  operation  July  1st  following.  This  tariff  sur 
passes  all  previous  ones  in  simplicity,  is  much  shorter 
than  the  one  which  preceded  it,  and  has  been  most 
acceptable  to  the  mercantile  community,  from  the  fact 
that  it  has  abolished  all  the  vexatious  special  percent 
ages  which  had  been  exacted  before,  especially  the 
bulto  or  package  duty.  In  many  cases  there  is  an  in 
crease  in  duties,  but  not  as  a  whole,  the  special  duties 
that  used  to  be  exacted  in  addition  to  those  marked 
down  in  the  schedule  having  been  done  away  with. 
The  free  list  is  curtailed,  but  many  articles  erased  from 
it  only  pay  a  nominal  duty.42 

While  Mexico  was  extending  her  connection  with 
foreign  lands  by  sea,  attention  was  being  given  to 
means  of  internal  communication  for  the  benefit  of 
trade  at  home.  The  physical  formation  of  the  country 
offers  few  facilities  for  the  construction  of  highways 
leading  from  the  coast  to  the  great  central  plateau ; 
and  thus  it  was  that  the  capital,  being  connected  with 
the  principal  port  by  the  finest  road  in  Mexico,  became 


41 A  law  of  July  1,  1876,  declared  what  were  the  imposts  on  foreign  com- 
merce  for  the  52d  fiscal  year;  namely,  import  duties,  as  per  tariff  of  Jan.  1, 
1872;  transit  duty,  according  to  that  tariff,  and  the  law  of  Dec.  25,  1872; 
tonnage  and  light  dues;  export  duty  on  gold  and  silver,  orchilla  from  Lower 
California,  lumber,  and  cabinet  woods.  The  duties  collected  in  the  years 
1867-77,  both  inclusive,  amounted  to  $96,504,229.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  Sept. 
16,  1870,  714,  757,  816,  983-9. 

42  Among  the  articles  set  down  in  the  free  list  may  be  mentioned  telegraph 
wire,  ploughs  and  their  shares,  cars  and  trucks  for  railroads,  steel  and  iron 
rails,  steam-engines  and  locomotives,  rubber  belting,  coal,  quicksilver,  bul 
lion,  fire- clay,  complete  houses  of  wood  or  iron,  anchors  and  their  chains, 
masts  and  yards,  and  unset  precious  stones,  including  pearls.  Agricultural, 
mining,  and  industrial  implements  and  machinery  are  taxed  at  ^  cent  per 
kilogram.  The  tariff  is  so  simplified  that  there  are  several  hundred  distinct 
classifications  less  than  in  the  one  which  preceded  it.  Copy  of  it  in  Mex., 
Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  3  to  10,  1885.  The  custom-house  receipts  during  the  four 
fiscal  years  from  July  1,  1880,  to  June  30,  1884,  were  respectively  $14,462,213, 
$18,030,436,  $19,119,726,  and  $17,423,529.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  p.  xlix. 


HIGHWAYS.  549 

the  great  centre  of  radiation.43  On  the  table-land, 
however,  excellent  facilities  are  offered,  and  the  in 
terior  is  .intersected  by  innumerable  roads  and  mule- 
trails.  During  the  war  of  independence,  they  fell 
into  disrepair,  and  for  a  lengthened  period  were  chron 
ically  bad,  and  the  traveller,  besides  being  exposed  to 
the  danger  of  robbery  and  assassination,  incurred  no 
little  risk  of  a  broken  neck/4 

Unsatisfactory  as  was  the  condition  of  the  Mexican 
highways  for  a  long  period,  the  tolls  were  exceptionally 
high,  and  both  merchandise  and  passengers  were  sub 
ject  to  extortionate  charges  made  by  contractors  for 
the  peaje  dues. 

The  opening  of  free  trade  to  foreign  countries  en 
tailed  changes  in  the  system  on  which  internal  com 
merce  had  been  previously  conducted.  The  foreign 
traders  who  invaded  the  country,  being  all  commission 
merchants,  abolished  the  custom  of  employing  interme 
diate  agents  between  themselves  and  their  customers, 

43  The  highway  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico  cost  $3,000,000.     From  that 
port  it  runs  northward  till  it  nearly  reaches  Cerro  Gordo,  then  it  turns  inland 
through  the  gorge  of  Jalapa,  elevation  4,264  feet;  thence  it  is  extended  over 
the  mountain  of  Perote,  10,000  feet  high,  to  the  table-land  of  Mexico.     Eight 
principal  lines  traversed  the  country  in  the  middle  of  the  century  as  the  great 
commercial  highways:  1,  that  from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz;  2,  from  Mexico  to 
Tuxpam;  3,  from  Mexico  to  Cuernavaca;  4,  from  Mexico  to  Monte  Alto;  5, 
from  Mexico  to  San  Bias,  via  Queretaro  and  Guadalajara;  6,  from  Puebla  to 
Tehuantepec,  through  Oajaca;  7,  from  Queretaro  to  Tampico;  and  8,  from 
Queretaro  to  Chihuahua.  Siliceo,  Mem.  Foment.  Col.  Ind.,  L.  ii.  45-64. 

44  In  1827  a  board  of  public  highways  was  established  for  the  purpose  of 
improving  roads.  Giua  de  Hoc.  Rep.  Hex.,  vi.  77-81.     In  1861  an  order  was 
issued  by  the  government  authorizing  the  different  states  to  provide  for  the 
safety  of  travellers  by  employing  the  national  guards  for  their  protection. 
Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  616-18.    In  1865,  Maximilian,  by  decree  of  August 
19th,  established  a  superior  council  on  roads  and  bridges.  Col.  Leyes  Imperio, 
v.    79-81.      Stage  lines  were  established  between  all   the  most   important 
towns.     The  first  appears  to  have  commenced  running  in  1827  between  Vera 
Cruz  and  the  capital,  the  fare  being  $70.     These  coaches  were  frequently  as 
sailed  and  stoned  by  the  lower  classes,  from  whom  the  establishment  of  these 
lines  took  away  the  business  of  the  transportation  of  passengers.     In  1860 
stages  ran  daily  from  the  capital  to  the  port  via  Puebla  and  Orizaba,  and  also 
to  Toluca.     Aline  ran  three  times  a  week  to  Tepic,  through  Queretaro,  Guana 
juato,  and  Guadalajara,  fare  $100.     These  lines  transported  annually  30,000 
passengers,  at  an  average  of  $20  each.  Hernandez,  Estadist.  Mej. ,  39  ^40.     In 
1883  lines  were  running  from  the  capital  to  Morelia,  Guadalajara,  Ameca, 
and  San  L.  Potosi,  besides  others  between  different  towns.  Cor.  Fed.  Mer., 
8  Mar.,  1828,  4;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  137;    Wappaus,  Mex.  und  C.  Amer., 
92-3;  La  Nadon,  Aug.  20,  1856.  1;  El  Estandarte  Nac.,  8  Junio,  1857,  4;  Bol. 
Ofic.  Estad.  Sin.,  27  de  Abril,  1873,  62. 


550  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

and  forwarded  their  goods  directly  to  the  purchasers. 
Wholesale  business  at  the  great  commercial  fairs  be 
tween  importers  and  the  merchants  of  the  interior 
gradually  ceased,  and  was  supplanted  by  retail  system 
of  trade,  carried  on  by  country  store-keepers  and  deal 
ers.45  Foreigners,  however,  were  excluded  from  en 
gaging  in  this  trade.46  An  approximate  result  only  of 
the  annual  amount  of  internal  commerce  about  the 
middle  of  this  century  can  be  arrived  at;  but  Lerdo 
de  Tejada,  in  his  work  entitled  Cuadro  Sindptico,  pub 
lished  in  1856,  taking  as  his  basis  the  produce  of 
agriculture,  industries,  mines,  and  cattle,  and  the  value 
in  the  interior  of  foreign  merchandise,  calculated  that 
it  exceeded  $400,000,000  annually  at  the  time  he 
wrote. 

In  1824  the  tribunal  del  consulado,  or  commercial, 
was  abolished,47  the  supreme  government  assuming 
certain  powers.  In  1841,  mercantile  tribunals  were 
established  by  decree  in  all  capitals  of  departments, 
and  in  those  ports  which,  were  open  to  foreign  trade. 
These  courts  were  composed  of  a  president  and  two 
colleagues,48  and  before  them  were  tried  all  suits  aris 
ing  out  of  commercial  transactions,  their  jurisdiction 
extending  to  cases  of  bankruptcy.49  When  fraud  was 
detected,  the  case  was  to  be  handed  over  to  the  crim- 

45  Under  this  system,  however,  fairs  became  more  numerous,  and  the  priv 
ilege  of  holding  them  was  granted  to  different  towns  all  over  the  country. 
In  the  single  year  of  1855,  five  were  established  by  decree,  namely,  those  of 
Cholula  in  Puebla,  of  Santiago  and  Natividad  in  Tabasco,  Mex. ,  Legisl.  Mej. , 
1855,  67-8,  212-13;  and  of  Tulancingo  and  Ixtlahuaca  in  the  federal  district 
of  Mexico.  Mex.,  Col.  de  Ley.  Ord.,  Ener.-Agost.  1855,  viii.  17-18.  The  re 
tail  business  transacted  at  some  of  these  fairs  was  enormous,  but  especial  men 
tion  must  be  made  of  that  hell  at  San  Juan  da  los  Lagos  during  the  first  15 
days  of  Dec.,  all  goods  being  made  free  of  state  duties  during  the  first  12  days. 
The  retail  trade  carried  on  during  this  fair  exceeded  that  at  the  capital.  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  89-90. 

46 Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  ii.  no.  7,  7;  Cuba,  Dos  Anos  en  Mex., 
89-91. 

"Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Estad.,  51-2;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  357.  It  had 
incurred  a  debt  of  $2,124,252,  in  constructing  the  road  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
Perote.  This  sum  was  p'aid  by  the  dues  derived  from  averia  and  peaje.  Pap. 
Var.,  186,  no.  3,  17-20,  33-8. 

*8  The  offices  of  the  president  and  the  older  colleague  were  annual.  Six 
substitute  judges  were  also  annually  elected.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex., 
iv.  53-4. 

49  Copy  of  the  bankruptcy  law  of  1853  is  supplied  in  Id.f  vi.  338-53. 


BOARD  OF  BROKERS.  551 

inal  court.  In  urgent  cases,  these  tribunals  had  the 
power  to  secure  the  persons  of  suspected  individuals 
when  their  escape  from  justice  was  apprehended.50 

A  corporation  of  brokers,  Colegio  de  Corredores, 
was  established  in  1842,  with  a  governing  council  of 
a  president  and  four  associates,61  whose  duty  it  was 
to  arrange  differences  arising  between  brokers  and 
merchants,  examine  the  books  of  members  suspected 
of  irregularities,  and  pass  candidates  for  entrance  into 
the  profession.  In  1854,  a  commercial  school  or  busi 
ness  college  was  inaugurated. 

Previous  to  the  independence,  no  banking  establish 
ment,  properly  so  called,  existed,  and  the  first  bank 
founded  in  Mexico  was  the  banco  de  avio,  before 
mentioned,  in  1830.  It  was  short-lived,  however, 
and  in  1837  a  national  bank  was  established.52  More 
lately  several  banks  have  been  established  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  the  increasing  foreign  trade/3  and 
banking  houses  have  been  opened,  and  saving  banks 
founded,  in  most  of  the  important  cities.  Several  life 
and  general  insurance  companies  have  also  opened 
offices  in  the  capital. 

The  postal  service  for  many  years  after  the  inde 
pendence  was  conducted  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  man 
ner,  the  mails  being  irregular  and  correspondence 

50  Members  of  the  mercantile  tribunals  were  not  allowed  to  practise  law. 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley. .  .Ord.,  Mayo-Die.,  1854,  vii.  27-8. 

51  Brokers  received  their  licenses  originally  from  the  tribunal  del  consu- 
lado.  Gaz.,  Gob.  Mex.,  1816,   vii.  884.     In    1842  the  junta  de  fomento  del 
comercio  extended  the  licenses,  and  in  1854  the  ministerio  de  fomento.  Mex. 
Reg.  Corredores,  5;  Mex.  Corredores,  Keg.  y  Aran.,  3;  Pap.   Var.,  50,  nos.  10 
and  11. 

52  The  charter  was  annulled  in  Dec.  1841.     In  1857  another  was  founded, 
with  a  franchise  for  10  yea~s,  extended  to  Liger  de  Libessart  &  Co.,  capital 
£5,000,000,  and  a  third  in  1882,  with  a  capital  of  $8,000,000.    Mex.,  Mem. 
Hnc.,  1870,  167-8;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Dec.,  1841,  148-52;  Siiiceo,  Mem.  Foment. 
Col.  Ind.,   100-1,  L.  vi.,  41-8;  Dublan  and  Lomno,  Leg.  Mex.,  viii.  502-11. 
The  same  year  the  Mercantile  Bank  was  incorporated,  and  in  1884  the  two 
banks  were  merged  in  one,  with  a  capital  of  $20,000,000.  Mex.  Financier,  Apr. 
5,    May  31,  1884;  Zar&mha,  Merchants,  27. 

53  The  bank  of  London,  Mexico,  and  South  America,  incorporated  in  1864, 
capital   £2,000,000;   the   Franco-Egyptian  in    1881,  capital   $8,000,000;   the 
Banco  Hipotecario,  or  mortgage  bank,  in  1882,  capital  £5,000,000;  and  the 
International  Loan  and  Trust  Company  the  same  year.  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic., 
Nov.  30,    Doc.   5,    1881;  June  11  and  19,   1883;  Banco  Mac.   Mex.,  Ley  de 
Conces.,  1881,  p.  33;  Banco  Hipot.  Mex.,  1882,  p.  64. 


552  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

being  frequently  lost  or  miscarried.54  Foreign  mails 
to  Europe  and  the  United  States  were  principally 
carried  by  the  English  steamers,  and  it  was  not  until 
May  1862,  when  a  mail  line  of  steamers  was  established 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  that  the 
postal  convention  agreed  upon  came  into  operation.65 
Since  that  time,  the  system  has  gradually  improved 
and  the  service  increased.  Within  the  last  few  years 
the  system  of  post-office  orders  has  been  adopted,  and 
has  gained  popularity.  At  the  beginning  of  1884  a 
new  postal  code  went  into  effect,  by  which  the  rates  of 
postage  were  reduced;56  the  sale  of  stamps,  hitherto 
greatly  restricted,  was  made  free;  and  an  urban  ser 
vice  was  organized  upon  the  basis  of  the  best  systems 
known.57  The  new  urban  system  has  met  with  much 
favor  in  the  metropolis,  and  under  the  able  manage 
ment  of  Postmaster  Lino  Nava,  the  carrier  service  is 
excellent,  and  the  delivery  prompt  and  accurate. 

Congress  having  decreed  the  coinage  of  $4,000,000 
of  nickel  pieces  of  one  cent,  two  cents,  and  five  cents, 
these  coins  were  distributed  proportionately  through 
out  the  republic,  as  they  were  issued  from  the  mint. 
In  order  to  promote  a  favorable  acceptance  of  them, 
they  were  made  receivable  at  the  custom-houses  in 
any  quantity.  The  result  was,  that  large  sums  of  the 
new  coinage  were  withdrawn  from  circulation  by  spec 
ulators,  who,  discovering  that  an  opportunity  of  profit 

54  The  charges  were  very  high:  1  real  for  a  letter  under  |  ounce  for  a  dis 
tance  of  from  one  to  five  leagues,  and  4  reales  for  a  letter  weighing  one  ounce. 
In  1856  these  rates  were  reduced  to  one  half.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex., 
iv.  297-301,  viii.  125. 

55  The  convention  was  ratified  Feb.  17,  1862.     Seven  cents  was  charged 
on  letters  not  exceeding  half  an  ounce,  and  an  additional  7  cents  on  every 
additional  ^  ounce  or  fraction  of  it.     Newspapers  were  charged  1  cent.  Id., 
ix.  462-5. 

56  Ten  cents  is  charged  on  letters  weighing  15  grains,  or  a  fraction  of  that 
weight,  for  delivery  within  the  republic.     Postal-cards  5  cents,  and  2  cents 
within  city  limits.     Newspapers  and  periodicals,  4  cents  for  each  480  grains. 
Mex.,  Codigo  Postal,  1884,  61. 

67  The  following  are  the  annual  amounts  yielded  to  the  revenue  from  this 
service  for  the  10  years  ending  June  30,  1884:  $549,820,  $455,473,  $441,329, 
$590,334,  $679,392,  $702,080,  $611,719,  $720,450,  $823,887,  $460,593.  Mex., 
Mem.  Hoc.,  1884,  p.  xlviii.-xlix. 


NICKEL  COINAGE.  663 

was  offered,  collected  them  in  great  quantities  and 
flooded  the  government  offices  with  them.58  Conse 
quently,  the  government  felt  compelled  to  limit  the 
admission  of  them  in  payment  of  dues,  which  had  the 
effect  of  depreciating  their  value  to  the  extent  of  from 
4  per  centum  to  50  per  centum.  This  caused  a  griev 
ous  loss  to  the  poor,  and  in  December  1883  a  serious 
riot  occurred  in  the  capital.  Finally,  on  April  7,  1884, 
the  president  by  decree  declared  the  coin  no  longer 
receivable  in  payment  of  duties,  and  prohibited  the 
government  offices  from  making  any  payment  in  nickel. 
Steps  have  been  taken  to  introduce  the  decimal 
system  of  weights  and  measures.  In  1883  a  law  was 
passed  to  that  effect,  assigning  January  1,  1886,  as  the 
date  when  the  new  system  should  be  put  in  operation. 
By  a  congressional  act,  however,  passed  in  1885,  the 
time  was  postponed  to  January  1,  1888.59 

The  necessity  of  extensive  systems  of  railroads  in 
Mexico  has  in  late  years  become  obvious,  not  only  to 
the  Mexican  government,  but  to  a  large  portion  ot  the 
inhabitants,  and  perhaps  no  other  country  will  be 
found  to  reap  more  marked  benefits  by  the  establish 
ment  of  these  means  of  communication.  In  a  land 
whose  rivers  afford  but  few  facilities  for  navigation, 
and  whose  physical  conformation  is  such  as  to  pre 
clude  the  construction  of  canals  or  even  good  roads, 
the  drawbacks  to  commercial  enterprise  were  one  of 
the  chief  causes  of  such  slow  progress  in  Mexico. 

The  first  railway  project  in  Mexico  was  that  for  the 
construction  of  one  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital, 
and  it  began  to  be  advocated  soon  after  the  year 


58  The  1-cent  coin  weighed  2  grams,  the  2-cent  one  3  grams,  and  the 
5-cent  ones  5  grams  each;  consequently  five  1-cent  pieces  weighed  as 
much  as  two  5-cent  pieces,  and  two  2-cent  pieces  with  two  1-cent  pieces 
weighed  the  same.  As  it  was  impossible  to  count  the  large  sums  paid  into 
the  custom-houses,  the  coin  was  received  by  weight,  and  considerable  loss  was 
incurred,  inasmuch  as  5  cents  in  one  form  and  6  cents  in  another  weighed  the 
same  as  10  cents  in  5-cent  pieces.  Hex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1884,  p.  Ixxvii. 

™Mex.,  Mem.  Fomento,  1882,  i.  443-6;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Dec.  15,  1883; 
Mex.  Financier,  June  13,  1885,  165. 


554  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

1830.60  Strong  objections,  however,  were  raised  to 
the  establishment  of  such  lines,  on  the  ground  that 
they  would  throw  out  of  employment  so  many  thou 
sands  of  muleteers,  and  others  who  gained  their  liveli 
hood  by  the  transportation  of  goods.  Nevertheless, 
by  decree  of  August  22,  1837,  President  Bustamante 
granted  to  Francisco  Arrillaga  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  building  a  railroad  from  "Vera  Cruz  to  the  city  of 
Mexico;61  but  the  concession  was  afterward  declared 
forfeited,  as  the  projector  failed  to  begin  the  road. 
On  the  3 let  of  May,  1842,  Santa  Anna  reestablished 
the  abolished  tax,  called  the  averia,  and  appropriated 
the  proceeds  to  the  construction  of  the  railway.  A 
contract  was  entered  into  with  Antonio  Garay,  a 
Mexican  by  birth,  and  the  work  was  at  last  com 
menced;62  but  progress  was  slow,  and  by  no  means 
corresponded  with  the  outlay; 63  nor  was  it  until  An 
tonio  Escandon  obtained  in  1857  a  franchise  to  con 
struct  a  line  from  Vera  Cruz  to  a  port  on  the  Pacific, 
that  any  energetic  interest  in  the  undertaking  was 
shown.64  Still,  active  operations  were  for  some  time 
prevented  by  the  troubles  of  the  nation;  and  revolu 
tions  and  the  French  intervention  rendered  it  impossi 
ble  to  resume  work  before  18G5.65  After  that  time, 
though  various  difficulties  periodically  affected  the  en 
terprise,66  the  work  was  pushed  vigorously  forward  un- 

^  Mex.,  Observ.  Caminos  de  Hierro,  New  York,  1833;  El  Indicador,  ii. 
119-34. 

61  Proyecto  del  Primer  Camino  de  Hierro,  Mex.,  1837,  pp.  112,  in  Diorama. 

62Payno,  Convention  Mex.,  34-48;  Bustamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xlv.  75; 
Pap.  Var.,  24,  2. 

63  Eight  miles  cost  $2,263,131.     In  May  1852,  the  department  of  public 
works  took  charge  of  the  road,  and  to  the  end  of  June  1857  expended  $700,- 
839  more  on  it.  Pay  no,  Conven.  Esp.,  37-9. 

64  During  the  period  1853  to  1857  inclusive,  no  less  than  twelve  railroad 
concessions  were  granted  by  the  government,  all  of  which,  except  four,  fell  to 
the  ground.  Siliceo,  Mem.  Fomento,  19-25.    Escandon  paid  for  the  portion  of  the 
line  already  laid,  $750,000  in  specie  and  government  paper.  Escandon,  Breve 
Expos.;  and  Id.,  Ser/unda  Expos. 

65  In  1864  Escandon  transferred  his  concessions  to  an  English  company, 
styled  the  Imperial  Mexican  Railway  Company,  and  the  transfer  was  ap 
proved  by  Maximilian  on  the  25th  of  Jan.  1865.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.  y  Foment., 
1838,  doc.  2,  pp.  18-22,  249-60;  Gac.,  JWc.,  March  1865,  91;  8  April,  127. 

68  On  the  downfall  of  Maximilian,  the  concession  was  declared  forfeited. 
In  Nov.  1867,  however,  the  company's  privileges  were  restored,  and  the  work 


MEXICO  AND  VERA  CRUZ.  555 

der  the  direction  of  Engineer  Buchanan,  and  134  miles 
had  been  completed  when  the  republic  was  restored 
by  the  fall  of  Maximilian.  At  the  end  of  1872,  this 
line,  which  is  called  the  Mexican  Railway,  was  so  far 
advanced  that  it  was  opened  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1873,  by  the  president  of  the  republic,  Lerdo  de  Teja- 
da,  with  due  solemnities  and  accompanying  festivities.67 
Although  occasionally  efforts  were  made  to  cause 
its  abandonment,  by  damaging  the  tracks  and  rolling 
stock,68  opposition  gradually  yielded.  There  already 
existed,  it  is  true,  a  number  of  short  disconnected  rail 
way  tracks,  scattered  throughout  the  country,  espe 
cially  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city  of  Mexico;  but 
these  were  of  no  service  to  commerce,  and  were  merely 
crude  native  efforts  in  different  localities,  many  of  them 
being  mere  tram-ways,  on  which  mules  were  the  motive 
power.  The  ultimate  triumph  of  the  projectors  of  the 
Mexican  Railway  impressed  alike  presidents,  ministers, 
and  the  enlightened  portion  of  the  public.  They  per 
ceived,  at  last,  that  extensive  railroad  systems  were  a 
necessity  for  the  progress  of  the  country;  that  through- 
lines,  placing  the  distant  regions  of  the  interior  in  easy 
communication  with  the  capital,  extending  northward 
to  the  United  States,  and  connected  in  course  of  time 
with  interoceanic  lines,  would  develop  the  boundless 
resources  of  their  country,  and  procure  for  Mexico  the 
means  of  reaching  all  the  great  commercial  markets  of 
the  world.  An  enlightened  policy  followed  hand  in 
hand  with  this  conviction.  During  the  progressive  ad 
ministrations  of  Lerdo  de  Tejada  and  Diaz,  every  en 
couragement  has  been  given  to  promoters  of  railroad 
enterprises.  Many  concessions  were  granted,  with  lib- 
resumed.  Consult  Mex.,  Cddigo  Reforma,  345-60;  Hex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1C70, 
646;  Buttock's  Across  Mex.  in  1864,  19-20;  Ferrocarril,  Conces.,  Mexico,  1868; 
Ferrocarril  de  Mex.  d  Pueb.,  no.  i,  18-48;  Gac.,  Nic.,  4  Jan.,  1868,  5;  Ferro 
carril,  Breve  Expos.,  Mexico,  1868;  and  El  Dereclio,  v.  186-8. 

67  Xiva  Palacio,   Hist.  Adm.  Lerdo,  102-3;  Columbia,  Diar.  Ofic.,  7  Abril, 
1877,  4667-9;  Ober,  Mex.,  514.    The  construction  of  this  line  cost  $40,000,000. 
It  is  264  miles  in  length,   and  includes  an  ascent  of  8,3C3  feet  above  the  gulf 
of  Mexico.     Great  engineering  skill  was  required  to  build  it. 

68  Laws  were  enacted  inflicting  penalties  and  other  punishments  upon  such 
offenders.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  D.  C.,  iii.  271,  863-7;  DiariodeAvis.,  15  Jan.,  1858,  2. 


556  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

eral  subventions  by  the  Mexican  government.69  It  is, 
however,  to  American  enterprise  that  Mexico  will  be 
principally  indebted  for  the  eventual  opening  of  her 
railroad  systems.  With  the  exception  of  the  Mexican 
Railway,  which  is  in  the  hands  of  an  English  company, 
all  the  great  arteries  and  principal  branch  lines  are 
controlled  by  United  States  capitalists,  to  whom 
many  of  the  minor  concessions  have  been  sold.  That 
citizens  of  the  United  States  should  have  acquired 
such  important  interest  in  the  nation's  future  welfare 
has  naturally  created  some  alarm  among  the  Mexicans, 
which  time  and  intercourse  will  doubtless  obliterate. 
The  great  central  plateaus  of  Mexico,  with  their 
extensive  level  plains  and  gently  undulating  elevations, 
afford  unusual  facilities  for  the  rapid  construction  of 
long  trunk  lines  connecting  the  south  of  Mexico  with 
all  important  points  on  the  United  States  frontier. 
Three  such  lines  have  been  planned;  namely,  the 
Mexican  Central,  the  Mexican  National,  and  the  In 
ternational.  Of  these  the  main  line  is  the  Mexican 
Central,  traversing  the  great  dorsal  ridge  of  the  high 
table-land.  This  project  was  nominally  commenced 
in  June  1880,  when  the  company  began  to  grade 
from  the  capital  northward  toward  Leon,  in  Guana 
juato,70  but  it  was  not  until  late  in  the  year,  after  the 
company  had  obtained  their  charter  for  the  whole 
line,71  that  determined  work  was  begun,  when  it  was 
pushed  vigorously  forward  at  both  ends  of  the  line.'2 
Its  northern  terminus  is  Paso  del  Norte.  The  route 

69  In  a  pamphlet  entitled  Los  Ferrocarriles  Mexicanos,  published  in  1881, 
by  a  prominent  Mexican,  a  list  is  supplied  of  42  concessions  granted  during 
the  period  from  Aug.  14,  1877,  to  Feb.  3,  1881. 

7c*  A  concession  had  been  granted  Dec.  5,  1874,  to  Camacho,  Mendizabal, 
&  Co.,  to  build  a  line  from  the  capital  to  Leon.  It  was  annulled  Dec.  26, 
1876,  and  was  extended  Apr.  3,  1880,  to  the  Mexican  Central  R.  R.  Co., 
organized  in  Boston,  Mass.  Mex.,  DiarioOfic.,  Apr.  13,  May  7,  1880. 

71  The  concession  was  granted  Sept.  8,  1880,  and  the  government  subsidy 
was  $9, 500  per  kilometre.  Mex.,  Recop.  Leyes,  xxxiii.  472-505. 

72  Besides  the  subvention,  the  Mexican  government  granted  the  company 
the  right  to  import  materials  for  construction,  repairs,  and  operation,  for  15 
years,  free  of  duty.     The  line  is  of  the  standard  gauge,  1.435  metres  in.  width. 
Capital  stock,  $32,009  per  mile,  divided  into  shares  at  the  par  value  of  $100 
each. 


OVER  THE  TABLE-LAND.  557 

extends  through  the  states  of  Chihuahua,  Durango, 
Zacatecas,  Aguascalientes,  Guanajuato,  and  Queretaro, 
to  the  city  of  Mexico.  The  company,  moreover,  pos 
sesses  the  right  to  build  an  interoceanic  cross-line  ex 
tending  from  San  Bias,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  to  Tampico. 
When  this  is  completed,  with  all  the  ramifications  ot 
branch  lines  to  important  towns,  it  will  embrace  in  its 
iron  mesh  twenty-one  principal  cities,  the  populations 
of  which,  including  Mexico,  amount  to  1,000,000  in 
number.78  In  the  construction  of  the  Mexican  Central, 
some  difficulty  was  encountered  in  obtaining  egress 
from  the  valley  of  Mexico,  as  also  in  surmounting  the 
rocky  ridges  in  the  states  of  Guanajuato  and  Zacatecas, 
but  the  intervening  valleys  and  the  immense  plains 
extending  farther  north  offered  little  opposition  to 
engineering  skill.  On  March  8,  1884,  the  line  was 
completed,  the  two  sections  uniting  near  Fresnillo.74 

The  narrow-gauge  line,  known  as  the  Mexican  Na 
tional,  or  Palmer-Sullivan,75  has  its  northern  terminus 
in  Laredo,  on  the  Texan  frontier,  and  will  connect 
with  the  capital,  by  passing  along  the  eastern  slope 
range.  Unfortunately,  the  company,  after  expending 
large  sums  |  of  money,  was  obliged  to  close  its  opera 
tions  through  want  of  funds.  Up  to  1887,  the  line, 
in  running  order,  had  only  reached  Saltillo,  but  a  con 
siderable  amount  of  preliminary  work  had  been  done 
southward.76 

Between  these  two  great  highland  thoroughfares 
there  lies  a  stretch  of  level  table-land  which  has  not 


™Anuario  de  Mex.,  1882;  Susto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.,  5th  pt,  442-6.  The 
above  statement  does  not  include  towns  containing  less  than  8,000  inhabi 
tants. 

™Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  March  10,  29,  1884;  JaL,  Period.  Ofic.,  March  16, 
1884. 

75  In  1872  James  Sullivan,  the  agent  of  the  company  in  Mexico,  had  ob 
tained  a  charter  for  this  line,  with  concessions.  Rivera,  Mex.  Pint.  Cambas.,  i. 
293-8.     Owing  to  the  panic  of  the  following  year,  his  project  temporarily 
failed.     On  the  13th  of   Sept.,  1880,  a  second   concession  was  granted   the 
company,  their  agents,  Palmer  and   Sullivan,  having  deposited  $300,000  in 
the  bank  of  the  Monte  de  Piedad.  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  460;  Diario 
Ofic.,  ii.,  Set.  1880;  Id.,  29  Oct.,  1880.     The  subsidy  granted  to  this  line  was 
$11,270  per  mile  completed. 

76  See  report  of  government  engineers,  in  Diario  Ofic.t  16  Agost.,  1883. 


558  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

escaped  the  eye  of  the  engineer,  and  a  third  trunk- 
line  has  been  planned,  known  as  the  International.77 
This  line  commences  at  Piedras  Negras  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  will  pass  through  the  state  of  Coahuila  to 
the  city  of  Zacatecas,  thence  to  Celaya  and  Mexico. 
The  concession  grants  the  company  the  privilege  of  con 
structing  a  cross-line  from  a  point  between  Tampico 
and  Matamoros,  on  the  gulf  coast  to  another  between 
Mazatlan  and  Zihuataneco  on  the  Pacific.  The  ob 
ject  of  each  of  these  three  companies,  it  will  be  ob 
served,  is  to  have  an  interoceanic  line  in  connection 
with  the  main  trunk.  Mention  must  be  made  of  the 
Sonora  line,78  already  completed,  which  connects  No- 
gales  on  the  northern  frontier  with  Guaymas,  passing 
through  Magdalena  and  Hermosillo. 

Among  the  projected  lines  in  1877  were  the  Pacific 
Coast  Railroad,79  which  covers  a  stretch  of  over  3,000 
miles,  the  object  of  the  projectors  being  to  connect  the 
whole  series  of  ports  lying  on  the  Pacific  coast  be 
tween  Fort  Yuma  and  the  republic  of  Guatemala.  It 
is  even  asserted  that  the  design  is  entertained  of  ex 
tending  this  railroad  down  the  whole  extent  of  the 
Pacific  coast  to  Valparaiso.  Another  important  pro 
ject  was  the  Topolobampo  route,80  from  Piedras  Negras. 
on  the  Texan  frontier  to  the  port  of  Topolobampo  on 
the  gulf  of  California.  This  company  claims  that  its 
transcontinental  route  will  connect  Australia  and  Asia 
with  the  United  States  and  the  great  European  ports 
of  exit  by  a  shorter  distance  than  any  other  designed 
line.  The  port  of  Topolobambo  exists  only  on  paper, 
but  there  is  an  indenture  in  the  coast  at  the  point 
which  has  been  selected  for  the  western  terminus, 

77  The  concession  was  granted  to  Frisbie  and  Huntington,  as  representa 
tives  of  the  International  Construction  Company,  in  June  1881,  but  no  sub 
vention  was  allowed. 

78  The  company,  represented  by  Camacho  and  Fergusson,  is  a  Boston  one, 
and  obtained  their  charter   Sept.   14,   1880.     The  government   subsidy  was 
$7,000  per  kilometre. 

79  Concession  granted  to  J.  B.  Frisbie  without  subvention.     It  is  to  be  of 
the  standard  gauge. 

80  Concession  granted  to  De  Prida  and  Pombo  on  the  23d  of  May,  1881, 
with  a  subvention  of  $5,000  per  kilometre. 


VARIOUS  SCHEMES.  559 

which  suggests  the  opening  of  a  new  harbor  of  great 
capacity.  Among  the  failures,  we  may  mention  the 
Mexican  Southern,  or  Grant's  line,  embodied  with  Jay 
Gould's  Oriental  line.  The  concession  was  declared 
Void  May  29,  1885.81 

Other  ramifications  have  been  designed,  connecting 
city  with  city,  and  all  important  districts  with  each 
other.  Instance  the  Morelos  railway,  intended  to  ex 
tend  from  the  capital,  through  that  city,  to  Acapulco; 
then  the  Tehuantepec  Interoceanic,  which  retroceded 
to  the  Mexican  government.82  The  importance  of  this 
scheme  can  hardly  be  overestimated,  as  it  will  save  a 
distance  of  over  1,400  miles  between  New  York  and 
San  Francisco,  as  compared  with  the  Panamd,  route. 

In  connection  with  this  important  isthmus,  Eads' 
scheme  of  connecting  the  two  oceans  by  a  ship-railway 
must  be  mentioned,  but  which  may  be  regarded  as 
somewhat  visionary.83 

The  ownership  of  these  railroads  by  capitalists  of 
the  United  States  was  regarded  by  some  dangerous 
to  the  integrity  of  the  nation.  But  there  was  indeed 
little  to  fear. 

Telegraphic  communication  in  Mexico  was  ante 
cedent  to  that  of  railroads.  In  1849  the  exclusive 
privilege  of  establishing  telegraph  lines  was  conceded 
to  Juan  de  la  Granja,84  and  in  the  month  of  December 
1851,  the  first  telegram  was  transmitted — between 
Mexico  and  Puebla,  the  line  being  completed  to  Vera 
Cruz  during  the  following  year.  From  this  time 
these  means  of  communication  have  increased  rapidly, 
and  the  federal  government  has  erected  wires  through- 


8lEl  Monitor  Repub.,  June  2,  1885;  Diaz,  Misc.,  no.  68;  Mex.  Financier, 
June  6,  1885. 

82  For  further  information  relative  to  this  project,  see  Mex.,  Mem.  Foment., 
1884,  iii.  581-616. 

8"Eads  proposed  to  transport  vessels  of  4,000  tons  burden  across  the  Te 
huantepec  isthmus  on  12  lines  of  rails,  four  engines  running  at  the  same  time. 
In  order  to  avoid  straining,  changes  of  direction  to  be  effected  by  means  of 
turn-tables  instead  of  by  curves. 

81  Mex.,  Legisl.  Mej.  18&t  92-3;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  May  1849  d  Abr.  1850, 
5-6. 


560  COMMERCE  AND  RAILROADS. 

out  the  country.85  These  lines  are  now  in  communi 
cation  with  the  telegraphic  systems  of  the  United 
States. 

In  1870-1  the  government  extended  grants  and 
promised  aid  in  the  laying  of  submarine  cables,88  and 
in  this  manner  Mexico  became  connected  with  the 
United  States,  Central  America,  and  South  America. 

Street  railroads,87  telephones,  and  electric  lights  are 
being  introduced  with  a  rapidity  proportionate  to  other 
progressive  movements  in  Mexico. 

85  In  1881  the  govt  possessed  10,365  kilometres  of  wires;  in  1884,  31,100 
kilometres.  Various  laws  were  passed  imposing  penalties  and  punishments 
upon  those  who  destroyed  or  disturbed  the  wires.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  x.  10,  12-13;  Mex.  Col.  Ley.  D.  C.,  63-7,  iii.  267-8;  Archive,  Mex.  Col. 
Ley.,  vi.  18-19;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  ix.  188-9;  Mex.,  Diar.  Ofic., 
March  28,  1871,  3.  For  the  earlier  history  of  the  telegraph  in  Mexico,  con 
sult  Garcia  Cubas,  Escritos  Diver sos,  394-405;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mem.  Ciud.  Mex., 
222-6;  ffl  Crowsta,  S.  F.,  May  17,  1884. 

86 Dttblan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  xi.  449-51,  587;  Mex.,  Diar.  Ofic.,  Nov. 
1,  1871,  1;  Diario  Debates,  6th  Cong.,i.  292,  302-7;  ii.  237,  246,  256. 

87  The  street-cars  are  managed  after  a  method  of  their  own.  Instead  of 
starting  one  every  five  minutes,  they  run  four  every  twenty  minutes,  more  or 
less,  according  to  the  traffic,  thus  despatching  trains  instead  of  single  cars. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

1887. 

CAPACITY  FOR  PRODUCTION — UNEQUAL  DISTIBUTION  OF  LAND— NECESSITY  OF 
IRRIGATION — DRAINAGE  OF  THE  VALLEY — THE  NOCHISTONGO  CUTTING 
— POUMAREDE'S  SIPHONS — GARAY'S  PROJECT — A  PESTILENT  METROPO 
LIS — MAIZE  AND  OTHER  CEREALS — CHILE  PEPPER — PLANTAINS,  CACAO, 
AND  COFFEE — THE  AGAVE  AMERICANA — PULQUE,  MESCAL,  AND  TEQUILA 
— HENNEQUEN  AND  IXTLE — SUGAR  AND  AGUARDIENTE — TOBACCO,  OLIVE- 
OIL,  AND  WINE — COCHINEAL,  INDIGO,  COTTON — SILK  CULTURE — VA 
NILLA  AND  JALAP  —  STOCK-RAISING — HORNED  CATTLE,  HORSES,  AND 
HOGS — AGRICULTURAL  PROSPECTS  OF  MEXICO. 

MEXICO,  with  regard  to  her  agricultural  resources, 
were  they  fully  developed,  would  be  found  to  be  un 
surpassed  by  any  land,  possessing,  as  she  does,  capa 
bilities  for  the  growth  of  almost  every  production  of 
tropical  and  temperate  climes.  Her  physical  confor 
mation  bestows  upon  her  three  distinct  climatic  zones, 
designated  as  the  tierra  caliente,  the  tierra  templada, 
and  the  tierra  fria,  meaning,  respectively,  the  hot,  tem 
perate,  and  cold  regions.  And  in  them  every  want 
and  luxury  of  man  can  be  supplied.  Luscious  fruits 
and  odoriferous  flowers,1  aromatic  herbs  and  medici 
nal  plants,  abound  in  profusion.  The  cultivation  of 
cereals  and  vegetables,  of  coffee  and  cacao,  the  olive, 
the  vine,  and  the  sugar-cane,  of  tobacco  and  the  indigo 
plant,  can  be  developed  to  an  almost  unlimited  degree 
in  this  fair  conservatory  of  nature.  Extensive  forests 

1  Busto  enumerates  87  different  kinds  of  fruit,  among  which  are  many 
natives  of  the  temperate  zone,  such  as  the  peach,  apricot,  apple — oi  which 
fruit  there  are  seven  classes — the  gooseberry  and  sirawberry.  Estad.  Rep. 
Mex.,  i.  la  pte,  4-5. 

HEX.,  VOL.  VI.    36  (56L) 


562  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

furnish  useful  and  ornamental  timber,  dye-woods, 
gums,  and  resins.  Broad  plains  and  rich  valleys  afford 
pasturage  for  immense  herds  of  cattle  and  horses,  and 
on  the  mountain  slopes  flocks  of  sheep  might  feed  by 
the  hundred  thousand.2 

Nevertheless,  agriculture  in  many  parts  of  Mexico 
is  still  in  its  infancy.  The  peasant,  content  with 
obtaining  at  cost  of  little  labor  the  mere  necessities 
of  his  simple  life,  has  in  some  places  not  yet  cast 
aside  the  rude  implements  of  his  forefathers  ;  but  the 
time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  Mexican  farmer  will 
adopt  the  improved  agricultural  implements  of  foreign 
countries.3 

Although  the  development  of  this  industry  is  greatly 
retarded  by  the  absence  of  facilities  of  transport,  the 
greatest  drawback  to  its  progress  is  probably  the 
ownership  of  land  in  vast  tracts  by  individuals.  It  is 
a  monstrous  injustice  that  one  person  should  be  al 
lowed  to  possess  a  dozen  haciendas  of  a  dozen  square 
leagues  each  in  extent ;  that  one  man  should  withhold 
from  his  fellow-men  enough  of  this  earth's  surface  to 
support  a  nation.4  But  this  is  not  all.  The  laboring 
peon  on  these  large  estates,  as  well  as  in  the  mines, 
as  I  have  elsewhere  shown,  is  little  better  than  a 
slave.  As  long  as  this  system  prevails,  whether  in 

3  The  principal  productions  of  the  three  regions  are  as  follows:  In  the  hot 
region,  cotton,  vanilla,  indigo,  dye-woods,  cacao,  maize,  rice,  hemp,  caout 
chouc,  sarsaparilla,  chile  peppers,  anise-seed,  cassia,  oranges,  plantains,  ba 
nanas,  and  other  tropical  fruits.  In  the  temperate  region,  coffee,  sugar, 
tobacco,  maize,  cotton,  frijoles,  pease,  cereals,  vegetables,  and  fruits  of  north 
ern  latitudes  thrive,  the  forests  abounding  in  camphor- trees,  oaks,  and 
cypresses.  The  cereals,  the  maguey,  and  the  hardier  vegetables,  such  as  pota 
toes,  carrots,  beans,  and  turnips,  are  cultivated  in  the  cold  region.  Here,  too, 
are  found  deciduous  trees,  and  conifers,  namely,  the  pine,  spruce,  fir,  and 
cedar;  also  all  the  different  species  of  cactus. 

3  American  iron  ploughs  are  already  in  general  use,  but  are  provided  with 
one  handle,  '  only  to  suit  the  long-timed  habit  of  the  Mexican  tiller. '  Groso, 
Mex.  Plat.,  MS.,  4-5. 

*  The  unequal  distribution  of  land,  and  the  grasping  and  oppressive  pro 
cedure  of  estate-owners,  was  deprecated  early  in  the  century.  Bustamante, 
Med.  Pacific,  MS.,  97-108.  A  writer  in  1821  thus  describes  them:-  O  por 
error  de  entendimiento . . . .  6  por  maliguidad  del  corazon,  son  unos  tigres  en 
dos  pies,  son  unas  sanguijuelas  insaciables  del  sudor  de  los  pobres,  polilla  del 
estado  peor  que  los  usureros,  causa  de  la  miseria,  despoblacion  y  casi  de 
todos  los  males  del  Reyno.'  Pensador,  Tapatio,  1-2,  in  Pap.  Var.t  159,  no.  3. 


LAND  MONOPOLISTS.  563 

Mexico  or  any  other  country,  the  highest  progress 
and  prosperity  can  never  be  attained.  To  pass  laws 
forbidding  land  to  be  held  except  in  small  parcels 
would  doubtless  be  an  arbitrary  measure,  which 
would  meet  with  the  violent  opposition  of  a  wealthy 
class,  and  probably  be  found  impracticable.  It  would 
be  a  step  too  far  in  advance  of  the  other  highly  re 
spected  civilizations,  such  as  England  and  the  United 
States,  to  meet  with  general  favor.  But  the  Mexi 
can  government  can  and  ought  to  discourage  future 
sales  or  grants  of  land  to  any  but  occupants,  and  such 
conveyances  should  be  limited  to  the  transferrence  of 
ground  in  small  lots. 

One  cannot  rightly  judge  of  Mexico  by  seeing  cer 
tain  localities  only.  Never  was  a  country  so  widely 
different  in  different  parts,  not  only  in  its  construction 
by  nature,  but  in  its  development  by  man.  With  so 
many  varieties  of  soil  and  climate,  local  specialties  are 
broadly  marked.  In  one  district  the  cultivation  of 
corn  predominates,  in  another  that  of  pulque,  and  in 
another  barley,  which  in  the  cities  is  the  principal 
fodder  for  horses  and  cattle.  The  crops  in  certain 
localities  are  more  dependent  upon  irrigation  than  the 
rainfall,  the  wet  season  on  the  table-lands  north  of 
the  20th  parallel  being  of  short  duration,  and  periods 
of  drought  not  unfrequently  occurring.5  Want  of 
water,  indeed,  is  the  great  drawback  to  agriculture  on 
the  table-lands;  so  fertile  is  the  soil  that  production 
would  be  almost  unlimited  if  systems  of  irrigation  were 
established  by  means  of  artesian  wells,  and  by  dam 
ming  up  the  barrancas  of  the  sierras  where  suitably 
situated  for  the  storage  of  water-supplies.8  Neverthe- 

5  On  the  table-lands  the  rainy  season  lasts  about  four  months,  while  in  the 
southern  states  the  rains  fall  during  six  and  even  seven  consecutive  months. 
In  the  tierra  caliente,  no  meteorological  law  of  regularity  seems  to  rule,  and 
heavy  showers  will  fall  at  any  time  during  the  dry  season  which  prevails  else 
where. 

6  Two  crops  of  wheat  and  maize  are  grown  annually  on  those  portions  of 
the  central   plateau  where  water  can  be  obtained  for  irrigating  purposes. 
More  than  half  the  surface  of  the  country  requires  irrigation  for  the  success 
of  agriculture,  and  during  the  Aztec  empire  irrigating  ditches  were  exten 
sively  used.     Between  Lerdo  and  Chihuahua  water  is  reached  at  a  depth  of 


564  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

less,  large  sums  of  money  have  been  expended  by  en 
terprising  Mexicans  in  irrigating  experiments.7 

In  connection  with  aqueducts  and  irrigation,  it  will 
not  be  out  of  place  to  give  some  account  of  the  at 
tempts  that  have  been  made  to  drain  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  which  may  be  regarded  as  among  the  great 
est  hydraulic  undertakings  in  the  world,  and  which 
has  been  before  spoken  of  in  this  history.  After  the 
destructive  inundation  of  1629,8  the  great  dikes  or 
dams  of  San  Cristobal  were  constructed  at  a  great 
sacrifice  of  Indian  life;9  but  with  all  these  efforts,  the 
capital  was  never  secure  against  flood.  The  tunnel  of 
Huehuetoca  was  found  to  be  a  failure,  as  it  was  im 
possible  to  keep  it  free  from  the  debris  which  continu 
ally  choked  it  up.  It  was  therefore  decided  to  convert 
it  into  an  open  cutting,  but  owing  to  improvident  sus 
pensions  of  the  work  during  periods  when  no  danger 
of  inundation  was  feared,10  it  was  not  finished  until 
152  years  after  its  commencement.11 

from  25  to  150  feet.  In  all  the  principal  cities  the  supply  of  water  by  aque 
ducts  furnishes  the  means  of  irrigating,  and  the  gardens  and  orchards  display 
a  corresponding  luxuriance  and  fecundity.  A  list  of  the  principal  aqueducts 
in  each  state  will  be  found  in  Hernandez,,  Estadist.  Mej.,  30.  In  1870,  there 
were  260  artesian  wells  in  the  federal  district.  Voz  de  Mex.,  6  Ab.,  1878.  In 
the  same  year,  the  rainfall  in  the  capital  was  583.4  millim.;  in  the  previous 
year  214.1.  Id.,  23  de  Ag.  The  first  application  for  the  exclusive  right  to 
sink  artesian  wells  was  made  in  1836.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  308.  During 
the  next  twenty  years  a  great  number  was  opened  in  Vera  Cruz,  Guerrero, 
Mexico,  Tlascala,  Queretaro,  and  Colima.  El  Universal,  14  Sept.,  1850,  4,  Oct. 
24,  3;  El  Estandarte,  May  2  and  11,  1857;  Cincinnatus,  Travels,  325;  Sillceo, 
Mzrri.  Foment.,  65-6.  The  exclusive  right  system,  however,  was  found  to  be 
an  impediment  to  progress,  and  the  government  abolished  it,  extending  to  all 
persons  the  privilege  of  sinking  artesian  wells. 

7  The  owner  of  a  hacienda  of  about  20  sq.  leagues — by  no  means  one  of 
the  largest  estates  in  Mexico — assured  me  that  he  had  expended  over  $300,000 
during  1882-3  for  water. 

8  For  particulars,  see  vol.  iii.  85-9,  this  series. 

9  One  of  the  dikes  is  a  league  in  length,  and  the  other  1,500  varas.     They 
are  10  varas  in  thickness,  and  from  3^  to  4  varas  high;  they  are  built  of  stone 
with  buttresses  of  masonry,  and  were  concluded  in  11  months.    Ward's  Mex. 
in  1827,  ii.  287-8. 

10  '  On  negligea  le  travail  dans  les  annees  de  secheresse.'  Humboldt,  Essai 
PoUt.,  i.  219. 

11  The  total  expense  of  drainage,  including  all  works  undertaken  from  1607 
to  1789,  is  estimated  at  $5,547,670,  and  during  the  following  15  years  from 
$600,000  to  $700,000  more  were  spent  in  improvements.   Id.,  219-20,  224-5. 
The  dimensions  of  this  enormous  work  are  astonishing.     The  length  of  the 
cutting  is  24,530  varas;  for  a  distance  of  2,624  feet  the  width  at  the  top  varies 
from  278  to  360  feet,  and  the  perpendicular  depth  from  147  to  196  feet;  for  a 


IRRIGATION  AND  DRAINAGE.  565 

During  the  war  of  independence  this  work  called 
the  Nochistongo  cutting — El  Tajo  de  Nochistongo— 
was  greatly  neglected,  and  the  passage  of  the  water  was 
obstructed  by  accumulations  of  earth  and  detritus.  No 
attention,  however,  was  given  to  the  canal  until  the 
capital  was  again  threatened  with  inundation  in  1830, 
when  work  was  resumed.12  But  when  completed,  the 
canal  did  not  answer  the  purpose,  and  the  city  of 
Mexico  was  periodically  in  danger  of  being  flooded. 
The  consequence  was,  that  an  entirely  different  system, 
comprehending  the  general  drainage  of  the  valley,  was 
adopted,13  and  in  1856  a  board  for  the  drainage  and 
canalization  of  the  valley  was  appointed,  an  award  of 
$12,000  being  offered  fof  the  best  project.14  The 
plans  sent  in  by  engineers  were  numerous,  but  for 
novelty  that  of  J.  A.  Poumarede  was  unsurpassed. 
He  proposed  to  drain  the  valley  by  a  system  of  huge 
siphons.15  The  prize  was  finally  awarded  to  Francisco 
de  Garay;  but  political  strife  and  the  war  of  the 
French  intervention  long  prevented  his  plans  from 
being  acted  upon.  In  April  1868,  however,  work  was 
commenced.  The  plan  was  to  construct  a  grand 
canal,  which  from  a  terminus  at  the  garita  de  San 
Ldzaro  should  pass  through  Lake  Texcuco  at  the 

distance  of  11,483  feet,  the  depth  is  from  98  to  164  feet.  The  width  of  the 
channel  at  the  bottom  in  Humboldt's  time  varied  from  9  to  13  feet,  and  the 
slope  of  the  sides  from  40°  to  45°,  though  in  a  large  portion  of  the  cutting 
the  incline  was  less,  the  result  of  which  was  that  frequent  slides  occurred. 

12  In  1832,  an  act  was  passed  setting  apart  $50,000  annually  for  the  drain 
age  of  the  valley.  Arrillaya,  Recop.,  1832-3,  p.  86. 

13  This  project  of  general  drainage,  abandoned  since  the  time  of  Enrico 
Martinez,  had  been  revived  by  Oidor  Mier  in  1775,  but  it  was  not  until  1804 
that  it  was  definitely  adopted.     Iturrigaray  passed  a  decree  that  year  for  the 
construction  of  a  canal   from  Lake  Tezcuco  to  the  cutting  of  Nochistongo,  the 
expense  of  which  was  estimated  at  $1,600,000.     Work  was  vigorously  com 
menced  at  several  points,  but  ceased  with  the  fall  of  that  viceroy.   Orozco  y 
JSerra,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ix.  461;  Diario  Mex.,  ii.  160. 

14  To  the  projector  of  the  second  best  plan,  an  award  of  $2,003  was  to  be 
given.  Mex.,  Legis.  Mej.,  July-Dec.   1856,  29-31.     During  this  year  an  ex 
perimental  attempt  was  made  to  effect  the  drainage  by  subterranean  absorp 
tion.     Wells  were  sunk  in  the  hope  of  cutting  into  a  porous  stratum  which 
would  carry  away  the  waters  of  the  lakes.     The  contract  was  given  to  Se 
bastian  Pane.  Id.,  Jan.-June  1856,  14-15,  26-9. 

15  J.  A.  Poumarede — Desague  de  Valle  de  Mexico,  Nuevo  sistema  de  impedir 
las  inundadones  de  la  Ciudad  y  del  Valle  de  Mexico,  yhacer  desaparecer  enparte 
las  causas  de  insalubridad  que  ofrecen  uno  y  otro.     Mexico,  1860.     12mo,  pp.  167, 
2  plans. 


566  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

lowest  portion  of  its  bed,  thence  through  Lake  San 
Crist6bal  to  Lake  Zumpango,  whence  it  was  to  extend 
to  a  tunnel  to  be  opened  through  the  hills  that  close 
the  valley  on  the  north,  giving  exit  to  the  water  into 
the  barranca  of  Tequisquiac.16  For  nine  years  the 
work  proceeded  with  more  or  less  vigor,  when  Garay, 
having  been  appointed  director-in-chief  of  the  valley 
drainage,  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  his  original 
plan  had  been  deviated  from,  and  laid  a  new  project 
before  the  government,  in  which  he  proposed  that  the 
tunnel  and  the  cutting  in  the  barranca  should  be  aban 
doned,  and  another  tunnel  opened  into  the  ravine  of 
Ametlac.17 

Garay's  project  met  with  approval.  It  included 
an  extensive  system  of  navigable  canals  and  irrigating 
ditches,  all  discharging  into  main  arteries  connected 

16  The  length  of  the  Grand  Canal  was  48,300  metres,  or  nearly  30  miles; 
that  of  the  tunnel,  4,954  metres,  that  is,  six  miles,  less  a  few  yards.     At  the 
debouchure  of    the  tunnel,-  at  the  barranca  of  Tequisquiac,  was  a  cutting 
nearly  one  and  a  half  miles  long,  and  92  feet  in  depth  at  its  deepest  part. 
Mex.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1868-9,  281-2;  Id.,  1873,  93-4.     The  plan  of  conducting 
the  canal  to  the  cutting  of  Nochistongo,  as  begun  by  Iturrigaray,  was  aban 
doned,  and  the  construction  was  carried  along  the  opposite  side  of  Lake  Zum 
pango.     Preparatory  work  had  been  commenced  by  Maximilian,  and  Garay's 
original  plan  changed  with  regard  to  direction.     This  initial  error  was  not 
corrected   during   the  following  decade,   and  much  labor  and  money  were 
thrown  away.  Palacio,  Mem.  Foment.,  1876-7,  379. 

17  The  first  tunnel  opened  into  the  ravine  of  Acatlan,  which  led  into  the 
barranca  of  Tequisquiac.     The  Ametlac  tunnel  would  be  more  than  one  mile 
— 1,644  metres — shorter  than  that  by  Acatlan,  and  the  cutting  1,522  yards 
shorter.      The   Garay  project   was,    moreover,    superior   in   other  respects, 
namely,  in  direction   and  in  the  termination  of  the  work  in  a  fall — an  advan 
tage  which  prevented  obstruction  to  the  outflow  by  floods  in  the  ravine,  to 
which  the  Acatlan  tunnel  would  be  liable.     But  the  Acatlan  cut  had  already 
been  finished,  and  410  yards  of  preparatory  tunnelling  done,  besides  the  open 
ing  of  24  shafts,  4  of  which  had  been  sunk  to  the  required  depth.     The  ques 
tion  to  be  decided  was,  whether  the  Ametlac  project  would  cost  the  same  or 
a  less  amount  than  the  completion  of  the  work  already  commenced,  under 
the  supposition  that  the  tunnel  should  be  of  the  same  dimensions  as  the 
Acatlan  one.      But  Garay  went   further;    he  argued   that   the   dimensions 
adopted  by  the  government  would  be  insufficient  for  the  result  expected; 
namely,  the  total  drainage  of  the  valley.     The  section  of  the  Acatlan  tunnel 
Was  only  6.44  square  metres;  he  proposed  that  that  of  the  Ametlac  tunnel 
should  be  21.10  square  metres,  capable  of  discharging  36  cubic  metres  of 
water  per  second,  or  four  times  the  quantity  that  could  be  discharged  by  the 
smaller  tunnel.     The  cost  of  the  Acatlan  tunnel  he  estimated  at  $446,130, 
that  of  the  one  he  proposed  by  Ametlac  at  $744,300,  showing  a  difference  of 
$298,170;  but  by  the  expenditure  of  this  additional  sum  the  perfect  drainage 
of  the  valley,  he  maintained,  would  be  accomplished.     See  his  reports,  in 
Max.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1876-7,  373-4,  378-81. 


CEREALS.  567 

with  the  last  collector,  the  grand  canal,  which  was  to 
have  its  debouchure  at  the  Ametlac  tunnel.  The 
work  is  yet  unaccomplished,  although  on  the  drainage 
of  the  valley  depends  the  health  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  capital.  The  city  of  Mexico  is  cradled  on  a 
subterranean  lake,18  ever  emitting  poisonous  exhala 
tions.  The  mortality  is  excessive,  and  seems  to  be 
increasing.19 

Maize,  or  Indian  corn,  constitutes  the  principal  ar 
ticle  of  food,  and  its  cultivation,  in  later  years,  has  be 
come  most  important  in  the  states  of  Guanajuato, 
Jalisco,  Mexico,  Michoacan,  Oajaca,  Puebla,  and  Vera 
Cruz.  About  the  middle  of  the  present  century, 
great  uncertainty  as  to  the  yield  of  the  crops  in  dif 
ferent  localities  is  noticeable,  and  while  in  one  place 
corn  would  be  selling  for  almost  its  weight  in  gold,  at 
another  it  would  be  so  abundant  as  to  be  used  as  food 
for  hogs.  The  main  reason  of  this  great  difference 
was  the  difficulty  of  transportation.20  During  later 
years,  the  increase  in  the  production  of  maize  has  been 
prodigious,  its  value  in  1879  amounting  to  $112,164,- 
424,  representing  about  five  eighths  of  the  total  pro 
duct  of  the  country/ 


21 


18  The  bed  of  Lake  Texcuco  is  gradually  rising,  owing  to  the  deposits  of 
sedimentary  matter.     In  Humboldt's  time  its  greatest  depth  was  16  ft  8  in.; 
in  1882  its  normal  depth  in  the  rainy  season  was  only  6  ft  8  inches.     Hum 
boldt's  statement  has  been  contested  on  the  ground  that  it  was  given  without 
precision,  Orozco  y  Berra,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ix.  466-7;  but  Garay,  after  a 
series  of  observations  which  extended  over  a  period  of  14  years,  found  that 
the  mean  rise  of  the  bed  of  the  lake  was  1.6  in.  annually,  which  verified 
Humboldt's  statement.  Drainage  of  Valley  of  Mex.,  14-15.     The  result  of 
this  rising  of  the  bottom  of  the  lake  is  that  the  water  percolates  underground. 
The  last-mentioned  author  says:    'It  is  true  that  the  waters  do  not  cover 
permanently  our  valley,  but  they  spread  stealthily  under  our  feet  and  rise 
almost  to  the  surface  of  the  ground  to  poison  the  air  we  breathe.'  Id.,  17. 

19  At  this  time  the  annual  death-rate  exceeds  14,000,  whereas  15  or  20 
years  previously  it  was  only  half  that  number.  Mex.  Financier,  May  9,  1885, 
p.  86. 

20  Sixty  years  ago,  maize  sold  in  the  capital  at  from  two  to  three  dollars 
the  fanega,  the  price  in  the  country  being  only  three  or  four  reales.     At  the 
mines  of  Guanajuato  alone,  14,000  mules  were  daily  fed  on  this  grain  and 
the  straw  produced  from  the  dried  leaves  and  stalks.     In  other  mining  dis 
tricts  the  consumption  was  in  proportion.     Failure  of  the  crop  was  a  dire 
calamity,  and  affected  the  mining  interest  as  much  as  the  price  of  quicksilver. 

'2l  Jalisco  and  Guanajuato  produced  nearly  one  fourth.  Busto,  Estad.  R&p. 
Mex.,  i.,  Cuad.  Agric.,  no.  30. 


568  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

Of  other  grains,  wheat  ranks  next  in  quantity; 
grown  chiefly  in  Jalisco,  Chihuahua,  Guanajuato, 
Queretaro,  and  Coahuila.22  It  is  only  raised  for 
home  consumption,  as  also  barley,  which  is  grown  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  towns,  highways,  and 
mining  places,  and  is  principally  used  as  fodder.23 
Owing  to  the  favorable  conditions  for  the  cultivation 
of  rice  in  the  moist  and  swampy  regions  of  the  coast, 
the  production  of  this  cereal  has  gradually  exceeded 
the  home  demand,  and  of  late  years  some  rice  has 
been  exported.24 

Second  to  wheat  in  value,  and  maize  in  quantity,  is 
the  production  of  frijoles,  or  beans,  which,  with  the 
tortillas  of  maize,  and  the  chile  pepper,  form  the  na 
tional  dishes  of  the  Mexicans  from  ancient  times. 
The  consumption  of  frijoles  has  greatly  decreased, 
however,  during  the  last  twenty  years.25  The  pepper 
just  mentioned  is  of  great  importance  in  the  Mexican 
household,  and  its  consumption  is  almost  incredible.26 
This  condiment  is  of  inestimable  benefit  to  the  poor, 
supplying  in  a  measure  the  absence  of  meat  and  bread  ; 
without  it  their  tortilla  would  be  quite  insipid.  It  is 
a  powerful  stimulant,  and  its  pungency  so  great  that 
it  will  produce  excoriation  of  the  tongue,  gums,  and 
palate  of  a  person  unaccustomed  to  its  use. 

22  Previous  to  the  introduction  of  railroads  and  steamer  lines,  the  con 
sumption  of  flour  on  the  coasts  was  insignificant.     In  the  early  part  of  this 
century,  wheat  sold  for  from  $13  to  $16  the  carga  of  300  Ibs.,  when  maize 
sold  for  $1.     The  total  value  of  the  yield  in  1879  was  $17,436,345,  Jalisco 
alone  producing  one  fourth  of  the  quantity. 

23  The  daily  quantity  of  barley  hay  consumed  in  Guanajuato  alone  was 
about  4,000  quintals.  Mex.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1866,   57.     The  value  of  the  pro 
duction  in  1879  was  $4,403,742.  Bmto,  ut  sup. 

24  In  1879  the  value  of  the  production  was  $1,248,244.     During  ten  years 


ending  June  30,   1880,  rice  to  the  value  of  $1,316,132  was  exported  to  the 

In  1865,  the  yield  was  only; 
khurst,  Mex.,  96;  Mex.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1866,  52. 


U.S.  In  1865,  the  yield  was  only  sufficient  for  home  consumption.  Ib.;  Brock- 


25  In  1861  the  crop  was  estimated  at  2, 172,268  cargas,  valued  at  $19,550,412, 
while  in  1879  the  number  of  cargas  was  a  little  over  1,541,000,  with  a  value 
of  $8,406,211.  Soc.  Mex.  Geo;/.,  Ep.  3a,  i.  249;  Azedrate,  Not.  Est.,  table  1; 
Mex.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1866,  65-8;  Bmto,  ut  sup. 

20  Tlascala  produced  about  20,000  arrobas  in  1861,  which  were  not  suffi 
cient  for  the  consumption  in  that  state.  Mex.,  Mem.  Foment.,  1866,  65.  The 
total  quantity  produced  in  1 879  was  about  470,000  cargas,  valued  at  $4, 196,482. 
This  fiery  spice  is  greatly  relished  by  cattle.  I  have  seen  a  plant  covered 
with  fruit,  and  of  the  hottest  kind,  stripped  and  destroyed  in  a  few  minutes 
by  a  cow. 


CACAO  AND  COFFEE.  569 

Of  farinaceous  plants,  mention  must  be  made  of  the 
plantain,  potato,  and  manioc,  the  first  named  being  to 
the  coast-dwellers  what  corn  is  to  the  people  of  the 
uplands.27  It  is  wonderfully  prolific,  producing  on  a 
given  area  more  nutrition  than  any  other  known  plant.28 

Occasional  efforts  have  been  made  to  develop  the 
cultivation  of  various  vegetables,  in  the  desire  to  in 
crease  the  supply  of  aliments  for  the  poorer  classes, 
but  these  attempts  have  been  attended  with  little  result. 

Equally  unsuccessful  have  been  steps  taken  to  revive 
the  cultivation  of  cacao,  which  in  colonial  times  fell 
to  insignificant  proportions.29  The  attempt,  however, 
has  checked  to  some  extent  its  importation  from  other 
countries,  which  in  former  years  was  considerable.30 

The  future  cultivation  of  the  coffee  shrub  affords  a 
more  favorable  prospect.  This  plant  was  introduced 

27  Five  kinds  are  cultivated  in  Mexico;  namely,  the  platano  grande,  pla- 
tano  domiiiico,  platano  guineo,  platano  manilo,  and  platano  manzano.  Busto, 
Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  i.  1st  pt,  5. 

>28Humboldt  calculated  that  half  a  hectare  planted  with  the  pl£tano 
grande — called  by  him  the  platano  arton — will  support  50  men  for  a  year, 
while  the  same  quantity  of  ground  in  Europe  would  not  yield  wheat  enough 
to  support  two  men.  Essai  Polit.,  366.  Its  cultivation  is  attended  with  little 
trouble  and  trifling  expense.  The  plant  is  propagated  from  its  suckers. 
These  are  set  in  rows  at  a  distance  of  about  ten  feet  apart.  When  the  fruit 
is  gathered  the  stem  on  which  it  has  been  produced  is  cut  down  and  left  to 
decay  upon  the  ground,  constituting  a  fertilizer  of  the  richest  kind.  New 
shoots  from  the  root  continually  supply  the  places  of  their  predecessors, 
whose  duty  and  existence  are  completed  with  the  maturity  of  the  fruit. 

>J®  In  1823  a  law  was  passed  exempting  new  plantations  from  taxation  for 
10  years.  The  tree  is  chiefly  cultivated  in  the  state  of  Tabasco,  where  it  has 
been  the  object  of  special  protective  laws,  which  have  had  the  effect  of  in 
creasing  its  culture  in  that  portion  of  Mexico.  Mex.,  Guia  Hac.,  iv.  24—6;  Mex., 
Mem.  Agric.,  1843,  12;  1846,  32;  Siliceo,  Mem.  Fam.,  68;  Dublan  and  Lozano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  vii.  474,  521;  Mex.,  Col.  Leyes,  Jan.-Aug.  1855,  222. 

39  During  the  years  from  1825  to  1828,  35,000  quintals  worth  $461,033  were 
annually  imported.  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.,  1846,  33.  In  1856  the  importation 
still  represented  $120,391  worth.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL,  Ep.  2a,  i.  308.  The 
production  of  cacao  in  1879  amounted  to  the  value  of  $1,140,050,  of  which 
sum  $880,000  represents  the  yield  in  Tabasco  for  that  year.  Busto,  ut  sup. 
During  the  decade  ending  June  30,  1880,  $1,306,329  worth  of  this  bean  was 
imported  into  the  U.  S.  Brocklehurst,  Mex.,  96.  The  tree,  like  the  cotton  and 
indigo  plants,  is  indigenous.  The  finest  quality  of  cacao  is  produced  m  Soco- 
nusco,  the  reputation  of  which  was  so  great  that  in  colonial  times  a  certain 
number  of  cargoes  were  annually  sent  to  Spain  for  the  use  of  the  royal  family 
in  conformity  with  an  order  from  the  king.  Robles,  Prov.  Chiapa,  33-4.  Its 
production  in  that  district  is  now  small,  and  confined  to  the  natives.  In 
Chiapas,  the  price  varies  from  2,  4,  and  5  to  6  reales  a  pound,  according  to  the 
abundance  or  scarcity  of  the  crops,  of  which  there  are  two  a  year,  one  in  May 
and  the  other  in  Sept.  The  price  in  the  Mexican  capital  varies  from  5  reales 
to  10  reales  per  Ib.  Mex.  Financ.,  March  14,  1885,  373-4. 


570  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

into  Mexico  at  the  commencement  of  the  present 
century,  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  its  culture 
until  1818-19,  when  large  plantations  were  laid  out  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Cordoba  and  Orizaba  in  Yera 
Cruz.  Shortly  afterward  this  industry  was  introduced 
into  the  valleys  of  Cuautla  and  Cuernavaca,  and  has 
since  gradually  extended  to  Tabasco,  Colima,  Oajaca, 
Michoacan,  Chiapas,  and  elsewhere.31  The  encourage 
ment  given  to  the  cultivation  of  this  plant  by  the 
government  has  been  persistent,32  but  for  many  years 
its  progress  was  slow,  owing  to  the  limited  consump 
tion,  chocolate  being  the  favorite  beverage  of  the 
Mexican.  It  was  only  when  the  advantages  offered 
by  the  exportation  of  the  article  became  more  evident 
that  the  cultivation  increased.33  Of  the  future  devel- 
lopment  of  this  agricultural  industry,  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  Its  rapid  progress  is  perceptible  from  the 
exportation s  of  coffee  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz  for  the 
years  1877  and  1883,  which  were  respectively  60,000 
and  141,493  quintals.34 

The  maguey,  or  pulque  plant — agave  Americana — 
is  one  of  the  most  important  productions  of  Mexico.85 
Considering  the  variety  of  uses  to  which  the  plant  sub 
serves,  the  little  care  and  trouble  required  in  its  culti- 

31  The  coffee  of  Oajaca  is  second  to  none  produced  in  Mexico. 

32  The  exemption  of  coffee  from  all  duties  and  imposts  for  ten  years  was 
decreed  in  Oct.  1823,  which  privilege  was  periodically  extended  down  to  1858, 
the  govt  being  advised  still  to  continue  the  exemption.  Siltceo,  Mem.  Foment., 
68-9. 

33  In  1826  there  were  1,250  quintals  produced.  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej., 
103,  makes  the  total  production  in  1861  amount  to  34,715  quintals,  worth 
$520,725.     In  1879  it  was  worth  over  $2,000,000.    For  further  details,  consult 
Miihlenpfordt,   Mej.,  i.  121-2;  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  2d  Ep.,  iii.  349-51;   Mex., 
Mem.  Agric.,  1843,  18,  and  1846,  37-8;  Mex.t  Mem.  Fom.,  1866,  60-1. 

34  Voz  de  Mej.,  Jan.  3,  1878;  Mex.  Finan.,  March  8,  1884;  Mex.,  Diari* 
Ofic.,  June  5,  1883.     In  1870  the  cultivation  of  the  tea  plant  was  urged,  and 
resolutions  for  its  introduction  adopted  by  the  Sociedad  de  Geogralia  y  Esta- 
distica«of  Mexico.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2d  Ep.,  ii.  525-9. 

35  There  are  more  than  30  varieties  of  this  plant.     An  enumeration  of  them 
is  given  by  Payno  in  Id.,  x.,  403-5.     A  notable  one  of  small  size,  now  called 
the  kchuguilla,  little  lettuce,  supplies  a  fibre  as  fine  as  silk,  known  by  the 
name  of  ixtle.  From  this  variety  a  substitute  used  by  corset-makers  for  whale 
bone  is  also  procured.     Its  culture  is,  however,  limited  as  compared  with  the 
maguey,  which  produces  pulque  and  hennequen,  a  fibrous  substance  obtained 
from  the  central  white  part  of  the  plant,  and  used  for  the  manufacture  of 
•rope.     The  production  01  ixtle  is  about  one  third  of  that  of  hennequen. 


AGAVE  AMERICANA.  571 

vation,  its  vigorous  growth  on  soils  and  in  localities 
where  no  other  plant  will  thrive,  and  the  enormous  re 
turns  which  it  yields  for  the  outlay  of  small  capital,  a 
maguey  plantation  as  a  profitable  source  of  income  is 
unsurpassed  by  any  other  agricultural  industry.36  The 
history  of  the  discovery  of  producing  from  its  juice  the 
intoxicating  beverage  known  as  pulque  is  lost  in  the 
obscurity  of  the  past,  but  traditions  are  not  wanting  on 
the  matter.37 

The  consumption  of  pulque  has  always  bnee  enor 
mous,  though  during  the  war  of  independence  its 
manufacture  greatly  decreased,38  as  also  that  of  mescal, 
a  spirituous  liquor  obtained  by  distilling  the  fermented 
juice,  and  produced  chiefly  in  Jalisco.39  Considerable 
quantities  of  both  these  liquors  are  manufactured 
illicitly.  Although  the  maguey  grows  wild  through 
out  a  large  area  of  the  country,  it  is  but  little  utilized 
except  in  the  districts  of  which  the  cities  of  Mexico 
and  Puebla  are  the  centres,  and  where  it  is  systemati 
cally  cultivated.40  In  addition  to  pulque  and  mescal, 
a  brandy  called  tequila  is  obtained  from  the  bulb  of 
the  maguey.41  With  regard  to  the  great  value  of  the 

36Payno  estimated  that  these  plantations  yield  a  return  of  80  percent 
annually.  Id.,  418-16. 

37  Consult  Id.,  384-7,  and  3d  Ep.,  ii.  282;  vol.  iii.  608,  this  series,  and 
Native  Races,  ii.  395,  this  series. 

38  The  revenue  derived  from  its  sale  amounted  in  1808  to  $680,604;  in 
1812  to  $250, 118,  remaining  at  about  the  same  figure  during  the  next  10 
years.     For  detailed  statements,  see  Payno,  Mem.  Maguey,  94-5. 

39  And  to  a  less  extent  in  Guanajuato,  Morelia,  San  Luis  Potosf,  and 
Nuevo  Leon. 

40  The  Mexican  govt  offers  every  encouragement  for  the  production  of  the 
hennequen  and  ixtle  fibres  for  the  manufacture  of  cordage,  sacking,  and  tex 
tile  fabrics.     Permission  has  been  granted  a  company  to  utilize  for  ten  years 
the  maguey s  growing  on  public  lands,  and  a  premium  of  $30,000  will  be  paid 
for  each  mill  put  in  operation.     On  maguey  plantations  it  is  arranged  that 
one  tenth  of  the  plants  reach  maturity  annually.     The  plant  dies  after  it 
has  yielded  its  juice,  or,  when  unmolested,  has  finished  flowering.    It  is  propa 
gated  by  suckers  which  spring  from  the  parent  root,  which  are  not  disturbed 
till  they  are  two  or  three  years  of  age,  when  they  are  dug  up  and  dried  in 
the  sun,  for  if  planted  green  the  shoots  decay  and  produce  a  destructive 
worm. 

41  Derived  from  the  district  of  Tequila,  in  Jalisco.     The  process  of  making 
the  liquor  dates  back  to  the  days  of  the  Aztecs.     The  bulbs  are  roasted  in  a 
furnace,  and  yield   a  sweetish  liquor  from  which  tequila  is  distilled.     The 
value  of  this  brandy  produced  in   1879  was  $1,176,000;  of  mescal  $570,646; 
and  of  pulque   to  $4,589,528.     The  maguey  thus  yielded,  in  liquors  alone, 
$6,336,174.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  ii.  427. 


572  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES   OF  MEXICO. 

maguey  as  a  producer  of  hermequen  and  ixtle,  it  has 
been  estimated  that  a  machine  capable  of  turning  out 
200  pounds  a  day,  and  costing  about  $500,  will  yield 
a  net  profit  of  five  dollars  daily.42 

The  cultivation  of  sugar-cane,  at  the  opening  of  the 
present  century,  in  spite  of  the  restrictive  policy  of 
Spain,  had  advanced  so  as  to  admit  of  an  annual  ex 
portation  of  about  125,000  quintals;  but  during  the 
struggle  for  independence  most  of  the  finest  planta 
tions  in  the  districts  of  Oajaca,  Guadalajara,  and 
Michoacan  were  destroyed,  and  the  industry  lan 
guished  for  many  years.  Nevertheless,  the  culture  of 
the  cane  has  gradually  spread  over  a  large  portion 
of  the  country.43  The  consumption  of  liquors,  also, 
made  from  the  sugar-cane  is  considerable,  the  annual 
value  of  aguardiente  alone  exceeding  two  million  dol- 
lars.44 

Tobacco,  in  its  different  forms  of  cigars  and  ciga 
rettes,  is  another  article  of  general  consumption,  being 
used  by  both  sexes.  In  colonial  times,  its  monopoly 
formed  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  wealth  to  the 
government.  In  May  1829,  however,  the  cultivation 
and  sale  of  tobacco  were  declared  free,  and  have  prac 
tically  remained  so,  notwithstanding  temporary  at- 

42  The  production  of  hennequen  is  chiefly  confined  to  Campeche  and  Yuca 
tan,  when  great  quantities  are  annually  exported.     It  is  estimated  that  the 
increase  in  the  production  of  this  fibre,  during  the  10  years  ending  1884,  was 
was  400  per  cent,  and  that  of  ixtle  250  per  cent.  Mex.  Financier,  Oct.  25, 
Nov.  29,  1884,  62-3,  131. 

43  In  1861,  about  2,816  sq.  leagues  were  under  cultivation  for  the  growth 
of  sugar-cane.     The  fluctuations  appear  from  the  following  figures:     la  1803, 
the  export  of  sugar  from  Vera  Cruz  alone  amounted  to  about  $1,500,000;  in 
1813  to  only  $19,412;  and  in  1822,  to  $150,000.     While  the  exportation  has 
never  been  of  great  importance,  the  home  consumption  is  immense.     The 
aggregate  exports  for  four  years,  1872  to  1876,  were  only  about  65,000  quin 
tals,  worth  $256,000;  that  for  the  fiscal  year  1877  to  1878  being  $276,479. 
Comparing  these  figures  with  the  value  of  the  total  production  estimated  in 
1861  at  $5,200,000,  and  in  1879  to  $8,761,317,  an  idea  of  the  proportion  of 
home  consumption  to  exportation  may  be  formed.    Ward's  Mex.,  i.  06  et  seq. ; 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  3d  Ep.,  i.  249-50;  v.  508;  Mex.,  Mem.  Fom.,  18GG,  55;    Vera 
Cruz,  Mem.,  1872,  annex  43;  Busto,  ut  sup.,  i.,  Cuad.  Agric.,  no.  30.    Though 
the  cane  is  grown  in  almost  every  state,  Morelos,  Michoacan,  and  Vera  Cruz 
produce  about  one  half  of  the  total  amount. 

**  Id. ,  ii.  426.  The  district  of  Cuernavaca  alone  is  said  to  have  produced 
annually  50,000  barrels  of  aguardiente  and  the  more  ordinary  chinyuirito, 
Michoacan  following  with  12,000  barrels. 


TOBACCO,  OLIVE,  AND  VINE.  673 

tempts  to  reestablish  the  monopoly.45  The  result  was 
that  its  culture  spread  gradually  over  the  greater  part 
of  the  country,  although  the  districts  of  Orizaba  and 
Cordoba  in  Vera  Cruz  still  retained  their  former  lead, 
till  finally  rivalled  by  Jalisco.46  Nevertheless,  the  pro 
duction,  though  greatly  increased,  is  little  more  than 
sufficient  to  meet  the  home  demand,  and  the  exporta 
tion  of  tobacco  is  insignificant  as  compared  with  that 
from  Habana,  the  United  States,  and  Brazil.47 

The  liberal  policy  introduced  after  the  independence 
has  not  had  a  similar  effect  on  other  products  of  the 
soil.  Olive  culture  was  relieved  in  1810  of  the  re 
strictions  which  hampered  its  development;  yet  it  has 
made  little  progress,  though  exempted  from  imposts 
in  1823;  and  it  was  only  in  Guanajuato  that  it  met 
with  any  attention,  about  7,000  arrobas  of  oil  being 
annually  produced  in  that  state.48 

It  was  little  letter  with  viticulture,  though  ex 
empted  from  taxation  by  the  law  of  October  1823. 
There  were  a  few  vineyards  in  Puebla  and  Oajaca, 
but  it  was  only  where  the  expense  of  transportation 
precluded  competition  by  imported  wines  that  those 
of  native  manufacture  became  of  any  importance,  the 
district  of  Parras,  in  Coahuila,  being  the  most  famous 
locality.49  Yast  tracts  of  land  in  Mexico  are  suitable 

45  The  law  of  1829  will  be  found  in  Mex.,  Col  Leyes,  1829-30,  27-32.     De 
tails  of  the  discussions  about  the  reeotablishrnerit  of  the  monopoly  i:i  Mex., 
Eictdmen,  Mexico,   1831;  Mex.,  Legist.  Mej.,  Jan. -June  1858,  31-3;  Esteva, 
Apunt.,  87-9;  Mex.,  Mem.  Fom.,  1366,  77. 

46  In  1S79,  Jalisco  produced  tobacco  to  the  value  of  $710,000;  Vera  Cruz, 
$884,370;  and  Yucatan,  $229,500.     The  total  value  of  the  production  for  the 
same  year  was  $2,006,153.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  i.,  Cuad.  Agric.,  no.  30. 

47  In  the  fiscal  year  1873-4,  leaf  tobacco  to  the  value  of  $66,866,  and  manu 
factured  to  the  value  of  $35,520,  was  exported.     The  corresponding  figures 
for  the  year  1077-8  were  $58,882  and  $31,260.  Id.,  i.  4a  pte,  97. 

43Ihuto,  however,  gives  the  total  annual  production  in  the  republic  as 
only  2,210  arrobas,  worth  $27,629.  Id.,  it,  426.  A  full  treatise  on  the  culti 
vation  of  the  tree  will  be  found  in  Geog.,  Soc.  Mex.,  2d  Ep.,  i.  905-17. 
Lately  the  government  has  endeavored  to  give  an  impulse  to  this  industry, 
and  in  1885  the  governor  of  Aguascalientes  was  notified  by  the  department 
of  fomento  that  80,000  olive  plants  would  be  sent  to  be  planted  in  that  state 
by  any  one  who  might  wish  to  set  them  out.  Mex.  Financ.,  June  13,  1885,  p. 
165;  Diario  Ofic.,  16  En.,  1883. 

49  The  parent  of  these  vineyards  was  that  planted  by  Hidalgo  at  Dolores, 
in  Guanajuato,  at  the  beginning  of  the  century.  Mex.,  Mem.  Fom.,  1866,  62; 
Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  109,  this  series. 


574  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

in  soil  and  climate  for  the  cultivation  of  the  vine,  and 
its  progress  has  doubtless  been  retarded  by  the  abo 
riginal  pulque  and  mescal,  and  aguardiente  from  the 
sugar-cane.  Its  development  will  probably  assume 
important  proportions  during  the  present  generation, 
the  success  which  is  attending  viticulture  in  Califor 
nia  acting  as  a  stimulus.  The  state  of  Sonora  espe 
cially,  from  its  similarity  to  California  in  the  necessary 
conditions,  offers  inducements  to  enterprise  in  this  in 
dustry.  Besides  Parras,  Paso  del  Norte,  in  Chihua 
hua,  has  gained  a  good  reputation  for  wine-producing 
requisites.50 

Different  in  class  to  the  preceding  productions  are 
others  connected  almost  exclusively  with  foreign  com 
merce.  Prominent  among  them  is  cochineal.  The 
culture  of  the  insect  which  yields  this  dye  was,  and 
still  is,  almost  confined  to  the  state  of  Oajaca,  where 
a  great  proportion  of  the  Indian  population  used  to 
find  employment  in  the  nurture  of  the  bug  and  its 
preparation  for  market.51  This  production  in  colonial 
times  was  considerable  and  very  valuable,  as  also 
during  the  earlier  years  of  the  republic.  More  lately 
the  culture  of  cochineal  has  greatly  declined,  owing 
to  the  discovery  and  extensive  use  of  cheaper  mineral 
dyes  which  supply  its  place.52 

The  indigo  plant  grows  wild  in  many  parts  of  Mex 
ico,  especially  in  Yucatan  and  Tabasco,  the  extraction 

50  The  total  value  of  wines  produced  in  1879  was  $2, 662, 671,  of  which  sum 
$1,307, 174  represent  the  production  of  Chihuahua,  and  $1,301,742  that  of  Coa- 
huila,  these  two  states  thus  yielding  the  total  amount,  with  the  exception 
of  £53, 755  worth.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  i.,  Cuad.  Indust.,  no._  3. 

61  For  accounts  of  the  propagation  of  the  insect,  its  life  and  habits  after 
being  transferred  to  the  nopales,  or  plantations  of  the  cactin  on  which  it  is 
nourished,  and  the  drying  process  by  which  it  is  converted  into  the  dye,  the 
rsader  may  consult    Ward's  Mex.  in  1S27,   i.  83-6;  Mem.,  Insecto  Grana,  in 
2fex.t  Col.  Mem.  Instmc.,  no.  9;  /S'oc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  iii.  82-6;  and  Humboldt,  Es- 
saiPolit.,  456-65. 

62  In  1810  the  yield  was  545,000  pounds,  worth  about  $2,000,000;  during 
the  period  from  1821  to  1832  the  registered  production  of  Oajaca  was  5,175,- 
003  Ibs.,  representing  $10,260,000;  the  value  of  the  amount  exported  in  the 
fiscal  year  1873-4  was  $494,124,    while  that  of  the  year   1877-8  was  only 
£78,155.     In  1844  the  crop  of  Oajaca  was  worth  $1,000,000.  Milhlenpfordt, 
M€J.,  i.  157-8;  Siliceo,  Mem.  F&m.,  ptv.,  doc.  3;  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.,  1846,  18; 
JSusto,  ut  sup.,  i.  3a  pte,  75,  4a  pte,  95. 


COTTON  AND  SERICULTURE.  575 

of-  coloring  matter  being  known  to  the  Aztecs  before 
the  conquest.  In  time,  the  superiority  of  the  indigo 
produced  in  Guatemala  caused  a  corresponding  demand 
for  it  in  European  market  and  a  decline  of  the  industry 
in  Mexico,  which  now  receives  but  little  attention, 
though  extensive  tracts  of  land  are  preeminently 
adapted  to  the  production  of  this  dye.03 

Cotton  holds  the  fifth  place  in  the  list  of  Mexico's 
productions,  its  annual  value  exceeding  $6,500,000. 
The  cultivation,  however,  of  hemp,  ramie,  and  flax 
might  be  proportionately  developed.54  Owing  to  the 
importation  of  foreign  fabrics,  and  the  inability  of 
Mexican  manufacturers  to  compete  with  those  of 
Europe  and  the  United  States,  cultivation  of  cotton 
has  declined,  until  at  the  present  date  the  supply  is 
hardly  equal  to  the  demand  for  home  consumption.55 
When  increased  facilities  for  transportation  offer  an 
inducement  to  capitalists  to  engage  in  the  production 
of  cotton  with  a  view  to  exporting  it,56  the  cultivation 

53  The  decadence  of  the  native  cotton  manufactures  had  a  great  effect  upon 
this  industry.     The  annual  average  value  of  the  exportation  of  indigo  for  many 
years  through  the  port  of   Vera  Cruz  was  calculated  by  Humboldt  to  be 
$280,000.     In  1802,  an  exceptional  year,  the  value  of  this  article  which  passed 
through  the  same  port  amounted  to  $3,229,796,  and  in  1803,  through  fear  of 
war,  it  fell  to  $263,729.  Essai  Polit.,  446,  697,  701,  706.     The  total  produc 
tion  in  Mexico  for  the  year  1879  amounted  to  422,941  Ibs.,  valued  at  $358,002. 
Bitsto,  ut  sup.,  i.,  Cuad.  Agric.,  no.  30. 

54  Successful  experiments  with  regard  to  the  ramie  plant  are  already  lead 
ing  to  its  increased  cultivation.     Flax  and  hemp  are  successfully  cultivated 
in  Michoacan,  especially  the  latter,  which  grows  spontaneously  in  that  dis 
trict.     Seed  was  imported  in  1832  from  the  U.  S.,  and  distributed  among 
farmers.  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel,  1832,  doc.  ii.  23,  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel,  21.     In  1845 
plantations  were  established  in  Zamora,  Queretaro,  Toluca,  and  San  Martino, 
with  good  result.  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.,  1846,  28.     The  facilities  for  growing 
and  manufacturing  cotton  have  retarded  this  industry,  the  plants  having  been 
cultivated  chiefly  for  their  seed,  which  is  used  for  medicinal  purposes.  Miihlen- 
pfordt,  Mej.,  i.  129;  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.,  1843,  13. 

55  In  1841  the  manufacturers  of  cotton  presented  a  memorial  to  congress, 
calling  attention  to  the  detrimental  effect  of  foreign  importations  on  the  in 
dustries  connected  with  its  production  and  conversion  into  fabrics.  Mex.,  Espos. 
al  Congreso,  1841,  in  Pap.   Far.,  xix.  no.  5.     The  quantity  produced  in  1845, 
according  to  official  tables,  was  a  little  over  20,000  quintals  ginned.     Mex., 
Mem.  Agric.,  in  Id.,  xi.  no.  4,  40-51,  and  table  no.  6.     During  that  year  the 
supply  was  not  equal  to  the  home  demand.     In  1863  a  law  was  passed  ex 
empting  cotton-planting  from  duties  for  ten  years,  in  order  to  encourage  its 
cultivation.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  D.  €.,  63-7,  i.  199-200. 

66  In  the  economical  year  of  1877  to  1878,  the  amount  of  cotton  exported 
was  represented  by  the  insignificant  sum  of  $218.  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex., 
4a  pte,  94. 


573  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

of  the  plant  will  probably  become  extensively  devel 
oped.  In  the  United  States  frosts  necessitate  the 
annual  labor  and  expense  of  forming  new  plantations. 
In  the  tierra  caliente  of  Mexico,  the  cotton  plant  is 
perennial,  and  only  requires  being  kept  clear  of  weeds 
and  other  vegetation. 

Sericulture  has  made  little  progress  during  the 
present  century.  About  the  period  from  1830  to 
1850  some  attention  was  given  to  this  industry. 
Treatises  were  published  from  time  to  time,57  and  so 
cieties  formed  for  the  promotion  of  it,  and  establish 
ments  were  erected  in  different  parts  of  the  country,58 
and  by  the  year  1845  some  little  progress  was  percep 
tible.  At  the  present  time,  only  a  small  quantity  of 
silk  fabrics  is  manufactured  out  of  the  native  article, 
the  bulk  of  them  being  imported  from  foreign  coun 
tries.69 

The  vanilla  plant  is  a  parasitic  evergreen  creeper, 
indigenous  to  Vera  Cruz,  Tabasco,  and  Oajaca.  Its 
aromatic  flavor  and  perfume  were  known  to  the  Az- 

57  Mex.,  CoL  Mem.  Instruct.,  nos.  i.,  vi.,  and  vii. 

58  Particularly  in  Michoacan  and  Guanajuato.  Pap.  Var.,  xi.  nos.  3  and  4; 
jBustamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  3;  jRivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  518-19;  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  iii.  285. 

59  Mexico  in  certain  parts  seems  to  be  exceptionally  adapted  for  the  produc 
tion  of  silk.     The  mulberry -tree  thrives  in  the  country  to  perfection,  and 
there  are  indigenous  trees,  the  ailantus  and  palma  ckristi,  which  have  been 
considered  superior  to  it  as  nurturers  of  the  worm.  Jimenez,  in  Id.,  2a  Ep.,  ii. 
504-9.     Ramon  Martinez,  in  a  letter  to  Bustamante  dated  Alvarado,  August 
24,  1830,  called  attention  to  an  extremely  prolific  silk- worm  which  matures 
and  propagates  upon  the  encino  prieto,  rejecting  the  mulberry -tree  in  preference 
to  it.  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  no.  24,  2-5.     During  the  last  few  years, 
much  attention  has  been  attracted  to  this  industry  throughout  Mexico,  and 
the  government  has  done  much  to  encourage  it.     Between  1870  and  1875, 
sericulture  was  introduced  with  success  into  the  state  of  Puebla,  and  in  1S82 
a  concession  was  granted  to  Jose  Fulcheri  to  enable  him  to  organize  a  com 
pany  for  the  purpose  of  growing  the  mulberry-tree  and  erecting  twenty  es 
tablishments  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  the  government  engaging  to 
grant  a  subsidy  of  $12,000  annually  for  the  term  of  ten  years  to  each  estab 
lishment  that  should  be  founded.     In  the  following  year  a  favorable  conces 
sion  was  also  granted  to  Juan  Fenelon  for  the  production  of  silk  in  Oajaca, 
and  a  society  was  established  in  Monterey,  for  the  same  purpose,  in  Nuevo 
Leon.     In  1885  the  governor  of  Guerrero  secured  100,000  mulberry  plants 
from  Italy,  in  order  to  introduce  silk  culture  into  that  state.     Consult  Puebla, 
Var.  Ley.,  no.  75;  Diario,  Oftc.,  5  Jun.,  1875;  5  Feb.  1878;  28  Mayo,  21  Ag., 
1883;  28,  29,  30  En.,  1  Feb.,  et  seq.,  1884;  Estad.  de  Sin.,  28  Ab.,  1883,  p.  1-2; 
Anderson,  Mex.  Stand-point,  92-3;  Mex.  Financ.,  May  2  and  June  13,  1885, 
pp.  70-1,  165-6. 


VANILLA  AND  JALAP.  577 

tecs,  who  used  it  in  their  chocolate.  Little  care  is 
required  in  its  cultivation,  it  only  being  necessary  to 
suppress  hardier  creepers  around  it.  The  pods  which 
constitute  the  vanilla  of  commerce  are  first  dried  in 
the  sun,  then  sweated  in  woollen  cloths,  and  again 
dried.60  Humboldt  estimated  the  annual  average  ex 
port  of  the  article  through  Vera  Cruz  at  $60,000,  since 
which  time  its  production  has  increased  fivefold.61 

From  another  parasitical  plant  is  procured  the  drug 
>,  which  derives  its  name  from  the  city  of  Jalapa. 
The  medicinal  properties  are  contained  in  the  root, 
the  virtues  of  which  the  Spaniards  obtained  a  knowl 
edge  of  from  the  Aztecs.  Cultivation  of  the  plant 
was  not  commenced  before  1865,  when  exhaustion  of 
the  wild  species  growing  in  the  forests  of  Jalapa, 
Orizaba,  and  Cordoba  doubtless  necessitated  its  cul 
ture.62 

Among  the  numerous  contributions  of  the  Mexican 
forests  to  the  pharmacopolist,63  mention  can  only  be 
made  of  the  sarsaparilla,  ipecacuanha,  rhubarb,  gen 
tian,  sassafras,  valerian,  and  verbena.  But  these  for 
ests,  which  yield  in  such  lavish  abundance  timber, 
dye-woods,  and  other  useful  produce,64  in  some  parts 

60  Much  care  must  be  taken  in  the  process,  as  a  single  blemished  pod  will 
ruin  a  whole  box  in  its  transportation  from  America  to  Europe.  Humboldt, 
Essai  Polit.,  438-41. 

61  In  the  two  fiscal  years  of  1873-4  and  1877-9,  the  exportations  amounted 
respectively  to  $284,710  and  $346,133.     The  amount  produced  in  1879  was 
55,118  kilograms,  worth  $651,958.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  i.,  Cuad.  Agric.,  no.  30,  4a 
pte,  97.     When  exportations  of  Mexican  produce  are  spoken  of,  the  reader 
should  bear  in  mind  that  the  figures  quoted  do  not  represent  the  true  amounts, 
owing  to  contraband  trade. 

62  At  the  beginning  of  the  century,  the  annual  exports  amounted  to  about 
$60,000,  while  now  they  do  not  exceed  $7,000.   Id.9  i.  4a  pte,  96;  Humboldt,  ut 
sup.,  967.     M.  R.  Gallo  was  the  first  to  engage  in  cultivating  the  plant.  Soc. 
Mex.  Geocj.,  2a  Ep.,  i.  7;  Hex.,  Mem.  Fom.,  1866,  69. 

63  Busto  supplies  a  list  of  113  medicinal  trees  and  plants.  Id.,  i.  la  pte,  3. 

64  Among  which  I  may  mention  the  India-rubber  or  hule  tree,  and  the 
vegetable  wax-plant,  both  of  which  have  suffered  extensive  destruction  by 
unnecessary  mutilation  in  the  extraction  of  their  produce.     There  still  exist 
vast  wooded  districts  in  Chiapas,  where  the  former  grows  in  abundance,  and 
the  world  is  now  looking  to  that  portion  of  Mexico  for  a  supply  of  rubber 
which  is  getting  scarce  in  its  old  quarters.  Consult  Poumian,  Notic.,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  2a  Ep.,  iv.  502-3;  and  for  particulars  about  the  vegetable  wax- 
plant  called  by  the  Mexican  Indians  copaltzihuitl  and  by  the  Spaniards  lirnon- 
tillo,  see  Id.,  2a  Ep.,  i.  889-91,  and  ii.  115-16;  Mex.,  Col.  Mem.  Insti-uct.,  no.  4. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    37 


578  AGRICULTURAL  RESOURCES  OF  MEXICO. 

the  country  have  been  improvidently  destroyed. 
Early  in  the  present  century  attention  was  called  to 
the  serious  inroads  upon  forests,  and  steps  were  later 
taken  to  prevent  the  entire  denudation  of  the  country 
by  offering  inducements  to  plant  trees.65 

Stock-raising,  during  the  present  century,  has  con 
siderably  progressed,  and  the  capabilities  of  Mexico  for 
the  future  increase  of  horned  cattle,  horses,  sheep,  and 
hogs  are  incalculable.68  Though  cattle  and  sheep  can 
be  reared  with  advantage  in  most  states  of  the  repub 
lic,  the  plains  of  the  central  plateau's  are  peculiarly 
adapted  to  stock-raising.  Even  Chihuahua  with  des 
erts  and  barren  mountain  regions  would  become  won 
derfully  productive  of  pasturage  all  the  year  round  by 
the  use  of  artesian  wells.67 

Horned  cattle  seem  to  thrive  equally  well  at  all 
altitudes,  but  the  horse  thrives  best  at  an  elevation  of 
from  5,000  to  8,000  feet,  while  sheep  are  reared  prin 
cipally  in  the  mountains.  Special  mention  must  be 
made  of  the  raising  of  hogs,  which  are  bred  in  great 
numbers  all  over  the  country.  Indeed,  the  animal  is 
ubiquitous.68 

Great  encouragement  has  been  given  to  the  devel 
opment  of  agriculture  by  the  government  during  this 
century.  Schools  and  societies  for  its  promotion  have 

65  Plantations  containing  from  50,000  to  100,000  trees  were  to  be  made  of 
ash,  willow,  poplar,  eucalyptus,  acacias,  and  other  varieties.     The  cost  of  the 
government  will  be  $200,000.  Diario,  Ofic.,  28  Mayo,  1883. 

66  In  1860,  the  total  number  of   stock  comprising  horned  cattle,  horses, 
mules,  asses,  sheep,  and  hogs  was  estimated  at  15,172,725,  having  a  value  of. 
$75,631,846.    Hernandez,  Estad.  Rep.  Mej.,  122.     The  corresponding  figures 
in  1879  were  25,610,000  and  $122,060,000,  including  4,600,000  goats,  at  $1  a 
head,  a  decrease  in  the  value  of  horses,  and  an  increase  of  $2  a  head  in  that 
of  hogs  being  observable.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  iii.  422. 

67  In  the  northern  states,  cattle-stealing  011  the  frontiers  and  depredations 
by  Indians  have  been  a  great  drawback  to  stock-raising.     These  evils  will 
presently  disappear.    English  companies  have  already  purchased  large  ranges 
in  Tamaulipas,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  Sonora. 

68  In  value,  hogs  far  surpass  the  other  classes  of  domesticated  animals.    The 
figures  representing  the  numbers  cf  cattle,  horses,  sheep,  and  hogs  for  the 
year    1879  are   respectively  4,460,000,  2,500.000,  6,800,000,  and   6,200,000. 
The     corresponding  values    are    $35,680,000,    $25,000,000,  $6,800,000,    and 
$43,400,000,  cattle  being  valued  at  an  average  of  $8  a  head;  horses  at  $10; 
sheep  at  $1;  and  hogs  at  $7.  Busto,  ut  sup.,  ii.  422.  ....j 


SCHOOLS  AND  VALUES.  579 

been  established;69  botanical  gardens  have  been  laid 
out,  and  exhibitions  held  of  the  floral,  horticultural, 
and  agricultural  productions  of  the  country.  Never 
theless,  the  mode  of  cultivation  in  many  districts  re 
mains  in  the  backward  condition  which  prevailed  a 
century  ago.  The  causes  of  this  tardy  progress  have 
been,  the  facilities  for  raising  on  a  small  patch  of  land 
all  the  wants  of  a  household,  the  decadence  of  the 
manufacturing  industries,  and  the  absence  of  means 
of  cheap  transportation.  This  last  is  the  principal  one. 
The  cultivator  would  not  extend  his  labor  when  he 
knew  that  the  result  would  be  that  he  could  not  con 
vey  his  surplus  crop  to  a  market.  Improvidence  and 
shiftlessness  followed,  and  the  inhabitants  in  many 
parts  of  Mexico  have  frequently  suffered  great  misery 
from  failure  of  the  crops  through  drought  or  floods, 
the  devastations  caused  by  hurricanes,  and  the  ravages 
committed  by  locusts.  Another  cause  is  a  chronic 
disinclination  to  change.  The  introduction  of  steam 
and  other  improved  machinery  is  regarded  by  the 
lower  orders  as  an  innovation  fatal  to  the  means  of 
support.  But  Mexico's  prospective  rise  in  the  scale 
of  nations  will  elevate  her  working-classes,  and  vast 
tracts  of  land  will  be  put  under  cultivation,  affording 
well-paid  employment  to  a  rapidly  increasing  popula 
tion. 

The  value  of  agricultural  real  estate  and  lands,  ex 
clusive  of  forests  and  uncultivated  wilds,  as  supplied 
by  Busto  in  1880,  was  estimated  at  $583,000,000.70 
What  it  will  amount  to  at  the  end  of  the  next  genera 
tion  it  would  be  vain  to  conjecture. 

69  In  1828  a  society  was  formed,  and  an  agricultural  school  was  established 
by  law  in  1843.  In  1856  the  national  agricultural  school  was  organized. 
During  later  years,  numerous  institutions  of  the  kind  have  been  founded. 

~°Estad.  Hep.  Mex.,  ii.  5a  pte,  422.  Garcia  Cubas,  in  1876,  estimates  the 
value  of  landed  property  at  $322,000,000,  '  without  taking  into  account  that 
of  the  streams,  grazing  lands,  orchards,  and  other  rural  property  of  Lesf 
importance.'  Rep.  Mex.t  24-5. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

1800-1887. 

RELATIONS  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE— DEMORALIZATION  OF  THE  CLERGY — THEIR 
INFLUENCE  WANING— ^MEASURES  TO  CURTAIL  THEIR  POWER — INTRIGUES 
—THE  CLERGY  AND  THE  REACTIONISTS  COOPERATING— SEQUESTRATION 
OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY — BANISHMENT  OF  BISHOPS— CREATION  OF  NEW 
DIOCESES — CONDITION  OF  THE  CHURCH  DURING  THE  REGENCY— DIFFER 
ENCES  BETWEEN  THE  POPE  AND  MAXIMILIAN — POLICY  OF  THE  LATTER — 

LIBERAL  CHANGES — FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP  A  FACT— MONASTIC  ORDERS 
—THEIR  SUPPRESSION — RELIGIOUS  SOCIETIES — PROPERTY  AND  REVENUE 
OF  THE  CLERGY — CHURCH  FEASTS — SUPERSTITIONS— INTELLECTUAL  IM 
PROVEMENT. 

THE  Mexican  church,  after  the  country  became 
independent,  was  for  a  number  of  years  in  an  abnor 
mal  state.  Archbishop  Fonte  abandoned  his  post, 
and  the  pope  refused  to  declare  his  see  vacant.  Sev 
eral  of  the  suffragan  dioceses  had  been  bereft  of  their 
pastors  by  death,  and  others  had  been  forsaken.  The 
ecclesiastical  government  devolved  on  the  chapters. 
The  pope  endeavored  to  induce  the  faithful1  to  re 
new  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  crown,  in  which  he 
failed.  For  a  long  time  he  refused  to  confirm  bishops, 
or  to  do  anything  toward  relieving  the  condition  of 
Mexico,  because  of  his  political  relations  with  the 
Spanish  court.  At  last,  after  the  final  triumph  of 
the  Mexican  arms  over  the  Spanish  expedition  at 
Tampico,  the  pope  confirmed  the  bishops  nominated 

1  Encyclical  letter  of  Sept.  24,  1824,  extolling  Fernando  VII.  Gaceta,  Max., 
1825,  i.  no.  39;    Ward's  Hex.  m  1827,  327-8;  La  Cruz,  vi.  524-5. 

(580) 


SECULAR  CLERGY.  581 

by  the  Mexican  government.2  In  1861  there  were  in 
the  republic,  besides  the  prelates  of  the  seven  sees,  the 
abbot  of  the  Colegiata  de  Guadalupe,  13  provisores, 
81  canons,  46  racioneros,  and  13  masters  of  cere 
monies,  making  together  154  ecclesiastical  dignitaries; 
64  vicarios  fordneos,  1,468  parish  priests,  72  capellanes 
de  coro,  113  capellanes  sencillos,  aggregating  1,717, 
and  a  grand  total  of  1,871  priests,  outside  of  the 
regular  orders.3 

The  secular  clergy  of  Mexico  have  ever  been  the 
subject  of  remarks  detracting  from  their  respectability. 
The  whole  organization,  and  the  manner  of  obtaining 
their  revenue,  as  well  as  of  performing  their  minis 
terial  duties,  have  tended  to  nullify  their  prestige, 
and  the  veneration  which  should  be,  and  is  in  many 
countries,  felt  toward  ministers  of  the  gospel.  The 
revenue  has  been  unequally  and  unfairly  distributed; 
the  country  priests  being  poorly  compensated,  while 
the  bulk  of  tithes,  fees,  and  emoluments  in  the  wealthy 
dioceses  have  gone  to  the  high  clergy,  namely,  bishops 
and  chapters,  and  to  keeping  up  splendor  in  the  cathe 
dral  churches.4  The  dioceses,  as  they  were  divided 
till  the  sixth  decade  of  this  century,  were  so  extensive 

2  Pablo  E.  Vazquez  was  confirmed  as  bishop  of  Puebla.     His  predecessors 
in  this  century  were  Man.  Ign.  Gonzalez  Campillo  and  Ant.  J.  Perez  Mar 
tinez.     His  successors,  J.  L.  Becerra,  Pedro  Ant.  de  Labastida  y  Davalos, 
Carlos  M.  Colina,  appointed  March  16,  18(33.     Bishops  for  Michoacan,  Guada 
lajara,  Durango,  Chiapas,  and  Nuevo  Leon  were   also  confirmed  in  1831. 
Other  dioceses  were  provided  for  later:  that  of  Yucatan  in  1834;  Calif ornias 
about  1836;  and  those  of  Guadalajara,  a  second  nomination,  and  Sonora  in 
1837;  so  that  at  the  beginning  of   1838  Mexico  and  Oajaca  were  the  only 
churches  without  prelates,  owing  to  their  voluntary  absence.  Bmtamante, 
Cuadro  Hist.,  iii.  360-5;  Zavala,  Revol  Mex.,  i.  370-1;  Iglesias  y  Conv.,  177; 
La,  Cruz,  v.  562-3;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  441-4. 

3  According  to  this  there  was  a  decrease  since  1826,  when  there  were  3,677 
clergymen.     The  number  given  in  the  text  does  not  include  priests  engaged  in 
teaching  or  holding  no  particular  office.  Rivera,  Mex.  in  184%,  125-6. 

4  In  some  dioceses,  where  the  prelate  was  getting  from  $100,000  to  $120,000 
a  year,  many  parish  priests  received  the  pittance  of  $100  or  $120  yearly. 

Ward's  Mex.  in  1827,  i.  385.  Matters  were  not  better  in  1858,  when  the 
bulk  of  the  property  and  revenues  was  monopolized  by  a  few  corporations 
and  the  upper  clergy.  Diario  de  Aviso,  June  4,  1858.  It  is  but  just  to  say 
that  bishops  applied  a  part  of  their  income  to  the  relief  of  the  indigent,  hos 
pitals,  and  asylums.  Then  again,  some  bishops  had  small  incomes,  and  the 
more  recently  created  bishoprics  had  no  cathedrals.  Those  of  Sonora,  L. 
California,  New  Leon,  Chiapas,  and  Yucatan  had  government  pensions, 
amounting  together  to  $32,000.  Rosa,  Juicio  Impartial,  4-5,  34. 


582  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

that  only  a  few  bishops  were  known  to  visit  all  their 
towns,  and  then  perhaps  only  once.  It  appears  also 
that  a  number  of  the  bishops  were  not  conscientious 
pastors,  and  usually  neglected  their  duties.  In  the 
cathedral  chapters  were  many  incompetent  men,  who 
had  obtained  their  places  by  simony.  Not  a  few  of 
the  priests  were  living  examples  of  immorality,  who 
disgraced  their  cloth,  and  were  sores  in  the  body 
social.  Many  of  them  lacked  the  proper  educational 
attainments.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were  those, 
unfortunately  a  small  minority,  who  by  their  virtues, 
learning,  and  devotion  to  duty  did  honor  to  their 
calling,  and  yet  had  to  suffer  for  the  evil  courses  or 
failings  of  the  others.  A  large  portion  of  the  more 
intelligent  people  came  to  feel  an  aversion  to  the 
clergy  in  general,  who  consequently  lost  their  influ 
ence.  It  was  not  that  they  had  become  irreligious, 
as  the  ecclesiastics  and  their  partisans  would  have  the 
world  believe.  There  were,  however,  a  number  of 
the  educated  class  who  rejected  all  religion,  and  called 
themselves  naturalistas. 

The  encyclical  letter  of  Leo  XII. ,  to  which  I  have 
alluded,  cruelly  wounded  the  self-respect  of  the  Mex 
icans;  harsh  sentiments  were  fearlessly  uttered,  at 
times  unjust,  and  at  others  founded  on  exaggerated 
reports,  but  always  containing  some  grains  of  truth, 
tending  to  lower  the  priests  in  public  estimation.  The 
patronato,  an  irritating  matter — made  so  by  the  papal 
policy — was  warmly  discussed,  and  led  to  the  adoption 
of  principles  deeply  affecting  the  mind  and  heart,  and 
which  never  lost  their  hold.  The  facilities  for  pro 
curing  books,  the  treatment  freely  in  the  press,  at 
public  meetings,  and  private  conversations,  of  the  evils 
imputed  to  the  clergy,  and  other  things,  account  for 
the  great  change  which  had  already  taken  place  in 
the  early  years  of  the  republic.5  It  must  not  be 
supposed,  nevertheless,  that  their  influence  wholly 

5  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  i.  115;  Richthofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  198-9.  The  clergy  then 
applied  themselves  to  retain  their  influence  among  the  ignorant  Indians. 


POWER  OF  THE  CLERGY.  583 

disappeared.  Intolerance  continued  to  exist  de  jure, 
arid  political  parties  fighting  for  supremacy  would  seize 
that  handle,  but  only  to  drop  it  again  as  soon  as  they 
had  gained  their  object.  Had  it  not  been  for  parties 
anxious  for  the  support  of  the  clergy,  the  reformation 
of  the  latter  would  have  been  easily  accomplished,  and 
much  future  trouble  saved  to  all  concerned.  It  is  a 
fact  that  the  leading  men  of  all  parties  desired  the 
reformation,  though  they  differed  as  to  the  time  and 
manner  of  securing  it.6 

In  order  to  form  an  idea  of  the  power  wielded  by 
the  clericals  to  counteract  that  of  the  republican  gov 
ernment  at  the  time  of  its  organization,  and  in  later 
years,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  was  a  power 
coetaneous  with  the  colonial  system  and  deeply  rooted. 
Aside  from  all  the  privileges  and  prerogatives  the 
clergy  had  possessed  from  the  earliest  days,  they 
directed  the  consciences  of  men  and  women,  not  only 
on  religious  matters,  but  also  on  social,  conjugal,  and 
general  domestic  affairs,  dress,  and  public  amusements. 
Superadded  to  which  was  the  fact  that  thousands  of 
men  and  their  families  derived  their  support  and  com 
forts  of  life  from  the  revenues  of  the  clergy,  and  up 
held  them  as  a  matter  of  interest  if  not  of  principle. 
The  republic  has  therefore  had  to  contend  against  a 
power  older  than  itself,  directed  by  the  ministers  cf 
the  almighty.7  The  liberal  party  in  1833  and  1834 
labored  to  crush  the  politico-theocratic  power,  and 
thus  save  democratic  principles  and  institutions  on  the 
basis  of  an  absolute  independence  between  the  civil 

6  The  clergy  systematically  opposed  the  govt,  were  hostile  to  religious  tol 
eration,  to  freedom  of  thought  and  to  free  expression  in  the  press;  they  stren 
uously  objected  to  equality  before  the  law;  made  war  against  civil  marriages 
and  registrations;  opposed  foreign  colonization,  and  public  or  any  other  edu 
cation  unless  it  was  wholly  under  eclcesiastical  control.     Many  of  the  diffi 
culties  Mexico  has  had  with  foreign  powers  were  partly  originated  and  en 
couraged  by  the  clergy. 

7  They  demanded  every  aid  and  support  from  the  laws  and  govt,  and  yet 
disallowed  all  subjection  or  responsibility  to  them,  such  as  they  had   been 
forced  to  recognize  during  the  royal  rule.     They  had   large  pecuniary  re 
sources,  which  they  used  freely  to  accomplish  their  ends,  constantly  availing 
themselves  likewise  of  the  low  elements  of  ignorance  and  superstition. 


584  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

and  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions.  Several  salutary  meas 
ures  were  adopted,  and  there  was  some  prospect  of 
their  successful  execution,  when  Santa  Anna  resumed 
the  executive  authority  and  undid  what  had  been 
done  to  reform  both  the  clergy  and  the  army.  How 
ever,  the  reforms  partially  remained  in  force,  but  not 
those  connected  with  the  patronato.  The  plan  of  Iguala 
was  no  longer  a  shield  for  the  church's  temporalities.8 
In  1835  there  arrived  in  Mexico  two  bishops  in  par- 
tibus  infidelium,  appointed  by  the  pope  de  motu  pro- 
prio,  with  an  entire  disregard  of  Mexico's  right  of 
patronage.  This  question  remained  in  statu  quo, 
until,  upon  the  resignation  of  Archbishop  Fonte  of 
the  mitre  of  Mexico  in  1838,  the  choice  of  his  suc 
cessor  was  made  by  the  Roman  pontiff  in  1840,  from 
a  list  presented  by  the  chapter  of  the  diocese  under 
an  act  of  the  Mexican  congress.  The  right  of  the 
national  government  on  the  subject  of  nominations  of 
bishops  was  further  sustained  in  an  act  of  congress  of 
April  16,  1850.9 

The  clergy  had  invariably  disclaimed  all  interven 
tion  as  a  body  in  the  political  disturbances  of  the 
country.  It  might  not  be  always  easy  to  disprove 
this  assertion,  but  their  struggle  for  power  became 
clear  and  well  defined  in  the  act  proclaimed  at  Guada 
lajara  in  1852,  known  as  the  Plan  del  Hospicio,  which 
bore  the  signatures  of  high  ecclesiastical  dignitaries. 
The  clergy  supported  Santa  Anna  in  power,  believing 
thus  to  secure  their  own;  but  the  revolution  of  Ayutla 
put  an  end  to  their  golden  dreams  by  overthrowing 
the  dictator. 

8  The  property  controlled  by  the  clergy  was  now  constantly  menaced,  and 
was  much  diminished  by  the  govt  seizing  portions  of  it  at  different  periods. 

9  The  supreme  govt  was  to  nominate  bishops  to  vacant  sees  out  of  ternary 
lists  laid  before  it  by  the  respective  chapters,  through  and  with  the  approba 
tion  of  the  respective  governors.     The  govt  could  reject  the  first  list  and  call 
for   another.     The   civil   authority  was  empowered  to  bestow  ecclesiastical 
preferments.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Deo.,  1850,  88-90;  Mex.,  Legis.  Mex.,  1850,  82- 
4;  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1850,  i.  57-8;  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1850,  267-8;  Dublan  and 
Lozano,  Legis.  Mex.,  v.  690-1.     Santa  Anna,  in  his  anxiety  to  have  the  sup 
port  of  the  high  clergy,  gave  the  archbishop  and  bishops  the  honorary  title 
of  councillors  of  state.  Rivera,  Gobern.  Mex.,  ii.  445;  Id.,  Hist.  Jaiapa,  iv.  442. 


CHURCH  VERSUS  STATE.  585 

Among  the  reforms  initiated  by  the  leaders  of  the 
new  administration,  that  of  checking  the  clergy  was 
foremost ;  and  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  patronato 
question  was  a  prominent  one.10  A  law  of  November 
23,  1855,  deprived  the  clergy  of  several  of  their  old 
privileges,  against  which  the  archbishop  protested  on 
the  27th,  without  effect.11 

The  new  federal  constitution  created  much  commo 
tion  among  the  ecclesiastics.  They  would  not  give 
up  the  contest,  but  kept  constantly  agitating  from  the 
pulpit,  in  the  press,  and,  of  course,  the  confessional. 
Conspiracies  were  in  order  among  the  reactionists,  the 
women  being  also  made  the  docile  instruments  of  their 
spiritual  advisers.12  All  efforts  of  the  government  to 
allay  the  trouble,  even  through  an  ambassador  accred 
ited  to  the  pope,  proved  unavailing.  The  clergy  for 
bade  their  supporters  from  taking  the  oath  to  support 
the  constitution,  alleging  that  it  contained  articles 
hostile  to  religion  or  the  church.13  The  pope  issued 
a  declaration  to  the  effect  that  the  church  was  perse 
cuted,  and  would  have  to  suffer  still  more  under  the 
new  constitution.14  This  was  all  untrue.  Neither 
religion  nor  its  priests  were  assailed.  It  is  a  fact, 
however,  that  a  very  large  number  of  faithful  catho 
lics  desired  mortmain  on  church  property  removed, 

10  At  the  time  of  Santa  Anna's  overthrow,  negotiations  in  Rome  for  a  con 
cordat  were  in  an  advanced  state.  Under  that  arrangement,  the  church  was 
to  have  restored  to  it  all  its  former  prerogatives. 

nMex.,  Legis.  Mej.,\\.  559-60,  565,  589-91;  Garza,  Pastoral,  no.  5;  Apuntam. 
sobre  derechopub.  ecles.,  8;  Id.,  Nuevas  Contest.,  1. 

12  In  the  midst  of  all  this,  the  archbishop  and  the  bishop  of  San  Luis 
Potosi,  a  see  created  in  1854,  assured  the  govt  that  their  clergy  were  taking 
no  part  in  illegal  acts.    Vigil,  Ensayo  Hist.,  7-10;  La  Bandera  de  Ayutla,  Feb. 
16,  1816;  ArchivoMex.,  Col.  Ley.,  iii.  250-3. 

13  The   diocesan  of    Guadalajara  enumerated   them:   the  3d   establishing 
freedom  of  public  instruction;  the  5th  proclaiming  man's  inalienable  right  of 
freedom,  which  was  not  to  be  curtailed,  by  reason  of  labor,  education,  or 
monastic  vows;  the  6th  and  7th  on  free  speech  and  free  press;  the  27th  de 
claring  civil  and  ecclesiastical  corporations  incompetent  to  hold  or  administer 
real  estate;  the  123d  conferring  on  the  general  govt  exclusively  such  inter 
vention  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  as  the  laws  might  designate.     This  was  merely 
intended  to  secure  public  peace.     The  bishop  also  protested  against  the  omis 
sion  in  the  constitution  of  the  Roman  catholic  faith  as  that  of  the  state. 

14  This  enabled  the  reactionists  to  pose  before  the  country  as  the  defenders 
of  the  true  faith.  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Seg.  Cong.  Constituc.,  i.  56-9. 


586  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

and  ecclesiastical  reforms  for  the  honor  and  prestige 
of  Catholicism.  The  government,  in  adopting  the  re 
forms,  had  submitted  to  an  unavoidable  necessity  for 
the  good  of  both  the  church  and  the  national  sover 
eignty.  And  indeed,  after  years  of  disasters,15  these 
reforms  have  become  accomplished  facts,  and  the 
church  at  this  late  day  exercises  its  legitimate  influ 
ence  unrestrained,  and  the  morals  of  the  clergy  have 
undergone  a  change  for  the  better. 

The  triumph  of  the  liberal  party  over  the  reaction 
ists  in  1861  is  a  matter  of  history,  and  has  been  fully 
detailed  elsewhere.  During  the  three  years'  struggle, 
several  important  decrees  were  issued  by  President 
Juarez  further  to  curtail  the  power  of  the  clergy.16 
These  decrees  did  not,  however,  stop  the  clergy.  As 
a  last  resort,  they  despoiled  the  churches  of  valuable 
jewels  and  plate  which  the  confiscation  law  had  spared. 

Among  President  Juarez'  first  acts  on 'his  reaching 
the  capital  was  to  expel  Monsignor  Luigi  dementi, 
archbishop  of  Damascus,  papal  delegate;  also  the  arch 
bishop  of  Mexico,  and  bishops  Madrid,  Munguia,  Bara- 
jas,  and  Espinosa.  Bishop  Loza  had  been  banished 
from  Sinaloa  by  the  governor.17  On  their  arrival  at 
Vera  Cruz,  their  carriages  were  stoned,  and  the  popu 
lace  demanded  that  the  Mexican  bishops  should  be 
confined  in  jail.  However,  they  were  protected  by 

15Libertad  on  one  side,  Religion  y  Fueros  on  the  other,  were  fought 
for;  and  the  while  the  fight  lasted  the  peaceful  citizen  got  for  his  share  fire, 
bloodshed,  death.  Pay  no,  Mem.  Revol.  Die.,  77-8. 

16  Nov.  3,  1858,  to  stop  their  procuring  money  on  the  security  of  their 
real  estate;  June  25,  1859,  a  severe  decree;  but  that  of  July  12,  1859,  confis 
cated  and  nationalized  all  their  property.  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  no.   1167; 
Dublan  and/^ozawo,  Legis.  Mex.,  viii.  675-88,  696,  702-6,  756-9;  Baz,  Ley., 
14,  33-64;  Mex.,  Cod.  Reforma,  145-60,  169-71;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1861,  ii.  61- 
72,  75-94,  97-112;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  iv.  164-72;  Garza,  Pastorales,  nos. 
6,  10,  13-14. 

17  dementi  had  been  in  the  country  exercising  his  functions  under  an 
exequatur  of  Pres.  Lombardini  to  the  papal  brief  of  Aug.  26,  1851.     The 
above  orders  of  expulsion  were  dated  12th  and  17th  Jan.  1861,  and  the  blood 
spilled  in  the  war  is  attributed  to  the  clergy,  '  por  el  escandaloso  participio 
que  ha  tornado  el  clero  en  la  guerra  civil.'  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Legis.  Mex.,  vi. 
335-50,  ix.    12;    Garza  y  Ballesteros,   Opusc.,   3-33;    Variedades   Jurisp.,  vi. 
309-38;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col  Leyes,  v.  5-7,  42-3,  72-4;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  ii. 
604;  Richthofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  199. 


ANGER  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  587 

the  civil  authorities,  and  in  February  embarked  for 
Europe.  During  their  exile,  they  were  summoned  to 
Rome  for  consultation  on  the  needs  of  the  Mexican 
church;  the  result  of  which  was  that  the  bishoprics  of 
Michoacan  and  Guadalajara  were  made  archbishoprics, 
and  several  new  dioceses  were  created,  to  all  of  which 
appointments  were  made  by  Pius  IX.,  on  the  16th  of 
March,  1863.18  The  newly  created  prelates  were 
Pelagic  A.  de  Labastida  y  Davalos,  archbishop  of 
Mexico ; 19  Franckco  Suarez  Peredo,  Juan  B.  Ormae- 
chea  y  Ernaiz,  and  Ambrosio  Serrano,  bishops  respect 
ively  of  Vera  Cruz,  Tulancingo,  and  Chilapa;  Cle- 
mente  de  J.  Munguia,  archbishop  of  Michoacan ;  Jose 
A.  de  la  Pena,  J.  M.  Diez  de  Sollano,  bishop  of  Troade 
in  partibus  infidelium;  Bernardo  Garate,  and  Pedro 
Barajas,  bishops  respectively  of  Zamora,  Leon,  Quere- 
taro,  and  San  Luis  Potosi;  Pedro  de  Espinosa,  arch 
bishop  of  Guadalajara;  Ignacio  Guerra,  bishop  of 
Zacatecas.20 

Juarez'  government  adopted  other  severe  measures 
to  cripple  the  ecclesiastical  foe.21  Priests  were  placed 
under  strict  surveillance,  and  subjected  to  many  an 
noyances.  On  the  other  hand,  after  the  imperialists 
had  the  capital,  an  attempt  was  made  to  restore  them 
their  property,  as  they  had  rendered  very  efficient 
aid  in  erecting  the  monarchy;  and  yet,  in  1864,  the 
church,  under  the  so-called  regency  of  the  empire, 
was  in  a  worse  plight  than  under  Juarez'  sway.  So 

18  To  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico  were  given,  as  suffragans,  the  dioceses  of 
Puebla,  Oajaca,  Vera  Cruz,  Chiapas,  Yucatan,  Chilapa,  and  Tulancingo;  to 
that  of  Michoacan,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Queretaro,  Leon,  and  Zamora;  and  to 
that  of  Guadalajara,  Durango,  New  Leon,  Sonora,  Zacatecas,  and  the  Apos 
tolic  vicarias  of  Lower  Cal.  in  charge  of  Juan  F.  Escalante,  bishop  of  Anasta- 
sidpolis  in  partibus  infidelixim,  and  Tamaulipas  in  charge  of  Francisco  de  la 
C.  Ramirez,  bishop  of  Caradro,  also  in  partibus. 

19  His   predecessors   in   the   present   century  had   been   Francisco  J.   de 
Lizana  y  Beaumont,  1802-11;  Antonio  Bergosa  y  Jordan,  1812-15;  Pedro  J. 
de  Fonte,  1810-38;  Manuel  Posadas  y  Garduno,  1840-6;  Lazaro  de  la  Garza 
y  Ballesteros,  1851-62. 

20  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec.,  382;  Iglesias  y  Conv.,  5,  151,  169,  226-347,  passim; 
Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  app.  22,  and  many  others. 

21  Among  them  the  seizure  of  two  thirds  of  the  tithes,  and  the  suppression 
of  the  ecclesiastical  chapters,  excepting  that  of  Guadalajara. 


588  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

said   Archbishop  Labastida   to   the  French  general 
Neigre,  who  had  treated  him  disrespectfully.22 

Monsignore  Meglia,  papal  nuncio,  was  publicly  and 
cordially  received,  with  the  highest  honors  accorded 
at  royal  courts  to  ambassadors,  by  Maximilian,  whom 
he  assured  of  the  holy  father's  confidence  in  the  mon 
arch  to  protect  religion.  Maximilian  expressed  him 
self  as  highly  satisfied  with  the  fulfilment  of  promises 
made  him  in  Rome.  These  friendly  expressions  came 
to  little  or  naught  eventually.  Maximilian  was  pow 
erless  to  effect  any  change.  It  is  true  that  he  sur 
rendered  the  cemeteries  to  the  church,  but  on  the 
other  hand,  he  enforced  the  law  suppressing  the  eccle 
siastical  fuero,  which  of  course  brought  out  a  strong 
protest  from  the  bishops.  In  fact,  Maximilian,  in  his 
efforts  to  win  the  good-will  of  the  liberals,  acted  im 
prudently,  and  alienated  the  churchmen.23  At  several 
conferences  with  the  nuncio,  nothing  definite  was  ar 
rived  at  to  please  Rome.  The  latter  would  accede  to 
no  reforms,  and  her  nuncio  finally  quitted  Mexico. 
Maximilian's  envoy  near  the  pope  succeeded  no  better, 
for  all  the  fair  promises  which  had  been  made  him. 
Maximilian  went  so  far,  in  1866,  as  to  appoint  a  com 
missioner  to  confer  with  the  prelates  assembled  in 
Mexico  about  a  concordat.24 

22 '  La  Iglesia  sufre  hoy  los  mismos  ataques  que  en  el  tiempo  del  gobierno 
de  Juarez,  eii  la  plenitud  de  sus  inmunidades,  y  de  sus  derechos. . .  .jamas  se 
vid  perseguida  con  tanto  encarnizamiento ....  nos  encontramos  peor  que  en 
aquel  tiempo.'  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  182-5. 

'XPeridd  Of.  Imp.  Mex.,  Dec.  13,  1864.  He  said  openly  that  the  pope 
was  ill  advised,  and  that  he  cared  but  little  if  his  holiness  was  displeased  with 
his  acts  in  Mexico,  his  responsibility  being  only  to  God  and  his  own  conscience 
as  a  sovereign;  that  the  Mexican  prelates  did  not  understand  the  spirit  of  the 
times,  nor  of  true  Catholicism;  that  many  of  them  lacked  a  Christian  heart. 
If  the  pope  excommunicated  him,  he  would  be  the  fourth  Austrian  archduke 
that  had  been  so  treated.  Carlota,  his  wife,  had  used  even  stronger  language, 
and  had  shown  much  antipathy  to  the  high  clergy.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.  341-2. 

24  He  wanted  confirmed  all  the  measures  of  the  liberal  administration,  and 
was  desirous  of  adopting  others,  to  wit:  payment  of  the  clergy  by  the  state, 
religious  toleration,  revision  of  parochial  fees  by  the  govt,  and  exemption  of 
the  people  from  some  ecclesiastical  imposts.  He  instructed  his  minister  to 
act  on  the  principle  of  an  ample  and  free  religious  toleration,  though  recog 
nizing  the  Roman  catholic  as  the  religion  of  the  state.  Voz  de  Mej.,  March  18, 
Apr.  25,  1865;  Rivera,  Gobern.  Mex.,  ii.  649-59;  Domenech,  Htet.  du  Mex.,  iii. 
318;  Martinez,  Hist.  Revol  Mex.,  i.  235-7;  Diario  del  Imp.,  Feb.  27,  1865. 


RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM  SECURED.  589 

The  end  of  the  empire,  and  of  ecclesiastical  efforts 
to  hold  sway  in  Mexico,  has  been  fully  treated  of  in 
other  chapters.  Freedom  of  religion  has  been  secured 
in  a  manner  that  renders  all  opposition  to  it  out  of 
the  question.  The  law  of  December  4,  1860,  made  it 
so,  and  subsequent  decrees  in  following  years  further 
strengthened  it.  The  government  made  its  measures 
practical,  ceding  to  protestant  congregations  build 
ings  in  Mexico,  Puebla,  and  elsewhere.  From  this 
time  several  protestant  sects  established  missions  in 
the  country,  and  though  beset  with  difficulties — from 
the  opposition  of  the  catholic  clergy,  and  from  old- 
standing  beliefs  and  prejudices  not  easily  eradicated — 
made  considerable  progress.25  Even  the  Mormons 
established  colonies  in  Mexican  territory,  and  an  as 
sociation  of  free-thinkers  was  formed  in  Mexico  in 
1870.  The  government  maintains  friendly  relations 
with  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  there  being  now  an 
understanding  that  church  and  state  are  separate,  in 
dependent  of  each  other,  and  free  to  exercise  their 
functions  within  their  legitimate  orbit.26 

The  popular  dislike  of  monastic  institutions  began 
in  the  reign  of  Cdrlos  III.,  and  increased  with  the 
development  of  thought  among  the  masses.  The 
bishops  seem  to  have  encouraged  this  dislike,  and 
audiencias  and  magistrates  exercised  unstintedly  the 
patronato,  carrying  out  the  royal  instructions  to  crush 
the  power  of  the  clergy,  more  particularly  that  of  the 

25  Violence,  and  even  murder,  has  been  resorted  to  in  several  places,  but 
in  later  years  the  dissenting  sects  have  not  been  interfered  with.  In  April 
1883  was  opened  in  Jerez  a  protestant  church,  and  another  the  following 
month  in  Toluca.  Alaman,  Catol.  Hist.,  1884,  162-3.  The  following  author 
ities  also  treat  of  the  subject:  Am.  and  For.  Christ.  Union,  xvi.  247-8;  xvii. 
179-80,  272,  311-19;  xviii.  28,  181-3,  285-6;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  hi.  553,  577-8; 
Mex.  Diar.  Ofic.,  May  4,  1870;  June  29,  Oct.  7,  1871;  Harper's  Mag.,  xlix. 
177-8;  Diario  Debates,  7th  Cong.,  iv.  5-6;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Jan.  20, 
Feb.  11,  March  10,  Apr.  12,  1875;  June  19,  1876;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  19, 
1876,  741. 

'26In  1871  the  clergy  were  deprived  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  Under  the 
amended  constitution  of  1873,  1st,  church  and  state  are  made  independent  of 
each  other;  2d,  marriage  is  a  civil  contract;  3d,  no  religious  corporation  may 
possess  real  estate,  nor  capital  secured  thereon,  with  the  sole  exception  ex 
pressed  in  art.  127.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  viii.  397;  Diario  Debates, 
7th  Cong.,  189,  193,  1266-7;  Mex.>  Diario  Ofic.t  March  29,  1871. 


590  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

regular  branch.  At  the  time  of  the  grito  de  Dolores 
in  1810,  the  old  prestige  of  the  friars  had  almost 
entirely  disappeared.  Many  of  their  number  joined 
the  revolution,  throwing  off  the  monk's  habit,  and 
donning  the  soldier's  uniform.  The  most  crushing 
blow  the  clergy  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Spanish 
crown  was  in  depriving  their  revolutionary  members 
of  their  priestly  fuero,27  and  heaven  did  not  come,  to 
their  relief.  From  that  time  the  decadence  of  the 
religious  orders  rapidly  progressed.  Members  of  fam 
ilies  in  good  social  standing  had  ceased  to  join,  and 
the  few  recruits  they  obtained  were  generally  from 
the  lower  classes.  Civil  laws,  authorizing  co-action 
to  enforce  the  fulfilment  of  monastic  vows,  were 
repealed  in  November  1833.  The  religious  of  both 
sexes  were  permitted  to  leave  the  cloister  if  they  so 
desired.28  Organizations  of  friars  were  suppressed 
by  the  law  of  July  12,  1859;  the  priests  were  to 
secularize  themselves,  and  be  pensioned.  The  same 
law  extinguished  all  ecclesiastical  congregations,  and 
prohibited  novitiates  for  nuns;  the  existing  nuns  being 
allowed  to  remain  as  such  with  the  dowers  they 
brought  with  them  at  the  time  of  taking  the  veil ;  but 
such  as  wished  to  leave  the  cloister  were  to  be  reim 
bursed  the  full  amount  of  their  dowers.  In  1861  it 
was  ordered  that  all  nuns  should  be  concentrated  in 
one  convent.29 

Santa  Anna  permitted  the  Jesuits  in  1843  and 
1853  to  settle  in  some  parts  of  the  republic,  and 
organize  missions  in  order  to  civilize  savage  Indians. 
It  seems  that  the  order  established  some  houses,  and 

27  It  will  be  remembered  that  many  were  tried  by  court-martial,  and  sen 
tenced  to  death  and  other  penalties.     Viceroy's  decree  in  Gaceta,  June  30, 
1812;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  395;  Mendivil,  Resumen  Hist.,  137-40,  268. 

28  This  decree  was  annulled  by  Santa  Anna  in  1854  and  1855,  but  given 
renewed  validity  by  Pres.  Comonfort  in  April  1856.  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley., 
ii.  33-6;  iii.  98-9;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leyis.  Mex.,  vii.  266-7,  482-4;  viii. 
154;  La  Bandera  de  Ayutla,  May  24,  1856. 

29  It  was  carried  out  Feb.  12th,  and  though  some  care  was  had,  the  sisters 
are  said  to  have  suffered  much.     It  is  related  that  the  nuns  of  Puebla  in  1857, 
being  without  resources  and  starving,  refused  the  proffered  aid  of  the  govt, 
preferring  'death  to  dishonor! '  Diario  de  Avisos,  Aug.  24,  1857;  La  Cruz,  v. 
407. 


ABOLITION  AND  REDUCTION.  591 

that  some  of  its  former  property  was  restored;  but 
there  is  no  account  of  their  opening  missions.  Santa 
Anna's  decree  of  September  19,  1853,  was  repealed 
on  June  7,  1856,  congress  ordering  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jesuits  from  the  country. 

The  society  of  Saint  Vincent  de  Paul  had  been  al 
lowed  in  1845  to  found  establishments  in  the  republic. 
The  orders  of  San  Juan  de  Dios,  Bethlehemites,  and 
other  hospitallers  had  been  suppressed  since  1820. 
"The  Franciscans  proper,  barefooted  Franciscans  of 
San  Diego,  Augustinians,  Dominicans,  the  order  of 
Mercy,  and  others  continued  till  the  final  general  sup 
pression  took  place.30 

The  advent  of  the  sisters  of  charity  was  in  1844, 
and  with  the  special  favors  shown  them  soon  spread 
throughout  the  country.  In  1861,  when  stringent 
measures  were  adopted  toward  the  religious  orders, 
the  sisters  of  charity  were  allowed  to  continue  their 
work  under  government  inspection,  made  amenable  to 
the  civil  laws,  forbidden  to  act  as  a  religious  order, 
and  warned  to  attend  strictly  to  their  legitimate  du 
ties.  In  February  1863  nunneries  and  communities 
of  female  devotees  were  suppressed,  and  the  next  year 
regulations  were  decreed  for  repaying  them  their 
dowers.  In  1877  all  communities  of  nuns  were  dis 
persed.31 

The  mission  system,  formerly  so  extensive,  in  the 
course  of  time  became  reduced  to  small  proportions. 
In  1834  the  government  decreed  their  secularization; 

30  The  Franciscans  then  had  six  colleges  de  propaganda  fide;  namely,  San 
Fernando  of  Mexico,  Guadalupe  of  Zacatecas,  Santa  Cruz  of  Queretaro,  Nues- 
tra  Sefiora  de  Zapopam,  San  Francisco  of  Pachuca.  In  1861  the  force  of  the 
religious  orders  was  as  follows:  Provincials  28;  Priors  122;  Procurators,  Mas 
ters  and  Lecturers  375;  other  members  947.  Total  1,472.  Convents,  Gua- 
dalupans  6;  Franciscans  31;  Dominicans  14;  Augustinians  13;  Dieguinos  14; 
Carmelites  16;  Mercenaries  19;  Jesuits  14;  Paulists  6;  Felipenses  8;  Fernan- 
dinos  3;  and  Camilos  2.  Nuns:  there  were  monastertes  of  Carmelites,  Ca 
puchins,  Teresas,  Claras,  Isabelinas,  Catarinas,  etc.,  numbering  64.  The 
personnel  consisted  of  63  abbesses  and  prioresses,  and  1,463  nuns.  There  were 
also  42  sisters  of  charity,  792  girls,  and  858  maid-servants,  making  a  total  of 
3,228.  Hernandez,  Estadist.  Mej.,  248-9. 

slDublan  and  Lozano,  Legis.  Mex.,  iv.  625;  ix.  594-5,  598-601;  Tovar, 
Hist.  Parlam.,  iii.  248,  254;  Zamacais,  Hist.  Mej.,  xvi.  306-15,  361-5. 


592  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

but  the  order  was  not  carried  out  at  once.  Many 
of  the  missions  had  ceased  to  exist  for  the  want  of 
means  and  missionaries.  At  last  the  government  sold 
the  mission  property,  and  disposed  of  all  funds  which 
had  been  provided  in  early  times  for  their  support. 

Among  the  several  religious  fraternities  worthy  of 
mention  that  existed  in  1861  were  the  following: 
Siervos  de  Maria,  Archicofradia  de  la  Purisirna  Con- 
cepcion,  San  Juan  de  Dios,  excloistered;  Archicofradia 
de  San  Miguel,  Muy  Ilustre  Congregacion  de  Esclavos, 
Esclavos  Cocheros  del  Santisimo  Sacramento;  Archi 
cofradia  del  Santisimo  Sacramento,  and  another  of 
the  Inmaculado  Corazon  de  Maria — all  of  which  had 
their  constitutions  and  by-laws,  and  had  had  a  recog 
nition  and  the  protection  of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authorities.  Their  names  indicate  the  chief  object 
for  which  they  were  respectively  instituted.  Most  of 
them  were  also  mutual  aid  associations. 

Of  the  immense  wealth  possessed  by  the  clergy  in 
the  first  decade  of  this  century,  the  Spanish  govern 
ment  seized  a  portion  in  1805  and  1806;  other  large 
sums  in  money  and  plate  were  taken  from  time  to  time 
for  the  requirements  of  the  war  in  supporting  troops 
in  the  field  to  uphold  the  royal  sway;32  and  still  an 
other  slice  was  swallowed  up  by  the  directores  de  obras 
pias  during  the  ensuing  confusion.  The  values  set  by 
many  writers  on  ecclesiastical  estates  were  much  ex 
aggerated  even  for  the  period  preceding  1833.  They 
probably  were  so  in  several  cases  from  that  time  to 
the  year  of  the  final  sequestration.33  From  1832  to 
1860,  the  clergy  sold  many  estates,  both  urban  and 
rural,  whose  former  value  was  estimated  at  $85,000,000, 

**C6rtes,  Diarw,  1811,  v.  6,  19,  23-5;  xxii.  212;  C6rtes,  Col.  Dec.,  i.  155-9; 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mdj.,  v.  519-20,  525-6. 

33  Some  of  the  property  had  been  seized  in  1829  for  public  defence.  Dispos. 
Far.,  ii.  72;  Mex.,  Doc.  Import.,  1-53.  The  estates  depreciated  after  1832, 
particularly  in  1833,  owing  to  the  large  mortality  from  cholera  of  tenants  who 
had  brought  buildings  and  lands  to  a  ruined  condition,  and  owed  largely  for 
rents.  The  law  of  Oct.  27,  1833,  doing  away  with  civil  co-action  in  the  collec 
tion  of  tithes,  together  with  a  scarcity  of  laborers,  disenabled  the  clergy  to 
repair  the  buildings  or  improve  the  lands. 


LOSS  OF  IMMENSE  WEALTH.  593 

for  less  than  $42,000,000.34  The  clergy  had  volunta 
rily  donated  large  sums,  and  also  paid  their  share  of 
forced  loans  levied,  nearly  the  whole  of  which  was 
never  reimbursed.  On  the  25th  of  June,  1856,  the 
government  decreed  that  real  estate  of  the  church,  or 
property  administered  by  ecclesiastical  corporations, 
should  be  conveyed  to  the  tenants  at  a  value  corre 
sponding  with  the  rent  they  were  paying,  estimated  at 
six  per  centum  per  year.35 

The  revolution  of  Puebla,  San  Luis  Potosf,  and 
Tacubaya,  cost  the  clergy  in  three  years  nearly  nine 
million  dollars;  and  the  constitutional  party  took  from 
them  about  10^  millions  more,  making  a  total  loss  of 
nearly  twenty  millions.  It  was  therefore  computed 
that  the  property  on  the  date  of  the  decree  for  its 
sequestration  was  worth  about  184f  million  dollars,36 
exclusive  of  churches  and  temples.  Allowing  for 
possibly  unknown  sales,  and  other  confiscations  to  the 
aggregate  amount  of  40  millions,  we  may  say  that 
the  whole  had  become  reduced  to  1 24  millions.  Taking 
off  one  third  to  facilitate  sales,  we  have  83  millions. 
The  fact  is  that  the  sales  yielded  much  less.37  Most 
of  the  property  had  been  already  sold  in  1869. 

The  chief  source  of  revenue  the  church  had  was  the 
tithes.  It  was  subj  ect  to  vicissitudes  for  several  years,38 
and  it  is  supposed  that,  in  the  last  years  of  the  clergy's 

34  In  1847  the  clergy  were  no  longer  able,  their  friends  said,  to  support 
themselves  genteelly.     In  1856  matters  had  grown  worse.     Cathedrals  were 
in  a  decayed  condition,  the  revenues  greatly  reduced.     The  members  of  chap 
ters  suffered  for  want  of  means.     The  cry  that  the  clergy  owned  from  60 
to  80  millions  was  unfounded.     The  property  had  fallen  to  an  insignificant 
amount.  Rosa,  Juicio  Imp.,  4-5;  La  Cruz,  iii.  396.     Richthofen,  Rep.  Hex., 
4-5,  estimated  the  income  from  gifts,  tithes,  fees,  sales  of  images,  etc.,  from 
nine  to  ten  millions,  and  perhaps  twice  as  much  with  the  incdme  from  landed 
property. 

35  The  principal  remaining  as  a  lien  on  the  property  might  be  redeemed  at 
convenience.     rihe  govt  derived  an  excise  duty  of  5  per  cent  on  such  convey 
ances.   Apuntam,  sobre  derecho  ptib.  ecles.,  10;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1861,  ii.  1st  pt, 
1-18,  125-6,  178-200;  343-53,  app.  377^45,  passim;  Dublanand.  Lozano,  Legis. 
Mex.,  viii.  197-201;  Zarco,  Hist.  Cong.  i.  117-20,   183-205,  and  many  others. 

36  Details  in  Hernandez,  Estadlst.  Mej.,  250-4. 

37  Maximilian  revised  the  operations  of  Juarez'  govt  till  April  1866,  and 
the  value  of  nationalized  property  as  appearing  on  the  books  was  $62,365, 
516.  Mex.,  Mem.  Hac.,  1870,  566,  642. 

38  From  1806  to  1810,  between  10  and  11  million  dollars;   from  1829  to 
1833,  only  from  5J  to  5^  millions.  Mex.,  Mem.  Agric.  e  2nd.,  1843,  annex  2. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    38 


594  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

privileged  existence,  the  tithes  were  only  about  3 
million  dollars.  Other  sources  were  the  fees  an 
emoluments,  and  other  devices,  all  exorbitant  and 
demoralizing  to  the  Indians.  The  laws  on  parochial 
fees  and  emoluments  were  reformed  by  a  decree  of 
President  Comonfort,  in  April  1857,  which  greatly 
displeased  the  bishops.  The  archbishop  of  Mexico 
passed  a  circular  to  his  clergy  not  to  demand  in  future 
any  fees,  but  to.  simply  accept  whatever  the  faithful 
chose  to  give  as  alms  for  the  support  of  their  pastors. 
In  1874  a  law  was  enacted  annulling  all  donations  to 
ecclesiastical  corporations. 

Outside  of  the  official  feasts  proper,  such  as  the 
celebration  of  the  nation's  patron  saints  and  royal  days, 
coronations,  etc.,  in  colonial  times,  and  of  national 
anniversaries  after  the  independence,  all  of  which 
went  under  the  name  of  fiestas  de  tabla,  but  also  had 
a  religious  character,  the  clergy  taking  a  very  promi 
nent  part  in  the  ceremonials,  there  were  numerous 
other  festivals,  exclusively  of  the  church.  The  number 
of  feast-days  at  one  time  was  so  great  that  the  indus 
tries  of  the  country  and  the  laboring  class  suffered 
severely;  one  half  the  year  or  more  being  made  up  of 
Sundays  and  holidays.  In  view  of  this,  the  Roman 
pontiff  in  1835  authorized  the  diocesans  of  Mexico  to 
reduce  the  number.  Doubts  occurred,  and  discussions 
ensued  with  considerable  disagreement  among  the 
bishops,  until,  on  the  25th  of  May,  1839,  the  pope 
issued  his  brief  ordering  the  decrease,  to  which  the 
Mexican  government  affixed  its  exequatur  on  the  14th 
of  September  of  the  same  year.39 

According  to  the  testimony  of  many  intelligent  as 
well  as  impartial  writers  who  have  visited  Mexico, 
the  masses  of  the  population  never  had  a  rational  idea 
of  the  Christian  religion,  or  a  just  conception  of  its 
founder ;  hence  their  proneness  to  regard  the  external 
symbols  and  ceremonies  practised  by  their  church  as 

39 Breve  Pontiff",  autoriz.,  1-9;  Arrilktga,  B.,  Satisfac.,  1-20;  Mex.,  Col.  de 
Leyes  y  Dec.,  1840,  250-2;  Breve  Pontif.  (1839). 


UNSEEMLY  SUPERSTITION.  695 

religion  itself.  In  their  ignorance,  they  never  could 
possess  themselves  of  its  true  spirit,  and  the  result  has 
been  the  adoration  of  images,  and  blind  fanaticism  and 
superstition.  The  fact  is,  that  the  benighted  Indians, 
forming  the  great  bulk  of  the  population,  have  been 
taught  to  worship  images;  the  well-informed  bowed 
the  knee,  perhaps,  but  in  private  derided  the  super 
stition  they  were  obliged  outwardly  to  conform  to.  It 
must  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  in  late  years,  with 
the  spread  of  education,  the  people  have  been  arriving 
at  a  better  conception  of  Christianity,  and  throwing  off 
many  of  their  former  stupid  beliefs. 

General  kneeling  in  the  streets,  when  the  parish 
priests  were  carrying  the  host  to  the  moribund,40  and 
ordering  of  masses  for  the  dead,  to  save  their  souls 
from  torture,  or  to  hasten  their  exit  from  purgatory, 
were  common  practices,  and  from  the  latter  the  church 
derived  immense  revenues.41  Ridiculous  exhibitions 
were  often  made  by  the  devout,  such,  for  instance,  as 
parading  a  figure  of  Christ  in  a  green  silk  robe,  with 
a  large  white  handkerchief  fastened  across  the  shoul 
ders  to  protect  his  back  from  the  sun ;  and  the  virgin 
Mary  following  with  a  fashionable  French  hat,  worn 
jauntily.  The  feasts  of  the  crucifixion  at  Pueblo 
Viejo  de  Tampico,  and  of  Santiago  de  Compostela, 
were  evidences  of  a  mixture  of  barbarism  with  civili 
zation.42  Still  other  proofs  might  be  given  had  I  the 
space.  I  must  therefore  refer  the  reader  to  the  au 
thorities.43  I  cannot  omit,  however,  two  instances  of 
the  worst  species  of  ignorance  and  superstition  occur 
ring  in  late  times.  In  1869.  in  a  town  of  the  district 

40  Persons  failing  to  do  it,  even  from  ignorance,  were  imprisoned,  files' 
Reg.,  xlviii.  314. 

41  After  the  enactment  of  the  reform  laws,  all  religious  manifestations  or 
ceremonies  outside  of  the  churches  were  forbidden  under  severe  penalties. 
Mex.,  Cod.  Ref.,  229;  El  Derecho,  iii.  420;  Diario  Debates,  6th  Cong.,  iv.  303, 
349-50. 

42  The  latter  was  a  regular  Indian  masquerade,  with  dancing  after  the  ban 
quet,  in  and  out  of  the  church,  at  the  sound  of  a  drum  and  some  other  instru 
ment.  Beltrami,  Le  Mexique,  i.  31-40,  523-4;  Cartes,  Diar.  Cod.  Pen.,  1822,  iii. 
53;    Ward's  Mex.,  i.  661. 

43  Thompson's  Recoil,   101;  Perry's  Trav.,  30-6;  Heller,  Relsen,  277;  Muh- 
lenpfordt,  Mejico,  326-35;  Rautzel  aus  Mex.,  203;  Step/tens'   Yuc.,  ii.   331-3; 
and  numberless  others. 


5%  ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS. 

of  Jonacatepec,  state  of  Mexico,  not  far  from  the  cap 
ital,  a  woman  accused  of  witchcraft  was  burnt  to 
death,  after  suffering  much  torture,  by  means  of  which 
the  acknowledgment  was  wrung  out  of  her  that  she 
was  really  a  witch.44  On  the  7th  of  April,  1874,  two 
men  were  burnt  at  the  stake,  under  a  regular  sentence 
of  court,  in  San  Juan  de  Jacobo,  district  of  Concordia, 
in  Sinaloa,  for  having,  during  the  period  of  six  months, 
bewitched  another  man.  The  authors  of  the  outrage 
were  arrested  and  subjected  to  a  trial  for  murder. 

Among  the  festival's  which  upon  their  yearly  re 
currence  obtain  a  strict  observance  with  a  most 
marked  devotion  are  the  following :  New- Year's  day, 
epiphany,  septuagesima,  sexagesima,  and  quinquagesi- 
ma  Sundays,  Shrovetide,  Ash- Wednesday,  lent,  feast  of 
the  seven  Dolours  of  the  blessed  virgin  Mary,  passion 
Sunday,  palm  Sunday,  the  holy  week,  and  easter. 
During  the  holy  week,  the  tragedy  enacted  in  Syria 
nearly  nineteen  centuries  ago  has  been  reproduced 
almost  to  the  life,  even  to  the  inflicting  of  lashes  on  the 
man  personating  the  saviour.  Christ's  act  of  washing 
his  apostles'  feet  was  one  of  the  ceremonies,  and  was 
generally  performed  by  a  person  in  high  position,  official 
or  social,  on  twelve  poor  men  who  were  afterward  given 
generous  alms.  Maximilian  did  it  in  1866.  It  has 
been  for  centuries  a  season  of  display  of  wealth  as  well 
as  of  piety.  The  lower  classes,  however,  have  ever  de 
voted  their  special  worship  to  the  virgin  Mary  under 
the  many  names  faith  has  given  her.  To  the  saviour, 
her  son,  they  show  a  respectful  pity,  an  humble  and 
more  distant  adoration;  but  to  Mary  they  give  their 
whole  confidence,  looking  up  to  her  as  their  powerful 
intercessor  in  heaven.  Hence  her  shrines  are  always 
well  tended  and  filled  with  men  and  women  on  their 
knees,  addressing  themselves  to  her  images  with  faces 
expressive  of  the  most  intense  love  and  devotion.45 

44  El  Derecho,  ii.  59.  This  is  a  journal  of  jurisprudence,  published  in 
Mexico. 

^Arroniz,  Manual,  144-5,  151;  Tudor's  Tour,  ii.  352-3;  Calderons  Life  in 
Max.,  i.  197-214;  ii.  42-5,  133-6,  143-52;  La  Cruz,  i.  27;  ii.  21-2;  vii.  252-3; 
Informe  Secreto,  1-8;  Diario  del  Imp.,  March  31,  1806,  333. 


FESTIVALS  AND  SAINTS  DAYS.  597 

Then  there  were  ascension  day,  Whitsunday  or  pen- 
tecost,  and  corpus  christi.  The  virgin  de  los  Reme 
dies  and  the  virgin  de  Guadalupe  have  always  been 
objects  of  the  highest  regard,  and  gorgeous  ceremonies 
have  been  dedicated  to  them  by  all  classes.  Unfortu 
nately,  these  feasts  were  made  occasions  for  speculation 
by  both  the  clergy  and  laymen  in  the  sale  of  images, 
and  for  excesses,  drinking,  and  gambling  especially.46 
The  fact  is,  that  so  much  devoutness,  so  much  time 
devoted  to  religious  festivals  and  ceremonies,  did  not 
appear  to  have  a  beneficial  effect  on  the  masses,  not 
over- virtuous  at  best,  and  still  less  so  when  the  occa 
sions  for  the  public  indulging  of  vice  came  round. 
Christmas  eve  has  been  every  year  made  much  of  by 
all  classes :  by  the  educated  with  attendance  in  church, 
and  suppers  at  their  homes ;  by  the  lower  classes  with 
debauchery,  winked  at  by  the  authorities  at  times,  and 
not  infrequent  crime.  The  government  has  in  late 
years  made  great  efforts  to  check  all  such  excesses.47 
Christmas  is  in  Mexico,  as  it  is  in  almost  every 
Christian  country,  a  day  of  universal  rejoicing,  giving 
and  receiving  of  presents,  and  family  reunions.  In 
connection  with  it,  the  people  have  a  custom  of  com 
memorating  at  their  homes  during  nine  consecutive 
nights,  under  the  name  of  las  posadas,  Mary's  eight 
days'  journey  from  Nazareth  to  Bethlehem.  The  feast 
of  all  saints  and  the  commemoration  of  all  souls  are 
also  observed  with  appropriate  devotion  as  well  as 
honors. 

To  the  festivals  above  named,  we  must  add  the  pa 
tron  saints  of  the  nation,  states,  and  towns,  of  high 
officials  or  public  benefactors,  and  of  members  of  fami 
lies.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  Mexicans  have 
never  lacked  for  opportunities  to  devote  their  time  and 
earnings  to  the  church. 

46  Thompson's  Recoil,  103;  Mayer's  Mex.  as  It  Was,  etc.,  65,  68-9,  143-5, 
148;  Bustamante,  Gabinete  Mex.,  i.  62-3;  Id.,  Gran.  Dia.,  1-11;  Diario  de 
Avisos  (1856,  Nov.  22,  1858,  Feb.  17,  18);  Miihlenpfordt,  Mejico,  i.  334-5;  La 
Oposicion  (1834,  Nov.  15);  La  Nacion  (1856,  Nov.  19,  Dec.  28). 

*7Mex.,  Legis.  Mej.,  1848,  539-40. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

SOCIETY. 

1887. 

EVOLUTION  OF  A  NEW  RACE— INDIANS  AND  MEZTIZOS — CLIMATE  AND  EPI 
DEMICS — BENEVOLENT  INSTITUTIONS — THE  MEXICAN  OF  THE  PRESENT 
TIME — SLAVERY  AND  PEONAGE— NEGROES  AND  LEPEROS— ORDERS  AND 
TITLES  or  NOBILITY— SOCIAL  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS — ARTISANS  AND 
RANCHEROS— CONDITION  OF  MEXICAN  WOMEN — MARITAL  RELATIONS — 
INNOVATIONS  ON  THE  NATIONAL  COSTUME — HOLIDAYS  AND  FESTIVALS — 
OBSERVANCE  OF  HOLY  WEEK  —  GAMBLING  —  THEATRES  AND  COUNTRY 
AMUSEMENTS  —  HORSE-RACING  —  POPULAR  DRIVES  AND  WALKS  —  HIGH 
WAYMEN — TRAVELLING  IN  THE  INTERIOR — IMMIGRATION  UNSUCCESSFUL 
— RELATIVE  POSITIONS  OF  FOREIGNERS  IN  MEXICO. 

THE  peaceful,  semi-dormant  times  of  colonial  rule 
were  undoubtedly  favorable  to  the  evolution  of  a  race 
which  is  rapidly  absorbing  the  Indian  and  Spanish 
parent  stock  and  advancing  toward  a  fixed  type.  What 
this  will  be  is  wholly  a  matter  of  speculation.  If  left 
to  themselves  the  mestizos  must  in  time  become  the 
national  race,  as  already  represented  by  a  large  body 
among  them,1  but  our  age  is  not  one  of  exclusiveness, 
and  growing  intercourse  is  opposed  to  strict  con 
servatism.  Mexico  is  exposed  in  an  exceptional  man 
ner  to  the  encroachments  of  universal  progress,  lying 
as  she  does  on  the  borders  of  a  nation  impelled  above 
any  other  by  the  spirit  of  the  age.  The  territory 
ceded  by  the  treaty  of  1848  is  rapidly  transforming 

1  Many  writers  regard  the  type  as  already  stamped  in  the  majority  of  the 
mestizos,  while  Jourdanet  and  others  still  look  for  modifications,  either 
toward  Indian  or  white,  although  they  fail  to  present  any  well-defined  argu 
ment.  Pimentel,  Econom.,  186-8,  joins  Alaman  in  a  despairing  wail  at  the 
prospective  disappearance  of  the  present  races  like  the  builders  of  the  present 
ruins  in  Central  America. 


THE  RACE  PROBLEM.  599 

itself,  and  now  railroads  are  opening  wide  paths  into 
Anahuac  for  an  irresistible  advance,  prompted  by 
material  interests,  and  to  be  welcomed  from  similar 
motives,  despite  the  warning  cry  of  patriotic  mentors. 
Here  lies,  then,  a  modifying  influence  toward  a  white 
race,  even  if  a  counteracting  element  for  political 
preservation  is  introduced  in  the  form  of  European 
colonists.  Even  this,  however,  does  not  point  to  a 
fixed  type,  which  depends  upon  geographic  environ 
ment.  I  will  here  merely  allude  to  the  national  type 
unfolding  in  the  United  States,  with  its  several 
marked  Indian  features,  for  the  purpose  of  assuring 
the  champions  of  the  aborigines,  that  although  their 
proteges  are  disappearing,  they  may  yet  be  avenged 
upon  their  conquerors  by  nature  herself.  Yet  must 
they  not  overlook  the  powerful  factor  presented  by 
universal  intercourse,  which  is  affecting,  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Statistics  regarding  the  changes  in  a  population  so 
remarkable  and  prominent  in  its  progress  must  be  of 
particular  interest.  Unfortunately,  those  that  exist 
are  not  very  reliable,  for  no  complete  census  has  ever 
been  taken,2  owing  above  all  to  the  continual  political 
disturbances,  the  fear  of  levies  for  taxes  and  military 
service,  and  the  periodic  movements  of  populations 
between  towns  and  country  for  employment  and 
gathering  of  fruit.3  Hence  the  figures  are  widely 

2  Although  several  have  been  ordered  and  many  taken  with  great  exact 
ness  in  certain  districts.  ArriUaya,  Recop.,  1829,  190-2;  1831,  216-17;  Mex., 
Col.  Leyes,   1854,  vii.  38-44;    1855,  viii.   80-7;   Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v. 
491-8;  Bib.   Mex.,  Amen.,  i.  280,  and  other  authorities.     Registration,  like 
other  official  duties,  suffered  from  the  prevailing  negligence  and  political  dis 
orders.     Among  the  regulations  issued  in  this  respect  may  be  consulted  those 
in  Archivo  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  v.  528-9;  C6digo  Reforma,  171-8;   Diario  de  De 
bates,  Cong.  9,  i.  708-10. 

3  It  has  been  estimated  that  two  thirds  of  the  people  can  be  classed  as 
more  or  less  shifting,  and  Garcia  Cubas,  Escritos  Div.,  6,  assumes  that  half 
the  inhabitants  escape  the  census-takers,  so  that  their  figures  are  widely  esti 
mated.     Among  the  tendencies  shown  by  the  state  authorities  is  one  to  swell 
the  figures  in  order  to  increase  the  representation  in  congress,  and  the  coun 
teracting  one  of  seeking  to  escape  tax  and  army  levies.     It  must  be  consid 
ered,  however,  that  the  changes  in  the  constitution  and  government  policy 
have  at  different  times  so  modified  one  objection  or  another  as  to  lay  bare 
most  deceptions. 


600  SOCIETY. 


based  on  estimates,  according  to  which  the  number 
of  inhabitants  may  now  be  placed  at  over  10,000,000. 
The  period  of  the  independence  war  is  generally  re 
garded  as  stationary,  but  after  this  the  increase  is  reck 
oned  at  about  eight  per  mille,  a  figure  far  below  those 
given  by  Humboldt  and  Navarro,  and  lower  still  when 
we  consider  the  greater  lease  of  life  attained  to  some 
extent  in  Mexico  with  the  aid  of  modern  conveniences 
and  medical  knowledge.  Yet  their  ratio  does  not 
appear  extravagant  for  the  peaceful  colonial  era,4  as 
compared  with  republican  times,  with  its  constant 
revolutions,  and  consequently  unfavorable  condition 
for  rearing  families.  To  this  must  be  added  the 
withdrawal  from  Indians  of  the  protective  measures 
of  a  paternal  government,  leaving  them  exposed  to  a 
competitive  struggle  with  races  possessing  superior 
advantages  and  ever  ready  to  abuse  them. 

The  contact  with  the  Europeans  is  undoubtedly 
prejudicial  to  the  aborigines,  though  less  rapid  in  its 
effect  than  in  the  United  States.  During  colonial 
times,  new  and  intensified  epidemics  appear  as  promi 
nent  annihilators,  by  which  a  large  population  was 
reduced  to  about  three  millions  and  a  half  at  the 
opening  of  this  century.  Since  then,  other  less  direct 
causes  must  be  regarded  as  mainly  contributing  to 
the  decrease  of  their  number,  a  decrease  which  be 
comes  very  marked  on  comparing  it  with  the  growth 
of  the  other  occupants  of  the  soil.  With  a  fairly 
strong  constitution,  and  fecund  women  so  generally 
attributed  to  them,  they  should  have  participated  to 
some  extent  in  the  increase  of  over  fifty  per  cent, 
exhibited  by  the  total  population.  Instead  of  this 
they  declined,  thus  swelling  the  proportionate  rate  of 
growth  for  the  other  races  to  double  or  even  treble. 

An  official  report  ascribes  this  to  some  hidden  evil,5 
which,  however,  reveals  itself  distinctly  on  one  side 

*  Both  Cortina  and  Garcia  Cubas  so  accept  it.     Jourdanet  assumed  not 
long  ago  an  average  increase  of  ten  per  mille,  with  a  possible  addition  of  two 
per  mille  under  a  peaceful  government. 
.,  Mem.  Minist.  Fomento,  1857. 


POPULATION.  601 

in  a  criminal  lack  of  care  during  the  periods  of  mater 
nity  and  childhood.  This  is  proved  by  the  enormous 
death  rate  among  children  below  the  age  of  ten, 
which  in  some  districts  reaches  fifty  per  cent  or  more 
of  the  total.6  In  bringing  forward  their  array  of 
retarding  causes,  as  given  in  the  foot-note,  most  writ 
ers  overlook  that  most  of  the  injurious  features  com 
plained  of  have  nearly  always  existed,  and  are  shared 
by  the  fast-growing  mestizos,  who,  moreover,  expose 
themselves  more  to  the  vicissitudes  of  war  than  any 
other  class.  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  contact  of 
races  with  its  active  and  passive  influence  is  entitled 
to  greater  consideration,  although  not  to  the  same 
extent  as  in  the  United  States,  where  the  relative 
conditions  of  life  are  so  widely  different.7 

In  this  connection  must  be  weighed  the  effect  of 
absorption  by  the  mixed  race,  generally  embraced 
under  the  term  mestizo,8  which  has  grown  at  a  com 
paratively  enormous  rate,  at  the  expense  of  both 
Indians  and  whites.  Its  former  proportion  of  twenty- 
two  per  cent  to  the  total  population  has  now  expanded 
to  about  forty-three,  while  the  whites  have  increased 
only  to  twenty  per  cent,  and  the  aborigines  declined 
from  sixty  to  thirty-seven.  The  negro  mixtures  are 
practically  merged  in  them,  and  the  greater  part  of 

6  Consult  Reyes,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ep.  2a,  i.  180  et  seq.     Among 
the   causes   enumerated    are,    the   metate   grinding   and    other   hard   work 
imposed  on  women,  early  marriages,  the  liquors  and  medicines  taken  by  pro 
spective  mothers,  abortion,  the  lack,  in  the  provinces  at  least,  of  lying-in 
hospitals  and  foundling  asylums,  neglect  of  vaccine  and  other  precautions, 
injudicious  feeding  of   children  on  boiled   maize  and   other  vegetables  and 
sugar-cane,  combined  with  insufficient  exercise  and  ignorant  treatment,  and 
the  use  of  lime  in  preparing  the  universal  tortilla.     As  a  result,  the  children 
are  said  to  become  pot-bellied  and  scrofulous;  and  growing  up  weak,  they 
perpetuate  their  diseases,  and  fall  ready  victims  to  epidemics  and  famine, 
both  aided  by  intemperance,  improvidence,  and  filth.     It  may  be  observed 
that  pulmonary  diseases  make  terrible  inroads,  partly  owing  to  the  high  ele 
vation  of  the  plateau.     Reyes  shows  that  they  exceed  one  eighth  of  the  total 
death  ravage.  Id.,    172;   Sartorius,  Mex.,    10;   Hernandez,   Mex.,   71;  Garcia 
Cubas,  Escritos  Div.,  54;  Rosa,  Mem.,  15;  Tylors  Anahuac,  306. 

7  In  some  of  the  northern  states  along  the  United  States  border,  the  dis 
appearance  of  the  Indian  is  very  marked. 

8 For  names  of  castes  and  Indian  tribes,  see  Garcia  Cubas,  Mex.,  61  et  seq.; 
my  Native  Races,  i.,  passim;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geog.,  passim;  Miihlenpfordt,  Mej., 
199,  208;  Tschudi,  Peru,  15;  Mayers  Mex.  Aztec,  ii.  37. 


602  SOCIETY. 

the  so-called  whites  are  really  mestizos  of  a  lighter 
hue.9  The  eagerness  to  be  classed  among  the  fair- 
complexioned  race  is  nearly  as  strong  as  in  colonial 
days. 

An  interesting  study  is  the  effect  of  climate  on  a 
population  here  scattered  throughout  three  different 
zones.  The  belief  is  general,  especially  abroad,  that 
the  tierra  caliente,  or  coast  region,  is  less  adapted  to 
either  natives  or  foreigners  than  the  tierra  fria  of  the 
plateau.  This  rests  mainly  on  the  prevalence  in  the 
marshy  shore  districts  of  fevers  which  attack  new 
comers,  and  on  the  preponderating  ratio  of  inhabi 
tants  on  the  uplands.  But  it  has  been  found  that 
where  malaria  is  absent  the  coast  region,  and  above 
all  the  intermediate  tierra  templada,  permits  a  more 
perfect  development  of  mind  and  body,  even  natives 
finding  relief  here  from  the  languor  that  grows  upon 
them  in  the  rarefied  atmosphere  of  the  table-land.10 
Statistics  show  a  greater  proportion  of  births  in  the 
low  and  intermediate  zones  than  above,  and  if  the  in 
crease  of  population  does  not  exactly  correspond,  it 
must  be  ascribed  to  movements  in  favor  of  the  up 
lands.11 

With  the  spread  of  vaccination  and  other  remedial 
agencies,  the  ravages  of  diseases  have  been  restricted, 
here  as  elsewhere,  with  the  result  of  prolonging  some 
what  the  average  lease  of  life.  Unfortunately,  like 
all  public  measures  in  this  country,  efforts  in  this  direc 
tion  have  been  too  spasmodic  to  produce  much  good, 
in  face  of  the  prevalent  indifference  and  conservatism. 

9 '  Hay  por  lo  menos  medio  millon  que  rebajar  en  favor  de  la  raza  mezclada, ' 
says  a  writer  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  xi.  244;  and  others,  like  Geiger, 
Mex.,  315,  believe  that  of  the  number  classed  as  whites  less  than  half  a 
million  are  of  pure  blood — perhaps  much  less! 

10  Jourdanet  has  dwelt  considerably  on  this  subject. 

11  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  xi.  228,  are  given  figures  which  indicate  an 
annual  increase  in  the  colder  zone  of  3.06  per  mille  for  the  47  years  ending 
in  1857,  while  the  low  and  intermediate  regions  show  6.50  per  mille.     The 
percentage  stands  at  8.57  and  9.84,  respectively,  for  the  last  twenty  years  of 
that  period,  showing  the  effect   during  the  preceding  27  years  of  the  war 
strife  which  prevailed,  especially  on  the  table-land.     Cortina,  in  Id.,  i.  14, 
places  the  excess  of  births  in  hot  regions  at  1.5  per  cent,  but  his  statistics 
are  not  extensive  enough  to  be  satisfactory. 


YELLOW  FEVER  AND  SMALL-POX.  603 

Thus  small-pox,  for  instance,  has  inflicted  grievous 
havoc  at  different  times;  and  impelled  by  dread,  both 
the  government  and  the  public  have  then  taken  rather 
tardy  precautions.12  The  matlazahuatl  has  been  mer 
ciful,  but  a  new  scourge  came  instead  in  the  form  of 
Asiatic  cholera,  which,  during  its  first  attack  in  1833, 
carried  off,  at  Mexico,  1,200  or  1,400  daily,  and  at 
other  places  in  proportion.13  During  later  more  or 
less  severe  visitations,14  energetic  measures  were  taken 
as  regards  cleanliness  and  sale  of  certain  articles  of 
food;  and  scientific  investigations  were  made  into  the 
nature  of  the  epidemic.15 

Yellow  fever,  at  first  confined  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico, 
has  extended  to  the  Pacific  shore,  as  shown  by  the 
severe  visitation  of  this  disease  in  1885. 16  Other  ma 
lignant  fevers  have  at  different  times  left  a  sad  me 
mento,  notably  one  which,  in  1813,  carried  off  about 
20,000  persons  at  the  capital  alone.17  Of  leprosy, 
there  is  one  modified  type  known  as  tina  or  pinto, 
which  has  shown  alarming  symptoms  of  increase,  al 
though  confined  to  a  belt  which  extends  from  Tabasco 
and  Chiapas  northwestward  by  the  Pacific,  and  is  es 
pecially  prevalent  in  Guerrero  and  Oajaca,  so  much  so 
that  people  from  this  region  are  often  known  as  Pin- 
tos.18  The  symptoms  are  a  cough,  lustrous  skin,  with 

12 Instance  those  in  1830,  as  described  in  Atleta,  125-7,  131. 

13  At  Guadalajara,  over  200  died  daily  during  the  height  of  the  ravage. 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  vi.  293. 

14  Notably  'in  1849-50,  1853-4,  1857,  1866. 

15  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1850,  1843-9,  123-7;  Id.,  Legis.,  133-5;  Arrillaga,  Recop., 
1832-3,  26-7,  475-80;  1833,  7,  17;  1849,  66.     The  investigations  resulted  in 
a  number  of   speculative  pamphlets  with  recommendations  or  proclaimed 
remedies,  as  Colera,  Preceptos,  1-8;  Metodo  Cur.,  1-15;    Varios  Impres. ,  ii.  pt 
ii.;  Chabert,  Apuntes,  1-20;  Ddvila,  Refut.,  1-16;  Martinez,  Refut.,  1-16;  Pap. 

Far.,  cxliii.,  clxxi.,  cciii.,  cxiii.,  passim. 

16  In  the  comparatively  high-lying  district  of  Jalapa,  there  were,  in  1853, 
1,300  deaths  from  yellow  fever  and  small-pox.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iv.  427. 

17 '  Quedando  desde  entdnces  desierto  el  barrio  de  Santiago, '  says  Alaman, 
ascribing  the  source  to  the  siege  of  Cuautla.  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  414.  A  writer 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ii.  76,  gives  the  deaths  at  20,385,  and  in  Niks'  Key., 
vi.  320,  we  find  27,000  mentioned. 

18 '  Porque  es  muy  raro  el  individuo  que  no  lleva  en  el  cuerpo  alguna 
mancha.'  Leon,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  viii.  507.  This  author  speaks  of  an 
entry  into  Tabasco,  in  1858,  of  a  band  of  500  Chiapanec  soldiers,  of  whom 
296  were  marked.  Shortly  before  this,  Gen.  Alvarez  had  entered  Mexico 
with  an  army  from  the  Guerrero  region,  whose  aspect  created  no  little  com- 


20 


604  SOCIETY. 

irregular  spots  of  reddish,  white,  and  notably  blue 
colors,  sometimes  advancing  in'to  scab  and  ulceration, 
with  bad  odor,  but  confined  to  the  skin  alone.  It  is 
most  common  among  mestizos  and  mulattoes,  next 
Indians,  and  least  among  whites  and  negroes.19 

The  medical  board  of  colonial  days,  which  exercised 
beneficial  control  over  the  profession,  was  quickly  cur 
tailed  in  its  jurisdiction  under  the  federal  system.  The 
government  of  each  state  formed  its  board  of  health," 
and  regulated  the  recognition  and  practice  of  medical 
men,  and  each  municipal  community  had  its  committee 
to  watch  spasmodically  over  sanitary  measures.21  In 
ferior  colleges  began  to  issue  certificates,  and  abuses 
crept  in  by  different  ways.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
good  tone  has  been  imparted  by  the  influx  of  practi 
tioners,  such  as  French  doctors  and  German  apothe 
caries,  and  by  the  resort  of  students  to  Paris  and 
other  continental  schools,  so  that  the  foremost  practi 
tioners  are  not  far  behind  the  Europeans  in  medical 
knowledge.  The  numerical  increase  of  the  profession 
has  not  had  the  effect  of  reaching  a  proportionately 
larger  number  of  sufferers,  for  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  friars  and  curates  used  to  practise  the  heal 
ing  art  in  a  limited  degree;  and  with  the  decline  of 
their  influence  were  lost  many  of  the  benefits  flowing 
from  their  hands. 

Another  blow  at  this  source  of  charity  was  the 
secularization  of  all  benevolent  institutions,  notably 

ment  there.  The  causes  are  variously  ascribed  to  uncleanliness,  sexual  con 
tagion,  with  hereditary  symptoms,  insect  bites,  especially  from  the  geyen, 
eating  certain  unclean  fish,  and  '  acceso  del  hombre  con  la  lagarta, '  as  a  cu 
rate  declared.  Id. ,  Hi.  75.  The  water  is  also  looked  upon  as  a  cause,  and  the 
smilax  sarsaparilla  plant;  but  Leon  is  rather  inclined  to  attribute  the  origin 
to  a  disease  of  the  maize,  the  hongo,  particularly  common  in  the  afflicted  belt, 
where  less  care  is  used  in  preparing  this  grain  for  food. 

19  It  may  appear  at  any  age,  but  children  between  four  and  six  years  are 
most  liable  to  it.     Goitre  also  prevails  in  Tabasco,  and  certain  other  districts 
of  the  belt  referred  to,  and  Leon  is  inclined  to  attribute  it  to  decaying  vegeta 
ble  and  other  matter  disseminated  chiefly  through  the  water  used  for  food. 
Id.,  x.  345-53.     See  also  Registro  Trimestre,  ii.  85-95. 

20  As  inaugurated  already  by  «  decree  from  Spain  of  June  23,  1813,  and 
continued  in  1820.  Gaz.  Mex.,  xii.  69-72. 

2:1  As  regulated  by  state  governments,  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1836,  437-40,  and 
subsequent  laws.  In  Tamaulipas,  extensive  drainage  canals  were  planned, 
Eco  de  Esp.,  Oct.  8,  1853,  4. 


HOSPITALS  AND  ASYLUMS.  605 

hospitals,  by  decree  of  February  2,  1861,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  anti-clerical  constitution  of  1857,  the 
government  taking  charge  of  their  management,  as 
well  as  estates,  by  a  board  of  officers  subject  to  the 
secretary  of  the  interior.22  A  politically  created  body 
could  hardly  enter  into  the  spirit  of  benevolence,  like 
those  who  gave  their  lives  to  it,  and  consequently  the 
aims  of  an  institution  were  often  misdirected,  and  the 
wishes  of  donors  neglected;  yet  a  certain  gain  accrued 
from  a  united  administration,  guided  by  advice  from 
the  managers  of  the  establishments  concerned.  Of 
still  greater  importance  was  the  government  protec 
tion  which  now  interposed  against  the  loss  and  neglect 
occasioned  by  political  and  other  disorders.  Previous 
to  this  new  regime,  we  find  laments  from  all  directions 
about  the  decline  or  abandonment  of  charities.  Few 
of  the  minor  asylums,  which  churchmen  had  ever 
made  it  a  duty  to  sustain,  remained.  Now  and  then, 
an  appeal  obtained  aid  from  private  or  public  source, 
toward  reestablishing  some  institution,  perhaps  only 
temporarily.23 

The  capital  has  suffered  less  than  many  other  towns, 
owing  to  the  concentration  there  of  wealth  and  prodigal 
ity ;  and  yet  of  hospitals  alone  seven  have  disappeared 
with  their  vast  estates,  a  few  being  merged  in  the  seven 
more  poorly  endowed  houses  that  now  exist.24  One  of 

22  See  Mix.,  Cod.  Reforma,  300-4;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.  226-8,  648-53; 
Mix.,  Col  Ley.,  1861,  ii.  187-95,  204-9.      By  decree  of  January  23,  1877,  a 
Junta  Directiva  de  Beneficencia  was  created  in  its  place,  but  this  was  set 
aside  in  1881  for  a  department  under  the  Secretaria  de  Gobernacion.     See 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ep.  3a,  v.  719-21;  Diario  Debates,  Cong.  9,  i.  301,  and 
passim;  iii.  259. 

23  With  such  responses  as  two  per  cent  of  confiscation  fund.  Mix.,  Col.  Ley., 
1844-6,  84-5,  114-15;  Mex.,  Mem.  Corp.  Municip.,  237-59,  271-2,  and  no.  307. 

24  For  an  account  of  present  and  extinguished  hospitals,  see  the  lengthy 
though  incomplete  review  of  Peza,  in  Soc.  Mex.   Geog.,  Bol.,  ep.  3a,  v.  524- 
721.     Comparative  accounts  maybe  found  in  the  ayuntamiento  reports.  Pap. 
Var.,  Ixxxvi.  pt  xix.   17;   Soc.  Anales,  Humboldt,  148-59,   193-200,  255-61, 

451-8;  San  Miguel,  Rep.  Mex.,  ii.  58-68;  Trigueros,  Mem.  Ram.  Municip.,  47- 
55;  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  561-2;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1848,  i.  647-51;  Album  Mex.,  i. 
44.  A  few  leading  provincial  hospitals  are  noted  in  Balbotin,  Est.  Quer.,  92- 
3,  187;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.-x.,  passim,  under  towns  and  states;  Mosaico  Mex.,  v. 
505-7;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  i.  156;  xi.  312;  Jal.,  Not.  Geog.,  18-19;  Id., 
Mem.  Admin.,  42-4;  Pap.  Var.,  cxli.  pt  vii.  Also  Testimonio  d  la  Letra,  1- 
22;  Hospital  Div.  Salv.,  1-16;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  v.  642-5;  Pap.  Var., 
xlvii.  pt  ii.,  Ixxxviii.,  pt  x.;  Guan.,  Mem.  Gob.,  1871,  7-8,  41. 


608  SOCIETY. 

these  is  a  lying-in  hospital,  and  two  are  for  insane 
persons.  The  asylum,  with  its  schools  for  the  blind 
and  deaf-mutes,  is  of  recent  creation,  and  there  is  an 
ophthalmic  institute.25  The  foundling  hospital  has  an 
invested  capital  of  nearly  $300,000,  besides  rich  gifts, 
and  supports  about  300  children,  which  are  rapidly 
adopted  even  at  an  early  age.  The  consideration  for 
bereaved  children  is  further  manifested  in  other  orphan 
asylums  not  under  government  control.28  There  is 
also  an  industrial  school  at  Santiago  for  training  chil 
dren  in  useful  arts,  and  another  of  a  penal  character 
at  Momoluco.  The  asylum  for  the  poor  remains,  and 
there  has  recently  been  founded  one  for  beggars;  with 
a  view  to  abate  this  pest  in  the  city.27  In  addition  to 
all  this,  there  are  benevolent  bodies,  as  they  always 
have,  to  seek  out  the  suffering,  aided  by  private  and 
even  government  funds.  Mutual  associations  have 
been  formed,  including  two  founded  by  Spanish  and 
French  residents.28  In  this  connection  may  be  men 
tioned  the  continuous  good  service  rendered  by  the 
Monte  de  Piedad,  or  public  pawn-shop,  now  extended 
to  several  branches,  with  discounting  and  commer 
cial  loan  department,  safety  deposit,  and  savings 
bank.29 

The  restrictions  imposed  by  the  colonial  govern 
ment  against  interring  bodies  within  the  precincts  of 
towns  had  to  be  renewed  in  republican  times  on  more 

25Peza,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ep.  3a,  v.  610-21,  679-83;  Trigueros, 
Mem.  Ram.  Municip.,  69-10. 

26  And  in  a  home  where  parents  may  leave  their  offspring  temporarily. 
Peza,  ut  sup.     At  one  time  a  fixed  tax  was  set  aside  for  foundlings.  Mex., 
Col.  Ley.,  1853,  iii.  60-1.     For  regulation  of  their  hospital,  see  Arch.  Mex., 
Col.  Ley.,  v.  550-1.     In  Calderons  Life  in  Mex.,  ii.  277-80,  is  an  attractive 
account  of  a  visit  to  it. 

27  For  rules,  see  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ep.  3a,  v.  582,  591,  et  seq.;  Orde- 
nanza,  Hospido  Pobres,  1-16;  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1830,  410-11. 

28  Dating  from  1842,  the  latter  embracing  Swiss  and  Belgians.     For  details, 
see  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  ep.  3a,  v.  668,  710. 

29  The  latter  allows  three  per  cent  on  deposits.     The  charges  are  very  low, 
differing  somewhat  according  to  the  nature  of  the  security  and  other  condi 
tions.     For  rules,  etc.,  see  Id.,  698  et  seq.;  Id.,  ep.  2a,  i.  444-5;  Mex.,  Col 
Ley.,   1829-30,  19-20;  Brocklehurst's  Mex.,  42.     Trigueros  comments  on  the 
abuses  practised  by  private  pawn-shops,  particularly  before  the  improvement 
of  the  public  establishment.  Mem.,  Ram.  Municip.,  83-6. 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  MESTIZO.  607 


than  one  occasion,  with  a  few  exceptions  in  favor  of 
certain  distinguished  officials.30 

The  mestizo  is  the  most  flourishing  branch  of  the 
population.  The  mixture  from  which  he  springs,  with 
its  European  blood  and  dashes  of  African  fire, 
favors  rapid  development.  It  is  perhaps  too  rapid, 
too  forced,  to  allow  of  a  sound  maturity.  Hence  a 
lack  of  depth  and  earnestness  which  is  revealed  to  the 
world  in  the  inconsistencies  of  the  government,  with 
its  additional  traits  of  conceit,  bombast,  and  irresolu 
tion — all  tending  toward  those  weak  and  half-way 
measures  that  have  promoted  anarchy.  The  Mexican 
— the  mestizo  being  now  dominant  and  representative 
— has  remained  in  a  state  of  adolescence,  as  indicated 
by  his  capricious,  thoughtless,  and  even  puerile  traits. 
While  tenderly  susceptible,  he  can  be  ferociously  cruel ; 
treachery  and  fidelity  go  hand  in  hand;  his  generosity 
degenerates  into  prodigality;  lofty  desires  sink  for 
want  of  patience  and  determination ;  in  short,  he  lacks 
reflecting  prudence  and  sustained  purpose,  and  yields 
more  than  the  Indian  to  passions  and  prejudices. 

The  assumption  that  the  half-breed  of  Mexico  in 
herits  the  worst  traits  of  their  progenitors  is  hardly 
correct.  If  these  characteristics  appear  conspicuous, 
with  a  stronger  stamp  of  the  inferior  race,  it  is  due 
rather  to  his  equivocal  position  which  places  obstacles, 
especially  of  a  social  nature,  against  his  efforts  for 
higher  models.  Like  the  mediocre  parvenu  he  lacks 
certain  essential  elements,  above  all  sound  principles; 
and  failing  to  reach  the  higher  level,  a  blind  race  pride 
urges  him  to  grasp  tenaciously  for  the  lower,  with  its 
many  objectionable  features.  A  sense  of  inferiority, 

30  Members  of  monastic  orders  could  also  be  buried  within  their  convent 
ground.  Arch.  Mix.,  Col  Ley.,  ii.  721-39;  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  1861,  ii.  230-9. 
No  clerical  interference  was  allowed,  and  no  distinction  on  account  of  faith. 
Mex.,  Bol  Ley.,  1864,  130;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1833,  338-45;  1834,  1-2;  Mex,, 
Lec/is.,  1849,  20-1;  Mex.,  Cement.  Sta  Paula,  1-16.  Separate  sections  were 
assigned  for  children,  clergymen,  and  other  classes,  and  Americans  had  one. 
U.  8.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  84,  vi.  1,  Cong.  32,  Sess.  1;  Id.,  Journal,  464,  666-7;  U.  S. 
Sec.  War  Rept,  i.  7-8,  Cong.  42,  Sess.  2.  The  former  exorbitant  burial-feea 
have  been  regulated  and  reduced.  Bustamante,  Medid.  Pac.,  MS.,  ii.  39-41; 
Id.,  Hist.  Santa  Anna,  76-7;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col  Ley.,  v.  351-2. 


608  SOCIETY. 

as  among  the  Indians,  might  originally  have  saved 
him  from  this  mistake,  and  promoted  a  healthful 
earnestness.  The  type  is  now  approaching  a  national 
uniformity,  subject  to  modification  by  semi-dormant 
traits  inherited  from  either  side. 

The  best  attributes  transmitted  from  the  white  pro 
genitor  are  sprightliness,  energy,  unsustained  though 
it  be.  Thus  is  the  mestizo  raised  conspicuously  above 
the  Indian,  compensating  for  many  of  the  drawbacks 
that  hamper  his  competition  with  the  pure  white  race. 
It  tends  to  make  of  him  the  inflammable,  turbulent  ele 
ment  to  which  is  mainly  due  the  protracted  civil  wars ; 
but  it  also  makes  of  him  that  amiable,  jovial  being, 
ever  ready  for  convivial  amusements  and  gallantry. 
He  is  a  brave  fighter,  but  given  to  lawlessness,  yet 
less  to  stealthy  acts  and  cunning  thefts,  which  belong 
rather  to  the  Indians.  Unfortunately,  his  energy  is 
spasmodic,  and  insufficient  to  rescue  him  from  the  all- 
pervading  indolence.  This  renders  him  too  easily 
content,  and  indifferent  to  the  need  for  bettering  his 
condition.  The  general  improvidence,  which  so  many 
ascribe  wholly  to  a  generous  climate,  is  fostered  by  the 
indulgence  of  passions,  and  by  the  political  and  social 
disorders  thereby  engendered.  The  impulsive,  fitful 
temperament  requires  above  all  early  restraining  dis 
cipline  by  prudent  parents;  but  these  have  yet  to  be 
formed.  Brightness  and  good-nature  are  two  strong 
elements,  however,  ever  ready  to  aid  improvement 
when  the  impulse  shall  have  been  given.31 

The  characteristics  indicated  serve  in  themselves  to 
explain  the  antipathy  which  still  exists  between  the 
races.  Republican  laws  have  abolished  caste  distinc- 

31  The  mestizo,  says  Pimentel,  can  be  readily  cured  of  his  vices  by  disci 
pline.  Raza  Indig.,  236.  Mora  blames  a  despotic  gov.  for  national  defects 
which  he  acknowledges  but  does  not  name.  Rev.  Mtx.,  i.  81.  A  native 
writer  under  Mix.  Nation  Indep.,  12-13,  22-4,  severely  scathes  the  character 
of  the  mestizo.  See  also  Pap.  Far.,  cxliii.  pt  iii.  Thompson,  Recol.  Mex., 
172,  comments  on  the  feebleness  of  the  race,  and  Jourdanet  has  strong 
objections  to  the  plateau  climate.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  xi.  239,  etc. 
G-eiger  considers  that  inherited  Spanish  arrogance  and  Indian  indolence  and 
callousness  have  spoiled  the  mestizo.  Mtx.,  316.  Valois  calls  him  Quixotic. 
Mex.,  84-7. 


RACE  FEELING.  609 

tions,  but  what  avail  codes  against  nature  and  customs. 
The  white  men  still  retain  the  lead  by  virtue  of  wealth, 
education,  and  intelligence,  and  the  mestizos,  while 
seeking  to  level  the  wall  between  the  two,  widen  for 
the  same  reason  the  gulf  separating  them  from  the 
oppressed  Indians.  The  latter  retaliate  for  the  con 
tempt  bestowed  upon  them  by  nicknames,  the  mestizo 
being  generally  alluded  to  as  a  jackal.32  They  submit 
patiently  to  indignities,  and  tacitly  acknowledge  their 
inferiority,  yet  this  admission  tends  to  hold  them 
aloof,  and  to  confirm  them  in  tenacious  adherence  to 
aboriginal  customs,  even  to  partial  idolatry.  They 
care  little  for  the  strife  of  political  parties,  and  fight 
on  any  side.  The  slaughter  among  other  races  affords 
them  a  secret  satisfaction,  perhaps  the  lingering  hope 
that  it  may  bring  them  nearer  to  a  restoration  of  their 
ancient  rights  as  owners  of  the  soil.  The  prolonged 
war  of  extermination  in  Yucatan  has  cruelly  reminded 
the  whites  that  the  sentiment  is  not  passive.  Thus 
race  feeling,  as  well  as  political  and  other  difference, 
serves  to  split  this  unhappy  nation.  Yet  a  brighter 
prospect  is  opening  with  the  rise  into  prominence  of 
such  men  as  Juarez,  whose  ability  and  efforts  cast  a 
redeeming  lustre  on  their  race,  and  serve  to  lessen 
the  social  obstacles.33 

Any  relief  for  the  Indian  would  tend  to  raise  also 
the  grades  above  him.  Spanish  policy  had  partly 
through  misdirected  kindness  reduced  him  to  a  state 
of  tutelage,  or  even  worse,  that  of  an  irresponsible 
being.  This  was  his  condition  when  a  republican  gov 
ernment  suddenly  took  from  him  the  substantial  pro 
tection  and  privileges  on  which  he  had  relied,  gave  in 
exchange  certain  rights,  which  to  him  were  empty 
terms,  and  sent  him  forth  to  compete  with  men  who 


32Coyol.  Sareorios,  Mix.,  31.     The  contempt  of  the  whites  is  implied  by 
)   common   reproof.      'This   is  unworthy  of   a  man  with   a  white   face.' 
Pimentel,  Raza  Indig.,   203.     Distinctions  before   the  law  were  long  main 


tained,  the  charge  for  imprisoned  whites,  for  instance,  in  Oajaca,  being  two 
reales,  or  double  the  Indian  rate. 

33  The  intermarriage  of  Juarez,  Indian  army  officers,  and  others  with  white 
women  has  tended  greatly  to  narrow  one  gap. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    39 


610  SOCIETY. 

held  every  advantage.  On  one  side  he  fell  a  victim 
to  political  intriguers,  on  the  other  to  masters  who, 
with  the  aid  of  a  debtor's  law,  managed  to  hold  him  in 
the  slavery  known  as  peonage,  sometimes  so  oppress 
ive  that  his  wife  had  to  toil  in  the  field  with  him, 
and  his  children  serve  like  beasts  from  their  early 
years.34  And  yet  the  tax  collector  overlooked  him 
not,  as  he  often  does  the  richer  man.  In  this  his  own 
land,  where  the  law  grants  him  the  title  of  citizen,  he 
is  regarded  by  the  few  as  a  useful  machine  only,  and 
by  the  mass  either  as  an  undesirable  intruder,  an  in 
cubus,  a  dead  weight,  or  as  an  outcast.35 

No  wonder,  then,  that  he  draws  back  in  sullen  stub 
bornness,  and  clings  to  old  memories  and  customs.  A 
striking  illustration  of  this  lies  in  the  fact  that  more 
than  a  hundred  aboriginal  idioms  are  still  spoken 
after  three  centuries  and  more  of  national  mingling.38 
During  the  war  of  independence,  the  Spanish  authori 
ties  were  induced  to  court  Indians  as  well  as  others 
with  exemptions  from  forced  service  and  tribute,  and 
other  privileges  37  which  promised  to  lift  them  in  the 
social  scale ;  but  republican  laws  have  not  yet  effectu 
ally  promoted  this  desirable  aim,  leaving  them  un 
protected  against  the  political  schemers  and  selfish 
employers,  who  swindle,  flog,  and  otherwise  maltreat 
them  with  connivance  of  abject  or  interested  local 
officials.  The  same  spirit  prevails  as  in  colonial  times, 
when  the  aborigines  were  considered  a  fair  prey. 
Their  only  true  friend,  the  benevolent  friar,  has  dis- 

34  Consult  Garcia  Cubas,  Mex.,  63.  Pimentel,  Raza  Indig.,  206,  prints  a 
letter  from  a  native,  depicting  in  graphic  terms  the  thraldom  of  his  people. 
Cruel  serfdom,  however,  does  not  extend  very  far,  and  the  material  lot  of  the 
mass  is  not  so  hard  as  that  of  the  laboring  class  in  many  parts  of  Europe. 
Their  mode  of  life  as  described  in  a  preceding  volume,  iii.  740  et  seq.,  answers 
for  republican  times. 

35Zavala,  Rev.,  introd.,  Prieto,  Rentas  Gen.,  4,  Pimeutel,  Econ.,  180-1, 
Raza  Indiy.,  234,  etc.,  and  others,  speak  of  him  as  dead,  useless,  incapable  of 
regeneration. 

36 Id.,  201.     See  also  Garcia  Cubas,  Mex.,  65-6,  and  note  8  of  this  chapter. 

37  Flogging  was  prohibited  under  strict  penal  ties,  by  Spain,  C6rtes,  Diario, 
1813,  xxii.  410,  and  by  the  republic,  Mex.,  Col  Leyes,  Ord.  y  Dec.,  ii.  59-60. 
Compulsory  labor  was  stopped  in  1812.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  iii.  161-2;  xv.  451; 
C6rtes,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  45-6. 


THE  COMING  MAN.  611 

appeared.  Still,  there  are  a  few  men  who  earnestly 
advocate  their  redemption,  regarding  them  as  capable 
of  improvement,  and  as  citizens  entitled  to  every  con 
sideration.  The  measures  proposed  affect  all  the 
humbler  classes,  embracing  as  they  do  the  extension 
of  public  schools,  the  abolishing  of  any  enslavement 
for  debt,  the  discouragement  of  isolated  communities, 
and  the  distribution  of  land  in  small  proprietary  hold 
ings,  the  government  purchasing  large  tracts  and  sell 
ing  them  in  parcels  by  instalment.58  This  would  give 
impulse  to  dormant  ambition  and  political  pride,  and 
direct  the  plodding  patience  which  prevails  to  some 
extent  among  the  Indians.39 

Although  only  an  insignificant  percentage  among 
them  attain  any  prominence,  a  considerable  proportion 
accumulate  money;  not  for  adding  to  their  comfort, 
however,  but  to  invest  in  herds,  or  in  some  stately 
though  useless  dwelling;  or  to  secrete  it,  even  from 
their  descendants.  They  prefer  the  garb  of  poverty 
and  the  humble  life  of  their  own  people,  perhaps  with 
the  esteemed  position  of  leaders,  to  an  equivocal  stand 
ing  among  others,  subject  to  the  contemptuous  slurs  of 
the  lowest  half-breed.  Even  Indian  women  show  lit 
tle  of  the  common  feminine  desire  for  finery.40  As  for 
the  mass  of  villagers  and  laborers,  they  live  from  hand 
to  mouth,  content  with  a  mere  shed,  or  even  the  free 
sky  for  a  roof,  with  a  scanty  covering  for  the  body, 
and  for  food,  maize,  frijoles,  and  chile.  The  least  pos 
sible  labor  provides  for  these  wants,  and  careless  for 

38  Measures  like  these  have  been  recommended  ever  since  colonial  times, 
and  later  most  earnestly  by  Bustamante.  MedidasPac.,  MS.,  i.  60-73,  ii.  sup. 
9-10. 

39  It  is  affirmed  that  their  indolence  is  due  chiefly  to  oppression,  which  has 
made  it  undesirable  to  accumulate  the  products  of  labor.  Muhlenpfordt,  Mej. , 
i.  239.     Geiger  believes  them  to  be  willing  workers  if  encouraged.  Mex.t  318. 

40 Castellanos  relates  as  an  instance  of  their  extreme  conservatism:  In 
1851  a  friend  of  his  rewarded  some  of  his  laborers  with  a  more  complete  suit 
of  clothing  than  they  possessed.  The  following  day  they  returned  the  gift, 
stating  that  their  people  had  threatened  to  stone  them  for  departing  from  the 
inherited  custom.  This  occurred  in  Cuernavaca  district,  not  far  from  the 
capital.  Castellanos  himself  was  requested  by  a  village  municipality  to  de 
mand  from  the  king  of  Spain  protective  measures  in  their  behalf.  Such  was 
their  knowledge  of  political  affairs  in  1854.  Defensa,  20-1;  Miscel  Mess.,  pt 
vii. 


612  SOCIETY. 

the  morrow,  they  squander  any  surplus  in  drinking, 
usually  in  the  neighboring  town.  On  the  approach  of 
feast  days,  there  is  a  general  effort  to  accumulate  a 
small  sum  with  which  to  join  worthily  in  the  religious 
processions  and  other  customary  celebrations,41  to  say 
nothing  of  the  drunken  orgie  which  follows. 

Slavery,  in  the  legal  sense,  never  prevailed  to  any 
extent  in  Mexico,42  and  it  may  be  said  to  have  ceased 
in  1810,  with  the  outbreak  of  the  war  for  independence, 
both  parties  offering  freedom  to  gain  the  adhesion  of 
their  bondsmen.43  Nevertheless,  a  few  remained,  and 
it  was  not  till  1829  that  the  republic  formally  declared 
slavery  abolished.  A  more  powerful  bondage  existed, 
however,  in  the  debtor's  law,  whereby  persons  without 
property  were  required  to  render  service  in  payment 
of  debt.  It  was  applied  only  to  Indians,  whose  care 
less,  stupid,  and  feast-loving  disposition  readily  induced 
them  to  accept  the  yoke  for  a  small  advance,  espe 
cially  on  the  occasion  of  marriage.  The  creditor, 
usually  owner  of  a  plantation,  takes  care  that  the 
small  wages  agreed  upon  shall  be  paid  in  food  and  other 
articles  from  his  own  supplies,  and  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  bonds  increase  till  the  children  are  within  the 
coils.  The  debt  may  be  transferred,  and  with  it  the 
enslaved.44  Love  for  the  home  region  and  stubborn 
conservatism  stand  in  the  way  of  liberation,  and  so 
they  toil  away  till  death  relieves  them.45  Kepeated 
protests  were  made  against  this  abuse,  but  it  did  not 
suit  the  interest  of  those  in  power  to  yield,  and  it  was 
only  in  November  1873  that  a  constitutional  amend 
ment  abolished  peonage.  This  has  not  had  full  effect, 

41  Mayer,  Mex.  Aztec,  ii.  29,  Ratzel,  Aits  Mex.,  313,  and  other  travellers, 
confirm  these  descriptions  as  given  in  the  early  Abispa  de  Chilp.,  256-68. 

42  Volume  iii.  751,  this  series. 

43  Hidalgo's  proclamation  was  the  first.     See  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex. , 
i.  340.     Morelos  issued  one  in  1813.    Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  iii.  49,  with 
fac-simile.     A  royal  cedula  appeared  in  1817.     See  Bustamante's  comments, 
Cuad.  Hist.,  iv.  919-22. 

44  Pimentel,  Ram  Indig. ,  202-3,  relates  that  the  bakers  of  Mexico  would 
not  trust  their  men  abroad  without  a  guard. 

45  Mayer,  Mex.  as  It  Was,  201-2,  describes  like  other  travellers  how  they 
are  lashed,  and  maintains  that  this  slavery  is  in  many  cases  worse  than  that 
which  formerly  prevailed  in  the  U.  S.     See  also  Leon,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletin,  viii.  435-6. 


INDIANS  AND  NEGROES.  613 

as  may  well  be  understood ;  partly  because  the  Indians 
can  be  controlled  by  honor,  family  ties,  and  other 
means;  but  the  conditions  are  now  less  oppressive. 

The  export  traffic  in  Indians  is  another  evil,  which 
has  afflicted  especially  Yucatan.  Here  it  was  begun 
by  the  state  government  with  Indians  captured  during 
the  war  of  races  some  forty  years  ago,  as  a  means  to 
obtain  war  material,  and  the  feeble  protest  of  the 
general  government  only  encouraged  this  infamous 
slave  trade,  till  at  last  more  stringent  laws  had  to  be 
issued  for  its  suppression.48 

Negroes  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  increased,  al 
though  they  continue  to  add  their  infusion  of  blood 
into  the  other  races.  While  their  social  position  here 
is  relatively  higher  than  in  the  United  States,  yet 
they  must  be  assigned  to  the  lowest  stratum,47  unless 
indeed  it  is  insisted  upon  that  the  leperos48  shall  be  so 
classed.  The  latter  are  the  same  lazy,  half-naked 
vagabonds  as  of  old,49  save  that  their  number  has  been 
increased  by  itinerant  hawkers  and  musicians,  vicious 
idlers  and  thieves,  fostered  by  political  disorder,  drink, 
and  gambling,  and  many  of  them  with  fair  education 
and  ability.50  A  mild  climate  with  few  pressing 
wants  leaves  them  rather  good-natured,  and  a  firm 
attitude  or  severe  sentence  intimidates  them.  Never 
theless,  thieving  vagabonds  are  not  desirable,  and 
more  than  one  stringent  measure  has  been  taken  to 
suppress  them,  by  forced  enlistment,  imprisonment, 
and  chain-gang  labor;51  but  of  course  with  little  effect. 
Mexico  district,  and  similar  large  centres,  swarm  as 
usual  with  tham,  while  quieter  agricultural  regions  like 

46In  1851  and  1861.  Mix.,  Col  Ley.,  1850-1,  i.  383-4;  Dublan,  ix.  203; 
Barbackano,  Mem.  Camp.,  ap.  192-8. 

47  *  Much  more  so  than  in  South  Carolina,'  writes  Thompson,  Recol.  Mex., 
6,  with  prejudiced  vehemence. 

48  Zamacois  points  out  that  the  definition  of  the  academy,  '  the  lowest  of 
the  populace, '  and  the  term  lazzaroni,  are  now  less  applicable  than  '  vicious 
vagabond.'  Mex.,  xi.  287. 

49  See  iii.  754,  this  series. 

50  And  including  even  foreigners.   Rivero,  Mex.,  1842,  230  et  seq. 

51  Consult  M6x.,  Col  Leyes,  1853,  iv.  420-6;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1834,  296- 
319,  460;    Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  275. 


614  SOCIETY.  » 

Michoacan  and  Colima  are  comparatively  free  from 
the  pest.52 

The  persistency  of  race  distinction  or  color  rank  has 
naturally  tended  to  intensify  the  class  lines,  so  widely 
fostered  by  inherited  Spanish  pride  and  aboriginal 
conservatism;  and  this  so  far  as  to  create  no  little  dis 
tress  among  a  shabby-genteel  set,  whose  fair  com 
plexion  makes  them  still  regard  as  degrading  any 
labor  which  is  supposed  to  belong  to  colored  people. 
During  the  war  for  independence,  royalty  made  an 
appeal  to  the  besetting  weakness  by  granting  titles  to 
men  worth  winning,  and  by  creating  the  special 
American,  order  of  Isabel  la  Cat6lica.53  Iturbide  did 
the  same  by  creating  the  imperial  order  of  Guadalupe 
for  civil  and  military  services.54  It  fell  with  the  em 
pire,  but  was  revived  for  a  time  by  Santa  Anna,  and 
finally  by  Maximilian.55 

Titles  of  nobility  which  had  received  a  new  lease 
under  Agustin  I.  were  abolished  by  decree  of  May 
1826,56  yet  the  republic  maintained  the  taste  for  dis 
tinctions  by  granting  high-sounding  appellations  to 
officials  and  corporations,  Santa  Anna  during  his  last 
dictatorship  assuming  that  of  Most  Serene  Highness. 
Crosses,  coats  of  arms,  and  titles  like  benemerito  de  la 
patria  were  also  bestowed  both  by  general  and  state 
governments,  and  permission  could  readily  be  obtained 
for  receiving  them  from  foreign  governments. 

Maximilian  showed  himself  most  generous  in  the 
distribution  of  honors,  in  the  shape  of  medals,  orders, 
and  patents  of  nobility.  He  moreover  created  the 
imperial  order  of  the  eagle,  making  it  superior  to  that 
of  the  revived  Guadalupe,57  and  the  order  of  San  Car- 

6a  Cancelada,  Ruina,  63;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  i.  315. 

63  By  decree  of  March  24,  1815.  For  regulations,  see  Isabel  la  Cat6licay 
Instit.,  1-19;  Constit.  de  Isabel  la  Cat.,  1-92. 

&4See  Gaz.  Imp.,  ii.  424-6;  Alaman,  Mtj.,\.  452,  625,  639^1. 

^Mex.,  Bol  Ley.,  1864,  43-5,  121. 

56 Ramirez,  Col  Doc.,  346;  Gac.  Gob.,  May  11,  1826;  Montiel,  Estud. 
Garant,  97. 

57  It  was  given  to  comparatively  few,  including  some  European  monarchs, 
while  the  Guadalupe  circulated  freely  under  modified  statutes.  Diario  Imp.y 
Jan.  1  and  April  10,  1865,  contain  the  statutes  of  the  eagle  order. 


THE  MEXICAN  HOME.  615 

los  for  women,58  in  addition  to  which  a  number  of 
foreign  insignia  were  bestowed.59  With  the  fall  of 
the  empire,  these  novelties  were  swept  away.  The 
new  government  has  shown  a  disposition  rather  for 
substantial  pensions  and  grants  than  empty  honors.60 
Entail  was  abolished  already  in  1820,  but  several  sub 
sequent  decrees  have  been  required  to  enforce  the 
order.61 

Intercourse  with  foreigners  has  since  colonial  times 
changed  materially  the  life  of  the  upper  classes,  who 
manifest  a  decided  preference  for  Parisian  manners, 
dress,  and  ideas.  The  desire  for  show  remains  rooted, 
and  it  is  not  uncommon  for  a  bride  to  stipulate  for  a 
carriage  and  a  box  at  the  theatre,  however  much  the 
home  may  suffer  by  the  condition.  Others  will  ex 
pend  their  all  upon  dress;  and  while  impressing  the 
stranger  with  their  rich  appearance,  they  would  not 
dare  to  expose  its  reality  by  inviting  him  to  their 
dwelling. 

The  housewife  has  few  of  the  English  ideas  con 
cerning  neatness,  conveniences,  and  domestic  amenities 
generally.  Slovenliness  prevails  everywhere,  and  the 
mistress  mingles  freely  among  her  dirty  servants,  tak 
ing  her  food  with  them  and  the  children  in  the  most 
unceremonious  form.  The  home,  as  we  understand  it, 
does  not  exist,  and  the  absence  of  fire-places  indicates 
one  great  obstacle  to  those  family  reunions  which 
have  so  important  an  influence  on  our  society.  Dinner 
parties  are  rarely  given,  and  home  entertainments  are 
restricted  mainly  to  the  so-called  tertulias,  with  their 
medley  of  singing  and  dancing,  forfeit  games  and 
gambling,  but  otherwise  with  little  of  our  free  and 

68 Regulations  in  Diario  Imp.,  Apr.  10,  June  22,  1865. 
59 Gen.  Gomez  wearing  seven.     The  French  legion  of  honor  is  also  men 
tioned.  Mex.  Bol  Ley.,  Dec.  1864,  83,  186-7. 

60  To  judge  also  from  the  discussion  in  Diario  Debates,  Cong.  6,  iii.  65, 
128,  235^6. 

61  Mix.,  Odd.  Reforma,  189-95;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Ord  y  Dec.,  ii.  154-7;  Arch. 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  iv.  176-82.     The  laws  governing  inheritance  are  to  be  found 
in  Mex.,  C6d.  Reforma,  126-42;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  Jan.  1853,  iii.  74-5;  Mex.y 
Legis.,  Aug.  1853,  32-1. 


616  SOCIETY. 

animated  intercourse  between  the  sexes.  The  piazza, 
or  the  flat  roof  of  the  town-house,  is  often  selected  as 
the  scene  of  these  merry  reunions.  Visiting  is  exacted 
with  frequency,  and  on  all  occasions  of  interest  to  a 
family,  and  with  all  the  old-fashioned  Spanish  formal 
ity — of  manner,  at  least,  yet  the  conversation  falls,  as 
a  rule,  into  society  gossip.  With  the  rise  of  inferior 
and  colored  persons,  by  means  of  political  influence 
and  military  intrigues,  parties  present  a  greater  mix 
ture  than  formerly.  Nevertheless,  the  innate  polite 
ness  of  the  Mexican,  and  his  natural  suavity  of  man 
ner,  permit  a  comparatively  easy  adaptation  of  tone. 
With  their  fondness  for  show,  it  may  be  understood 
that  the  revival  of  a  court  under  Maximilian  was  not 
distasteful  to  society,  at  least,  however  much  political 
writers  declaim  against  its  affectation  and  formalities, 
forgetting  that  their  own  presidents  have  indulged  in 
most  unrepublican  pomp.62 

Besides  climate,  there  are  numerous  reactionary 
influences  which  tend  to  lower  the  inducement  to  labor 
and  advance,  especially  among  the  great  mass  which 
forms  the  sinews  of  a  nation.  The  sway  of  passions, 
manifest  above  all  in  social  and  political  disorders,  the 
insufficiency  of  educational  facilities,  the  still  abnormal 
control  exercised  by  a  retrogressive  clergy,  and  the 
absorption  of  land  by  large  holders,  are  the  principal 
of  these  retarding  causes. 

One  instance  of  this  is  found  in  the  condition  of 
artisans,  which  is  nearly  as  low  and  poverty-stricken 
as  that  of  the  laborer.  A  main  cause  hereof  is  the 
imitative  ability  of  the  Indian,  who  manufactures  ex 
cellent  articles,  and  hawks  about  small  lots  till  he  can 
procure  the  means  for  a  new  venture.  Like  the  other 
humbler  classes,  known  as  gentalla,63  they  live  from 
hand  to  mouth,  very  much  as  the  Indians,  with  idling 
and  drinking  for  chief  pleasure,  and  superstition  for 
mental  exercise.  Those  earning  more  increase  their 

62  As  instanced  by  Mayer,  Mex.  as  It  Was,  70-2. 

63  Equivalent  to  the  unwashed.  Atleta,  1830,  329 


THE  SPHERE  OF  WOMAN.  617 

personal  finery;  otherwise,  the  surplus  goes  to  feasts 
and  gambling  and  drinking  instead  of  adding  to  home 
comforts.  Under  colonial  rule,  a  number  of  restrictive 
laws  tended  to  check  these  propensities,  but  since  then 
the  lower  classes  have  been  allowed  to  drift  and  yield 
to  the  perverting  influence  surrounding  them.64  A 
few  days'  labor  now  and  then,  even  at  low  wages, 
suffices  to  provide  for  all  their  simple  wants,  and  why 
care  for  the  morrow?65 

There  is  one  representative  element  among  these 
classes,  of  purely  national  type,  whose  character  and 
condition  form  a  brighter  picture,  and  that  is  the 
ranchero,  or  petty  farmer,  and  cotter,  known  in  some 
parts,  as  in  Vera  Cruz,  by  the  name  Jarocho,  and  pre 
senting  in  many  respects  traits  superior  to  those  of 
his  confrere  in  Europe,  especially  in  manners  and 
accomplishments.  He  is  modest  in  his  belongings, 
content  with  an  airy  shed  for  dwelling,  and  a  small 
patch  of  soil  on  which  to  cultivate  a  little  maize  and 
chile,  some  beans  and  yams,  and  sustain  a  few  head  of 
live-stock.  Trees  laden  with  figs  and  oranges,  and 
the  plantain  and  banana,  add  to  his  larder,  and  to 
the  picturesque  appearance  of  his  home,  with  its 
background  of  stately  palms  and  variegated  under 
growth. 

Woman  is  regarded  by  the  man  rather  as  a  toy  and 
ornament  than  a  companion.  Nevertheless,  she  is 
here  above  all  entitled  to  the  term  better  half,  because 
she  fills  better  than  the  man  the  narrower  sphere 
assigned  to  her,  exhibiting  less  of  the  weak  effort  and 
half  success  which  characterize  him  in  economical 
and  political  affairs.66  It  has  been  observed  that  in 

64  Rich  th  of  en,  Rep.  Hex.,  124-5,  and  others,  agree  upon  the  deterioration, 
of  the  Indians  and  cognate  classes. 

65  Thirty  years  ago  the  laborer  received  from  \\  to  1\  reales  a  day.     Food 
is  less  cheap  than  it  might  be,  owing  to  the  indolence  of  producers. 

66 '  Beaucoup  superieures  &  leurs  maris, '  writes  Fossey,  Mex. ,  250,  with 
somewhat  French  exuberance  of  gallantry;  but  it  is  very  generally  echoed  by 
even  Spanish  writers.  The  difference  between  men  and  women  is  no  doubt 
greater  among  Germanic  than  Latin  races,  for  among  the  latter  bearded  and 
deep -voiced  women  are  not  uncommon. 


618  SOCIETY. 

the  Orient  the  seclusion  of  women  has  tended  to  make 
the  men  more  effeminate.  She  avenges  herself  for 
the  injustice,  as  a  French  writer  happily  observes,  by 
wielding  greater  influence  on  the  temperament.  This 
appears  to  be  the  case  also  here  to  some  extent,  for 
the  men  certainly  display  a  sensuous  indolence  and 
irresolution,  with  an  undue  fondness  for  dress  and  other 
feminine  vanities.  They  also  assume  a  multiplicity  of 
menial  and  light  tasks  which  we  delegate  to  the  other 
sex,  and  among  the  lower  classes  there  is  a  reversal, 
by  imposing  heavier  labor  on  women.  With  the 
growth  of  culture,  however,  there  will  doubtless 
appear  that  proper  division  of  labor  and  freer  inter 
course  between  the  sexes  prevailing  among  the  most 
advanced  nations. 

The  existing  relationship  naturally  reduces  love  to 
a  lower  level,  lacking  as  it  does  certain  sustaining  ele 
ments  of  social  culture  and  strong  character.  The 
fault  lies  partly  in  higher  circles  with  the  duenna  sys 
tem,  which  imparts  the  idea  that  the  temptation  of 
opportunity  is  not  to  be  resisted,  partly  with  the  frivo 
lous  conduct  of  the  husband;  for  the  woman  is  modest 
in  language,  dress,  and  manner.67  Finally  she  yields 
to  an  indulgent  opinion  and  to  the  flattering  idea  of 
conquest,  and  accepts  a  lover,68  with  little  effort  at 
concealment.  So  contagious  an  example  set  by  the 
upper  classes  fails  not  to  increase  the  influences  which 
affect  the  people  in  general,  such  are  the  lack  of  real 
homes  and  proper  education,  the  frequent  limitation 
of  families  to  one  room,  in  small  and  flimsy  houses,  the 

67  And  this  Thompson  also  admits,  while  referring  to  an  occasional  trick  in 
adjusting  a  reboso  for  the  sake  of  giving  a  glimpse  of  the  usually  well-formed 
busts.  Recol  Mex.,  164. 

68  '  No  hay  matrona  distinguida  que  no  tenga  su  chichisveo, '  says  a  Mexi 
can  writer.  Revista  Amer.,  ii.,  pt  ii.  24.    Otherwise  she  remains  faithful  to  the 
husband,  and  domestic  peace  is  seldom  disturbed.    French  writers  like  Valois, 
Mex.,  84-7,  blame  nature  alone  for  these  vagaries,  or  see  nothing  remark 
able  in  such  love  passages.    Vineaux,  Mex.,  466-7.     The  verdict  is  widely 
disseminated,  as  may  be  judged  from  North  Am.  Rev.,  xxxii.  337-40;  Beaufoy, 
Mex.  Illust.,  129-35,  the  latter  too  full  of  sneers,  however.     In  Cincinnatus, 
Trav.,  76,  rises  a  champion,  however,  to  sustain  the  defence  of  many  native 
writers,  as  presented  in  Pap.  Var.,  clvii.,  pt  vii.  25-6,  and  other  works. 


MARRIAGE  AND  IMMORALITY.  619 

union  of  the  sexes  at  an  immature  age,69  and  the  re 
strictions  against  divorce;  but  climate  and  national 
characteristics  must  be  considered,  and  even  more  so 
the  caste  distinctions  whose  great  social  barriers  are  a 
standing  encouragement  of  illicit  relations.  So  tolerant 
is  the  public  to  the  prevalent  looseness,  that  pseudo- 
wives  find  the  doors  of  almost  any  family  open  to  them, 
while  husbands  not  infrequently  maintain  several 
households  without  much  attempt  at  concealment.  A 
redeeming  feature  in  all  this,  however,  is  the  compara 
tive  absence  of  mercenary  motives,  love  being  the  im 
pelling  cause. 

Spanish  laws  were  not  very  strict  in  these  respects, 
as  we  have  seen,  nor  the  more  liberal  republicans;70 
but  a  better  tone  is  spreading  with  foreign  influence,71 
as  manifested  also  in  more  guarded  utterance  on  del 
icate  subjects,  perhaps  with  a  tendency  to  that  ex 
treme  English  euphemism  which  only  intensifies  the 
significance.  The  smoking  habit  among  women  is  de 
clining,  and  the  government  has  taken  steps  to  check 
obscene  songs  and  disorders  attending  wakes  and  other 
reunions.72 

A  greater  measure  is  the  institution  of  civil  mar 
riage,73  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  liberal  con 
stitution  of  1857,  and  on  the  ground  that  the  clergy 
fostered  immorality  by  their  exorbitant  fees  and 

69  These  are  among  causes  pointed  out  by  Mexicans,  in  Id.,  cxlii.,  pt  iii.  23; 
Mexican  supplement  to  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  329-31.  The  civil  marriage  law  of 
1859  limits  the  marriage  age  at  12  and  14  for  women  and  men  respectively, 
•but  exacts  guardians'  consent  when  the  parties  are  below  the  ages  of  20 
and  21. 

70 1  need  here  only  instance  one  of  1818,  wherein  the  king  recommends 
admonitions  and  fines  rather  than  more  severe  measures.  Fernando  VIL, 
Decretos,  228-9.  Republican  efforts  relied  even  more  to  exhortation,  as  in 
stanced  in  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1848,  i.  47-8;  yet  they  sought  to  check  the  indul 
gent  regard  for  the  claims  of  illegitimate  children.  Laws  of  Mexico  state, 
for  example,  had  favored  inheritance  by  natural  descendants,  but  they  were 
annulled  by  the  general  government.  Id.,  1853,  27. 

71  Notwithstanding  the  loose  personal  conduct  of  foreign  residents. 

™Arrilfaga,  Recop.,  1834,  544-5,  554-6.  Unnatural  crimes  are  rare,  and 
comparatively  few  public  prostitutes  exist;  a  fact  which  leads  a  native  writer 
to  draw  some  flattering  conclusions,  Instit.  Geog.  Estad.,  i.  25-6,  forgetting 
that  the  general  laxity  obviates  certain  social  evils. 

73  By  law  of  July  23,  1859.  Arch.  Mix.,  Col  Ley.,  iv.  116-32,  with 
regulations. 


620  SOCIETY.  , 

other  restrictions,  and  by  abusing  this  sacrament  for 
political  purposes.74  The  law  naturally  met  with 
great  opposition  from  the  clergy  and  their  adherents,75 
but  has  been  sustained,  to  the  increase  of  legal  unions, 
if  also  of  divorce.76  The  extravagant  habits  and 
inefficient  education  of  the  higher  classes  will  ever 
prove  an  obstacle  to  marriage,  and  the  unceremonious 
intrusion  and  meddling  of  a  wife's  mother  and  sisters 
is  a  custom  which  foreigners,  at  least,  seek  to  guard 
against  by  seemingly  harsh  restrictions.  Yet  mothers 
are  not  given  to  match-making  schemes.77  Lovers 
must  sigh  at  a  distance,  and  even  after  betrothal  their 
intercourse  is  exceedingly  formal.78  Children  are 
bright  and  well-behaved  in  a  remarkable  degree, 
although  left  too  much  to  the  servants,  and  treated  in 
an  over-indulgent  manner.79 

The  influx  of  French  fashions  has  almost  wholly 
transformed  the  dress  of  city  folk,  even  to  some  extent 
among  humbler  classes;80  and  although  certain  Span 
ish  features,  like  the  mantilla  and  capa,  remain,  we 
must  go  to  the  country  for  the  old  national  costumes, 
which  remain  comparatively  unchanged.  Men  affect 
dress  relatively  more  than  the  other  sex,  with  a  closer 
adherence  to  Parisian  models.  They  are  also  less 
slovenly  than  women.  Their  position  in  this  respect 
seems  the  reverse  of  English.  Indian  women  are 

74  Refusing  to  grant  it  to  those  who  favored  the  anti-clerical  constitution 
of  1857. 

70  Bishops  issued  circulars  against  it,  and  so  forth.  See  Espinosa,  Pastorales, 
pts  iv.-v. 

7bThat  is,  with  power  to  marry  again. 

17  According  to  Calderon  de  la  Barca,  whose  Life  in  Mexico  contains  so  many 
excellent  pictures  of  Anahuac  society. 

7b  In  Furber's  Volunteer,  436,  is  a  detailed  account  of  betrothal  and  marriage 
ceremonies;  in  Miihlenp.,  i.  336,  is  given  a  baptismal  feast. 

79  Hence  also  the  striking  familiarity  between  them  and  their  masters. 
Children  do  not  leave  the  maternal  breast  sometimes  till  the  age  of  six, 
before  which  time  they  often  begin  the  use  of  the  cigarette.     For  additional 
points  on  social  subjects,  I  refer  to  volume  iii.,  Hist.  Mex. 

80  Fossey  thinks  that  there  is  not  a  sufficient  distinction  between  the  attire 
of  maidens  and  mature  women.     He  admires  their  coquettish  use  of  the  fan. 
Mex.,  245-7.     Calderon  alludes  to  their  dignified  position  when  seated,  al 
though  the  attitude  is  rather  uniform,  Life  in  Mex.,  i.  127;  and  Mayer,  Mex. 
Aztec,  ii.  250,  dwells  on  their  queenly  walk,  which,  with  pinched  toes  and 
tottering,  high-heeled  shoes,  I  should  call  anything  but  queenly. 


FESTIVALS.  621 

strikingly  deficient  in  the  so  common  feminine  weak 
ness  for  display.81  The  sex  shows  an  unequal  appre 
ciation  for  certain  parts  of  dress,  regardless  of  their 
fitness  or  conformity;  and  this  applies  especially  to 
jewelry,  for  which  political  disorders  have  fostered  a 
taste,  as  a  safe  and  convenient  means  of  investment, 
alike  against  petty  and  recognized  marauders.82 

Holidays  and  festivals  have  undergone  a  certain 

t/ 

change  with  the  substitution  of  republican  ideas  and 
the  decline  of  religious  influence.  Days  dedicated 
to  royalty  were  replaced  by  anniversaries  connected 
with  the  independence,83  notably  September  16th,84 
on  which  Hidalgo  proclaimed  the  revolution.  The 
national  holidays,  which  are  somewhat  numerous,  are 
opened  with  artillery  salvos  and  ringing  of  bells,  fol 
lowed  by  high  mass,  attended  by  the  authorities  and 
government  officials.  Then  follows  a  formal  audience 
at  the  palace,  in  front  of  which  the  people  gather  to 
listen  to  national  speeches  and  music.  Everywhere 
may  be  seen  floral  and  other  decorations,  here  and 
there  a  triumphal  arch.  Then  follow  performances  by 
athletes  and  actors,  and  general  merry-making,  with 
illuminations.  Many  of  the  ceremonies  are  prescribed 
by  law,  and  fees  were  at  times  demanded  from  managers 
of  entertainments,  the  government  allowing  in  return 
a  sum  of  money  toward  public  diversions.85 

Religious  festivals  have  undergone  changes  in  their 

81  '  Ganz  frei  von  der  soustigen  Neigang  und  der  Eitelkeit  des  weiblichen 
Geschlechts,'  says  Richthofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  123. 

82  For  descriptions  of  dress,  see  Linati,  Costtime  du  Mexique;  Tylor's  Anah., 
168-70;  Muhlenpfordt,  ut  sup.,  265-74,  Ind.,  220-3;  Fossey,  ut  sup.,  245-7, 
384;  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  764-7,  this  series. 

83  The  first  regulation  by  the  independent  government,  March  1,  1822, 
declared  Feb.  24th,  March  2d,  Sepb.  16th  and  27th,  as  national  holidays,  to 
be  celebrated  with  salvos  and  masses.     Later  was  added  September  17th, 
for  dead  patriots.  Mex.,   Col.   Ord.  y  Dec.,  ii.  575;  Alaman,  Mej.,  v.  491, 
506-7,  610. 

84  While  adopted  in  1822,  it  was  given  the  first  place  only  after  the  fall  of 
Iturbide.     President  Rayon  issued  in  1812  a  proclamation  for  its  observance. 
See  document  in  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  219. 

85  Juarez  suppressed  in  1861  the  allowance  of  $60,000.  Mex.,  Cod.  Reforma, 
387-8.      For  various  regulations   for   order  and  ceremonies,  see  Mex.,  Col. 
6rd.  y  Dec.,  iii.  126;  Dispos.  Varias,  v.  9,  2G;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1835,  150-1, 
226-7;  1836,  -293-4;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  y  Dec.,  1840,  787-8;  Mex.,  Legis.,  1853, 
453-5;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Ord.,  v.  156-7;  vii.  179,  229;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col  Ley., 
iii.  953-4,  985-6;  Dublan,  passim;  Album  Mex.,  ii.  282-5. 


622  SOCIETY. 

official  observance,  and  consequently  in  the  relaxing 
estimation  of  the  public;  nevertheless,  the  national 
disposition  for  festivities  has  tended  to  sustain  them, 
although  in  a  degenerate  form,  with  less  attention 
to  their  true  intent.  Lent  declined  in  observance,  and 
Christmas  and  certain  other  periods  became  the  occa 
sions  of  such  disorders  that  the  government  had  to  issue 
restrictions.86  The  most  impressive  ceremonies  are  to 
be  seen  during  holy  week,  and  on  the  days  of  corpus 
christi  and  virgin  of  Guadalupe,  the  Mexican  patroness. 
Palm  Sunday  is  a  day  of  mirth,  with  display  of 
palms.  On  the  three  following  days  the  churches  are 
crowded,  mainly  by  persons  eager  to  confess  and  ob 
tain  absolution  for  past  derelictions.  But  all  these 
festivals  are  more  or  less  degraded  by  an  indecent 
and  boisterous  conduct  before  the  very  altars,  that  is 
due  partly  to  national  levity,  partly  to  inherited  abo 
riginal  rites.  As  holy  Friday  approaches,  the  abuse 
of  strong  liquors  abates.  A  lull  falls  upon  the  people. 
Churches  are  draped  in  black ;  on  Thursday  the  deep- 
toned  organs  yield  to  the  subdued  harp  and  violin, 
and  steeple  bells  are  silent.  Without,  carriages  are 
banished  from  the  streets.  On  the  following  day  pro 
cessions  issue  from  the  temples,  bearing  Christ  cruci 
fied,  with  a  train  of  saints  and  paraphernalia.  On 
Saturday  noon,  after  service,  the  organ  bursts  forth 
again,  and  amid  a  peal  of  bells  the  black  curtain  be 
fore  the  altar  parts  to  disclose  a  dazzling  scene  of 
brightness.  Carriages  now  throng  the  thoroughfares ; 
the  explosion  of  rockets,  the  creaking  din  of  rattles, 
and  all  kinds  of  noise  break  the  enforced  quiet ;  the 
iniquitous  Judas  is  destroyed  in  effigy;  and  fireworks 
form  a  brilliant  feature  of  the  evening  programmes.87 

86  Mex.,  Legis.,   1848,  539-40;  Mex.,  C6d.  Reforma,  204;  Informe  secreto, 
1-8;  Pap.  Far.,  Ixxiv.  pt  ii. 

87  For  the  best  descriptions  of  holy  week,  and  other  days  of  observances,  see 
Miihlenpfordt,  Mej.,  i.  255-60,  326-35;  Calderons  Life  in  Mex.,  i.  197-214;  ii. 
133-6,   143-52;    Tylor's  Anahuac,  48-54;   Arroniz,   Viagero,  141-8;   La  Cruz, 
vii.  252-3;  Mayer's  Mex.  as  It  Was,  63,  149;  Bmtamante,  Gab.  Mex.,  i.  62-3; 
Ratzel,   Aiis  Mex.,   113  et  seq.,   presents   also   animated   pictures  of  street 
life.     Different  regulations  to  guard  against  disorder  during  carnival  times, 
etc.,  in  Arch.  Mex.,  Cot.  Ley.,  i.  682-4,  690;  iii.  240-2;  v.  347-8;  Bullock's 
Across  Mex.,  322-36. 


GAMBLING.  623 

Carnival  is  celebrated  with  nearly  the  same  exuber 
ance  as  in  southern  Europe,  with  a  predilection  for 
casting  flour  and  breaking  egg-shells  filled  with  little 
bits  of  colored  paper.  The  masked  balls  are  less 
vivacious  than  among  the  French,  but  disorderly 
enough  to  have  more  than  once  called  out  episcopal 
remonstrance  and  restrictive  laws.88  Most  of  the  dis 
orders  are  due  to  the  excessive  indulgence  in  strong 
liquors,  which  is  apt  to  drive  the  excitable  mestizo  to 
the  knife  and  other  means  of  violence.  The  other  pas 
sion,  gambling,  which  predominates  among  both  sexes, 
never  carries  him  beyond  the  control  of  his  temper. 
With  wonderful  nonchalance,  he  wins  large  sums  or 
loses  perhaps  his  entire  fortune.  The  utmost  order 
prevails  at  the  tables,  a  dispute  concerning  the  owner 
ship  of  a  stake  hardly  ever  arising.  The  only  lack 
of  control  is  over  the  mania  itself.89  After  seeing  his 
last  dollar  disappear,  with  beggary  staring  him  in  the 
face,  the  Mexican  never  thinks  of  suicide,  but  looks 
around  for  sources  whence  to  draw  future  stakes. 
While  this  passion  lies  rooted  in  the  very  character  of 
the  people,  yet  the  prevalence  of  mining  and  the  lack 
of  other  amusements  no  doubt  foster  it. 

The  favorite  game  is  monte,  but  roulette  and  lotto 
are  also  much  patronized.  The  government  has  at 
times  sought  to  check,  or  even  prohibit,  games  of  haz 
ard,  only,  however,  to  yield  again,  or  to  leave  the  laws 
unfulfilled.90  At  the  annual  fairs,  restrictions  have 
seldom  been  enforced,  so  much  so  that  these  commer 
cial  institutions  have  become  to  a  great  extent  mere 
vehicles  for  the  vice.  The  Whitsunday  festival  of  San 
Agustin  de  los  Cuevas,  or  Tlalpam,  near  Mexico,  is 
still  famed  chiefly  for  its  gambling-tables.  Owners 

88 Bustamante,   Vaz  P atria,  MS.,  vi.  67. 

89Tylor,  Analmac,  258-9,  relates  a  common  anecdote  about  three  well-to- 
do  miners  who  came  back  to  their  home  a  few  days  after  departure,  minus 
their  money,  horses,  and  outfit. 

90  Dispos.  Varias,  v.  8;  Gac.,  Gob.,  Feb.  24,  1827;  Bol  de  Notic.,  Jan.  22, 
1861,  3-4;  Mex.,  Bol.  Ley.,  1864,  72-8.  During  the  American  invasion  in 
J847,  the  United  States  military  commander  recognized  the  public  desire  by 
granting  licenses  to  gambling -houses.  Free  Amer.,  Jan.  22,  1848. 


624  SOCIETY. 

of  secret  gambling  establishments  at  the  capital,  often 
persons  of  prominence,  now  publicly  rent  houses  for 
their  purpose.  Among  the  host  of  tables  the  stakes 
vary  from  a  gold  piece  to  a  silver  or  copper  coin,  and 
even  children  are  indulged  to  try  their  fortune  in 
securing  confectionery  .or  toys.  At  the  gambling-table 
the  woman  of  wealth  and  the  beggar  mingle ;  and  in 
the  cockpit  President  Santa  Anna,  for  one,  hesitated 
not  to  bet  with  the  vagabonds.91 

Lotteries  and  raffles,  more  than  once  forbidden  or 
restricted,92  flourish  in  considerable  number,  some  bear 
ing  the  names  of  charitable  institutions,  for  which  they 
are  working,  and  all  contributing  a  fair  revenue  to  the 
state.  Of  late  years  the  receipts  have  exceeded  two 
million  dollars,  out  of  which  the  public  receive  over 
sixty  per  cent  in  prizes.93 

The  days  of  more  frequent  and  rapid  communica 
tion  with  foreign  states  has  had  the  effect  of  fostering 
theatres,  by  alluring  dramatic  companies,  and  adding 
novelties  in  a  wider  range  of  performances.  This  en 
couraged  local  talent,  and  within  a  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury  after  the  independence,  the  capital  alone  pos 
sessed  three  recognized  theatres,94  one  of  them  left  ex 
clusively  to  the  populace.  Boxes  are  usually  let  by 
the  month  or  year,  and  serve  as  reception  places  for 
friends  of  the  family.  This  obviates  the  necessity  of 
giving  parties  at  home;  but  such  domestication  in 

91  Description  of  life  there  may  be  found  in  Tylors  Anahuac,  256-9;  Thomp 
son's  Recol  Mex.,  132-5;  Fossey,  Hex.,  293-5;  Ratzel,  Am  Mex.,  330-2;  Richt- 
hofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  165-6;  Muhlenpfordt,  Mej.,  i.  299-300,  309-12;  Masson,  Olla 
Podrida,  118-25,  with  instances  of  pernicious  effects;  Woods'  Wandering 
Sketches,  355;  Wise,  Los  Gringos,  244-5. 

92 Mex.,  Col  Ley.  y  Dec.,  iii.  251-2;  Mex.,  Ord.  Lot.,  1-54;  Pap.  Var.,  Hi. 
pt  x.;  Diario  Debates,  Cong.  9,  iii.  71-2,  579.  Lists  of  drawings  may  be  found 
in  the  newspapers  from  Noticioso  Gen.  of  1817,  or  earlier. 

93  See  references  in  chapter  connected  with  finance.    Also  Ratzel,  ubi  sup. , 
and  Brockkhurst,  Mex.,  30. 

94  Mayer  names,  in  1842,  the  Principal,  patronized  by  the  old  aristocracy; 
Nuevo  Mexico,  the  haunt  of  newer  people,  who  preferred  Parisian  dramas; 
and  Puente  Quebrada,  the  resort  of  the  populace.    Mex.  as  It   Was,  287. 
The  second  was  in  1844  replaced  by  the  new  Santa  Anna,  later  known  as  the 
Nacional,  which  is  a  fine  theatre.     Mex.,  Album,  i.  photo.  13;  Album  Mex.,  i. 
379-80,    with  cut;   Casarin,  Contest.,   1-55:   Informe,  Cvmis.   Norub.,    1-28; 
Pap.  Var.,  Ixxxiv.,  ptsvii.,  viii;  Fossey,  Mex.,  243-4. 


THEATRES.  625 

public,  as  it  were,  with  its  attendant  flirtation  and 
languid  indulgence,  can  hardly  be  commended.  There 
is  no  wide  theatrical  field  in  the  country,  and  in  the 
capital  the  audience  at  the  better  theatres  is  com 
posed  mainly  of  a  set;  hence  a  frequent  succession  of 
novelties  is  required,  which  operates  against  good  act 
ing,  and  correct  representations  in  dress  and  scenery. 
The  prompter  is  constantly  in  demand,  and  this  assists 
to  reduce  the  performance  too  often  to  mere  bad  reci 
tation.  As  in  colonial  times,  the  theatres  have  been 
subjected  to  an  officially  appointed  body,  to  watch 
over  plays  and  management,  and  to  dispense  the  fund 
for  public  amusements,  or  the  subsidies  occasionally 
granted,95  especially  for  inducing  celebrated  singers 
from  Europe  to  give  a  season  of  opera,  which  for  that 
matter  never  failed  to  receive  liberal  patronage. 

Bull  and  cock  fighting  are  as  much  in  vogue  as 
ever,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  made  at  times  to 
restrict  or  abolish  the  former  sport  at  least.  In  the 
country,  the  people  are  reduced  to  a  modified  form  of 
the  excitement,  in  the  form  of  coleaTj  that  is,  to  chase 
a  bull  in  open  field  and  throw  it  by  a  twist  of  the  tail. 
It  requires  cool  and  skilful  horsemanship,  and  the 
lasso  is  ever  kept  ready  to  save  miscalculating  coleador 
from  the  animal's  furv.  Lassoing  is  in  itself  exciting, 
and  much  practised  by  children  on  smaller  animals, 
which  fosters  a  taste  for  bloodier  realities. 

With  the  independence,  restrictions  on  riding  were 
abolished,  and  consequently  the  use  of  the  horse  in 
creased  more  than  ever  among  this  indolent,  impulsive 
people.  Englishmen  introduced  regular  horse-races, 
to  which  the  gambling  mania  readily  adapted  itself.96 
Owing  to  the  rarefied  air,  long  distances  are  not  in 

9*Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  vi.  508-14;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1836,  117-18; 
Mex.,  Bol.  Ley.,  1863,  443;  Mex.,  Legis.,  1853,  275-6;  Bustamante,  Hist.  Santa 
Anna,  76-7;  Diario  Debates,  Cong.  6,  ii.  182,  236,  682.  A  decree  of  1861 
abolished  censorship.  Mex.,  C6d.  Reforma,  234.  Certain  boxes  are  reserved, 
for  officials.  Mex.,  Mem.  Ayunt.,  1879,  211. 

96  Associations  for  the  promotion  of  horse-racing  were  formed  at  an  early 
date  at  the  capital.  Muhlenpfordt,  Mej.,  i.  312.  Informal  races  were  naturally 
common  enough,  with  bets  and  other  adjuncts,  as  instanced- also  in. 
Caknd.,  1839,  30-2. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    40 


626  SOCIETY. 

favor.  Hunting,  fishing,  and  cognate  sports  are  little 
followed  by  the  impatient  Mexican,  and  the  climate 
does  not  tempt  in  that  direction;97  but  excursions  to 
the  country,  dias  del  campo,  are  a  feature  among 
recreations. 

With  residents  of  the  capital,  the  daily  promenade 
is  now,  as  formerly,  the  essential  and  main  exercise. 
The  Paseo  de  la  Vega,  toward  Chalio,  is  now  less 
seldom  used  than  the  Paseo  Nuevo,  running  in  the 
direction  of  Chapultepec;  and  here  during  the  late 
afternoon  may  be  seen  sometimes  over  a  thousand 
carriages  and  several  times  that  number  of  horsemen,98 
a  few  of  whom  still  appear  in  the  old  national  riding- 
dress.  The  exchange  of  greetings  and  flying  flirta 
tions  goes  on  continually,  as  one  of  the  objects  of  the 
promenade.  Humbler  pedestrians  line  the  paseo  or 
resort  to  the  Alameda  park,  which  forms  one  of  the 
chief  sights  of  Mexico. 

In  the  country  may  still  be  seen  the  heavier  travel 
ling  carriages,  perhaps  a  dozen  feet  between  the  axles, 
swinging  on  leather  straps,  and  drawn  by  about  four 
spans  of  mules,  with  postilions.  On  the  Vera  Cruz 
route  to  Mexico,  American  stages  and  drivers  were  in 
troduced  half  a  century  ago,  with  good  effect.  Before 
the  present  energetic  government  took  control,  the  pro 
verbial  highway  robberies  were  one  of  the  attendant 
evils  of  travelling.  Robber  bands  had  emissaries 
along  the  routes,  often  in  league  with  innkeepers  and 
officials,99  or  they  stalked  abroad  with  impudent  reck- 

97  Yet  Blazquez  of  Puebla  has  been  induced  to  issue  quite  a  book  of  respect 
able  size  on  hunting,  El  Cazador  Mexicano,  1868,  12mo,  431  pp.,  although 
with  little  information.  The  love  of  the  horse  is  enough  to  afford  a  welcome 
to  circus  companies,  and  balloon  ascents  and  other  daring  feats  find  favor. 
Medidas  Acordadas,  1-4;  Pap.  Far.,  Ixxi.  pt  vi.;  Bustamante,  Hist.  Santa 
Anna,  54. 

^Thompson,  Recol  Max.,  126,  estimated  the  number  in  1842  at  1,000  and 
5,000,  respectively.  The  public  carriages  in  1879  numbered  200.  Mex.,  Mem. 
Ayunt.,  225-38.  The  comparatively  small  town  of  Queretaro  had  in  1854 
87  private  and  26  public  carriages,  besides  wagons,  the  former  valued  at 
$67,420,  and  the  latter  at  $13,000,  including  horses,  it  seems.  Balbuena,  Quer., 
120,  196-8. 

99  Instances  to  this  effect  are  frequent.  Thompson,  Recol  Mex.,  25,  relates 
•a  well-known  story  about  the  conviction  of  Colonel  Yanez,  a  highly  respect 
able  personage. 


MIGRATION  AND  IMMIGRATION.       •{  627 

lessness,  confident  in  the  fear  entertained  of  cruel 
retaliation  on  those  who  betrayed  or  entrapped  the 
member  of  a  band.  When  the  baggage  promised 
good  returns,  an  attack  was  made,  but  seldom  with 
bloodshed,  for  the  escort  generally  managed  to  be 
behind,  and  Mexican  passengers  on  such  occasions  sel 
dom  went  armed,  in  order  to  afford  no  provocation  for 
maltreatment.  Foreigners  as  a  rule  showed  more 
determination,  and  were  consequently  less  frequently 
molested.100  In  the  northern  provinces  invested  by 
roaming  Indians,  travellers  combined  in  caravans,  and 
formed  enclosed  camps  for  the  night.101 

Another  trouble  connected  with  travelling  is  the 
lack  of  good  inns.  Along  a  few  of  the  main  routes 
accommodation  has  been  improved,  but  elsewhere  it 
is  circumscribed  by  the  very  moderate  ideas  of  comfort 
arid  cleanliness  entertained  by  the  class  to  whom  inn 
keepers  belong.102 

The  solution  of  many  evils,  such  as  travelling  facili 
ties,  hotel  accommodation,  and  a  host  of  greater  ones, 
is  looked  for  by  liberal-minded  Mexicans  in  immigra 
tion.  Hitherto  little  encouragement  has  been  afforded 
for  settling,  and  foreigners  as  a  rule  are  attracted 
only  by  the  prospect  of  speedy  gain  in  trade,  mining, 
and  other  industries,  with  the  ultimate  intention  of 
returning  home  after  a  few  years'  stay.  Hence,  not 
withstanding  its  wealth  and  beauty,  its  proclaimed 
liberality  of  government,  and  bids  for  colonization,  its 


100  por  causes  and  prevalence  of  robbery,  I  refer  to  the  chapter  on  govern 
ment.    Among  the  measures  suggested  to  insure  greater  safety  was  an  armored 
carriage.  Adorno,  Anal.  Males,  141^4. 

101  See  Hist.  North  Mex.,  i.,  ii.,  this  series;  also  Tarayre,  Expfor.,  71-3. 

102  In  the  smaller  towns  the  traveller  must  still,  as  in  former  times,  depend 
on  the  threefold  institution  of  meson,  fonda,  and  tienda,  equivalent  to  lodging- 
house,  restaurant,  and  general  store,  the  former  providing  rarely  anything 
better  than  a  windowless  and  untidy  cell,  with  a  few  rough  planks  raised  to 
form  a  bedstead,  a  bench,  and  occasionally  a  table.     His  horse  is  attended  to; 
but  his  own  food  must  be  sought  beyond  the  meson,  and  the  choice  is  usually 
restricted  tofrijoles  and  tortillas — the  latter  a  leathery  substitute  for  bread — 
to  eggs,  chicken,  rice,  and  chocolate;  milk  is  rare,  and  cheese  and  butter 
almost  unknown.     In  the  villages  lodging  may  be  obtained  in  houses  possess 
ing  shops.    In  the  cities  the  mesones  are  somewhat  more  comfortable,  although 
far  from  approaching  even  our  humbler  hotels. 


628  SOCIETY. 

proximity  to  the  enterprising  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  its  one-time  occupation  by  a  European 
court  with  Germano-Latin  armies,  this  country  has 
until  lately  received  a  comparatively  small  influx  of 
foreigners. 

The  cause  must  be  sought  partly  in  the  many  re 
strictive  enactments  elsewhere  spoken  of,103  partly  in 
the  civil  and  political  disorders,  bad  administration  of 
justice,  military  and  tax  levies,  lack  of  ready  communi 
cations,  credit  system  in  trade,  inability  to  recover 
capital  vested  in  improvements,  unreliability  of  work 
men,  and  general  insecurity.  Another  powerful  cause, 
to  which  the  restrictions  are  mainly  due,  lies  in  the 
native  jealousy  of  foreigners,  whose  energy  and  ability 
are  too  marked  not  to  be  acknowledged  and  bitterly 
felt.  Hence,  also,  the  persecution  and  outrages  indi 
cated  by  numerous  and  constant  reclamations  against 
the  government.  The  least  objection  is  entertained 
against  the  related  Spaniards  and  the  semi-cognate 
French,  despite  the  frequent  outbreaks  in  former 
years  against  the  one— now  almost  forgotten — and 
the  political  troubles  with  the  latter,  whose  polite  and 
assimilative  qualities  are  favorable  features.  Then 
come  the  Germans,  against  whom  are  counted  their 
success  as  merchants  and  their  protestant  faith ;  while 
their  cold  and  selfish  demeanor  tells  against  the  Eng 
lish.  The  Yankees  bear,  since  1846,  the  additional 
and  menacing  form  of  bugbears,  from  whom  every 
thing  is  to  be  feared,  to  the  loss  of  possessions,  inde 
pendence,  and  nationality  itself.  In  remote  districts 
may  still  be  found  lingering  some  of  the  old  absurd 
notions  about  foreigners,  as  beings  excluded  from  the 
communion  of  the  faithful,  and  speaking  diabolic 
tongues.  The  term  Jew,  so  long  applied  to  them, 
was  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic  widely  modified 
to  English,  who  came  in  considerable  numbers  to  open 
mines  and  trade.104  After  1838  the  French  became 

103  See  chapter  on  government,  wherein  colonization  is  considered. 
™Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  880-1;  Ratwl,  A  us  Mex.,  380-8. 


FOREIGNERS.  629 

best  known,  and  lately  the  North  Americans,  as  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States  are  called. 

While  tacitly  recognizing  the  danger  of  foreigners 
monopolizing  industries  and  usurping  territory,  yet 
the  benefit  of  their  presence  to  the  people  in  other 
respects  is  admitted  by  the  most  intelligent  Mexicans 
in  their  teachings  and  example ;  by  developing  agri 
culture,  mining,  trade,  and  industries  generally;  by 
checking  civil  wars  and  increasing  general  security; 
by  promoting  better  political  and  judicial  administra 
tion;  and  by  invigorating  the  race,  particularly  the 
Indian,  both  physically  and  mentally,  with  an  infusion 
of  fresh  blood.105  The  preference  is  naturally  for  Euro 
pean  immigration,  with  which  to  counteract  the  ever- 
threatening  encroachments  of  the  United  States;  but 
what  avail  mere  wishes  and  projects  against  the  force 
of  circumstances,  as  foreshadowed  by  the  railroads  now 
extending  from  the  north  into  the  very  heart  of  the 
country  ?  Indeed,  many  men  of  deep  patriotism  seek 
in  the  United  States  the  only  regeneration  for  Mex 
ico.106  The  failure  of  European  colonies  indicate  that 
the  sudden  transition  to  strange  soil  and  climate  is  a 
serious  obstacle,  and  one  that  disappears  before  the 
advance  from  the  north,  acclimatized  as  it  were  in  the 
approximate  environments  of  the  border  regions.107 

105  Garcia  Cubas,  Escritos  Div.,  69-71,  expresses  himself  to  the  latter  effect; 
and  Pimentel,  Raza  Indig.,  240,  Econom.,  172-88,  more  widely  so.     He  points 
out  that  the  scattered  distribution  of  the  inhabitants  is  in  itself  injurious  to 
advancement  and  culture. 

106  As  did   a  strong  party  in  California   a  decade  before  its  annexation. 
Chevalier  looks  to  the  north  for  the  future  owners  of  Mexico,  as  of  Texas. 
Political  movements  in  the  United  States  are  watched  with  jealous  fears  in 
Mexico. 

107  The  only  problem  as  regards  climate  is  its  effect  on  future  generations. 


CHAPTEE  XXVI. 

DUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 
1521-1887. 

INSTRUCTION  OF  THE  INDIANS  AND  MESTIZOS — SCHOOLS  AND  COLLEGES-  -MEAS 
URES  FOR  DEVELOPING  EDUCATION — PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION — SCIEN 
TIFIC  ATTAINMENT  —  CREOLE  UNSTEADINESS  —  OBSERVATORIES  —  FINE 
AND  MECHANICAL  ARTS — MUSEUM — FIRST  PRESS — EARLY  BOOKS  AND 
PERIODICALS — LIBRARIES  AND  LITERARY  SOCIETIES — PROSE  WRITING — 
NEWSPAPERS  —  HISTORIANS — ORATORY — POETRY — MEXICAN  PECULIARI 
TIES — REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  POSITION  OF  MEXICO. 

EDUCATION  in  New  Spain  during  colonial  times  was 
confined  with  few  exceptions  to  a  certain  class  of  white 
people.  Those  who  came  from  the  mother  country 
were  rather  backward,  except  when  members  of  pro 
fessions,  and  the  wealthy  Creoles  stood  as  a  rule  far 
above  them.  The  church  and  bar  were  the  main 
allurements  to  those  who  desired  an  active  career. 
Medicine  was  also  taught  at  the  university,  and  finally 
at  a  special  college,  but  obtained  little  favor.  Philos 
ophy  was  learned  only  as  preparatory  to  theology, 
with  a  persistent  adherence  to  scholasticism.  Mathe 
matics  received  slight  attention,  and  the  sciences, 
political  and  physical,  were  discouraged  until  toward 
the  end  of  colonial  times.  No  language  save  Latin 
received  any  attention.  As  for  the  masses,  learning 
was  regarded  as  not  only  useless,  but  prejudicial. 
Viceroy  Branciforte  thought  only  the  cathechism 
should  be  taught  in  America. 

The  best  evidence  of  the  low  grade  of  public  educa 
tion  was  that  school-masters  were  required  to  pass 

(630) 


GENERAL  IGNORANCE.  631 

examination  only  in  the  most  elementary  reading  and 
writing,  and  the  four  simplest  rules  of  arithmetic.1 

While  the  Indians  and  lower  castes  were  steeped  in 
ignorance,  the  remainder  of  the  population,  excepting 
the  highest  class  and  the  professions,  though  low 
enough,  were  still  above  the  corresponding  classes  in 
Spain.  In  the  last  decades  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
theoretic  and  concrete  sciences,  industrial  and  fine 
arts,  advanced  with  a  bound  that  for  a  time  placed 
New  Spain  in  the  front  rank  of  cultured  nations.  But 
wrapping  itself  in  revolution,  it  was  soon  left  behind  in 
the  march  of  progress. 

The  friars  were  always  ready  to  instruct  the  off 
spring  of  princes  and  nobles,  and  even  some  bright 
youths  of  the  lower  classes.  Reading,  writing,  and 
vocal  and  instrumental  music  were  the  branches 
taught,  though  the  larger  proportion  of  pupils  partici 
pated  in  little  more  than  religious  exercises.  Some, 
however,  indulged  in  Latin,  drawing,  and  painting, 
while  others  received  training  in  the  mechanical  arts. 
The  civil  powers  were  satisfied  with  this  policy,  and 
with  training  natives  for  the  priesthood.2  The  result 
was  the  college  of  Santa  Cruz,  opened  by  Viceroy 
Mendoza,  for  the  teaching  of  grammar,  Latin,  rhetoric, 
logic,  philosophy,  and  other  necessary  subjects.  On 
the  inauguration  day,  sixty  youths,  selected  by  friars 
from  the  most  intelligent  nobles  then  studying  in  the 
several  convents,  entered  the  college.3  But  the  time 
soon  came  when  the  fears  and  jealousies  of  colonists 
and  friars  were  roused  against  the  elevation  of  a  de 
spised  race,  and  the  result  was  a  relaxation  of  efforts 
among  teachers.  Soon  the  college  gave  instruction 

1  This  mediocre  acquirement  secured  them  extensive  privileges.  '  Go  cen 
de  las  preeminencias,  prerogativas,  y  exenciones. .  .que  estan  concedidas,  y 
comunicadas  a  los  que  exercen  artes  liberales.'  Ctdula,  in  Reales  Ordenes,  i. 
455-9. 

2Albornoz,  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc.,  xiii.  69. 
Friars  joined  in  the  recommendation.  Id.,  xii.  125. 

3  The  government  made  ample  provision  for  their  support.  Mendoza,  Carta, 
in  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  134-5.  The  king  in  1553  added  for  a  time  800  pesos. 
Puga,  Cedulario,  187. 


632  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

merely  in  reading,  writing,  and  religious  exercises; 
and  a  little  later  it  was  taken  possession  of  wholly  by 
the  white  race,  with  a  higher  grade  of  study.  This 
course  was  adopted  throughout  the  country.  The 
Indian  nobles  were  allowed  to  acquire  a  smattering  of 
Spanish,  which  sufficed  to  raise  them  to  the  rank  of 
ladinos.  The  mass  of  their  race  stood  deprived  of  all 
instruction;  consequently  the  term  gente  de  razon,  or 
rational  people,  applied  to  whites  and  mestizos.  Very 
few  of  the  aborigines  attained  to  a  high  level  of 
culture.  At  a  later  period,  however,  a  concession  was 
made,  in  yielding  such  a  college  as  San  Gregorio  at 
Mexico  to  them  exclusively.  Finally  came  a  feeble 
effort  to  erect  primary  schools  in  some  of  the  larger 
Indian  villages.4  For  mestizos,  the  facilities  were  not 
much  greater.  The  government,  indeed,  showed  a 
lamentable  neglect  in  promoting  elementary  education 
among  the  whites  and  mixed  classes,  and  left  the  peo 
ple  to  provide  for  themselves.  Some  free  schools 
were  opened  by  philanthropists,  and  private  academies 
by  secular  teachers,  wherever  encouragement  was 
given.  Many  of  the  latter  added  Latin,  algebra,  and 
geography.  At  one  time  quite  a  large  number  of 
these  establishments  were  in  operation.  Many  of  the 
wealthy  and  intelligent  preferred,  however,  to  send 
their  children  to  Spain  to  be  educated,  so  as  to  bind 
them  to  the  mother  country. 

Later,  a  general  revival  induced  the  crown  to 
recommend  the  establishment  of  primary  schools.5 
The  results,  however,  were  as  unsatisfactory  as  the 
efforts  were  spasmodic.  No  mingling  of  the  sexes 
was  allowed  in  the  public  schools,  and  girls  received 

4  Azanza  was  still  struggling  in  1800  with  projects  for  schools.     Spanish 
writers  try  to  make  us  believe  that  their  govt  always  endeavored  to  educate 
the  .Indians;  according  to  official  statistics,  the  one  Indian  college  at  Mexico 
had  in  1790  only  38  students  and  one  solitary  teacher,  while  seven  colleges 
for  other  castes  had  two  to  four  times  the  number  of  masters.   Gaceta,  Mex., 
v.  8. 

5  Parents  were  urged  the  need  of  sending  their  children  to  them,  but  no 
energetic  impulse  followed  the  decree.  Zamora,  Bib.  Legis.  Uti.,  iii.   174-5, 
wherein  are  given  laws  for  1782  and  subsequent  dates. 


THE  JESUITS.  633 

instruction  in  distinct  departments,  under  women.  As 
a  rule,  they  were  sent  to  convents,  there  to  be  trained 
chiefly  in  feminine  accomplishments.6 

The  Jesuits  exercised  a  great  influence  in  favor  of 
public  instruction.  Their  method  of  teaching  was 
admired,  and  aid  was  readily  granted  them  by  citizens 
for  establishing  colleges.  They  had  enemies,  how 
ever,  who  first  restricted  and  finally  drove  them  away. 
They  early  established  four  colleges  at  Mexico,  notably 
the  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  all  of  which  were  by  the 
second  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century  merged  into 
one,  under  the  name  of  San  Ildefonso.  Nevertheless, 
the  Jesuits  continued  their  efforts,  and  at  the  time 
of  their  expulsion  in  1767  possessed  twenty-three  col 
leges,  and  a  number  of  seminaries  in  different  provinces, 
only  a  portion  of  which  were  reopened  under  other 
teachers. 

The  example  of  the  Jesuits  was  followed  by  others, 
and  several  colleges  and  seminaries  were  the  result  of 
it.  Still,  quite  a  number  of  provinces  were  devoid  of 
facilities  for  anything  above  elementary  training.  At 
Mexico  there  were  in  1790  eight  colleges  for  males, 
only  two  of  which  fell  under  control  of  friars.7 

The  deficiency  of  high  schools  has  been  glossed 
over  by  directing  attention  to  the  founding  of  the 
university.  Mendoza,  the  first  viceroy,  left  property 
for  its  establishment;  and  during  the  rule  of  the  elder 

6  There  were  six  so-called  colleges  for  females  at  Mexico.     Alaman,  not 
withstanding  his  Spanish  tendencies,  contradicts  the  writers  who  extol  Spain's 
efforts  on  behalf  of  female  education.     The  fact  is,  that  for  a  long  time  but 
one  public  school  for  girls  existed.  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  iii.,  ap.  87;  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  vi.  488.     Even  the  classes  gradually  opened  by  nuns 
were  few,  and  devoted  only  too  frequently  to  religious  training,  sewing,  and 
the  like,  without  even  learning  to  read.     As  late  as  1795  the  pope  and  king 
ordered  the  convents  to  more  freely  receive  girls  of  good  families  for  care  and 
education.    Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  23-6.     Nuns  de  la  Ensenanza  devoted  them 
selves  specially  to  training  girls;  but  their  efforts  were  limited.    Torres,  Ser 
mon;  Arteaya,  Josias,  pt  11.     For  Indian  girls  of  noble  birth  there  was  a  real 
colegio;  but  it  was  really  an  informal  convent,  Akgre,  Hist.  Camp.  Jesus,  iii. 
294,  like  a  few  other  so-called  colegios. 

7  Their  names  were  the  Santos,  Seminario,  San  Ildefonso,  San  Juan  de 
Letran,  Infantes,  San  Ramon,  Santiago,  llatelolco,  and  San  G-regorio.     The 
total  number  of  students  was  somewhat  over  600,  a  small  figure,  indeed,  for 
the  leading  city  of  the  continent.    Gac.,  Mex.,  v.   8;   Estalla,   xxvii.   260; 
Cabrera,  Escudos  Armas,  200. 


634  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATUKE. 

Velasco,  a  royal  cedula  of  September  21,  1551,  or 
dained  its  erection,  providing  an  endowment  of  1,000 
pesos  de  oro,8  which  was  increased  by  later  grants  and 
private  bequests.  Privileges  were  conferred  upon  it. 
The  institution  was  inaugurated  on  January  25,  1553. 
In  1589  it  was  transferred  to  the  site  occupied  till  mod 
ern  times  on  the  east  side  of  the  Plaza  del  Volador.9 

The  Jesuit  college  at  Merida,  Yucatan,  obtained  in 
1662  the  title  and  privileges  of  a  university,  but  it  did 
not  long  exist.10  The  only  other  permanent  institution 
of  the  kind,  therefore,  in  New  Spain  was  at  Guadala 
jara,  founded  by  cedula  of  1791  in  the  former  Jesuit 
college,  with  incorporation  of  the  chairs  and  endow 
ments  of  the  Seminario  de  San  Jose,  both  of  which 
were  increased  in  numbers  and  amount.11  The  war 
of  independence  broke  in  upon  the  educational  revival 
with  which  the  present  century  opened,  and  where 
the  kindled  flame  was  not  absolutely  extinguished  it 
burned  low.12  Once  free,  the  republic  became  em- 

8<Vn  Estudio  y  universidacl  de  todas  sciencias.'  Puga,  Cedulario,  137-8. 
Herrera  dates  an  order  for  the  founding  as  early  as  1539,  Dec.  vi.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  vi.,  dec.  viii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  xiii. ;  and  Alcedo,  v.  139,  lends  it  support  by 
showing  that  Friar  Alonso  de  Veracruz  founded  a  university  at  Tiripitior 
which  was  merged  '  que  despues  se  trasladd  a  Mexico,'  in  that  of  Mexico,  or 
moved  thither.  While  under  royal  patronage  the  title  of  pontifical  was 
added  at  a  later  date.  St  Paul  was  first  adopted  for  patron,  and  Santa 
Catalina  Martir  figured  among  later  additions.  Bekila,  Recap,,  i.,  pt  iii.  361. 

9 The  studies  began  with  seven  chairs;  namely,  two  for  theologic  subjects, 
two  for  law,  and  one  each  for  arts,  rhetoric,  and  grammar.  The  number 
increased  rapidly  till  it  stood  at  24  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century, 
including  one  for  Aztec,  and  one  for  Otomi  language,  respectively.  Villarefwr, 
Teatro  Mex.,  56;  A laman,  Disertac. ,  216-20,  261;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  52;  Trot. 
Mex.,  32.  By  1775  there  had  graduated  1,162  doctors  and  29,882  bachelors. 
Gonzalez  Davila  names  the  first  to  pass  examination.  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  32. 
Laws  concerning  the  institution  may  be  found  in  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  191  et  seq.; 
Reales  Cednlas,M.S.,  i.  77-9;  ii.  238;  Montemayor,  Sumarios,  61-3;  Zamora, 
Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  vi.  106  et  seq.  See  also  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  592;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
i.  159-61;  Figueroa,  Vindidas,  MS.,  68-9;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  iv.  20/-17; 
Distwbios  Frailes,  MS.,  ii.  366.  Estalla,  xxvi.  350-1,  xxvii.  255-74,  describes 
several  features  of  the  institution. 

10  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucatan,  215-16. 

11  Among  the  new  professorships  were  those  of  canon  and  civil  law,  with 
400  pesos  a  year,  those  of  medicine  and  surgery,  with  300  pesos;  the  secretary 
and  others  received  150  pesos,  and  the  librarian  and  porter  only  100  pesos 
each.  Cedula  Real;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  52-4.     By-laws  are  given  in  Id.,  91-114; 
Jal,  Not.  Geog.,  15-16. 

12  Yet  amid  the  reigning  disorder  the  subject  was  not  neglected,  as  in 
stanced  by  decrees  like  those  in  Cdrtes,  Diara,  xxi.  11-21,  xxii.  17-18,  direct 
ing  the  governors  to  establish  new  schools  and  promote  existing  ones. 


PUBLIC  EDUCATION.  635 

broiled  in  party  strife  and  efforts  for  a  political  organ 
ization,  amid  which  the  idea  of  training  the  people  for 
its  new  responsibilities  was  little  thought  of.  The 
higher  schools,  which  had  so  far  maintained  a  fair  com 
parison  with  those  in  Spain,  suffered  both  in  number 
and  efficiency,  owing  partly  to  the  decline  of  clerical 
influence  and  guardianship,  and  to  the  inferior  educa 
tion  of  the  rising  order  of  ecclesiastics.13 

In  1833  the  necessity  for  energetic  measures  became 
apparent,  and  public  instruction  in  the  federal  district 
and  territories  was  placed  in  charge  of  a  board  of 
directors,  which  controlled  national  art  treasures,  and 
was  to  form  a  public  library.  It  was  to  form  a  new 
plan  for  studies,  giving  prominence  to  scientific 
branches,  and  appoint  teachers,  yet  permit  free  teach 
ing,  subject  to  certain  general  rules.  All  the  funds  of 
existing  establishments  were  consolidated  and  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  the  board. 

Colleges  where  modern  philosophy  and  science  had 
entered  were  allowed  to  languish.  Elementary  schools 
also  languished;  yet  an  impetus  was  given  to  the  Lan- 
casterian  or  mutual  system  introduced  in  1 822.14  Edu 
cational  matters  were  for  some  years  allowed  to  drift, 
till  1842,  when  the  Lancasterian  association  was  placed 
in  charge  of  all  primaries  in  the  republic.  The  gov 
ernment  undertook  to  provide  pecuniary  means,  but 
scantily.15 

Little  progress  was  attained,  owing  to  the  constant 
political  convulsions  and  changes  of  administration. 
An  effort  was  made  by  the  authorities  in  1861,  but  it 


13  Yet  so  poorly  sustained  that  one  of  the  two  Lancasterian  schools  in  the 
capital  had  to  be  closed  in  1830.  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel  Int.,  1830. 

"For  details,  see  Arrillaga,  Recap.,  1833,  90-126. 

15  According  to  the  Memorias  de  Hac.,  the  expenditure  by  the  general  gov 
ernment  for  educational  purposes  declined  from  $62.873  in  1840  to  |54,253, 
$57,007,  $31,126,  and  $32,522  during  the  following  four  years.  See  also  Mex., 
Mem.,  xiii.  docs.  1-2;  Pap.  Var.,  Ixxx.  pt  xix.  Notwithstanding  the  diffi 
culties  in  the  way,  the  number  of  primary  schools  had  increased  to  1,310  in 
1843,  with  59,744  pupils,  while  colleges  numbered  40,  with  6,018  students. 
Mex.,  Mem.  Just.,  1829,  ap.  14;  Id.,  1844,  ap.  18-20;  Diario  Deb.,  Cong.  10, 
iii.  35;  Mexican.  Zmtande,  i.  352  et  seq. ;  Comp.  Lancast.,  Espos.,  13;  Diario 
Gob.,  Dec.  19,  1842;  Bustamante,  Diario,  MS.,  xlv.  273. 


636  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

failed,  mainly  through  the  absorption  of  funds  for  the 
war  of  intervention.16  Maximilian,  with  his  German 
ideas,  introduced  some  measures  which  left  seeds  that 
show  signs  of  being  developed  into  flourishing  plants.17 
Amid  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  republic,  however, 
with  its  disorders,  neglect,  and  inefficient  legislation, 
illiteracy  has  been  greatly  reduced.  The  proof  lies  in 
the  growth  of  primary  schools,  and  of  the  number  of 
pupils  in  attendance.18  Besides  these  schools  there 
were  134  public  establishments  of  higher  grade  and 
colleges.  In  1883—4  the  federal  government  expended 
$353,080  in  public  instruction  and  kindred  branches, 
and  appropriated  to  the  same  purpose  $701,420  for 
the  fiscal  year  188 5-6. 19  The  propensity  for  separating 
the  sexes  is  strong  in  Spanish  American  countries, 
hence  only  a  small  portion  of  the  schools  are  of  a 
mixed  order.20 

The  clergy  for  a  long  time  tried  to  retain  control 
over  the  higher  schools,  there  to  perpetuate  scholastic 
and  other  old-fashioned  ideas.  Gradually,  however, 
the  states  assumed  control,  and  managed  to  introduce 

16  Mex,.,  Mem.  Sec.  Hac.,  1868,  12;  Mex.,  C6d.  Reforma,  369-82;  Arch. 
Hex.,  Col  Ley.,  vi.  97-119. 

17 For  imperial  regulations,  see  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Imp.,  viii.  21-84;  Diario 
del  Imp.,  Apr.  14,  May  4,  Sept.  16,  1866.  Professional  diplomas  issued  under 
the  empire  were  annulled  by  Juarez'  government.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg. 
Mex.,  x.  59. 

18  1,310  schools  in  1843,  2,400  in  1860,  5,000  in  1870,  8,100  in  1875,  and 
still  rapidly  increasing,  there  being  in  1884  at  least  8,586  primary  schools,  of 
which  2,116  were  for  girls.     The  attendance  has  been  from  59,744  pupils  in 
1843  to  349,000  in  1875,  and  441,453  in  1884,  of  whom  115,147  were  girls. 
Covarrubias  in  1875  showed  that  only  one  fifth  of  the  school  population  re 
ceived  primary  instruction.  Mem.  Instruc.  Pub.,  Ixxxiii.-iv.     The  minister  of 
public  instruction  in  1851  had  classed  three  fourths  of  the  population  as  illit 
erate;  later  figures  patriotically  reduced  this  to  more  than  one  half.     Both 
statements  should  be  taken  with  allowance.     Stanch  little  Tlascala  stands 
foremost  in  education,  as  the  ancient  republic  stood  in   battle.     Chiapas, 
Chihuahua,  and  L.   Cal.  stand  lowest  according  to  Covarrubias'  admirable 
work. 

19  The  instruction  in  the  primary  schools  is  as  a  rule  limited  to  reading, 
writing,  arithmetic,  grammar,  conduct,  and  the  duties  of  citizens.     Girls  are 
taught,  besides,  certain  feminine  work.     In  a  large  number  of  schools,  how 
ever,  geography,   history,  drawing,   geometry,  and  French  are  added,  and 
many  teach  branches  that  approach  those  of  our  high  branches. 

20  The  attendance  at  girls'  schools  is  comparatively  less  than  at  the  boys' 
for  obvious  reasons.     Moreover,  a  large  number  of  girls  are  retained  by  cau 
tious  parents  at  home,  where  they  receive  a  certain  amount  of  instruction. 


A  POPULAR  COLLEGE.  637 

a  more  practical  and  modern  range  of  studies.21  The 
medical  school  of  Mexico  stands  foremost  in  the  coun 
try  for  excellence,  and  is,  indeed,  the  only  one  enjoy 
ing  a  decided  reputation.22  Many  prefer  to  study  in 
France  and  Germany,  in  the  latter  specially  in  the 
mining  schools ;  yet  they  run  the  risk  of  meeting  on 
their  return  with  a  cold  reception,  and  in  any  case  of 
having  to  maintain  an  unequal  struggle  with  foreign 
professionals  who  are  more  energetic  and  regarded,  as 
well  as  more  thorough  arid  efficient. 

The  most  popular  of  the  colleges,  by  reason  of  the 
profession  taught,  is  that  of  jurisprudence.  The  pro 
fession  was  always  favored  by  teachers  and  govern 
ment,  and  with  the  wider  range  of  official  life  opened 
by  the  republic,  its  attractions  have  increased.23  The 
military  college,  with  a  fixed  membership  of  200,  is 
directly  under  the  control  of  the  minister  of  war. 
Among  other  special  schools  is  one  for  fine  arts.24 
Several  naval  schools  have  been  founded  at  different 
times,  one  at  Tepic  as  early  as  1822.25  The  conserva 
tory  of  music  and  declamation  is  sustained  by  the 

21  At  Mexico  the  preparatory  school  imparts  in  a  course  of  five  years  the 
following  branches:  Mathematics,  physics,  chemistry,   cosmography,   geog 
raphy,  national  and  general  history,  natural  history,  logic,  ideology,  ethics, 
drawing,  grammar,  literature,  French,  English,  Latin,  and  the  Greek  roots. 
This  is  for  law  students.     Those  intending  to  apply  themselves  to  engineer 
ing,  mining,  or  architecture  study  German  in  lieu  of  Latin,  and  give  more 
attention  to  drawing.     There  are  also  classes  for  Italian,  music,  tachygraphy, 
and  gymnastics,  and  several  collections  and  laboratories.     Boys  enter  here  as 
early  as  the  8th  year.     In  the  study  of  languages  about  40  per  cent  prefer 
the  dead,  35  per  cent  French,  \\  per  cent  English,  and  a  sprinkling  the  Ger 
man  and  Italian.     There  are  also  an  agricultural  and  a  veterinary  college. 

22  The  several  branches  to  be  studied  in  the  five  years'  course  are  properly 
apportioned.     The  regulations  of  1843  required  a  sixth  preparatory  year  of 
study  in  natural  history  and  medicinal  chemistry.     The  veterinary  school, 
connected  with  the  school  of  agriculture,  received  some  excellent  regulations 
in  1853.  Mex.t  Regl  de  Eusen.  Mid.,  1-24;  Soc.  Med.  Regla.;  Soc.  Filoiatrica, 
Regla,  1-8;  Pap.   Var.,  li.  pt  xviii.,  cxlvii.  pt  x. 

23  The  studies  offered  for  this  career  are  undoubtedly  more  complete  in 
their  way  than  the  others  in  provincial  colleges;  yet  a  large  number  of  stu 
dents  prefer  at  least  a  finishing  course  at  Mexico.     The  full  term  is  six  years, 
two  of  them  attending  at  the  college  of  advocates,  and  practical  experience  in 
a  lawyer's  office  and  before  the  courts. 

24  To  teach  drawing,   engraving,   painting,    sculpture,  architecture,   and 
decorative  art.     Biennial  exhibitions  are  held,  and  medals  awarded.     The 
library  and  galleries  of  the  school  form  a  veritable  museum  of  arts.     For  reg 
ulations,  see  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leyis.  Mex.,  v.  642-66,  681-8, 

*Quat.,  Gac.,  1822,  393. 


638  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE 

philharmonic  society,  with  a  government  subsidy.  Of 
the  attendance  of  pupils,  about  40  per  cent  are  fe 
males.26 

The  school  of  arts  and  trades,  with  its  five-year 
course  of  mathematics,  physics,  chemistry,  industrial 
inventions,  political  economy,  Spanish,  French,  draw 
ing,  and  mechanical  arts,  is  attended  by  a  large 
number  of  students.27  The  school  of  commerce  and 
administration,  and  those  for  the  blind  and  deaf-mutes, 
are  objects  of  special  care  and  attention. 

For  women  there  are  several  superior  schools,  and 
their  number  and  attendance  is  increasing  with  the 
general  progress.28  In  the  school  of  arts  for  women 
at  Mexico,  instruction  is  given  in  photography,  teleg 
raphy,  printing,  and  other  branches,  with  a  view  to 
open  a  path  for  them  in  useful  careers.  The  boarding- 
schools,  which  absorb  a  comparatively  large  number 
of  girls,  also  impart  several  advanced  studies.29  Spe 
cial  primary  schools  exist  for  women  as  for  men,  be 
sides  evening  classes. 

In  view  of  the  rapid  spread  of  education  and  the 
demand  for  teachers,  the  creation  of  normal  schools 
has  hardly  grown  apace.  The  smallness  and  uncer 
tainties  of  the  pay,  and  the  rather  equivocal  position 
of  primary  teachers,  have  neutralized  the  aspirations 
of  candidates.30  Primaries  will,  no  doubt,  be  surren 
dered  more  and  more  to  the  charge  of  women. 
.  The  national  university,  once  the  pride  of  Mexico, 
has  disappeared  before  the  encroachments  of  profes 
sional  colleges.  The  similar  establishment  at  Guada- 

26  An  orchestra  and  theatre  are  attached.     Besides  the  branch  mainly  at 
tended  in  the  school,  mathematics,  book-keeping,  geography,  history,  French, 
Italian,  and  even  drawing  and  painting  are  taught. 

27  Laboratories  and  workshops   are  attached.     The  semi-penal  school  at 
Tecpan  is  similar  in  range. 

28  With  rare  exceptions,  the  branches  are  limited  to  mathematics,  domes 
tic  hygiene,  book-keeping,  botany,  history,  modern  languages,  painting,  and 
feminine  work.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  3d  pt,  v.  684,  etc.;  Arch.  Mex.,  Col 
Ley.,  ii.  7-10;  Romero,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boktin,  ix.  124-6. 

29  These  schools  gained  by  the  closing  of  convent  schools,  of  which  21  are 
mentioned  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Just,  1844,  doc.  19,  and  others  in  Id.,  1829, 
docs.  12  et  seq. 

30  In  colleges,  the  pay  varies  from  $300  to  $2,000;  but  in  primaries  it  is  as 
low  as  $6  to  $10  a  month.     In  the  large  towns,  $50  is  considered  a  high  rate. 


MEXICANS  PROMISING   PUPILS.  639 

lajara  has  suffered  reverses,  but  it  may  be  said  to  still 
live  in  one  of  the  two  seminaries  controlled  by  the 
clergy  of  this  diocese,  and  so  with  that  of  Chiapas.31 
With  the  advance  of  education,  however,  we  may 
safely  predict  the  speedy  reopening  of  one  or  more  of 
these  institutions,  and  on  a  basis,  it  may  be  hoped, 
that  will  serve  to  stimulate  the  growing  love  for  edu 
cation  throughout  its  branches,  and  serve  to  retain  at 
home  the  many  young  men  who  now  deem  it  necessary 
to  seek  European  schools.32  Mexicans  are  undoubt 
edly  promising  pupils,  the  mestizo  being  remarkably 
quick  to  apprehend,  and  the  Indian  holding  out  bright 
promises  of  adding  to  the  list  of  men  like  Juarez  and 
Altamirano,  the  latter  one  of  the  foremost  scholars  in 
the  country.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
as  the  youth  grow  up  docility  yields  to  indolence  at 
the  time  when  the  reflective  powers  could  be  best 
trained.  Hence  self-culture  is  not  widely  developed, 
and  where  it  is  followed  we  find  the  national  lack  of 
thoroughness  interposes  serious  obstacles  to  the  re 
generation  of  a  loose  and  shallow  mind.33 

31  The  cdrtes  of  Spain  were  in  1820  discussing  the  expediency  of  establish 
ing  more  universities  in  America,  Cdrtes,  Diario,  Oct.  20,  1820,  ix.  9-10,  and 
the  Mexican  congress  proposed  one  for  Oajaca  in  1822.  Abispa  Chil.,  303-8. 
In  1843  the  ministerial  report  alludes  to  the  university  staff  of  the  capital  as 
a  mere  text-book  board,  and  gives  the  universities  of  Chiapas  and  Guadalajara 
114  and  145  students  respectively.   Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Just.,  doc.  720.     For 
decrees  of  suppression  and  revival  in  1833  and  1834,  see  Arrillaga,  Recop., 
1833,  90;   Pap.    Far.,  Ixxiii.  pt   8.     Elaborate   regulations  were   issued   in 
1855  for  curriculum  degrees.  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  1855,  viii.  14-17,  30-3.     Then 
came  the  law  of  suppression  in  September  1857,  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex., 
viii.  625,  and  the  repeals  in  1858  and  1861,  and  the  final  closing.  Id.,  ix.  17-18; 
Diario  Avis.,  March  12,  April  12,  15,  29,  1858;  La  Cruz,  vii.  287,  440-8;  Arch. 
Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  v.   120-1;  Arranrjoiz,  Mej.,  iv.  47-8.     In  April  1881  a  bill 
was  introduced  in  congress  for  creating  a  new  national  university.  Diario 
Deb.,  Cong.  10,  ii.  289-91. 

32  A  law  of  1850  required  various  colleges  to  send  to  European  colleges, 
and  there  maintain  for  three  years  a  certain  number  of  their  students.  Mex., 
Col.  Ley.,  1850,  214-16.     The  ministerial  report  of  1835  points  out  lack  of 
higher  education,  and  explains  the  reasons  for  such  a  decree.     In  pursuance 
of  this  the  educational  law  of  1843  extended  the  range  of  studies  for  law,  par 
ticularly  in  the  humanities.     Eichthofen  observes  that  this  was  needless,  since 
the  new  studies  were  utterly  superficial  and  fragmentary.  Rep.  Mex. ,  226.     It 
was  also  very  easy  to  shorten  both  studies  and  term.     The  above  writer  gives 
an  interesting  account  of  the  cost  and  ceremonies  attending  matriculation,  to 
which  Wappau,  Oeog.,  119,  adds  several  points. 

03  For  a  special  account  of  education  in  the  different  states,  I  refer  to  Jose 
Diaz  Covarrubias,  Instruction  Publica  en  Mexico,  Mex.,  1875,  sm.  4to,  ccli.  and 
218  pp.,  with  chart,  the  most  complete  of  the  subject  so  far  published.  He 


640  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

Science,  either  abstract  or  concrete,  has  not  been 
greatly  fostered  in  Mexico.  But  in  spite  of  obstacles, 
the  old  scholasticism  so  much  affected  by  the  church 
is  gradually  disappearing.  Medicine  had  been  more 
favored  for  obvious  reasons,  there  being  several  chairs 
in  the  university,  including  one  of  anatomy  and  sur 
gery,  medical  students  being  compelled  to  attend  lec 
tures  on  botany.34 

A  brilliant  course  of  investigation  was  instituted 
into  the  flora  of  New  Spain  under  Sesse  and  Mocino. 
The  latter  and  a  co-laborer  named  Echeverria  were 
natives  of  Mexico.35  To  further  encourage  medical 
study  a  school  of  surgery  was  established  in  the  royal 
hospital  in  1770.  However,  the  profession  was  more 
hampered  even  than  in  Europe  by  old-fashioned 
schools  and  ideas.36  The  profession  of  the  church 
and  bar  had  a  greater  attraction,  and  a  large  number 
of  chairs  was  provided  for  these  studies  in  the  univer 
sity;  in  addition  thereto  a  royal  academy  of  jurispru 
dence  was  established  in  the  college  of  San  Ildefonso, 
and  lawyers  were  formed  into  a  corporation  named 
Real  Colegio  de  Abogados.  No  mining  school  was 
founded  before  1783,  and  this  in  a  country  where  the 
mines  formed  the  chief  and  almost  solely  appreciated 
wealth.37 

It  does  not  seem,  however,  that  the  Creoles  were 
suited  for  the  steady  application  demanded  by  a  course 

had  all  the  needed  material  for  his  subject  at  command.  A  review  of  more 
historic  character  is  presented  by  E.  Montes  in  Dlario  de  Dehates,  Cong. 
10,  iii.  22-51,  in  connection  with  a  project  for  a  new  law  to  regulate  public 
instruction. 

34  A  botanic  garden  on  a  little  scale  was  established  therefor. 

35  The  result  was  the  first  important  addition  to  this  branch  of  science, 
made  by  Doctor  Hernandez,  sent  out  by  Felipe  II.  to  study  the  plants  and 
animals  of  New  Spain,  which  he  did  on  a  large  scale,  and  at  an  expense  of 
60,000    ducats.     And    yet    Hernandez'   work   was    allowed    to    remain    in 
manuscript. 

36  Father  Agustin  Farfan  wrote  a  text- book  on  medicine  in  1579,  new  edi 
tions  of  which  appeared  in  1592,  1604,  and  1610,  with  some  changes  and  addi 
tions.     Other  treatises  appeared  in  later   times.     Regular  doctors   did  not 
figure  till  the  18th  century. 

37  A  really  practical  course  of  study  was  given,  embracing  French,  mathe 
matics,    drawing,    natural   philosophy,   chemistry,   and   mineralogy.     Many 
imperfections  hampered  the  usefulness  of  the  school,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  Jose  Fausto   Elhuyar,  the   founder,  and  of   Andres   del  Rio,  his 
co-laborer. 


SOME  REMARKABLE  BOOKS.  641 

of  regular  training,  and  the  results  were  not  adequate, 
Their  ardor  was  probably  also  dampened  by  the  inroad 
of  professional  scientists  and  artists.  The  disorders  of 
the  succeeding  war  for  independence  and  republican 
rule  were  not  conducive  to  the  advance  of  arts  and 
sciences.38  The  best  treatise  on  mineralogy  in  Span* 
ish  was  issued  by  Rio  of  this  school.  The  first  Span 
ish  translation  of  Lavoisier's  chemistry  appeared  at 
Mexico,  and  the  Gacetas  de  Literatura  of  the  learned 
Alzate,  begun  in  1788,  form  no  mean  index  to  the 
growing  taste,  as  specified  in  the  varied  philosophic 
and  scientific  subjects  of  its  pages.  The  range  of 
Alzate's  studies  was  very  wide,  and  he  published 
numerous  works  of  the  highest  value,  among  which 
may  be  mentioned  two  valuable  contributions  on 
cochineal  culture  and  antiquities  respectively.  Also 
a  number  of  miscellaneous  writings,  wherein  are  no 
ticeable  his  assaults  on  the  vicious  and  old-fashioned 
methods  and  ideas  of  the  time,  which  evoked  no  little 
enmity  of  as  caustic  though  less  generous  a  nature. 

Alzate  also  attained  honorable  distinction  in  astron 
omy,  though  he  was  excelled  by  two  contemporaries, 
Joaquin  Velazquez  Cdrdenas  y  Leon,  and  Leon  y 
Gama,  the  former  ranking  as  the  foremost  geodetic 
observer  of  New  Spain,  and  as  chief  promoter  of  the 
mining  court  and  its  school;  and  the  latter  hardly 
less  prominent,  though  leaning,  in  addition  to  astron 
omy,  to  antiquarian  subjects.89  Astronomical  science 
had  not  been  wholly  disregarded  in  earlier  colonial 
days.  Siglienza  y  Gongora,  in  1681,  published  a  val- 

38  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  study  of  natural  history  and  physics, 
introduced  at  the  mining  school  and  elsewhere,  led  to  a  more  general  diffusion 
of  scientific  knowledge,  shallow  though  it  may  have  been;  and  Humboldt 
declares  that  in  this  respect  New  Spain  surpassed  many  a  district  of  the 
mother  country.     He  comments  on  the  chemical  laboratory,  geologic  collec 
tions,  and  scientific  instruments,  and  models  of  the  mining  school,  and  alludes 
to  more  than  one  private  mineral  cabinet. 

39  Less  favored  by  fortune  than  his  co-laborer,  Velazquez,  he  had  to  sustain 
a  constant  struggle  with  stern  necessities,  and  his  efforts  shine  with  greater 
lustre,  as  manifested  in  the  several  learned  treatises  from  his  pen,  which  have 
been  published,   notably  the  Description  Histdrica  y  Cronol6gica  de  las  dos 
Piedras,  a  learned  dissertation  on  the  Aztec  calendar  stone,  discovered  m. 
1790.  which  had  remained  hidden,  for  nearly  three  centuriee. 

^crsx.  MKX.,  VOL.  VI.     41 


642  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

uable  treatise  on  comets.  He  was  also  the  editor  of 
the  Mercurio  Volante,  and  was  a  man  of  sound  judg 
ment  and  high  attainments.  Pedro  Alarcon  and  others 
afterward  distinguished  themselves  in  mathematics  and 
astronomy. 

It  is  wonderful  how  both  government  and  people 
neglected  the  relics  of  New  Spain,  superior,  in  many 
directions,  to  those  of  Egypt,  and  worthy  of  compari 
son  with  those  of  the  middle  epoch  of  Greece.  In 
deed,  they  were  looked  on  as  devices  of  the  devil,  and 
devoted  to  extermination.  A  few  papers  and  figures 
were,  however,  sent  to  Spain,  and  roused  a  spirit  of 
inquiry,  which,  in  modern  times,  has  had  brilliant  re 
sults.  The  follies  of  vandalism,  such  as  Zumdrraga's, 
Sahagun  redeemed  by  collecting  from  Indians  of  the 
conquest  data  on  their  manners  and  customs,  modes  of 
education,  and  knowledge.  Much  of  his  work  was 
mutilated  by  narrow-mindedness,  but  Torquemada, 
in  his  Monarquia,  saved  much  of  it.  The  mestizo 
Father  Duran's  work  met  with  the  same  fate  as  Sa- 
hagun's.  Acosta  brought  the  result  of  his  labors  at 
an  earlier  date  before  the  world. 

Collections  of  original  documents,  in  the  hands  of 
native  nobles,  like  Ixtlilxochitl,  were  allowed  to  be 
scattered,  and  only  remnants  escaped  destruction, 
through  the  more  enlightened  care  of  Sigtienza,  Vey- 
tia,  Ortega,  Pichardo,  and  a  few  others.  Boturini 
spent  six  years  in  gathering  several  hundred  papers 
and  curiosities,  which  are  partly  preserved  in  Kings- 
borough's  great  work.40  Mariano  Veytia,  a  learned 

40  The  task  of  utilizing  Boturini's  unearthed  documents  was  reserved  for 
Veytia,  Clavigero,  and  subsequent  modern  students,  better  fitted  for  it  than 
himself;  for  his  Idea  is  a  curious  medley  of  interesting  facts  and  puerilities, 
connected  by  a  thread  of  fantastic  speculation.  He  had  completed,  in  1749, 
the  first  volume  of  his  Cronologia  de  las  Prindpales  Nadones,  which,  owing  to 
his  death  soon  after,  was  never  published.  But  a  Cronica  Mexicana,  Teoa- 
mtixtli,  was  issued  by  Bustamante  at  Mexico,  in  1821-2,  and  shows  the  pri 
mary  motive  which  impelled  Boturini  to  undertake  his  task,  and  which  must 
have  unfitted  him  for  writing  history — a  pious  zeal  to  substantiate  the  appari 
tion  of  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe.  Of  his  apologetic  dissertation  on  the  subject, 
a  fragment  remains  in  Latin.  Some  of  his  acts,  regarded  as  unwarranted  by  a 
foreigner,  led  to  his  arrest,  the  confiscation  of  his  papers,  and  his  being  sent  to 
Spain,  where,  his  motives  being  declared  pure,  he  was  appointed  historiographer 
of  the  Indies.  His  death  occurred  soon  after,  and  his  papers  became  scattered 
or  destroyed;  but  a  few  remain  in  the  museum  of  Mexico. 


ZEALOUS  STUDY  OF  RUINS.  643 

Creole  and  true  friend  of  Boturini,  consulted  his  fast- 
fading  treasures,  and  wrote  a  number  of  treatises  on 
aboriginal  history  and  relics,  of  which  only  one  has 
been  published  directly  under  his  name.  It  is  con 
fined  almost  wholly  to  history,  particularly  the  Tez- 
cucan,  and  unfortunately  gives  but  little  concerning 
manners  and  relics.  Meanwhile,  the  clear-headed 
Clavigero,  a  creole  of  New  Spain,  furnished  a  work 
on  aboriginal  history  and  institutions,  comprehensive, 
concise,  and  able,  which  has  been  translated  into  all 
languages. 

The  discovery  of  Palenque  roused  public  attention 
to  the  ruins  existing  all  over  the  country,  and  stirred 
government  action.  Descriptions  of  such  remains  may 
be  found  in  different  chroniclers,41  but  they  had  created 
little  attention  abroad,  and  the  peculiar  policy  of  Spain 
tended  to  secrecy  on  matters  concerning  her  colonies. 
However,  the  Creoles  after  a  time  took  interest  in  the 
subject,  and  governors  of  provinces,  and  even  the  su 
preme  government,  promoted  investigation,  and  the 
ruins  began  to  be  studied  with  zeal.42  The  results  in 
cited  the  crown  to  a  thorough  study  of  New  Spain 
antiquities,  and  during  the  years  1805  to  1808  Dupaix 
overran  the  southern  provinces,  and  collected  immense 
treasures,  as  appears  by  his  reports,43  which  were  pub 
lished  in  1843. 

Provision  has  been  made  in  this  century  for  the  ac 
quirement  of  scientific  knowledge,  with  satisfactory 
results.  The  various  professions  justly  pride  them 
selves  with  possessing  members  entitled  to  a  high 
standing,  not  solely  at  home,  but  also  abroad,  where 
many  of  their  number  have  been  enrolled  in  various 
societies,  and  their  productions  have  been  accepted 
with  honor.  A  national  academy  of  science  was  es 
tablished  in  Mexico  in  1857,  and  another  in  Puebla  in 

41  Bernal  Diaz,  Landa,  Burgoa,  Villagutierre,  and  down  to  Clavigero 's  time. 

42  As  instanced  by  Rio's  undertaking  in  1786  for  the  examination  of  Palen 
que. 

43  His  reports  are  on  the  regions  from  the  latitude  of  Tezcuco  into  Chiapas, 
and  are  illustrated  by  145  drawings  from  the  hand  of  Castaneda. 


644  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

1861.  During  the  existence  of  Maximilian's  throne, 
his  government  decreed  the  foundation  of  an  imperial 
academy  of  science  and  literature.44  The  erection  of 
a  national  observatory  at  Chapultepec,  decreed  in 
December  1876,  was  carried  out  in  May  1878.  The 
establishment,  also  comprising  a  meteorological  and 
magnetic  observatory,  maintains  relations  with  the 
chief  observatories  of  foreign  nations,  and  with  many 
scientific  associations.  It  has  thrown  lustre  upon  the 
men  who  manage  it.45  In  1877  was  established  in 
Mexico  a  meteorological  observatory  to  be  the  centre  of 
observations  made  throughout  the  republic,  and  to  be 
kept  in  relations  with  others  of  the  same  kind  in  for 
eign  nations.46 

There  is  a  geological  society  which  was  established 
in  1875,  and  the  work  of  the  Mexican  Geographical 
and  Statistical  Society,  which  counts  among  its  mem^ 
bers  many  notable  scientists  both  foreign  and  national, 
for  many  years  past  has  contributed  to  the  diffusion 
of  knowledge  on  many  subjects,  particularly  in  con 
nection  with  Mexico.47  The  conclusion  arrived  at 
after  a  fair  investigation  of  facts  is  that  many  sons  of 
Mexico  have  made  great  strides  in  the  acquisition  of 
science;  that  a  number  of  them  have  excelled  in  its 
several  branches,  and  are  doing  their  part  well  in  the 
transmission  to  others  of  the  knowledge  they  possess. 

44 It  was  inaugurated  July  6,  1865.  Mex.,  Col  Ley.  del  Imp.,  viii.  15-19; 
Mex.,  Diario  del  Imp.,  Apr.  10,  1865,  suppl.  340-1;  Acad.  Imp.  de  Ciencias,  1- 
27.  An  academy  of  physical  sciences  went  into  operation  June  3,  1878.  Mex., 
Diario  Ofic.,  May  30,  1878. 

45  In  1875  a  commission  presided  over  by  F.  Diaz  Covarrubias  was  sent  to 
observe  the  transit  of  the  planet  Venus  in  Japan,  and  fulfilled  its  mission  with 
honor  and  profit,  its  members  winning  the  respect  and  esteem  of  the  com 
missioners  of  other  nations.  Rivera,  Mix.  Pintor.,  i.  321-2;  Anguiano,  Anun- 
cio,  1-358;  Mex.,  Diario  Debates,  Cong.  6,  ii.  257;  Covarrubias,  Com.  Astrom. 
Mex.,    1-12;   Id.,  Viage  de  la  Comision,    1-148;   Riva  Palacio,  Hist.   Adm. 
Lerdo,  461;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fom.,  1882,  i.  181-334. 

46  It  was  installed  in  the  national  palace,  and  began  its  labors  March  6, 
1877.     They  are  published  in  the  Boletin  del  Ministerio  de  Fomento.     There  was 
likewise  installed  in  the  palace  a  central  astronomical  observatory.  Diaz,  Datos 
Biog.,  238-9.     Both  establishments,  as  well  as  those  at  Oajaca,  San  Luis  Po- 
tosf,  and  Zacatecas,  are  doing  good  work. 

47  The  society  has  had  a  long  life,  and  its  labors  have  been  given  to  the 
press  from  year  to  year. 


-      NATIONAL  TASTE  IN  ARCHITECTURE.  645 

Their  native  land  is  thereby  given  an  honorable  posi 
tion  among  the  learned  nations.48 

The  foundation  of  the  Real  Academia  de  Bellas 
Artes  de  San  Carlos,  in  1773,  inaugurated  the  promo 
tion  of  the  fine  arts  in  New  Spain.  Its  main  object 
was  to  facilitate  the  study,  free  of  expense  for  the  pu 
pils,  of  architecture,  sculpture,  and  painting.  Among 
the  teachers  were  Manuel  Tolsa,  sculptor,  Rafael 
Jimeno,  painter,  Gerdnimo  Antonio  Gil,  engraver,  and 
Antonio  G.  Velazquez,  architect.  Humboldt  speaks 
of  the  great  interest  taken,  adding  that  here  all  ranks 
were  levelled.  National  taste  in  architecture  became 
developed;  but  the  same  can  hardly  be  said  in  regard 
to  painting  and  animate  sculpture.  The  patronage  of 
the  church  failed,  there  were  faulty  methods,  a  rigid 
adherence  to  stagnant  features  of  Spanish  art,  and  a 
suppression  of  originality.  Superior  models  were  not 
to  be  had.  Many,  indeed,  were  the  causes  that  de 
feated  the  objects  of  the  academy,  among  others  the 
disturbed  condition  of  the  country. 

Baltasar  de  Echave,  the  elder,  has  been  by  many 
regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  art  of  painting  in  New 
Spain.49  His  contemporary,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
17th  century,  was  Luis  Juarez,  who  must  have  been 
his  pupil.  An  impressive  idealism  pervaded  this  art 
ist's  subjects.  Jose  Juarez  excelled  all  of  his  prede 
cessors  in  drawing,  and  showed  a  promising  originality. 
He  must  be  classed  as  the  equal  of  Echave.  Friar 
Herrera  was  called  the  divine — praise  due  rather  to 
striking  features  of  expression  than  to  general  merit. 
The  opening  of  the  18th  century  was  marked  by  two 
artists,  the  brothers  Rodriguez  and  Juarez,  of  whom 
Juarez  was  called  the  Mexican  Apelles,  and  compared 

48  The  following  authorities  furnish  information  on  the  subject:  Navarro, 
Oration  Fun.,    1-15;    Gagern,   Apelacion  de  los  Mex.,    64-5;   Sosa,   Los  Con 
temporaneous,    75-87,    155-66,    185-200;    Id.,   Biog.    Mex.,    Disting.,    57-879, 
passim;  Arroniz,  Biog.  Mex.,  57,  109-11,   116-18;  llustradon  Mex.,  ii.  443-50; 
Mosdico,  Mex.,  279-80;  Diaz,  Miscel,  no.  15;  Zavala,  Discurso,  1-16. 

49  He  was  happy  111  the  massing  of  colors,  though  the  composition  is  con 
fused,  and  the  striving  for  effect  too  marked. 


646  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

to  Carracci.  Nicolas  was  inferior  and  less  known.  Jose 
Ibarra,  called  the  Murillo  of  New  Spain,  though  with 
glaring  defects  and  profusion  of  brilliant  colors,  stands 
next  in  rank  to  Cabrera,  the  central  figure  of  colonial 
art.  Cabrera  was  a  Zapotec  Indian,  and  by  his  ex 
cellencies  deserved  the  name  of  the  Raphael  of  Mexico, 
though,  perhaps,  with  greater  propriety  that  of 
Michael  Angelo,  for  he  was  also  an  architect  and 
sculptor.50 

Animate  sculpture  was  too  much  subordinated  as  a 
part  of  architecture,  and  confined  almost  wholly  to 
conventional  imitation.  Special  mention  is,  however, 
due  to  the  equestrian  statue  in  bronze  of  Carlos  IV., 
by  Manuel  Tolsa,  which,  for  its  perfection,  has  been 
compared  with  the  finest  European  work  of  j  the  kind. 
Tolsa,  for  all  his  splendid  talents  and  his  being  a 
teacher  in  the  San  Carlos  academy,  failed  to  exercise 
any  influence  in  the  country.  In  fact,  plastic  and 
constructive  arts  had  never  enjoyed  consideration. 
The  two  Coras,  who  before  Tolsa's  time  were  the 
only  sculptors  of  note,  were  poorly  paid,  though  some 
of  their  work  was  of  a  high  order.  In  this  respect  the 
feather- work  of  the  aborigines  has  a  claim  to  recogni 
tion.  It  presented  figures  with  such  skilful  blending 
of  color  as  to  equal  the  painting  of  European  masters. 
In  sculpture,  some  of  their  figures  must  be  placed 
above  similar  conventional  specimens  of  Egypt,  while 
some  of  the  decorative  elements  in  their  architecture 
can  safely  compare  with  advanced  Greek  forms,  for 
beauty  of  design  at  least. 

Architecture  in  New  Spain  may  be  classed  with 
later  Romanesque,  with  early  renaissance,51  or  with 
the  Rococo  style.  In  early  days,  buildings  were 
erected  with  a  special  view  to  strength.  As  time 

50  His  heads  were  well  drawn,  and  characterized  by  touching  expression, 
but  there  was  a  lack  of  delicacy  in  coloring,  and  faulty  drawing  in  outline 
and  proportion,  together  with  strained  attitudes,  stiff  draperies,  etc.     The 
church  was  to  blame  for  this,  in  excluding  the  study  of  form  in  the  nude. 

51  Such  as  in  Spain,  combined  with  Moorish  types  and  classic  forms,  as 
suming  a  distinctive  feature  in  its  bold,  light,  and  luxuriant  outlines. 


FANTASTIC  CATHEDRAL  STYLES.  647 

advanced,  strength  gave  way  to  mere  utility,  without 
any  regard  to  the  ornamental.52  In  modern  houses, 
the  decorative  element  has  greatly  increased.  My 
remarks  herein  apply  almost  exclusively  to  the  colonial 
period. 

The  cathedral  of  Mexico  presents  striking  peculiari 
ties  in  the  bell-shaped  domes  of  the  towers,  the  heavy 
reversed  consoles,  and  in  other  ways.  That  of  Gua 
dalajara  differs  in  its  heavy  steeples.  On  the  square 
at  Colima  stands  a  most  striking  arcade  edifice  of  a 
Moorish  stamp.  In  the  medley  of  styles,  one  may 
even  see  a  Doric  frieze  over  capitals  of  a  different 
order.  In  a  private  house  may  be  seen  tapering 
shafts,  like  the  Maya,  with  pyramidal  base  and  conic 
capital.  In  several  convent  interiors  they  have  spiral, 
striped,  and  Moorish  pillars.  The  spiral  appears  in 
the  fountain  which  terminates  the  Chapultepec  aque 
duct.  In  several  buildings  may  be  noted  the  fantas 
tic  Churrigueresco  style  so  common  in  Spain.53  In 
several  churches  of  this  order  the  fa§ades  are  entirely 
covered  with  ornamentations,  interspersed  with  niches 
and  statuary  in  the  so-called  Jesuit  style.  After  pre 
senting  other  forms  in  windows,  portals,  and  elsewhere, 
above  the  main  buildings  its  two  or  three  receding 
stories  resume  the  Churrigueresco  embellishments. 
In  one  instance  the  annulated  surface  of  the  lower 
stories  has  imparted  a  Moorish  stamp. 

As  a  rule,  the  country  churches  form  a  Basilica  in 
one  body,  with  two  towers  enclosing  a  gable  fagade  of 
ogee  outline,  or  with  voluted  wings — less  frequently 
circular  or  plain  gable — enclosing  either  star  window 
or  niche,  and  topped  by  a  pedestal  for  the  cross.  The 
portal  has  a  circular  arch  with  double  architrave,  the 

52  The  only  exceptions  were  the  public  edifices  and  churches,  nearly  all 
due  to  the  skill  and  labor  of  friars,  who  set  an  example  to  promote  taste. 

53  It  may  be  classed  as  a  Rococo,  with  rustic  walls  and  mouldings,  highly 
ornamented  pilasters  with  floral  fringes,  surmounted  by  Atlantes  upholding 
the  capitals.      The   frieze  presents  an  undulating    border,   enclosing    floral 
bunches,  and  over  the  windows  it  expands  into  broken  rectilinear  mouldings, 
with  foliated  and  volute  ornaments.     The  portal  arch  is  also  voluted,  with 
curved  border. 


648  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

outer  resting  on  simple  pilasters  or  columns,  and  on 
either  side  rises  an  additional  pilaster  to  the  cornice, 
which  seldom  extends  unbroken  along  the  tower. 
Frequently  only  one  corner  is  finished  with  a  plain 
two-story  tower,  provided  with  arched  windows  and 
a  dome.  The  whole  bears  a  stamp  of  the  utmost 
simplicity.  In  the  cities  a  tower  can  be  seen  at  each 
corner,  with  a  large  dome  in  the  centre,  somewhat 
defaced  by  tasteless  painting.  The  clustered  columns 
of  the  interior  are  fluted  Doric,  with  heavy  chaptrels, 
and  here  also  the  balustrade  forms  a  prominent  feature. 

Among  Mexican  architects,  the  only  creole  of  real 
prominence  is  Francisco  Eduardo  Tresguerras,  born 
at  Celaya  in  1745,  who  has  left  monuments  of  his 
skill  and  taste  in  temples,  theatres,  bridges,  and  other 
public  structures,  and  who  showed  proficiency  also  in 
sculpture  and  painting.  He  died  in  1833. 

The  Academia  de  Bellas  Artes  de  San  Carlos, 
which  political  commotions  had  allowed  to  languish, 
was  revived  on  the  6th  of  January,  1847,54  with  such 
happy  results  that  the  first  exhibitions  of  the  pupils' 
works  took  place  in  1849,  a  number  of  the  latter  show 
ing  a  marked  excellence.  After  Mexico  went  into  the 
throes  of  revolution,  in  which  even  the  life  of  her  re 
publican  institutions  was  imperilled,  her  people  could 
have  no  thought  but  for  war,  and  the  academy  went 
to  decay  again  since  1858.55  Its  name  was  changed 
in  1868  to  Escuela  Nacional  de  Bellas  Artes,  and  a 
new  impulse  was  given  to  the  development  of  fine 
arts.  The  collection  of  paintings,  sculpture,  and  en 
gravings  became  large  and  precious.  Since  1861  it 
has  comprised  the  best  works  found  in  the  convents.56 

54  Under  the  tuition  of  the  painter  Clave,  the  sculptor  Vilar  brought  from 
Rome  three  engravers  from  England,  and  a  landscape  painter  named  Lan- 
desio,  also  from  Italy. 

55  The  decadence  was  almost  complete  from  1863  to  1867.  Jtivera,  Mex. 
Pintor.,  i.  171. 

&6The  sculpture  gallery  has  fine  specimens  in  alabaster,  marble,  agate, 
and  terra-cotta.  Art  schools  have  also  been  established  in  other  towns.  Bdr- 
cena  Estudios  Pres.  Sec.  Fomcnto,  139-58;  Garcia  Cubas,  Rep.  ofMex.,  28,  38; 
Coulo,  Didlogo,  1-123;  Mendoza,  Catdl,  40;  Hambres  II.  Hex.,  ii.  41,  225-7, 
274-80,  335-9,  375-81;  iii.  8-13,  105-26. 


FIRST  AMERICAN  PRINTING-PRESS.  649 

The  institution  has  well  answered  the  purposes  for 
which  it  was  created,  and  it  is  evident  that  there 
is  good  material  in  Mexico  for  artists  of  a  high 
order.57 

There  is  at  the  capital  a  national  museum  contain 
ing  many  valuable  works,  the  most  important  part  be 
ing  the  Mexican  antiquities.  It  was  founded  in  1825, 
and  reorganized  in  1831.  A  law  of  1829  forbids  the 
exportation  of  antiquities,  reserving  to  the  government 
a  prior  right  of  purchase.58 

There  is  a  national  conservatory  of  music  at  the 
capital  to  give  instruction  in  vocal  and  instrumental 
music.59  The  country  has  produced  a  number  of  ex 
cellent  musicians,  both  vocal  and  instrumental,  and  not 
a  few  fair  composers. 

Mexico  was  the  first  city  on  the  American  conti 
nent  to  have  a  printing-press,  and  to  publish  a  book. 
The  press  came  hither  with  Viceroy  Mendoza  in  1535. 
It  is  believed  that  Juan  Pablos  was  the  first  printer.60 
The  first  book  issued  was  the  Escala  Espiritual  para 
llegar  al  Cielo,  Traducido  del  Latin  en  Castellano  por  el 
Venerable  Padre  FT  Ivan  de  la  Madalena,  Religioso 
Dominico,  1536.  This  work  no  longer  exists.61  Two 
books  are  said  to  be  extant,  with  the  date  1539  and 
1540,  the  former  being  a  Doctrina  Christiana,  and  the 

57  It  is  made  evident  at  the  annual  exhibitions.  Busto,  Est.  Rep.  Mex.,  i., 
3d  pt,  63-72;  Bancroft's  Obs.,  MS.,  78-81;  Caballero,  Hist.  Aim.,  91-7; 
Bishop's  Old  Hex.,  126. 

68  The  museum  has  a  library  on  natural  history,  archaeology,  and  history. 
Bustamante,  Nota,  in  Leon  y  Oama,  Tres  Piedras,  89;  Calderons  Life  in  Mex., 
ii.  3-4;   Anales  Museo  Nac.  Mex.,  i.   2,   226-41;    Thompson's  Mex.,  116-24; 
Rivera,  Mex.  Pintor.,  i.  175-81;  Gobern.  Mex.,  ii.  124;  Mex.,  Mem.  Min.  Jus- 
ticia,  years  1831,  1878-81.     There  is  also  a  public  museum  at  Guadalajara. 
Mex.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan.  20,  1876.     The  country  possesses  many  monuments  of 
modern  art,  the  production  of  Mexican  artists  as  well  as  foreign.  Diaz,  Datos 
Biog.,  241^;  Mex.,  Mem.  Sec.  Fomento,  1882,  319-51;  Manero,  Monum.,  1-77; 
Rivera,  Mex.  Pintor.,  i.  186. 

69  Many  branches  of  a  common  education  are  also  taught  there. 

60 '  Juan  Pablos,  primer  impresor  qt?e  a  esta  tierra  vino. '  Ddvila  Padilla, 
Hist.  Fund.  Mex.,  542.  'El  primer  Impresor  fue  luan  Pablos.'  Gonz.  Ddvila, 
Teatro  Edes.,  i.  23;  Medina,  Chr6n.  8.  Diego,  233. 

61  The  author  was  Estrada,  the  son  of  Gov.  Estrada,  successor  of  Cortes,  a 
feature  which  lends  interest  to  the  work. 


650  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

other  a  Manual  de  Adultos.  Fully  ten  other  books 
printed  before  1550  are  known  to  bibliographers,62 
and  there  are  about  70  more  with  dates  of  the  16th 
century.  A  few  others  may  have  been  brought  out 
of  convents.  They  were  chiefly  religious,  partly  in 
native  tongues,  and  vocabularies  and  grammar  of 
those  tongues.63  Printing  was  too  much  restricted 
to  flourish,  and  only  the  leading  towns  had  presses. 
It  appears  that  there  were  six  in  Mexico  in  1761, 
while  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  there 
were  only  three. 

Periodicals  were  strictly  watched,  and  were  com 
paratively  of  little  historical  value.64  After  the  coun 
try  became  independent,  newspapers  began  to  flourish; 
and  notwithstanding  restrictions  established  at  differ 
ent  periods,  they  have  become  numerous  throughout 
the  republic,  especially  at  the  national  and  state  capi 
tals,  many  of  them  being  conducted  with  marked  abil 
ity.  Not  a  few  are  noted  for  scurrility,  fiery  tone, 
or  bombast.  There  are  many  political  papers,  and 
not  a  few  of  literary  or  scientific  periodicals. 

Collections  of  books  were  not  numerous,  during  the 
Spanish  rule,  outside  of  the  convents,  where  more  or 
less  extensive  libraries  were  formed,  almost  wholly 
theologic.  However,  the  few  colleges  accumulated 
large  lots.65  Foreign  books  were  strictly  excluded, 
and  churchmen  discountenanced  light  Spanish  litera 
ture.  The  standard  authors  of  Spain  formed  the 

62  My  Library  contains  a  remarkably  well-preserved  copy  of  Doctrina  Cris- 
tiana  of  the  imprint  of  1546. 

63  The  type  is  Gothic,  Italic,  and  Roman,  with  frequent  abbreviations  and 
rare  wood-cuts. 

6*  The  first  regular  periodical  was  the  Mercurio  Volante  of  Sigiienza,  begun 
at  Mexico  in  1C93.  The  Gaceta  de  Mexico  appeared  in  1722;  for  some  reason 
it  was  stopped  the  same  year,  but  it  resumed  in  1728.  It  continued  till 
1739,  when  the  Mercurio  succeeded  for  three  years;  then  came  a  long  inter 
ruption  until  1784,  when  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico  reappeared  permanently,  in 
semi-monthly,  weekly,  and  semi-weekly  numbers,  the  last  in  1805.  A  few 
others  were  issued  early  this  century  in  Vera  Cruz  and  elsewhere.  The 
Observador  Americano  was  printed  at  Sultepec  in  1810  with  wooden  types. 

63  The  San  Juan  de  Letran,  Jesuit  institute,  and  the  university.  The 
former  Jesuit  college  had  4,300  in  1797,  and  the  Letran  had  grown  in  mod 
ern  times  to  more  than  12,000. 


AN  IMPULSE  TO  LITERATURE.  651 


gem,  the  nucleus  of  the  sets,  but  the  number  of  local 
writers  was  large.68 

At  the  close  of  the  last  century  an  impulse  was 
given  to  literature,  which  in  the  present  one  mani 
fested  itself,  among  other  forms,  in  the  accumulation 
of  books,  and  later  in  the  issue  of  periodicals.  Un 
fortunately,  the  revolution  and  subsequent  disorder 
checked  the  one,  and  gave  an  irregular  and  less  desir 
able  direction  to  the  other.  Archives  were  destroyed, 
and  most  valuable  libraries,  such  as  those  of  Andrade 
and  Ramirez,  were  lost  to  the  country,  being  exported 
and  sold  in  Europe.  The  extinction  of  the  religious 
orders  involved  the  disappearance  of  books  and  manu 
scripts  which  their  convents  contained.  A  few  zeal 
ous  persons  in  some  of  the  states  saved  a  remnant  as 
a  nucleus  for  public  collections,  but  the  general  gov 
ernment  took  no  effective  steps  to  establish  a  national 
library  until  1857.67  The  largest  collections  in  the 
country,  those  of  the  university,  cathedral,  former 
Jesuit  college,  and  others,  were  included,  so  that  over 
100,000  volumes  were  collected  within  a  few  years. 
A  number  of  private  collections  have  also  been 
formed.68  Men  of  letters  have  organized  literary 
societies  for  the  accumulation  of  books,  the  fostering 
of  taste,  and  the  publication  of  meritorious  efforts.69 
These  societies  have  also  assisted  to  spread  French 
ideas  and  methods.  Mexico  surpasses  the  mother 

66  Particularly  the  Franciscans,  who  inflicted  upon  mankind  their  verbose 
and  monotonous  narratives  up  to  1800.     There  were  more  than  400  of  them, 
and  very  few  could  by  any  stretch  of  conscience  be  called  learned.     A  nota 
ble  exception  was  Torquemada,  who  though  a  bigot  managed  to  manipulate 
some  knowledge. 

67  Hex.  Archivo,  Col.  Ley.,  vi.  709-10,  refers  to  appointments  of  officers  in 
1861,  and  the  grant  of  aid. 

68  Such  as  J.   G.  Icazbalceta's,  including  many  early  and  rare  Mexican 
books;  others  exhibit  a  wide  range  of  subjects. 

69  The  first  was  the  Institute  de  Ciendas,  Literaturay  Artes,  opened  in  1826, 
but  did  not  long  survive.     An  informal  Arcadia  had  existed  before  the  revo 
lution.     The  next  was  the  Academia  de  San  Juan  de  Letran,  which  also 
sank  to  rise  again  in  1850  as  the  Liceo  Hidalgo.     Several  others  with  less 
ambitious  aims  and  less  known  members  appeared  in  other  state  centres. 
None,  however,  have  shown  the  vigor  of  the  Institute  Nacional  de  Geografia, 
which,  since  its  creation  in  1833  has  done  great  service  in  collecting  historic, 
descriptive,  and  statistical  data.  Album  Mex.,  ii.  62;  La  Cruz,  iii.  469;  Mex., 
Col.  Ley.,  1848,  270-1,  and  many  others. 


652  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

country  in  the  liberal  reception  of  foreign  ideas.  In 
deed,  she  has  remained  a  mere  copyist,  it  is  presumed 
because  her  best  men  devote  their  attention  mostly 
to  politics. 

The  Creoles  are  precocious  and  impulsive,  but  un- 
sustained  and  not  persevering.  Indolence  of  spirit, 
added  to  the  non-reflective  bent  of  the  Castilian,  im 
parted  a  shallowness  to  their  efforts.  It  must  be 
acknowledged,  nevertheless,  that  the  catalogue  of 
prominent  writers  presents  many  Mexicans  of  the 
European  race  who  obtained  transoceanic  fame.  The 
Indian  element  furnished  from  early  days  a  long  list 
of  writers  who  redeemed  their  race  from  the  unjust 
obloquy  cast  upon  it  by  a  short-sighted  and  brutal 
policy;  and  while  the  Indian  mind  in  those  early 
times  was  almost  wholly  imitative,  lacking  in  breadth 
and  subtlety,  and  strikingly  devoid  of  imagination  and 
invention,  yet  its  aptitude  for  mastering  mechanical 
details  tended  to  hide  many  imperfections.  In  an 
early  volume,  I  have  given  the  state  of  advancement 
in  literature  and  the  fine  arts  of  the  Aztecs  before  the 
Spanish  conquest.70  With  the  advent  of  the  Spaniard, 
a  more  perfect  language  came  to  the  aid  of  native 
thought.  At  first  it  could  not  throw  off  the  shackles 
of  the  former  language;  the  Indians'  Spanish  poetry, 
for  instance,  indicating  crudeness  and  mediocrity ;  yet 
these  defects  may  have  resulted  from  submissiveness 
and  bigotry.71  Among  the  more  prominent  writers, 
deserve  special  mention  three  bearing  the  princely 
name  of  Ixtlilxochitl — Fernando  Pimentel,  his  son 
Antonio,  and  Fernando  de  Alva,  who  recorded  the 
glories  of  their  ancestors.72  The  last  named,  notwith 
standing  his  faults  of  construction,  won  the  name  of 
the  Cicero  of  Anahuac.  Juan  de  Tovar,  to  whom 

70  Native  Races,  ii.  486-98,  this  series. 

71  Most  of  the  contributions  by  aboriginal  writers  were  translations  into 
native  tongues  of  religious  discourses,  grammars,  vocabularies,  ancient  his 
tory,  and  rites. 

72  Alva  stands   high  among  the  earlier  Indian  historians  for  style  and 
copiousness,  as  shown  in  his  Historia  Chichimeca,  and  his  Reladones. 


CONSPICUOUS  WHITE  HISTORIANS.  653 

was  applied  the  same  cognomen  for  his  proficiency  in 
Aztec,  like  his  father  Antonio,  and  Tezozomoc,  liber 
ally  contributed  to  the  history  of  different  sections  of 
the  valley  of  Mexico.  The  brave  Tlascaltecs  found 
less  finished  recorders  of  their  annals  in  Tadeo  Niza, 
Camargo,  Zapata  y  Mendoza,  Pornar,  Agtiero,  and 
the  brothers  Ortega.78  There  is  noticeable  in  their 
productions  a  lack  of  embellishment,  implying  poverty 
of  language.  Indian  characteristics  often  crop  out. 
Religious  influences  have  impressed  upon  the  mind  its 
littleness  in  self-abasement.  In  the  course  of  years, 
the  defects  of  language  have  disappeared,  the  educated 
Indian  of  Mexico  using  the  Spanish  language  with 
the  same  perfection  as  his  fellow-citizen  of  pure  Euro 
pean  descent.  Peculiarities  of  character  possibly  re 
main,  but  must  have  been  greatly  modified  by  changes 
in  social  and  political  condition. 

The  most  conspicuous  white  writers  on  history  of 
the  16th  and  17th  centuries,  aside  from  Cortds,  Bernal 
Diaz,  and  others  among  the  conquerors,  were  fathers 
Mendieta,  Torquemada,  Vetancur,  and  Tello,  Mota 
Padilla,  and  Friar  Beaumont.74  Contemporary  with 
Vetancur  were  the  friars  Baltasar  Medina  and  Ddvila 
Padilla,  both  Mexicans,  and  ranking  as  Franciscan  and 
Dominican  chroniclers,  respectively,  both  verbose  and 
involved.  Their  worst  features  appear  in  the  Jesuit 
chronicles  of  the  same  period  by  Francisco  de  Floren- 
cia.  Prose,  except  that  of  Siguenza  and  Tello,  made 
little  advance  in  the  first  two  and  a  half  centuries  of 
colonial  rule,  either  in  treatment  or  style.  The  rarer 
mestizo  element  evinced  less  appreciation  for  letters, 
with  a  marked'  prevalence  among  them  of  aboriginal 
traits.  This  is  apparent  in  Duran,  Historia  de  las  In- 
diaSj  and  Suarez  Paralta,  Noticias  Historical.  Toward 

78  For  information  on  those  writers,  and  a  host  of  other  literary  lights 
among  the  Indians,  I  refer  to  Eguiara,  Bib.  Mex.>  i.;  Beristain,  Bib.  JJisp. 
Am.,  i.-iii.:  Boturini,  Catdlogo,  passim;  Alcedo,  Bib.  Am.,  MS.,  i.-iii.;  Gra- 
nados,  Tardes  Am.,  145.  Clavigero  gives  a  long  list  of  writers  in  Indian  dia 
lects  in  his  Stona,  Mess.,  iv.  262;  Gallo,  Hombres  I  lust.,  i.-iv. 

•  u  Torquemada's  Monarquia  Indiana  obtained  the  distinction  of  the  stan 
dard  history  of  New  Spain,  and  for  its  author  the  appellation  of  Livy. 


654  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

the  end  of  the  last  century,  a  more  classic  and  sedate 
tone  appears,  notably  in  the  writings  of  the  Jesuits 
Alegre,  Clavigero,  and  Cavo,  and  Mariano  Veytia.75 
A  few  remarks  on  the  historians  of  the  present  cen 
tury  will  not  be  out  of  place  here.  The  revolutionary 
condition  of  Mexico  prompted  the  issue  of  political 
pamphlets  more  or  less  imbued  with  partisanship, 
ridicule  being  a  weapon  commonly  used  with  telling 
effect.  But  higher  aims  animated  other  men,  result 
ing  in  efforts  at  history  writing.  Several  compara 
tively  less  important  productions  appeared  at  first,76 
and  from  time  to  time  more  ambitious  efforts  began  to 
see  the  public  light,  the  first  one  worthy  of  notice 
being  that  of  Mier  y  Guerra,  which  exhibits  research 
and  erudition,  but  is  unfortunately  marred  by  lack  of 
discrimination  and  by  strong  bias.  He  was  followed 
by  Mora,  Zerecero,  Zavala,  Alaman,  Bustamante, 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Portilla,  Payno,  Tornel,  Filisola, 
Iglesias,  Cuevas,  Arrangoiz,  Alvarez,  Rivera,  An- 
cona,  Martinez,  Zamacois,  and  others.77  A  number 
of  them  have  given  us  narratives  of  events  at  certain 
periods,  others  have  attempted  a  general  history,  and 
still  others  confined  themselves  to  biography.  All  of 
them  are  entitled  to  more  or  less  credit,  and  yet  leave 
a  vacuum,  either  for  lack  of  comprehensiveness,  ar 
rangement,  or  impartiality.  Every  one  seems  to  have 
been  biassed  by  religious,  political,  social,  or  personal 
considerations.  Prescott's  work  on  Aztec  culture  and 
the  conquest  roused  many  distinguished  Mexicans, 
Ramirez,  Icazbalceta,  and  Larrainzar,  and  others,  to 
the  study  of  those  subjects.  Notes,  documents,  and 
essays  began  to  appear.  Orozco  y  Berra  went  fur- 

76  All  Creoles  and  the  foremost  historians  of  the  period.     Clavigero  eclipsed 
every  previous  attempt.     Cavo  is  concise  and  orderly,  though  too  strictly 
chronological;  Alegre  s  style  is  less  pure  and  rounded,  yet  not  redundant. 
His  pages  show  research.     Veytia  arranged  and  published  the  material  of 
Boturini,  adding  much  research  of  his  own. 

76 Those  of  Cancelada,  who  was  more  of  a  journalist,  Aleocer,  Villa  Urru- 
tia,  and  others. 

77  Bibliographical  notices  of  most  of  their  works  have  been  given  in  differ 
ent  volumes  of  my  work,  and  need  not  be  repeated  here. 


PROSE  FICTION  PROHIBITED.  655 

ther,  undertaking  a  new  examination  of  the  whole 
subject.  The  result  was  a  work  which  for  compre 
hensiveness  and  value  in  this  respect  surpasses  any 
other  native  effort.78 

The  circulation  of  prose  fiction  was  strictly  restricted 
in  colonial  times.  Mexican  novelists,  who  may  be 
said  to  have  come  into  existence  within  the  last  few 
decades,  find  comparatively  little  encouragement.  The 
most  pretentious  of  these  are  historic  novels,  by  Juan 
Mateos  and  Kiva  Palacio.79  Toward  the  end  of  the 
last  century  figured  Gama,  Velazquez,  Becerra,  Alzate, 
and  the  earlier  Sigiienza,  in  archaeology  and  aboriginal 
astronomy.80  About  the  same  time  figured  Villarroel, 
the  essayist,  and  Fausto  de  Elhuyar,  on  coinage. 

The  most  noted  bibliographers  of  New  Spain  have 
been  Eguiara  y  Eguren,  Biblioteca  Mexicana,  etc., 
Mexico,  1755,  and  Beristain,  Biblioteca  Hispano- Amer 
icana  Septentrional,  Mexico,  1816-21.  Oratory  was 
cultivated  from  the  earliest  colonial  days,  its  chief 
efforts  proceeding  from  the  pulpit.  The  discourses 
were  usually  interspersed  with  Latin  quotations, 
metaphors,  mysticisms,  and  occasionally  with  anec 
dotes — all  conveyed  in  florid  redundancy.81  There 
were,  nevertheless,  honorable  exceptions  of  pure  and 
pointed  eloquence,  such  as  that  of  Archbishop  Nunez 
de  Haro',  and  the  Cuban  Conde  y  Oquendo,  who  dis 
tinguished  himself  both  in  the  forum  and  temple. 
The  forum  was  also  a  proper  field  for  the  display  of 
oratory.82  But  after  Mexico  became  a  nation,  with 
democratic  institutions,  the  field  for  oratorical  displays 
was  greatly  widened,  and  the  number  of  men  who 

78  Unfortunately,  the  arrangement  and  treatment  of  the  material  shows 
insufficient  attention. 

79Riva  Palacio  deals  chiefly  with  the  lower  classes,  and  introduces  a  num 
ber  of  stirring  events.  Mateos  rises  to  a  higher  social  order,  and  keeps  close 
to  the  military  leaders;  his  digressions  are  not  always  such  as  hold  the  atten 
tion  strained. 

80  Sigiienza  was  a  historian,  philosopher,  essayist,  and  journalist.  His 
writings,  though  most  valuable,  were  not  free  from  bigotry. 

81 1  have  in  my  Library  a  number  of  such  specimens. 

82  Among  the  most  noted  was  Francisco  Javier  G-amboa,  a  native  of  Gua 
dalajara. 


656  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

have  won  national  renown  for  their  eloquence,  as  well 
as  purity  of  diction,  is  quite  large.83 

Spanish  poetry  is  strongly  national,  despite  the  suc 
cessive  influence  of  Italian  and  French  schools.  The 
language  is  remarkably  suitable  for  versification, 
notably  in  forming  rhyme,  not  only  consonantal,  but 
alliterative  and  assonantal.  While  the  ballad  has  ever 
retained  its  hold  on  popular  taste,  sonnets  were  even 
more  frequent  in  Mexico  than  in  Spain.  Epigram 
matic  verse  is  common,  though  inclining  to  erotic 
sentiment. 

The  first  attempts  at  describing  the  events  of  the 
conquest  were  merely  rhyming  chronicles.84  Among 
descriptive  poems  must  be  mentioned  Grandeza  de 
Mexico,  by  Bishop  Balbuena,  who  earned  bright  fame 
in  his  Bernardo  and  his  pastoral  Siglo  del  Oro,  both 
among  the  finest  of  their  class  in  the  language.  Two 
other  subjects  engaged  the  ambitious;  namely,  the 
passion  of  Christ,  and  the  miracle  of  the  virgin  of 
Guadalupe.85 

Among  the  authors  of  shorter  poems,  odes,  sonnets, 
elegies,  satires,  and  epigrams,  deserves  special  mention 
Francisco  de  Terrazas,  who  figured  in  1574,  and  was 
honored  with  praise  by  Cervantes.  Zapata's  elegy  on 
the  death  of  the  brothers  Avila  was  noticeable  for 
many  sweet  lines.  Church  festivals,  public  inaugura 
tions,  celebrations  connected  with  the  royal  family  or 
prominent  citizens,  and  reunions,  gave  occasion  for 
displays  on  this  field- 
Before  closing  my  remarks  on  the  poetry  of  colonial 

83  There  is  a  bulky  manuscript  in  my  Library,  Discurso  Critico  sobre  la  Ora- 
toria  Espanola  y  Americana  of  the  last  century,  in  which  the  author  seeks  to 
analyze  the  elements  of  the  art  and  the  proficiency  exhibited  by  different  na 
tions,  notably  the  Spaniards,  on  both  continents.     He  is  full  of  learned  ref 
erences,  but  also  of  cumbrous  quotations,  and  wanders  sadly  from  his  subject, 
so  that  but  little  is  gained  by  the  reader. 

84  Such  as  El  Pereyrino  Indiana  by  Saavedra  y  Guzman,  Hernandia  by  Ruiz 
de  Leon.     A  cruder  effort  were  the  quatrains  of  the  Zapotec  Antonio  Lopez, 
which  in  MS.  are  on  my  shelves.     In  the  same  style  is  the  Conquista  de  Ga- 
licia,  by  the  Dominican  Francisco  Parra. 

85  La  Primavera  Indiana,  by  Siglienza,  full  of  puerilities  and  extravagance, 
and  others  equally  foolish.  Poema  Sacra  de  la  Pasion,  by  Antonio  de  Oviedo 
Herrera,  is  far  superior. 


JUANA  INES  THE  TENTH  MUSE.  657 

days,  I  must  make  special  mention  of  the  nun  Juana 
Ines  de  la  Cruz.  Her  name  had  been  Juana  Ines  Abaje 
y  Ramirez,  who  obtained  a  recognition  far  above  any 
other  truly  national  poet  of  colonial  times.  Even 
contemporaries  of  the  peninsula  gave  her  the  appella 
tion  of  the  tenth  muse.80 

Among  the  few  writers  for  the  stage  are  named 
Vela,  Arriola,  Salazar,  and  Soria;  all  of  whom  were 
eclipsed  by  Juan  Ruiz  de  Alarcon,  a  Creole  of  Mexico, 
though  he  wrote  in  Spain.87 

During  colonial  times,  home  productions  were  not 
much  esteemed,  even  by  those  who  ranked  with  the 
Creole  party.  This  was  mainly  due  to  the  authors' 
subserviency  to  Spain.  The  opening  of  a  wider  field 
toward  the  end  of  the  last  century,  with  the  admis 
sion  of  French,  English,  and  Teutonic  literature,  could 
not  fail  to  prove  beneficial.  The  Franciscan  Manuel 
Navarrete  shines  alone  during  the  opening  decade  of 
our  century,  with  such  lustre  as  to  win  him  the  cog 
nomen  of  the  American  swan.  Tenderness  and  purity 
breathe  in  his  every  line,  as  well  as  religion  and 
reflectiveness. 

Many  other  Mexicans  deserve. a. .pi ace  in  the  roll  of 
poets.  Unfortunately,  being  cramped  for  space,  I  am 
unable  to  do  justice  individually  to  their  merits.88 
Their  more  ambitious  compositions  have  been  as  a  rule 
translations  from  the  classics.  Yet  epics  have  been 
attempted,  like  the  And,hua  of  Rodriguez  y  Cos.  In 

86  Her  compositions  were  numerous.     She  is  compared  to  Camvens  by 
Pacheco,  and  Feijos  lauds  her  for  a  critical  and  philosophical  mind.     She 
was  indeed  a  prodigy.     Her  works,  however,  show  that  they  were  produced 
at  a  time  when  Spanish  literature  had  become  corrupted.     Some  of  those 
works,  unknown  to  our  bibliographers,  are  represented  on  my  shelves. 

87  He  stands   forward  as  one  of  the  most   original  and  varied  writers, 
though  less  prolific  and  imaginative.     His  diction  is  more  formal  and  his 
versification  purer  than  Lope  de  Vega's.     Indeed,  he  ranks  as  a  classic;  but 
his  efforts  to  improve  moral  tone  in  comedy  were  too  strongly  drawn  for  that 
age,  and  he  failed  to  attain  popularity.     Twenty  of  his  comedies  were  issued 
in  1628  and  1634,  in  collected  form  at  Madrid.     They  by  no  means  include 
all  his  compositions,  all  of  which  were  ascribed  to  his  greater  rivals. 

88  As  a  mark  of  respect  to  her  sex,  I  make  an  exception  in  favor  of  Ester 
Tapia  de  Castellanos,  a  poetess  of  no  mean  order,  far  superior  to  the  average 
of  more  pretentious  and  better  known  singers.    Her  Flores  Silvestres  appeared 
in  1871. 

HIST.  MEX.,  VOL,  VL    42 


658  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

dramatic  poetry,  three  names  appear  most  prominent ; 
namely,  Manuel  Eduardo  de  Gorostiza,  ranking  with 
the  foremost  of  his  time,  Fernando  de  Calderon,  and 
Ignacio  Rodriguez  Gal  van,  who  produced  the  first 
national  historic  drama. 

The  strength  of  Mexican  poets  lies  above  all  in 
amatory  poems,  to  which  should  be  added  a  tendency 
toward  elegiac  strains,  which  was  so  marked  among 
the  aboriginal  ancestry.  It  is  not  deep,  for  the  Mexi 
can  is  after  all  a  sprightly  individual,  inclined  to 
frivolity,  and  little  intent  on  the  cares  of  to-morrow. 
He  is  fond  of  the  Castilian  proverb  and  epigram,  united 
to  the  native  bent  for  satire.  He  affects  a  suggestive 
humor  of  a  picaresque  order,  which  to  a  foreigner 
smacks  of  puerility.  It  is  innocent,  however,  for  it 
attacks  classes  and  traits  rather  than  individuals. 
The  ode  is  with  him  a  favorite  form  of  verse,  but  his 
efforts  generally  fail  of  their  aim;  the  will  is  there, 
but  not  the  power.  Exceptions  only  sustain  the  rule. 
Patriotic  lines  are  usually  pitched  too  high.  In 
philosophic  themes,  the  shallow  treatment  is  either 
broken  in  upon  by  rash  utterance,  or  left  unfinished. 
Incompleteness  marks  the  portrayal  of  character  cr 
individuals,  and  the  description  of  scenery.  The  old 
national  redondilla  and  the  ottava  rima  measures  may 
be  regarded  as  the  favorite,  notably  the  latter.  The 
leaning  toward  versos  de  arte  mayor,  or  longer  lines,  is 
greatly  due  to  affectation.  With  all  the  study  of 
models,  the  laws  of  prosody  and  euphony  are  so  fre 
quently  invaded  as  to  confirm  the  opinion  regarding 
the  impetuous  temperament  of  the  Creoles,  impatient 
under  sustained  regulations.  However,  the  wide  and 
choice  range  of  words,  strikingly  manifested  in  com 
paring  the  vocabulary  of  the  lower  classes  with  that 
of  corresponding  Anglo-Saxon  ranks,  and  this  facility 
combined  with  easy  rhythmic  flow  and  natural  viva 
city,  impart  an  undeniable  attraction.89 

89  For  important  information  on  Mexican  literature,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  Pimentel,  Hist.  Grit.  Literatura,  passim;  Sosa,  Biog.  Mex.,  Disting.,  passim; 
Riva  Palacio,  Mix.  d  traves  de  los  Siglos,  1-38;  Mex.  Financier,  April  5,  1884. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES.  659 

The  problem  of  Intel-oceanic  communication  has 
been  one  of  grave  importance  also  to  Mexico  since  the 

Appended  are  bibliographical  notices  of  important  works  that  contribute 
a  wide  range  of  information  on  the  history  of  Mexico,  followed  by  a  list  of  the 
principal  authorities  consulted  in  writing  the  final  chapters  of  this  volume. 

Boletin  del  Institute  National  de  Geogrqfia  y  Estadlstica  de  la  Reptiblica 
Mexicans  Mexico,,  1852-73,  The  society  which  has  issued  this  valuable 
series  was  founded  in  1833.  Each  member,  directly  or  indirectly,  contributed 
articles  which,  during  the  earlier  years,  were  confined  to  the  limits  of  the  first 
design.  At  a  later  date  the  discussions  and  contributions  were  extended  to 
outside  countries  and  continents.  Among  the  contributors  are  many  of  the 
most  prominent  and  learned  men  in  Mexico,  including  not  a  few  foreigners. 
Articles  written  by  non-members  also  appear,  and  a  good  deal  of  borrowed 
but  useful  matter  is  reprinted  in  these  volumes.  The  publications  of  this 
institution  are  divided  into  three  epochs,  corresponding  with  the  vicissitudes 
of  its  existence,  the  society,  owing  to  political  turmoils,  having  been  compelled 
at  periods  temporarily  to  discontinue  its  labors.  The  first  period  is  represented 
by  11  folio  vols.,  the  last  of  which  was  published  in  1865.  The  publications 
of  the  2d  epoch  were  issued  during  the  years  1869-72,  in  four  volumes.  Those 
of  the  3d  epoch  commence  in  1873.  The  society  has  received  considerable  aid 
from  the  Mexican  government,  which  took  great  interest  in  its  reorganization 
after  a  temporary  collapse.  The  volumes  were  issued  during  the  period  1852 
to  1873,  but  the  events  described  and  the  statistical  reports  are  of  different 
dates  from  the  time  of  the  conquest.  The  geographical,  scientific,  and  statis 
tical  information  is  as  fully  detailed  as  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  repub 
lic  would  allow.  Much  information,  as  regards  the  aboriginal  races  and 
their  languages,  is  supplied.  The  flora  and  fauna  of  the  country,  and  its 
mineral  productions,  are  well  described.  Remarkable  epidemics  and  destruc 
tive  natural  phenomena  are  mentioned;  while  endemic  diseases,  devastations 
by  locusts,  etc.,  are  the  subjects  of  able  essays;  as  also  those  vegetable  pro 
ductions  which  contribute  particularly  to  Mexico's  prosperity.  The  church 
and  leaders  of  the  secular  clergy  are  ever  supported  from  the  earliest  times, 
though  the  inefficiency  of  the  priesthood  in  certain  districts  is  not  denied. 
Strong  comparisons  are  drawn  between  the  wealth  of  the  church  during  the 
colonial  period  and  that  subsequent  to  independence.  The  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits  and  other  religious  societies  is  much  regretted.  Biographical  sketches 
of  eminent  men  are  interspersed  throughout  these  volumes.  The  establish 
ment  of  telegraphic  communication  is  described,  and  long  treatises  on  surveys 
and  meteorological  observations  appear  here  and  there  in  almost  every  book. 
Reliable  information  with  regard  to  the  efforts  made  from  early  times  to  drain 
the  valley  of  Mexico  will  also  be  found,  with  excellent  illustrative  plans. 
Political  disturbances  are  rather  alluded  to  than  described,  no  policy  appear 
ing  to  be  distinctly  upheld  except  that  of  independence.  The  contributors 
supply  a  not  indistinct  picture  of  Mexico,  past  and  present;  they  describe  the 
different  castes  and  their  relations  to  each  other,  as  well  as  fhe  social  life, 
manners,  customs,  and  character  of  each;  nor  ^dp  they  conceal  their  own 
appreciation  of  Mexico's  position  in  the  scale  of  civilization. 

Diccvonario  Universal  de  Historia  y  de  Geograjia,  Mexico,  1853-55.  Tol. 
Vols.  i.-x.,  vols.  viii.-x.  being  an  appendix,  also  numbered  i.-iii.  Ihe  origi 
nal  work,  published  in  Spain,  was,  after  revision  and  enlargement,  repub- 
lished  in  Mexico  in  its  present  form.  The  additions  consist  of  sketches  of 
history,  and  articles  on  geography,  statistics,  and  biography,  relating  to  the 
New  World,  but  more  especially  to  Mexico,  The  first  7  vols.  may  be  classi 
fied  as  an  encyclopcedia;  the  last  three  relate  wholly  to  Mexico.  That  por 
tion  relating  to  Mexico  consists  of  articles — for  the  most  part  brief — upon  de- 
»tached  events,  conservative  views  predominating  on  political  and  religious 
topics.  Considerable  space  is  given  to  the  conquest  and  the  colonial  period, 
while  the  war  of  independence,  and  that  with  the  U.  S.,  receive  most  atten- 


660          EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

days  of  Cortes,  as  attested  by  the  surveys  made  at 
different  periods  of  the  isthmus  of  Tehuan tepee.     The 

tion.  Much  space  is  devoted  to  church  history,  numerous  concise  accounts 
being  supplied  of  the  orders,  of  spiritual  conquests  and  establishments,  and  of 
prominent  men.  Data  on  industrial  matters  are  comparatively  meagre,  and 
relate  to  a  limited  number  of  states;  the  information  on  these  subjects  is 
mostly  derived  from  government  reports.  Commerce  and  mining  are  subjects 
of  special  articles.  Statistics  on  population  are  scattered  and  incomplete. 
Some  information  on  physical  and  political  geography  is  supplied  in  brief,  de 
tached  accounts.  Much  attention  is  given  to  biography,  the  conquistadores, 
viceroys,  prominent  churchmen,  political,  military,  literary,  and  scientific 
men  being  well  represented  in  numerous  articles.  Bibliographical  mention 
is  rare,  and  only  incidental  mention  is  made  of  literature  and  the  fine  arts. 
A  special  article  is  devoted  to  a  brief  review  of  early  histories.  Notable 
instances  of  natural  phenomena,  epidemics,  and  inundations  are  separately 
described.  Among  the  authorities  used  are  Mellado's  Diccionario,  Beris- 
tain's  Biblioteea,  Alcedo's  Diccionario,  Cavo's  Tres  Siglos,  Alaman's  Diserta* 
dones  Historicaa,  Zavala's  Rev.  Mex.,  and  Apuntespara  la  Hist,  de  laGucrra  con 
ios  Estados  Unidos.  Ntimerous  and  extended  articles  on  antiquities  are  for 
the  most  part  extracts  from  Stephens.  The  original  work  was  published  by 
a  society  of  distinguished  literary  men.  The  Mexican  edition  was  brought 
before  the  public  by  a  corps  of  prominent  Mexican  writers,  their  contribu 
tions  to  the  appendix  being  collected  and  arranged  by  Manuel  Orozco  y  Berra. 
Papeles  Varios,  comprising  230  volumes  of  miscellaneous  matter.  This  is 
one  of  the  most  important  collections  in  my  Library,  as  it  affords  information 
on  every  possible  subject  within  the  limit  of  an  historical  work.  It  is  com 
posed  of  numerous  sets  of  smaller  collections  made  by  prominent  Mexicans, 
and  consists  of  over  3,000  different  publications  which  have  been  bound  to 
gether  in  volumes  containing  respectively  from  two  or  three  to  over  one  hun 
dred,  according  to  their  size.  These  publications — mostly  pamphlets — are 
the  productions  of  a  great  variety  of  authors.  Dignitaries  of  the  church  and 
government  ministers,  learned  doctors  and  lawyers,  generals  and  officers  of 
the  army,  and  men  of  letters,  all  of  note  and  prominent  in  their  respective 
professions,  have  contributed  to  their  existence.  Among  the  Papeles  Varios, 
however,  are  found  works  of  200  or  300  pages;  manifestoes  and  proclamations 
of  a  single  sheet;  anonymous  squibs  and  lampoons;  odd  numbers  of  different 
periodicals,  poems,  odes,  and  sonnets,  plays  and  comedies.  That  portion — • 
only  a  small  one — of  the  collection  which  belongs  to  the  17th  and  18th  cen 
turies  pertains  chiefly  to  church  matters,  and  consists  of  sermons,  pastorals, 
ecclesiastical  edicts,  etc.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  these  volumes  are 
made  up  of  pamphlets  bearing  dates  of  the  19th  century,  and  are  principally 
of  a  political  and  historical  character.  They  contain  productions  of  many 
important  authorities  on  all  the  great  events  that  occurred  in  Mexico  during 
three  quarters  of  a  century.  The  war  of  independence,  the  Texan  question 
and  struggle  with  the  U.  S.,  the  French  intervention  and  2d  empire,  with  in 
tervening  revolutions  and  changes  of  government,  are  represented  by  a  great 
number  of  these  pamphlets.  But  far  more  numerous  are  those  bearing  upon 
political  matters,  and  which  embrace  all  the  details  of  government,  from  the 
formation  of  the  constitution  to  the  question  of  adopting  the  system  of  double 
entry  in  the  government  account-books.  Controversies,  moreover,  carried  on 
between  opposing  politicians,  and  between  military  or  civil  rivals,  give  the 
historian  a  deep  insight  into  Mexico  politics  and  intrigues  on  the  one  hand, 
and  by  representing  both  sides  of  the  questions  at  issue,  afford  him,  on  the 
other,  an  opportunity  of  being  impartial  in  his  decisions.  Much  information, 
also,  can  be  gleaned  with  regard  to  military  organization  and  regulations,  the 
national  debt,  internal  loans,  and  the  government's  proceedings  relative  to 
the  church  and  its  property.  Apart  from  all  these  subjects,  there  are  numer 
ous  papers  on  agricultural,  mining,  manufacturing,  and  other  industries,  and 


MACLURE'S  WORK  ON  EDUCATION.  661 

projects  to  facilitate  the  transit  have  latterly  expanded 
into  Captain  Ead's  ship-railway,  and  the  attention 

on  railroads  and  internal  improvements.  A  few  pamphlets  in  the  French  and 
English  languages  are  to  be  found  in  this  collection,  which  is  being  yearly  in 
creased. 

William  Maclure,  Opinions  on  Various  Subjects,  Dedicated  to  the  Industrious 
Producers.  New  Harmony,  Indiana.  Printed  at  the  School  Press,  1831  and 
1857,  2  vols.  8vo,  pp.  483  and  556.  The  author  states  that  six  of  the  essays 
contained  in  his  1st  volume  were  written  at  Paris,  in  1819,  at  the  request  of 
the  editor  of  the  Revue  Encyclopediquey  for  publication,  but  were  excluded  by 
the  censors  of  the  press  as  too  democratic.  They  were  afterward  translated 
into  Spanish,  and  published  in  Madrid,  and  subsequently  in  the  New  Har- 
niony  Gazette,  under  the  dates  annexed  to  them  in  his  book-form  edition,  the 
first  of  which  is  dated  Feb.  22,  1826.  The  remaining  essays  were  published 
in  the  Disseminator  of  Useful  Knowledge,  and  the  Disseminator,  periodicals  aUo 
issued  at  New  Harmony.  Those  of  which  his  21  volume  is  comprised  ap 
peared  at  irregular  intervals  in  the  last-named  publication,  and  were  pre 
sented  to  the  public  in  book  form  in  1837. 

Maclure's  work  is  devoted  to  philosophical  observations  on  education, 
politics,  morals,  and  religion,  and  to  an  analysis  of  the  conduct  of  church 
and  state  in  his  own  and  past  times.  It  was  while  independence  was  yet 
young  in  Mexico,  and  many  questions  of  vital  interest  to  civilization  which 
have  since  been  settled  were  but  ill  understood,  that  this  man  wrote;  yet 
there  is  much  in  his  words  worthy  of  our  attention.  The  author  begins  by 
discussing  the  opposition  of  interests  between  producers  and  non-producers. 
His  principles  of  political  economy  would  hardly  be  accepted  at  the  present 
day,  deriving,  as  they  do,  the  strength  and  power  of  the  commonwealth  from 
the  governors  rather  than  from  the  people;  nevertheless,  as  regarding  the 
effects  of  climate  on  politics,  and  other  great  questions  affecting  society,  he 
was  as  able  and  original  as  Buckle;  and  had  his  position  in  the  world  been  as 
prominent,  and  the  opportunities  for  making  known  his  thoughts  as  good,  he 
would  have  divided  with  the  English  philosopher  his  fame.  The  British  and 
French  governments,  their  colonies,  and  the  like,  he  calls  a  government  of 
checks,  wherein  bribery  and  corruption  are  essential  to  balance.  In  the 
government  of  Sweden,  the  peasants,  the  clergy,  the  burgesses,  and  the 
nobles  each  have  independent  representation,  and  beggary  and  robbery  there 
is  unknown.  Despotism  may  be  easier  fed  in  warm  climates  than  in  cold; 
intellectual  progress  makes  its  most  rapid  strides  between  extremes.  This 
author  was  evidently  somewhat  of  a  traveller  for  that  day,  for  he  speaks  of 
the  several  quarters  of  the  globe  as  an  eye-witness;  and  he  must  have  been 
endowed  with  liberal  ideas  withal,  denouncing  the  impositions  and  hypocri 
sies  of  the  clergy,  prophesying  that  '  the  riches  collected  by  the  religious 
industry  of  ages  may  perhaps  help  to  pay  for  the  expenses  of  obtaining 
freedom,  and  make  atonement  at  its  dissolution  for  the  misery,  blood,  cruelty, 
and  oppression  exercised  in  wresting  it  from  those  that  produced  it.'  And 
again,  '  even  the  property  hoarded  by  the  church  may  become  the  means  of 
spreading  moral  and  physical  perfection,  and  aid  in  the  general  amelioration 
of  society. '  What  his  ideas  of  moral  perfection  may  be,  I  leave  the  reader  to 
infer  from  the  following  remark  made  in  speaking  of  the  openness,  the  art 
less  freedom,  and  absence  of  embarrassment  with  which  the  lower  class,  men 
and  maids  and  matrons  alike,  performed  those  necessities  of  their  nature 
which  the  higher  culture  has  Stamped  as  private.  '  False  delicacy  and  moral 
hypocrisy,'  he  calls  the  sentiment  of  shame  that  leads  people  to  hide  under 
clothes  and  between  walls  certain  parts  of  their  person,  and  those  acts  of 
nature's  requirements  and  human  existence,  of  which  all  are  fully  aware. 
'All  of  these  evils  woul-1  be  cured  by  an  accurate  knowledge  of  reality,  and 
permitting  the  gratification  of  the  physical  appetites,  without  attaching 
either  a  religious  sin  or  civil  crime  to  acts  on  which  depends  the  existence  of 


662  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

roused  by  this  daring  scheme  has  revived  also  the 
interest  in  the  long-agitated  canal.  It  will  not,  there- 

every  thing. '  And  so  the  man  goes  on  with  endless  repetitions,  and  much 
good  sense,  often  assuming  a  prophetic  strain,  wherein  so  much  was  said  that 
some  of  it  could  not  help  but  come  to  pass.  He  favors  an  equal  distribution 
of  the  two  great  powers  that  move  societies;  namely,  knowledge  and  wealth. 
Spain  has  ever  been  a  horrid  grind.  If  the  Indians  of  Mexico  were  educated, 
they  would  be  equal  to  the  emergency  of  republicanism;  the  rules  have  ever 
been  the  enemies  of  the  people.  His  essays  on  Mexico  close  with  the  year 
1830. 

Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comercio  Esterior  de  Mexico  desde  la  Conqmsta 
Tiasta  hoy,  Mexico,  1853,  4to,  pp.  63,- 11.  123,  is  a  useful  book,  containing  a 
statistical  and  historical  account  of  the  foreign  commerce  of  Mexico.  The 
historical  portion  of  it  begins  with  the  barter  of  glass  beads  and  cheap  Euro 
pean  articles  for  gold  and  golden  ware,  carried  on  with  the  Indians  by  the 
first  Spanish  visitors  to  the  country.  The  gradual  development  and  expan 
sion  of  commerce  is  then  traced  out  down  to  the  year  1853,  with  all  details 
connected  therewith.  The  establishment,  existence,  and  end  of  the  Spanish 
convoy  fleets,  the  imposition  of  duties  from  time  to  time,  with  a  clear  expla 
nation  of  their  designations  and  object,  changes  in  regulations  with  regard  to 
them  made  at  different  epochs,  the  values  and  specifications  of  exports  and 
imports,  and  shipping,  are  the  subjects  which  the  author  gives  a  good  account 
of  without  being  elaborate.  Whenever  he  could  obtain  copies  of  official  sta 
tistical  documents,  he  appears  to  have  done  so,  and  as  a  supplement  to  his 
work  produces  no  less  than  55  such  papers,  which  occupy  by  far  the  larger 
portion  of  his  book. 

Los  Pueblos  del  Estado  de  Nayarit,  d  la  raza  indigena . . .  San  Luis  de  Lozada, 
1870,  4to,  pp.  24,  is  a  small  cuarto,  being  an  appeal  by  the  conservative  party 
to  the  native  races  for  the  purpose  of  inciting  them  to  overthrow  the  liberals. 
All  the  disasters  that  had  come  upon  Mexico  from  the  fall  of  Itnrbide  are  at 
tributed  to  this  latter  party's  action.  The  liberals  are  charged  with  having 
bankrupted  the  country,  sold  territory,  extorted  forced  loans,  usurped  church 
property,  confiscated  private  property  to  the  amount  of  $500,000,000,  and 
exhibited  every  feature  of  maladministration.  This  address  is  signed  by  a 
number  of  citizens  of  the  different  pueblos  of  Jalisco. 

Vicente  E.  Manero,  Documentos  Interesantes  sobre  Colonization,  Mexico,  1878, 
8vo,  pp.  120,  portraits  and  maps,  is  a  collection  of  documents  bearing  upon 
the  colonization  question,  gathered  and  arranged  in  chronological  order  by  the 
publisher,  who  states  in  his  preface  that  many  people  are  unaware  of  the 
different  opinions  expressed  by  enlightened  men  on  this  subject  for  want  of 
such  a  collection.  These  documents  supply  a  complete  history  of  colonization 
in  Mexico.  The  first  bears  the  date  of  Dec.  31,  1771,  and  is  an  extract  from 
the  general  report  of  the  Marques  de  la  Sonora,  Galvez,  to  Viceroy  Bucarely. 
The  dates  of  the  succeeding  ones  are  in  consecutive  order  down  to  1878. 

Besides  numerous  government  and  official  documents,  of  which  mention 
has  been  already  made  in  previous  lists,  reference  is  given  to  the  following 
authorities  for  information  on  the  institutional  subjects  of  the  four  preceding 
chapters:  the  collections  of  Arrillaga,  and  Dublan  and  Lozano;  Fernando  VII., 
Decretos;  Id.,  Doc.;  Niles'  Reg.,  i.,  1811,  and  succeeding  volumes,  with  refer 
ence  to  the  indices  for  Mexican  matters;  Id.,  S.  Am.  and  Mex.,  i.  passim; 
Cortes,  Diar.;  Id.,  Act.  Pub.,  i.-ii.;  Id.,  Col.  Dec.,  i.-ii.;  Nouv.  Annales  Voy., 
from  1819  to  1860;  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  i.-ii.;  Disposic.  Varias,  ii.-vi.; 
Bustamante,  Ensayo,  99-100,  118-47,  184-6;  Farias,  Opusc.  Aduan.  Inter., 
S.  L.  Potosi,  1875,  pp.  44;  Muhlenpfordt,  Mej.,  i.  passim;  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
Apunt.  Hist.,  no.  v.  311-74;  Id.,  Comer.  Ester.,  Mex.,  1853,  pp.  63,  11  122,  1 
sh.;  Lempriere's  Notes  in  Mex.,  2-276,  passim;  Bustamante,  Gab.  Mex.,  i.  -iv., 
MS.;  Id.,  Vozde  la  Patria,  i.-xiii.,  MS.;  Id.,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.;  Id..  Hist. 
Sta  Anna,  passim;  Id.,  Medidas  Pact/.,  i.-ii.,  MS.;  Id.,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.>  i.- 


AUTHORITIES.  663 

fore,  be  out  of  place  to  append  the  following  extract 
from  E.  A.  Fuertes'  official  report  of  the  survey  under- 

vii.,  MS.;  Id.,  Cuad.  Hist.,  iv.  522-5;  viii.  191-201,  250;  Id.,  Hist.  Iturbide, 
172,  179,  246;  Id.,  Camp.  Calleja,  129-32,  195-6;  Perez,  Die.  Geog.  y  Estad.; 
Pinela,  Descrip.  Geog.,  111-26;  Perez,  J.  8.,  Aim.  Estad.,  26  et  seq.;  Mayers 
Mex.  Azt.,  i.-ii.,  passim;  Mex.,  Notic.  Ciud.  Mex.,  133-4,  328-57;  Fossey's 
Mex.,  passim;  Manero,  Doc.  Interes.,  22-7,  41-63,  76-111;  London  Geog.  Soc., 
Jour.,  xv.  249-56;  xxx.  46-53;  xxxii.  549-52;  Lefevre,  Doc.  Max.,  i.  19-30, 
58-68;  ii.  74-90,  143-222,  332-5;  Los  Mexicanos,  35-45;  Liceaga,  Adic.yRect., 
532-6,  614;  Ober's  Travels  in  Mex.,  passim;  Queretaro,  Notic.  Est.,  5-20.  33-9, 
86-8;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  Lib.,  50-97,  316^420,  596-7;  Ortiz  de  Ayala,  Resum. 
Est.,  53-93;  Buenrostro,  Hist.  Segun.  Cong.,  i.-ii.,  passim;  Butterfield's  U.  S. 
and  Mex.,  passim;  Iglesias,  Intervention,  i.  109-11,  147-56;  ii.  342-8,  376-90, 
414^2;  iii.  364-8;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  137-40,  281,  320-1;  Jal, 
Presupuesto,  1884-5,  pp.  20;  Id.,  Cuad.  Gen.  Estad.,  1881,  pp.  34,  and  21  docs.; 
Julfs,  Die  SeeJtafen,  59-136;  Jordan's  Dangers  to  Foreigners  in  Mex.,  3-52; 
Jduregui,  J.  M.  de,  Discurso,  Mex.,  1820,  3 11,  89  pp.,  in  Pap.  Var.,  66,  no.  77; 
Knox's  Underground  World,  86-91,  236-47;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  ii.  373-82,  469-87; 
Brocklehurst's  Mex.,  passim;  Barbachano,  Mejoras,  i.,  passim;  Bancroft's  Obs., 
MS.,  6-11,  44-62,  114-16,  192-8;  Willie,  Not.  Hac.  Pub.,  24-75;  Welda,  Col 
Nac.  y  Estran.  en  Mex.,  Morelia,  1865,  pp.  107;  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.,  passim; 
Wapps  Mex.  and  C.  Amer.,  44-139;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.-v.;  Id.,  Gob.,  ii., 
passim;  Rockwell's  Span,  and  Mex.  Laws;  Burkart's  Mex.,  i.  220-41,  263,  385- 
8;  ii.  204,  225-73;  Whitney's  Metallic  Wealth,  175-80;  Beaufoy's  Mex.  Illust., 
68-9,  113-21,  170-5,  265-74;  Ratzel,  Aus  Mex.,  1-42,  170,  206-25,  358-88; 
Becker's  Mex.,  92-9,  217-69;  Rul.  Consult.  Diput.,  22-102;  Sartorius,  Mex., 
118-202;  T/iompson's  Recol.  Mex.,  passim;  Hunt's  Merchants'  Mag.,  i.,  and 
succeeding  volumes,  with  reference  to  the  indices  for  Mexican  matters;  Her 
nandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  passim;  Riva  Palacio,  Mem.  Legis.  de  Mex.;  Ramirez, 
Riqueza  Minera,  Mex.,  1884,  pp.  768;  Gran.  Aim.  Mex.,  1866-7;  Beulluch,  Le 
Mex.,  i.-ii.;  Siliceo,  Mem.  Fom.  Col.  Ind.,  with  reference  to  the  index;  8.  Am. 
and  Mex.,  i.  107-15,  132-6,  204;  Mex.  Pamph.,  ii.  4-8,  12;  Id.,  PoUmica  entre 
el  Diario  Oficial  y  la  Colonia  Espanola,  Mex.,  1875,  i.-ii.,  pp.  415  and  674; 
Barnado,  Hint.  Tehuant.;  Bonny  castle's  Span.  Am.,  38-55;  Reales  Ced.,  MS., 
ii.,  f.  114-16,  119-20;  Rocafuerte,  Ensayo  sobre  Cdrcel,  Mex.,  1830,  pp.  37; 
Banco  de  Mex.,  Dec.  de  Creac.,  Mex.,  1857,  pp.  22;  Banco  Hipot.  Mex.,  1882, 
pp.  64;  Banco  Nac.  Mex.,  1881,  pp.  33;  Mex.,  Not.  Export.,  1880-3;  Garcia 
Cubas,  Rep.  Mex.,  9-32;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.,  iii.,  iv.,  passim;  A laman,Meji., 
i.-v.,  passim;  Castro's  Repub.,  23-9,  156-98,  203-50;  Farnhams  Mex.,  13-69; 
Fonseca  y  Urrutia,  Real  Hoc.,  iv.  125;  v.  351-402;  Chavez,  Col.  Proced.  Penal, 
3-140;  Chih.,  Cod.  Pen.,  71-255;  Castillo,  Mem,  Min.  Azogue,  1-51;  Abispa  de 
ChiL,  passim;  Almaraz,  Comis.,  Cient.  Pachuca,  passim;  Mex.,  Balanza  Merc., 
1845;  Maillefert,  Direct.,  70-149;  Adorno  Anal.  Males  de  Mex.,  40-126;  An 
derson's  Mex.  St  P.,  29-117;  Romero,  Mich.,  152  et  seq.;  Rosa,  Ensayo,  18-45; 
Rewlla  Gigedo,  MS.,  i.  181-97;  Findlays  Directory,  i.  262-74,  283;  Garcia  y 
Eguia,  Nueva  Teorica  y  Prdctica  del  Beneficio  de  los  Metales,  etc.,  Mex.,  1802, 
pp.  168;  Gutierrez,  Apunt.  Estad.  Min.  Quer.,  Mex.,  1875,  pp.  119;  Boguslaw- 
ski,  Deutche  CoL,  passim;  Gregory's  Hist.  Mex.,  passim;  Otero,  Obras,  MS.,  i. 
111-26,  242-50:  Rivero,  Mex.  en  1842;  Otero,  Ensayo,  36-136,  in  Mex.  Pamph., 
ii.,  no.  1;  Edward's  Hist.  Tex.,  133-60,  322-36;  Vallejo,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS., 
i.,  passim;  Variedades  de  Jurisp.,  i.-viii.,  passim;  Diaz,  Informe,  11-52;  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  passim;  Registro,  Trimestre,  i.  51-106,  153-94,  231-64,  307  etseq., 
497-512;  ii.  2-30;  DaJilgren's  Hist.  Mines,  passim;  Manero,  Not.  Hist.  Com. 
Mex.,  Mex.,  1879,  pp.  59;  Id.,  Apunt.  Hist.  Ferroc.,  Mex.,  1872,  pp.  24; 
Calderon's  Life  in  Mex.,  passim;  Duport,  Melaux  precieuxan  Mex.,  passim; 
Id.,  Laws  and  Courts,  MS.;  8.  Miguel,  Segunda  Guia;  Sosa,  Biog.  Mex.  Dist., 
passim;  D'Orbigny,  Voyage,  429-60;  Escalera  y  Liana,  Mex.  Hist.  Descrip., 
29-281;  Espos.  Gen.  de  'ndust.,  Mex.,  1856,  pp.  56;  The  Mining  Mag.,  i.-ix.; 


664  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  A1TD  LITERATURE. 

taken  a  few  years  ago  under  auspices  of  the  United 
States  government: 

Mex.,  Expos.  . .  sobre  la  Condic.,  passim;  Lares,  Lecciones  de  Derecho  Admin., 
Mex.,  1852,  pp.  407;  Perez  y  Comoto,  Represent.,  1-82;  Payno,  Cuentas,  Gastos, 
etc.,  passim;  Macgregor's  Commer.  Stat.,  iii.  1167--81;  Proyecto  del  primer 
Camino  de  Hierro,  etc.,  Mex.,  1837,  pp.  112;  Phillips  Min.  and  Met.,  77,  266- 
87;  Tovar,  Hist.  Pari,  i.-iv.;  Tylor's  Anahttac,  passim;  Tarayre,  Explor. 
Min.,  passim;  Thrall's  Texas;  Tnyillo,  Proyecto  Prod,  y  Recur. ,  Mex.,  1865, 
pp.  72;  Sktttons  Min.  Dist.  Hidalgo,  Boston,  1882,  pp.  63;  Septien  y  Villasenor, 
Mem.  Estad.,  passim;  Sanchez  MS.,  1-5;  Maclure's  Opinions,  i.,  passim;  Mata, 
Anuario  Univ.,  1881,  pp.  688;  Azpiroz,  Cod.  Extran.,  passim;  Alvarez,  Ilin.  y 
derrot.,  Mex.,  1856,  pp.  480;  Azanza,  Imtruc.,  MS.,  64-7:  Azcdrate,  Not.  Ex- 
tad.,  pp.  46;  Arevalo,  Compend.,  5-295;  Cancelada,  Ruinade  la  N.  Exp.,  21-47; 
Comonfort,  Manif.  del  Gob.,  160-7,  184-203;  U.  S.  bureau  of  Statistics,  Com 
merce  and  Navig.  Repts,  Com.  Relations,  and  numerous  other  official  documents 
issued  by  the  U.  S.  government  during  this  century,  to  the  indices  of  which 
the  reader  is  referred;  Mayer's  Mex.  as  It  Was  and  Is,  174-91,  268-83,  305- 
37;  Hamilton's  Mex.  Laws;  Id.,  Mex.  Handbook;  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos,  Direct. 
Correos,  1876,  pp.  621;  Hall's  Laws  of  Mex.,  S.  F.,  1885,  pp.  840;  Humboldt's 
Essai  Pol;  Hinchmans  Mex.  R.  R.,  MS.,  1883;  Heller,  Reisen  in  Mex.;  Zama- 
cois,  Hist.  Mex.;  Zarc.o,  Hist.  Congreso,  i.-ii.,  passim;  Zavala,  Rej.  Mex.,  ii. 
passim;  Zamora,  Bibliot.  Legisl.,  i.  25-38,  142-3,  352-71.  In  addition  to  the 
above  authorities,  a  vast  number  of  documents,  newspapers,  magazines,  re 
views,  periodicals,  and  journals,  both  Mexican  and  foreign,  that  have  been 
consulted,  besides  a  large  collection  of  clippings  from  papers  and  publications 
entitled  Mexican  Scraps,  and  containing  much  valuable  information  on  Mexi 
can  matters. 

For  further  reference  I  note:  Beltrami,  Mex.,i.  111-29;    Vallejo,  Col.  Doc., 
i.,  no.  41;  xxix.,  no.  185;    Valois,  Mexique,  82-90;  Alaman,  Me}.,  i.,  app.  33; 
ii.  437-8;   v.  462-5,  491,   506-7,  610,  767,    811,  916-23;   Id.,   Apunt.    Biog., 
11-39;  Id.,  VidaNaj.  Crisos.,  5-9,  23-39;    Ward's  Mex.,i.  26-39,  145-61;  ii., 
passim;  Arrangoiz,  Mej.,  ii.  320-3;  iii.  250,  336-56;  iv,  29-31,   85-8,    143-4, 
172;    Thompson's   Recol.  Mex.,  passim;   Bancroft's   Obs.,  MS.,    18-19,    53-63, 
104-11;  Disposic.  Varias,  ii.,f.  28,  55,  58-61,  66,  67,  72;  iii.,  f.  53,  54,  123;  v., 
1  13,  58;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  5,  18-19,  331-340,  425,    619;  iv., 
449-60;  vi.  508-14;  ix.  91,  203^t;  Carpenter's  Travels  in  Mex.,  234-69;   Chas- 
sin,  El  Pinto,  Su  Grig.,  etc.,  Mex.,  1868,  pp.  37;  Armin,  Hentige  Mex.,  225-57, 
371-96,  412-13;  Diaz  Misc.,  nos.   17,   52,  56;  Dunbars  Mex.  Papers,    105-8, 
116-18,   131^4;   Mex.,  Cod.  Reform.,  182-95,  323-4,  395-7;  Id.,   Mem.    Sec. 
Estad.,  1879-80,  57-8,  with  docs.  109-10;  Id.,  Mem.  Ofic.  Mayor  Gob.,  1874, 
89-126,  with  docs.  46-63;  Id.,  Recop.  Leyes,  etc.,  xi.  526-30;  Derecho  Intern. 
Mex.,  3d  pt,  354-421;  Mex.,  Col.  Dec.  sob.  Cong.,  166-9;  Guia  de  Hac.  Rep. 
Mex.,  iii.  186;  Archivo  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.,  ii.  373  et  seq.;  iii.   616-17;  vi.  294-5; 
Mex.,  Decretos  Min.,  1845,  no.  6;  Id.,  Bol.  Ley.,  1863,  282-3;  1864,  60;  Id., 
Ley  Organ.  Istruc.  Pub.,  1-16;  Pinart,  Col;  Id.,  Mem.  Ayunt.   Comtit.,  1879, 
171-202,  225-54;   Edwards   Hist.   Tex.,   139,   115-60;   Elton,   With  the  French, 
11-46,  55-66;  Ensen.  Polic.  Med.,  Mex.,  1842,  pp.  24,  in  Pap.  Var.,  224,  No.  5; 
Espinosa,  Pastorales,  nos.  1-7;  Fossey's  Mex.,  221-45,  338-9,  384-5;  Fernando 
VII. ,  Decretos,  51,  63-4,  74-5,  224,  228-9;  M,  Doc.,  293-9;  Vigil,  Ensayo  Hist., 
7-10;    Valle,  Vlije.ro  en  Mex.,  143-598;  Farnliams  Mex.,  73-80;  Hassel,  Mex. 
Guit.,   144-290,   passim;  Heller,  Reisen  in  Mex.,  68-71,    167-70;  Hernandez, 
E»tid.  Mej.,  63-90,  205-6,  246-7;  Hamilton*  Mex.  Laws,  1-20,  157-76;  Hall's 
Mex.  Law,  191-202,  348-50,  420-32;  Rivero,  Mex.  en  1842,  passim;  Ratzel,  Aus 
Mex.,  passim;  R^cht/tofen,  Rep.  Mex.,  17-19,  161-6,  216-17;  Rosa,  Juicio  Impar., 
in  I, up.   Var.,  no.  5;  Lowenstern,  Mex.,  passim;   Cmcinnatus'  Travels,   52-3, 
72-86;  Cancelada,  Ruina  de  la  N.  Esp.,  10-11,  62-4;  Lefevre,   Doc.  Maxim., 
4-5,  333;  Calderon's  Ltfe  in  Mex.,  i.,  ii.,  passim;  N  lies'  Reg.,  from  vol.  i.  et  seq., 
with  reference  to  the  indices;  Gallardo,  Cuadro  Estad.;  Garcia  Cubas,  Rep. 


AUTHORITIES.  665 

The  10th  of  October,  1870,  the  Tehuantepec  and  Nicaragua  Surveying 
Expedition  sailed  from  the  city  of  Washington,  bound  for  Mexico,  its  object; 

Mex.;  Id.,  Escrit.  Divers.,  1-72;  Gregory 's  Hist.  Hex.,  passim;  Oroso  MS.,  1-32; 
Sartorius,  Import.  Mex.,  1-154;  Payno,  Cuent.  Oast.,  719-21,  916-21;  Wapps 
Mex.  and  C.  Am.,  1-170,  passim;  Shepard's  Land  of  the  Azt.;  Siliceo,  Mem. 
Fom.  Col.  Ind.,  86-98,  with  L,  vi.  1-30;  L,  ix.  3-31;  La  Sombra  de  Moctheu- 
zoma,  nos.  2-6,  and  8;  Stephens'  Yuc.;  Busto,  Estad.  Rep.  Mex.,  i.  pp.  xii.~ 
xix.,  xxxvii.-xl.,  Ixxix.-lxxxi.;  Becher,  Mex.,  passim;  Bcaufoy's  Mex.  Illus- 
trat.;  Brocklehurst 's  Mex.;  La  Cruz,  i.  56-62,  108,  417-22,  477-9;  Semanario 
Polit.,  ii.  49-56,  293-304;  Sosa,  Blog.  Mex.,  passim;  Tovar,  Hist.  Parl,  i. 
passim;  Tylor's  Anahuac;  Triyueros,  Mem.  Ramos  Munic.;  Guanaj.,  Mem. 
Gob.,  1871;  Nuevo  Viaj.  Univ.,  iii.  208-11,  214-36;  Noriega,  Estadlst.  Depart. 
Mex.,  passim,  in  Mex.,  Anales  Min.  Fom.  Ind.  Agric.,  torn,  i.;  Wilsons  Mex. 
and  it*  Relig.,  88-93,  280-91,  308-47;  Id.,  Mex.  and  Peasants,  passim;  Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  A  punt.  Hist.,  no.  v.,  309-13;  Loreto,  Mission  Records,  MS.;  Poinsett's 
Notes  on  Mex.,  i.,  passim;  Pensador  Mex.,  sup.;  Clark's  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  MS., 
14-37;  Penys  Travels,  12-69;  Normans  Rambles,  13-178,  199-215;  Correo, 
Semanario,  i.  1-16,  123,  131-41,  175-6,  379-80;  Geiger's  Peep  at  Mex.;  N.  Am. 
Revieio,  xiv.  427-9;  xxxii.  337^0;  Tempskey's  Journey,  10-12,  42-3,  165-70, 
200-3,  235-6;  Taylor,  Bayard,  El  Dorado,  ii.  144-57;  Putmans  May.,  iv. 
310-19;  Robinsons  Mex.  Rev.,  ii.  136-54;  Reid's  Scout  Exped.,  21-123,  passim; 
Linati,  Costumes  Civ.,  1-48;  Price,  Ti-ip,  22-43;  Masons  Pict.  Life  in  Mex.; 
Pirnentel,  Econ.  Pol,  47-109,  172-99;  Mayers  Mex.,  passim;  Molinero  del 
Cerro,  Cartas,  Mex.,  1868,  pp.  403;  Mexicanische  Zustande  aus  den  Jahren, 
1830-2,  i.,  passim;  Burkart,  Mex.,  i.  49-61,  152-76,  254-77;  Mex.,  Typen  and 
Skisson,  77-139,  157-214;  Boguslawski,  Deutsche  Col,  21-37;  Havens  Our  Next 
Door  Neighbor,  25-35,  55-85,  287-417;  Hardy's  Travels  in  Mex.,  1-82,  320-540; 
Baz,  LeydelZJul  1859;  Barnard's  Isth.  Tehuan.,  217-28;  Bullock's  Six  Months 
in  Mex.,  i.,  passim;  Huasteca,  Not.  Estad.,  32-62;  Cabrera,  Huasteca,  86-119; 
Peza,  Benef.  en  Mex.,  Mex.,  1881,  pp.  201;  Pinart,  Col;  Tolerancia  Relit/., 
Mex.,  1831,  pp.  59;  Girard,  Excurs.,  60-82;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  with  refer 
ence  to  the  index;  Beulloch,  Mex.,  ii.  292-321;  Masson,  Olla  Pod.,  118-25, 
308-14,  353-79;  469-79;  Wortleys  Travels,  passim;  Blazquez,  Cazador  Mex., 
Puebla,  1868,  pp.  431;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  62-75,  92-130,  160-8;  Pacheco,  Let. 
Mex.,  37-46;  Mayers  Mex.  Azt.,  ii.,  passim;  Rivera,  Gob.,  ii.,  passim;  Dis- 
turnell,  Injluence  of  Climate,  etc.;  Ddvila,  El  Toro,  i.  166  et  seq.;  ii.  403-68; 
Ober's  Travels  in  Mex.,  253-68,  683-8;  Hobbs'  Life  in  Far  West,  169-215; 
Hardmans  Frontier  Life,  249-92;  Portilla,  Esp.  en  Mex.,  263-76;  Gray's  Mex., 
20-154;  Orizava,  Ocurr.,  16-65;  Medina  y  Ormaehea,  Proyec.  Estab.  Reg.  Pen- 
iten.,  Mex.,  1881,  pp.  169;  Dunns  Guat.,  38-53;  Hernandez  y  Davdlos,  ii. 
305-7;  Igles.  y  Convent.  Mex.,  230,  245-77,  348-50-  Bienes,  Ecks.  Disertac., 
Mex.,  1833,  pp.  87;  Id.,  Mex.,  1834,  pp.  39;  Munguia,  Pastorales,  nos.  ii.-iv. ; 
Bastamante,  Voz  de  P atria,  i.-iv.,  passim;  Id.,  Hist.  Sta  Anna,  26-77;  Frost's 
Incidents,  141-79;  Isabel  la  Catol  Instit.  Orden.,  pp.  19;  Furber's  Volunteer, 
212-41,  333-6,  436;  Ferry's  Vag.  Life,  5-344;  Garza  Ballesteros,  Informe  Gen. 
Zacual,  MS..  1-90;  Covarrubias,  Instruc.  Pub.  Mex.,  3-197;  Gonzalez,  Mem. 
Gen.  de  Divis.,  1877,  81-153;  Mex.,  Leg.,  ii.  202-5;  Kendall's  Tex.  and  S.  Fe 
Exped.,  ii.  11-406;  Martin  Precis,  39-83;  Ferry,  Vie  Mex.,  1-325;  Mex.,  Provid. 
Dioces.,  MS.,  488-90;  Martinez,  El  Pontif.,  1-158;  Testimonio  d  la  letra  Hosp. 
S.  Andres,  Mex.,  1848,  pp.  22;  Arroniz,  Viaj.,  118-75;  Ferriz,  Expos.,  Mex., 
1859,  pp.  29;  Affairs  in  Mex.,  MS.,  1883,  8-12;  Aspiroz,  Cod.  de  Estran., 
Mex.,  1876,  pp.  321;  Chevalier,  Mex.,  450-71,  547-603;  Charney,  Cites  et  Ruines, 
137-58,  189-203,  489-511;  Arreglo  de  la  Univ.  y  Col,  Mex.,  1855,  pp.  89; 
Olmedo,  Mem.,  S.  L.  Potosi,  1876,  pp.  114;  Otero,  Emayo,  Mex.,  1842,  pp.  136; 
Morales,  Desertac.,  Mex.,  1831,  pp.  59;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  345-77;  Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  i.  208,  237,  364;  Mora,  Obras  Sueltas,  i.,  passim;  Chateaubriand, 
Voyages,  219-24|  Ortega,  Mem.  Embriaguez,  Mex.,  1847,  pp.  72;  Almaraz,  Comis. 

I,  G-uad., 


Cient.  Pachuca,  79-185;  Trejes,  Mem.  Hist.  Cong.  Jal,  G-uad.,  1879,  pp.  135; 
Caballero,  Hist.  Aim.,  Mex.,  1884,  pp.  377;  Cero,  Lot  Ceros,  Mex.,  1882,  pp. 
370,  containing  biographical  sketches  of  some  of  the  most  prominent  Mexican 


666  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

being  to  determine,  in  the  most  absolute  manner,  if  it  was  practicable  to 
construct  a  ship-canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec. 

Any  scheme  contemplating  to  feed  the  canal  from  other  than  natural 
sources  of  supply  should  be  considered  impracticable;  though  in  the  case  of 
failing  to  obtain  a  natural  supply,  studies  and  calculations  might  be  made,  in 
order  to  expose  the  degree  of  difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  obtaining  an 
artificial  supply  by  means  of  collecting  reservoirs  and  pumping. 

t  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  solution  of  this  problem  should  present  no  ex 
traordinary  difficulties,  or  obstacles  that  could  not  be  overcome  with  the  or 
dinary  appliances  of  engineering  skill  in  its  present  state  of  development,  I 
should  declare  the  project  practicable,  unless  the  expense  to  be  incurred  in 
its  construction  should  appear  palpably  incommensurable  with  the  importance 
of  the  undertaking. 

The  data  obtained  from  our  explorations  and  surveys  prove  that  a  ship- 
canal  is  practicable  on  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  because  the  difficulties 
to  be  encountered  in  its  construction  are  of  the  ordinary  type,  or  such  as  are 
inherent  to  works  of  a  similar  nature,  with  the  difference  that  they  will  be 
met  on  a  larger  scale.  This  fact  is  due  to  the  assumed  dimensions  of  the 
canal,  and  is  inherent  to  the  conception  of  the  project,  in  whatever  part  of 
the  world  it  might  be  located. 

The  nature  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  makes  it  impossible  to  con 
struct  across  it  a  'through-cut'  canal.  The  use  of  locks  becomes  indispensable 
in  order  to  reach  the  summit-height  at  Tarifa.  This  point  is  the  lowest  and 
most  available  pass  in  the  mountains  traversing  the  isthmus  from  east  to  west. 

Its  true  mean  elevation  above  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  754.4  feet,  as  given  by 
the  spirit-level.  This  height  can  be  easily  diminished  to  732  feet  by  a  cut  22 
feet  in  depth  on  the  Tarifa  Pass.  In  this  manner,  the  summit-reach  of  the 
canal  will  have  the  same  elevation  as  the  Tarifa  River,  upon  the  point  at 
which  the  summit-level  will  be  fed  with  water. 

The  only  point  from  which  the  canal  can  be  fed  is  from  the  Upper  Coat- 
zacoalcos  or  Corte  River,  near  its  junction  with  the  Blanco.  At  this  place 
the  Corte  delivers  1,618  cubic  feet  of  water  per  second,  and  the  surface  of  the 
water  in  the  driest  season  is  660  feet  above  the  ocean,  or  72  feet  below  the 
summit-level  of  the  canal. 

Three  miles  up  stream  from  this  point  the  Corte 's  waters  ascend  to  the 
summit-level  height. 

The  river  Blanco  yields  120  cubic  feet  per  second,  and  is  four  feet  above 
the  summit  at  the  Tarifa  Pass.  The  banks  and  bed  of  the  Corte  are  of  clay, 
rocks,  feldspar,  and  granite.  The  direction  of  the  stream,  width  of  its  bed, 
which  is  free  from  gravel,  and  the  topographical  features  of  the  locality,  are 
admirably  constituted  for  the  erection  of  a  dam.  The  materials  are  at  hand, 
and  of  the  most  durable  nature. 

writers,  mostly  poets,  with  quotations  from  their  works.  Pimentel,  Historic* 
Critica  de  la  Literatura  y  de  las  Ciencias  en  Mexico  etc.,  Mex.,  1885,  pp.  736; 
Soso,  Biog.  Mex.  Desting.,  Mex.,  1884,  pp.  1115;  Manterola,  Ensayo  sobre  una 
Clasif.  de  las  Ciencias,  Mex.,  1884,  pp.  373;  Penafiel,  Nombres  Geog.  de  Mex., 
Mex.,  1885,  pp.  260;  Biblioteca  nueva  de  la  Rtea,  Mex.,  1874,  pp.  176,  a  col 
lection  of  anecdotes,  humorous  dialogues,  and  comic  poems. 


THE  BLANCO  BAM.  667 

It  is  proposed  to  construct  a  dam  on  the  Corte  of  suitable  strength,  122 
feet  in  length  at  the  lip,  and  86  in  height. 

At  this  place  there  is  a  strong  depression  or  pass  in  the  ridge  separating 
the  Corte  and  Blanco  rivers.  Taking  into  account  the  fall  or  head  to  be  given, 
to  the  feeder,  the  horizontal  distance  between  the  Corte  and  Blanco  is  1,750 
feet,  and  the  height  of  the  pass  above  the  feeder  will  be  257  feet.  In  order 
to  turn  the  water  of  the  Corte  into  the  feeder,  on  the  Blanco  Valley,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  excavate  less  than  400,000  cubic  yards  upon  the  ridge  which 
separates  the  Corte  and  Blanco  valleys.  This  excavation  will  just  supply  the 
material  for  the  Corte  dam,  the  dam  at  the  Blanco,  and  the  inlet  chambers, 
and  the  revetement  wall  of  the  feeder  at  the  Blanco  dam. 

A  dam  16  feet  high  must  be  erected  on  the  Blanco.  The  river-bed  is  here 
130  feet  wide,  though  the  river  itself  is  hardly  20  feet  across.  The  dam, 
however,  will  have  to  be  built  140  feet  long.  Eighty  feet  of  this  length  will 
be  reserved  for  the  Blanco,  and  whatever  surplus  waters  may  fail  to  pass 
through  the  gates  and  weirs  of  the  Corte  in  time  of  floods. 

The  balance  of  the  length  of  Blanco  dam  will  be  used  for  the  feeder. 

This  dam  will  be  pierced  by  the  feeder-chamber,  provided  with  regulating 
flow-gates,  and  the  waters  of  the  feeder  will  thus  run  across  the  left  end  of 
the  dam,  and  between  the  left  bank  of  the  Blanco  and  a  wall  buttressing  the 
dam  and  dividing  the  waters  of  the  feeder  and  the  Blanco  River. 

This  buttressing  and  dividing  wall  will  not  be  more  than  300  feet  in 
length,  and  from  this  point  forward  the  feeder  will  run  through  a  side  cut 
ting,  and  entirely  above  the  reach  of  the  heaviest  floods.  A  few  hundred 
feet  below  the  dam  a  series  of  falls  occur,  which  make  it  impossible  for  ex 
traordinary  floods  to  reach  the  feeder. 

The  waters  of  the  Blanco,  Maxiponac,  Capepac,  Coyolapa,  Escolapa,  Pita, 
Chichihua,  Pericon,  Otate  (and  if  necessary  the  Coquipac)  rivers  can  be 
utilized  to  feed  the  Pacific  side-levels,  furnishing  jointly  about  495  cubic  feet 
of  water  per  second.  The  Corte  River  will  supply  any  deficit  that  may  occur 
at  the  summit  for  the  Pacific  side  and  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Atlantic  side. 
Water  can  never  be  wanting  for  the  summit,  because  only  the  Pacific  plains 
will  draw  heavily  from  it;  while  on  the  Atlantic  side  not  less  than  30,000 
cubic  feet  flow  into  the  Coatzacoalcos,  between  the  Almoloya  and  Uspanapa 
rivers.  This  amount  is  delivered  by  the  Almoloya,  Malatengo,  Sarabia, 
Jumuapa,  Jaltepec,  Chalchijalpa,  Naranjo,  Coachapa,  and  Uspanapa  rivers, 
and  many  other  small  streams.  All  the  rivers  are  distributed  along  the 
shores  of  the  Coatzacoalcos,  at  very  suitable  distances  from  each  other. 

The  general  estimates  for  water-supply  made  in  the  sequel  call  for  1,618 
cubic  feet  per  second,  as  the  amount  required  to  work  the  whole  canal,  under 
the  exacting  supposition  that  it  is  to  be  fed  exclusively  from  the  summit. 

The  available  summit  streams  were  gauged  at  the  height  of  a  remarkably 
dry  season,  and  found  to  yield  jointly  2,113  cubic  feet;  so  that,  strictly 
speaking,  495  cubic  feet  per  second  will  have  to  be  disposed  of  by  means  of 
waste-weirs  from  the  very  summit,  in  the  driest  season,  and  supposing  an 
extravagant  expenditure  of  water. 

Since  a  large  portion  of  the  water  brought  to  the  summit  is  to  be  used  on 
the  Pacific  side-slope,  this  fact  might  lead  to  the  supposition  that  the  Coatza- 


668  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

coalcos  would  lose  thereby  its  present  importance  as  a  large  river.  This 
objection  is  met  thus:  Abreast  of  Minatitlan,  the  cross-section  of  the  river 
has  an  area  of  31,900  square  feet,  and  though  the  velocity  of  its  current  is 
always  more  than  1.6  feet  per  second,  even  taking  it  at  one  foot  per  second, 
this  would  give  nearly  32,000  cubic  feet  of  water  per  second,  as  the  delivery 
of  the  river.  One  twentieth  of  this  amount  is  taken  for  canal  purposes,  and 
is  obtained  near  its  source,  and  before  any  of  its  large  tributaries  swell  the 
mighty  volume  of  the  river.  While  the  diminution  occasioned  by  subtract 
ing  so  small  a  volume  from  the  river  will 'be  less  perceptible  than  the  fluctua 
tions  produced  by  small  freshets,  this  small  amount  will  be  sufficient  to 
supply  one  half  of  the  canal  necessities,  and  to  irrigate  the  sterile  lands  of 
the  Pacific  plains,  where  the  indigo  culture  languishes  for  want  of  water. 
Besides,  when  the  canal  shall  have  been  built,  the  valley  of  the  Coatzacoalcos 
will  assume  its  commercial  and  political  importance.  At  present  it  is  value 
less,  and  the  river  can  hardly  be  ascended  as  far  as  Siichil  in  Indian  canoes. 

Having  demonstrated  that  there  is  an  abundant  supply  of  water  to  feed 
the  summit-level  and  the  whole  canal,  I  will  now  proceed  to  describe  the 
feeder  route,  and  the  practicability  of  bringing  the  water  to  the  summit. 
The  feeder  route  is  divided  into  five  sections. 

First  Division.— The  feeder  will  follow  the  left  bank  of  the  Blanco  and 
Corte  rivers,  until  it  reaches  the  Capepac  River.  The  whole  of  this  division 
will  be  in  side-cuttings,  with  very  little  filling,  and  only  three  inconsiderable 
full  cuts.  The  ground  was  explored  at  the  points  marked  with  dotted  lines. 
The  topography  is  accurately  sketched. 

The  most  important  stream  crossed  is  the  Maxiponac  (Sardine  Brook), 
insignificant  as  to  volume,  and  remarkable  for  the  number  of  its  beautiful 
falls.  Sandstones  and  clay  are  abundant,  feldspars  crop  out  in  many  spurs, 
and  the  excavations  will  be  difficult  and  expensive.  The  approximate  length 
of  this  division,  including  the  Blanco  Cut,  is  four  and  one  eighth  (4J)  miles. 

Second  Division. — From  the  Capepac  (Reed  Brook),  the  feeder  will  com 
mence  at  Lemon  Ridge,  at  the  proper  grade;  and  following  the  Capepac 
Valley  on  the  left  bank  of  its  western  branch,  it  will  extend  nearly  to  its 
head- waters;  227  feet  above  the  bed  of  the  Capepac,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
construct  an  aqueduct  about  1,200  feet  long,  connecting  the  Lemon  and 
Devil's  ridges.  The  western  portion  of  this  division  ends  at  the  gap  which 
forms  the  water-shed  divide  of  the  Milagro  and  Capepac  rivers.  Midway 
between  their  sources,  and  at  right  angles  with  their  direction,  flows  the 
Sona-pac  (Lemon  Brook),  traversing  the  divide,  and  having  its  source  at 
Cliff  Ridge.  The  bed  of  the  Sona-pac  is  118  feet  above  the  summit;  and  the 
width  of  the  gap  is  4,150  feet  at  the  grade;  therefore  a  tunnel  of  that  length 
becomes  here  indispensable. 

The  nature  of  the  soil  is  sandstones  at  the  Lemon  Ridge,  clay  and  slates 
in  the  upper  branch  of  the  Capepac,  and  marbles  at  the  tunnel.  The  length 
of  this  division  is  one  and  a  third  miles,  including  the  tunnel  and  the  aque 
duct.  This  will  be  the  most  expensive  portion  of  the  whole  route. 

Third  Division.- — This  division  extends  from  the  tunnel,  near  the  source  of 
the  Milagro,  to  the  second  ford  of  the  river  Pita  (Hemp  River).  It  follows 
the  left  bank  of  the  Milagro  on  the  lap  of  the  main  range,  which  extends 
from  Cliff  Ridge  to  Tarifa. 


FOURTH  AND  FIFTH  DIVISIONS.  669 

When  abreast  of  the  town  of  Santa  Maria,  the  feeder,  whose  general 
direction  has  been  from  east  to  west,  turns  now  to  the  south-west  to  escape 
the  lowlands  of  the  Chimalapa  Potrero  (or  flat  lands),  searching  for  the  low 
est  pass  between  the  Chocolate  Hill  and  the  Sierra  Madre.  Since  this  pass 
is  160  feet  above  the  summit-level,  another  tunnel  will  become  necessary  at 
this  point.  Its  length  will  be  3,550  feet.  The  streams  crossed  by  this  divis 
ion  are  a  few  very  insignificant  brooklets  in  the  eastern  end.  The  Coqui-pac 
(Black  River),  I  believe,  can  be  turned  into  the  feeder  without  difficulty,  by 
simply  connecting  a  small  dam  and* a  waste- weir.  Its  floods  are  said  to  be 
inconsiderable,  even  when  other  rivers  are  much  swollen;  and  this  looks 
plausible  on  account  of  the  small  area  it  drains.  After  passing  the  Chocolate 
Hill,  the  feeder  will  encounter  a  sort  of  corrugated  soil,  forming  the  bed  of 
many  little  streams,  tributaries  of  the  Coyolapa  (Second  River)  and  Esco- 
lapa  (First  River);  but  they  do  not  complicate  the  difficulties  of  the  feeder 
route.  The  Cuchara  (Spoonbrook)  is  passed  near  its  source.  This  division 
ends  at  the  Pita,  whose  waters  have  the  same  height  as  the  summit-level. 
The  excavations  of  the  eastern  part  of  this  division  are  in  compact  limestones 
and  clays.  Drift  and  shales  are  found  in  the  Chimalapa  Potrero,  plastic 
clay  on  the  Chocolate  tunnel,  and  drift  and  clay  in  the  western  terminus  of 
this  division.  The  length  of  this  division  will  be  eleven  and  three  eighths 
miles. 

Fourth  Division. — North  of  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  the  main  chain  of 
mountains  sends  northward  a  heavy  spur,  which,  ending  at  Santa  Maria, 
turned  the  Corte  from  its  western  descent  and  sent  it  northward.  We  have 
named  this  spur  the  Cofradia  Range.  It  is  solid,  and  uninterruptedly  high 
throughout  its  length,  with  but  two  exceptions,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Escolapa 
and  at  the  Pita  Brook.  Even  beyond  the  Corte,  this  range  lifts  again  the 
last  of  its  many  heads,  as  a  huge  cone,  which  Indian  wit  has  named  the 
'  Runt. '  I  will  now  explain  how  this  range  is  traversed  by  the  feeder. 

The  Corte  at  Santa  Maria  is  373  feet  below  the  summit.  The  Pita,  which 
crosses  the  Cofradia  Range,  is  at  the  summit-height,  and  is,  besides,  a  tribu 
tary  to  the  Corte  fifteen  miles  below  Santa  Maria;  therefore,  by  following  the 
Pita  Valley,  we  can  cross  the  Cofradia  Range  below  the  summit-grade,  since 
the  Pita  runs  below  this  grade.  The  Chichihua,  west  of  Cofradia  Range,  was 
found  71  feet  below  the  summit,  and  the  Pericon  is  60  feet  above,  at  the 
point  crossed  by  the  transit-line;  hence  the  feeder  must  be  located  about 
half-way  between  these  last  points.  The  whole  route  of  this  division  is  easily 
excavated,  and  consists  of  clay  at  the  Pita  Brook,  sandstones  in  the  valley 
formed  across  the  Cofradia  Range,  and  humus  and  loose  earth  in  the  po. 
treros  of  Chichihua.  The  length  of  this  division  is  eight  and  three  eighths 
miles. 

Fifth  Division. — This  division  comprehends  the  tunnel  from  the  Otate 
River  to  Tarifa  Plains. 

The  only  important  features  of  this  division  is  the  length  of  the  tunnel, 
but  the  excavations  can  be  easily  and  cheaply  made,  the  ground  being  very 
soft.  The  excavations  need  not  exceed  205,000  cubic  yards. 

The  following  table  contains  a  condensed  statement  of  the  important  fea 
tures  of  the  feeder: 


670 


EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 


Number  of 
Divisions. 

Limits  of  Divisions. 

Length  of 
Divisions. 

Remarks. 

Division  No.  1. 
Division  No.  2. 

Division  No.  3. 
Division  No.  4. 
Division  No.  5. 

Total  lent 

From  Corte  to  Capepac  — 
From  Capepac  to  Cliff.  

From  Cliff  to  Pita  
From  Pita  to  Sierra  Blanca 
Sierra  Blanca  Tunnel  

jth  of  feeder  

£/3  miles  .  . 
1%  miles  | 

11%  miles.. 
8%  miles  .  . 
2  miles.. 

1  tunnel  1,750  feet  long. 
1  tunnel  4,150  feet  long. 
1  aqueduct  1,200  feet  long. 
1  tunnel  3,550  feet  long. 
Only  3  miles  heavy  cutting. 
1  tunnel  9,650  feet  long. 

Joint  length  of  all  the  tun 
nels—  3.61  miles. 

2714  miles.. 

DIMENSIONS  or  THE  CANAL — ITS  FEEDERS  AND  LOCKS. — Calculations  for 
the  Water  Supply,  and  Best  Form  of  Cross-sections  to  be  Given  to  the  Artificial 
Watercourses. — The  length  of  the  canal  proper  will  be  about  one  hundred  and 
forty -four  miles  from  the  harbor  at  Salina  Cruz  to  the  island  of  Tacamichapa 
on  the  Coatzacoalcos  River.  Fifty- two  miles  of  this  length  will  form  the  de 
scending  branch  from  Tarifa  to  the  Pacific.  With  the  exception  of  Tarifa 
Pass,  there  will  be  no  necessity  for  using  lock-flights,  and  even  here,  every 
reach  may  hold  two  full  lock-lengths,  and  enough  development  can  be 
found  on  the  hillside  to  avoid  the  grouping  of  more  than  two  locks  at  a 
flight. 

The  dimensions  proposed  for  the  canal  are: 

Feet. 

Top-breadth 162 

Bottom-breadth 60 

Depth  of  water 22 

And  for  the  locks: 

Length  between  mitre-sills 320 

Breadth 42 

Depth  of  water 21 

Depth  of  prism  of  lift 10.14 

I  should  recommend  double  locks;  but  the  estimates  that  follow  suppose 
each  lock  subdivided  by  gates  affording  respectively  130,  218,  and  320  feet  of 
lockage  length. 

It  is  extremely  difficult,  nay,  impossible,  to  determine  the  amount  of 
water  required  to  feed  a  canal,  unless  the  condition  and  nature  of  its  trade 
are  known.  This  is  especially  the  case  when  the  transit  has  to  be  effected 
through  an  undeveloped  country,  under  very  anomalous  political,  social,  in 
dustrial,  and  economical  conditions.  I  do  not  feel  justified  in  using  the  cus 
tom  commercial  statistics  before  me  of  the  probable  commerce  that  may  seek 
this  channel,  because  for  my  purpose  I  have  no  confidence  in  them,  and  no 
good  reason  to  suppose  that  this  manner  of  guessing  is  more  rational  than  any 
other  one,  so  long  as  any  guessing  element  enters  into  the  problem.  I  believe 
that,  through  this  canal,  an  immense  impetus  will  be  given  to  the  commerce 
of  our  Pacific  States;  that  the  politico-economical  laws  of  our  development 
demand  its  immediate  construction;  that  the  length  of  many  trading  channels 
will  be  shortened,  and  that  the  capital  now  eliminated  through  losses  of 
money,  time,  and  deterioration  of  merchandise,  will  be  redeemed,  and  made 
useful  in  its  application  to  cheapen  produce  and  increase  trade;  but  I  also  be- 


TRADE  AND  WATER  SUPPLY. 


671 


lieve  that  the  data  required  to  estimate  upon  the  nature  of  the  Tehuautepec 
Canal  trade  for  water  supply  purposes  can  only  be  approximated  after  long 
study  and  diligent  research  of  uncollected  trade  statistics  at  home  and  abroad, 
requiring  a  length  of  time  made  impracticable  by  the  nature  of  our  expedi 
tion. 

The  following  table  will  explain  the  necessity  of  knowing  the  amount  of 
trade  to  estimate  the  water  supply: 


On  level  stretches  if  — 

And  finds 
the  locks- 

The  vessel  will  draw  from 
the  summit  — 

And  consequently 
will    leave    the 
locks- 

The  vessel  is  descending  ( 
from  the  summit           ( 

Full  
Emptv. 

No  water  
One  lock  full 

Empty. 
Empty. 

The  vessel  is  ascending  ( 

Full.        .. 

One  lock  full  

Full. 

to  the  summit  | 

Empty.  .  .  . 

One  lock  full  

Full. 

On  a  flight  of  locks  if— 

And  finds 
the  locks  — 

The  vessel  will  draw  from 
the  summit  — 

And  will  leave  all 
the  locks  — 

The  vessel  is  descending  ( 

Full 

No  water 

Em.ptv 

from  the  summit..          i 
The  vessel  is  ascending  j 
to  the  summit.      .         \ 

Empty..  .. 
Full.  
Empty. 

One  lock  full  
One  lock  full  
As  many  locks  full  as  there 

Empty. 
Full. 
Full 

are  contiguous  chambers. 

Although  the  estimates  made  are  based  upon  a  trade  of  about  twenty 
thousand  tons  crossing  the  summit  daily,  they  have  been  made  under  condi 
tions  so  exaggerated,  that  I  believe  under  ordinary  circumstances  this  canal 
can  accommodate  thirty  thousand  (30,000)  tons  daily. 

I  have  also  distributed  the  canal  trade  among  small  vessels,  which  will 
consume  a  large  lockage  in  proportion  to  their  tonnage,  thus:  120  lockages, 
of  170  feet  length,  for  vessels  of  200  tons  and  under;  20  lockages,  of  218  feet 
length,  for  vessels  of  500  tons;  5  lockages,  of  320  feet  length,  for  vessels  of 
1,000  tons.  These  conditions  will  require  special  machinery  to  attend  to  the 
rapid  demands  upon  the  gates. 

Total  Amount  of  Water  Required  to  Supply  the  Ship-canal. 

For  lockages 146.94  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  evaporation 23.00  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  filtration 896.00  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  leakage  at  gates 0.31  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  leakage  at  weirs 2.00  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  feeder  losses 550.00  cubic  feet  per  second. 

For  the  whole  canal 1,618.25  cubic  feet  per  second. 

The  following  table  establishes  a  comparison  between  the  water  dimen 
sions  and  water  supply  estimates  of  the  Caledonian  Canal;  the  ship-canal 
proposed  through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  by  the  engineer-in-chief  of  the 
Royal  Corps  of  Miners,  Paris,  1841;  the  Albany  and  New  Baltimore  Ship- 
canal,  proposed  by  William  I.  McAlpine,  A.  M.  S.  of  C.  E.,  Albany,  1853, 
and  the  estimates  made  for  the  Tehuan  tepee  Ship -canal: 


672 


EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 


Designation 

Panama. 

Cale 
donian. 

Albany. 

Tehuan- 
tepee. 

Length  of  canal  
ireadth  of  canal  at  water  level  

47%  miles. 
148  ft. 

25  miles. 

122  ft. 

12>|  miles. 

122  miles. 
162  ft. 

Breadth  of  canal  at  trench  bottom  

66ft. 

50ft. 

50ft! 

60ft. 

Depth  of  water  in  canal  

23ft. 

20  ft. 

2ft. 

22ft. 

Lock-length  between  mitre-sills  

210  ft. 

172  ft. 

115  to  300  ft. 

170  to  320  ft. 

Lock-breadth  

47ft. 

40ft. 

81ft. 

42  ft. 

Lock-depth  



20  (?)  ft. 

21ft. 

Estimated  trade  per  day  
Estimated  supply  for  lockage,  in  cubic 

5,000  tons! 



10,000  tons. 

20,000  tons. 

feet,  per  second  

25,148 



98.11 

146.94 

Estimated  evaporation,  gate,  and  leak 

age  losses,  cubic  feet,  per  second. 

0.462 

42.33 

2?.31 

Estimated  nitration,  cubic   feet,   per 

second  

62,224 



84.78 

1,446.00 

Total  supply,  estimated  in  cubic  feet.  . 

87,834 



225.22 

1,618.00 

It  will  be  well  to  say,  before  proceeding  to  the  description  of  the  canal- 
route,  that  the  main  efforts  of  the  expedition  were  dedicated  to  its  immediate 
object,  viz.,  to  determine  the  practicability  of  the  canal.  Considerable  time 
was  spent  in  summit  explorations,  and  in  testing  the  feasibility  of  projects 
previously  proposed.  Disappointment  met  us  everywhere;  and  when  at  last 
the  feeder  route  and  its  water  supply  were  discovered,  the  season  was  so  far 
advanced  that  it  was  impossible  to  extend  our  level  lines  to  the  Atlantic  side, 
and  locate  the  north  branch  of  the  canal.  However,  the  ground  has  been 
thoroughly  explored,  the  work  previously  performed  for  railroad  and  other 
purposes,  and  the  profile  and  plans  obtained  from  the  studies  of  Barnard, 
Sidell,  Orbegozo,  and  others,  coupled  with  our  own  observations,  enable  me 
to  assert  with  confidence  that  below  the  confluence  of  the  Malatengo  there  is 
no  obstacle  whatever  in  the  way  of  the  canal.  The  broad  Coatzacoalcoa 
Valley  has  room  enough,  and  is  flat  for  a  long  distance  on  either  side  of  its 
thalweg. 

The  soil  at  Tarifa  is  impermeable,  and  the  feeder  will  deliver  its  waters 
directly  upon  the  plains. 

A  crescent-shaped  lake  will  be  formed,  which,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  will  retain  its  waters  at  all  points,  except  at  the  Tarifa  River.  At 
this  point,  where  the  soil  drains  naturally  to  the  Atlantic,  the  north  summit- 
gate  will  be  excavated. 

The  Pacific  summit-gate  will  be  twenty-two  feet  lower  than  the  lowest 
point  of  the  Tarifa  Pass.  The  houses  now  at  Tarifa  will  form  a  peninsula, 
where  storehouses,  repair-shops,  etc.,  will  be  built. 

From  Tarifa  the  first  level  will  start  northward. 

From  barometric  observations  behind  the  Campanario  Hill,  as  well  as  on 
account  of  the  grade  of  the  Tarifa  River,  it  appears  that  there  will  be  required 
nine  locks  between  the  summit  and  the  point  of  confluence  of  Chichihua  and 
Tarifa  rivers,  or  one  lock  per  mile. 

From  this  point  to  Mal-paso,  below  Rio  Chico,  the  bed  of  the  Chichihua 
has  a  small  slope,  which  necessarily  widens  the  distance  between  the  locks. 
Then  the  canal  will  run  along  the  valley  of  the  Coatzacoalcos. 

Twenty-one  miles  above  Rio  Chico,  the  Coatzacoalcos  falls  only  three 
hundred  and  sixty-three  feet  in  more  than  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  of 


DESCENT  ON  THE  PACIFIC.  673 

river-course.     This  fact,  together  with  the  already  large  size  of  the  Corte  at 
Rio  Chico,  guarantees  a  convenient  distribution  of  the  locks. 

On  the  Pacific  side  it  is  necessary  to  descend  with  sixty-three  locks  from 
the  summit  to  La  Veiita  de  Chicapa,  and  this  must  be  done  in  eight  miles; 
the  length  of  development  required  for  one  flight  will  be  20, 160  feet,  while 
the  amount  furnished  by  the  ground  is  42,240  feet,  or,  as  I  have  said  before, 
no  more  than  two  locks  need  be  grouped  in  flights.  Beyond  this  point,  eight 
locks  will  be  used  in  a  horizontal  distance  of  forty-seven  miles. 

It  will  be  seen,  by  comparing  jointly  the  several  profiles  of  the  Pacific 
plains,  that  in  some  places  embankments  will  be  required  to  elevate  the  sur 
face  of  the  canal  to  its  proper  grade. 

A  profile  shows  the  low  range  of  hills  at  the  Salina  Cruz  Point,  but  the 
prominent  elevation  seen  near  the  ocean  can  be  overcome  by  an  insignificant 
cut,  because  the  level-line  was  run  upon  a  ridge,  which  is  at  least  fifty  feet 
higher  than  the  small  valley  upon  whose  western  ridge  the  road  has  been 
built. 

I  have  been  unable  to  obtain  a  copy  of  the  profile  made  by  Orbegozo,  be 
tween  the  Tarifa  Pass  to  the  upper  lagoon,  by  way  of  La  Venta  de  Chicapa; 
but  from  recollection,  and  notes  entered  in  my  journal  when  I  examined 
these  profiles,  I  have  no  manner  of  doubt  in  stating  that  the  ground  descends 
very  uniformly  from  La  Venta  to  the  lagoons,  and  also  that  the  ascent, 
though  rapid,  is  quite  uniform  from  La  Venta  to  Tarifa  Pass.  I  have  visited 
this  pass  three  times  from  opposite  directions.  The  last  time  I  inspected  it 
was  from  La  Venta  upward,  in  company  with  the  chief  of  the  Mexican  com 
mission,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  studying  the  development  of  the  hill-curves 
and  the  location  of  the  locks.  We  found  no  place  where  the  locks  could  not 
be  easily  placed  to  advantage,  with  regard  to  economy  of  time  and  water, 
even  if  double  locks  were  built,  with  a  water-pit  between  them. 

Lieutenant-commander  Bartlett  ran  a  transit  and  level -line  down  the  Tarifa 
Pass,  to  the  point  where  all  difficulties  disappear;  but  pressure  from  other  quar 
ters  compelled  me  to  suspend  this  work,  for  the  more  important  one  of  deter 
mining  the  height  of  Cofradia  Pass.  This  line  was  to  be  continued  to  the  ocean 
after  a  return  from  the  Corte  region;  but  finding  then  that  the  Mexican  com 
missioners  were  engaged  in  this  work,  in  order  to  obtain  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  profiles  across  the  isthmus,  the  height  of  the  summit  was  deter 
mined  by  way  of  La  Chivela,  San  Gerdnimo,  Tehuantepec,  and  Salina  Cruz. 

I  expect  to  receive  a  copy  of  the  La  Venta  line  from  the  Mexican  com 
missioners,  and  if  it  should  arrive  in  time,  it  will  be  appended  to  this  report 
and  credited  to  them. 

An  inspection  of  the  general  map  would  seem  to  indicate  that  high  ground 
might  exist  on  the  plains,  between  the  Chicapa  and  Verde  rivers,  on  the 
line  traversed  by  the  canal;  but  this  is  not  the  case.  The  south  slope  of 
Masahua  Range  starts  abruptly  from  a  dead  level;  the  Lagartero  Hill  looks 
like  a  huge  boat  stranded  on  the  beach.  The  Verde,  which  looks  formidable 
in  the  maps,  was  crossed  twice  near  Cofradia  without  knowing  it,  though 
looking  sharply  for  its  bed. 

The  Juchitan  River  is  the  only  one  that  deserves  special  mention,  because 
it  will  require  to  be  spanned  over  by  the  canal;  but  its  floods  are  powerless 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  VI.    43 


674  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

when  they  reach  Juchitan.  Small  culverts  along  the  canal-line  in  the  area 
covered  by  the  river-floods  will  overcome  this  obstacle.  These  same  circum 
stances  obtain  in  the  Tehuantepec  River,  but  in  a  lesser  degree,  since  this 
river  now  runs  through  a  permanent  channel,  which  it  was  said  the  river 
excavated  for  itself;  but  while  studying  the  regimen  of  this  river,  I  ascer 
tained  that  the  witchcraft  attributed  to  this  peaceful  stream  arose  from 
ignorant  tinkering  with  ita  waters,  for  irrigation  purposes.  A  trench  had 
been  dug  unprotected  below  the  flood-line,  and  the  river  found  an  outlet  over 
soft  ground  to  the  old  sunk  turnpike,  which  was  washed  away,  and  ever  since 
kept  by  the  river  for  its  bed. 

The  highest  floods  of  the  Tehuantepec  River  never  reach  fifteen  feet  above 
its  bed.  An  inspection  of  profile  will  show  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in 
crossing  over  the  stream. 

HARBOR  OF  THE  ATLANTIC  TERMINUS  OF  THE  CANAL. — On  the  Atlantic 
side  of  the  isthmus  there  is  a  natural,  well -protected  harbor,  made  by  the 
banks  of  the  Coatzacoalcos.  The  harbor  varies  its  depth,  but  from  its  entrance 
to  the  island  of  Tacamichapa  it  can  easily  be  deepened  to  twenty-two  feet. 

Between  the  harbor  bar  and  Minatitlan,  the  river  is  very  deep,  with  but 
five  exceptions;  viz.,  at  the  harbor  entrance;  near  the  southern  ends  of  the 
islands  of  Guerrero  and  Diablo;  and  at  the  points  of  confluence  of  the  streams 
Tierra-Nueva  and  Camarones.  This  last  point  is  deep  enough,  but  quite 
narrow.  All  these  bars  but  two  can  be  removed  without  much  expense, 
owing  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  deposits,  which  are  sand  and  gravel, 
under  twenty  feet  of  water.  The  narrow  Uspanapa  Bar  is  covered  by  eigh 
teen  feet  of  water  at  low  tide.  It  is  made  by  deposits  from  the  latter  river. 
The  Coatzacoalcos  is  very  deep  above  and  below  the  point  of  confluence. 

Piles  driven  on  the  Uspanapa,  or  a  partial  damming  of  the  river,  will 
cause  the  sands  to  deposit  farther  up  stream,  on  its  own  bed. 

With  the  exception  mentioned  above,  the  river  varies  from  twenty-two  to 
eighteen  feet  in  depth  in  the  old  as  well  as  in  the  Kansas  channel.  The  latter 
channel  was  discovered  in  1871,  by  the  hydrographic  party. 

The  length  of  the  whole  trunk  is  twenty-one  miles,  counted  from  the 
centre  of  the  harbor  bar  to  the  Minatitlan  custom-house. 

THE  COATZACOALCOS  BAR. — This  bar  has  been  often  surveyed,  and  ita 
depth,  condition,  and  geographical  position  have  been  variously  stated  by 
different  observers. 

A  period  of  twenty-three  years  has  elapsed  between  the  surveys,  and  in 
that  time  the  following  changes  have  taken  place: 

1.  The  channel  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  retains  its  depth  of  forty  feet, 
but  it  is  now  twice  as  long  as  it  was  in  1848. 

2.  The  horizontal  distance  between  the  40  and  18  foot  curves  has  been 
elongated  one  and  a  half  times;  but  now  the  channel  is  narrower. 

3.  The  first  contour  curve,  returning  upon  itself,  and  limiting  the  southern 
edge  of  the  bar,  has  receded  toward  the  sea  one  tenth  of  its  original  distance, 
as  counted  from  the  deepest  part  of  the  river  abreast  of  the  old  fort;  but  ver 
tically  over  the  place  of  this  curve  there  are  now  four  feet  more  of  water. 

4.  The  width  of  the  bar  has  not  altered  sensibly,  and  is  now  generally 
four  or  five  feet  deeper. 


THE  COATZACOALCOS  BAR.  675 

5.  The  24-foot  curve  of  depth  has  neither  shifted  nor  sensibly  altered  its 
shape.     It  is  inside  of  the  bar,  convex  toward  the  sea,  and  its  apex  is  nearly 
tangent  to  the  coast  line. 

6.  Between  the  apex  of  this  curve  and  the  southern  edge  of  the  bar,  great 
changes  have  taken  place.     The  channel  has  become  narrower,  and  though 
much  deeper,  it  is  quite  crooked  in  the  line  of  maximum  depth. 

7.  No  results  have  reached  my  hands  of  the  nature  of  the  drift  upon  the 
bar  before  1840.     Now  it  is  made  up  of  coarse  and  fine,  gray  and  black,  sands, 
shells,  and  clay,  with  red  and  black  specks. 

8.  The  black  sands  belong  to  the  Uspanapa,  and,  as  has  been  remarked, 
can  be  prevented  from  reaching  the  harbor  by  inducing  the  formation  of  a  bar 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Uspanapa,  in  front  of  which  the  sands  will  naturally  set 
tle,  practically  for  an  indefinite  period. 

9.  The  Coatzacoalcos  Bar  is  an  external  bar,  and  is  often  disturbed  by 
northers.     Since  the  drift,  held  in  suspension  by  the  agitated  sea,  cannot  run 
up  against  the  Coatzacoalcos  current,  it  is  deposited  outside  of  and  parallel 
to  the  coast,  especially  toward  the  eastern  side  of  the  entrance.     This  con 
clusion  seems  plausible  from  the  shape  of  the  6-foot  curve. 

10.  The  18-foot  curve  shows  the  limiting  height  of  greatest  deposits,  and 
it  has  advanced  toward  the  channel  with  an  irregular  serrated  outline,  con 
fining  the  effective  cross-section  of  the  river;   consequently,  the   increased 
depth  of  water  over  the  bar  is  accounted  for,  because  the  increased  velocity, 
due  to  the  stricture  in  the  channel,  has  blown  away  the  fine  sands. 

11.  The  bar  is  permanent,  with  a  clay  subsoil.     This  can  be  shown  by  the 
18-foot  curve,  thus:  The  nature  of  the  deposits  should  be  considered  with  re 
gard  to  their  cohesion  and  density;  as  is  shown  by  the  slopes  of  the  profiles, 
the  particles  deposited  over  the  lower  portion  of  the  river  slide  easily  upon 
each  other,  and  are  of  light  weight.     If  the  bar  and  river  deposits  were  of 
uniform  density,  the  current  would  cut  a  channel  with  sensibly  parallel  out 
lines;  but  if  the  bar  is  made  up  of  a  substance  harder  than  the  drift  upon  it, 
it  will  act  as  a  dam,  against  which  the  current  will  impinge,  and  becoming 
divided  and  thrown  sideways,  it  will  excavate  irregular  channels  through  the 
material  that  collects  in  front  of  the  bar.     Also,  since  the  edge  of  the  bar 
acts  as  the  lips  of  a  dam,  the  current  will  wash  away  the  light  particles,  no 
drift  will  be  found  upon  it,  and  eddies  will  be  found  in  close  proximity  to  the 
obstructions,  which  will  produce  both  shallow  and  deep  holes,  not  far  removed 
from  each  other. 

If  we  look  at  the  chart  of  1871,  it  will  be  seen  that  these  effects,  which 
are  the  irrevocable  sequence  of  dynamical  laws,  obtain  in  the  Coatzacoalcos 
Bar  in  a  very  remarkable  manner;  hence  they  must  be  attributed  to  the 
hardness  and  permanence  of  the  bar.  It  will  also  be  observed  that  those 
points  of  the  bar  which  should  expose  the  subsoil  to  the  action  of  the  cur 
rents  are  the  only  places  where  the  sound  gives  '  hard  clay. ' 

12.  The  profiles  and  sections  accompanying  the  chart  of  1871  will  give  an 
accurate  idea  of  the  present  state  of  the  bar.     The  parts  ruled  in  black  lines 
represent  the  required  amount  of  dredging,  under  the  supposition  that  the 
entrance  channel  will  be  1,200  feet  wide  at  the  bottom  throughout  its  length, 
and  25  feet  deep  from  the  entrance  until  after  crossing  the  present  bar.     Be- 


676  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

yond  this  point  the  channel  is  very  deep,  and  only  small  excavations  will  be 
required  on  the  sides  to  increase  the  width  of  its  bottom  to  the  large  dimen 
sions  proposed. 

The  nature  of  all  the  surveys  made  of  this  bar,  though  sufficiently  accu 
rate  for  navigation  purposes,  do  not  offer  the  minuteness  of  detail  necessary 
to  determine  the  amount  of  excavations  necessary  for  the  improvement  of 
this  harbor. 

But  I  feel  no  hesitation  in  asserting,  with  unusual  confidence,  that  the 
Coatzacoalcos  River  can  be  made  a  very  safe  and  snug  harl>or  for  any  class  of 
ships,  with  but  comparatively  small  expense. 

The  excavations  between  Tacamichapa  and  Minatitlan  can  be  reduced  to 
a  minimum  by  a  proper  arrangement  of  the  locks,  which  will  slack  the  water 
up  stream. 

The  hydrographic  party,  in  charge  of  Lieutenant-commander  Farquhar, 
surveyed  accurately  the  Coatzacoalcos  Bar,  triangulating  from  a  measured 
base-line  on  its  western  shore,  and  checking  by  auxiliary  measurements. 

Soundings  were  taken  by  finding  the  angles  at  each  sounding  with  the 
sextant,  from  known  stations,  at  given  intervals  of  time,  and  locating  the 
average  line  of  soundings  by  the  sextant  and  bearings. 

Nearly  the  same  system  was  employed  in  the  Coatzacoalcos  River.  The 
coast-line  was  platted  from  magnetic  bearings  and  measured  distances,  with 
check-sights  to  all  available  stations. 

I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  this  work  is  accurate  and  reliable.  The 
balance  of  the  hydrographic  work  on  the  Atlantic  side  must  be  considered  as 
reconnoissances  and  sketches. 

HARBORS  IN  THE  PACIFIC  TERMINUS  OF  THE  CANAL, — The  roadsteads  of 
Ventosa  and  Salina  Cruz  have  been  proposed  as  the  available  Pacific  harbors. 

In  their  present  state,  they  are  both  unsuitable  for  our  object,  and  while 
Salina  Cruz  can  be  converted  into  a  safe  artificial  harbor,  the  bay  of  Ventosa 
never  will  be  used,  on '  account  of  its  exposure,  the  nature  of  its  shores,  the 
limit  of  the  surf -line,  shape  of  the  coast,  and  holding  character  of  the  ground. 

The  position  of  Salina  Cruz  is  in  latitude  16°  10'  11"  north,  and  longitude 
95°  2(X  west  of  Greenwich. 

The  lagoons  offer  no  natural  facilities  that  would  recommend  their  use  as 
a  part  of  the  canal,  except  in  the  case  that  the  Pacific  branch  of  the  canal 
should  be  located  in  a  northerly  and  southerly  direction.  But  under  this 
condition,  the  necessity  of  crossing  the  Chicapa  may  by  itself  offset  the  prob 
lematic  advantage  of  a  diminished  length  of  excavation. 

I  believe  that  it  is  impracticable  to  reach  the  upper  lagoon  by  an  arti 
ficial  channel  from  the  sea. 

The  volumes  of  water  of  the  many  rivers  traversing  the  plains  bring 
large  deposits  from  these  sandy  districts,  which  are  shifted  by  the  tides  and 
currents. 

It  will  be  very  expensive  to  excavate,  under  water,  fifteen  miles  of  chan 
nel,  which  may  fill  up  immediately,  and  having  no  suitable  outlet  for  a  har 
bor  entrance,  they  are  no  better  than  an  inland  lake  for  the  purposes  of  this 
canal 

The  surveys  made  by  Master  C.  B.  Gill,  United  States  navy,  the  remarks 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  A  BREAKWATER.  677 

of  Lieutenant-commander  A.  Hopkins  and  Lieutenant- commander  P.  H. 
Cooper,  and  the  statements  of  the  pilots  and  of  the  captain  of  the  port,  prove 
that  Salina  Cruz  is  preferable  to  La  Ventosa  for  the  purposes  of  a  port  of 
entry. 

A  breakwater  1,500  or  2,000  feet  long,  and  s.  67°  E.,  will  protect  this 
Salina  Cruz  port,  and  convert  it  into  a  snug  harbor. 

I  apprehend  no  difficulty  in  constructing  this  breakwater  with  the  suit 
able  material  at  hand.  The  artificial  port  at  Algiers  is  not  unlike  Salina 
Cruz  with  regard  to  the  nature  of  its  exposure,  but  very  different  as  to  the 
violence  of  the  sea,  which  is  milder  at  Salina  Cruz. 

I  believe  that  the  swell  entering  the  roadstead  is  due  to  lateral  trans 
mission,  and  absolutely  there  is  no  swell  by  reflexion,  I  went  on  board  the 
Cyane  during  a  heavy  swell,  and  observed  its  motion  along  the  coast,  and 
immediately  after  landing  I  ascended  to  Salina  Cruz  Point,  to  watch  the 
swell  from  a  height.  The  wind  was  south,  but  the  swell  came  from  the  west, 
and  after  being  considerably  broken  by  a  clump  of  rocks  which  advance 
toward  the  sea  at  Salinas  del  Marques,  it  was  sent  out  toward  the  sea. 

The  transmitted  motion  reached  the  Salina  Cruz  Point,  where  the  swell 
was  distinctly  seen  to  diminish  in  height,  and  to  enter  the  roadstead  through 
the  crevices  in  the  rocks  at  Salina  Cruz  Point  and  south  of  the  rocks  in  a 
north-east  direction.  A  breakwater  in  the  direction  proposed  above  will 
make  this  port  as  smooth  as  Marseilles,  though  with  much  better  entrance. 

I  do  not  think  it  will  be  necessary  to  construct  a  jetty  on  the  eastern  end 
of  this  port,  believing  that  the  breakwater  will  be  sufficient  to  protect  an 
area  large  enough  to  shelter  forty  vessels  riding  their  anchor  at  two  cables' 
length. 

Although  the  well-known  *  Mexican  double-current '  runs  northward  and 
sensibly  parallel  to  the  west  coast,  its  influence  does  not  reach  the  coast  itself; 
and  there  must  be  an  inner  counter-current  in  close  proximity  to  the  land. 
This  fact  was  unmistakably  observed  by  me  during  four  days,  with  north  and 
south  winds;  and  the  captain  of  the  port  states  that  though  the  surface-cur 
rents  coincide  with  the  wind,  they  are  so  light  as  only  to  affect  the  course  of 
small  boats;  the  normal  currents  are  from  the  south-west  to  the  north-east. 
He  has  had  many  years  of  experience  on  this  coast. 

The  line  of  surf  begins  almost  opposite  the  custom-house,  and  gradually 
widens  as  it  advances  toward  the  Morro  Point.  The  absence  of  surf  on  the 
west  end  of  the  port  illustrates  the  shelter  afforded  by  the  few  rocks  at  Point 
Salina  Cruz,  and  serves  us  as  an  index  to  what  may  be  expected  from  a 
breakwater. 

A  wharf  300  feet  long  could  now  be  used  for  the  discharge  of  vessels  dur 
ing  a  great  portion  of  the  year;  but,  since  they  have  no  wharf,  a  rope-ferry  is 
used  instead. 

I  do  not  desire  to  convey  the  idea  that  it  would  be  easy  or  inexpensive  to 
convert  the  Salina  Cruz  roadstead  into  a  harbor,  for  the  simplest  problem  of 
this  nature  requires  special  studies  absolutely  beyond  the  purpose  and  means 
of  the  expedition. 

There  is  no  engineering  undertaking  more  fruitful  of  mistakes  than  the 
formation  of  artificial  harbors,  even  after  protracted  study  and  thorough  sur- 


678  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

veys.  The  complications  arising  from  littoral  alluvium  often  require  to 
destroy  a  whole  series  of  plans,  and  to  start  upon  a  new  system,  with  loss  of 
time  and  heavy  expenses. 

With  regard  to  Salina  Cruz,  I  know  nothing  about  the  difficulties  to  be 
encountered  in  the  foundation  of  the  breakwater,  and  next  to  nothing  about 
the  nature,  intensity,  and  effects  of  prevailing  current;;  and  winds.  The 
data  I  have  been  able  to  compile  have  been  given  above,  and  all  I  can  say,  as 
an  expert,  is,  that  taking  into  account  the  results  of  surveys  and  other  in 
formation  obtained,  and  having  inspected  the  localities  referred  to,  I  am  not 
able  to  see  anything  impracticable  in  the  proposed  formation  of  this  harbor. 

Judging  by  comparison,  I  believe  I  am  safe  in  stating  that  the  sea-works 
performed  in  many  places  appear  to  me  to  have  been  constructed  on  a  scale 
greater  than  their  importance  warrants,  when  they  are  compared  with  Salina 
Cruz  as  the  terminus  of  this  ship-canal.  Thus: 

Antibes. — Has  a  double  mole,  one  of  them  24  feet  above  the  sea,  protect 
ing  the  harbor  against  the  mistral  winds.  It  has  been  a  most  expensive 
work,  requiring  many  additions  to  the  original  plan,  as  well  as  corrections. 

La  Ciotat. — Which,  like  Cherbourg,  struggles  against  reflected  swells. 

Cannes. — Where  the  sand-deposits  will  forever  give  trouble. 

Okmne. — Port  of  Sands;  open  to  the  south-west  winds,  with  protection 
against  lateral  transmission. 

Islands  of  Yen  and  Ri. — In  the  latter,  the  ports  of  Saint  Martin  and  La 
Flotte  have  given  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  with  complications  that  could  not 
be  foreseen  before  the  construction  of  their  moles. 

I  might  mention  eight  or  ten  other  artificial  harbors  of  a  limited  commer 
cial  influence,  whose  importance  is  insignificant  when  compared  with  that  of 
Salina  Cruz. 

Should  the  commerce  of  the  canal  assume  such  dimensions  as  would  crowd 
the  harbor  of  Salina  Cruz,  it  can  be  easily  conceived  that  heavy  expenditures 
would  be  warrantable  in  the  construction  of  a  channel  from  the  canal  to  the 
upper  lagoon. 

PERMANENCY  OF  THE  WORKS  AND  SAFETY  OF  TRANSIT. — Taking  for 
granted  that  the  dimensions  to  be  given  to  the  canal  and  accessory  works  will 
be  such  as  will  fulfil  the  laws  of  their  stability,  the  only  forces  that  will  con 
spire  against  their  permanence  are  the  necessary  wear  and  tear  incident  to 
the  nature  of  the  works,  accidents,  and  cataclysms.  The  former  cannot  be 
avoided,  and  the  engineer  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  latter.  But  it  will  be 
well  to  say  that  earthquakes  are  not  unfrequent  in  the  isthmus,  although  I 
would  state  that  they  are  not  as  dangerous  as  is  popularly  believed.  Their 
damages  have  been  circumscribed  to  small  localities,  and  their  effects  upon 
the  canal  may  be  considered  under  two  points  of  view:  1.  The  immediate 
damage  that  the  canal  itself  may  suffer;  2.  The  result  of  these  damages,  as  they 
may  affect  the  character  of  inundations,  and  destruction  of  life  and  property. 

Since  the  feeder  and  the  north  branch  of  the  canal  are  to  be  built  upon 
the  valleys  of  large  watercourses,  and  using  the  water  of  the  same  valleys, 
no  damage  to  property  nor  destruction  of  life  can  be  anticipated,  as  inherent 
to  the  artificial  channel.  On  the  Pacific  side,  the  land  being  flat,  no  torrents 
can  be  formed;  and  its  many  and  large  watercourses  will  carry  the  water  from 
the  feeder  to  the  sea. 


THE  SUBJECT  OF  EARTHQUAKES.  679 

I  have  studied  diligently  the  subject  of  earthquakes,  and  their  effect  upon 
the  isthmus,  having  consulted  the  following  authorities:  Baron  A.  Von  Hum- 
boldt,  Pilla,  A.  Erman,  Perrey,  Sarti,  Soldani,  Dr  Yung,  and  Dr  A.  Rojas. 

The  cataclysms  and  earthquakes  recorded  in  South  and  Central  America 
have  never  proved  destructive  on  the  isthmus  to  an  extent  that  would  injure 
seriously  a  canal. 

From  observations  by  Perrey  during  many  years,  the  following  is  the 
yearly  average  of  earthquakes  throughout  the  earth:  23  in  winter,  15  in 
spring,  20  in  summer,  22  in  autumn;  80  the  whole  year. 

We  visited  the  isthmus  during  the  two  seasons  of  maximum  recurrence, 
and  only  experienced  three  earthquakes,  one  strong,  but  which  would  have 
been  harmless  to  the  canal,  and  the  other  two  quite  insignificant. 

Quito,  Venezuela,  and  Chili  are  the  points  of  the  continent  whence  earth 
quake-waves  are  mostly  propagated  toward  the  isthmus. 

The  earthquakes  of  1852  are  the  most  striking  general  earthquakes  re 
corded,  and  in  Oajaca  and  Vera  Cruz  only  a  few  houses  were  cracked. 
At  all  events,  they  were  not  calamitous.  These  earthquakes  began  on  the 
17th  of  January,  by  an  eruption  of  the  Mauna  Loa,  nearly  destroying  the 
Sandwich  Islands.  In  July,  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  suffered  terrible  losses  in 
life  and  property;  on  the  17th  of  the  same  month  it  was  felt  in  Ceuta;  on  the 
18th  in  Santo  Domingo;  and  in  Austria  it  was  so  violent  that  the  shock  rung 
the  church-bells;  on  the  25th  it  was  felt  in  Georgia,  United  States;  on  the 
16th  of  September  the  inhabitants  of  Manila  experienced  the  heaviest  oscil 
lations  in  their  records;  St  lago  of  Cuba  was  completely  destroyed,  and  at 
almost  the  same  instant  the  Etna  entered  into  one  of  its  most  terrible  erup 
tions.  It  will  be  seen  that  there  must  be  some  reason  holding  good  for  the 
safety  of  the  isthmus,  when  it  escaped  the  commotion  of  a  centre  of  disturb 
ance  comparatively  close,  while  distant  points  were  violently  shaken. 

The  general  earthquake  of  1867,  which  proved  so  calamitous  in  the  West 
Indies,  was  harmless  in  the  isthmus. 

Ihe  above  is  not  presented  as  a  proof,  but  only  as  a  plausible  deduction, 
tending  to  show  the  stability  of  the  isthmus. 

There  are  strong  reasons  to  confirm  the  belief  that  Calabria,  Tuscany,  Por 
tugal,  Cuba,  and  Japan  are  subject  to  heavier  commotions  than  any  isthmian 
route  will  ever  be;  and  yet  this  danger  is  never  taken  into  account  in  connec 
tion  with  public  works,  or  commercial  and  political  enterprises. 

The  data  obtained  from  our  surveys  are  not  sufficient  to  make  estimates 
as  to  the  cost  of  the  canal. 

I  have  thought  it  advisable  to  exaggerate  the  dimensions  of  all  the  ele 
ments  tending  to  exhaust  the  summit  water  supply,  and  to  tunnel  for  the 
feeder  in  localities  in  which  I  had  reason  to  believe  that  an  open  cut  would 
be  less  expensive. 

I  believe  that  the  cost  of  the  feeder  is  not  incommensurable  with  the  im 
portance  of  the  canal. 

For  the  purpose  of  comparison,  we  have  the  Croton  aqueduct,  which  brings 
water  to  New  York  from  a  distance  of  41  miles.  In  its  construction,  it  has 
been  necessary  to  prepare  an  immense  drainage  area,  to  make  costly  improve 
ments,  and  an  expensive  dam  at  the  Croton  River;  to  bring  the  water  through 


680  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

an  arched  aqueduct  to  the  elegant  high  bridge  over  the  Harlem.  The  old 
reservoir  was  constructed  in  Central  Park,  the  distributing  reservoir  in  Forty- 
second  street,  and  many  accessory  works,  more  or  less  expensive,  were  finished, 
at  an  average  expense  of  $1,000,000  per  mile. 

Many  years  of  connection  with  the  Croton  aqueduct  have  made  me  famil 
iar  with  the  character  of  its  works,  and  the  thorough  survey  made  of  the 
feeder  route  enables  me  to  believe  that  the  construction  of  the  ship-canal 
feeder  cannot  exceed  one  fifth  of  the  entire  cost  of  the  Croton  aqueduct. 

The  expenses  to  be  incurred  for  the  canal  proper  need  no  defence;  they 
depend  upon  the  assumed  dimensions  of  the  trench  and  locks,  while  the  class 
and  number  of  obstacles  to  be  overcome  are  of  the  most  ordinary  nature. 

Although  the  construction  of  this  ship-canal  is  truly  a  large  project,  when 
compared  with  many  ancient  works  its  magnitude  disappears. 

One  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-eight  years  before  Christ,  the  pyr 
amid  of  Chemnif  was  commenced.  In  its  construction  360,000  slaves  were 
employed  during  twenty  years,  and  ten  years  were  spent  in  the  building  of  the 
causeway,  over  which  100,000  men,  in  gangs  of  10,000,  brought  the  materials 
to  the  pyramid. 

The  canal  built  by  Nitocris,  queen  of  Babylon,  and  which  protected  her 
kingdom  against  the  Medes,  was  made  by  turning  the  Euphrates  into  an 
artificial  channel,  probably  provided  with  gates  and  sluices,  and  with  so  many 
windings  that  it  was  a  three  days'  voyage  to  pass  the  town  of  Ardericca. 

To  prevent  the  city  from  inundations,  Nebuchadnezzar,  five  hundred  and 
sixty-two  years  before  Christ,  built  an  immense  lake  to  receive  the  flood- 
water,  while  facing  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  with  brick  and  bitumen  walls 
the  entire  length  of  its  course  through  the  city. 

Modern  Rome  is  abundantly  supplied  from  three  of  the  twenty  aqueducts 
that  once  brought  water  across  the  Campagna,  in  lines  from  30  to  60  miles  in 
length.  One  of  these  aqueducts  passed  over  7,000  arches. 

The  Thermae  of  Agustus  and  Diocletian  were  magnificent  conceptions  of 
luxury.  In  the  latter,  40,000  Christians  were  employed,  and  it  furnished 
baths  for  32,000  people,  in  sumptuous  buildings  covering  an  area  nearly  a 
mile  in  circumference;  while  the  ruins  of  the  baths  of  Caracalla  still  attest  to 
their  ancient  vastness,  being  the  largest  ruins  inside  the  city,  next  to  the  Coli 
seum. 

One  third  of  the  walls  of  the  Coliseum  still  remain,  inclosing  the  area 
where  100,000  spectators  once  witnessed  a  naval  battle  fought  upon  an  arti 
ficial  sea. 

I  believe  that,  taking  into  account  the  transcendental  importance  of  the 
Tehuantepec  ship-canal,  and  the  power  of  our  present  civilization,  other  rea 
sons  than  'natural  obstacles'  and  the  'expense  of  the  undertaking'  must 
be  given  for  postponing  any  longer  the  opening  of  whatever  isthmian  route 
may  prove  most  beneficial  to  the  national  interest  and  the  commerce  of  the 
world. 

EXPLORATIONS  or  THE  COATZACOALCOS  RIVER. — On  the  28th  of  November, 
the  Kansas  steam-launch  and  four  canoes  shoved  off  the  Coatzacoalcos  bank, 
opposite  the  American  consulate,  having  on  board  our  instruments  and  all 
the  officers  and  men,  bound  for  the  mountains. 


THE  JUMUAPA  RIVER.  681 

With  a  clear  day  before  us,  we  moved  slowly  up  stream,  meeting  many 
mahogany  and  cedar  rafts.  At  8  p.  M.  we  landed  at  Almagres,  a  dilapidated 
town  containing  98  voters,  and  situated  thirty-seven  miles  south  of  the 
bar. 

This  is  the  highest  point  of  the  river  that  could  be  utilized  for  a  ship-canal, 
on  account  of  its  small  depth  and  frequent  bars.  It  will  be  more  economical 
and  expedient  to  commence  the  canal  at  the  town  opposite  the  Rancho  del 
Mariscal,  cutting  through  the  island  of  Tacamichapa,  in  the  direction  of 
Absalotitlan,  and  by  clearing  the  entrance  of  the  Mistan  Fork  avoid  the  sand 
deposits  which  come  from  this  river.  Although  the  Jumuapa  River  has  a 
fine  sand  bottom,  either  the  configuration  of  its  outlet,  its  internal  bars,  or 
the  shape  of  its  shores  prevent  its  sands  from  drifting  into  the  Coatzacoalcos, 
because  the  general  character  of  the  bottom  of  the  latter  river  consists  of 
plastic  clay,  with  a  remarkably  small  amount  of  gravel  and  sand. 

For  a  description  of  the  Coatzacoalcos  below  Almagres,  see  extracts  of 
Captain  Farquhar's  report. 

The  river  banks  below  Almagres  are  very  low,  frequently  flooded,  and 
the  country  is  crossed  by  many  creeks,  which  complicate  the  regimen  of  the 
river,  not  only  with  regard  to  the  tides,  but  also  in  connection  with  the  floods. 

It  will  be  seen  in  the  meteorological  report  that  the  river  rises  and  falls, 
often  without  apparent  cause,  and  independently  of  the  tides  and  wind. 

The  most  important  of  these  creeks  drain  the  country  west  of  Minatitlan, 
and  are  the  Menzapa,  Apepeche,  Ocosapa,  and  Jacoteno,  on  the  left  bank; 
and  the  Coatajapa,  which  drains  the  country  north  of  the  San  Antonio  River. 
All  river  depths  referred  to  in  this  report  relate  to  the  dry  season,  unless 
otherwise  stated. 

Two  and  a  half  miles  south  of  Minatitlan,  a  haven,  exists,  made  by  the 
confluence  of  the  Ojosapa  and  Tacojalpa,  where  the  Spanish  government 
water-cured  pine  masts  that  were  afterward  taken  to  the  Havana  and  Carraca 
arsenals. 

The  breadth  of  the  river  from  the  Coachapa  to  Almagres  varies  from  400 
to  500  feet,  while  at  the  confluence  of  the  Uspanapa  in  the  south  extremity 
of  Guerrero  Island,  near  Tierra  Nueva,  and  near  its  month,  this  majestif 
river  is  nearly  half  a  mile  wide. 

These  and  other  important  facts  developed  by  the  accurate  surveys  of  this 
river  by  the  hydrographic  party  shows  that  a  secure  harbor  can  be  obtained 
on  the  gulf  side  of  the  isthmus,  and  safe  navigation  for  any  sized  ships,  as. 
far  as  the  island  of  Tacamichapa. 

The  improvements  required  can  be  easily  and  cheaply  effected.  The 
description  of  this  river  given  by  Senor  Moro  is  very  accurate,  from  the 
Milagro  River  in  the  Chimalapa  region,  down  to  its  mouth  in  the  gulf. 

I  differ  from  his  opinion  that  the  Coatzacoalcos  could  be  utilized  as  far  as 
its  confluence  with  the  Malatengo.  To  straighten  a  large  watercourse  is 
extremely  expensive,  and  above  Almagres  this  river  is  abruptly  tortuous, 
and  shallow  in  very  long  stretches.  Also  Senor  Moro  never  went  north  and 
east  of  Santa  Maria  Chimalapa;  and  Senor  Robles,  who  surveyed  the  Upper 
Coatzacoalcos  very  hastily,  was  often  deceived  by  the  native  Indians. 

We  left  Almagres  on  November  29th,  and  proceeded  up  the  river.     Two 


682  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

miles  above  Almagres  we  saw  the  first  bluff  upon  its  shores.  It  consisted  of 
green  slate,  and  was  about  60  feet  high.  A  decided  change  in  the  height 
of  the  shores  became  noticeable,  and  not  unfrequently  we  saw  evidences  of 
strong  flood-currents. 

Five  miles  above  Almagres,  the  river  becomes  uninterruptedly  tortuous, 
being  filled  with  extensive  bars  and  snags.  Its  current  flows  at  the  rate  of 
3  and  4.5  feet  per  second,  in  long  shallow  stretches;  7  miles  above  Almagres 
one  of  these  bars  had  dammed  the  river  so  high  that  it  broke  through  another 
place,  or  'rompido, 'in  about  1848,  running  them  through  the  old  channel 
that  it  had  excavated  in  1834.  This  rompido  shortened  the  river-course  6 
miles,  but  the  bar  now  below  this  point  is  so  shallow  that  the  next  flood  may 
again  alter,  its  course.  From  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain, 
these  breaks  take  place  every  twelve  or  fifteen  years.  Our  travel  through 
this  part  of  the  river  was  very  unpleasant,  as  it  rained  in  torrents,  and  the 
current  was  so  swift  that  the  canoes  passed  the  steam-launch  with  ease, 
though  the  latter  carried  70  pounds  of  steam.  The  launch  became  disabled 
and  was  sent  back,  though  she  could  not,  in  any  case,  have  proceeded  much 
farther  up  stream,  on  account  of  the  frequent  bars,  over  which  our  canoes 
now  often  found  difficult  crossings. 

At  Pefia  Blanca  we  saw  the  first  indication  of  stratified  rocks  thus  far 
noticed;  the  banks  were  60  feet  high,  composed  of  white  and  green  strata  of 
clay,  with  a  shallow  synclinal.  The  average  strike  was  about  12°,  and  dip 
ping  south.  The  natives  use  this  clay  in  the  manufacture  of  their  rude  pottery. 

The  river  bottom  is  here  hard,  and  is  made  up  of  sharp  sand,  small  gravel, 
and  clay. 

From  the  island  of  Guapinoloya  to  Pedernal  Island,  the  river  is  very  deep, 
with  a  clean  clay  bottom,  and  only  occasionally  sandy. 

The  temperature  of  this  river  is  about  3  degrees  cooler  than  the  air  in  the 
morning,  and  4  degrees  cooler  at  noon.  This  was  only  observed  during  our 
journey  of  eight  days  up  the  river. 

After  passing  the  Chalchijalpa  River,  the  banks  are  quite  high,  and  the 
Coatzacoalcos  grows  wider  and  shallow  opposite  the  island  of  Oaxaquena, 
where  it  is  about  1,400  feet  wide,  with  12  feet  of  water  in  the  channel,  which 
is  about  200  feet  wide.  The  river  branch  on  the  north-west  side  of  this  island 
was  nearly  dry.  In  latitude  17°  27'  north,  there  is  a  dangerous  bend,  with 
a  high  bluff  in  the  receiving  shore,  and  a  large  sand  deposit  on  the  salient 
shore.  Farther  up  we  passed  the  Perla  and  Platanal  Islands,  covered  with 
camalote,  gimba,  and  crocodiles.  The  camalote  is  a  tall  grass  eaten  by 
cattle;  the  gimba  is  a  species  of  bamboo. 

The  roots  of  both  plants  afford  a  most  effective  protection  to  the  banks 
against  the  heaviest  floods. 

Opposite  these  islands  the  bottom  is  clean,  plastic  clay,  which  occasioned 
great  difficulty  to  the  pole -men,  whose  poles  were  buried  fast. 

In  latitude  17°  23'  north,  longitude  94°  25'  west  of  Greenwich,  the  country 
becomes  wild  and  wooded;  the  current  is  swifter,  and  the  river  narrow, 
although  the  volume  of  water  appears  undiminished,  even  after  passing  above 
the  Chalchijalpa. 

The  Chalchijalpa  is  a  large  river,  whose  different  sources  come  from  the 


THE  JALTEPEC.  683 

direction  of  the  Chimalapa  Mountains.  Senor  Moro  says:  '  The  Indians  of 
Santa  Maria  ascend  it  on  rafts  to  a  point  38  miles  distant  from  their  village.' 

Although  it  may  be  possible  to  utilize  isolated  portions  of  the  river  for  the 
canal,  even  in  these  high  points,  it  is  my  opinion  that  flood-gates  and  other 
accessory  works  will  overbalance  the  economy  of  excavations.  Be  it  as  it 
may,  future  surveys  must  determine  these  points,  with  the  study  of  details. 

We  then  passed  the  Jaltepec,  or  'Rio  de  los  Mijes,'  which,  although  300 
feet  wide  at  its  mouth,  has  an  extended  bar,  with  a  channel  12  feet  wide  at 
its  mouth,  and  less  than  6  feet  deep.  A  short  distance  above  this  river,  on 
the  Coatzacoalcos,  we  encountered  the  first  dangerous  rapids  having  a  very 
strong  current,  which  spends  its  force  in  lateral  deep  holes,  with  extensive 
whirlpools. 

The  river  Jaltepec  has  its  source  in  the  Mije  Sierra,  a  district  densely 
wooded,  and  originally  inhabited  by  the  powerful  Indian  tribes  whose  few 
ramaining  descendants  are  now  passing  away.  The  remnants  of  these  races 
are  only  found  here  at  San  Juan  Guichicovi. 

The  Coatzacoalcos  widens,  and  again  has  the  appearance  of  a  great  river, 
until  after  passing  Stichil. 

At  Mal-paso  it  again  contracts;  the  channel  is  narrow,  tortuous,  and  filled 
with  large  stones. 

'  Suchil, '  which,  translated  from  the  Mexican,  means  '  a  flower, '  is  the 
head  of  canoe  navigation  in  the  dry  season.  This  small  settlement  is  on  the 
left  high  bank  of  the  river,  and  from  this  height  an  extensive  view  can  be 
obtained  over  the  low  banks  of  the  opposite  shore.  Above  Stichil,  and  until 
we  reach  Mal-paso,  the  river  remains  wide,  and  the  banks  are  generally 
formed  by  green  slate. 

The  first  hills  become  visible  on  the  right  bank,  between  the  Jumuapa  and 
Chalchihalpa  rivers. 

They  are  low  and  broken  in  outline,  and  from  among  them  flows  a  brook, 
latitude  17°  22'  north,  longitude  94°  35'  west  of  Greenwich,  which  Don  Benito 
Suarez  says  is  fifteen  miles  long,  and  whose  waters  in  times  of  flood  run 
through  the  bed  of  the  Chalchijalpa.  One  mile  and  a  half  above  this  brook, 
we  left  the  Coatzacoalcos,  and  entered  the  Jumuapa  River.  Its  appearance 
is  different  from  that  of  the  Coatzacoalcos,  though  with  indentical  geological 
characteristics.  It  is  about  300  feet  wide  at  its  mouth,  with  deep  banks,  and 
so  shallow  that  our  canoes  could  hardly  get  along  through  its  tortuous  chan 
nel  filled  with  snags.  A  few  days  later  in  the  season,  travel  by  water  is 
interrupted,  and  canoes  can  ascend  as  far  only  as  Suchil. 

After  passing  the  Jumuapa's  mouth,  the  average  width  of  the  river  cannot 
exceed  100  feet,  with  a  current  of  three  and  a  half  miles  per  hour  at  this 
season,  and  a  general  depth  of  from  3  to  5  feet;  but  the  channel  is  traversed 
by  innumerable  sand-bars,  with  only  a  few  inches  of  water  over  them. 

The  waters  of  this  river  are  about  2°  colder  than  those  of  the  Coatzacoalcos, 
and  as  we  ascend  the  stream  the  bottom  looks  blacker,  the  texture  of  the  clay 
is  coarser,  the  rocks  on  the  banks  more  granular,  red  clay  becomes  more  abun 
dant  than  green,  and  many  patches  of  oil,  from  vegetable  distillation,  are  seen 
floating  over  the  water.  On  our  first  camping  out  on  the  Jumuapa,  latitude 
17°  18'  30"  north,  longitude  94°  33',  I  picked  up  from  the  beach  several  pieces 
of  water- worn  lignite. 


684  EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

In  latitude  19°  18'  30",  longitude  94°  33'  west  of  Greenwich,  we  found 
large  deposits  of  iron-sand,  and  what,  perhaps,  may  be  gold.  It  is  not  mica, 
and  although  the  little  bright  particles  might  be  copper  or  iron  pyrites,  still 
they  could  be  sensibly  flattened  by  pressure. 

Above  this  point  rapids  are  met  at  every  bend,  and  the  river  is  constantly 
breaking  through  new  channels,  though  these  changes  are  circumscribed  to 
very  narrow  lateral  limits.  Four  rompidos  are  found  here  in  less  than  twc 
miles. 

During  our  journey,  all  the  officers  made  independent  notes  and  observa 
tions,  which,  being  compared  at  night,  were  found  to  agree  very  fairly  while 
on  the  Coatzacoalos;  but  after  entering  the  Jumuapa,  it  was  found  impossi 
ble  to  compare  our  notes  satisfactorily.  This  river  and  the  Sarabia  are  said 
by  Senor  Moro  to  descend  from  the  Guienagate  Mountains.  Finally,  we 
passed  the  Fortuguero  Brook,  which  enters  the  Jumuapa  on  its  left  bank, 
and  all  the  surveying  parties  landed  at  La  Puerta  on  December  6th,  after  eight 
days'  canoe  travelling. 

EXPJ  ORATIONS  FROM  LA  PUERTA  TO  CmvELA. — After  leaving  La  Puerta, 
we  reached  the  picturesque  plains  of  Sarabia;  travelling  on  mules  over  very 
bad  roads. 

The  whole  district  up  to  San  Juan  Guichicovi  is  made  up  of  red  clay  in 
its  plastic  state,  and  slates  of  several  colors,  and  of  all  degrees  of  hardness 
and  denudations.  Compact  limestone  here  makes  its  first  appearance  in  out 
journey,  and  its  constant  association  with  silicates  indicates  the  presence  of 
hydraulic  limestone. 

The  extensive  district  of  San  Juan  Guichicovi  contains  jasper  and  argilla 
ceous  limestones.  From  the  latter  a  good  cement  is  made,  as  can  be  attested 
by  the  huge  pile  of  this  material  opposite  the  old  unfinished  church  com 
menced  by  Cortes. 

While  passing  through  this  wild  and  romantic  region,  we  crossed  the 
Mogane  and  Pachine,  both  torrent  streams,  tributaries  of  the  Malatengo,  and 
of  no  value  to  our  purposes,  being  low  as  to  elevation  and  insignificant  as  to 
volume. 

The  geological  features  of  the  country  do  not  again  change  much  until 
after  crossing  the  Malatengo  near  its  junction  with  the  Citune  River.  The 
clay  then  becomes  more  sandy,  compact  limestone  forms  the  base  of  the  moun 
tains,  and  gray  slate  and  quartz  bowlders  are  seen  in  abundance. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Petapa,  a  greenish  slate  was  often  met  with,  and  on 
the  road  I  picked  up  a  piece  of  blue  and  green  malachite. 

Gaining  very  little  information  here,  we  left  for  El  Barrio,  after  taking 
note  of  the  traditional  rumor  about  some  large  lakes  in  the  Petapa  Mountains. 

Leaving  El  Barrio,  we  crossed  several  small  dry  streams,  and  lastly,  came 
to  the  Almoloya,  which  was  spoken  of  as  the  great  dependence  of  the  summit- 
level.  We  found  it  about  20  feet  wide,  with  a  sluggish  current,  and  hardly 
6  inches  deep.  Its  bed  of  sand  and  gravel  was  often  dry,  the  water  percolat 
ing  through  the  gravel.  What  we  had  seen  convinced  me  of  the  impossibility 
of  using  the  streams  that  could  be  found  high  enough  for  supplying  the  sum 
mit-level  of  a  ship-canal. 

Still,  to  place  these  facts  beyond  doubt,  transit  and  level  lines  were  run, 


FACTS  PLACED  BEYOND  DOUBT.          6S5 

with  the  results  given  in  the  sequel.  From  the  Malatengo  near  the  Citufle 
River,  the  ground  rises  constantly  toward  the  north,  and  after  we  crossed 
the  Almoloya  it  descends  steadily  toward  Chivela. 

This  hacienda  is  situated  on  the  south-west  course  of  the  remarkably  level 
table-land  of  the  summit  of  the  sunk  Cordilleras,  which  join  the  Andes  by 
the  east  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  by  the  west. 

The  Tarifa  arid  Chivela  plains  are  one  and  the  same  table-land  of  the  sum 
mit,  but  the  valley  seems  divided  into  two  parts,  the  hills  approaching  each 
other  a  little  to  the  south-west  of  Tarifa. 

The  remarkable  Chivela  plains  can  be  said  to  be  the  flat,  broad  valley  of 
the  Otate  Brook,  and  having  an  area  of  ten  and  one  half  square  miles. 

The  soil  is  sandy  to  the  depth  of  about  twenty  feet,  as  is  shown  by  the 
wells  of  the  locality,  and  the  easily  excavated  and  deep  banks  of  the  many 
brooks  that  traverse  its  surface  in  the  rainy  season. 

North  of  the  Chivela  House,  the  eastern  slope  of  all  the  gently  rolling  hil 
locks  are  covered  with  stones  of  different  sizes,  hinting  by  their  direction  and 
position  that  they  have  been  deposited  there  contemporaneously  with  the 
drift  of  the  Pacific  plains,  or  by  the  action  of  floods  of  a  more  recent  period. 

There  are  eight  dry-brook  crossings  before  entering  the  contracted  part 
of  these  plains,  and  they  show  that  the  sand  deposit  becomes  thinner  as  we 
approach  Tarifa,  where  many  pools  of  stagnant  water  prove  that  the  soil  is 
impermeable. 

The  houses  at  Tarifa  are  on  a  slight  elevation,  and  all  the  surrounding 
country  becomes  flooded  during  the  heaviest  rains;  but  soon  after,  the  waters 
find  their  way  to  the  Atlantic  by  the  Almoloya  and  Chichihua  rivers.  These 
plains  are  covered  with  grass,  and  in  the  places  not  cleared,  a  thick  under 
brush  shelters  abundant  game  and  a  few  beasts  of  prey. 

Royal  palms,  the  silk-tree,  and  three  species  of  sensitive  plant  are  very 
numerous. 

We  remained  in  Tarifa  a  week,  waiting  by  appointment  for  Don  Julian 
Macheo,  the  owner  of  extensive  lands  of  the  isthmus.  We  made  many  ex 
plorations  with  a  levelling  transit  and  two  barometers,  measuring  distances 
with  the  micrometer  on  the  speaking-rod. 

Simultaneous  barometric  observations  were  taken  hourly  on  the  coast,  at 
Chivela,  and  at  whatever  point  explorations  were  under  way. 

We  found  the  details  of  the  country  very  imperfectly  given  in  maps,  and 
became  convinced  that  we  should  be  obliged  to  do  the  topographic  work 
over  again,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  north  of  Tarifa.  Senor  Macheo 
informed  me  that  the  lake  supposed  to  exist  by  some,  near  the  headwaters  of 
the  Chicapa,  was  simply  an  invention;  because  his  father  visited  the  source 
of  the  Chicapa,  and  never  found  the  lake.  Later  in  our  explorations,  I  saw 
the  principal  source  of  the  Chicapa  as  it  poured  from  among  the  crevices  of 
the  large  rocks  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mr  Scarce 's  rancho. 

The  Tarifa  River  has  its  source  in  the  Pasapartida  Hills. 

On  December  18th,  its  breadth  was  20  feet,  its  mean  depth  .08  foot,  and 
its  mean  velocity  .03  foot  per  second;  consequently  its  delivery  was  at  the 
time  less  than  one  half  cubit  foot  per  second. 

FROM  TARIFA  TO  CHICHIHUA  RIVER.— On  December  19th  we  left  early  in 


683         EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

the  morning,  to  explore  the  Chichihua  River.  We  crossed  the  Tarifa  FJver 
three  times,  the  first  part  of  our  journey  being  toward  the  north,  and  upon 
its  valley  a  beautiful  and  grassy  plain.  At  the  end  of  the  first  three  miles 
we  left  the  Albricias  Mountains  and  the  Convento  Cerro  to  the  south-east, 
and  began  to  ascend  rapidly  to  the  north,  by  the  complicated  system  of  hills 
which  divide  the  Tarifa  and  Otate  water-sheds. 

I  will  be  very  particular  in  describing  this,  the  last  north-west  spur  of  the 
Albricias  chain,  because  here  lies  the  heaviest  part  of  the  cutting  for  the 
canal-feeder. 

The  Albricias  Mountain  is  made  up  of  marbles  and  magnesian  limestones, 
from  the  Convento  Cerro  till  it  reaches  a  point  east  of  Santa  Maria;  it  fol 
lows  parallel  to  the  Corte  River  for  a  short  distance,  and  then  turns  east; 
in  other  words,  compact  limestone  and  dolomites  skirt  the  base  of  the  high 
est  isthmian  mountains,  at  a  height  of  six  or  seven  hundred  feet  above  the 
ocean. 

Due  north  of  Tarifa  are  found  soft  limestones,  very  different  from  the 
dolomites  above  referred  to,  partaking  more  of  the  character  of  travertine. 

They  were  deposited  in  strata,  whose  dip  is  now  vertical,  with  a  north 
and  south  strike,  and  this  character  is  common  to  the  whole  of  this  spur;  but 
the  quality  of  its  material  varies  a  great  deal,  since  sometimes  it  is  calcare 
ous  tufa;  then  it  passes  into  argillaceous  marl,  and  again  the  clay  disappears, 
and  sand  predominates. 

This  material  is  so  soft  that  the  foot-travel  over  it  grinds  it  into  impalpa 
ble  dust. 

The  furrows  made  by  each  rainy  season  compel  the  Indians  to  leave  last 
year's  tracks  for  new  ones,  until  they  have  made  so  many  paths  over  these 
hills  that  it  is  confusing  to  select  the  best  road. 

North  of  this  ridge  the  country  descends  to  the  Chichihua  Valley,  and  is 
formed  by  soft  sandstone,  until  the  junction  of  the  Chichihua  and  the  Peri- 
con,  where  jasper  and  argillaceous  rocks  are  again  seen  ascending  toward  the 
north,  forming  the  hilly  district  enclosed  by  the  Chichihua,  Malatengo,  Corte, 
and  Coyolopa  rivers, 

Occasionally  plastic  red  and  green  clay  are  met  with,  as  well  as  granular 
quartz  bowlders. 

South  of  the  Pericon,  the  streams  have  cut  their  way  through  the  rocks  in 
situ,  and  neither  drift  nor  indications  of  heavy  floods  are  visible;  but  the 
bed  of  the  Chichihua  has  clear,  sharp  sand  brought  down  from  the  potreros 
east  of  Cofradia  Range. 

The  summit  of  Sierra  Blanca  Pass  is  1,232  feet  above  the  ocean,  and  in 
order  to  get  the  waters  of  the  Corte  into  Tarifa,  it  will  be  necessary  to  cut 
the  thin  web  at  this  pass  to  a  depth  of  483  feet,  or  to  tunnel  through  it,  if  it 
is  found  cheaper  than  either  an  open  cut  or  a  detour  up  the  Tarifa  River 
Valley.  In  the  present  state  of  my  knowledge  of  the  locality,  I  would  pro 
pose  a  tunnel,  that  may  be  of  small  dimensions,  through  rocks  that  I  know 
are  very  soft.  This  tunnel  will  be  9,650  feet  long,  and  its  area  need  not 
exceed  that  of  a  rectangle  19  feet  by  12  feet,  surmounted  by  a  semicir 
cular  arch  of  12  feet  span.  Under  these  conditions,  its  cost  will  be  less  than 
$600,000. 


BAROMETRICAL  OBSERVATIONS.  687 

From  the  pass  we  descended  by  the  north-east  to  the  Otate  Brook;  crossed 
a  gently  rolling  plain,  with  rich  pastures,  and  ascended  the  Chichihua  Mira- 
dor,  a  high  hill,  from  whence  the  surrounding  country  could  be  easily  in 
spected.  We  took  several  observations  with  the  barometer,  and  measured 
s  jveral  angles  to  test  Moro's  triangulation.  We  descended  to  a  small  valley, 
crossed  the  brooks  Mentidero  and  Milagro,  and  after  one  and  a  half  miles' 
travel  to  the  north,  we  ascended  the  hills  which  form  the  left  bank  of  the 
Chichihua.  Their  general  direction  is  to  the  east;  and  these  hills  are  highest 
at  the  Pericon  junction,  where  there  is  a  canon  about  100  feet  wide,  with 
nearly  vertical  walls,  about  150  feet  high.  A  gradual  descent  to  the  east 
brought  us  to  the  Chichihua  below  the  Corazo  Brook,  and  where  we  cross- 
sectioned  the  Cliichihua  at  a  point  71  feet  below  Chi  vela;  a  short  distance 
below,  the  Chichihua  flows  into  the  Corte  River.  It  was  here  that  I  con 
ceived  ifc  possible  to  use  the  Corte  as  a  summit-feeder,  because  its  tortuous 
course  and  probable  rapids  naturally  led  me  to  think  that  it  would  be  easy 
to  overcome  the  small  difference  cf  level  without  going  very  far  up  stream. 

MONETZA  RIVER  AND  CAVES. — We  left  Tarifa  December  21,  1870,  very 
early  in  the  morning,  under  a  leaden  sky,  from  which  poured  a  blinding  rain. 
Our  route  was  by  the  north-east  until  we  reached  Tabla  Bolsa,  which  is  a 
very  small  valley,  lower  than  Tarifa,  since  it  sheds  toward  the  east.  The 
Panecillo,  which  we  crossed  and  followed  after  the  last  Tarifa  Ford,  led  us 
to  the  source  of  the  Monetza.  This  river  flows  from  under  a  natural  Gothic 
arch,  cut  by  its  waters  in  the  south-west  extremity  of  the  Convento  Hill. 
This  hill  consists  of  pure  black  marble,  and  the  walls  of  the  arch  or  tunnel 
which  traverses  it  are  perforated  and  jagged,  pouring  in  all  directions  fine 
transparent  streams  of  crystalline  and  delicious  water.  This  natural  arch  or 
bridge  is  25  feet  high,  23  feet  broad,  and  about  120  feet  long.  A  thousand 
yards  below  this  point,  the  stream,  which  flows  over  a  black  bed  of  rocks 
fantastically  water-worn,  plunges  into  a  beautiful  cave  about  one  half  a  mile 
long,  and  called  the  Large  Convento. 

The  Monetza  was  found  112  feet  below  the  summit  at  its  source,  and  de 
livering  2.8  cubit  feet  per  second.  After  this  river  emerges  from  the  moun 
tain,  it  is  joined  by  the  brook  Lena  del  Monte,  and  with  a  uniform  grade 
runs  along  a  fertile  valley  which  terminates  in  the  Chicapa  River,  at  the  town 
of  San  Miguel,  300  feet  below  the  summit.  The  material  of  the  Convento 
Mountain  is  admirably  suited  for  construction  purposes;  and  a  marble  and 
lime  quarry  can  be  easily  opened  at  a  very  convenient  distance  from  the 
summit-works.  I  will  not  describe  the  exact  route  from  Tarifa  to  San 
Miguel,  being  of  little  importance  to  our  subject. 

The  Chicapa  was  first  cross-sectioned  at  San  Miguel,  near  the  Niltepec 
Ford,  though  with  a  result  higher  than  its  minimum  value,  since  copious 
rains  had  been  falling  for  the  past  six  days. 

Six  experiments  were  made  for  velocity,  at  the  end  areas  of  the  portion  of 
the  river  chosen,  using  the  surface  velocity  reduced  to  mean  velocity  by 
Weisbach's  formula.  This  same  method  was  employed  in  all  important  rivers. 

The  village  of  San  Miguel  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Chicapa,  and  at  the 
point  of  confluence  of  this  river  with  the  Monetza  and  Xoxocuta  rivers, 
being  shut  in  by  high  mountains  on  all  sides. 


688         EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

The  Xoxocuta  comes  from  the  mountains  north  of  San  Miguel  and  flows 
to  the  Pacific,  while  a  small  stream  on  the  north  slope  of  these  same  moun 
tains  flows  to  the  Atlantic.  The  sources  of  this  stream,  which  are  quite  near, 
were  explored;  and  since  San  Miguel  is  so  low,  and  the  streams  are  so  short, 
I  conceived  the  hope  of  finding  here  a  low  pass  to  bring  the  Oorte  waters  to 
the  east  end  of  Cerro  Albricias,  using  the  Lower  Chicapa  Valley  for  the  canal- 
bed.  The  San  Miguel  Pass  was  subsequently  levelled,  and  found  impracticable. 

We  spent  two  days  in  San  Miguel,  weather-bound,  but  making  short  ex 
cursions  in  the  surrounding  country.  Afterward,  we  here  obtained,  in  fair 
weather,  five  long  series  of  barometric  observations,  and  found  the  altitude 
to  be  403  feet  above  the  ocean.  The  same,  as  given  by  the  level,  is  404  feet. 
On  December  24th,  Chimalapa  Indians  were  engaged  to  accompany  us  into  the 
woods,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  we  started  up  the  Chicapa  Val 
ley,  with  the  intention  of  testing  the  practicability  of  joining  the  Chicapa  and 
Ostuta  rivers,  as  suggested  by  Seflor  Moro 

It  will  be  well  to  say  that,  from  San  Miguel  to  Mr  Scarce 's  rancho,  bear 
ings  were  taken  with  the  compass,  and  the  distances  were  estimated  by  the 
watch,  keeping  a  uniform  gait  in  our  walk.  All  I  can  claim  for  this  exploration 
is,  that  it  is  a  very  conscientious  reconnoissance  of  the  ground,  giving  an 
accurate  idea  of  its  topography.  It  has  been  platted  with  the  bearings  taken 
all  along,  and  the  latitude  of  three  points,  after  calculating  our  rate  of  travel. 
It  is  also  abundantly  checked  by  the  bearings  of  prominent  points,  taken 
from  Tarifa,  Convento  Summit,  San  Miguel,  Xoxocuta,  Palmar,  near  an 
indigo  plantation,  before  descending  to  Ultimo  rancho,  at  Rosetta  Hill,  on 
the  Espiritu  Santo  Hill,  and  on  the  Atravesado,  at  three  different  points. 
This  route  can  be  said  to  have  been  surveyed  by  intersecting  bearings  from 
known  points. 

The  whole  Chicapa  River  can  be  ascended  to  its  source  without  great  diffi 
culty,  through  a  wild  and  uninhabited  region. 

The  only  remarkable  feature  of  this  stream  is  its  extraordinary  rise,  which 
takes  place  at  the  rate  of  one  foot  in  a  hundred,  since  it  falls  1,000  feet  in  less 
than  18  miles. 

Mr  Scarce's  rancho  was  found  to  be  616  feet  above  the  Chi  vela  station; 
and  the  Chicapa  at  this  point  passes  less  than  50  cubic  feet  of  water  per 
second. 

At  the  end  of  four  days  we  again  started  up  the  stream,  following  the  bed 
of  the  Chicapa  with  the  compass,  and  levelling  by  angles  of  elevation  and 
depression,  and  reducing  to  the  horizon  the  distances  as  given  by  the  mi 
crometer.  About  1,700  feet  from  Scarce's  rancho  we  came  to  the  main  source 
of  the  Chicapa.  The  water  pours  from  among  the  crevices  of  very  large 
bowlders,  which  have  fallen  over  the  bed  of  the  river,  from  a  cliff  about  800 
feet  high.  .From  this  point  forward,  the  river,  which  delivered  about  50  cubic 
feet  at  Scarce's  rancho,  hardly  carries  two  or  three  cubic  feet  of  water. 

Beyond  this  point,  and  about  1£  miles  from  Scarce's,  the  little  water  that 
flows,  and  the  reduced  size  of  its  bed,  made  me  abandon  this  thalweg  for 
that  of  a  dry  brook  with  a  very  wide  bed,  whose  direction  seemed  to  lead 
toward  the  Atravesado  Mountain.  This  brook  was  named  Arroyo  Providencia. 

The  small  tributary  of  the  Chicapa,  just  abandoned,  turned  toward  the 


DEPOSIT  OF  NITRATE  OF  POTASSA.  689 

north  behind  a  high  chain  of  near  hills,  and  is  evidently  a  very  small  and 
short  stream.  Up  to  Ultimo  rancho  the  rocks  are  argillaceous;  but  near  the 
source  of  the  Chicapa,  compact  and  blue  limestones  abound,  which  grow 
coarser  as  we  ascend  to  the  Arroyo  Providencia. 

This  stream  runs  through  a  deep  canon,  two  or  three  hundred  feet  high, 
and  its  precipitous  sides  are  covered  with  overhanging  stalactites. 

We  also  found  quite  a  large  deposit  of  nitrate  of  potassa  about  two  miles 
east  of  Scarce's  rancho.  After  four  days'  travel  we  ascended  to  a  high  spot, 
where  the  underbrush  ceases  to  grow. 

We  then  ascertained  that  we  had  followed  the  lowest  valley,  which  leads 
directly  to  the  gap  between  the  highest  point  of  the  Sierra  and  the  Atrave- 
sado  Peak;  in  other  words,  we  had  followed  the  valley  supposed  by  Moro  to 
be  the  bed  of  the  Chicapa  River.  A  reconnoissance  from  a  high  point  advised 
us  to  leave  Providencia  Brook,  which  had  become  impossible  to  ascend,  for 
another  more  southerly  and  marked  valley,  which  was  named  Aguas  Nuevas, 
in  commemoration  of  the  day,  January  1,  1871.  When  we  struck  it,  at  7 
A.  M.,  our  height  was  1,375  feet  above  Chivela,  and  at  4  P.  M.  our  elevation 
was  3,245  feet.  Feeling  convinced  beyond  any  possible  doubt  that  this  was 
the  lowest  thalweg  within  five  miles  from  north  to  south,  I  determined  to 
leave  its  bed,  and  see  how  the  country  looked  east  of  us,  or  toward  the  Os- 
tuta.  Ten  minutes  up-hill  travel  brought  us  to  a  cleared  eminence,  from 
which  I  saw,  with  a  feeling  of  disappointment  I  cannot  describe,  that  the 
chances  of  bringing  a  feeder  through  this  route  were  very  few,  because  our 
height  was  so  great,  and  the  Ostuta,  running  from  north  to  south,  had  to 
descend  an  astonishing  distance,  in  order  to  make  a  junction  of  these  rivers 
possible,  since  the  Pacific  plains  reached  to  our  latitude,  and  from  this  point 
northward  the  mountains  rise  abruptly  from  the  plains.  I  hoped  that  our 
labor  might  still  bear  some  fruit,  because,  turning  to  page  11  of  Seaor  Moro's 
original  report,  in  my  possession,  entitled  '  Reconocimiento  del  Istmo  de 
Tehuantepec,  London,  June  1,  1844,'  I  read  the  following  words,  which  I 
translate.  Sefior  Moro,  standing  on  the  Atravesado  Mountain,  says:  'To 
ward  the  north  I  saw  the  deep  ravine  through  which  the  Chicapa  runs;  and 
on  the  east  the  high  lands  of  the  Ostuta's  bed,  which  I  had  just  visited  and 
recognized  perfectly,  were  less  than  three  miles  off.  The  difference  of  level 
between  the  two  points  is  so  inconsiderable  that  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the 
possibility  of  effecting  the  junction  of  these  rivers.  And  it  is  no  less  evident 
that  there  is  not  the  least  obstacle  to  prevent  it,  in  the  short  distance  inter 
vening  between  them. "  Filled  with  hope  at  this  precise  statement,  although 
very  short  of  provisions,  and  with  the  Indians  who  accompanied  us  very  dis 
contented  and  rebellious,  I  turned  to  the  south-east,  in  order  to  ascend  the 
Atravesado.  Failing  to  see  from  the  Atravesado  anything  in  the  direction  of 
the  Ostuta,  on  account  of  an  intervening  mountain,  we  moved  south  and  then 
east,  in  order  to  descend  by  a  detour  to  the  most  south-easterly  spur  of  the 
Atravesado. 

With  the  exception  of  the  high  point  just  abandoned  on  the  south,  every 
thing  else  east  or  north  of  us  appeared  under  our  feet;  and  had  it  been  possi 
ble  to  see  the  high  land  of  the  Ostuta  from  any  point  of  this  mountain,  this 
was  the  place  from  which  to  view  it.  The  highest  part  of  the  sierra  bears 
HIST.  HEX.,  VOL.  VI.  44 


690         EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

north  2°  east  from  us,  and  a  spur  from  it  hides  the  place  through  which 
Moro  thought  he  saw  Ostuta.  Since  his  assertion,  quoted  above,  is  so  positive, 
I  must  conclude  that  he  lost  his  bearings,  and  mistook  for  the  Ostuta  the 
small  valley  running  behind  Trespicos  Hill,  and  the  peculiarly  sharp  and  craggy 
limestone  hills  near  them,  called  the  Cucumatesj  but  these  points  are  evi 
dently  low,  too  far  south,  and  proved  to  be  at  least  fifteen  miles  away  from 
where  Moro  proposed  to  begin  his  feeder.  The  deep  valley  we  saw  at  our 
feet  with  terrible  distinctness  proved  to  be  the  Ostuta's;  but  we  could  not  be 
lieve  it,  because  it  appeared  to  be  4,000  or  5,000  feet  below  us.  After  all 
our  notes  were  platted,  the  Fortuna  Brook  was  found  to  run  up  so  near  the 
gap  that  it  may  be  possible  that  Moro  mistook  it  for  the  Chicapa.  This  opin 
ion  is  strengthend  by  the  fact  that  Moro  ascended  the  Atravesado  from  Nilte- 
pec,  and  not  by  the  bed  of  the  Chicapa.  I  declare  distinctly  that  there  is  no 
point  on  the  Atravesado,  nor  near  it,  from  which  the  Chicapa  and  Ostuta 
valleys,  nor  the  land  through  which  they  run,  can  be  seen  at  the  same  time. 

I  was  accompanied  on  this  expedition  by  Mr  Buel  and  Sefior  Macheo — 
two  of  the  most  courageous  and  daring  men  I  have  ever  known.  We  con 
sidered  this  solution  of  Moro's  project  as  the  only  hope  for  a  canal;  since  the 
Corte  project,  besides  being  as  yet  problematic,  the  weight  of  evidence  was 
against  it;  therefore,  we  studied  these  mountains  with  anxious  intetest, 
sparing  no  personal  discomfort,  till  the  country  was  explored  as  far  as  it  was 
possible  for  a  human  being  to  go. 

Moro's  assertion  was  not  verified,  and  since  our  steps  were  barred  by  the 
precipices  which  bind  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Atravesado,  we  determined  not 
to  give  up  hoping  until  we  had  seen  the  ground  from  below,  upward.  Accord 
ingly,  we  decided  to  descend  to  the  town  of  Niltepec,  explore  the  Ostuta  as 
far  as  possible,  and  endeavor  to  reconnoiter  the  gap  referred  to  by  Senor 
Moro. 

As  we  left  Aguas  Nuevas  Brook,  the  climate,  as  well  as  the  fauna,  flora, 
and  geology  of  the  country,  changed  visibly.  Nothing  but  the  pine  grew 
over  the  nearly  bare  rock  of  finely  laminated  shale,  which,  as  we  ascended, 
became  transformed  into  a  breccia,  very  much  decomposed  on  the  surface, 
but  bearing  no  vegetation.  The  summit  of  Cerro  Atravesado  consists  of 
porphyry  and  argillaceous  rocks.  This  hill  is  ingrafted  into  the  main  sierra 
from  north  to  south,  and  in  a  very  conspicuous  manner  blocks  the  valley  of 
the  Chicapa  at  right  angles  to  its  thalweg.  Its  top  surface  is  flat,  about 
5,000  feet  above  the  sea,  and  covered  with  rich  pasture.  All  along  its  exten 
sive  top,  and  in  a  south-west  direction,  we  found  immense  blocks  of  granite 
which  do  not  belong  to  the  place,  and  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  supposing 
either  that  they  had  fallen  down  from  the  highest  part  of  the  Sierra  Madre, 
previous  to  the  formation  of  the  gap  through  which  Moro  proposed  to  pass 
the  canal- feeder,  or  that  they  were  there  through  glacial  action. 

EXPLORATIONS  OF  THE  OSTUTA  RIVER. — On  the  6th  of  January  we  left 
Niltepec  for  the  Ostuta.  The  whole  river  to  Piedra  Grande  is  level  and 
covered  with  drift,  remarkable  for  its  size  and  the  direction  of  its  dispersion. 
The  whole  Pacific  plain  forms  a  basin  of  about  1,400  square  miles,  and  its 
shape  can  be  likened  to  that  of  a  half-cone,  of  small  height,  hollow  and  in 
verted,  having  its  apex  at  Boca  Barra.  Toward  this  point  flow  all  the  rivers 


BEDS  OF  PACIFIC  RIVERS.  691 

on  the  Pacific  side  in  a  radial  direction;  but  the  dispersion  of  the  drift  takes 
place  in  a  south-westerly  direction,  whatever  the  shape  or  inclination  of  the 
ground  on  these  plains.  Erratic  blocks  are  found  in  this  direction  from  the 
Ostuta,  which  flows  south-westerly  to  the  Tehuantepec  River.  This  latter 
stream  runs  from  west  to  east,  and  even  in  the  mountains,  as  on  the  Atrave- 
sado,  there  are  blocks  of  granite  at  an  elevation  of  five  thousand  feet  above 
the  ocean,  and  arranged  in  lines,  sensibly  parallel  to  those  of  the  coarse  drift 
on  the  plains  thirty  miles  off.  Some  of  the  blocks  have  a  volume  of  over 
120,000  cubic  feet.  These  blocks  are  also  found  arranged  in  the  same  direc 
tion  north  of  the  dividing  ridge  of  the  isthmus,  in  the  town  of  Santa  Maria. 

Most  of  the  Pacific  rivers  have  considerable  beds;  but  with  the  exception 
of  the  Ostuta,  they  all  pass  very  little  water  at  this  season. 

The  Niltepec  was  nearly  dry,  and  the  brooks  Chocolate,  Huacamaya,  Agua, 
Zarea,  Petaca,  Roble,  and  Juamol  were  entirely  dry.  The  plains  are  arid, 
hot,  and  sandy.  Besides  a  parched  underbrush,  hardly  any  other  vegetation 
is  seen,  except  a  poor  quality  of  grass  and  the  jicara-tree  (Crescentia  cujete). 
This  tree  is  variously  called  in  different  places  jicara,  totuma,  higuera,  dita, 
and  chima;  it  is  small,  not  unlike  the  apple-tree  in  appearance,  and  bearing 
a  green  sesile  fruit  or  gourd,  used  by  the  natives  extensively  as  cups,  vessels, 
etc.  When  ripe  it  possesses  in  a  most  extraordinary  degree  the  properties  of 
ergotine;  but  fortunately  the  Indians  are  not  aware  of  it,  and  use  it  for  no 
medicinal  purposes.  The  Ostuta  River  was  gauged  at  Piedra  Grande,  and 
found  to  deliver  only  203  cubic  feet  per  second. 

On  the  9th  of  January  we  left  Piedra  Grande  by  the  north-east,  and  camped 
by  the  Ostuta,  nine  and  a  quarter  miles  north  of  our  starting-point. 

In  all,  we  made  four  camps,  and  ascended  the  river  for  seventeen  miles 
from  Piedra  Grande,  or  where  the  highest  peak  of  the  sierra  bore  south  89° 
west  from  us.  Two  and  a  third  miles  after  leaving  Piedra  Grande,  we  turn 
north  to  ascend  the  Cristalinas  Hills,  in  order  to  see  the  valley  of  the  Ostuta, 
and  Moro's  Gap  on  the  Atravesado.  We  soon  reached  the  top  of  a  steep  hill, 
at  the  point  marked  on  the  map  No.  2,  El  Portillo. 

This  point  is  122  feet  below  Chivela;  and  looking  to  our  left,  we  had  a 
discouraging  bird's-eye  view  of  the  Ostuta.  Its  tortuous  course  could  easily 
be  traced  in  the  deep  valley  at  our  feet,  until  it  turned  sharply  to  the  west, 
behind  a  mountain  lower  than  the  one  we  stood  upon.  Moro's  Gap  was 
square  in  front  of  this  turn,  and  considerably  higher  than  El  Portillo. 

We  descended  then  to  the  river,  and  after  fording  it  without  difficulty, 
ascended  up  stream  by  the  right  bank,  cutting  our  way  through  the  dense 
foliage.  Occasionally  we  ascended  near  hills,  or  climbed  trees  to  study  the 
topography.  Our  barometric  observations  were  taken  very  carefully,  though 
in  our  two  first  tents  the  atmospheric  state  was  unpropitious. 

IMPRACTICABILITY  OF  JOINING  THE  CHICAPA  AND  OSTUTA  RIVERS. — Senor 
Moro  makes  Ultimo  rancho  and  Chivela  at  the  same  height.  A  glance  at  the 
barometric  data  shows  it  to  be  275  feet  above  Chivela;  but  although 
the  heights  for  each  set  of  observations  agree  within  six  feet,  since  only 
three  observations  were  taken,  I  will  pass  to  the  rancho  Scarce,  where  five 
sets  of  good  observations  were  taken,  giving  a  mean  of  624  feet.  The 
distance  between  these  two  points  is  less  than  eight  miles;  following  the  river 


692         EDUCATION,  SCIENCE,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE. 

turns,  and  applying  the  rise  per  mile  of  the  river  between  San  Miguel  and 
Scarce's  rancho,  which  are  points  well  determined,  we  should  find  that  the 
Chicapa,  at  eight  miles  from  the  rancho  Scarce,  must  fall  about  422  feet. 

It  needs  no  demonstration  to  prove  that  the  Chicapa  Valley  is  the  only 
route  for  Moro's  feeder. 

At  San  Miguel  this  river  is  over  369  feet  below  the  summit,  and  at  El 
Palmar  it  is  24  feet  above;  hence  the  cutting  below  the  Chicapa  bed  must 
commence  2,400  feet  before  reaching  the  Palmar  Brook.  This  cutting,  grad 
ually  increasing  in  depth,  will  be  eleven  miles  long  and  3,245  feet  deep  by 
the  time  it  reaches  that  point  of  Aguas  Nuevas  Brook,  from  which  we  turned 
away  to  descend  the  Atravesado.  But  this  is  not  all.  There  are  fully  one 
and  a  third  miles  of  ascent  from  Aguas  Nuevas  Brook  to  the  lowest  point  of 
Moro's  Pass,  and  beyond  this  point  the  tunnel  must  extend  through  the  base 
of  the  mountain,  before  reaching  the  Ostuta's  bed. 

The  above  supposes  the  Ostuta  to  be  at  a  convenient  height;  but  since  it 
is  180  feet  below  the  summit,  besides  the  above  cutting,  180  feet  of  depth  of 
cutting  must  be  added  throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  feeder  and  sum 
mit.  We  became  convinced  of  how  useless  was  the  attempt  to  explore  any 
farther  the  source  of  the  Ostuta,  and  taking  additional  barometrical  obser 
vations,  and  cross-sectioning  the  river  at  the  highest  point  visited,  we  turned 
back  extremely  disappointed. 

The  Ostuta  delivers  at  the  highest  point  84  feet  less  than  at  Piedra  Grande, 
or  119  cubic  feet  per  second. 

On  the  mountains  north  of  Niltepec,  the  southern  slopes  are  of  clay;  as 
we  ascend  we  meet  sandstone,  compact  limestone,  and  lastly  gray  and  green 
slate,  breccia,  and  porphyry. 

Our  next  step,  after  leaving  the  Ostuta,  was  to  try  the  San  Miguel  Pass, 
by  way  of  the  streams  Chichihua  and  Pericon. 

EXPLORATION  OF  SAN  MIGUEL  PASS. — We  explored  the  San  Miguel  Pass, 
and  the  hasty  study  of  its  valleys  convinced  me  that  it  was  of  importance  to 
settle  its  practicability  instrumentally. 

Accordingly,  while  we  were  on  our  way  to  the  Corte,  orders  were  given 
to  continue  the  transit  and  level  lines  from  Tarifa  to  San  Miguel  via  Sierra 
Blanca  and  San  Miguel  passes.  Lieutenant-commander  Bartlett  was  de 
tailed  for  this  work.  The  detour  given  to  this  line  had  for  its  object  to  study 
the  range  of  hills  dividing  the  Tarifa  plains  and  the  Chichihua  potreros,  in 
order  to  bring  the  feeder  by  this  latter  place  in  case  the  San  Miguel  Pass 
should  prove  impracticable.  The  work  was  performed  by  Mr  Bartlett  with 
the  care  and  accuracy  characteristic  of  this  efficient  officer.  The  San  Miguel 
feeder -pass  was  found  to  be  1,071  feet  above  the  ocean,  and  the  Sierra  Blanca 
Pass  is  1,238  feet  above  the  same  plane.  Although  San  Miguel  Pass  offers 
less  height,  the  facts  developed  by  the  topographical  and  geological  survey 
make  Sierra  Blanca  the  most  feasible  route  for  the  feeder,  for  the  following 
reasons:  the  Pita  Brook  is  a  forced  point  of  pass  of  the  feeder.  In  order  to 
reach  the  San  Miguel  Pass,  the  feeder  must  turn  south,  up  the  valley  of  the 
Arroyo  Corozo,  and  its  grade  will  soon  intersect  the  northern  base  of  the 
Albricias  Cerro,  in  a  cutting  of  hard  limestone  and  marble;  it  must  then  turn 
a  right  angle  to  the  west,  and  skirt  the  southern  lap  of  the  Albricias  Cerro, 
until  it  reached  the  Tarifa  plains. 


HARDSHIPS  ENCOUNTERED.  693 

The  Sierra  Blanca  Pass  is  right  at  Tarifa,  and  its  material  is  made  up  of 
soft  calcareous  tufa. 

The  Chichihua  is  71  feet  below  the  summit,  and  the  Pericon  is  on  the 
grade  of  the  feeder,  so  that  the  length  of  cutting  to  Tarifa  will  be  less  than 
10,000  feet,  through  easy  ground,  across  the  thin  web-like  spurs  that  divide 
the  Tarifa  and  Chichihua  potreros.  The  rise  of  the  ground  is  gradual  from 
Chichihua  toward  Sierra  Blanca,  and  abrupt  from  north  to  east,  as  can  be 
seen  by  the  Pericon,  which  runs  quite  parallel  to  the  Albricias  Hill,  up  to 
Sierra  Blanca.  At  this  point  it  is  sent  northward,  while  the  Naquipa  runs 
north  and  south  from  the  pass  to  the  Chichihua.  The  Corozo  route  will 
require  six  miles  of  hard  tunnelling,  and  seven  miles  of  equally  hard  deep 
cutting.  The  direct  route  has  five  miles,  requiring  no  extra  cutting,  and 
only  three  miles  of  heavy  cutting,  through  soft  soil,  and  in  which  a  short  tun 
nel  will  be  found  economical. 

Since  Tarifa  River  is  lower  than  the  Tarifa  plantation,  and  the  arroyo 
Pita  is  also  lower  than  Tarifa  River,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  possibility  of  supplying  the  summit  with  water,  if  it  can  be 
brought  down  to  the  Pita. 

From  San  Miguel  Pass  and  Cofradia  we  went  to  Santa  Maria  Chimalapa, 
where,  after  suffering  many  hardships,  we  were  obliged  to  return  to  Chivela, 
and  make  such  arrangements  as  would  insure  our  passing  through  the  Chima 
lapa  region  in  order  to  reach  the  river  Corte. 


INDEX. 


Abarca,  Brigadier,  R.  A.,  comaii- 
dante,  etc.,  of  Guadalajara,  1810, 
iv.  204;  measures,  204-5;  death, 
207. 

Abarca,  President,  removal  of,  iv. 
261-2. 

Abasolo,  Gen.  M.,  biog.,  iv.  127;  cow 
ardice  of,  278-9;  death,  279. 

Abzat,  Astronomer,  mention  of,  vi. 
641. 

Academy,  of  Arts,  founded  1773,  vi. 
645;  of  San  Carlos,  648. 

Acajete,  battle  of,  1839,  v.  211-12. 

Acambaro,  affair  near,  1858,  v.  747. 

Acaponeta,  pirates  capture,  1688,  iii. 
222-23 ;  destroyed,  314. 

Acapulco,  plan  of  harbor,  iii.  25 ; 
Cerralvo  strengthens,  iii.  81-2 ; 
Dutch  visit,  1624,  iii.  81-2;  pirates 
repulsed  at,  1685,  iii.  205 ;  trading 
at,  1697,  iii.  259;  fortifications  of, 
iii.  419-20  ;  earthquake  in  1787,  iii. 
461-3  ;  tidal  wave  at,  463 ;  defence 
of,  1796,  iii.  489 ;  hurricane  at, 
1799,  iii.  498;  1810,  iv.  92;  com 
merce  of,  iii.  632-5  ;  road  to,  iii. 
636-7;  siege  of,  1811,  iv.  300-1; 
1812,  iv.  470;  1813,  iv.  545-51; 
recapture  of,  1814,  iv.  578 ;  sur 
render  of,  1821,  iv.  739 ;  plan  of 
Ayutla,  v.  649;  Santa  Anna  de 
feated  at,  v.  652 ;  bombarded  by 
the  French,  1863,  vi.  60. ' 

Acatlau  Princess,  wife  of  Monte- 
zuma,  i.  458. 

Acatlan,  Town,  sack  of,  1813,  iv. 
553 

Acaxees,  uprising  of,  1601,  iii.  15. 

Acazitzin,  Cacique,  submits  to  Cortes, 
i.  577. 

Acereto,  Col. ,  operations  in  Yucatan, 
1860,  vi.  409-10. 

Acolhiia,  tripartite  alliance,  i.  23 ; 
confederate  nation,  i.  96 ;  king  of, 
i.  141-2. 


Acordada,  established,  1719-22,  iii. 
273 ;  judges  of,  1719-1808,  iii.  273- 
74 ;  severity  of,  iii.  273-75 ;  power 
restricted,  iii.  275-76 ;  prison  of, 
iii.  276  ;  building  demolished,  1812; 
iii.  276  ;  court  of  installed,  etc.,  iii. 
546-7  ;  suppressed,  1813,  iv.  504-5. 

Acosta,  J.  de,  works  of,  i.  461-2; 
biog.,  i.  462. 

Acta  Constitutiva,  discussion  on  the, 
v.  11-12;  adopted,  1824,  v.  12. 

Acta  Constitutiva  y  de  Keformas, 
provisions  of,  1847,  v.  525-7. 

Acuitzio,  engagement  at,  1811,  iv. 
337. 

Aculco,  affair  at,  1810,  iv.  198-201 ; 
plan,  iv.  199  ;  pillage,  etc.  of,  1812, 
iv.  396. 

Aculcingo,  battle  of,   1812,  iv.  480-1. 

Adelantamientos,  definition  of,  in. 
520. 

Arredondo,  Col.,  occupies  Tula,  iv. 
321 ;  gov.  of  Nuevo  Santander,  iv. 
322. 

Agriculture,  hist,  of,  iii.  653-14 ;  618, 
622-3 ;  capabilities  for,  vi.  561 ; 
drawbacks  to,  vi.  562-3 ;  maize, 
vi.  567,  579 ;  wheat,  vi.  568 ;  bar 
ley,  vi.  568 ;  rice,  vi.  568 ;  beans, 
vi,  568 ;  chile,  vi.  568;  plantains, 
etc. ,  vi.  569  ;  cacao,  vi.  569  ;  coffee, 
vi.  569-70;  the  maguey,  vi.  570-71; 
sugar-cane,  vi.  572 ;  tobacco,  vi. 
572-3;  olives,  vi.  573;  vines,  vi, 
573-4  ;*  indigo,  vi.  574-5;  cotton, 
vi.  575-6 ;  vanilla,  vi.  576-7. 

Agua  Nueva,  battle  of,  1811,  iv.  240; 
Gen.  Taylor  at,  1847,  v.  418-20. 

Aguascalientes,  founded,  1575,  ii. 
762 ;  condition  of,  1794,  iii.  306-7 ; 
Callejaat,  1811,  iv.  317-18;  revolt 
at,  1848,  v.  548  ;  abandoned  by  the 
French,  1866,  vi.  256. 

Aguayo,  Marques  de,  mention  of,  iv. 
432. 

Aguiar  y  Seixas,  F.  de,  archbishop, 
1681,  iii.  276 ;  biog.,  iii.  276-77  ; 
death,  1698,  iii.  276. 

(695) 


696 


INDEX. 


Aguila,  Col.,  L.  de,  victory  at  Acul- 
cingo,  1812,  iv.  480-1  ;  marches  on 
Oajaca,  iv.  489 ;  takes  Coscoma- 
tepec,  1813,  iv.  556 ;  captures 
Zacatlan,  1814,  iv.  589. 

Aguilar,  B.  de,  treasonable  conduct 
of,  ii.  585 ;  quarrel  with  M.  Cortes, 
ii.  605. 

Aguilar,  F.  de,  joins  Dominicans,  ii. 
727. 

Aguilar,  G.,  Cortes  meets,  i.  80-2; 
captivity  of,  i.  80-4. 

Aguilar,  J.,  dispute  with  Rincon,  iv. 
585-6 ;  death,  1816,  iv.  638. 

'Aguilar,  J.  de,  subdues  Chetumalo, 
1547,  ii.  449. 

Aguilar,  M.  de,  adventures  of,  i. 
82-3  ;  accompanies  Ponce  de  Leon, 
1526,  ii.  246  ;  alcalde  mayor,  1526, 
ii.  251  ;  governor,  1526,  ii.  251  ; 
arbitrary  acts  of,  ii.  252  ;  sickness, 
etc.,  of,  ii.  253. 

Aguilar,  P.  de,  the  A*vila-Cortes  con 
spiracy,  ii.  610,  616. 

Aguilar,  V.,  interpreter,  Cortes 
exped.,  i.  116. 

Aguirre,  G.,  minister  of  public  in 
struction,  1866,  vi.  226. 

Aguirre,  J.  M.,  minister  of  justice, 
1851,  v.  597,  610. 

Aguirre,  M.  G.  de,  minister  of  jus 
tice,  1867,  vi.  334. 

Aguirre,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1812, 
iv.  415,  418-19;  capture  ofCdporo, 

1817,  iv.  654-5;  of  Fort  Jaujilla, 

1818,  iv.  691-2. 

Aguirre,    Oidor,    commissioner   from 

junta  of  Seville,    1808,  iv.    48-50 ; 

revolutionary  plot  betrayed  to,  iv. 

110  ;  prosecution  of  Dominguez,  iv. 

114. 
Ah  Kupules,  Yucatec  tribe,  revolt  of, 

1546,  ii.  447-9. 
Ahuacatlan,     natives     of,    enslaved, 

1538,    ii.    362;  captured,    1542,    ii. 

509-10. 
Ahualulco,  Cruz  proclaims  pardon  at, 

1812,    iv.  263;  battle  of,   1858,    v. 

747. 
Ahuaxpitzactsin,  king  of  Texcuco,  ii. 

21. 
Ahuitzotl,  predecessor  of  Montezuma, 

i.   97 ;   pyramid  built  by,  i.   278 ; 

death  of,  i.  98. 
Aillon,  L.  V.  de,  Narvaez's  exped., 

1520,  i.  360,  363;  seizure,  etc.,  of,  i. 

371-2. 

Ake,  Montejo  at,  1527,  ii.  433-6,  bat 
tle  of,  ii.  434-5. 
Alafnan,  L.,  works  of,  iii.  600,  625, 


678  ;  iv.  821-4 ;  v.  100 ;  biog.  iv. 
823;  cabinet  minister,  1823,  v.  2; 
minister  of  relations,  1830,  v.  95, 
108,  112;  1853,  v.  626,  635 ;  im 
peachment  of,  v.  100  ;  convocation 
issued  by,  1846,  v.  295  ;  conserva 
tive  leader,  1853,  v.  625-6;  char 
acter,  v.  636. 

Alaminos,  A.  de,  pilot  to  Cordoba, 
1517,  i.  6;  Grijalva's  exped.,  i.  21  ; 
pilot  to  Cortes,  1519,  i.  70  ;  accom 
panies  Montejo,  i.  132 ;  mission  to 
Spain,  i.  168,  172-3. 

ilamo,  the  capture  of,  1836,  v.  167-8. 

Alarcon,  M.  de  las  F.,  operations  of, 
1812,  iv.  399-400. 

Alas,  I.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1832,  v.  116. 

Alatorre,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1866, 
vi.  262;  1872,  vi.  382;  1876,  vi. 
420-1 ;  insurrection  in  Yucatan, 
1868,  vi.  365 ;  defeat  of,  vi.  426-7. 

Albornoz,  Contador,  R.  de,  arrival  of, 
1524,  ii.  143;  Cortes  charges 
against,  ii.  196 ;  quarrels  with 
Estrada,  ii.  206-7  ;  acting  gov.,  ii. 
206  ;  removed,  1524,  ii.  209 ;  rein 
stated,  1525;  ii.  209;  lieut.  gov., 
1526,  ii.  232  ;  meeting  with  Corte's. 
ii.  240-1  ;  intrigues  in  Spain,  ii, 
259-60 ;  complaints  against  Cortes, 
ii.  273. 

Alburquerque,  Duque  de,  (F.  F.  de  la 
Cueva),  22nd  viceroy,  1653,  iii.  142; 
rule,  iii.  142-51  ;  character,  iii. 
142-43,  146  ;  quarrel  with  archbp., 
iii.  148 ;  attempted  assassination 
of,  iii.  1660,  148-50  ;  transferred  to 
Sicily,  1660,  iii.  150 ;  residencia,  iii. 
150-1. 

Alburquerque  (Duque  de),  34th 
viceroy,  1702,  iii.  278 ;  rule,  iii. 
278-85;  character,  iii.  278-80. 

Alburquerque,  B.  A.  de,  bishop  of 
Oajaca,  1554-81,  ii.  694-5. 

Alcalde,  office  of,  iii.  521-2. 

Alcalde  del  Crimen,  office  of,  iii.  539- 
40. 

Alcaldes  May  ores,  powers  of,  iii.  520. 

Alcalde  de  mesta,  duties  of,  iii.  522. 

Alcaldes  Ordinaries,  first  appointed, 
1786,  iii.  453. 

Alcaldias  May  ores,  abolished,  1769, 
iii.  451. 

Alcantara,  J.  de,  death  of,  i.  509-10. 

Alcedo,  A.  de,  works  of,  iii.  511-12. 

Aldama,  Gen.  J.,  revolutionist  leader, 
iv.  102,  107,  127  ;  operations  at  Las 
Cruces,  iv.  180-2  ;  suspicions  of,  iv. 


INDEX. 


697 


271 ;  trial,  iv.  277-9 ;  execution, 
iv.  279. 

Aldama,  Gen.  M.,  joins  Osorno,  1811, 
iv.  341. 

Aldana,  R.  F.,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  etc., 
1664,  iii.  161. 

Alderete,  J.  de,  joins  Cortes,  i.  593 ; 
siege  of  Mex.,  i.  649,  663;  plots 
against  Cortes,  etc.,  ii.  70-1,  76-7  ; 
death,  ii.  143. 

Alegre,  F.  J.,  works  of,  iii.  448-9. 

Alfonso,  X.,  laws,  etc,,  ii.  281-2. 

Alguacil  Mayor,  functions  of,  iii.  522. 

Alhdndiga  de  Granaditas,  Guana 
juato,  descript.  of,  iv.  136-7  ;  cap 
ture  of,  1810,  iv.  136-54 ;  plan,  iv. 
140  ;  slaughter  at,  iv.  149-53  ;  sack 
of,  iv.  151 ;  massacre  at,  iv.  222-3. 

Alima,  Olid's  victory  at,  ii.  59. 

Allende,  General!  simo,  biog.,  iv. 
104-6  ;  plans  betrayed,  iv.  110-15  ; 
surrenders  command,  1810,  iv.  122- 
3;  operations,  etc.,  at  Las  Cruces, 
iv.  178^82 ;  defeat  at  Guanajuato, 
iv.  216-22;  rejoins  Hidalgo,  iv. 
249 ;  plan  of,  iv.  250  ;  supersedes 
Hidalgo,  1811,  iv.  266  ;  at  Saltillo, 
iv.  268 ;  capture  of,  iv.  274 ;  trial, 
iv.  277-9;  execution,  1811,  iv.  279. 

Almolonga,  engagement  at,  1823,  iv. 
792. 

Almonte,  Gen.  J.  N.,  rept.  on  Texas, 
v.  160-1 ;  defence  of  Mexico,  1840, 
v.  220-3 ;  negotiations  with  Santa 
Anna,  1841,  v.  231  ;  minister  of 
war,  1846,  v.  294;  protest,  etc.,  of, 
v.  338 ;  minister  to  Paris,  v.  775 ; 
treaty  with  Mon.,  v.  775-6 ;  arrival 
at  Vera  Cruz,  1862,  vi.  39,  41 ; 
pronunciamiento  of,  1862,  vi.  46 ; 
proclamation,  vi.  59;  biog.,  vi.  79- 
81 

Alvarado,  Friar  M.  de,  mediation  of, 
1566,  ii.  614-5. 

Alonso,  Chief,  battle  of  Teaurite, 
1721,  iii.  323-4 ;  revolt  of,  iii.  329. 

Alpuche,  J.  M.,  founder  of  York  rite 
lodges,  v.  32-3. 

Altamira,  founded,  1749,  iii.  344. 

Altamirano,  Dr.  H.  C.,  envoy  of 
audiencia,  1624,  iii.  70. 

Altamirano,  J.,  Cortes' agent,  1529,  ii. 
290 ;  exiled,  ii.  291. 

Alva  de  Liste,  Conde  de,  21st  viceroy, 
1650,  iii.  139;  rule  of,  iii.  139-42; 
dispute  with  clergy,  iii.  140  ;  trans 
ferred  to  Peru,  1653,  iii.  142; 
popularity  of,  iii.  142. 

Alvarado,  Port,  assault  on,  1813,  iv. 
554 ;  capture  of,  1847,  v.  448. 


Alvarado,  A.  de,  regidor  of  Vera 
Cruz,  i.  136. 

Alvarado,  D.  de,  mention  of,  i.  73-4. 

Alvarado,  J.  de,  conspiracy  of,  ii. 
231-4;  Indian  bride  of,  i.  230; 
siege  of  Mex.,  i.  649;  defeats  In 
dians,  1541,  ii.  502. 

Alvarado,  P.  de,  exped.  of  Grijalva, 
i.  25,  28,  32;  character,  i.  73-5; 
exped.  of  Cortes,  i.  69-70 ;  forces, 
i.  378  ;  position  in  Cortes'  absence, 
i.  407-10 ;  compared  to  Cortes,  i. 
411-12;  massacres  Aztecs,  i.  413- 
18;  Aztecs  attack,  i.  419-22; 
Cortes  relieves,  i.  227-8 ;  Cortes 
reprimands,  i.  428;  evacuation 
of  Mex.,  i.  471,  474,  477,  479- 
81 ;  La  Noche  Triste,  i.  490 ;  at 
Tlascala,  i.  608;  the  lake  cam 
paign,  i.  582;  plot  to  murder,  i. 
610 ;  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  622,  627-9, 
634,  644-9,  654-6,  659-60,  676-8, 
680 ;  occupies  Tututepec,  ii,  40-1 ; 
chief  encomendero  at  Tututepec,  ii. 
41-2;  second  expedition  against 
Tututepec,  ii.  42 ;  prepares  to  in 
vade  Guatemala,  1523,  ii.  104-5; 
sent  against  Garay,  1523,  ii.  111-2 ; 
captures  Ovalle's  force,  1523,  ii. 
112;  re-conquers  Soconusco,  1524,  ii. 
126-7  ;  exped.  to  Guatemala,  1524, 
ii.  127  ;  at  Seville,  ii.  276;  champions 
Cortes,  ii.  285-6 ;  obtains  Honduras, 
ii.  445 ;  exped.  to  Zapotlan,  1540, 
ii.  495;  visits  Mexico,  1540,  ii.  496; 
rashness  of,  ii.  496-8 ;  marches  on 
Nochistlan,  1541,  ii.  498 ;  defeat  of, 
ii.  498-500 ;  death,  1541,  ii.  499-502. 

Alvarez,  B.,  founds  order  of  Charity, 
ii.  709 ;  biog.,  ii.  709-11 ;  death  of, 
1584,  ii.  711. 

Alvarez,  raid  on  Colima,  ii.  57-8. 

Alvarez,  J.,  revolt  of,  1830,  v.  95-7. 

Alvarez,  Gen.  J.,  revolt  against  Santa 
Anna,  1844-5,  v.  275-6 ;  battle  of 
Molino  del  Key,  v.  498,  502-3; 
revolution  of,  1854-5,  v.  647-52, 
654-6,  664-5;  president  ad  in 
terim,  v.665 ;  biog.,  v.  666-7  ;  cabi 
net,  v.  667  ;  rule,  v.  667-73 ;  death, 
v.  674. 

Alvarez,  Padre  J.  F.,  defeat  of,  1811, 
iv.  324. 

Alvarez,  Col.  M.,  operations,  etc.,  in 
Oajaca,  1814,  iv.  581-3. 

Alvarez,  Col.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  1862,  vi.  47-50. 

Alvarez,  Gov.,  defeat  at  Teotitlan, 
1815,  iv.  630-1. 


INDEX. 


Alzate,  J.  A.,  works  of,  iii.  624;  vi. 
641. 

Amador,  J.  M.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1878, 
vi.  439. 

Amalgamation  Process,  discovery  of, 
1557,  iii.  582. 

Amaquemecan,  Cortes  at,  i.  268. 

Amarillas,  Marques  de  las,  42d 
viceroy,  1755,  iii.  360;  rule,  iii. 
360  character,  iii.  360. 

Amazons,  reports  concerning,  ii.  60; 
iii.  363-4. 

America,  early  exploration  of,  i.  1-2. 

Amnesty,  Law  of  1870,  vi.  374-6. 

Amozoc,  affair  near,  1847,  v.  461. 

Ampudia,  Gen.,  operations  in  Yuca 
tan,  1843,  v.  243;  subjugation  of 
Tabasco,  v.  245  ;  capture  of  Texans, 
v.  247 ;  promotion,  etc.,  of,  1846, 
v.  349-50  ;  operations  at  Palo  Alto, 
v.  354-6 ;  the  Monterey  campaign, 
v.  379-80,  394;  capitulation,  v. 
396-9;  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  v. 
419,  423,  426 ;  operations,  1859,  v. 
759. 

Amusements,  description  of ,  iii.  771-5. 

Andhuac,  description  of,  i.  95-6, 
193-4. 

Anahuac,  City,  a  religious  centre,  i. 
237  ;  description  of,  1519,  237. 

Anaya,  Col.,  operations  of,  1811,  iv. 
308 ;  death  of,  1812,  iv.  415. 

Anaya,  Gen.  P.  M.,  defeat  at  Comi- 
tan,  1841,  v.  219  ;  minister  of  war, 
1845,  v.  290;  1851,  v.  611;  battle 
of  Churubusco,  v.  486  ;  acting  presi 
dent,  1847,  v.  524;  biog.,  v.  525; 
president,  1847,  v.  534. 

Anderson,  A.,  works  of,  iii.  647. 

Andrade,  A.  F.  de,  commander  at 
Isla  del  Carmen,  1717,  iii.  293. 

Andrade,  Col.  J.  A.  de,  repulse  at 
Iziicar,  1812,  iv.  365 ;  defeat  at 
Orizaba,  1812,  iv.  479-80. 

Angeles,  F.  de  los,  privileges  granted 
to  by  pope,  1521  ii.  160;  elected 
Franciscan  general,  ii.  162. 

Anglo  Mexican  Mining  Co.,  mention 
of,  vi.  507. 

Angostura,  battle  of,  see  Buena 
Vista,  battle  of. 

Angulo,  Brigadier,  death  of,  1816,  iv. 
638. 

Angulo,  B.  G.,  minister  of  relations, 
1832,  v.  125. 

Angulo  y  Sandoval,  S.  F.  de,  gov.  of 
Yuc.,  1674,  iii.  161. 

'Anonymous  Conqueror, 'the,  remarks 
on  work  of,  i.  231. 


Anson,  G.,  cruise  in  Pacific,  1742-3, 

iii.  355-56. 

Ansorena,  J.  I.  de,  flight  of,  iv.  245. 
Antequera,  founding  of,  ii.  39,  292-3. 
Antigua,  Rio  de  la,  Cortes  reaches,  i. 

143  ;  Vera  Crnz  located  at,  ii.  140-1. 
Antillon  supersedes  Doblado,    1863, 

vi.  72-3. 

Anton  Lizardo,  harbor  of,  iii.  213. 
Antonelli,    victory    at     Puruandiro, 

1813,  iv.  517. 
Anzorema,  J.  M.,  gov.  of  Valladolid, 

iv.  173-4. 
Apaches,  outrages  of  the,  1885-6,  vi. 

462. 

Apam,  revolution  in,  1811,  iv.  341-2. 
Apam  Plains,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  536. 
Aparicio,  S.  de,  biog.,  ii.  722;  death, 

1600,  ii.  722. 
Apatzingan,  constitution  of,  1814,  iv. 

601-5.. 
Apodaca,  J.  R.  de,  61st  viceroy,  1816, 

iv.  648 ;  rule,  iv.  648-717 ;  charac, 

ter,   iv.  648-9;  biog.,  iv.  648;  de, 

posal,  1821,  iv.  717-18;  review  of 

administr.,  iv.  719-20. 
'Apuntes  para  la  Historia,' v.  362-3. 
Aquiahuateuhtli,  cacique  of  Huexot- 

zinco,  1534,  ii.  27. 
Arago,  Col.  J.,  supersedes  Torres,  iv. 

693. 
Arana,  Gen.,    execution  of,  1827,   v. 

58. 
Aranda,  Conde    de,    proposes    three 

kingdoms  for  Am.,  iii.  388-90. 
Aranguren,M.  de,  Zumarraga's major- 
domo,  ii.  558. 

Araparicuaro,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  512. 
Architecture,  description  of,  vi.  646-8. 
Archives,    native,  Zumarraga's,    de 
struction  of,  ii.  299-300. 
Ardila,  G.  G.  de,  campaign  in  Sierra 

Gorda,  1715,  iii.  338-39. 
Arciniega,  G.  de,  exped.  to  Nayarit, 

iii.  313. 
Arellano,  J.  de,  marries  Cortes,  1529, 

ii.  314-5. 

Arellano,  Gen.,  siege   of   Queretaro, 

,  1867,  vi.  289-90 ;  escape  of,  vi.  305; 

Ultimas  Horas  del  Imperio,'  vi.  362. 

Arellano,  T.  de,  quells  revolt,  1548, 

ii.  538. 
Arenas,  J.,   plot  of,  1827,   v.    57-8 ; 

execution,  58. 
Argil elles,  M.,  secretary  of  congress, 

1822,  iv.  759. 
Arias,  Gen.  J.,  treachery  of,  iv.  111- 

13. 
Arias,  J.  deD.,  'ResefiaHistdrica,' vi. 

328-9. 


INDEX. 


Arisbaba,  B.,  exped.  toNayarit,  1618, 

iii.  313-14. 
Arista,   Gen.,  campaign  of,  1839,  v. 

212-15  ;  promotion    of,  v.  349-50  ; 

Campaign    on  the  Rio  Grande,   v. 

351-64;  Armistice  proposed  by,  v. 

365-6;  retreat  of,  v.  366-7 ;  trial  of , 

v.    363;  minister  of  war,  1848  v. 

566 ;  presidential  election,  1850,  v. 

591-3;    president,    1851,    v.    597; 

biog.,  etc.,  v.  59G-7;  rule,  v.  597- 

614;  cabinets,  v.  597,  599-600,  610- 

11. 
Aristi,  Capt.,  execution  of,  1812,  iv. 

486. 

Arizmendi,    M.,    alcalde  of   Guana 
juato,  iv.  228. 
Arizpe,  Dr.  M.  R,  deputy  to  cdrtes, 

1810,  iv.  449-50  ;  cabinet  minister, 
1825,  v   31  ;  career,  v.  31  j  minister 
of  justice,    1832,   v.  125 ;   1833,  v. 
129. 

Arlegui,  works  of,  iii.  512. 

Armijo,  Gen.,  district  of,  1813,  iv. 
510-11  ;  campaign  in  Tecpan,  1814, 
iv.  575-9 ;  operations,  1817,  iv. 
653,  689-90 ;  victory  at  Almolonga, 
1822,  iv.  792  ;  death  of,  1830,  v.  96. 

Armifian,  Col.,  operations,  1817,  iv. 
652  ;  defeat  at  Peotillos,  1817,  iv. 
664-6. 

Armona,  F.,  visitador  general,  1761, 
iii.  367  ;  death  of,  iii.  367. 

Army,  Aztec,  i.  431-2,  456 ;  organi 
zation  of,  ^1624,  80-81  ;  reconstruc 
tion  of,  1792,  iii.  480 ;  reorganiza 
tion  of,  1808,  iv.  69-70;  1822,  iv. 
752-3  ;  royalist,  1765-1808,  iii.  402- 
25;  1810,  iv.  193-6;  1811,  iv.  242- 

3,  247,  252, 262-3,  317-20 ;  1812,  iv. 
322,359,413;  1813,  iv.  500-1,  509- 
11 ;  1815,  iv.  627-8;  1821,  iv.  711, 
738-9,  744 ;  1822,  iv.  763-6 ;  revo 
lutionary,  1810,   iv.    118-19,    123, 
158-60,  165-6,    172-5,  231,  235-6 ; 

1811,  iv.    247-50,  268;    1812,    iv. 
362-3 ;  1813,  iv.  522-3,  570 ;  1815, 
iv.  626-7 ;  del  Sur,  iv.  711 ;  triga- 
rante,  iv.  707-9,  714-17,  731,  797 ; 
libertador,    iv.    791,   796-7,  801-2; 
protector,  v.  89  ;  republican,  1841, 
v.  238 ;  1844,  v.  263 ;  1846,  v.  303- 

4,  349,  382,  414-17 ;  1847,  v.  528 ; 
1849,  v.  ,566-75;   1853,   v.  630-3, 
668;  1863,  vi.  116;  1867,  vi.  352- 
3  ;  general  mention,  vi.  498-503. 

Arrangoiz,   F.  de  P.,    'Mejico  desde 

1 808  hasta  1867, '  vi.  360. 
Arredondo,  Gen.,  operations,  etc.,  of, 

1811,   iv.  270;  1813,  iv.    526,  543; 


captures  Soto  la  Marina,  1817,  iv. 
672 ;  embarks  for  Habana,  1821, 
iv.  716. 

Arrillaga,  F.  de,  minister  of  treas 
ury,  1823,  v.  3. 

Arrioja,  M.  M.,  minister  of  relations, 
1855,  v.  669. 

Arroyave,  Brigadier,  mention  of,  iv. 
588. 

Arroyo,  L.,  minister  of  relations, 
1866,  vi.  225. 

Arroyozarco,  skirmish  at,  1810,  iv. 
198  ;  plan  of,  1853,  v.  619-20. 

Arteaga,  Gen.,  J.  M.,  supersedes 
Marquez,  1863,  vi.  73 ;  quarrel 
with  Uraga,  vi.  163;  defeat  of, 
1864,  vi.  169 ;  1865,  vi.  186. 

Artisans,  condition,  etc.,  of,  vi.  616- 
17. 

Arzola,  D.  de,  bishop  of  Nueva  Gali- 
cia,  ii.  684,  691-2 ;  death  of,  1590, 
ii.  692. 

Ascona,  M.  L.  de,  archbishop,  1652, 
iii.  140 ;  death,  1654,  140. 

Asesores,  first  appointed,  1786,  iii. 
453. 

Aspiroz,  M.,  prosecution  of  Maximil 
ian,  vi.  309-13. 

Assembly  of  Notables,  authorized, 
1863,  vi.  17 ;  functions,  vi.  78 ; 
constituted,  vi.  84-5 ;  sessions,  etc., 
of,  vi.  85-6 ;  rept.  of  committee, 
vi.  86  ;  address  to  Forey,  vi.  88. 

Asylums,  orphan,  iii.  760-1 ;  pauper, 
iii.  761 ;  general  mention,  vi.  606. 

Atempau,  shipbuilding  at,  i.  562. 

Atequiza,  Hacienda,  Hidalgo's  recept. 
at,  1810,  iv.  231-2. 

Atlihuetzin,  Cortes  at,  i.  225. 

Atotonilco,  massacre  at,  iii.  16-17; 
affair  at,  1812,  iv.  421. 

Audiencias,  of  Mexico,  ii.  273-4,  276- 
99,  318-40,  367-8,  376-7,  380-1, 
410-23,  520-1,  547,  573,  576-7,  586, 
605-7,  614-23,  637-8,  661,  740 ;  iii. 
23,  49-53,  62,  64-70,  74-5,  138, 
374,  391,  398-9 ;  iv.  90-2,  459-60, 
506,  599;  hist,  of,  iii.  539-42; 
archives  of,  iii.  543-4 ;  of  Guada 
lajara,  iv.  234,  260-1,  599. 

Augustinians,  first  arrival,  1533;  ii. 
ii.  397  ;  early  missions,  1533-41 ;  ii. 
397-400 ;  at  Tezcuco,  ii.  524 ;  sup 
port  Velasco,  1562,  ii.  577  ;  mission 
to  the  Philippines,  1564,  ii.  599; 
Quiroga  opposes,  ii.  669-70 ;  prov 
ince  erected,  1543,  ii.  733 ;  struggle 
for  tithes,  ii.  733-4 ;  reforms,  ii. 
734 ;  college  founded,  ii.  735 ;  ex 
tent  of  missions,  ii.  735-6 ;  success 


700 


INDEX. 


in  Michoacan,  ii.  735  ;  prominent 
friars,  ii.  735-6;  progress  of,  iii. 
717-20;  disputes,  iii.  7 18-20  pun 
ishment  of  friars,  iv.  333. 

Aury,  Commodore,  mention  of,  iv. 
661-2. 

Austin,  Stephen  F.,  colonies  estab 
lished  by,  v.  154  ;  mission  to  Mex., 
160. 

Austin,  Moses,  colonization  schemes 
of,  v.  153. 

Austria,  the  empire  of  Maximilian, 
vi.  96-8. 

Austrians,  surrender  of  at  Mex.,  1867, 
vi.  346. 

Autos-de-fe,  early,  1574-96 ;  ii.  679- 
81  ;  description,  ii.  679-81 ;  More- 
los',  1815,  iv.  620. 

Auza,  Gen.,  defence  of  Puebla,  1863, 
vi.  66. 

Xvalos,  exped.  to  Colima,  ii.  57-8. 

J^valos,  Gov.,  measures  of,  1851,  v. 
604. 

Avendano,  D.  de,  oidor,   1624,  iii.  49. 

Avila,  Capt.  A.  de,  joins  Cortes' 
exped.,  1518,  i.  65  ;  character,  i. 
76  ;  battle  of  Tabasco,  i.  85 ;  In 
dian  bride  of,  i.  230 ;  quarrel  with 
Cortes,  i.  406-7 ;  evacuation  of 
Mex.,  i.  470-1  ;  return  from  Sto 
Domingo,  1522,  ii.  79  ;  rewarded  by 
Cortes,  ii.  80  ;  procurador  to  Spain, 
1522,  ii.  80  ;  lieutenant  to  Monte  jo, 

1527,  ii.  431 ;  exped.  to  Chetumal, 

1528,  ii.  435-8;  reaches  Honduras,  ii. 
438  ;  rejoins  Montejo,  1532,  ii.  440 ; 
occupies  Acalan,  ii.  442-3 ;  treason 
of,  ii.  585 ;  conspiracy  of,   1565,  ii. 
509-13;  trial,  etc.,  of,  ii.  618-19; 
execution,  619-20. 

Avila-Cortes,    conspiracy,  ii.  607-34. 
Avila,,  F.  E.  de,  corregidor   of  Mex., 

iii.  45. 
Avila,  G.  G.  de,  treasonable  conduct 

of,  ii.  585  ;  arrest  of,    ii.  618  ;  trial 

and  execution,  1566,  ii.  619-20. 
Avila,    G.  J.    de,    alcalde  mayor   of 

Yucatan,  1552^,  ii.  649. 
Avila,  J.,  wounded  at  Acapulco,  iv. 

547. 
Avila,    Gen.  M.  de,  successes,    etc., 

of,  1810-11,  iv.  300-6. 
Avifia,  mines  of,  discovered,  ii.  596. 
Axayacatl,  father  of  Montezuma,    i. 

98. 
Axayacatl,    Palace,  Cortes'  quarters 

i.  at,  287 ;  burning  of,  i.  639. 
Axoquentzin.  Cacique,  siege  of  Mex., 

i.  677. 


Axotecatl,  Cacique,  execution  of,  ii. 
180. 

Ayala,  D.  G.  de,   escape  of  from  In 
dians,  1546,  ii.  448. 

Ayala,  P.  de,  bishop  of  Nueva  Gali- 
cia,  1555-69,  ii.  691. 

Ayeta,  F.  de,  works  of,  iii.  725. 

Ayotla,  affair  at,  1817,  iv.  651  ;  pro- 
nunciamiento  at,  1858,  v.  750. 

Ayotochtitlan,  battle  of,  ii.  97. 

Ayotzinco,  Spaniards  at,  i.  268. 

Ayutla,  plan  of,  1854,  v.  648-9,  658- 
9,  662-5,  669,  671,  707. 

Azanza,  M.  J.  de,  54th  viceroy,  1798, 
iii.  490,  rule,  iii.  490-8,  biog.,  499. 

Azcapuzalco,  Cortes  captures,  i.  585. 

Azcarate,  Gen.  A.,  death  of,  1832,  v. 
119. 

Azcarraga,  E.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1645-48,  iii.  160. 

Aztatlan,  Guzman  in  camp  at,  1530, 
ii.  359. 

Aztecs,  tripartite  alliance,  i.  23 ;  em 
pire  of  the,  i.  96-7  ;  superstitious  of- 
the,  i.  101-8;  weakness  of  the,  i. 
141-2;  the  Totonac  revolt,  i.  147- 
50, 154-9;  annals,  i.  275-6;  deities, 
i.  407;  religious  festivals,  i.  407-10, 
414-15;  massacre  of  the,  1520,  i. 
407-18;  uprising  of,  against  Alvara- 
do,  i.  416-36;  armor,  i.  431-2; 
human  sacrifices,  i.  456,  484,  541, 
656-8;  character  of  the,  i.  585,  692- 
3;  war  symbols,  i.  680;  civilization 
among  the,  i.  695-6;  mining,  iii. 
579;  land-tenure,  iii.  603-4;  me 
chanical  ingenuity,  iii.  619-22. 


B 


Babicanora  district,  mining  in,  1820- 

30,  vi.  513-14. 
Bacalar,  Indians  revolt  at,   1636-44, 

iii.  159;  captured  by  Indians,  1848, 

v.  582;  recaptured,  etc.,  v.  582-3. 
Backus,  Capt.,  capture  of  Monterey, 

v.  385. 

Badajoz,  G.  de,  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  677. 
Bajio  of  Guanajuato,  see  Guanajuato. 
Baker,  Col.,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  v. 

458. 
Balboa,  V.  N.  de,  gold  collected  by,  iii. 

558-63. 

Balbuena,  Bishop,  works  of  vi.  656. 
Balcarcel,  B.,  minister  of  fomento, 

1867,  vi.  352;  1872,  vi.  385, 
Balderas,  Col.,  battle  of  Molino  del 

Rey,  v.  501-2. 
Banco  de  Avio,  object,   etc.,  of  vi. 

519-20. 


INDEX. 


701 


Banco  de  San  Carlos,  establ.,  iii.  643; 

failure  of,  iii.  644. 
Banderas,   Rio   de,    Grijalva  names, 

1518,  i.  24. 
Banderas,  Valley,  fight  with  pirates 

at,  1685,  iii.  206. 
Banking,  vi.  551. 
Bafios,  Conde  de,  23d  viceroy,  1660, 

iii.  143;  rule,  iii.  164-7;  character, 

iii.    165;  dispute  with  archbishop, 

iii.   165-66;  intrigues  against  arch 
bishop,  iii.   166;  superseded,  1664, 

iii;  166-67;  unpopularity,   iii.  167; 

residencia,  iii.  167. 
Baptism,  wholesale  administration  of, 

ii.  174-5;  method  of,  ii.  175-6. 
Barabena,    Commander,    treason  of, 

1839,  v.  213. 
Baranda,  M.,    minister  of  relations, 

1847,  v.  524. 
Baranda,  Capt.  P.   S.  de,  capture  of 

Ulua,  1825,  v.  63. 
Baratillo,    description    of,    iii.     233; 

abolished,  1696,  iii.  249,  257. 
Barba,  Pedro,  joins  Cortes,  i.  536-7: 

death  of,  i.  642. 
Barbachano,  Gov.,  measures  of,  1848, 

v.  583-4. 
Barbadillo,  F.,  rule  in  N.  Leon,  1715, 

iii.  335-36. 
Barbarena,  Comand.  Gen.,  success  at 

Comitan,  1841,  v.  219. 
Barbillas,    captures    Gov.     Saravia 

1708,  iii.  292-93. 
Barca,  A.  C.  de  la,  minister  to  Mex., 

1839,  v.  182. 
Barcena,    Juan  Jose  de  la,    gov.    of 

Yucatan,  1688,  iii.  162. 
Barcena,   J.   M.  R.,    'Recuerdos,'  v. 

43^4. 
Barcena,  Dr.  M.  de  la,  president  of, 

regency,  1821,  iv.  735-6. 
Barley,  cultivation  of,  vi.  568. 
Barlovento    Squadron,    formation  of 

1635,  iii.  83-4;  loss  of,  1641,  iii.  103; 

reorganized,  1683,  iii.  202. 
Barradas,    Brigadier  I.,    exped.    of, 

1829,  v.  72-4;  surrender  of,  v.  74-5. 
Barragan,  J.  A.,   revolt  of,    1832,  v. 

Barragdn,  Gen.  M.,  mention  of,  iv. 
521;  gov.  of  Vera  Cruz,  v.  62;  vice- 
president,  1835,  v.  138;  president 
ad  interim,  v.  143;  biog.,  etc.,  v. 
143-4;  rule,  v.  146-78. 

Barrio,  J.  V.  de,  commander  of  fleet, 
1567,  ii.  624. 

Basadre,  Col.,  mission  to  Havti,  v. 
71-2. 


Basadre,  Gen.,  minister  of  war,  1844, 
v.  269. 

Basch,  S.,  'Erinnerungen aus  Mexico, ' 
vi.  328. 

Basterra,  Capt.,  on  Nueces  river, 
1749,  iii.  344. 

Battles,  Tabasco,  1519,  i.  85-6; 
Centla,  1519,  i.  87-90;  Tlascala, 
1519,  i.  202-3;  Nautla,  1519,  i. 
259;  Mexico,  1520,  i.  463-81; 
Otumba,  1520,  i.  497-503;  Sangre- 
mal,  1522,  ii.  540-2;  Las  Graces, 
1810,  iv.  177-85;  Queretaro,  1810, 
iv.  195-6;  Aculco,  1810,  iv.  198;  La 
Barca,  1810,  iv.  205-6;  Zacoalco, 
1810,  iv.  206;  Guanajuato,  1810, 
iv.  216-28;  real  del  Rosario,  1810, 
iv.  238;  San  Ignacio  de  Piastla, 

1810,  iv.  238-9;  Aguanueva,  1811, 
iv.  240;  Urepetiro,  1811,  iv.  247-8; 
Calderon,    1811,  iv.  249-58;  Salti- 
llo,    1811,     iv.     268;    San    Pedro 
Piedra   Gorda,     1811,    iv.    269-70; 
Valle    del    Malz,     1811,    iv.    270; 
Tres  Palos,    1811,    iv.     300;   Tix- 
tla,  1811,  iv.  303-4;  Pinones,  1811, 
iv.  307;  Cerro  del  Grillo,    1811,  iv. 
308;  Maguey,  1811,  iv.  311;  Patz- 
cuaro,    1811,    iv.    312;   Zitacuaro, 

1811,  iv.  326-8;  Acuitzio,  1811,  iv. 
337;  Zipimeo,  1811,  iv.  337;  Iziicar, 
1811,    iv.    350;  Tenancingo,    1812, 
iv.  356;  Izucar,  1812,  iv.  365;  Yan- 
huitlan,    1812,    iv.     434-6;    Santa 
Rosa,  1812,    iv.  470;  San  Agustin 
del  Palmar,    1812,    iv.   472;  Acul- 
cingo,  1812,  iv.  480-1;  Salvatierra, 
1813,     iv.     515-16;     Zacapoaxtla, 
1813,   iv.  534;  Jilotepec,  1815,  iv. 
612;    Tezmalaca,     1815,    iv.    617; 
Almolonga,    1823,    iv.  792;  Texca, 
1830,  v.  96;  Chilpancingo,  1830,  v. 
96;  Tolome,  1832,  v.  109-10;  Puerto 
del    Gallinero,    1832,   v.    117;  San 
Agustin  del  Palmar,   1832,  v.  118- 
19;  Posadas,    1832,    v.   120-1;  San 
Jacinto,     1836,  v.   171-3;  Acajete, 
1839,  v.  211-12;  Palo  Alto,  1846,  v. 
352-64;  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  1846, 
v.    357-64;  Buena  Vista,    1847,  v. 
420-33;  Cerro  Gordo,  1847,  v.  450- 
9;  Padierna,  1847,  v.  475-80;  Chu- 
rubusco,  1847,  v.  480-8;  Molino  del 
Rey,   1847,   v.  497-505;  Chapulte- 
pec,   1847,    v.    506-18;  Salamanca, 

1858,  v.  734;  Ahualulco,  1858,  v. 
747;    La    Estancia  de  las  Vacas, 

1859,  v.  771;  San  Miguel,  Calpulal- 
pan,  1860,  v.  793;  Cinco  de  Mayo, 
1862,  vi.  48;  San  Lorenzo,  1863,  vi. 


702 


INDEX. 


66;    Mojonera,      1873,     vi.     400; 

Tecoac,  1876,  vi.  427. 
Baudin,  Admiral  C.,  arrival  at  Vera 

Cruz,   1838,  v.   190;  ultimatum  of, 

v.  190-1;  capture  of  Uliia,  v.   192- 

6;  defeat  at  Vera  Cruz,  v.  197-9. 
Bautista,  Father,  mention  of,  ii.  540. 
Bautista,  Pilot,  Cortes,  exped.,  i.  168. 
Baz,  J.  J.,  gov.  of  Mex.,  1861,  vi.  16; 

minister  of  govt.,  1876,  vi.  425. 
Bazaine,    Gen.,    defeats    Comonfort, 

1863,    vi.  66;  commander-in-chief, 

1863,    vi.  112-13;   instructions    to, 

vi.  113;  policy,  etc.,  vi.  114;  forces, 

vi.  115;  captures  Oajaca,  1865,  vi. 

189-90;  relations  with  Maximilian, 

etc.,   vi.    228-9;  264-6;  operations 

of,  1866,  vi.  255-6;  charges  against, 

vi.  265-6;  departure   of,  1867,  vi. 

267-8. 
Bazan,  F.  de,  pioneer  Jesuit,  1572,  ii. 

701;  death,  1572,  ii.    702. 
Bazan,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Yuc.,  1655,  iii. 

161. 
Bazancourt,  Baron  de,    '  Le  Mexique 

Contemporain, '  v.  809.     . 
Bazoche,  Admiral,  blockade  declared 

by,  1838,  v.  187-90. 
Beans,  cultivation  of,  vi.  568. 
Beaumont,    Friar  P.,    works   of    ii. 

785;  iii.  726-7. 
Becerra,  L.,  minister  of  justice,    846, 

v.  294. 

Bee,  B.  E.,  mission  of,  1839,  v.  176. 
Bejan,   affair    at,    1811,    iv.    274-5; 

revolutionists     captured     at,     iv. 

273-5. 
Be  jar,    Duke  of,    upholds  Cortes,  ii. 

85-6,  201-2. 
Be  jar,    Town,  counter-revolution  at, 

1811,    iv.    271;  affair  at,  1813,   iv. 

543. 
Belgium,  relations  with  Mex.  1879, 

vi.  441;  treaty  with  Mex.  1883,  vi. 

455. 

Belize,  marauders  at,  v.  83. 
Belknap,  Lieut-col,  campaign  on  the 

Rio   Grande,    v.    353-9;    battle  of 

Bueiia  Vista,  v.  433. 
Beltrami,  J.  C.,  '  Le  Mexique,'  v.  808. 
Benavente,  Father  M.  de,  companion 

of  Villapando,  ii.  453;  escape  of,  ii. 

453-5. 

Benavente,  Friar  T.  de,  see  Motolinia. 
Benavides,  A.,  imposture  of,  1683,  iii. 

207. 
Benedictines,    arrival    of,    1589,    ii. 

712. 

Beneski,  Iturbide's  aid,  iv.  807-8. 
Benevolent   Institutions,  estates    of, 


sequestrated,  iv.  28-30. 

Benitez,  J.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1876,  vi.  431. 

Bequests,  laws  concerning,  iii.  502. 

Berenger,  Brigadier,  exped.  of,  1817, 
iv.  662-3. 

Berghes,  C.  de,  'Descripcion/iii.  601. 

Bergosa,  Archbishop  A.,  labors  of, 
iv.  434;  flight  of,  iv.  483,  487. 

Beristain,  J.  M.,  'Biblioteca  His- 
pano- Americana  Septentrional '  vi. 
655. 

Berlanga,  Friar  T.  de,  acting  Domin 
ican  provincial,  1532,  ii.  395-6. 

Bermudez,  A.,  joins  Narvaez' exped. , 
i.  362. 

Bermudez,  B.,  mention  of,  i.  36. 

Bernard,  J.  F.,  et  al.,  works  com 
piled  by,  ii.  191. 

Berriozabal,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  1862,  vi.  47-50 ;  defence  of 
Puebla,  1863,  vi.  66. 

Berzabal,  Major  D.,  exploits  of,  iv. 
149-50;  biog.,  iv.  150. 

Betanzos,  Father  D.  de,  Dominican 
provincial,  1535,  ii.  396,  725-6. 

Bethlehemites  estab.  in  Mex.,  iii. 
183-4;  hospital,  1675,  183;  rules  of, 
184. 

Bienvenida,  Friar  Lorenzo  de,  in  Yu 
catan,  ii.  451,  720. 

Billault,  minister,  speeches  of  1862, 
vi.  94-95;  98-9. 

Black,  Consul  J.,  negotiations  of 
1845,  v.  340-1. 

Black  Vomit,  origin  of,  iii.  212. 

Blancarte,  J.  M.,  pronunciamiento  of, 
1851,  v.  608-9. 

Blanchard,  P.,  works  of,  v.  204. 

Blanco,  Gen.,  minister  of  war,  1853, 
v.  616;  attack  on  Mex.,  1858,  v. 
748. 

Boacio,  A. ,  condemned  by  inquisition, 
1558,  ii.  675-6. 

Boca  de  Terminos,  Escobar  at,  i.  84. 

Bocanegra,  J.  M.  de,  cabinet  minis 
ter,  1829,  v.  80-2,  89;  president  ad 
interim,  v.  90;  minister  of  treasury, 
1833,  v.  129;  protests,  etc.,  of,  1842, 
v.  328-9,  333. 

Boil,  Friar  L.  de,  mention  of,  ii.  712. 

Boletin  del  Institute  Nacional  de 
Geografia,  vi.  659. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  orders  of,  1808, 
iv.  47-8;  emissaries,  iv.  70;  procla 
mations,  iv.  92. 

Bonavia,  Brigadier  B.  Calleja's  in 
structions  to,  iv.  244;  forces  of,  iv. 
436;  flight  from  Oajaca,  iv.  483  ^ 
execution  of,  1812,  iv.  486. 


INDEX. 


703 


Bonilla,  A.  F.  de,  chief  inquisitor, 
1583,  ii.  678;  archbishop,  1592,  ii. 
687;  death  of,  1596,  ii.  687. 

Bonilla,  M.  D.  de,  minister  of  gober- 
nacion,  1853,  v.  627;  of  relations, 
1859,  v.  754. 

Boot,  engineer,  mention  of,  iii.  10,  86. 

Borja,  F.  de,  general  of  Jesuits,  ii. 
699-700. 

Borland,  Major,  capture  of,  1847,  v. 
417-18. 

Botello,  astrologer,  predictions,  etc., 
of,  i.  469;  death,  490. 

Boturini,  works  of,  vi.  642-3. 

Boulbon,  Count  R.  de,  exped.  etc.,  of, 
1853-4,  v.  685-6. 

Bourbonist  Party  in  Congress,  1822, 
iv.  760-1. 

Bourbourg,  B.  de,  works  of,  i.  493; 
ii.  488. 

Bournouf,  E.,  overtures  to  Diaz,  1867, 
vi.  338. 

Bracamonte,  F.,  death  of,  1701,  iii. 
314. 

Bracamonte,  F.  de,  discovers  indigo 
plant,  1550,  ii.  653. 

Bracamonte,  J.  de  A.,  fiscal  of  Pa 
nama,  iii.  45. 

Bracho,  Col,  captures  Teran,  1817,  iv. 
650-1. 

Bradburn,  Lieut,  defence  of  Fort 
Sombrero,  1817,  iv.  675. 

Bragg,  Capt.,  capture  of  Monterey, 
v.  383-4;  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  v. 
422-3,  427,  431. 

Branciforte,  Marques  de,  53d  viceroy, 
1794,  iii.  485;  biog.,  iii.  485;  rule, 
iii.  486-90;  character,  iii.  486-7; 
malfeasance,  iii.  490. 

Bravo,  L.,  at  Cuautla,  iv.  363-4;  cap 
ture,  etc.,  of,  1812,  iv.  409-10; 
character,  iv.  410. 

Bravo,  M.,  at  Cuautla,  iv.  367;  oper 
ations,  1812,  iv.  438,  489;  capture 
of,  1814,  iv.  580. 

Bravo,  Gen.,  exploits  at  Tixtla,  iv. 
303^;  character,  iv.  410-11;  de 
feats  Labaqui,  1812,  iv.  472;  re 
pulse  at  Jalapa,  iv.  473-4;  opera 
tions  at  San  Juan  Coscomatepec, 
iv.  474;  in  Vera  Cruz,  1813,  iv. 
554;  charges  against,  iv.  555;  be 
sieged  at  Coscomatepec,  iv.  555-6; 
defeat  at  Valladolid,  1813,  iv.  570- 
3;  at  Tezmalaca,  iv.  617;  defense 
of  Cdporo,  iv.  688-9;  operations 
1817,  iv.  689-90;  1821,  iv.  721^4; 
capture  of,  iv.  690;  pardoned,  iv. 
691;  joins  Iturbide,  1821,  iv.  721- 
4;  member  of  regency,  1822,  iv. 


769;  defeat  at  Almolonga,  1823, 
iv.  792;  occupies  Oajaca,  iv.  795; 
member  of  executive,  iv.  802;  v. 
13,  15;  vice-president,  1824,  v.  17; 
rebellion,  etc.,  of,  1828,  v.  38-40; 
acting  president,  1842,  v.  254;  re 
volt  against  Santa  Anna,  1844-5; 
v.  275-6;  president,  1846,  v.  298; 
cabinet,  v.  299;  rule,  v.  299;  battle 
of  Churubusco,  v.  481;  of  Chapul- 
tepec,  v.  509-13. 

Bravo,  V.,  at  Cuautla,  iv.  363-4; 
operations,  1812,  iv.  489;  defeated 
by  Armijo,  1814,  iv.  575. 

Briceno,F.  R.,  Capt. -gen.  of  Yucatan, 
1617,  iii.  153. 

Brigandage,  prevalence  of,  iii.  271-4. 

Brincourt,  Gen.,  commandant  at  Pue- 
bla,  1863,  vi.  70;  operations  of, 
1865,  vi.  202. 

Bringas,  Capt.  A.,  operations,  etc., 
at  Las  Cruces,  iv.  179-81. 

Bringas,  F.,  operations  at  Las  Cruces, 
iv.  178. 

Briones,  Capt.,  exped.  against  Zapo- 
tecs,  ii.  33-4. 

Brown,  Fort,  see  Texas,  Fort. 

Brown,  Major,  defence  of  Fort  Texas, 
v.  352,  3G4-5;  death  of,  v.  365. 

Bucareli,  Frey  A.  M.,  46th  viceroy, 
1771,  iii.  370;  biog.,  iii.  370-1;  rule, 
iii.  371-2;  death,  iii.  372-3. 

Buceli,  Col  F.,  mutiny  of,  1821,  iv. 
717-18;  defeat  of,  1822,  iv.  766. 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of,  v.  420-33; 
plan,  v.  421. 

Bugueiro,  M.  S.,  archbishop,  1656, 
iii.  148;  quarrel  with  viceroy,  iii. 
148;  recall  of,  1660,  150. 

Bull  fighting  introduced,  ii.  135;  pro 
hibited,  1800,  iii.  500. 

Burgoa,  F.  de,  works  of,  iii.  512-13. 

Burgos,  J.  de,  joins  Cortes,  i.  562 

Burkart,  'Aufenthalt  und  Reisen,' 
iii.  600. 

Burnet,  D.  G.,  president  of  Texas, 
1836,  v.  167;  treaty,  etc.,  with 
Santa  Anna,  v.  173-5. 

Bustamante,  Gen.  A.,  defection  of, 
1821,  iv.  713-14;  writings  of,  iv. 
743;  v.  553,  defeats  Buceli,  1822, 
iv.  766;  vice-president,  1828,  v.  41; 
disaffection  of,  v.  82-3;  plan  of,  v. 
88;  revolution  of  Jalapa,  1829,  v. 
88-93;  biog.,  v.  93-4;  assumes  the 
executive,  1830,  v.  94-5;  cabinet, 
v.  95;  rule,  v.  95-121;  resignation 
of  ministry,  v.  112-113;  military 
operations,  1832,  v.  116-21;  nego 
tiations  with  Santa  Anna,  v.  122- 


704 


INDEX. 


3;  president,  1837,  v.  179;  rule,  v. 
180-235;  cabinets,  v.  180-1,  184; 
arrest,  etc.,  of,  1840,  v.  220-1; 
character,  etc.,  v.  235-6. 

Bustamante,  C.,  secretary  of  Con 
gress,  1822,  iv.  759;  works  of,  iv. 
825. 

Bustamante,  C.  M.  de,  works  of,  iii. 
509-10;  iv.  373;  v.  803-6;  biog.,  v. 
802-3. 

Bustamante,  F.  de,  alcalde  mayor  of 
Tlascala,  1692,  iii.  248. 

Bustamante,  V.,  defeat  at  San  Felipe, 
iv.  524;  death,  iv.  524. 

Butler,  Gen.,  capture  of  Monterey, 
v.  377,  384-6;  forces,  v.  377;  su 
persedes  Scott,  v.  531. 


C 


Caballero,  J.,  donations  of,  iv.  99  j 
biog.,  iv.  99. 

Caballero,  P.,  joins  Cortes,  i.  404. 

Cabot,  S.,  exped.  to  the  Moluccas, 
1526,  ii.  257. 

Cabrera,  paintings  of,  vi.  646. 

Cabrillo,  J.  R.,  explorations  of,  1542, 
ii.  511-12. 

Cacama,  King  of  Tezcuco,  advice  to 
Montezuma,  i.  125,  267;  visit  to 
Cortes,  i.  269-70;  conspires  against 
Cortes,  i.  329-34;  Cortes  captures, 
i.  333-4;  evacuation  of  Mex.,  i.  471. 

Cacao,  cultivation  of,  iii.  610;  vi. 
569. 

Caceres,  J.  de,  Cortes'  mayordomo,  i. 
68. 

Cadena,  conde  de  la,  joins  Calleja,  iv. 
196. 

Cadereita,  settlement,  founded,  iii. 
94. 

Cadereita,  Marques  de,  16th  viceroy, 
1635,  ii.  94;  rule,  ii.  94-95. 

Cadwalader,  Gen.,  affair  at  Puente 
Nacional,  1847,  v.  464;  battle  of 
Padierna,  v.  477-9;  of  Churubusco, 
v.  484-5;  of  Molino  del  Hey,  v. 
500-2;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  512. 

Caicedo,  L.  O.  de,  associate  of  Velaz 
quez,  i.  5. 

'Caida  de  Queretaro,'  vi.  327-8. 

Caja,  La,  affair  at,  1817,  iv.  673. 

Cajeme,  Chief,  the  'Yaqui'  war, 
1885-6,  vi.  461-2. 

Calafat,  Gen.  J.,  operations  of,  1812, 
iv.  415-18. 

Caldelas,  gallantry  at  Huajuapan, 
iv.  437-9. 

Caldera,  Capt.  M.,  the  Chichimec 
treaty,  1591,  ii.  763-4;  exped.  to 


Nayarit,  1616-18;  iii.  313. 

Caldera,  N.,  the  Nayarit  war,  1721, 
iii.  324-25. 

Calderon,  Bridge,  battle  of,  1811,  iv. 
249-58;  plan,  251. 

Calderon,  Gen.,  besieges  Vera  Cruz, 
1832,  v.  110. 

California,  coast  of,  explored,  1595-7, 
ii.  750-1;  1602,  iii.  2-3;  1641,  iii. 
99;  disaffection  in,  v.  403;  U.  S. 
flag  raised  in,  v.  403-4;  Kearny's 
exped.,  v.  403. 

California,  Lower,  expeditions  to,  iii. 
114. 

Calle,  J.  D.  de  la,  "Mem.  y  Not.' 
iii.  551. 

Calleja,  Gen.  F.  M.,  comandante  of 
San  Luis  Potosi,  1810,  iv.  135;  aid 
asked  from,  iv.  135;  preparations 
of,  iv.  160,  166,  174,  192^;  biog. 
iv.  193-4;  forces  of,  iv.  196;  route 
of,  iv.  196-8;  proclamation,  iv. 
202;  recaptures  Guanajuato,  1810, 
iv.  219-28;  marches  on  Guadala 
jara,  iv.  228-30;  plan  of  campaign, 
1811,  iv.  244;  victory  of  Calderon, 
iv.  249-58;  at  Guadalajara,  iv. 
259-62;  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  iv. 
262-63;  269-70;  organization  of 
forces,  iv.  317-19;  disposition  of 
forces,  iv.  319-20;  captures  Zita- 
cuaro,  1812,  iv.  352-5;  reception  in 
Mex.,  iv.  358-9;  relations  with 
Venegas,  iv  359;  412-13,  497;  cap 
ture  of  Cuautla,  iv.  360-72;  cruelty 
of,  iv.  372;  resignation  of,  iv.  413; 
60th  viceroy,  1813,  iv.  491;  char 
acter,  etc.,  iv.  495-7;  rule,  iv.  498- 
647. 

Caloma,  F.,  commands  armada,  1593, 
ii.  752. 

Caltzontzin,  F.,  king  of  Michoacan, 
ii.  286;  Guzman's  treatment  of,  ii. 
286. 

Calvillo,  D.,  works  of,  iv.  373-4. 

Calvillo,  Gen.  R.,  operations  of,  1812, 
iv.  415,  418. 

Camacho,  N.,  attempts  viceroy's  life, 
1718,  iii.  291. 

Camacho,  S.,  cabinet  minister,  1825, 
v.  32;  envoy  to  England,  v.  32,  51. 

Camacho  y  Avila,  Bishop  D. ,  secular 
izes  missions  of  N.  Leon,  1712,  iii. 
335. 

Camargo,  Town,  founded,  1749,  iii. 
344. 

Camargo,  D.  de,  exped.  to  Florida, 
1518,  i.  189;  death  of,  i.  539. 

Camargo,  D.  M.,  biog.,  i.  200;  works, 
200-1. 


INDEX. 


705 


Camino,  J.  del,  exped.  of,  1541,  ii. 
506. 

Campbell,  Consul  R.  B.,  negotiations 
with  Santa  Anna,  v.  302. 

Campeche,  Town,  founded,  1540,  ii. 
445;  convent  founded  at,  1545,  ii. 
452;  plundered  by  pirates,  1561,  ii. 
646;  1596,  ii.  647-S;  1633,  iii.  83, 
145;  1659,  iii. '146;  1678,  iii.  146, 
185;  conflagration  at,  1682,  iii. 
162;  fortified,  iii.  162,  419;  pronun- 
ciamiento  at,  1829,  v.  86;  siege  of, 
1840,  v.  218. 

Campeche,  State,  appointed,  1858,  vi. 
411. 

Campero,  J.,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  1660, 
iii.  161. 

Campillo,  Bishop  M.  I.  G.  del,  me 
diation  of,  1811,  iv.  346-8. 

Campos,  M.,  minister  of  finance, 
1866,  vi.  276. 

Canales,  Gen.  M.  A.,  operations  of, 
1839^0,  v.  209,  214-15. 

Canalize,  Gen.  V.,  defeat  at  Tam- 
pico,  1838,  v.  207-9;  acting  presi 
dent,  1843-4,  v.  258-9,  262-3; 
biog.,  etc.,  258;  exile  of,  1845,  v. 
279;  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  v.  454, 
458. 

Cancelada,  J.  P.,  works,  etc.,  of,  iv. 
64-5,  450. 

Candano,  Col.  J.,  attack  on  Coscoma- 
tepec,  1813,  iv.  555-6;  defeated 
by  Matamoros,  1813,  iv.  557;  exe 
cution,  iv.  557. 

Candelaria  de  Azanza,  colony  found 
ed,  iii.  497. 

Candelaria  Mine,  mention  of,  vi.  514. 

Canek,  cacique,  revolt  of,  1761,  v. 
83. 

Caniego,  exploration  of,  1528,  ii. 
266-7;  mission  to  Spain,  ii.  277. 

Cannon  Foundry,  at  Orizaba,  iii.  350; 
at  Mex.,  iv.  84;  at  Real  del  Monte, 
iv.  421. 

Cano,  S.  del,  mention  of,  ii.  257. 

Cano  y  Sandoval,  J.,  bishop  of  Yu 
catan,  iii.  162;  quarrel  with  Sobera- 
nis,  1694,  iii.  162. 

Cansino,  D.,  cruel  death  of,  1546,  ii. 
447-8. 

Cansino,  J.,  tortured  to  death,  1546, 
ii.  447-8. 

Captain-generalcies,  created,  1821, 
iv.  739;  reduced  to  comandancias, 
1823,  v..  3. 

Capuchinas,  nunnery  of,  at  Oajaca, 
ii.  737;  convents  founded  by,  in 
Mex.,  1666,  iii.  710;  in  Michoacan, 
1737,  iii.  710. 

HIST.  MEX.  VOL.  VI.    45. 


Carabajal,  L.  de,  gov.  N.  Leon,    ii. 

777;  settles  N.    Leon,    1580-5,  ii. 

777-9;  death,  1595,  ii.  779. 
Caravajal,  A.  de,  .alcalde  mayor  Yu 
catan,  1554-8,  ii.  649. 
Carbajal,  A.,  heads  tumult,  1544,  ii. 

523. 
Carbajal,  J.  S.,  proclaims  secession, 

1829,  v.  86. 

Carbajal,  Y.  de  A.,  visitador  to  Yu 
catan,  1630,  iii.  155-6. 
Carbajal,  raids,  etc.,    of,  1851-2,  v. 

603-5,  612. 

Carbonero,  P.,  fate  of,  i.  218. 
Cardenas,   C.    de,    audiencia    fiscal, 

etc.,  1566,  ii.  622. 
Cardenas,  D.  de,  gov.  of  Yuc.,  1621, 

iii.  153;  rule,  153-54. 
Cardenas,  D.  Z.  de,  see  Santo  Floro, 

Marques  de. 

Cardenas,  J.,  mention  of,  v.  215. 
Cardenas    y    Leon,    Astronomer,   J. 

V.,  mention  of,  vi.  641. 
Cardofies,  M.  F.,  gov.  of  Yuc.,  1672, 

iii.  161. 
Caridad,  y  San  Hipolito,  La,  order 

founded,  ii.  709;  spread  of,  ii.  709- 

Carleton,  J.  H.,  'The  battle  of  Buena 
Vista, 'v.  434. 

Carlos  II.,  death  of,  1700,  iii.  261; 
obsequies  at  Mex.,  1701,  262-3. 

Carlos  III.,  ascends  throne,  1759,  iii. 
364;  disputes  with  pope,  iii.  434-6; 
obsequies  of,  1789,  iii.  468. 

Carlos  IV.,  accession,  1789,  iii.  468; 
ceremonies  and  rejoicings,  iii.  469; 
abdication,  1808,  iv.  35-6;  preten 
sions  of,  iv.  74. 

Carlos  V.,  reception  of  Cortes'  mes 
sengers,  1519,  i.  172-3;  endorses 
Cortes,  ii.  90-2;  presents  from 
Cortes,  etc.,  ii.  196-7,  202,  223-4; 
reception  of  Cortes,  etc.,  1529,  ii. 
307-8;  the  new  laws,  1542,  ii.  519. 

Carmelites,  order  introduced,  1585, 
ii.  711;  province  established,  1588, 
ii.  711-2;  progress  of,  ii.  712;  iii. 
721;  convent  founded  in  Mex., 
1615,  iii.  710. 

Carmen,  Isla  del,  pirate  rendezvous, 
iii.  292. 

Carranco,  Lieut,  captures  Morelos, 
1815,  iv.  617-18. 

Carranza,  Friar  D.,  missionary  la 
bors  of,  ii.  396,  730-1. 

Carrasco,  G.,  Cortes  captures,  i.  392. 

Carreno,  Gov.,  defence  of  Acapulco, 
1811,  iv.  300-1. 

Carrera,    M.,  president  ad  interim^/ 


706 


INDEX. 


1854,  v.  660;  biog.,  v.  660-1;  rule, 


Carrillo,     L.,     royal     commissioner, 

1567,  ii.    625;    petitions    against, 

1568,  ii.  630;  deposed,   ii.    630-2; 
death  of,  ii.  632. 

Carrillo,   M.  de,  visitador,  1624,  iii. 

73. 

'  Cartas  de  Indias,'  ii.  606. 
Carvajal,    A.     de,    commissioner    to 

Spain,  ii.  285. 

Casa  de  Contratacion,  establ.  ii.  629. 
Casa  Mata,  Plan  of,  proclaimed,  1823, 

iv.  784-5;  adopted,  795-9. 
Casafuerte,  Marques  de,  37th  viceroy, 

1722,  iii.  349;  rule,  349-51. 
Casal,    Capt.    A.  G.    del,    defeat  at 

Huamantla,  1812,  iv.  377-8. 
Casanova,  Gen.,  defeat  at  Las  Cue- 

vitas,  1858,  v.  747. 
Casas,  B.  de  las,  see  Las  Casas,  B.  de. 
Casas,  F.  de  las,  alcalde  mayor,  1524, 

ii.  9;  mission,  etc.,  of,  1523,  ii.  103; 

Olid's  defection,  ii.  203-4;  return 

from  Honduras,    1525,    ii.  212-13; 

disarmed  by  Salazar,   ii.    213-14; 

sentence  of,  ii.  223. 
Casas,   G.    de  las,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 

1577-83,  ii.  650. 

Casas,  J.  B.,  exploits  of,  iv.  241. 
Casasola,  K,  defence  of  Ixmiquilpan, 

1812,  iv.  429-30. 

Cascanes,  escape  of,  1542,  ii.  509. 
Casillas,  T.    de,  bishop  of  Chiapas, 

1555,  ii.  673. 
Castagny,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1864, 

vi.  124-5;  1865,  vi.  193-4;  1866,  vi. 

256-7. 
Castaneda,   Judge  M.,  dismissal  of, 

1853,   v.    638;   minister    of  govt., 

1857,  v.  713. 
Castaniza,      Bishop,     president      of 

junta,  1822,  iv.  785. 
Castano,  (Gaspar  de),  alcalde  mayor 

San  Luis  Potosi,    1575,  ii.  776-7; 

lieut.  gov.,   N.  Leon,   ii.  779;  ex 

plorations  of,  1590,  ii.  781. 
Castellanos,  D.,  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  675. 
Castelnau,   Gen.,   mission  to    Mex., 

1866,   vi.   229-30;   measures,    233; 

departure,  1867,  vi.  268. 
Castilblanco,    Town,    Sandoval    cap 

tures,  1520,  i.  556. 
Castilla,  Capt.  J.,  death  of,  iv.  148. 
Castilla,  L.  de,  exped.  to  Jalisco,  ii. 

369-71. 
Castillo,  Col.  J.  del,  operations,  1811, 

iv.   336-7;  1812,  iv.  414-19;  1813, 

iv.  518-21. 


Castillo,  y  Lanzas,  J.,  minister  of  re 
lations,  1846,  v.  294. 

Castillo,  P.  F.  del,  minister  of  the 
treasury,  1845,  v.  290. 

Castillo,  Gen.  S.  del,  defence  of  Gua 
dalajara,  I860,  v.  790;  soldierly 
qualities  of,  vi.  275;  siege  of  Que- 
retaro,  1867,  vi.  284-302;  sentence, 
etc.,  of,  vi.  349. 

Castillo  y  Lanzas,  J.,  minister  of  re 
lations,  1858,  v.  745. 

Castrillo,  G.  de,  defeats  French  pi 
rates,  1571,  ii.  647. 

Castro,  A.  M.  de,  minister  of  justice, 
1867,  vi.  352. 

Catalina,  Cortes'  bride,  i.  165,  401. 

Catoche  Punta  de,  name,  i.  8;  Cor 
doba's  affray  at,  i.  9. 

Catorce,  Town,  founded,  1772,  iii. 
308. 

Catorce  District,  mining  in,  iii.  589; 
vi.  513. 

Cavendish,  T.,  cruise  in  Pacific,  1586- 
8,  ii.  744-50. 

Cavo,  A.,  works  of,  iii.  508-9. 

Ceballos,  J.  B.,  president  ad  interim, 
1853,  v.  615;  cabinet,  v.  616;  rule, 
v.  616-21. 

Ceballos,  Gen.,  operations,  etc.,  of, 
1873,  vi.  400-1. 

Cedral,  settlement,  founded  1780,  iii. 
309. 

Celaya,  town,  founded,  etc.,  ii.  655, 
763;  capture  of,  1810,  iv.  124-6; 
sack  of,  iv,  125-7;  recapture  of,  iv. 
219;  assault  on,  1813,  iv.  516. 

Celis,  R.  de,  defeated  by  Osorno, 
1813,  iv.  534. 

Celpalco,  Montezuma's  ashes  buried 
at,  i.  465. 

Cempoala,  Cortes'  exped.  to,  i.  142-4; 
descript.  of,  i.  144-5;  Christianity 
accepted  in,  i.  164-5;  affair  at,  1520, 
i.  393-8;  conference  at,  1521,  ii. 
71-3. 

Centipac,  province,  Guzman  conquers, 
1530,  ii.  356-7. 

Centla,  battle  of,  1519,  i.  87-90. 

Central  America,  gold  deposits  of, 
iii.  553-70;  independence  of,  de 
clared,  1822,  iv.  754;  union  with 
Mex.  iv.  755;  independence  recog 
nized,  1823,  v.  47;  claims  of,  to 
Soconusco,  vi.  452-3. 

Centralists,  party  organized,  etc., 
1823,  v.  5;  leaders  of,  v.  10-11;  in 
fluence  of,  v.  182. 

Cepeda,  Governor,  removal,  etc.,  of, 
1873,  vi.  408-9. 


INDEX. 


707 


Cerda,  D.  de  la,  alcalde  mayor  Yuca 
tan,  1594-6,  ii.  650. 
Cermefio,  D.,  conspires  against  Cor 
tes,  i.  177;  execution  of,  179. 
Cerralvo,  Marques  de,  15th  viceroy, 

1624,  iii.  72;  character,  iii.  72,  94; 

rule,    72-94.    restores    Gelves,    73; 

resigns,  1635,  93. 
Cerro  Colorado,  Fortress,  attack  on, 

1814,  iv.  587;  surrender  of,  1817, 

iv.  651. 
Cerro  Encantado,  affair  at,  1814,  iv. 

583. 
Cerro  Gordo,  battle  of,  1847,  v.  450- 

9;  plan,  v.  454. 

Cerro    de    Nadd,    armory,    etc.,    de 
stroyed  at,  1813,  iv.  521. 
Csrro  del   Gallo,  siege  of,   1813,  iv. 

518-21. 
Cetina,    Col,    recapture   of    Bacalar, 

1849,  v.  582. 
Ceynos,  F.    de,  oidor,  1530,    ii.  321; 

character,    ii.    321-2;    resignation, 

etc.,  of,  ii.  380. 
Chalcans,  join  Cortes,  i.  577. 
Chalchimtl,  Indian  name  for  Cortes. 

i.  226. 
Chalco,  town,  capture  of,  1521,  589- 

93. 
Chametla,  Samaniego  at,  1530,  ii.  362; 

occupied  by  Spaniards,  ii.  549. 
Champoton,    Cordoba    repulsed    at, 

1517,  i.  10;  affray  at,  1518,  i.  20-1; 

Montejo  lands    at,    1537,    ii.    442; 

Spaniards    besieged    at,    1539,    ii. 

443-5;  pirates  sack,  1644,  iii.  145- 

6. 
Chan,  J.,  cacique  of  Chancenote,  1597, 

ii.  652. 

Chapala  lake,  plan  of,  iv.  539. 
Chapultepec,  as  a  place  of  resort,  iii. 

472;  palace  at,  iii.  472-3;  battle  of, 

1847,    v.    506-18;    descript.    of,    v. 

508-9;  national  observatory  at,  vi. 

644. 
Chaquetas,   enrollment  of,   1808,  iv. 

54;    disbandment,    iv.    69;    re-em 
bodied,  iv.  160. 
Charles  V.,  see  Cdrlos  V. 
Chautla,  capture  of,  1811,  iv.  349. 
Chavez,  D.  de,  bishop  of  Michoacan, 

ii.  693. 
Chetumal,  cacique,  harasses  Xvila,  ii. 

436-8. 

Chetumals,  revolt  of,  1547,  ii.  449. 
Chi,  cacique,  A.,  execution  of,  1597, 

ii.  652-3. 
Chi,  cacique,  C.,  sack  of  Tepich,  1847, 

v.  537. 


Chiachacata,  conference  at,  1523,  ii. 
113-14. 

Chiametla,  Cortes  at,  1535,  ii.  423-4. 

Chiapas,  revolt  in,  1523,  ii.  127-8; 
1850,  v.  588;  Montejo's  exped., 
1540,  ii.  445;  Las  Casas,  bishop  of, 
ii.  553;  union  with  Mex.,  1824,  v. 
23-4;  federalist  invasion  of,  1841, 
v.  219;  French  invasion  of,  1864, 
vi.  127-8. 

Chichihualco,  affair  at,  1814,  iv. 
577^. 

Chichimecs,  empire  of,  i.  96;  Francis 
cans  visit,  1539,  ii.  395;  condition 
of,  1521,  ii.  539-40;  conquest  of, 
1522,  ii.  539-45;  map  of  war,  ii. 
541;  depredations  of,  ii.  655-7,  760- 
1;  iii.  271;  treaty  with,  1591,  ii. 
763-4;  colonies  among,  ii.  764;  sub 
mission  of,  1598,  iv.  131. 

Chichimecatl,  cacique,  siege  of  Mex., 
i.  580,  616,  666-7. 

Chico,  Col  B.,  regiment  of,  iv.  165-6. 

Chico,  F.  A.,  procurador-gen.  of  Vera 
Cruz,  1519,  i.  136. 

Chico,  J.  M.,  Hidalgo's  minister  of 
justice,  iv.  233;  execution  of,  1811, 
iv.  279-80. 

Chico,  R.  A.,  accompanies  Montejo, 
i.  132;  messenger  to  Narvaez,  i. 
387;  capture  of  JjTarvaez,  i.  390. 

Chicomacatl,  caciqu3,  intercourse 
with  Cortes,  etc.,  i.  145-8,  157-64. 

Chicontla,  plan  of,  1834,  v.  136. 

Chihuahua,  city,  court-martial  at, 
1811,  277-81;  executions  at,  279- 
83. 

Chihuahua,  state,  revolutionary  plot 
in,  1814,  iv.  656;  Wool's  exped.  to, 
1846,  v.  405-6;  Doniphaii's  incur 
sion,  406-8;  maps,  v.  407;  vi.  201; 
mining  in,  vi.  514. 

Chila,  battles  at,  ii.  97-100. 

Chilapa,  occupied  by  Morelos,  1811, 
iv.  304;  1812,  iv.  468-9;  revolt  in, 
1842,  v.  241;  captured  by  Indians, 
1844,  v.  264. 

Chilapan,  convent  founded  at,  ii. 
398-9. 

Childs,  Lieut-col,  capture  of  Monte 
rey,  v.  391-3;  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
v.  455-6;  defence  of  Puebla,  1847, 
y.  528,  531. 

Chile,  cultivation  of,  vi.  568. 

Chilpancingo,  occupation  of,  1811,  iv. 
302;  congress  at,  1813,  iv.  559-67. 

Chimilpa,  fortress,  destruction  of, 
1815,  iv.  613. 

Chinampanecs  aid  Cortes,  i.  643-4. 


708 


INDEX. 


Chinantecs,  Pizarro  among  the,  i. 
321-2;  aids  Cortes,  etc.,  i.  381-2, 
594;  missionary  labors  among  the, 
ii.  731. 

Chirinos,  H.,  veedor,  1530,  ii.  356. 

Chirinos,  P.  A.,  accompanies  Cortes 
to  Honduras,  1524,  ii.  206-7;  ma 
chinations  of,  ii.  207-9,  216-17; 
exped.  to  Oajaca,  ii.  227-8;  capture 
of,  ii.  235;  liberation,  ii.  260;  resi- 
dencia  of,  ii.  292;  conquest  of  Nue- 
va  Galicia,  ii.  347-8,  353-6;  as 
Guzman's  advocate,  ii.  360;  procu- 
rador  to  Spain,  1545,  ii.  527.  ' 

Chito,  Villagran,  see  Villagran,  Gen. 
J.  M. 

Cholula,  pyramid  of,  i.  96;  Quetzal- 
coatl's  reign  at,  i.  101;  subjugation 
of,  1519,  i.  235-51;  descript.  of,  i. 
236-7;  massacre  at,  i.  243-51. 

Chontales,  Dominicans,  among  the,  ii. 
396,  730-1.  . 

Chovell,  Col  C.,  command  of,  iv.  165; 
arrest  of,  iv.  224;  execution,  iv. 
227.e 

Chroniclers,  review  of  early,  ii.  784-8. 

Church,  first  inMex.,  ii.  387-8;  enco- 
miendas  of,  abolished,  1542-3,  ii. 
520;  councils,  1555,  ii.  673-4;  1565, 
ii.  674;  1585,  ii.  684-5;  condition 
of,  1600,  ii.  687-8;  affairs  of,  in 
Yucatan,  ii.  688-90;  jurisd.  iii. 
423-4;  buildings  inMex.,  iii.  477-8; 
secular  clergy,  iii.  681-3;  prefer 
ments,  iii.  683;  iv.  15-16;  prestige, 
iii.  684;  patronage,  etc.,  iii.  684-6; 
royal  prerogative,  iii.  686;  jurisd. 
iii.  686-8;  right  of  sanctuary,  iii. 
688-9;  archdiocese  of  Mex.,  iii.  690; 
suffragan  sees,  iii.  690-4;  wealth, 
iii.  696-7;  sequestration  of  estates, 
iii.  697-8;  revenue,  iii.  698-9;  vi. 
581,  593-4;  festivals,  iii.  772;  vi. 
594-7;  buildings,  etc.,  atQueretaro, 
iv.  97-9;  at  Guanajuato,  iv.  133; 
denounces  revolution,  1810,  iv.  160- 
3;  edict  against  clergy,  1812,  iv. 
424-6;  seizure  of  property,  1841,  v. 
238;  opposition  to  organic  law,  1857, 
v.  710-11,  718;  Juarez' enactments, 
1859,  v.  768-9;  affairs  of,  1873,  vi. 
404-7;  dioceses,  etc.,  vi.  580-2; 
prelates,  1863,  vi.  587;  superstitions, 
vi.  595-6. 

Churubusco,  battle  of,  1847,  v.  480-8. 

Cibola,  preparations  to  conquer,  1539, 
ii.  467-9. 

Cihuacatzin,  cacique,  in  command  at 
Otumba,  i.  497. 

Cinco  de  Mayo,  battle  of,   1862,  vi. 


47-50;  plan,  vi.  48. 

Cinnabar,  discoveries  of,  iii.  584. 

Cisneros,  Friar  G.  de,  mention  of,  ii. 
164;  first  Franciscan  provincial, 
1536,  ii.  393-4. 

Cisneros,  Dr  J.  B.  de,  '  Discurso,  *  iv. 
65;  deputy  to  Cortes,  1810,  iv. 
448-9. 

Ciudad  Kodrigo,  Friar  A.  de,  men 
tion  of,  ii.  164;  Franciscan  provin 
cial,  1537,  ii.  394. 

Clapion,  Friar,  J.,  privileges  granted 
to,  ii.  160. 

Clara,  J.,  revolt  of,  v.  588-9. 

Clarke,  Gen.,  battle  of  Churubusco, 
v.  481;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  516. 

Clavarino,  Gen.  D.,  operations  of, 
1812,  iv.  421-2. 

Clavigero,  F.  J.,  biog.,  i.  700;  works, 
i.  700. 

Clavigero,  F.  S.,  works  of,  ii.  487; 
iii.  778;  vi.  643. 

Clergy,  conflict  among  the,  ii.  664-5; 
secular,  iii.  681-3,  695-6;  as  revo 
lutionary  leaders,  iv.  422-3;  edict 
against,  1812,  iv.  424-6;  measures 
against,  1833,  v.  131,  134;  forced 
loans  from,  1846,  v.  297,  304-5; 
sedition,  etc.,  among  the,  1856,  y. 
678;  698-9;  opposition  to  organic 
act,  1857,  v.  718;  immorality,  etc., 
of  the,  vi.  582;  power,  583-5;  re 
forms  among,  584-6;  wealth,  592-3. 

Clipperton,  Capt,  exploit  of,  1704,  iii. 
281. 

Coahuila,  floods  in,  1802,  iii.  503; 
conquest  of,  1810-11,  iv.  240;  min 
ing  in,  vi.  514-15;  disturbance  in, 
1873,  vi.  408-9. 

Coast-guards,  service  organized,  1788, 
iii.  217. 

Coatlan,  temple  of,  dedicated,  1518,  i. 
112;  siege  of,  ii.  227^. 

Coats  of  Arms,  republic  of  Mexico,  i. 
13;  City  of  Mexico,  i.  13;  Puebla 
de  los  Angeles,  ii.  335;  City  of 
Guadalajara,  ii.  367;  City  of  Valla- 
dolid,  ii.  774;  City  of  Tzintzuntzan, 
ii.  775;  Merida,  iii.  154;  Jalapa, 
iii.  220;  Guanajuato,  iv.  132;  Va- 
lladolid,  iv.  168;  national,  v.  4;  of 
the  empire,  vi.  102. 

Cobos,  J.  M.,  reactionist  leader,  1861, 
vi.  93-4. 

Cochineal,  export  etc.,  of,  iii.  620-1; 
production,  etc.,  of,  vi.  574. 

Cociyopu,  King,  submission  of,  ii. 
39-40;  spoliation  of,  ii.  727-8; 
death,  ii.  728. 


INDEX. 


709 


Cocom,  cacique,  revolt,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
652. 

Coffee,  cultivation  of,  vi.  569-70. 

Cogolludo,  D.  L,  de,  works  of,  ii.  650. 

Cohuanacoch,  king  of  Tezcuco,  i. 
513,  545;  submission  of,  i.  570;  es 
cape,  i.  571 

Coinage,  alloyed  gold  forbidden,  ii. 
245-6;  increase  in  the,  iii.  483. 

Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide,  mention 
of  the,  iii.  714-15. 

Colegio  Maximo,  consecrated,  1603, 
iii.  118-19. 

Colima,  Province,  Alvarez'  raid  on,  ii. 
57-8;  A"valos  exped.  to,  ii.  57-8; 
conquered  by  Olid,  ii.  59;  revolt 
in,  ii.  59;  hist,  of,  iii.  299;  a  federal 
terr.,  1823,  v.  8. 

Coliman,  town,  founded  by  Olid,  ii. 
59. 

Colio,  D.  G.,  alcalde  mayor  of  Fres- 
nillo,  etc.,  ii.  597. 

Colon,  D.,  mention  of,  i.  2,  175; 
claims,  etc.,  of,  ii.  201. 

Colonial  government,  division  of,  etc., 
iiL  519-21. 

Colonial  policy,  effect  of,  iii.  776-7. 

Colombian  Republic,  recognition  of, 
1823,  v.  46;  treaty  with,  v.  47. 

Colonies,  military,  v.  573-5. 

Columbus,  C.,  heirs  of,  i.  2—3;  com 
pared  with  Cortes,  614. 

Comanches,  outbreaks  of  the,  iii. 
497. 

Comandancia  General  de  Occidente, 
organized,  1813,  iv.  541. 

Comandancia  General  de  Oriente, 
organized,  1813,  iv.  541. 

Comayagua,  seat  of  the  Audiencia  of 
the  Confines,  ii.  521. 

Comitan,  affair  at,  1841,  v.  219. 

Commerce,  measures  to  develop,  ii. 
140-2;  trading  factories  authorized 
1713,  iii.  288;  convoys  estab.  for, 
1581-1600,  ii.  751-2;  consulado  es 
tab.  iLjr£3;  of  Vera  Cruz,  iii.  210; 
of  Jalapa,  iiL  220;  trading  facto 
ries  authorized,  1713,  iii.  287-88; 
revival  of,  1802-5,  iii.  503;  iv.  28; 
restrictions  on,  iii.  627-35;  deca 
dence  of,  iii.  630-1;  iv.  749;  con 
traband,  iii.  289,  629-32;  v.  564, 
603;  vi.  538-40;  with  Philippine 
Isls,  iii.  631-4;  with  Peru,  iii.  634- 
5;  highways  of,  iii.  635-8;  internal, 
iii.  640-2;  statistics,  iii.  644-5;  ob 
struction  of,  1812,  iv.  432;  sketch 
of,  vi.  533-6,  549-50;  commercial 
tribunals,  ii.  753;  iii.  210,  629;  iv. 
453-5;  vi.  550-1. 


Commission,  claims,  1841-2,  v.  317- 
18;  1843,  321-2. 

Comonfort,  Gen.  I.,  comandante  of 
Acapulco,  1854,  v.  649,  652;  Alva 
rez's  revolution,  v.  662-4;  minister 
of  war,  1855,  v.  667;  measures,  etc., 
v.  668-72;  acting  president,  1855,  v. 
673;  president,  1857,  v.  721;  biog. 
etc.,  v.  674-6;  rule,  v.  676-729; 
cabinets,  v.  676,  713;  comandante 
gen.  of  Tamaulipas,  1862,  vi.  52. 
operations,  etc.,  of,  1863,  vi.  60-1; 
defeat  at  San  Lorenzo,  vi.  66;  min 
ister  of  justice,  vi.  110;  death  of, 
1863,  vi.  119. 

Compostela,  founding  of,  ii.  366;  pro 
vincial  capital  of  Nueva  Galicia, 
etc.,  ii.  547-9. 

Concepcion  Nuns,  arrival  of,  1530,  ii. 
303. 

Concha,  H.  S.  de  la,  pioneer  Jesuit, 
1572,  ii.  701;  visits  Zacatecas,  1574, 
708. 

Concha,  M.  de  la,  operations  of  1812, 
iv.  422-3;  1821,  iv.  717,  724;  de 
feats  Morelos,  1815,  iv.  616-17; 
r  rations  in  Puebla,  1816,  iv.  637; 
th  of,  1821,  iv.  741. 

Conde,  Intendente  A.  C.,  mention  of, 
iv.  238. 

Conde,  Col  D.  G.,  comandante  of 
Valladolid,  1810,  iv.  160;  capture 
of,  iv.  171;  rescue  of,  iv.  201;  de 
feats  Herrera,  1811,  iv.  270;  at 
Zitacuaro,  iv.  353-4;  operations  of, 
1812,  iv.  384-93. 

Conde,  J.  M.,  gov.  of  Puebla,  1856, 
v.  699. 

Conde,  Gen.  P.  G.,  minister  of  war, 
1844,  v.  273. 

Congregas,  system,  iii.  334;  abolished, 
1715,  iii.  335. 

Congress,  of  Chilpancingo,  iv.  560-8, 
576-8,  585-8,  601;  of  Apatzingan, 
iv.  601-5,  612-17,  631-3;  national, 
iv.  744-7,  758-74,  780-4,  799-803, 
806;  v.  2-30,  95,  104,  124,  141-5, 
228,  252-60,  271-3,  298,  305,  315- 
16,  534,  590-1,  611,  616-18,  668- 
701,  720;  vi.  12-14,  17-18,  20-1,  60, 
71,  120,  402-7,  418-19,  473-4;  of 
Tamaulipas,  iv.  809. 

Conner,  Commodore,  blockade  of 
Hex.  ports,  1846,  v.  409-10. 

Conquista,  Duque  de  la,  39th  viceroy, 
1740,  iii.  354;  rule,  iii.  354-55. 

Conservatives,  policy  of,  1853,  v.  625- 
6;  attitude  of,  1855,  v.  664;  1857,  v. 
709;  intrigues,  etc.,  of,  v.  714,  718; 


710 


INDEX. 


division  among,  1858,  v.  742;  policy 

of,  1859,  v.  766. 
Constitution,   federal,  adopted,  1824, 

v.  15-17;  text,  etc.,  v.  17-20. 
Constitution,   national,    adopted  by 

cortes,    1812,  iv.  457-8;  published 

in  Mex.,  iv.  458-9;  suspended,  iv. 

465-6;  reestablished,  1813,  iv.  502; 

defects  of,  iv.  506;  abolished,  1814, 

iv.  595-6;  reestablished,  1820,  iv. 

697;  proclaimed  in  Mex.,  iv.  698-9; 

opposition  to,  iv.  701-2. 
Constitution,  Revolutionary,  1814,  iv. 

601-5. 
Constitutionalists,  action  of,  1858,  v. 

727-8;  defeat  of,  v.  734,  741,  747; 

attack  on  Mex.  v.  748;  campaign 

in  Vera  Cruz,  1859,    v.   757-9;  in 

Mex.  760-4,  777-80. 
Conti,   Lieut-col,   repulse   at    Cosco- 

matepec,  1813,  iv.  555. 
Contreras,  D.  de,  reenforces  Monte  jo, 

ii.  442. 
Contreras,  raids  Contoy  Island,  1597, 

ii.  652. 

Convencion,      Departamental,      pro 
posed,  1815,  iv.  632-3. 
Convoys,  mention  of,  ii.  198-9,  751-3; 

official,  tampering  with,  iv.  584-5; 

insufficiency  of,  1815,  iv.  640. 
Cdporo,  Fortress,  siege  of,  1815,  iv. 

608-11;  plan  of,  iv.  609;  captured 

by  royalists,  1817,  iv.   654-5;    by 

Marquez,  1817,  iv.  688-9. 
Copper  mines  in  Michoacan,  iii.  587; 

redemption  of    currency,   1841,    v. 

239.     J 
Coppinger,  J.,  surrender  of,  1825,  v. 

Cordero,  Col  A.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  iv. 
240;  instructions  to,  iv.  244. 

Cordoba,  City,  founded,  1618,  iii.  27- 
8,  218;  pop.  1746,  iii.  218;  descript. 
iii.  218;  agricultural  products,  iii. 
218-19;  earthquakes  at,  1790,  iii. 
219;  1714,  iii.  286-7;  pop.,  1810, 
iii.  219;  sugar  industry,  iii.  219; 
capture  of,  1812,  iv.  401;  occupied 
by  Spanish  troops,  1862,  vi.  40; 
French  proclamation  issued  at, 
1862,  vi.  49. 

Cordoba,  F.  H.  de,  exped.  to  Yuca 
tan,  1517,  i.  11;  ii.  430;  death  of, 
i.  11. 

Cordoba,  Gomez  de,  bishop  of  Guate 
mala,  etc.,  ii.  684;  attends  council, 
1585,  684. 

Coria,  B.  de,  conspires  against  Cortes, 
i  177. 


Corona,  Gen.  A.,  minister  of  war, 
etc.,  1859,  v.  767;  reverses  of,  1864, 
vi.  168;  reprisals  of,  vi.  194;  opera 
tions  of,  1866,  vi.  249;  siege  of 
Queretaro,  1867,  vi.  278-304;  ap 
pearance,  etc.,  vi.  281-2;  marches 
on  Mex.,  vi.  344;  operations  of, 
1873,  vi.  400-1. 

Coronado,  Capt.,  exped.  of,  1520,  i. 
511;  death,  i.  511. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  gov.  Nueva 
Galicia,  1539,  ii.  465;  character,  ii. 
465-6;  exped.  of,  1539,  ii.  466-7; 
explorations,  1540-2,  ii.  467-70; 
the  Culiacan  revolt,  ii.  510-11. 

Corpus  Christi,  Gen.  Taylor  at,  1846, 
v.  346. 

Corral,  Alferez,  at  Yera  Cruz,  i.  136, 
207,  596-7. 

Corregidores,  functions,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
329-30;  iii.  520. 

Corregimientos,  establishment  of,  ii. 
329-30;  abolished,  1769,  iii.  451. 

'  Correo  Mercantil, '  iii.  646-7. 

'Correo  del  Sur,'  iv.  466. 

'  Correspondencia  Diploma tica, '  vi, 
463. 

Corro,  J.  J.,  acting  president,  1836, 
v.  178;  rule,  v.  178-80. 

Cortes,  iv.  440-8,  457-8,  475,  595-6, 
699-700,  867. 

Cortes,  Cacique  of  Tlacopan,  etc.,  ii. 
703. 

Cortes,  F.,  exped.  to  Jalisco,  1524,  ii. 
60-3. 

Cortes,  H.,  biog.,  i.  40-7;  commander- 
in-chief,  i.  52-3;  preparations,  etc., 
i.  56-63;  overreaches  Velazquez,  i. 
63-4;  forces,  etc.,  i.  69-70;  address 
to  troops,  i.  71;  at  Cozumel  Is.,  i. 
78-84;  on  Yucatan  coast,  i.  78-93; 
battle  of  Tabasco,  i.  85-6;  of  Centla, 
i.  87-90;  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  i. 
116-30;  character,  etc.,  i.  155-6, 
152-3,  374-5,  613-15,  693-^;  ii. 
484-6;  receives  Montezuma's  en 
voys,  i.  156-7;  exped.  to  Tizapant- 
zinco,  i.  157-60;  at  Cempoala,  i. 
159-65;  bids  for  royal  favor,  i.  166- 
73;  conspiracy  against,  i.  177-9, 
609-12;  destroys  his  fleet,  180-5; 
Pineda's  exped.,  188-90;  defeat  of 
the  Tlascaltecs,  201-10;  conquest 
of  Tlascala,  i.  211-23;  Montezuma's 
envoys  to,  i.  220-4.  Tlascaltec  en 
voys,  220-1;  at  Tlascala,  i.  225-35; 
Indian  names  for,  i.  126;  as  an 
evangelist,  i.  227-8;  subjugation  of 
Cholula,  i.  232-51;  massacre  of  Cho- 
lultecs,  i.  243-8;  march  from  Cho- 


INDEX. 


711 


lula  to  Iztalalaplan,  i.  252-73; 
enters  Mex.  1519,  i.  280;  reception 
by  Montezuma,  i.  287-93;  arrest  of 
Montezuma,  i.  299-308;  treatment 
of  Montezuma,  i.  309-27;  crushes 
Cacama's  conspiracy,  i.  331-4;  at 
tempt  to  destroy  Mexican  idols,  i. 
346-9;  exped.  against  Narvaez,  etc., 
i.  375-403;  la  noche  triste,  i.  463- 
81;  retreat  to  llascala,  etc.,  i.  482- 
508;  letters  and  documents,  i.  546- 
9;  forces,  i.  564-7;  marches  on  Tez- 
cuco,  i.  567-71;  siege  of  Mexico,  i. 
616-91;  allies  desert,  i.  662,  665; 
palaces  of,  ii.  12-13;  Tarascan  en 
voys  received  by,  ii.  48-9;  attitude 
toward  Tapia,  ii.  69-75;  Indian 
plot  against,  ii.  73-4;  Alderete  plots 
against,  ii.  76-7;  machinations 
against,  ii.  85-6;  commission  inves 
tigates  conduct  of,  ii.  86-90;  favors 
shown  to,  ii.  92-3;  rivalry  with 
Garay,  ii.  94-5;  invades  Panuco,  ii. 
98-101;  defeats  Huastecs,  ii.  97- 
100;  influence  over  natives,  ii.  101- 
2;  governor,  1523,  ii.  102-3;  exped. 
against  Garay,  1523,  ii.  111-12; 
statesmanship  of,  ii.  130-1;  social 
and  sumptuary  laws  of,  1524-8,  ii. 
134-6;  death  of  wife,  1522,  ii.  138- 
9;  municipal  regulations  of,  ii.  139- 
40;  commercial  measures  of,  ii. 
140-2;  secret  charges  against,  1524, 
ii.  194-5;  rewards  conferred  on,  ii. 
199-200;  deputies  appointed  by,  ii. 
204-5;  starts  for  Honduras,  ii.  205- 
6;  inVeraPaz,  ii.  212-13;  reported 
death  of,  ii.  216,  220-1;  search  for, 
ii.  220-1;  followers  of,  persecuted, 
ii.  223,  228-9;  rising  against  Sala- 
zar,  1526,  ii.  231-6;  return  to  Me- 
dellin,  1526,  ii.  239;  instructions 
from,  1526,  ii.  230-1;  met  by  Alta- 
mirano,  1526,  ii.  238-9;  reception 
of,  ii.  239-41;  charges  against,  ii. 
244-5;  residencia  of,  proclaimed, 
1526,  ii.  249;  Molucca's  project,  ii. 
256-9;  Albornoz'  intrigues  against, 
ii.  259-60;  summoned  to  Spain,  ii- 
269-70;  retinue  of,  ii.  271-2;  re 
newed  charges  against,  ii.  274-5; 
adherents  despoiled,  ii.  287-8;  res 
idencia  of,  1529,  ii  289-91;  arrives 
at  Palos,  1528,  ii.  303-4;  reception 
in  Spain,  1529,  ii.  306-8;  royal 
grants  to,  ii.  308-9;  created  mar 
ques,  ii.  310-11;  marriage,  ii.  314- 
15;  papal  favors,  ii.  315-16;  leaves 
Spain,  15"f  ii.  316-17;  proclaimed 
captain-general,  1530,  ii.  317-18; 


quarrels  with  audiencia,  ii.  410-16, 
418-19;  suppresses  Indian  revolts, 
1531,  ii.  414-15;  feuds  with  Ante- 
quera,  ii.  416-17;  ship-building  by, 
ii.  419-24;  South  Sea  expeditions, 
1532-9,  ii.  421-4;  reception  in  Spain, 
1540,  ii.  474-5;  claims  of,  ignored, 
ii.  475,  476-8;  goes  to  Algiers,  1541, 
ii.  475-6;  shipwrecked,  1541,  ii. 
475;  death  of,  1547,  ii.  478-9;  rest 
ing-place,  ii.  479-80;  will  of,  ii. 
480-1;  descendants,  ii.  483. 

Cortes,  L.,  arrested,  1566,  ii.  618; 
sentence  of,  1566,  ii.  622;  sent  to 
Spain,  1567,  ii.  624;  fate  of,  ii.  635. 

Cortes,  M.,  early  career  of,  ii.  579; 
grants,  etc.,  to,  1562,  ii.  580; 
reaches  Campeche,  1562,  ii.  580-1; 
reception  at  Mexico,  1563,  ii.  581; 
rupture  with  Velasco,  ii.  583-4; 
charges  against  officials,  ii.  587-8; 
character,  ii.  603-4;  wealth  and 
standing,  ii.  604-5;  feud  with  Val- 
divieso  et  al.,  1565,  ii.  605-6; 
charges  against,  ii.  607;  arrested, 
1566,  ii.  617-18;  exonerated,  1566, 
ii.  623;  tortured,  1568,  ii.  627-8. 

Cortes,  Martin,  (son  of  Marina)  fate 
of,  ii.  635. 

Cortes  y  Esparza,  J.  M.,  minister  of 
gobernacion,  1857,  v.  720. 

Cortina,  comandante,  capture  of,  iv. 
212-13. 

Coruna,  Conde  de  la,  fifth  viceroy, 
1580,  ii.  738;  character,  ii.  738-9; 
rule,  ii.  739;  death,  1582,  ii.  739- 
40. 

Coruna,  Friar  A.  de,  arrival  of,  1533, 
ii.  397;  biog.,  ii.  398. 

Coruna,  Friar  M.  de  J.  de  la,  arrival 
of,  1524,  ii.  164-5;  mission  to  Mi- 
choacan,  ii.  342. 

Corvalan,  P. ,  intendente  of  Vera  Cruz, 
1788,  iii.  218. 

Corwin,  T.,  American  minister,  1861, 
vi.  12. 

Cos,  Dr,  defection  of,  iv.  345-6;  plans 
of,  iv.  379-81;  operations  of,  1812, 
iv.  393-5;  comand. -general,  iv.  590; 
disobedience  of,  iv.  613;  imprison 
ment,  iv.  613-14;  death,  1819,  iv. 
614. 

Cos,  Gen.,  reverses  of,  1839,  v.  207-10. 

Coscomatepec,  siege  of,  1813,  iv. 
555-6. 

Cosio,  Gen.  N.,  operations,  etc.,  of, 
1811,  iv.  301-2. 

Cosmografia,  i.  257-8. 

Costa  Chica,  revolution  in,  1813,  iv. 
551-2. 


712 


INDEX. 


Costa  Rica,  gold  deposits  in,  iii.  568. 

Cotton,  manufact.  of,  iii.  617-18;  vi. 
520-3;  cultivation  of,  vi.  575-6. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  powers  of,  iii. 
519,  545. 

Council  of  State,  created,  1812,  iv. 
458;  1822,  iv.  776;  American  mem 
bers,  458. 

Courts,  Military,  cognizance  of,  1823, 
v.  8. 

Couto,  B.,  minister  of  justice,  1845, 
v.  290;  negotiations  with  Trist,  v. 
492. 

Couto,  J.  F.  de,  works  of,  v.  808-9. 

Covarrubias,  J.  D.,  minister  of  jus 
tice,  1876,  vi.  425. 

Covarrabias,  Capt.  M.  mention  of, 
iv.  223. 

Coyote,  Chichimec  chief,  1522,  ii. 
540. 

Coyuca,  attack  on,  1814,  iv.  579. 

Coyuhuacan,  Lord  of,  i.  334;  cap 
tured  by  Cortes,  i.  607. 

Cozumel  Island,  Grijalva  reaches, 
1518,  i.  17;  name,  i.  17;  Cortes' 
exped.  at,  i.  78-84;  small-pox  at, 
i.  542;  Garces  bishop  of,  ii.  296; 
piratical  raids  on,  ii.  647-8. 

Creoles,  characteristics  of,  iii.  743; 
advancement  of,  iii.  744;  status  of, 
iv.  13-14,  18;  carry  elections,  1812, 
iv.  462;  political  ascendancy,  iv. 
502-3;  in  council  of  the  Indies, 
1814,  iv.  598. 

Crime,  incentives  to,  iii.  546;  pun 
ishment  of,  548-50. 

Cristobal,  native  protomartyr,  ii. 
179-80. 

Croix,  Marques  de,  45th  viceroy, 
1766,  iii.  368;  rule,  iii.  368-70; 
character,  iii.  369. 

Cruillas,  Marques  de,  44th  viceroy, 
1760,  iii.  363;  rule,  iii.  363-68; 
residencia,  iii.  368. 

Cruillas,  Town,  founded,  1765,  iii. 
347. 

Cruz,  F.  de  la,  procurador  to  Spain, 
1545,  ii.  527. 

Cruz,  Friar  F.  de  la,  arrival  of, 
1533,  ii.  397;  death  of,  1536,  ii. 
399;  biog.,  ii  399. 

Cruz,  Gen.  J.  de  la,  biog.,  iv.  242; 
forces,  iv.  242-3;  proceedings  at 
Huichapan,  iv.  243;  Callejajs  in 
struct,  to,  iv.  244;  recaptures  Va- 
Uadolid,  1810,  iv.  245-7;  victory  at 
Urepetiro,  1811,  iv.  247-8;  joins 
Calleja,  iv.  259-60;  promotion  of, 
iv.  262;  defeats  Mercado,  iv.  263-4; 
captures  Tepic,  iv.  264-5;  proceed 


ings  at  San  Bias,  iv.  265;  disposi 
tions,  iv.  265-6;  operations,  etc.,  in 
NuevaGalicia,  1811,  iv.  323-5;  1813, 
iv.  537-40;  negotiations  with  Itur- 
bide,  iv.  715;  surrender  of,  1821,  iv. 
715-16. 

Cuautla,  descript.  of,  iv.  361 ;  defences, 
iv.  361-2;  plan,  iv.  362;  siege,  1812, 
iv.  362-72;  massacre  at,  iv.  372. 

Cuba,  appeal  from,  1823,  v.  56;  trade 
with,  v.  56-7;  proposed  invasion  of, 
v.  70-1. 

Cuellar,  Gen.,  command  of,  1867,  vi. 
337-8;  defeats  Negrete,  1869,  vi. 
373. 

Cuernavaca,  plan  of,  1834,  v.  137, 
140. 

Cueva,  Capt.  d«  la,  captures  Bayon, 
1817,  iv.  689. 

Cuevas,  L.  G.,  minister  of  relations, 
1837,  v.  180;  1844,  v.  273. 

Cuevas  Davalos,  A.  de,  bishop  of  Oa- 
jaca,  1657,  iii.  165;  archbishop, 
1664,  iii.  167;  biog.,  iii.  168-9; 
death,  1665,  iii.  169. 

Cuicuetzcatl,  king  of  Tezcuco,  i.  335; 
fate  of,  i.  569-70. 

Cuitlahuatzin,  Montezuma  counsels 
with,  i.  125,  219;  Cacama's  con 
spiracy,  i.  329;  release  of,  i.  429- 
30;  defence  of  Mex.,  i.  430,  438; 
coronation,  i.  474,  513;  embassy  of, 
i.  514;  death,  i.  543. 

Cuitlalpitoc,  cacique,  mention  of,  i. 
116,  120-2. 

Cuitzeo,  province,  Guzman  conquers, 
1530,  ii.  348-50. 

Culhua,  native  name  for  Mexico,  i.  23. 

Curiel,  J.,  pioneer  Jesuit,  1572,  ii. 
701;  labors  in  Michoacan,  1573,  ii. 
707;  death  of,  1576,  ii.  708. 

Currency,  copper  and  cacao,  iii.  668- 
74;  iv,  594. 

Cuzco,  treasures  of,  iii.  572-5. 

Cyprey,  Baron  A.  de,  French  minis* 
ter,  1845,  vi.  19-20. 


Dambrini,  Lieut-col,  defeat  of,  1813, 
iv.  551. 

Dampier,  W.,  defeated,  1704,  iii. 
281. 

Darien,  gold  in,  iii.  557-66. 

'  Datos  Biograficos  del  General  de  Di 
vision  C.  Porfirio  Diaz, '  vi.  463-4. 

Dauzats,  A.,  works  of,  v.  204. 

Davalos,  K.,  execution  of,  iv.  226. 

Davila,  A.,  accompanies  Grijalva, 
1518,  i.  16. 


INDEX. 


713 


Davila,  F.,    attempt   to   assassinate, 

1525,  ii.  211. 
Davila,  G.,  gov.  of  Guadalajara,  1851, 

v.  608-9. 

Davila,  G.  G.,  works,  of,  ii.  189-90. 
Davila,  Gen.,  retires  to  Ulua,  iv.  740; 

counter-revolution  of,  1822,  iv.  764- 

6. 
Davila  y  Pacheco,  E. ,  gov.  ad  interim 

of  Yucatan,  1644,  iii.  159-60;  1648, 

iii.  160. 

Davin,  works  compiled  by,  ii.  191-2. 
De  Briant,  commandant,  defeat  of, 

1866,  vi.  251. 
Debt,    imprisonment   for,    iii.    547—8; 

national,  v.  560-3,  601;  vi.   175-6, 

458. 
Declaration   of  Independence,    1813, 

iv.  566;  1821,  iv.  735. 
Defence,  measures  for,  iii.  184-5,  216- 

17,  223-4,  270,  280,  365-6,  415-21, 

489-92,  503;  iv.  34. 
Deffaudis,  Baron,  envoy  to  Mex.,  v. 

187;  demands  of,  v.  187-8. 
Degollado,  Gen.  S.,  minister  of  gob- 

ernacion,  1858,  v.  736;  of  war,  v. 

736;  capture,  etc.,  of  Guadalajara, 

1858,  v.  748-9;  operations,  1859,  v. 

760-2,  771;  victory  of,  1861,  vi.  15; 

execution  of,  vi.  15. 
De  Haro,  Dr  A.  N.  de,  50th  viceroy, 

1787,  iii.  456;  biog.  iii.  456-7;  arch 
bishop,  iii.  457;  administ.  457-9. 
D'Hericault,  C. ,  *  Maximilien  et  Mex- 

ique,' vi.  279-80. 
Delgadillo,  D.,  oidor,    1527,  ii.  274; 

violates  sanctuary,    1529,    ii.    291; 

excommunicated,  ii.  291;  character 

of,  ii.  292;  arrested,  1531,  ii.  327; 

sent  to  Spain,  1532,  ii.  328. 
Delgadillo,   H.,    port    commandant, 

"Vera  Cruz,  1568,  ii.  638. 
Delgado,    F.,   juez  de  residencia   in 

Yucatan,  1669,  iii.  161. 
Delgado,   Friar  P.,    Dominican  pro 
vincial,  1538,  ii.  396. 
'Derecho    Internacional    Mexicano,' 

vi.  463. 
Descendimiento  y  Sepulcro  de  Cristo, 

brotherhood   established,    1582,    ii. 

737. 
'Despertador  Americano '  periodical, 

iv.  235. 

'Diario  de  los  Debates,'  vi.  359-60. 
'Diario  de  Mexico,'  estab.,  1805,  iv. 

39. 

'Diario  Oficial,' mention  of ,  iii.  509. 
Diaz,  B.,  wounded  at  Potonchan, 
'  1517,  i.  10;  Cortes'  exped.,  i.  134, 

141;   evacuation  of    Mex.,  i.   470; 


siege  of  Mex.,  i  655,  691;  works 
of,  i.  697-700. 

Diaz,  Col  F.,  battle  of  Cinco  de  Mayo, 
1862,  vi.  49;  commandant  of  Oajaca, 
1867,  vi.  338;  marches  on  Mex.,  vi. 
344-5;  death  of,  1872,  vi.  382. 

Diaz,  I.,  minister  of  justice,  1859,  v. 
767;  sentence  of,  vi.  4. 

Diaz,  Father  J.,  priest  to  Grijalva,  i. 
16;  Grijalva's  exped.,  i.  18;  Cortes' 
exped.,  i.  69;  conspires  against 
Cortes,  i.  177;  first  parish  priest  in 
Mex.,  ii.  158. 

Diaz,  M.,  explorer,  1539,  ii.  467-8. 

Diaz,  Gen.  P.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  1862,  vi.  47-50;  defence  of 
Puebla,  1863,  vi.  63-8;  campaign 
of,  1864,  vi.  126-7;  defence  of 
Oajaca,  1865,  vi.  188-90;  opera 
tions  of,  1866,  vi.  258-61;  capture 
of  Puebla,  etc.,  1867,  vi.  335-41; 
Bournouf's  overtures  to,  vi.  338; 
defeats  Marquez,  vi.  341;  siege  of 
Mex.,  vi.  342-7;  revolt  of,  1871-2, 
vi.  379-84;  revolution  of,  1875-7, 
vi.  419-27;  negotiations  with  Igle- 
sias,  vi.  429-33;  occupies  Puebla, 
vi.  430;  enters  Mex.,  vi.  430-1;  as 
sumes  the  executive,  vi.  431;  cabi 
net,  vi.  431;  policy  of,  vi.  4C5-8; 
441;  address  to  congress,  vi.  436-7, 
president,  1877,  vi.  437;  biog.,  etc., 
vi.  437-8;  rule,  vi.  438-48,  459-63, 
477,  490,  499-500,  546-8;  recog 
nized  by  foreign  powers,  vi.  441, 446; 
review  of  admimstr.,  448-50;  re- 
elected,  1884,  vi.  458;  attempted 
assassination  of,  vi.  458. 

'  Diccionario  Universal, '  vi.  659-60. 

Diego,  J.,  alleged  miraculous  vision 
of,  1531,  ii.  403-6. 

Diez  y  Bonilla,  minister  of  relations, 
1853,  y.  637. 

Diputacion  Americana,  demands  of 
from  cdrtes,  1810,  iv.  443-8. 

Diputacion  Provincial,  elections  for, 
1820,  iv.  699. 

Diseases,  descript.  of,  iii.  755-7. 

Disloyalty,  causes  of,  iii.  504-5;  iv. 
17-22. 

'Disturbios  de  Frailes,'  mention  of, 
iii.  724-5. 

Doblado,  M.,  the  Paredes  revolt, 
1848,  v.  549-50;  revolt  of,  1855,  v. 
672;  league  of,  1858,  v.  733;  minis 
ter  of  relations,  1861,  vi.  26-7; 
conference  with  Prim,  vi.  39-40; 
diplomacy  of,  vi.  40;  protest  of, 
1862,  vi.  42;  policy,  vi.  43;  super 
seded  by  Antillon,  1863,  vi.  72-3; 


7U 


INDEX. 


minister  of  war,  1863,  vi.  110;  op 
erations  of,  1863,  vi.  120-1;  1864, 
vi.  125;  death,  v.  125. 

Doctrinas,  Franciscans  establish,  iii. 
178;  irregular  administration  of, 
iii.  100-101;  Palafox's  reforms,  iii. 
101. 

'Doctrina  Christiana, '  vi.  649. 

'Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico, '  mention  of,  iii.  509. 

Dolores,  Town,  descript.  of,  iv.  102- 
3;  revolution  at,  115-18;  cry  of, 
117-19. 

Domenech,  E.,  '  Historic  du  Mexique, ' 
vi.  360. 

Domenech,  J.  P.,  'L'Empire  Mexi- 
cain, '  vi.  280. 

Domingo,  A.  de  Santo,  Jeronimite 
father,  i.  2. 

Dominguez,  Correg.,  complicity,  etc., 
of,  iv.  112-14;  biog.,  114-15. 

Dominguez,  M.,  member  of  exec., 
1823-4,  v.  2,  8,  12,  13,  15;  chief- 
justice,  1824,  v.  30. 

Dominicans,  accompany  Ponce,  1526, 
ii.  246;  mortality  among,  ii.  301; 
relations  with  Franciscans,  ii.  302; 
early  missions,  ii.  302-3,  395-7; 
province  of  Santiago  created,  1532, 
ii.  395-6;  Betanzos  elected  provin 
cial,  1535,  ii.  396;  Delgado,  pro 
vincial,  1538,  ii.  396;  success  of 
missions,  ii.  408;  uphold  Velasco, 
1562,  ii.  577;  provinces,  ii.  724,  726; 
rules,  ii.  724-5;  government,  1526- 
99,  ii.  725-6;  leading  friars,  ii. 
726-7,  732-3;  missions  in  Oajaca, 
ii.  727-32;  convents  in  Oajaca,  ii. 
728-30;  nunnery  at  Valladolid,  ii. 
737;  rivalry  with  Franciscans,  ii. 
158;  provincials,  1526-1599,  ii.  725- 
6;  provincials  in  Oajaca,  1592-8, 
ii.  730;  sustain  Jesuits  against  Pala- 
fox,  1647,  iii.  123;  rupture  with 
Jesuits,  iii.  131;  in  Sierra  Gorda, 
iii.  338;  progress  of,  iii.  720-1. 

Donallo,  Gen.  M.,  defeats  Rosains, 
1815,  iv.  628-9;  operations  in  Pue- 
bla,  1816,  iv.  637;  in  Vera  Cruz, 
iv.  643,  652. 

Doniphan,  Col,  expedl  of,  1846,  v. 
406-9. 

D'Osmont,  Gen.,  minister  of  war, 
1866,  vi.  225. 

Donay,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1864,  vi. 
122^,  169. 

Drake,  F.,  exploits  of,  1568-80,  ii. 
645-6. 

Drainage,  mention  of,  1580,  ii.  659- 
60;  measures  proposed,  1634,  iii. 


89-90;  works  executed,  90-1;  ex 
penditures  for,  91;  of  Lake  Zum- 
pango,  1664-75,  iii.  169-70;  Galve's 
measures  regarding,  1689,  iii.  228. 

Drama,  encouragement  of  the,  iii. 
774. 

Dress,  extravagance  in,  checked, 
1524-8,  ii.  135-6;  distinctions  in, 
iii.  764-5;  finery  in,  iii.  765;  of 
men,  iii.  766;  of  women,  iii.  766-7; 
general  mention  of,  vi.  620-1. 

Duelling,  officials  punished  for,  iii. 
146-7;  Viceroy  Osorio  discourages, 
1664,  iii.  167-8. 

Duero,  A.  de,  Velazquez'  secre 
tary,  i.  37;  supports  Cortes,  i.  63-4, 
370,  388,  390,  400;  joins  Narvaez' 
exped.,  i.  362;  Cortes  rescues,  i. 
434. 

Duncan,  Capt.,  campaign  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  v.  353-9;  capture  of  Mon 
terey,  v.  388-9,  393;  battle  of 
Molino  del  Key,  v.  502-3. 

Dunlop,  Commodore,  plenipotentiary 
to  Mex.,  1862,  vi.  32. 

Duport,  'Metaux  Precieux,'  iii.  600. 

Duran,  Father  D.,  works  of,  i.  460-1; 
vi.  642,  653. 

Durango,  diocese  of,  iii.  13,  692;  maps 
of,  vi.  193,  248;  mining  in,  vi.  514. 

Durango,  City,  founding  of,  iii.  13; 
cathedral  of,  iii.  692-3;  capitula 
tion  of,  1821,  iv.  715-16. 

Dwellings,  construction  of,  iii.  770; 
furniture  of,  770-1. 


E 


Earthquakes,  1589,  ii.  755;  1618,  iii. 

27;  1653,  iii.  141-2;  1667-8,  iii.  180; 

1790,  iii.  219;  1697,  iii.  259,   265; 

1711,    iii.   285-6;  1714,   iii.   286-7; 

1749-50,  iii.  359;  1787,  iii.  460-2; 

1800-1*,  iii.  498;  1759,  iv.  169-70; 

1845,  v,  282-3;  1867,  1870,  vi.  367. 
Eastern  districts,  map  of,  iv.  340. 
Ecclesiastical  courts,  cognizance,  iii, 

687;  suits  in,  iii.  687;  names,  iii. 

688;  personnel,  iii.  688;  privileges. 

iii.  686-8. 
Echavarri,  F.  de,  president  of  audien- 

cia,   iii.    360;  governs  ad  interim, 

1760,  360. 
Echavarri,  Brigadier  J.  A.,  repulse  at 

Uliia,  1822,  iv.  786-7;  defection  of, 

iv.  793-4;  resigns,  1823,  iv.  796-7; 

exiled,  1827,  v.  58. 
Echave,  Baltasar,  artist,  mention  of, 
vi.  645. 


INDEX. 


715 


Echeagaray,  pronunciamiento  of, 
1858,  v.  750. 

Echeagaray,  Col,  battle  of  Molino  del 
Key,  v.  500-1. 

Echeverri,  J.  M.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
v.  84-5. 

Echeverria,  J.,  minister  of  treasury, 
1834,  v.  141;  acting  president,  1841, 
v.  232. 

Echeverria,  P.,  minister  of  finance, 
1844,  v.  273. 

Education,  promoted  by  Velasco,  ii. 
591;  colleges  founded  by  Jesuits, 
iii.  117-19;  lack  of,  iii.  474-5;  con 
dition  of,  iv.  18;  military,  vi.  503- 
637;  naval,  vi.  504,  637;  in  the 
viceregal  period,  vi.  630-4;  univer 
sities  establd.,  1553-1791,  633-4; 
progress,  etc.,  of,  1810-86;,  vi. 
633;  appropriations  for,  1883-4, 
1885-6,  636;  medical  schools,  637, 
640;  law  colleges,  637-640;  school 
of  fine  arts,  637;  conservatory  of 
music,  637—8;  schools  for  women, 
638;  normal  schools,  638;  academies 
of  science,  643-4;  academy  of  arts, 
vi.  615. 

Edwards,  H.,  colony  founded  by,  v. 
158. 

Eguira  y  Eguren,  'Biblioteca  Mexi- 
cana,  vi.  655. 

Elhuyar,  F.  de,  '  Indagaciones, '  iii. 
679. 

Elizondo,  Lieut-col  I.,  treachery  of, 
iv.  272-5;  captures  revolutionists, 
1811,  iv.  273-5;  defeat  of,  1813,  iv. 
543. 

Ellis,  Envoy  P.,  demands,  etc.,  of,  v. 
308-15. 

Emparan,  Gen.,  attack  of,  at  Guana 
juato,  iv.  219;  operations  at  Calde- 
ron,  iv.  253—4;  victory  at  Maguey, 
1811,  iv.  311;  repulse  at  Zitacuaro, 
iv.  32S-SO;  death,  331. 

Encomiendas,  efforts  to  reform  evils 
of,  ii.  151-2;  Tlascaltecs  exempted 
from,  ii.  314;  reforms  in,  ii.  328-31; 
system  main tained,ii.  336-8;  abuses, 
ii.  517-18;  regulated,  1542-3,  ii. 
519-20;  ecclesiastical  abolished, 
1542-3,  ii.  520;  clergy  advocate, 
1514,  ii.  523-5;  laws  against,  re 
voked,  1545,  ii.  527;  duration  lim 
ited,  15,32,  ii.  571,  585;  appeal  of 
encomenderos,  1564,  ii.  585-6. 

England,  war  with,  1779-53,  iii.  382- 
3;  1796,  iii.  489;  1805,  iv.  31-5;  in 
demnity  paid  to,  1809,  iv.  79-80; 
mediation  of,  1812,  iv.  456;  loans 
obtained  in,  1823,  v.  4;  recognizes 


Span.-Amer.  republics,  v.  50;  rela 
tions  with,  v.  50-1;  vi.  415,  455-6; 
intervention  of,  1838,  v.  202-3; 
1861,  vi.  21-2;  Mex.  bonds,  v.  238- 
9;  claims  of,  V.  248-9;  the  Texan 
question,  v.  323,  331^;  Mex.  debt, 
v.  5GO-1;  vi.  458;  threats  of,  18GO, 
v.  777;  difficulty  with,  vi.  10-11; 
invasion  of  Mex.  1862,  vi.  32-43. 

Enriquez,  Col,  operations  of,  1812,  iv. 
415,  418-19. 

Enriquez  de  Almansa,  M.,  fourth 
viceroy,  1568,  ii.  639;  character,  ii. 
639;  negotiates  with  Hawkins,  ii. 
639-40;  defeats  Hawkins,  ii.  640-1; 
organizes  military,  etc.,  ii.  654-5; 
the  Chichimec  outbreaks,  ii.  655-7; 
benevolence  of,  ii.  658-9;  transferred 
to  Peru,  1580,  ii.  660;  instructions 
to  successor,  ii.  661-2;  death,  1583, 
ii.  662. 

Epidemics,  i.  541-4;  ii.  529;  iii.  160, 
353,  457,  460;  iv.  505;  vi.  602-4. 

'Escala  Espiritual,'  vi.  649. 

Escalada,  Gen.  I.,  pronunciamiento 
of,  1833,  v.  132;  surrender  at  Tam- 
pico,  v.  213-14. 

Escalante,  J.  de,  Cortes'  captain, 
1519,  i.  70;  alguacil  mayor  of  Vera 
Cruz,  i.  136;  destroys  fleet,  i.  184; 
in  command  at  Villa  Rica,  i.  186-8; 
battle  of  Nautla,  i.  258-60;  death, 
i.  260. 

Escalera,  E.,  'Mejico  Historico-De- 
scriptivo,'  v.  809. 

Escalona,  Father  A.  de,  labors,  etc., 
of,  1544,  ii.  722-3. 

Escalona,  Duque  de,  17th  viceroy, 
1640,  iii.  98;  rule,  iii.  99-108;  rapa 
city  of,  iii.  101-4;  differences  with 
Palafox,  iii.  103-7;  deposition  of, 
iii.  108-10;  residencia,  iii.  110-11. 

Escamela,  affair  at,  1862,  vi.  45. 

Escandon,  J.  de,  conquers  Sierra 
Gorda,  1734,  iii.  339^0;  occupies 
Tamaulipas,  1746,  iii.  340. 

Escandon,  Dean,  recept.  of  Hidalgo 
by,  iv.  232. 

Escobar,  A.  de,  repulse  of,  :  445; 
evacuation  of  Mex.,  i.  470. 

Escobedo,  F,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1670,  iii.  161. 

Escobedo,  Capt.  N.,  the  Nayaritwar, 
1721,  iii.  324-7. 

Escobedo,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1861,  vi. 
14;  1877,  vi.  439;  operations  of, 
1865,  vi.  198-200;  1866,  vi.  251-3; 
1867,  vi.  271;  siege  of  Quer.etaro, 
vi.  278-304;  biog.,  etc.,  vi.  281; 
minister  of  war,  1876,  vi.  425. 


716 


INDEX. 


Escoceses  (members  of  Scottish  rite 
lodges),  efforts  of,  v.  37;  plan  of 
Montano,  1827,  v.  37-8;  defeat  of, 
v.  39-41;  charges  against.  1827,  v. 
59;  intrigues  of,  1834,  v.  141. 

Escudero,  J.,  conspires  against  Cortes, 
i.  177;  execution  of,  i.  179. 

Esparza,  M.,  minister  of  finance,  1851, 
v.  600. 

Espejo,  A.  de,  exped.  to  New  Mex., 
1582,  ii.  781. 

Espinosa,  A.  de,  the  ^vila-Cortes 
conspiracy,  1565,  ii.  609-10,  617. 

Espinosa,  J.  J.,  cabinet  minister, 
1825,  v.  32;  impeached,  v.  100. 

Espiritu  Santo,  founding  of,  1521,  ii. 
35;  early  settlers  of,  ii.  35-6;  deca 
dence  of,  ii.  36;  mine  discovered  at, 
1543,  ii.  551-2. 

Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  expeditions  to, 
1684-91,  iii.  225-7. 

Esquivel,  F.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1663,  iii.  161. 

Estancia  de  las  Vacas,  battle  of,  1859, 
v.  771. 

Estatuto  Organico,  framed,  1855,  v. 
637,  671;  provisions,  etc.,  of,  v. 
688-9,  693;  adopted,  v.  695-7;  op 
position  to,  v.  709-10,  718. 

Es!;eva,  J.  I.,  minister  of  treasury, 
1824,  v.  15. 

Estrada,  Treasurer  A.  de,  arrival  of, 
1524,  ii.  142-3;  ruler  ad  interim,  ii. 
204-5;  jealousy  of,  ii.  206;  quarrel 
with  Albornoz,  ii.  206-7;  removed, 
ii.  209;  lieut-gov.,  1526,  ii.  232;  gov., 
1527,  ii.  259-60;  exiles  Cortes,  ii. 
261 ;  censured,  ii.  262;  reconciled  to 
Cortes,  ii.  262-3;  opposition  to  Guz 
man,  ii.  265-6;  residencia  of,  ii.  291- 
2;  death,  ii.  292. 

Estrada,  G.  de,  plan  of,  1840,  v.  224- 
5. 

Estrada,  M.  de,  evacuation  of  Mex., 
i.  478;  battle  of  Ocumba,  i.  499;  at 
Tezcuco,  1521,  i.  573. 

Estrada  y  Zenea,  L,  *  Manual,'  vL 
434. 

Europe,  condition  of,  1793-1820,  iv. 
1-9. 

Ex-Acordada,  revolution  of  the,  1828- 
9,  v.  42-4. 

Excommunication,  Mexico  laid  under, 
ii.  228-9;  laid  on  oidores,  1529-30, 
ii.  291;  Palafox  launches  against 
Jesuits,  1647,  iii  123, 125;  revoked, 
iii.  127. 

Exhibitions,  national,  vi.  530;  local, 
vi.  531. 


'Extracto  Historial,'  mention  of,  iii. 
646. 

F 

Fabre,  J.  A.,  works  of,  iii.  600-1. 

Facio,  J.  A.,  biog.,  v.  88-9;  minister 
of  war,  1830,  v.  95;  bargain  with 
Picaluga,  v.  96-7;  impeached,  v. 
100;  defeat  at  San  Agustin  del  Pal 
mar,  1832,  v.  118-19. 

Fagoaga,  F.,  minister  of  relations, 
1832,  v.  116. 

Fairs,  annual,  transferred  to  Vera 
Cruz,  1683,  iii.  203;  at  Jalapa, 
1720-77;  iii.  219-20;  descript.  of,  iii. 
640-2;  national,  vi.  530;  local,  vi. 
531. 

Falces,  Marques  de,  third  viceroy, 
1566,  ii.  621;  rule,  ii.  621-1;  de 
posed,  1567,  ii.  624-5;  trial  of, 
1568,  ii.  629;  reception  at  court,  ii. 
632. 

Fannin,  Col  J.  W.,  operations  in  Tex 
as,  1836,  v.  169. 

Farfan,  P.  S.,  at  Narvaez'  capture,  i. 
396;  at-  Tezcuco,  i.  573;  siege  of 
Mex.,  i.  666. 

Farias,  V.  G.,  minister  of  treasury, 
1832,  v.  125;  vice-president,  v.  127; 
acting  president,  1833,  v.  129;  1847, 
v.  304;  cabinet,  v.  129;  biog.,  etc., 
v.  129-30,  137-8,  306;  rule,  v.  129- 
38,  304-6;  leader  of  revolt,  1840,  v. 
221;  minister  of  relations,  1846,  v. 
302. 

Feather-work,  Aztec,  iii.  621. 

Federalists,  party  organized,  etc., 
1823,  v.  5;  leaders  of  the,  v.  10; 
influence  of,  v.  182;  revolt  of, 
1838^0;  v.  20^25;  1845,  v.  284-5. 

Felipe  IV.,  exactions  of,  iii.  84-5. 

Felipe  de  Jesus,  San,  protomartyr,  iii. 
91;  biog.,  iii.  91-2;  canonization  of, 
iii.  92. 

Fernandez,  A.,  works  of,  ii.  190. 

Fernandez,  F.  V.,  revolt  of,  1832,  v. 
111. 

Fernandez,  Col,  capitulation  at  Pue- 
bla,  1856,  v.  702-3. 

Fernandez  de  Santa  Cruz,  M.,  bishop 
of  Puebla,  iii.  256;  declines  vice- 
royalty,  1696,  iii.  256. 

Fernando  VII.,  loyalty  to,  iv.  46-8; 
arbitrary  measures  of,  iv.  595-600. 

Fernanda,  Dona  M.  C.  J.,  pretensions 
of,  1809,  iv.  74. 

Ferrer,  D.,  mission  to  Spain,  1564,  ii. 
586;  M.  Cortes'  agent,  ii.  615. 

Ferrer,  Capt.  M.,  capture,  etc.,  of, 
1812,  iv  428. 


INDEX. 


717 


Festivals,  religious,  etc.,  vi.  594-7, 
621-3. 

Figueroa,  A.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1G12,  iii.  153. 

Figueroa,  D.  de,  exped.  to  Zapoteca- 
pan,  1527,  ii.  254-5;  shipwrecked, 
ii.  255. 

Figueroa,  Mariscal  A.  de,  gov.  of  Yu 
catan,  1725-33,  v.  83. 

Figueroa,  Col  J.,  captures  Tehuacan, 
1812,  iv.  398;  negotiations  with 
Iturbide,  iv.  708. 

Figueroa,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1866, 
vi.  259-62. 

Figueroa,  Licenciado  R.  de,  emissary 
of  Cortes,  i.  551. 

Filisola,  Brigadier  V.,  mention  of,  iv. 
521;  exped.  to  Cent.  Amer.,  1822, 
iv.  755. 

Fire-engines,  introduced,  1790,  iii. 
523. 

Fischer,  Father,  chief  of  Maximilian's 
cabinet,  1866,  vi.  225-6;  biog.  etc., 
vi.  225-6;  persuasions  of,  vi.  238. 

Fisheries,  marine,  vi.  527-9;  pearl,  vi. 
528-9.  > 

Flag,  national,  v.  4. 

Flax,  culture,  etc.,  of,  iii.  618. 

Flint,  H.  M.,  'Mexico  under  Maxi 
milian,' vi.  55. 

Floating  gardens  of  Cuitlahuac,  i. 
270;  of  Xochimilco,  i.  602. 

Flon,  Gen.  M.,  command  of,  iv.  159- 
60;  victory  of,  1810,  iv.  195;  opera 
tions  at  Guanajuato,  iv.  220,  224; 
at  Calderon,  iv.  252-6;  death,  iv. 
253;  biog.,  etc.,  iv.  256-7. 

Florencia,  F.  de,  works  of,  iii.  447-8. 

Flores,  M.,  intend,  of  San  Luis, 
Potosi,  1810,  iv.  213-14. 

Flores  de  San  Pedro,  J.,  gov.  of  N~a- 
yarit,  1721,  iii.  325;  campaign  of, 
1722,  325-28;  subdues  Alonso,  329. 

Flores  y  Teran,  J.  M.,  gov.  of  fed. 
district,  1848,  v.  543. 

Florez,  M.  A.,  51st  viceroy,  1787,  iii. 
434;  rule,  4G5-7. 

Florida,  exped.  to,  1559,  ii.  594-5. 

Fomento  Department,  created,  1853, 
v.  626;  benefits  of,  v.  633-4. 

Fonseca,  Bishop,  opposition  to  Cortes, 
etc.,  i.  171-3;  ii.  66-7;  charges 
against,  ii.  86-90;  policy,  etc.,  ii. 
91-2. 

Fonseca,  IT.,  minister  of  justice,  1851, 
v.  600. 

Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  '  Historia  Ge 
neral,'  iii.  600,  625,  678-9. 

Foreigners,  jealousy,  etc.,  of,  v.  54; 
vi.  627-9. 


Forests,  destruction  of,  iii.  472;  vi! 
577-8. 

Forey,  Gen.,  French  commander-in- 
chief,  1862,  vi.  55;  forces,  etc.,  vi. 
55-6;  proclamations,  vi.  56—7;  75— 
6;  policy,  vi.  57;  correspondence 
with  Ortega,  vi.  58;  capture  of  Pue- 
bla,  1863,  vi.  '62-8;  occupation  of 
Mex.,  vi.  74;  recall  of,  vi.  112. 

Forsyth,  Secretary,  claims  against 
Mex.,  v.  309-13,  316;  the  Texan 
question,  v.  326. 

Fossey,  M.  de,  'Le  Mexique,'  v.  808. 

Foster,  Minister,  J.  W.,  demands, 
etc.,  of,  vi.  445-6. 

France,  agents  of,  1823,  v.  52;  rela 
tions  with  Mex.,  1823,  v.  52-3; 
1879,  vi.  441;  war  with  Mex.,  1838- 
9,  v.  186-205;  1862-7,  vi.  32-268; 
intervention  of,  1861,  vi.  21-2; 
claims  on  Mex.,  vi.  37;  designs  on 
Mex.,  vi.  93-9. 

Franciscans,  rivalry  with  Dominicans, 
ii.  158;  Flemish,  ii.  161-2;  Valen 
cia's  party,  ii.  162-8;  establish  con 
vents,  ii.  168-9;  policy  to  natives,  ii. 
170;  deception  practiced  on,  ii.  170- 
1;  labors,  ii  170-4;  wholesale  bap 
tisms  by,  ii.  174-6;  establish  doc- 
trinas,  ii.  178;  destroy  idols,  ii. 
178-9;  causes  of  success,  ii.  181-5; 
virtues  of,  ii.  184-5;  relations  with 
Dominicans,  ii.  302;  visit  Michoa- 
can,  ii.  342-3;  Michoacan,  a  custo- 
dia,  1535,  ii.  393;  province  of  Sfco 
Evangelic,  created,  1536,  ii.  393-4; 
provincials,  1536-40,  ii.  303-4; 
growth  of  missions,  ii.  393-5,  712- 
13;  popularity,  ii.  714;  rules,  ii. 
714-5;  comisario  general  appointed, 
ii.  716;  conflict  with  viceroy,  1578, 
ii.  716-7;  Ponce's  visit,  1584-8,  ii. 
717-8;  Michoacan  province,  ii.  718- 
9;  Zacatecas  custodia  created,  719; 
martyrs,  ii.  719-20;  labors  in  Yu 
catan,  etc.,  1533-67;  ii.  720-1;  dis 
tinguished  members,  ii.  721-2;  re 
form  movement,  1544,  ii.  722-3; 
barefooted,  ii.  723-4;  in  Nuevo 
Leon,  1580,  ii.  776;  1593,  ii.  779, 
781;  in  Nayarit,  1618,  1667,  iii. 
314,  315;  1711,  316;  in  Nuevo  San- 
tander,  1749,  iii.  314-5;  later  mis 
sions  of,  iii.  712-17;  convents  at 
Queretaro,  iv.  97-9;  arrest,  etc., 
of,  1856,  v.  698-9. 

Frank,  S.,  '  Weltbuch, '  i.  250-1. 

Freemasons,  as  revolutionists,  iv. 
698;  intrigues  against  Iturbide, 
1822,  iv.  793-4. 


713 


DTDEX. 


Prench,  raids  of  filibusters,  ii.  84;  iii. 
109-204;  223-4;  hatred  of  the,  iv. 
37,  44-6;  intrigues  of  the,  iv.  47-8; 
70,  92. 

French  Guinea  Company,  permitted 
to  ship  slaves  to  Amer.;  1702,  iii. 
288;  concession  transferred  to  Eng 
land,  1713,  iii.  288. 

French  Revolution,  effect  of  the,  iii. 
482-3. 

Fresnillo,  mines  discovered,  ii.  597; 
condition  of,  1794,  iii.  307;  occu 
pied  by  Sotomayor,  1811,  iv.  308. 

Friant,  Intendant-general,  minister 
of  finance,  1866,  vi.  225. 

Friars,  need  of,  ii.  156-7;  mendicant, 
ii.  160-1;  conflict  with  clergy,  ii. 
664-5;  with  civil  power,  ii.  666-7; 
opposition  to,  ii.  669-71;  grievances 
of,  ii.  670-1 ;  Pius  V.  sustains,  ii.  671; 
rown  supports,  ii.  672-3;  laxity  of, 
ii.  147-8;  vagabond,  iii.  708;  vici 
ous,  iii.  708-9;  number,  iii.  709; 
execution  of,  1811,  iv.  280. 

Fry,  J.  R.,  'A  Life  of  Gen.  Z.  Tay 
lor, 'v.  434. 

Fuenclara  (Conde  de),  40th  viceroy, 
1742,  iii.  355;  rule,  iii.  355-58. 

Fuenleal,  S.  R.  de,  president  2d 
audiencia,  1530,  ii.  321;  resigna 
tion,  etc.,  of,  ii.  380. 

Fuensalida,  ;  Friar  L.  de,  arrival  of, 
1524,  ii.  164-5;  preaches  in  Aztec, 
ii.  174;  Franciscan  custodian,  ii. 
393. 

Fuente,  J.  A.  de  la,  minister  of  rela 
tions,  1853,  v.  616;  1862,  vi.  53. 

Fuentes,  Capt.  A.,  comand.  of  Tec- 
)an,  iv.  299;  operations,  1811, 


Furber,  G.  C.,  works  of,  v.  552. 
Fusionists,  Party,  principles  of,  1858, 
v.  742. 


G. 


Gadsden  Treaty,  1854,  v.  652-3. 

Gage,  T.,  'New  Survey,'  iii.  778. 

Gaines,  Gen.,  measures  of,  1846,  v. 
372. 

Galeana,  Mariscal  H.,  mention  of, 
iv.  298-9;  operations,  1811,  301-4; 
captures  Tasco,  iv.  350;  at  Cuautla, 
iv.  363-70;  at  Huajuapan,  1812, 
iv.  438;  repulse  at  San  Jose  Chiapa, 
iv.  478-9;  at  Aculcingo,  iv.  481;  at 
Oajaca,  483-4;  at  Acapulco,  1813, 
iv.  547-9;  at  Valladolid,  iv.  571-3; 
defeat  at  El  Veladero,  1814,  iv. 
579;  execution,  1814,  579. 


Gali,  F.  de,  voyage  to  Philippines, 
1582-4,  ii.  744. 

Galindo,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  524. 

Galindo,  L.,  chief -justice  N.  Galicia, 
ii.  465. 

Galindo,  Gen.,  defection  of,  1841,  v. 
232-3;  marches  on  Mex.,  1867,  vi. 
344. 

Gallardo,  B.  P.,  works  of,  v.  697;  vi. 
348. 

Gallegos,  B.  de,  expedition  to  Tabasco, 
ii.  226;  alcalde-mayor,  1545-8,  ii. 
547. 

Galve,  Conde  de,  30th  viceroy,  1688, 
iii.  222;  rule,  iii.  222-52;  return 
to  Spain,  1696,  252. 

Galvez,  Conde  B.  de,  49th  viceroy, 
1785,  iii.  391;  biog.,  iii.  392-3;  rule, 
iii.  394-8;  charges  of  treason 
against,  iii.  395-7;  death,  1786,  iii. 
398. 

Galvez,  J.  de,  visitador-general,  1761- 
7,  iii.  367-9,  445. 

Galvez,  L.  de,  murder  of,  1792,  v.  84. 

Galvez,  M.  de,  48th  viceroy,  1783, 
iii.  385;  character,  iii.  386;  rule, 
iii.  387;  funeral  cerem.,  iii.  387-8. 

Gambling,  efforts  to  suppress,  1524,  ii. 
134-5;  restrictions  on,  iii.  773; 
prevalence,  etc.,  of,  vi.  623-4. 

Gante,  Friar  P.  de,  arrival  at  Villa 
Rica,  ii.  162;  labors  of,  ii.  174-5, 
181;  refuses  see  of  Mex.,  1548,  ii. 
297-8,  558;  petitions  in  favor  of 
natives,  1552,  ii.  572;  influence  of, 
ii.  675. 

Gaona,  Gen.,  defeat  at  Ultia,  1838, 
v.  192-6. 

Garay,  A.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1846,  v.  299. 

Garay,  F.  de,  mention  of,  i.  2;  plans, 
etc.,  of,  i.  188-9;  expeditions  of,  i. 
538;  ii.  94-5,  105-17;  death  of, 
1523,  ii.  116-17;  forces  of,  ii.  117- 
18,  123. 

Garay,  Engineer  F.  de,  drainage 
plan  of,  vi.  565-7. 

Garces,  J.,  bishop  of  Cuba,  i.  165; 
of  Cozumel,  i.  166;  ii.  296;  of 
Tlascala,  ii.  263,  296-7,  688;  of 
Yucatan,  ii.  688;  reconciles  Cortes 
and  Estrada,  1527,  ii.  262-3;  char 
acter,  ii.  297;  death,  1542,  ii.  697. 

Garces  y  Egula,  J.,  'Nueva  Tedriea, ' 
iii.  601. 

Garcia,  A.,  guerrilla  chief,  1811,  iv. 
320;  defeat  of,  1811,iv.323;  attack 
on  Guanajuato,  iv.  338;  operations 
of,  1812,  iv.  384-90;  capture,  etc., 
of,  391-2. 


INDEX. 


719 


Gar c fa,  Gen.  A.,  minister  of  justice, 
1857,  v.  713;  gov.  of  Oajaca,  1867, 
vi.  337;  of  Vera  Cruz,  vi.  338. 

Garcia,  C.,  minister  of  relations, 
1833,  v.  129. 

Garcia,  Friar  J.,  'Historia  Betle- 
hemitica,'ii.  189. 

Garcia,  Gen.  J.  M.,  minister  of  war, 
1G5S,  v.  745;  18G3,  vi.  225. 

Garcia,  ColS.,  heads  revolution,  1828, 
v.  42-3. 

Gardner,  Lieut,  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  v.  455. 

Garibay,  P.,  viceroy  ad  interim,  1808, 
iv.  56;  rule,  56-76,  biog.,  68. 

Garland,  Gen.,  campaign  on  the  Bio 
Grande,  v.  367;  capture  of  Mon 
terey,  v.  383-6;  battle  of  Churu- 
busco,  v.  484;  of  Molino  del  Bey, 
V.  500-1;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  516. 

Gamier,  Col,  operations  of,  1865,  vi. 
195. 

Garza,  Brigadier  F.  de  la,  protest  of, 
iv.  783;  seizure  of  Iturbide,  iv. 
807-8;  duplicity  of,  808-9. 

Ga.rza  y  Ballesteros,  Archbishop  L. 
de  la,  metropolitan  of  Mexico,  v. 
690;  biog.,  v.  690;  administ.,  690- 
1,  694. 

Gasset,  Gen.,  occupation  of  Vera 
Cruz,  1861,  vi.  29;  manifesto,  etc., 
of,  vi.  29. 

Gaviria,  Oidor,  character,  iii.  40; 
arrest  of,  iii.  41;  overthrow  of 
Gelves,  1624,  iii.  62^. 

'Gazetas  de  Mexico,'  mention  of,  iii. 
510. 

Gelves,  Marques  de,  14th  viceroy, 
1621,  iii.  33;  character,  iii.  33-4; 
rule,  iii.  34-74;  quarrel  with  Arch 
bishop  Serna,  iii.  43-57;  excommu 
nicated,  iii.  47,  53-9;  overthrow  of, 
iii.  60-3;  negotiations  with  audi- 
encia,  iii.  66-70;  charges  against, 
iii.  70-1;  restored  by  Cerralvo,  iii. 
73;  residencia  of,  iii.  75-7. 

Germany,  treaty  with  Mex.,  1883,  vi. 

455. 

Goazacoalco,  Province,  map  of,  ii.  33; 
Sandoval's  exped.  to,  ii.  35;  a  polit 
ical  division,  1534,  ii.  391. 
Goazacoalco,  Biver,  Ordaz  explores 
i.  323-4;  pirates  land  at,  1672,   iii 
172. 
Gobernacion     Department,     created, 

1853,  v.  626. 
Gobernaciones,  definition  of,  iii.  520; 

replaced  by  intendencias,  iii.  520. 
Gobernador    Intendente     power    of, 
iii.  452. 


Grodines,   A.,   juez    conservador,   iii. 

123;  death  of,  iii.  131. 
Gi-odoy,  D.  de,  notary  to  Grijalva,  i. 

16;  battle  of  Tabasco,  1519,  i.  85; 

escribano   of    Vera    Cruz,    i.    136; 

Cortes,  exped.,  i.  151;   at  Espiritu 

Santo,  ii.  35. 
3-odoy,   J.    I.,    minister    of    justice, 

1832,  v.  116. 

G-odoy,  M.,  downfall  of,  iv.  35-6. 
Gold,  first  coined,  1679,  iii.   186;  dis 
coveries,   etc.   in  Cent.   Amer.,  iii. 

553-70;  in  Peru,  iii.  570-8;  mining, 

iii.  576-99. 
Gomara,   F.   L.  de,   works  of,  i.  637; 

ii.  487. 

Gomez,  C.,  defection  of,  1013,  iv.  531. 
Gomez,  Intendente,   execution  of,  iv. 

226. 

Gomez,  J.,  'Diario/  iii.  510. 
Gomez,  N.,  episcopal  delegate,  1647, 

iii.  127. 

Gomez,  V.,  death  of,  1816,  iv.  638. 
Gonzalez,  Father  A.,    CJrdoba's  ex 
ped.,  i.  6,  9,  15;  first  to  celebrate 

Christian  rites,  ii.  158. 
Gonzalez,  A.  B.,  *  Historia, '  vi.  464. 
Gonzalez,  B.,  bravery  of,  ii.  441. 
Gonzalez,  E.,  arrest  of,  iv.  112. 
Gonzalez,  Col  F.,  operations  at  Aca- 

pulco,  1813,  iv.  547-9. 
Gonzalez,  G. ,  returns  from  Honduras, 

1525,  ii.  212-13;  sentence,  etc.  of,  ii. 
223. 

Gonzalez,  Gen.  M.,  defence  of  Puebla, 
1863,  vi.  64;  revolution  of,  1875-7, 
vi.  421-27;  president,  1880,  vi. 
448;  biog.,  vi.  450-2;  rule,  vi.  452- 
9;  attempted  prosecution  of,  1885, 
vi.  460. 

Gorostiza,  P.,  intend ente  of  Vera 
Cruz,  1792,  iii.  218. 

Gorostiza,  Minister,  negotiations  of, 
v.  164;  demands  passports,  etc., 
1836,  v.  313. 

Gorreta,  P.  de  la,  gov.  of  Acapulco, 
1624,  iii.  65-6. 

Government,  Provisional,  cabinet  of, 
v.  2-3;  measures,  1823,  v.  2-8,  20- 
1;  plot  against,  v.  8-9;  end  of  ad 
minist.  1824,  20-1. 

Grado,  A.  de,  comandante  of  Villa 
Bica,  1520,  i.  324-5;  character,  i. 
325;  misrule,  i.  325;  punishment,  i. 
326;  settles  at  E.rpiritu  Santo,  ii. 
38;  inspector-general  of  Indians, 

1526,  ii.  241-2;  marriage  of,  ii.  242. 
Grammont,    M.,    pirate    captain,   iii. 

192;  at  sack  of  Vera  Cruz,   1683, 
iii.  194-201. 


720 


INDEX. 


Great  Britain,  see  England. 
Grijaiva,    J.    de,    exped.    of,   1518, 
15-30;  return  to  Cuba,  i.  30;  recej 
tion,  etc.,  i.  31-2;  dismissal  of, 
32;   character,    i.    33-4;    compare 
with  Cortes,  i.  55-6;  meets  Monte 
zuma's  servants,  i.  112-13;  Monte 
zuma  hears   of,     i.     113-14;     com 
mands  Garay's  fleet,   1523,   ii.  10£ 
surrenders  Garay's  fleet,  ii.  112-K 
works  of,  ii.  188-9. 
Grillo,    Cerro    del,    engagement    at 

1811,  iv.  308. 

Guadalajara,    City,    founding   of,    i 
336-7;  arms  of,  ii.  367;  Alvarad 
dies  at,    1541,    ii.    501-2;  fortified 
1541,  ii.  502-3;  besieged,  1541,  ii 
502^4;  site  of,  changed,  1541-2,  ii 
504,  546-7;  capital  of  Nueva  Gali 
cia,  ii.  548;  see  of,  ii.  691;  iii.  692 
audiencia  of,  iii.  543;  cathedral  of 
iii.    692;    captured   by   Torres,    iv 
207;  Hidalgo's  reception  at,   1810 
iv.    231-2;    audiencia   reorganized 
iv.    234;    Hidalgo's  edicts    at,    iv 
234;    printing-press,    etc.,    at,    iv 
235;  military  preparations,  iv.  235- 
6;  reception  of   Calleja  and  Cruz, 
1811,  iv.  259;  proclamations  at,  iv 
260;  action  of  audiencia,  iv.  260-1 
of  eccles.  chapter,  iv.  261;  of  uni 
versity,    iv.    261;   junta   de   segur- 
ridad,    iv.   262;  junta   de   caridad, 
etc.,    iv.   262;    mint  at,    1813,    iv. 
537;  revolution  at,   1821,   iv.   715; 
disaffection  in,  1823,  v.  6-8,  13-14; 
pronunciamiento  at,   1846,    v.  297- 
revolt  at,  1851,  v.  607-9,  613;  plan 
of,  v.  609;  mutiny  at,  1858,  V.  735- 
6;  captured  by  Degollado,  1858,  v. 
748;    evacuated,    v.    749;    Uraga's 
attack  on,   1860,   v.   782;  captured 
by  Ortega,    1860,    v.    790;    by  Ba- 
zaine,  1863,  vi.  122;  abandoned  by 
imperialists,   1866,  vi.  257;  univer 
sity  founded  at,  1791,  yi.  634. 
Guadalajara,    Intendencia,    map  of 

iv.  303. 
Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes,  mine,  yield 

of,  vi.  514. 
Guadalupe    Hidalgo,     treaty    of,    v. 

t)o*7~~4o. 

Guadalupe,  Nuestra  Senora  de,  ap 
parition  of,  1531,  ii.  403-8,  church 
erected,   ii.    406;    painting    of,   ii. 
406-8;  banner  of,  iv.  119. 
Guadalupe,     Order,     iv.    779-80-    v 

637-8;  667. 

Guadalupe,     Society,     overtures     to 
Calleja,  iv.  497. 


Guadalcazar,  Marques  de,  13th  vice- 
roy,  1612,  iii.  24;  rule,  iii.  24-8; 
transferred  to  Peru,  iii.  28;  char 
acter,  iii.  28. 

Guadalcdzar,  Town,  name,  iii.  27-8. 
Guajicar,  Cacique,  revolt  of,  1538,  ii. 

4bo— 4. 

Guanajuato,    maps   of,   iii.    443;    iv. 
124;  mining  in,  iii.  588-9;  vi.  507 
512;  revolution  in,    1811,    iv.  323; 
1813,  iv.   515-17,   522-5;    1315-16, 
iv.  656-7;  1821,  iv.   713-14;  insurl 
gent  movements  in,  1811,  iv.  338-9- 
campaigns  in  bajio  of,    1812    iv 
384-6,    393-4;    map    of'  bajio!   iv! 
38o;  Iturbide's  campaign  in    1814 
iv.  591. 

Guanajuato,  City,  founded,  1554,  ii 
596,    762;    San  Ignacio   de  Loyola 
patron   saint  of,    iii.   H7_8;  Je3uifc 
college  at,  iii.  427;  hist,  of,  iv.  1CO- 
3;  coat  of  arms,  iv.  132;  capture  of, 
lolO,    iv.   133-57;  descript.  of,    iv. 
Io8-40;  sack  of,  iv.    155-7;    ayun- 
tamiento,  iv.   164-5;  mint,  estabd. 
iv.  166;  recaptured,   1810,  iv.  216- 
28;  plan  of,  iv.  218;  proclamation 
£»    oV'    225;    executi°n3     at,     iv. 
22o-8;     amnesty    at,    iv.      227-8; 
govt.      reorganized,    iv.    228;     de 
population  of,  iv.  229;  Garcia's  at 
tack  on,    1811,   iv.    338;   raid  on, 
815,    iv.    6o7;    Mina's   attack   on, 
1817,  iv.  679-80;  occupied  by  Itur- 
bide,  1821,  iv.  713-14;  the  Paredes 
revolt,  1848,  v.  549-50;  pronuncia- 
mientos  at,  1850-1,  v.  602;  French 
occupation  of,  1863,  vi.  119. 
ruatemala,  embassy  from  visits  Cor 
tes,  ii.   103-4;  Alvarado's  invasion 
of,   n.  104-5,   127;  claims  on  Chia 
pas  and  Soconusco,  vi.  454-5. 
Guatulco,  Guerrero  captured  at,  1830 
v.  97-8. 

uayangarco,  see  Valladolid. 
>uaymas,  Raousset's  attack  on,  1C54, 

3-uero,  G.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  1633, 

in.  156-7. 
luerra,  A.  de,  bishop  of  Michoacan 

1591-5,  ii.  693. 
uerra,  G.,  biog.,  iii.  20;  archbishop, 

1607,  iii.  20;  12th  viceroy,  1611   in 

20-21;  death  of,  1612,  iii.  21-23. 
uerra,  J.,  « Historia, '  iv.  65-6. 
uerrero,    maps  of,    iii.  463;  v.  526; 
vi.  191;  state  of,  organized,  1847,  v' 
526-7;  revolt  in,   1G54,   v.  646-52- 


INDEX. 


721 


Guerrero,  G.  captivity  among  Indians, 
i.  82. 

Guerrero,  J.,  conspiracy  of,  1799,  iii. 
492-4. 

'Guerrero,'  Ship,  capture  of,  1828, 
v  65. 

Guerrero,  Gen.  V.,  character,  iv.  643; 
operations,  1815,  iv.  643-4;  de 
feated  by  Ruiz,  1818,  iv.  694;  joins 
Iturbide,  1821,  iv.  708,  713;  defeat 
at  Almolonga,  1823,  iv.  792;  mem 
ber  of  executive,  1823,  v.  8;  sup 
presses  Bravo's  rebellion,  1828,  v. 
39;  revolution  of  1828,  v.  42-4; 
president,  1829,  v.  44;  biog.,  etc., 
v.  76-9;  rule,  v.  79-91,  cabinet,  v. 
80;  coalition  against,  v.  81-3;  revo 
lution  of  Jalapa,  v.  88-93;  flight  of, 
v.  92;  deposed,  v.  95;  defeat  at 
Chilpancingo,  v.  96;  capture,  v. 
96-8;  trial,  v.  98-9;  execution,  v. 
99;  memory  honored,  v.  101. 

Guevara,  J.  R.  de,  Narvaez'  instruc 
tions  to,  i.  364— 5;  demands  of,  i. 
365;  imprisoned,  etc.,  i.  366;  Cor 
tes  wins  over,  i.  368-9,  383;  siege 
of  Hex.,  ii.  157. 

Guevara,  L.  de,  minister  of  justice, 
1853,  v.  616. 

Guevara,  P.  V.  de,  gov.  of  San  Juan 
de  Uliia,  iii.  65. 

Guijo,  G.  M.  del,  diary  of,  iii.  509. 

Guijon,  F.  V.,  governor  of  Yucatan, 
1572-7,  ii.  650. 

Guillermo,  P.,  minister  of  the  treas 
ury,  1851,  v.  611. 

Guitian,  Gen.,  revolt  of,  1856,  v.  677- 
8. 

Gulf  Coast,  map  of,  iii.  151. 

Guride,  Dr.  J.  M.,  deputy  to  Cortes, 
1810,  iv.  445; '  El  Censor, '450;  presi 
dent  of  junta,  1821,  iv.  737. 

Gutierrez,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1866,  vi. 
257. 

Gutierrez,  J.  de  D.,  mention  of,  iv. 
22o. 

Gutierrez,  J.  de  la  L.,  defeat  of,  1811, 
iv.  323. 

Gutierrez.  J.  L,  minister  of  war,  1847, 
v.  524. 

Gutierrez,  J.  M.,  pamphlet  of,  vi.  91- 
2 

Guzman,  C.  de,  death  of,  i.  653. 
Guzman,    Treasurer  G.    de,  mention 

of,  i.  170-1;  mission  to  Spain,  1519, 

i.  172. 
Guzman,  L.,    minister    of    relations, 

1861,  vi.  13;  commissioner  on  U.  S. 

claims,  1872,  vi.  443. 
Guzman,  N.  de,  gov.   of  Panuco,  ii. 

HIST.  MEX.  VOL.  VI.    46 


244,  263;  antecedents,  ii.  263; 
reaches  SanEstevan,  1527,  ii.  263-4; 
cruelties  of,  ii.  264-5;  boundary 
disputes,  ii.  265-6;  invades  Nar- 
vaez'  territory,  ii.  266-7;  enslaves 
Indians,  ii.  267-8;  president  of 
audiencia;  ii.  276-8;  avarice  of,  ii. 
278;  hostility  to  Cortes,  ii.  264, 
288—9;  prepares  to  invade  Jalisco, 
ii.  293-4;  tortures  and  burns  Tan- 
gaxoan,  ii.  1530,  ii.  344-7;  crosses 
the  Lerma,  1530,  ii.  344-5;  conquers 
Cuitzeo,  1530,  ii.  348-50;  invades 
Michoacan,  1529,  ii.  344-50;  con 
quers  Tonald,  1530,  ii.  350-1;  burns 
Nochistlan,  1530,  ii.  352-3;  arrives 
at  Tepic,  1530,  ii.  354-5;  exped.  to 
Jalisco,  1530,  ii.  355-6;  conquers 
Centipac,  ii.  356-7;  in  camp  at 
Omitlan,  1530,  ii.  358-9;  at  Aztat- 
lan,  ii.  359-62;  forces  reduced  by 
diseases,  ii.  361-2;  at  Chametla,  ii. 
363;  at  Colombo,  ii.  364;  gov.  -of 
N.  Galicia,  ii.  365-6;  conflict  with 
second  audiencia,  ii.  367-8;  out 
wits  Castilla,  ii.  369-71;  decline  of 
power,  ii.  371-2;  residencia,  1536- 
8,  ii.  457-60;  relations  with  Men- 
doza,  ii.  458;  arrested,  ii.  458-9; 
appeals  to  India  Council,  ii.  460; 
returns  to  Spain,  ii.  460-1;  death 
of,  1544,  ii.  461;  character  of,  ii. 
461. 

Guzman,  P.  de,  joins  Cortes'  exped. 
i.  69. 


Hachuetoca,  tunnel  of,  vi.  564. 
Hall,  F.,  defence  of  Maximilian,  vi. 

309;    'Life   of   Maximilian  I.,'   vi. 

328. 

Hans,  A.,  'Queretaro,'  vi.  326-7. 
Harney,  Col,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 

v.  455-7. 
Haro,  P.  R,  de,  death  of,   1542,   ii. 

551. 
Haro  y  Tamariz,  minister  of  finance, 

1853,  v.  626,  635;  pronunciamiento 

of,  1854,  v.  661-2;  revolt  of,   1856, 

v.  679-81. 
Hawkins,  Admiral  Sir  J.,  attack  on 

Vera  Cruz,  etc.,  1568,  ii.  637-44. 
Hays,  Col,  capture  of  Monterey,  v. 

388-96. 

Hazart,  C.,  works  of,  ii.  190. 
Helps,  A.,  works  of,  ii.  488. 
Hemp,  culture,  etc.,  of,  iii.  618. 
Heras,   Conde   de   C.  de,  meirber   tf 

regency,  1822,  iv.  769. 


722 


INDEX. 


Hermosillo,  J.  M.  G.,  exped.  of, 
1810-11,  iv.  237-9. 

Hernandez,  B.,  heroism  of,  1541,  ii. 
503-4. 

Hernandez,  D.,  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  630. 

Hernandez,  Gen.  F.,  pronunciamiento 
of,  1876,  vi.  419;  plan  of  Tuxtepec, 
419-23;  occupies  Oajaca,  etc.,  419. 

Hernandez,  J.  E.,  'Coleccion,'  iv. 
624. 

Herrera,  Lieut-col  S.,  capture  of,  iv. 
241. 

Herrera,  Dr,  minister  to  U.  S.,  1815, 
iv.  606-7. 

Herrera,  Friar,  victory  near  San  Luis 
Potosi,  1811,  iv.  269-70;  defeat  at 
Valle  del  Maiz,  iv  270;  execution 
of,  iv.  270. 

Herrera,  Gen.  J,  J.  de,  operations, 
1821,  iv.  722-31;  cabinet  minister, 
1823,  v.  3;  minister  of  war,  1833, 
.-.  129;  1834,  v.  141;  president, 
1844,  v.  273;  1848,  v.  550;  cabinets, 
v.  273,  290;  rule,  v.  273-92,  557- 
95;  biog.,  v.  289;  negotiations  with 
Trist,  1847,  v.  492;  death,  v.  595. 

Herrera,  J.  M.,  minister  of  justice, 
1829,  v.  80. 

Herrera,  L.  de,  plot,  etc.,  of,  iv.  212- 
15. 

Herrera,  M.,  cabinet  minister,  1821, 
iv.  736. 

Herrera,  P.  G.  de,  subdues  negro  re 
volt,  1609,  iii.  11-12. 

Herrera,  S.  de,  commands  convoy, 
1524-5,  ii.  199. 

Herrera,  Col  S.  de,  execution  of,  1813, 
iv.  542. 

Herrera,  operations  in  Nuevo  Leon, 
1813,  iv.  544;  execution  of,  iv.  544. 

Hevia,  Col,  operations  of,  1814,  iv. 
581,  586-7;  1816,  iv.  650-2;  victory 
at  Tepeaca,  iv.  723;  death,  1821, 
723. 

Heyne,  P.,  takes  treasure-fleet,  1628, 
iii.  82-3. 

Hibueras,  coast,  rival  claims  to,  ii. 
104-5. 

Hidalgo,  state  of,  organized,  etc., 
1869,  vi.  389-70;  mining  in,  vi.  515. 

Hidalgo,  C.,  biog.,  iv.  108. 

Hidalgo,  Mariano,  execution  of,  1811, 
iv.  279. 

Hidalgo,  Generalissimo  Miguel,  biog., 
iv.  103-4,  107-10;  character,  iv. 
109-10,  121-2,  171,  284-6;  plans  be 
trayed,  iv.  110-15;  incites  revolt, 
1810,  iv.  115-18;  forces  of,  iv.  118- 
19,  123,  165-6,  172-5,  249,  268;  at 
San  Miguel,  iv.  118-20;  enters  Ce- 


laya,  iv.  124-6;  captain-general,  iv. 
127;  captures  Guanajuato,  iv.  141- 
57;  cited  by  inquisition,  iv.  161-3, 
163-6;  proclamation,  iv.  162-3; 
edicts,  iv.  163-4;  captures  Vallado- 
lid,  iv.  170-2;  approaches  Mex.,  iv. 
175-85;  victory  of  Las  Cruces,  iv. 
177-84;  inactivity  of,  iv.  188-9;  re 
treat,  iv.  198;  defeat  at  Aculco,  iv. 
198-201;  reception,  etc.,  at  Guada 
lajara,  iv.  231-6;  defeat  at  Calder on, 
1811,  iv.  249-58;  resignation,  etc., 
iv.  266-8;  rejects  pardon,  iv.  269; 
capture  of,  iv.  274;  trial,  iv.  276-82; 
execution,  iv.  282-3. 

'Historia  Parlamentaria,'vi.  359. 

Hojacastro,  M.  S.  de,  bishop  of  Tlas- 
cala,  ii.  673;  of  Puebla,  ii.  697. 

Holguin,  G.  de,  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  686. 

'Hombre Libre,'  El,  suppressed,  1822, 
iv.  781. 

Honduras,  Cortes'  exped.  to,  1524,  ii. 
127,  144,  203-7;  gold-mining  in, 
1528-38,  iii.  567-8. 

Horcasitas,  city,  founded  1749,  iii. 
344. 

Hospitals,  ii.  169;  iii.  183-4,  759-60; 
vi.  506. 

House  of  Birds,  Mexico,  burned,  i. 
639. 

Houston,  Gen.  S.,  Texan  commander- 
in-chief,  1835,  v.  162,  167;  victory 
of  San  Jacinto,  v.  171-3. 

Huahuapan,  siege  of,  1812,  iv.  436-40; 
Morelos'  headquarters,  470. 

Humboldt,  F.  H.  A.  von,  works  of, 
iii.  513-15,  599-600,  625,  646,  778; 
visit  of,  iv.  31. 

Hunt,  envoy,  the  Texan  question,  v. 
327. 

Hunucma,  sacked  by  pirates,  1571,  ii. 
646-7. 


Ibarra,  Capt.,  Mercado's  instructions 

to,  iv.  263. 
Ibarra,  F.   de,  mines   discovered  by, 

1554,  ii.  596-7;  gov.  of  Nueva  Viz- 

caya,  ii.  598;  expeditions  of,  ii.  598; 

iii.  13;  founds  Nombre  deDios,  etc., 

ii.  598;  death  of,  ii.  598-9. 
Ibarra,  J.,  paintings  of,  vi.  646. 
Ibarra,  J.  de,  oidor,  1624,  iii.  49. 
Ibarra,     M.    de,    defeated,    1541,    ii. 

493-4.- 
Ibarra,  Treasurer  H.  de,  mention  of, 

ii.  583,  623. 
Iberri,   Gen.   J.   I.,  minister  of  war, 

1832,  v.  116. 


INDEX. 


723 


Idols,  i.  8-9,  27,  80,  163-4,  200,  238, 
247,  254,  277,  295-7,  315-16,  346- 
50,  353-4,  408,  449,  527,  585,  632-4, 
657;  ii.  178-9. 

Iglesias,  J.  M.,  works  of,  vi.  71-2, 
434;  minister  of  justice,  1863,  vi. 
110;  minister  of  govt,  1868,  vi.  367; 
manifesto,  etc.,  of,  vi.  425;  assumes 
the  executive,  1876,  yi  426;  nego 
tiations  with  Diaz,  vi.  429-33;  rec 
ognized  as  ^resident,  vi.  431;  forces, 
etc.,  of,  vi.  432;  self -banishment, 
1877,  vi.  433. 
Iguala,  plan  of,  proclaimed,  1821,  iv. 

709-10;  opposition  to,  1822,  709. 
Ilarregui,  J.  S.,  comisario  of  Yucatan, 

etc.,  1864,  vi.  410. 
Ilarregui,  S.,  minister  of  gobernacion, 

1866,  vi.  225. 
Illueca,   J.    I.    C.,    cabinet  minister, 

1823,  v.  3. 
'Ilustrador    Americano,'    published, 

1811,  iv.  346. 
•Immaculate  Conception,  brotherhood 

of,  established,  iii.  135-6. 
Immigration,  restrictions  on,  iii.  745. 
'Imperio  y  la  Intervencion,'  vi.  279. 
Impilcingo,  Olid's  exped.  to,  ii.  58-9. 
Irica,  the  ransom  of,  iii.  571-4. 
Inclan,  Comandautf  -general,  miscon 
duct  of,   1830,    ..  105;  defence  of 
Puebla,  1845,  v.  275-6. 
Independence,  birth  of,  in  Mex.,  1810, 

iv.  115-18. 
India  council,  Loaisa,  president  of,  ii. 
269;  prohibits  slavery  in  Yucatan, 
1549,  ii.  450;  Guzman  appeals  to,  ii. 
460;  restricts  encomiendas,  1566,  ii. 
617;  Fonseca's  administration,  ii. 
91. 

Indians,  epidemics  among,  i.  541-2; 
ii.  529;  aptness  to  learn,  ii.  171 
musical  talent,  ii.  171-2;  acquire 
mechanical  arts,  ii.  172;  artistic 
ability,  ii.  173;  catholic  rites,  etc., 
among,  ii.  174-84;  inspector-gen 
eral  appointed,  1526,  ii.  241-2; 
branding  of,  ii.  287;  reforms  in 
treatment  of,  1530,  ii.  330-3;  en 
comiendas  regulated,  1542-3,  ii. 
519-20;  condition  bettered,  1551, 
ii.  564-72,  574;  tribute  doubled, 
1563,  ii.  586-7;  decline  of  popula 
tion,  ii.  767;  spoliation  of,  767-71, 
intermarry  with  negroes,  772;  pub 
lic  hiring  of,  iii.  17-18;  decree  con 
cerning,  1609,  iii.  18-19;  manage 
ment  of,  iii.  524-6;  physique,  iii. 
733;  oppression  of,  746-^8;  race 
stigma,  750-1;  rights  ignored,  iv 


504;  exempt  from  tribute,  1814,  iv. 
598-9;  present  condition,  etc.,  of, 
vi.  609-13. 

[ndias   Occidentales,  title  to,  iii.  517. 

[ndigo,  production,  etc.,  of,  iii.  620; 
vi.  574-5. 

[ndulgences,  sale  of,  iii.  503. 

Inga,  A.,  '  West-Indische  Spieghel.' 
i.  90-1. 

Innocent  X.,  Palafox's  appeal  to, 
1647,  iii.  125-6,  129-32.  ' 

Inquisition,  establd.  1571,  ii.  675-8; 
early  acts,  ii.  675-6;  Landa's  cruel 
ties,  ii.  676-7;  jurisdiction,  ii.  678; 
autos-de-fe,  ii.  679-81;  iv.  38; 
evils  of  the,  ii.  681;  iii.  700-1; 
suppressed,  1813,  iii.  701;  iv.  503- 
4;  officials,  iv.  39;  restored,  1814, 
iv.  503-4. 

Insurance,  regulations  for,  iii.  643; 
companies  establd.,  iii.  643. 

Intendencias,  names,  1787,  iii.  452; 
1804,  iii.  455;  organization,  iii. 
452-3;  objections  to,  iii.  453-4;  ap 
pointments,  iii.  455;  area,  iii.  455; 
population,  iii.  455;  changes  in,  iii. 

Intendentes,  jurisd.  of,  iii.  455;  pow 
ers,  iii.  520. 
International  Boundary  Commission, 

1883,  vi.  447. 
Iriarte.    F.    S.,   minister    of  justice, 

1847,  v.  524. 
Iriarte,  R.,  biog.,  iv.  210;  treachery 

of,  214-15. 
Iribarren,  J.  M.,  minister  of  fomento, 

1867,  vi.  334. 
Irisarri,  Brigadier  S.,  mention  of,  iv. 

357;  comand.  of   Puebla,   1812,   iv. 

382;  defence  of  Zacatecas,  1813,  iv. 

541. 

Iron,  manufact.  of,  iii.  620. 
Iron-mines,  location  of,  iii.  586-7. 
Irrigation,    necessity    for,    etc.,    vi. 

563-4. 
Isabel,   Point,   Taylor's  hdqrs.  1846, 

v.  346-8. 
Iseca  y   Alvarado,  A.  de  la,  gov.   of 

Yucatan,  1677,  iii.  162. 
Isla  Blanca,  Grijalva  names,  i.  26. 
Isla     de     Pinos,      Cortes'     flag-ship 

stranded  upon,  i.  67. 
Isla   Liceaga,    capture   of,    1812,    iv. 

393-4. 
Isla  de  Sacrificios,  Grijalva  names,  i. 

26. 

Isla  Triste,  see  Isla  del  Carmen. 
Isla  Yerde,  Grijalva  names,  i.  26. 
Italy,  the  empire  of  Maximilian,  vi. 

96-7;  relations  with  Mex.,  1808,  vi. 


724 


INDEX 


358;    treaty    with,    1874,    vi.  415; 
1883.  vi.  455. 

Iturbe,  Lieut-col  M.  de,  retreat  of, 
iv.  239. 

Iturbe,  Minister,  measures  of,  1846, 
v.  297. 

Iturbide,  Emperor,  A.,  biog.,  iv.  176; 
operations  at  Las  Cruces,  iv.  181-2; 
operations  of,  1812,  iv.  391-4;  vic 
tory  at  Salvatierra,  1813,  iv.  515- 
16;  operations  in  Salvatierra  dis 
trict,  1813,  iv.  524-5;  gallantry  at 
Valladolid,  iv.  572-3;  operations 
in  Guanajuato,  1814,  iv.  590-1; 
cruelties  of,  iv.  591;  defeat  at  Mt. 
Cdporo,  1815,  iv.  610-11;  opera 
tions,  1815,  iv.  612-13;  arraign 
ment  of,  1816,  iv.  646,  657;  pro 
jects,  etc.,  of,  iv.  703-3;  command 
of,  1820,  iv.  704-7;  duplicity,  iv. 
705-9;  plan  of  Iguala,  iv.  709-11; 
operations,  1821,  iv.  712-26;  treaty 
of,  Cordoba,  iv.  728;  entry  into 
Mex.,  iv.  731-2;  president  of 
regency,  iv.  735;  generalissimo,  iv. 
738;  election  of  congress,  iv.  744-7; 
plots  against,  iv.  747-8,  781-3;  dis 
putes  with  congress,  iv.  762-9,  780- 
4;  charges  againstj  iv.  767-8;  pro 
claimed  emperor,  iv.  770-3;  oath 
administered  to,  iv.  774-5;  honors 
paid  to,  iv.  775;  coronation,  1822, 
iv.  777-8;  revolt  against,  iv.  788- 
801;  abdication,  iv.  800-1;  exile, 
iv.  802-6;  writings  of,  iv.  805-6; 
return  to  Mex.,  iv.  806-7;  execu 
tion,  1823,  iv.  809-10;  character, 
etc.,  iv.  811-12. 

Iturbidists,  in  congress,  1822,  iv. 
760-1;  revolt  of,  1823,  y.  7-8. 

Iturrigaray,  J.  de,  56th  viceroy,  1803, 
iv.  22;  biog.,  iv.  22;  rule,  iv.  23- 
55;  venality,  iv.  23-6;  extortions, 
iv.  30-2;  conspiracy  against,  iv. 
52-5;  deposal,  iv.  54-6;  character, 
iv.  55;  imprisonment,  iv.  58;  trial, 
58-60;  residencia,  60-2;  policy, 
62-4. 

Itzocan,  description,  i.  531-2;  Cortes 
captures,  i.  531-3. 

Itzquintepec  surrenders  to  Spaniards, 
ii.  38. 

Ixmiquilpan,  attack  on,  1812,  iv. 
429-30. 

Izquierdo,  J.,  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
1591-1602,  ii.  690. 

Izquierdo,  P.  S.,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1653,  iii.  161. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  cacique,  rebels  against 
Montezuma,  i.  231,  meeting  with 


Cortes,  i.  271-2;  aids  Cacama,  i, 
331. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  F.  de,  A.  C.,  works  of, 
i.  339-40;  697;  ii.  24;  aids  Cortes, 
i.  569,  571,  595,  618,  637;  king  of 
Tezcuco,  ii  21;  character,  ii.  21-2; 
defeats  Cacama,  1517,  ii.  23;  de 
signs  of,  ii.  23-4;  Cortes  rewards, 
ii.  24-5;  kingdom  of  divided,  ii. 
26;  palaces  sacked,  ii.  225;  recep 
tion  of,  1526,  ii.  240-1. 

Iztapalapan,  description  of,  i.  272-3; 
Cortes  reduces,  i.  574-5;  Sandovai 
captures,  i.  625. 

Iztli,  native  weapons  of,  i  88,  382, 
404,  551. 

Izucar,  attack  on,  1811,  iv.  349-50; 
engagement  at,  1812,  iv.  365. 


J. 


Jackson,  President  A.,  Mex.  policy, 
1836,  v.  313-15,  324-7. 

Jalancingo,  captured  by  Sandovai, 
1520,  vi.  557. 

Jalapa,  Cortes  reaches,  1519,  i.  193; 
annual  fair  at,  1720-77,  iii.  219-20; 
trade  of,  iii.  220;  luxury  of,  iii. 
220;  declared  a  city,  1794,  iii.  220; 
coat  of  arms,  iii.  220;  beset  by 
revolutionists,  1812,  iv.  404; 
Bravo's  attack  on,  iv.  473-4;  con 
stitution  of  1812  proclaimed  at,  iv. 
698;  occupied  by  Santa  Anna, 
1821,  iv.  723;  Santa  Anna's  defeat 
at,  1822,  iv.  791-2;  revolution  of, 
1829,  v.  S&-93;  captured  by  the 
French,  1863,  vi.  117;  surrendered 
by  imperialists,  18G6,  v.  262. 

Jalisco,  Francisco  Cortes  visits,  1524, 
ii.  60-3;  Guzman  prepares  to  in 
vade,  ii.  293-4;  expeditions  against, 
1530,  ii.  355-6;  royalist  cause  in, 
iv.  205;  revolt  in,  1832,  v.  Ill,  114; 
map  of,  v.  230;  revolt  at,  1844,  v. 
265;  republican  operations  in,  1866, 
vi.  256-7. 

Jalon,  Col  J.,  command  of,  iv.  159; 
operations  at  Calderon,  iv.  253-4. 

Jamaica,  English  capture,  1655,  iii. 
143;  attempt  to  retake,  1657,  iii. 
143. 

Janicho,  Fortress,  capture  of,  1817, 
iv.  654. 

Japan,  embassy  from,  visits  Mex.  iii. 
3;  Vizcaino  visits,  1611,  4. 

Jaral,  Marques  de,  treasure  of,  cap 
tured,  iv.  670. 

Jaramillo,  Capt.,  evacuation  of  Mex., 


INDEX. 


725 


i.  477,  479,  655;  siege  of  Mex.,  i. 
655. 

Jarauta,  Padre  C.,  the  Padres  re 
volt,  1848,  v.  548-9;  execution  of, 
v.  549. 

Jaujilla,  junta  of,  iv.  654. 

Jaujilla,  Fort,  capture  of,  1817,  iv. 
691-2;  plan,  iv.  692. 

Jaurequi,  M.  F.  de,  minister  of  gob- 
ernacion,  1858,  v.  745. 

Jerecuaro,  capture  of,  1812,  iv.  428. 

Jerez^  presidio  founded,  1570,  ii.  655. 

Jeronimite,  Fathers,  mention  of,  i. 
2-3,  16, 

Jesuits,  arrival,  1572,  ii.  699-702; 
abandon  Florida,  ii.  699-700; 
pioneer  members,  ii.  701;  col 
leges  establ'd  by,  ii.  703-4;  iii.  117- 
19,  135;  vi.  633;  novitiate,  ii.  704- 
5;  progress  of,  ii.  699-709;  iii,  136, 
427-30;  ill  feeling  toward,  1618, 
iii.  30-1;  intrigues  of,  iii.  4-2;  field 
of  labors,  iii.  116-17;  wealth,  iii. 
119-20;  disputes  with,  iii.  120-1, 
428-31;  quarrel  with  Palafox,  iii. 
121-32;  pope  decides  against,  1648, 
iii.  129-32;  resist  payment  of 
tithes,  iii.  134--5;  established  broth 
erhood  of  the  Immaculate  Concep 
tion,  iii.  135-36;  in  Lower  Califor 
nia,  iii.  265-7;  in  Nayarit,  iii.  320- 
31;  tithes,  iii.  428-31;  royal  decree 
against,  1767,  iii.  432-7;  expulsion, 
iii.  438-42;  restored,  1819,  iii.  446- 
7;  again  expelled,  1821,  447;  re 
cords  of,  iii,  446-9, 

Jewelry,  manufact.,  etc.,  of,  iii.  622. 

Jews,  expelled,  ii.  333. 

Jilotepec,  engagement  at,  1815,  iv. 
612. 

Jimenez,  Father  F.,  arrival  of,  1524, 
ii.  164-5;  preaches  in  Aztec,  ii. 
174. 

Jimenez,  J.  M.,  minister  of  justice, 
1846,  v.  299. 

Jimenez,  Gen.  M.,  advance  on  Valla- 
dolid,  iv.  166;  commands  artillery 
at  Las  Cruces,  iv.  180;  victory  of, 
1810,  iv.  240;  captures  Saltillo,  iv. 
240;  victory  at  Saltillo,  1811,  iv. 
268;  capture  of,  iv.  274;  trial,  iv. 
277-9;  execution,  iv.  279. 

Jocotitlan,  subjugation  of,  1811,  iv. 
326. 

Jocotlan,  Mercado  occupies,  ii.  549— 
50;  raids  upon,  ii.  550-1. 

Jorrin,  P.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1858,  v.  745. 

Journals,  iv.  346,  464-6,  781;  v.  5,  6, 
35,  80,  103,  530,  557,  691,  706,  712, 


716-17;  vi.  70,  351,  359,  402,  417- 

18,  641-2,  650. 

Juarez,  B.  P.,  minister  of  justice, 
1855,  v.  667;  'ley,'  v.  670-1:  gov. 
of  Oajaca,  1856,  v.  716,  741;  chief- 
justice,  1857,  v.  721;  arrest,  etc.,  of; 
v.  724,  727,  735-6;  govt  of,  1858, 
v.  736-7;  biog.,  v.  739-41;  recogni 
tion  of,  by  U.  S.,  v,  765;  measures, 
1859,  v.  767-S,  790;  1861,  vi.  29-30; 
1862-4,  vi.  53,  60-1,  71-2,  108-9, 
130-2,  350-3;  president,  1861,  v. 
795;  vL  17;  recognition  of  by 
allied  plenipotentiaries,  vi.  40;  out 
cry  against,  1864,  vi.  128-9;  flight 
to  Chihuahua,  vi.  165-7;  position 
of,  1865,  vi.  202-7,  entry  into  Mex., 
vi.  348-9;  manifesto,  vi.  349;  polit. 
organizations,  etc.,  against,  ri. 
354-5,  reflected  president,  1867, 
vi.  356;  1871,  vi.  376-8;  foreign 
policy,  vi.  356-9;  insurrections 
against,  vi.  365-6;  polit.  opposition 
to,  vi.  366-8;  death  of,  1872,  vi. 
385-45;  obsequies,  etc.,  vi.  386-8; 
writings  ^of,  vi.  388-9;  review  of 
career,  vi.  389. 

Juarez,  J.,  drawings  of,  vi.  645. 

Juarez,  Friar  J.,  arrival  of,  1524,  ii. 
164-5. 

Juarez,  L.,  paintings  of,  vi.  645. 

Juarez,  Bros  Pv,,  paintings  of,  vi. 
645-6. 

Judicial  system,  description  of,  iii. 
539-49. 

Judiciary,  corruption  of  the,  v.  104. 

Jueces  conservadores,  functions  of, 
iii.  123;  condemn  Palafox,  1647, 
iii.  124-5;  arrive  at  Puebla,  1647, 
iii.  127. 

Juntas,  iv.  46-51,  72-3,  75,  80,  84-9,* 
256-7,  262,  334-6,  321-2,  354,  417- 

19,  454,   460-1,   465,    491,    653-4, 
691-2,     697,     699,    734-5,    745-56, 
785;  v.    752-3,    785,    791,    796;  vi. 
77-9,  84. 

Jurien,  Admiral,  plenipotentiary  to 
Mex.,  1862,  vi.  32,  35-6;  instruc 
tions,  33. 

Justice,  courts  of,  iii.  541-2;  ad- 
minist.  of,  iii.  547;  iv.  503-5;  vi. 
483-7. 


Kearny,   Gen.,    exped.    to  Cal.,    v. 

404;  battle  of  Churubusco,  v.  487. 
Keratry,  E.  G.,  works  of,  vi.  278-9. 
King,  prerogatives  of  the,  iii.  517-18; 

head  of  church,  iii.  684-6. 


INDEX. 


King,  Capt.,  capture  of,  1836,  v.  169. 
King,  F.,  death  of,  ii.  20-1. 
Kollonitz,  Countess  P.,  '  Ihe  court  of 
Mexico, '  vi.  148. 


La  Barca,  conflicts  at,  1810,  iv.  205- 

6. 

La  Goleta,  affair  at,  1836,  v.  169. 
Lagos,  C.  de,  guards  Cortes,  i.  49. 
La  Llave,   Gen.,   defence  of  Puebla, 

1863,  vi.  66. 
La  Madrid,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1817, 

iv.  653. 
La  Soledad,   convention  of,  1862,  vi. 

39-40. 
Las  Cruces,   battle  of,  1810,  iv.  177- 

85;  plan,  177. 

Las  Cuevitas,  affair  at,  1858,  v.  747. 
Las  Guayabitas,  affair  at,   1861,   vi. 

15. 

Las  Mesas,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  536. 
Labaqui,   Capt.    J.,    defeat   of,  1812, 

iv.  472. 
Labastida,  Archbishop,  exile  of,  1856, 

v.  677,   686;  biog.,  vi.  81-3;  return 

to  Mex.,  etc.,  1863,  vi.  110-11. 
Labazares,  G.  de,  King's  factor,  1564, 

ii.  599. 
Lacunza,  J.  M.,  minister  of  relations, 

1848,  v.  566;  president  of  Maximil 
ian's  cabinet,  1866,  vi.  225. 
Lafragua,   J.   M.,  minister  of  gober- 

nacion,   1855,   v.  676;  of  relations, 

1872,  vi.  385. 

Lagos,  town,  founded,  1570,  ii.  655. 
Lagranda,  F.,  writings,  etc.,  of,  1821, 

iv.  742. 
Laguiia,  Conde,  in  Nayarit  war,  1721, 

iii.  322. 
Laguna,   Conde  S.  de,  intendente  of 

Zacatecas,  iv.    207-10;    disloyalty, 

iv.  211. 
Laguna,  Marques  de  la,  28th  viceroy, 

1680,  iii.   190;   rule,   190-207;  resi- 

dencia,  1686,  207. 
Lagunas,    Juan     Torre     de,    exped. 

against  Chichimecs,  ii.  655. 
Land-tenure,  Aztec,  iii.   603-4;  colo 
nial,  iii.  605-7,  623;  republican,  vi. 

562-3. 
Landa,  Father  D.  de,  cruelties  of,  ii. 

676-7;  bishop  of  Yucatan,  1573-9, 

689;   death,    1579,    689;    character, 

689. 
Landa,  Lieut-col,  mutiny  of,  1858,  v. 

735-6. 
Landazuri,       Comandante,       defeats 

Rayon,    1813,   iv.  523;   defence  of 


Valladolid,  1813,  iv.  570-1. 
Landeras  de,  Visitador  V.,  arrival  of 

6;  recall,  6-7. 
Landero,    Gen.    J.    J.,    surrender    of 

Vera  Cruz,  1847,  v.  445-6. 
Lane,  Gen. ,  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  v. 

425-6;    affair  at  Huamantla,   1847, 

v.  528-9. 
Langberg,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1866,  vi. 

247. 

La  Piedad,  Rayon  at,  1811,  iv.  312. 
Lara,  Bernardo  Gomez  de,  defeat,  etc., 

at  Matehuala,  1811,  iv.  322;  death, 

322. 
Lara,  Bernardo  Gutierrez  de,  raids  of, 

1813,  iv.  542-3. 
Lardizabal,  J.  A.  de,  bishop  of  Puebla, 

declines    archbishopric,     1729,    iii. 

351. 
Lares,  Contador  A.  de,  influence  with 

Velazquez,    etc.,    i.    37;     supports 

Cortes,  i.  53,  63-4;  death  of,  i.  490. 
Lares,  T.,  minister  of  justice,  1853,  v. 

626;  1866,  vi.  225;  president  of  a> 

sembly   of  notables,    1863,   vi.   84; 

advice  to  Maximilian,  vi.  240-1. 
Larrainzar,  M.,  works  of,  v.  806. 
Larrainzar,  I.  T.,  minister  of  finance, 

1866,  vi.  226. 
Las   Casas,    B.    de,    with  Velazquez, 

1511,  i.  4;  remonstrance,  etc.,  of,  i. 

166;  visits  Campeche,  1545,  ii.  453; 

pleads  cause  of  Indians,  1539-41,  ii. 

518;  Loaisa  upholds,  ii.   518;  anti- 
slavery    views,    ii.   518-19;    Cortes 

opposes,    ii.    519;    excommunicates 

Mendoza,  ii.  533;  bishop  of  Chiapas, 

ii.  533. 
Lavalleii,    J.    de,    surrender    of,    iv. 

207-8. 
Lazarin,  Dona  M.  R.  de,  plot  of,  1811, 

iv.  331-2. 
Lazo  de  la  Vega,  S.,  reveals  conspiracy, 

1546,  ii.  538. 
Le   Grand  Pierre,  pirate   leader,  iii. 

191;  captures  treasure-fleet,  190-1. 
Lebrija,  minister  of  the  treasury,  1837, 

v.  181. 
Ledesma,   Father  B.   de,   Montufar's 

adviser,  ii.  675;  bishop  of  Oajaca, 

684,  695. 

Ledesma  y  Robles,  M.,  attempts  vice 
roy's  life,  1660,  iii.  148-9;  execution 

of,  150. 

Ledo,  M.,  ' Esposicion, '  v.   627;  min 
ister  of  the  treasury,  1856,  v.  687. 
Ledo,  0.  M.,  minister  of  fomento,  etc., 

1859,  v.  767. 

Lefevre,  E.,  works  of,  vi.  361. 
Legazpi,  Mig.  Gomez  de,  commands 


INDEX. 


727 


Philippine  exped.,  1564-5,  ii.  599- 

600;  founds  Manila,  1565,  it.  600. 
Legislatures,  constituent,  estab.  1824, 

v.  21. 
Legitimists,    party,    v.    112;   project, 

111-12. 
Leixa,  L.  de,  founds  San  Luis  Potosi, 

1576,  ii.  763. 

Lejoa,  Gen.,  defeat  of,   1863,  vi.  107. 
Lemaur,   Brigadier  F.,   treachery  of, 

iv.  786;  bombards  Vera  Cruz,  1823, 

v.  62. 
Lemus,  capture,  etc.,  of,  1839,  v.  209, 

214. 
Leon,  A.,   occupies  Oajaca,   1821,  iv. 

725. 
Leon,  A.  de,  gov.   of  Coahuila,  1689, 

iii.  226. 

Leon  Bros,  sedition  of,  1824,  v.  55. 
Leon,   city,   founded,   1584,  ii.  777-8; 

renamed  Monterey,  1596,  780. 
Leon,   F.   A.   de,  Franciscan,  ii.  779; 

missions  in  N.  Leon,  1593,  779;  cu 
rate  of  Monterey  (1596),  780. 
Leon,  F.  I.  de,  at  siege  of  Mexi«o,  ii. 

157. 
Leon,  Gen.,  battle  of  Molino  del  Bey, 

v.  498,  501. 
Leon,  J.  V.  de,  Cortes'  captain,  i.  70; 

character,  etc.,  i.  77-8;  partisan  of 

Velazquez,  i.  139;  at  Montezuma's 

seizure,   i.   303-6;  death  of,   i.  497; 

'Comentarios,'  MS.,  iii.  600. 
Leon,    M.    de,    'Manual    Breve,'  iii. 

725. 
Leon,  M.  V.  de,  member  of  regency, 

1821,  iv.  736. 
Leon,  Nuevo  Beino  de,  settlement  of, 

1575-1603,  ii.  776-81. 
Leon,    V.    de,    minister  of    fomento, 

1853,  v.  627. 
Leon  y  Gama,   astronomer,    mention 

of,  vi.  641. 
Leperos,  descript.  of,  iii.  754;  vi.  613- 

14. 
Lerma  River,  Spanish  cross,  1530,  ii. 

344-5. 
Lerma,  town,  founded,   1614,  iii.  28; 

affair  at,  1812,  iv.  414. 
Lerdo,  M.,  minister  of  fomento,  1855, 

v.   667;    of   the   treasury,    1856,  v. 

687;  death  of,  1861,  vi.  9;  works  of, 

iii.  646;  vi.  661. 
Lerdo,   S.,  minister  of  justice,   1863, 

vi.    110;   chief   justice   ad   interim, 

1867,    vi.     353;    acting     president, 

1872,  vi.  386;  biog.,  etc.,  vi.  391-2; 

rule,  vi.    392^427;    president-elect, 

vi.  396;  revolution  against,  419-27; 

flight,  1876,  427-8;  review  of  ad- 


ministr.  428-9. 

Lerdo  Law,  the,  v.  693-4;  vi.  471-2. 

Le  Saint,  L.,  'Guerre  du  Mexique,' 
vi  364. 

Letona,  P.,  envoy  to  U.  S.,  iv.  234; 
death,  234. 

Letters  of  marque  issued,  1824-5,  v. 
62,  65. 

L'Heremite,  J.,  Dutch  admiral,  1623, 
iii.  81;  death  of,  81. 

Liberals,  dissensions  among,  v.  672, 
690,  746;  attitude  of,  1857,  v.  727; 
1858,  742-3;  forces,  v.  734;  cam 
paign  in  Vera  Cruz,  1859,  v.  758-9; 
in  Mex.,  v.  760-2;  disasters,  v. 
770-2;  defence  of  Vera  Cruz,  v. 
777^80;  operations,  1860,  v.  781-3. 

'Libro  di  Benedetto  Bordone,'  i. 
280-1. 

Liceaga,  Gen.  J.  M.  de,  'Adiciones  y 
Rectificaciones,'  iv.  156;  at  Guana 
juato,  iv.  223;  operations  of,  1812, 
iv.  393-4;  district  of,  iv.  417;  quar 
rels  with  Rayon,  iv.  514-17;  defeat 
at  Puruandiro,  1813,  517;  death  of, 
1818,  iv.  694. 

Lieber,  Dr,  arbiter  on  U.  S.  claims, 
1870,  vi.  443. 

Linage,  J.  de  V.,  'Norte  de  la  con 
tra  tacion,'  iii.  645. 

Linan,  Mariscal,  operations,  1817,  iv. 
671-7;  inactivity  of,  1821,  iv,  712- 
13. 

Linares,  Col  A.,  defeats  insurgents,  iv. 
195-6;  attack  of,  at  Guanajuato, 
iv.  219;  reenforces  Valladolid,  iv. 
313;  defeats  Verdusco,  1813,  iv. 
512-13;  operations  at  Mescala, 
1813,  iv.  539-40;  defence  of  Guana 
juato,  1817,  iv.  679. 

Linares,  Duque  de,  35th  viceroy,  1711, 
iii.  285;  rule,  iii.  285-90;  charity  of, 
iii.  286,  290. 

Linaz,  A.,  founds  apostolic  college, 
1682,  iv.  97;  biog.,  97-8. 

Literature,  vi.  649-58. 

Litigation,  cost  of,  iii.  545-6. 

Livermore,  A.  A.,  'The  War  with 
Mexico  Reviewed, '  v.  548. 

Lizana,  F.  J.  de,  58th  viceroy,  1809, 
iv.  76;  rule,  iv.  76-90;  character, 
iv.  77;  removal,  iv.  89-90. 

Liana,  M.  G.,  'Mejico  Histdrico-Des- 
criptivo,'v.  809. 

Llano,  Col,  exped.  of,  1811,  iv.  341; 
comand.  of  Puebla,  iv.  249-50;  re 
pulse  at  Izucar,  1812,  iv.  365;  oper 
ations  at  Cuautla,  iv.  365-71;  oper 
ations  of,  1812,  iv.  401-5;  relieves 
Valladolid,  1813,  iv.  571-2;  victory 


728 


INDEX. 


at  Puruaran,  1814,  iv.  573-4;  siege 
of  Mt  Ccporo,  1815,  iv.  609-11;  sur 
render  of,  1821,  iv.  724. 

Llave,  P.  de  la,  mention  of,  iv.  451; 
cabinet  minister,  1823,  v.  2-3. 

Llera,  town,  founded,  1748,  iii.  342. 

Llerena,  G.  de,  defends  Cortes,  1229, 
ii.  290-1;  seized  by  Delgaldillo,  ii. 
291. 

Llorente,  operations  in  Puebla,  1813, 
iv.  536. 

Loans,  ii.  764-6;  iii.  676-7;  iv.  79, 
88-9,  376,  499-500,  493-4,  751,  776, 
785;  v.  4,  35-6,  260,  264,  297,  304- 
5,  320,  339,  524,  791;  vi.  59,  135-6, 
495-3. 

Lobato,  Gen.  J.  M.,  operations  at  Ix- 
miquilpan,  1812,  iv.  429-30;  revolt 
of,  1824,  v.  12-13;  revolution  of 
1828,  v.  43. 

Lobo,  Chichimec  chief,  1522,  ii.  540. 

Lombardini,  Gen.  M.  M.,  battle  of 
Buena  Vista,  v.  419,  425-6;  presi 
dent,  1853,  v.  621;  biog.,  v.  621; 
rule,  v.  621-3. 

Lombardo,  F.  M.,  minister  of  rela 
tions,  1834,  v.  136. 

Loma  Alta,  affair  at,  1860,  v.  781. 

Lopez,  B.,  execution  of,  1817,  iv.  688. 

Lopez,  Gerdnimo,  procuradorto  Spain, 
1545,  ii.  527. 

Lopez,  Gonzalo,  maestre  de  campo, 
1530,  ii.  359;  sent  to  Michoacan, 
1530,  ii.  362. 

Lopez,  J.  T.,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  v.  86. 

Lopez,  M.,  ship-building,  i.  326,  355, 
562,  579;  la  noche  triste,  i.  490; 
siege  of  Mex.,  i.  674-5. 

Lopez,  Col  M.,  appearance,  vi.  299; 
jealousy  against,  299;  promotion, 
300;  character,  300;  betrays  Maxi 
milian,  300-3. 

Lopez,  OidorT.,  visitador  to  Yucatan, 
1552,  ii.  651;  ordinances  of,  1552,  ii. 
651-2. 

Lorencez,  Gen.,  arrival  of,  1862,  vi. 
41;  battle  of  Cinco  de  Mayo,  1862, 
vi.  47-50. 

Lorencillo,  pirate  leader,  iii.  194;  sack 
of  V.  Cruz,  1683,  194-202. 

Lorenzana,  Dr  F.  A.,  archbishop  of 
Mex.,  1776,  iii.  377-8;  administ. 
378;  biog.,  377-9;  writings,  379-80. 

Los  Guadalupes,  secret  cluf),  1812,  iv. 

o77. 
'Los  Pueblos  del  Estado  de  Nayarit,' 

vi.  662. 

Los  Remedies,  Fort,  siege  of,  1817,  iv. 
676-8,  683-5;  plan  of,  677; 
ere  at,  684-5. 


Lower  California,  Cortes'  visits,  ii. 
424;  settlement  of,  iii.  265-7;  Walk 
er's  raid  in,  1853,  v,  686;  revolution 
in,  1875,  vi  413. 

Lozada,  M.,  defeat  of,  1861,  vi.  15; 
revolt  of,  1872-3,  vi.  699-701;  exe 
cution,  701-2. 

Lugo,  F.  de,  battle  of  Centla,  i.  87; 
aids  Cortes,  i.  134;  at  Montezuma's 
seizure,  i.  303. 

Luna  y  Arellano,  C.  de,  gov.  of  Yu 
catan,  1604,  iii.  152-3. 

Luna  y  Arellano,  T.,  commands  Flo 
rida  exped.,  1559,  ii.  594. 


M 


Macgregor,  J.,  works  of,  iii.  648. 

'Machete  Conspiracy,'  account  of, 
1799,  iii.  494-5. 

Maclure,  W.,  'Opinions  on  Various 
Subjects, 'vi.  660-1. 

Macpherson,  D.,  *  Annals  of  Com 
merce,'  etc.,  iii.  647. 

Madera,  defence  of  Pachuca,  1812, 
iv.  405-6;  joins  Clavarino,  iv.  421. 

Madera,  P.,  crimes  of,  iii.  479;  exe 
cution,  iii.  479. 

Madrepore  Stone,  used  at  V.  Cruz, 
iii.  210-11. 

Magarino  Capt.,  evacuation  of  Mex., 
i.  471,  474. 

Magnus,  Baron,  intercedes  for  Maxi 
milian,  vi.  315-16. 

Maguey,  uses  of  the,  iii.  606-10;  cul 
tivation  of  the,  vi.  570-6. 

Maguey,  hacienda  de,  engagement  at, 

1811,  iv.  311. 

Mails,  iii.  639-40;  vi.  551-2. 

Maize,  yield,  iii.  607;  cultivation  of, 

vi,  567. 

Maldonado,  A.,  oidor,    1530,  ii.  321. 
Maldonado,  F.,    oidor,  1527,  ii.  274; 

death  of,  ii.  282. 
Maldonado,  F.  C.,  gov.  ad  interim  of 

Yucatan,    1631,    iii.   156;  1635,  iii. 

157;  Indian  policy,  iii.   158-9. 
Maldonado,  J.   M.,    gov.    of   Oajaca, 

1867,  vi.  338. 
Maldonado,   R.  P.,  cabinet  minister, 

1821,  iv.  736. 
Maldonado,    Col.    V.,    operations  of, 

1812,  iv.  469-70. 

Malinche,  Indian  name  for  Cortes,  i. 

226. 

Malo,  J.  R.,  writings  of,  iv.  804. 
Malo,  L.,  command  of,  at  Las  Cruces, 

iv   180-1. 
Mancera,   Marques  de,  25th  viceroy, 

1664,  iii.   169;  rule,  iii.  169-81;  re- 


INDEX. 


port  of,    180;  '  Providencias  sobre 
Azogues,'  iii.  600. 

Manero,  V.  E. ,  '  Documentos  Interes- 
antes  sobre  Colonizacion. ' 

Mangino,  president  of  congress,  1822, 
iv.  778;  crowns  Iturbide,  iv.  778. 

Mangino,  F.,  superintendente  dele- 
gado  de  hacienda,  iii.  465. 

Mangino,  R.,  treasury  minister,  1830, 
v.  95. 

Mani,  hospital  at,  1588,  ii.  654. 

Manila,  Legazpi  founds,  1565,  ii.  600; 
trade  with,  ii.  601. 

Manila  Conducta,  treasure  of,  appro 
priated,  1821,  iv.  709;  repaid,  1823, 
v.  4. 

Maninalco,  affair  at,  iv.  263-4. 

Manosca  y  Zamora,  J.  de,  archbishop, 
1645,  iii.  108;  sustains  Jesuits, 
1647,  iii.  124;  death,  1650,  iii.  140. 

Mansfield,    Major,  E.  D.,  capture  of 
Monterey,    v.  383-4;  works   of,  v. 
551-2. 
Manual  de  Adultos,'  vi.  650. 

Manufactures,  fostered,  ii.  536,  758- 
9;  hist,  of,  iii.  608,  613-22;  cotton, 
vi.  520-3;  woolen  goods,  vi.  523-4; 
silk,  vi.  524-5;  paper,  vi.  525; 
crockery,  etc.,  vi.,  525-6;  tobacco, 
vi.  526-7. 

Manzo,  J.  M.,  cabinet  minister,  1821, 
iv.  736. 

Maps,  sectional  of  the  conquest,  i.  1, 
18,  192,  322,  398,  492;  Valley  of 
Mex.,  i.  583;  v.  470;  Miztecapan 
and  Goazacoalco,  ii.  33;  exped.  of 
Montano,  ii.  46;  Panuco,  ii.  98; 
Michoacan  and  Colima,  ii.  343; 
Nueva  Galicia,  ii.  352,  690;  Yuca 
tan,  iii.  158;  v.  243,  580;  vi.  371; 
Mixton  War,  ii.  492;  Chichimec 
War,  ii.  511;  Mexico,  ii.  555; 
Michoacan,  ii.  692;  v.  264;  Oajaca; 
ii.  694;  iii.  462;  iv.  482;  vi.  126; 

Tlascala,  ii.  696;  Transfer  of  Episco 
pal  Seat,  ii.  773;  Kingdom  of  New 
Leon,  ii.  778;  Gulf  of  Mexico,  iii. 
151;  Vera  Cruz,  iii.  219;  Zacatecas, 
Aguas  Calientes,  San  Luis  Potosi, 
iii.  307;  Nayarit,  iii.  311,  318; 
Sierra  Gorda,  iii.  337;  Guanajuato, 
Queretaro  and  Mexico,  iii.  443; 
Michoacan  and  Guerrero,  iii.  463; 
Guanajuato,  iv.  124;  Hidalgo's 
route,  iv.  174;  Guadalajara,  iv. 
203;  Hidalgo's  flight,  iv.  267; 
Morelos'  first  campaign,  iv.  298; 
Eastern  districts,  iv.  340;  Morelos' 
second  campaign,  iv.  348;  Bajio  of 
Guanajuato,  iv.  385;  Puebia  and 


Southern  Vera  Cruz,  iv.  399;  Seat 
of  War,  iv.  431;  Mizteca,  iv.  435; 
Campaigns  in  Puebia  and  Vera 
Cruz,  iv.  477;  The  Revolution,  iv. 
509;  operations  in  Michoacan,  iv. 
511;  campaigns  in  the  east,  iv.  528, 
629;  Mina's  operations,  iv.  668; 
Texas,  v.  157;  v.  347;  Tampico 
campaign,  v.  208;  Jalisco,  v.  230; 
Santa  Anna's  movements,  v.  270; 
Taylor's  campaign,  v.  378;  Scott's 
march  to  Puebia,  v.  459;  Guerrero, 
v.  526;  vi.  191;  Paredes'  campaign, 
v.  549;  Sierra  Gorda  campaign,  v. 
577;  campaign  against  Alvarez,  v. 
647;  operations  against  Puebia,  v. 
702;  Salamanca  campaign,  v.  733; 
Miramon's  campaign,  v.  756;  Vera 
Cruz  to  Puebia,  vi.  30;  campaign 
in  Michoacan,  vi.  117;  French 
operations  in  Jalisco,  vi.  123; 
Nuevo  Leon,  vi.  130;  operations  in 
the  north-east,  vi.  164;  Durangoand 
Sinaloa,  vi.  193,  248;  Chihuahua, 
vi.  201;  campaign  in  the  north 
east,  vi.  250;  March  of  Diaz  to 
Mex.,  vi.  342. 

Maranon,  F.  P.,  intend,  of  Guana 
juato,  iv.  228. 

Maravatio,  Castillo's  headquarters 
at,  1813,  iv.  521. 

Maraver,  P.  G.,  bishop  of  Nueva, 
Galicia,  ii.  525,  549,  691;  death  of, 
1552,  ii.  691. 

Marcy,  Secretary  W.  L.,  variance 
with  Scott,  1846,  v.  369-71. 

Marfil,  real  de  minas,  establ'd.  at, 
1554,  iv.  131. 

Margil,  Padre,  mission  to  Nayarit, 
1711,  iii.  316. 

Maria,  M.  S.,  gov.  of  Nuevo  Leon, 
iv.  240-1;  execution  of,  1811,  iv.  279. 

Mariano,  conspiracy  of,  iii.  495-7. 

Marin,  Commander,  squadron  of,  v. 
776-8;  capture,  etc.,  1860,  778-9. 

Marin,  L.,  joins  Cortes,  i.  165;  at 
Espiritu  Santo,  ii.  35;  defeat  of, 
1524,  ii.  128. 

Marin,  T.,  minister  of  gobernacion, 
1866,  vi.  226. 

Marina,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  i.  117-9;  with 
Cortes  exped.,  i.  197,  203,  228,  239- 
40,  306,  490. 

Marino,  Mariscal,  P.,  reception  of 
Mina,  iv.  666. 

Mariscal,  L,  minister  of  justice,  1868, 
vi.  367. 

Markets,  of  Mex.,  i.  277,  294;  regu 
lations  for,  ii.  141-2;  where  held, 
etc.,  iii.  641. 


730 


INDEX. 


Marquez,  Capt.,  exped.  to  Tlascala, 
i.  667. 

Marquez,  Col.,  captures  Cdporo,  1817, 
iv.  688-9. 

Marquez,  Gen.  L.,  pronunciamiento 
of,  1849,  v.  558-9;  affair  at  Acam- 
baro,  1858,  v.  747;  battle  of  Ahua- 
lulco,  v.  747;  operations,  1859,  v. 
759-63,  770;  1860,  v.  790-1;  out 
rages  of,  v.  763-4;  defeats,  of  1861, 
vi.  15-17;  revolt  of,  vi.  16:  defeats 
Comonfort,  1863,  vi.  66  >  super 
seded  by  Arteaga,  vi.  73;  defeats 
Arteaga,  1864,  vi.  169;  supports 
Maximilian,  vi.  239;  army  of,  1866, 
vi.  244;  appearance,  etc.,  of,  vi. 
275;  siege  of  Queretaro,  1867,  vi. 
284-8;  escape  from  Queretaro,  vi. 
333;  constructs  cabinet,  etc.,  vi. 
334;  attempts  relief  of  Puebla,  vi 
336-7;  defeated  by  Diaz,  vi.  341; 
flight  to  Mex.,  vi.  341;  extortions, 
etc.,  of,  vi.  343;  defence  of  Mex., 
vi.  343-6;  resignation,  etc.,  vi.  346; 
escape,  vi.  349-50. 

Marquez,  Harbor,  affair  at,  1810,  iv. 
300. 

Marquina,  F.  B.  de,  55th  viceroy, 
1800,  iii.  499;  rule,  iii.  499-504; 
capture,  iii.  500;  resignation,  iii. 
504. 

Marroquin,  Bishop,  mediation  of,  ii. 
495. 

Marshall,  Col.,  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  423. 

Martiena,  J.  M.  de,  works  of,  iv.  66. 

Martin,  B.,  mission  to  Spain,  i.  32; 
receives  benefice  of  Ulua,  i.  165; 
proceedings  at  Seville,  1510,  i.  171. 

Martin,  Col.  M.,  deputy  to  cdrtes, 
1820,  iv.  699. 

Martin,  B.,  with  Narvaez'  exped.,  i. 
361. 

Martin,  Dr.  San,  capture  of,  1818,  iv. 
693. 

Martinez,  E.,  constructs  drainage 
canal,  1607-8;  iii.  9-10;  drainage 
scheme  of,  iii.  89-90;  death  of,  iii. 
90. 

Martinez,  F.  P.,  minister  to  U.  S.,  v. 
316. 

Martinez,  Gen.  operations  of,  1866.  vi. 
247. 

Martinez,  J.  A.,  revolutionist  leader, 
iv.  586. 

Martinez,  Capt.  M.,  joins  Morelos,  iv. 
297-8. 

Masseras,  E.,  works  of,  vi.  359. 

Mata,  J.  M.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
vi.  10. 


Matamoros,  City,  seizure  of,  by  Mejfa, 
1832,  v.  114;  revolt  at,  1839,  v. 
209;  capture,  etc.,  of,  by  'iaylor, 
1846,  v.  347-67;  plans  of,  v.  351;  vi. 
199;  raid  on,  1851,  v.  604;  siege  of, 
1865,  vi.  199;  captured  by  republi 
cans,  1866,  vi.  252;  evacuated  by 
the  French,  1866,  vi.  254-5;  cap 
tured  by  Diaz,  1876,  vi.  423. 

Matamoros,  Cura,  at  Cuautla,  iv. 
363^. 

Matamoros,  Gen.  organizes  forces,  iv. 
471;  at  Oajaca,  iv.  483-5;  defeats 
Dambrini,  1813,  iv.  551;  victory  at 
San  Agustin  del  Palmar,  iv.  557; 
district  of,  1813,  iv.  565;  defeat  at 
Valladolid,  iv.  570-2;  at  Puruaran, 
iv.  573-4;  execution,  1814,  iv.  574. 

Matanzas,  Velazquez  founds,  1511, 
i.  4. 

Matchuala,  engagements  at,  1811,  iv. 
321-2. 

Matienzo,  J.  O.  de,  oidor,  1527,  ii. 
274;  excommunicated,  ii.  291;  ar 
rested,  1531,  ii.  327;  sent  to  Spain, 
1532,  ii.  328. 

Matlalzincas,  Sandoval  chastises,  i. 
664-5. 

Matlazahuatl,  Epidemic,  ravages  of 
1545,  ii.  529;  1575-7,  ii.  657-9; 
1736-7,  iii.  353;  descript.  of,  iii. 
756. 

May,  Capt.,  charge  of  at  Reseca  de 
la  Palma,  v.  359. 

Maximilian,  Emperor  F.,  crown  of 
Mex.  offered  to,  1863,  vi.  86;  biog. 
vi.  88-90;  works  of,  vi.  90;  crown 
of  Mex.  accepted  by,  vi.  96,  104-5, 
136-8;  appearance,  vi.  105-6;  re 
signs  claim  to  throne  of  Austria, 
vi.  136-7;  convention  with  Napo 
leon,  vi.  138-40;  arrival  at  Vera 
Cruz,  vi.  143-4;  reception  at  Pue 
bla,  vi.  145-6;  at  Mex.,  vi.  146-8; 
measures,  vi.  147-58,  224-7,  241-2; 
cabinets,  vi.  150,  177,  225-6,  334; 
opposition  to,  vi.  159-61;  constitu 
tion  of  the  empire,  vi.  171-3;  de 
cree  of,  1865,  vi.  183-5;  with- 
drawal  of  French  troops,  vi.  207-9, 
243,  267-8;  appeal  to  Napoleon, 
vi.  209-10;  forces,  etc.,  vi.  215-16; 
residences,  vi.  218-21;  mode  of 
life,  vi.  221;  dress,  vi.  222;  amuse 
ments,  vi.  222-3;  religious  obser 
vances,  vi.  223;  proposed  abdica 
tion  in,  1866,  vi.  230-2;  vacillation 
of,  vi.  236-7;  advice  offered  to,  vi. 
238-40;  assumes  command,  vi.  271- 
2;  besieged  at  Queretaro,  1867,  vi. 


INDEX. 


731 


277-304;    betrayed    by    Lopez,  vi. 

299-303;  surrender  of,   vi.  304;  ill- 
treatment   of,    vi.  306-7;  proposed 

escape,    vi.    307-8,  315;    trial,    vi. 

308-14;  intercession  for,  vi.  315-17; 

execution,   vi.  317-20;  remarks  on 

the    empire,    vi.  322-3;  character, 

etc.,  vi.  323-6. 
Maximilian,    Empress    M.,     C.     A., 

character,    etc.,    vi.    106-7;  appeal 

to  Napoleon,   1866,  vi.  211-12;  in 
sanity  of,  vi.  212-13;  occupations, 

etc.,  vi.  218;  residences,  vi.  218-21; 

mode  of    life,   vi.   221-2;  religious 

observances,  vi.  223. 
Maxixcatzin,    D.,    gov.    of    Tlascala, 

1534,  ii.  27. 
Maxixcatzin,    J.,    crowned,    etc.,   by 

Cortes,  i.  558. 
Maxixcatzin,    Lord,    ruler   of   Ocote- 

lulco,   i.  199;  friendly  to  Cortes,  i. 

211-12;  hospitality  to  Spaniards,  i. 

506-8;  fealty   of,  i.  517-19;   death 

of,  i.  545. 
Maxorra,  Cacique,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  ii. 

545. 
May,   Col,  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  v. 

428. 

Mayas,  i.  19,  81,  94. 
Mayer,  B.,  works  of,  v.  552-3. 
Mayo,  conspiracy  of,  iv.  306. 
Mayorga,  M.   de,  47th  viceroy,  1779, 

iii.  381;  rule,  iii.  383-5. 
Mazapil  District,  mining  in,  vi.-  513. 
Mazatlan,  uprising   in,   1851,  v.   607; 

attacked  by  republicans,   1866,  vi. 

249. 
Mclntosh,  battle  of  Molino  del  Rey, 

v.  500-2. 
McLane,   R.   M.,  U.   S.   minister,  v. 

765;  treaty  of  1859,  v.  773-5. 
Medal,  of  Apatzingan  Congress,  1814, 

iv.  604. 
Medellin,  town,  Sandoval  founds,  ii. 

34-5;  relocated,  ii.  141. 
Mecliana,  A.  de  V.,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 

1586-93,  ii.  650;  Ind.  policy,  ii.  653. 
Medicine,  practice,  etc.,  of,  iii.  758-9; 

medical  board,  758. 
Medina,    A.,    cabinet  minister,  1821, 

iv.  736. 

Medina,  B.  de,  works  of,  iii.  722-3. 
Medina,    M.    de,   command,    etc.,   of 

Zacatecas,  1811,  iv.  317. 
Meglia,    Nuncio,    reception,    etc.    of, 

vi.  588. 
Medrano,    P.    de,    siege   of  Mex.,   i. 

656. 
Mejia,     minister    of     the    treasury, 

1872,  vi.  385;  1876,  vi.  425. 


Mejfa,  G.,  joins  Cortes  exped.,  i.  65; 
treasurer,  i.  129,  136,  341;  quarrel 
with  Velazquez,  i.  344;  evacuation 
of  Mex.,  i.  470. 

Mejia,  J.,  minister  of  war,  1872,  vi. 
385. 

Mejia,  J.  A.,  revolt  of,  1835,  v.  146; 
defeat  at  Acajete,  v.  211-12;  exe 
cution,  v.  212. 

Mejia,  Gen.  T.,  the  Monterey  cam 
paign,  v.  379;  battle  of  Ahualulco, 
1858,  v.  747;  defeat  of,  1861,  vi. 
15;  operations  of,  1863,  vi.  118-19, 
121;  1866,  vi.  251-2,  256;  forces  of, 
1866,  244;  appearance,  etc.,  of, 
vi.  275;  siege  of  Queretaro,  1867, 
vi.  284-304;  trial  of,  vi.  309;  exe 
cution,  vi.  317-20. 

Melchor,  Indian  captive,  mention  of 
i.  9;  in  Grijalva's  exped.,  i.  23; 
interpreter,  i.  79;  death  of,  i.  92. 

Melgarejo,  Friar,  mission  to  Tapia, 
ii.  69. 

Melgarejo  de  Urrea,  mission  to  Spain, 
1522,  ii.  82-3. 

Melian,  F.  N.,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1643^,  iii.  159. 

Melian,  P.,  fiscal,  1647,  iii.  124. 

Mendez,  Gen.,  appearance,  etc.,  of, 
vi.  275;  siege  of  Queretaro,  1867, 
vi.  285-98;  execution  of,  vi.  305-6. 

Mendez,  S.,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  1840, 
v.  218. 

Mendieta,  G.  de,  biog.,  ii.  667;  de 
fends  friars,  ii.  668-9;  works  of, 
ii.  668,  785. 

Mendiola,  G.  de,  bishop  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  1571-9,  ii.  691. 

Mendiola,  G.  M.  de,  exped.  to  Naya- 
rit,  1715-16,  iii.  316-17. 

Mendiola,  M.  de,  deputy  to  cdrtes, 
1810,  iv.  446. 

Mendivil,  J.  de,  operations  at  Las 
Cruces,  iv.  178-82. 

Mendivil,  J.  M.,  gov.  of  fed.  district, 
1824,  v.  25-6;  '  Breve  Resena  His- 
torica, '  v.  45. 

Mendoza,  Alonso  de,  mission  to  Spain, 
i.  551. 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de,  viceroy,  1530, 
ii.  375-6;  character,  ii.  376;  offices 
and  prerogatives,  ii.  376-7;  instruc 
tions  to,  ii.  377-8;  reception,  ii. 
378-9;  rule,  ii.  381-559;  residencia, 
ii.  532;  excommunicated,  ii.  533; 
resignation  of,  ii.  559;  instructions 
to  Velasco,  ii.  560-1;  progress 
under,  ii.  561;  death  of,  ii.  561. 

Mendoza,  F.  de,  mention  of,  ii.  537, 
559. 


732 


INDEX. 


Mercado,  G.  V.,  de,  exped.  of,  1552, 
ii.  549-50. 

Mercado,  J.  M.,  operations  of,  1810, 
iv.  207-8;  defeat  of,  1811,  iv.  263- 
4;  death  of,  iv.  264. 

Mercenaries,  introduced  by  Cortes, 
1530,  ii.  303;  estab'd,  1589,  ii.  736; 
missions,  ii.  736;  progress,  iii.  721. 

Merida,  founded,  1542,  ii.  447;  epis 
copal  see,  1561,  ii.  688;  declared  a 
city,  1618,  iii.  154;  coat  of  arms, 
154;  secession  declared  at,  1829,  v. 
86;  revolt  in,  1840,  v.  218;  pro- 
nunciamiento,  etc.,  at,  1869,  vi. 
371;  disturbances,  etc.,  in,  1873, 
vi.  411;  Jesuit  college  at,  vi.  634. 

Merino,  M.,  intendente  of  Valladolid; 
iv.  160;  capture  of,  171;  rescue  of, 
201. 

Merlo,  J.  de,  suspends  Jesuits' 
licenses,  1647,  iii.  122;  bishop's 
delegate,  126;  severity  of,  129. 

Mescal,  distillation  of,  iii.  609. 

Mescala  Rock,  siege  of,  1813,  iv. 
538^0;  surrender  of,  1816,  iv.  655. 

Mestizos,  expelled  from  Indian  towns, 
u.  573-4;  characteristics,  iii.  733; 
disabilities,  iii.  752-4;  intermar 
riage,  iii.  752-3;  condition,  etc.,  of, 
v.  576-7;  general  mention,  vi. 
607-9. 

Mexican  Geographical  and  Statistical 
Society,  mention  of,  vi.  644. 

Mexican  Provincial  Council,  cedulas 
concerning,  1769,  iii.  374-5;  instal 
lation,  1771,  iii.  375;  personnel,  iii. 
376;  acts,  iii.  376. 

Mexico,  name,  i.  12-14;  arms  of  the 
repub.,  i.  13;  early  civilization,  i. 
94-7;  conquest  of,  i.  116-694;  au 
thorities  on  the  conquest,  i.  694- 
702;  divided  into  provinces,  1534, 
ii.  391;  diocese  of,  ii.  391,  556;  iii. 
690;  map  of,  iii.  443;  population  of 
intendencia  of,  1790,  iii.  470;  limits, 
iii.  531-2;  political  divisions,  532; 
condition  of,  1808,  iv.  40-2;  pro 
posed  independence,  iv.  42-5,  73-5; 
loyalty  to  Spain,  iv.  46-8;  war  of 
independence,  1810-21,  iv.  102-733; 
deputies  to  cdrtes,  1810,  iv.  441-2; 
equality  with  Spain,  iv.  443-4, 
447;  effect  of  Fernando  VII  meas 
ures,  1814,  iv.  596-600;  revolution 
ary  tendencies  in,  1820,  iv.  700- 
4;  financial  condition,  1822,  iv. 
748-52;  Iturbide's  empire,  1822-3, 
iv.  770-801;  states  and  territories, 
1824,  v.  21-5;  foreign  relations, 
1823-84,  v.  46-53;  vi.  487-8;  Span 


ish  invasion  of,  1829-30,  v.  71-6; 
Texan  affairs,  v.  150-82,  246-7, 
263;  independence  recognized  by 
pope,  1837,  v.  179;  by  Spain,  18S6, 
v.  181-2;  war  with  France,  1838-9, 
v.  186-205;  accession  of  Soconusco, 
1842,  v.  240-1;  causes  of  war  with 
U.  S.,  v.  307-44;  claims  paid  by,  v. 
320;  war  preparations,  1845,  v. 
339;  war  with  U.  S.,  v.  346-556; 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  v. 
539-43;  review  of  republican  era, 
v.  796-802;  the  McLane-Ocampo 
treaty,  1859,  v.  773-5;  foreign  in 
tervention,  1860,  v.  788-9;  1861,  vi. 
21^;  national  debt,  vi.  18-19,  38, 
175-6,  458;  invasion  by  European 
powers,  1861-2,  vi.  29^3;  internal 
dissensions,  vi.  31-2;  war  with 
France,  1862-7,  vi.  45-268;  distaste 
for  monarchy,  vi.  90-1 ;  colonization 
schemes,  vi.  170-4;  losses  in  war  of 
intervention,  1863-7,  vi.  348;  rela 
tions  with  U.  S.,  etc.,  1854-83,  vi. 
356-7,  442-7;  with  Italy,  1868,  vi. 
358;  treaty  with  Prussia,  1869,  vi. 
358;  relations  reestabl.  with  Spain, 
1871,  vi.  358;  famine  in,  1869,  vi. 
372;  relations  with  England,  vi. 
415,  455-6;  relations  renewed  with 
Portugal,  1879,  vi.  441;  with  Bel 
gium,  1879,  vi.  441;  with  France, 
1880,  vi.  441;  U.  S.  claims,  vi.  442- 
4;  treaty  with  U.  S.,  1883,  vi.  447; 
1884,  vi.  456;  Cent.  Amer.  affairs, 
1824-82,  vi.  452-5;  treaty  with 
Germany,  1883,  vi.  455;  with  Italy, 
1883,  vi.  455;  with  Belgium,  1883, 
vi.  455;  with  Spain,  1883,  vi.  455; 
party  spirit,  etc.,  in,  vi.  466-70; 
congress,  vi.  473-4;  the  executive, 
vi.  474-8;  municipal  administr.,  vi. 
479,  481;  territorial  divisions,  vi. 
480;  state  govt,  vi.  481;  the  suf 
frage,  vi.  481-2;  elections,  vi. 
482-3;  administ.  of  justice,  vi. 
483-7;  naturalization,  vi.  488-9; 
colonization,  vi.  489-92;  revenue 
and  taxation,  vi.  492-7,  536;  loans, 
etc.,  1823-80,  vi.  495-6;  army,  vi. 
498-503;  navy,  vi.  503-4;  mining, 
vi.  505-17;  mints,  vi.  518;  coinage, 
vi.  518-19,  552-3;  manufactures,  vi. 
520-7;  fisheries,  vi.  527-9;  fairs,  vi. 
530-2;  exhibitions,  vi.  530-1;  com 
merce,  vi.  533-6,  549-50;  customs, 
vi.  536-8;  mercantile  marine,  vi. 
540;  carrying  trade,  vi.  541-4;  tar 
iffs,  etc.,  vi.  545-8;  roads,  vi.  54-8— 
9;  banking,  vi.  551;  mails,  vi.  551- 


INDEX. 


733 


-•• 


2}  railroads,  vi.  553-9;  telegraphs, 
vi.  559-60;  agriculture  and  stock- 
raising,  vi.  561-79;  church  affairs, 
vi.  580-97;  society,  etc.,  vi.  598- 
629;  education,  vi.  630-9;  science, 
vi.  640-5;  antiquities,  vi  642-3; 
arts,  vi.  645-9;  literature,  vi.  649- 
58. 

Mexico,  city,  ancient  arms  of,  i.  13; 
Aztec  capital,  i.  96-7;  Cortes' 
march  to,  i.  191-287;  description  of, 
1519,  i.  275-9;  1800,  iii.  473-8; 
plans  of,  i.  280;  ii.  14;  v.  499; 
vi.  219;  la  noche  triste,  i.  463-81; 
siege  of,  1521,  i.  613-88;  re 
building,  etc.,  of,  ii.  8-18;  popula 
tion,  1524-1600,  ii.  17,  759;  1790, 
iii.  470;  privileges,  ii.  17-18;  civil 
commotions  at,  1525,  ii.  211-14; 
improvements  in,  ii.  382-3;  iii.  88- 
9,  186,  350;  first  church  in,  ii.  387- 
8;  cathedral  of,  ii.  389;  iii.  173-8; 
map  of  archdiocese,  ii.  555;  inun 
dated,  1553,  ii.  592-3;  dike  con 
structed,  1553,  ii.  593;  factious 
brawls  in,  1565,  ii.  605-6;  flooded, 
1589,  ii.  659-60;  1607,  iii.  8;  1627- 
9,  iii.  85-7;  1689,  iii.  227-8;  Ve- 
lasco  embellishes,  ii.  759;  proposed 
removal  of  site,  iii.  7,  87-8;  aque 
duct  completed,  iii.  28;  under  inter 
dict,  1624,  iii.  58-9;  revolt  against 
Gelves,  iii.  59-64;  interdict  removed, 
iii.  64;  punishment  of  rioters,  iii. 
75-6;  condition,  etc.,  of,  1692,  iii. 
232-5;  corn  riot  in,  1692,  iii.  232- 
48;  earthquakes  in,  1711,  iii.  285-6; 
1787,  iii.  460;  1800,  iii.  498;  1845, 
v.  282-3;  famine,  etc.,  in,  1714,  iii. 
286;  disturbances  in,  1808,  iv.  58; 
garrison,  etc.,  of,  1810,  iv.  160,  186; 
alarm  in,  iv.  185-7;  condition  of, 
1812,  iv.  360;  mutiny  at,  1821,  iv. 
717-18;  occupied  by  revolutionists, 
1821.  iv.  731-2; .  Lobato's  revolt, 
1824,  v.  12-13;  a  federal  district, 
1824,  v.  25-26;  pillage  in,  1828,  v. 
43;  re\7olt  in,  1829,  v.  91;  invested 
by  Santa  Anna,  1832,  v.  119-20; 
martial  law  in,  1833,  v.  119,  133; 
1847,  v.  525,  529;  1860,  v.  792; 
1863,  vi.  71;  federalist  revolt  in, 
1840,  v.  220-3;  occupied  by  Santa 
Anna,  1841,  v.  234-6;  revolt  against 
Santa  Anna,  1844-5,  v.  272-7;  re 
volts  in,  1846,  v.  299,  305;  defences 
of,  v.  472;  occupation  by  Scott, 
1847,  v.  519-21;  industrial  exhibi 
tion  in,  1849,  v.  593;  occupation, 
etc.,  by  Marquez,  1859,  v.  761-4; 


by  Ortega,  1860,  v.  795;  by  the 
French,  1863,  vi.  74;  siege  of,  by 
republicans,  1867,  vi.  342-7. 

Mexico,  state  of,  congress  of,  installed, 
1824,  v.  22;  revolt  in,  1 330,  v.  103; 
republican  operations  in,  1866,  vi. 
262-3;  curtailment  of  terr.,  etc.,  vi. 
370. 

Mexico,  valley  of,  early  civilization 
in,  i.  94-7;  location,  i.  95;  map  of, 
i.  583;  lakes  of,  described,  iii.  8; 
drainage  of,  iii.  8-11;  vi.  564-7. 

Meztitlan,  revolt  at,  suppressed,  ii. 
74. 

Michelena,  J.  M.  de,  plot  of,  iv.  402- 
3;  member  of  the  executive,  1823- 
4,  v.  2,  8,  12;  minister  of  war,  1837, 
v.  181. 

Micheltorena,  Gen.,  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  425;  campaign  in  Yucatan, 
1850-1,  v.  586. 

Michoacan,  visited  by  Parrillas,  ii. 
44-5;  maps  of,  ii.  343,  692;  iii.  463; 
iv.  511;  v.  264;  invaded  by  Guzman, 
1529,  ii.  344-50;  province  of,  created, 
1534,  ii.  391;  diocese  of,  established, 
1536,  ii.  391-3;  condition  of,  1532, 
ii.  470-1;  Quiroga's  reforms  in, 
1533,  ii.  471-2;  church  affairs  in, 
1565-1602,  ii.  692-4;  Jesuits  enter, 
1573,  ii.  707-8;  Franciscan  province 
founded,  etc.,  in,  ii.  718-19;  Valla- 
dolid  the  capital  of,  1580,  ii.  774; 
mining  in,  iii.  592;  bishopric  of,  iv. 
167;  extent  of,  iv.  170;  revolution 
in,  1811-13,  iv.  323,  422-3,  511-13, 
518-21,  538-40;  campaign  in,  1812, 
iv.  384-6;  1817,'iv.  653-5;  revolt  in, 
1830,  v.  103;  1833,  v.  132-5;  fac 
tions,  etc.,  in,  1851,  v.  607;  repub 
lican  operations  in,  1866,  vi.  258- 
61 ,  insurrection  in,  1874-5,  vi.  412- 
13. 

Mier,  Col  K.,  defeat  of,  at  Urepetiro, 
1811,  iv.  247-8;  operations  at  Oa- 
jaca,  1812,  iv.  483-4. 

Mier,  Dr  S.  T.  de,  biog.,  iv.  451; 
writings,  451-2;  return  from  exile, 
iv.  780;  imprisoned  in  Ulua,  iv. 
780-1;  opposition  to  Iturbide,  iv. 
781;  opposes  federation,  v.  11-12. 

Military  commissions,  created,  1813, 
iv.  491;  espionage,  iv.  501-2. 

Militia,  iii.  250,  402-14,  487-9. 

Mimiahuapan,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  534. 

Mina,  F.  J.,  biog.,  iv.  659-60;  ex- 
ped.,  1817,  iv.  659-80;  character, 
iv.  667;  capture,  iv.  680-1,  execu 
tion,  iv.  681-2;  causes  of  failure, 
iv.  682-3. 


734 


INDEX. 


Mining,  discoveries,  ii.  551-2,  595-7; 
iii.  578-80;  regulations,  iii.  580-2, 
592-7;  vi.  506-8;  process,  iii.  582, 
597;  vi.  509-10;  districts,  iii.  588- 
92;  hist,  of,  iii.  553-99;  vi.  505-17; 
authorities  on,  iii.  599-601. 

Mifion,  Gen.,  capture  of  Borland, 
1847,  v.  417-18;  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  432. 

Mint,  establ.,  1535,  iii.  669;  regula 
tions,  iii.  670;  coinage,  iii.  670-5; 
officials,  iii.  672-4;  buildings,  iii. 
673;  tribunal,  iii.  673-4;  at  Guana 
juato,  1810,  iv.  166;  at  Guadala 
jara,  1813,  iv.  537;  general  mention, 
vi.  517-18. 

Miota,    Capt.    J.   B.,  defeats   Ojeda, 

1813,  iv.  552-3. 
*Miramar  a  Mexico,'  vi.  148. 
Miramon,  Gen.  M.,  battle  of  Ahua- 

lulco,  1858,  v.  747;  provis.  presi 
dent,  1859,  v.  753;  cabinets,  v.  754, 
766-7,  785;  biog.,  v.  754-5;  rule,  v. 
756-94;  f  ght  of,  v.  794;  battle  of 
San  Miguel  ^alpulalpan,  I860.  v. 
793;  arrest  of,  1862,  vi.  3r;  supports 
Maximilian,  vi.  239;  army  of,  1866, 
vi.  244;  operations  of,  1867,  vi.  270; 
appearance,  etc.,  of,  vi.  275;  siege 
of  Queretaro,  1867,  vi.  285-304; 
trial  of  i.  309;  intercession  for, 
vi.  316-17;  execution,  v.  317-20. 

Miranda,  Padre  F.  J.,  minister  of 
justice,  1858,  v.  745;  designs  of,  v. 
766. 

Missions,  royal  encouragement  to,  ii. 
409;  in  Yucatan,  ii.  451-5;  in  Na- 
yarit,  iii.  229-31;  in  Sierra  Gorda, 
iii.  338;  in  Nuevo  Santander,  iii. 
344-8;  secularization  of,  iii.  712-13. 

Mixton  war,  ii.  492-511. 

Miyares,  Brigadier,  services  in  Vera 
Cruz,  1816,  iv.  640-1. 

Mizteca,  insurrection  in,  1812,  iv.  398; 
revolution  in,  1811-12,  iv.  433-40; 

1814,  iv.  583;  1816,  iv.  642;  map 
of,  iv.  435;  campaign  in,   1817,  iv. 
653. 

Miztecapan,  Cortes  explores,  i.  320; 
map  of,  ii.  33;  province  of,  created, 
1534,  ii.  391. 

Miztec  monarchies,  brief  account  of, 
ii.  36-7. 

Miztecs,  early  campaigns  against,  ii. 
37-8. 

Moctezuma,  F.,  minister  of  war,  1829, 
v.  80;  revolt  of,  1832,  v.  Ill;  occu 
pies  San  Luis  Potosi,  v.  114-15;  de 
feat  at  Fuerte  del  Gallinero,  v.  117. 

Mojonera,  battle  of,  1873,  vi.  400. 


Moledor,  Arroyo,  affair  at,  1810,  iv. 
299-300. 

Molino  del  Bey,  battle  of,  1847,  v. 
497-505. 

Molucca  Islands,  Cortes'  offer  to  con 
quer,  1826,  ii.  256;  Loaisa's  exped., 
1525,^ii.  257;  Cabot's  exped.,  1526, 
ii.  257;  proposed  search  for,  ii. 
256-9;  fate  of  Saavedra's  exped.,  ii. 
257-0. 

Mon,  ambassador,  treaty  with  Al 
monte,  1859,  v.  775-6. 

Monarchists,  party,  v.  283. 

Monasterio,  minister,  reply  to  U.  S. 
envoy,  1836,  v.  312-13;  the  Texan 
question,  v.  326. 

Monclova,  conspiracy  at,  1811,  iv. 
272-3;  govt  council  at,  iv.  272;  re 
volt  at,  1839,  v.  209. 

Monclova,  Conde  de,  29th  viceroy, 
1686,  iii.  221-2. 

Monopolies,  commercial,  effect  of,  iv. 
16. 

Monopolies,  government,  quicksilver, 
iii.  583-4,  662;  salt,  iii.  587;  pulque, 
iii.  609;  tobacco,  iii.  613-14,  063; 
iv.  749;  gunpowder,  iii.  662;  paper, 
iii.  663;  ice,  iii.  663;  cards,  etc.,  iii. 
663-4. 

Monsalve,  Gen.  P.,  captures  Huicha- 
pan,  1813,  iv.  527-9;  takes  Zima- 
pan,  iv.  529-30. 

Montalvo,  G.  de,  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
1579,  ii.  684;  transferred  to  Cuzco, 
1587,  ii.  689;  death,  1593,  ii.  689. 

Montanez,  J.  de  0.,  31st  viceroy, 
1696,  iii.  256;  biog.,  etc.,  iii.  256; 
rule,  iii.  256-9;  reappointed,  1701, 
iii.  268;  rule,  iii.  268-78;  archbishop, 
1699,  iii.  276-7;  death  of,  iii.  277-8. 

Montano,  F.,  ascends  Popocatepetl, 
1521,  ii.  29-31;  exped.  to  Michoa- 
can,  ii.  45-8;  map  of  exped.,  ii.  46. 

Montano,  Lieut-col,  plan  of,  1827,  v. 
37-8. 

Monteagudo,  Dr  M.,  mention  of,  iv. 
701-2. 

Monteblanco,  Fort,  capture  of,  1816, 
iv.  641. 

Monte  de  Piedad,  founded,  1775,  iii. 
761. 

Monte  jo,  F.  de,  Grijalva's  exped.,  i. 
16,  25;  Cortes'  captain,  i.  70;  char 
acter,  etc.,  i.  75-6;  ii.  430,  435; 
mission  to  Spain,  i.  168-72;.  gov.  of 
Yucatan,  1526,  ii.  430;  grants  to,  ii. 
431;  instructions,  ii.  431;  exped.  to 
Yucatan,  1527,  ii.  431-41;  1537,  ii. 
442-5;  to  Tabasco,  ii.  441-2;  gov. 
of  Honduras,  1535,  ii.  444;  departs 


INDEX. 


735 


for  Chiapas,  etc.,  ii.  445;  residencia 
of,  1545,  1548,  ii.  449-50;  death  of, 
ii.  450-1. 

Montejo,  F.  de,  jr,  exped.  to  Yucatan, 
1540-7,  ii.  445-9;  founds  Campeche, 
1540,  ii.  445;  founds  Merida,  1542, 
ii.  447;  founds  Valladolid,  1543,  ii. 
447. 

Moiitemayor,  D.  de,  settles  in  Nuevo 
Leon,  1584,  ii.  776-7;  grants  to, 
confirmed,  1585,  ii.  778-9;  capt.- 
gen.  N.  Leon,  1596,  ii.  779-80. 

Moiitemayor,  oidor,  works  of,  iii.  550. 

Montepio  Militar,  founding  of,  iii. 
422-3. 

Monterey,  founded,  1596,  ii.  780;  first 
cathedral  in,  iii.  693;  junta  of,  v. 
5-6;  captured  by  federalists,  1839, 
v.  209;  by  Taylor,  1846,  v.  376-402; 
fortifications,  v.  380-2;  plan,  v. 
381. 

Monterey,  Conde  de,  9th  viceroy, 
1595,  ii.  766;  character,  ii.  767; 
iii.  1-2;  rule,  767-84;  transferred  to 
Peru,  iii.  2;  death  of,  1606,  iii.  2; 
residencia,  iii.  5. 

Montes,  E.,  minister  of  justice,  1885, 
v.  676. 

Montes-claros,  Marques  de,  10th  vice 
roy,  1603,  iii.  5. 

Montserrat,  brotherhood  of,  organized, 
1580,  ii.  736-7. 

Montiifar,  A.  de,  archbishop,  1551,  ii. 
663;  death  of,  1572,  ii.  674;  charac 
ter,  ii.  674-5. 

Montezuma  II.,  descent,  i.  98;  char 
acter,  i.  98-9,  455-8;  rule,  i.  99-100; 
superstition  of,  i.  100-14,  266-7; 
Grijalva's  exped.,  etc.,  i.  113-15; 
envoys  and  presents  to  Cortes,  i. 
116-30,  156,  220^t,  231,  239,  243, 
254;  vacillation  of,  i.  125-6;  tax- 
collectors  seized  by  Cortes,  i.  146- 
51;  perplexity  of,  i.  155;  effect  of 
CorteV  victories  on,  i.  219-20,  223; 
invites  Cortes  to  Mex.,  i.  231,  255; 
subterfuge,  etc.,  of,  i.  265;  meeting 
with  Cortes,  i.  280-6;  reception  of 
Cortes,  i.  287-93;  palace  of,  i.  192; 
seizure  of,  i.  303-8;  captivity  of,  i. 
309-27;  treatment  as  captive,  i. 
328-52;  opposes  Cacama's  conspir 
acy,  i.  330-4;  swears  allegiance  to 
Cortes,  i.  336-7;  opposes  destruc 
tion  of  idols,  i.  346-9;  aids  Alva- 
rado,  i.  422;  fealty  to  Cortes,  i.  426; 
effect  of  Cortes'  rudeness  on,  i. 
428-9;  speech  to  his  countrymen,  i. 
440-1;  death  of,  i.  452-5;  wives,  i. 
458-9;  descendants,  i.  458-60;  ob 


sequies,  i.  464-5;  Indian  claimant 
to  throne  of,  1808,  iv.  73-4. 

Montezuma,  Col  J.,  operations  of, 
1812,  iv.  400-1. 

Montezuma,  Conde  de,  32d  viceroy, 
1696,  iii.  259;  rule,  iii.  259-65;  loy 
alty  suspected,  iii.  263-4;  returns 
to  Spain,  1702,  iii.  264. 

Mora,  I.,  divulges  plot,  v.  57;  minis 
ter  of  war,  1837,  v.  184;  1846,  v. 
299. 

Mora,  J.  M.  L.,  works  of,  iv.  824. 

Mora  y  Villamil,  Gen. ,  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  424-7,  430;  negotiations 
with  Trist,  1847,  v.  492. 

Morales,  Gen. ,  campaign  in  Yucatan, 
1842-3,  v.  242-3;  defence  of  Vera 
Cruz,  1847,  v.  442-5. 

Morales  y  Molina,  A.  R.  de,  bishop 
of  Michoacaii,  1565-72;  ii.  693;  of 
Puebla,  ii.  697. 

Moran,  victory  at  San  Andres,  1816, 
iv.  639. 

Morante,  C.,  treachery  of,  iv.  332. 

Morelos,  Gen.  J.  M.,  mention  of,  iv. 
202;  biog.,  iv.  293-4;  character,  iv. 
294-6;  meeting  with  Hidalgo,  iv. 
206-7;  first  campaign,  1811,  iv.  297- 
306;  plan  of  campaign,  iv.  298; 
plots  against,  iv.  305-6,  344-5; 
measures,  iv.  343^4;  second  cam 
paign,  1811-12,  iv.  348-51  x  plan  of 
campaign,  iv.  348;  defeats  Porlier, 
iv.  356-7;  defence  of  Cuautla,  1812, 
iv.  362-72;  relieves  Huajuapan, 
1812,  iv.  438-40;  third  campaign, 
1812,  iv.  468-90;  plans,  iv.  489-90; 
captures  Acapulco,  1813,  iv.  545-51; 
convokes  congress,  iv.  559-60;  de 
signs  of,  iv.  559-65;  decrees  of,  iv. 
564-7;  defeat  at  Valladolid,  1813, 
iv.  569-73;  resignation  of,  iv.  576-7; 
capture,  iv.  615-18;  trial,  etc.,  iv. 
619-21;  execution,  1815,  iv.  622; 
character,  iv.  622-5. 

Morelos,  state,  organized,  etc.,  1869, 
vi.  369. 

Morelos,  town,  affair  at,  1840,  v.  215. 

Moreno,  M.,  operations  of,  1812,  iv. 
399-401. 

Moreno,  Gen.  T.,  capture  of  Puebla, 
1856,  v.  701-3. 

Moret,  Gen.,  mention  of,  vi.  292-3. 

Morla,  F.  de,  Cortes'  captain,  i.  70; 
evacuation  of  Mex.,  i.  471;  death 
of,  i.  481. 

Morones,  Dr,  juez  de  residencia,  1557, 
ii.  548-9. 

Morote,  G.,  juez  de  residencia,  1661, 
iii.  150. 


736 


INDEX. 


Morquecho,  D.  N.  de,  gov.  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  iii.  298. 

Morrier,  M.,  envoy  to  Mex.,  v.  51. 

Mota,  A.  de  la,  bishop  of  Nueva  Ga 
licia,  1596,  ii.  692. 

Mota,  I.  de  la,  bishop  of  Puebla,  iii. 
119. 

Mota  Padilla,  M.  de  la,  works  of,  ii. 
515. 

Motolinia,  Father  T.  de,  works,  etc., 
of,  ii.  187-8,  785. 

Moya  y  Contreras,  P.  de,  coadjutor 
of  archbishop,  1£72,  ii.  675;  chief 
inquisitor,  1571,  ii.  078;  archbishop, 
1572,  ii.  682-3;  biog.,  ii.  682;  rup 
ture  with  viceroy,  ii.  683;  crown 
sustains,  ii.  683-4;  summons  coun 
cil,  1584,  ii.  684;  royal  visitador, 
1583,  ii.  740;  sixth  viceroy,  1584,  ii. 
740;  rule,  1584-5,  ii.  740-1;  charges 
against,  ii.  741;  returns  to  Spain, 
ii.  742;  president  India  Council,  ii. 
742;  death,  1691,  ii.  742. 

Municipal  government,  ii.  139-40;  iii. 
521-31;  iv.  502. 

Muniz,  Gen.  M.,  in  Michoacan,  iv. 
312-13;  repulse  at  Valladolid,  iv. 
314;  defeat  at  Acuitzio,  1811,  iv. 
337;  district  of,  1813,  iv.  565; 
treachery  of,  iv.  056. 

Munoz,  A.,  royal  commissioner,  1567, 
ii.  625;  character,  ii.  625;  tyranny 
of,  ii.  626-9;  deposed,  1568,  ii.  630- 
2;  death,  1568,  ii.  632. 

Munroe,  Major,  capture  of  Monterey, 
v.  396. 

Munster,  S.,  works  of,  i.  257-8. 

Murguia,  J.  M.,  intend,  of  Oajaca, 
1812,  iv.  488,  562-3. 

Muriel,  D.,  *  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,'  iii. 
724. 

Murphy,  T.,  minister  of  foreign  af 
fairs,  1867,  vi.  334. 

Muzquiz,  Gen.  M.,  president  ad  inte 
rim,  1832,  v.  115;  biog.,  v.  115-16; 
cabinet,  v.  116. 


N 


Nahua  civilization,  i.  94-7,  639. 

Napoleon  I.,  career  of,  iv.  1-3. 

Napoleon  III.,  instructions  to  Gen. 
Forey,  etc.,  1862,  vi.  54-5;  with 
drawal  of  French  troops,  vi.  208, 
243. 

Narvaez,  P.  de,  Velazquez'  lieut,  1511, 
i.  4;  character,  etc.,  i.  358-9;  ex- 
ped.  to  Mex.,  1520,  i.  361-3;  sum 
mons  Villa  Rica  to  surrender,  i. 
64-5;  proceeds  against  Cortes,  i. 


370-2;  seizes  Cortes'  treasures,  i. 
372-3;  estranges  his  followers,  i. 
372;  proposals  to  Cortes,  i.  382; 
treatment  of  Cortes'  messengers,  i. 
384-5;  defeated  at  Cempoala,  i. 
393-7;  capture  of,  i.  397-8;  impris 
onment,  i.  405;  release,  etc.,  ii.  77- 
8. 

Nautla,  battle  of,  1519,  i.  259;  sack 
of,  i.  260. 

Navarro  y  Rodriguez,  C.,  'Iturbide,' 
iv.  825. 

Navidad,  Philippine  fleet  at,  1563-4, 
ii.  600;  burned,  1587,  ii.  746. 

Naval  department,  San  Bias,  iii.  420-1. 

Navigation,  internal,  facilities  for,  iii. 
638. 

Navy,  v.  65-6,  570-1,  744,  776-9;  vi. 
403-4. 

Nayarit,  province,  extent,  iii.  310-11; 
inhabitants,  iii.  311-13;  maps  of, 
iii.  311,  318;  expeditions  to,  iii. 
313-17;  chief  visits  Mex.,  1720-1, 
iii.  317-21;  conquest  of,  1721-2,  iii. 
321-8;  named  Nuevo  Reino  de  To 
ledo,  iii.  328;  missions,  etc.,  found 
ed,  iii.  329;  revolts,  1722-3,  iii. 
329-30;  Franciscans  in,  1767,  iii. 
331;  condition,  1767-89,  iii.  330-1. 

Nayarit,  town,  surrendered  by  impe 
rialists,  1867,  vi.  352. 

Negrete,  E.  del  C.,  works  of,  iv. 
624-5. 

Negrete,  Gen.  M.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  1862,  vi.  47-50;  operation 
of,  1863,  vi.  121;  1865,  vi.  196-8; 
pronunciamiento  of,  1869,  vi.  372-3; 
defeat  of,  vi.  373;  insurrection  of, 
1868,  vi.  366. 

Negrete,  Gen.  P.  C.,  mention  of,  iv. 
245;  operations  at  Urepetiro,  1810, 
iv.  248;  operations  of,  1811,  iv. 
324-5;  1812,  iv.  387-90;  defeats 
Verdusco,  1813,  iv.  512;  repulse  at 
Mescala,  1813,  iv.  540;  capture  of 
Mescala,  1816,  iv.  655;  captures 
Durango,  1821,  iv.  715-16;  declares 
against  Iturbide,  1823,  iv.  796; 
member  of  executive,  1823,  iv.  802; 
exiled,  1827,  v.  58. 

Negroes,  conspiracy  of,  1537,  ii.  384— 
5;  1546,  ii.  537-8;  number,  ii.  575; 
intermarry  with  Indians,  ii.  772; 
revolt  of,  1609,  iii.  11-12;  1669,  iii. 
172;  1735,  iii.  352-3;  emancipation 
of,  iii.  751-2;  protection  of,  iii.  751- 
2;  restrictions,  iii.  753. 

Nevares,  A.  0.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1593-4,  ii.  650. 

New  Laws,  the,  passed,  ii.  516;  Las 


INDEX. 


737 


Casas'  efforts  in  behalf  of,  ii.  518- 
19;  approved  by  the  emperor,  1542, 
ii.  519;  amplified,  ii.  519;  provisions 
of  the,  ii.  519-21;  proclaimed,  etc., 
ii.  523;  modification  of,  1545,  ii. 
527;  disregarded,  ii.  527;  revolts 
caused  by,  ii.  527-8;  enforcement 
of,  ii.  565-6. 

New  Mexico,  expeditions  to,  1540-98, 
ii.  781-2;  Spaniards  driven  from, 
1680,  iii.  251;  reconquered,  1692, 
251-2;  revolt  in,  1696,  252. 

New  Leon,  map,  ii.  778. 

New  Spain  (see  also  Mexico),  name,  i. 
20;  iii.  372. 

Nezahualpilli,  astrologer,  divinations 
of,  i.  103-7;  death,  330. 

Nicaragua,  the  Contreras  revolt,  ii. 
527;  gold-gathering  in,  iii.  566-9. 

Niza,  M.  de,  explorations  of,  1539,  ii. 
467. 

Nobility,  local,  iii.  755;  iv.  94-5. 

Noche  Triste,  la,  i.  463-^81. 

Nochistlan,  burned,  1530,  ii.  352-3; 
capture  of,  1541,  ii.  507. 

Nochistongo,  tunnel  of,  completed, 
1608,  iii.  9-10;  cutting  of,  vi.  565. 

Nolan,  Philip,  raid  of,  iv.  33. 

Noriega,  Gen.  M.,  defence  of  Puebla, 
1867,  vi.  335-6. 

Novella,  Mariscal  F.,  62d  viceroy, 
1821,  iv.  718-20;  rule,  720-31. 

Novenarios,  name,  v.  37. 

'Novus  Orbis,'i.  281-2. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Asuncion,  city, 
see  Chilpancingo. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedies,  im 
age  of,  iii.  478;  iv.  91,  186-7;  ban 
ner  of,  iv.  187. 

Nueva  Galicia,  descript.  of,  ii.  59-60; 
Guzman's  conquest  of,  1530,  ii.  344- 
65;  maps  of,  ii.  352,  492;  condition 
of,  1537,  ii.  462;  1538-41,  ii.  490-2; 
Indian  revolt  in,  1538,  ii.  463-4; 
1541,  ii.  493-4;  oppression  of  na 
tives,  ii.  538-9;  govt,  etc.,  of,  1548, 
ii.  547-8;  iii.  296-301;  Guadalajara, 
capital  of,  ii.  548;  see  of,  establ'd, 
1544,  ii.  549;  mineral  discoveries,  ii. 
551-2;  loss  of  population,  ii.  552-3; 
map  of  bishopric,  ii.  690;  prelates, 
1548-96,  ii.  691-2;  Jesuits  visit, 
1574,  ii.  708-9;  extent,  iii.  296; 
governors,  iii.  297-8;  industrial  con 
dition,  iii.  303-4;  population,  iii. 
304;  revolution  in,  1810,  iv.  202- 
8;  1821,  iv.  715;  royalist  operations 
in,  1811,  iv.  322-5;  royalist  meas 
ures,  iv.  339. 

His.  HEX.  VOL.  VI.    47 


Nuevo   Leon,   governors,    iii.    333-4; 

Indian  troubles   in,  334-5;  extent, 

etc.,   1810,  337-8;  population,  338; 

defence  of,   iii.  412-13;  see  of,  iii. 

693;  revolt  in,  1811,  iv.  240-1;  1813, 

iv.   544;    subjugation    of,    iv.    656; 

map  of,  vi.  130. 
Nuevo  Santander,  revolt  in,  1810,  iv. 

239;    insurrection     suppressed    in, 

1811,   iv.   321-2;  increase  of  terr., 

1811,    322;    demonstration   against 

Iturbide,  iv.  783. 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  reino  established,  ii. 

598;  revolution  in,  1821,  iv.  716. 
Nunez,  A.,  mention  of,  i.   326,   355. 

670,  _675. 
Nunez,  minister  of  the  treasury,  1863, 

vi.  110. 
Nunneries,  number  of,   1588,  ii.  737; 

mention  of,  iii.  710-11. 


Oajaca,  Cortes  reserves  grant  in,  ii. 
38-9;  settlement  of,  ii.  42;  revolt 
in,  1526,  ii.  227-8;  1531,  ii.  415; 
diocese  established,  1535,  ii.  391-2; 
slow  growth  of,  ii.  417-18;  map  of 
bishopric,  ii.  694;  church  affairs, 
1554-1604,  694-5;  Jesuits  enter, 
1575,  ii.  706;  condition  of,  1550,  ii. 
728-9;  maps  of,  iii.  462;  iv.  482;  vi. 
126;  see  of,  iii  691;  revolution  in, 
1811-12,  iv.  433-40,  481-9;  1821,  iv. 
725;  royalist  reaction  in,  iv.  558; 
reconquest  of,  1814,  iv.  580-3; 
earthquakes  in,  1867,  1870,  vi.  367; 
mining  regulations  in,  1873,  vi. 
508. 

Oajaca,  city,  earthquake  at,  1787,  iii. 
461-2;  1801,  iii.  498;  cathedral  of, 
iii.  691;  captured  by  Morelos,  1812, 
iv.  481-5;  plans  of,  iv.  484;  vi.  189; 
sack  of,  iv.  485;  executions  at,  iv. 
486;  prisoners  released  at,  iv.  487- 
8;  govt  organized,  iv.  488;  royalist 
occupation  of,  1814,  iv.  581-2;  Al- 
varez'  measures  in,  iv.  582;  occupied 
by  Leon,  1821,  iv.  725;  by  Bravo, 
1823,  iv.  795-6;  siege  of,  1865,  vi. 
188-90;  capitulation  of,  1866,  vi. 
261;  occupied  by  Alatorre,  1872,  vi. 
382;  by  Hernandez,  1876,  vi.  419. 

Obeso,  defeat  at  Ayotla,  1817,  iv. 
650. 

O'Brien,  Lieut,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
v.  424-6,  431. 

Ocampo,  D.  de,  alcalde  mayor,  1523, 
ii.  111-12;  negotiations,  etc.,  witl; 
Garay,  ii.  113-15;  royal  notary,  ii. 


738 


INDEX. 


216;  Cortes'  agent,  1529,  ii.  290. 

Ocampo,  G.  de,  regidor,  1524,  ii.  9. 

Ocampo,  M.,  gov.  of  Michoacan,  1851, 
v.  607;  minister  of  relations,  1855, 
v.  667;  policy,  v.  668-9. 

Ochoa,  Alcalde  J.  de,  revolutionist 
plot  divulged  to,  1810,  iv.  Ill;  ac 
tion  of,  iv.  1 13-14;  defeat  at  Pinones, 
1811,  iv.  307. 

Ocotlan,  affair  at,  1856,  v.  681. 

Ocuituco,  Augustinians  found  convent 
at,  ii.  397-8. 

Odoardo,  J.  H. ,  president  of  congress, 
1822,  iv.  759. 

O'Donoju,  J.,  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
1821,  iv.  726;  biog.,  iv.  726;  pro 
ceedings,  iv.  727-8;  treaty  of  Cor 
doba,  iv.  728;  recognition  of,  iv.  731; 
member  of  regency,  iv.  735;  death, 
1821,  iv.  736;  character,  etc.,  iv. 
736-7. 

Office-holding,  rapacity,  etc.,  of  offi 
cials,  ii.  739;  iii.  30,  154-5;  sale  of 
offices,  iii.  350,  529-31;  eagerness 
for,  iii.  526;  candidates,  iii.  527; 
qualifications,  iii.  527-8;  pay,  iii. 
528;  pensions,  iii.  528-9;  precedence, 
iii.  531. 

Ogazon,  P.,  minister  of  war,  1876,  vi. 
431. 

Oidores,  jurisdiction  of,  ii.  278;  in 
structions  to,  1528,  ii.  279-81;  ve 
nality  of,  iii.  28-9;  duties,  etc.,  iii. 
539^3. 

Ojeda,  Capt.,  mention  of,  i.  1,  430-1; 
at  temple  fight,  1520,  i.  447;  at 
capture  of  Zacatepec,  i.  526;  at 
Tezcuco,  i.  616;  exped.  to  Tlascala, 
i.  667. 

Ojeda,  Lieut-col,  defeat  at  Piaxtla, 
1813,  iv.  552-3. 

Olavarrieta,  J.  A.,  auto-de-fe  of,  iv. 
38. 

Olazabal,  convoy,  etc.,  of,  1813,  iv. 
554. 

Olid,  C.  de,  search  for  Grijalva,  i. 
31-2;  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i.  65,  70, 
134,  136,  230,  312,  354,  389,  394, 
396,  400,  471,  475,  490,  529,  582, 
610,  618,  621-2,  627-9,  634;  charac 
ter,  etc.,  i.  76;  sent  to  Michoacan, 

1522,  ii.  51-3;  pillage  of  Tzintzun- 
tzan,  ii.  52-3;  occupies  Zacatula,  ii 
53;  exped.  to  Impilcingo,   1524,  ii 
58-9;  conquers  Colima,  ii.  59;  founds 
Coliman,  ii.  59;  ordered  to  Hibueras, 

1523,  ii.  104-5;  defection  of,  ii.  203; 
founds  Valladolid,  iv.  167. 

Olive-culture,  restrictions  on,  iii.  613; 
condition  of,  vi.  573. 


Olmedo,  Father  B.  de,  with  Cortes' 
exped.,  i.  69,  92,  123,  129,  164,  197, 
228,  248,  296,  316,  346,  370-1,  375, 
380,  382,  392,  472,  545;  ii.  81,  157- 
8;  character,  i.  228-9;  death  of,  ii. 
159. 

Olvera,  Gen.,  defeat  of,  1866,  vi. 
251-2;  surrender  of,  1867,  vi.  351. 

Omitlan,  Guzman  encamped  at,  1530, 
ii.  358-9. 

Onate,  C.  de,  exped.  to  Michoacan,  ii. 
348-9;  to  Jalisco,  1530,  ii.  355-6; 
in  charge  of  Nueva  Galicia,  ii.  372, 
469;  the  Mixton  war,  ii.  496-8,  502- 
3,  507. 

Onate,  C.  de,  jr,  conspiracy  of,  1565, 
ii.  609;  tortured,  ii.  625;  turns  in 
former,  ii.  625;  exonerates  M.  Cor 
tes,  ii.  626-7;  executed.  1568,  ii. 
626-7. 

Ordaz,  D.  de,  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i. 
61,  66-7,  70,  79-80,  88,  134,  139, 
291,  301,  310,  323^,  390,  400-1, 
407,  423,  433-^,  471,  486,  529,  558; 
character,  etc.,  i.  78;  search  for 
Cortes,  1525,  ii.  220-1;  alguacil 
mayor,  ii.  221. 

Onate,  J.  de,  founds  Guadalajara,  ii. 
366-7;  conquers  New  Mex.,  1597-8, 
ii.  781-2. 

'Ordenes  de  la  Corona,'  iii.  551. 

Ordonez,  Col  C.,  operations  of,  1813, 
iv.  527-30;  1817,  iv.  657;  defeated 
by  Mina,  iv.  667-8. 

Orizaba,  city,  location,  iii.  220;  popu 
lation,  1777,  iii.  220;  capture  and 
recapture,  1812,  iv.  400-1,  479-80; 
plan  of,  1834,  v.  137;  occupied  by 
Spanish  troops,  1862,  vi.  40;  con 
ference  at,  1862,  vi.  42. 

Orozco,  F.  de,  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i. 
69;  regidor,  i.  555,  557. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  M.,  works  of,  ii.  635- 
6. 

Orrantia,  Gen.,  mention  of,  iv.  525; 
victory  at  La  Caja,  1817,  iv.  679; 
captures  Mina,  iv.  680-1. 

Ortega,  Gen.,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
v.  419,  425-8;  operations,  1860,  v. 
781,  783;  concentration  at  Quere- 
taro,  v.  787,  793;  victory  at  San 
Miguel  Calpulalpan,  1860,  v.  793; 
occupation  of  Mex.,  v.  794-5;  min 
ister  of  justice,  1861,  vi.  18;  defeat 
of,  1862,  vi.  52;  correspondence  with 
Forey,  vi.  58;  defence  of  Puebla, 

1863,  vi.  62-8;  captivity  of,  69;  es 
cape,  69;  operations,   1863,  vi.  122; 

1864,  vi.    125;    retirement    of,    vi. 
203-4;    candidate    for    presidency, 


INDEX. 


739 


1866,  vi.  233-4;  defence  of  Maxi 
milian,  vi.  308;  claims  the  presi 
dency,  1867,  vi.  368. 

Ortiz,  M.,  victory  at  San  Felipe,  1813, 
iv.  524. 

Ortiz,  T.,  execution  of,  1811,  iv.  351. 

Ortiz,  Father  T.,  mention  of,  ii.  246- 
9,  301. 

Osollo,  Col,  operations,  etc.,  of,  1856, 
v.  678,  701,  703,  705. 

Osorio  de  Escobar  y  Llamas,  D. ,  arch 
bishop,  1663,  iii.  165;  dispute  with 
viceroy,  iii.  165-6;  24th  viceroy, 
1664,  iii.  166-8;  rule,  iii.  168;  resi- 
dencia,  iii.  168;  death,  1673,  iii. 
168. 

Osorno,  Gen.  J.  F.,  operations  of ,  1811, 
iv.  341-2;  1813,  iv.  534-6;  1814,  iv. 
588-9;  1816,  iv.  636-9;  joins  Teran, 
iv.  639;  attack  on  viceroy,  iv.  648. 

Ostotoctheotl,  temple  of,  ii.  401. 

Obomis,  submit  to  Cortes,  i.  637;  aid 
Cortes,  i.  664-5;  Augustinians 
preach  to,  ii.  400;  defeat  Chichimecs, 
ii.  540-2;  depredations  of,  iii.  271. 

Otumba,  battle  at,  i.  497-504;  submits 
to  Cortes,  i.  576;  plan  of  Montano, 
1827,  v.  37-8. 

0 valle,  G.  de,  raids  of,  in  Panuco,  etc. , 
1523,  ii.  112. 

Oviedo,  G.  F.,  works  of,  ii.  487. 

Oviedo,  L.  C.  de,  first  gov.  of  Yuca 
tan,  1565-71,  ii.  650. 


Pacheco,  Gen. ,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 

v.  419,  425-6;  exiled,  1856,  v.  703. 
Pacheco,  G.,  subdues  Bacalar,  etc.  ii., 

447;  founds  Villa  Alta,  ii.  731. 
Pacheco,  J.  F.,  Spanish  ambassador, 

1860,  v.  786-7. 

Pacheco,  J.  R.,  works  of,  iv.  725. 
Pachuca,  capture  of,   1812,  iv.  405-6; 

retaken,    1812,    iv.   421;  capital  of 

Hidalgo,  etc.,  1869,  vi.  370. 
Pachuca,  district,  mining  in,  iii.  591- 

2. 
Packenham,  minister,  intercession  of, 

1838,  v.  202-3. 

Padierna,  battle  of,  1847,  v.  475^80. 
Padilla,  A.  D.,  works  of,  iii.  723-4. 
Padilla,  town,  founded,  1749,  iii.  343. 
Pagola,  J.  M.,  execution  of,  1818,  iv. 

693. 
Paintings,  Aztec,  i.  113,  124-5,  367, 

413,   416,   448,  463,  595;  Mexican, 

vi.  645-6. 

Palace,  Montezuma's,  i.  292. 
Palace,   viceregal,    plan   of,    iii.  234; 


burned,  1692,  iii.  240;  rebuilt,  1693- 
1792,  iii.  250;  description,  iii.  250- 
1,  474. 

Palacio,  F.  G.  del,  minister  of  gober- 
nacion,  1872,  vi.  385;  commissioner 
on  U.  S.  claims,  1869,  vi.  443;  min 
ister  to  U.  S.,  1871,  443. 

Palacio,  M.  R.,  defence  of  Maximilian, 
vi.  308. 

Palacio,  Gen.  V.  R.,  minister  of  jus 
tice,  1844,  v.  273. 

Palacio,  Gen.  R.,  operations  of,  1866, 
vi.  263;  siege  of  Queretaro,  1867, 
vi.  278-89;  character,  vi.  282; 
marches  on  Mex.,  vi.  344;  banish 
ment,  etc.,  of,  1875,  vi.  417;  minis 
ter  of  fomento,  1876,  vi.  431;  'His- 
toria,' vi.  432-4. 

Palafox  y  Mendoza,  J.  de,  bishop  of 
Puebla,  iii.  98-9;  biog.,  iii.  99-100; 
character,  iii.  100;  differences  with 
viceroy,  iii.  103-7;  appointed  18th 
viceroy,  1642,  iii.  108;  rule,  iii. 
110-12;  quarrel  with  Jesuits,  iii. 
121-32;  flight  from  Puebla,  1647, 
iii.  126;  return,  iii.  127;  recalled  to 
Spain,  1648,  iii.  129;  pope  sustains, 
iii.  129-30;  bishop  of  Osma,  1653, 
iii.  132;  poverty  of,  iii.  132;  death, 
1659,  iii.  132-3;  proposed  canoniza 
tion  of,  iii.  133;  writings  of,  iii.  133. 

Panes,  D.,  works  of,  iii.  508. 

Panes,  Lieut-col  J.  M.,  operations  of, 
1812,  iv.  400-1. 

Palo  Alto,  battle  of,  1846,  v.  352-64; 
plan  of,  v.  354. 

Panuco,  province,  proposed  exped.  to, 
1521,  ii.  65;  1522,  ii.  94-5;  descript. 
of,  ii.  94;  Cortes'  claims  to,  ii.  95-6; 
Cortes  invades,  ii.  96-101;  map  of, 
ii.  98;  garrison  left  in,  ii.  100;  sup 
ply  vessel  wrecked,  ii.  100-1 ;  result 
of  exped.,  ii.  101;  Garay  invades, 
1523,  ii.  105-17;  Indian  revolt  in, 
1523,  ii.  117-22;  province  reorgan 
ized,  Ii.  123-4;  Guzman  gov.  of, 
1526,  ii.  263;  boundary  disputes,  ii. 
265-6;  Soto's  party  reaches,  ii.  513- 
14. 

'Papeles  Franciscanos,'MS.,  mention 
of,  iii.  725. 

'Papeles  Varios,'  vi.  660. 

'  Papeles  y  Correspondencia  de  la  Fa- 
milia  Imperial,'  vi.  362. 

Paper,  manufacture  of,  vi.  525. 

Parada,  A.  de,  oidor,  1527,  ii.  274; 
death  of,  ii.  282. 

Parada,  J.  G.,  bishop  of  Yucatan,  v. 
85. 

Paredes,  Gen.,  operations  of,  1838-9, 


740 


INDEX. 


v.  206;  revolution  of  1841,  v.  228- 
31;  1844-5,  v.  265-77;  1845-6,  v. 
290-3;  1848,  v.  548-50;  president, 
1846,  v.  293;  biog.,  etc.,  v.  293-4; 
cabinet,  v.  294;  rule,  v.  294-9;  plan 
of  campaign,  1848,  v.  549. 

Paredes,  J.  de,  alcalde  mayor  Yuca 
tan,  ii.  649;  juez  conservador,  iii. 
123. 

Parian,  Mexico  City,  erection  of  the 
1695-1703,  iii.  249-50;  sack  of  the, 
1828,  v.  43. 

Paris,  Gen.  F.,  operations  of,  1810,  iv. 
299-300;  1812,  iv.  407-9,  468-9, 
489;  death  of,  1813,  iv.  552. 

Parker,  Capt.  W.,  repulsed  at  Cam- 
peche,  1596,  ii.  647-8. 

Parra,  F.  de  la,  mention  of,  iv.  237-8; 
capture  of,  239. 

Parral  District,  mining  in,  vi.  514. 

Parral,  presidio,  establ'd,  1631,  iii. 
14. 

Parras,  town,  founded,  1598,  iii.  14. 

Parres,  J.,  minister  of  war,  1832,  v. 
125. 

Parres,  L.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1846,  v.  294. 

Parrodi,  Gen.,  'Memoria,'  v.  434;  op 
erations  of,  1857,  v.  705;  surrender 
of,  1858,  v.  736. 

Paseos,  descript.  of,  iii.  477. 

Pastimes,  descript.  of,  vi.  624—6. 

Pastry  war,  the,  1838-9,  v.  186-205. 

Patterson,  Gen. ,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
v.  452. 

Patzcuaro,  episcopal  seat,  1554,  ii. 
774;  Jesuit  college  at,  iii.  118;  en 
gagement  at,  1811,  iv.  312. 

Payno,  Minister  M.,  financial  meas 
ures,  1849,  v.  561-2. 

Paz,  R  de,  regidor,  1524,  ii.  9;  Cor 
tes'  mayordomo  mayor,  ii.  205;  ar 
rest,  etc.,  of,  ii.  209-10;  joins  Sala- 
zar,  ii.  210-14;  Salazar  plots 
against,  ii.  215-17;  tortured,  ii. 
218-19;  executed,  ii.  219. 

Pearls,  abundance  of,  iii.  560-1. 

Pearl  fisheries,  mention  of,  iii.  619;  vi. 

528-9. 

Pearl  Islands,  first  visited,  iii.  565-6. 
Pedraza,  Gen.  M.  G.,  coinand.  of 
Mex.,  1823,  iv.  800-2;  gov.  of  Mex. 
1824,  v.  22;  cabinet  minister,  1825, 
v.  31-2;  president  elect,  1828,  v.  41 
flight  of,  v.  43-4;  return  of,  1832, 
v.  120;  negotiations  with  Busta- 
mante,  v.  122-3;  president,  1832,  v, 
123;  rule,  v.  125-7;  cabinet,  v.  125 
.  biog.,  etc.,  v.  125-6,  128;  death,  v. 
129? 


?edro,  Prince  Don,  regency  demanded 
for,  1812,  iv.  456. 

Pefia,  O.  de  la,  defeat  of,  1866,  vi. 
263. 

?ena  y  Barragan,  Gen.,  campaign  in 
Yucatan,  1843,  v.  243;  battle  of 
Chapultepec,  v.  514. 

Pefia  y  Pefia,  M.  de  la,  minister  of 
justice,  etc.,  1837,  v.  180-1;  of  re 
lations,  1845,  v.  290;  negotiations 
of,  v.  340-2;  provis.  president,  1847, 
v.  527;  biog.,  531-2,  550;  rule,  532- 
50. 

Penalva,  Count  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1649,  iii.  160;  assassination  of,  1652, 
160. 

Penate,  A.,  conspires  against  Cortes, 
etc.,  i.  177-9. 

Pensacola  Bay,  exped.  to,  1693,  iii. 
227;  Santa  Maria  founded  at,  1694- 
6,  iii.  227. 

Penuelas,  affair  at,  1860,  v.  783. 

Peotillos,  affair  at,  1817,  iv.  664-6. 

Peralta,  J.  S.,  works  of,  ii.  606. 

Peralta,  M.  de,  senior  oidor,  1649,  iii. 
138;  acting  president,  1649-50,  138- 
9. 

Pereda,  J.  N.,  minister  of  relations, 
1866,  vi.  226. 

Peregrino,  affair  at,  1854,  v.  652. 

Perez,  A.  J.,  deputy  to  cdrtes,  1810, 
iv.  445-6. 

Perez,  Bishop,  influence  over  Iturbide, 
iv.  725. 

Perez,  C.,  plot  of,  iv.  402-3. 

Perez,  Gen.  F.,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
v.  430;  of  Molino  del  Rey,  v.  498, 
502;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  511. 

Perote,  Fortress,  building  of,  iii.  215, 
417;  plot  at,  1812,  iv.  403;  surren 
der  of,  1821,  iv.  739;  revolt  at,  1828, 
v.  42;  Santa  Anna  imprisoned  at, 

1845,  v.  277-8;  plan  of,  v.  278;  cap 
ture  of,  v.  459-60;  surrendered  by 
imperialists,  1866,  vi.  262. 

Perry,  Col,  defeat  of,  1817,  iv.  663. 
Perry,     Commodore,     operations    of, 

1846,  v.  410-11;  siege  of  Vera  Cruz, 
v.  444;  capture  of  Tabasco,  v.  449. 

Peru,  rebellion  in,  ii.  528;  audiencia 
of,  establ'd,  ii.  521;  troops  raised 
for,  ii.  537;  treasures  of,  iii.  570-8; 
gold-mining  in,  iii.  576-8;  commerce 
with,  iii.  634-5. 

Petatlan,  capture  of,  1810,  iv.  298. 

Pesado,  J.  J.,  '  El  libertador  de  Mexi 
co,'  iv.  825;  minister  of  relations, 
1846,  v.  299. 

Pesquera,  Capt.  J.,  mention  of,  iv. 
422-3, 


INDEX 


741 


Peza,  C.  G.  de  la,  minister  of  the 
treasury,  1859,  v.  766-7. 

Peza,  I.  de  la,  '  Maximiliano, '  vi. 
327. 

Pezuela,  Gen.  R.,  minister  of  war, 
1851,  v.  597;  plan  of,  1858,  v.  750- 
2;  biog.,  v.  751. 

Philippine  Islands  named,  ii.  512;  ex- 
ped.  to,  1564-5,  ii.  599-601;  Jesuits 
locate  in,  1585,  ii.  709;  commerce 
with,  ii.  743-4;  iii.  632-4. 

Philiponus,  Friar  H.,  works  of,  ii. 
189. 

Piaxtla,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  552-3. 

Picaluga,  plot  of,  1830,  v.  96-8. 

Pie  de  Palo,  pirate  leader,  iii.  83, 
145. 

Pierce,  Gen.,  battle  of  Churubusco,  v. 
484-5;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  515. 

Pillow,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
v.  456-8;  of  Padierna,  v.  476-7;  of 
Churubusco,  v.  483-5;  of  Molino 
del  Rev,  v.  504;  of  Chapultepec,  v. 
507-14. 

Pineda,  A.  A.,  exped.  to  New  Spain, 
i.  189-90;  to  Panuco,  i.  538;  death 
of,  i.  538. 

Pino,  Capt.,  gallantry  at  Las  Cruces, 
iv.  178. 

Pinones,  Defile  of,  engagement  at, 
1811,  iv.  307. 

Pinos,  town,  capture  of,  1817,  iv. 
666. 

Pinotl,  cacique,  meeting  with  Grijal- 
va,  etc.,  i.  112-13. 

Pizarro,  F.,  treasure  obtained  by,  iii. 
570-5. 

Plans,  Mexico,  ii.  14;  v.  499;  vi.  219; 
port  of  Acapulco,  ii.  25;  Vera  Cruz, 
iii.  193;  v.  198,  443;  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  iii.  213;  palace  of  Mexico,  iii. 
>  234;  city  of  Zacatecas,  iii.  305; 
Queretaro,  iv.  97;  Alhdndiga  de 
i  Granaditas,  iv.  140;  Las  Cruces,  iv. 
•  177;  Aculco,  iv.  199;  Guanajuato, 
iv.  218;  Calderon,  iv.  251;  Cuautla, 
iv.  362;  Oajaca,  iv.  484;  MtCdporo, 
iv.  609;  Fort  Jaujilla,  iv.  692;  Vera 
Cruz  harbor,  v.  64;  Puebla,  v.  121; 
I  San  Jacinto,  v.  172;  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  v.  193;  Tampico,  v.  213;  Pe- 
rote,  v.  278;  Matamoros,  v.  351; 
Palo  Alto,  v.  354;  Monterey,  v.  381; 
Buena  Vista,  v.  421;  Cerro  Gordo, 
v.  454;  Puebla,  v.  680;  Cinco  de 
Mayo  battle-ground,  vi.  48;  Vera 
Cruz  and  harbor,  vi.  143;  Oajaca 
City,  vi.  189;  Matamoros  and  vi 
cinity,  vi.  199;  Tampico,  vi.  253; 


battle  of  Miahuatlan,  vi.  259;  Que 
retaro,  vi.  273;  Puebla,  vi.  339. 

Poinsett,  J.  R.,  American  minister, 
1825,  v.  32-3,  48;  charge  against, 
v.  33;  character,  etc.,  v.  48;  writ 
ings,  v.  48;  recall  of,  1829,  v.  81-2; 
the  Texas  question,  v.  322-3. 

Polk,  President,  Mex.  policy  of,  v. 
337-8,  340,  368;  Mex.  war,  v.  546- 
8. 

Polygamy,  difficulties  in  suppressing, 
ii.  176-7. 

Ponce,  Friar  A.,  mission  to  Mexico, 
1584,  ii.  717;  conflict  with  provin 
cial,  ii.  717-18. 

Ponce  de  Leon,  L.,  appointed  judge, 
1525,  ii.  243-4;  royal  instructions 
to,  1525,  ii.  244-6;  suspends  Cortes, 
etc.,  1526,  ii.  249;  death  of,  1526, 
ii.  249-51. 

Popocatepetl,  name,  i.  255;  ascents 
of,  i.  256-7;  ii.  29-31;  eruption  of, 
1665,  iii.  179. 

Population,  of  Vera  Cruz,  1777,  iii. 
209;  of  Vera  Cruz  intendencia, 
1800,  iii.  218;  of  Cordoba,  1746,  iii. 
218;  1810,  iii.  219;  of  Mex.  City, 
1692,  iii.  233;  1790,  iii.  470-1;  of 
Nueva  Galicia,  1750-1800,  iii.  304; 
of  Zacatecas,  iii.  306;  of  Aguasca- 
lientes,  1794,  iii.  307;  of  Fresnillo, 
1794,  iii.  307;  of  San  Luis  Potosi, 
iii.  308;  of  Nuevo  Leon,  1810,  etc., 
iii.  338;  of  Nuevo  Santander,  iii. 
346;  of  intendencia  of  Mex.,  1790, 
iii.  470;  estimates  of,  iii.  734-6; 
census,  1793-4,  iii.  734;  1810,  iii. 
737;  decrease  in,  iii.  738-9;  distri 
bution  of,  iii.  739^0. 

Porlier,  Comandante  R. ,  command  of, 
iv.  160;  operations  of,  1811,  iv.  323- 
4,  337-8;  1812,  iv.  355-6,  413,  478- 
9. 

Porter,  Commod.  D.  D.,  operations  of, 
1825-6,  v.  65. 

Portilla,  Gen.  N.  de  la,  minister  of 
war,  1867,  vi.  334;  'Espana  en 
Mexico, 'iii.  778. 

Portillo,  Gov.,  uprising  against,  1851, 
v.  607-8. 

Portugal,  peace  with,  1801,  iii.  503; 
relations  with,  1879,  vi.  441. 

Portugal,  G.,  mention  of,  iv.  237. 

Portugal,  Bishop  J.  C.,  minister  of 
justice,  1834,  v.  141. 

Portuguese,  persecution  of,  ii.  681; 
Escalona's  partiality  to,  iii.  104-5; 
feeling  against,  iii.  105-6. 

Posada,  Dr  M.,  archbishop  of  Mex., 
v.  291;  biog.,  etc.,  v.  291. 


742 


INDEX. 


Posadas,  engagement  at,  1832,  v. 
120-1. 

Potier,  Col,  operations  of,  1865,  vi. 
185. 

Pozo  de  los  Carmelos,  affair  at,  1832, 
v.  114. 

Pradillo,  A.,  '  Maximiliano, '  vi.  327. 

Pradt,  M.  de,  '  Historia  de  la  Revo- 
lucion,'  iv.  826. 

Pravia,  Pedro  de,  governs  archdiocese, 
1586-9,  ii.  686-7;  death  of,  1589, 
ii.  687;  biog.,  ii.  726-7. 

Prescott,  W.  H.,  works  of,  i.  7,  17, 
696,  701-2;  ii.  488-9. 

Presidios,  establ'd,  1570,  ii.  65gi,num- 
ber  of,  iii.  410;  regulations,  iii.  41 1- 
12. 

Press,  condition  of  the,  1804-7,  iv. 
39;  liberty  of,  iv.  460-1;  seditions, 
iv.  463;  restrictions  on,  1812,  iv. 
464-5;  abuse  of  Spaniards,  etc., 
1821-2,  iv.  742-4;  edicts  against,  iv. 
742;  influence,  etc.,  of,  v.  295-6. 

Prieto,  G.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 
1855,  v.  667. 

Prim,  Gen.  J.,  the  Spanish  invasion, 
1861-2,  vi.  32;  character,  vi.  32-3; 
instructions  to,  vi.  34;  manifesto  of, 
vi.  35;  conference  with  Doblado,  vi. 
39ntO;  despatches  of,  vi.  41. 

Procuradores,  duties  of,  iii.  522. 

Pronunciamientos,  plan  de  Quintanar, 
1829,  v.  91;  at  Vera  Cruz,  1832,  v. 
107,  114;  Escalada's,  1833,  v.  132; 
Urrea's,  1838,  v.  207;  Paredes', 
1841,  v.  228;  1844,  v.  267;  at  Hue- 
jotzingo,  1842,  v.  255;  at  San  Luis 
Potosi,  1845,  v.  291;  at  Guadala- 
iara,  1846,  v.  297;  at  Mexico,  1846, 
v.  305;  Marquez',  1849,  v.  558-9;  at 
Guanajuato,  1850-1,  v.  602;  Blan- 
carte's,  1851,  v.  608-9;  Haro  y  Ta- 
mariz',  1854,  v.  661-2;  at  Ayotla, 
1858,  v.  750;  Almonte's,  1862,  vi. 
46;  at  Merida,  1869,  vi.  371;  Ne- 
grete's,  1869,  vi.  372-3;  Hernandez', 
1876,  vi.  419;  at  Tapachula,  1824, 
vi.  452. 

Protestants,  persecution  of,  1874-5, 
vi.  414. 

*  Providencias  Diocesanas,'  MS.,  men 
tion  of,  iii.  725. 

Provincias  Internas,  attitude  of,  1846, 
v.  405;  extent,  iii.  450-1;  reorgani 
zation,  1792,  451;  division  of,  1813, 
iv.  541;  mining  in,  iii.  590-1;  revo 
lution  in,  1821,  iv.  716. 

Prussia,  treaty  with  Mex.,  1869,  vi. 
358. 

Puebla,  qhurch  affairs  in,  1542-1606, 


ii.  695-8;  iii.  691;  map  of  bishopric, 
ii.  696;  Jesuit  growth  in,  ii.  706-7; 
revolution  in,  1812,  iv.  382-3,  476- 
8;  1813,  iv.  534-6;  1821,  iv.  722-5; 
1830,  v.  103;  maps  of,  iv.  399,  477. 

Puebla,  city,  founding  of,  1530,  ii. 
333-6;  arms  of,  1532,  ii.  335;  growth 
of,  ii.  695-6;  cathedral  completed, 
1649,  iii.  113;  religious  tumult  in, 
1647,  iii.  125;  see  declared  vacant, 
iii.  127;  Palafox  restored,  iii.  128; 
damaged  by  earthquake,  1711,  iii. 
285-6;  captured  by  Iturbide,  1821, 
iv.  724-5;  surrender  of,  1832,  v. 
119;  revolt  against  Santa  Annax 
1844-5,  v.  272,  275-6;  occupied  by 
Scott,  1847,  v.  461^;  Santa  Anna's 
attack  on,  1847,  v.  528;  revolts  in, 
1856,  v.  677-82,  698-703;  plans  of, 
v.  680;  vi.  339;  conspiracy  at,  1857, 
v.  721 ;  fortifications  of,  vi.  61 ;  cap 
tured  by  the  French,  1863,  62-8; 
siege  of,  1867,  vi.  335-7,  340-1; 
pronunciamiento  at,  1869,  vi.  372- 
3;  occupied  by  Diaz,  1876,  vi.  430. 

Puente  del  Rey,  fort  of,  1815,  iv. 
641. 

Puente  Nacional,  affair  at,  1847,  v. 
464. 

Puerta,  J.  de  la,  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
1561,  ii.  688. 

Puerta  del  Gallinero,  battle  of,  1832, 
v.  117. 

Puerto  del  Principe,  Velazquez  founds, 
1511,  i.  4. 

Puertocarrero,  H.,  with  Cortes'  ex- 
ped.,  i.  65,  70,  93,  117,  134,  136, 
168,  172. 

Puga,  V.  de,  oidor,  1564,  ii.  603; 
1568,  ii.  630;  works  of,  iii.  550. 

Pulque,  sale  of,  restricted,  1545,  ii. 
536;  sale  forbidden,  1692,  iii.  249; 
manufact.  of,  iii.  608;  monopoly, 
iii.  608-9. 

Puruandiro,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  517; 
Rayon  at,  iv.  522;  capture  of,  1814, 
iv.  590. 

Puruaran,  engagement  at,  1814,  iv. 
573-4. 


Quauhnahuac,  stronghold,  Cortes 
captures,  i.  599-602. 

Quauhpopoca,  Cacique,  attacks  Esca- 
lante,  i.  259-60;  accused  of  treach 
ery,  i.  302-4;  trial,  i.  316-17; 
burned,  i.  317-18. 

Quauhtemotziii,  Emperor,  high-priest, 
i.  513;  biog.,  etc.,  i.  544-5;  hostil- 


INDEX. 


743 


ity  to  Spaniards,  i.  578,  588;  at 
tack  on  Chalcans,  i.  589-92;  peace 
proposals  to,  i.  594-5,  679-82; 
siege  of  Hex.,  i.  623-5,  628,  637, 
663,  672;  capture  of,  i.  686;  tor 
ture  of,  ii.  3-4;  embraces  Chris 
tianity,  ii.  180-1;  Cortes  exped.  to 
Honduras,  ii.  205-6. 

Quauhquechollan,  Aztecs  driven 
from,  i.  530-3:  aid  from,  to  Chal 
cans,  i.  589-90. 

Quecholac,  subjugation  of,  i.  534. 

Quejo,  J.  B.  de,  mission  of,  ii.  74-5. 

Queretaro,  map  of,  iii.  443;  insurgent 
movements  in,  1811,  iv.  339-40. 

Queretaro,  City,  founded,  ii.  544-5; 
aqueduct  at,  iii.  350;  iv.  100;  hist, 
of,  iv.  96-101;  plans  of,  iv.  97;  vi. 
273,  revolutionary  meetings  at, 
1810,  iv.  102;  protection  of,  iv.  159- 
60;  engagement  near,  iv.  195-6; 
attack  on,  1810,  iv.  197;  captured 
by  Iturbide,  1821,  iv.  716-17;  re 
ception  of  Santa  Anna,  etc. ,  1844,  v. 
269-70,  274;  captured  by  rebels, 
1857,  v.  699;  French  occupation  of, 
1863,  vi.  118;  descript  of,  vi.  274; 
siege  of,  1867,  vi.  277-304;  fortifi 
cations,  vi.  282-3. 

Quesada,  Bros.,  conspiracy  of,  1565, 
ii.  609;  execution  of,  1568,  ii.  627. 

Quetzalcoatl,  myth,  etc.,  of,  101-4, 
289,  336,  559;  temple  of,  i.  232, 
236-7,  244-5,  248. 

Quiahuitzlan,  Montejo  at,  i.  132;  lo 
cation,  i.  147;  Cortes  at,  i.  148-51. 

Quicksilver,  scarcity  of,  1697,  iii.  261; 
extraction  of,  forbidden,  1730,  iii. 
302;  monopoly,  iii.  302-3;  supply, 
etc.,  iii.  583-4;  tribunal  deazogues, 
iii.  583;  exempt  from  duty,  1822, 
iv.  750. 

Quijada,  D.  de,  alcalde  mayor,  Yuca 
tan,  1562-5,  ii.  649. 

Quinones,  A.  de,  with  Cortes'  exped. , 
i.  475,  612,  652;  procurador  to 
Spain,  1522,  ii.  80;  death  of,  ii.  84. 

Quintanar,  Comandante,  defection  of, 
1821,  iv.  714;  plan  of,  1829,  v.  91; 
defeat  at  Posadas,  1832,  v.  120-1. 

Quintanilla,  Capt.  F.,  joins  Iturbide, 
iv.  706. 

Quiroga,  V.  de,  oidor,  1530,  ii.  321; 
character,  ii.  322;  residencia,  1536, 
ii.  380;  bishop  of  Michoacan,  1537, 
ii.  392-3;  administr.,  ii.  393,  471- 
3;  opposition  to  friars,  ii.  669-70; 
benevolence,  etc.,  of,  ii.  692,  775- 
6;  death,  1565,  ii.  693. 

Quitman,  Gen.  J.  A.,  forces,  v.   377; 


capture  of  Monterey,  v.  384-5,  394; 
battle  of  Churubusco,  v.  483; 
of  Chapultepec,  v.  507-18;  gov. 
of  Mex.,  1847,  v.  529. 


R 


Racionales  Caballeros,  society  of,  iv. 
70. 

Rada,  A.  de,  Jesuit  provincial,  1649, 
iii.  131;  controversy  with  Palafox, 
iii.  131. 

Rada,  J.  de,  Cortes'  convoy  to  pope, 
ii.  315-16. 

Radicals,  attitude,  etc.,  of,  1856,  v. 
690,  692. 

Railroads,  Mexican,  vi.  533-6;  Mexi 
can  Central,  vi.  556-7;  Mexican 
National,  vi.  557;  International, 
v.  557-8;  Sonora,  vi.  558;  projected, 
vi.  558-9. 

Ramirez,  F.,  minister  of  relations, 
1851,  v.  599;  measures,  v.  601. 

Ramirez,  I.,  minister  of  justice,  1861, 
vi.  6;  1876,  vi.  431. 

Ramirez  de  Prado,  M.,  bishop  of 
Michoacan,  iii.  182-3;  archbishop, 
1666-7,  iii.  183;  character,  iii.  182- 
3. 

Ramon,  R.,  defeat  at  Cerro  del  Gallo, 
1813,  iv.  518-21  ;comand.  delNorte, 
iv.  522;  retreat  from  Zacapo,  iv. 
523. 

Ramusio,  G.,  works  of,  i.  282-3. 

Rancheros,  condition,  etc.,  of,  vi. 
517. 

Rangel,  Gen.,  revolt,  etc.,  of,  1845y 
v.  285;  battle  of  Chapultepec,  v, 
514-15. 

Rangel,  R.,  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i. 
68,  324,  364,  379,  423,  536-7;  con 
quers  Zapotecs,  ii.  128-9. 

Raynal,  G.  T.,  works  of,  iii.  648-9. 

Rayon,  F.,  success  at  Galindo,  1813, 
iv.  524. 

Rayon,  Gen.  I.  L.,  biog.,  iv.  233-4; 
in  command  at  Saltillo,  iv.  273; 
operations,  1811,  iv.  306-16,  337; 
establishes  junta,  iv.  333-4. 

Rayon,  Gen.  I.,  attack  on  Toluca, 
1812,  iv.  413;  affair  at  Lerma,  iv. 
414;  defeat  at  Tenango,  iv.  414-15; 
at  Tlalpujahua,  iv.  420,  426,  428; 
'Diario,'  iv.  426;  manifesto  at 
Huichapan,  iv.  427-8;  defeat  at 
Ixmiquilpan,  iv.  429-30;  mutiny 
against,  iv.  430-1;  negotiations 
with  viceroy,  iv.  432-3;  proceedings 
inOajaca,  iv.  513-15,  581;  charges, 
etc.,  against,  iv.  514;  defeat  at 


744 


INDEX. 


Salvatierra,  1813,  iv.  515-16;  con 
stitutions  drafted  by,  iv.  560-2;  at 
congress  of  Chilpancingo,  iv.  566; 
dispute  with  Rosains,  iv.  585-7;  re 
verses,  1814,  iv.  586-9;  claims  of, 
1817,  iv.  654;  capture  of,  iv.  689; 
pardoned,  iv.  690-1. 

Rayon,  R.  L.,  mention  of,  iv.  353; 
operations  of,  1812,  iv.  428;  1814, 
iv.  590;  defeated  by  Llano,  1813, 
iv.  571;  defence  at  MtCdporo,  1815, 
iv.  608-11;  defeat  at  Jilotepec,  iv. 
612;  surrender  of,  1817,  iv.  654-5. 

Reactionists,  party,  opposition  to 
Alvarez,  1855,  v.  665;  dissensions 
among,  v.  679;  revolts  of,  1856-7, 
v.  679-81,  699-706;  attitude  of, 
1857,  v.  717;  victories  of,  1858,  v. 
729,  734,  743,  747;  1859,  v.  770-3; 
1862,  vi.  52;  defeats  of,  1858-9,  v. 
757-8;  campaigns  in  Vera  Cruz,  v. 
759;  in  Mex.,  v.  760-4;  intrigues, 
etc.,  of,  1861,  vi.  93. 

Reales  de  Minas,  spread  of,  iii.  579. 

'Reales  Ordenanzas  de  la  Mineria,' 
mention  of,  iii.  599. 

Rebollo,  Gen.,  operations,  1813,  iv. 
526. 

Recacho,  Oidor,  defeat  of,  iv.  205-6. 

'  Recopilacion  de  Leyes, '  mention  of, 
iii.  550. 

Regency,  establ'd  in  New  Spain,  1821, 
iv.  735-6;  edict  of,  iv.  742;  reorga 
nized,  1822,  iv.  769. 

Regente,  functions  of,  iii.  540. 

Regidor,  office  of,  iii.  521-2. 

Reguera,  Gen.,  operations  in  Costa 
Chica,  1813,  iv.  552. 

Regules,  Gen.,  operations  of  1865,  vi. 
185;  1866,  vi.  258,  263;  -siege  of 
Queretaro,  1867,  vi.  278. 

Regules,  J.  M.  de,  victory  at  Yanhuit- 
lan,  1812,  iv.  434-6;  defeats  Boba- 
dilla,  iv.  434-5;  siege  of  Huajuapan, 
iv'.  436-40;  execution  of,  1812,  iv. 
485-6. 

Reinosa,  town,  founded,  1749,  iii.  344. 

Rejon,  minister  of  relations,  1844,  v. 

260. 

'Relatione  d'alcvne  cose  della  Nuoua 
Spagna,'  i.  281. 

Religious  Orders,  uphold  encomiendas, 
1544,  ii.  523-5;  aid  to,  iii.  702-3; 
papal  concessions  to,  iii.  703;  wealth 
of,  iii.  703-4;  authority,  iii.  705-6; 
dissensions  among,  iii.  706-7;  de 
cree  against,  iii.  709;  missions,  iii. 
711-31. 

Rendon,  Intendente  F.,  capture  of, 
iv.  208-10. 


rlepartimientos,  regulations  for,  1524, 
ii.  131-2;  crown  confirms,  ii.  145; 
workings  of  systems,  ii.  145-54; 
official  abuses,  ii.  146-7;  crown  for 
bids,  1523,  ii.  147-8;  prohibition 
withdrawn,  ii.  148;  conditions  of 
grant,  ii.  148-9;  regulations  vio 
lated,  ii.  284. 

Republicans   in   congress,    iv.    760-1, 

769-70;     division    among,     v.    4-5; 

defeated  by  reactionists,    1862,   vi. 

52. 

Requena,  Gen.,  negotiations  of,  1846, 

vi.  365-6. 
Resaca   de  la  Palma,  battle  of,  1846, 

v.  357-64. 

Rescatadores,  business  of,  iii.  591. 
Revenue,  how  collected,  ii.  152-4;  re 
form  measures,  1530,  ii.  325;  collec 
tors'  frauds,  ii.  560-9;  effect  of  new 
laws  on,  ii.  570-4;  deficit,  etc.,  in, 
1787,  iii.  467;  1812,  iv.  474-5;  1858, 
v.  744-5;  1813,  iv.  499-501;  1822. 
iv.  748-9;  1827,  v.  36;  1837-8,  v. 
179,  183-4;  1841,  v.  226-7;  1851,  v. 
598-9;  1853,  v.  634;  from  mining, 
iii.  599;  tribute  money,  iii.  655; 
royal  fifth,  iii.  655-6;  Indian  tribute, 
iii.  656-8;  excise,  iii.  658-9;  transit 
dues,  iii.  659-60;  customs,  iii.  660- 
2;  taxes,  iii.  664;  tithes,  iii.  666-8; 
centralization  of,  v.  634;  genera] 
mention  of,  vi.  492-5,  536. 
Revenue  officials,  arrival,  etc.,  of, 
1524,  ii.  142-3;  relations  with  Cortes, 
ii.  143^. 

Revista  Filosofica, '  vi.  279. 
Revilla  Gigedo,  Conde  de,  41st  vice 
roy,   1746,   iii.  358;  rule,  iii.  358-9; 
character,  iii.  358-9. 
Revilla   Gigedo,    Conde   de,    jr,     52d 
viceroy,    1789,    iii.     478;    rule,    iii. 
474-84;  espionage,  iii.  481;  residen- 
cia,  iii.  484;  works  of,  iii.  551,  625, 
645. 
Revolt  (see   also  revolutions),  negro, 

1669,  iii.  172. 

Revolutions,  of  1810-21,  iv.  1-22, 
71-5,  80-3,  101-733,  812-21;  v.  9; 
against  Iturbide,  1822-3,  iv.  780- 
801;  Lobato's,  1824,  v.  12-13; 
Bravo's,  1827-8,  v.  37-40;  in  Yuca 
tan,  1829,  v  86-7;  1839^1,  217-19; 
1841-3,  241-4;  of  the  ex-acordada, 
1828,  v.  42^;  at  Jalapa,  1829,  v. 
88-91;  Santa  Anna's,  1832,  v.  107- 
24;  in  Texas,  1827-41,  v.  155-78; 
federalist,  1838-40,  v.  206-25; 
Paredes',  1841,  v.  228-38;  1844-5, 
v.  265-7;  1845-6,  v.  290-3;  1848, 


INDEX. 


745 


v.    548-50;    Santanists',   1846-7,  v. 

297-306;  Alvarez',  1854,  v.  647-52, 

654-6,    662-5;   at  Puebla,  1856,   v. 

677-82;  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  1869, 

vi.    373-4;    of  1871-2,    vi.    379-84; 

of  1875-7,  vi.  419-27. 
Revolutionary    Junta    Suprema,    see 

Junta,  Supreme  National. 
Reyes,   Gen.,  minister  of  war,   1844, 

v.  261. 

Reyes,   P.,  bishop  of  Yucatan,  v.  85. 
Riano,   G.    de,    exploits   of,    iv.    144, 

149. 
Riano,    Iiitendente,    proceedings    of, 

iv.  Ill,  123;  defence  of  Guanajuato, 

1810,  iv.   133-46;  death  of,  iv.  146; 

character,  iv.  146-7. 
Ribadeneyra,    A.     J.     de,     '  Manual 

Compendio,'  iii.  725. 
Ribera,  J.  de,  mission  to  Spain,  etc., 

1522,  ii.  82-3;  unfaithful  to  Cortes, 

ii.  100. 

Rice,  cultivation  of,  vi.  568. 
Richthofen,  E.  K.  H.  F.  von,  works 

of,  v.  807-8. 
Ridgely,  Lieut,  capture  of  Monterey, 

v.  386-7. 
Right  of  sanctuary,  limitation  of,  iii. 

688-9. 
Riley,   Gen.,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 

v.  457;  of   Padierna,  v.  476-9;   of 

Chapultepec,  v   507. 
Rincon,  J.  de  M.,   bishop  of  Michoa- 

can,  1574-88,  ii.  684,  693. 
Rincon,  Gen.  M.,  at  Jalapa,  1812,  iv. 

473-4;    operations   in    Vera   Cruz, 

1813,  iv.  532;  dispute  with  Aguilar, 

iv.  585-6;  in  subordination  of,  1827, 

v.    36-7;    negotiations   with   Santa 

Anna,  1832,  v.  113;  battle  of  Churu- 

busco,  v.  482,  486. 
Ringgold,  Gen.  J.,  operations  at  Palo 

Alto,  v.  353-6. 
Rio,  A.  del,  deputy  to  cdrtes,   1820, 

iv.  699. 
Rio  Grande,  campaign  on  the,  1846, 

v.  346-67. 
Rioja,  Capt.  S.,  inNayarit  war,  1721- 

2,  iii.  319,  321,  329. 
Rionda,    Gen.,    defeats     Maldonado, 

1812,  iv.  470. 
Rios,    G.,   execution    of,     1811,     iv. 

350-1. 

Ripley,  R.  S.,  'The  war  with  Mex 
ico,'  v.  550-1. 
Rivera,  Gen.  A.,  operations  of,  1866, 

vi.  254;  1868,  vi.  366. 
Rivero,  L.  M.  del,  'Mexico  en  1842  ' 

v.  807. 
Rivera,  M.,  works  of,  v.  806. 


Rivera,  Fray  P.  E.  de,  disputes  with 

viceroy,  iii.  179;  27th  viceroy,  1673, 

iii.  182;  biog.,  iii.   182;  archbishop, 

1668,  iii.  182;  rule,  iii.  183-7;  resi- 

dencia,   1681,   186-7;  death,   1684, 

187. 
Roatan  Island,  pirates  rendezvous  at, 

1683,  iii.  192. 

Robinson,  W.  D.,  aid  offered  to  rev 
olutionists  by,  1816,  iv.  634;  writ- 

ings  of,  iv.  685-6. 
Robles,  A,  de,  diary  of,  iii.  509. 
Robles,    Gen.    M.,  minister  of    war, 

1851,    v,    600;  execution   of,    1862, 

vi.  44-5. 
Rocha,   Gen.,   operations  of,   1871-2, 

vi.  374,  381-3. 
Rodriguez,    M.,   revolt   of,    1885,   vi. 

460-1. 
Rogel,    Oidor,    takes  Monte  jo's  resi- 

dencia,  1545,  ii.  449-50. 
Rogers,  Capt.  W.,  cruise  of,  1708-10, 

iii.  281-83. 

Rojas,  J.,  auto-de-fe  of,  iv.  38. 
Romano,  D.,  bishop  of  Puebla,  1576- 

1606,  ii.  684,  697-8;  death  of,  1606, 

ii.  698. 
Romano,  Bishop  P.,  takes  Villaman- 

rique's  residencia,    1589,  ii.    755-6. 
Romero,   Comandante,   death  of,   iv. 

264. 
Romero,   Gen.,   operations  of,    1847, 

v.  437-8. 
Romero,  J.  A.,  minister  of  relations, 

1837,  v.  184. 
Romero,    M.,    works  of,    vi.    29,  364; 

minister  of  the  treasury,   1868,  vi. 

367;  negotiations  with  Seward,  vi. 

442. 
Rondero,  J.,  minister  of  the  treasury, 

1847,  v.  524. 
Rosa,  L.  de  la,  minister   of  relations, 

1855,  v.  676. 
Rosains,   J.    N.,  joins  revolutionists, 

1811,  iv.    381-3;  comand.  general, 

iv.    585;    dispute  with   Rayon,   iv. 

585-7;  attacked  by  Hevia,  iv.  587; 

defeat  at  Soltepec,  1815,  iv.  628-9; 

outrages  of,  iv.  630;  treachery,  iv. 

630. 
Resales,  Gen.  V.,   submission  of,  iv. 

311;  attack  on  Zacatecas,  1813,  iv. 

541. 
Rosario,  Cofradia  del,  founded,  1584, 

ii.  737. 
Rosario,    Real    del,    engagement  at, 

1810,  iv.  238. 
Rubio,   M.  R.,  minister  of  relations, 

1876,  vi.  425. 


746 


INDEX. 


Rubio  y  Salinas,   M.  J.,  archbishop, 

1749,  iii.  353-54. 
Ruiz,  Col.,  operations,   1817,  iv.  652; 

defeats  Guerrero,   1818,  iv.  694. 
Ruiz,  J.,  minister  of  justice,  1861,  vi. 

13. 
Ruiz,  Judge  M.,  retirement  of,  1865, 

vi.  204-5. 
Rul,  Conde  de,  capture  of,   1810,  iv. 

171;  rescue  of,  iv.  201. 
Russia,  war  with,  1799,  iii.  492. 

S 

Saavedra,  H.  de,  founds  Puebla, 
1530,  ii.  333. 

Saavedra  Ceron,  A.  de,  operations 
against  Salazar,  1526,  ii.  232-4; 
commands  Molucca  fleet,  ii.  258; 
death  of,  1529,  ii.  259. 

Sabaibos,  revolt  of  the,   1601,  iii.   15; 

Sabana,  the  affair  at,  1810,  iv.  300; 
1811,  iv  301-2. 

Sabine  River,  boundary  line,  v.  48-9. 

Sabino,  mines  discovered,  ii.  597. 

Sacramento  Pass,  affair  at,  1847,  v. 
408. 

Sacrifices,  Human,  mention  of,  i.  10, 
26-7,  109,  144,  162-3,  195-6,  225, 
229,  253,  295-7,  316,  347,  409-10, 
437,  477,  484,  510-13,  624,  637,  656- 
8,  660. 

Sacrificial  Stone,  i.  109,  202,  253. 

Sacrificios,  Island,  seized  by  Haw 
kins,  1568,  ii.  637-8;  pirate  fleet 
at,  1683,  iii.  198-200. 

Sahagun,  B.,  works  of,  i.  49,  493, 
696-7;  vi.  642. 

Salamanca,  Guanajuato,  battle  of, 
1858,  v.  734. 

Salamanca,  Yucatan,  founding  of,  ii. 
435,  447;  sacked,  1648,  1652,  iii. 
146. 

Salamanca  de,  battle  of  Otumba,  i. 
501. 

Salas,  Gen.  J.  M.  de,  in  charge  of 
executive,  1846,  v.  300;  biog.,  v. 
309;  rule,  v.  300-4. 

Salcedo,  F.  de,  Velazquez  captain,  i. 
78;  joins  Cortes,  1519,  i.  165;  death 
of,  1520,  i.  489. 

Salazar,  Q.  de,  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
1630,  iii.  156. 

Salazar,  Factor,  G.  de,  accompanies 
Cortes  to  Honduras,  ii.  20jS-7;  com 
mission  from  Cortes,  ii.  208;  in 
trigues  against  Estrada  and  Albor- 
noz,  ii.  209-11;  disarms  Casas,  ii. 
213-14;  usurps  lieut-governorship, 
ii.  217;  rule,  1525-6,  ii.  217-30; 


conspiracy  against,  ii.  229-30  f  re 
volt  against,  1526,  ii.  231-6;  leni 
ency  of  Cortes,  ii.  242;  comandante 
of  Mex.,  ii.  244;  residencia,  ii.  292. 

Salazar,  Gen.,  defeat,  etc.,  of,  1865, 
vi.  186. 

Salazar,  J.  de,  death  of,  i.  475-6. 

Salcedo,  Capt.,  exped.,  etc.,  of,  ii. 
600. 

Salcedo,  Gov.  M.  de,  capture  of,  iv. 
241. 

Salcedo,  Brigadier  N.  eomand.-gen. 
of  prov.  internas,  1811,  iv.  276-7. 

Saldivar,  J.  de,  exped.  of,  1539,  ii. 
467-8. 

Saligny,  Comte  D.  de,  envoy  to 
Mex.,  v.  327;  French  minister,  v. 
789;  vi.  11;  plenipotentiary,  1862, 
vi.  32,  35-7;  director  of  policy, 
1863,  vi.  59. 

Salm-Salm,  Prince,  mention  of,  vi. 
292-3;  'My  diary  in  Mexico,'  vi. 
327. 

Salmeron,  J.  de,  oidor,  1530,  ii.  321? 
character,  ii.  321;  resigns,  ii.  380. 

Salt,  production  of,  i.  283;  iii.  587. 

Saltillo,  town,  founded  1586,  iii.  14; 
capture  of,  1811,  iv.  240;  engage 
ment  at,  1811,  iv.  268;  Taylor's  oc 
cupation  of,  1846,  v.  411. 

Salto,  J.  G.,  execution  of,  iv.  423. 

Salvatierra,  Conde  de,  19th  viceroy, 
1642,  iii.  114;  rule,  iii.  114-15;  pro 
moted,  1648,  iii.  114,  126;  residen 
cia,  iii.  114. 

Salvatierra,  District,  royalist  opera 
tions  in,  1813,  iv.  525. 

Salvatierra,  Town,  engagement  at, 
1813,  iv.  515-16. 

Salvatierra,  Veedor,  with  Narvaez* 
exped.,  i.  365,  368,  397,  405. 

Samaniego,  L.  de,  mention  of,  ii. 
244;  at  Chametla,  1530,  ii.  362. 

Samaniego,  Lieut. -col.,  defeats  Tru- 
jano,  1812,  iv.  476-7;  operations, 
1817,  iv.  653. 

Samano,  J.  de,  factor,  1530,  ii.  356; 
high-sheriff,  1565,  ii.  606. 

Samano  y  Quifiones,  C.  de,  governor 
of  Yucatan,  1596-7;  ii.  650. 

San  Agustin  del  Palmar,  engagement 
at,  1812,  iv.  472;  1832,  v.  118-19; 
affair  at,  1813,  iv.  557. 

San  Andres,  affair  at,    1816,  iv.  639. 

San  Antonio  de  Be  jar,  captured  by 
Casas,  1811,  iv.  241;  by  Woll, 
1842,  v.  246-7. 

San  Benito,  Merida,  citadel  of,  iii. 
419. 

San  Bias,  naval   department  at,    iii. 


INDEX. 


747 


420-1;  defence  of,  1796,  iii.  489; 
capture  of,  1810,  iv.  207-8;  arsenal 
at,  iv.  335;  recapture  of,  1811,  iv. 
260,  264-5;  Cruz'  proceedings  at, 
iv.  265;  vessels  built  at,  1813,  iv. 
539-40;  attack,  etc.,  on,  1860,  v. 
782. 

San  Carlos,  founded,  1766,  iii.   347. 

San  Cristobal  Ecatepec,  execution  of 
Morelos  at,  1815,  iv.  622. 

San  Estevan,  Indians  besiege,  1523,  ii. 
118-19;  relieved  by  Sandoval, 
1523,  ii.  121. 

San  Estevan  del  Puerto,  founding  of, 
ii.  100. 

San  Eustaquio,  affair  at,  1811,  iv. 
308. 

San  Felipe,    affair  at,  1813,  iv.  524. 

San  Felipe  del  Agua,  affair  at,  1876, 
vi.  419. 

San  Hipdlito  de  Oajaca,  Dominican 
province,  ii.  724;  missions  in,  ii. 
727-32;  convents  in,  ii.  728-30; 
friars,  ii.  732-3. 

San  Ignacio  de  Piastla,  engagement 
at,  1810,  iv.  238-9. 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  1836,  v.  171-3; 
plan,  v.  172. 

San  Jose  de  Chiapa,  affair  at,  1812,  iv. 
478-9. 

San  Juan  de   Dios,  order  of,  iii.  722. 

San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  affair  at, 
1817,  iv.  667-9. 

San  Juan  de  Uliia,  Fort,  name,  i.  27; 
Cortes  at,  i.  93,  116-42;  plans  of, 
iii.  213;  v.  293;  hist,  etc.,  of,  iii. 
214-16;  cost,  iii.  217;  fortifications 
of,  1796,  iii.  489;  plot  at,  1812,  iv. 
402-3;  attack  on,  1822,  iv.  786-7; 
fall  of,  1825,  v.  62-4;  captured  by 
the  French,  1838,  v.  192-6;  restored, 
v.  204;  surrender  of,  1847,  v.  446. 

San  Juanico  Teposcolula,  affair  at, 
1812,  iv.  434-5. 

San  Lucas,  mines  discovered,   ii.  596. 

San  Luis,  N.  de,  Otomi  cacique,  men 
tion  of,  ii.  540,  542,  544-5. 

San  Luis  de  la  Paz,  founded,  ii.  764; 
affair  at,  1811,  iv.  323. 

San  Luis  Potosi,  intendencia  of,  iii. 
482;  mines  discovered,  1548,  iii. 
579-80;  mining  in,  iii.  589;  vi.  513; 
revolution  in,  1810,  iv.  202;  counter 
revolution  in,  1811,  iv.  270;  insur 
gent  raids  in,  iv.  395-6;  subjugation 
of,  iv.  656;  disaffection  in,  1823,  v. 
7;  revolt  in,  1830,  v.  103;  sedition 
in,  1848,  v.  536. 

San  Luis  Potosi,  city,  founded,  1576, 
ii.  763;  plot  in,  1810,  iv.  195;  re- 


volt  in,  1810,  iv.  212-15;  1856,  v. 
698,  704-5;  recapture  of,  1811,  iv. 
262-3;  occupied  by  Moctezuma, 
1832,  v.  114-15;  declares  for  Pe- 
draza,  v.  115;  recaptured,  v.  118; 
pronunciamiento  at,  1845,  v.  291-2; 
Santa  Anna  at,  1847,  v.  415-16;  as 
sault  on,  1863,  vi.  121;  revolution 
at,  1869,  vi.  373-4. 

San  Lorenzo,  treaty  of,  1795,  iii.  488; 
battle  of,  1863,  vi.  66. 

San  Martin,  alcaldfa  mayor,  ii.  761- 
2. 

San  Miguel,  founded,  ii.  655;  capture 
of,  1810,  iv.  120;  pillage,  iv.  121. 

San  Miguel  Calpulalpan,  battle  of, 
1860,  v.  793. 

San  Miguel  el  Grande,  founded,  1559, 
ii.  545,  762;  Lara  captured  at,  iv. 
322. 

San  Pablo  Guelatao,  Juarez'  birth 
place,  v.  738-9. 

San  Pedro,  founded,  iii.  329. 

San  Pedro  Batopilas  district,  mining 
in,  vi.  514. 

San  Pedro  de  Jorullo,  Hacienda,  earth 
quake  at,  1759,  iv.  168-70. 

San  Pedro  Piedra  Gorda,  engagement 
at,  1811,  iv.  269-70. 

San  Ramon,  Friar  J.  de,  biog.,  ii.  398; 
first  Augustinian  provincial,  1543, 
ii.  733. 

San  Roman,  F.  de,  procurador  to 
Spain,  1545,  ii.  527. 

San  Salvador  el  Verde,  presidio, 
founded,  1722,  iii.  329. 

San  Sebastian,  capture  of,  1810,  iv. 
238. 

San  Vicente  de  Chiapas  y  Guatemala, 
Dominican  province,  1550,  ii.  726. 

Sanchez,  Brigadier  E.,  death  of,  1823, 
iv.  792. 

Sanchez,  J.,  pioneer  Jesuit,  1572,  ii. 
701;  visits  Zacatecas,  1574,  ii.  708. 

Sanchez,  J.  M.,  defeat  at  Huajuapan, 
1812,  iv.  437-8. 

Sanchez,  Dr  P.,  first  Jesuit  provincial, 
ii.  700;  resigns,  1579,  ii.  705-6. 

Sanchez,  Padre,  victory  at  Izucar, 
1812,  iv.  365. 

Sandoval,  G.  de,  with  Cortes'  exped., 
i.  65,  136,  188,  230,  291,  301,  303, 
325-6,  381,  471,  476,  490,  499,  578- 
81,  618,  625,  628,  648-9,  654-6, 
659-60,  671,  684,  686;  character, 
etc.,  i.  76-7;  ii.  305-6;  seizes  Nar- 
vaez'  envoys,  i.  365-6;  at  Narvaez' 
capture,  i.  389,  395-7;  campaign  of, 
1520,  i.  556-7;  at  Tezcuco,  i.  574, 
595;  aids  the  Chalcans,  i.  576-7 


748 


ESTDEX. 


589-93,  595;  exped.  to  Tochtepec, 
1521,  ii.  32;  grant  secured  by,  ii. 
34;  founds  Medellin,  ii.  34-5;  sup 
presses  Colima  revolt,  ii.  59;  relieves 
San  Estevan,  1523,  ii.  119;  exped. 
toPanuco,  1523,  ii.  119-22;  associ 
ate  gov.,  1527,  ii.  253;  return  to 
Spain,  ii.  272;  death  of,  1528,  ii. 
304-5. 

Sangremal,  battle  of,   1522,  ii.  540-2. 

Santa  Anna,  Dictator,  A.  L.  de,  men 
tion  of,  iv.  543;  operations,  1821, 
iv.  722^1;  attack  on  Ulua,  1822,  iv. 
786-7;  charged  with  treachery,  iv. 
788;  dismissal,  iv.  788-9;  revolt  of, 
1822,  iv.  789-800;  1828,  v.  42;  cap 
ture  of  Barradas,  1829,  v.  72-5; 
revolution  of  Jalapa,  1829,  v.  92-3; 
president,  1833,  v.  127-8;  rule,  v. 
132-43;  dictator,  v.  133,  141;  biog., 
v.  138-9,  658-9;  character,  v.  139; 
cabinet,  v.  141,  269-71;  siege  of  the 
A"lamo,  1836,  v.  167-8;  capture,  etc., 
at  San  Jacinto,  v.  171-3;  Burnet's 
treaty  with,  v.  173-4;  release,  etc., 
v.  174-6;  success  at  Vera  Cruz, 
1838,  v.  197-200;  campaign  of,  1839, 
v.  211-14;  revolution  of,  18.41,  v. 
229-38;  president,  1841,  v.  236; 
rule,  v.  238-76;  reflected,  1844,  v. 
259;  statue  of,  v.  260,  272;  mar 
riage,  v.  261;  revolution  against,  v. 
267-77;  exile,  etc.,  1845,  277-81; 
recall,  1846,  v.  301-3;  president, 
1847,  v.  306,  524-7;  forces  of,  v. 
414-17,  451,  471;  march  against 
Taylor,  v.  416-17,  419-20;  battle  of 
Buena  Vista,  v.  420-33;  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  v.  450-9;  negotiations  with 
Scott,  v.  465-6,  490-6;  battle  of 
Padierna,  v.  476-8;  of  Churubusco, 
v.  480-8;  battle  of  Molino  del  Key, 
v.  503-4;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  506- 
18;  evacuation  of  Mex.,  v.  518-19; 
cabinets,  v.  524-5;  measures,  v.  525- 
7;  operations,  v.  528;  deprived  of 
command,  v.  533;  works  of,  v.  553; 
president,  1853,  v.  623-5;  cabinet, 
v.  626;  rule,  v.  625-57;  titles,  v. 
640-2;  flight,  v.  657-8;  death,  1876, 
v.  658-9. 

Santa  Anna,  J.  M.  de  C.,  diary  of, 
iii.  510. 

Santanists,  party,  uprising,  etc.,  of, 
1845,  v.  283-5;  revolution  of,  1846- 
7,  v.  297-306;  attitude,  etc.,  of, 
1849,  v.  558-60;  revolt  in  Guadala 
jara,  1851,  v.  608-9;  attitude  of, 
1858,  v.  742. 


Santa  Barbara,  founded,  1749,  iii. 
344. 

Santa  Barbara,  district,  mining  in,  vi. 
514. 

Santa  Eulalia,  district,  mining  in, 
1704-1844,  vi.  514. 

Santa  Fe,  Mexico,  founded,  ii.  332-3. 

Santa  Fe,  Texas,  exped.  against, 
1841,  v.  246. 

Santa  Gertrudis,  pueblo,  founded, 
1722,  iii.  329. 

Santa  Hermandad,  origin  of,  iii.  272; 
establ'd  in  N.  Spain,  1553,  iii.  272; 
functions  of,  iii.  272;  officials  of, 
iii.  272. 

Santa  Maria,  Colombian  minister,  iv. 
782;  dismissal,  1822,  iv.  782;  rein 
stated,  1823,  v.  5;  writings,  v.  5. 

Santa  Maria,  town,  founded,  1694-6, 
iii.  227. 

Santa  Maria,  V.  de,  vicar-general  and 
inquisitor,  1528,  ii.  302. 

Santa  Maria  y  Mendoza,  G.  de,  biog., 
iii.  20;  archbishop,  iii.  20;  vandal 
ism  of,  iii.  20. 

Santander,  founded,  1749,  iii.  343. 

Santa  Pecaque,  Swan  captures,  1686, 
iii.  206. 

Santa  Rita,  pueblo,  founded,  1721, 
iii.  324. 

Santa  Rosa,  engagement  at,  1812, 
470. 

Santa  Rosa  district,  mining  in,  vi. 
514. 

Santa  Teresa,  founded,  1722,  iii.  326. 

Santiago,  pirates  raid,  1685,  iii.  205. 

Santiago,  Count  of,  aids  in  quelling 
corn  riot,  1692,  iii.  243-4. 

Santiago  de  Mexico,  Dominican  prov 
ince,  ii.  724. 

Santiago  valley,  affair  in,  1811,  iv. 
323;  1812,  iv.  391-2. 

Santillan,  Diego  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1571,  ii.  646;  measures  against  pi 
rates,  ii.  646-7;  efficiency  of,  ii. 
651. 

Santillan,  oidor,  takes  Montejo's  resi- 
dencia,  1549,  ii.  450. 

Santo  Evangelio,  Franciscan  province 
founded,  1524,  ii.  713;  seal  of,  ii. 
713;  provincials,  1524-1600,  ii.  713. 

Santo  Floro,  Marques  de,  gov.  and 
capt.-gen.  of  Yucatan,  1636,  iii.  157; 
rule,  157-9. 

Santos  Garcia,  bishop  of  Nueva  Gali- 
cia,  ii.  692;  death  of,  1596,  ii.  692. 

Sara  via,  Gen.  A.  G. ,  comand.  at 
Oajaca,  1812,  iv.  470-1;  defeat  of, 
iv.  485;  execution,  iv.  486. 


INDEX. 


749 


Saravia,  F.  M.  B.  de,  captured  by 
pirates,  1708,  iii.  292-3. 

Sarda,  Col.,  defence  of  Fort  Soto  la 
Marina,  1817,  iv.  663,  672. 

Sariz,  M.  de,  maestre  de  campo,  1564, 
ii.  599. 

Sayula,  revolt  in,  1810,  iv.  205. 

Schapenham,  Admiral,  occupies  Aca- 
pulco,  1624,  iii.  81-2. 

Scott,  Gen.  W.,  variance  with  U.  S. 
govt,  1846,  v.  369-71;  commander- 
m-chief,  v.  469,  413;  plan  of,  v. 
438;  forces,  etc.,  v.  439,  464-5',  468; 
siege  of  Vera  Cruz,  1847,  v.  441-8; 
battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  v.  452-9;  oc 
cupation  of  Puebla,  v.  461-4;  pro 
clamation,  v.  462-3;  quarrel  with 
Trist,  v.  463-5;  negotiations  with 
Santa  Anna,  v.  465-6;  march  on 
Mex.,  v.  468-9,  473;  battle  of 
Padierna,  v.  475-80;  of  Churu- 
busco,  v.  480-8;  armistice,  v.  490- 
6;  battle  of  Molino  del  Key,  v.  497- 
505;  of  Chapultepec,  v.  506-18;  oc 
cupation  of  Mex.,  v.  519-21,  529- 
30;  measures,  v.  530;  superseded, 
v.  531;  '  Memoirs, '  v.  551. 

Scottish  Rite,  Lodges,  mention  of,  v. 
33^. 

Sculpture,  vi.  646. 

Semmes,  Lieut.  R.,  works  of,  v.  551. 

Sentmanat,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  1841,  v. 
219;  defeat  of,  1843,  v.  245;  execu 
tion,  v.  245. 

Sericulture,  Delgadillo  fosters,  ii.  292; 
progress  of,  iii.  612-13.. 

Serna,  F.  V.  de,  gov.  of  San  Juan  de 
Uliia,  1624,  iii.  65. 

Serna,  J.  P.  de  la,  archbishop,  1613, 
iii.  42;  reforms  of,  iii.  42-3;  quar 
rels  with  viceroy,  iii.  43-57;  ap 
peals  to  audiencia,  iii.  49-52;  ex 
iled,  iii.  52;  interdict  of,  1624,  iii. 
58-9;  recalled,  iii.  61;  returns  to 
Spain,  1624,  iii.  76-7;  death  of, 
1631,  iii.  77. 

Sesma,  R.,  operations  at  Oajaca, 
1812,  iv.  483;  command  in  Mizteca 
iv.  642;  treachery  of,  iv.  653. 

Sevilla,  J.,  complicity,  etc.,  of,  iv. 
213-15. 

Sherman,  Capt.,  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  422,  431. 

Shields,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo, 
v.  466-8;  of  Churubusco,  v.  484-5. 

Shipping,  statistics,  iii.  644. 

Shover,  Capt.,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
v.  432. 

Sieges,  Guanajuato,  1810,  iv.  133-57; 
Acapulco,  1811,  iv.  300-1;  Valla- 


dolid,  1811,  iv.  312-16;  1813,  iv. 
569-73;  Cuautla,  1812,  iv.  362-72; 
Cerro  del  Gallo,  1813,  iv.  518-21; 
Mescala  Rock,  1813,  iv.  538-40; 
Acapulco,  1813,  545-51;  Coscoma- 
tepec,  1813,  iv.  555-6;  Mt.  Cdporo, 
1814,  iv.  608-11;  Soto  la  Marina, 
1817,  iv.  672;  Fort  Sombrero,  1817, 
iv.  673-6;  Vera  Cruz,  1832,  v.  110; 
1847,  v.  441-8;  1860,  v.  777-80; 
Alamo,  the,  1836,  v.  167-8;  Tam- 
pico,  1839,  v.  213;  Campeche,  1840, 
v.  218;  Matamoros,  1846,  v.  347- 
67;  1065,  vi.  199;  Monterey,  1846, 
v.  366-402;  Puebla,  1863,  vi.  62-8; 
Oajaca,  1865,  vi.  188-90;  Que- 
retaro,  1867,  vi.  277-304. 

Sierra  Gorda,  map  of,  iii.  337;  v.  577, 

Sierra  Gorda,  Conde  de,  measure  of,  iv. 
172,  246;  early  missions,  iii.  338; 
campaign  in,  1704,  1715,  iii.  338- 
39;  1849,  v.  578-80;  pacified  by 
Escandon,  1734,  iii.  339-40;  revo 
lution  in,  v.  536. 

'Siete  Leyes,'  1835,  v.  145-6. 

Siete  Partidas,  code  of  Alfonso  x,  ii. 
281-2. 

Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  works  of,  vi. 
641-2. 

Silas,  settled,  1553,  ii.  762;  Callejas 
edict  at,  1810,  iv.  229;  affair  at, 
1860,  v.  784. 

Siliceo,  M.,  minister  of  fomento,  1885, 
v.  676. 

Silk,  manufacture,  etc.,  of,  vi.  524-5, 
576. 

Silver  Bullion,  mode  of  handling,  iii. 
301-2. 

Sinaloa,  hostility  of  natives,  iii.  13; 
enlargement  of  border,  iii.  14; 
exped.  to,  1810-11,  iv.  237-9;  maps 
of,  vi.  193,  248;  republican  opera 
tions  in,  1866,  vi.  249;  revolution 
in,  1871-2,  vi.  383,  394-5;  mining 
in,  vi.  514. 

Sindicos,  duties  of,  iii.  522. 

Sisal,  pirates  land  at,  1571,  ii.  646. 

Slavery,  mention  of,  i.  4-6,  92,  161, 
197,  212-13,  216,  253,  268,  273, 
311,  324,  362,  554-5,  564,  592,  599, 
609;  ii.  150-1,  518-19,  534,  565-6; 
iii.  287-8;  v.  79-80. 

Slidell,  Envoy  J.,  negotiations  of, 
1845-6,  v.  341-3. 

Smith,  Capt.  C.  T.,  capture  of  Mon 
terey,  v.  489-91. 

Smith,  Gen.  P.,  capture  of  Monterey, 
v.  390-1;  battle  of  Padierna,  v. 
478-9;  of  Churubusco,  v.  486;  of 
Chapultepec,  v,  510,  514-15. 


750 


INDEX. 


Smuggling,    see    Commerce,    contra 
band. 
Soberanis  y  Centeno,  R.  de,  gov.  of 

Yucatan,  etc.,  1693,  iii.  162;  death 

of,  iii.  163. 
Society,    ii.    134-6;    582-3;    iii.    209, 

220,  233,  731-77;  vi.  598-629. 
Soconusco,    conquered  by   Alvarado, 

1524,    ii.  126-7;  incorporated  with 

Chiapas,  1825,   v.    24;  with  Mex., 

1842,  v.  240-1. 
Solis,  A.  de,   voyages  of,  i.  1,  11-12; 

works,  etc.,  of,  i.  186-8,  697. 
Solis,  F.,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  etc.,  1583- 

6,  ii.  650-2. 

Soltepec,  affair  at,  1815,  iv.  629. 
Sombrerete,     mines     discovered,     ii. 

596-7;  mining  in,  vi.  513. 
Sombrero,   Fort,    siege   of,    1817,    iv. 

673-6;  massacre  at,  iv.  675-6. 
Somera,    F.,    minister    of    fomento, 

1866,  vi.  225. 
Sonora,  bishopric   of,  iii.  693-4;  civil 

war    in,    1842,    v.    241;  republican 

victories   in,   1866,    vi.   247;  Yaqui 

war  in,  1885-6;  vi.  461-2. 
Soso,  F.,  works  of,  iii.  727. 
Soto,  D.  de,  mission  to  Spain,  1524, 

ii.  197-202. 
Soto,  Friar  Fide,  mention  of,  ii.  164- 

5;    Florida,    exped.,    1539,  ii.  513; 

opposes  encomiendas,  1544,  ii.  525- 

6;  procurador   to   Spain,    1545,    ii. 

Soto,  Gen.  J.,  minister  of  war,  1856, 
v.  687. 

Soto,  M.  accuser  of  Varaez,  1622,  iii. 
44-6;  excommunicated,  iii.  46. 

Soto,  Lieut.  M.  de,  defeat  of,  1811, 
iv.  349-50 

Soto  la  Marina,  occupied  by  Mina, 
1817,  iv.  661-2;  siege  of,  iv.  672. 

Spain,  laws,  iii.  518;  sketch  of  hist., 
1598-1875,  iv.  3-8;  revolution  in, 
iv.  36-7,  41-2;  reverses  in  and 
their  effect  in  Mex.,  1809,  iv.  84, 
89;  regency  in,  1810,  iv.  84-5; 
1812,  iv.  456;  affairs  in,  1813-14, 
iv.  595-6;  reinforcements  from, 
1815,  iv.  640;  revolt  in,  1820,  iv. 
697;  commissioners  from,  v.  56; 
commerce  injured  by  privateers, 
v.  65-6;  invasion  of  Mex.,  1829-30, 
v.  71-6;  1861-2,  vi.  29^t3;  treaty 
with,  1836-9,  v.  181-2;  1883,  vi. 
455;  relations  with,  1857,  v.  716- 
17;  1871,  vi.  358. 

Spain,  intervention  of,  1861,  vi.  21-3. 

Spaniards,  arrival  of,  predicted,  i.  100- 
15;  character,  i.  411,  613-14,  636- 


7,  692-4;  sacrificed  by  natives,  i. 
484,  510-13,  535,  624;  expelled 
from  Indian  towns,  ii.  573-4; 
massacre  of,  1810,  iv.  222-4,  230, 
245-6,  249;  1811,  iv.  270;  1812,  iv. 
398;  imprisonment,  etc.,  of,  iv.  239- 
41. 

Spaniards,  exodus  of,  1814,  iv.  593- 
5;  1821,  iv.  741-3;  hostility  toward, 
v.  54-5,  59-60;  expulsion  of,  1827, 
v.  60-1. 

Spanish-Americans,  race  admixture, 
iii.  731-3. 

Spice  Islands,  see  Moluccas. 

Stage  lines,  establ'd,  iii.  638. 

Stock-raising,  mention  of,  iii.  614-16; 
vi.  578. 

Street-lighting,  introduced,  iii.  623. 

Suarez,  C.,  mention  of,  ii.  137-9. 

Suarez  y  Navarro,  J.  works  of,  v. 
627,  807. 

Suazo%  Capt.,  battle  of  Molino  del 
Key,  v.  502. 

Subdelegados,  first  appointed,  1786, 
iii.  453;  jurisd.  of,  iii.  520. 

Sugar,  maguey,  iii.  609. 

Sugar-Cane,  cultivation  of,  iii.  610; 
vi.  572. 

Sultepec,  supreme  national  junta  at, 
iv.  369,  378-9;  capture  of,  1812,  iv. 
418. 

Sumptuary  laws,  1524,  ii.   135-6. 

'Supremo  Poder  Conservador, '  or 
ganized,  etc.,  1837,  v.  181;  meas 
ures  of,  1841,  v.  232. 

Swan,  Capt.,  cruise  of,  1685-6,  iii. 
205-7. 

Synod,  first  held,  1526,  ii.  177-8. 


Tabares,    conspiracy    of,     1811,    iv.' 

305-6. 
Tabasco,    Grijalva's  exped.,    1518,  i. 

21-4;  Cortes   reaches,    1519,   i.  84; 

submits  to  Cortes,  i.  91-2;  location, 

i.    95;    conquest  of,    1525,   ii.    226; 

Monte  jo   in,    ii.  441-2;    revolt   in, 

1840,  v.  219;  subjugation  of,  1843, 
v.  245. 

Tabasco,    port,    capture   of,  1847,    v. 

449. 
Tabera,  Gen.  R.,  capitulation  of  Mex. , 

1867,  vi.  347. 
Taboada,    Gen.,    battle   of   Cinco   de 

Mayo,  1862,  vi.  47-50. 
Tacubaya,   occupied  by  Santa  Anna, 

1841,  v.  233;  plan  of,  v.  72^-5. 
Tagle,  A.,  gov.  of  Hidalgo,  1869,  vi. 


INDEX. 


751 


370;  minister  of  fomento,  1876,  vi. 
425. 

Taglo,  P.,  minister  of  govt,  1876,  vi. 
431. 

Tajo,  mine,  yield  of,  vi.  514. 

Tamaulipas,  occupation  of,  1746-66, 
iii.  340-7;  map  of,  iii.  341;  extent, 
etc.,  1757-1810,  iii.  346;  population, 
1757-1810,  iii.  346;  governors  of, 
1779-1800,  iii.  347;  missions,  iii. 
347-8;  flood  in,  1802,  iii.  503; 
subjugation  of,  iv.  656;  congress  of, 
iv.  809;  revolt  in,  1832,  v.  111. 

Tamazulapan,  people  of,  i.  321. 

Tampico,  sacked  by  pirates,  1682,  iii. 
191;  occupied  by  Barradas,  1829, 
v.  73-5;  surrender  of  Spaniards, 
74-5;  affair  at,  1832,  v.  Ill;  revolt 
at,  1838,  v.  207;  attack  on,  v.  207- 
9;  captured  by  Arista,  1839,  v. 
212-13;  vL  253;  Perry's  occupation 
of,  1846,  v.  411;  captured  by  re 
publicans,  vi.  254. 

Tangaxoan  II.,  king  of  Michoacan, 
ii.  44;  receives  Montano,  ii.  45-3; 
visit,  etc.,  to  Cortes,  ii.  48-50; 
flight  of,  ii.  52;  baptism,  etc.,  of, 
ii.  341;  torture  and  burning  of,  ii. 
344-7. 

Tapachula,  pronunciamiento  at,  1824, 
vi.  452. 

Tapia,  A.  de,  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i. 
80-1,  341,  348,  367,  390,  471,  591, 
610,  649,  653,  656,  663;  biog.,  i. 
405;  'Relacion,'  i.  406;  in  control 
at  Tzintzuntzan,  ii.  53-4;  Salazar's 
usurpation,  ii.  231-4;  alguacil 
mayor,  1526,  ii.  233. 

Tapia,  B.  V.  de,  regidor,  1524,  ii.  9; 
procurador,  ii.  224;  commissioner 
to  Spain,  ii.  285. 

Tapia,  C.  de,  gov.  of  New  Spain,  etc., 
ii.  67-8;  Narvaez'  warning  to,  ii. 
68—9;  correspondence  with  Cortes, 
ii.  69;  Cortes'  policy  toward,  ii. 
70-1;  meeting  with  Sandoval,  ii. 
71;  credentials  objected  to,  ii.  72-3; 
departure  of,  ii.  73;  accuses  Cortes, 
1522,  ii.  86-7. 

Tapia,  Cacique,  defeats  Chichimecs, 
1531,  ii.  542-3. 

Tapia,  Cura,  defeat  at  Huajuapan, 
1812,  iv.  437-8. 

Tarascos,  character,  etc.,  of  the,  i. 
514. 

Tarelo,  Padre  J.  F.,  negotiations  of, 
iv.  383. 

Tariffs,  vi.  545-8. 

Tasco,  capture  of,  1811,  iv.  350. 


Tavera,  R.,  minister  of  war,  1866,  vi. 

226. 
Taxation,    increase   of   under  Felipe 

IV.,  iii.  84-5;  on  rents,  1812,  iv. 

376;  increase  of,  1813,  iv.  500;  1814, 

iv.  593-4;  1839^1;  v.  226-7;  1841, 

v.  238-9;  1843,  v.  245-6;   decrease 

in,  1822,  iv.  749. 
Taxco,    tin  mines   discovered  at,    ii. 

31-2;  mining  in,  iii.  591. 
Taxmar,  Cacique,  mention  of,  i.  82. 
Taylor,  Gen.  Z.,  instructions,  etc.,  to, 

v.  335-6,  346,   373-6;  campaign  on 

the  Rio  Grande,  v.  346-67;  capture 

of  Monterey,  v.  376-401;  forces,  v. 

377,  413-14;  map  of  campaign,  v. 

378;    the     Chihuahua     exped.,     v. 

405-6;    occupation    of    Saltillo,    v. 

411;  of  Victoria,  v.    412;   at  Agua 

Nueva,  v.  419-20;  battle  of  Buena 

Vista,  v.  420-33. 

T^eaurite,  battle  of,  1721,  iii.  323-4. 
Tecama,  battle  of,  i.  583. 
Tecamachalco,  subjugation  of,  i.  534. 
Tecoac,  battle  of,  1876,  vi.  427. 
Tecocoltzin,  Cacique,    conversion   of, 

i.  560;  king  of  Tezcuco,  i.  572. 
Tecpan,  province  organized,  1811,  iv. 

344;  revolution  in,  1814,  iv.  575-80; 

map  of,  iv.  577;  campaign  in,  1816, 

iv.  653. 
Tecpan,  City,  title  bestowed  on,  1811, 

iv.  344. 
Tecualoya,  Barranca,  affair  at,  1812, 

iv.  356. 
Tecuichpo,  Princess,  marriages  of,  i. 

458-9,  544;  capture  of,  i.  686-8. 
Tehuacan,   capture  of,  1812,  iv.  389; 

surrender  of,   1817,  iv.  651;    occu 
pied  by  Spanish  troops,   1862,  vi. 

40. 
Tehuantepec,  submits   to   Spaniards, 

etc.,  ii.  39-40;  exped.  to,   ii.   54-5; 

reverts  to  crown,  ii.  482,  580,  634; 

Indian  revolt  at,  1660,  iii.  164-5. 
Tehuantepec,  canal,  concessions,  etc., 

for,  v.  589-90. 

Tejada,  M.  L.  de,  see  Lerdo,  M. 
Tejada,  S.  L.  de,  see  Lerdo,  S. 
Telegraphs,  vi.  559-60. 
Tello,  Friar  A.,  works  of,  ii.  514. 
Tello,  Major  B.,  command  of,  iv.  195. 
Tello    de    Guzman,    J.    B.,    gov.    of 

Yucatan,  1683,  iii.  162. 
Tello  de  Sandoval,  F.,  visitador,  1543- 

4,  ii.  522-3;  moderation  of,  ii.  526- 

7;  relations  with  Mendoza,  ii.  530- 

1;  benefits  wrought  by,  ii.  532-3; 

departure,  ii.  535. 


752 


INDEX. 


Temples  of  Yucatan,  i.  8-10,  19-22; 
at  the  Isla  de  JSacrifieios,  i.  26;  of 
Tabasco,  i.  86;  at  Centla,  i.  92; 
of  Coatlan,  i.  112;  at  Cholula,  i. 
232,  236-7,  244,  248;  at  Mexico,  i. 
<276-7,  294-5,  349-50,  409,  413-16, 
436-48,  513,  608,  656-8,  677;  of 
Totoltepec,  i.  485;  of  Iztocan,  i. 
531;  of  Coyuhuacan,  i.  607. 

Tenamaxtli,  Cacique,  mention  of,  ii. 
491;  defence  of  Nochistlan,  1541, 
ii.  507;  of  Mixton,  ii.  507-9;  flight 
of,  1541,  ii.  509. 

Tenancingo,  engagement  at,  1812,  iv. 
356. 

Tenango,  affair  at,  1812,  iv.  414-15. 

Tenocha,  negro  conspiracy  at,  1546, 
ii.  537-8. 

Teotihuacan,  pyramids  of,  i.  96. 

Teotitlan,  affair  at,  1815,  iv.  631; 
captured  by  Diaz,  J866,  vi.  260. 

Tepango,  affair  at,  1810,  iv.  300. 

Tepeaca,  province,  subjugation,  etc., 
of,  1520,  i.  524-7. 

Tepeaca,  town,  affair  at,  1821,  iv. 
723. 

Tepehuanes,  revolt  of  the,  iii.  16-17. 

Tepeh,  royalists  invest,  1816,  iv.  650. 

Tepic,  Chirinos  reaches,  1530,  ii.  354; 
Guzman  at,  ii.  354-5;  capture  of, 
1810,  iv.  207;  recapture  of,  1811, 
iv.  264;  Cruz's  measures  at,  iv.  265; 
revolt  in,  1872-3,  vi.  399-401;  1874- 
5,  vi.  413;  naval  school  founded  at, 
1822,  vi.  637. 

Tepic,    sack,   etc.,  of,  1847,  v.  537. 

Tequilla,  captured  by  Lozada,  1873, 
vi.  400. 

Tequipans,  revolt  of,  1548,  ii.  538. 

Teran,  Jesus,  minister  of  goberna- 
cion,  1857,  v.  713. 

Teran,  Juan,  operations,  1816,  iv. 
634-5,  639;  joined  by  Osorno,  iv. 
639;  besieged  at  Tepeji,  1816,  iv. 
650. 

Teran,  j .  M.  G.  de,  deputy  to  cdrtes, 
1810,  iv.  449. 

Teran,  L.,  minister  of  fomento,  1866, 
vi.  226;  affair  of  the  'Trinidad,' 
1879,  vi.  440-1. 

Teran,  Gen.  M.  Mier  y,  defeats 
Alvarez,  1815,  iv.  631;  dispute  with 
congress,  iv.  631-2;  operations, 
1816-17,  iv.  633-5;  iv.  650-1;  sur 
render  of,  iv.  651;  capture  of  Bar- 
radas,  1829,  v.  74-5;  defeat  at 
Tampico,  v.  Ill;  mission  to  Texas, 
1827,  v.  155-7. 

Terrazas,  F.  de,  the.  '  anonymous  con 
queror,'  i.  281. 


Terreno,  Conde  de  C.,  operations  in 
Puebla,  1813,  iv.  535. 

Torres,  Gen.,  battle  of  Chapultepec, 
v.  517-18. 

Terrenes,  L.  de,  arrests  archbishop, 
etc.,  1624,  iii.  52-7. 

Testera,  Friar  J.  de,  Franciscan  cus 
todian,  ii.  393;  mission  to  Yucatan, 
ii.  451-2;  biog.,  ii.  452. 

Tetitlan,  Hujicar,  defeated  at,  1524, 
ii.  61. 

Tetlahuehuetquizitzin,  Cacique,  as 
pires  to  rule,  i.  330. 

Tetzontli,  Stone,  description  of,  iii. 
177;  quarries  of,  iii.  587. 

Teuch,  Cacique,  aids  Cortes,  etc.,  i. 
192,  203,  213. 

Teuhtlile,  Envoy,  visits  to  Cortes,  etc., 
i.  121-30. 

Teul,  Grand  (aboriginal  town),  de 
stroyed  by  Chirinos,  ii.  353-4; 
treachery  of  warriors,  1541,  ii. 
508. 

Texas,  famine  in,  1718;  iii.  290-1; 
French  expelled  from,  iii.  292;  re 
volts  in,  iv.  241;  v.  146,  158-9,  161; 
revolution  in,  1811,  iv.  271;  Amer 
ican  raids  in,  1813,  iv.  542-3;  boun 
daries,  v.  151-2;  Long's  invasions, 
v.  152-3;  foreign  colonies  in,  v. 
153-5;  united  with  Coahuila,  v. 
154;  disaffection  in,  v.  155-6;  de 
cree  of  1839,  v.  156,  159;  maps  of, 
v.  157,  347;  the  slavery  question, 
v.  158-9,  323-5;  grievances,  v. 
159-60;  provis.  govt  establ'd,  1835, 
v.  161-2,  167;  aid  from  U.  S.,  v. 
162-3;  declar.  of  independ.,  v. 
165-6;  'war  of  independ.',  v.  167- 
78;  hostilities  in,  1841-2,  v.  246-7; 
attitude  of  U.  S.,  v.  247-8;  Mex. 
proposals  to,  1843,  v.  263;  causes 
of  secession,  v.  308,  322-4;  acquisi 
tion  of  terr.,  1836,  v.  324-5;  recog 
nition  of,  v.  327;  annexation  of  by 
U.  S.,  1845,  v.  334-8;  raids  orga 
nized  in,  1851-2,  v.  603-5. 
Texas,  fort,  attack,  etc.,  on,  1886,  v. 

348,  364-5. 

Texca,  battle  of,  1830,  v.  96. 
Tezcatlipoca,  temple  of,  i.  349;  chief 

Aztec  deity,  i.  407. 
Tezcucans,   aid  Cortes,  etc.,   i    561, 

582,  593,  595. 

Tezcuco,  Acolhuan  capital,  i.  96; 
king  of  meets  Cortes,  i.  269;  de- 
script,  of,  i.  425-6;  Cortes'  march 
to,  1520,  i.  570;  decline  of,  ii.  20; 
restored  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  ii.  25; 
controlled  by  Augustinians,  ii.  524. 


INDEX. 


753 


Tezmalaca,  engagement  at,  1815,  iv. 
616-17;  capture  of  Morelos  at,  iv. 
617-18. 

Theatres,  v.  624-5. 

Thomas,  Capt.,  battle  of  Buena  Vista, 
v.  431. 

Thompson,  minister,  reply  to  Mex. 
protests,  v.  329-30,  332. 

Thornton,  Sir  E.,  arbiter  on  U.  S. 
claims,  1873,  vi.  443. 

Tierra  Caliente  del  Sur,  revolution 
in,  1812,  iv.  407. 

Tihoo,  exped.  to,  1541,  ii.  445-7. 

Tilmatli,  Aztec  garment,  i.  474. 

Tiltepec,  occupied  by  Sandoval,  ii. 
34. 

Timage,  Cacique,  urges  resistance  to 
Spaniards,  ii.  51-2. 

Tin  mines,  discovered  at  Taxco,  ii. 
31-2. 

Tirado,  J.,  evacuation  of  Mex.,  i. 
481. 

Tiripitio,  university  founded  at,  1540, 
ii.  735. 

Tithes,  amount,  etc.,  1523-4,  ii.  159; 
reduction  of,  1546,  ii.  530;  collec 
tion  from  Indians  forbidden,  ii. 
665;  Augustinians  struggle  for,  ii. 
733-4;  orders  resist  payment  of, 
1624-73,  iii.  120-35;  church,  iii. 
666-8. 

Tixtla,  capture  of,  1811,  iv.  303;  bat 
tle  of,  iv.  303-4. 

Tizapantzinco,  Cortes'  exped.  to,  i. 
157-60. 

Tlacopan,  capital  of  Tepanecs,  i.  96; 
king  of,  i.  334;  Cortes  at,  i.  585-8; 
causeway,  i.  441-3. 

Tlacotalpan,  mutiny  at,  1879,  vi.  440. 

Tlacotepec,  congress  at,  1814,  iv.  576- 
8. 

Tlacotlan,  revolt  at,  1541,  ii.  503. 

Tlalpujahua,  Rayon's  headquarters 
at,  1812,  iv.  420,  426. 

Tlascala,  location,  i.  95,  198;  Monte- 
zuma  fails  to  subjugate,  i.  100; 
name,  i.  198;  wall  of,  i.  198,  201; 
conquest  of,  1519,  i.  201-15;  Cortes 
enters,  i.  216;  Aztec  embassy  to,  i. 
514-19;  ship  building  at,  i.  562; 
Cortes  reviews  forces  at,  i.  564-7; 
Cortes'  retreat  to,  i.  482-508;  dio 
cese  of,  ii.  27,  180,  262,  296-7,  390; 
map  of  diocese,  ii.  555;  Indian  re 
volt  at,  1692,  iii.  247-48;  invasion 
of,  1811,  iv.  341;  occupied  by 
Montano,  1812,  iv.  490;  attack  on, 
1813,  iv.  553. 

Tlascaltecs,  industries,  etc.,  i.  198-9; 
govt.,  i.  199;  alliance  with  Cortes, 

HIST.  MEX.  VOL.  VI.    48 


etc.,  i.  221-35;  at  Cholula  massa 
cre,  i.  238-47;  at  Alvarado's  mas 
sacre  i.  414-18;  evacuation  of  Mex., 
i.  471;  fealty  to  Cortes,  i.  490-1, 
505,  515-19,  525-8;  battle  of 
Otumba,  i.  499;  army,  i.  566-7, 
616-17;  siege  of  Mex.,  i.  582,  587, 
591,  595,  616,  654,  G70,  680;  how 
rewarded,  ii.  26-7;  exempt  from 
encomiendas,  1529,  ii.  314;  colonies 
of,  ii.  764. 

Tlatelulco,  temple  of,  i.  295-7;  negro 
conspiracy,  at,  1544,  ii.  537-8. 

Tlayacapan  Valley,  battle  in,  i.  596-7. 

Tobacco,  cultivation  and  manufact. 
of,  iii.  613-14;  vi.  526-7,  572-3. 

Tochtepec,  Spaniards  routed  at,  1520, 
ii.  32;  Sandoval's  exped.  to,  1521, 
ii.  22-3. 

Togno,  Lieut. -col.,  conference  with 
Gen.  Forey,  1863,  vi.  65-6. 

Toledo,  A.  de,  defeat  at  Bejar,  1813, 
iv.  543. 

Toledo,  Nuevo  Reino  de,  Nayarit 
named,  iii.  328. 

Tolentino,  Gen.,  defection  of,  1876, 
vi.  426. 

Tolome,  engagement  at,  1832,  v.  109- 
10. 

Tolsa,  M.,  statuary  of,  vi.  646. 

Toltecs,  supremacy,  etc.,  of,  i.  95-6. 

Toluca,  City,  insurgent  repulse  near, 

1811,  iv.  337-S;  insurgents  attack, 

1812,  iv.  413;  relief  of,  iv.  414;  af 
fair   at,    1860,    v.    792;    capital   of 
state  of  Mex.,  vi.  370. 

Toluca,  Valley,  subjugation  of,  1812, 
iv.  418-19. 

Tomson,  R.,  inquisition  condemns, 
1558,  ii.  675-6. 

Tonala,  Spaniards  occupy,  1530,  ii. 
350-1. 

Tonati,  Nayarit  Chief,  visit  to  Mex., 
1720-1,  iii.  317-21;  fate  of,  iii.  330. 

Tonatuih,  Indian  name  for  Alvarado, 
i.  75. 

Toral,  F.  de,  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
1562,  ii.  688-9;  conflict  with  Fran 
ciscans,  ii.  689;  death,  1571,  ii. 
689. 

Tornel  y  Mendibil,  Gen.  J.  M.,  min 
ister  of  war,  1842,  v.  254,  259; 
1853,  v.  626,  637;  biog.,  etc.,  v. 
254;  speech  before  Mex.  congress, 
v.  326-7. 

Torquemada,  J.  de,  works  of,  i.  695; 
ii.  787-8;  biog.,  ii.  786-7;  juez  de 
residencia,  1536,  ii.  457;  gov.  of 
Nueva  Galicia,  1536-7,  ii.  457, 
462;  assumes  govt,  1537,  ii.  461-2; 


754 


INDEX. 


reforms  of,  1537,  ii.  462-3;  defeats 
Indians,  1538,  ii.  463^;  death  of, 
ii.  464;  character,  ii.  464-5. 

Torre,  Capt.  J.  B.  de  la,  operations 
of,  iv.  326-7;  death  of,  1811,  iv. 
327. 

Torre,  M.  de  la,  defence  of  Maxi 
milian,  vi.  308. 

Torre j on,  Gen.,  campaign  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  v.  350-6;  the  Monterey 
campaign,  v.  380;  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  428-9. 

Torre  Valdes  y  Gamboa,  de  la,  capi- 
tan  protector  of  Nayarit,  1720,  iii. 
317-20;  gov.  1721,  iii.  320-5; 
exped.  of,  1721,  321-4. 

Torres,  Gen.  J.  A.,  character,  203-4; 
operations  of,  1810,  iv.  203-8;  ac 
tion  at  Patzcuaro,  1811,  iv.  312; 
defeated  near  Zipimeo,  1811,  iv. 
337;  capture  of,  iv.  388;  execution, 
iv.  388. 

Torres,  Padre,  leader  of  revolution, 
iv.  657;  character,  iv.  669;  defeat 
at  Fort  Sombrero,  1817,  iv.  674; 
besieged  at  Los  Remedies,  1817,  iv. 
676-7,  483-5;  outrages  of,  iv.  693- 
4;  death  of,  iv.  694. 

Torres  y  Rueda,  M.  de,  20th  vice 
roy,  1648,  iii.  127,  137;  bishop  of 
Yucatan,  1644,  iii.  137;  rule,  1648- 
49,  iii.  137-8;  death  of,  1649,  iii. 
138;  property  sequestered,  138-9. 

Tortolitas,  combats  at,  1814-1815,  iv. 
636-7. 

Totonacs,  subjugated  by  Aztecs,  i.  97; 
Cortes  among,  i.  141-51;  revolt 
against  Aztecs,  i.  147-50,  154-9; 
allies  of  Cortes,  i.  191-2. 

Totoquihuatzin,  II. ,  conspires  against 
Cortes,  i.  329;  death  of,  i.  543. 

Touron,  Father,  works  of,  ii.   190-1. 

Townley,  Capt.,  cruise  of,  1685-6,  iii. 
205-7. 

Trade,  see  Commerce. 

Travel,  vi.  626-7. 

Treasure  obtained  by  Grijalva,  i.  30; 
discovered  by  Cortes,  i.  297-8;  ob 
tained  by  Cortes,  i.  313,  341-3,  470, 
477-S,  488,  679,  683,  691;  division 
of,  i.  343-6;  ii.  5;  shipments  of, 
1690-1807,  iii.  503,  678;  1808,  iv. 
76;  convoys  attacked,  1812,  iv.  386, 
392-3;  1813,  iv/  554;  1814,  iv.  584; 
seizure,  etc.,  of,  1822,  iv.  785;  v.  4; 
1860,  v.  787-8,  791. 

Treasure  fleet,  wrecked,  A553,  ii.  593- 
4;  captured  by  Dutch,  1628,  iii.  82- 
3;  measures  to  protect,  iii.  141; 


varied  fortunes  of,   1654-1702,  iii. 
143-5,  258-70. 

Treasury,  organization  of  department, 
iii.  651-2;  regulations  for,  iii.  651-4; 
officials,  iii.  652-4;  receipts,  1644- 
1809,  iii.  675-8;  deficit,  1822,  iv. 
763;  measures  for  replenishing, 
1823,  v.  3-4;  deficits,  etc.,  1849-51; 
v.  563-6. 

Treaties,  of  Cordoba,  1821,  iv.  728; 
Zavaleta,  1832,  v.  123-4;  claims 
1838,  v.  316-19;  1843,  v.  319-22; 
of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  1848,  v.  539- 
43;  Gadsden,  1853-4,  v.  652-3;  Mc- 
Lane-Ocampo,  1859,  v.  773-5;  with 
the  U.  S.,  1883,  vi.  447;  with  Ger 
many,  1883,  vi.  455;  with  Italy, 
1883,  vi.  455;  with  Belgium,  1883, 
v..  455;  with  Spain,  1883,  vi.  455. 

Trejo,  Capt.,  defection  of,  1813,  iv. 
531. 

Tres  Palos,  engagement  at,  1811,  iv. 
300. 

Tresguerras,  Architect  F.  E.,  men 
tion  of,  vi.  648. 

Trevino,  Gen.,  siege  of  Queretaro, 
1867,  vi.  277-8;  defeat  of,  1872,  vi. 
382-3. 

Tribunal  de  Azogues,  organization  of, 
iii.  583. 

'Trinidad,'  affair  of  the,  '1879,  vi. 
440-1. 

Trinidad,  pueblo,  founded,  1722,  iii. 
329. 

Tris  Island,  presidio  at,  iii.  419. 

Trist,  Commissioner  N.  P.,  mission 
of,  1847,  v.  463;  quarrel  with  Scott, 
v.  463-5;  negotiations,  v.  493-5; 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  v. 
539-40. 

Triumvirate  appointed,  1823,  v.  2; 
measures  of,  v.  2-8. 

Trujano,  Col,  battle  of  Cmco  de  Mayo, 
1862,  vi.  49. 

Trujano,  T.,  defence  of  Huajuapan, 
1812,  iv.  436-40;  defeat  at  Rancho 
de  la  Virgen,  1812,  iv.  476;  death, 
iv.  476. 

Trujillo,  Lieut-col.  T.,  character,  iv. 
175-6;  defeat  at  Las  Cruces,  iv. 
177-84;  treachery  of,  iv.  182-3; 
joins  Cruz'  exped.,  iv.  242;  com 
mand. -gen.  of  Valladolid,  iv.  247; 
defence  of  Valladolid,  1811,  iv. 
312-16;  defeats  Garcia,  iv.  384. 

Tula,  captured  by  Arredondo,  1811, 
iv.  321;  by  Rivera,  1866,  vi.  254. 

Tulancingo,  attacks  on,  1812,  iv.  405, 
421;  captured  by  Guerrero,  1828, 
v.  39. 


INDEX. 


755 


Tututepec,   Alvaraclo's  exped.  to,  ii. 

42;  revolt  at,  ii.  74. 
Tuxpan,  surrendered  by  the  French, 

1866,  vi.  254. 
Twiggs,  Gen.,  capture  of  Monterey, 

v.  377-8,  383-6;  forces,  377;  battle 

of  Cerro  Gordo,  v.  452,  455-7;  of 

Churubusco,  v.  483;  of  Chapultepec, 

v.  507,  510. 
Tyler,    President,    Texan    policy,    v. 

337. 
Tzintzuntzan,  occupied  by  Spaniards, 

etc.,  ii.  52-3;  declared  a  city,  1593, 

ii.  774-5;  arms  of,  ii.  775. 


U 


Ugarte,  J.  de,  intendente  of  Guada 
lajara,  1791,  iii.  455. 

Ulloa,  D.  de,  bishop  of  Michoacan, 
1598-1602,  ii.  693. 

Ulua,  see  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 

Uinbria,  Pilot  G.  de,  conspires  against 
Cortes,  i.  177;  mutilated,  i.  179; 
exped.  to  Zacatula,  i.  321. 

United  Mexican  Mining  Co.,  opera 
tions,  etc.,  of,  vi.  507. 

United  States,  complications  with, 
iii.  488,  491;  iv.  33;  condition  of 
the,  1778-1800,  iv.  9-11;  aid  sought 
from,  by  revolutionists,  1811,  iv. 
268,  271;  filibusters  from,  1813,  iv. 
542-3;  treaties  with,  1828-32,  v. 
48-9;  the  Texan  question,  v.  151-2, 
155,  163-4,  322-44;  claims  of,  v. 
247-8;  vi.  442-4;  war  threatened 
with,  1846,  v.  295-6;  policy  of, 
1846,  v.  301-2;  causes  of  war  with, 
v.  307-44;  claims  paid  to,  v.  320; 
war  preparations,  v.  335,  339-40, 
343-4;  war  with,  v.  346-548;  treaty 
of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  v.  530-43; 
recognition  of  Juarez,  1859,  v.  765; 
the  McLane-Ocampo  treaty,  1859, 
v.  773-5;  armed  intervention  of, 
1860,  v.  778-9;  attitude  of,  1861-6, 
vi.  21^t,  99-100,  180-1,  206-7,  234; 
demand  withdrawal  of  French 
troops,  vi.  208-9;  relations  with 
Mex.,  etc.,  1854-83,  vi.  356-7, 
442-7;  treaty  with  Mex.,  1883,  vi. 
447;  1884,  vi.  456. 

United  States  of  Mexico,  name 
adopted,  v.  17. 

Upshur,  secretary,  the  Texan  ques 
tion,  v.  333-5. 

Uraga,  Gen.  J.  L.,  revolt  in  Guadala 
jara,  1851,  v.  609-10;  arrest  of, 
1855  v.  670;  operations,  etc.,  1860. 


v.  781-2;  1863,  vi.  118,  122-4;  quar 
rel  with  Arteaga,  vi.  163. 

Uralia,  capture,  etc.,  of,  1863,  vi. 
118. 

Urdaneta,  F.  A.  de,  exped.  to  Philip 
pines,  1564,  ii.  599-600. 

Urepetiro,  battle  of,  1811,  247-8. 

Urquidi,  J.  M.,  minister  of  finance, 
1853,  v.  616. 

Urrea,Gen.,  operations,  etc.,  in  Texas, 
1836,  v.  169-71;  pronunciamiento 
of,  1838,  v.  207;  defeat  at  Acajete, 
v.  211-12;  escape,  etc.,  v.  214;  re 
volt  of,  1840,  v.  220-4;  operations, 
1847,  v.  437-8. 

Urrutia,  V.,  schemes  of,  1808,  iv.  45, 
49-50. 

Ursua  y  Arizmendi,  M.  de,  gov.  of 
Yucatan,  iii.  163;  operations  against 
Itzas,  1697,  iii.  163. 

Urtariz,  Lieut  J  B.  de,  command  of, 
at  Las  Cruces,  iv.  179. 

Usagre,  M.,  with  Cortes'  exped.,  i. 
69,  370. 

Utatlan,  embassy  from,  visits  Cortes, 
1522,  ii.  103-4. 


V 


Vaccination,  introduced,  1803,  iii. 
757. 

Valdelomar,  B.  P.,  gov.  of  Yucatan, 
1800,  v.  84. 

Valderrama,  Licentiate,  reception  at 
Mex.,  1563,  ii.  368-4;  charges 
against  officials,  ii.  387;  royal  visi- 
tador,  ii.  577;  instructions  to,  ii. 
586;  doubles  Indian  tribute,  ii. 
586-7;  report  to  king,  1564,  ii. 
587-9;  reforms  ~:3commended  by, 
ii.  589;  reorganizes  audiencia,  1566, 
ii.  614. 

Valdes,  Lieut  B.,  plot  of,  1824,  v. 
54-5. 

Valdes,  F.,  plot  of,  1811,  iv.  264. 

Valdivia,  shipwreck,  etc.,  of,  1512,  i. 
82;  ii.  429-30. 

Valdivieso,  J.  de,  feud  with  M.  Cor 
tes,  1565,  ii.  605-6. 

Valencia,  Friar  M.  de,  missionary  ex 
ped.  of}/ 1523-4,  ii.  162-5;  at  Santo 
Domingo,  1524,  ii.  164-5;  inquisitor, 
ii.  165;  reception  by  Cortes,  ii.  165- 
6;  holds  chapter,  ii.  167-8;  charac 
ter  of,  ii.  185-6;  death  of,  ii.  186. 

Valencia,  Gen.,  victory  at  Acajete, 
1839,  v.  211-12;  revolution  of ,  1841, 
v.  229-30;  revolt  against  Santa 
Anna,  1844-5,  v.  275;  insubordina- 


756 


INDEX. 


tion  of,  v.  474-5;  defeat  at  Padierna, 
1847,  v.  475-80. 

Valenciana  mine,  output,  iii.  589. 

Valentin,  F.,  eccles.  judge,  iv.  280-2. 

Valentin,  Dr  M.,  member  of  regency, 
1822,  iv.  769. 

Valenzuela,  J.  F.,  exploits  of,  iv. 
154-5. 

Valerio  de  la  Cruz,  cacique,  succeeds 
San  Luis,  etc.,  1559,  ii.  545;  death 
of,  1572,  ii.  546. 

Valero,  Marques  de,  36th  viceroy, 
1716,  iii.  290;  rule,  iii.  290-2;  at 
tempt  on  life,  1718,  iii.  291;  Naya- 
rit  embassy  to,  iii.  319-20. 

Valladolid,  Michoacan,  founded,  1541, 
ii.  774;  capital,  1580,  ii.  774;  arms 
of,  ii.  774;  iv.  168;  revolutionary 
plan  at,  1809,  iv.  80-3;  hist,  of,  iv. 
167-70;  earthquake  at,  1759,  iv. 
169-70;  surrender  of,  1810,  iv.  170- 
2;  plunder  of,  iv.  172-4;  Hidalgo 
at,  1810,  iv.  230-1;  riot  at,  iv.  245- 
6;  recapture  of,  1811,  iv.  246;  par 
don  proclaimed  at,  iv.  247;  govt  re 
organized,  iv.  247;  siege  of,  1811, 
iv.  312-16;  1813,  iv.  596-73;  threat 
ened  by  insurgents,  1812,  iv.  422; 
Verdusco's  defeat  at,  1813,  iv.  512- 
13;  raid  on,  1817,  iv.  654;  captured 
by  Iturbide,  1821,  iv.  714-15. 

Valladolid,  Yucatan,  founded,  1543, 
ii.  447;  revolt  at,  1840,  v.  218. 

Vallarta,  I.  L.,  minister  of  govt,  1868, 
vi.  367;  of  relations,  1876,  vi.  431. 

Valle,  J.  del,  discovers  Tehuantepec, 
ii.  55. 

Valle  de  Banderas,  reported  miracle 
at,  ii.  62-3. 

Valle  del  Maiz,  engagement  at,  1811, 
iv.  270. 

Vallecillo,  Capt.,  in  command  of  Pa- 
nuco,  1523,  ii.  123;  exped.  to  Ta 
basco,  ii.  226. 

Vallejo,  P.  de,  Cortes'  lieut,  ii.  100; 
attitude  toward  Garay,  ii.  109-10; 
captures  Garay's  fleet,  ii.  112-13; 
death  of,  1523,  ii.  118. 

Van  Buren,  President,  Texan  policy 
of,  v.  327. 

Van  Horn,  N.,  pirate  leader,  iii.  191- 
2;  at  sack  of  Vera  Cruz,  1683,  iii. 
192-200;  death  of,  iii.  200.^ 

Vanilla,  cultivation  of.  iii.  610:  vi. 
576-7. 

Varaez,  M.  P.  de,  arrested,  1622,  iii. 
44;  sentence  of,  iii.  45;  mob  releases, 
1624,  iii.  61;  residencia,  iii.  75. 

Vargas,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Yucatan,  1628, 


iii.  154;  rule,  iii.  154-6;  residencia, 
iii.  156. 

Vargas,  treachery  of,  iv.  655-6. 

Vazquez,  Canon  P.  F.,  envoy  to 
Rome,  v.  47. 

Vazquez,  Col,  capture  of,  1817,  iv. 
690. 

Vazquez,  J.  M.,  defence  of  Maximi 
lian,  vi.  308-9. 

Vega,.F.  de  la,  archbishop,  1639,  iii. 
96. 

Vega,  F.  C.  de  la,  43d  viceroy,  1760, 
iii.  360-1. 

Vega,  Gen.  R.  D.  de  la,  conference 
with  Worth,  1846,  v.  348;  capture 
of,  359;  campaign  in  Yucatan,  1851, 
v.  587-8;  sortie  from  Mex.,  1867, 
vi.  344. 

Vega,  Gen.  P.,  intrigues  of,  vi.  72; 
'  Documentos, '  vi.  464. 

Veladero,  El,  affair  at,  1810,  iv.  299; 
capture  of,  1814,  iv.  579. 

Velasco,  B.  B.  de,  siege  of  Mex.,  i. 
660-1. 

Velasco,  L.  de,  second  viceroy,  1549, 
ii.  559;  instructions  to,  ii.  560-1, 
564-5;  character,  ii.  563;  rule,  ii. 
565-99;  death,  ii.  589. 

Velasco,  L.  de,  jr,  eighth  viceroy,  1589, 
ii.  757;  rule,  ii.  757-66;  character, 
ii.  758;  reappointed,  1607,  iii.  6; 
rule,  iii.  6-20. 

Velez,  Gen.,  capture  of  Maximilian, 
vi.  301. 

Velez,  Capt.  P.  A.,  defence  of  Aca- 
pulco,  1813,  546-51. 

Velazquez,  D.,  gov.  of  Cuba,  i.  2; 
character,  i.  2-3,  175-6;  exped.  to 
Yucatan,  i.  6;  Grijalva's  exped., 
1518,  i.  16-33;  Olid's,  i.  31;  Cortes', 
i.  39-176,  357-97;  rights  in  the  con 
quest,  i.  402-3;  intrigues  against 
Cortes,  ii.  65-6;  influence  in  Spain, 
ii.  85;  decision  against,  ii.  90;  death 
of,  ii.  91. 

Velazquez  de  Lorea,  M.,  alcalde  pro 
vincial  of  the  Santa  Hermandad, 
1710,  iii.  273-4. 

Venegas,  F.  J.  de,  59th  viceroy,  1810, 
iv.  93;  rule,  iv.  93-^91;  biog.,  etc., 
iv.  93-4;  plots  against,  iv.  331-3; 
character,  etc.,  iv.  492-3. 

Vera  Cruz,  pop.  of  intendencia,  1800, 
iii.  218;  map  of,  iii.  219;  negro  re 
volt  in,  1735,  iii.  352-3;  revolution 
in,  1812,  iv.  399-405,  473-80;  1813. 
iv.  531-2;  1814,  iv.  583-7;  1815-16, 
iv.  639-41;  1821,  iv.  722-4;  cam- 
paign  of  1817,  iv.  652;  revolt  against 
Iturbide,  1822,  iv.  791-2;  disturb- 


INDEX. 


757 


ances  in,  1827,  v.  36-7;  Miramon's 
campaign  in,  1859,  v.  758-9;  repub 
lican  operations  in,  1866,  vi.  261-2. 

Vera  Cruz,  city,  founded  by  Cortes, 
1519,  i.  136,  154;  site,  i.  154;  ii. 
140-1;  Velazquez  at,  1520,  i.  363; 
slow  growth  of,  ii.  141-2;  fortifica 
tions  of,  ii.  383,  759;  iii.  81-2,  192- 
3,  202,  214-16,  416-18;  v.  441;  har 
bor  improved,  ii.  535;  Jesuits  settle 
in,  1578,  ii.  707;  unhealthiness  of, 
ii.  759-60;  iii.  211-12;  declared  a 
city,  1615,  iii.  27;  destroyed  by  fire, 
1618,  iii.  27;  epidemic  at,  1648,  iii. 
138;  storm,  etc.,  at,  1665,  iii.  179- 
80;  1810,  iv.  92;  military  prepara 
tions  at,  1675,  iii.  184-5;  pirates 
sack,  1683,  iii.  192-202;  1712,  iii. 
283-4;  map  of,  iii.  193;  annual  fair 
transferred  to,  1683,  iii.  203;  extent 
of,  1730,  iii.  208;  growth  of,  iii. 
208-9;  social  condition  of,  iii.  209; 
population,  1777,  iii.  209;  religious 
edifices,  etc.,  1746,  iii.  209-10; 
commerce,  iii.  210;  vi.  534;  consu- 
lado  established,  1795,  iii.  210;  fre 
quent  fires  at,  iii.  211;  city  improve 
ments,  iii.  211;  officials  of,  217-18; 
blockade  of,  1799,  iii.  497,  502; 
1846,  v.  301-2;  roads  to,  iii.  635-8; 
disturbance  at,  1808,  iv.  47-8;  be 
leaguered  by  revolutionists,  1812, 
iv.  404;  action  of  ayuntamiento, 
1813,  iv.  506-7;  1821,  iv.  739-40; 
constitution  of  1812  proclaimed,  iv. 
698;  attack  on,  1821,  iv.  723-4;  ca 
pitulation  of,  1821,  740;  bombard 
ment  of,  1823,  v.  62;  pronunciami- 
ento  at,  1832,  v.  107;  1838,  v.  114; 
siege  of,  1832,  v.  110;  1847,  v.  441- 
8;  1860,  v.  777-80;  French  attack 
on,  1838,  v.  197-9;  plans  of,  v.  198, 
443;  vi.  143;  revolt  at,  1846,  v.  299; 
Spanish  squadron  at,  1856,  v.  687; 
the  Juarez  govt,  1858,  v.  736-7; 
allied  occupation  of,  1861-2,  vi.  29; 
plenipotentiaries  at,  35-7;  surren 
dered  by  imperialists,  1867,  vi.  351- 
2;  railroad,  vi.  398-9,  553-6. 

Veragua,  gold  mines  of,  iii.  555-6. 

Veraguas,  Buque  de,  26th  viceroy, 
1673,  iii.  181. 

Verdin,  Padre  N.  S.,  plot  of,  at  San 
Bias,  1811,  iv.  264. 

Verdugo,  Archbishop,  mention  of,  iii. 
96. 

Verdugo,  F.,  reception  of  Cortes,  etc., 
1518,  i.  65-6;  capture  of  Tlayaca- 
pan,  i.  596;  conspiracy  against  Cor 
tes,  i.  610;  alcalde,  i.  612;  subdues 


Xalpan,  ii.  253;  treasurer,  1530,  ii. 

356. 
Verdusco,  Gen.,  district  of,   iv.   417; 

operations  in  Michoacan,  1813,  iv. 

511-17;   quarrels  with   Rayon,    iv. 

513-14;  capture  of,  iv.  689. 
Vernon,  Admiral,  on  Gulf  coast,  1740, 

iii.  354. 
Vetancurt,  A.  de,  works  of,  i.  697;  ii. 

785;  iii.  507-8,  678. 
Veytia,  M.,  works  of,  vi.  642-3. 
Vicario,    Gen.,    victory   of,   1863,  vi. 

Viceroy,  office  of,  establ'd,  ii.  375; 
mode  of  reception  to,  ii.  378-9; 
powers  curtailed,  1560,  ii.  576-7; 
iii.  80;  functions,  etc.,  of,  iii.  465-6, 
532-5;  ceremonies,  iii.  535-7;  term, 
etc.,  iii.  537-8;  names  of  viceroy al- 
ties,  iii.  519-20. 

Victoria,  city,  Taylor's  occupation  of, 
1847,  v.  412. 

Victoria,  Gen.  G.,  mention  of,  iv.  587; 
operations,  1816,  iv.  641-2;  hard 
ships,  iv.  695;  joins  Bravo,  1821,  iv. 
724;  joins  Santa  Anna,  1822,  iv.  791; 
member  of  executive,  1823,  iv.  802; 
president  of  executive,  v.  15;  meas 
ures,  v.  15;  first  president,  1824,  v. 
17;  rule,  v.  17-45;  character,  etc., 
v.  28-9;  death,  v.  45. 

Vidaurre,  J.  I.  E.,  minister  of  justice, 
1830,  v.  95. 

Vidaurri,  Gen.  S.,  operations,  etc., 
of,  1856,  v.  698,  705,  733;  defeat  at 
Ahualulco,  1858,  v.  747;  disaffec 
tion  of,  1864,  vi.  129-31;  appear 
ance,  etc.,  of,  vi.  276;  minister  of 
treasury,  1867,  vi.  334;  contribution 
demanded  by,  vi.  334-5;  execution 
of,  1867,  vi.  349. 

Viezca,  A.,  cabinet  minister,  1829,  v. 
82. 

Villa  Rica  (see  also  Vera  Cruz),  site 
of,  removed,  ii.  140-1. 

Villaescusa,  Col  P.,  operations,  etc., 
of,  1810-11,  iv.  238-9. 

Villafafia,  M.  de  R.  y,  gov.  of  Yuca 
tan,  1652,  iii.  160-1. 

Villafane,  A.  de,  conspires  against 
Cortes,  i.  609-10;  executed,  i.  611. 

Villagran,  Gen.  I. ,  '  emperor  of  Huas- 
teca,'  iv.  526;  capture,  iv.  530;  exe 
cution,  1813,  iv.  530-1. 

Villagran.  J.,  insurgent  chief,  iv.  202, 
427,  431. 

Villagran,  Gen.  J.  M.,  mariscal  de 
campo,  iv.  427;  mutiny  of,  1812,  iv. 
430-1;  reconciliation  with  Rayon, 
iv.  431-2;  defeat  at  Huichapan, 


758 


INDEX. 


1813,  iv.  527-9;  execution,  iv.   529. 
Villalba,  J.  de,  gov.  of  Tepic,  1541,  ii. 

493;    takes   Ahuacatlan,    1542,    ii. 

509-10. 
Villalba,  Gen.  J.  de,  commander-in- 

chief,   1765,    iii.  402;  measures  of, 

iii.  403. 
Vilklobos,  P.  de,  oidor,  1564,  ii.  603; 

investigates    conspiracy,    1566,    ii. 

614-15. 
Villalobos,  R.  L.  de,  explorations  of, 

1542-7,  ii.  512-13. 
Villamanrique,  Marques  de,  seventh 

viceroy,  1585,  ii.  742;  rule,  ii.  742- 

55;  residencia,  ii.  756. 
Villapando,  Father  L.  de,  mission  of, 

ii.  452-5;  first  custodio  in  Yucatan, 

1549,  ii.  720. 
Villareal,    Col  F.,    plan    of    Ayutla, 

1854,  v.  648-9,  658-9. 
Villarfas,    J.,  plot,  etc.,  of,  iv.  212- 

15. 
Villarocl,  A.  de,  alguacil   mayor,  ii. 

217-18;  procurador,  ii.  224. 
Villarroel,  H.,  works   of,   iii.   453-4, 

778. 
Villa-Senor,   J.   A.  de,  works  of,  iii. 

510-11,  601,  678. 
'Vireyes,  Instrucciones, '  mention  of, 

iii.  551. 
Virgen,  Rancho  de  la,  affair  at,  1812, 

iv.  476. 

Visitador,  functions  of,  iii.  521. 
Viticulture,   restrictions  on,   iii.  613; 

mention  of,  vi.  573-4. 
Vizarron  y  Eguiarreta,  J.  A.  de,  38th 

viceroy,    1734,    iii.    351;    rule,    iii. 

351-3;  archbishop,  1730-49,  iii.  351- 

2. 
Vizcaino,  S.,  voyages  of,  ii.  751;  iii. 

2^. 
Volunteers   of   Ferdinand    VII.,    see 

Chaquetas. 


W 


Wadsworth,  W.  H.,  commissioner  on 

U.  S.  claims,  1869,  vi.  443. 
Walker,  W.,  raid  of,  1853,  v.  686. 
War  of  Independence,  see  Revolution. 
Warfare,    savage    and    civilized,    iv. 

121-2. 
Washington,  Capt.,   battle  of  Buena 

Vista,  v.  422,  431. 
Wheat,  cultivation  of,  ii.   132-3;  iii. 

611-12;  vi.  568. 
Wilson,  R.  A.,  'A  New  History,'  i. 

205. 
Woll,  Gen. ,  operations  in  Texas,  1842, 

v.  246-7;  arrest  of,  v.  276. 


Women,  condition,  etc.,  of,  vi.  617- 
20. 

Wool,  manufact.  of,  iii.  616-17;  vi. 
523-4. 

Wool,  Gen.,  exped.  to  Chihuahua, 
1846,  v.  405-6;  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  v.  422,  429. 

Worth,  Gen.,  conference  with  Vega, 
1846,  v.  «)i8;  capture  of  Monterey, 
v.  376-7,  382-3,  387^01;  forces,  v. 
377;  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  v.  453; 
occupation  of  Puebla,  v.  461-2;  bat 
tle  of  Churubusco,  iv.  480-3;  of 
Molino  del  Rey,  v.  497-504;  of  Cha- 
pultepec,  v.  507-18. 

Wright,  Major,  battle  of  Molino  del 
Rey,  v.  500. 

Wyke,  Sir  C.  L.,  British  minister  to 
Mex.,  1861,  vi.  12;  plenipotentiary 
to  Mex.,  1862,  vi.  32;  instructions, 
vi.  33. 


Xaltocan,  name,  i.  583;  Cortes  cap 
tures,  i.  583-5. 

Xicotencatl,  Tlascaltec  general,  i.  200; 
defeat  of,  i.  200-17;  sues  for  peace, 
i.  220-3;  at  Cholula,  i.  246;  opposes 
Spaniards,  i.  516-17;  aids  Spaniards, 
i.  525;  baptized,  i.  559;  joins  army 
of  Cortes,  i.  616;  desertion  of,  i. 
619-20;  execution,  i.  621. 

Xicotencatl,  Col,  battle  of  Chapulte- 
pec,  v.  511. 

Xochimilco,  description  of,  i.  602-3. 

Xoloc,  Cortes  at,  i.  495;  capture  of, 
i.  608;  Spanish  headquarters,  etc., 
i.  627-9,  644. 


Yanez,  A.,  treasure  discovered  by,  i. 
397-8. 

Yanez,  Oidor,  J.  I.,  member  of 
regency,  1821,  iv.  736;  charges 
against  Iturbide,  iv.  767-8. 

Yanez,  Gen.  J.  M.,  pronunciamiento 
of,  1846,  v.  297-8;  gov.  of  Guada 
lajara,  1851,  v.  609;  minister  of 
war,  1855,  v.  676. 

Yanez,  M.,  minister  of  relations, 
1851,  v.  610. 

Yanhuitlan,  engagement  at,  1812,  iv. 
434;  royalist  flight  from,  1812,  iv. 
439. 

Yaquis,  insurrection  of,  1868,  vi. 
366;  war,  1885-6,  vi.  461-2. 

Yell,  Col.,  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  v. 
418,  420,  428, 


INDEX. 


759 


Yermo,  G.  de,  leader  of  plot,  1808,  iv 
52-5;  biog.,  iv.  52;  party  of,  iv 
78;  corps  of,  iv.  160. 

Yorkinos,    Secret    Society,    founding 
of,  v.  32-3;  influence   on  election 
1826,    v.    34-5;    dissensions,    etc. 
among,  v.  40-1. 

Young,  Col.,  affair  at  Peotillos,  1817 
iv.  665;  defence  of  Fort  Sombrero 
1817,  iv.  674-5;  death,  675. 

Yucatan,  sighted  by  Cordoba,  1517, 
i.  7-8;  name,  i.  11;  a  supposed  is 
land,  i.  12,  21;  Grijalva  at,  i.  17-22 
cities  and  temples  of,  i.  21 ;  Cortes 
at,  i.  78-84;  conquest  of,  ii.  430-49 
maps  of,  ii.  432;  iii.  158;  v.  243 
vi.  371;  missions  to,  ii.  451-5 
piratical  raids,  1561-1602,  ii.  646- 
8;  1613-80,  iii.  83-4,  145-6;  ex 
tent  of,  ii.  648-9;  governors  of,  ii. 
650;  iii.  152-63;  Lopez'  ordinances, 
1552,  ii.  651-2;  church  affairs  in, 
ii.  688-90,  720-1;  iii.  118,  694; 
epidemic  in,  1648,  iii.  160;  famine, 
iii.  160;  Indian  affairs,  iii.  157-9; 
wood-cutters  expelled  from,  1692, 
iii.  224;  hist,  sketch  of,  1708-1820, 
v.  83-5;  secession  of,  1829,  v.  86-7; 
revolution  in,  1839-41,  v.  217-19; 
1841-3,  v.  241-4;  treaty  with  Mex., 
v.  244;  rebellion,  etc.,  in,  1847-53, 
v.  536-9;  war  in,  1848-51;  v.  580- 
8;  British  trades  in,  v.  581-2;  slave 
traffic,  v.  584;  British  mediation, 
v.  585;  French  invasion  of,  1864, 
vi.  128;  insurrection  in,  1868,  vi. 
365;  disturbances  in,  1843-75,  vi. 
409-12. 


Zacapo,  affair  at,  1813,  iv.  523. 

Zacapoaxtla,  engagement  at  1813, 
iv.  534;  revolt  at,  1856,  v.  678. 

Zacatecas,  conquered,  ii.  545;  condi 
tion  of,  1530-46,  ii.  553-4;  name, 
ii.  554;  Tolosa's  exped.,  1546-8,  ii. 
554-6;  mines  discovered  in,  1546-8, 
ii.  554-6;  iii.  679-80;  mining  in,  iii. 
590,  708-9;  vi.  512-13;  church  af 
fairs  in,  ii.  717;  map  of,  iii.  207; 
revolution  in,  1810,  iv.  202;  1817, 
iv.  656. 

Zacatecas,  City,  founded,  ii.  554-6; 
a  city,  1585,  ii.  761-2;  branch 
treasury  at,  iii.  401;  growth  of,  iii. 
304-6;  cut  off,  iii.  304;  govt.  of, 
iii.  305-6;  a  corregimiento,  1726, 
iii.  306;  an  intendencia,  iii.  306; 
population,  iii.  306;  revolt  in,  1810, 


iv.  208-11;  captured  by  Ochoa, 
1811,  iv.  268;  by  Rayon,  1811,  iv. 
307-9;  junta  at,  iv.  309;  recap 
tured  by  Callej  a,  1811,  iv.  310-11, 
317;  assault  on,  1813,  iv.  541;  re- 
volt  in,  1838,  v.  Ill,  114;  aban 
doned  by  the  French,  1866,  vi.  256; 
captured  by  Cadena,  1870,  vi.  374. 

Zacatepec,  Spaniards  capture,  i.  326. 

Zacatepec,  Plain,  affair  at,  1812,  iv. 
421. 

Zacatlan,  occupation  of,  1811,  iv. 
341;  affair  at,  1812,  iv.  422;  Osorno 
at,  1813,  iv.  534-6;  captured  by 
Llorente,  536;  by  Aguila,  1814,  iv. 
588-9. 

Zacatula,  Olid  occupies,  ii.  53;  head 
quarters  in  south-west,  ii.  55-6; 
ship-building  at,  ii.  55-6;  Morelos 
at,  iv.  297-8;  capture  of,  1818,  iv. 
694. 

Zaldivar,  J.  M.,  minister  of  fomento, 
1858,  v.  745. 

Zamacois,  N.  de,  '  Historia  de  Meiico ' 
vi.  362-4. 

Zamacona,  M.  M.  de,  commissioner 
on  U.  S.  claims,  1873,  vi.  443; 
minister  to  U.  S.,  1878,  vi.  446. 

Zambos,  characteristics,  ii.  771;  law 
lessness,  ii.  771-2;  increase  of,  ii. 
772;  privileges,  iv.  475. 

Zambrano,  Col  J.  M.,  plot  of,  iv. 
271;  defeat  at  the  cerro  del  Grillo, 
1811,  iv.  308. 

Zamora,  Hidalgo  at,  1810,  iv.  231; 
Rayon  at,  1811,  iv.  312. 

Zamora,  J.  M.,  'Biblioteca,'  iii.  678. 

Zapotecs,  Briones'  exped.  against,  ii. 
33-4;  conquered  by  Rangel,  1524, 
ii.  128-9;  Figueroa's  exped.  against, 
ii.  254-5;  revolt  of,  1531,  ii.  415; 
1550,  ii.  538. 

Zapotlan,  affair  at,  1811,  iv.  324. 

Zaragoza,  Club,  mention  of,  vi.  354. 

Zaragoza,  Gen.,  minister  of  war,  1861, 
vi.  10;  the  Spanish  invasion,  1861, 
vi.  29;  battle  of  Cinco  de  Mayo, 
1862,  vi.  47-50;  death  of,  1862,  vi. 
56. 

Zarate,  J.  L.  de,  bishop  of  Oajaca,  ii. 

391-2,  673. 

Zarco,  F.,  works  of,  v.  697;  minister 
of  relations,  etc.,  1861,  vi.  6. 

Zavala,  Deputy  L.  de,  motion  of,  iv. 
783-4;  gov.  of  Mex.,  1827,  v.  35; 
mission  to  Yucatan,  v.  87;  biog.,  v. 
87-8;  works  of,  v.  88;  vice-president 
of  Texas,  1836,  v.  167. 
Zavala,  Gen.,  revolution  of,  1828,  v. 
43. 


760 


INDEX. 


Zavala,  M.  de,  president  of  cabinet, 
1829,  v.  80;  resignation,  82. 

Zayas,  Gen.  B.,  surrender  at  Cam- 
peche,  1840,  v.  218. 

Zerecero,  A.,  'Memorias,'  etc.,  iv. 
373;  prommciamiento  of,  1828,  v. 
42. 

Zimapan,  Villagran  at,  iv.  526-7; 
capture  of,  iv.  529-30. 

Zipimeo,  engagement  near,  1811,  iv. 
337. 

Zitacuaro,  engagement  at,  1811,  iv. 
326-8;  defences  of,  iv.  328;  attack 
on,  iv.  328-30;  junta  establ'd  at, 
1811,  iv.  334;  capture  of,  1812,  iv. 
352-5;  destruction  of,  iv.  355. 

Zocoalco,  revolt  in,  1810,  iv.  205;  bat 
tle  of,  iv.  206. 

Zozaya,  J.  M.,  minister  to  U.  S.,  v. 
47. 


Zuazo,  Licentiate  A.  de,  ship-wrecked, 

etc.  1524,  ii.  124-6. 
Zuloaga,  Gen.  F.,  president,  1858,  v. 

730;  biog.,    v.    730-1;   cabinets,   v. 

731,  745;  rule,  v.  731-51;  circular 

of,  1861,  vi.  31-2j  plot  of,  1865,  vi. 

178-9. 
Zuloaguistas,     party,    principles    of, 

1858,  v.  742. 
Zum£rraga,   J.   de,  bishop  of  Mex., 

1527,  ii.  298;  audiencia  opposes,  ii. 

298-9;  destroys  native  archives,  ii. 

299-300;  archbishop,  1547,  ii.  556; 

death,   1548,  ii.  556;  character,  ii. 

557-8;  will,  etc.,  of,  ii.  557-8. 
Zumpango,  Lake,  drainage  works  on, 

1664-75,  iii.  169-70. 
Ztifiiga,  F.  Manzoy,  archbishop,  1628, 

iii.  77,  95;  character,  iii.  95;  recall 

of,  iii.  95.